Promoting multilingual practices in school and home environments: Perspectives from Germany, Greece, Ireland and Poland [1 ed.] 9783737015639, 9783847115632

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Interdisziplinäre Verortungen der Angewandten Linguistik

Band 8

Herausgegeben von Sylwia Adamczak-Krysztofowicz, Silvia Bonacchi, Przemysław Ge˛bal, Jarosław Krajka, Łukasz Kumie˛ga und Hadrian Lankiewicz

Die Bände dieser Reihe sind peer-reviewed.

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Anna Szczepaniak-Kozak / Angela Farrell / Sandra Ballweg / Andrea Daase / Emilia Wa˛sikiewicz-Firlej / Mary Masterson

Promoting multilingual practices in school and home environments Perspectives from Germany, Greece, Ireland and Poland

With 18 figures

V&R unipress

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Bibliografische Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über https://dnb.de abrufbar. This publication was funded with the support from Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan´ (The School of Language and Literature Studies) and the European Commission. It reflects the views only of its authors and contributors. The European Commission and the Polish National Agency of the Erasmus+ Programme cannot be held responsible for any use which may be made of the information contained therein. © 2023 Brill | V&R unipress, Robert-Bosch-Breite 10, D-37079 Göttingen, ein Imprint der Brill-Gruppe (Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, Niederlande; Brill USA Inc., Boston MA, USA; Brill Asia Pte Ltd, Singapore; Brill Deutschland GmbH, Paderborn, Deutschland; Brill Österreich GmbH, Wien, Österreich) Koninklijke Brill NV umfasst die Imprints Brill, Brill Nijhoff, Brill Hotei, Brill Schöningh, Brill Fink, Brill mentis, Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, Böhlau, V&R unipress und Wageningen Academic. Wo nicht anders angegeben, ist diese Publikation unter der Creative-Commons-Lizenz Namensnennung-Nicht kommerziell-Keine Bearbeitungen 4.0 lizenziert (siehe https://creative commons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/) und unter dem DOI 10.14220/9783737015639 abzurufen. Jede Verwertung in anderen als den durch diese Lizenz zugelassenen Fällen bedarf der vorherigen schriftlichen Einwilligung des Verlages. Umschlagabbildung: © Michelle Daly Redaktionelle Bearbeitung: Kate Kilcommins, Niousha Firooznia, Lara Kellerhoff, Catherine Regañon Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht Verlage | www.vandenhoeck-ruprecht-verlage.com ISSN 2749-0211 ISBN 978-3-7370-1563-9

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This book represents a key intellectual output from an EU funded K2 Erasmus+ Strategic partnership (School education) project: Majority and Minority Languages in School Environment: Helping teachers, pupils and parents (MaMLiSE, 2020-1-PL01-KA201-081612; webpage: http://mamlise.home.amu.edu.pl). It comes with additional outputs in the form of related pedagogically-oriented workshops, materials and resources that have been designed to inform future directions in teacher education and offer practical guidance for teachers, schools and parents.

The following team members of the MaMLiSE project contributed to it. They are listed according to their country of affiliation and project participant organisation.

Germany – University of Bremen Daria Babanova Katja Baginski Andrea Daase Milena Kahl Sarah Olthoff Nastassia Rozum Viktoriia Rubinets Germany – Paderborn University and Bielefeld University Sandra Ballweg Göntje Erichsen Silvia Introna Laura Kiefer Anne Wernicke Anika Zörner Greece – 2nd Junior High School of Intercultural Education in Ioannina Adriana Karagouni Athina Karvouni Dimitrios Kontosakos Iliana Lalou Stefanos Syrmakesis Maria Tzouma Eirini Varotsou Vasiliki Vazalouka Marina Zordoumi Marina Zotou Greece – The Computer Technology Institute and Press ‘Diophantus’ Maria Fountana Aspasia Papasoulioti

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Ireland – The University of Limerick Michelle Daly Angela Farrell Andrea Latouche Mary Masterson Poland – Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan´ Sylwia Adamczak-Krysztofowicz Anna Szczepaniak-Kozak Emilia Wa˛sikiewicz-Firlej Poland – Teacher Training Centre in Poznan´ Izabela Czerniejewska Julia Karczewska This publication is distributed free of charge and in open access under the Creative Commons licence: Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 International (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.)

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Contents

Chapter 1: Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.1 Aims of the Book . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1.2 Overview of Content and Structure of the Book 1.3 Authors’ Statement . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Chapter 2: Approaches to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity Relevant to Primary and Secondary Education: Germany, Greece, Ireland and Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.0 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1 Germany: Approaches to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity Relevant to Primary and Secondary Education . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.2 Demographic Trends in Migration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.3 Educational Policy Responding to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity in Germany . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.3.1 German School System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.3.2 Approaches to Language Provision and Integration of Recently Immigrated Pupils . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.3.3 Second and Third Migrant Generation Pupils . . . . . 2.1.4 Teacher Training . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.5 Progress and Ongoing Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.1.6 Section Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2 Greece: Approaches to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity Relevant to Primary and Secondary Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.2 Greece’s Changing Demographic Landscape and Trends . . . 2.2.3 Educational Policy Responding to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity in Greece . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.3.1 Greek School System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.3.2 Approaches to Language Provision . . . . . . . . . . .

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2.2.3.3 Teacher Preparedness and Role . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.4 Progress and Ongoing Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.2.5 Section Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3 Ireland: Approaches to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity Relevant to Primary and Secondary Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.2 Ireland’s Changing Cultural and Demographic Landscape . . 2.3.3 Irish Education System . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.4 Educational Policy Responding to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity in Ireland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.4.1 Education Provision for EAL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.4.2 Preparing Teachers for Linguistically Diverse Classrooms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.5 Recent Progress and Ongoing Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . 2.3.6 Section Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4 Poland: Approaches to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity Relevant to Primary and Secondary Education . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.1 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.2 Demographic Situation and Trends . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.3 Educational Policy Responding to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity in Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.3.1 State Education in Poland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.3.2 Approaches to Second/Heritage Language Provision . 2.4.3.3 Teacher Training . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.4 Progress to Date and Ongoing Challenges . . . . . . . . . . . 2.4.5 Section Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2.5 Summary: Current State of Play . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter 3: Introduction to First/Second-Language Acquisition and Multilingualism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.0 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.1 Key Related Terms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.2 The Processes Involved in First and Second-Language Acquisition. 3.3 Multilingualism and Individuals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.4 Cross-Linguistic Processes at Play in Multilingualism . . . . . . . . 3.5 Individual Linguistic Repertoire and Language Use in Various Domains . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.6 Multiculturalism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.7 Benefits of Multilingualism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.7.1 Benefits of Multilingualism for Individuals . . . . . . . . . .

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Chapter 4: Multilingual Language Acquisition in the Family . . . . . . 4.0 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.1 The Situation of Migrant Families . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.2 Language Acquisition in the Family . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.3 Communication and Language Practices in the Family . . . . . . 4.4 The Role of Educational Institutions: Multilingual Practices and Teachers as Advice-Givers . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4.5 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Chapter 5: Multilingual School Environments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.0 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.1 Diversity in Society and Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.2 Non-Discriminatory Inclusive Education for All Pupils . . . . . . . 5.3 Towards Holistic Approaches: Whole-Child Approach and Whole-School Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.4 Multilingualism and Learning in Schools . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.5 The Language of Schooling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.6 The Role of Home Languages in Multilingual School Environments . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.7 The Multilingual Self: Languages, Identities and Cultures . . . . . 5.8 Multilingual School Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.8.1 Rethinking Multilingual Development . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.8.2 Assessing the Status Quo in a School and Developing Goals . 5.8.3 Creating a Language-Friendly Environment for All Pupils . . 5.8.4 Initiatives at the School Level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.8.5 A Whole-School Language Curriculum . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.9 Family-School Partnerships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.9.1 Understanding Family-School Partnerships . . . . . . . . . . 5.9.2 More Inclusive Perspectives on Family-School Partnerships . 5.9.3 Some Ideas for Building, Nurturing and Sustaining Family-School Partnerships . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5.10 An Example of an Inclusive Approach and Lessons We Can Learn.

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Chapter 6: Language-Sensitive Teaching in the Multilingual Classroom . 6.0 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

145 145

3.7.2 Benefits of Multilingualism for Society . . . . . . . . 3.8 Language and Identity . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3.9 Linguistic Practices in New Migrant Speech Communities 3.10 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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6.1 What is Language-Sensitive Teaching and Why Is It Important? . . 6.2 Core Principles and Applications . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6.3 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter 7: Supporting Newly Arrived Pupils with Basic and Academic Language and Content Development in Language Preparatory Classes . 7.0 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.1 Second-Language Classes for Newly Arriving Pupils . . . . . . . 7.2 Key Challenges in Specialised Language Classes . . . . . . . . . . 7.3 Trauma-Informed Teaching in the Migration Context: The Safe Classroom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.4 Initial Assessment in the Classroom as a Basis for Teaching and Learning . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.5 Assessing Home Language(s) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.6 Subject-Oriented Language Teaching in Practice . . . . . . . . . 7.7 The Reading Strategy “Working with text clues”: Access to Technical Texts Using Text Structure and Multilingual Competencies . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7.8 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Chapter 8: Language-Sensitive Planning and Teaching for Subject Classrooms . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.0 Introduction and Rationale . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.1 The Concepts of Genre and Register in the Context of Schooling 8.2 Scaffolding at Work: Lesson Planning and Teaching . . . . . . . 8.2.1 Needs Analysis of Texts and Materials in a Functional, Meaning-Making Perspective . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.2 Lesson Planning – Scaffolding Principles at the Macro ‘Designed-in’ Level . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.3 The Teaching and Learning Cycle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.4 Exploring the Language of Mathematics and Scaffolding Techniques . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 8.2.5 Principles of Interactional Contingent Scaffolding . . . . . 8.3 Summary . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Chapter 9: Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.0 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.1 Our Recommendations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recommendation 1: Adopt a Multilingual Culture and Ethos (see Chapters 3–5) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Recommendation 2: Embrace a Whole-School Approach (see Chapter 5) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recommendation 3: Create an Inclusive Curriculum (see Chapters 2, 5 & 7) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recommendation 4: Implement Multilingual Approaches to Teaching (see Chapters 3, 4, 5 & 6) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recommendation 5: Embrace a Language-Sensitive Teaching Approach (see Chapters 6 & 8) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recommendation 6: Assess Pupils’ Needs (see Chapters 5–7) . Recommendation 7: Foster a Positive and Supportive Learning Environment (see Chapters 5–7) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recommendation 8: Develop Home-School Partnerships from the Start (see Chapter 5) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Recommendation 9: Deliver Professional Training (see Chapters 2 & 6–8) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9.2 Concluding Thoughts . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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References . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

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Biographical Notes of the Main Authors and Contributors . . . . . . . .

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Chapter 1: Introduction

1.1

Aims of the Book

Languages are not just a means of communication but a crucial part of a person’s identity and a prerequisite for education, social engagement and individual development. In this sense, acknowledging a person’s multilingual repertoire and promoting multilingualism in schools and society is indispensable to ensuring equitable access to education, active citizenship and economic prosperity for all, including for adults and children from migrant and refugee backgrounds. While multilingualism and cultural diversity have long been a reality in many parts of Europe, the importance of developing multilingual practices in schools and in society has only been actively recognised as a key EU policy goal in more recent times, as the need to secure greater social inclusion and cohesion within the European member states has become a more obvious and pressing reality. This increased focus on supporting pupils1 with their multilingual development and at the same time fostering their societal inclusion, has been influenced by a number of external factors. These include the rapid globalisation of the world economy over the past few decades, successive EU enlargement and a series of unresolved conflicts in many parts of the world, including in Afghanistan, Syria, Yemen and more recently in Ukraine. These parallel events have brought about a steady growth in the number of migrants and refugees into all European member states, and with this, an ever more diverse and complex linguistic and cultural European landscape. This has brought new challenges for the EU as an entity at every level – political, economic, social and in the domain of education (OECD 2016) with different responses from the various EU member states in terms of the approaches that have been introduced into schools in order to improve the proficiency of migrant pupils in the language(s) of schooling, and to address the multilingual needs of pupils from these backgrounds more widely.

1 This term refers to both primary school pupils and secondary school students.

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14

Introduction

Within the school environment, pupils who are speakers of minority languages, and this includes those not formally taught or used at school, bring their multilingual repertoires with them. Recent statistics indicate that the numbers of pupils who currently use another language or several other languages outside of school differ throughout the EU, ranging from around five percent in Poland to forty percent in Luxembourg (European Commission 2021; Chrostowska 2022). The discussion in this book reflects a shared recognition by its authors that migrant and refugee pupils possess valuable linguistic and cultural resources that should be considered as an asset in their learning and social integration. It is also informed by the growing realisation amongst academics and policy makers that the increasing linguistic diversity now present in schools across the EU member states offers opportunities to develop and promote inclusive and holistic multilingual educational practices in the school environment. This is considered vital to foster the more open and inclusive mind-set and transversal skills that are needed to strengthen our shared sense of European identity and citizenship, and to bring about greater political and economic stability and prosperity in the EU member states. The approach is rooted in multilingual pedagogies (see, for example, García & Flores 2011; Council of Europe 2011; Little & Kirwan 2019; Kirsch et al. 2020) and European Commission/the Council of Europe policies that aim to tackle educational and societal inequalities, to enhance social participation and to foster multilingualism.2 Against this backdrop, this book has been written to support multilingual children and adolescents by highlighting ways in which their language skills can be integrated and promoted at the whole school level. This is with an overall view to achieving enhanced learning experiences and outcomes for all pupils. It also seeks to underscore the crucial role that families can play in supporting and promoting multilingualism given that they are a child’s primary place of linguistic socialisation by exploring ways in which schools and families can better support each other to this end. Moreover, it is our view that given their key role at the intersection of families, the individual and society as a whole, schools should be viewed not only as educational institutions but as major potential drivers of social change. However, how well schools respond to the challenges and opportunities that increasing linguistic and cultural diversity are bringing will depend not only on decisions made by educational policy makers, but also on the attitudes, knowledge, and skills of teachers as key stakeholders (for a detailed discussion see e. g. 2 It is also compatible with the broader United Nations’ educational framework of equality, diversity and inclusion, and it speaks in particular to UN Sustainable Development Goals (UN SDG) 4 and 10, concerned with widening access to high quality education (UN SDG 4) and with reducing discrimination and disparities in society (UN SDG 10).

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15

Aims of the Book

Kirsch 2020; Mary & Young 2020), as well as the support provided for teachers by school managers. Accordingly, it is our further aim in this book to raise awareness of the new kind of thinking and teaching that is now required at the whole school level to address the more complex and diverse needs of pupils in the multilingual school environment. In so doing, we will also highlight the importance of, and need for teacher education in this area to help foster the critical awareness, knowledge, and skills that will be required in schools if they are to drive the transformative change in educational practices that is now needed. With these needs and considerations in mind, this book will highlight the central role that schools can play in the development of multilingual pupils in the following key ways: – by enabling pupils to acquire the knowledge and skills needed to access the school curriculum and become more proficient in the use of the language of schooling, which means learning to use different varieties and registers of a language that for some is their first language, for others a second language; – by supporting the learning of one, two or even more foreign languages, and thus contributing to all pupils’ multilingualism; – by enabling teachers to recognise and better exploit the new learning opportunities that linguistically heterogeneous classrooms offer for all pupils, which means seeing this diversity as a valuable resource rather than as a problem to be fixed, which unfortunately has too often been the case before in many educational settings. – and, by building closer school-family relationships that can better enable parents to be involved in the language development of their children, both in relation to the language of schooling and any other languages that might be used in the home environment. In this sense, schools can open up learning spaces and create an environment in which pupils can use and expand their individual linguistic repertoires, in cooperation with parents. In line with Crystal (e. g. 2013), we argue that this is not only an option for schools, including pre-primary education, but a major responsibility. However, while much has been written about the need to promote multilingualism in Europe as a key EU policy goal (see European Parliament (2002), the CEFR/CV3, FREPA4, the LISTIAC5 project), to date, in some EU countries less attention has been given to how this ambition can be achieved ‘at the chalk face’ 3 Common European framework of reference for languages – Companion volume (Council of Europe 2018). 4 Framework of reference for pluralistic approaches to languages and cultures – Competences and resources (Grema Camilleri et al. 2012). 5 Linguistic sensitive teaching in all classrooms (Bergroth et al. 2022).

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Introduction

in terms of the new types of pedagogies that this would require. In other EU countries, innovative pedagogies in this area have been actively developed and implemented over the past decades, albeit to varying degrees. We hope that examples of good practice coming from the countries which this book focuses on could offer further incentives for transformative change of this kind to be advanced more widely across the EU educational space. For this to happen, a fundamental change in mind-set is required in schools, starting with a raised awareness and appreciation of language diversity. This book has been written to help address this need, and to offer practical guidelines for teacher educators, having schools, teachers and parents in mind, to enable them to better support the language development of all pupils. As such, it attempts to bridge the current gap between theoretical thinking in this area, and educational practices in schools across Europe. In particular, it speaks to the needs of teacher educators who wish to widen their understanding of the linguistic and (socio)cultural diversity that is now present in schools in many EU member states. It can also serve to inform teacher educators in their guidance of teachers at all career stages in terms of preparing them to teach in a more holistic and inclusive way in their own school and classroom context. The content of this book will also be of relevance and interest to school managers and administrators and can be applied to different classroom and family contexts and settings.

1.2

Overview of Content and Structure of the Book

This book is set out in nine chapters which broadly explore multilingual practices at the level of society, the home environment, the school, and the classroom. In Chapters 3 to 5, an overview is provided of language acquisition and language use in multilingual families together with approaches to multilingual school development and family-school partnerships (Chapters 3–5) as we believe that an understanding of multilingualism on the part of teachers is crucial to support pupils from diverse backgrounds. From this, we move on, in Chapters 6–8, to discuss how all pupils can benefit from language-sensitive teaching in the humanities and science classroom as well as in language preparatory classes for newcomers to the respective country, drawing on classroom data, where relevant and available, for illustrative purposes. The main focus of each chapter is as follows: – Chapter Two sets the scene for the book with an overview of the changing linguistic and cultural landscapes in Germany, Greece, Ireland and Poland as the four national contexts for the MaMLiSE project, from which a review is undertaken of government educational policy and practices in schools in these contexts relating to migrant education and multilingualism;

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Overview of Content and Structure of the Book

17

– Chapter Three explores key issues relating to language acquisition and multilingualism at the individual and societal levels; – Chapter Four reviews language policies and language practices in the domain of the family and in family-school partnerships with a focus on ways in which family languages can be supported and maintained; – Chapter Five focuses on multilingual policies and practices at the school level highlighting the benefits of whole-school approaches; – Chapter Six provides an overview of language-sensitive teaching as a broad educational approach which seeks to bring an increased focus to bear on language awareness and language skills development across the curriculum, highlighting its underlying principles, its defining characteristics, and how it can be applied in practice at the classroom level; – Chapter Seven focuses on preparatory language classes for newly arrived pupils from migrant and refugee backgrounds highlighting related considerations and challenges and how these can be practically addressed to better support pupil integration and well-being; – Chapter Eight highlights methods that can support the academic language development of all pupils in the context of subject specific lessons; – Chapter Nine closes the book with some final reflections, conclusions and recommendations. As the readers of this book are likely to differ in terms of their experiences, interests, and goals, we consider it useful to provide them with the following suggestions in relation to how this book can be navigated: – For readers meeting this topic for the first time, or seeking an in-depth understanding of all areas of relevance, we recommend reading the book from cover to cover. – For those interested in the sociodemographic, educational and linguistic situations in the four project countries, Germany, Greece, Ireland and Poland, it would be useful to read Chapter 2. – Readers with a linguistic background might prefer to omit Chapter 3 which serves as an introduction to multilingualism, language acquisition and the related terminology we use in this book. – Readers interested in language acquisition in the family and the collaboration between families and schools (especially whole-school development and a multilingual school environment) are directed to Chapters 4 and 5. – Those interested in understanding more about language-sensitive teaching in the subject classroom will find Chapters 6 and 8 useful as they offer practical suggestions as to how this approach can be developed and implemented by teachers.

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– For information on language support classes for newcomers, we recommend that readers proceed to Chapter 7. – Finally, for those interested in our overall conclusions and recommendations, these aspects are set out in Chapter 9.

1.3

Authors’ Statement

This book provides a snapshot of multilingualism, educational policies and pedagogical approaches in Germany, Greece, Ireland, and Poland, and it offers suggestions and makes recommendations as to how schools can respond more effectively to the challenges and opportunities that recent developments are bringing. Each of the educational settings highlighted in this book has its own policies, systems, migration history and multilingual dynamic. Therefore, it is important to highlight that the approach and practices that we argue for in this book can be adapted and tailored to different educational contexts and local needs, while at the same time remaining faithful to its core principles and goals. We also acknowledge that inclusive education is a never-ending and incremental process, nourished by the diversity of the learning community. We would also like to point out that the authors of this book hail from different countries, work contexts and academic fields of expertise. We teach at universities in Poland, Ireland and Germany and our fields of research include, among others, subject-specific second language teaching, multilingual school development, linguistics and pedagogy and multilingualism in the family, and the extended team of authors includes a wide variety of professionals from Poland, Ireland, Germany and Greece, especially researchers, teachers and teacher educators. Furthermore, we believe that this professional and international diversity adds to the uniqueness and richness of this book as it enables us to highlight multilingualism in different school and home environments from distinct perspectives. Through the process of writing this book, opportunities have also been created for us to learn from each other and to question and reflect on our practices and understandings. As members of the MaMLiSE project (Majority and Minority Languages in School Environment), we collectively recognise the rich linguistic and cultural diversity that is present in the EU and the need to create an inclusive environment in school communities that are enriched by linguistic and cultural diversity. Our position is based on two main arguments which we seek to reaffirm as fundamental UN and EU human rights; firstly, the usefulness and centrality of language skills for inclusive education, and secondly, the recognition of the right to use (a) first language(s) as a means of communication and learning and as an

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Authors’ Statement

expression of linguistic and cultural identity. From this comes a shared appreciation and belief that schools can and should play a vital role in the development of individuals, communities and societies, and in enhancing appreciation and respect in relation to difference, through the implementation of inclusive education. Accordingly, in this publication, we seek to promote inclusive, multilingual practices that are informed by relevant educational theories and research. We approach this from a holistic, ecological perspective that includes multilingual approaches and language-sensitive teaching across the school curriculum and within an overarching educational framework that has inclusion at its core, and as an aspirational goal. The approach to multilingualism that we argue for throughout this book, is also one which seeks to foster learner agency and support the language development and learning of all pupils, as we believe that this will better equip them as future citizens of Europe at a time when the social stability and cohesion of the EU is under increasing threat and challenge.

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Chapter 2: Approaches to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity Relevant to Primary and Secondary Education: Germany, Greece, Ireland and Poland

2.0

Introduction

In this chapter, we will provide an overview of the increasingly diverse linguistic and cultural landscape in Europe, viewed with specific reference to recent demographic trends in Germany, Greece, Ireland and Poland. From this, we will highlight issues and challenges that have arisen in relation to education for children from migrant and refugee backgrounds in state schools and the broader EU policy goal of promoting multilingualism, with a review of related educational policy and practices. This will enable us to gauge a sense of the progress made to date, as well as highlight the areas where problems remain in order to provide essential background information for the chapters which follow.

2.1

Germany: Approaches to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity Relevant to Primary and Secondary Education

2.1.1 Introduction Over 1.5 million migrants currently enter Germany every year, with about onequarter of the country’s 83 million population reporting a family history of migration according to the latest government statistics (Statistisches Bundesamt 2020a: 36–37). Accordingly, multilingualism has become a feature of German society in the 21st century, and this has brought new perspectives and challenges to the country’s educational system, as elsewhere.

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2.1.2 Demographic Trends in Migration Since the 1950s, different groups of migrants have contributed to cultural and linguistic diversity in Germany, with peaks in immigration in the 1970s and 1990s as well as in 2015/16 (Statistisches Bundesamt 2020a: 36–37). This includes people who were not born with German citizenship or with at least one parent to whom this applies. Parallel to this inward migratory trend, we also find large-scale emigration with about a million people leaving the country each year, largely for economic reasons (Statistisches Bundesamt 2021). Most migrants come from other EU countries (748,994 in 2019), with the largest groups from Romania, Poland and Bulgaria. Additionally, in 2022, over a million refugees from Ukraine registered in Germany.6 Alongside this, there are migrants who are asylum seekers (142,509 in 2019, 244,132 in 2022), notably from Syria, India and Afghanistan as the main countries of origin, as well as a further migrant community made up of family members (96,633 in 2019), international students (110,974) and labour migrants (64,219) (BAMF 2020: 59; Statista 2023a). Accordingly, a majority of the German population with a migration history has its roots in other European countries (65%) with Turkey and Poland being the main countries of origin (Statistisches Bundesamt: 2020b). Migrant settlement tends not to be evenly distributed across the country and there is significant variation from one federal state to another, with the numbers being considerably higher in Western regions and in urban areas. According to the 2019 statistics, the proportion of people from migrant backgrounds ranges from 30% to 37% in most Western federal states by comparison with only 8% to 9% in the five Eastern states (Statistisches Bundesamt 2020a: 42). In larger cities, more than half of all pupils have a migration background, while in some rural areas, there might only be a few individual pupils (Vogel & Stock 2017: 2). Age is another key variable with only 12% of over 65-year-olds being from migrant backgrounds, by comparison with 40% of under 15-year-olds. Numbers continue to increase for the younger age group (from 30% in 2005) (Statistisches Bundesamt 2020a: 36–37), with this trend reflected in the school population. In 2022, about 202,300 Ukrainian pupils entered the school system (Statista 2023b). There are no reliable census data or official statistics on the family languages or language skills of pupils from migration backgrounds in Germany. However, smaller studies reveal that the vast majority of children from this background grow up speaking more than one language. In some urban centres, about one-

6 Until August 2022, 967,000 refugees registered in Germany (https://de.statista.com/statistik/da ten/studie/1294820/umfrage/kriegsfluechtlinge-aus-der-ukraine-in-deutschland). Newspapers reported that the numbers were well over a million by the end of the year.

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Germany

Figure 2.1. Foreign population in Germany in thousands (Statistisches Bundesamt 2023)

third of all pupils state that they speak at least one other language in addition to German at home (approx. 28% to 35%; Fürstenau et al. 2003; Chlosta et al. 2003). While for most of the 20th-century German immigration policies did not fully take the relevance of migration into account in terms of the societal impact, with many politicians clinging to the idea of guest workers returning to their home countries, in more recent times, successive governments have developed policies that are aimed at integration, social and economic participation, and social cohesion, including easier access to German citizenship, and educational provision to support pupils from migrant backgrounds in schools.

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Approaches to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity

2.1.3 Educational Policy Responding to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity in Germany 2.1.3.1 German School System In Germany, education is the responsibility of the sixteen federal states, and despite some differences, they mostly share key characteristics. School attendance is compulsory for a period of nine years, starting from the age of six. The cycle of primary school is four years in most states – a short period compared with other European countries. Afterwards, pupils are divided into different school types, which cater to the pupils’ levels of academic performance: 8/9 years of secondary school leading to university admission (Gymnasium), or alternatively 5/6 years of secondary school (Hauptschule, Realschule, Oberschule, comprehensive school types) that can be followed by vocational training, or upper secondary school leading to university admission. This early selection process is particularly challenging for pupils who do not speak German when they start school as it allows little time for them to develop the language skills required for access to Gymnasium. This very often leads to children attending secondary schools that do not cater to their actual academic potential. Moreover, the attrition rate for pupils from migration backgrounds is 2–3 times higher than that of their native German peers (Siegert 2008): They are twice as likely to leave the school system without a lower secondary school leaving certificate (Hauptschulabschluss) and three times less likely to obtain a higher education entrance qualification (Abitur) (Autorengruppe Bildberichterstattung 2016: 27). Most support measures operate to assist in the acquisition of German as the language of schooling, while the pupils’ first and other languages are supported to a far lesser degree. Heritage language learning is organised by different stakeholders in each state, e. g. the consulates of the respective countries, and the range of languages taught depends on the numbers and age of pupils, infrastructure, support structures in schools, ministries and communities as well as the availability of teachers. In urban centres, there are considerably more classes and a larger variety of languages offered than in rural areas but support for heritage languages is still limited. After years of viewing immigration as a temporary situation (Cindark 2010; Keim 2012), greater efforts and changes at the structural level have been made since the 1990s with a view to better addressing the needs of both recently immigrated pupils and multilingual pupils born and raised in Germany. A growing body of related academic research has brought about changes in educational policy and teacher education in this area in terms of a shift towards language-sensitive teaching in all subjects, developed infrastructure for prepar-

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atory classes, additional language support and integrated language provision, all of which are now subject to further development. This has come from a growing recognition in political and educational circles of the need to better address educational disadvantage and support social participation, with a number of key areas of challenge identified; for instance, how to better and more systematically integrate language provision into mainstream education; more effective management of the transition from preparatory classes to mainstream classes; integrating knowledge about multilingualism and language provision into both pre-service and in-service teacher education; taking better account of the multilingual linguistic repertoires of pupils in learning and teaching; and moving language provision from the individual classroom level to the entire school. 2.1.3.2 Approaches to Language Provision and Integration of Recently Immigrated Pupils To date, different types of approaches have been implemented in schools around language support for recently immigrated pupils. However, there has been a lack of consistency both in terms of the quality of the support provided and the ways in which they have been implemented and integrated into the school curriculum. The most common approaches introduced as far as the implementation of German language support for the group concerned are: preparatory language classes followed by a complete transition at a certain point in time; preparatory language classes alongside subject lessons, with a complete transition at a certain point in time; a combination of subject classes and preparatory classes, with a later full transition into the former; immersive full integration in subject classes from the very beginning with or without any specific extra language support; and, separate schooling throughout the entire academic cycle (Ahrenholz et al. 2016). Apart from the different legal and administrative regulations in the various states, decision-making around which approach to adopt is mostly left to the discretion of schools and it can be adapted to take account of specific educational or subject-oriented features of the school, staff availability, and financial and spatial resources (Vogel & Stock 2017: 11–12). Immersive approaches are mostly adopted in the initial years of primary school and becoming more popular in secondary schools. Integrative, partly integrative, and temporarily parallel models are mostly applied in secondary education, where pupils usually attend preparatory classes for the first 6–24 months. These approaches presuppose that recently immigrated pupils will profit from learning the German language before they attend mainstream classes and participate in school life (Vogel & Stock 2017: 10–11). This approach can offer a protected space for learning and specific help with certain areas of learning, for example, for pupils with little or no prior experience with written language, but it also keeps the learners from the social

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setting and target language environment of the mainstream classroom. Parallel classes leading to a school leaving certificate are, on very rare occasions, offered for pupils who arrive aged 15 and older, but have increased with immigration from Ukraine in 2022. In some cities, the sudden significant growth in the number of school-age children and adolescents, who were initially expected to stay in Germany for only a short time, has even led to the establishment of extra schools for these groups. This development must be critically observed and scientifically monitored in the further course. Approaches that promote early linguistic and social participation in the mainstream classroom seem promising from a research perspective but still appear to be challenging to implement in practice at the secondary level as the training and further education of teachers in this area still need to be greatly expanded and deepened and the necessary structures are mostly not yet available. Moreover, with a massive lack of teaching staff (OECD 2020: 89), the implementation of more pupil-centred approaches is challenging. In comparison to other countries, the German school system is not strictly exam-oriented, relying more on cumulative testing and assessment: there are usually no final examinations at the end of a term or school year. Rather, pupils are tested on a regular basis throughout the school year. For recently migrated pupils, tests might be administered for language diagnostic purposes. During the first or second year of schooling, depending on the federal state, pupils from this background are not required to receive grades on their school reports. Meanwhile, in the case of preschool children, more extensive language diagnosis is undertaken for multilingual and monolingual pupils alike in order to identify speech development problems. Having highlighted the range of approaches and systems in place in German state schools to address the needs of recently immigrated pupils, in the following section we review the case of second and thirdgeneration minority pupils. 2.1.3.3 Second and Third Migrant Generation Pupils In Germany, success in school depends considerably (above the OECD average) on the parents’ education and their socio-economic status (OECD 2018a; OECD 2020), with some improvement in this situation over the past decade, though experienced a major setback during the COVID-19 pandemic when education relied heavily on family resources. As many minority families have a lower socioeconomic status due to migration and disrupted working lives (reinforced by the sometimes still very lengthy and challenging process of recognising educational and professional qualifications in Germany), their children can be expected to experience disadvantages. This has been one of the main reasons for introducing more extensive language screening for preschool children in order to identify

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where greater language provision is needed (Jeuk & Lütke 2019). In the past, there was a tendency to wrongly assume that such children would automatically develop the language in school contexts, and this was coupled with a lack of understanding of the challenges the pupils face in the language of education across the subject curriculum. However, in the past decade, the new approach of continuous language education has helped to tackle this challenge by providing language support throughout different stages of education and across all subject areas, regardless of the pupils’ origin, life situation and first languages (Gogolin & Lange 2010). This approach has now been widely accepted in educational circles although its implementation proceeds slowly, not least for teachers, which has led to calls for enhanced teacher education in this area.

2.1.4 Teacher Training In most German federal states, teachers study three subjects and pedagogy for the primary level and two subjects and pedagogy for the secondary level. Multilingualism and German as a second language (GSL) can be an obligatory or optional part of the pedagogy of pre-service teacher education or no part at all, depending on the state and the individual university (Baumann 2017). Some universities also offer GSL as an additional subject to qualify teachers for preparatory classes. In school practice, however, these classes are frequently taught by staff without specific GSL training so there is a need for more qualified teachers in this area. However, there have been calls for more comprehensive training for all teachers in this area, pre-service and in-service alike, which would include a focus on second language acquisition, language-sensitive subject teaching and subjectoriented language teaching to enable them to better identify and address the language needs of all pupils, native and non-native speakers of German across the school curriculum. The area of holistic, multilingual school development has not yet received much attention.

2.1.5 Progress and Ongoing Challenges In Germany, language-sensitive teaching and multilingualism at schools have received much attention in research and teacher education since the 1990s (with pioneering work by Gogolin [e. g. 1988, 1994] and Leisen [1994; 1999]). As far as the progress made more recently is concerned, over the past decade, individual federal states have established various systems and procedures for GSL provision at schools. These include: early and extensive language screening for all preschool

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children; intensive language learning and integration for recently immigrated pupils; additional language provision for second and third generation on all levels of schooling; language-sensitive teaching across the curriculum; and more substantial teacher education in language-sensitive teaching across the curriculum. However, a number of challenges remain to be addressed in these areas. For instance, while pupils who arrive in Germany at a young age can benefit from additional and integrated GSL support, those who arrive at the age of 15 or older have insufficient time to achieve proficiency in German which thwarts their ability to succeed academically. As in other national education systems, the situation of newly arrived teenagers is particularly challenging for the German school system. This issue has brought a greater focus to bear on vocational education and the need for vocational schools to offer linguistic support for this disadvantaged group (Daase 2014; Ohm 2017). Teacher education is now recognised as key to implementing the changes needed, with calls for GSL and multilingualism to become an integrated part of all teacher education as well as training for in-service teachers in all federal states in order to be able to implement language-sensitive teaching across the curriculum for all pupils. Along with this, the need for more teachers with a full education in GSL for preparatory classes has also been identified. However, to be able to tackle the structural disadvantages that arise for pupils from migration backgrounds, there needs to be a systematic change in the school system, which should include the extension of all-day schooling7 and multilingual whole-school development. Such changes could serve as a starting point for social transformation in terms of the development of a pluralistic, multilingual society.

2.1.6 Section Summary While for most of the 20th-century German immigration policies did not fully take account of the relevance of migration and education provision for migrants for societal development, there are now concerted efforts underway to promote integration, participation, and social cohesion, with schools seen to play a crucial role in promoting the values and skills needed to advance these policy goals by

7 In contrast to most other European countries, half-day schools in Germany have a comparatively long historical tradition. In these schools, teaching units are compressed in the morning, supplemented by extensive independent learning in the afternoon, which requires the guiding support of parents or caregivers, which cannot be offered in all families, irrespective of migration background. The PISA results suggest that full-day schools differ from half-day schools not only in the amount of time spent in school, but also tend to be less selective (Gottschall & Hagemann 2002).

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Greece

means of more inclusive educational practices around language development, and the active promotion of multilingualism.

2.2

Greece: Approaches to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity Relevant to Primary and Secondary Education

2.2.1 Introduction Over the past twenty years or so, against the backdrop of increasing migration flows from the EU, Asia and Africa, successive Greek governments have been challenged by the need to develop educational systems and practices that can facilitate the integration into Greek schools of an ever greater and more diverse number of pupils from migrant backgrounds. This remains a work in progress, although the situation that has emerged in Greece has in many ways presented a unique and more urgent set of challenges.

2.2.2 Greece’s Changing Demographic Landscape and Trends Greece, with a population of about 10 million, has always been a country of residence for migrants. As a result, and especially from the 1980s onwards, Greece has experienced a steady growth in arriving population, resulting in a more diverse linguistic and cultural landscape. This has taken place in distinct waves, each with different demographic characteristics. The first phase, from 1995 to 2011, involved mostly first and second-generation repatriates of Greek origin from Central Europe, America and Australia, together with incoming economic migrants of mainly non-Greek origin who brought with them a diverse range of languages and cultures. This meant that by 2011 permanently and legally settled economic migrants constituted around 8.34% of the total population (Karanikola & Pitsou 2015: 130; National Statistics Office 2011a: 6), as Figure 2.2 illustrates. Meanwhile, the second phase (which dates from 2011) saw the arrival of large numbers of economic migrants alongside refugees and asylum seekers, from Asia and Africa (Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, Somalia, Pakistan, Kuwait, Algeria, Democratic Republic of Congo etc.), mainly by sea, and often in response to emergency situations such as war and famine. This flow peaked in 2015–2016, when over a million new arrivals were recorded, increasing the official percentage of the foreign population of the country to 11.34% (World Bank 2022; Clayton 2016). Despite the current ban on travel to Europe since 2016 for the vast majority

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Figure 2.2. Legally settled economic migrants in Greece according to countries of origin: 8.34 % of the total population (National Statistics Office 2011a)

of migrants, refugee numbers continued to grow although, over the past three years, they have declined significantly (UNHCR 2020: 2). Especially for the arrivals of refugees by sea, it is worth mentioning that onethird are school-age children and of these four out of ten are below the age of 13 (UNHCR 2021). This situation has created the need for the development of integration policies and frameworks to deal with issues relating to this particular migrant group although the existing legal framework allowed for all children to be enrolled in the education system, regardless of their family status (migrant/ refugee/asylum seeker). The Greek educational authorities have been challenged to ensure the inclusion of recently immigrated children of non-Greek origin into school environments, together with existing pupil minorities and the children representing the second and third generation of migrants or repatriates. Although quantitative data on the language skills of second and third-generation pupils from migrant backgrounds are not always reliable and data on their enrolment have not been systematically collected in the past, according to 2011 government statistics, 79,059 pupils from migrant or repatriated families, representing 12% of the general learner population, were enrolled in primary education (National Statistics Office 2011b). Also, in the school years 2012–2013, the percentage of pupils from migrant backgrounds was 10.5% of the pupils attending secondary school. (K.AN.EP / GESEE 2014: 27). In comparison, ac-

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cording to Eurostat data, during 2018, 83,567 children aged between five and nineteen years of age, who were born outside the EU, were living in Greece (UNHCR/UNICEF/IOM 2019: 2). Given that refugee flows continue and that 35,800 refugee residence permits were approved in 2020 (Eurostat 2020), Greece can be expected to continue to receive large numbers of children from a refugee background in the coming years whose educational needs must be addressed, creating further challenges for the Greek education system.

2.2.3 Educational Policy Responding to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity in Greece 2.2.3.1 Greek School System Education in Greece is compulsory for all children aged 6–12 (level: Dimotiko) and 13–15 (level: Gymnasium). Children can start preschool education when they are two and a half years old, but it becomes mandatory when they reach the age of four (level: Kindergarten). Second and third-generation pupils from migrant backgrounds enter the education system in kindergartens on the same basis as all other children. Upper secondary education (UPP) for pupils aged between sixteen and eighteen years of age includes Lyceum for general or vocational studies, while further education includes Training Institutes (IEK) and Higher Education (universities), although it should be noted that a large percentage of pupils from migrant backgrounds do not continue their education to the third level. The educational structures which welcome all recently immigrated pupils, including children from vulnerable social groups (aged 6–18), regardless of their family’s migration status (migrant/refugee/asylum seeker) or the adequacy of their credentials for registration, are Reception Classes (RCs) which have been operating since 1980 (Gazette 1105/B /4. 11. 1980). These classes are intended to meet the educational needs of children from vulnerable social groups. According to the most recent legislation (Law 3879/2010), RCs are morning classes with fasttrack Greek language programmes and flexible curricula operating in parallel to the regular school programme as supportive measures, and they aim to improve the learning performance of pupils from migrant backgrounds so that they can join formal education as soon as possible. The second type of educational provision is in the form of Intercultural Schools (ICSs). There are 26 such institutions located around Greece, and they are subject to an operating framework (Law 2413/1996) which specifies that there must be an equal balance in terms of the number of Greek pupils and pupils from different national, linguistic and cultural backgrounds in such educational facilities. They follow the curriculum of formal public education, with the possi-

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bility of these schools adapting it to the socio-linguistic or educational needs of their pupils. The material offered for the adaptations does not, however, cover all subjects taught. ICSs are staffed by teachers qualified in intercultural or bilingual education. The third type of education provision is referred to as Refugee Education Reception Structures (DYEPs) (Law 4415/2016, §38), which constitute the first point of entry to the Greek education system for children with a refugee/asylum seeker status. These pupils are taught in afternoon classes in mainstream schools or as part of a training program of 20 hours a week which involves an intensive course in the Greek language alongside English, mathematics, IT, physical education and arts. After attending a DYEP for a maximum of two years, the pupils can enrol in an RC, provided that they have met the entry requirements, which is decided on the basis of an assessment of their proficiency in the Greek language. DYEPs aim to offer an access pathway to all non-Greek pupils to the various educational systems available. Each year, depending on the geographical distribution of refugees and the needs of enrolled pupils, the list of DYEPs is defined by the Ministry of Education. There is also provision for the operation of kindergarten DYEPs within the Refugee Reception Facilities. In the school year of 2020–2021, 159 school units operated with afternoon classes within DYEPs (Gazette: 3605/Β/ 29–8–2020). Despite the aforementioned adjustments that have been made at a political and structural level for the smooth integration of students with migrant and refugee backgrounds, the Greek education system is called upon to face a number of challenges that now appear to gradually acquire both a qualitative and quantitative dimension. The phenomenon that public school classrooms are characterised by linguistic and cultural diversity intensifies, as the relocation of Refugee and Migrant Reception Centres – from the Aegean islands to inland areas – continues and the newly arrived pupils are dispersed to more and more schools which may or may not operate a Reception Class. This situation highlights the structural weaknesses of the education system, such as the lack of specialised teaching staff mainly in non-urban areas, the geographical dispersion of educational structures that force newly arrived pupils to move frequently often with their families, and the need for formal and non-formal education to obtain two-way communication channels. As the refugee landscape is constantly changing with almost 30 first languages represented by the learner population and a significant number of children without any school experience, it is urgent for the assessment framework of Greek language comprehension to be redefined and diagnostic tools with a wider range of performance for pupils’ Greek language proficiency to be produced. There is also a plethora of material available for teaching Greek as a second language, accompanied by instructions and methodological suggestions, as will be described in detail in the next section.

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However, this material is not a complete solution to teachers’ need for systematic support in providing adequate instruction. Especially in the case of refugees, it is now clear that the difficult task for teachers and pupils is how to successfully enable the intensive development of Greek as a language of everyday language interactions in DYEP and RC and at the same time stimulate the acquisition of cognitive academic language proficiency (CALP) for learning subjects in regular courses. For this reason, discussions regarding the strengthening of pre- and inservice training of teachers now include topics such as multilingual classroom management, language-sensitive subject teaching and learner/teacher emotional welfare. Having set out the context and provided a snapshot of educational policy and challenges in Greece regarding multilingual schooling, we turn next to a review of the educational approaches which have developed in Greek schools. 2.2.3.2 Approaches to Language Provision In Greece, the educational policy for the support of minority pupil groups and the reduction of early school dropouts is marked by six major operational Acts. These are implemented in nationwide school networks and relate to education for the 1) Greek Diaspora (1997–2008), 2) pupils of a non-Greek origin or who have been repatriated (“Diapolis”, 2003–2014), 3) pupils in the Muslim community (1997–present) and 4) Roma children (1997–present). There are also regulations regarding the inclusion of 5) refugees (2016–today) and 6) vulnerable social groups in primary education (2011–present). The aforementioned Acts allowed, amongst other things, for the creation of comprehensive curricula for general education with an interdisciplinary approach to knowledge, as well as the production of teaching materials with an intercultural orientation such as Didactic guide for refugee teachers (Papagianni & Kasiarou 2007), Package of language exercises for juvenile refugees (Mihaloglou & Ksefteri 2007), Multilingual material for children without permanent residence who speak Arabic and Farsi (Simopoulos 2017). There are also textbooks, curricula of DYEPs for the courses in Greek, English, mathematics, physical education, and arts (IEP 2016–2017), admission language tests (for establishing levels of knowledge and understanding) and mini bilingual dictionaries. A list of the most relevant materials can be found in Papasoulioti et al. (forthcoming). The Greek formal education system, despite its expanded support for refugees and migrants and the fact that it welcomes pupils from over thirty different linguistic backgrounds, remains mainly monolingual. Only bilingual curricula of a religious minority in Western Thrace constitute an exception. The teaching of first languages is provided for by law (L. 2413/1996), but until 2010, bilingual teaching methods (mainly for Russian or Albanian) were applied only sporadi-

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cally, where conditions allowed (Revithiadou 2015: 142). The increased refugee flows in recent years have brought to light several related challenges, for instance, the fact that the official language of origin is not always the family language (e. g. Kurdish-Turkish, Hindi dialects) and that it is not always clear to what extent a child may use the language of origin. Further problems identified relate to the lack of specialised teachers and other staff in schools and the focus on developing fluency in Greek in RCs and DYEPs which is problematic and often resisted for a variety of reasons, not least being that pupils and families lack the motivation to learn the language as they do not expect to stay in Greece in the long-term. Meanwhile, as far as the preservation and learning of heritage languages are concerned, the responsibility for learning these lies mainly with the family and the particular migrant community (Gkaintartzi et al. 2016). More recently, EU policies and funding programmes have been implemented (e. g. e-Twinning, and “IRIS”) which seek to change educational policies and perceptions so that multilingualism and cultural parity are recognised as useful resources and considered suitable for integration into the teaching process in various ways. For example, e-Twinning creates opportunities to create communities of schools based in the EU, and from this, for pupils to gain intercultural skills and other learning benefits, particularly as regards developing respect for multilingualism and rejecting xenophobia. “IRIS” is a program that aims to prevent intolerance in sports by means of culturally positive educational approaches. From this review of educational approaches to migrant education, we move on to issues relating to the preparedness of teachers to develop suitable pedagogical responses for this more heterogeneous educational context, together with highlighting how this challenges their traditional role. 2.2.3.3 Teacher Preparedness and Role The role of teachers in Greek schools has expanded over the last 25 years or so as they have been required to develop increasing intercultural knowledge and skills at the theoretical and practical levels. Research in this area has suggested that despite a lack of training in intercultural education, teachers have sought to broaden their teaching strategies to make them more relevant, for example by moving away from local, ethnocentric practices, by taking greater account of different types of intelligence and learning styles, by introducing individual interactive work plans and by sourcing and integrating more diverse texts, bilingual books and dictionaries (Dimitriadou 2007: 41–42; Tsokalidou 2012: 129– 133; Maligkoudi et al. 2018: 101–103). Efforts have also been made by official educational bodies to support teachers by bringing a more intercultural dimension to the curriculum and textbooks, and by offering training to in-service

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teachers in areas such as cultural diversity. There have also been official moves to establish Geographical Areas of Educational Priority, and to offer greater flexibility to pupils from migrant backgrounds in terms of enabling them to transition more easily to further/higher education. Additionally, teaching approaches have been introduced which are more learner-centred and collaborative in nature, involving more pair and group work, as well as a wider range of materials and resources. For instance, multimodal texts are now used on a more regular basis, and new technologies are often integrated into classroom pedagogy, especially those combining art and Web2 tools. A greater focus is also now brought to bear on differentiated instruction and Content-Based Instruction (CBI) with its greater emphasis on skills development (ALP 2020; IEP 2018). This suggests that teachers in Greek schools are being encouraged to keep abreast of, and upskill in, areas that can support the development of intercultural awareness and intercultural competence development in schools. For example, “LearnIn” and “teach4integration” are programs for inclusive education practices and managing multilingual learning environments (Greek Ministry of Education 2022: 230). However, there remain areas where less progress has been made, particularly around the teaching of Greek as a second language, and the promotion of multilingual practices more widely, as mentioned in the next section.

2.2.4 Progress and Ongoing Challenges As has been indicated, over the past three decades the Greek state has been challenged to develop and implement educational policies that can address the increasingly diverse and complex linguistic and cultural landscape both in Greek schools and in the wider society. This led to the introduction of a legal framework for Intercultural Education and social inclusion of pupils from minority backgrounds (see Figure 2.2) in 1996, which has been updated several times since (Laws: 2413/1996, 2790/2000, 3386/2005, 4375/2016), with a number of administrative and academic structures established to support this framework. The content and focus of in-service teacher education programmes have also been targeted towards developing more inclusive pedagogies in the classroom, while continuous professional development for in-service teachers has been strengthened through training programs designed to raise teacher awareness and upskill. Nevertheless, there has been criticism of what is seen as the ambiguous attitude of both the Greek education system and the parents of non-Greek-origin pupils towards multilingualism (Gkaintartzi et al. 2016; Gogonas & Michail 2015). For example, the generally low school performance of pupils from migration

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backgrounds has led to calls for a greater focus to be brought to bear on language support and multilingual practices across the curriculum, as well as enhanced teacher knowledge and skills in these areas given the academic challenges that pupils from this background face. Thus, it seems necessary to expand in-service training of teachers in areas including Greek as a second language provision and the management of linguistic and cultural diversity, and to strengthen the involvement of refugee/migrant parents in the educational journey of their children.

2.2.5 Section Summary This account has highlighted the impact on the Greek education system of global trends in migration in recent times which has been more significant in this EU context than in others, and the response of the Greek state at the level of educational policy and provision in schools to meet the new needs and challenges that this situation has brought, highlighting also where future change would be beneficial to better support the needs of pupils from migration backgrounds and to more actively promote multicultural practices in the school and home environments.

2.3

Ireland: Approaches to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity Relevant to Primary and Secondary Education

2.3.1 Introduction In this section, we explore the new educational challenges and opportunities that are arising from Ireland’s ever more diverse linguistic and cultural landscape with reference to educational policy and practices in Irish state schools, and we ask what this might mean for teachers, in particular, in terms of their professional development needs.

2.3.2 Ireland’s Changing Cultural and Demographic Landscape Over the past three decades or so, as in many other EU member states, Ireland has experienced a steady growth in inward migration due in large part to two key socio-political developments; the first of these is successive EU enlargement since the 1990s; and the second is the growing pace of globalisation (OECD 2016;

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Parker-Jenkins & Masterson 2013). As a result, Ireland has been transformed from a relatively ethnically homogenous society to one in which around thirteen percent of the population is now made up of ‘new Irish’, which is the term used in the government literature to refer to all economic migrants and asylum seekers currently residing in the country. However, it should be noted that other migrant groups also exist beyond these two categories. As Figure 2.3 illustrates, the most recent census (CSO 2016) figures indicate that there are now around half a million migrant workers living in the country (535,475), and that they come from around two hundred different national backgrounds, with Poles numbering the largest non-native English speaker group, followed by Lithuanians, Brazilians, French, German, Indians, Italians Spanish, Latvians and Romanians. This highlights the increasingly diverse ethnic and cultural landscape of the country, with predictions that these upward migratory trends will accelerate in the coming years as a result of Brexit (2020), which is likely to increase the attractiveness of Ireland as a destination for migrant workers (OECD 2016). Alongside these developments, the number of refugees seeking asylum in Ireland has also been rising due to ongoing global conflicts in many parts of the world, including now in Ukraine, although the overall number remains relatively low by comparison with other European countries (OECD 2016). As a testament to the new linguistic diversity to be found in the country, thirteen percent of the overall population are now multilingual, with around two hundred languages spoken on a routine basis. Of these, Polish, Lithuanian, Romanian and Brazilian Portuguese are the most widely used, alongside English and Irish which are the country’s two official languages (CSO 2016), with Ukrainian now also featuring amongst these.

Figure 2.3. “New Irish” residing in Ireland (CSO 2016)

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Migrant workers and asylum seekers in Ireland are often highly educated, and many hold third-level qualifications (O’Connell & McGinnity 2008; McGinnity et al. 2012). However, as elsewhere, they tend to be employed in lower-paid jobs and experience higher levels of unemployment than the native population, often due to issues around language proficiency (European Commission 2012). Gaining a good knowledge of the majority language is therefore a key factor influencing their social, cultural and academic integration in the new environment (Darmody & McCoy 2011). Similarly, for migrant children to have the same opportunities as native children, the availability of targeted support measures at the state and school level is considered crucial in terms of helping them to access the language of instruction in schools and the curriculum (Giroux 1988; Devine 2013; European Commission 2009; Sime & Fox 2015; Smyth et al. 2009). This brings us to a review of educational policy and practices in schools in Ireland surrounding the education of pupils from migration backgrounds.

2.3.3 Irish Education System In Ireland, most children start primary school between the age of four and five years, although it is not compulsory to do so until the age of six, and they transition to secondary school when they are around twelve or thirteen. The minimum statutory age to be allowed to leave school is sixteen, after the completion of the Junior Cycle state examinations, but the vast majority of pupils remain at school until they are eighteen to take the Leaving Certificate examination, which is a requirement for entry to third-level education. Pupils typically study ten subjects during the Junior Cycle, which spans the first three years of secondary education, and they study seven subjects for the Leaving Certificate over the course of the final two years of schooling. The language of instruction in most Irish schools is English with a minority operating through the medium of Irish. Irish is studied as an obligatory subject up to the Leaving Certificate although pupils can be exempt from it if they have arrived in the country after the age of eleven or have special educational needs. With the possible exception of Irish and religious education, pupils from migrant and refugee backgrounds are expected to follow the same school curriculum as their Irish peers. Provision is also made for them to study English as an additional language (EAL) which is offered as an educational support rather than as an official school subject.

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2.3.4 Educational Policy Responding to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity in Ireland Ireland’s changing demographic landscape has had a major impact on the Irish education system at all levels and policymakers and schools have been challenged to find ways to effectively educate pupils from migrant backgrounds as has been the case in many other EU member states. As far as the increasing linguistic diversity in Irish schools is concerned, in 2019, there were 30,190 pupils enrolled on the secondary online database who reported a first language other than English or Irish, representing about ten percent of the current school population. These numbers were spread over about seven hundred schools with a greater concentration in Dublin, Cork, Limerick and Galway, which are the country’s four biggest cities (CSO 2017). As elsewhere, the educational challenges faced by pupils from migrant backgrounds tend to be greatest in the secondary school context when they are at an age when the development of academic language skills and knowledge of subject matter is crucial for their future success, and this is especially the case for those who have first come to Ireland in their teenage years. This brings us to a review of education provision in Irish schools for the teaching of EAL to pupils from a non-native English background. 2.3.4.1 Education Provision for EAL In the Irish state education system, the teaching of EAL to pupils from a nonnative Irish or English background has been provided for at the national level since 2001 by the Department of Education and Science (renamed the Department of Education and Skills [DES] in 2012) when a model of provision was introduced into Irish schools. The approach to EAL adopted in schools is one where pupils are typically ‘withdrawn’ from mainstream classes and taught either by an English language support teacher (ELST) or by another member of staff (Smyth et al. 2009). As far as the amount of provision available to an individual pupil is concerned, government guidelines set a maximum two-year period, although an extension can be granted if the school makes a strong case on special grounds (DES Inspectorate 2003). However, in practice, most EAL pupils exit support programmes after only two years of provision. The funding mechanisms introduced for EAL provision involve the payment of direct grants to schools which are calculated on the basis of the numbers of pupils enrolled in EAL classes (CSO 2011). At the time of the economic crisis in 2008, cuts to the education budget were made, which led to a reduced number of teaching hours available for EAL pupils (DES 2009, 2012b). Allocated funds for language support were also merged at this time with funding for general learning support, which meant that a clear delineation no longer existed between the two

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(DES 2017b). Accordingly, at a time when the numbers of pupils from migrant backgrounds in Irish state schools were growing, funding for EAL was substantially reduced, as research by Lyons (2010) in the secondary school context highlighted. This had a disproportionate impact on schools with a high concentration of pupils from this background, creating additional pressures on language support (Rodriguez-Izquierdo & Darmody 2017). This meant that EAL pupils were now more likely to find themselves in classes alongside Irish pupils who were struggling with literacy rather than in designated language support classes. This led to criticism of the model of English language provision that was introduced in the Irish context with growing calls for its reform (Wallen & KellyHolmes 2006; Rodriguez-Izquierdo & Darmody 2017). 2.3.4.2 Preparing Teachers for Linguistically Diverse Classrooms In Ireland, as elsewhere, it is now widely acknowledged in political and educational circles that teacher education at both the pre-service and in-service levels will be crucial to bringing about the new kind of thinking and knowledge that is now required of all teachers if they are to play a more central role in language development across the curriculum and in the promotion of multilingualism as a key national and EU policy goal. As far as the preparation of primary and secondary school teachers is concerned, while content on multilingualism and cultural integration now forms a core component of teacher education programmes, there remains an absence of specialised training around language support across the curriculum. Moreover, while EAL is now offered on some primary education degrees (Gardiner-Hyland 2018), only a limited number of secondary school teachers take it as a subject specialism (Farrell & Baumgart 2018). This suggests that there is still a fundamental lack of recognition of the importance of all teachers developing knowledge and skills in relation to the use and teaching of English as the majority language of schooling, and that there needs to be a greater focus on the key role that they all can play in the promotion of multilingual practices in schools more widely.

