Preparing for Higher Education’s Mixed Race Future: Why Multiraciality Matters 3030888207, 9783030888206

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Preparing for Higher Education’s Mixed Race Future Why Multiraciality Matters Edited by Marc P. Johnston-Guerrero Lisa Delacruz Combs Victoria K. Malaney-Brown

Preparing for Higher Education’s Mixed Race Future

Marc P. Johnston-Guerrero Lisa Delacruz Combs Victoria K. Malaney-Brown Editors

Preparing for Higher Education’s Mixed Race Future Why Multiraciality Matters

Editors Marc P. Johnston-Guerrero Department of Educational Studies The Ohio State University Columbus, OH, USA

Lisa Delacruz Combs The Ohio State University Columbus, OH, USA

Victoria K. Malaney-Brown Columbia University New York, NY, USA

ISBN 978-3-030-88820-6    ISBN 978-3-030-88821-3 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88821-3 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the ­publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and ­institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG. The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland

To our multiracial future—especially Amadeus Malaney Brown—may you be seen, validated, and affirmed as your whole selves.

Preface

As co-editors, we originally conceptualized this book as an opportunity to engage demographic insights about the multiracial population from the 2020 U.S. Census and implications for higher education. Yet, the COVID pandemic and its disruption of day-to-day routines also delayed Census tabulations. This delay made us realize that we did not need new demographic data to know what all previous data suggest: U.S. higher education will have a more mixed race future, as evidenced by the steady increase in multiracial students, staff, and faculty members over the past decades. Additionally, there has been increasing scholarship and insights on multiraciality over the past few years. So, how can we use what we already know now to help higher education prepare for its mixed race future? This book answers this question by highlighting trajectories and complexities associated with multiraciality that will be helpful for different higher education constituents—from administrators, staff, faculty, and students themselves. We also want to note that our use of “mixed race future” is not to suggest that this is the ideal future nor a necessary future for racial justice—as too often is the case when people make such claims as, “the key to racial equality is for the different races to mix,” or “we’ll all be mixed one day.” Our stance in “preparing higher education for its mixed race future” is very much grounded in a call for higher education to change its current practices that are not inclusive of mixed race or multiracial people—those who claim membership in two or more (mono)racial groups and/or identify with a mixed or multiracial identity term (e.g., biracial, mixed race,

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Blasian). We look to the future to highlight the action and movement needed for policies and practices to become more inclusive of multiraciality. Our goal is to speak truth to why multiraciality matters for higher education and what we can be doing now to prepare for an increasingly mixed race future. Columbus, OH Columbus, OH  Tuckahoe, NY 

Marc P. Johnston-Guerrero Lisa Delacruz Combs Victoria K. Malaney-Brown

Acknowledgments

This volume was formed from both a call for proposals and cultivation of contributors from our networks. As co-editors, we thank all contributors for submitting proposals and also accepting our invitations to be part of this diverse community of knowledge-builders who are leading higher education into the future. Thank you for responding so quickly to our feedback and staying on top of our sometimes elusive deadlines. Together, with the excellent team at Palgrave Macmillan and Springer Nature (especially Milana Vernikova, Anisha Rajavikraman, and Brian Halm), as well as the very constructive and validating feedback from the anonymous peer reviewers, we were honored to collaborate on this volume that captures important complexities related to multiraciality across the higher education landscape as we prepare for the future.

Marc I would like to first thank my wonderful co-editors for being amazing partners on this journey. From keeping me organized to providing critical and constructive feedback, this wouldn’t have been possible without you both! I know the future of multiracial scholarship in higher education will be better with you two contributing to it, and I feel lucky being able to witness your growth as multiracial scholars. I also want to acknowledge my past collaborator, Charmaine Wijeyesinghe, who demonstrated what being a good book editor and collaborator truly looks like. My hope is to pay it forward by being a similar model for other multiracial scholars. During the development and editing of this book, I benefited greatly from ix

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the support of my colleagues and students at The Ohio State University, especially my department chair, Lori Patton Davis, and program chair, Stephen John Quaye. The multiracial community built through ACPACollege Student Educators International’s Multiracial Network (MRN), the Critical Mixed Race Studies (CMRS) Association, and the National Conference on Race and Ethnicity (NCORE), especially Charlene Martinez, Sabrina Kwist, and Jenn Wells, provided important insights on topics featured in this book and also supportive relationships during the editing process. Lastly, I thank my partner Brian, and our pup Marshall, for always keeping me grounded and present, especially during the COVID pandemic.