2.3.5 Recent Progress and Ongoing Challenges In Ireland, there has been a growing understanding in political and educational circles of the need to develop more inclusive educational practices in schools, and this has led to a number of important policy initiatives. For instance, from 2000 to 2008, the Irish government funded Integrate Ireland Language and Training, an organisation led by academics and language teaching specialists which developed a comprehensive range of EAL materials and supports for use in schools and in

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community-based migrant education projects. However, withstanding this progress, there has been growing criticism of the model of EAL provision introduced into Irish schools which is considered deficient when compared to models in operation elsewhere (Wallen & Kelly-Holmes 2006; Lyons 2010). For instance, over the past decade, integrated approaches to EAL have been introduced in schools in the United Kingdom, Australia and Canada which typically involve class teachers working in partnership with a language support teacher or a bilingual assistant in the mainstream classroom context (Leung 2007; Miller et al. 2009; Costley & Leung 2014). This approach is preferred by linguists as it is seen to greatly enhance a pupil’s second language acquisition, as has been recognised also by the European Commission (2013). Moreover, it is supported by research which has shown that once beyond the initial stages of learning English, EAL pupils are generally better supported when working with other English-speaking pupils across the curriculum (Rutter 2006; Miller et al. 2009). Language support teachers in Irish state schools are amongst those who have argued against withdrawing EAL pupils from mainstream classes on the grounds that this leads to a loss of class membership and self-esteem (Miller 2004; Wallen & Kelly-Holmes 2006; Lyons 2010). This has led to growing calls in Ireland, as elsewhere, for the development of alternative, whole-school approaches to migrant education and for closer school and family partnerships that can better address the holistic needs of pupils from this background (Lazenby Simpson 2002; Wallen & Kelly-Holmes 2006; Lyons 2010; Rodriguez-Izquierdo & Darmody 2017). EAL practices in Irish schools have also been criticised in successive government reports for their ad hoc nature (DES 2012a, 2012b). For instance, in the secondary school context, it is not uncommon for English language support to be assigned to subject teachers who do not have a full timetable. This leads to a situation whereby EAL pupils are routinely taught by teachers with no formal EAL training (Lyons & Little 2009; Farrell & Baumgart 2018). In this context also, EAL learners have also been found to routinely miss their allocated language support classes due to the practice of assigning language support teachers to teach mainstream classes when subject teachers are absent (DES 2012a, 2012b). A further criticism made in relation to EAL provision in secondary schools is that despite the wealth of materials and resources that have been designed and made available to schools, for instance through the English Language Support Programme of the Trinity Immigration Initiative (www.elsp.ie), these have remained underused with an over-reliance instead on English as a foreign language course books which have little cultural relevance for EAL pupils in Ireland (Wallen & Kelly-Homes 2006; Lyons 2010; Farrell & Baumgart 2018). Criticism has also been levelled at the systems and processes used in some schools to assess the English language proficiency skills of EAL pupils (Lyons 2010; Rodriguez-Izquierdo &

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Darmody 2017) on the grounds that they are unreliable and because they can be used as a benchmark for the withdrawal of language support once the predetermined threshold level of B1 is reached (the CEFR, Council of Europe 2001). Similarly, although intercultural guidelines and workshops have been developed for schools and teachers (Fanning et al. 2001; Miller 2004; Lyons 2010; Rodriguez-Izquierdo & Darmody 2017), a lack of awareness of these initiatives has been noted by the Teaching Council of Ireland in successive reports. Moreover, the uptake by teachers of professional development opportunities in this area has generally been low. This suggests that in the past schools and teachers in Ireland have tended to be slow to adapt to the new challenges and opportunities that have arisen from Ireland’s more linguistically and culturally diverse landscape (Lyons & Little 2009; Lyons 2010; DES 2012a; Farrell & Baumgart 2018). However, more recently, there have been a number of advances made in language policy and practices in schools. For instance, the latest National Languages Strategy (2017) has recognised the importance of actively promoting multilingual practices in schools for the country’s future economic development (DOS 2017). It has also identified the new Irish and the languages they bring as a strength that must be cultivated. This has led to a number of initiatives being introduced to increase the range of foreign languages taught in secondary schools and to support the teaching of home languages from an early age. A new language curriculum (2019) has also been introduced into primary schools which recognises that developing skills in one language will help children to develop similar skills in another language. However, the main focus here is on bringing together the teaching of English, as the language of schooling, with that of Irish, rather than on how other languages might be supported (DES 2019). Nevertheless, some recognition is given to the important role that teachers can play in encouraging children of different languages and cultures to embrace and share their heritage (DES 2019) and the need for parents to become more involved in their child’s language development is also emphasised. Meanwhile, at a bottom-up level, over the past five years or so, a number of important innovations have been developed by teachers in the primary school context that seek to take account of the new learning opportunities that are arising in the multilingual classroom. Of note here, in particular, is the pioneering work of School Principal, Déirdre Kirwan and her colleagues at Scoil Bhríde Cailíní, Blanchardstown in developing new teaching approaches to enhance the language awareness and language skills of all pupils. These innovations, which have been recognised and commended internationally, including by the European Commission, and are documented by Kirwan and Little (2018, 2019, 2021), will be discussed in greater detail in Chapter 5 of this book. In a similar vein, progress has also been made in developing specialised pedagogies

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for the teaching of EAL in Irish primary schools and in the training of primary school teachers in this area (see Gardiner-Hyland 2018). However, in the secondary school context, despite a growing need for the development of languagesensitive pedagogies and specialised training in this area for subject teachers if they are to address the more diverse and complex needs of pupils across the academic curriculum, there has been little evidence of progress of this kind (Farr et al. 2022).

2.3.6 Section Summary The previous review of policy and practices relating to the education of pupils in Irish schools from linguistically and culturally diverse backgrounds has highlighted the need for a more systematic and targeted approach to EAL in schools and for the development of whole-school approaches that can better support the language development of all pupils and promote multilingualism more widely. The discussion has suggested that while there has been some progress made in this area in the primary education sector, largely as a result of innovative, bottom-up initiatives introduced by teachers, there remains a lack of understanding of the need for change of this kind in secondary schools. Accordingly, there is now an urgent need for specialised professional development in this context to raise awareness of the key role that all teachers can play in language development across the school curriculum, and to equip them with the pedagogical expertise they will need to transform their own classroom practices accordingly.

2.4

Poland: Approaches to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity Relevant to Primary and Secondary Education

2.4.1 Introduction Poland continues to have one of the lowest rates of incoming migration in the EU. However, as a result of the humanitarian crisis in Ukraine in 2022, the country has been experiencing a dramatic increase in the number of displaced persons, which is a trend that is likely to continue in the foreseeable future. This suggests that the Polish demographic landscape will more closely resemble that of other EU countries in the coming years, in terms of the share of non-local residents in the general population and the degree of linguistic and cultural diversity. In what follows, we discuss how the education system is coping with these changes,

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especially in relation to the teaching of Polish as a language of instruction in schools to children from migrant backgrounds.

2.4.2 Demographic Situation and Trends Poland has been a largely homogeneous country since the Second World War. The largest minorities in Poland (around 38 million inhabitants in total) are those who have been living in the country for many centuries: Silesians – 846,719 (some of whom speak a Silesian dialect), Kashubians – 232,547 (some of whom speak Kashubian, a regional language), and Germans – 147,814 (some of whom speak German) (data for 2011, GUS 2015). According to the preliminary results of The Polish National Census of 2021 (GUS 2022), 99.7% (37,923.9 thousand) of the country’s permanent residents are citizens of the Republic of Poland (their share remains at a similar level when compared to the previous census data of 2011, GUS 2015). The number of persons with citizenship of another country in 2021 was 111,800 (0.3%), which is twice as high as in 2011. In 2021, among permanent residents of Poland with citizenship of another country, 13.9% were EU citizens (15,500) (a slight decrease in comparison to 2011). Ukrainian citizens accounted for 47.4% of such residents of Poland. Compared to 2011, their number has almost quadrupled (from 13,400 to 53,000). The second most numerous group, after Ukrainians, were Belarusians (16.6%), whose number, compared to 2011, increased almost fivefold (from 3,800 to 18,600), followed by Russian (4.4%), German (3.2%) and Vietnamese (2.5%) nationals. On average, per 10,000 inhabitants of Poland in 2021, there were approximately 29 people with citizenship of another country (compared to 14 persons in 2011). This census data does not include those who either do not have Polish citizenship or who are staying in Poland with or without a residence permit. In any event, the number of nonnative residents in Poland remains relatively low in contrast to most other European countries. Figure 2.4 below presents data coming from the 2011 census as at the time of this book’s publication full statistics for 2021 were not available. The ethnic composition of Poland has been dynamically changing recently but it is still the case that emigration exceeds immigration (Eurostat 2020). In 2019, the population of Poland decreased by almost 29,000 (0.07%) (Local Government 2019) and new trends are also visible in non-citizenship residence. Towards the end of 2021, foreigners with first-residence permits constituted a group of over 342,000 (www.migracje.gov.pl 2021; Statystyki praca 2021) and 90,000 people obtained a permanent residence permit. Additionally, since the outbreak of the war in neighbouring Ukraine in February 2022, Poland has admitted a large population of refugees – more than 3 million in the following

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Poland Kashubian; 15,84% German; 10,07% Jewish; 0,51% Lithuanian; 0,54% Ukrainian; 3,47%

French; 0,54%

Other; 2,67%

Belarusian; 3,19% Italian; 0,59% Andere; 9,15% English; 0,72%

Lemko; 0,72%

Roma; 1,16%

American; 0,81%

Russian; 0,89%

Silesian; 57,69%

Silesian

Kashubian

German

Ukrainian

Belarusian

Roma

Russian

American

Lemko

English

Italian

French

Lithuanian

Jewish

Other

Figure 2.4. Non-Polish minorities in Poland as of 2011 (GUS 2015)

month (March) alone mostly made up of women and children – which has created immense social and educational challenges. Before the Russian invasion of Ukraine, the largest group of newcomers to Poland were economic migrants. In 2020, Okólski and Wach (2020: 152) expected Poland to soon “be hosting more foreign workers than the number of Polish citizens actually working abroad”. They based their forecasts on the fact that in 2020 alone, almost 1,000,000 migrant workers took up employment in Poland, 85% of whom were from Ukraine. It is hard to estimate what the future years will bring but, most probably, the trend will be upward, as the number of migrants settling in Poland has been increasing. Long-term demographic forecasts predict, and the preliminary results of the most recent census of 2021 confirm, that the native population of Poland is and will be decreasing. Consequently, according to Anacka and Janicka (2018: 14–22) by 2030 Poland will change from a country of net emigration to one of net immigration. The highest intensity of immigration into Poland is expected to occur at the turn of the 2030s, after which the situation will gradually stabilise (Anacka & Janicka 2018: 14–22). The same researchers further predict that by 2070, 14% of the total population residing in Poland will have foreign roots. This means that the share of migrants will be big enough for Poland to transform from an almost ethnically homogeneous country – as it was in 2015 – into a country similar in this respect to today’s Netherlands, France, Great Britain or Germany. The two most likely sources of future incoming migrant groups to Poland are Eastern Europe, especially Ukraine, and Asian countries, particularly India and Vietnam, with the latter becoming increasingly more significant (Anacka & Janicka 2018: 24).

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2.4.3 Educational Policy Responding to Cultural and Linguistic Diversity in Poland Until the second decade of the 21st century, issues related to the integration of migrants in Poland did not receive much attention due to the marginal nature of inward migration (Lesin´ska 2010: 102–103). In recent years, however, there has been a significant increase in interest in this area, due in large part to the increased availability of EU funding for research and activities around migration and related issues (Lesin´ska 2010: 108). As is the case with other new EU member states, Poland has sought to adopt EU practices in the field of migration and integration but to date, successive governments have struggled to adjust these to national needs and specificities (Pawlak 2013: 97–121). Moreover, there has been no coherent policy and process around the coordination of government actions in this area, including at the educational level (Zespół do spraw migracji 2020: 3). Educational provision for pupils from migrant backgrounds in Poland is discussed next. 2.4.3.1 State Education in Poland As elsewhere, migrants and refugees in Poland are often accompanied by their families including children, which is impacting the demographic makeup of schools. As Figure 2.5 illustrates, there has been a sharp increase in the numbers of non-Polish pupils in state schools since 2009 (from 9,610 in 2009 to 51,363 in 2019). However, with the beginning of the war in Ukraine, in March 2022, as many as 10,000 Ukrainian children joined Polish schools daily. The share of non-Polish pupils in several classrooms changed practically overnight and in January 2023, 190 thousand Ukrainian learners (including kindergarten children) continued their education in Poland in 20,557 educational institutions (Otwarte dane 2023). This constitutes around 5% of the general population of pupils (Chrostowska 2022). Children from migration backgrounds have the right to attend the same schools as Polish children, that is kindergarten (3–6 years old), primary school (7–14) and then either comprehensive high school (4 years), vocational high school (5 years) or a basic vocational school (3 years). Pupils who attend high school can take a state-administered leaving certificate and then enter a higher education institution. Until the beginning of the war in Ukraine (24. 02. 2022), in the majority of cases (around 90%), non-Polish pupils were admitted into mainstream classes in schools following an interview with their parents or legal counsellors. If the children did not fulfil the official curriculum requirements for a particular subject, they could receive a minimum of two lessons of Polish as a second

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Poland 200000 180000 160000 140000 120000 100000 80000 60000 40000 20000 0 2009 2011 2014 2016 2018 2019 Jan. 2023

Non-Polish pupils

Figure 2.5. Non-Polish pupils in Polish schools from 2009–2019 (NIK 2020)

language and additionally, one extra lesson per week in the subject in which they underachieved, although subject lessons were restricted to the first year of entry to the school. In total, there was a limit of five hours in total per week for all such additional hours. Pupils could also get psychological and educational counselling to tackle, for example, their migration experience and to recognize their psychophysical capabilities and environmental factors affecting their everyday functioning. After the war in Ukraine, some regulations were adapted, with refugee children able to receive up to six lessons of Polish as a second language classes additionally for a period of two years. In order to support teachers in linguistically heterogeneous classes, schools have the right to employ a cultural assistant who is familiar with the first language of the non-Polish speaking pupil although it should be noted that this position is not accorded any professional recognition (Ustawa z dnia 14 grudnia 2016; Rozporza˛dzenie Ministra Edukacji Narodowej z dnia 23 sierpnia 2017). Before the war, schools were reluctant to employ cultural assistants due to the financial costs to the local government. However, the situation changed after Ukrainian refugee pupils enrolled in schools. Many additional cultural assistants have since been employed by schools, most of whom are financed by external sources such as UNICEF. In 2020, a total of 31 cultural assistants were employed in Polish schools together with a further 53 whose role was to support the integration of children from the Roma community. With the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, there has been a significant increase in interest in and awareness of the benefits of cooperation with cultural assistants among both school management and local and central authorities. However, there are no official statistics about the number of

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such staff members who were employed at schools as a reaction to this emergency situation. There is also legal provision for preparatory classes (on a withdrawal basis) for migrant pupils, but such classes are not available everywhere. In 2019, classes of this kind were organised in 24 schools across Poland for 647 pupils. In such classes, the core/national curriculum is implemented, together with the learning of the Polish language (for a minimum of 6 hours per week). Pupils can stay in such a class for one school year, which can be extended for another year. Depending on organisational factors and available personnel, the ministry recommends that the minimum weekly class time should range from 20 hours in the youngest grades (1–3), to 23 hours in grades 4–8, and 26 hours in secondary school. In 2022, when a large group of Ukrainian pupils joined Polish schools, there were 956 preparatory classes, organised mostly in primary schools, in which there were around 15 thousand pupils (Chrostowska 2022). As is the case in many other countries, one of the key challenges that children from migration backgrounds face in the Polish context is the examination-oriented nature of the education system. In the last grade of primary school (i. e. 8th grade) and the last grade of secondary school, pupils are required to take a nationwide school-leaving examination (Matura) which is administered by the Central Examination Board. For this, specially adapted examination sheets and/ or exams conditions (e. g. instructions translated into the Ukrainian language, or extra time given to solve tasks – depending on the subject, permission to use a bilingual dictionary) are offered for non-Polish pupils. Despite the merits of this approach, it is not systematic because, for example, in the Polish language exam for Ukrainian refugees, the instructions for the tasks are translated into Ukrainian, but the task must be carried out in Polish. In 2022, the eighth-grade exam was taken by 6,150 Ukrainian pupils and the matriculation exam by 34 (Gazeta Wyborcza 2022). In 2018–2029, the first attempt at evaluating the support offered by the Polish school system to children from migration backgrounds was undertaken. A report drafted after an inspection carried out by the Supreme Audit Office [Pl. NIK] (NIK 2020) in selected schools attended by non-Polish pupils has revealed that, in most cases, schools do not organise the types of support classes that these pupils are entitled to, specifically classes in Polish as a second language and remedial classes as has been set out in government policy documents (e. g. Rozporza˛dzenie Ministra Edukacji Narodowej z dnia 23 sierpnia 2017). Moreover, in terms of the integration of migrant communities into Polish society more widely, the same report (NIK 2020) observed that the current system of social assistance for migrants does not support this sufficiently, which makes integration more difficult for newcomers. Equally importantly, there is also a lack of any evaluation of the

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Poland

related examination results which could help to inform future recommendations in this area. 2.4.3.2 Approaches to Second/Heritage Language Provision Turning next to language provision, pupils attending mainstream classes whose proficiency in Polish does not allow them to access the subject curriculum are entitled to a minimum of two hours (or in the case of refugee pupils – six hours) of Polish as a second language classes per week (Ustawa z dnia 14 grudnia 2016; Rozporza˛dzenie Ministra Edukacji Narodowej z dnia 23 sierpnia 2017, Rozporza˛dzenie Ministra Edukacji i Nauki z dnia 21 marca 2022 r.). However, in 2017 and 2018, only about 30% of pupils from migration backgrounds had access to additional Polish language provision and with regard to remedial classes for other subjects, it was less than 10%. The situation improved with the increase in the number of Ukrainian pupils in Polish schools in 2022. Practically half of them were offered lessons of Polish as a second language (almost 98 thousand out of 190 thousand, see Otwarte dane 2023) but naturally, due to lack of specialists, the level of the offered instruction varied. Finally, materials for teaching Polish as a second language remain scarce and are not easily accessible, although this is currently being addressed to some extent by migrant support organisations such as Rej Foundation (http://fundacjareja.eu/polak-potrafi-spis-tresci/) or the Migrant Info Point: (http://migrant.poznan.pl/pl/publikacje/witaj-w-poznaniu/). A comprehensive list of materials available in December 2022 is provided by Papasoulioti et al. (forthcoming). It is also worth mentioning that for pupils who are not Polish citizens, it is possible for the embassy or consulate of their country of origin to organise additional school-based classes in their home or heritage language and culture provided that at least seven pupils are enrolled (although this additional learning load cannot exceed five lessons per week). However, once again there are no official data on the scope and success of such classes. 2.4.3.3 Teacher Training It is widely agreed that until very recently, teaching professionals in Poland were insufficiently prepared during their pre-service education (BA level for primary school and MA level for secondary school) to work in a linguistically diverse environment. A common practice in schools has been to assign the task of teaching Polish as a second language in preparatory or additional classes to teachers of Polish as a mainstream curriculum subject, despite the fact that they lack the specialised training this requires.

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As far as in-service teacher training is concerned, this is often organised on an ad hoc basis and in response to a particular problem which has arisen, rather than being systematic and widely available. In this regard, the 2020 Supreme Audit Office Report (NIK 2020: 34) concluded that, with the exceptions of the Teacher Training Centre in Poznan´ and the Warsaw Centre for Educational and Social Innovation and Training, teacher education centres in Poland lack expertise in inter/multiculturalism (migration) and the teaching of Polish as a foreign language. However, there is growing expertise in these areas within other organisations and NGOs operating in the country such as Fundacja im. Mikołaja Reja: (http://fundacjareja.eu/), Polskie Forum Migracyjne: (https://forummigracyjne.o rg/), Migrant Info Point: (https://migrant.poznan.pl/), and Fundacja na rzecz Róz˙norodnos´ci Społecznej: (http://ffrs.org.pl/). The increasing average age of teachers in Poland is a further point of note (from 43.9 years in 2017/2018 to 44.1 years in 2018/2019) as it is seen to bring both benefits and challenges (Głos nauczycielski 2019). Many older teachers might be accustomed to teaching largely monolingual groups of pupils and they might find it challenging to adapt to new challenges in linguistically diverse classrooms. On a positive note, older teachers are more likely to know Russian, and may thereby be better equipped linguistically to teach migrants from Ukraine and other former Soviet states. However, they are also less likely to be proficient in other foreign languages, which may pose challenges in terms of being able to communicate with pupils from other linguistic backgrounds when they first arrive. Another worrying fact is that the attractiveness of the teaching profession is decreasing in Poland, which means that we cannot expect a mass influx of young people into the profession in the near future. Offering incentives to recent graduates to become teachers could result in a larger group of school staff who are familiar with multiculturalism as travelling abroad is increasingly more popular in Poland. Young Polish adults are also more likely to have a good knowledge of English because, for almost two decades now, it has been a compulsory school subject, starting from the primary education level. There have been some legislative steps taken to improve the situation. Since September 2021, additional tasks were assigned to school superintendents. They were asked to supervise the process of admitting non-Polish pupils to public primary and secondary schools. Additionally, since March 2022 a new priority was added to the state educational policy: improving teachers’ competencies in working with students from migration backgrounds, including in teaching Polish as a second language. In the following school year, this priority was maintained in a slightly modified form: improving teachers’ competencies to foster pupils coming from migration backgrounds, in particular from Ukraine, and with particular focus on new subjects in the core curriculum.

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To conclude, in Poland state-coordinated CPD opportunities for teachers in the areas of multicultural and language-sensitive teaching are a new phenomenon and there is limited availability of relevant publications and textbooks. The initiatives mentioned above are the first steps undertaken to address the challenges faced by pupils from migrant backgrounds and their teachers.

2.4.4 Progress to Date and Ongoing Challenges In the next decade, Poland is expected to be transformed from a country of net emigration to one of net immigration, with a steady growth in immigration numbers, as is also the case in many other EU countries. The fact that the highest intensity of inward migration is yet to come gives Poland an opportunity to learn from other EU countries which are at a more advanced stage of this process, and to develop policies and practices that can better address local needs. However, a number of obstacles will need to be tackled (also see Wa˛sikiewicz-Firlej 2021; Papasoulioti et al. forthcoming). Poland’s biggest challenge at present seems to be the integration of large numbers of migrant and refugee pupils from Ukraine, all of whom speak Ukrainian or Russian. Arguably, this may require different measures from those adopted in countries dealing with pupils coming from a great diversity of language backgrounds. Secondly, subject teachers, especially of subjects other than foreign languages, need to be made aware of differentiated needs and learning in the linguistically and culturally diverse classroom. This should act as a starting point to equipping them with a range of strategies that they can embed into their teaching, thereby ensuring that education is inclusive for all (e. g. in lesson planning, materials development and examination preparation). Finally, for teachers working in preparatory classes, there are particular difficulties that must be addressed as they are often expected to teach pupils of different ages and abilities and with varying proficiency levels in the same class, all of which require a highly flexible and pragmatic pedagogical approach. On a positive note, we are starting to see the development and introduction of key initiatives at a range of levels in an attempt to address such issues. For instance, since 2018 the Teacher Training Centre in Poznan´ (Pl.: Os´rodek Doskonalenia Nauczycieli w Poznaniu / ODN) has developed support programmes for teachers in areas including intercultural integration and teaching Polish as a second language. It has also established an online networking platform which provides teaching materials developed by professionals. Meanwhile, in schools, welcome packs developed by local governments are now available for pupils, for example, Wielokulturowy Wrocław (2023), Witajcie w gdan´skiej szkole (2023), Informator dla nowych, Poznan´ (2023).

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As far as university-based initiatives are concerned, in Poznan´ the Institute of Applied Linguistics at Adam Mickiewicz University, working in cooperation with ODN in Poznan´, has introduced elective modules for university students in areas such as language-sensitive teaching and materials development which seek to develop student teacher expertise for linguistically diverse school environments. Teaching materials based around local themes have also been developed for the teaching of Polish as a second language as part of a joint initiative between local non-governmental organisations and cultural institutions (e. g. Migrant Info Point and Centrum Turystyki Kulturowej TRAKT/ Poznan´skie Centrum Dziedzictwa, Eng. Porta Posnania / Poznan Heritage Center) (Karczewska 2019–2022), as well as a series of videos for parents from migration backgrounds by the Polish Migration Forum (2023) in several languages which inform them about new technologies available in the field of teaching and learning.

2.4.5 Section Summary The previous account has highlighted the lack of preparedness in schools in Poland in relation to systems that can support the education of pupils from migrant backgrounds. It has also indicated the need for all teachers to be provided with opportunities to upskill in areas such as language-sensitive and intercultural education to better address the specific educational needs of their pupils. What seems evident also in the Polish context is that more inclusive educational policies at the governmental level should be developed, especially ones that can be introduced into schools to promote and ensure the equality, dignity and respect of all pupils in a multicultural school context (Gawlicz et al. 2015), with a further need for empirically-based research that can help to inform this future development.

2.5

Summary: Current State of Play

Our review of educational responses to the rapidly changing demographic landscape in Germany, Greece, Ireland and Poland has indicated that minority languages mostly remain invisible in the school context. Multilingualism is usually reduced to the foreign languages taught in school and bilingual programmes in these languages. This is in spite of an obvious and growing need for multilingualism to be developed and implemented across the curriculum as an approach that would better support the needs of all pupils, as well as ensure the future stability of European society at a time of increasing socio-political uncertainty and challenge. It has also suggested that there has been greater progress

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made towards achieving the EU policy goal of promoting multilingual practices in schools in some countries more than others, both at the level of the school and in teacher education. In the German and Irish context, as we have seen, there has been a longer tradition of migration and of tailored education in schools than in Greece and Poland. We can learn from this, building on the new and emergent knowledge and expertise that is developing going forward, while at the same time taking into account the specific needs of our own national and local educational contexts. For instance, there is growing expertise in Germany and Ireland – and to a lesser extent in Greece and Poland – in language screening for preschool children in order to provide tailored support, in language-sensitive teaching in schools, and in collaborations between subject teachers and language teachers. Furthermore, good progress is being made in developing the kind of specialised and targeted pedagogies and materials that are required to better support the language development of pupils from migrant backgrounds. However, school dropout rates in Germany for pupils from this background remain higher than the national pupil average (Siegert 2008), which suggests that there is still much to be done in schools in this context to achieve a more equal playing field, as is the case elsewhere. Moreover, with regard to pupils who first attend preparatory classes, in all of our national educational contexts, there is a recognised need to better manage the transition from preparatory language classes to mainstream classes and to improve pupil-teacher ratios. A strong case can also be made for language support to be available not only in the preparatory but also mainstream classrooms, and to be made available throughout all stages of education and throughout all subject areas, regardless of the pupils’ origin, life situation and first languages (Gogolin & Lange 2010). Teachers also need to be trained to tap into the full linguistic repertoire of pupils in subject classrooms everywhere. However, as the previous review in this chapter has highlighted, currently such enlightened pedagogical practices are still largely in their infancy and not as yet widely established. Similarly, at the level of teacher education, although cultural sensitivity and inclusive education now typically feature as core themes on the curriculum for all student teachers, it is still the case that pre- and in-service subject teachers lack the level of language awareness and language expertise that is now needed in schools to better address the needs of pupils in linguistically heterogeneous classrooms across the curriculum. So, too, has there been a lack of progress in developing whole-school approaches towards multilingualism which would involve managers, teachers and pupils working systematically together as part of an inclusive educational community to achieve this overarching goal. Finally, while in some of our national educational contexts, there have been some moves towards establishing closer links between schools and parents with a view to pre-

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serving heritage languages as an asset, the involvement of parents from migration backgrounds in the education process of their children needs to be encouraged and strengthened. The content of this book has been designed for teaching professionals with these new professional needs and challenges in mind, and it will provide guiding principles that can help advance the goal of promoting multilingual classrooms in schools, and from this, pupils who are better equipped to address the future needs of European society.

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Chapter 3: Introduction to First/Second-Language Acquisition and Multilingualism

3.0

Introduction

Languages are the means by which we communicate who we are and the means by which we interact with others. On a daily basis, we rarely analyse how we use languages, as long as communication is successful. The way in which a person uses a language or multiple languages and varieties, such as dialects or specialised jargon, might indicate where this person is from or what their education is, etc. If a person does not use a language that is seen as appropriate in a particular context, then communication issues might occur. For instance, to use academic language in a WhatsApp chat with friends would be equally irritating as if chat language was used in an academic context. The variety we choose to use, most often without being aware of making a choice, depends on whom we speak to, in which situation and, of course, on our individual linguistic repertoire. The fact that individuals are usually proficient at using and switching between a number of different registers of a language in the appropriate context (Kemp 2009: 13) means that children migrating to a country have to acquire proficiency in more than one domain of the new language. In the 21st century, most people in the world acquire more than one language. Some languages are acquired as a child, others later in life. In most parts of the world, multilingualism is the norm and, in some parts, this also applies to multilingualism starting from early childhood. It could be that the home language is not the language of schooling or the language used for interactions in other domains. In Europe, there have also always been different forms of multilingualism. However, since the establishment of the European nation-states in the 19th century, national languages have played a crucial role in defining national identity. With increasing migration and diversity in the past decades, multilingualism has become even more visible also in countries which had been characterised by a largely monolingual tradition. The European Union, whose motto is “united in diversity” (European Union 2000), has consistently supported linguistic and cultural heterogeneity since

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1954. The European Commission recognises multilingualism “as an asset for Europe and a shared commitment” (European Commission 2008b), fostering social cohesion and worker mobility, and is committed to ensuring that multilingualism is at the core of European policies. The EU’s multilingualism policy aims at encouraging and bolstering additional language learning as well as a healthy multilingual economy, and at providing citizens access to the European Union legislation, procedures and information in their own language (European Parliament 2022). Another key aspect of the EU policies is the promotion of multilingualism as a priority of citizenship education at schools. This would require making schools more inclusive, responsive to each learner’s specific needs and sensitive to linguistic diversity (Baïdak et al. 2017). In this chapter, drawing from psycholinguistic and sociolinguistic literature, we make an overview of the key concepts and processes involved in first and second-language acquisition which will serve as a starting point for exploring the phenomenon of multilingualism in the EU educational space and its benefits for individuals and society.

3.1

Key Related Terms

The term first language (L1), also referred to as mother tongue, describes a person’s native language or languages as learned as a baby or in the first years of a child’s life (Eisenchlas & Schalley 2020: 23). The term mother tongue has been widely used but nowadays it might be interpreted as biassed since it implies that the mother is the sole caregiver figure who passes on a language, which cannot be taken for granted in contemporary families. Some scholars define L1 as “the language first learnt, best known, and/or most used” (Skutnabb-Kangas & McCarty 2008: 6). It must be noted, however, that in multilingual contexts, the speaker’s most proficient language acquired in early childhood might cease to be dominant or best known as a result of schooling in the mainstream language or lack of institutional support. Thus, depending on changing life trajectories and actual needs, the use of chronologically learned first language might be limited to certain contexts, e. g. the family (Eisenchlas & Schalley 2020: 23). Many of us go on to learn another language or languages later in life, and this is usually referred to as a second language (L2). Most research done from the social perspective makes an additional distinction between a second language that is spoken in the surrounding community and a second language that is not generally spoken in the surrounding community, with the latter described as a foreign language (FL). Further related terms are home language(s), which refers to any languages spoken in the home environment or in the private domain; and heritage language(s), which is understood as the language(s) spoken in the place from

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which a person or their family have migrated. Individual speakers might have a personal, family, or historical connection to a heritage language, impacting their identity and a sense of affiliation (Fishman 2001), but this affiliation does not always imply that they are proficient in the language. There might be more than one home language which is passed on from parents to their children: the process is described as intergenerational transmission. The languages spoken at home are not confined to the native languages of the parents and the languages of the society in which a family resides, but also languages of their choice. For example, some families might decide to speak English, German or French (e. g. Ballweg 2022) to their children at home even if the language is not the majority language where they live because they want their children to master it, often because they believe it will improve their future work opportunities (profit values). Each family develops their own ways of speaking that distinguish family members from other speakers, and this is referred to as familylect in the case of monolingual families (Gordon 2009). Multilingual families, just like all families, create their family identity through shared practices, including a shared language and language practices. In multilingual families, creating a family would involve various languages, along with language mixing in which words and grammatical features coming from different languages appear in one sentence, hence the term multilingual familylect (van Mensel 2018). Thus, the actual languages used at home can deviate to varying degrees from the relevant standard variety, as may the pupil’s proficiency in the heritage language (Polinsky 2015: 8). At this point, it is useful to introduce the terms monolingualism and multilingualism, which are also of relevance to our understanding of the ways in which the linguistic repertoire of individuals may vary. In this regard, the first term describes a situation where an individual understands/speaks only one language, and this is typically the language acquired as a first language in the home environment. By contrast, the second term is used to refer to a person who understands/speaks two or more languages, which is a situation that often arises when children are exposed to two home languages from the early stages of their life. Individuals who routinely understand/speak two or more languages or can switch between them are referred to as multilinguals (Grosjean 1982; Cenoz et al. 2003: 1–2). In some contexts, multilingualism is used for all forms of the use of two or more languages; while in others, bilingualism is used to designate specifically the use of two languages. In this book, we refer to a person who understands/speaks two or more languages as multilingual, in this sense considering bilingualism a special form of multilingualism. The use of different varieties of a language in different domains is referred to as internal multilingualism (Wandruszka 1979), while multilingualism with the use of different clearly separable languages would be called external multi-

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lingualism (Wandruszka 1979). Myers-Scotton (2010: 36) informs us that most speakers develop dominance in one language and that this is often the main language of the social milieu in which they were raised. The term dominant language can therefore be understood as the language in which a person has developed greater proficiency or chooses to use more often (Baker & Wright 2017: 426). However, it should be noted that due to a range of individual and social factors, including e. g. changing life trajectories and different patterns of usage, some language users end up with greater facility in one language for certain situations and in the other language for other situations, which will be further discussed in Section 3.6 of this chapter in relation to individual linguistic repertoire and language use in various domains. One’s dominant language can change over a lifetime as an outcome of changing life trajectories and needs, which means that multilingualism can be a dynamic process. Over the last two decades, the extent to which a speaker is required to be proficient in a language to be considered multilingual has diminished (see e. g. the evolution of understanding the term bilingualism in Kemp 2009: 19). Accordingly, Baker (2006: 8) holds that “a classic definition of multilingualism such as ‘the native-like control of two or more languages’ (Bloomfield 1933) appears too extreme and maximalist” (also see Baker & Wright 2017: 7). Moreover, acquiring a balanced competence in more than one language is now considered attainable but less necessary (see more in Baker & Wright 2017: 9). In a similar vein, researchers have realised that it is very arbitrary to determine at what stage an individual becomes multilingual and call this phenomenon emergent multilingualism. In general, recent definitions of multilingualism do not require individuals to be proficient to a native speaker level but rather adopt a more holistic view of languages within a person’s system. Going beyond the individual perspective, two further key related concepts are majority and minority languages, which refer to a given language position in a society. In multilingual social contexts, a majority language can be understood as “the language spoken by the socially or economically dominant group on a particular territorial unit in a national context” (Sevinç 2020: 85). By contrast, a minority language is the first language of a group which frequently has no or limited power in society, as a result of which it often holds a lower social status (Eisenchlas & Schalley 2020: 23). In this regard, it is typically the case that both majority and minority language speakers attribute greater prestige to the dominant language in a particular society or the receiving territory (Crystal 2013: 383). However, it does not need to be so as each situation is different and depends on the legal and political status of the group in question. A good example can be the official status of Irish in Ireland, where 1.7% of the population speaks it daily (Central Statistics Office 2017). In the context of migration, it is usually the majority language in the new settings in which newcomers and migrants must

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become competent, or they risk being disadvantaged socially and economically (Stavans & Hoffmann 2015: 266). In multilingual populations, speakers may also use a lingua franca, a bridging language, to communicate. Examples of such languages are nowadays, English used as an international language worldwide and Russian used among people residing on the territory of the former Soviet Union. Multilingualism, one of the pivotal terms in this book, is often used interchangeably with plurilingualism, although a distinction can be made between the two in the context of European language policy. Accordingly, the former notion is typically used to describe the societal phenomenon whereby several languages co-exist side by side (Lüdi & Py 2009; Picardo 2013; Marshall & Moore 2018) while the latter refers to a characteristic or feature pertaining to an individual speaker. Given that these two phenomena have some similar characteristics and are often inter-connected, it is possible to use multilingualism to describe both aspects in an all-encompassing way whereby it refers to the co-existence, contact, and interaction of different languages, in both society and at an individual level (Lüdi 2008; Li Wei 2012; Aronin 2019). It is this wider understanding of the term that we adopt for the purpose of exploring the promotion of multilingual practices in school environments and we start from the shared premise that societies and schools are highly diverse and complex multilingual phenomena. How multilingualism is manifested and viewed in broader society is important as it carries implications in terms of how it is understood and supported in schools and in the home. From a societal perspective, multilingualism may include not only different languages but also regional, social, ethnic and other varieties of the same language (Franceschini 2009; Ballweg 2022: 4–5), which is a feature dubbed internal multilingualism (Wandruszka 1979). It can also take different forms from one society to another; for instance, it may exist within a national context, as in the case of Switzerland where several official languages (German, French, Italian, and Rhaeto Romance) are spoken in different regions and spaces, or it may be present within communities, such as amongst Albanians in Greece or Syrians in Germany. Languages spoken in one country may also not be spread evenly, while some communities may experience greater linguistic diversity than others, as is typically the case in urban areas by comparison with more rural environments. In the following discussion, we will explore the processes involved in first and second-language acquisition in more detail given the importance this holds for the educational approaches that are adopted in schools in order to support these processes, as is the focus of this publication.

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Introduction to First/Second-Language Acquisition and Multilingualism

The Processes Involved in First and Second-Language Acquisition

While in general, researchers now avoid making direct comparisons between first and second-language acquisition, there is a strong body of research that has pointed to similarities in the strategies and linguistic features associated with first and second-language development in children (for a fuller discussion see Mitchell et al. 2013: 263). A distinction used to be made between language acquisition and learning but applied linguists have recently moved away from this dichotomous view towards a more encompassing understanding of language acquisition and language use, whereby they are understood as interconnected and socially situated processes existing on an unconscious-conscious continuum (Firth & Wagner 1997; Block 2003). Broadly speaking, language is learned through social interaction and the simultaneous development of conceptual knowledge about the objects, actions, properties, and relations in the world around them over time, both of which familiarise a language learner with the social roles conveyed through language form. Language socialisation is the term used to describe this process, whereby speakers are socialised into cultural communities through language use (after Guardado 2020: 40–41; Ochs & Schieffelin 2008). This process may take place in any language being acquired (i. e. second, foreign, heritage) and there are different kinds of pathways involved. Contemporary approaches to language socialisation have explored the ways in which membership is gained in language communities through social interactions and the types of language use that emerge in different settings. As far as first language acquisition is concerned, the language in question is acquired in a similar, sequential order, starting from the sound system, and then words and their meanings towards syntactical patterns, pragmatics, discourse structures and communicative competence. It is assumed that by the age of five, most children will have completed the greater part of the basic language acquisition process. According to Clark (2016: 379), this implies an understanding of the sound system, grammatical distinctions, lexical choices and constructions and knowledge of how to talk to different addressees on different occasions and in different settings (conventions on different roles, linguistic variations dependent on context, social dimensions like power, status, age and gender, etc.). Interactions with parents or a caregiver figure(s) play a crucial role in this process and speech modifications are commonly used with infants and small children as part of these interactions, such as a slower pace and pausing, repetition, exaggerated intonation patterns, and simplified vocabulary and syntax (Allan et al. 2010: 109).

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With regard to the sequencing of first language acquisition, infants can cry from birth onwards, and they start to coo and laugh between eight and twenty weeks. This is followed by babbling (e. g. ba-ba-ba/ma-ma-ma) around the age of six to eight months, from which they begin to make melodic utterances between the ages of nine and eighteen months (for a fuller discussion see Yule 2006: 149– 161; Crystal 2013: 246–247; Clark 2016: 21–59). The first words appear around eight to twelve months, beginning with the one-word stage and followed by the two-word stage around eighteen to twenty months, with telegraphic speech occurring between two and two-and-a-half years of age (such as daddy go bye-bye or cat drink milk). Syntactic development in the first language also proceeds in stages with the first sentences emerging between eighteen and twenty months, and typically consisting of two-word chunks (mostly action + object = eat cookie / possessor + possession = daddy ball). From this, infants develop three or more word utterances around the age of two and move on to the acquisition of inflectional morphology. For example, in English, the -ing form (e. g. daddy reading) appears first and this is followed by the marking of regular plurals with -s. This is accompanied by a process of over-applying acquired rules, which is known as overgeneralization (e. g. mans) (Brown 2014: 377). Over time, children’s utterances move closer to adult forms, increasing in length and syntactic complexity (see more in Yule 2006: 154–159; Crystal 2013: 248–257; Clark 2016: 60–169). Typically, by the age of three, the range of known vocabulary grows to hundreds of words and pronunciation more closely resembles that of adults. The differences between the processes involved in acquiring a first and second language lie in the nature of the person and/or the context of acquisition with many questions as yet not fully understood in relation to both the sequencing of acquisition and the level of proficiency achieved in the two languages. Penfield and Roberts (1959) were the first to propose the Critical Period Hypothesis (CPH), which is the idea that language acquisition atrophies with age, possibly as a result of the way in which the brain of a child develops. It was later popularised by Lenneberg (1967) and made more extensive use by Stephen Krashen. In more detail, CPH suggested that there is a biological timetable before and after which language acquisition is more or less successfully accomplished, and that this extends to both first and second-language acquisition (Brown 2014: 370). This notion has since been rejected in this strong form on the basis that it fails to explain why some learners succeed with ease in learning a second language despite being considerably older than the age of puberty, and this question continues to intrigue academics working in this field. Instead, it has been acknowledged that language acquisition changes in the course of a lifespan but that there is not necessarily a critical period, but rather a sensitive period (Oyama 1976; Singleton 2001). This does not suddenly end with

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puberty but indicates a time of transition in the way languages are learnt, which may be different for individuals. For example, the acquisition may become more difficult in the teenage years because there is significantly less time available to devote to language acquisition (i. e. between “full-time”/around 70 hours per week for three-year-olds compared to four or five hours a week, usually in a classroom setting, for teenagers or adults). By contrast, some teenagers have been shown to have the ability to rapidly learn a second language, which has been attributed to their superior cognitive abilities. In this regard, Clark’s (2016: 425) research exemplifies that older children were more efficient learners of languages than young children because they were better at deploying learning strategies based on the language they already knew. Younger children, on the other hand, were found to have the advantage of being less inhibited and monitoring their linguistic performance less. Children were less likely than teenagers to be influenced by interference from the first language too (Brown 2014: 76). For Brown (2014: 22), the most obvious difference between adult and child language acquisition is the substantial cognitive and affective contrast between them. Adult learners are faster and more successful in learning the morphology and syntax of a language due to their cognitive capacities (Tahta et al. 1981: 364; Muñoz 2008: 207–209), while children are more successful in acquiring pronunciation (Grotjahn 2005). One more recent explanation is that where speakers live in communities where it is the norm to speak more than one language on a daily basis, this may cause social pressure to speak the majority language for reasons pertaining to socio-economic advancement, which in turn may boost their motivation to master the language. This suggests that the perceptions of speakers in relation to their own linguistic needs, alongside opportunities for exposure to the language, may be key factors influencing successful second-language acquisition. What seems clear from the research also is that interaction plays a major role in both. From this overview of the processes involved in first and second-language acquisition at different life stages, we will highlight how multilingualism is manifested differently in individuals and the complex range of factors and influences involved.

3.3

Multilingualism and Individuals

Multilingualism develops in different ways from one speaker to another and it is shaped by a complex range of variables including age, abilities, patterns of language use, perceived language needs, and the relationship between speakers and the cultures that are associated with the various languages within their linguistic repertoire.

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Turning first to the processes involved in multilingual child language acquisition, this can occur in two distinct ways. Child language acquisition can be either simultaneous (whereby a child acquires at least two languages from very early childhood at the same time) or successive (when a child learns a second language later in childhood). Myers-Scotton (2010: 337) highlights that multilingual children typically develop two or more languages as separate grammatical systems and that they can use their languages appropriately according to their addressee. They may also develop discourse preferences and strategies based on the input they receive and community norms. Multilinguals also have productive, receptive and emergent competencies (García 2009a, b). Multilinguals with productive competencies have an active competence in all languages, across both writing and speaking skills by comparison with receptive multilinguals whose competence extends only to the skills of understanding or reading. Emergent multilinguals speakers, alternatively, are at the early stages of language skills development. For some multilinguals also, a second language is learned by choice, and this is referred to as elective multilingualism; while others feel obliged to learn another language to be able to function in a particular context, which is referred to as circumstantial multilingualism. This latter type is typical in the case of migrants for whom mastery of the majority/dominant language of the receiving society is often key to their social and economic integration. However, this can pose the risk of loss of the first/home language and its replacement by the second language (a subtractive context). This is known as language attrition, and it is a common phenomenon that can affect people who spend long periods abroad and learn another language (L2) and become less fluent in their L1 (Schmid 2011). When we consider how the language competency/proficiency develops, the term recessive multilingualism is used to refer to a situation where one language is declining due to permanent or temporary language attrition. Nevertheless, these changes across the lifespan can be perceived as a loss from the perspective of the individual. In educational contexts, it is therefore important not only to perceive and assess individual language biographies from the outside, from the perspective of educational institutions and the majority language or academia but also to obtain and take into account the perceptions of the learners, as they can have significant effects on further linguistic development. A further key variable in understanding how and why multilingualism is manifested in different ways amongst individuals concerns the associations they make with the various cultures involved. It is essential to note that this understanding of language acquisition and multilingualism and the definitions given are based on the Western, mainly Anglophone, perspective of language, which is strongly based on a monolingual norm. For instance, the development of the nation-states in Europe and the crucial role of language in this process in the 19th

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century has inevitably led to a strong emphasis on the national language and monolingual practices. Linguistics and language acquisition research have mostly been conducted in the Global North with little or no consideration of multilingual realities in not only Europe, but also in most parts of the world. More recent research, especially in sociolinguistics, has started to broaden and de-colonise the understanding of multilingualism, by including the perspective of traditionally multilingual communities. In such contexts, one’s predisposition to acquire language competence in communication and ability to take part in multilingual practices comes to the fore rather than its “full” attainment (e. g. Canagarajah & Wurr 2011). What appears more important in the context of this book is that multilingual repertoires offer a range of socio-economic benefits to individuals by allowing mobility for work or leisure, and providing conditions for “social and political inclusion” (Council of Europe 2007: 9). Such a repertoire may also entail the experience of several cultures (Council of Europe 2001: 168). According to some scholars, multilingualism should also entail a certain set of values and practices, e. g. awareness that languages have equal value, albeit different functions, hence predisposing linguistic tolerance. Having discussed the processes involved in first and second-language acquisition, in the next section we will take a look at the complex processes at play in multilingualism.

3.4

Cross-Linguistic Processes at Play in Multilingualism

Speakers who know more than one language demonstrate certain distinctive linguistic features. First of all, among multilinguals lexical transfer from one language to the other is common and there is evidence that this enhances their mental lexicon. Schmid (2011: 18–19) defines this term as the overall vocabulary and associated meanings that a person keeps in their memory. In a similar vein, Kecskes (2010) avers that multilinguals possess an integrated conceptual system which operates two or more languages. In his view, this leads to distinctive language use compared to monoglots. Code-switching/mixing is also frequent, which means the use of a word or phrase from one language in a stretch of speech predominantly framed in the other. This is a common occurrence amongst multilingual speakers, and it arises due to the fact that they have to coordinate the lexicons of more than one language, each of which will consist of thousands of items, which leads to a substantial overlap in word meaning, with form and words in each language influencing each other. It should also be highlighted that even if cross-linguistic influence sometimes results in errors, it should not be evaluated as something

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negative. People learn languages by trial and error, and deviations from the norm mark the learning process. It may also happen, and frequently does, that a person uses several languages simultaneously within the same communicative situation. This phenomenon is termed translanguaging. Originally, it referred to the practice in which bilinguals receive information in one language and then use or apply it in the other. In its expanded sense, it refers to the natural and normal ways bilinguals use their languages in their everyday lives to make sense of their bilingual worlds. In teaching, it refers to pedagogical practices that use multilingualism as a resource rather than ignore it or perceive it as a problem (Baker & Wright 2017: 434). Translanguaging is further discussed in this book in the context of family multilingual practice in Chapter 4, and in the educational setting in Chapter 6. Code-switching and translanguaging are linguistic phenomena that are viewed differently in terms of attitudes towards their use. For instance, in some communities, they are accepted as normal and natural consequences of living multilingually and may even carry a certain prestige while in others they may be frowned upon, often because they are seen to have lower standards. In practice, multilinguals routinely switch between the different languages they know as it is an effective and natural way of communicating and a way to express one’s identity as Saxena (2009) has pointed out (more on the relationship between language and identity in Section 3.8). This brings us to a review of individual linguistic repertoires and the ways in which language is used in specific domains.

3.5

Individual Linguistic Repertoire and Language Use in Various Domains

Most individuals regularly use and switch between a number of different varieties/registers of a language in the appropriate context (Kemp 2009: 13) and the variety we choose to use typically depends on whom we are speaking to, in which situation and on our individual linguistic repertoire. The notion of a linguistic repertoire was originally advanced by Gumperz (1965). It was defined as: [t]he totality of linguistic forms regularly used within a community in the course of socially meaningful interaction. Repertoires, in turn, can be seen as consisting of varieties of speech, each of which is associated with a particular type of social relationship (Gumperz 1965: 85).

Such repertoires are thus associated with a particular speech community, sharing a set of social norms and values regarding language use. Across the lifespan, most people’s linguistic repertoire will not remain static but undergo certain changes,

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reflecting individual life-trajectories, needs and educational experiences (see Blommaert’s concept of “polyglot repertoire” 2008, 2010). In the multilingual classroom context, teachers need to be aware that the linguistic repertoires of children with migration experience are also prone to change. In most cases, newly-arrived children will gain competence in the majority language, however, the simultaneous maintenance of their L1 cannot be taken for granted. Being devoid of exposure to and use of L1, due to external circumstances or one’s conscious decision, may even lead to L1 attrition. On the other hand, individual repertoires may be enriched by new languages acquired at school or later in life. A particular person may use different languages in their repertoire to perform different functions which are connected with their existence in different social worlds. Social worlds are “groupings of varying sizes which are not restricted by territory or formal membership but receive cohesion through common collective activities and shared perspectives” (Ballweg 2022: 4–5). The key to understanding this notion is that these groups constitute a shared feature. It can be belonging to a peer group, attending the same school, playing the same sport, learning the same language or skill, living in the same neighbourhood, or membership in an online forum. A person usually belongs to various social worlds (family, peer group, tennis club attendees, religious denomination, for social worlds see Strauss 1978) and it may happen that in each of their worlds, they need to use a different language. The meaning of language functions should be understood very practically. Primarily, a language used by members of a particular social world very often becomes the marker of its boundaries. Research on multilingualism has shown that language skills are usually specific to a domain or purpose and recent definitions have tended to view competencies as ranging from basic communicative ability to advanced linguistic skills (Comanaru & Dewaele 2015). Today, it is increasingly understood that language skills are domain-specific and that monolinguals and multilinguals alike will have different levels of skills in different contexts and domains. For instance, a person schooled in a majority language might communicate effortlessly in academic and professional contexts (i. e. school and work domains) but lack relevant skills in their home language used for interaction with family members (i. e. family domain). A domain is a set of social situations where a certain language is used (Myers-Scotton 2010: 77) and domains differ in terms of participants and their relationships, and the nature and function of their interactions. The basic domains are family, friendship, religion, education and employment. According to Fishman (1972b: 44), each domain in a bilingual community is “commonly associated with a particular variety of language”. For example, in the family domain, a minority language may be used. In the work domain, the majority language may be used (Baker & Wright 2017: 426). In the

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Multiculturalism

case of multilinguals, variability is observed in language use across different domains and contexts, and this is also determined by the different purposes for which the various languages are used, such as for work, school or home. The balance of languages used in the different contexts can also be expected to vary in terms of whether there is equal or dominant use of the languages within an individual speaker’s linguistic repertoire.

3.6

Multiculturalism

Multilingualism8 is also closely connected with a complex interplay of different cultures. Being multilingual usually means that a person is also part of more cultures or communities of practice (Lave & Wenger 1996), thus becoming multicultural, wherein they identify to a greater or lesser degree with the culture of more than one language group (Baker & Wright 2017: 3). It must be emphasised, however, that being multilingual is not necessarily concomitant with being multicultural since for most individuals, cultural identity is also shaped by their affiliations with other groups. While culture in everyday language use is often associated with regional or national culture (the French culture, the Polish culture), this is just one of the cultures a person is connected to and a rather vague construct that strongly relies on national stereotypes. The idea of an alignment between a country, a nation-state, a national language and a national culture is both inaccurate and overly simplistic, and in the context of globalisation, this belief has become increasingly contentious and challenged (Heller 2007; Holton 2011). Little and Kirwan (2021: 16) observe that this “cultural essentialism produces cultural stereotypes” and “can be deployed as a powerful tool of social exclusion – those who do not share the language, beliefs and practices of the nation have no place in its territory.” In the context of language acquisition and schooling, culture is understood as commonalities of attitudes, values and ways of thinking and behaving that are predominant in groups of people and into which members of these groups are socialised (Kramsch 1996). National culture is just one of the dimensions of culture. Other examples include the culture of a certain profession, working-class culture, urban culture, youth culture, academic culture, religion or lack thereof, etc. Hence, everyone, including monolingual pupils, is part of multiple cultures at the same time. Being multilingual usually means that a person is also part of other cultures or communities of practice (Lave & Wenger 1996). However, language and national culture are not always linked. A citizen of a nation-state can, for 8 See Section 5.7 for a discussion of transculturalism (defined as cultural hybridisation), which represents a more recent approach.

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example, not be a speaker of the national language and at the same time, not all speakers of a language feel connected to a national culture. This does not imply that cultural differences do not exist but that national culture is just one of many cultural affiliations a person may have. Moreover, cultural affiliations change over a lifespan, that is, they are dynamic. What is important to emphasise is that nowadays cultural awareness and a high degree of reflection are considered assets and important resources in society in the context of a globalised world. Language is often associated with culture, and it is true that there is a link but it is not always as clear as one would assume. It goes without saying that acquiring a language may be connected to acquiring new social practices also, but are these practices “the culture” of a country? As we have highlighted previously, there are different cultures in every person’s life with each negotiated through language as mentioned above. Accordingly, language has a key role in forming the respective culture, and language use is specific to the context. From the understanding of culture, it follows that the link between a national language that is used in numerous cultures within and outside a nation and a national culture is complex. Getting to know the different cultural practices connected to a language includes familiarity with practices related to national culture but also to the specific context. This process of acculturation has been defined by Baker and Wright (2017: 424) as the process by which an individual or group adapts to a new environment, and conversely, the process of adjusting to and/or acquiring new cultural practices can also include learning the language associated with this environment (Stavans & Hoffmann 2015: 264). This might be different for a person who is in contact with fellow university students and workers in a factory. In both cases, it is not the national culture but a specific group and their culture, with the rather vague national culture overarching these specific contexts. Accordingly, in most cases, it is not helpful to refer to a national culture alone or to attribute a certain behaviour to a specific national culture. Additionally, we must realise that the process of acculturation is a bidirectional, interactive process that affects both the newcomers and the local population (see e. g. Sam 2006). Understanding the complexity of cultural diversity and affiliation is particularly relevant in multicultural and multilingual educational settings. Most schools in Europe are culturally highly diverse in many respects, with factors such as religion, socioeconomic status, urban or rural socialisation, family lifestyles, languages spoken and ethnic identity serving as key variables. To embrace cultural diversity means to recognise it, to respect differences, to acknowledge, to value, and to encourage different contributions but most of all, not to attribute every single attitude or action to a cultural affiliation. It is important to note that when the terms multilingualism and multiculturalism are used together, this can lead to the misconception that each national language is tied to a ‘national’

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culture and that there is cultural homogeneity among people from the same country. This can evoke the impression that misunderstandings are likely to happen between members of different national cultures; moreover, where conflicts may arise, they can be incorrectly attributed to cultural differences instead of other factors. This would be the case, for example, if the fact that a pupil in a refugee situation was shy and reluctant to contribute to culturally sensitive topics was attributed to the fact that s/he was Malaysian, rather than to his or her personality, the social environment in the classroom or to a limited linguistic repertoire to express relevant content. It is important to challenge such assumptions because they may lead to cultural othering (Spivak 1985; Said 2003; see Section 5.2 for further discussion). This is a term used to refer to defining and labelling individuals as different from the mainstream, and it is often accompanied by the assumption that difference from the dominant group signifies weakness or a lack of belonging (Strani & Szczepaniak-Kozak 2018: 164–165). Thus, working with individuals having migration experience does indeed require high sensitivity that might help to avoid the pitfalls of categorising and stereotyping and ensure diversity and inclusion. With these considerations in mind, in the following section, we highlight the multiple benefits that multilingualism can bring for individuals and society.

3.7

Benefits of Multilingualism

3.7.1 Benefits of Multilingualism for Individuals Cook (2016 online) informs us that “someone who knows two or more languages is a different person from a monolingual and so needs to be looked at in their own right rather than as a deficient monolingual”, which suggests that there are distinct features involved. More importantly, multilingualism is seen as a strong asset offering a number of advantages to multilingual children and adolescents from migrant backgrounds. A main advantage of being multilingual is that it brings additional access to linguistic, cultural and other resources and the ability to interact with more people. Psycholinguistic research in multilingualism has indicated that the routine use of more than one language changes neural structures and processes that have a stimulating effect on the brain (e. g. Bialystok et al. 2009; Bialystok 2017; Della Rosa et al. 2013; Barac et al. 2016; Kuipers & Thierry 2013). Neuroimaging studies suggest that multiple languages are processed and organised in a single neuroanatomical system in the bilingual brain, although they may be activated differently. For instance, Mohades et al. (2012, 2015) concluded that exposure to two or more languages has an impact on the functional ability and microstructure of

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the brain and that there are differences between the brains of simultaneous language learners and sequential language learners, although interestingly, language acquisition in itself has been shown to promote the growth of the brain (Mårtensson et al. 2012). A number of studies, mostly with foreign language learners, show that multilinguals are more focused listeners, or have a better working memory, and have an enhanced ability to process memories. The use of more than one language might also enhance cognitive abilities and linguistic competence with multilinguals showing greater cognitive flexibility and outperforming monolinguals at task-switching as well as problem-solving capacities (e. g. Barac et al. 2016; Yang & Yang 2016; Kuipers & Thierry 2013). Multilinguals also tend to have a higher level of phonological awareness and visual lexical representation than monolingual learners (for a fuller discussion see Jessner 2008b). Additionally, increases in their linguistic repertoire correlate with heightened metalinguistic sensitivity and cultural awareness which is why multilinguals in these studies are generally thought to be more open-minded and aware of different cultures (e. g. Schauer 2006, 2008; Wach 2018; Wa˛sikiewicz-Firlej et al. 2022 a, b). For many people, acquiring a new language and adapting to a new environment goes hand in hand with a self-perceived greater openness, awareness of differences between social practices and a greater understanding of the impact of culture on daily existence and interactional demands. For example, Wa˛sikiewicz-Firlej et al. (2022 a, b) conducted narrative interviews with 53 foreign residents in Poland. When evaluating the results of their prolonged stays abroad, the respondents most often mentioned personal development, in particular open-mindedness (n = 17), increased intercultural competencies (n = 16), change of opinion about Poles (n = 15), intellectual growth (n = 14), and global-mindedness (n = 10). Only two respondents expressed a negative attitude towards the country of residence. The self-concept of being open-minded and aware of diverse social practices can lead to new encounters with different people and at the same time is a resource for interacting with people from different backgrounds. Consequently, many multilingual speakers tend to be more expert in making suitable choices in areas such as topic, register, speech acts, gender, the socio-economic status of interlocutors and contexts in which they communicate (Chłopek 2011: 109). However, it is important to note that the development of openness and awareness needs a context in which it can take place, including persons to foster it or to initiate reflection. If a person experiences a shock or hostility, s/he is less likely to develop greater openness and awareness. There are also multilinguals who show a stronger aptitude to learn a third or further language which has been attributed to their enhanced cognitive abilities in areas such as divergent thinking (Lambert & Tucker 1973, 1974) and language processing (Bialystok 1993, 1994). There are also good reasons to believe that they

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learn languages more effectively as a result of their heightened metalinguistic awareness. This, however, depends on a multitude of factors, such as the learning context, the reason for learning, access to interaction in the respective language, typological characteristics of the language, etc. This potentially heightened metalinguistic awareness relates to their ability to think about the nature and functions of language and is distinct from language proficiency but crucial to academic achievement and the acquisition of literacy (for a fuller discussion of the role of multilingualism in the school context see Andrews 2007, 2008). In that sense, in the right environment, multilingualism can positively influence the affective domain, especially the motivation to learn (Chłopek 2011: 53–56). More widely, there is growing evidence that the regular use of two or more languages mitigates cognitive decline and delays Alzheimer’s disease and dementia (Bialystok et al. 2009, 2016; Perani et al. 2017). As far as the cross-learning benefits are concerned, the competence of multilingual speakers in one language is to some extent fostered by the knowledge and skills they have gained while learning or using other languages they know (for a fuller discussion see Cummins 2007, 2009). In this regard, Jessner (2008a: 362) has highlighted the cumulative and dynamic effects that multilingualism can have on the learner, as a result of cross-linguistic influences in particular.

3.7.2 Benefits of Multilingualism for Society Multilingualism brings a whole host of benefits at the societal level that surpass even the advantages for individuals. This is particularly the case in societies which support multilingualism with official policies and institutions. The European Commission (2008b) has stressed the role of multilingualism in fostering social cohesion, intercultural dialogue, and social inclusion. Social cohesion features societies in which all groups share a sense of belonging, participation, inclusion, recognition, and legitimacy. Linguistic diversity also facilitates intercultural dialogue, which involves “an open and respectful exchange of views between individuals and groups belonging to different cultures that leads to a deeper understanding of the other’s global perception” (European Commission 2008a: 29). Social inclusion enables all residents in a given territory to realise their full potential in life, irrespective of their socio-cultural or economic background. Altogether, these elements lay the foundations for social justice and the harmonious coexistence and development of all groups in a society. The societal benefits of multilingualism are most obvious in the fields of business and economy, culture, education, security, and health (Chibaka 2018: 25) with multilingual societies accruing more economic benefits than those which are monolingual. By facilitating mobility within the labour force, multi-

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lingualism contributes to increasing employment and market growth (European Commission 2008a). It is also beneficial in education and academia. Multilingual education, meaning both one seeking to develop learners’ multilingual repertoires and one accommodating and benefiting from their existing multilingual repertoires, supports the development of cultural and social awareness and stimulates critical thinking (e. g. Nieto 1999; Cenoz & Gorter 2011a, b). Moreover, participatory language- and culture-sensitive education that simultaneously retains high academic standards is the core building block of social justice and inclusion (Cummins 2000a, b; Skutnabb-Kangas et al. 2009; García & Lin 2017). In academia, multilingual competence creates increased opportunities for careers that involve international participation in scholarly dialogues and highquality research as well as globally-recognised publication outlets (Moore 2011). National security is another area which benefits from having multilingual personnel who are capable of dealing with linguistically and culturally diverse populations, especially in times of conflict (Shohamy 2007; Chibaka 2018; Ozolin¸a & Bambals 2022). Finally, there are gains that arise in the area of healthcare in multilingual societies. Multilingual dissemination of essential health communications provides equal access to public information to all groups in a given population, including less privileged ones (e. g. Jansson 2014; Piller 2012; Narayan 2013). Accordingly, in today’s more complex and globalised societies, diversity and different language constellations are of increasing value. From this account of the multiple benefits that multilingualism can bring to individuals and societies, we turn next to the discussion of the relationship between language use and identity.

3.8

Language and Identity

Identity is constructed through self-concepts that are formed from acculturation processes throughout the life cycle and are a central mediating force in meaningmaking (Kramsch 2020). It is based on the positioning (and constant re-positioning) of self and other (Davies & Harré 1990; Bucholtz & Hall 2005). Alongside many others (e. g. Bucholtz & Hall 2005), Guardado (2020: 41) considers identity and language as closely related. The languages we know and use and the languages in which we engage, for example, in the education system, constitute an important part of our sense of who we are – of our identity. Most people and communities prefer the first language(s) for everyday communication, rather than using a bridging language, as it is linked to their emotions, social practices and much more. In this regard, the language(s) and the variety of a language a particular person uses or a group shares, as well as the fact that a person is multilingual, can constitute an important symbol of their identity. It also allows a

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group to distinguish itself from others, often serving as “a positive badge of identification” (Myers-Scotton 2010: 9). It should be noted too that we all perceive ourselves as having more than one identity and this is also the case for multilingual speakers (Li Wei 2011). Identity in SLA is not understood anymore as a static concept but rather as a changeable, dynamic and often contradictory one (Block 2014), which is also constituted through language. In migration contexts in particular, recent studies have positioned second-language learners as historically-biographical individuals with agency, whose affective features (e. g. motivation) are constructed in often unequal social contexts (Norton 1995; Block 2014). Turning next to heritage languages and the types of attachments and emotions that such languages evoke, in the majority of cases, people take pride in their origin, language included, and this sense of pride may influence their actions and emotions. There may be individuals who stop using one of their languages if it is associated with negative experiences (Tannenbaum 2012) but it is more common for people to remain faithful to their roots. The use of a heritage language can offer a meaningful way to maintain an emotional connection or serve as a means to express emotion. Heritage language learning may also foster a sense of unity and continuity and make their speakers feel recognised and appreciated (Guardado 2020: 41; also see Guardado 2018; for a fuller discussion of heritage language education, see Chapter 5). However, for languages to remain vibrant and survive, they must be used. The term language maintenance is used to describe the continued use of a language, particularly amongst language minorities (Baker & Wright 2017: 430) and measures – educational, social, political – taken to encourage it. Edwards (2009: 254–255) reminds us that multilinguals are typically found in the ranks of ‘smaller’ or threatened societies, and an implication of this is that there is often a heightened awareness of, and concern for, identity in such groupings. For instance, migrants will often attempt to maintain their language and, in the face of external influence, they will make efforts to sustain their language in at least one domain, usually the home or friendship circle, because of the role it plays in their identity/self-concept. This does not apply, however, to a very high proportion of educated professionals in Western Europe who are multilingual thanks to their education and who can operate quite comfortably in English without considering it a threat to their identity. According to Allan et al. (2010: 92–93), in societies where more than one language is spoken, the social status and power of groups are attached to the language they speak. In this way, the language of the powerful group, usually the majority, comes to be seen as more prestigious than other languages and may acquire a stratification and/or gatekeeping function. In the school context, for example, pupils who demonstrate low proficiency in the language of schooling in

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entry tests may be allowed to take only selected courses in high school, which may determine their future career track. Furthermore, officially recognised languages also tend to enjoy a privileged position in that society and speakers may use them in formal domains such as in the public sector, in educational contexts and in the media. By contrast, languages without such a privilege are pushed to the margin and assigned a minority status, which often means that their use is limited to the private domain. In this regard, a minority language group refers to a speech community whose numerical status, or more importantly, whose social and political weakness means that its language and culture are threatened by powerful neighbours (Edwards 2009: 259). Consequently, minority language speakers need to learn the official/dominant language to function effectively in the community. Such relations between languages are not natural but imposed, and they lead to unequal power relations between groups. As Baker and Wright (2017: 427) remind us, it is not widely accepted that speakers of minority languages should have language rights or the means of language empowerment by which they can increase their status, influence power and prestige, such as literacy and multiliteracy, which are considered major means of empowering such individuals and groups. This applies to the Roma minority and their language in most of the countries where they reside but does not to Irish or Irish and Scottish Sign Languages which despite being spoken by groups considered minorities enjoy a high status and are maintained. Up to this point, we have been discussing subjective identity/self-concept, and now the focus will shift to objective identity, that is, the identities that others assign to us. Hence, language identity must also be understood in terms of the attitudes that speakers hold towards different languages and types of usage, which may be both conscious and subconscious (Myers-Scotton 2010: 109). These stem from the language ideologies at play in a given society, that is, judgments that are commonly made about different languages and dialects. These judgments may be transferred to the speakers of the languages and dialects in question. In other words, a person is assigned by others to a certain group (categorised) on the basis of the language he or she uses, e. g. foreigner/local, insider/outsider. In other words, linguistic features are seen as reflecting and expressing broader cultural images of people and activities. From this, stereotypical attitudes about languages and their users arise and they are often in the interest of a specific group (Myers-Scotton 2010: 109). For instance, they may be reinforced by politicians or teachers to mobilise the general public into action. In this sense, ideologies are more conscious than attitudes. By contrast, in some majority language settings, voice appropriation occurs whereby the dominant majority takes it upon itself to speak for minority group members to describe their cultural narratives and so on. However, where the outsiders are majority-

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group members and the insiders belong to subaltern communities, voice appropriation is often seen as a sort of neo-colonialism (Edwards 2009: 260). From this account of key concepts and processes relating to multilingual practices in society, we underline contemporary approaches which have highlighted the ways in which socialisation takes place in new speech communities, viewed through the lens of migrants and their experiences.

3.9

Linguistic Practices in New Migrant Speech Communities

One of the reasons for a person to learn another language is displacement. A change of one’s place of residence or a change in living circumstances accompanying emotions may create a need or desire to acquire a new means of communication, as is typically the case for migrants. In most cases, migrants need to learn the language of the majority in the country where they reside to survive in the new settings and to benefit materially from improving their lives. Members of a minority group sooner or later tend to acquire a good command of the majority language due to the social and economic pressure to integrate into areas such as education and work (Myers-Scotton 2010: 37), provided they have sufficient access to the majority language. It also allows them to gain access to language learning opportunities as well as the possibility to use the acquired target language skills to fulfil their needs and wishes (e. g. social relations, educational qualifications, training place, job). Thus, in most cases, merging with the mainstream community constitutes a very important motivational factor, which is often absent in foreign language learning. Interactions which take place in the public spaces of the city (e. g. in markets, transportation means, cafes, etc.) are characterised by grassroots multilingualism. This term refers to the use of “multiple languages in daily life transactions” (Mohanty 2013: 307) and it also extends to multilingual literacy, that is “writing performed by people who are not fully inserted into elite economies of information, language and literacy” (Blommaert 2008: 7). In such circumstances, people with different mother tongues or home languages interact frequently and “get along with their multiple linguistic resources in their daily lives” often multitasking (Pennycook & Otsuji 2015: 13), that is both nationals of the country of residence or migrants live, work, go to school and conduct business in communities with speakers of other languages. This necessitates the use of a lingua franca, code-switching or translanguaging. According to Pennycook and Otsuji (2015: 95), “[t]he urban is the space that takes in all these people and practices and artefacts and requires that they figure out how to get along”. This need to live together, eat at the same restaurants, shop at the same markets, and send children to the same schools is called

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conviviality (Pennycook & Otsuji 2015: 96). It is based on two underlying assumptions; the first is that there is a main goal that speakers share which is to express themselves and do things with language; and the second is that everyday speakers do not divide their resources according to languages, and that the borders between languages are not discernible for them. Pennycook and Otsuji (2015: 18–19) have suggested that instead of using the term multilingualism, it is more accurate to use the term metrolingualism. This is viewed as a toolkit of linguistic resources which is the product of the interrelationship between local language practices and urban space. Apart from the multitude of interactions people enter, two further factors influence the behaviour of migrant groups; firstly, they tend to be more mobile, more often changing their places of residence; and secondly, they have at their disposal tools with which to maintain ties with their home community. The development of digital technologies has also enabled migrants to keep stronger links with home than was the case in the past, allowing them to remain active on two or more national stages simultaneously, which makes them truly transnational in character (Budach & de Saint-Georges 2017). This has led to “a diversification of diversity”, with the term superdiversity introduced by Vertovec in 2007 to capture this increasing complexity. This term reflects the fact that societies are becoming more diverse and also that the composition of migrant groups themselves has become more differentiated in terms of social stratification, internal organisation, legal statuses, a plurality of affiliations, rights, and restrictions (Vertovec 2007: 1048). It is also used to describe a “site of negotiations over linguistic resources”, especially how people articulate belonging to different social worlds and communities simultaneously (Budach & de Saint-Georges 2017: 64–65). The superdiversity present in many European and global contexts, largely because of migration, has led to a rise in societal levels of multilingualism and awareness of the presence of heritage/minority languages in society at large, and their contribution to a linguistically rich environment. This said, it is necessary to underscore that societies are not uniformly diverse. For example, as mentioned above (see Chapter 1), there are differences between urban and rural areas when it comes to the degree of linguistic diversity. A further underlying feature of this diversity is that while some languages have a recognised status as regional or minority languages and as a result are often protected by national legislation and European initiatives such as the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages (ECRML), in the context of migration, a majority of multilingual speakers in Europe speak non-recognised minority languages that do not receive any special support or protection by the country of residence; hence, they develop multilingual repertoires as much from necessity as from desire. Moreover, in the public education context, while language provision in all the pupils’ languages is recognised as a fundamental right in EU and national edu-

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Summary

cation policies, stakeholders continue to struggle to implement adequate provision for heritage and minority language learning, and in many cases also, in relation to the language of schooling. Finally, the term super-multilingual families (Ballweg 2022) has also been coined in this context to express the increasing linguistic complexities to be found in multilingual families, and the diversity in families will be revisited in Chapter 4 of this book when the relationship between schools and multilingual families is explored.

3.10 Summary Based on recent advances in psycholinguistics and sociolinguistics, this chapter has provided a detailed review of the key concepts and processes involved in language acquisition and multilingualism, and it has explored related issues and debates around majority and minority languages, migration, and the socialisation of migrant communities into mainstream European societies. In the 21st century, multilingualism has become a reality that affects society as a whole and offers both assets and challenges. It has also emerged as one of the key competencies for lifelong learning. Within school environments, multilingual pupils who are speakers of minority languages, including those not formally taught or used at school, bring the totality of their linguistic repertoires with them. In fact, all languages pupils speak, disregarding their official recognition, form part of a school community, whether visibly or invisibly. In some schools, this could mean that in some classrooms, many of the pupils speak at home a language other than a variety of the language of education, while in others, all pupils grow up in families with a monolingual self-concept in the majority language and develop their multilingual repertoire by learning foreign languages in school. There has been a growing realisation amongst policymakers, researchers and teachers that the increasing linguistic diversity now present in schools offers opportunities to develop and promote inclusive and holistic multilingual educational practices in school environments. At the heart of this lies the understanding of why these multilingual realities should be taken into account and viewed as a resource and vehicle for social inclusion. In the chapters that follow, we will attempt to show how this can be achieved, starting by answering the question of how to empower families in relation to the education of their children and language maintenance practices at home.

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Chapter 4: Multilingual Language Acquisition in the Family

4.0

Introduction

Families are children’s and young people’s first and main site of language socialisation (e. g. Curdt-Christiansen 2013a, b; for the concept of language socialisation see e. g. Ochs & Schieffelin 1984, 2011). Values, beliefs, communication patterns and strategies, knowledge, practices and much more are influenced by the close social interaction both within the core family and with the pupils’ extended family. Families and the education system are closely linked (see e. g. Böllert 2008: 10; Autorengruppe Bildungsberichterstattung 2016: 33; Little & Kirwan 2019: 36; Ballweg 2022; Bierman & Sheridan 2022: 2). The children’s experiences and socialisation in the family lay the groundwork for their education, not just regarding their linguistic repertoire. However, the connection between family and school is not unidirectional with parents preparing pupils for their school careers. The school system influences families as well. Unfortunately, cooperation between families and schools can be challenging. Just as family backgrounds are not always taken into consideration in schools, a majority of teachers are unaware of the influence they and the school system in general have on the language practices and attitudes in their pupils’ families (see e. g. Mary & Young 2020). There might be direct recommendations given by teachers and, as recent studies show, even without explicit recommendations, many parents try to align language use in the family to what they think teachers expect and what they believe could be useful for their children’s academic success (Bezcioglu-Göktolga & Yag˘mur 2018a, 2018b; Ballweg 2022). This chapter is based on the belief that family-school partnerships are crucial for the academic success of pupils as well as their social and emotional well-being (Coady 2019; Smith et al. 2020). Against this backdrop, in the MaMLiSE project, we aim to support teachers to engage with parents and other caregivers and build a strong family-school partnership. We believe that in order to foster the pupils’ linguistic development in all languages in their repertoire, it is beneficial for

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caregivers and teachers to be informed about the processes of language acquisition and multilingualism and know how to support them. On a school level, this is connected to a whole-child approach, to be introduced in Chapter 5, which embraces diversity and aims to address the needs of children and teenagers in their entire social context. It can also help teachers to assess their pupils’ language competencies and development. Moreover, it allows them to enter a dialogue with their parents. In the family, we aim to encourage parents to support their children’s multilingualism, especially in the family language(s), by providing a rich linguistic environment. We argue that collaboration and a joint effort are needed to expand and exploit children’s and young people’s linguistic resources to contribute to their academic, social and emotional development (Beveridge 2013; Coady 2019).

4.1

The Situation of Migrant Families

By families, we refer not only to biological parents but also to non-biological parents, other caregivers and other family members, who in some cultures or individual families play a crucial role in the upbringing of children while in others, they do not (Coady 2019: 5, 20). Thus, we use the term “parents” in a generic way in this chapter, and in the book in general, referring to all adults acting in the role of guardian to pupils or taking on a parental role. To better understand language use in families, it can be helpful to distinguish between different ideal-typical groups of multilingual families (Smith-Christmas 2016: 22): 1) One type of family that has received much attention in research, parent guidebooks, blogs, etc., is that in which one parent speaks one language and the other parent another (see also Sections 4.3, 4.4.4). In these – mostly middle-class – families who in many cases are situated in the global North, both parents are speakers of different languages, mainly a high-prestige (European) language. Very often, one parent is a speaker of the majority language, while the other parent speaks a minority language. All these circumstances reflect the fact that these families have a similar socioeconomic status as monolingual autochthonous families. As children in these families often grow up speaking the majority language, they usually do not face major language-specific challenges in school and their outside-of-school multilingualism might remain unknown to teachers who perceive them as competent speakers of the mainstream language in society and in school. 2) The situation is different for families with a history of migration or flight. In many but not all cases, members of such families share personal experiences around migration (Jobst & Skrobanek 2009; Krumm 2013). These families

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often have a lower socioeconomic status due to migration and their home language is often valued less or even stigmatised to some degree. The family members often speak one or more societal minority languages with one another. In many cases, parents cannot fully support their children in language-related school tasks in the majority language because they themselves only started learning it upon arrival in the country of residence. This especially applies to countries with national languages that are not part of the curriculum in other countries (e. g. Polish, Greek, German), and only to some degree to a global language like English. 3) The third type of family is to be found in the context of autochthonous minority communities and the context of language revitalisation. Autochthonous minority languages can have different statuses in the respective countries, ranging from languages with very low prestige and/or a lack of official status, like for example, the Romani in Bulgaria, to languages that receive special support and protection, as is the case with Kashubian in Poland, Gaeilge in Ireland or Danish, Frisian or Sorbian in Germany. While research and also handbooks for parents, blogs, etc. in this area were for a long time dominated by researchers or activists from the global North, who themselves grew up in a monoglossic tradition and under rather privileged linguistic – and sometimes also socioeconomic – conditions, the past decade has seen some important changes as family language policy research has moved on to questions of social justice, participation, and power relations (Lomeu Gomes 2018), allowing for practitioners working with multilingual children to develop a more nuanced understanding of multilingualism in the family. In line with this development, our focus is on the second type of families, namely families that are strongly influenced by migration, while keeping other or mixed types of families in mind. The research focus in the past decade has not only shifted to more diverse types of families and consequently new research questions but also there has been a shift from a strong focus on the parents’ role and perspectives (Spolsky 2012: 7) to the co-construction of language policies by parents and children (Palviainen & Boyd 2013; Wa˛sikiewicz-Firlej 2016; Wa˛sikiewicz-Firlej & Lankiewicz 2019; Romanowski 2021). With this in mind, our focus in understanding multilingual families is not on the family members but rather on the social practices they share in the dynamic unit of a family (Hertz 2006). Whereas all ideal-typical types of families can be found in the four countries that form the context of the discussion in this book and there is a range of common developments and discourses, there are some differences in the situation of multilingual families.

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Germany As discussed in Chapter 2, Germany has a long history of immigration which has led to a diverse society (BPB 2018). In Germany, when referring to families that are affected by migration, this can include families after (forced) migration and also second or even third+ generation immigrants, even though these families are also German. The reasons for migration might be work or marriage, which for a long time was the most common form of intra-European migration. Other reasons include family reunification, third-level education, or forced migration, which may entail a different legal status and a whole variety of living conditions (Oltmer 2016: 11). Moreover, there are different constellations of transnational relationships and re-migration. Especially for refugees, reaching their destination is not always a matter of a day but it might take months or even years, often with intermediate stays in refugee camps in other countries before they arrive in Germany (Pro Asyl 2021). The families’ situations vary in many respects, such as the duration of their residence in Germany, their plans to return to their home country or move on to another country, their contact with the autochthonous population and the German language as well as their legal status. For major groups of migrants to Germany, their situation after migration, especially their social status, considerably depends on their professional qualification and their access to the job market. In most cases, highly qualified migrants from other EU countries or migrants with guaranteed job prospects in Germany are in a more advantaged situation (Auswärtiges Amt 2020). Families who are refugees can find themselves in a provisional situation for an extensive period of time as there might be a waiting period for the legal recognition of their status with an insecure outcome (Plutzar 2016, 2019). Many might consider moving to another country, such as Sweden, Norway or the UK, or returning to their home countries. This provisional situation will inevitably affect the nature of their stay and engagement with the host community. In many cases of planned migration, migrants are expected to prove certain language skills prior to settling in Germany (BAMF 2020: 18). For spouses in the context of family reunification, an A1 certificate is required, for an unlimited residence permit it is A2 or B1, depending on the status. Language use in families with migrant backgrounds has been subject to public debate in the past. In a political discussion on migration and integration in 2014, a major political party, the Christian Social Union, demanded that German should be spoken in all families in the country (ZEIT online 2014). They received support from the political right but faced mainly factual counterarguments concerning the value of the family languages for the individual and for society, as well as the parents’ roles in using a language they in some cases do not speak confidently themselves.

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The major responsibility for teaching German to children lies with daycare centres and schools with German language support routinely being offered at almost all schools. Newly immigrated children start attending school as soon as possible upon their arrival, and attendance at school is obligatory. In some cases when no places are available, it can take up to a year but outside the peak phases of immigration such as 2015 and 2022, usually a place is offered within just weeks or even days. With second and third-generation families, the situation can be even more varied. Most children attend kindergarten for at least three, sometimes five, years before they enter school at the age of six. Compared to other European countries, the subsidised daycare system in Germany, which usually takes in children aged 1–6, is affordable for most families. Although there has been a legal entitlement to a daycare place since 2013, there are currently far too few daycare places available and this situation may also continue in the future. Furthermore, a lack of qualified staff persists. Depending on the federal state, one or two preschool years are offered free of charge to encourage all families to enrol their children. This motivates many families to put their children into daycare programmes and ensures extensive contact with the German language. According to the latest PISA report (OECD 2020: 17), the percentage of pupils who had not attended a pre-primary school is 2.2% in Germany, which is similar to 2.7% in Greece but differs greatly from 10.3% in Ireland and 17.2% in Poland. Due to this rate, in Germany, second-generation children usually enter school with a certain degree of communication skills. For daycare centres and even more for schools, the staff situation is challenging, and some subject teachers are reluctant to take the responsibility for fostering children’s acquisition of the German language, but prefer to leave this task to specialised language support teachers. Moreover, most schools in Germany only have half-day offers (see Chapter 2), which limits the pupils′ exposure to German and burdens parents with the responsibility for homework and preparing for tests. Greece In Greece, during previous decades, a significant number of the reasons for migration were related to repatriation. However, in more recent times, the reasons have been mainly refugee or economic ones relating to ensuring a safe future for oneself and one’s family. These factors influence and form aspects of migrant families’ lives, which extend from the conditions of their stay and accommodation to the degree of their linguistic and cultural coexistence. As a result of the above, the parent-school community relationship is also affected, which varies and evolves depending on the parents’ financial situation, the family’s plans for the future, or the value attributed by the parents to the educational

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process and its success. Furthermore, relatively speaking, many refugees in Greece maintain a standby (temporary) status, often for several months or even years, seeking to relocate to other EU countries or to settle in Greece, depending on whether or not they have been granted a residence permit. This fact limits even further the involvement or even willingness of a migrant family’s connection with the educational community. In Greek schools, there are pupils with a first, second or third+ generation migrant background as well as refugee children. Their degree of familiarity with the Greek language varies depending on family history, duration of their residence in the country, and social ties that the families seek to develop in their daily life in Greece, e. g. at work, or in their children’s schools, etc. Migrant pupils enrol in school for free, either directly through the compulsory education system, from kindergarten to high school, starting at the age of five, or gradually, through preparatory support procedures (reception classes, integration classes, kindergarten in refugee structures, etc.) shortly after their arrival in Greece. Ireland As was highlighted previously in Chapter 2 of this book, until the 1970’s Ireland was predominantly a country of large-scale emigration as a result of long periods of economic stagnation and high levels of unemployment. Interestingly, this means that many Irish families have their own migration histories and that the phenomenon of return migration is not uncommon. However, the discourses around migration in Ireland today relate mostly to the growing numbers of the “new Irish” who have chosen to make Ireland their home for economic reasons or who have been resettled in the country as a result of their refugee status (CSO 2017). The importance of language as an essential step towards the successful integration of migrants and their families is now explicitly recognised in the government literature, with multilingualism now viewed as an asset to Irish society rather than a problem, and English language supports now routinely provided in schools for children from migrant and refugee backgrounds and by statesponsored educational bodies for adults from similar backgrounds (DES 2017). Over the past year, the Irish education system has been increasingly challenged to integrate the growing numbers of children and adults from Ukraine into Irish primary schools, secondary schools, universities and adult education programmes, with education providers across the country and at all levels working together as part of the government-led national humanitarian response to the crisis. Against this backdrop, there has also been growing recognition of the need to support the maintenance of the heritage or home language(s) of migrants and refugees, although this is still mostly being addressed within migrant com-

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munities themselves rather than by state education programmes. Recent research undertaken by Diskin (2020) amongst multilingual, migrant families living in Ireland suggests that heritage languages are routinely used in the home setting amongst family members and on social media, which were considered good ways of maintaining literacy and a sense of community. Some families also reported sending their children to weekend schools where they typically studied the heritage language alongside the history and geography of their home countries through this medium, as well as engaging in cultural activities. Such practices were most evident amongst the Polish community, which forms the largest of all immigrant groupings in Ireland. For instance, there are now 38 Polish weekend schools in the country, all of which are sponsored by the Polish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and together they comprise 4,700 pupils and 300 teachers. The main motivation reported by the migrant families for encouraging their children to attend was that they would be able to communicate with the extended family back home, that it created opportunities to build friendships with other Polish heritage speakers, and some also mentioned the possibility of return migration as an important factor. Interestingly, in the same study, migrant families from China living in Ireland focused on the economic benefits of being bilingual, in this case in English and Chinese, as the most important reason for making an effort to use the heritage language in the home with their children although it was not common practice within this migrant community to send their children to formal heritage language classes or weekend schools. Research of this kind is important not only because it highlights the multiple benefits that the maintenance of heritage languages can bring, but also because it underscores the key role that migrant families and migrant communities can and are playing in this area and the underlying motivating factors. Poland Large-scale migration is a new phenomenon in Poland. Only relatively recently (in the last few years) have larger groups of foreigners been settling in Poland. They are mostly people from Ukraine, and to a lesser extent from Belarus, Russia, Georgia and other countries. However, as of 24. 02. 2022, more than three million war refugees from Ukraine have arrived in Poland, many of them with their families. Before the war in Ukraine, the most common migration pattern was economic migration. Upon arriving in Poland, adults would start work, organise a place to live, and then the rest of the family (a spouse and children, sometimes also the eldest generation) would join them. Because it was a planned relocation, the children usually started their education at a Polish school right away. Sometimes they even started to learn Polish by taking language courses in their home country before the resettlement.

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After the outbreak of the war in Ukraine, family circles and friendship ties were important for those from Ukraine who were forced to leave their country immediately. If they could, they joined family members or friends who were already living and working in Poland and relied on these people to provide them with support during their first period of life in Poland. Otherwise, whole families, often without men, were placed in collective accommodation centres. Due to the specificity of the migration profiles mentioned above, pupils with migration experience in Poland are mostly first-generation migrants, most of whom have only been in Poland for a few months or, less often, years. Consequently, it seems reasonable for them, their families and their schoolteachers to broaden their linguistic competence in Polish as a second language, which holds a strong position as a majority language. Providing migrants with opportunities to learn Polish as a second language has recently become the primary way in which Polish authorities of different levels try to cope with increasing migration. Schools of Polish as a second language have been mushrooming but most of the language instructors are not qualified in its teaching. At the same time, i. e. in the early months of 2023, initiatives to support migrants’ development of their first or heritage language(s) are very rare, limited to cultural events or networking. A problem that may soon become apparent and acute is that migrant and refugee children and adolescents are not taking advantage of the Polish education system. To illustrate, the newest statistical data shows that only 46% of Ukrainian refugee school-age children residing in Poland started their education in a Polish school (Chrostowska 2022). Apart from the disastrous consequences this may have for pupils’ educations, their absence in Polish schools may mean that they are not learning Polish.

4.2

Language Acquisition in the Family

Mert is 3 years old. He lives in Germany and speaks Turkish with his parents. His brother uses both German and Turkish in the family. Recently, Mert started attending kindergarten where German is used. He learns the language quickly and increasingly uses German with his brother. His parents want him to learn German well but they also want to foster his Turkish language skills so he can communicate with them in their first language and also interact with relatives in Turkey. They are insecure as to what language to use at home and were informed that mixing languages would prevent them from acquiring both languages properly.

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Fereshteh was born in Afghanistan. When she was 4 years old, she left Afghanistan with her mother and siblings. After several months in Iran, they arrived in Greece. Fereshteh only uses Dari with her family. Her mother is proud that her daughter develops her Dari language skills but is worried about her starting school without speaking any Greek. Joseph and his sister Audrey live in Ireland. They speak mainly French at home, but the parents use the Cameroonian language Tikar with each other and sometimes English is used, too. They switch between languages. The parents want the children to learn Tikar to learn about the parents’ home country and to speak to their relatives but as the children speak English at school and also learn Irish, they are worried that four languages could be too much for them to learn. Vick is now almost 3 years old. He was born in the Netherlands and lives there most of the time. The boy speaks Dutch with his father and his relatives and friends in the Netherlands and Polish with his mother and her relatives and friends in Poland. Vick also understands some English as his parents communicate at home in this language. Both parents are proud of their son’s language skills. They plan to continue using their first languages to communicate with their son and English to communicate with each other. Maya is now 13. She was born and has always lived in the UK. Until she was three, she spoke Japanese with her mother and Polish with her father. When the girl started attending kindergarten, she acquired English quickly and started using it almost exclusively. Since her parents could not understand each other’s first languages, they decided to use only English at home in order not to exclude anyone. Now Maya can still communicate with her mother and her family in Japan in Japanese, but her Polish is almost completely gone. Although Maya feels OK about it, her parents have some regrets.

As illustrated in these cases and as has been shown in Chapter 3, language acquisition can take different forms, depending on the age of the person, the environment in which the language is acquired, the role of formal instruction and many other factors. It follows certain patterns and, at the same time, is highly individual as linguistic, individual, social and also socio-economic variables determine the process (Norbury 2019; Riemer 1999). The more languages are acquired, the more varied language constellations, cross-linguistic influences, and experiences in language learning and language use become (Ballweg 2019). However, a child’s first language acquisition has some universal factors, regardless of the language or if only one or more than one language is used in the child’s environment. If a child hears more than one language starting from birth or a very young age, his/her speech will, in general, develop in a similar way to a monolingual child. In most cases, at least one of the languages will develop within the range of what is considered regular monolingual acquisition, usually even above average (for findings on the acquisition of vocabulary see De Houwer et al. 2014). Findings

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from extensive research in this area show that there is considerably more variety concerning the acquisition process and competencies in the weak language(s). Language skills can range from identical skills in both or all languages to no noticeable receptive or productive skills in these language(s). This is due to a variety of reasons such as communication styles in the family and the child’s individual features and situation. Also, the wider family and community context plays a crucial role in acquiring a minority language in the respective country. Especially in lexical and phonological acquisition, specific linguistic features of the languages are assumed to have an influence on acquisition (for the role of the social environment see Norton 2000; for an overview of different factors see Ballweg 2019). In the case of Mert illustrated above, he seems to have more meaningful interaction in Turkish, so it is his dominant language at first. This might change over time when communication in kindergarten and school and with his brother increases in quantity and complexity. This shows that one key characteristic of multilingualism is its dynamics. Language competencies change over time according to linguistic needs and personal and social situations. While Fereshteh, in our example, does not speak any Greek at first, we can be sure that this will change once she starts school and makes friends, which was the case with Maya. Further important characteristics of multiple language acquisition are that it is non-linear and reversible (Herdina & Jessner 2002: 89). Sometimes, acquisition processes stagnate over some time before there is progress again, and if languages are not used or needed, skills can deteriorate or vanish completely. Children might stop speaking a minority language at some stage and maybe regain certain competencies later in life. These dynamic, reversible, non-linear characteristics of language acquisition are important to keep in mind. While the institution of the family is the place to foster the home language(s) and to convey a positive attitude towards multilingualism, the education system in general and schools in particular should be responsible for supporting and exploiting the pupils’ multilingualism and expanding it by teaching second and foreign languages. It might appear a fairly easy task to transmit a family language to a child, even in a multilingual context. After all, multilingual language acquisition is prevailing in most parts of the world and usually, it is not given much thought, as is shown in the case of Joseph’s and Audrey’s parents. However, the orientation towards monolingualism and the ideal of the “native-speaker” that still exist in many European states (Duarte & Kirsch 2020; Flores & Schissel 2014, Wa˛sikiewicz-Firlej et al. 2022 a, b) contribute to high expectations towards a child’s language skills, namely that s/he should achieve “native-like” competence in all languages. This might lead to parents’ feeling or being made responsible for reaching this goal, preferably in all languages, which may put extra pressure on parents and children

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alike (Ballweg 2022; King & Fogle 2006; Wa˛sikiewicz-Firlej 2016; Wa˛sikiewiczFirlej & Lankiewicz 2019; Romanowski 2021; Wilson 2021). This is illustrated in the cases of Mert, Fereshteh, Joseph and Maya at the beginning of the chapter. More recent approaches in language research, also in the global North, are aware that not all skills are equally developed in all languages and domains (e. g. Heller 1999; García & Li Wei 2014; Pennycook & Otsuji 2015). In traditional multilingual communities which exist in many parts of the world, for example, in many African countries or on the Indian subcontinent, multilingual individuals are not expected to have the same proficiency in all of their languages across all domains of language use. For instance, a person could use one language in the immediate family, another one with extended family and yet another one at school. In this tradition and from a sociolinguistic perspective, languages are less oriented towards a norm but considered to be flexible and fluid constructs. People create their own language variations and learn those created by others in communication (Canagarajah & Wurr 2011). Due to the dynamics of language acquisition, competencies in a language can rather easily be expanded. In multilingual families in the context of migration, only some children who grow up with two or more languages are equally competent in all of their languages over an extended period of time. This is mostly the case with children who have a sufficiently large amount of meaningful interaction in all languages, for example through close-knit social networks and a high quantity and quality of language input (e. g. Döpke 1992; De Houwer 2007, 2009, 2020). For most others, however, this is not the case. Differences can be noticed even within one family, where there may be one sibling who is a rather fluent speaker of a minority language while their brother or sister might not have any productive language skills in this language. Reduced exposure to a language or simplified, unvaried input might lead to stagnation in the development of the child’s language skills in the respective language. However, it is not only the parents’ use of the language that influences language acquisition but language use that allows meaningful conversation and interaction (Snow 2014). Blommaert (2017) illustrates different styles of interaction between two ends of a continuum that illustrate the child’s opportunities for involvement: There are homes where parent-child interactions predominantly revolve around order and discipline (the ‘eat-your-veggies-and-clean-up-your-room’ type, say) and homes where more intimate and elaborate genres are practised (the ‘mom-is-your-best-friend’ type, say) (Blommaert 2017: 2).

This does, however, not mean that all interaction has to take place in one language to reach a maximum of input. Multilingual language acquisition is always possible if interaction in one language is not too limited in either quantity or

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quality. Nevertheless, balanced bi- or trilinguals over several domains of language use remain an exception because language acquisition usually follows an economic principle, namely the question of what skills are needed to meet a person’s communicative needs. Accordingly, most people acquire languages in domains and to a degree that allows them to adequately communicate and maintain social relationships. In this sense, multilingual people develop different competencies in different domains of language use and over various phases in life (Cenoz & Gorter 2011a; Creese & Blackledge 2011). For a school child with a minority language as a home language, this could mean that this child can more easily report school-related issues in the language of schooling, and familyrelated issues in the home language, to give just one possible example. On top of that, the language skills and preferences in specific domains of language use might change over time, for example, after an extended stay in the parents’ country of origin or more time with the minority-language-speaking community. This is so as children in general benefit from opportunities to use language actively for the purposes of communication and integration and reactivate lost resources. Most families will probably try to maintain the home language(s) while supporting the acquisition of a new language. With this overarching goal in common, families might have different expectations and aspirations concerning the competencies and literacy levels in each language (Kopeliovich 2013). There might be families who want the children to acquire two or three languages, while others might focus on one language. In a similar vein, some might expect a child to be able to read and write in a language, others might value religious or cultural practices, etc. It is important to be aware that not all families necessarily aim for their children to develop “native-like” competencies in all languages, which, as indicated above, is not economical in the sense that resources are used to acquire competencies that are not needed. In general, family language policy aims to find a balance between a long-term desired outcome in language skills and immediate communicative needs. There certainly are families leaning more towards one end (language acquisition and language skills) or the other (spontaneous communication) and different situations call for individual decisions. In some situations – or in some families – the focus might lie on spontaneous communicative needs, i. e. the language that is most convenient to use in a situation and with a certain person, including the mixing of languages as, for multilinguals, this is a natural way of drawing on their rich multilingual repertoire. In other situations, or for some families, it might be more important to foster the acquisition of the minority language spoken in the family and to practise this language in daily communication. This language – or these languages – are usually an important means of communication with family

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members, including extended family in the family’s country of origin as well as a carrier of personal and cultural identity. The previously mentioned balance is not easy to find: Too little interaction in the target language, on the one hand, will not allow for language skills in the respective language to be acquired. A rigid approach and a strong focus on language skills, on the other hand, will hinder meaningful interaction. In many cases, families will benefit from information about multilingual language acquisition, realistic expectations and how to balance spontaneous communication and communicative needs, on the one hand, and linguistic aims for the child, on the other. Additionally, it can be helpful for them to learn about approaches and strategies in multilingual upbringing and to receive support in becoming aware of their own aims for their family.

4.3

Communication and Language Practices in the Family

As the previous section has shown, language acquisition is determined by the language practices in the family, and later in a child’s life in school and with peers. While the area of child language acquisition has been the subject of psycholinguistic and sociolinguistic research over several decades, the rather new field of family language policy research focuses more on language use and practices, language planning and the underlying beliefs in the family. This research area enables a more nuanced understanding of how languages are actually used and under what conditions. In this section, we will focus on linguistic practices in multilingual families, referring to the research area of family language policy (King & Fogle 2006; King, Fogle & Logan-Terry 2008; Schwartz 2008, 2010). Like schools, families are a microcosm of society and reflect common discourses and beliefs, including language ideologies (Canagarajah 2008: 173). From this perspective, a child’s language acquisition and use are construed as connected to the parents’ linguistic ideologies and language learning decisions and strategies, the children’s co-construction (Palviainen & Boyd 2013) as well as to the wider socio-cultural environment in which the family are embedded (Fogle & King 2013: 172), even though some aspects of this connection between language use and beliefs and language acquisition are still unclear (King et al. 2008; Ó hIfearnáin 2013: 349–350). The family as a community creates cohesion by means of common collective activities, developed social practices and shared perspectives (Holmes & Meyerhoff 1999). Very often, parents follow an overall pattern for language use, so-called language management strategies, for example, that the mother speaks language X with the child and the father language Y. Popular approaches are the one-parent-one-language approach in families where the parents speak different

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languages as in the case of Vick at the beginning of the chapter, or to use one language in the home and another language outside (Wilson 2020). These decisions are based on the parents’ beliefs about multilingualism, the child’s benefits or challenges from multilingualism and the value of individual languages (Romanowski 2021). If parents do not consider a particular language valuable, they might refrain from speaking it in the family (Ballweg 2022). Moreover, there might be cases where the parents do not want to transmit their first languages. To illustrate, Tannenbaum (2005) showed in her study on migrant families in Australia that in some cases parents decided to shift to the dominant societal language and did not want their children to acquire the parents’ first language in order to build a barrier to a painful past in their home country. These language management strategies are mostly the parents’ plans for language transmission based on what they consider most important, useful and valuable. Drawing on the case of the migrant parents in Australia in Tannenbaum’s study, it becomes evident that there are individual approaches, beliefs and biographies that inform the parents’ decisions and that have to be valued. While language management strategies are usually easy to describe, actual language use is usually not that straightforward. Language practices as social routines and patterns are established within and by a group of people over a period of time. Accordingly, they are highly individual as well as messy, inconsistent, spontaneous, creative, and adjusted to a situation and to the other people in a situation (Heller 2007: 3). Most of all, however, language use by multilingual people is by default multilingual where possible but can also be monolingual when required. In general, spoken language, including monolingual language use, in the intimate register does not follow the norms of standard written language. There will be, among others, more incomplete sentences, gestures, and unspecific expressions like “you know” or “and stuff” that receive their meaning in a specific situation or refer to a shared experience or a common discourse with another person or within the family. Sometimes, dialects, ethnolects or other varieties are used. In a multilingual family, these features of spoken language in the intimate register normally apply to all the languages used within the family. Moreover, the mixing of languages and switching from one language to another is a regularly and spontaneously occurring characteristic of communication with people who share a linguistic repertoire. It sometimes may become a way to create a sense of connectedness and identity when used as a deliberate choice. Moreover, it allows speakers to express different facets of their linguistic identity (Saxena 2009). The term code-switching describes a communicative practice where a speaker switches from one language to another in a conversation or includes elements of another language (code-mixing) (Auer 1999; Gafaranga 2010, for a detailed discussion of code-switching and translanguaging see Chapter 3). Translanguaging,

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originally developed as a method in the multilingual classroom (Williams 1994, cited in Lewis et al. 2012, see Chapter 5) and also discussed in the context of language acquisition (see Chapters 3 and 6) is also an important aspect of multilingual communication. Translanguaging is not just a multilingual practice. It is nowadays considered a “meaning-making resource” (Wilson 2021) which involves the use of the speaker’s “full linguistic repertoire without regard for watchful adherence to the socially and politically defined boundaries of named (and usually national and state) languages” (Otheguy et al. 2015: 283). In translanguaging, speakers bring together all languages they know for meaningmaking (García & Li Wei 2014) and rely on multimodal repertoires that are not limited to linguistic resources. This can include body language, visual cues and even interactions between individuals and technology (García & Otheguy 2020). Translanguaging is a common practice in an intimate context like the family where communication takes place in a shared physical space and in close proximity to other family members. Moreover, family communication, like other forms of communication in the intimate register, typically involves a certain creativity and vagueness in language use as the family members have a common set of reference points (Clancy 2016). As mentioned above, parents have a crucial role in establishing a family language policy and practices and providing language input. Nevertheless, a large body of recent studies leans towards the perception of the family as a dynamic system and emphasises the child’s agency in shaping linguistic practices and the formation of their linguistic competence and identity (e. g. Caldas & CaronCaldas 2000, 2002; Okita 2002; Luykx 2005; Lanza 2007; Gafaranga 2010; Palviainen & Boyd 2013; Fogle 2012; Fogle & King 2013; Wa˛sikiewicz-Firlej 2016; Smith-Christmas 2021). Just as parents might create a monolingual environment in the minority language at home by refusing to use the majority language (e. g. Polish parents residing in the UK, speaking only Polish, i. e. the minority language, at home rather than English, i. e. the majority language), school-aged children might create situations where they will not respond to the minority language to encourage the parents to use the majority language. Accordingly, many families who had a strong focus on language proficiency as described above might be well advised to shift to a more flexible approach as the children grow older, as Maya’s parents did, which can take very different shapes. A flexible approach does not mean regularly changing the patterns of language use or shifting to the majority language for all family members. Our understanding of a flexible approach to multilingualism in the family rather means that the family members find ways of expression that allow them to communicate effectively and, at the same time, choose the linguistic form that is most suitable for the respective topic and situation. This would see family

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members adapting and co-constructing new linguistic practices and availing of language choices to facilitate communication. A growing number of scholars in this field of research now advocate a less rigid, more heteroglossic approach9 that fosters the entirety of the child’s linguistic repertoire. Their criticism is particularly directed towards a monolingual ideal of a native speaker and rigid, unattainable or even unnatural language management strategies, such as the one-person-one-language approach, and most of all towards the lack of authentic and meaningful communication in the family due to rigid rules (Okita 2002; e. g. De Houwer & Bornstein 2016; Doyle 2013; Hamers & Blanc 2000; Schwartz 2008; Smith-Christmas 2016; Wilson 2021). This offers a counter-position to the types of monoglossic strategies that parents tend to be encouraged to use by some teachers, paediatricians or speech therapists. An example of a multilingually-oriented, flexible approach would be Kopeliovich’s “happylingual approach” (2013). This kind of language policy encompasses an emotionally positive approach to home language-related activities and promotes an “unbiased attitude to diverse languages that enter the household and respect for the language preferences of the children” (Kopeliovich 2013: 251). It leaves behind the paradigm of language purism and strict language separation practices (Schwartz 2020) and moves on to an understanding of language as fluid, flexible and part of a multilingual repertoire. A flexible approach also means finding a suitable approach for each individual family. As language constellations, ideologies and also media practices (Palviainen 2020) vary considerably from one family to another, language management strategies and language practices can be quite different as well. For families, to find out what suits them best, it is important to explore and consider the beliefs and wishes of all family members and to understand that approaches probably will have to be adapted over time. The possible application of the principles of the happylingual approach goes beyond the home environment as it might be easily incorporated in educational contexts. By turning away from an ideal of native-speakerness and language purism and instead embracing linguistic diversity in the classroom, teachers might offer additional support for the maintenance and development of pupils’ multilingual repertoires. 9 Heteroglossia, a term coined by Bakthin (1979), refers to the multi-layered and multi-faceted differentiation inherent in living language (Busch 2021a: 11) and the consequent idea that languages are never pure but always express different voices and are influenced by social factors such as class and gender. Thus, the focus and starting point are not on languages but on the single historical-biographical individual who, as a social being in diverse communities of practice, uses heteroglossic sets of linguistic resources to negotiate the social world (Bailey 2012: 504).

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The Role of Educational Institutions

4.4

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The Role of Educational Institutions: Multilingual Practices and Teachers as Advice-Givers

Parents are often unsure as to what language to use with their children. This is not least due to various, often conflicting, pieces of advice they receive from different sources, such as paediatricians and other health professionals, teachers and others. The internet is also overflowing with blogs, self-proclaimed experts and perfect success stories of children who are fluent in three or four languages, all of which can put pressure on parents. It must be emphasised that, despite its intimate character, the language used in the family can also be subject to discussion by others, both on a general level in public discourse on integration and language skills, and in specific cases in (sometimes unsolicited) pieces of advice given by teachers, paediatricians and other professional groups (Ballweg 2022). In this section, the focus is on the role of the education system and its influence on language practices and acquisition in the family. In many cases, teachers are unaware of the families’ simultaneous efforts to maintain the home language and to foster the dominant societal language (Schwartz 2020: 195). Moreover, teachers are often oblivious to their own influence on decisions and practices in multilingual families (Bezcioglu-Göktolga & Yag˘mur 2018a, b). Sometimes, teachers tend to, quite wrongly, emphasise that reducing the use of the home language and substituting it with the language of schooling is beneficial for the child’s educational success and future career prospects (Cummins 2008). This is both erroneous and unsuitable, as the home language is valuable and important in many ways, social, emotional and academic. Instead, teachers need to be aware of and inform parents about the important role of the home language for language acquisition, in building social bonds with extended families and its influence on a child’s developing sense of self. Moreover, the home language in most cases might have been crucial for the child’s earlier cognitive and social development and therefore continues to be important at least in the first school years. Where there is a strongly monolingual mindset, teachers continue to admonish parents to use the home language exclusively and advise them not to mix languages. This might limit their natural communication and does not allow for families to decide what language they want to foster and maintain. Teachers, as is the case with other professionals working with families and providing advice, need to be aware that every family has unique wishes, needs and prerequisites. Moreover, it should be understood that maintaining a home language and learning the school language are not mutually exclusive: “there is no need to choose, one can have both” (Skutnabb-Kangas & May 2016: 126). Rather,

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it is the responsibility of the education system to raise the children’s and parents’ awareness that their languages are appreciated and to provide an environment in which pupils can use their full linguistic repertoire.

4.5

Summary

In this chapter, we have discussed the crucial role of families in a person’s language socialisation. A child’s linguistic environment in the home does not only influence their language use but also literacy experiences, attitudes towards languages, etc. From a holistic perspective, collaboration and a joint effort between families and schools can greatly contribute to a child’s positive social, emotional, academic and linguistic development. Even though the situation in the four countries that provides the context of this book is different in some respects, for example the number of children enrolled in pre-primary education or different migration and educational policies, there are some common grounds. Families can find themselves in a challenging situation after migration as many are affected by a drop in their socioeconomic status compared to their home countries. Moreover, some families find it challenging to foster their child’s or children’s multilingualism in societies with a prevailing monoglossic ideology. The process of multilingual language acquisition is individual. It should also be acknowledged that different language combinations, beliefs, biographies, communicative needs, the families’ plans for the future and other factors, influence the parents’ individual language management strategies and language practices. Children are capable of taking an active role in co-constructing language practices and policies in the family. Against this backdrop, in this chapter, we suggested valuing and respecting the families’ decisions and encouraging families to develop language practices and language management strategies that cater best for their individual situation. They should neither be based on a common misconception that it is always best to use the societal dominant language at home nor should they assign parents sole responsibility to teach their children the home language(s) or indeed the societal dominant language(s). In this chapter, we have shown how meaningful interaction and language input in a target language, i. e. the parents’ first language(s), are crucial for the child’s language acquisition, while at the same time there is a necessity to react to immediate communicative needs, which makes it necessary to use the language that is most convenient for the child. As a child grows older, the linguistic needs might change as in some cases the dominant language might shift to the societal dominant language when the child starts spending more time in school and with peers. In this situation, to further foster the learning of a home language that is

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the societal non-dominant language, parents might need to permanently negotiate the balance between creating enough meaningful learning opportunities in the home language but at the same time allowing meaningful, spontaneous and thus multilingual communication in the family. In this chapter, we promoted the use of flexible approaches to family multilingualism that support the balance mentioned above and at the same time encourages the use of all linguistic resources in all known languages, as well as other semiotic resources in communication, including translanguaging. These approaches aim to maintain the home language(s), foster literacy by introducing literacy activities, including oral literacy, and provide a linguistically rich and emotionally positive environment. Teachers and other stakeholders in the school-system are often unaware of the important influence they have on language practices and language management strategies in multilingual families. Many parents try to anticipate the expectations teachers and the school systems might have and sometimes receive explicit advice as to what to do, which is often based on a monoglossic understanding of language. Accordingly, teachers can better support families by: – recognising and appreciating pupil’s multilingual repertoires; – showing interest in the families’ linguistic and cultural backgrounds; – providing information on multilingualism and flexible approaches, if requested; – highlighting the individual and societal benefits of multilingualism; – encouraging parents to find their own language policy; – laying the foundation for positive family-school partnerships.

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Chapter 5: Multilingual School Environments

5.0

Introduction

As pointed out in Chapter 4, the school is an important place to support multilingual pupils. In this chapter, the focus lies on multilingual school environments. The discussion will focus, in particular, on the needs and challenges of multilingual pupils but will also highlight issues relating to multilingual and linguistically inclusive school development in general and the opportunities that this environment offers for the development of transformative educational practices to enhance academic attainment and integration for all pupils. We will begin with an overview of diversity in school contexts and explore current responses to the growing linguistic and cultural diversity in schools before we move to family-school partnerships, linking this to the previous chapter.