Lisa I thank the co-editors of the volume for affirming my voice as an emerging multiracial scholar and graduate student. Specifically, I thank Victoria for being a multiracial Woman of Color role model whose work in the Multiracial Network and scholarship has inspired me to move forward in academia. Marc, thank you, not only for your leadership on this volume but also for your continued mentorship throughout my doctoral journey. You are not only a co-editor, supervisor, advisor, collaborator, friend, but a mentor. Your scholarship makes me believe in this work. Thank you for writing my story in to existence and for believing in me. I also want to thank my mentors Elisa Abes, Stephen Quaye, and Aeriel Ashlee for their continued support. Thank you to the Multiracial Network in ACPA for continuing to be my family. I thank Azaelea Grace Ashlee for her laugher and for reminding me why the future of multiraciality matters. Lastly, I want to thank my family and my partner, Ryan, for bringing love and joy to my life.

Victoria I thank my hard-working co-editors for being such great thought partners on this book. Marc, I have always appreciated the quiet way you lead, provide mentorship, and inspire me. Because of you, your dedication, and innovative research and advocacy, I have found my voice as a multiracial scholar-practitioner and Woman of Color. Lisa, I was so impressed by your organizational skills and energy, I cannot wait to see how your journey as a multiracial scholar in higher education evolves. This was my first time

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editing a book and I have learned so much from both of you through your wisdom and thoughtful suggestions during this project. Like Marc, I too, have found such great value in being part of the multiracial communities as well through ACPA MRN, NCORE, and CMRS that I would not be the same person and scholar-practitioner without the insights that I learned in these spaces and the people who have affirmed and validated my passion for researching multiracial people in higher education. I also want to thank my study participants, doctoral adviser, Dr. Chrystal George Mwangi who chaired my dissertation work at UMass Amherst, my dissertation committee members: Dr. Marc Johnston-Guerrero, and Dr. Ezekiel Kimball who collectively pushed my thinking on multiracial consciousness, which I offer in this book. Last, but not least I would like to thank my family members for always supporting me, especially my husband, Andrew, and son, Amadeus who bring such light and love in my life. They remind me every day to have patience and joy in this journey of life.

About the Book

As we eagerly await the 2020 U.S. Census results, which allow only the third opportunity to accurately count the self-identified multiracial population (or those who identify with two or more racial groups), all previous data support the fact that the multiracial population is increasing rapidly, particularly multiracial youth. Coupled with increasing attention and representation of multiraciality in both scholarly literature and popular culture, we must further nuance what is understood about multiracial people, particularly in the changing contexts of higher education. We offer this book as a way of Preparing Higher Education for its Mixed Race Future by examining Why Multiraciality Matters. In terms of preparation, this book highlights recent contributions in scholarship—both empirical studies and scholarly syntheses—on multiracial students, staff, and faculty/scholars. While most of the chapters focus on students, the constructs and complexities engaged offer implications for advancing multiraciality in higher education broadly, while acknowledging how that advancement is inextricably tied to dismantling multiple oppressive forces (e.g., anti-Blackness, colonial mentality, sexism) in addition to monoracism, which many of the chapters name.

Organization of the Book This volume builds upon a rapidly growing body of literature on multiraciality by capturing a wider scope than traditional scholarship that focuses narrowly on student identity and campus experiences. To capture this xiii

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expansion and contribution to the literature, we organize the book into three separate, yet interrelated parts. The first part spotlights different points on a trajectory to and through higher education—from pre-college adolescents to post-tenured faculty. Keeping these various constituents of higher education in mind is important for the rest of the book and for how these chapters could look different depending on the focal population (e.g., pre-college youth, students, staff, and faculty). The second part of the book furthers common constructs within higher education by examining them through a multiracial lens. It also highlights other complexities associated with multiraciality. The third part looks to the future by highlighting current sociopolitical contexts around activism, and a concluding chapter offering insights across the volume answering the question: Why does multiraciality matter for the future of higher education? Part I: Multiracial Trajectories Through Higher Education Part I highlights different constituents across a potential multiracial trajectory within higher education. We note this is one of many possible pathways to and through higher education. The five chapters connect pre-college to college access, campus climate experiences, and outcomes for multiracial students, and then spotlights examples of multiracial staff and faculty experiences. In Chap. 1, Raven Lynch offers us a better understanding of what is happening pre-college for multiracial adolescents. Then Blossom Barrett’s research highlights how multiracial students access and make choices about college in Chap. 2. Once students are on campus, they have varied experiences and perceptions related to campus climate. In Chap. 3, Kim Misa-Escalante and colleagues share findings from a mixed methods study that importantly disaggregates multiracial students with two minoritized parents (TMP). Since we know students are not the only multiracial people in higher education, two additional chapters highlight issues for multiracial staff and faculty. In Chap. 4, Nicole Belisle and Michael Dixon bring an important staff perspective by sharing findings from a longitudinal study with mixed Black Higher Education and Student Affairs Professionals. Chapter 5 by Marc Johnston-Guerrero and Lisa Delacruz Combs closes out this first section by highlighting difficulties for multiracial scholars navigating academia, entrenched in a monoracial paradigm.