5.1

Diversity in Society and Schools

Pupils can have different ethnicities, cultures, religions, socioeconomic backgrounds, and urban or rural socialisation experiences, contributing to the rich tapestry of diversity now observed in many schools. Our four project countries, Germany, Greece, Ireland and Poland, are all ethnically and culturally diverse societies. Today, in many EU countries, about one third of the population under the age of 35 years is from migrant backgrounds, with many growing up speaking at least one other language in addition to the societal majority language. Statistics imply that about 10 percent of all pupils over the EU use a language at school that is not one of their home languages (European Commission 2021). The message that we want to promote in this book is that diversity drives social, cultural and economic vitality and is necessary for innovation and therefore should be considered a source of potential growth rather than an inherent hindrance to learner performance (OECD 2010).

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For a long time, schools have not viewed diversity as an opportunity to broaden learning. Instead, diversity has often been ignored and the aim has been to achieve homogeneity, or to promote educational practices with homogeneous groups of pupils in mind. This has led to a tendency to ignore individual differences. Indeed, new awareness has emerged that educational systems should embrace diversity. Major changes have taken place in recent times with an increasing orientation towards inclusion and diversity (Parker-Jenkins & Masterson 2013). A diversity-friendly attitude has emerged in recent years, encompassing actions that value and foster mutual respect and appreciation of qualities and experiences that are different from one’s own. Despite the progress that has been made in recent years, diversity can still be considered a challenge (Sliwka 2010) as the rather rigid framework of the education system consisting of institutions, policies and curricula takes time to change and teachers are not always prepared for what is required of them. While exposure to diversity in many respects is recognised as an important aspect of the socialisation of all children, irrespective of their linguistic identities, it is still often the case that where a pupil’s linguistic and cultural background differs from the majority one, it can serve as a means of exclusion, and prevent equal access to education, as is evident in the significantly higher rates of attrition that are found amongst this group of learners than for their peers (OECD 2018b; Szczepaniak-Kozak & Adamczak-Krysztofowicz 2021). Here, it should be noted that while in theory, all children regardless of their status are entitled to free education in EU member states, some children with migrant or refugee status experience irregular or interrupted schooling in many countries, including in EU countries. This might be due to inadequate structures and strategies, a lack of qualified teachers as well as insufficient support to help this cohort of pupils successfully integrate into school environments (UNESCO 2021), together with the fact that innovative approaches that have been highly successful have not yet made it to the general public’s awareness and use (see e. g. LISTIAC 2022). One of the key educational priorities should therefore be to improve the structure and quality of schooling to meet the needs of pupils from socioeconomically disadvantaged backgrounds and from ethnically marginalised groups, including those with a migrant or refugee status. It is crucial to realise that the educational challenges that many children from such backgrounds face are caused and perpetuated by multiple factors, such as the structure of the education system and limited access to extracurricular activities. However, it is also due to the lack of commitment that remains in some political and educational circles in relation to addressing these challenges, as was highlighted in Chapter 2 of this book (with respect to specific national educational policies and systems). Notwithstanding this unfavourable situation, a significant body of research is available in the fields of migrant education and

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multilingualism in schools, which is informing the development of a more inclusive educational approach that can better cater for the needs of these pupils, as well as actively promoting multilingualism in school environments more widely, for the benefit of all (Gogolin 2002; Gogolin & Lange 2010; Kirsch at al. 2020; Mary & Young 2020; Little & Kirwan 2019). Moreover, crucially, this favourable approach is beginning to filter down to actual practices in schools and to the individual classroom level. It is essential to be aware that multilingual pupils or pupils with migrant family backgrounds are not a homogeneous group. Therefore, it is important that they are not labelled in ways that can misinform or which reflect negative connotations. Terms like ‘the migrant children’ or ‘the L2 learners’ not only imply commonalities that rarely exist but are also negatively connotated. This is why they should be used with caution and with a specific meaning in mind. At the same time, it is challenging to find suitable terms. Pupils who are second-generation Germans are Germans, but some of them might still be struggling with language-related issues in a way that is due to their families’ migration history or indeed their current situation, which might make it relevant to point out their migration background. In this chapter, we sometimes refer to groups of pupils while being aware that there are vast individual differences and not all characteristics ascribed to the group are true for all of its members. Recently immigrated pupils might have in common that they require specific support to acquire the language of instruction in their country of residence. However, just like non-migrant pupils, they differ fundamentally in their biographies, educational experiences, socio-economic background, family profiles and in many more aspects. Moreover, migration experiences can be vastly different from one person to another. Accordingly, it is important to understand the pupils’ individual needs and strengths and to develop educational approaches that offer tailored support. A diversity-friendly and inclusive approach to education offers the potential to enhance the educational experience of all pupils, irrespective of their backgrounds. It is also important to understand the potential needs, challenges and assets of pupils from a second (and third) generation migrant background. This is important as some members of this group can struggle with complex challenges that may be less visible. For instance, while they may be fluent in everyday language use, they may struggle with the more formal, academic language that is used for schooling and require targeted support in this area. This, by the way, will be equally true for a large number of pupils who are members of the dominant societal group. It should be noted that specific needs and challenges that secondgeneration migrant pupils experience are usually related less to their language proficiency levels than to their families’ differences in economic, social and cultural capital that is converted into advantages or disadvantages in education,

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as Bourdieu (1986) pointed out. This could mean that these pupils face disadvantages in their academic development due to, for example, the parents’ lower socioeconomic status after migration (Koehler & Schneider 2019), racism, including that of the structural type (see Section 5.2), or their families’ lower expectations in relation to their academic achievements (Jeynes 2003). It is not the primary function of schools to tackle societal problems at large. After all, teachers and the school are just one of many agents and actors influencing multilingual pupils (Coady et al. 2016). They are, however, an important part of society and for all children, irrespective of their background, school is one of the first sites where they encounter and become part of societal discourses. Hence, pupils who feel valued in school will in turn be more likely to develop a sense of belonging in society in the future and also to contribute to creating a welcoming atmosphere for others. Stakeholders in schools, such as school leaders, teachers and administrators, should try to provide all pupils with the best opportunities for life – academically, socially and emotionally – regardless of their first language(s). To achieve this, pupils do not have to be treated equally, i. e. in the same way, but teachers should strive for equity, which means treating every pupil appropriately and giving them the support that is necessary for them to thrive (Coady 2019: 3). In this book, our understanding of school is that all its stakeholders, such as school leaders, teachers, administrators and school social workers, if available, should work towards creating an emotionally safe space and an inclusive, learnercentred, linguistically and culturally responsive and critically aware environment for all pupils, not only at the classroom level but within the school in general. We are aware that, in practice, this is (still) almost impossible but we consider it important to have a vision and work towards it. This vision is further rooted in the fundamental shared belief that the support of languages and multilingualism is not an end in itself but an important means for social participation and justice (e. g. García 2019; Ohm 2021b).

5.2

Non-Discriminatory Inclusive Education for All Pupils

Schools have a crucial role in promoting equity but – or maybe even because – they are a potential setting and place of reproduction for othering and (structural) racism (Riegel 2016; Heinemann & Khakpour 2019). In general, racism refers to a belief, usually shared by groups feeling superior to others, that translates differences in, for example, the colour of skin, nationalities and ethnic origin or other primary traits into differences in human character or ability. Such prejudices may lead to various acts of discrimination against the group, especially if it is considered inferior, based on a false sense of the right to dominate

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others (see Bethencourt 2015; Strani & Szczepaniak-Kozak 2018: 167). Forms of racism involve making generalisations or perpetuating stereotypes about people who are from diverse backgrounds. These stereotypes are often used to justify the exclusion of people from opportunities, resources or power, including linguistic rights. Unfortunately, schools have always been a site of potential racist behaviour (Darmody et al. 2014). As Szczepaniak-Kozak and Adamczak-Krysztofowicz (2021) observed in their interview studies, sometimes pupils and educational staff deliberately express racist comments to pupils from migrant groups against which they are prejudiced. Open racism might occur more often in some school systems or countries than in others, depending on the teachers’ and pupils’ degree of awareness, whether or not sanctions exist to prevent this kind of behaviour and, most importantly, whether the pupil notifies the relevant school personnel or parents about being maltreated. Apart from open verbal, non-verbal or physical attacks, which occur less often, there are more subtle forms of racism and discrimination that can be harder to identify and fight. The term othering describes practices of categorising individuals or groups into those considered members of the same group (ingroups) and of other groups (out-groups). Seeing differences and assigning people to categories is natural but what is fundamental in the processes of othering is that categorisation takes place and is established by the dominant group (Spivak 1985; Said 1978). Members of the dominant group construct biased group boundaries and assign subordinate characteristics to other groups, devaluing and demoting them to a lesser category, thus establishing a hierarchy (Strani & Szczepaniak-Kozak 2018: 164–165; Strani & Szczepaniak-Kozak 2022). Applied to school contexts, othering negates pupils’ individuality and includes practices of attributing positive qualities to the majority pupils and negative qualities to pupils from migrant backgrounds (Riegel 2016). Examples of othering could be to categorise pupils as ‘migrant pupils’ and to assume that they will be struggling in school or will not be competent language users or for teachers to praise the language skills of a pupil from migrant backgrounds (e. g. “Your Polish/Greek/German/English is surprisingly good.”) as this indicates that their expectations were different. Additionally, the education system often contributes to structural discrimination and racism. This term refers to macro-level conditions that limit access to equal opportunities, resources and well-being for some individuals or groups based on their origin, status, including immigration status and, relevant to the topic of this book, proficiency in the language of schooling. In the context of migration, this encompasses barriers to accessing the job market after migration, poorer health care, racial profiling by government agencies in some countries, limited access to adequate education and extracurricular activities due to lan-

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guage barriers and a lack of financial resources or even the representation of minorities and content related to their experiences in textbooks. Racism and othering in schools are particularly worrying as they lead to pupils being exposed to harmful behaviour on a regular basis. Moreover, as school attendance is compulsory, pupils may find it difficult to escape such practices. Seeking support within the school system becomes particularly difficult in the case where a staff member who perpetrates unfair treatment is a high-ranking teacher in the school hierarchy (see the findings from the Polish context reported by Szczepaniak-Kozak & Adamczak-Krysztofowicz 2021: 27–30). While hate speech, bullying or even physical violence are usually easy to recognise, more subtle practices of othering are harder to identify and may happen despite good intentions. School in itself can also have a strong orientation towards a middle-class clientele who is proficient in the language of schooling, as demonstrated, for example, by expectations around parents’ support with homework (see Section 4.3). In many EU countries, including the four countries that form the context of this book, pupils from migrant backgrounds may still experience a high degree of institutional discrimination, which often prevails over generations in the form of social and economic discrimination (Gomolla & Radtke 2009; Skutnabb-Kangas 2012). For the German education system, research findings show that next to prejudice and discrimination by teachers and school administrators, pupils experience structural discrimination due to their ethnic and religious affiliation as well as their socioeconomic status. Both forms of discrimination are strongly related to normative and idealistic expectations of pupils in an education system that has a strong focus on teaching content instead of supporting individual pupils and not taking parents’ support for granted (Dean 2020; Fereidooni 2011; Geier & Messerschmidt 2020; Gomolla & Radtke 2009). For example, in Poland, findings of a pilot study conducted by Kozakoszczak (2015: 378–379) indicate that nationality, paired with the economic and social status of children and their families, is increasingly perceived and signalled by teaching staff as one of the main forms of differentiation between pupils, leading to peer exclusion and discrimination. In Ireland, studies have shown that pupils from migrant backgrounds often report experiences of non-recognition and being discriminated against in school environments especially if they belong to minority groups. Wearing specific clothing that is not part of the typical school uniform may be forbidden and this can be a cause of friction within a school and between the school and home (Parker-Jenkins & Masterson 2013). In Greece, despite the progress in the structural functioning of the education system to facilitate the reception of migrants and refugees, large-scale surveys identify ambiguity in teachers’ perceptions and attitudes, a factor that reinforces explicit and implicit forms of discrimination in the school environment. In-

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dicatively, teachers recognise the strengthening of a pupil’s mother tongue as a positive measure, but in practice, they do not associate it with in-class teaching or with their professional role (Gkaintartzi et al. 2015: 70). Also, primary school teachers recognize diversity as a challenge or as a barrier in teaching and learning. However, at the same time, they find the proposed adjustments for the cultural diversity of pupils “less feasible” (Kaldi et al. 2017: 14). Research findings on the intercultural preparedness of teachers (Angelopoulou & Manesis: 2017; Sgoura et al. 2018: 117) show also that those teachers and school staff who indirectly blame minority parents for the low performance of their children, at the same time, do not resist the weak presence of “otherness” in school textbooks (Zachos 2017), which in total contributes to the legitimisation and maintenance of social discrimination and inequalities in education. Another form of xenophobia is the recorded − albeit sporadic − protests of Greek parents when refugee reception classes operate in their children’s schools. A final example of discrimination in education in the Greek context is the absence of interpreters during the Refugee Parents’ Information Day at school, even if the reason for their absence is sufficiently justified. Schools play a decisive role in tackling individual and structural racism as well as othering, building inclusive societies, debunking prejudices and stereotypes, and promoting tolerance, understanding and diversity as indicated by the Report on the role of culture, education, media and sport in the fight against racism by the Committee on Culture and Education (2022) of the European Parliament. This includes awareness-raising elements in pre- and in-service teacher education but also in the school community in order to sensitise pupils and teachers to different kinds of open and hidden racism and discrimination and to support them in developing strategies and a mindset to prevent discrimination, to uncover their own biases, to stand up for others and to recognise othering in the media (see Kitching 2019). In any debate about equality of access and opportunity in educational matters, it is important to consider the question: whose voice is heard and respected in schools? A way forward would be to minimise the risk of alienating those pupils who are newcomers or second-generation citizens of the respective country and who for a variety of reasons may not have a strong voice to ensure that the curriculum and school environments positively accommodate diverse values, beliefs and cultural capitals. This can involve an awareness of European history, including colonialism, slavery and genocide as manifestations of racism; and the inclusion of minority languages in the curriculum can contribute to the active fight against discrimination and racism as suggested in the EU Anti-racism action plan 2020–2025 (European Commission 2020b). Just as negative experiences and discriminatory practices in schools can reinforce societal tendencies of segregation and discrimination, education for

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more awareness and social justice can contribute to greater social cohesion in society at large.

5.3

Towards Holistic Approaches: Whole-Child Approach and Whole-School Development

While language provision has long been the main objective of European education policies in the context of migration, recent endeavours have moved towards the promotion of a holistic approach as the European Commission’s Action plan on the integration of third country nationals of 2016 shows. In the plan, three related priorities are named, as follows: a) The early integration of newly arrived pupils into mainstream education; b) The prevention of underachievement among migrants; c) The prevention of social exclusion (European Commission 2016). The more recent Action plan on integration and inclusion 2021–2027 takes this a step further by actively promoting an inclusive approach that centres on the key goal of “fostering social cohesion and building inclusive societies for all” (European Commission 2020: 1), with language considered to be of utmost importance. This stems from the realisation that pupils cannot fulfil their full potential in academic development if their non-academic needs are not addressed, which is also the overriding conclusion reached in the growing body of academic research in this area (Slade & Griffith 2013; Krachman et al. 2018). Moreover, it emphasises the role of an entire school community and of society at large, instead of assigning the responsibility to the newcomers. In the spirit of partnership, where all stakeholders invest in delivering a highquality educational experience for all learners, a whole-child approach to curriculum development and teaching is required. This would call for schools to cater not only for pupils’ cognitive needs but also for their social and emotional well-being. Perceiving the child holistically and implementing a whole-school approach specifically includes formative assessment, coordinated curricula, a diversity-friendly and inclusive atmosphere, further development of the respective home language(s) as well as other ways of connecting school and home environment, psycho-social support for those children who need it and specialist professional support for those who have experienced trauma. In general, educational policies that aim to reduce discrimination can be difficult to implement in school cultures that are ethnocentric, i. e. that have a strong focus on (middle-class) majority language and culture. Classroom-based approaches introduced by dedicated teachers are an important means to support

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pupils, but they are not far-reaching enough. To bring about change, there needs to be a commitment by school leaders to foster more inclusive school cultures and for the entire school community to engage in a coordinated approach to embedding values of respect and tolerance. Along with classroom-based strategies, it is important for teachers and pupils to collaborate and commit to a culture and vision of education that embraces and supports all pupils and to include these values explicitly in the school mission statement and organisation. This includes a strong focus on leadership, teacher development and partnerships between home and school. In education, there are different theoretical approaches that are concerned with addressing the connection between the cognitive, social and emotional dimensions of learning. In this book, we use the term whole-child approach, which was introduced by ASCD (The Association for Supervision and Curriculum Development) in the US context and is rooted in Allensworth and Kolbe’s (1987) model of coordinated school health. This resulted in the Whole school, whole community, whole child (WSCC) model which, in general, encompasses learning, health, socio-psychological support, family involvement and community involvement. This model aligns with the stance on education that we take in the MaMLiSE project, even though it was not developed specifically to address the needs of pupils from migrant backgrounds. The five tenets of the whole-child approach, as are set out below, positively accommodate its holistic ethos and aspirations (http://www.wholechildeducation.org/about/; Lewallen et al. 2015: 730): 1) “Each student enters school healthy and learns about and practises a healthy lifestyle. 2) Each student learns in an environment that is physically and emotionally safe for students and adults. 3) Each student is actively engaged in learning and is connected to the school and the broader community. 4) Each student has access to personalised learning and is supported by qualified, caring adults. 5) Each student is challenged academically and prepared for success in college or further study and for employment and participation in a global environment.” A whole-child approach seeks to support all pupils in recognition of the individual and holistic needs of each, which is its strength. Pupils who speak the societal dominant language at home will be given the same attention and individual consideration as their multilingual peers and they will also profit from teacher attention and individualised instruction. A stronger inclusion of the pupils’ multilingual repertoire allows those from a largely monolingual back-

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ground to develop language awareness as well as other competencies and experiences. This focus benefits all pupils as in society such competencies and experiences can be helpful for living and working in diverse communities. The concept of whole-school development involves the school as a whole and requires the collaboration of all stakeholders. School development addresses the following three levels at which changes take place (Rolff 2013: 14–19): 1) Pedagogical organisational development, i. e. the process of further development of a school initiated and led from inside the institution, that is by members of the school community; 2) Classroom and teaching development, i. e. the implementation of new approaches in teaching on a classroom level in close cooperation between teachers, school leaders and also parents; 3) (Individual) teacher education and professional development, i. e. a holistic approach to human resource development. This shows that change has to happen on different levels, the individual teacher being only one of them. However, in the past – and sometimes even now – the inclusion of newly arrived pupils in school environments has mostly been the responsibility of individual teachers in many schools. This can be very challenging as it leaves teachers without the opportunity for common resources, exchange and shared responsibilities. In the approach we promote, teachers are supported in their efforts to incorporate a whole-child perspective in the school organisation and culture rather than at an individual classroom level. This holistic understanding of education and schools informs our approach in creating a supportive school environment for pupils from migrant backgrounds. A whole-school approach in this context can include, but is not limited to: – embracing diversity and making all pupils feel welcome; – creating a physically and emotionally safe environment (see Chapter 6 and 7), not only in the individual classroom, but in school in general; – providing qualified social and psychological support; – offering models of schooling and language provision that balance the need for adequate (additional) language support and the pupils’ early inclusion, as was requested in the 2016 and 2020 Action Plan (European Commission 2016, 2020a); – involving the community, including other speakers of the pupils’ home languages, if available, – engaging with the pupils’ families.

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Multilingualism and Learning in Schools

5.4

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Multilingualism and Learning in Schools

In school environments, language is of crucial importance on several levels: It is the central means of communication and interaction within the school community and with others. Teaching and learning fundamentally rely on the use of language, including formal registers, and language is the main way that learners demonstrate their knowledge and understanding. Moreover, language is an important source of negotiating one’s own identity (see Section 3.8). Schools cannot just focus on one of the languages in a multilingual speaker’s repertoire because, as was discussed in Chapter 3, multilinguals use all of the languages relevant to them to think, communicate, interact, express themselves, gain access to people, practices and funds of knowledge and much more. It is important to remember that the languages in a linguistic repertoire are not separate from one another but connected and interdependent in multiple, dynamic and highly complex ways (see for example Fishman 1967; Grosjean 1989; Herdina & Jessner 2002). Of course, not all languages are relevant to the same degree at all times, and the relevance is different in each individual person and changes over time. Very often the relevant languages are those that are used regularly or are emotionally meaningful for a person. Aronin’s model of the Dominant language constellation (Aronin 2019) helps us to understand that there are languages that are in the centre, highly connected with each other and always active, while others are in the periphery, waiting to be used, for example, a foreign language a person learned at school many years ago and has not used since then. As the core languages are not only connected but also activated all the time, including in monolingual communication, they cannot be ignored (for theoretical models see Grosjean’s language model [1997] and Green’s inhibitory control model [1998]; for an overview see Ballweg 2019). For school environments, this means that all languages in a pupil’s repertoire are active, and consequently, they can be included as a resource in learning and communication, as a means of expression and as an integral part of their identity. Contrary to these findings, many teachers still hold the belief that languages are best acquired by immersion in the target language and by adhering to strict policies governed by the aim of language separation. These beliefs are very often fuelled by an understanding of language acquisition as intake, similar to first language acquisition (Mary & Young 2020: 447). Accordingly, it is crucial for teachers to gain deeper and more accurate insights into language acquisition and revisit their beliefs in order to base their teaching on informed decisions. It is in this context that multilingualism has become a central educational objective of the European Commission (European Commission 2016, 2020a). Schools can play a crucial role in creating an inclusive environment for multilingual children and adolescents, for example, by explicitly teaching foreign

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languages, through language-sensitive teaching in the different subject areas and, most importantly, by opening up learning spaces and creating an environment in which pupils can use their individual linguistic repertoires with all languages included. Formal schooling is essential for pupils to acquire reading and writing skills, use formal language with more varied and abstract vocabulary and more complex grammatical structures and to develop mastery of different genres and structures of discourse. Moreover, to be able to talk about language, pupils need competency in metalanguage (Svalberg 2007; Schleppegrell 2013). Knowledge of this kind can be developed while pupils expand their literacy and academic language skills in tandem with their evolving subject knowledge (for a detailed discussion of language awareness-raising strategies for the classroom, see Chapters 6 and 8). This does not necessarily mean that more languages need to be taught and that a high level of proficiency has to be reached by all pupils. While multilingualism has traditionally been understood only in relation to language skills, proficiency or competencies,10 nowadays, it is commonly agreed on in language research that there are more aspects to understanding and describing multilingualism (Fishman 1972a, b; Grosjean 1989, 1997; Heller 1999; Herdina & Jessner 2002; Busch 2012; May 2014): Linguistic varieties and domains in school environments In school environments, there is usually a strong focus on the language of schooling. Children are normally assessed in their proficiency in this language or, to be more precise, in a formal variety of this language. To understand multilingualism and multilingual language practices, it is necessary to consider all languages. In the field of vocabulary acquisition, Oller and Pearson (2002) have shown that bilingual children acquire the same amount of vocabulary or even more than their monolingual peers, but that this vocabulary might be distributed over two (or more) languages, termed by them: “distributed characteristics of bilingual knowledge” (Oller & Pearson 2002: 10; for more results on vocabulary size in bilingual acquisition see De Houwer et al. 2014). It can be assumed that this is also true for other aspects of language use as for example syntactic structures. While it is common to assess pupils’ language competencies in only one language, usually the majority language, this practice is problematic. With the concept of distributed characteristics of bilingual knowledge in mind, it would be more helpful to assess competencies in all languages used by this pupil to give a full account of their general language development. 10 These three terms are often used synonymously. Although they have a similar meaning, competency is more performance-oriented (Baker & Wright 2017: 430), i. e. refers to the ability to use a language in communication.

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Moreover, language use and competencies depend on the domains of language use, i. e. the context in which language is used, and the linguistic variety that is required and appropriate in a specific domain (Fishman 1972b). Hence, multilingual pupils might be able to do mathematical calculations in the language of schooling but discuss issues of family and community in another language. If only one domain is considered, there might be an impression of a pupil’s lack of proficiency in a certain language. In fact, pupils might be proficient users of an informal register but inexperienced in using a more formal register in the written domain or they might speak a language fluently in the private domain of the family but lack the specific vocabulary and language structure needed in school. Language practices This term language practices refers to socially and historically developed sets of verbal and nonverbal actions in certain domains, including multimodal practices (i. e. the use of both oral and written modes as well as symbols, gestures, or artefacts). Language practices are not described in reference to an assumed language norm, i. e. what would be “correct”, but rather how language is used in a domain or in a situation in everyday life, i. e. the pragmatic use of language (Kirsch & Aleksic´ 2021). Additionally, different linguistic varieties and registers are used in different domains (Maas 2008: 43, for a detailed discussion of formal registers see Chapter 8). In this context, the concept of multilingual literacies, developed by MartinJones and Jones (2000), is worth mentioning. It postulates that many multilinguals use “more than two spoken or written languages and language varieties in their communicative repertoire” (Martin-Jones & Jones 2000: 5). Additionally, the communicative purposes associated with different spoken and written languages are multiple and complex. Given that “there are multiple paths to the acquisition of the spoken and written languages within the group repertoire, people have varying degrees of expertise in these languages and literacies” (Martin-Jones & Jones 2000: 6) and “draw on and combine the codes in their communicative repertoire when they speak and write” (Martin-Jones & Jones 2000: 7) in multiple ways (for the so-called New Literacy Studies and a critical approach to literacy, see e. g. Street 2003). In this book, we define multilingual speakers more by their practices than by their proficiency. A multilingual speaker is a person who uses two or more languages in one or more domains, regardless of their level of competence. However, it is of utmost importance to allow each individual to define for themselves how they want to use their linguistic repertoire in a situation that allows for more than one option and how they construct their linguistic identity (see Finkbeiner & Koplin 2002; Masterson 2017; for linguistic identity, see Chapter 3). Some pupils may have the desire to show their membership with the

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dominant society by speaking this language exclusively, while others may enjoy using their home language in the classroom. Language proficiency and communicative competence Traditionally, language proficiency has been described in terms of four basic language skills: listening, speaking, reading and writing, while more recently, according to the CEFR/CV (2018), it is common to consider language use in view of four modes: reception, production, interaction and mediation. The receptive skills comprise listening and reading, and the productive skills are speaking and writing. Additional language components contributing to language proficiency include grammar, vocabulary, phonology, graphology, understanding of discourses and cultures as well as communicative competencies and strategies, all of which provide the foundation for language competence (see e. g. Ehlich 2013). Language skills development is a complex process, with listening, speaking, reading and writing skills closely related to and interacting with one another. In the early years of schooling, educational achievements depend heavily on the auditory-oral language system (for listening and speaking), and later educational achievements depend on both the auditory-oral and visual-graphic systems (Barrett 2016). Intervention programmes need to be carefully planned to help newly arrived migrants to acquire the new language of schooling in a timely manner. Early and systematic support in language acquisition can promote the pupils’ social and academic integration and minimise the risk of a lack of language skills becoming a barrier to educational attainment. Another important aspect of language competence is cultural communicative competence. Cultural communicative competence consists of a wide range of knowledge, attitudes and characteristics (Byram 1997) and, in the sense of transcultural communicative competence, refers to the ability to navigate between different contexts, groups of people and cultures and to manage “various identities and group memberships” (Kramsch 2014: 412). Although there are language users who have all skills well-developed in two or more languages, it is more common for bilinguals or multilinguals not to have the same proficiencies in the different areas (e. g. Heller 1999; García & Li Wei 2014; Pennycook & Otsuji 2015). These differences can be due to individual circumstances, interaction and communicative needs or they can be structural. Baker and Wright (2017: 7) provide the example of many bi- and multilinguals in African and Asian countries who speak home languages with no writing systems but are literate in a dominant language on a given territory or in a lingua franca. Even though schools play a crucial role in fostering societal and individual multilingualism, they remain mostly monolingual in nature (Gogolin 1994). Whenever several languages are planned to be used in the classroom, for example in the foreign language classroom or in content and language integrated learning

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(CLIL), curricula tend to focus on higher-status European languages such as English, German, Spanish or French. What often happens, for example, is that other languages are not included in a lesson and languages are kept separate (for the notion of parallel monolingualisms see Heller 1999). A crucial aim of a multilingual pedagogy would be to implement and support multilingual teaching approaches that encourage an informed use of multilingual repertoires to enhance cross-linguistic awareness. This is a state which has been defined as an awareness of, and sensitivity to connections between various language systems on the part of multilingual speakers (Jessner 2006; Cummins 2009; Kirsch & Duarte 2020; Pinto & Alexandre 2021 and the contributions in Hélot et al. 2018). It is very likely for pupils who are already multilingual when starting school to learn foreign languages differently from those with a more limited language repertoire. This does not mean that they are better language learners per se but that they can exploit their existing language skills, language awareness and experiences in language learning (see e. g. Williams & Hammarberg 1998; Herdina & Jessner 2002), which should be considered by teachers. From this review of multilingual practices and the ways in which they should be understood by schools, we turn next to a focus on the language of schooling.

5.5

The Language of Schooling

The language of schooling11 is an essential component of a pupil’s linguistic repertoire as it allows access to social practices in school and to cultural capital, such as admission to third-level education or a successful professional career after graduation. All pupils, irrespective of their first language, are required and expected to learn the formal register in the language of schooling, a process that usually starts in preschool and continues into tertiary education. As was highlighted earlier in this book, pupils from migrant backgrounds and families with a lower socioeconomic status seem to be particularly challenged in schools, but to a varying degree in individual European countries (e. g. Feilke 2012; Darmody et al. 2014; Duarte & Gogolin 2016; Cope et al. 2021). This sometimes also applies to second or even third-generation pupils from migrant backgrounds. The academic challenges that these pupils who previously had little access to formal language and literacy practices in their families are considerable. This is due not least to the subject-driven school curriculum and the examina11 In this book, we use the term language of schooling to describe the main language used in the education system, which in most cases is the societal dominant language. This includes all registers used in a school community, formal and informal. We acknowledge that by some authors, the term is used to describe the formal register used in the classroom exclusively (see Schleppegrell 2004).

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tion-oriented education system in many European countries (Cummins 1991; Lyons 2010) that is strongly oriented towards middle-class pupils with these kinds of prior experiences and knowledge. As highlighted previously, the orientation towards an assumed ‘native-like’ standard language and the application of a monolingual norm in schools are particularly challenging for multilingual pupils as it leads to a situation where their multilingual competencies are often ignored. Cummins (1991 2000a, b) makes a distinction between basic interpersonal communication skills (BICS) and cognitive academic language proficiency (CALP). Here, the former term refers to the variety used in everyday, face-to-face social interaction and the latter to language skills in the more formal variety of a language used, for example, in school. The concepts of BICS and CALP are not precise as both competencies are modelled as contrasting varieties of language use, and individual achievements can be difficult to accurately assess. Nevertheless, Cummins’ work provides a framework to raise awareness amongst teachers and other stakeholders of different registers of language (for further discussion, see Chapter 8) used in contexts of knowledge transfer by comparison with everyday language use and puts the focus on the pupils’ competencies. As Cummins’ distinction makes clear and as briefly mentioned earlier, speakers choose a register based on the specific situation in which it is used, including the broader setting, where the interaction takes place specifically, the participants and the topic or content area (Halliday 1978: 185; Maas 2008: 43). While BICS and CALP describe learners’ competencies, other models focus on the description of the registers itself. A model we want to introduce here describes linguistic registers by using poles of both proximal language (similar to everyday language) and distal language (similar to formal language), drawing on social proximity to describe language use. A large amount of the pupils’ language use and the input they encounter in everyday life is characteristic of proximal language, which leads to a greater familiarity with this register. In the school context, they need to learn distal language. Typical features of the two poles of this continuum are set out in Table 5.1 (for the description of features see Koch & Oesterreicher 1985). These characteristics are revealed in different stylistic features, depending on the language type. For distal language in English, typical features include, but are not limited to an increased use of gerunds (e. g. “analysing the data”, “interpreting the graph”) and relative clauses (e. g. “chemical substances, some of which can be found in wastewaters”; “soldiers who fought with Napoleon”).

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Some characteristics of proximal language – dialogical – familiar interlocutors – face-to-face interaction – open concerning the topic and structure – spontaneous – involved – expressive – emotional – provisional and temporary – less – accurate – compact – complex – elaborate – planned – dense

Some characteristics of distal language – monological – rather unfamiliar interlocutors – spatial and temporal distance between interlocutors – fixed and confined concerning the topic and structure – public access to text/visibility – reflected – detached – objective and objectified – more – accurate – compact – complex – elaborate – planned – dense

Table 5.1. Features of proximal and distal language

The development of formal language and literacy skills, which are needed for a variety of functions and purposes, is the foundation of success in school environments (Echevarría et al. 2017). For instance, pupils need a level of academic competence to be able to understand teacher talk and to engage with the subject content across the curriculum. This means an ability to read, interpret and produce increasingly complex written language which typically features vocabulary that often derives from Latin and Greek sources, and complex grammatical constructions and discourse conventions that are almost never used in everyday conversation (Cummins & Early 2015). All pupils, irrespective of their first language, need to acquire the use of distal language in reading and writing in school but may do so at a different pace and with a varying need for support depending on their language skills and, most of all, on their prior contact with formal language (Feilke 2012). In order to familiarise pupils with different registers, it can be helpful to create different social situations in which “levels of formal and informal speech are carefully distinguished, and standards of correctness emphasised” (Crystal 2013: 258). In addition to distal language as a variety in the school, there is also the specialised language used in a specific subject. This can include specialist terminology (nouns, verbs to describe processes, and adjectives) but also words from the standard variety of the language which could have another meaning in the specific subject (“square” in mathematics, for example). More challenging than specific words are other aspects of language use such as syntax, the density of the text etc. As the discussion in Chapters 6 and 8 of this book will reiterate, it is paramount for teachers to be aware of the features of the language used in their

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subject, to identify different registers that are usually used in combination in a school environment, and to support the pupils’ process of acquiring these. According to PISA findings (OECD 2007: 12), pupils from migrant backgrounds in general perform markedly less well on standardised tests of academic knowledge and skills than peers. A lower level of reading skills predicts diminished school success, with literacy deficits proving to have cumulative negative effects on competencies in mathematical literacy and scientific literacy. These findings, along with the realisation that language and different registers must and can be learned, have led to a growing consensus amongst educationalists that children from migrant backgrounds need substantial long-term and targeted support to be able to acquire the academic proficiency levels required to access the language of instruction and the subject curriculum to help ensure their academic success (Giroux 1988; European Commission 2009; Smyth et al. 2009; Devine 2013; Sime & Fox 2015, for the use of scaffolding as an important strategy in the school context see Chapters 6 and 7). Even though these challenges can exist for pupils who are first or secondgeneration migrant backgrounds, it is important to be aware of each pupil’s individual situation to avoid over-generalisation. There are some characteristics that might influence an individual’s situation. An important distinction is between pupils who are already of school-going age when they arrive in a new country and those who were born in the country of residence or arrived well before starting school. In this regard, the former group are likely to be beginners in the respective language of schooling and their lack of basic communication skills can act as a barrier to their integration in this context. They might already have experience with formal language in their first language, from which they will profit. It is also helpful to consider whether pupils are in a personal situation in which they experience pressing and acute social, cultural and emotional challenges. Newcomer pupils are a diverse group of learners and may vary considerably in terms of their previous formal schooling. They may also have differing experiences, expectations, beliefs and values in relation to educational practices and teacher/learner roles. The older the pupils are, the more challenging it can be to acquire an advanced level of proficiency in the language of schooling and to develop content knowledge in the various school subjects. Meeting the initial needs of this group requires an awareness on the part of teachers of this diversity, as well as an understanding of the complex academic, social, cultural and emotional challenges that these pupils face on entry to the new school environment, and how these needs may change as the pupils progress through their education.

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Having gained insights into the complex needs and challenges that are associated with individual learners and with the language of schooling, we highlight the importance of home languages in this context in the following section.

5.6

The Role of Home Languages in Multilingual School Environments

Just as the language of schooling requires attention in the classroom for pupils to expand their language skills in a new domain, namely in the educational context, preserving and developing the home language also deserves time and effort, outside the family as well. As indicated in Chapter 3, in this book, we use the term home language to refer to the actual language variety or varieties that are used in the home. Home languages always come with the “messiness of actual usage” (Heller 2007: 13), which also includes code-switching and translanguaging (Polinsky 2015: 10). For some, heritage language might mean the same, but others use this term to refer to a standard variety of a language, usually spoken in the pupils’, or rather their parents’, respective countries of origin. It is also worth highlighting that while the home language of an Afghan family in Ireland might be the dialect of Dari spoken in Maza¯r-e Sharı¯f with some English words or sentences and maybe other influences related to the families’ background, the heritage language classes that children could be offered at some schools or in some countries would involve the teaching of Dari, the standard variety, which may have distinct features from the children’s home language. However, not all languages have such a standard variety, especially if they are languages which are not linked to a nation-state, such as Romani. Another issue worth considering is that, for some people, terms such as home language and heritage language imply a high level of language proficiency in the standard variety. However, the pupils’ proficiency in a heritage language can vary considerably, just as in any other language they use, ranging from listening skills only to formal language proficiency with good vocabulary and literacy skills (Polinsky 2015: 8), depending on a multitude of factors. This can happen when the home language differs significantly from the heritage language or when a child shifts towards the dominant language of the society in which the pupil resides. We should also be aware that a pupil’s repertoire can consist of more than two languages. There can be a home language, a majority language of the country of residence, or perhaps foreign languages learned before that also could be part of a pupil’s repertoire, for instance, when a Cameroonian family, as in the example in

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Chapter 4, speaks French as a home language and the children are already rather proficient in it when they start learning this language at school. There could also be cases where more than one language is spoken in the family and there could be other languages in a person’s repertoire that were learned in the past and during migration. In particular, it is the case for refugees and highly mobile families that the new country of residence might not be the first place of residence after leaving the home country. This could mean that a pupil might have experienced different languages of instruction previously if they attended school in the respective countries. This is, for example, true for many Afghan pupils who might have spent some years in Iran and/or Turkey before moving to Europe, or for Syrians who stayed in refugee camps for an extended period of time in Lebanon or Jordan before moving on to Europe. For those coming from other countries, for example in Africa, the routes might be different but the duration of the migration process might consist of several interim stays and take years. Many studies have documented a rapid loss of fluency in the home language in the early years of schooling when minority or home languages are not fostered within the school context (Cummins 2005: 586). As early as the preschool level, young children recognise the difference in status between their home languages and the majority language, i. e. English in Cummins’ studies. When the interactions they experience with teachers reinforce these differences, it can lead to teenage pupils disengaging from their minority identities or home languages and the process of language loss accelerates (Cummins 2005). However, as the discussion in Chapter 3 highlighted (see Section 3.6), an individual’s home language is valuable in many ways. For instance, it is meaningful as a way of connecting with ethnic roots, as an emotional tie or means to express emotion, and as a way for speakers to be recognised and valued. Moreover, in many cases, the home language is the default medium of communication and also of consciousness, so it is an important resource in learning. The home language can also be key to fostering a sense of unity and continuity (Guardado 2020: 41; Guardado 2018). The pupils’ biographies and migration processes determine their linguistic repertoire, which is not static but changes over time and according to their respective communicative needs. As highlighted previously, a person may not always have only one home language and other languages might have been important in a pupil’s biography. It is important to allow multilingual pupils to negotiate their own multilingualism, heritage and identity and to avoid labelling them and their languages. In all the countries involved in this project, Germany, Greece, Ireland and Poland, the pupils’ home languages are frequently ignored in the classroom, giving pupils the impression that they are not valuable (for the monolingual habitus of schools see Gogolin 1994; also see García & Lin 2016). Often, teachers perceive diversified linguistic backgrounds as a challenge rather than an asset

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(see e. g. Wa˛sikiewicz-Firlej 2021). This attitude has a strong impact as it has been found that there is a link between the teachers’ beliefs about languages and their practices in the classroom that may lead them either to silence or to support children’s home languages (Mary & Young 2020: 446). Consequently, teachers’ attitudes and actions can have the effect of disempowering (e. g. Gkaintartzi & Tsokalidou 2011) or empowering pupils. By contrast, teachers and other school personnel can empower multilingual children by valuing the pupils’ home languages and incorporating them into the classroom as a resource (Mary & Young 2020: 450) and this can involve creating room for translanguaging (see Chapter 6). Despite many negative and disempowering behaviours that can be observed, empowering attitudes and practices have also been observed and documented in the existing literature, for example, in schools in Ireland (Little & Kirwan 2019, 2021), Belgium (Rosiers 2017), Netherlands and Luxembourg (Kirsch & Mortini 2016; Duarte 2020), Germany (Prediger et al. 2019; Beese & Gürsoy 2019), and France (Young & Hélot 2003). Considering the crucial role of home languages and the challenges that can arise in maintaining them, it is evident that it should be the shared effort of families and schools to support children and teenagers in developing their multilingual repertoires, including home languages. As early as 1977, the Council of the European Community issued directives on the schooling of pupils from migrant backgrounds in the context of increasing work mobility in Europe. This emphasised the importance of both the majority and the respective home languages (Amtsblatt der Europäischen Gemeinschaft 199/32). While researchers and many policymakers agree that multilingualism should be valued and fostered, and many schools have introduced measures to improve pupils’ proficiency in the languages of instruction, policymakers and schools often struggle to implement the teaching of heritage languages and the promotion of home languages (see e. g. Hélot [2012]; for a discussion on the situation in Greece see also Griva et al. 2017; Maligkoudi 2014; Mattheoudakis et al. 2017). This is due to a large variety of home languages, a lack of resources as well as a lack of awareness of the importance of supporting home languages. Major efforts are necessary to improve this situation. From our perspective that would mean (a) encouraging pupils to integrate their home languages into their learning in the mainstream classroom and (b) the development and implementation of heritage language programmes beyond the current offers (Baker & Wright 2017: 428). The previous discussion of the role and maintenance of the home language offers insights demonstrating that the development of an individual’s multilingual repertoire and the multilingual self requires attention both in the family and in the school and that these can complement and support each other.

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Multilingual School Environments

The Multilingual Self: Languages, Identities and Cultures

As indicated above, the multilingual repertoire contributes to a person’s multilingual self-concepts and the positioning of self and other (Bucholtz & Hall 2005; Kramsch 2020; for a discussion of identity see Chapter 3). Moreover, the individual is part of society and engages in social, linguistic and cultural practices which constitute his/her identity (see e. g. Daase 2021). Teachers should therefore be aware that the first language is – or multiple first languages are – not only part of a pupil’s identity, but they also serve as an important learning resource. Multilingual pupils have at their disposal useful linguistic resources to support their academic learning and development (see Dirim & Heinemann 2016). The interplay of these different facets of a person’s identity and linguistic repertoire is not static but dynamic and sometimes may lead to misunderstandings arising. International research on identity shows that identity governs thinking and behaviour, especially as individuals either identify with a group or set themselves apart from it. For example, Bucholtz and Hall (2005: 586) suggest that “identity is the social positioning of self and other” (emphasis in original), also through the use of languages, provides a compass for individuals to navigate social spaces and integrate into society. In unfamiliar social contexts, such as a new school environment, challenges may emerge if the values and beliefs of the learners are not taken into account in social interactions and instruction in the classroom. Moreover, all pupils and especially newcomers need a safe and welcoming environment to negotiate their sense of self. As previously outlined, linguistic identity is a complex, fluid construct, and it should be left to a pupil to self-identify as a speaker of (a) minority language(s). In some cases where pupils from migrant backgrounds have been struggling to be accepted as members of a majority society and as non-native speakers of the dominant societal language, they may feel that they would jeopardise this affiliation by speaking another language. In the case of second or third-generation pupils, they also might feel they do not speak the home language(s) well enough. All these and many more reasons are legitimate factors influencing a pupil’s unwillingness to identify as a speaker of (the) minority language(s). This might change over time, and in a sensitive and respectful environment, this should happen at the pupils’ own pace. Teachers and curriculum developers require awareness that all pupils construct their own identities in a lifelong and personal process, their sense of self and other is an emergent product rather than a pre-existing source of linguistic and other semiotic practices. Negotiating identity can be understood as a fundamentally social phenomenon (Bucholtz & Hall 2005: 588). In situations of migration and displacement, questions of self and belonging arise for an individual, and, in the new environment, there is a need to engage

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with one’s own identities and belonging that a person might not have thought about before migration, depending on an individual’s age. Experiences of othering can also challenge a person’s concept of self. It is self-evident that they, like all pupils regardless of background, need to feel a sense of belonging, to feel safe, to communicate and to be included, respected and valued. Accordingly, for pupils in a new environment, including pupils who recently migrated to another country, this can be particularly relevant. The process of acculturation is nonlinear and continually evolving in social interactions. In an effort to live and learn in our ever-increasing transcultural and multilingual school spaces, the ability and opportunity to recognise and develop a mutual understanding of the different values and beliefs that underpin behaviour and practices is important, however, this is challenging and requires educational interventions for learning to take place (see Masterson 2017: 247–248). The understanding of culture that we apply here is not one of separate, closed cultures that are tied to territory and specific ethnic groups. The understanding of transculturality goes beyond the idea of separate cultures living together (multiculturalism), and beyond the concept of different cultural groups interacting and negotiating communication (interculturality). Rather, it focuses on cultural hybridisation, i. e. cultures as fluid constructs that in a globalised world are connected in multiple and complex ways and that mix and permeate (see e. g. Welsch 2020). Moreover, culture does not mainly refer to the abstract construct of national culture but to bundles of social practices and beliefs in different and changing groups. To foster a better understanding of cultural diversity in the school community, it makes sense that cultural learning is taken into account in integration programmes and in the implementation of strategies as well as in teaching. Accordingly, the provision of support around cultural issues is important for schools with a need for a greater focus on cultural diversity in teacher education. This includes an awareness of the fact that culture, especially national culture, is not a key characteristic in a person’s understanding of self. Additionally, it is not useful to associate pupils with an abstract construct such as the national culture in their parents’ country of origin. As Little and Kirwan (2021: 17) point out, it is crucial for teachers to understand that while migrants contribute to the cultural diversity of a society, the children of immigrants share their parents’ national cultural heritage to a varying extent. Cultural learning and reflection are also beneficial for the pupils from the dominant group in society. Through experience and exposure to other cultural and linguistic narratives and practices, learners can gradually build a network of cultural and linguistic references, helping them develop an understanding not only of themselves but of others. This can assist them in developing a mutual

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appreciation of similarities and differences as something to be cherished as an asset and resource (see Masterson 2017). In a first class in a primary school in Germany, some pupils are surprised that one of the girls, Asma, does not know how to use scissors and one child begins to mock her, while the others seem ready to join in. The teacher herself might feel surprised and maybe also stressed because she feels she does not have the time to show this pupil how to use scissors correctly. The teacher’s possible response could range from taking time to talk to the pupil to identifying how best to support this pupil in this situation. The teacher could also elicit support from another pupil; peer teaching can be an effective teaching strategy where a peer demonstrates to Asma how scissors work. Together the two pupils could cooperate to complete the task jointly. Over time Asma will become more independent, but in the initial stage, the teacher and the peer provide Asma with the additional support that she needs to be able to successfully complete the task. Following a discussion in the class, it turns out that Asma has not used scissors or glue or played with modelling clay before. But she proudly tells the class that she helps her mother to bring tea for their guests and that she sometimes makes a snack for her elderly grandmother in the afternoon. She is given the opportunity to show her talents and enable her classmates to glimpse into her world. Maybe other classmates can also share how they spend time with their relatives. Such opportunities to share and exchange skills and knowledge should be promoted in multilingual classrooms.

As this example shows, cultural learning needs time, but it does not have to be an excessive amount of time. The teacher does not need prior knowledge about different contexts, values and beliefs. The children are not required to be able to articulate complex content. What is key in this situation is the teacher’s willingness to give this topic some space. By being curious about Asma’s situation and by asking questions, she opens up this space for the other children to listen, talk about their lives and compare and contrast in order to learn about and from each other. For the children, learning that Asma can do other things, which is elicited by the teacher, counterbalances the fact that she has not used scissors before. Moreover, the children learn that they and their peers have some things in common and differ in some respects. Some readers might be afraid that this could lead to stereotypes about families from an Arabic background, but the variety of the children’s narratives would show that there are more differences in the group. Moreover, young children do not think in categories of national cultures as they are construed by adults and most probably would not ascribe Asma’s situation to a national culture if they haven’t seen this way of attributing competencies or behaviour to a national culture. In this example, the teacher serves as a role model by her unbiased questions to Asma and the others. A key purpose of education is to prepare future citizens for a productive and fulfilling life. Making a difference in the lives of pupils requires care and commitment as well as knowledge. Pupils from a first-generation migrant back-

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ground might have experienced, and continue to experience, a varying degree of changes involving loss, anxiety and struggle. This is not only true for refugees but can be the case for every child that has to leave a familiar environment. These experiences can be expected to negatively impact their wellbeing (see Chapter 6). New experiences are always reacted to initially in the context of some “familiar, reliable construction of reality” in which people must be able to attach personal meaning to the experiences (Fullan 2015: 19). In order to help pupils to manage the “zones of uncertainty” in new learning and social environments, effective, culturally sensitive whole-school approaches are needed with all members of the school community working together to construct shared senses of meaning and tolerance. Culturally sensitive education and cultural competence, which were originally developed for foreign language teaching contexts, are an asset for other pupils, too. It can be helpful for pupils to understand peers who come from different family backgrounds etc. Education is internationally recognised as important for integration, citizenship and democracy. There has been a growing recognition of the importance of educating young people for life as global citizens (OECD 2018b, also see Chapter 1). Moreover, educating learners to respect and tolerate differences can contribute to social cohesion. European education policy frameworks seek to embed a range of initiatives to enhance cultural exchange and cooperation (see, for example, Erasmus programmes). International research highlights the need for transcultural knowledge, skills and attitudes to enable global citizens to move sensitively from one environment to another, and to be able to communicate appropriately with people with diverse linguistic, cultural and religious backgrounds (Masterson 2023, forthcoming). As stated in Chapter 1, teachers cannot ignore that education and schooling are not separate from society: they happen in society. Education is never neutral. Schools can help to educate young people to become members of a democratic diverse society that values and respects diversity. School responses to pupils from migrant backgrounds need specific attention to ensure that school management and support staff know how to revise their practices and policies to accommodate minority languages, cultures, and identities. International research points out that success in educating pupils from migrant backgrounds has been uneven (Banks & Banks 2004). Many teachers receive insufficient training in language and culture-sensitive teaching and may interpret the behaviours and capabilities of pupils from migrant backgrounds inaccurately, due to cultural differences and language barriers (OECD 2022). At the same time, expecting cultural differences to cause difficulties and attributing all individual behaviour to a certain (national) culture can lead to stereotypes and misinterpretation of situations, and will hinder teachers from seeing a person as an individual.

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Education should be culturally sensitive. The aims and content of culturesensitive education are theoretically related to questions of inequality, discrimination, ethnic/cultural diversity and citizenship, and to the development of critical awareness amongst pupils of such issues and how they are manifested at both the societal level and in a school environment (Leeman & Ledoux 2005). This is with a view to fostering a more open mindset, combatting racism and xenophobia, and better equipping young people with the skills to interact and live harmoniously with people with other cultures, religions and languages (Smokova 2010). Culture-sensitive education would enable learners to become active participants. We need to think about how to harness differing pupil voices to promote their agency and to design curricula to accommodate this diversity. As our pupils may choose later on to live and work in other countries, we need to prepare our learners for global citizenship. For some pupils, questions such as, “Where are you from?” or “What is your nationality?” can be othering, depending on the context, as from their name or skin tone it is assumed that they are from somewhere else, and they are in a way denied the right to belong where they are. Sometimes it can also be hard to decide on just one nationality, culture, language and other affiliation. Moreover, people are born into cultural identities, but during their lifetime they may have opportunities to construct other identities or to change them (Stavenhagen 2008). The process of acculturation is a lifelong one and is unique to the individual. Developing partnerships and engaging in projects where teachers and their pupils exchange cultural knowledge and practices can make a positive contribution to transcultural learning and have a lifelong impact (see the European Erasmus/eTwinning programme for ideas for activities that can be undertaken through collaborative project work). Integrating a cultural component into the curriculum across different subjects can have a positive impact on learning, but it is critical that teachers have access to effective evidence-based pedagogical knowledge and approaches that are supported by policymakers and school leaders. In order for this reform to happen, training is essential and will require policymakers to allocate resources to develop all teachers’ cultural competencies and pedagogical knowledge of culture-sensitive teaching across the curriculum. As far as language and culture-sensitive teaching training for teachers is concerned, research undertaken for example in Ireland with teachers working in primary and secondary schools, reveals a lack of intercultural training to prepare them for working with pupils from migrant and refugee backgrounds (Little & Kirwan 2021; Parker-Jenkins & Masterson 2013). This research shows the urgent need for teachers to be better prepared for multiculturalism in schools. Developing teachers’ cultural awareness can be challenging and requires policymakers to take the initiative to ensure that culture-sensitive pedagogy becomes the norm in schools.

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Whole-school approaches recognise and address the complex and diverse needs of pupils at different levels through coordinated curricula, a diversityfriendly atmosphere, inclusion of the respective home language(s), psycho-social support for all children who are in need of it and qualified support for those who are traumatised, language and culture-sensitive teaching across the curriculum, and close relationships between schools and the home. The following section of this chapter introduces some ideas as to how to introduce a multilingual approach at schools which is oriented towards a wholechild approach and takes the entire school into account.

5.8

Multilingual School Development

5.8.1 Rethinking Multilingual Development As the foregoing discussion has suggested, multilingual school development involving all stakeholders – school leaders, administrators, teachers, pupils, parents and others – is now needed in order to provide a safe, diversity-friendly learning environment for all pupils to allow them to develop their individual linguistic repertoires and thrive cognitively, socially, and emotionally. In Section 5.3, the three levels were identified on which school development takes place, namely a) (individual) teacher education and professional development, b) classroom and teaching development and c) organisational development. Duarte and Günther-van der Meij (2018: 5) discuss that language-sensitive teaching, including the teaching of academic language through all subject areas, is especially beneficial for all pupils with reduced exposure to a formal register in their home environment, which is often the case with multilingual pupils but also with many monolingual pupils. Accordingly, it should be a whole-school endeavour, addressing the areas of leadership, materials development and language, as well as preparation and planning in the delivery of all subjects (Duarte & Günther-van der Meij 2018: 5, also see the contributions in Cenoz & Gorter 2015). However, it must be recognised that each school will have its own starting point. Some communities, especially in urban centres, may experience great linguistic diversity, which can result in highly diverse classrooms where a significant group of pupils speak another language than the language of instruction at home (Dockrell et al. 2022). There might be other schools where a vast majority of the pupils grow up in monolingual families and only start building their multilingual repertoire by learning foreign languages at school. The numbers of pupils who use another language or multiple other languages outside of school differ considerably throughout the European Union, ranging from around 5% in Poland to 40% in Luxembourg (European Commission 2021; Chrostowska 2022). Hence,

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some schools in Europe might have extensive experience and elaborate strategies for multilingual school development while others have only recently welcomed their first multilingual pupils. In the following section, we introduce some aspects of multilingual wholeschool development which can be expected to have varying degrees of relevance for schools depending on specific, contextual factors, drawing on the findings from the growing body of research literature in this field.

5.8.2 Assessing the Status Quo in a School and Developing Goals In support of an informed and tailored whole-school approach, the starting point should be a thorough assessment of the situation of each school from multiple perspectives. National education policies and funding set the framework for further decisions. The central questions are what curricular and other requirements exist, what resources are available and to what extent the individual schools can dispose of them. This differs considerably in the four project countries. In Germany, funding for schools is normally distributed equally among the schools, regardless of needs that may arise from the socioeconomic background of its clientele (Groos & Knüttel 2021). This has repeatedly been criticised and initiatives by the government aim to better support schools in need in the future. Moreover, acute problems may arise, in many cases a shortage of teaching staff, teaching materials and equipment for digital learning. According to the latest PISA report (OECD 2020: 89), in Germany, 50% of the pupils attend schools whose principals report that a lack of teachers hinders learning. The situation is somewhat different in Poland, where additional educational subsidies are provided for schools which admit pupils from migration backgrounds. This money can be used to offer lessons in Polish as a second language or preparatory classes (gov.pl 2020). However, this funding is insufficient and schools struggle with finding qualified staff and teaching materials to support this group of learners. As a whole-school approach addresses development on the individual, classroom, and organisational levels, these should be considered in evaluating resources and needs (OECD 2020). To this end, it is useful to begin with an initial, demographic mapping of the school population. Additionally, data in relation to the grades achieved by multilingual pupils as compared with their monolingual peers as well as attrition rates for each group could be relevant. This should be complemented by qualitative data on the subjective perspectives of pupils, teachers, parents and other stakeholders to gain a deeper understanding of different perceptions and needs. The pupils’ perspectives are of particular interest in this context, and schools should aim for an open dialogue with them,

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giving particular attention to the voices of marginalised groups of pupils, which might have often been overlooked previously.12 On the basis of this assessment, the school can plan appropriately as part of a child-centred approach to cater for the learning needs of pupils on an individual basis, with pupil involvement encouraged to help foster their agency and support inclusion. The Language Friendly School initiative provides some useful, general, guidelines that schools can implement (https://languagefriendlyschool.org/wel coming-all-languages/how-to-become-a-language-friendly-school/). Some suggestions are, for example, to: – encourage and foster the use of pupils’ home languages at school as a means of communication and learning and an expression of their own identity; – encourage parents to use their own languages at school to make the languages an integral part of school life and open new ways of communication; – advise parents/guardians to use the home language(s) or the language(s) they feel most connected to with their children; – nominate a coordinator for multilingual school development; – jointly develop a plan for school development. These guidelines can be a starting point for further initiatives, as we will highlight in the following section in relation to the classroom context.

5.8.3 Creating a Language-Friendly Environment for All Pupils It has been generally understood that it is helpful to offer continuous inclusive language education that encourages language provision throughout all subject areas and across the age span (Gogolin et al. 2011; Leisen 2013). The suggestion to implement continuous inclusive language education aims to foster the pupils’ proficiency in the language of instruction while conveying a positive attitude towards multilingualism. One approach that we introduce in this book is language-sensitive teaching which supports all pupils, irrespective of their first languages, in expanding their competencies in the dominant language of schooling, including the formal register (for a more detailed discussion see Chapter 8). Other approaches that have been developed follow a multilingual approach and seek to include all languages in a pupil’s repertoire as, for example, 12 In some countries, schools receive support in this process of assessment from their education authorities, non-profit organisations or individual experts. Moreover, there are European initiatives that support schools in taking these steps. One of them is Language Friendly School (https://languagefriendlyschool.org/#welcoming), an initiative by the Rutu Foundation based in the Netherlands, which offers guidelines and helps to set up networks of schools to support each other.

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the language of instruction, the home languages and foreign languages. One example would be the translingual approach to academic writing developed by Horner et al. (2011), which encourages language users to adopt languages for their needs, fosters translanguaging and thus rejects strictly monolingual norms. This is also true for measures that can be summarised as a focus on multilingualism (Cenoz & Gorter 2011b). An even more far-reaching concept is the holistic approach to multilingualism in education by Duarte and Günther-van der Meij (2018, 2020) which integrates language awareness, language comparison, receptive multilingualism, CLIL and immersion. This approach promotes multilingual education that “oscillates between the acknowledgement of different languages and their actual use in instruction” (Duarte & Günther-van der Meij 2018: 29), and they are accompanied by addressing attitudes, knowledge and skills around languages and multilingualism. Most importantly, it not only focuses on the pupils’ multilingual repertoires but also considers the teachers’ multilingualism. As numerous as are the reasons to include multilingual pupils with their full repertoire in the classroom, as numerous are the activities to do so. Initiatives to promote language friendly classrooms include: – creating space for pupils’ home languages as part of the learning process; – making the pupils’ languages visible in the classroom; – offering regular training and professional development to improve languagefriendly classroom strategies; – enabling pupils to develop their whole language repertoire, including dialects and accents; – finding ways to provide instruction in various languages present in the school and by using other semiotic resources; – promoting written, oral, gestural, and graphic communication in multiple languages; – facilitating teachers’ reflective practice in relation to educational norms, values and attitudes towards language, cultural and ethnic diversity, including their own; – sharing and regularly updating approaches and the used materials; – providing professional development opportunities for teachers to learn about the role of home languages in learning (cognition). (Language friendly school 2022) Pupils whose default language of thinking and learning is not the dominant societal language, especially young children and newcomers to the school system, will profit from explicitly connecting new content with their prior knowledge in other languages. Examples could be for a pupil to use the numbers in their dominant language in mathematics or to be reminded to activate prior knowl-

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edge about a topic in the science classroom, in the language(s) in which it is available. Older pupils who are newcomers to the given school system might prefer to take notes in their dominant language but often would not do so until a teacher encourages them. Other activities might focus on comparing languages by analysing them together, for example, expressions for a certain topic, sentence structures, morphology and vocabulary. This offers pupils an opportunity to understand how languages work on a lexical, morphosyntactical, pragmatic or other level and to develop language awareness and metalinguistic competencies. The foreign language classroom – but not exclusively – can be the space where such comparisons are made and where, for example, syntactic structures in the foreign language, in the dominant societal language and in their home languages are juxtaposed. Pupils can also compare pragmatic aspects; for example, how to reject an offer or how to write a polite email in different languages and involving different relationships. In Biology or Geography, it might be helpful to draw on other languages when new terminology or jargon is introduced. Some of these activities might focus on pupils’ home languages as a means of communication and learning. Other activities can actively contribute to building competencies in other languages as well. Writing texts in several languages, as introduced in the example of the Scoil Bhríde school in Section 5.10, shows how this can be done in practice, e. g. with the use of dictionaries, online translation tools and also by the parents’ involvement. Such a synergistic approach not only develops pupils’ linguistic competence in all the languages they speak, which translates into their overall good school performance but also has a positive impact on their language identity. As Horner et al. (2011) put forward in their translingual approach, and as discussed in this and in previous chapters, language use from a sociolinguistic perspective is always heteroglossic, i. e. all speakers speak with different voices even within the same language. Translanguaging (see Sections 3.4, and for its realisation in the classroom context Section 6.2) and a translingual approach make space for different voices over the pupils’ entire linguistic repertoire and move away from the puristic language-as-a-norm standpoint. In the context of the classroom, this could mean making room for pupils to express themselves in different ways, simultaneously using all languages available to them and other semiotic resources together. To find their own voice, pupils can explore which language to use with whom, what media to use, what body language etc. Over time, they will become aware of the relevance of time, space and the social relationship in language use but before they master these skills, they will also experience that they are heard when they speak as themselves. Translingual activities can happen in speaking and in writing, in different content areas, as part of a task given by the teacher or on the pupils’ own initiative. These can take

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up five minutes of the class time or the entire lesson. For them to bring about the desired effect, it is useful to integrate them regularly. These examples are based on the first two levels of school development mentioned above, namely the teachers’ professional development as well as classroom and teaching development. They are closely linked to organisational development, which includes the discussion and negotiation of norms, values and attitudes within the school community.

5.8.4 Initiatives at the School Level Addressing the organisational level of school development (Rolff 2013) does not necessarily mean implementing an all-encompassing top-down strategy. It can also involve bottom-up processes such as a group of teachers discussing norms, values and beliefs around diversity and inclusion and by this, initiating more reflections and discussions in this area (see Tikkanen et al. 2020). In general, teacher collaboration in order to discuss issues, exchange materials and develop ideas is key to whole-school development (Murphy et al. 2021). Other examples could be to: – discover all the languages spoken within the school community; – inform the whole school community about the role of home languages in a way that is appropriate for the respective age; – create awareness of multilingual language acquisition and development; – include languages, dialects and accents in anti-bullying plans; – foster family-school collaboration to support pupils’ learning and well-being; – communication in different languages with parents; – facilitate after-school language activities; – create a language-friendly library. (https://languagefriendlyschool.org/welcoming-all-languages/how-to-be come-a-language-friendly-school/) Using pupils’ home languages in school environments can have a symbolic or an instrumental function. When many languages are used for labelling and information, as is done by our project partnering school, 2nd Junior High School of Intercultural Education in Ioannina in the context of Greece, both functions are addressed, as the visibility implies openness to all languages and makes speakers of these languages feel seen, and it helps recently arrived pupils to find their way. This, for example, could be used for orientation in the building, in the cafeteria or in the classroom (see Figure 5.1). Another example of an emergent multilingual school development comes from primary school no 90 in Poznan´, Poland. In the aftermath of the Russian

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Figure 5.1. A poster informing pupils where the Computer Lab is located in seven languages (Greek, English, French, German, Albanian, Arabic and Farsi) (source: 2nd Junior High School of Intercultural Education in Ioannina)

invasion of Ukraine, in March 2022, the school admitted over 50 Ukrainian children (refugees) on an emergency basis, without any prior preparation. As a result, the school’s monolingual landscape changed almost overnight. To make the newly-arrived pupils feel welcome, the school administration and teachers prepared bilingual Polish-Ukrainian posters labelling the school’s most important facilities (e. g. the gym, toilets, common room, cafeteria, etc.). Additionally, pupils, assisted by teachers, prepared bilingual glossaries with the most common school words and expressions to help their Ukrainian colleagues

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function in the new environment. Other bottom-up initiatives involved displaying hand-made posters offering symbolic support to newly-arrived pupils. There are many other ways to make languages visible in schools and to value them, e. g. by providing welcome packets in multiple languages or important school documents translated into other languages. The most important component of such an approach is, however, to offer activities where all children are encouraged to actively use their language skills. On a very basic level, children could teach the school community greeting, numbers or other words in their home languages. There also could be a quest where pupils try to find speakers of different languages. On a more advanced level and for a group of older pupils, there could be a project or an article for the school newspaper for which information is researched in different languages, i. e. on a topic such as the school system in different countries or flora and fauna in different regions of the world. In the latter example, the different languages are needed to find relevant pieces of information, and the pupils can be encouraged to use multiple languages in the presentation of their results as well. At a whole-school level, children can do a project in which they conduct interviews with their grandparents, or other significant elderly, about experiences which were important in their lives. On this basis, children then create either a short video or a poster illustrating such stories. They are presented during a special event in the school, to which both children and the seniors are invited. In case they do not speak the school’s language of instruction or the majority language, the children serve as ambassadors for them (see a relevant example in Kenner et al. 2004). On a school level, there is a fine line between on the one hand displaying diversity and a respectful attitude by making different languages visible, and on the other hand feigning an openness that does not exist. This regularly happens when a school decides to organise an international fair for pupils, parents and visitors while on other days banning or ignoring pupils’ home languages in the classroom. Therefore, it can be helpful to take small steps but align strategies, attitudes and actions embracing an inclusive whole-school school ethos and culture. Whole-school development in this context is not limited to communication and language learning. As indicated above, it also includes a systematic approach to welcoming newly arrived pupils and offering support, such as providing relevant information, peer mentoring, academic guidance, qualified social and psychological support at the school or in cooperation with local community or health authorities, and language support that enables language learning and use and social inclusion in tandem. Moreover, it aims at addressing all pupils and providing them with the linguistic and learning support needed as (formal) language skills are an important resource for social participation and equality.

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5.8.5 A Whole-School Language Curriculum A solely language-focussed approach to supporting multilingual pupils and promoting multilingualism in schools is called language curriculum development. For coordinated language provision, whole-school language curricula (Hufeisen 2011; Hufeisen & Lutjeharms 2005; Krumm & Reich 2013) can serve to coordinate curricula for all languages taught in a school, including the language of schooling, foreign languages and heritage languages. By aligning curricula, materials, topics, strategies etc., teachers and curricula developers create synergies between subjects, which leads to more effective learning but also allows for pupils to make more connections between languages and use them together, which is the way in which languages are organised in a multilingual mind. This could involve teaching a certain topic in a foreign language, in the majority classroom language and in the home language at the same time or doing a project in which all languages are utilised. An example of such an activity could be to work with poetry not only in the majority classroom language, e. g. Greek in Greece, but at the same time to introduce poetry in one or more foreign languages. Moreover, the pupils could bring a poem in their home language, and, if there is heritage language teaching, poetry could be introduced in that context, too. This can, of course, be applied to a multitude of topics and classroom content, such as learning and communication strategies, different genres, cultural learning and (functional) grammar (see Chapter 8). An example of this could be to discuss how to express one’s opinion or give an order in different languages and different situations. This would include lexical, syntactical, pragmatic and contextual aspects, i. e. What linguistic means do I have to express my opinion? What is considered more or less direct, more or less polite? What is suitable in which situation? In the majority language, this could be part of essaywriting, in the foreign language this probably would be introduced on a more basic level. Pupils with other home languages can reflect on these languages, too, and maybe with the help of their parents also expand their skills in the home language. For all pupils, the comparison between different languages can contribute to developing language awareness. Languages can also be taught in a CLIL context (Hufeisen 2011). Strategies and competencies that are helpful and appropriate for the different languages, such as learning strategies, can be taught cross-lingually, empowering the pupils to become independent learners in a lifelong learning framework (see Little 2007).

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Family-School Partnerships

5.9.1 Understanding Family-School Partnerships Family-school partnerships can take many different forms. For the context of the U.S., Epstein et al. (2001) have developed a six-dimension model of parental involvement that helps to map family-school relationships. It comprises the dimensions of: 1) Provision of resources for parents by the school; 2) Home-school communication; 3) Parents’ involvement in home learning activities; 4) Voluntary commitment of parents at school; 5) Collaborative decision-making of families and schools; 6) Involvement with community resources. These dimensions help to describe family-involvement also in the European context, for instance by asking specific questions for all dimensions, such as the following exemplary ones: – Dimension 1: What support do parents expect? What could be helpful? What resources are provided for parents by the school? – Dimension 2: Who initiates communication between the school and the family? How often do teachers and parents communicate? How and where does communication take place? To what ends does it take place? – Dimension 3: Are parents asked or implicitly expected to get involved in home learning activities? What kind of involvement is expected? Do they get any kind of instructions or support to do so? – Dimension 4: (In what way) Are parents expected to volunteer in school activities? What are the consequences if some parents are actively involved, and others are not? – Dimension 5: (How) Do families and schools collaborate in decision-making? – Dimension 6: How are community resources involved? What institutions, persons etc. are involved? It might be true for most schools that parents are not actively involved in decision-making but are expected to support the children with home learning activities and perhaps also to volunteer in school activities. In the second dimension, it might be the case that communication is usually initiated by the school, for instance by informing parents what books or school materials to buy. Relationships between schools and families are influenced by the parents’ individual attitudes and circumstances, by socioeconomic factors, educational policies, school practices, teachers’ attitudes and many more factors. Parents’

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participation very often depends on their proficiency in the dominant societal language skills as well as their socio-cultural awareness and competence in school-related patterns of (inter)action (Grigorieva 2015: 104). As Carvalho (2001: 22) states: Schools and families, as social institutions, are interrelated and interdependent, but also relatively autonomous, as they are situated in distinct spaces and times, responding to diverse needs of daily life, and carry specific practices toward distinct goals, while eventually pursuing common goals. They represent contingent and variable historical arrangements, and are singly differentiated in terms of condition, workings, and commitments, despite general structures and functions. Moreover, they work within a larger social system, represented by the state. Thus, as school and family are inserted in and affected by larger socioeconomic and political arrangements, their relative power in determining individual chances is variable and uncertain.

Since around the 1970s schools and teachers have relied on family or parental collaboration, setting middle-class families as a norm, whereby parents typically have the cultural and social capital as well as the resources to better support their child’s educational attainment (Carvalho 2001: 9–11; Bourdieu 1986). These early considerations about family-school relationships were mainly based on family models with the idea of full-time mothers stereotyped as ones who should be devoted to fostering their children’s academic as well as social and emotional development. Accordingly, the focus was on the support parents could give and their responsibility to do so, while the role of the school as a professional institution of education was underestimated with its responsibility for each and every child’s academic development becoming blurred (Carvalho 2001: 18–19). In the project countries, this is still true to different degrees. Concepts like half-day schooling in Germany or the common practice of private tutoring in Poland are just two of many examples. When searching for parent-school collaboration on the internet, there are a plethora of websites and blogs that encourage parents to add books to the school library, get involved in fundraising activities and parent organisations, and support children with their homework. These types of activities are accessible for parents with the necessary financial resources, language and literacy skills, academic background and time resources, which in effect means that they are more likely to be engaged with by middle- and upper-class families, in which the dominant societal language is spoken rather than families with migration backgrounds. Similarly, even everyday practices, such as parental homework assistance or support with extracurricular activities, can create and reinforce inequalities between pupils from different socioeconomic and linguistic backgrounds (Grigorieva 2015: 103–105). This mindset has for a long time converted family differences in economic, social and cultural capital into advantages or disadvantages in education

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(Bourdieu 1986). These traditional models of family engagement assume activities that fail to take account of the varied socioeconomic and sociolinguistic backgrounds and individual situations of the families (Coady 2019: 5). This is not only true for families from migration backgrounds but also for autochthonous families that do not meet expectations. The call for more parental participation in schooling that we have witnessed over the past decades is an acknowledgement of a problematic relationship between parents and schools, with high expectations of and responsibility placed on parents (Carvalho 2001: 10). With the growing complexity and diversity in families, schools and communities, families from migrant backgrounds in many cases experience multiple disadvantages as they very often do not have the necessary language skills, socioeconomic status and sufficient knowledge of the education system in their new country of residence to support their children in a way that speakers of the dominant language can (Nowlan 2008; OECD 2020). However, it is important to remember that the backgrounds of so-called migrant families vary considerably with regard to their socioeconomic status, their status in the new country, their history of migration, nationality, education backgrounds, language skills, literacy and media practices and other factors. There could be families in which the dominant language of their new home country is spoken, refugees who have lost all of their possessions and may have lived transiently for years not knowing where they will finally be resettled while others may have moved for professional reasons and will not have experienced the same levels of stress and trauma. Due to labels such as “migrant families”, teachers run the risk of perceiving families from migration backgrounds as a homogeneous – and in many cases a potentially problematic – group, while these families may be fundamentally different (Pfaller-Rott 2010). It is quite common that many parents from migrant backgrounds find it difficult not only to access schools but also to build a close relationship with their children’s teachers. There can be language barriers, a lack of familiarity with the education system and some general hesitation as regards approaching teachers (Ballweg 2022). At the same time, teachers tend to be similarly reluctant to approach parents, especially if they do not share a language in which they can communicate with ease. This is reinforced by literature and books for teachers that implicitly or explicitly presuppose that interaction between families from migration backgrounds and teachers is problematic and that conflicts and miscommunication should be expected (Hauser & Mundwiler 2015: 10). However, it is essential to take the individual situation, resources and needs of each family into account in order to ensure continuity in children’s learning and personal development.

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5.9.2 More Inclusive Perspectives on Family-School Partnerships One way of assuring constancy in the education and personal development of the pupil is by moving traditional parent-school relations to the level of a partnership between families and schools (Carvalho 2001: 10). This could involve introducing family-centred, strength-based approaches that draw on different linguistic and cultural resources, knowledge, skills, experiences and social networks (Coady 2019: 39). Moll et al. (1992) have shown that Latino families in the US can bring their international experiences and specific networking skills as well as other strengths to the school communities in order to enhance their children’s educational outcomes and experiences. This can serve as a starting point for new approaches in the European context as well. Family engagement can take various forms, including participation in school events but also home literacy practices (Coady 2019: 20). A strength-based approach would, for example, not focus on a lack of literacy skills in a family but rather encourage a family to foster their oral literacy practices and perhaps also to make use of story-telling traditions at school. With this focus on individual strengths, teachers and families can build partnerships that are based on trust, care, understanding and human relationships, which is essential for successful collaboration (Coady 2019: 6). In this line of thought, the WIDA group (2017) suggests three steps for working with multilingual families: – A – Awareness and Advocacy; – B – (linguistic and cultural) Brokering and Building trust; – C – Communication and Connection to learning. As a first step, teachers need to become aware of what their own beliefs, views and expectations are so they can get to know the families in an unbiased way. With their position in the education system and in society on the one hand, and their close contact with families from migration backgrounds on the other, teachers should be encouraged to take the role of advocates for these families (Coady 2019: 6). In the same vein, they may draw on resources from the wider community to gain support from linguistic or cultural brokers to better understand the families’ situations and to facilitate communication. The interaction with the parents (C) is the last of the three steps. Based on the model offered by the WIDA group, Coady (2019: 66–69) developed her model of family engagement in school contexts. This model focuses on rural multilingual families in the USA but, in our understanding, it is not restricted to this context. Coady introduces five steps for teachers to take the lead from reflection to action and then again to reflection:

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Listening to and learning about multilingual families, culture, language and literacy practices and needs. Reflection Reflecting on families’ strengths and seeking input from community leaders and key informants. Action

Communicating with and building relationships with families in culturally and linguistically responsive ways. Using knowledge of families’ strengths and backgrounds to support pupils.

Advocating for equity and change in and outside of school. Table 5.1. Model of family engagement in the school context (based on Coady 2019: 66–69)

It is important for individual teachers, in collaboration with their peers and within the framework of school policy, to understand that family-school partnerships are not limited to direct interaction. Rather, this interaction must be based on reflections and knowledge and should be followed up, for example, by taking action or by securing mutual understanding. Coady (2019: 72) suggests the idea of a school-home-school communication, which is a way of communicating where messages are sent to parents and parents are asked in turn to respond or to share their perspectives with the school. This is in contrast to practices where information is just sent to parents without making sure that it is understood, or no attempt is made to engage in two-way communication between the school and home. In practice, this is often reduced to parents signing a document or ticking a box, but it can (or should) be expanded to more substantial communication. Studies have indicated that teachers in general show a high degree of empathy with migrant parents but tend to lack specific knowledge of language acquisition and multilingualism (see, for example for the German context, Grigorieva 2015: 120). This affects their assessment of the pupil’s development, their advice on home language use and their direct interaction with the parents. However, it is essential to acknowledge that language acquisition and linguistic differences are only part of the challenge and, in a way, only the tip of the iceberg. At a deeper level, family-school partnerships can and should address the issue of participation, social injustice and equity. This is exemplified by Jeynes’ (2003) review of 77 studies on parental involvement which identified two crucial factors for the pupils’ academic development. The first is the parents’ communication with the child about school experiences and home learning together with the importance of education. The second factor positively influencing pupils’ achievement was the parents’ high expectations of the child. Both factors can be positively affected by teacher-parent interaction and a strength-based approach that fosters the pupils’ and their families’ self-esteem. These findings provide a further strong rationale for the development of close school-parent partnerships, which is one of the main messages of the present book.

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5.9.3 Some Ideas for Building, Nurturing and Sustaining Family-School Partnerships For family-school partnerships, it is helpful to find out about the situation and needs of each individual family. As a plethora of research findings show and as we seek to reinforce in the MaMLiSE project, teachers, within the school’s policy framework, have a vital role in not only fostering their pupils’ academic as well as social and emotional development but also supporting their families in creating an environment for this development. The suggested approach needs individualised activities. Teachers might fear that this could be very time-consuming. The widely different experiences, needs and situations of families mean that there is not a single set of standard practices in family-school interactions (Coady 2019: 19). Yet, there are some general measures that can help teachers to take a step in this direction. Getting to Know the Families In order for teachers to support individual pupils but also their families, it is essential to find out about their situation, resources, strengths and needs, while at the same time respecting their privacy. Relevant information could include: – home countries; – socioeconomic situation; – work experience and current situation; – reasons for migrating; – languages spoken at home; – language and literacy practices; – parents’ desire to learn additional languages; – parents’ attitudes towards the new country; – parents’ beliefs about multilingualism and multiliteracies; – parents’ beliefs about education; – parents’ knowledge of the education system; – parents’ values; – communication styles in the family; – family’s social networks. (for a discussion of relevant aspects, see Coady 2019: 76–77). To discuss some of these aspects, families and teachers need to be able to meet in a neutral space. This could include meeting at a place outside the school, in community centres or arranging some social events or activities, etc. One example of such an event would be picnics with pupils, parents and teachers, often organised by the parents, as can be found at many German primary schools, and sometimes also in the early years of secondary schools. Unfortunately, in many

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cases, families with migration or lower socioeconomic backgrounds are reluctant to participate in these events but if they do, valuable opportunities for interaction with other parents and the teacher can be created. If parent-teacher meetings take place routinely on a term or annual basis (as in most countries) to discuss the pupil’s learning outcomes and development, this usually does not contribute to a relationship in which teachers and parents meet eye-to-eye. The same applies to events that are generally designed for parents who are speakers of the dominant language, where parents who are not confident users of the language might feel excluded. Parents who do not speak the dominant language or who are not familiar with the school system might be reluctant to get involved in school activities. Therefore, events should be easily accessible, teachers are well advised to take an interest in the specific situation of each family. This way, communication can be as equals (Hauser & Mundwiler 2015: 10). For example, some schools invite the parents of newly arrived pupils into the school in order for them to meet some of the school personnel, provide the parents with a tour of the school and learn about their expectations of the school (this may require the support of a language broker or interpreter). It may be helpful to offer information in different languages and in easy language and to show rather than to tell what is important. Mutual Support For parents and other caregivers to be able to appropriately support and motivate their children to perform adequately at school, they themselves might need help understanding the structure of the school system and the expectations. It is the role of teachers, school social workers and other stakeholders to help the families, in turn, to become engaged and active. Teachers, of course, cannot take the role of social workers and support families in every way. However, in many cases, they can gain insight into the situation of individual families and might be aware of their needs or the challenges they have encountered. Accordingly, teachers and other stakeholders at school can help to support families, for example, by providing them with addresses and phone numbers of services and organisations where they can receive support. Communication with Pupils’ Families The first step to successful communication with multilingual families is to discuss the way in which families want to receive information. Written information can be helpful in many cases. However, if parents are not literate in the dominant language, written information will not always help them to get involved but instead could make them more insecure. As personal interaction usually takes place in school environments with specific roles assigned to school personnel and parents, this type of communi-

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cation is highly asymmetric (Grigorieva 2015: 103–105). Parents and teachers have different roles, and in many cases, they do not match. They are not only parents and teachers, who can have very different cultural orientations and expectations, but they also have the asymmetric roles of experts and laypeople, as Zorbach-Korn (2015) shows in her study on parent-teacher interaction. In cases where there are parents with little knowledge of the dominant language, another person might take the role of a language broker or interpreter, for example, community volunteers or, if they are informal conversations, other parents, relatives etc. This again changes the parents’ role by making them dependent on this other person. This can be particularly challenging when the child who is the subject of the conversation is at the same time acting as the interpreter, which is a common practice at schools (Zorbach-Korn 2015) and one to be avoided wherever possible. Arrangements regarding the possibility of using interpreters will depend on the local context as countries can have differing rules governing the access of non-school personnel. When parents are forced to talk through their children, their voice is given even less weight. Mothers, in particular, tend to be silent and excluded, as a study by Zwengel (2015) has shown. This might be caused by a lack of contact with the school or if they have had only a short experience of schooling in their country of origin (Zwengel 2015). To enhance communication, it can be helpful to provide translations of some information, as large surveys among migrant parents have shown this service to be important (Pfaller-Rott 2010). Moreover, teachers should be aware that they often use the specific language of their field, which might include technical terminology, acronyms, etc. This awareness might help to anticipate where a layperson might encounter difficulties and to adapt the language accordingly (Coady 2019: 100). It is evident that the role of teachers is crucial but, to be successfully performed, the level of policies and school organisation must be included to provide a framework for these partnerships. However, where possible, teachers should make attempts to get to know each family and find individual ways of supporting them. This does not have to be a very time-consuming endeavour. Major changes can be brought about by a change of attitudes, for example, to value different perspectives and practices. In other cases, the time invested might be gained in the end when communication is made easier and more effective. Engaging with Families and Integrating Out-of-School Activities An increasingly heterogeneous pupil body brings more diverse and individual experiences and knowledge bases to the classroom. This includes home languages but also learning experiences in a home country and in weekend schools, different amounts of contact with speakers of the majority language or their own home language(s), incidental learning in the media, different out-of-school literacy practices and much more. Schools and individual teachers are asked to integrate

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classroom learning with the pupils’ individual incidental, informal or out-ofschool institutional learning. The first step always has to be to find out about these out-of-school activities and to make room for them in the classroom, for example in a task- and project-based way of teaching or through documentation, e. g. in portfolios. A whole-child approach, as indicated above, demands an involvement with the community but most of all with the pupils’ families.

5.10 An Example of an Inclusive Approach and Lessons We Can Learn The idea of whole-school development might seem like a daunting endeavour that will be very challenging to implement. But sometimes, with the joint effort of all stakeholders, changes can lead to major new developments, as the example of a state primary school in Ireland, Scoil Bhríde, illustrates (Little & Kirwan 2018, 2019, 2021). The pupils in Irish primary schools are between the ages of 4 and 12 and are required to complete eight years of schooling before moving on to a secondary school. We use this example to conclude this chapter. At Scoil Bhríde, English is the medium of schooling. Moreover, all children learn Irish as a core curriculum subject from the beginning to the end of schooling and start learning French (or some other foreign language, from Fifth Class, at an average age of 11). There are over 50 different home languages present at the school, most of them not spoken by the teachers. Little and Kirwan (2018, 2019, 2021) emphasise that using these home languages at school is not only the pupils’ human right but also their primary cognitive tool. Therefore, an approach was introduced by the school after 2000 and developed over almost two decades that encouraged pupils “to use their home languages to support their learning in whatever ways seem appropriate to them” (Little & Kirwan 2019: 3). The teachers encouraged the pupils to use their home language to express who they are and to utilise them for learning. They also supported the development of language awareness. Irish, the first national language of Ireland, was actively integrated into the children’s linguistic repertoire. Over the course of implementing the new language policy, five principles were developed (Little & Kirwan 2019: 38–42): 1) Starting from the pupils’ existing knowledge; 2) Use of home languages; 3) Emphasis on literacy skills; 4) Pedagogical explicitness, i. e. explicit explanations and instruction with varying linguistic forms; 5) Teacher autonomy.

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Multilingual classroom activities ranged from learning greetings and numbers in different languages to songs and more complex literary activities. For this, the teachers set out to integrate the learning and use of Irish with the learning and use of English by having pupils create parallel texts in the two languages. Under the teacher’s guidance, a story in Irish might be written collaboratively in class. For homework, all pupils would then write an English version of the same story, which consolidated their learning of Irish. Pupils with other home languages spontaneously began to write in their home language, too. This led to a practice of pupils autonomously developing their writing skills in their home languages. The pupils at Scoil Bhríde on average performed above the national average in national standardised tests of reading and mathematics that are taken annually from First to Sixth Class. After eight years of primary school, they were unusually fluent in Irish and functionally communicative in French. By learning Irish and later French, all of the children developed a multilingual repertoire, and it was a joint experience for them. Little and Kirwan (2019: 165) call Irish the “common L2 glue”, which, in other countries, might also be true for other languages taught in school. For the German context, this has been shown in the extensive DESI survey with 11,000 pupils in Grade 9, where pupils with an L1 other than German learned English as their first foreign language more easily than their monolingual peers. They were about half a school year ahead of their peers in a similar socioeconomic situation (Klieme & Beck 2007; DESI-Konsortium 2008). Obviously, the Scoil Bhríde approach is easier to implement in primary schools than at the secondary level, where there is a strong focus on the individual subjects taught by different teachers, and often an examination-driven curriculum. However, there are some elements to Scoil Bhríde’s success story that can help other schools, at the primary and secondary levels, in their school development: – the integration of home languages into the mainstream classroom; – regular meetings between teachers and other regular staff members; – continuous teacher education/development; – teachers’ initiative and responsibility; – collaboration with parents. Languages are not just a means of learning or a learning aim. Language use and language learning at school always are, or should be, authentic communication which, in multilingual contexts, can mean switching or mixing languages according to purpose. A safe and diversity-friendly environment with teachers providing rich and diverse learning opportunities and fostering personal and academic growth will help pupils to gain linguistic and cultural awareness, as they will develop meaningful relationships with people from different backgrounds.

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Whole-school development and a whole-child approach seem a suitable response to the challenges that schools encounter in times of increasing transnational migration. Support for teachers and schools is often available with national authorities. Other initiatives are the Language Friendly School, as mentioned above, and the project “Young migrants. Supporting multilingual classrooms” by the European Centre for Modern Languages (ECML) that offers training and consultancy for language teaching, subject teaching and school development (https://www.ecml.at/TrainingConsultancy/Multilingualclassrooms/tabid/1816/ language/en-GB/Default.aspx).

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Chapter 6: Language-Sensitive Teaching in the Multilingual Classroom

6.0

Introduction

This chapter explores language-sensitive teaching as a broad and flexible educational approach that schools and teachers can draw on in order to address the diverse and complex needs of pupils in the multilingual school environment. This approach focuses on developing the language competencies of pupils in the majority language of schooling. However, it is entirely compatible with the overarching educational approach promoted in this book which is concerned with supporting multilingual practices in the school environment. The discussion begins with an overview of the distinguishing features of language-sensitive teaching as an approach and the underlying rationale. From this, we offer suggestions as to how this approach can be implemented in different classroom contexts and settings, highlighting examples of good emergent practices in this area. In these ways, this chapter seeks to build on the discussion in Chapter 5 of this book where new and exciting pedagogies that can promote multilingual practices in schools were highlighted (Little & Kirwan 2018, 2019, 2021). It also serves as a gateway to Chapter 7 where subject-sensitive language teaching is discussed in relation to specialised language classes for newly arrived pupils from migrant and refugee backgrounds, and Chapter 8 where languagesensitive teaching is explored in relation to different subject classrooms. Throughout the chapter, we also offer opportunities for readers to reflect on their own values, practices and experiences in relation to the themes covered as a starting point to exploring suitable responses to the challenges and opportunities that the multilingual classroom brings. We begin by addressing the pivotal questions of what language-sensitive teaching actually means and why it is important.

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Language-Sensitive Teaching in the Multilingual Classroom

What is Language-Sensitive Teaching and Why Is It Important?

Language-sensitive teaching is an educational approach which is increasingly supported by educational policy makers at EU and national levels and by applied linguists and educators due to the potential it offers to promote more inclusive and more effective educational practices in the multilingual school environment (see one of the policy documents available e. g. Beacco et al. 2016). As an approach, it makes the case for all teachers in mainstream educational contexts to take responsibility not only for the teaching of their own subject area, but also for pupil language development around the subject content. In practice, this means embedding language-sensitive methodologies and strategies into subject lessons across the school curriculum and taking into account the full linguistic repertoire of pupils where possible and relevant, including the home languages spoken by pupils from migrant and refugee backgrounds. This is on the grounds that this approach can offer multiple benefits for all pupils, as well as more far-reaching gains for schools and societies. Core to this approach is the premise that by bringing an increased focus to bear on language awareness raising and language skills development across the academic curriculum, enhanced learning outcomes can be achieved for all pupils. As far as the benefits for the wider school population are concerned, as the discussion in Chapter 5 of this book highlighted, there is an obvious need for all pupils to become proficient in the specialised academic genres (for a definition and further discussion of the term, see Chapter 8) that are used in different subject classrooms. However, many struggle to do so, and this impedes their academic success (Cummins 2011). Language-sensitive teaching can encourage pupils from all backgrounds to engage personally with and think critically about a broad range of spoken, written and multimodal texts (Beacco et al. 2016; Baumgart 2021). It also offers a means by which pupils can become aware of the ways in which language is used for different purposes and for different audiences, and by which communicative competencies can be developed in relation to different genres and registers (for further discussion, see Chapter 8). Moreover, it is now recognised that by developing language awareness and skills in one language, pupils can develop similar skills in another language as well as in their overall literacy skills (see Cummins’ interdependence hypothesis 2005; Little & Kirwan 2018, 2019, 2021). When we consider what this approach involves in practice, it means that all teachers would be required to explicitly and systematically raise the awareness of pupils that each school subject and specific situations in the subject classes may involve a particular kind of language and genres as a starting point to enabling

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them to become more confident and proficient in their use. It also involves sensitising pupils to the fact that academic language is different in many ways to the more informal type of language that is used beyond the classroom context thereby fostering a greater appreciation and understanding of language. Following this rationale, it is essential that opportunities are routinely created in schools for pupils to experience and share language not only in language classes but also across the entire subject curriculum so they can gain early and growing language awareness and skills. This can promote a stimulating and engaging learning environment that places the development of multilingualism at the forefront of the educational experience. A further crucial benefit of this approach is that it can help to alleviate the language burden on pupils whose first language is other than the majority or vehicular language of schooling, by better supporting the development of the majority language of the school amongst such pupils, and with this, their integration into the new school environment. It can also help in the preservation of their home language(s) by encouraging their use in the classroom as a valuable resource. This sends a powerful message to pupils and families that all languages are valued and supported in the school environment. Advocates of this approach also argue that in order to maximise the benefits that language-sensitive teaching can potentially offer, there needs to be closer cooperation and relationships between schools and parents. Hence, as was highlighted also in Chapter 4 and 5 of this book, parents should be encouraged to become more actively involved in their child’s language development also in the school context; for example, by schools providing information to help them to understand the curriculum and to support their child on their language learning journey (Beacco et al. 2016; Little & Kirwan 2018, 2019, 2021). These arguments in favour of the development of language-sensitive teaching at the school level are supported by a growing body of international research which has investigated the links between language-sensitive teaching, language awareness, educational attainment and integration efforts in different migrant contexts within a variety of theoretical frameworks (e. g. García 2009a; Finkbeiner et al. 2022; Tajmel 2017). This approach also speaks to the need to promote inclusive education more widely, and to address wider issues around inequality in society. However, in order to ensure the successful development of this approach in schools, opportunities must be created for the key stakeholders involved to gain a crucial understanding of what it entails, the benefits it can bring, and the knowledge and skills that will be needed by teachers to successfully implement it in their own classroom context. The need for targeted professional development in this area for school managers and subject teachers has been highlighted in recent schools-based research in this area (Becker-Mrotzek et al. 2017; Butler &

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Goschler 2019; Ehmke et al. 2018; Farrell & Baumgart 2019), and it has also been recommended in EU and national education policy statements (DES 2019). This is considered of particular importance for subject teachers in secondary educational contexts given that this is where the development of academic language skills and knowledge of subject matter amongst pupils is most needed (Beacco et al. 2016). A key prerequisite for teaching professionals in this context is the development of a sophisticated level of language awareness and strategic expertise to enable them to embed this approach into their everyday classroom practices in ways that are appropriate and can support the learning process. They will also need to gain awareness of the multilingual repertoires of those they teach and how these abilities can be drawn on as strengths to support the learning process. This is likely to require a change in mindset on the part of many subject teachers who have not previously been expected to take these aspects into consideration in their teaching. This may explain why the development and implementation of this approach in secondary schools has been generally slow. In this regard, research undertaken in 2022 in the Irish secondary school amongst school managers, subject teachers and language support teachers (Farrell et al. 2023, forthcoming) has highlighted three main reasons for this lack of progress: the first relates to a failure on their part to appreciate the linguistic challenges associated with different subject areas; the second is the limited competences in schools for teaching subject content in a language-sensitive manner; and the third is a general perception in schools that linguistic diversity in schools creates problems rather than bringing new learning opportunities for all pupils. As the authors of this research concluded, this leads to a lack of motivation and willingness to embrace new educational approaches that seek to promote multilingualism. These findings come in the wake of the introduction of the National Languages Strategy in 2019 which has highlighted the important role that all teachers can play in encouraging pupils with different languages and cultures to embrace and share their heritage as well as stressing the need for parents to become more involved in their child’s language development. However, there is no specific reference in the related policy documents as to the kind of specialised knowledge and skills that subject teachers would need to acquire to help bring a greater focus to bear on language development across the secondary curriculum. It is not surprising therefore that in the previously mentioned study (Farrell et al. 2022), the overall conclusion reached was that language-sensitive teaching remained largely in its infancy in secondary schools in Ireland. Despite this, there was some evidence of language support teachers and subject teachers working together at the level of lesson planning and lesson delivery in order to identify and support the needs of newly arrived pupils from migrant and refugee backgrounds with limited English language skills. This led

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the authors to the view that language teachers can play a key role in developing language-sensitive teaching in schools through collaborations of this kind, although this role has been underexploited to date. This suggests that there is an obvious and growing need for targeted professional development in this area for teachers in Irish secondary schools. Moreover, the discussion in Chapter 2 of this book has suggested that this is likely to be the case also in many other EU member states. With these considerations in mind, and for the purpose of raising awareness of language-sensitive teaching as a broad and flexible educational approach amongst readers, in the discussion which follows we explore the core principles that it seeks to embody and promote. We also offer suggestions as to how this approach can be applied in different teaching and learning contexts according to local needs.

6.2

Core Principles and Applications

Language-sensitive teaching embodies a number of principal characteristics that can serve as pedagogical goals and strategies for teachers to strive towards and develop within their own multilingual school environment, as part of a tailored, whole school approach. These characteristics are set out in Figure 6.1. and further explored subsequently, drawing where relevant and possible on instances of real classroom data for illustrative purposes.

Figure 6.1. Principal characteristics of language-sensitive teaching

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Principle 1: Inclusion Pause for Reflection 1) What do teachers know about the linguistic and cultural profile of their pupils? 2) What efforts can they make to ensure that pupils for whom the language of instruction is an additional language feel included in the lesson? The overriding goal of language-sensitive teaching is inclusion. As was highlighted in Chapter 5 of this book, inclusive education refers to intentional approaches to curriculum, course design, teaching practice, and assessment that create a learning environment where all pupils feel that their differences are valued and respected, have equitable access to learning and other educational opportunities, and that they are supported to learn to their full potential. As elsewhere, efforts are being made in schools in EU member states to promote inclusive educational practices, in support of shared EU Commission and United Nations educational policy and goals (EADSNE 2011; UN 2018). Such initiatives also stem from a growing recognition that an environment that takes into account and supports differences is important for all to feel accepted and comfortable and that differences of need, culture and language should be celebrated, rather than seen as a potential source of conflict or disadvantage (Little & Kirwan 2019; Van Avermaet 2007). As an overarching educational philosophy, inclusive teaching means approaching lesson design and delivery in a flexible way in recognition of the variability that exists within a learning community in terms of ability, cultures, socio-economic background, gender, learning styles, and motivation. It also involves actively fostering learner agency in the classroom and taking account of the ways in which these factors interact with each other and can lead to different learner needs; for instance, in terms of how information is processed and acquired. From this, teachers can decide on which modes they will use to present information (e. g. presentations, videos, podcasts, written texts), set different activity types (e. g. projects, role plays, demonstrations, writing performance), establish different expectations for activity completion, and identify the types of supports that will be needed to ensure that all pupils are catered for, as well as the means by which they will be embedded into the lesson. Where relevant and practical, this may involve developing personalised instruction plans that can allow pupils to learn at their own pace and to their own ability, taking into account, where possible, their learning needs and interests, and encouraging them to become involved in decision-making about their own learning. This approach relates in particular to UN SDG 4 which is concerned with widening access to high quality and equitable education (UN 2018). In the lan-

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guage-sensitive subject classroom, differentiated teaching would require teachers to acquire an understanding of the linguistic and cultural background of all pupils, as well as their general learning ability and needs, for which the analysis of pupils’ needs and ongoing formative assessment and feedback can play a useful role. It also calls for teachers to develop a range of appropriate methods and assessments that are fair, engaging and challenging. In Table 6.1., we set out a range of strategies that teachers can draw on in their planning and teaching in the multilingual school environment to better ensure that pupils from all backgrounds and of all abilities feel included and valued equally, and that their differentiated language strengths and needs are taken into account. – Get to know the cultural and linguistic backgrounds of pupils; For instance, how long they have lived in the country; what language(s) is/are spoken at home, how their knowledge skills can be drawn on as a strength, or the types of language and cultural support they might need. This can be informed by school-wide assessment and information sharing, and by means of consultation with parents or with pupils themselves, as Chapter 7 of this book will return to in more detail;. – Present content in different ways; This will make it more accessible and engaging; for example, using objects, images and video can be more engaging and accessible for pupils than always having text-based presentation of content; – Promote participation; make sure that all pupils can be heard and are encouraged to participate; this can be achieved by involving pupils in pair and small-group work to ensure there is more even participation and to reduce the potential for discussion to be dominated by an individual or specific group of pupils. Careful planning and active monitoring of tasks and individual pupil engagement can also promote a higher level and more even, participation; – Develop individualised learning plans (where realistic); this means taking into account the varied needs, abilities and interests of pupils in lesson planning and teaching. Good communication and information sharing with previous/other teachers or with pupils themselves is vital to support them in a way that is consistent across the school curriculum. Table 6.1. Strategies for inclusive classrooms

Principle 2: Learner-Centredness Pause for Reflection 1) How often do teachers give pupils a say in the content, pace, and outcomes of lessons? 2) How does fostering pupil agency impact classroom relationships and engagement? As noted previously, language-sensitive teaching is also concerned with fostering more active and independent learners. This means that it is associated with moves towards learner-centred education and away from the kind of teacher-

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controlled learning and passive reception of knowledge that prevailed in the past (Cummins 2005: 108). The rationale for learner-centred teaching is that it can better promote pupil engagement, higher-order thinking, problem-solving, and agency on the part of pupils. It has also been shown to routinely lead to higher levels of collaboration and interaction between teachers and pupils, and amongst peers, all which are vital for language learning and the development of good communication skills. As was highlighted in Chapter 5 of this book, classroom based research on motivation has demonstrated the key role that learner interest plays in their engagement in learning with motivation found to be enhanced if the curriculum positively accommodates the interests of pupils (Petty 2016). Accordingly, a learner-centred approach that takes account of the varying needs and interests of pupils is compatible with, and can support language-sensitive teaching in linguistically diverse classrooms. Making pupils aware of their own learning preferences, strengths and challenges can also help to empower them. Teachers can facilitate this development by embedding metacognitive strategies (i. e. strategies that encourage learners to manage their own learning) into the lesson. However, they also need to make pupils explicitly aware of these types of strategies, as are set out in Table 6.2., and encourage pupils to use them. This approach can also encourage pupils to take responsibility for their own learning and to become more confident in their decision-making. In the linguistically diverse classroom, the routine use of strategies of this kind can enable pupils to actively monitor their own understanding and progress, gauge their strengths and areas of weaknesses, and identify the types of support that they might need around the language and the content. For all pupils, including those from migrant and refugee backgrounds, metacognitive strategies that encourage peer interaction, the articulation of ideas, and good listenership, are of particular importance in terms of their learning and communication value, and this also creates opportunities for learners to identify and articulate their own needs. The following range of metacognitive strategies were recommended by a group of experienced teachers of foreign languages and English as an additional language (EAL) in the Irish secondary school context for subject teachers to explicitly teach to their pupils. This was in the context of research undertaken by Farrell and Daly (forthcoming) in order to explore how teachers are responding to the growing linguistic and cultural diversity in schools.

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– Self-questioning and reflection; for instance, encouraging pupils to pause to check their thinking processes, and whether they are on the right track both during and after the task; – Self-assessment; after tasks, encouraging pupils to assess what they did well and what they found challenging and why; – Knowing their own learning preferences; it is important that pupils can get a sense of what type of learning strategies might work best for them; – Developing a range of learning strategies; for instance: – mnemonic strategies can help pupils to improve information retention e. g. using rhyme, patterns and associations, which can be particularly useful for new key concepts; – thinking out loud and articulating their thought processes with a peer can reinforce understanding; active reading strategies such as underlining key information in text and scanning for key concepts and ideas can facilitate engagement with subject content; – and active listening strategies such as turning to face the speaker, asking questions, nodding where appropriate, and checking/repeating what was said can help in mental processing and reinforce learning. Table 6.2. Metacognitive strategies for independent learning

Language-sensitive teaching can also be supported and informed by ongoing needs analysis and assessment to ensure that the varied needs of learners are identified and addressed. Assessment is an integral part of classroom practice with a distinction commonly made between two main types: formative and summative. The former type refers to the ongoing process of gathering information about pupil learning for diagnostic purposes while the latter makes an evaluation of the capabilities of the pupil usually at the end of a unit or programme (Scriven 1967; Bloom 1968). Research into assessment has led to a growing consensus in educational circles that formative assessment should be central to classroom practice and that both teachers and pupils can benefit from the processes involved (Black & Wiliam 1998; Clarke et al. 2000). For instance, it can enable teachers to plan and teach in a more flexible, targeted and individualised way and help pupils to become more self-aware and self-motivated. There is also evidence to suggest that pupils generally perform better when they have an understanding of assessment and its role in their own learning, which highlights the importance of teachers making this explicitly obvious to those they teach. By routinely embedding formative assessment and feedback mechanisms into the lesson, and by making pupils aware of its role and value, teachers can better monitor individual pupil progress and language development, as well as identifying ongoing language and learning needs and how best these can be supported. A variety of mechanisms such as assignments, teacher observations, class discussions, and tests and quizzes can be integrated into lessons for assessment purposes of this kind.

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Principle 3: Scaffolding Pause for Reflection 1) How many teachers make a conscious effort to modify their teacher talk to scaffold the learning process? 2) In what other ways can teachers support the diverse linguistic needs and abilities of their pupils? Language-sensitive teaching can also be linked to educational approaches that emphasise the social nature of learning, and the ways in which the learning process can be enhanced by means of scaffolding by a person who is more knowledgeable, as in a parent, an older sibling, a teacher or even a peer (see Hammond & Gibbons 2005; Gibbons 2009, 2015; Golombek & Johnson 2019). Socio-cultural approaches of this kind, which were conceived originally by cognitive developmental psychologist Lev Vygotsky in the 1930s and have been developed since in different educational contexts and settings, also highlight the crucial role that interaction plays in the learning process. From this perspective, language is the means by which people can think and learn together, but also alone, with individuals reasoning things out by talking to themselves quietly or out loud when trying to solve a puzzle (the so-called private speech), for example. In psychological terms, language is used to mediate what is known as intrapersonal cognitive activity, that is, to clarify and make sense of what we have learned through interactions with others and this is added to our own cognitive understandings (Ahmed 1994; Walsh 2001). Language is therefore the tool we use to represent our own thoughts to ourselves, and others, with talking as the most obvious way of sharing and passing on knowledge (Freeman 2016). Learning is also mediated or facilitated in a range of ways by both physical tools, such as books or computers, and by what Vygotsky called “signs” which support “psychological activity in a manner analogous to the role of tool in labour” (Vygotsky 1978: 52; see also Lantolf & Appel 1994: 8). Core to this approach lies the notion of the Zone of Proximal Development, referred to also by its abbreviated form, the ZPD. This is the developmental concept that is illustrated by a particular kind of learning which relies on coconstruction of knowledge. The idea behind this concept is that the normal intellectual capacities of individuals can be enhanced through additional support from those more capable at any particular undertaking. From this perspective, the learner has an actual and potential performance level and the distance between these two levels is termed the zone of proximal development (ZPD). Vygotsky (1978: 86) defines the ZPD as, “the difference between the actual development level as determined by independent problem solving, and the level of potential development as determined through problem-solving under adult

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guidance, or in collaboration with more capable peers” (emphasis in original). This process is assumed to take place by means of dialogue and interaction leading to mediated/assisted content internalisation. Learning this way is always challenging but potentially within the reach of individual learners, on condition that appropriate scaffolding is provided. This can take various forms, such as visual support, prompts and cues (e. g. leading questions, hints), digital tools, and it can be provided not only by teachers, but also by peers. In learner-centred classrooms, the teacher’s role involves facilitating cognitive challenge within an individual’s ZPD, which means maintaining a balance between creating cognitive challenge for learners and providing appropriate and decreasing support as learners progress in their understanding and learning which, as is recognised, will vary from one pupil to another. In the linguistically diverse classroom, in order to be able to identify whether scaffolding is needed, to what extent, and how best it can be provided, teachers must first determine the goals of the lesson, and the abilities of pupils, at both the linguistic and cognitive levels. A useful starting point here is for teachers to undertake an analysis of the language needed by learners to be able to access the subject-related theme or topic of the lesson. This can help them to develop insight into the relationship between content and language in terms of the subject topics and themes covered in the curriculum, and the related teaching and learning objectives, from which they can identify key challenges in each area and plan for the kind of scaffolding that might be needed. When planning and teaching with the language needs and abilities of multilingual pupils in mind, it is important for subject teachers to distinguish between the language of learning, and the language for learning. This is a key distinction originally made by Coyle et al. (2010: 4) in the context of Content and Language Integrated Learning (CLIL). This is an educational approach by which subject content is taught through the medium of a second or foreign language (e. g. the teaching of Geography through the medium of English to pupils from the Arabic first language background in schools in the United Arab Emirates). Here, the language of learning is associated with the specialised terms and expressions that relate to the subject content (e. g. the use of lexical items such as erosion (n.) and sediment (n.) and verbs in the passive voice to describe geographical processes). By contrast, the language for learning relates to the kind of language that learners will need to be able to operate and interact in the classroom around the subject content (e. g. formulating and answering questions and expressing opinions). This second type of language use relates to the further concept of dialogic learning, which is a crucial aspect of scaffolding. Scaffolding by its very nature involves a dialogic dynamic involving learners and teachers and/or learners and their more able peers. In the subject classroom, learning cannot take place unless pupils are able to understand and use a form of

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language which enables them to learn, to support each other, and to be supported throughout the unfolding lesson. Therefore, a key way that subject teachers can bring a stronger focus on language and language use in the classroom context is by creating and capturing opportunities for dialogic learning. This means creating opportunities for meaningful interactions where pupils discuss their own learning with others, as it progresses, and where scaffolding and feedback are integrated into classroom discourse. For this to occur, subject teachers need to help those they teach to develop the necessary linguistic repertoire and range of skills to be able to engage in this kind of dialogic learning such as those required for pair-work, group work, asking questions, debating, talking, exploring, thinking, memorising, literacy skills and so forth, all of which will also help foster pupil agency (Bruner 1961, 1966; Escobar et al. 2017). The importance of dialogue and teacher-learner and learner-learner interaction is well established in the academic literature in the fields of social philosophy and education (Bachtin 1981; Mercer & Howe 2012; Coyle et al. 2010; Morton & Llinares 2017). In the linguistically diverse classroom, pupils need to be enabled and encouraged to engage in dialogic learning using the language of schooling which can be a potent tool for securing their engagement and developing understanding. This also creates a useful space for teachers and pupils to gauge progress, and to identify where scaffolding may be needed. Here, subject teachers must be aware that newly arrived learners from non-majority language backgrounds may be unable to express themselves as well as in their first language and would therefore need to be supported. Teachers can mediate what is made available to learners as input, and the quality of learner interaction and output, by drawing on a range of strategies, such as those proposed by applied linguist Steve Walsh (2006, 2011), as are outlined in Table 6.3. Walsh argues that these strategies can be routinely integrated into lessons to enhance the quality of the input and the interactional language that teachers provide for pupils as well as the output generated by learners, all of which is essential to maximise opportunities for learning. However, for teachers to be able to develop strategic expertise in this area, they must first become aware of the nature and role of teacher talk in the learning process, and how opportunities for classroom learning can either be thwarted or supported, depending on the linguistic choices they make in their interactional language use with pupils. In the case of subject teachers with little prior training in this area, this kind of interactional language awareness and expertise will take time to develop. However, they can be supported in these endeavours by language teachers acting as mentors, who can observe subject lessons and offer useful feedback on the suitability of teacher talk throughout the lesson and the quality of the scaffolding provided.

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– Monitoring the appropriate pitch and quality of teacher talk: For instance, the level of the language input provided by teachers for learners should not be so far above their own proficiency in the language that it would overwhelm them; neither should it be too low that it fails to challenge them so achieving the correct balance is crucial, and this may vary from one pupil to another. This means that teachers need to be flexible and targeted in their language use throughout the lesson; – Providing exemplification and demonstration, as appropriate: In order to facilitate learner comprehension, teachers should give clear examples in language which is accessible to all, and where possible, also demonstrate what needs to be done, with these aspects taken into account when planning lessons; – Anticipating and limiting the potential sources of learner confusion in the input: Teachers must be aware of the types of language that will emerge in the lesson, whether in subject related texts, classroom discussions or tasks and assignments; and the types of challenge this might pose for pupils, to ensure that they bring sufficient attention to bear on key items that pupils will need to become familiar with and use and that pupils are suitably supported as they meet, and are required to engage with key input. This can involve the overt use of noticing strategies, repetition, and the targeted modelling of key, linguistic items and expressions at strategic points in the lesson. Avoiding overly informal teacher talk that is idiomatic in nature is also important to avoid confusing learners; – Checking comprehension of the input using concept checking questions/eliciting examples: Pupil comprehension should be routinely checked throughout the lesson in ways that allow them to articulate or demonstrate their understanding; for example, by asking them to provide an example to illustrate a point and by giving them opportunities to work with peers to co-construct responses; – Enabling pupils to make useful generalisations based upon the input: Pupils should also be helped to notice patterns of language use and encouraged to work out rules to enable them to gain a more general understanding and apply their knowledge; – Monitoring and encouraging a high quality of learner output: Learners also need to be given sufficient time and space to develop their answers; working in pairs offers them increased opportunities to articulate and practise expressing their opinions to ensure a higher quality of output; – Providing suitable corrective feedback on output: It is essential that pupils are provided with corrective feedback to signal to them and to the class in general, whether or not they are on the right track and making progress. However, teachers need to be judicious and avoid overcorrection that can diminish the confidence of learners. It is also important to reward learners for their efforts. This means carefully signalling what is correct while at the same time acknowledging their contributions. A further strategy that teachers can use is to rephrase/recast a learner contribution correctly; – Using face-saving strategies to address learners’ cultural/psychological needs: Teachers must also show sensitivity towards the psychological needs of learners particularly at moments during the lesson when the potential for learner embarrassment and learning anxiety are greatest such as when questions are being asked and when work is being corrected; – Reflecting on the potential impact of all such mediation on the learners’ understanding: It is also important for teachers to reflect on the impact of their teacher talk and their use of different interactional strategies with learners to gauge their suitability and effectiveness, in order to inform future planning and teaching. Table 6.3. Strategies to promote a high quality of input, interaction and output

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The work of Walsh (2006, 2011) and others since (Farrell 2019; Baumgart 2021) has highlighted the need for all teachers to be aware of the suitability and effectiveness of their interactional language use with learners as they perform key pedagogical functions throughout the lesson. This includes when asking questions, giving directions, explanations, and corrective feedback and when checking pupil comprehension. In the following section, we will explore the interactional language use of teachers working in different mainstream educational contexts across these dimensions, drawing on research conducted by Baumgart (2021) and Farrell and Daly (forthcoming) in Ireland and Canada. This will provide useful insights into ways in which subject teachers can formulate and target their interactional classroom talk to scaffold pupils within a linguistically diverse classroom environment. Extract 6.1. Teacher questioning in a secondary school mathematics classroom (from Baumgart 2021: 130) Context: Mathematics lesson in a secondary school context in Ireland with pupils aged twelve/thirteen years. The class mostly features pupils from a native speaker background but there are three learners from migrant backgrounds, one of whom is newly arrived in Ireland. Teacher: Minus six plus one Y is equal to minus two. What do you do with the minus 6? Where do you shove that?