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Part II: Furthering Constructs and Complexities Following the broad multiracial trajectory through higher education provided in Part I, the volume presents five chapters focusing on common constructs used to understand multiracial college students. It also presents the complexities associated with multiracial identities that are further complicated through new research perspectives and discourse. Chapter 6 by Prema Chaudhari explores the construct of sense of belonging, complicating it by examining what a mixed sense of belonging looks like for multiracial and multiethnic students. Similarly, Victoria Malaney-Brown outlines what happens when multiracial students develop an understanding of critical consciousness around their awareness and self-reflection of White supremacy, and monoracism through the conceptualization of multiracial consciousness in Chap. 7. The following two chapters complicate multiraciality further by examining the dynamics of gender identity and discourse. In Chap. 8, Orkideh Mohajeri exposes discourses associated with multiraciality and gender, and the ways contested whiteness manifests for multiracial men. Examining within-group differences, or divergences, among two Black/white mixed women, Brittany N.  Smotherson and John K. Lannin, further complicate the boundaries and assumptions related to racial identities in Chap. 9. Closing out this section, Chap. 10, by Lisa Delacruz Combs and Mitchell Foster, brings in the life narratives of two Filipinx/white staff members who might share similar racial identities but demonstrate their own complexities navigating predominately White institutions (PWIs). Part III: Advancing to the Future Highlighting current sociopolitical contexts and future thinking, Part III includes two chapters that offer necessary grounding in the work needed to advance multiraciality into the future. In Chap. 11, Brianna Miloz and Kevin Wright share their narratives associated with participating in activism and multiracial people, particularly in the wake of the racial uprisings after the murder of George Floyd and too many other Black Americans. Their recommendations for future research and practice are powerful offerings for how to move our shared responsibilities toward racial justice forward. To conclude the volume, the co-editors Lisa Delacruz Combs, Victoria Malaney-Brown, and Marc Johnston-Guerrero provide reflections on the contributions of individual chapters and the volume as a

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whole toward preparing higher education for its mixed race future in Chap. 12.

A Note to Readers on Terminology and Style We explain to readers why they might see variations in terminology used through the volume or the style in which they appear (e.g., Multiracial capitalized or not; biracial and mixed). Our identities and terms to capture them, which likely never fully capture one’s identity, are both personal and political. As editors, we allowed for variations in the preferred terms used to describe an often-contested population, including preferences on style and capitalization. These are not grammatical errors or typos, as we understand them as intentional choices made to honor one’s identities and/or politics. We do not hyphenate mixed race in recognition of the limitations of hyphenated identities. We hope readers use these variations as further evidence of the nuances associated with multiracial identities and to understand why higher education must be better prepared for the increasing numbers and representation of multiraciality in the future. Marc P. Johnston-Guerrero Lisa Delacruz Combs Victoria K. Malaney-Brown

Contents

Part I Multiracial Trajectories Through Higher Education   1 1 Coming of Age: Why Multiracial Adolescence Matters for Higher Education  3 Raven Lynch 2 College Enrollment and Multiracial Backgrounds: An Exploration of Access and Choice 23 Blossom A. Barrett 3 Edge Dancing: Campus Climate Experiences and Identity Negotiation of Multiracial College Students of Multiple Minoritized Ancestry 41 Kim Misa-Escalante, Curtiss Takada Rooks, and Jennifer Shimako Abe 4 I am Black and … —Complexities of being a Marginalized Multiracial Higher Education and Student Affairs Professional in Times of Heightened Racial Tensions 63 Nicole Belisle and Michael Dixon 5 Becoming a Multiracial Scholar by Traversing Monoracial Academia 85 Marc P. Johnston-Guerrero and Lisa Delacruz Combs xvii