As highlighted, in this instance, the mathematics teacher uses the informal expression shove instead of the more commonly used alternative put (as in where do you put this?) which pupils from a non-L1 English background are more likely to be familiar with. In the language-sensitive classroom, subject teachers need to ensure that the input they are providing for pupils is both within their ability to comprehend and suitable in terms of register. Accordingly, they need to explicitly model the language of communication in the subject for all pupils to make them aware of the discourse practices around the subject, which they are expected to become familiar with and use. This need has been noted in reports produced by subject school inspectors with pupils often seen to struggle in their written explanations in state examinations due to a lack of subject-specific discourse practices (Baumgart 2021; Pépin 2011). This example highlights the key role that teachers can play in making subject content more accessible to pupils which in this case was not achieved due to a lack of suitable teacher talk.

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Extract 6.2. Teacher directives in a secondary school history lesson (from Farrell & Daly forthcoming) Context: History lesson in a secondary school context in Ireland with pupils from a mixture of native and non-native English language backgrounds: Teacher: Now I want you all to write your own paragraph. And take a leaf out of Siobhan’s book and you can do a mind map first to help you plan it. Pupil: A leaf ? It is hard to take a leaf out of someone’s book and why do we take this leaf ? Teacher: It means to copy someone who is doing a good job. You know, copy what they are doing. Ok? Pupil: I am not sure.

Meanwhile, in Extract 6.2., although it is the teacher’s intention to encourage the class to follow the good working practices of another pupil, she has confused a pupil from a non-native English background. This situation has arisen because the pupil in question is unaware of the idiomatic expression that has been used by the teacher which she has interpreted literally. This exchange highlights the need for teachers to become more aware of the degree of precision and transparency in their classroom talk. Interestingly, in this case, the teacher’s use of a popular idiomatic expression has created an opportunity for language learning as the pupil in the example actively seeks clarification as to the meaning being conveyed and its relevance to the lesson. However, the subject teacher fails to grasp this, and provides only a superficial explanation of the usage which means that the opportunity has been missed. This is clear from the pupil’s final response as it indicates that there is still confusion as to the message being expressed. Extract 6.3. Teacher corrective feedback in a secondary school geography lesson (from Farrell & Daly forthcoming) Context: Geography lesson in a secondary school in Ireland with pupils from a mix of native and non-native English backgrounds. Teacher: So what did you put for number three? Pupil: Erosion Teacher: You’re flying it Pupil: So, I am correct or no? Teacher: Yes, it’s correct. Erosion is the action of surface processes that removes soil, rock, or dissolved material from one location on the Earth’s crust, and then transports it to another location.

In Extract 6.3., we once again find a subject teacher using an idiomatic expression that many non-native speakers of English would find difficult to understand. In this case, it occurs when the teacher seeks to praise a pupil for providing a correct answer. While the use of the expression you’re flying it, by the teacher is intended to confirm that the learner has answered correctly, it has caused confusion, as is evident from the pupil’s request for clarification as to whether the answer she has provided is correct or not. This confusion could have been avoided if the teacher

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had responded the first time in a more formal register and with greater precision, as she did on the second occasion. Alternatively, the teacher could have used the opportunity to raise awareness of the expression given that it is a popular and useful one for learners of English to be made aware of. In keeping with languagesensitive teaching as an approach, this would have involved highlighting the informal and colloquial nature of the expression, and possibly asking the class to brainstorm a more formal equivalent to help situate the expression in terms of register. It should be noted too that while the pupil in question sought clarification as to the meaning of the expression, not all pupils would feel confident enough to do this if they had not understood the teacher’s response. This extract also demonstrates that in any one subject lesson there are likely to be key opportunities for language learning that teachers need to become sensitised towards. Extract 6.4. Effective teacher scaffolding strategies in a secondary school geography lesson (from Farrell & Daly forthcoming) Context: Geography lesson in a secondary school in Ireland with pupils from a mix of native and non-native English backgrounds. Teacher: So, give me two examples of what can cause erosion Pupil: Water flow or wind Teacher: And so water flow and wind are called agents, so they are agents of ….? Pupil: Erosion Teacher: Did you all hear that? Pupil: Yes, they are agents of erosion Teacher: OK, so with your partner, can you ask each other in turn and answer in your own words what can cause erosion and then explain to each other what the term agent of erosion means with the two examples we just mentioned.

In Extract 6.4., in the context of a geography lesson, we can see a number of effective interactional strategies being used by the subject teacher to encourage pupil participation and engagement, to check that they are able to follow the explanation being given, and to help reinforce learning. For instance, she elicits key information from pupils and her own repeated use of the word erosion, and the additional information she provides offers an example of good modelling of the subject language and reinforcement of the subject content. By asking pupils if they have heard the answer rather than if they have understood, the teacher is checking their comprehension in a face-saving rather than a face-threatening way, which is a strategy that is more likely to encourage pupils to ask for further clarification if needed. Meanwhile, the use of pair work and peer questioning creates opportunities for dialogic learning amongst peers and for them to articulate their understanding of key concepts and processes they are learning about, and for the teacher to gain a sense of this as she monitors the class. This extract highlights how teachers can successfully promote learner-centred

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teaching while at the same time ensuring that the lesson is inclusive, with pupils effectively and sensitively supported where needed. As we have seen in Extract 6.4., dialogic learning can also involve encouraging pupils to interact with each other for the multiple benefits this can bring in areas including shared learning, peer scaffolding and ensuring higher levels of engagement and communication around the subject content. In Extract 6.5, we can see a range of effective strategies being used by the teacher to promote a high level of pupil interaction including targeted elicitation, brainstorming and pair work. Note too, the visual supports that the teacher provided throughout the lesson to enhance the learning process. Extract 6.5. Pupil-pupil interaction in a secondary school geography lesson (from Farrell & Daly forthcoming) Context: Geography lesson in a secondary school in Ireland with pupils from diverse backgrounds Teacher: Ok, so today we’re focusing on this (shows a slide depicting a volcano). With your partner, can you brainstorm what you think this is called, and any words or information you know about it at all. Don’t worry if you’re not sure, just try to tell each other as much as you know and bullet point six things. So, you have three minutes and you are going to share this information with another pair afterwards. (Pupils work on brainstorming task/ Teacher monitors to gauge engagement and progress) Teacher: Ok, well done, you seem to know a lot about this and I can see you have lots of points so I’m going to re-pair you, so you can share your information with another person – and add to your list any new information – so you have another three minutes to do this. Can you ask each other to explain any new words you hear this time. (Pupils share information and add to their list of points) Teacher: Great. So, I can see you’ve learned a lot from each other but now we need to check if what you think you know is accurate. So, we’re going to move on to a reading text which will give us an overview of twenty key facts about volcanoes. As you are reading it, can you tick or correct any points on your list and then decide with your partner how well you did and what new information you learned. So, this will take around 5 minutes. (Pupils read the text and engage in task / Teacher monitors to gauge progress and this time does some discreet comprehension checking around key concepts with individual pupils/ pairs.)

In the previous discussion, we have explored interactional strategies that subject teachers can routinely use with learners in order to scaffold the learning process, highlighting the central role that dialogic learning can play in this regard. In the following section, we will explore some of the ways in which language-sensitive teaching can bring an increased focus to bear on pupil language awareness raising across the curriculum.

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Principle 4: Language Aware Classrooms Pause for Reflection 1) Is it the role of subject teachers to explain grammar and vocabulary? 2) What types of strategies can all teachers use with pupils to enhance their language awareness and how will this impact pupil agency? Developing language awareness (LA) across the curriculum is a central associated goal and feature of language-sensitive teaching. LA is considered a mental attribute which develops through paying motivated attention to language in use, and which enables language learners to gradually gain insights into how languages work. It is also a pedagogic approach which seeks to enable learners to gain such insights (Baumgart 2021; Tomlinson 1994 in Bolitho et al. 2003; Little & Kirwan 2019). It leads to an increased emphasis on helping learners to ‘notice’ language patterning in different contexts of use as conditions for successful learning. Accordingly, alertness and noticing are considered key prerequisites for language awareness-raising. Noticing strategies that can be applied to the mainstream classroom context (Schmidt 2001) would typically involve drawing the attention of pupils to keywords and expressions that are associated with the subject content of the lesson, as it emerges, and providing opportunities for exploration, practice and use of these items to help move learners towards appropriating these forms into their own linguistic repertoire. A further core element is the development of explicit knowledge about language in terms of the linguistic systems and metalanguage used to describe language and its use, an understanding of its functionality, language variation across varieties and genres, the range of linguistic choices available to speakers and writers and the types of constraints that may arise. Language awareness also involves sensitivity to social and cultural norms and issues around appropriacy of language use, which means developing an understanding of the types of language that are suitable for use in different contexts, and those which should be avoided, as well as the criteria for decision-making in this regard, such as the degree of formality/informality expressed, politeness norms, and so on (Baumgart 2021; Farrell 2019). Given the complexities that surround language and its use, language awareness is increasingly understood and approached as a process whereby it is acquired and generated by the learner over time and through explicit training. This approach involves the ongoing investigation of language as a dynamic phenomenon rather than an awareness of a fixed body of established facts. Language awareness can also be viewed as an often unconscious dimension of L1 competence and in this latter sense can be the starting point for the development of higher levels of explicit language

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awareness, as the work of Little and Kirwan (2019) in the Irish primary school context has illustrated. In linguistically diverse classrooms, it is not enough for subject teachers to consider content learning without also ensuring that learners have the language needed to engage cognitively in the lesson. This means being able to access and acquire the basic terms and skills associated with the subject content. In educational contexts involving pupils from different language backgrounds, as is becoming more commonplace today, there is likely to be a difference in levels between cognitive functioning and linguistic competence. As a result, subject teachers need to develop an understanding of the linguistic features and demands of the subject content and to take account of the literacy and oracy of learners in the language of instruction. For a fuller discussion in this area and illustrative examples of the types of language that are used in different subject content contexts, see Chapter 8 of this book. This is essential if teachers are to identify the ways in which learners need to be supported linguistically for content learning and to be able to develop suitable metalinguistic responses, strategies and skills to embed in the lesson. This can be achieved, for instance, by creating routine opportunities for pupils to explore and develop an understanding of the relationship between L1 and the language of schooling. Language-sensitive teaching therefore involves raising learners’ language awareness in relation to similarities and differences between their home language(s) and the language of schooling and different registers, to support their ongoing language development around the subject content. However, as was highlighted in the earlier discussion, for this to occur, teachers must first acquire a heightened sensitivity to language and language use, including in relation to their own linguistic repertoire, and to the language backgrounds of those they teach, so that they can be drawn on as strengths in the subject classroom. For all subject teachers, developing a formal knowledge about the language is a key enabling tool as it provides a means by which to carry out such basic tasks as interpreting a syllabus, translating it into a scheme of work (lesson plan/course), providing accessible information to learners about language, making decisions on behalf of the learners regarding the content of instruction and ensuring that there is a linguistic focus in any particular lesson and explaining errors to learners. It also enables teachers to identify the key grammatical, lexical and phonological features of the target language for learning and to anticipate the difficulties and challenges that might arise, as well as to specify and embed suitable metalinguistic strategies and pedagogies for noticing and awareness raising purposes, and to support learners. Genre analysis (Swales & Swales 1990) is a well-established approach within educational linguistics that can enable teachers to develop useful insights into the types of language or register that are associated with a specific subject or the-

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matic content. The term language register is used here to describe variation according to specific contexts of use (Halliday 1978). Many situational factors such as degree of formality, domain or professional or educational setting determine the use of a given register. Register awareness is closely linked to style shifting, which can be viewed as an individual’s awareness as to what and how to communicate in different contexts, although this can often be unconscious (Labov 1972; Little & Kirwan 2019). This kind of language knowledge is now considered essential for subject teachers in their planning and teaching as it makes it possible for them to identify the linguistic forms and expressions that they will need to make explicit to learners, the level of difficulty involved, and the type of metalinguistic strategies and scaffolding they will need to embed into the lesson to raise their language awareness and support their language development. This suggests that developing teacher and pupil language awareness in the areas such as those outlined in Table 6.4. is central to effective language-sensitive teaching in schools. – Speech genre and discourse type and context, – The degree of formality/informality being expressed, – Whether literal or non-literal meaning is being conveyed, pragmatic aspects such as speaker/writer intention, – The degree of difficulty involved for learners in processing/production, – The relevance/degree of usefulness/appropriacy of a linguistic item/expression. Table 6.4. Areas for teacher and pupil language awareness development

In Extract 6.6., we note the range of language-related strategies that were embedded into the lesson, and the ways in which this reinforced the learning of both language and the subject content. This included encouraging the use of metalinguistic strategies, the monitoring and checking of pupil comprehension of key concepts and the use of elicitation and corrective feedback to determine whether they had been fully understood. As indicated, this led to high levels of pupil engagement and self-efficacy.

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Extract 6.6. Language awareness raising strategies in a secondary school geography lesson (from Farrell & Daly forthcoming) Context: Geography lesson in a secondary school in Ireland with pupils from diverse backgrounds Teacher: So tell me Mikhail, tell me what concepts and processes are associated with volcanoes Pupil-Mikhail: So there is lava, this is the hot molten fluid that flows out after an eruption of a volcano Teacher: Exactly and good that you used the word molten, and tell me more about what this word means Pupil-Mikhail: Well, it means it is becoming liquid from the very hot temperature Teacher: Yes, from the intense heat of the volcano ….so hot is the adjective and heat is the..? Pupil-Mikhail: Heat is the noun. Teacher: Great. So, can you make a sentence with these words now? Pupil-Mikhail: After the eruption, the intense heat makes a flow of molten lava which is very hot liquid Teacher: Well done – I’m going to ask you to give this example to the class if that’s ok? Pupil-Mikhail: No problem.

Language-sensitive teaching also seeks to actively promote language friendly, multilingual spaces wherein pupils can be encouraged to use their multilingual resources while at the same time being supported in their development of the majority language of schooling (Little & Kirwan 2019). In this regard, teachers can draw on their own linguistic resources and develop strategies such as translanguaging, whereby they consciously move from one language to another at key moments in the lesson where this is considered of pedagogic value (Gynne 2019; Li Wei & Lin 2019). In Extract 6.7. which follows, we can see evidence of translanguaging in practice. Note how the teacher moves from English to Brazilian Portuguese in a purposeful and targeted way to ensure that all of the pupils are able to follow the discussion around the subject content. Extract 6.7. Translanguaging in a secondary school history lesson (from Farrell & Daly forthcoming) Context: History lesson for first year pupils in a secondary school in Ireland. Many of the pupils are from the Brazilian background and are newcomers to Ireland. Teacher: So, what is the word for when soldiers come to a country and take it over, you know when they take control of the country, you know conquistar Pupil: Is it conquer? Teacher: Yes, exactly so why do they conquistar …what are they looking for? Pupil: Ouro. Teacher: Yes, gold but only ouro? Any other valuable resources? You know recursos that they want to take back to their own country like gold.

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Teaching in a language-sensitive way will also involve encouraging pupils to explore similarities and differences between languages they are familiar with, including their home language(s), as occurs in Extract 6.8. Extract 6.8. Comparing languages in a primary school Irish lesson (from Farrell & Daly forthcoming) Context: Irish language lesson in a primary classroom in Ireland Teacher: So if you look at the board, you can see that in Irish, we put the verb here (indicates). Do you think that it’s the same in every language? Pupils: No, not every language. Teacher: Does anyone know another language that we can compare it with? Pupil: In Polish, it is different. Irish and Polish are not the same in the verbs.., in grammar. Teacher: That’s interesting. Can you show us on the board how it is in Polish. Tell us how to pronounce it too because I think it’s going to be hard for me to pronounce (laughs).

Table 6.5. lists a range of language strategies that all teachers can embed into their lessons as part of their routine classroom practice to enhance the language awareness and metalinguistic skills of those they teach, and to make their classrooms language friendly, multilingual spaces. – Making a conscious effort to develop pupils’ formal knowledge and understanding about language in every lesson; – Involving pupils in exploring and discovering language and meaning and teaching them the appropriate metalinguistic terms; – Involving pupils in discussions about language and encouraging them to use the appropriate metalinguistic terms; – Writing key subject concepts and expressions on the board highlighting word formation patterns, spelling and sounds; – Routinely checking learner comprehension of key subject-related language; – Targeted repetition of keywords and phrases throughout the lesson; – Encouraging pupils to explore meanings through peer brainstorming, speculation, and follow-up dictionary work; – Helping pupils to identify and understand the types of linguistic patterning and functionality involved by underlining and exploring language in use; – Giving pupils time and space to record keywords and phrases and to come up with their own example of use; – Drawing on all linguistic resources available and actively encouraging pupils to compare similarities and differences in the L1/L2; – Using translanguaging in a purposeful and strategic way to support learning; – Developing an appreciation amongst pupils of heritage/minority/home languages through routine classroom ‘show and tell’ type events. Table 6.5. Strategies to promote language aware/friendly classrooms

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Principle 5: Cultural Sensitivity Pause for Reflection 1) How might teacher/pupil roles and relationships differ culturally? 2) How can teachers foster a sense of community and shared identity amongst pupils in a culturally diverse classroom? Language-sensitive teaching is also based on an understanding and appreciation of cultural diversity and the promotion of cultural sensitivity. The Framework of Reference for Pluralistic Approaches to Language and Culture (FREPA) published by the European Centre for Modern Languages (www.ecml) in 2022 sets out a comprehensive range of cognitive, affective and behavioural competencies that this would require. These include: – Knowledge about other cultural groups, their products and practices, and the ways in which people of different cultures may interact; – Attitudes such as curiosity, openness, respect for otherness, and empathy; – Skills of interpreting and relating, for example, interpreting practices from different cultures, and relating them to others; – Skills of discovery such as the ability to search out and acquire new knowledge about different cultures and related practices and products; – Critical cultural awareness, that is, the ability to critically evaluate the practices and products of different cultures. Cultural education thereby respects, celebrates and recognizes the normality of diversity in all areas of human life and it promotes equality and human rights, as well as the values upon which equality is based, and it challenges unfair discrimination. In practical terms, it also involves learning to recognize, interpret and develop an openness towards diversity and difference in all their forms. An integrated approach to the teaching and learning of majority and home languages provides a powerful stimulus for this kind of educational practice, and it is made more powerful still by including these in the daily life of the classroom as well as the cultural knowledge they embody. Primary school teachers in Ireland are encouraged to help pupils develop an increased awareness and appreciation of cultural diversity. In the following vignette from this context (Farrell & Daly forthcoming), a teacher describes an activity she uses for this purpose, and the related outcomes she has observed, including promoting learner agency:

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Extract 6.9. Learning about Polish culture in the primary school context (from Farrell & Daly forthcoming) Context: Primary school in Ireland with pupils Every Friday afternoon, we have ‘golden time’ when I encourage pupils to share their own unique language/language learning experiences with their peers. They decide what they would like to focus on themselves as it is important not to assume that pupils from different cultures will choose to identify with the culture of origin. In Ireland, there is a large Polish community that dates back twenty years or more and children from this background often attend Polish school on Saturdays where they learn the language and are exposed to different aspects of their own culture such as music and dance. Two pupils in my class who are from this background decided to talk about the Polish ‘school’ they attend every Saturday, and what they have been learning. For the occasion, they dressed in traditional Polish costumes, and brought in and shared some Polish cakes and sweets. They also taught the class some basic Polish phrases, (e. g. hello and goodbye, please and thank you, how to say their names and ages in Polish). It was a rich learning experience for the class; I could see how intrigued the other pupils were by the questions they asked. What’s more, I still hear them using the Polish phrases they were taught. This event was hugely important for the two Polish children involved too as I could see that they were bursting with pride as they shared their linguistic and cultural heritage with the rest of the class. I believe that it made them feel special and valued.

As the work of Little and Kirwan (2018, 2019, 2021) in the Irish primary school context has further illustrated, when education is truly plurilingual and intercultural, activities of the kind described in Extract 6.9. are woven into the day-today fabric of classroom communication. Principle 6: Emotionally Safe Classrooms Pause for Reflection 1) What might pupil silence signify? 2) How can teachers discreetly monitor the well-being of their pupils? Promoting the well-being of pupils and creating a sense of safety is also crucial to improving their ability to learn and for their wider social development and integration. The need for teachers to establish emotionally safe and inclusive classrooms, where the dignity of all is respected, is considered of vital importance as schools adapt to increasing diversity. Within the multicultural classroom context, the potential for cultural conflict and misunderstanding to arise can be greater between both pupils and teachers and pupils from different backgrounds as a result of different orientations towards teaching and learning and different belief systems (Walsh 2006; Byram 2010). For instance, pupils from some learning backgrounds are likely to be unfamiliar with the less authoritative teaching styles, higher levels of pupil interaction and engagement, and open

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classroom discussions that feature in classrooms in many EU countries, which they may find confusing and embarrassing. Where teachers lack emotional and transcultural sensitivities, they may mistake the silence of pupils from these backgrounds as boredom or indifference, which can place a strain on teacherpupil relationships and create a stressful classroom environment (Butler et al 2004). In the context of culturally-oriented research in multilingual language teaching classrooms, the work of Kramsch (1993; 1996; 1998) and others since (Jenkins 2007, 2012; Murray 2010) has stressed the need for teachers to develop a critical understanding of the ways in which the expectations, beliefs and preferences of learners may be different from their own. They must also develop socio-pragmatic sensitivities and expertise if they are to successfully navigate pupils through the lesson while at the same time maintaining their cooperation and a positive classroom environment. This will involve developing a range of face-saving strategies to address their psychological needs at moments in the lesson when emotional sensitivities are more likely to come to the fore such as during teacher questioning, teacher corrective feedback and when opinions and experiences are being elicited, as was highlighted in the earlier discussion in relation to teacher interactional skills (Farrell 2019; Tsui 1996, 2001; Walsh 2001, 2006, 2011). In Chapter 5 of this book, the psychological challenges faced by pupils from migrant and refugee backgrounds were highlighted; for instance, they can be particularly vulnerable to mental health issues due to the lack of familiarity with the educational system and life in the new country and the additional challenges of language barriers. Among pupils from refugee backgrounds, there may also be traumatic experiences of forced migration. In order to support these particular emotional needs and to promote positive mental health in the school environment more widely, it has become increasingly necessary for teachers to undertake trauma-focused training programmes which have become more widely available for practitioners. Meanwhile, as far as their everyday classroom practices are concerned, teachers can integrate a range of social-emotional strategies into their lessons; these are intended to develop pupil self-awareness, self-control, social awareness, empathy and interpersonal and communication skills, and to enhance personal responsibility, resilience and personal decision-making skills. Examples of strategies of this kind are set out in Table 6.6.

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– Bring an enhanced focus to bear on emotional aspects to the subject lesson, for instance, discuss how characters in novels or texts might think or feel, and encourage pupils to discuss their own emotional reactions to stories and events; – Build and raise self-worth, for example, by assigning responsibilities and tasks to each pupil; – Start the day with an affirmation. This can set the tone for a positive learning environment as it encourages positive self-talk and promotes a growth mindset; – Teach mindfulness activities such as breathing, which can be done in conjunction with “brain breaks” in between lessons; – Introduce reflective journal exercises and small group discussions to help pupils identify, express and reflect on their feelings or opinions, and to promote healthy and respectful disagreements and respectful and reflective listening. Table 6.6. Strategies to support pupils’ emotional needs

In Chapter 7 of this book, there will be further discussion in relation to methods and strategies that teachers can draw on in preparatory classes for newly arrived pupils to help support their psycho-social needs. Principle 7: Reflective Teaching Pause for Reflection 1) How can teachers become more aware of the impact of their own behaviour on the learning environment and learning outcomes? 2) What role can school managers play in supporting the development and implementation of language-sensitive teaching across the academic curriculum? As the discussion throughout this chapter has suggested, language-sensitive teaching is a strongly reflective process. It is useful therefore to end this chapter by highlighting the role that reflective practice can play in making teachers more aware of their own professional knowledge and actions by challenging assumptions of everyday practice and critically evaluating their own responses to classroom situations (Finlay & Grough 2008; Farrell 2017; Baumgart 2021). The reflective process also encourages teachers to work with others in order to share best practice and to draw on others for support. When teaching reflectively, instructors think critically about their teaching and look for evidence of effective teaching. For example, reflective teaching and learning may include self-assessment, classroom observations, consideration of pupil valuations, or exploration of educational research. Encouraging reflective practice in schools, not only benefits individual teachers but the school as a whole, and as such is a useful approach to support the development and implementation of language-sensitive teaching in schools across the curriculum. Developing a culture of reflective practice improves

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schools by creating a strong foundation for continuously improving teaching and learning. It sends the message that learning is important for both pupils and teachers, and that everyone is committed to supporting it. It further creates an environment of collaboration as teachers question and adapt both their own practice and that of their colleagues. Teachers can team-up, drawing on their own expertise and that of others, and can offer each other both professional and emotional support. This helps to develop good practice across the school, resulting in a more productive working environment. Brookfield (2017) offers a useful, four-dimensional lens through which teachers can critically reflect on their professional practices, as is set out in Table 6.7. This can provide a useful framework to help support them in the development and implementation of language-sensitive teaching in their own classroom practices, and at the school level, through collaboration with peers, and with the encouragement of school managers. – Our Autobiographies as Learners and Teachers (self-review) – Our own experiences as learners can influence our behaviour as teachers and an ability to use our autobiographical lens will enable us to identify these personal drivers and therefore review our practices. We can begin to see our practice from the point of view of what our pupils experience; – Our Pupils’ Eyes (student review) – Seeing ourselves through pupils’ eyes provides valid and reliable evidence for our practices as teachers and in particular how and what pupils are learning. Are pupils interpreting and learning in the way we anticipated? – Our Colleagues’ Experiences (peer review) – Sharing conversations about our teaching with trusted colleagues and their perceptions and experiences of what we do can yield useful insights; – Theoretical Literature (benchmarking) – Literature and research can help us to describe and understand our practice by offering multiple perspectives on familiar situations. Table 6.7. Brookfield’s (2017: 42) reflective practice framework

Areas for reflection as part of a whole-school approach to promoting languagesensitive teaching in the multilingual school environment can include organising a weekly/monthly staff room reflective discussion with teachers self-reflecting on their own LS teaching journey and sharing examples of good practice in relation to different subject classrooms. Teachers can also be encouraged to write reflective blogs on their experiences and to give workshops to teachers from other schools to expand knowledge of this approach in practice.

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Summary

This chapter has presented the case for language-sensitive teaching as an emergent educational approach that can be developed and implemented by teachers and schools according to their own specific needs and priorities, with a view to addressing the more diverse and complex needs of pupils in the multilingual classroom environment. It has also highlighted the core educational principles and goals that underlie this approach and from this, offered suggestions as to how these might be applied in practice by teachers in different classroom contexts, highlighting related issues and challenges. The wide-ranging benefits that can be accrued from the informed and systematic strategic use of this approach across the academic curriculum have also been signalled. These include the development of more inclusive and effective pedagogies, enhanced language awareness, improved oral and written literacy and communication skills, and more self-aware, confident, engaged and autonomous learners. In these ways, this chapter has endeavoured to raise awareness of this approach and has demonstrated how it can support key EU educational policies and goals which seek to promote multilingualism and foster a more linguistically and culturally supportive educational environment for all pupils, including those from migrant and refugee backgrounds. As an approach, language-sensitive teaching thereby speaks directly to UN SDG 4 and UN SDG 10 which are concerned with promoting wider access to high-quality and equitable education and in reducing social and economic disparities in society. In Chapter 7, which follows, we will explore practical ways in which subject sensitive language teaching can be integrated into preparatory language classes for newly arrived pupils from migrant and refugee backgrounds. Meanwhile, in Chapter 8, the focus is on the application of language-sensitive teaching to different subject content classrooms, which will add weight to the arguments made in this chapter concerning the relevance and usefulness of this approach for all pupils today.

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Chapter 7: Supporting Newly Arrived Pupils with Basic and Academic Language and Content Development in Language Preparatory Classes

7.0

Introduction

The phenomenon of migration, and how best it can be addressed by education systems, continues to spark discussion and debate, and this is likely to continue given that this situation is an ongoing reality in many EU countries (see Chapter 2). Thus far, this book has highlighted some of the key issues and challenges that arise in relation to how pupils can be supported in their language development in the school and home environments, including those from migrant and refugee backgrounds, and it has also presented suitable pedagogical methods and strategies to achieve this goal. In this chapter, the focus turns to the particular needs of pupils who migrate to another country after reaching compulsory school age and who do not speak the language of schooling on arrival or who are already living in the country before they reach school age but did not yet have the opportunity to acquire the national language. We offer suggestions as to pedagogies that can support their development of the language of schooling in the context of specialised language classes or language learning programmes – which exist in different forms in some, though not all, European countries (European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice 2019: 83) – as one part of an overall inclusive framework.

7.1

Second-Language Classes for Newly Arriving Pupils

Pupils with migrant and refugee backgrounds who arrive with low or no previous knowledge of the language of schooling are often directed (partially or for all lessons) to second-language classes whose role is to help them prepare for mainstream education. These preparatory classes are sometimes taken before pupils join mainstream classrooms or they may run in parallel with these (European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice 2019: 83), and they typically feature smaller class sizes (see Chapter 2). Apart from organisational differences (e. g.

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access possibilities, obligation to attend, structure, curricular requirements), the main goal of preparatory classes, which is common to the various education systems around the world, is to prepare pupils to participate successfully in mainstream classes and in everyday life. This section will therefore focus on similarities in approaches, and offer relevant support strategies which can be offered to newly immigrated pupils. Two key strategic milestones lie at the heart of the work undertaken in preparatory classes. The first is connected to the rapid development of basic language competence (BICS) and skills for everyday and school life, and the second focuses on the longer-term development of cognitive academic language proficiency (CALP) and basic knowledge for subject learning in mainstream classrooms. In each case, specific training is provided in terms of the different procedures, strategies and operations involved. The difference between BICS and CALP was explained in detail in Section 5.5 of this book. It was also highlighted that these two aspects of language development should be deeply intertwined in order to achieve the primary goal of preparatory classes: providing recently arriving pupils with basic requirements for coping and being active in the mainstream classroom context without feeling overwhelmed. In addition to the focussed work on language acquisition that takes place in these second language classes, which is fundamental for successful integration into the main classroom, it is also vital that newly arrived migrant pupils should not be excluded from mainstream classes for too long so as to reduce the likelihood of them missing out on important teaching of subject-specific content knowledge, as this would further disadvantage them. Accordingly, it is important for newly immigrated pupils to participate as soon as possible in routine practices at school and to get to know their peers, as this will, among other factors, help foster their socialisation into both the new school environment and the wider community (European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice 2019: 83, see also Section 6.2). As language and subject learning are closely interlinked, it makes sense to create educational opportunities that combine both. Language is at the same time an object of learning and reflection as well as a medium of learning. Thus, linguistic competency and subject-oriented content knowledge are necessary for a pupil to understand the content that needs to be learned. The language of instruction should therefore not be taught in isolation but in a context that also practises the subject-specific language, typical task formats and school routines (see Chapter 8). This is why both aspects should feature in lessons designed for preparatory classes, as has been developed, for example, by Integrate Ireland Language and Training (https://www.iilt.ie/) at the beginning of the millennium or in the English Language Support Programme Platform (http://www.elsp.ie/). Despite these and other examples of good practice, such an approach has not been widely applied in preparatory classes in school contexts previously for a

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variety of reasons, not least due to the challenges involved in combining both content and language learning (Wulff & Nessler 2019: 281) and frequently due to the still-inadequate training of teachers, who are often either second/foreign language teachers, teachers of the mainstream language as a first language, e. g. Polish in Poland, or subject teachers. In the past, the focus of teaching in preparatory classes has been on central, functional and mandatory basic skills needed in everyday life or on grammar rules. In addition, most textbooks for language beginners are not geared towards facilitating participation in main school lessons, but instead, have been targeted towards supporting participation in everyday life and teaching the corresponding language resources and grammatical knowledge in often isolated ways (PamułaBehrens & Szyman´ska 2018). What is also worth mentioning is that providing pupils with the kind of knowledge they will need for their smooth transition to subject learning in mainstream classes is difficult due to the limited amount of time they are expected to stay in preparatory classes (European Commission/ EACEA/Eurydice 2019: 83), and there can be the added challenge of the large number of topics that need to be covered in the curriculum in order to meet the school requirements. At this point, it is important to stress that preparatory classes should be understood as the first step in subject learning in a second language and that pupils need to be assisted as they continue their academic journey and progress to mainstream classroom contexts in ways that are highlighted in Chapters 6 and 8 of this book. In the following section, we explore some of the key challenges that can typically arise in preparatory language classes and ways in which these can be alleviated.

7.2

Key Challenges in Specialised Language Classes

Newcomer pupils are an especially diverse group of learners. Besides the individual differences between learning styles, personal interests and home languages, there is likely to be considerable variation in the nature of their prior formal education. Moreover, the profile of individual learner needs may vary considerably. For instance, while some might have attended school regularly in the past, others may have had their education disrupted by war or other crises. The length of their migration and resettlement journeys will differ also with some experiencing more prolonged periods of disruption to their normal lives and education (DeCapua et al. 2009) than is the case with others. The age of arrival in the country of settlement is a further important factor influencing the educational performance of pupils in this situation, with older pupils often in need of

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additional help to mitigate the adverse consequences of arriving at a late stage of their educational careers (OECD 2012). The length of a pupil’s previous continuous education usually determines their literacy experiences in their first language(s) or another societal dominant language in the respective country, as well as the level of literacy achieved in other languages, and the latter may have involved a different writing system. Consequently, for many recently arrived pupils learning the language of the new country might include both first- and second-literacy acquisition. For this purpose, it is important that comparisons are made between the different languages involved and that the corresponding writing systems are included to ensure that pupils are able to use the teaching and learning resources available (Berkemeier 2018: 284). As a result of the diversity in age and prior educational experience, it is difficult to make generalisations about literacy-related issues in the context of refugee-related migration and newly arrived older pupils. However, it is largely the case that pupils without written language skills find themselves particularly disadvantaged and that insufficient attention is devoted to this area in educational planning, as a result of a fundamental lack of understanding of the complex issues involved (Kittlitz 2016: 105, 107). This makes it essential for the teachers to be available with qualifications in first language as well as secondlanguage literacy and development. There can also be challenges of a structural and budgetary nature. For instance, the number of pupils with poor literacy skills may be too low for special preparatory classes to be set up due to possible financial constraints on school budgets. In such cases, cooperation between schools can help in relation to shared financing of inter-school classes or receiving subsidies from the local authority, which is, e. g. a frequent case in Poland. Furthermore, a low degree of literacy is not limited to this group of newly arrived pupils alone. It is rather a multi-layered and socially far-reaching problem that also affects first-language learners without any migration experiences (Kittlitz 2016: 107). When classes do not focus on developing literary skills from scratch, truly illiterate pupils cannot profit from them sufficiently. When these pupils then enter the mainstream class, it leads to a considerable burden on both the pupils and the subject teachers as they still fall behind in basic skills and they are not able to participate and perform in the subject lessons to an adequate level. As mentioned before, cross/ inter-school collaborations can be a way to provide needs-based support to these pupils. Financial constraints can also mean that pupils with varying levels of skills and of different ages are grouped together, as can happen for example in Germany, Ireland and Poland. Furthermore, these classes often feature a considerable fluctuation of learners. The below example from Germany can serve as a representative example for each of the countries that are the focus of our book:

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On the one hand, children who have just arrived in Germany come to class throughout the school year. On the other hand, there are children leaving the classes who have moved out of the initial reception centres and thus usually also have to change schools, and children who are accepted into regular classes. The teachers describe this situation as a great challenge because this renders it difficult to establish structures and group dynamics processes. Deportation of children also contributes to a fluctuation in the classes. Since the deportation takes place without prior notice, these children are missing from one day to the next. The teachers describe the handling of deportations, and the associated fears of the children who continue their stay as well as the experience of a member of the class community suddenly disappearing, as stressful. (Karakayali et al. 2017: 9–10; authors’ own translation from the original in German)

Accordingly, flexibility is needed on the part of teachers to be able to meet the diverse and complex needs of newcomers. This means developing an awareness of the way of thinking and the expectations of learners, of their life and school experiences (see Section 6.2), and of the demands and requirements of the new educational system. Moreover, as the discussion in Chapters 5 and 6 highlighted previously, teachers need to be sensitised to the fact that many newly arrived pupils are likely to have experienced varying degrees of stress and even trauma on their migration journey and that this can have a considerable impact on their school performance and academic attainment (see Section 6.3). Besides the challenges that arise at the classroom level in the area of language development, there is the dilemma that arises at the school level of how to provide targeted support in preparation classes while, at the same time, trying to support their participation in the mainstream classroom, as newcomers can participate in a language class usually only if they miss mainstream classes (or part of them). This leads to organisational difficulties in terms of coordinating schedules, as well as personal problems, such as the additional learning load and the feeling of otherness as a result of missing opportunities to interact and bond with peers. Moreover, language classes for newcomers are often perceived by relevant stakeholders (e. g. policymakers, school principals, teachers) as something temporary, and thus as an add-on to the curriculum, despite the fact that migration has been a reality in many EU countries for decades now, as Chapter 2 of this book highlights. As a consequence of perceptions of this kind prevailing in political and educational sectors, language classes are not well-embedded into institutional contexts and school routines, and this reinforces the sense of otherness that newcomers experience. While preparatory classes can offer tailored language support for newly arrived pupils and, at the same time, provide them with a valuable and secure space in which to exchange experiences, keeping pupils with migration backgrounds away from the remainder of the school population for lengthy periods of time, as has been the case in Austria (Wildemann 2019), has been unanimously criticised in expert circles as preventing

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rather than facilitating integration. The reason for this lies in the fact that the lack of subject teaching means the loss of a school year, and non-optimal teaching and learning conditions have negative effects on the well-being and performance of both teachers and children (Müller & Schweiger 2022: 28). Therefore, a key challenge for schools is to develop an approach that can meet these competing needs (Wildemann 2019). It is also worth pointing out again that pupils need to acquire CALP in order to participate in subject learning, given that knowledge of the language of instruction is indispensable for educational success. Newcomers in secondary schools are faced with the need to learn the language of schooling in a very short amount of time to be successful in education despite the fact that it can take up to ten years to reach the same level as pupils who grew up in their native country (Collier & Thomas 2017). Moreover, many pupils need to become familiar with new roles, expectations, task formats, teaching practices, assessment standards, and the different forms of media that may be used. For some of them, this process will take place after an extended period of disrupted education or even a lack of education entirely. Unfortunately, to the best of our knowledge and experience, teachers in schools often tend to focus on what these pupils do not know and on teaching the language of instruction, instead of tapping into pupils’ prior educational experiences and existing language knowledge to facilitate the learning of a new language and new subject content. This fails to take into account the rich resources that transnational life perspectives can bring to the learning process and may result in the loss of this valuable prior knowledge and expertise (SVR 2016: 72). Teenage pupils are particularly vulnerable in this respect as some of them may also feel under-challenged and that their skills are not sufficiently recognised or that they are in danger of losing them, which can lead to a lack of motivation to invest in learning the new language. In fact, a loss of prior competencies impedes the participation of pupils both in the new educational context and in any future education they will undertake. Due to these reasons and myriad others, including restrictions on visas or feelings of not being welcome in the host country, some newly arriving pupils may end up moving to other countries (transmigration) or returning to their home country. Teachers need to take this eventuality into consideration and not treat it personally. The uncertainties that often exist around pupils’ future destinations and settlement are likely to affect their motivation to deal with the new school system and to learn the second language. Accordingly, it is important that teachers make an effort not to perceive these pupils as unmotivated per se and refrain from judging them as such but take into account instead their individual biographies, plans, desires and perspectives, and try to find for these pupils areas in which they wish to invest and how best to support them.

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It is also the case that unused resources such as languages or skills learnt in the home countries could negatively influence a pupil’s confidence and lead to a “resource loss spiral” (Buchenwald & Hobfoll 2013), which means that losing them may contribute to losing further resources. To prevent this, teachers are recommended to adopt a resource orientation – which can be defined as a didactic integration of linguistic and technical competencies in order to (re)enforce the confidence and competence of pupils during lessons. This approach enables pupils to play an active role in all subjects right from the start and is of particular importance for those whose confidence has been shaken by the events they have experienced, especially during and after (flight) migration (Kühn & Bialek 2017). As the discussions in Chapter 6 highlighted, some pupils are likely to have experienced trauma and are in need of a safe space where they do not feel overwhelmed by the new school environment, which is the area we turn to next.

7.3

Trauma-Informed Teaching in the Migration Context: The Safe Classroom

The increase in refugee migration in recent years or decades (depending on the country, see Chapter 2 for the different phases of migration in Germany, Greece, Ireland and Poland) has led to a greater awareness of the existence of trauma in educational institutions and its consideration in the design of learning processes, even if there is still a greater need for action. Research in the field of educational psychology has shown how trauma and anxiety of this kind can impact the ability of pupils to concentrate and acquire new information, including their ability to learn a new language (Saigh et al. 2006; Kosa & Hansen 2006). A lack of certainty as to whether or not they will remain in the new country, either as a result of residence issues or because the family may view the new country as a temporary stopover, can also affect pupils’ motivation and engagement. Migration and starting life, school or work in another country can be a very distressing situation (Plutzar 2019), even for those who migrate under comparatively favourable circumstances, e. g. for improved employment and a better standard of living. In the case of children and young people, it should not be forgotten that they rarely migrate voluntarily, even those who are not refugees, but rather are obliged to follow the wishes or professional circumstances of their parents. It should also be noted that trauma can arise not only from the experience of war, violence and flight, but also, for example, from repeated experiences of discrimination, challenging or undignified conditions of living in a new environment or by leaving loved ones behind (Fanning 2018; Lyons 2010; Smyth

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et al. 2009). As a matter of fact, every migration experience, whether voluntary or not, can potentially lead to a migration crisis and, therefore, affect learning (Plutzar 2019). In order to avoid misinterpreting the pupils’ behaviour in this situation, and to ensure that their ability to learn is not underestimated, teachers need to realise that there are phases during the migration process which can impede learning. Although teachers should always be alerted to the possibility that their pupils might have undergone traumatic experiences, it is important also to underscore that not all newly arrived pupils will feel traumatised and not every terrible or potentially traumatic event will lead to trauma in each person. However, it is important to be aware that the challenges of migration can lead to trauma. Therefore, teachers should not make respective diagnoses hastily and without an expert’s assistance. Furthermore, teachers should be mindful of what it means for children and adolescents to live in an unfamiliar country with traumatised parents who may consequently no longer be able to fulfil their parental responsibilities. Often these pupils have to take on tasks and roles that are not appropriate for their age and overburden them, which not only affects their wellbeing and development but also their learning abilities. Therefore, emotional well-being should be considered in teaching in general and in teaching newcomers in particular. Increased sensitivity on the part of educational institutions and teaching staff – just as with language-sensitive subject teaching – benefits all pupils, not only those who have newly arrived in the country and have experienced war and flight. Recently, issues pertaining to the emotional well-being and engagement of pupils from migrant backgrounds have increasingly come to the fore as schools have sought to integrate pupils from a wider and more diverse range of backgrounds (Hollifield et al. 2002). This can be attributed to the shift in many western education systems towards a holistic educational practice since the 1970s (Moskowitz 1978), which has led to a greater focus in general on pupils’ mental health and well-being. Such insights have led to calls for specialist treatment and coping strategies and for greater consideration to be given to the creation of classrooms as safe learning environments where all pupils feel secure and valued. However, one of the hindrances to a successful implementation of this approach in schools is the inadequate or non-existence of training that teachers require in order to know how to integrate these pupils into the classroom, and the failure of schools to liaise with parents to more effectively support their integration (see Refugee Education Crisis Report, UNHCR 2019). From this review of the diverse and complex needs and challenges of children from migrant backgrounds, in the following section, we highlight those areas where reform is now most needed at the school level, from which recommendations will be made as to the direction this should take.

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Language learning cannot be seen as a purely cognitive and intentional activity in the classroom but as a socially embedded process. This means that such learning involves complex, interdependent psychological and life-world processes (see Chapter 2 and 6 of this book for a more in-depth discussion) – both consciously perceived and unconsciously experienced. In view of this understanding of language learning, the social environment, as well as the actions of individuals embedded in it, constitute not only the context of human development, and thus of language acquisition, but language acquisition itself: “they do not just facilitate learning, they are learning in a fundamental way” (van Lier 2000: 246). In this sense, language and language acquisition are closely connected with the life situations of the learners as well as their psychological processes within this situation, with both influencing access to, and the possibilities of, language learning. Thus, inclusion and participation in meaningful and encouraging social practices are crucial for all language acquisition processes. The life situation of all newly immigrated pupils is characterised by challenges of migration or even flight and the resulting loss of family members, status and property. Furthermore, the often-experienced loss of the taken-for-granted use of languages that are familiar to the pupils plays a crucial role in this experience, as it reinforces the feeling of helplessness on their part. Since we assume that language is a social practice, the teaching of a new language has to take into account learners’ specific current life situations and be attuned to the intrapsychic challenges of flight and migration (Plutzar 2019). This means, first of all, that the language classroom must be experienced by newcomers as a safe place. In practice, this necessitates: – a focus on and promotion of pupils’ abilities so that they experience not only the inadequacy of their yet-to-be-acquired language but also self-efficacy, and so that the entry into a new language is through something familiar; – allowing all learners to include their languages in the learning process, so that the language being learned stands alongside the other languages and develops with their help so that pupils’ inability to communicate and feelings of inadequacy in terms of their expression in the new language are mitigated; – the use of all additional resources available to teachers and learners, such as dictionaries, translation programs, or digitally available texts in the first, or other known languages, in order to facilitate understanding and stimulate engagement with the language; – enabling learners to experience something in the classroom and to connect language with it, so that emotions are handled and named in the languages known to the pupils and in the new language as well. In this case, the new language can be used to express an inner experience without displacing the known language if the learners so wish;

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– teachers showing a willingness to learn from their pupils in order to respect and trust newcomers (Plutzar 2019: 225). There are also various methods which can be applied to support traumatised children and adolescents, which are part of the pedagogical repertoire and suitable for all pupils. These include praise and encouragement, mindfulness exercises, relaxation exercises, coordination exercises, dealing with personal feelings and those of others, and other exercises for acquiring interpersonal skills. The development of inner security promotes the resilience of all children and adolescents in the classroom. For more practical advice for teachers, see the tools developed by the International Rescue Committee (2006). Despite the significance of implementing an adequate approach to pupils’ emotional well-being, it is important to recognise that teachers are not therapists. They can be patient with their pupils, make the classroom friendly and welcoming, and, as an attempt to fulfil their teaching duties, adapt their lessons to the particular needs of the children and adolescents they teach, but they cannot be expected to treat traumatised pupils, nor should they try. Psychological counselling lies outside their competence and capability, and they have no influence on the number of pupils enrolled, the architecture of the school buildings, the general quality of the education offered, and how much support pupils receive from social workers, school psychologists and other relevant professionals. Therefore, it is important that teachers also take care of themselves in their work (Roffey 2012). Routine opportunities should be created by schools and educational authorities for teachers to receive guidance and supervision in this area, such as through discussions about individual case studies. As the discussion in Chapter 3 of this book highlighted, languages constitute a part of our identity, which means that they are integral to all of our experiences. Therefore, the acquisition of a new language means the “extension of identity” and the “construction of a new self-concept” (Plutzar 2019: 221). Thus, language teaching should be designed to accompany pupils in their “inner reorganisation in a sensitive phase of upheaval” (Plutzar 2019: 221). This means offering the pupils the possibility to enter into a relationship with the new language, to express their own inner experience through the new language, and thereby also to be heard and to find a voice in the new language (Plutzar 2019: 223). Approaching and designing the language classroom, or rather any classroom, as a safe place means creating and maintaining it as a secure site in which experiences of speechlessness, embarrassment and pressure do not take place.

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Initial Assessment in the Classroom as a Basis for Teaching and Learning

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Initial Assessment in the Classroom as a Basis for Teaching and Learning

Learner-centeredness (see Chapter 6) is a fundamental principle both in a broader understanding of inclusive schooling, in the sense of a holistic school approach as well as in relation to the respective lessons. In many countries, there are entrance tests for newly arrived pupils, in others, for example in Poland and Greece, children are admitted on the basis of an interview with a relevant school staff member. In Germany, for example, the test 2P Potential & Analysis – an assessment procedure for new immigrants is used, but there are also language tests for children before they enter school (in some federal states for all children regardless of language biography). Most of these tests have been repeatedly subject to considerable criticism from the academic community – both in terms of practicability and theoretical foundation, particularly with regard to the nonuniversal nature of language acquisition in multilingual contexts as well as to the validity and reliability of test instruments. Since our focus in this chapter is the classroom, these test formats will not be dealt with further here. However, it seems that an adequate approach would be to concentrate more on the initial assessment of pupils’ language biography in order to orient teaching or additional learning activities accordingly. To assess the situation of pupils and their families when they have arrived in a new environment and at a new school, it is crucial to ensure that the initial assessment does not focus solely on language skills and literacy in these languages. Moreover, it should always be the decision of the family or pupils as to the information they wish to share. Accordingly, getting to know pupils may include finding out about their living and family conditions, prior schooling, skills mastered in different subjects, plans for the future as well as attempting to diagnose their emotional state and probing how well they are coping with the new situation and what supports are needed. Approaches to initial language assessment at an entry point in the target country are very diverse and, in some contexts, according to our experiences, not uniformly coordinated and implemented. In the following discussion, we would like to offer some suggestions on how to collect information about the language biographies of pupils with little competence in the target language as well as their perceptions of their own previous linguistic experiences. Our aim is to complement existing language and knowledge tests and gain a more meaningful understanding of the pupils. One way in which this goal can be achieved is to ask a pupil to complete a language portrait. Language portraits (Gogolin & Neumann 1991; Krumm & Jenkins 2001; Busch 2021a, 2021b) are not about assessing competencies in the

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pupils’ individual languages, but about giving pupils the opportunity to become aware of the languages that play a role in their lives, in their biography. This can also create opportunities to gain vital information about their multilingual lives, experiences, emotions and plans for the future. Such an activity can be undertaken with individual pupils to engage them in conversation or can be done in a group, in which volunteering learners can present their portraits if they so wish – either in the class or in a smaller group. Teachers should be aware, however, that potentially traumatic memories may be triggered during the act of drawing. Therefore, it is important to know pupils’ history, e. g. whether they are struggling with trauma, when deciding whether or not to use language portraits. Such activities should always be used on a voluntary basis and may not be suitable for every newly arrived child. My Language Portrait Please draw your languages, dialects and ways of speaking with colours in the figure where you can feel them. Then indicate in the legend which colours stand for which languages, dialects and ways of speaking.

This colour

stands for these languages, dialects, ways of speaking

Figure 7.1. Template for a language portrait (EURAC research 2021: 30, © heteroglossia.net)

Alternatively, learners can visualise their multilingualism and the importance of different languages in the course of their life on a graph (Ryan & Walker 2007; Lattschar & Wiemann 2018). As Figure 7.2. demonstrates, the X-axis shows the pupil’s age, and the Y-axis the importance of the respective languages.

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Figure 7.2. Example of a graphical representation of a language biography

This approach also enables learners to reflect on their language potential as well as creates opportunities for teachers to gain important insights into an individual pupil’s multilingualism, their subjective, affective associations, attributions and their biographies.

7.5

Assessing Home Language(s)

A home language assessment can provide teachers with vital information about the first language literacy and skills that pupils may have developed in their home language(s). It can also offer an indication of how advanced the home languages are, and how they can be used to support new language development, as well as offer insight into experiences and attitudes a particular pupil holds towards learning in each of the languages. In order to ensure that home language assessment provides accurate information, schools will need to use family and learner background information to contextualise any outcomes obtained in this process. When assessing home language use, it is important for the teachers or other pedagogical staff to be aware that the pupil may know some things in one language but not in the other. There may also be aspects of the curriculum which learners cannot talk about in their home languages because they have no experience learning it before. For example, a young learner may know the name of familiar household items only in the home language, but the names of scientific concepts only in the language of previous schooling. Pupils’ abilities in the home languages can also vary depending on the nature and extent of their usage in the home, with some families making a conscious effort to use them in an attempt to preserve them, while others may prefer to communicate in the majority language

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believing this is the best way to support their child’s education. A further factor influencing home language(s) use is the extent to which there are community members with whom a particular tongue can be shared. One should also be aware of cultural and family differences in interactional and exchange practices. They can vary from culture to culture, from community to community, and from family to family, with children in some places not expected to speak much or more likely to feel uncomfortable when speaking to a stranger. There may also be differences in approaches to interrupting and turn-taking. These cultural and individual differences are important for teachers and school staff to be aware of, especially because they may influence communication practices displayed by individual pupils in the classroom (in terms of their willingness to contribute and their ability to articulate their opinions and wishes) and in relation to managing interactions. Furthermore, teachers also need to be aware that the language of instruction in a learner’s country of origin may differ from their family language(s), e. g. in African countries, indigenous languages are used at home but colonial languages (often English) at school. First-language interpreters may be required to provide information before a meeting with a pupil and/or parents, and to render questions and answers during the meeting, if there are no other adults in the school who share the learner’s language. However, any use of an interpreter, whether they are school staff or not, needs to be undertaken judiciously. Moreover, when sensitive issues are dealt with, sufficient consideration must be given to whether family or community members should be involved. Further areas to consider when choosing a suitable interpreter are whether they are familiar with the pupil’s cultures and religion and, where possible, that the ethnicity and dialect of the interpreter should be the same as that of the family and not, for example, from an ethnicity which is in an ongoing conflict in the country of origin. The previous discussion has highlighted possibilities that can enable schools and teachers to more accurately identify a pupil’s language and social needs so as to inform curriculum provision and support strategies that can promote their learning. In the following section, we will focus on some key ways in which subject-oriented learning can be integrated into preparatory language classes from the very start to support pupils linguistically and to better facilitate their smooth transition into the mainstream classroom.

7.6

Subject-Oriented Language Teaching in Practice

Firstly, it is both possible and necessary to teach subject content from the beginning of second-language acquisition as it comprises an essential part of the relevant input for language acquisition. However, it should be noted that there

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are differences in the volume and availability of relevant materials. In Greece and Poland, materials for subject content- and language-oriented learning that could cater for newly arrived pupils are still at the early stage of development. In other countries, including Ireland and Germany, such materials exist as they have a longer history of intensified inward migration. Materials are produced both by publishers and also, at times, by official educational institutions. Preparatory classes often are based on the Common European Framework of Reference for Languages, which is commonly referred to as the CEFR (see CEFR 2001 and CEFR/CV 2018a – the Companion Volume). However, the competence expectations that the CEFR set up do not include either subject-related language learning objectives or language tests to measure subject-specific knowledge (see Reichert et al. 2020). With the publishing of the Companion Volume, teachers have received illustrative scales which enable mapping a detailed profile of proficiency which should be the target of lower secondary CLIL pupils (CEFR/CV 2018a: 38–39). It should be noted, however, that the CEFR is not based on any language acquisition theory or empirically founded language acquisition sequence but it is a didactic instrument developed for the comparability of language courses and certificates in the foreign language sector. Notwithstanding these limitations, the CEFR has now become the most effective language policy and foreign language didactic instrument of recent decades in Europe and beyond (Bärenfänger et al. 2019: 7; Wisniewski et al. 2019: 67). For the context of second-language teaching at schools, problems may arise in aligning material with the CEFR, especially if its proposals are not in line with the binding school curriculum. One of the main reasons why there still is a lack of suitable textbooks for second language learning at school is the low interest of publishers in the migrant learner group due to its small size and, therefore, lower expected profitability. Separate classes for newly arrived pupils have always been unpredictable in terms of both their size, needs and profiles (see the arguments mentioned above) so it is, first of all, difficult to offer a tailored and commercially sound stock of materials. Moreover, the learner group in focus has no lobby or purchasing power. It usually presents challenges to the structural principle of homogeneity of school or soundness of business plans. Also, financial resources have seldom gone into the development of needs-based materials for this target group. This means that pupils with migration backgrounds tend to be viewed less favourably with their future potential benefit to the labour market often unrecognised, unlike recruited professional groups such as doctors or nurses whose value is better understood. In an attempt to provide materials relevant to teaching recently migrated pupils, some publishing houses may even resort to introducing minor revisions and adding the phrase “as a second language” to the title of already existing

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course books for teaching foreign languages abroad. Consequently, these books are seldom oriented towards the needs of migrant pupils and the specificity of their second-language acquisition, especially the aim to participate successfully in school activities. This means that teachers are routinely obliged to adapt commercially published materials to the needs of the target group and their teaching and learning objectives. This is a difficult task requiring professional skills they may not have, and it is also extremely time-consuming. As a result, teachers working in this area have limited choices and either use textbooks originally developed for language learners in foreign countries or create their own materials based on subject textbooks (Kuhs 2017: 425–426). This is a particularly acute problem in Poland where intensified migration and reception of refugees have occurred very recently. In Germany, for example, although materials have been published in recent years that relate the subject matter of second-language learning to participation in school contexts (e. g. Kniffka & Neuer 2018; Balyos et al. 2016), there is still a lack of materials for teachers to make needs-based choices for their respective classes. There is a particular need for materials for reading and writing in a new alphabet. It is therefore all the more important that teachers advocate for this group, and where possible, liaise with publishers to convince them of the need for quality materials. It is also important that, where possible, teachers and publishing houses cooperate around materials development and the sharing of materials that teachers themselves have created in different contexts. Another useful idea is for teachers to exchange ideas for materials and lesson design with each other as well as their experiences, and pedagogical approaches that have proved successful in combining subject contents with language acquisition with the aim of participation in schooling contexts. When using authentic texts from subject school books, according to our experiences, most teachers tend to simplify texts for newcomers. This might be useful to introduce a new topic (which can also be done using pictures, videos, and hands-on activities), but the texts should undergo further development, i. e. ensuring that the content is accessible to the pupils in terms of language complexity and level. Text development should also focus on cultural content so that pupils have the opportunity to access and be supported in their acquisition of the registers of schooling (see examples below). As far as subject-specific language is concerned, this serves the purpose of transferring knowledge in relation to key concepts as well as of the performance of specific functions, which are realised by specific procedures and constructions (Halliday 1985) as the discussion in Chapter 8 of this book will explore in more depth. This makes it difficult for teachers to simplify the language which is necessary for teaching a particular subject or content. For instance, this could lead to inaccurate or imprecise expressions which could inhibit the acquisition of the subject-specific content and

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competencies, including the competent use of the specific language, as has been highlighted in the academic literature (Grießhaber 2010: 42; Kniffka 2012: 215). Knowing a subject typically requires an understanding of precise terminology and expressions, alongside the related linguistic structures. Therefore, it is important that didactic and methodological concepts which are used for subjectoriented language teaching are adjusted to the level of pupils by means of a graduated, step-by-step approach to specific language use (which includes both receptive and productive use). This calls for using the pedagogical approach of scaffolding, as was highlighted in Chapter 6 (see also Chapter 8), which can serve as a guiding principle for lesson and materials design and development in this context. It is important to underscore that – and this applies in general to any teaching, not only to the type dealt with here, i. e. for newly immigrated pupils – it is impossible to present explicit and universal materials which can be immediately used for classroom work. This is critical because there are no homogeneous classes, indeed all classes have pupils with a variety of individual differences such as different prior knowledge, experiences, interests, learning strategies, and home/first languages. Consequently, it is necessary to choose and adapt as well as develop materials specific to the profile of a particular class, which can be designed on the basis of universal principles with wider applications in mind. Olthoff (2021) has highlighted the ways in which an action- and productoriented type of teaching can offer content and language-integrated learning in combination with vocational preparation from the beginning of school attendance in preparatory classes. An action- and product-oriented teaching approach, involving not only cognitive resources but also multisensory dimensions, can enable content-specific learning, which is not primarily based on and conveyed by language but also by doing things. This offers pupils the opportunity to learn the subject content and, at the same time, acquire the second language (see also Steuber 2022). Teachers also need to ensure that language education should, whenever possible, take place in a relevant and plausible context, that is, it should ideally be integrated into social practices so that the pupils develop an awareness not only of words and structures but also for what purpose they need them (see e. g. the example below). This approach reflects the broad consensus that now exists that language education in isolation from subject-specific content should be avoided as it is less meaningful and fruitful (Daase 2021; Ohm 2017, 2021a). Carlson and Daase (2020) show how pupils in the transition period from the preparatory class to the mainstream classroom can be introduced to the challenges of working with typical textbook texts. They give their recommendations drawing from a functional language analysis (see Chapter 8) of a text from a geography textbook about what happens on a farm (e. g. milking cows, fertilising, sowing, ploughing but also office work) and by applying the teaching principle of

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scaffolding (see Chapters 6 and 8). Nominalisations prove to be an important result of their analysis, which are known to be one of the main challenges in subject-specific texts. Halliday (1993: 110f.) defines nominalisations as grammatical metaphors because they reinterpret processes as things, i. e. they objectify processes, and thus reinterpret experiences. Simplifying matters to a considerable degree, a nominalisation is a noun form which can replace a verb phrase, e. g. to create a noun (verb phrase) = nominalisation (noun), or cut down forests = deforestation. It is important to make pupils aware of the function of nominalisations in texts in order to interpret them correctly and to assign corresponding actors to them (Schleppegrell 2004: 71–74, 143). In the beginning, learners do not need to produce nominalisations in their own texts but should gradually be able to recognize them in texts as processes, i. e. as events proceeding. In the geography text Carlson and Daase (2020) discuss, the working processes on the farm are presented from the perspective of a farmer: he is explaining what he does normally every day, in different seasons etc., on the farm as well as things that can happen unexpectedly (e. g. a cow calves) and the special actions that must be taken in such a case. In class, reading often takes place at the beginning of a work unit, but in the activity or lesson plan devised by these authors, the pupils are prepared through several steps leading to this activity, activating prior knowledge and preparing the pupils to master the task, so that at the end the text from the mainstream geography textbook, which has not been simplified, can be read. After a mind map about the topic and linking to their own experiences, the class goes on an excursion to a farm with an observation and subsequent written documentation task. Afterwards, the teacher focuses the pupils’ attention on one aspect of the language (nominalisation) used in the target text, not using this text, but based on the pupils’ documentation of the excursion. The pupils get to know nominalisations as another form to express processes with a special function: Nominalisation helps with focussing on the processes instead of the acting person, it enables integration of more processes in one sentence and transmits more information, and it is possible to relate the processes to each other. After knowing the function by examples from the target text, the pupils get an exercise where they match the verb phrase to the nominal expression. After all these preparations, they read the target text. In Figure 7.3., depicting the rough planning of the unit, one can also see the mode continuum (Gibbons 2015: 80ff.) from oral to written language, supporting language skills from BICS to CALP (see Chapter 5), which guides pupils step by step to the language of schooling and is an important aspect of scaffolding. In what follows, a conceptualization of the criteria-led use of scaffolding for the design of action- and product-oriented lessons and materials is presented. We incorporate scaffolding as a main teaching principle from Chapter 6 and

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Figure 7.3. Rough planning “What happens on the farm?” (see Carlson & Daase 2020)

present a general guide for subject-oriented language teaching in Figure 7.4. Afterwards, we present some recommendations for the preparation of teaching materials including didactic background information.

Figure 7.4. Guide for the adaptation of scaffolding

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The approach starts with the targeted learning goal at (1). This can be taken from the curriculum which is used in the country, or which is adopted by the school. It is important to focus on a concrete goal which the pupils should reach in the exercise, lesson or unit the teacher is focussing on. This goal should be subdivided and adapted if it is too challenging for the pupils, and hence out of their ZDP. Whether a goal is too challenging may be decided after the comparison of the requirement analysis (2) and the actual learning state (3), which is why the difference between findings of the needs analysis in textbooks or exercises and the actual developmental stage of the pupils is helpful for lesson preparation. If an unbridgeable gap is noticed, the goal can be adapted by lowering the expected level of achievement or subdividing the goal and focussing on the sublevel. If there is no gap between requirement analysis (2) and actual learning state (3), the goal might not be challenging enough, so the level should be raised. It is important for optimal learning conditions to choose a task which is in the pupils’ ZPD (see Chapter 6). Moreover, the gap between (2) and (3) can be used to design concrete materials or elements of support (4). On the one hand, explicit materials can be developed for and adjusted to the learners. On the other hand, the information can be helpful to plan and support interactive or collaborative dialogue during communication with pupils in the classroom. The combination of subject-specific learning with language learning can be based on working with texts from subject course books and offering support through scaffolding as described above and in Chapter 6 as well. In the following section, practical examples are presented for subject area lessons that have been developed from topics in a language textbook. The material does not systematically follow the curricular requirements for subject teaching but instead aims to give learners exemplary insights into the working and thinking methods of various subjects and to provide initial access to the corresponding language registers.

7.7

The Reading Strategy “Working with text clues”: Access to Technical Texts Using Text Structure and Multilingual Competencies

Newly arrived pupils are not yet able to fully decode a text in the target language. For them, the learning target (1) cannot necessitate understanding the text word for word, but recognizing the topic and, if possible, gaining a rough impression of the text content. What they need, following the requirement analysis (2), are key terms that are indispensable for the topic at the language level they need to attain. At the subject level, the following example introduces a reading strategy, on the

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basis of which learners develop an initial introduction to a subject-specific textbook. The aim is to reduce the fear of working with a text and to strengthen learners’ self-concept with regard to the actual state of their reading competence (3) (Baginski 2020: 47–48). Experienced readers often use strategic knowledge (e. g. recognising the type and structure of a text before reading) to extract necessary key information. However, not every learner is aware of the fact that this kind of knowledge can also be applied to texts in unfamiliar languages. Images, headings, tables, graphs and highlighted terms are text clues and provide information on the topic of a text. The support elements (4) of the reading strategy “working with text clues” are demonstrated below using a text on the subject of Climate with reference to Figure 7.5. and the twelve steps or stages that serve to systematically scaffold the pupils. The following example provides an overview of the twelve working steps which enable pupils to get information from the textbook page “Reading climate diagrams” (Figure 7.5.) without reading the text in depth, which still would be linguistically too challenging for the pupils: 1. What text aids are provided? Draw a table in your notebook. Text aid

Information

2. 3. 4.

What is the topic? Underline in RED everything you understand on page 64 of the textbook. Group work: Read information on the topic from the Internet in English, French, Spanish, Arabic, etc., and respond in any language you know. 5. Underline in BLUE everything you understand after reading the information available on the Internet. 6. Read the section “The Temperature Curve”. Underline the nouns. There are nine different nouns. 7. Fill in five of the nine nouns from task 6 in the diagram “Temperature curve”. 8. Read the temperature curve: “The monthly average temperature in (January) is […] degrees Celsius.” 9. Read the precipitation columns: “The monthly precipitation in (January) is […] millimetres.” 10. Look at the tasks on page 65. Which task is the easiest? Start with the easiest one.. 11. If you want, you can also do the other tasks. 12. Finally, read the pages again and underline in GREEN what you now understand.

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Figure 7.5. Climate diagram (Source: Baumbach et al. 2010), © Westermann, Germany

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References to the content area in the second language class can be made from the beginning. In the following example, we find a topic from an initial second language class combined with subject area texts from political and biology classes. They were developed in a practical project for student teachers at the University of Bremen in parallel with a language textbook and link to language teaching lessons with subject teaching texts from textbooks (Baginski 2017). The topic of family features can be found in many introductory language textbooks. However, for learners from migrant or refugee backgrounds, this topic might be stressful. Introductory language textbooks typically teach the names of family members. However, a simple translation of family member names is not always possible. For instance, in German, there is only one term for “aunt”, “grandmother” or “cousin”, whereas a number of other languages, e. g. in Polish, make further distinctions in the naming of these relationships. For example, there may be different terms for relatives according to blood relationship, age or gender. Figure 7.6. provides an example of a diagram used in textbooks about human inheritance in biology. It offers a different view on the concept of family that enables a more abstract treatment of the topic. At the same time, the reference to content area teaching is established. The perspective of subject-specific language teaching, however, is the representation of biological sex and biological generations. The diagram in Figure 7.6. illustrates the generations of children, parents and grandparents and the task is designed to enable pupils to work out the names of family members independently of their families of origin.

Figure 7.6. Inheritance in humans (Ganz 2007: 138), © Westermann, Germany

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The task and three steps that pupils follow are: Pupil Task: Open page x of your biology book. In the middle, you can see a diagram entitled “Family Tree Symbols”. In biology, there are specific symbols for men and women. Draw the symbols from the diagram for men and women. Pupil Steps: (1) Orientation on a textbook page (top left on the page, bottom right, etc.). (2) Conceptualization of the term “symbol”. The example in Figure 7.7. includes the following text: The picture contains three symbols. Symbols give information without the explicit use of language. What information does the picture contain?

Figure 7.7. Example of symbols in the school building

(3) Vocabulary work on the names for family members: The generation of grandparents Family relationships The father of the father The father of the mother

Target language grandfather (grandpa) grandfather (grandpa)

The mother of the father The mother of the mother

grandmother (granny) grandmother (granny)

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Figure 7.8. Exemplary diagram for an activity “The generation of grandparents”

Tasks in different subjects based on the topic of family Finally, based on the template from the biology book, pupils create multilingual diagrams for the designation of family members and exchange information about similarities and differences between linguistically marked relationships (see Figure 7.9. for an exemplary work).

Figure 7.9. Example of a multilingual chart for naming family members

In the previous example, the biological content is not discussed in any further detail, the pupils have an opportunity to meet the textbook for the first time and to perform tasks that explore the theme in an abstract way based on one’s own family working with diagrams. In the case of a politics book, on the other hand, the content of the page is usually fully developed. This stimulates a debate on the

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nature of family, presents different family models and emphasises togetherness (In the family, people laugh, cry, argue, celebrate, learn from each other, love etc.). Pages in those books often begin with photos of various family models. The learners have the task of counting the members according to generations and entering them into a table, reading the table and recognizing the difference between an “extended family” and a “multigenerational family”. The content-related in-depth approach is based on the following questions that pupils work on: 1. How do you understand the different family models? 2. Which family model do you find interesting? 3. What experiences have you had with these family models? 4. What does family mean to you? When this task was completed in a class taking place in Germany, pupils from migrant backgrounds were interested in knowing why many German families have few children. Furthermore, the “mother-mother-child” family model raised questions about same-sex partnerships or indeed single-parent families. Another aspect mentioned by the pupils was the concept of polygamous relationships. Overall, it could be seen that the joint discussion on a neutral and voluntary basis offered the opportunity to approach culturally sensitive subjects without any kind of personal judgement or assessment. An Example of “Working with Text-Supporting Elements” The next part of this chapter is devoted to the use and potential of the reading strategy “Working with text-supporting elements” (Baginski 2020), which serves as an example of a resource-oriented teaching approach. This involves a five-step strategy that is designed to enable pupils to gain the gist of a topic that is presented in a schoolbook text and can be used right from the start. The five steps are as follows: 1. Utilising informational media containing a reduced amount of language (pictures, graphics, tables, headings, highlighted words) to help pupils grasp the subject of the text. 2. Marking fragments of the text from a schoolbook which are understood by pupils, including pictures. 3. Exploiting the potential nested in children’s multilingualism by reading texts in languages the pupils know (from Wikipedia or other platforms) and discussing it in a group, if possible. 4. Marking fragments of the text in the language of instruction that are understood by pupils after reading a text on the same topic in a language they know. 5. Writing down key words and phrases in a vocabulary book.

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Summary

Generally speaking, it is useful to integrate well-known language learning games (such as bingo, etc.) and picture dictionaries for vocabulary training in a preparatory language classroom. Moreover, it is important to establish routines and rituals in such classes. These are ideally suited for activities that are designed to teach language in useful chunks, that is, lexical phrases and sentence patterns that are commonly used and often feature together. Such formulaic language enables pupils to develop awareness and become more confident in these key aspects of language use. For instance, teachers can implement the activity “Word of the day” as a classroom routine: each day, one new word from a lesson topic is written on the board and used by pupils throughout the day based on a mind map of vocabulary that is already known (Gamper et al. 2017: 19–21; Ministerium für Kultur, Jugend und Sport Baden-Württemberg 2017: 7–10; Gutzmann et al. 2019: 42–65). We opened this section by highlighting the fact that newly arrived pupils are not yet able to fully decode a text in the target language. With this in mind, we then presented a range of selected strategies that are considered suitable for developing and adapting materials for language learning classes. This was with a view to developing the ability of pupils to gradually become more confident and skilful in dealing with subject-specific texts.

7.8

Summary

This chapter has reviewed the main aspects of teaching newly arrived pupils and in so doing has highlighted the interweaving of language and subject learning and the development of BICS and CALP as a primary goal of preparatory classes. The key challenges faced by pupils in specialised language classes were also discussed, as well as the ways in which they can impact pupils’ learning. From this, the importance of trauma-aware teaching was revisited with recommendations made as to how teachers can create safe classrooms for pupils suffering from anxiety, stress and trauma. Guidelines for initial assessments and for subject(s)oriented language teaching were also provided to show how teachers can engage newly arrived pupils as early as possible in typical routines in the mainstream classroom. The discussion further highlighted the importance of these strategies in terms of developing a sense of belonging and enabling pupils to become familiar with the systems and routines involved to prevent them from becoming mere observers on the sidelines. The importance of critically informed guidelines for the development and use of suitable materials for teaching in this context was also accentuated with the key considerations discussed. In this regard, we close the chapter by providing the following recommendations:

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– Teachers should clearly present the learning objectives followed by a task where pupils record their achievements and their own goals to empower them in their learning. The pupils could complete these tasks using different modes – oral, spoken, artistic representations, etc. – Lessons should be designed around topics and texts relating to typical social and communicative skills in school contexts as well as different school-relevant subject areas with lists of useful language chunks provided, that is key lexical phrases and sentence patterns including opportunities for their use. – Routine opportunities should be embedded into lessons for discussion about different language registers and varieties (e. g. youth slang, dialects, academic language, etc.). – Teachers should explicitly highlight for pupils the key terms routinely used in classroom and instructional processes (e. g. describing, explaining, discussing, etc.) and there should be explicit presentation of task expectations hidden in exercises. – Lessons should include tasks that can promote and integrate multilingual practices, e. g. language comparison and translanguaging. – Teachers should connect to and be considerate of pupils’ life experiences (e. g. migration, visits of government officials, state agencies, etc.) and the everyday knowledge they need to obtain (Vygotsky & Kozulin 1986). The selection of topics and materials should take into account pupils’ age as well. Thanks to this, pupils will be provided with opportunities to identify themselves with the content and themes of the teaching materials. – Lessons should include opportunities for pupils to reflect on and talk about language concerning grammatical and lexical usage and functions in making meaning to expand their language awareness. – Lessons should include multimodal tasks that interlink different forms of presentation (texts, pictures, schemes, diagrams, acting, etc.) with opportunities created for pupils to produce a verbal response on the basis of their interpretation. – Opportunities should also be routinely created for pupils to develop different types of strategies (in different areas and in relation to different skills) to foster their learner autonomy. These may, for example, include strategies (e. g. reading strategies, using personalised vocabulary books) to develop various language skills (reading, writing, listening, speaking) and strategies to develop social skills (group work, partner work, cooperative learning). – Lessons should also feature examples of different text types needed in different subjects, such as interviews, songs, narrative and factual texts, newspaper articles, e-mails, registration forms, etc. – The materials used should be of high quality and plainly set out with suitable and clear illustrations provided.

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– Lessons should allow for internal differentiation with regard to the level of difficulty and feature differentiated prompts on a scale from implicit to explicit, and there should be opportunities for pupils to pause and reflect, and to provide a delayed answer. – Pupils should also be provided with and guided to concrete suggestions for further online learning with QR-code-links to extra materials on learning platforms (Dube & Wilbuer 2020: 11–13; Budde & Michalak 2021: 43–48). From these recommendations for methods and strategies that are suitable and useful for language teachers to routinely embed into their lesson design and delivery to support the parallel development of BICS and CALP amongst newly arrived pupils, in the following chapter (Chapter 8) we explore the ways in which language-sensitive teaching can be integrated into mainstream subject classrooms in multilingual school environments.

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Chapter 8: Language-Sensitive Planning and Teaching for Subject Classrooms

8.0

Introduction and Rationale

In our earlier discussions, in Chapters 5 and 6 of this book, we drew attention to the phenomenon of linguistically diverse classrooms as a growing reality in schools in many EU countries. We also highlighted the need for teachers to plan and teach with a view to the different multilingual competencies of pupils and their varying levels of skills in the language of schooling in mind as well as for different abilities. Teachers must also be aware that pupils may come from different educational backgrounds, with different understandings and perspectives of teaching approaches, teacher-pupil roles, and subject-specific knowledge. Accordingly, teaching professionals today need to consider not only what pupils have learned and in which language, but also how they have learned it. This brings us to language-sensitive teaching, which was introduced earlier as one part of a holistic, inclusive and transformative educational approach that aims to improve the overall educational experiences and learning outcomes of all pupils and to bring about a more open and informed mindset and school culture. While Chapter 5 focused on creating a multilingual, pupil-centred environment, and Chapter 6 set out the core principles that underlie language-sensitive teaching as an approach, this chapter focuses, in particular, on the necessity of showing teachers the linguistic challenges that arise in relation to the teaching and learning of different school subjects. It also offers practical guidelines and examples as to how all pupils, regardless of origin and language biography, can be supported in acquiring the necessary linguistic resources for the respective subject lessons, while also taking into account their multilingual resources. In comparison to the previous chapters, it must be emphasised that the focus is now more on the language of schooling. Therefore, we now concentrate more on register-sensitive teaching and take a closer look at the special form (idiomatisation) that language takes in social space (as one of many languages) (Maas 2008: 23). The Functional Grammar approach that we will present and illustrate in this chapter in relation to the planning and teaching of subject-specific lessons

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is aimed equally at teachers and pupils and focuses on the development of language awareness and language skills for both groups alike. As far as the demands and challenges of the subject classroom are concerned, in Chapter 5 of this book, we introduced the notion that different subject areas can be associated with distinct genres and registers of which pupils need to be made aware and develop expertise in if they are to succeed academically. This notion was further revisited in Chapter 6 where the importance of all teachers’ routinely embedding language awareness-raising in their teaching was highlighted. In this chapter, we will explore this aspect of language awareness and language use in greater depth; firstly, by highlighting the ways in which specialised and more formal genres and types of language can vary considerably from the more informal and conversational types of language that pupils use in their casual encounters outside the classroom context (see Section 5.5 for a fuller discussion of proximal and distal language). Secondly, the notion of contextspecific genre and register will be discussed in terms of how subject teachers can provide pupils with continuous language education through the different stages of school, irrespective of their origin, life situation and first languages by sensitising them to subject-specific genres and the various requirements and possibilities for realising these genres linguistically, i. e. addressing language use across the curriculum (Gogolin & Lange 2011). In doing so, it is our aim to further close the gap between educational theory and practice in this area, mindful of the challenges that language-sensitive teaching can bring. This aspiration arises mainly because subject teachers often declare a lack of understanding and preparedness in relation to this educational approach, which is not surprising given that it is only in its infancy in some educational contexts and settings. At this stage, it is important to point out that we do not expect subject teachers to become language teachers in a classic way; rather, it is our intention to demonstrate how language learning and subject learning as well as language knowledge and subject knowledge are intricately linked. Teachers who teach subjects require not only subject content knowledge but also an understanding of linguistic-based pedagogy. They also need to become familiar with the processes involved in becoming multilingual (as viewed from the perspective of pupils), develop insight into what it means to be part of a multilingual school community and to be able to gain a full appreciation of the merits of language-sensitive and register-sensitive teaching and learning approaches. Language-sensitive subject teaching supports subject-specific learning (Schleppegrell et al. 2004) and, as such, must be understood as an integral part of it. With this in mind, the approach we advocate must be implemented at the whole-school level and is a vital component of inclusivity in schools, as was discussed in Chapter 1 of this book. It seeks to make teachers aware of, and take

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responsibility for, the key role they play in identifying and addressing subjectspecific linguistic challenges and other issues that pupils encounter in their subject classes, and to provide them with the necessary support to do so. In this sense, we also can speak of linguistically responsible teaching. This might seem quite similar to the already well-known term linguistically responsive teaching (Lucas et al. 2008). However, responsive teaching can be understood as simply responding or reacting so this does not capture the responsibility that lies with teachers in empowering those they teach. We consider this to be an important aspect of the linguistic formation of pupils, not only for pupils from migrant backgrounds but for all pupils whose multilingual skills are often not recognised or utilised in subject classes, whether due to linguistic discrimination or as a result of a lack of teacher awareness or knowledge. For, as Halliday reminds us: Language is a political institution: those who are wise in its ways, capable of using it to shape and serve important personal and social goals, will be the ones who are ‘empowered’ (to use a fashionable word): able, that is, not merely to participate effectively in the world, but also able to act upon it, in the sense that they can strive for significant social change. (Halliday 1989a: x)

To develop this kind of agency, to act upon the world, has to be a basic educational target for all pupils regardless of their biographies and backgrounds. Achugar et al. (2007: 10) therefore suggest adopting a critical language pedagogy, encouraging pupils “to read from positions that are both mainstream and resistant” […] and “to write in ways that are powerful so that they can participate in new disciplinary contexts and contribute to shaping and reshaping those contexts”. Therefore, it is important for them to recognize the ways in which semiotic resources construe knowledge as well as ideologies, and to discuss and reflect on this as well as possibilities to challenge them (Hasan 1996). This highlights the importance of reflexive metalinguistic space in the subject lessons (see Chapter 6 and Section 8.2.2). Accordingly, it is our belief that teachers need to develop linguistic awareness and knowledge to be able to anticipate and recognise the linguistic challenges that are likely to arise for pupils in subject lessons. This is considered an essential starting point for the development of teaching methods and strategies that practitioners can embed into their planning and teaching to support all pupils. Furthermore, we will argue that a functional approach offers teachers an opportunity to address the linguistic challenges that pupils face in the different subject areas and identify the types of support that are likely required across languages and ensure that it is relevant to the needs of schools and pupils in different countries. As was highlighted in Chapter 1 of this book, our aim is to provide inspiration and strategies that can assist teachers and teacher educators in a variety of countries in relation to the development of the majority language of

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schooling and all other languages at the disposal of pupils. This approach is therefore cross-linguistic, i. e. applicable to all languages, which is another reason for choosing this approach, as our book is aimed at teachers and teacher educators in at least four countries and school languages (see Chapter 2) and thus cannot focus on the specifics of one particular language. It can also combine languages although it has to be recognized that traditionally the approach deals with the support and development of the language of schooling. In this chapter, it is specifically our intention to show how a functional approach can aid in the development of the knowledge and skills that are needed by teachers in contemporary multilingual classrooms globally. Moreover, as will be demonstrated, this approach is accessible to teachers and does not require in-depth linguistic knowledge. For this purpose, we will begin by highlighting a text-based approach in Section 8.1 that subject teachers can use in their lesson planning and teaching to familiarise pupils with the functional aspects of the language that is associated with subject-specific content. As such, this approach, which is often referred to as Functional Grammar, is considered highly useful for improving the academic literacy of all pupils. As far as its theoretical origins are concerned, Functional Grammar derives from the work of the British linguist Michael Halliday in the 1970s (1978, 1985, 1989b), with more recent developments, especially for schooling contexts, from Schleppegrell (2004) and others (e. g. Polías & Daré 2006; De Oliveira & Schleppegrell 2015; Fang & Schleppegrell 2015). It is also closely associated with the Genre Approach developed by the Sydney School of Linguistics (Rose & Martin 2012; Derewianka & Jones 2016), as was referred to in Chapter 6 of this publication as part of an initial discussion of the challenges faced by pupils in academic language use, and in particular, those from a nonmajority language background. From the Hallidayan theoretical approach, language is perceived and defined as “a product of the social process” (Halliday 1978: 1). This means that it makes social action possible, and, at the same time, it is preceded by social action, but also reflects and simultaneously co-constructs the social system with the social actors (that is, we human beings). Accordingly, people can choose different patterns of language and create meanings according to the needs and requirements of the context with different linguistic situations determining the forms and expressions that people use (Halliday 1978: 31). This brings us to the two core concepts of genre and register which are central to the Functional Grammar approach, as will be explained in the following section in the context of multilingual school environments and in relation to the academic language of schooling.

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8.1

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As announced, we will first briefly discuss the theoretical foundations of this approach, as will be illustrated with examples.13 Genre can be understood “[…] as a staged, goal-oriented social process. Social because we participate in genres with other people; goal-oriented because we use genres to get things done; staged because it usually takes us a few steps to reach our goals” (Martin & Rose 2007: 8). It should be noted that each genre has, to some degree, defined steps (i. e. at least a beginning or introduction, a middle or main section and an ending) but within each stage there can be some variable or unique features (Rose 2012: 209). Knapp and Watkins (2005) discern five main genres which are associated with the academic language of schooling: describing, explaining, instructing, arguing and narrating. By way of illustration, the arguing and narrating genres are discussed here. In the arguing genre, there is typically a comparison of elements and an indication of causality (Knapp & Watkins 2005: 188), as we can see in the following excerpt from Barack Obama’s speech on health care reform: Our collective failure to meet this challenge – year after year, decade after decade – has led us to a breaking point. Everyone understands the extraordinary hardships that are placed on the uninsured, who live every day just one accident or illness away from bankruptcy. These are not primarily people on welfare. These are middle-class Americans. Some can’t get insurance on the job. Others are self-employed, and can’t afford it, since buying insurance on your own costs you three times as much as the coverage you get from your employer. Many other Americans who are willing and able to pay are still denied insurance due to previous illnesses or conditions that insurance companies decide are too risky or expensive to cover.14

In this excerpt, people from different economic backgrounds are compared in terms of their possibilities to be insured in case of illness or accidents and thus not run the risk of going bankrupt. Linguistic features used in this function are: “some – others” or “three times as much”. In contrast, the narrating genre typically begins with a setting or orientation to provide context, followed by a description of the scene, the characters, specific events and complications related to the story, and finally a solution, comment, reflection or even a moral message (Knapp & Watkins 2005: 220–231; Rose 2012: 212–215). Therefore, e. g. in the events and complication phase, action verbs (“she came into the room”) and sensing verbs (“and suddenly noticed something 13 As a practical introduction we recommend de Oliveira and Schleppegrell (2015) or Derewianka and Jones (2018). 14 https://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/10/us/politics/10obama.text.html (01. 02. 2023).

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strange”) are needed as well as language features to describe participants: “the old grumpy man with the long white hair and the scary voice”). An overview of genres in educational contexts and their stages is presented in Rose (2012). As is now widely accepted in educational circles, pupils need to learn about the genres typical of the language of schooling and the purposes or functions for which they are useful (Schleppegrell 2004: 83). Similarly, planning and teaching must be focused on what pupils need to do with language to perform academic tasks that are related to the subject content and thus enable them to participate and achieve agency. Hence, genres are important subject-oriented and discursive patterns that pupils can use to structure their knowledge and combine their functional thinking and subject discourse. It follows therefore that an understanding of academic genres is essential for pupils to access the subject content. This can be achieved by subject lessons that are functionally-oriented (e. g. a lesson whose aim is to present language features pupils need to tell a story in an exciting way). Lessons should also start with the subject content and the related genres, with teachers explicitly drawing pupils’ attention to these aspects and highlighting the ways in which the context and the subject content are interconnected. At this point, it must be emphasised that this approach should not be seen as an additional task for teachers but rather as part of the routine teaching of content in ways that can support and enhance the subject learning process: In a history project in California (Achugar at al. 2007) devoted to pupils’ literacy development, teachers learned to use functional linguistics analysis for preparing their lessons and to use functional metalanguage in class to support their pupils. One interesting result was that the participating teachers felt “better teachers of history with these strategies and enjoy[ed] the more engaged students,” and they also declared that they were able to get the history across more effectively because they had addressed their pupils’ literacy development (Achugar et al. 2007: 8). In contrast to the approaches often found in language-sensitive teaching, we recommend shifting the focus from grammar features, which are found in texts or tasks, to what learners need to do with language. For example, if commands play a role in a particular lesson topic (e. g. in a story that the children read), the imperative as a grammatical phenomenon is not dealt with additionally, but it can be worked out together with the pupils how commands are expressed differently – depending on the situation and communication partners. In a lesson example from de Oliveira & Schleppegrell (2015: 5–6), pupils recognise that also the teacher’s question “Can you give me a command?” is also a command formed as a polite request. The reason for this is that the function of language is only made clear when it is embedded in a context, i. e. in the subject matter and the respective situation: The question “Lisa, would you like to read the next para-

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graph?” is not really a question in the context of teaching when asked by the teacher, but rather a command. Returning now to the related notion of register, which realises the different phases of a genre (see above) linguistically, it can be understood from a functionalist perspective as a specific constellation of lexical and grammatical resources used by a person to react to and act in a special context to create meaning and communicate (Riebling 2013: 112). Referring to Halliday (1978: 185), registers are shaped by the following three variables, which are of relevance to the context of communication: – The field: what is the topic? – The tenor: who is taking part? – The mode: what part is the language playing? These variables constitute the register that allows speakers to create meaning relevant to a context, which implies both the context of the culture and the context of the situation. To illustrate the concept of register across these three dimensions, we will use an example from a biology lesson in a secondary school: In this example, the field refers to the specific topic, which in this case is photosynthesis, as a biological term also relevant to the context of schooling, introduced as a topic relevant to personal experience (rather than as a test of existing knowledge). The tenor denotes here the teacher and the pupils who are taking part in the classroom communication. It is important to note that there is a power relationship between them and that this shapes their roles, intentions, and communication patterns (see the above example of a request to read the next paragraph, the meaning of which would be different if asked by a classmate). The interaction between the teacher and the pupils builds on the experience and knowledge of both parties and is undertaken in contextually embedded language and spoken mode, which also influences the register they use. For instance, it is likely to be less formal and less complex grammatically than the language used in the written texts found in the biology course book or the language that pupils are expected to know in oral or written exams. In the interaction between the teacher and pupils, there are opportunities to ask clarifying questions and the participants can use body language and objects in their vicinity to convey and understand meaning.

From the Functional Grammar perspective, language is understood as a system of choices made in a given situation accounting for relevant aspects of its context. Considering the social purpose for using language (genre) and the contextual dimensions (field, tenor and mode), we make our choices at each layer of language (grammar, vocabulary, pragmatics, phonology). More importantly, even if there are some patterns of language use which are typical of a given situation, context always necessitates smaller or larger linguistic adjustments, for example at the level of grammar or vocabulary. Through the interaction of all these di-

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mensions, a register that is functionally related to the requirements of the situation is achieved by means of the three meta-functions, each of which relates to one context-related dimension. In detail, in each utterance, we express ideas, enact the relationship with our (present, addressed or imagined) interactional partners and, at the same time, try to construct a coherent message. According to this key principle, every sentence, therefore, has three meta-functions which determine the choice of registers or the grammatical structure of the sentence: ideational, interpersonal and textual:

Figure 8.1. The functions of language in relation to context (Source: Derewianka & Jones 2016: 34)

In the following section, we will further develop our understanding of these three contextually-related meta-functions of language, which are the ideational, interpersonal, and textual functions with reference to Table 8.1. The table illustrates how the context variables (field, tenor, and mode) and the functions they perform, can be expressed linguistically with specific examples provided. It is important to recognise that the table has to be read from the left to the right, and that the third column serves an illustrative purpose, with examples that can be adapted to each language. Therefore, this approach does not involve assigning particular grammatical means to functions, as would be the case from a traditional approach where the focus is at the level of the word, as this fails to accord attention to the context. Instead, a teacher′s functional perspective focuses on meaning-making language units (rather than individual words) in order to understand the production of subject meaning through certain linguistic forms (or combinations of forms) in relation to the context, and on this basis, s/he draws the attention of the pupils to these important meaning-making aspects.

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Contextual variable Function

Field Ideational function (What is the topic of (Expressing ideas) the interaction?)

Tenor (Who is taking part in the interaction?)

Interpersonal function (Enacting relationships, taking a stance)

Mode (What part does Textual function language play in in- (Text structure) teraction?)

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Linguistic realisation Ideational Choices: Participants expressed by nouns, noun phrases and nominal groups (e. g. cell membrane, the political system) process types realised by verbs (e. g. oxidise, multiply), nominalisations (e. g. oxidation, multiplication), and verbal phrases (e. g. global warming, the movement of the ocean) circumstances realised by prepositional phrases, adverbial adjuncts, and other resources for information about time, place, manner, etc. (e. g. bottom-up, in 1945) relationships realised by resources for making logical relationships (conjunctions, adverbs, prepositions etc.) (e. g. before WW II, during the financial crisis) Interpersonal choices: Mood (statements, questions, requests) Modality (modal verbs and adverbs) Intonation Other resources for evaluative and attitudinal meaning (e. g. resources for praising or criticising) Textual choices: Cohesion, meaning the linguistic connection realised by conjunctions, pronouns and other connectors Coherence refers to logical connections, meaning how the information is included and arranged, realised by sentence and paragraph connectors

Table 8.1. Context dimension, linguistic meta-function and linguistic realisation (based on Halliday 1989, 1994; Schleppegrell 2004: 47; Derewianka & Jones 2016)

In Table 8.2. which follows, we demonstrate the benefits of implementing the functional approach in the classroom, highlighting, in particular, the functional metalanguage that is needed for subject teaching. If teachers look at language use in subject lessons from a functional perspective, they are able to set strategic tasks and questions (scaffolding) so as to support their pupils in understanding not only the how (focus on form) and the what (focus on meaning), but also the why (function of linguistic means) to connect the two previous aspects and to be able to use language accordingly. The example provided below relates to a Physical Education lesson which is analysed by means of ideational meta-function:

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During the take-off,

the arms

are led

upwards

and

the leading leg

overtakes

the trail leg.

circumstance

participant

process

circumstance

relationship

participant

process

participant

Table 8.2. Analysing an instruction from a Physical Education lesson using the Functional Grammar

This kind of analysis should be done by the teacher before a lesson (in the lesson preparation phase) and should serve as a basis for scaffolding (see Chapter 6). The actual focus is not on the word level, but rather on portions of meaning so that the units vary greatly in terms of size (from one word to a full subordinate clause). Furthermore, we have to keep in mind that our aim is to understand the different functions of language features in regard to the contextual dimensions of the field, tenor and mode (see above) to avoid being too small-scale and fragmentary. It must also be added that such an analysis is not always as clear and simple as in this example. This could, however, be an advantage of this approach as texts that are challenging for teachers to analyse often present comprehension challenges for pupils. Teachers can spot this and pay attention to troublesome fragments and design appropriate scaffolding. Traditional grammar focuses primarily on word classes (noun, adjective, verb, preposition) and sentences and their rules (i. e. the morphosyntax) rather than dealing with the meaning of the whole text unfolding in a special context through to the meanings at the word level (de Oliveira & Schleppegrell 2015: 44; Derewianka & Jones 2018: 16). As highlighted earlier, from a traditional perspective, and in the subject class context, the focus is typically on exploring the meaning of individual, content-related words. However, in doing so, the interpersonal metafunctions of language become neglected. Moreover, the role of language in the respective context of social interaction is not given sufficient attention. Having in mind the development of pupils′ agency, it is important to focus on these points in preparing lessons as well as in class in interactions with pupils. From the example above, it is clear that there is a need to move beyond the word level to understand the important information communicated by the sentence. Furthermore, it is essential to understand that meta-functions can be realised by different grammatical categories in different languages. The functional perspective is therefore compatible with the use of a language-contrastive approach in multilingual classes. For instance, in the above example, the question can be asked, “how are the relationships between processes expressed linguistically in different languages?” For such an approach, teachers do not need to master all the languages of their pupils but can and should routinely encourage them to reflect on, and make comparisons between languages, and create op-

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portunities for them to engage in discussions with peers about language and learn more about the functioning of their own and other languages. In this book, we have endeavoured to show how language is relevant to all aspects of schooling and to all areas of school. As far as subject content is concerned, it is presented in texts or class discussions, with pupils routinely applying language in exercises and tasks throughout the lesson. They are also required to present what they have learned in different registers in oral or written language. Nevertheless, subject-specific language acts can in many ways be seen as a “hidden curriculum” (Schleppegrell 2004) with teachers often failing to provide pupils with adequate explanations and support, most probably due to their lack of awareness (Tajmel 2017). This is surprising given that the use of language by pupils is evaluated in examinations. Accordingly, there is an obvious need for the explicit teaching of subject genres and registers across the curriculum to make language more visible and more central in every lesson, and for all teachers to be made aware of register-sensitive teaching and learning and the farreaching benefits it offers. In the following section, we explore how this approach is compatible with, and can reinforce, scaffolded learning.

8.2

Scaffolding at Work: Lesson Planning and Teaching

In the previous discussion, we established that every subject is associated with specific genres and registers and that these fulfil specific functions in relation to subject content, from which we have argued that every subject teacher is responsible for the continuous and successful acquisition of the subject-specific language of all pupils. In the discussion which follows, we will exemplify how register-sensitive teaching can be implemented in practice through the pedagogical decisions and choices made by teachers during the teaching process. To enact language-sensitive teaching and foster language-sensitive learning, teachers need to consider the nature and extent of the repertoires of prior knowledge and skills of those they teach (including previous experiences with subject-specific language), and their pupils’ preferred learning strategies, to help inform the design and preparation of lessons and materials. Alongside this, they need to take into account the different manifestations of language that are associated with subject-specific contexts and select suitable teaching approaches and methods. The theoretical foundations of scaffolding as a general principle of teaching were established in Chapter 6 of this book, together with examples of different ways in which it can be implemented – especially as related to interactional scaffolding or collaborative dialogue. In the following discussion, we build on these findings by focusing on macro-level scaffolding through examples.

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8.2.1 Needs Analysis of Texts and Materials in a Functional, Meaning-Making Perspective Texts from schoolbooks are often challenging for pupils and as a result, they avoid reading them (Leitner 2008; Härtig et al. 2012). This is not least because they feature unfamiliar language that is a far cry from the everyday language that pupils use (Fang & Schleppegrell 2015: 18). The language used in textbooks also accommodates specific ways in which meaning is conveyed which pupils need to be made aware of to be able to engage with the text. In the following discussion, we provide an example of how a functional language analysis of a text can be helpful as a basis for lesson planning in terms of an initial analysis of needs. In this regard, we build on the earlier discussions of the role and importance of needs analysis in Chapters 4 and 6 of this book. For this purpose, we draw on a text that deals with the topic of climate change which was published by the World Wide Fund For Nature (WWF) as part of a package of educational materials that have been made freely available for use in schools. This includes a presentation, which can be used in the introduction, together with additional teaching materials and exercises that are available on the organisation’s website. The materials15 were designed for use with pupils aged 7 to 11, and in conjunction with the curriculum, to provide input from different related subject areas. We will begin by analysing a text from the introduction to show how Functional Grammar theory can be used for the analysis of needs. Reading a text requires receptive language skills from pupils, and they also have to apply productive language skills. In this example of good practice, we will show how discussion cards can be used to support the text and we will offer suggestions as to suitable and effective pedagogical strategies that teachers can use at key moments to support the learning process. It should be noted that it is not our intention to criticise school books or teaching materials but rather to show how the language used, which pupils need to become aware of and gain expertise in, can be made more accessible for them to enhance their interest in the text and the subject content as well as their participation in lesson activities by means of an initial functional text analysis undertaken by the teacher at the lesson planning stage. In the analysis of the text – as preparatory work and a basis for lesson preparation for the teacher – in relation to ideational meta-function (see Table 8.1.), colour coding is used as indicated, to highlight the participants (red), processes (green), circumstances (blue), and connections (yellow). 15 They can be downloaded at: https://www.wwf.org.uk/get-involved/schools/resources/climate -change-resources (30. 01. 2023).

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What is climate change? The word climate means the long-term weather patterns for a particular area. On Earth, we have different climates depending on how far away you are from the equator and other factors like the movement of the ocean and the Earth’s tilt. Regions closest to the equator tend to have very hot climates whereas regions nearest to either of the poles have very cold climates. Climate scientists have been measuring the Earth’s climate directly for over 100 years by monitoring temperature and rainfall. Climate scientists also use evidence in the Earth’s rock layers, fossil record and ice cores to study the Earth’s climate back into geological history, 100,000s of years ago! Climate change (sometimes called global warming) is the process of our planet heating up. Our planet has already warmed by an average of 1°C in the last 100 years and if things don’t change, it could increase by a lot more than that. This warming causes harmful impacts such as the melting of Arctic Sea ice, more severe weather events like heatwaves, floods and hurricanes, rising sea levels, spread of disease and the acidification of the ocean.

Through the colour marking, the functional analysis of the ideational metafunction stands out immediately as being different to traditional grammatical analysis in the sense that it is not the word level that is the focus, but the units of meaning within a sentence. We can also see – illustrated by the coloured markings – that every paragraph has its own characteristics which relate to the unfolding genre. In our example, the purpose of this genre is informing, and it serves to explain the abstract phenomenon of climate change: “The typical structure of explanations is to start by specifying the phenomenon to be explained, followed by the implication sequence that explains it, i. e. the explanation stage” (Rose 2012: 218). Rose (2012: 213) distinguishes between three types of explanations: sequential (sequence of events), factorial (multiple causes for one outcome) and consequential (multiple outcomes from one cause). The text presented here is in the third category, as it provides an explanation of multiple outcomes from one cause and is therefore consequential. However, the problem here is that only the last paragraph deals with the phenomenon as the initial one deals with climate and the second with the work of climate scientists. With specific reference to the ideational function and using the Functional Grammar approach illustrated previously in Table 8.3., the specific register of the text can be described. Note that for reasons of space, a detailed analysis of the other two meta-functions, i. e. interpersonal and textual, is not presented. Meta-function

Linguistic realisations The text is characterised by a multitude of processes that are often Ideational not recognisable as such at first glance. (Expressing ideas) Some processes also function as connectors to other processes (e. g. “This warming causes harmful impacts”). The text tries to explain climate change for pupils from the perInterpersonal (Enacting relaspective of natural science. Therefore, the description is objective tionships) and presents facts and definitions.

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(Continued) Meta-function

Linguistic realisations Because of its goal (explaining climate change), the text follows a specific structure. First, the term “climate” is clarified. Then, the Textual scientific observations are described which are transferred after(Structuring wards to the definition of “climate change”. Furthermore, the cotexts) hesion devices play an important role and have to be recognised (e. g. also, if, it, this warming). Table 8.3. Meta-functions and their linguistic realisations (Text “What is climate change?”)

In relation to the field and the ideational function (see Table 8.1.), it is evident that the text comprises a number of processes to explain an abstract concept. These processes are realised by different linguistic forms, but the underlying entities can also take a different ideational function in other contexts. For instance, “climate” can be classified as a process in the text presented above but, in other contexts, this word can also act as a participant (e. g. the climate is changing) or a circumstance (e. g. the mountaineer is used to a severe climate.). In addition, the processes are diverse and often correlated to each other, and also to participants, circumstances and relationships. To sum up, there are two main challenges in the presented text which do not arise in texts in an everyday context and these need to be addressed at the lesson planning stage: – the different linguistic presentation of processes (hidden in nouns and therefore difficult to recognise and understand) and their relationships with each other as some processes function as connectors between other processes, – the unfolding genre, where the question in the heading is answered at the end following from the previous paragraphs. Even primary school texts need to be analysed because they are not as simple as they seem at first glance. By way of illustration, in the following example (Table 8.4.), we analyse a text from an open-source book in the area of community studies which was designed for use with primary school pupils aged eight (Bradford et al. 2017: 12). Families Live in Communities Does your family grow all its own food? Probably not! Does your family make all its own clothing? Probably not! That is why families live in communities. A community is a place where people live, work and play together. A community helps families meet their basic needs. A community has places to help them get food and clothing.

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Meta-function

Linguistic realisations This text is also characterised by a multitude of processes that are often not recognisable because they are sometimes expressed Ideational through subjects and pronouns. Some sentences contain only neg(Expressing ideas) ative particles “not” which are the circumstances and refer to the process in the previous sentence. The whole text is written in the present simple tense in order to express facts and generalisations. Nevertheless, the text tries to explain in an interactive manner what a community is. At the beginning, there are some questions addressed to the readers which are rhetorical in nature and are answered by the author. The author Interpersonal creates the impression that s/he knows the reader and his/her family, (Enacting relaand the style is rather informal and emotive. In these ways, the tionships) author tries to make the message understandable for young readers and shortens the distance to them in the beginning of the text. After that, the text becomes more abstract in nature and some distance is created with the reader in order to explain the main purposes and functions of a community. To connect the sentences, the author uses conjunctions such as “and” or “where”. Some complex constructions such as “that is why” Textual are also used. The first part of the text has some sentences featuring (structuring texts) ellipsis (as in missing words/parts of words) e. g. “Does your family grow all its own food? Probably not!”. Table 8.4. Meta-functions and their linguistic realisations (text “Families live in communities”)

As this example has demonstrated, even primary school texts can show some difficult linguistic forms and constructions which perhaps would not be recognized by the teacher without an appropriate analysis. According to Derewianka and Jones (2016: 41), it is important that ideational language is considered at the primary school stage because children use it as the foundation for the development of their academic language. This includes academic processes such as classify, measure or summarise; abstract participants such as concept or problems and academic circumstances such as from our observations or frequently (Derewianka & Jones 2016: 41). The move from spoken to written mode is often a significant challenge for primary school children (Derewianka & Jones 2016: 42). In the written mode, they learn to recognise and use abstract symbols as letters, words or icons and start “to understand the world not through direct experience but through an abstract representation of experience” (Derewianka & Jones 2016: 42). Another new aspect for primary school pupils is dealing with multimodal texts. This includes interpreting and creating a variety of diagrams, as well as navigation and designing texts with a range of media (Derewianka & Jones 2016: 42–43). At this point, it is important to reiterate that when dealing with subject content, routine consideration must be given to language in the primary school context if younger aged pupils are to be sufficiently prepared for the challenges

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they will experience in their later school careers in relation to academic language, and in their future everyday lives. Accordingly, even if linguistic aspects and school requirements do not seem complex at this stage, they cannot be ignored.

8.2.2 Lesson Planning – Scaffolding Principles at the Macro ‘Designed-in’ Level From this exploration of academic texts at different school stages using a Functional Grammar approach (for further examples and explanations see de Oliveira & Schleppegrell 2015; Derewianka & Jones 2016), we turn next to the key pedagogical considerations that can inform a scaffolded approach to planning and teaching in the multilingual subject classroom. Pupils’ prior knowledge and experience At the planning stage, teachers need to take into account; “students’ current levels of knowledge”, their language abilities, and “the goal of the curriculum” (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 14). This can help to ensure that pupils are better prepared to engage independently with the subject content, as set by the curriculum. On the one hand, it is important that teachers are aware of their pupils’ prior experiences and repertoires of knowledge (see Sections 4.4 and 5.4). On the other hand, pupils need to be encouraged to remember what they already know and what they already are able to do. They also need to be given opportunities to record their knowledge and skills in different ways, e. g. through mind maps, field trips and experiments. These form the basis for discussion and reflection, with such activities planned and routinely embedded in lessons. Selection of tasks Similarly, pupils need to be made aware of “the purpose of the overall program and of the specific units of work that they were studying” (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 14). Systematic explanation of the tasks and their connection with the goals of the overall program can ensure a higher quality of engagement with new content. Making learning objectives more transparent can also increase learner motivation, and lead to a stronger sense of learner agency, which is crucial for their self-esteem and confidence. Sequencing of tasks A problem that can arise with the use of subject textbooks is that the tasks they include are often too large and extensive, which can be daunting for pupils. To address this issue and keeping in mind the ZPD (see Chapter 6 for a discussion of this notion) of pupils, teachers should, where necessary, divide tasks into more manageable steps to guide pupils in terms of their own management of tasks and

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problem-solving. This does not mean that tasks are reduced or made easier; rather, explicit attention is brought to the steps or stages that are needed to achieve the task-related goals in order to make the sequencing process more transparent and manageable for pupils. Understanding the relationship between each step of the task is therefore crucial for supporting pupils when they are working on subject content-related tasks. They have to become aware that they can and should refer back to the solution of the previous tasks in order to work on the next steps, which empowers them in their management of their own learning. Participant structures – Determining forms of learning and working It is also essential that teachers draw on a variety of participant structures when tasks are designed or planned, and that these are selected judiciously (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 15). It is not simply a matter of a balanced variation of pair-, group- and whole-class phases, but choices should be made on the basis of the learning objective(s) of the task and provide different levels of support through changing participant structures. What always should be kept in mind is the necessity for engaging with material, tasks and the comments and questions of other pupils and the teacher. Simultaneously challenging and supporting the pupils not only offers opportunities for dialogue but makes it necessary so that a co-construction of knowledge can take place. Only when this prerequisite is met, can learning take place in the ZPD. Even with open-ended tasks in class, the responsibility for learning should be gradually transferred to the pupils so that they can move on to independent work, which is where reflection and dialogue are involved. This can be achieved, for example, by creating opportunities for pupils to engage in collaborative dialogue with each other where they can ask and answer meaning-generating questions and by encouraging them to ask comparable questions. Such activities can lead to knowledge-generating dialogue that provides both “intellectual challenge and support” (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 20) and creates the “intellectual push” (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 25) of scaffolding. Use of additional semiotic systems for “message abundancy” In order to support pupils’ meaning-making and to aid their understanding of the lesson content, similar information could be provided from various sources and in different language modes. For instance, lessons can feature the use of different language modes (e. g. spoken language accompanying action) and additional semiotic systems (e. g. wall charts, graphs or use of physical movement). For “message abundancy” (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 17) – the simultaneous use of these different semiotic systems and language modes at the same time – “a symbiotic relationship between language and other modes of meaning” should be present at different phases of the lesson (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 17).

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Use of mediational texts and mediational artefacts Mediational texts and mediational artefacts are texts or other artefacts (e. g. a reflection sheet) that can play a key role in structuring and mediating the learning process, as they can bridge current knowledge and the linguistic demands of texts and tasks. Embedding such learning aids in the lesson can lead to different types of communication and language use around them that provide a foundation for the learning processes. However, it is important not simply to offer them such mediational artefacts, but rather to engage pupils in interaction with the various semiotic resources to challenge them and stimulate long-term learning by teaching pupils how to use such artefacts (e. g. “Compare Paragraph 1 of the text with the first picture”). Pupils can be encouraged to use terms from a text to describe individual characters in a picture, to write the terms in the appropriate place in the picture or write numbers in the picture and to link numbers with the correct terms, to find the processes in the first paragraph and mark them, and to integrate the processes with arrows in the picture and label them. Metalinguistic and metacognitive awareness As previously mentioned, teachers need to work in parallel on two areas of focus in their planning of lessons: 1) curriculum content and 2) the linguistic level. To integrate language into the curriculum content, teachers can provide necessary information about the language used in the lesson (e. g. focus pupils’ attention on such features of the text as rhetorical structures typical of particular genres or subject-based vocabulary) (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 18). This way pupils’ attention is drawn to “the role of language itself in the learning process” (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 18). Through discussion with pupils about the goals of the lesson and reflection on their learning processes, their metacognitive awareness develops, from which they can adjust their learning and linguistic behaviour if needed. In the subject classroom, a linguistic and content-related task that is challenging should be presented to pupils, that they cannot master by themselves but rather with assistance. This challenge is tackled thanks to temporary (language-based) interactional support, offered so that the pupils could eventually be able to accomplish it without assistance. In other words, as the pupils become able to master the task alone, this support should gradually be removed, with the pupils then guided towards the next challenge. Thus, the combination of high challenge and high support is optimal, and this interactional support also promotes learner autonomy (Mariani 1997). In the following, we examine the utilisation of scaffolding as a main teaching principle and give some suggestions for its concrete didactic and methodical implementations. Regarding needs analysis, we present an exemplary analysis of a factual text. Thereby, we use the Functional Grammar approach (see Section 8.2) to show why the text is complicated and what exactly makes it difficult to

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understand. Afterwards, we present specific materials which can be used in class and interactional formats which can accompany them. It must be noted that these suggestions are just examples and they need to be adapted by teachers so that they are suited to the subject taught, the planned learning outcomes and the pupils or rather the composition of the class. For this purpose, we chose the topic of climate change as an example. As it is an interdisciplinary issue, climate change is covered in different subjects (e. g. geography, science, social studies, technologies) and in different school grades as well because it is part of a spiral curriculum approach, which means that the concepts are mediated systematically and step-by-step in the curriculum. Thus, the examples are useful for teachers of all subjects.

8.2.3 The Teaching and Learning Cycle Earlier in this chapter, we presented a specific analysis of a text type that features commonly in school books, highlighting how a functional language analysis and a focus on the meta-functions can be employed to uncover potential challenges for pupils. From this, we offered suggestions as to strategies that can be embedded into lessons to enable pupils to address such challenges. We also highlighted the need for teachers to convey general knowledge of the language and strategies on a meta-level, so that pupils can apply this when engaging with texts in the future. Moving on from this, we now provide a further example of how such methods and strategies can be applied in a specific lesson drawing on the teaching and learning cycle provided by Rothery (1996) and later extended by Derewianka and Jones (2016: 50–75). This cycle can be used as a framework to implement a functional approach to language and to extend the language-based competencies of pupils in the classroom as illustrated in Figure 8.2. 1. Building knowledge of the field At the first stage of the cycle (but continuing through the other stages as well), a preliminary task is planned in order to move pupils gradually towards the subject content. Ideally, it should tap into pupils’ repertoires of knowledge and their previous experiences and interests and have the aim of “beginning to build a shared context in preparation for working with the genre” (Derewianka & Jones 2016: 57). Activating previous knowledge of a topic and making connections to other topics before reading a text is an important strategy for readers with procedural knowledge (Finkbeiner & Schluer 2017). This can involve focusing on the title of the text, on a picture or a statement and asking specific questions such as:

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Figure 8.2. Teaching and learning cycle (Source: Derewianka & Jones 2016: 52)

– – – – –

What do you think about …? What comes into your mind when you read the title/see this picture? What do you think this text is about? What do you know about…? Which experiences have you made with …?