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Part II Furthering Constructs and Complexities 103 6 A Mixed Sense of Belonging: Fluid Experiences for Multiracial and Multiethnic College Students105 Prema Chaudhari 7 What is Multiracial Consciousness? Developing Critically Conscious Multiracial Students in Higher Education125 Victoria K. Malaney-Brown 8 The “Unwanted, Colored Male”: Gendered Contested White Subjectivity Hailed Through Contemporary Racial Discourse145 Orkideh Mohajeri 9 The Complexity of Black Biracial Identity Within the Contexts of Peer and Faculty Interactions at a Predominately White Institution165 Brittany N. Smotherson and John K. Lannin 10 Don’t Deny Our Existence: Highlighting Multiracial Staff Experiences Through Mixed Filipinx Americans’ Narratives185 Lisa Delacruz Combs and Mitchell R. C. Foster Part III Advancing to the Future 203 11 Damned If You Do, Damned If You Don’t: The Trials and Tribulations of Multiracial Student Activism205 Brianna Miloz and Kevin Wright 12 Conclusion: Why Multiraciality Matters for the Future of Higher Education221 Lisa Delacruz Combs, Victoria K. Malaney-Brown, and Marc P. Johnston-Guerrero Index235

Notes on Contributors

Jennifer  Shimako  Abe,  PhD, is a Professor of Psychology and Vice President for Diversity, Equity and Inclusion at Loyola Marymount University. She received her PhD in Clinical Psychology from UCLA (1992), where she trained with the National Research Center on Asian American Mental Health. Abe’s research addresses disparities in mental health service delivery to ethnically and culturally diverse populations, including help-seeking among Asian Americans, issues related to culture and methodology, as well as cultural humility. Blossom  A.  Barrett,  PhD, has worked in the college access field for more than a decade primarily in the areas of development, data analysis, and program evaluation. Blossom is the associate director of Data and Evaluation for I Know I Can, a non-profit college access organization in Columbus, Ohio. In her role, she is responsible for data management and program evaluation for three school districts. Barrett is a graduate of Kenyon College and holds a Doctor of Philosophy in Educational Studies from The Ohio State University. Nicole Belisle,  PhD, serves as the Associate Chief Diversity Officer for Strategic Initiatives at San Diego State University. Her dissertation focused on the perceptions of Multiracial college students in a mixed method study. She identifies as Multiracial and Multiethnic and has dedicated much of her higher education studies and work to supporting Multiracial identity development and promoting equity, diversity, and inclusion in educational institutions. She also serves as the co-­ chair for ACPA’s Multiracial Network (MRN). xix

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Prema  Chaudhari,  PhD, completed her doctorate in Applied Developmental Psychology at the University of Pittsburgh. With over 15 years of professional experience in higher education and non-profit sectors, Chaudhari serves as Lead Institutional Review Board (IRB) Analyst in the Office of Human Research at George Washington University. Previously, she was a Diversity and Inclusion Specialist at the University of Maryland, College Park. Her previous non-profit experience (Asian and Pacific Islander American Scholarship Fund and Gates Millennium Scholars Program) was informed by coordinating diversity and inclusion programs, advising student organizations, and teaching educational psychology courses at the University of Pittsburgh. She is a past directorate member of ACPA’s Multiracial Network. Lisa  Delacruz  Combs,  MS, is a second-year doctoral student at The Ohio State University in the Higher Education and Student Affairs program. She plans to write her dissertation about multiraciality. She recently transitioned from her role as program coordinator in the Student Diversity and Multicultural Affairs Office at Loyola University Chicago. Lisa’s research interests include identity interconnections, multiraciality in higher education, Filipinx identity development, and deconstructing social constructs around race. Lisa also serves as past co-chair for the Multiracial Network in ACPA and has presented about multiracial topics at many conferences including ACPA, ASHE, CMRS, and NCORE. She received her BA in Political Science and English from The Ohio State University and her MS in Student Affairs in Higher Education from Miami University in Oxford, Ohio. Michael Dixon,  MEd, serves as the Chief Inclusion & Diversity Officer at Susquehanna University. He has worked in higher education since 2004  in a variety of departments (intramurals, residential life, multicultural affairs, student activities, admissions, career development, and international student support services) at 10 different institutions. He is a doctoral candidate in Educational Leadership, Higher Education Administration at Indiana State University. Michael’s research interests include diversity, equity, inclusion, intersectionality, multiculturalism, interculturalism, and multicultural Greek organizations. Mitchell  R.  C.  Foster, MPA, graduated with a Masters in Public Administration and a Gender Studies Certificate from California State University, Chico, and earned their bachelor’s in Business Administration