It is important that the activities are interactive to provide opportunities for pupils to connect to their own content knowledge and related language skills, both not always immediately accessible to them consciously. The following activities (some of them also listed by Derewianka & Jones 2016) are suitable at this stage, and can be expanded or modified: Brainstorming This involves eliciting and formulating ideas, previous knowledge, questions, etc. and is based on spontaneous associations that pupils make with a topic, a phrase, a question, a problem or even some visual stimuli (e. g. floorstorming). Jigsaw-puzzle This activity is divided into two phases. Pupils are divided into groups of similar size. In the first working phase, pupils find their group (e. g. using cards or pictures that match with the respective topic, e.g, in our case weather symbols such as clouds, sun, rain, etc.), and they set to work on a specific topic or a specific

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task. They can be provided with materials (about weather phenomena, environmental catastrophes, etc.), or can be encouraged to do their own research (e. g. finding information about summer temperature changes in the last 20 years in their neighbourhood). It is important that at the end of the first phase, every participant is an expert on the new knowledge that the group has worked out. Pupils can also work in tandem, which can be helpful to support individual pupils. In the second phase, the so-called expert phase, the groups are reordered and in each new group there is an expert from the working groups formed in Phase 1. The experts exchange their knowledge by presenting the results one after the other. In the concluding phase, the pupils combine their different expert knowledge together, answering a question which can only be done by putting together and synthesising the results of group work in Phase 1 in the way that coconstructing of knowledge and thus scaffolding takes place. Excursions Teachers can initiate a new topic by collecting new impressions about a place outside the classroom. Hence, visits can be organised for this purpose, for example, a trip to a laboratory, a special workplace, a forest, a fire department, etc. 2. Supported Reading The second stage of the Teaching and Learning Cycle aims at the extension of the topic-specific knowledge of pupils. It focuses on comprehension skills and enhancing the enjoyment of reading as well, which is why it involves the intensive reading of selected texts or text parts (Derewianka & Jones 2016: 58). The following activities (some of them listed by Derewianka & Jones 2016 as well) can be used to support reading, and can be expanded and/or modified: Skim-Reading The readers familiarise themselves with a text selectively to get its overall sense or its main ideas (Derewianka & Jones 2016: 59). Teacher-led Reading After considering the learning outcome and pupils’ needs, the teacher sets a focus and leads the learners through the reading process. The formulation of explicit thoughts by the teacher as a proficient reader can be helpful for the pupils because they can imitate the demonstrated strategies and learn from a role model. Reciprocal Reading The comprehension of such a complex text, like the one above about climate change, can be supported if it is deconstructed by the pupils. A useful method to

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practise important stages of a successful reading process cooperatively is reciprocal reading. Here, pupils work in small groups and read a text paragraph by paragraph. Every pupil takes one of the following roles, which are performed in chronological order and can be switched after each paragraph. – questioning: One pupil asks 2 or 3 questions about the text. The other pupils answer. – clarifying: One pupil clarifies the challenging parts of the text. The other pupils support. – summarising: One pupil summarises the text. The other pupils contribute. – predicting: One pupil makes predictions about the text. The other pupils contribute. A benefit of this method is that all pupils are engaged in processing the text and in a step-by-step way which means that they do not have to face the challenge of working on a text in its entirety on their own. The process is segmented and represents potential steps, which serve as a guide for pupils if they read a text by themselves. Therefore, this method not only provides substantial assistance but serves as a strategic tool as well. Focus on meta-functions and linguistic realisations To help pupils understand texts and perform tasks, teachers typically focus on the unknown terminology which is found in a text. However, it must be asked how useful it is to understand the meaning of scientific words, when it is impossible to understand how the information and words are connected and, as a result, it is impossible to understand what the text seeks to express. In the following discussion, we will move on to an analysis of the teaching material presented previously. For this purpose, we will use parts of Table 8.3. (presented again as Table 8.5.) and add relevant comments. Meta-function

Linguistic realisations The text features a multitude of processes that are often not recIdeational ognisable as such at first glance. (Expressing ideas) Some processes also function as connectors with other processes (e. g. This warming causes harmful impacts). Interpersonal (Enacting relationships)

The text tries to explain climate change for pupils from the perspective of natural science. Therefore, the description is objective and presents facts and definitions. Because of the planned outcome (i. e. explaining climate change), the text follows a specific structure. First, the term “climate” is exTextual plained. Then, the scientific observations are described, which af(structuring texts) terwards serve as a foundation for the definition of “climate change”.

Table 8.5. Meta-functions and their linguistic realisations

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To help pupils recognize and unpack nominalisations, it can be helpful to teach them to critically analyse a text. They can be supported in this task by means of classroom discussions when the meaning and use of nominalizations constitute the focal point. As discussed in Chapter 7, nominalisations express processes or qualities into nouns instead of phrases with verbs. This is in contrast to traditional grammar in which nouns are defined as persons, places or things (Fang & Schleppegrell 2015: 23). Through functional language analysis, we can locate and analyse nouns, like nominalisations, that cannot count as persons, places or things, but which instead denote processes and qualities. By presenting these processes and qualities as nouns, scientific language reconstructs them in ways that enable them to be used in grammatical formulations that construct dense explanations and abstract reasoning (Fang & Schleppegrell 2015: 23). Nominalisations can also be strategically used in a text to have abstract entities as participants. For example, the cutting down of the trees is the reason for reduced vegetation, where cutting is a nominalisation and the name of the actor is not provided (Fang & Schleppegrell 2015: 26). Looking not just at words, but at their meaning, both phrases: “the cutting down of the trees” and “reduced vegetation” are in fact processes. When reading texts of this kind, pupils need to be aware of particular aspects of language use. To support pupils in mastering relevant competence in this area, there are different types of tasks which can help them create, recognize and unpack nominalisations. For example, pupils may be asked to look for the processes in a text in a group task and compare their different linguistic realisations. They can also discuss how processes are verbalised in different contexts and in different languages. Pupils can also do a task requiring them to think about or discuss the participants of the processes and identify which participants have agency and which do not (e. g. by completing a table with a verb and nominalisation that corresponds to it or by connecting verbs with their nominalisations). Such tasks can provide pupils with a crucial first step on their way to learning how to recognize nominalisations and, thereby, analyse them in the context of a scientific text. 3. Modelling/Deconstruction At the third stage of the Teaching and Learning Cycle, the focus shifts from the topic to introducing the genre at hand to pupils (i. e. under exploration) (Derewianka & Jones 2016: 53). Pupils need to become aware of the typical aspects, elements and purposes of a genre, jointly with characteristic linguistic means, before they are able to use the genre successfully on their own. This includes the social purpose of the genre, patterns of language, and the language used in the

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text (Derewianka & Jones 2016: 60). The following questions (Derewianka & Jones 2016: 53) can be helpful to guide teachers and pupils at this stage: Questions about the social purpose of the text: – Where can this text be found? – Who uses this text? – Who writes it? – Who reads it? – Why is this text used? – What is the aim of this text? Questions about patterns of the language of the text: – What is typical of a text of this genre? – What is required? – What is optional? Questions about the language of the text: – Why is this element (word, phrase, clause, image…) used in this part of the text? – What is the function of this chosen element in this part of the text? – What is the effect of this chosen element in this part of the text? Knowledge about the genre can be achieved by a modelled writing process or by the deconstruction of an example. In the following, some exemplary methods for this phase are presented (some of which are listed by Derewianka & Jones 2016). Analysing meta-functions A focussed, that is selected, analysis of ideational meta-functions can be used to show that they have a context-specific role and that they might be changing. It is appropriate to focus on aspects separately, so that pupils are not overburdened. The application to other texts should also be clarified. Jumbled Text An example of the target genre is used. The different parts of the text are cut into pieces and mixed up. Pupils need to reorder them correctly by using their knowledge about the genre. Cloze Exercises Particular parts of a text are deleted by the teacher. In contrast to the traditional cloze exercises, the gaps should be chosen functionally by focusing on the genre’s purpose and the language which serves it (e. g. thinking verbs in narratives which

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denote focusing on the participants’ inner perspectives, connection of arguments in an evaluation text). The pupils fill in the gaps by supplying the missing words, phrases or clauses. An optional list with the missing elements can be provided for pupils to support the process. 4. Joint construction The fourth stage of the Teaching and Learning Cycle involves the preparation of the successful use of a genre, with teacher/peer support if necessary. Learners use the patterns and language features which they have discovered in the previous stages by asking questions and articulating the content. The teacher assists this process by asking questions, making statements, recasting and by using thinking aloud (languaging) as a strategy (Derewianka & Jones 2016: 62). 5. Independent use of the genre The final stage of the Teaching and Learning Cycle involves the independent production of a text in the genre in focus (Derewianka & Jones 2016: 63). This can be supported by providing pupils with the criteria they need to apply or reminding them of the steps taken and strategies employed in the previous lessons. This enables them to reflect on the “shared language and understanding of the genre and topic”, for which opportunities should also be provided (Derewianka & Jones 2016: 63).

8.2.4 Exploring the Language of Mathematics and Scaffolding Techniques Many believe that language does not play a major role in mathematics as a subject area. However, no school subject content, including mathematics, can be learned without a focus on the language involved. Similar to other subjects, the language of mathematics is used to convey information and develop understanding in relation to basic mathematical concepts, mathematical terminology, and mathematical considerations, and is also essential for an understanding of textual tasks and processes. A receptive knowledge of the language of mathematics is also a prerequisite for an understanding of the operational aspects of arithmetic (Gürsoy & Frank 2015: 136). Language is the tool to describe and understand the model of a presented situation in mathematical terms. In this subject area, in the past, the tendency has been to use a similar key words approach as is used for the analysis of scientific texts (Huang & Normandia 2015: 64). For example, the key words in all suggest addition, while share suggests division (Huang & Normandia 2015: 65). However, this strategy can lead pupils to ignore the real meaning of a situation presented in the text and just focus on these words. These situations are often presented in

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word-related tasks that pupils need to solve by means of mathematical concepts and calculations. To understand how word-related problems can be solved, a functional language analysis can be helpful, as Huang and Normandia (2015: 65) put forward: “Functional language analysis is an alternative to the ‘key words approach’ that helps pupils use all the language of a word problem to identify the mathematical concepts, procedures, and principles needed to solve it”. In the following example, it is our intention to show how functional language analysis can help to respond to the questions “What is the problem to be solved?” and “What relevant information is provided in the text?” when solving a word problem. In one day, the National Civil Rights Museum in Memphis, Tennessee, admitted 321 adults and children and collected $1,590. The price of admission is $6 for an adult and $4 for a child. How many adults and how many children were admitted to the museum on that day? (Larson et al. 2001: 398, quoted after Huang & Normandia 2015: 67).

To answer the question “What is the problem to be solved?”, it is important that pupils can identify what the word problem requires them to do. Here, there may be either commands, e. g. solve, consider, or different types of questions which require different answers. How many suggests that the answer will involve a quantity. What or which suggests that a choice is to be made. Why suggests that an explanation is necessary. Finally, there may be questions that can be answered with yes or no. These are indicated by means of words like do (does, did) or be (are, is, was, were) or by a modal verb (can, would, should, etc.) (Huang & Normandia 2015: 68). Meanwhile, the conjunction and indicates a two-part question and that two quantities need to be determined (Huang & Normandia 2015: 68), which makes this a more complex problem to solve. To be able to solve the word problem, the following question needs to be answered: “What relevant information is provided in the text?” Therefore, pupils will need to recognize the key information (Huang & Normandia 2015: 68). In this word problem, there are several aspects that require analysis due to the complexity involved. However, we will focus only on one phenomenon which relates to the conjunction and. It has different functions in this example, besides indicating a two-part question (Huang & Normandia 2015: 69). The function of the first and is to link two single elements into one entity, 321 adults and children, which is the total number of people admitted. Furthermore, there are two different processes, denoted as admitted and collected, and they both have the same grammatical actor, i. e. the national civil rights museum. The second and separates these two processes and creates a new clause. The third and links two different entities in how many adults and how many children. As we saw previously, pupils need to understand that this leads to two different quantities. Accordingly, the word and has three different functions in this word problem, as

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becomes clear during the analysis by means of Functional Grammar (Huang & Normandia 2015: 69). The example above underscores that pupils need to learn to recognise the language of questions and commands and the answer or solution they call for. It has also highlighted how a multiple-step problem-solving strategy, where the two questions “What is the problem to be solved?” and “What relevant information is provided in the text?” can be integrated (Huang & Normandia 2015: 66). The language in mathematics lessons differs from the kind of everyday language that pupils use and it poses challenges due to its special linguistic formats and grammatical means, such as the use of passive constructions and compound words (Feilke 2012: 5), which requires academic language skills (Kniffka & Siebert-Ott 2012: 22) (see Chapter 5). In order to guide teachers of mathematics, Gürsoy & Frank (2015: 155) have formulated the following recommendations: – analyse the language structure of mathematical texts to reflect on the difference between the everyday register and the formal register used in school environments (e. g. the word over has different meanings in different registers. Compare: the picture is over the table vs. over 50% of people say…), – consider the specific mathematical, linguistic and text-type knowledge of pupils as differentiated because subject-oriented language diagnosis does not assess general language skills (e. g. understanding of function words, collocations), – mathematical text types need to be reflected on in the lesson to show the mutual interweaving of mathematical types of text in and through the language. So, language needs to be a subject of study too. In addition to explicitly addressing linguistic content, pupils also need to produce their own mathematical texts. Accordingly, it is important for subject teachers to understand that language and subject education cannot be separated, and that language-sensitive teaching and learning is essential even in mathematics. Following the idea of a functional approach, teachers can design language-sensitive lessons, taking into account, for example, pupils’ need for scaffolding. This needs to take place even despite the fact that some teachers may lack formal linguistic knowledge or education. Furthermore, through the analysis of language and the implementation of this approach, the language awareness of both teachers and pupils can be enhanced. Another challenge in mathematics (but also in other subjects, like biography) is visual semiotics, i. e. meanings “constructed in the graphs, charts, and diagrams that are integrated to mathematical reasoning” (Schleppegrell 2007: 75). Networking of these different forms of visual semiotic meanings or representations is understood to involve activities such as differentiating, translating, changing, assigning, relating (Wessel 2015: 69). Representations have a dual

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function; they 1) are a medium of communication in and about maths, and 2) express mathematical terms (Laakmann 2013: 23). This means that the formation of terms is linked with the forms of representation, and their understanding requires a knowledge of the presentations. Consequently, pupils “need to be able to work simultaneously with all aspects of this multi-semiotic system” (Schleppegrell 2010: 75): the language used in the tasks, the symbolic language of mathematics and the visual semiotics. They can see the relationships and construct ideas about conceptual structures when one presentation is transferred to another (Laakmann 2013: 37), which contributes to pupils’ deepened understanding of mathematical terms. When well-selected and accompanied by supporting tasks (that is, scaffolding), different representations can also help second-language learners as they clarify phenomena and support the processes of understanding regardless of the technical language. In oral communication, these serve as linguistic support and stimulation for language development (Laakmann 2013: 75–76). Working with representations is therefore a very important aspect of language-sensitive subject teaching and an integral part of scaffolding. Another challenging aspect of the language of mathematics is text problems. Text problems are characterised by the fact that they involve the embedding of mathematical concepts into a linguistic representation. Therefore, sequenced tasks to support the necessary actions of pupils are needed to assist them in noticing connections between language, mathematical symbols, and visual representations.16

8.2.5 Principles of Interactional Contingent Scaffolding No less important for scaffolding is the interaction that takes place during the lesson, as discussed in Chapter 6 with examples provided from different classroom contexts. The challenge for subject teachers is to use the subject-based language register and make it accessible to pupils without simplification in order to allow for the systematic development of pupils’ language in authentic situations. To support the interactions during the lesson, language does not need to be teachers’ main focus. However, to ensure that classroom interactions support the subject-learning process, teachers need to bear the following principles in mind:

16 Examples are provided in Huang and Normandia (2015).

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a) Orientation towards learners/ learner-centred teaching Pupils should be provided with adequate opportunities to speak and to plan their expression. – The speed of teacher-pupil interaction needs to be appropriate, with teachers taking care to adapt the speed of communication to pupils’ abilities. Moreover, pupils should be allowed sufficient time to process the input they receive. – Pupils and teachers need to have at their disposal appropriate discursive forms and other tools, which are used in the lesson (e. g. pupils adopt some teacher display of strategies for their own purposes or teachers appropriate pupils’ wording or ideas into the classroom discourse through recasting) (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 22). – The teacher should avoid frontal interaction in the classroom, in which the teacher forms a question and a pupil answers it, after which the teacher gives feedback. The format should be of a more natural and authentic nature, including peer-to-peer interaction, – The teacher should listen to pupils actively and react appropriately to their comments or meanings.

b) Linking to prior experience, pointing forward It is also important for teachers to situate the individual expressions used by pupils in a broader context. Therefore, interactional scaffolding could be based on their prior experiences (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 21). This means that new learning and new experiences should be included in out-of-school, home and inschool experiences. Moreover, prior experiences should also be linked with the broader goals and concepts of the curriculum to help advance them. c) Recapping/meta-comment At the end of teacher-pupil conversations, recapping can be used by teachers in relation to “significant learning” that took place during a particular lesson. This meta-comment can refer to “curriculum (subject) knowledge, metalinguistic knowledge or metacognitive (‘what-helped-you-to-learn’) knowledge” (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 22). This will enable teachers to move pupils forward in their learning. d) Recasting Meanwhile, to appropriate the contributions made by pupils into the classroom discourse, teachers can recast their contributions in a specific way (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 22). This allows pupils to become co-participants “in the construction of a broader and more systematic codification of ideas and subjectspecific discourse” (Hammond & Gibbons 2005: 22). “Modelling language

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through bridging discourse” (De Oliveira & Schleppegrell 2015: 65) enables a connection between everyday language and subject-specific modes of expression by putting precise language use into context and modelling the use of language use. Gibbons (2006) describes possible ways of supporting interactions in the lesson using the example of a natural science lesson which is divided into three phases: – Small group activities: each group performs a task together and then reports back to the whole class afterwards (e. g. in a physics lesson, observing the repulsion of a magnet with several approaches). In this phase, it is important that pupils develop their subject knowledge, despite their predominant use of everyday language. – Teacher-led reporting: the teacher starts this phase by providing terms and language structures that pupils can use to report their results. This enables them to use more academic language in their reports. The teacher should give feedback on the subject content and also on the language, and pupils should be provided with an opportunity to reformulate their thoughts. – Writing a learning diary: after reporting, pupils are required to write down what they have learned. In this phase, they write to learn instead of learning to write and they should be encouraged to record everything that they learned during the teacher-pupil interactions.

8.3

Summary

This chapter has shown the inescapable connection between subject content and language and the need for teachers to devote to this relationship the attention that it merits in the classroom, and in lesson preparation. For subject teachers, this means that they must be sensitive to the linguistic subject-specific features that arise in each lesson and to the linguistic and content challenges for their respective group of pupils. It also means that they need to support their pupils as they grapple with challenges to be able to successfully address them and, in the process, to help them to develop confidence, skills and agency in the language of schooling. For this to occur, it is necessary for teachers themselves to become sensitive to the special linguistic requirements of their subject, as a starting point to sensitising their pupils, and to be able to show them useful ways and strategies by means of scaffolding. Using the Functional Grammar approach to language can raise awareness and empower teachers as well as pupils in relation to meaning-making processes in specific genres and grammatical forms in specific contexts. Becoming aware of the relevant functional metalanguage together with the broad approach of scaffolding offers the possibility for a transparent and strategic expansion of register flexibility, which enables future-oriented learning

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by putting the how before the what of language and learning. Furthermore, the expansion of register flexibility involves the expansion of pupils’ multilingualism, which not only has to play a role in the classroom but should also be offered to all pupils (even the supposedly monolingual ones). The importance of this approach has been highlighted throughout this book. In this broad sense, register-sensitive teaching fulfils the responsibility of schools to educate multilingual pupils in relation to the language awareness and skills needed for the globalised, highly mobile societies of today and tomorrow.

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Chapter 9: Recommendations

9.0

Introduction

In this chapter, we present recommendations for teacher educators and other stakeholders that can help to inform teacher education going forward and offer guidance for schools more widely. This is with an overall view to enhancing the educational experiences, development, and integration of all pupils in the multilingual school environment. These recommendations are grounded in a childcentred approach to education (see Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UN 1948) and European Convention on Human Rights (Council of Europe 1953)) which recognises the fundamental right of all pupils to learn. They are further supported by EU education policy that seeks to ensure that all pupils reach their full potential with an understanding that for a nation to thrive socially, politically and economically, the rights, needs, and abilities of all pupils must be addressed (Taguma et al. 2009; Council of Europe 2014). Accordingly, returns on education are now widely viewed as a worthwhile investment for society as well as for the individual (see Chapter 3). Values such as dignity, equality, and human rights are reflected in the overarching educational framework that we have argued for in this book, and we have highlighted some ways in which schools can play a key role in instilling these values as well as fostering an appreciation of diversity. We have also argued that it is a core responsibility for schools to educate pupils to become respectful citizens who are prepared to embrace the increasing social diversity of the world today (Parker-Jenkins et al. 2007). This is essential to help advance the key European policy objectives of creating a European knowledge society, building a European cultural space, and promoting European citizenship, in order to ensure greater social cohesion in our communities, countries and the EU as an entity (Council of Europe 2007, 2010, 2014; European Commission 2008b, 2013, 2021; European Commission/EACEA/Eurydice 2019). This book has also pointed to the crucial role that language plays as an enabler of access to education in terms of the competencies that all pupils need to develop in the majority language of

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schooling to be able to achieve their full potential. It has also highlighted the additional benefits that can be accrued from the inclusion of the full linguistic repertoire of pupils in the learning process, and the maintenance of their home language, where relevant, as a valuable means of personal expression and learning, and for the wider social potential this offers. In these ways, we have argued that education and schooling are inextricably linked to society and are not neutral, which leads to a need for all teachers to play an active role in educating young people to become members of a democratic, multilingual society that values and respects diversity in all its shapes and forms. This includes the linguistic, cultural, religious and ethnic diversity brought into schools through migration with the additional challenges that this brings. All teachers can also help to build an inclusive educational environment in EU member state schools for children and adolescents in a migrant or refugee situation, whose education has often been interrupted (Council of Europe 2007, 2010, 2011; Dovigo 2018; Koehler & Schneider 2019). As we have argued, for this to occur, there needs to be a fundamental change in the mind-set of many practitioners, in terms of moving away from the dominant values and beliefs of the society they serve, where diversity is not necessarily viewed as an asset, as well as the development of new pedagogical understandings and skills (for a detailed discussion see e. g. Mary & Young 2020). Teacher education and professional development are therefore paramount to enhancing the critical agency of teachers in this area, which is key to reducing prejudices and social inequality (Kirsch 2020). In support of these educational goals, we offer teacher educators, teachers, and all relevant stakeholders the following nine recommendations which can help them to better support the holistic development of all pupils in the multilingual school environment, in recognition of their diverse cognitive, emotional, linguistic and social needs.17 This is with a view to building a solid and broad foundation for citizenship, lifelong learning and wellbeing going forward. 1. Adopt a multilingual culture and ethos; 2. Embrace a whole-school approach; 3. Create an inclusive curriculum; 4. Implement multilingual approaches to teaching; 5. Embrace a language-sensitive teaching approach; 6. Assess and address pupils’ needs; 7. Foster a positive and supportive learning environment; 8. Develop home-school partnerships from the start; 9. Provide ongoing professional training. 17 These recommendations are available also in German, Greek and Polish at the MaMLiSE project webpage: http://mamlise.home.amu.edu.pl (15. 05. 2023).

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Recommendation 1: Adopt a Multilingual Culture and Ethos (see Chapters 3–5) For individuals to develop and exploit their linguistic repertoires and to use their language resources in their lives, for the multiple benefits that this can bring, it is necessary to make room for multilingual practices and to adopt a multilingual mind-set in all areas of life and over a lifespan. Accordingly, schools as a whole, and teachers in all classroom contexts, must actively acknowledge, embrace and promote pupils’ multilingualism by encouraging and fostering different languages, making them visible and audible, and by developing and implementing language-sensitive teaching in all subject areas (Duarte & Günther-van der Meij 2018, 2020). As we have highlighted throughout this book, encouraging the use of pupils’ home languages in the school environment can bring multiple benefits; for instance, it can aid subject learning, facilitate the development of parallel literacy skills in all languages, raise language awareness, show respect and affirm the value of these linguistic assets, and contribute to pupil personal development, self-esteem, and self-identity (Little & Kirwan 2021). Therefore, it is essential that all relevant stakeholders are made aware of these benefits, especially teachers, pupils and parents, as a starting point to developing a multilingual school culture and ethos. As far as subject teachers are concerned, they need to become more aware of the language(s) known and used by their pupils, how they interact in these languages within the school and home environments, and the ways this can benefit their learning across the academic curriculum. This can also help change the environment in the school as a whole and promote a greater appreciation of the benefits that multilingualism can bring in areas such as language awareness raising and language skills development. Communicating explicitly to pupils that teachers care about their existing language repertoires can also help to foster a more caring and supportive learning environment that sends the crucial message to all pupils that they are valued, and that their knowledge and abilities are recognised. It is also important that parents/guardians hear this message and are encouraged to become actively involved in the education of their children. For instance, they can be advised by schools to use the home language(s) or the language(s) they feel most connected to with their children in their everyday interactions in the home environment (Little & Kirwan 2021) and they can be offered opportunities to learn about the ways in which they can support their children in their learning at school by maintaining and fostering their home language/s.

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Recommendation 2: Embrace a Whole-School Approach (see Chapter 5) In order to bring about the changes outlined above and also not to overburden individual teachers, we favour adopting a whole-school approach involving all multi-professional teams such as teachers, school leaders, school personnel, parents/guardians, and the local communities. However, a whole-school approach may not be feasible to the same degree in all countries or schools as some educational systems have legal restrictions governing the involvement of parents/ guardians and the local community in school activities. Parents/guardians and their communities can be rich resources for schools and can help build positive attitudes and conditions for reciprocal learning and exchange. We advocate initiatives that are possible in every context such as providing information in minority languages and disseminating information by a web-based portal as well as by face-to-face consultation; establishing home-school liaison coordinators to facilitate contact between school personnel, families, and communities; ensuring that schools develop plans for parental involvement; and providing training for teachers and school leaders on building partnerships with parents/guardians and communities. We strongly encourage school leaders to be provided with training to implement a whole-school approach to inclusive education of all pupils, including those from migrant backgrounds. Teachers need support from school leaders and colleagues as they make changes to their practice, and to transform their teaching and assessment approaches for the new diversity in the classroom. Furthermore, orchestrated efforts are paramount to make an impact and a whole-school approach is needed to ensure that the changes made in classrooms are not undermined by the overarching school culture that points to a different direction. For the implementation of new multilingual and inclusive pedagogies as well as a whole-school approach, developing school environments so that they become more diversity-friendly and multilingual, the availability of suitable resources is crucial. In general, structural changes are recommended, such as less teaching hours for teachers to enable them to undertake professional development and to have time for planning and preparation of lessons that take the language needs and abilities of pupils into account. These new kinds of practices can be supported by creating opportunities for subject teachers to work alongside language support teachers and share their expertise and by providing space for teachers to exchange experiences and collaborate. By establishing individual school plans for pupils in need of specific support, and encouraging teachers from the different subject areas to come together for planning and resource development purposes, more systematic approaches can also be developed across the curriculum. This highlights the need for these kinds of collaborative practices to be timetabled centrally so that they can routinely take place. Ex-

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ploring ways in which the curriculum can evolve in a school-based model should also be encouraged. This would see individual schools deciding on a curriculum that best suits local needs with this situation systematically and routinely monitored and informed by feedback from subject teachers and language support teachers, as advocated for by Trant (1998) earlier. Whole-school language curricula are a specific approach to align content and strategies in language teaching, including the majority language, foreign languages and heritage language learning. This can be beneficial for the development of language awareness and the fostering of multilingualism. Additionally, it can also save time in the classroom if it is successful as individual learners are enabled to use all their languages as a learning resource in the classroom. Consideration of the wellbeing of pupils should also be prioritised at school. Karakas¸og˘lu (2020) suggests that in order for pupils to thrive in school and to feel included in the school community, the establishment of a welcoming space provides opportunities for pupils to socialise and to develop friendships. Here too, we suggest that school leaders and teachers should reach out to parents or guardians, to embrace and acknowledge their role in the education of their child. We believe that parents or guardians should also be able to come to the schools and meet their children’s teachers or other professionals who work with them. The exchange of information between the home and school can have positive effects on the pupils’ education, and it is also important to create a stronger bond between families and schools to help foster mutual understanding and respect between these key stakeholders. Parents or guardians may face challenges to find time for school activities and to help with homework. They may also lack resources to offer opportunities for their children to learn outside of school and during school holidays. We favour compensatory policies, such as providing additional learning time, after-school activities, and summer schools, and developing partnerships with community centres or public libraries. For instance, public libraries can provide pupils with additional space for studying, access to books and other educational resources, including any additional resources available in their first language(s). Meanwhile, collaboration with local communities and caregivers can help to provide after-school activities to pupils, homework assistance, mentoring services and coaching, e. g. from mentors coming from migrant backgrounds. If a whole-school approach is to become a reality, then policy makers and schools would have key roles to play in the implementation of such policies. Moreover, education legislation and adequate public funding needs to be in place to support these types of activities. Literature on migrant education suggests that the main barrier to parental involvement is a lack of competence in the language of the country of residence, cultural differences, and a lack of knowledge of the education system and/or resources about the country of residence (Heckmann

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2008). This is why translation or interpretation services may be needed to ensure that limited language proficiency is not a barrier to access to the curriculum or to effective communication between home and school (Little & Kirwan 2021a). We recommend that such services be funded by the relevant policy makers, but we are aware that it may be challenging to find professional interpreters for many of the home languages present in a given school. School leaders play a crucial role in recognising the value of cultural and linguistic pluralism and attaching a high positive value to preserving and reinforcing the first language(s)/home language(s) of all pupils in learning, in addition to the majority language(s) in the country of their residence. The school leadership team, including the principal, senior management and other governance structures, are all key stakeholders in creating and sustaining an inclusive quality school environment. However, school leaders and ancillary staff, though they are often more than willing to support their pupils, may lack specific training in this area. We strongly recommend introducing such training in each country. Schools also need access to language support teachers, other support staff and/ or assistive learning equipment/software to enhance the pupils’ learning and integration. In many cases, smaller classes would be better for pupils and teachers alike, and this will require support from policy makers (see Chapter 2 and 5). Moreover, policy makers must fund the hiring of additional teachers in schools with high proportions of pupils from migrant backgrounds to create smaller classes, enable teachers to provide more individualised support and to support collaboration between subject teachers, language teachers and other relevant school staff such as classroom assistants, the learning support team, etc.

Recommendation 3: Create an Inclusive Curriculum (see Chapters 2, 5 & 7) Inclusive education is about ensuring that all pupils feel welcome and included in classroom activities and that they can contribute and experience agency (Rose & Shelvin 2017). Chapter 2 provides a useful orientation into the range of policies that have been introduced in Germany, Greece, Ireland and Poland to address the growing linguistic diversity in schools and the ongoing growth in the number of pupils experiencing displacement. Against this backdrop, we recommend aligning content learning according to the mainstream curriculum, to ensure that pupils from a migrant background are not disadvantaged in terms of accessing content required for their academic progress and success. In this way, schools can become more inclusive, diversity-friendly, and focussed on the pupils’ individual needs.

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It is also important that teachers find ways of linking curriculum content to pupils’ prior knowledge and interests as the curriculum must be relevant to learners if they are to make meaningful connections with it. This can be more successfully achieved in the multilingual school environment by designing a curriculum that is diversity-friendly in general, i. e. viewing topics relevant to the different subjects from different perspectives and by highlighting the contributions made from a more global rather than a national perspective. The implementation of a whole-school curriculum can also help to coordinate learning aims and content and it should be subject to regular review in this regard especially where the multilingual mix and dynamic of the school may be changing (see Chapter 5). Additionally, multilingual educational practices include developing the competency of all pupils in the language of schooling, promoting foreign language learning, developing the home languages, offering preparatory classes and providing tailored supports to address any special needs. To achieve coherence between the work that pupils are undertaking in their preparatory classes and the wider curriculum (see Chapter 7), we recommend that language support teachers collaborate and work together to devise joint plans that best support the pupils’ progress, as was highlighted previously. Different countries have policies that impact on whether and to what extent pupils receive access to preparatory classes when they arrive at a new school. We recommend that pupils be given ample time for any extra support they may need at this critical stage if this is deemed of benefit to them. We would also highlight the importance of creating routine opportunities for pupils to explore and articulate their own views and to question those of others in all classroom contexts and at all stages of their educational journey, to help them to develop a critical capacity to interrogate differences and to develop an appreciation of diversity.

Recommendation 4: Implement Multilingual Approaches to Teaching (see Chapters 3, 4, 5 & 6) Multilingual educational practices of the kind argued for and demonstrated in Chapters 3 to 6 of this book in particular, can better identify and respond to the needs of all pupils in linguistically diverse classrooms. These approaches must be prioritised by all teachers working in primary (early years of schooling pupils) and secondary (largely the adolescent pupil cohort) school contexts, both in preparatory and mainstream curriculum classes. As we have highlighted, this involves bringing an increased focus to bear on minority and home languages, language awareness, language use, and language development across the curriculum.

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Multilingual approaches draw on a conceptualisation that multilingual pupils possess important linguistic abilities that should be tapped into during instruction for more effective learning. These approaches promote both the majority language of schooling, and minority and home languages where they exist, both in school and in the home environment, while, at the same time, supporting good educational practice more widely. It is also widely recognised that when multilingual pupils use their known languages, they have at their disposal a powerful resource for more effective and facilitated learning leading to enhanced academic attainment (Little & Kirwan 2019). As indicated in Chapter 5, a holistic and inclusive educational approach that includes the pupils’ full linguistic repertoire(s) is not only beneficial for multilingual pupils but also supports pupils from a monolingual background in the development of enhanced language awareness. In practical terms, the approach that we have argued for advises teachers across the subject disciplines to create opportunities for pupils to engage their full linguistic capabilities. This means actively and explicitly encouraging pupils to construct meaning using whatever linguistic knowledge and skills they have at their disposal to make the learning task more meaningful and accessible for them. This may involve, for example, encouraging pupils to discuss tasks in their home language with a peer from a similar first language background rather than obliging them only to speak in the majority language of schooling. This can be a very useful step in the learning process however, in the past this kind of L1 interaction has often been discouraged by teachers on the basis that it can impede the acquisition of the language of schooling. We advise teacher educators and teachers to move away from such prescriptive attitudes and to develop a more finely nuanced approach that can take better account of the needs of individual pupils at particular points in the lesson and in their overall learning journey.

Recommendation 5: Embrace a Language-Sensitive Teaching Approach (see Chapters 6 & 8) In Chapters 6 and 8, we have set out the core principles that can serve to guide teachers in the development and implementation of language-sensitive teaching with a view to enhancing the language awareness and language skills of all pupils across the curriculum. Teachers who have taught pupils who are speakers of minority languages may have recognised the crucial role of languages in their subject teaching (Finkbeiner et al. 2022). Some may have noticed the benefits of a language-sensitive teaching approach for all pupils struggling to acquire formal registers. However, the research literature has indicated that too often, subject teachers have lacked awareness of this approach and the enhanced learning

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outcomes it can bring due to a lack of teacher education in this area (Farrell & Baumgart 2018). In the discussion in these chapters, we have also offered practical suggestions as to how subject teachers can develop and implement this approach, highlighting a wide range of strategies that they can routinely embed and draw on in every lesson to ensure that the subject content is made more accessible to learners and that they can all participate and engage fully in the lesson. In Chapter 6, for instance, we highlighted strategies that all teachers can use to scaffold the learning process such as by modifying their interactional language use to suit the different levels of proficiency amongst pupils in relation to the language of schooling, by using targeted repetition, and by generally ensuring that pupils are helped to notice key information, have opportunities to articulate their understandings, and are provided with ongoing formative feedback including in relation to their language use. Meanwhile, in Chapter 8, we highlighted functional pedagogical approaches that can enable teachers to raise awareness and skills in relation to subject specific genres and registers in texts, to better scaffold learners and improve outcomes in relation to language of schooling. In this regard, a key recommendation for teachers is that they become more adept at text analysis using a systemic functional perspective, and that they transfer these skills to pupils to aid their reading and writing skills in the language of schooling, to make subject content more accessible, and to help develop learner agency. However, for this to occur, subject teachers require upskilling in these areas and in relation to language sensitive teaching and how they can apply it in their own subject area, more widely. In this regard, this book is accompanied by a series of online workshops that seek to provide this specialised area of training for teachers at all career stages (see MaMLiSE workshops at mamlise.amu.edu.pl).

Recommendation 6: Assess Pupils’ Needs (see Chapters 5–7) In an attempt to better cater for the educational needs of all pupils in the linguistically diverse classroom, we recommend assessing individual pupils’ needs as a first step towards developing suitable pedagogical responses (see Chapter 7). Assessment of this kind must be comprehensive and reviewed on an ongoing basis to take account of pupil progress and development. It should also be noted that pupils from migrant backgrounds are a diverse group and should be viewed as individuals with their own needs, learning preferences and abilities. While some may share a common language and/or culture they can differ in terms of their linguistic, cultural, and socio-economic backgrounds as well as their previous experiences in life and education (Faas et al. 2015b). We suggest that teachers recognise and value individual pupils’ unique cultural and linguistic

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resources, and that they also assess where pupils may have additional learning needs. This is with a view to providing them with tailored supports where needed within a whole-child approach. As Chapters 5 and 7 of this book have also highlighted, we also think that it is vital for newly arrived pupils from migrant backgrounds to receive orientation to help them adapt to the new school environment and support their language acquisition. Although whole curriculum and multilingual teaching approaches are valuable for all pupils, additional supports are likely to be needed for some to help them to develop competency in both everyday language use and in the more formal language off schooling to enable them to express their basic needs and integrate socially, and to help them access the curriculum as quickly as possible, especially in the post-primary school context where the academic challenges are greatest.

Recommendation 7: Foster a Positive and Supportive Learning Environment (see Chapters 5–7) We share the view that schools are not only responsible for addressing the cognitive needs of pupils, but that they must also support them socially and emotionally (Roffey 2012). They can do this by creating a learning environment which encourages positive interactions between pupils and between pupils and teachers, actively counteracts discrimination, and which modifies classroom routines, arrangements and groupings to ensure enhanced learning experience (Petty 2016). As this book has highlighted, in classrooms where there are pupils who have experienced displacement and trauma, a trauma informed teaching approach is essential. We recommend that teachers examine different sets of vulnerabilities that accompany direct and indirect displacement to be able to respond appropriately. While education and training systems clearly can and should play a role in promoting the overall well-being of pupils with such backgrounds, schools should work closely with other agencies as part of a broad and coordinated effort encompassing education, health, social and welfare systems, and community organisations. If learning environments are not inviting or feel threatening to any pupils, irrespective of their backgrounds, or if their psychological needs are not met, this is likely to impact on their ability to learn (Woolfolk et al. 2008). In particular, pupils from migrant backgrounds need to feel accepted and safe to be able to learn and to try things that they may find linguistically challenging or that may be entirely new to them. Research has found pupils’ decisions to leave school early “are made consciously and often amount to the perceived cultural irrelevance of

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the school and an absence of respect by the school for their lives” (Byrne & Smyth 2010: 32). Therefore, explicitly respecting and valuing learner diversity in all school practices is vital to ensure pupils feel included. Initiatives that recognise identities are important for pupils to help them establish a sense of belonging. Pupils’ backgrounds are important prerequisites for social and personal learning in school. Bias-free perception of self and others is a prerequisite for empathy, social learning, and respect for others (Masterson 2017). Diverse classrooms are a rich resource for all pupils because expressing different perspectives can contribute to the development of awareness and tolerance of multiple perspectives (see Chapter 3). Collaborative learning activities such as cooperating on projects, where pupils can learn from the input of others, add to the knowledge of all learners. However, ignoring the lived experiences of minority groups is a commonly observed occurrence in educational matters; (Szczepaniak-Kozak & Adamczak-Krysztofowicz 2021, Wa˛sikiewicz-Firlej et al. 2022). This may contribute to why education activities and programmes seeking to critically deconstruct systems of inequality are impeded (Bryan 2010). Ignoring inequalities and failing to challenge existing representations of migrants must therefore be challenged to ensure that all pupils matter and are valued.

Recommendation 8: Develop Home-School Partnerships from the Start (see Chapter 5) We recommend that the quality of home-school relationships be nurtured as research has shown that opportunities to work in home-school partnerships for the benefit of pupils is associated with enhanced educational outcomes (Beveridge 2013). European educational policy also supports the development of such partnerships (European Commission 2015). We thus recommend that parents/ guardians and families need to be recognised and adequately supported as coeducators in a child’s learning. In the case of pupils from migrant backgrounds who are at the greatest risk of marginalisation, we recommend that their schools adopt a range of strategies to engage and support their families to nurture partnership from an early stage (see Chapter 5). We recommend that policy makers support the creation of parent/guardian ambassadors or cultural assistants to improve communication between the school and migrant communities. This should not be a one-way effort, and schools should review their means of communicating with families regularly and find suitable forms for all families. We also recommend that schools encourage parents/guardians to attend school events as these provide them with valuable opportunities to meet their children’s teachers, and in this way also to build closer relationships. Schools also need to be aware of the explicit and implicit

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expectations they have of families to support their children in their learning, for example with homework. To fulfil these expectations, some families will require support. For home-school collaborations to succeed, there should be transparent expectations and clear communication between home and school. Furthermore, it is imperative that policy makers fund language and literacy classes for families. We suggest that providing funding for interpretation or translation services is helpful in multilingual school environments and that policy makers have an important role to support such a key service essential for effective home-school partnerships. Furthermore, organising a regular programme of activities around all aspects of school life may enhance parental engagement in school life. Families from migrant backgrounds can also benefit from mentoring schemes involving teachers or parents with the same first language(s). This can be particularly beneficial where parents are not proficient in the language of schooling. We recommend that policy makers provide funding for these activities and initiatives. We also underscore the importance of schools developing a positive relationship with parents and valuing their cultural and linguistic diversity as research has shown that parental involvement is one key factor to enable parents to support their children’s learning (Cox-Petersen 20101). Educational partnerships take time and effort to develop but once the time has been invested, the benefits are endless for all groups and individuals.

Recommendation 9: Deliver Professional Training (see Chapters 2 & 6–8) We strongly recommend that initial teacher education programmes prepare all future student teachers for multilingual teaching and learning and language sensitive teaching. Professional development in these areas should also continue throughout the professional lives of teachers given the challenges involved (see Chapter 8) not least that practitioners may need to manage classes involving pupils with a range of proficiency levels in the language of schooling. Good practice involves the provision of training to all teachers, not only language teachers but also subject and preparatory classroom teachers. This will enable all teaching staff to be more responsive to the linguistic diversity of pupils (see Chapter 8). Effective teaching for diverse pupils demands a high level of transcultural understanding, and knowledge and experience of pedagogical approaches that incorporate pupils’ prior knowledge in the learning process. Cultural awareness, especially in classroom communication, is also critical. Teachers will also need to collaborate with support staff and other professionals and educational stakeholders and to feel supported by these. School leaders and other staff members also require training to equip them with

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knowledge and skills to support pupils from linguistically and culturally diverse backgrounds. These skills are not necessarily easy to acquire through formal training (Arnot et al. 2014). For this to occur, policy makers, teacher educators and school leadership will need to be involved in the design, delivery and implementation of the training. Building support for a more appreciative approach towards diversity and valuing the migrant school population is worthwhile as it opens opportunities for the school community and society to learn from and with each other. Developing shared values and beliefs that value diversity in school environments is also beneficial for the successful integration of pupils from migrant backgrounds (see Chapter 6). We advocate for teacher training in pedagogical approaches for second-language learning and to develop their competency in recognising and helping children overcome trauma. We also consider it essential that teachers are educated in effective evidence-based approaches for promoting awareness for working in multilingual contexts, and to familiarise them with general evidencebased principles for catering for multilingual pupils and how to apply these in their own school context. Training is also important to strengthen teachers’ and school leaders’ capacity for evaluation and assessment to monitor pupils’ progress and performance. Initial assessments are necessary to determine the level of the pupils’ knowledge and skills when they enter the school (see Chapter 7). This type of training ensures that the schools can assess pupils from migrant backgrounds accurately, devise plans and offer appropriate pedagogical support. While schools may plan to offer a holistic approach and cater for the pupils’ needs as they arise, unless school personnel have professional knowledge, and access to appropriate materials and resources, these plans will remain largely aspirational. Thus, policy makers need to be on board to provide the prerequisite policies and resources. Policy makers must support the resourcing of dedicated time in the school calendar for implementing professional development. This time would be available to staff on a regular basis. Relevant information and tools would also need to be provided to the school to foster competency in multilingual approaches and language-sensitive teaching as well as cultural sensitivity. Finally, it is advisable to ensure a whole-school commitment to inclusive practice. Professional development initiatives ought to be mandatory for the school management team. Policy makers must ensure that adequate funding is provided to enable each school community to create and sustain a positive teaching and learning culture built on a shared vision for a respectful, tolerant and inclusive school community. Furthermore, an ongoing review of successes and challenges could ensure that the school community continues to be re-

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sponsive to the needs of the whole school community, routinely examining how to enhance teaching and learning.

9.2

Concluding Thoughts

In conclusion, teaching pupils from migrant backgrounds through holistic, multilingual and language-sensitive teaching and learning approaches can be an enriching experience for all. Most importantly, educating pupils for citizenship and equipping them with European values are beneficial for both the individual and society. Challenges such as a lack of resources and limited access to professional training opportunities for all school personnel needs to be prioritised and adequately resourced through national government policy initiatives in the different countries for a real change to be sustainable. As Fullan (2016: 37) suggests, “individuals and groups working together have to become clear about new educational practices that they wish to implement”. However, in education contexts preoccupied with raising academic attainment, the holistic needs of learners from migrant backgrounds may not be fully recognised and can result in a profound sense of loss for them as they come to believe that education is not for them (Hamilton 2013). Teachers interpret and implement government policies. However, they do this following their own interpretation of recommendations as is evident in the ways that educators put them into practice, and the fact that some do not do this at all (Ball 2013). This may lead to inconsistencies in everyday performance of schools. Due to the policies being too ambiguous and vague, their implementation is left to the ad-hoc interpretation of individual schools (Parker-Jenkins & Masterson 2013), and ultimately may depend on the ethos of individual schools to determine how effective inclusive practices are in reality. We are imagining supporting multilingual practices in classrooms where pupil agency, creativity and minority languages are at the heart of the school culture and ethos. We recommend including the voices of all the stakeholders such as school leaders, teachers, pupils and their parents/guardians as well as other relevant parties and agencies in the implementation of as many of our recommendations as is feasible in specific educational contexts. It is our hope that readers of our publication will consider reflecting on the new realities of multilingual schools in European countries and implement new pedagogies as well as inclusive educational practices to promote better outcomes for all pupils. It behoves all of the educational stakeholders to work in partnership to give all pupils every chance to succeed and flourish at school, irrespective of their backgrounds.

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Biographical Notes of the Main Authors and Contributors

This book was contributed to by the following team members of the MaMLiSE project who are listed according to their EU project country of affiliation and participant organisation:

Germany – University of Bremen Daria Babanova is a research assistant and a PhD student in the Department of German as a Second and Foreign Language at the University of Bremen, Germany, with research interests in German as a foreign language and German philology, second language acquisition, and learner identity in the primary school context. Katja Baginski is the Coordinator of the ‘Migrant Children and Youth programme’ at the University of Bremen which is concerned with educational approaches to support pupils from migration backgrounds. She was previously employed as a teacher in Argentina (1987/88), Germany (1991–1999) and Chile (1999–2003). She also collaborated in the development of textbooks and teaching materials for German as a second language. Currently, she is working on a PhD dissertation on the subject of resource-oriented lessons for teenagers with refugee experiences. Andrea Daase is Professor of German as a second and foreign language at the University of Bremen with research interest and publications in multilingualism and second language acquisition in the school environment, vocational training, and related pre-service teacher education for linguistically diverse classrooms. Milena Kahl is a PhD student in the Department of German as a Second and Foreign Language at the University of Bremen. Her research interests are in German as a second language in the secondary school context.

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Sarah Olthoff is research assistant at the Carl von Ossietzky University of Oldenburg and Lecturer in German as a second language at the University of Bremen. Her research interests are language-sensitive teaching and CLIL (content and language integrated learning) in secondary school contexts. Nastassia Rozum is a PhD student and lecturer at Bielefeld University and has been research assistant in the Department German as a Second and Foreign Language at the University of Bremen with research interest in language and culture, cultural awareness in the context of language teaching, language theories and language as social practice Viktoria Rubinets is a PhD student at Bielefeld University and a teacher of teenagers from migrant/refugee backgrounds in a vocational school in Bielefeld. Before she worked as research assistant in the Department German as a second and foreign language at the University of Bremen. Her research interests lie in specialised language classes for newly arrived pupils.

Germany – Paderborn University and Bielefeld University Sandra Ballweg is Professor of German as a second and foreign language at Paderborn University. Her research interests lie in the area of family language policy, second/multiple language acquisition, multiliteracies, teacher education, L2 writing and other related topics. Göntje Erichsen is a research assistant and teacher educator at Bielefeld University, with research interests and publications in second language acquisition research, especially in classroom interaction in the context of migrant education in German secondary schools. Silvia Introna is a lecturer in the Department of German as a Foreign and Second Language at Bielefeld University. She is also a coordinator of a programme promoting pupils’ literacy skills. Her research interests include advanced literacy skills acquisition, academic reading in German as a foreign language, qualitative research methodology and educational design research. Laura Kiefer is a research assistant and PhD student in the Department of German as a Second and Foreign Language at Paderborn University. Her research interests include German as a foreign language, multilingual practices and cultural learning in foreign language teaching.

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Anne Wernicke is a research assistant and lecturer in pre-service teacher education at Bielefeld University. Her research interests include language-sensitive teaching, and digital tools in education, as well as multilingual practices and language ideologies with regard to second language acquisition. Anika Zörner is a research assistant and teacher educator at Bielefeld University with research interests and publications in teacher education and inquiry-based learning in the field of German as a second language.

Greece 2nd Junior High School of Intercultural Education in Ioannina Adriana Karagouni studied Mathematics at University of Ioannina. She has been working as a Mathematics teacher in secondary education since 2007 and has been teaching at the 2nd High School of Intercultural Education of Ioannina for 4 years. Her research interests lie in multicultural education in schools and the use of Geogebra software in teaching mathematics. Athina Karvouni is a teacher of English. She graduated from the School of English, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki in 2002 and also holds an MA in Translation Studies from the University of Portsmouth, UK. She has been working as a teacher of English in secondary education since 2005 and has been teaching in the 2nd Junior High School of Intercultural Education in Ioannina since 2011 in the area of multicultural education with a special interest in international school projects. Dimitrios Kontosakos holds a BA in geology from the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. He worked for the Institute of Geological and Mineral Research and the Department of Primary Education of the University of Ioannina (Greece). He also worked as a teacher of geology in schools in Greece and Germany and has extensive experience teaching children with migrant/refugee backgrounds. He was Principal at the 2nd Junior High School of Ioannina Intercultural Education between 2011–2021. Iliana Lalou holds a PhD in molecular biology and genetics conferred by the University of Ioannina. She has been working as a biology teacher in secondary education since 2014.

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Stefanos Syrmakesis is Principal of the 2nd Junior High School of Ioannina Intercultural Education, where he also teaches economics and social sciences. He holds a PhD in Education from the University of Patras and his research interests lie in economics, social sciences and multicultural education. Maria Tzouma studied mathematics at the University of Ioannina and holds a Master Degree (MSc) in information systems conferred by the Hellenic Open University. She is a specialist in the development of educational video games. She has been working as a Mathematics and a Computer Science teacher in secondary education since 1991 and has been employed at the 2nd Junior High School of Ioannina Intercultural Education since 1994, and has been working with multilingual pupils since 1998. Eirini Varotsou holds a PhD in physical oceanography with focus on climate change, conferred by the University of Hamburg. She was a geology teacher in the 2nd Junior High School of Ioannina Intercultural Education in the school year 2020–2021. Currently, she works for the junior high school of Arkalochori, Crete. Vasiliki Vazalouka is the Vice-Principle of the 2nd Junior High School of Ioannina Intercultural Education, where she also teaches French as a foreign language. She holds a diploma in translation and interpretation conferred by the University of Strasbourg. She has an overall teaching experience of 25 years, out of which 11 years in intercultural schools. Marina Zordoumi is a Physical Education teacher at the 2nd Junior High School of Ioannina Intercultural Education. She is interested in the traditional dances of Greece and other countries. Her research interest is oriented towards the education of people with special needs through Physical Education. Marina Zotou studied Modern Greek Literature at the University of Ioannina and has been employed as a teacher of the Greek language in secondary education since 1999, and in the 2nd Junior High School of Intercultural Education of Ioannina for sixteen years.

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Ireland

The Computer Technology Institute and Press ‘Diophantus’ Maria Fountana works for the Computer Technology Institute and Press ‘Diophantus’ as an ICT in education consultant and a researcher since 2003. She has a background in educational studies and ICT, BA in Philosophy, Education and Psychology, University of Athens, Greece and an MA in ICT, University of London, U.K. Her working experience ranges from designing and implementing models for distance education, gaming for educational purposes, Internet safety and foreign language learning, to designing and developing educational material, participating in teacher training and teacher support, coordinating, evaluating and disseminating tasks in more than 10 EU funded projects and 10 NSRF Projects granted by the Greek Ministry of Education, Research and Religious Affairs. Aspasia Papasoulioti holds an MA in continuous education and life-long learning conferred by the Open University of Cyprus, a diploma in intercultural education, international affairs and EU integration and a BA in political sciences and history from Panteion University, Athens. She has ten years of experience teaching pupils in secondary education (subjects: history, sociology, political economy). Since 2002 she has been working for the Computer Technology Institute and Press ‘Diophantus’ and has been involved in the implementation of large scale national and EU projects related to ICT implementation in primary and secondary education.

Ireland The University of Limerick Michelle Daly is a University Teacher in TESOL/Linguistics at the University of Limerick, and a teacher educator in the secondary context with research interests and publications in second and foreign language pedagogy, English as an additional language (EAL) in the context of migrant education in Irish secondary schools and intercultural skills development. Angela Farrell is Assistant Dean International of the Faculty of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences at the University of Limerick, and a Lecturer in TESOL/ Linguistics, with research interests and publications in second and foreign language pedagogy, migrant education, reflective practice, language awareness and second and foreign language classroom discourse.

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Andrea La Touche is Community Liaison Officer at the University of Limerick, with research interests in migrant education and English as an additional language pedagogy in secondary and vocational educational contexts. Mary Masterson is a lecturer in Education at the University of Limerick. She is also the national ambassador for the eTwinning/Erasmus School Partnerships programme in Ireland, and a former secondary school teacher of German, History, Information & Communication Technology. Her research interests focus on contemporary issues in education, education policy, teacher education, digital literacy, language-sensitive teaching, and wellbeing.

Poland Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan´ Sylwia Adamczak-Krysztofowicz is Associate Professor at the The School of Language and Literature Studies at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan´, Head of the Department of Intercultural Glottopedagogy and Editor-in-Chief of Glottodidactica. An International Journal of Applied Linguistics, with research interests and publications in foreign and second language teaching, intercultural glotto-pedagogy, text didactics and pedagogically oriented studies of hate speech. Anna Szczepaniak-Kozak is Associate Professor at the The School of Language and Literature Studies at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan´, and Deputy Editor in Chief for Glottodidactica. An International Journal of Applied Linguistics, with research interests in applied linguistics, particularly interlanguage (acquisitional) pragmatics, foreign/second language instruction and linguistic studies of radicalisation, extremism and hate speech. Emilia Wa˛sikiewicz-Firlej is Associate Professor at The School of Language and Literature Studies at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan´ with research interests spanning the fields of applied linguistics and communication studies, with a particular focus on teaching English as a foreign language, intercultural communication, professional communication and recently on multilingualism and Family Language Policy.

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Teacher Training Centre in Poznan´ Izabela Czerniejewska holds a PhD in ethnology and cultural anthropology from Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan´ in 2008. She is currently employed as a Specialist in children from migrant backgrounds in schools at the Teacher Training Centre in Poznan´ (from 2018). She is also a researcher on migration and multicultural education in the Centre for Migration Studies at Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznan´ and a trainer at workshops and seminars on multicultural education for teachers, pupils, volunteers and NGOs. Julia Karczewska holds an MA in Polish studies and a diploma in teaching Polish as a second and foreign language. She was previously employed as a teacher educator at the Teacher Training Centre in Poznan´. Now she is a teacher of Polish as a second language and coordinator of educational activities offered by Migrant Info Point.

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Open-Access-Publikation (CC BY-NC-ND 4.0) © 2023 V&R unipress | Brill Deutschland GmbH ISBN Print: 9783847115632 – ISBN E-Lib: 9783737015639