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from the University of St. La Salle in the Philippines. They started their career in student affairs as a graduate assistant for Residence Life at Chico State and transitioned to full-time position as a coordinator for Residence Education at the University of Arkansas in Fayetteville, Arkansas. They are an area coordinator for Residential Life at Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island. They are co-chair of ACPA’s Multiracial Network (MRN). Foster identifies as bi-racial and non-­binary and goes by they/them/siya pronouns. Marc P. Johnston-Guerrero,  PhD, is Associate Chair of the Department of Educational Studies, an associate professor in the Higher Education and Student Affairs (HESA) program, and affiliate faculty in Asian American Studies at The Ohio State University. His research interests focus on diversity and social justice issues in higher education and student affairs, with specific attention to college students negotiating and making meaning of race and racism and multiracial/mixed race issues. Johnston-­ Guerrero is active in several higher education associations, including the ACPA-College Student Educators International, where he is Member-at-­ Large, Faculty for the ACPA Governing Board, and the American Educational Research Association (AERA) Division J. He earned his PhD in Education (emphasis in Higher Education and Organizational Change) from the University of California, Los Angeles, and an MA in Student Affairs Administration and BS in Human Biology, both from Michigan State University. John  K.  Lannin,  PhD, is the Associate Dean for Student Success and Academic Affairs for the College of Education, and a Professor of Mathematics Education in the Department of Learning, Teaching, and Curriculum at the University of Missouri. His research focuses on the improvement of the learning and teaching of mathematics in K-12 classrooms and improving teacher education. Lannin is a former middle and high school mathematics teacher, having taught for 10 years. Raven  Lynch,  MSW, is a two-time alum at The Ohio State University (BA in Psychology and Masters of Social Work), and is a PhD candidate in the College of Social Work. Her passion and research concentrate on multiracial adolescents and positive racial identity development, especially exploring school-based empowerment interventions and programming. She is a highly engaged student, who serves as: a graduate teaching assistant for a course on Minority Perspectives in Social Work, a graduate

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administrative assistant in the College of Engineering Office of Diversity, Outreach, and Inclusion; and a student representative on the University Conduct Board, College of Social Work Alumni Board and Diversity Working Group, and the University’s Task Force on Racism and Racial Inequities. Victoria  K.  Malaney-Brown,  PhD, has collaborated with and written about multiraciality over the past 10 years, most recently completing her dissertation work which explored the development of critical consciousness within biracial and multiracial collegians at a Historically White institution in the Northeast. She has professionally presented at over 30 conferences nationwide on multiraciality including ACPA, NCORE, ASHE, CMRS, and AERA, as well as regional conferences on student success and intergroup dialogue. Malaney-­Brown is the inaugural Director of Academic Integrity at Columbia University in the City of New York, but has worked previously across student affairs units (i.e., Dean of Students, Multicultural Affairs, Orientation, and Residential Life). She completed her PhD in Higher Education from the University of Massachusetts, where she also received her Masters of Education in Higher Education Administration. Malaney-Brown earned a Bachelor of Arts degree as an interdepartmental major in English-Spanish with minors in Dance and Latin American Studies from Skidmore College. Brianna  Miloz,  MA, is a career coach with the W.  P. Carey School of Business Career Management and Employer Engagement team at Arizona State University. In this role, she works with students to discover their personal, professional, and academic goals to connect them to opportunities that align with their ultimate career interests. In previous roles, Miloz has worked in Residence Life, TRIO Programs, Diversity and Inclusion, Student Athlete Success Student Support Services, and National Scholarship Advisement. She began her educational journey at Northern Arizona University, where she obtained a bachelors in Business Marketing and a bachelors in Business Management in 2017, followed by a Masters in Higher Education and Student Affairs from the University of Connecticut in 2019. Kim Misa-Escalante,  MA, received her BA at the University of California, Santa Cruz in Sociology and her MA in Higher Education and Organizational Change at the University of California, Los Angeles. Her research focuses on issues of access and equity for women and Black,

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Indigenous, and other People of Color (BIPOC) students and her articles have been published in The Journal of Higher Education, New Directions for Institutional Research, and ACM Transactions on Computing Education. She is a research associate at Loyola Marymount University, where she leads research and evaluation for the DEI office. Orkideh Mohajeri,  PhD, is an assistant professor of Higher Education Policy and Student Affairs at West Chester University of Pennsylvania. She completed her Ph.D. at the University of Minnesota in 2018, where she also served as a coordinator of undergraduate studies within the College of Education and Human Development. Mohajeri’s research focuses on race and whiteness in higher education settings, and her work appears in the Journal of Access, Retention, and Inclusion in Higher Education and Teachers College Record. Her Master’s degrees are from the University of Minnesota, and she earned her bachelor’s degree in Sociology/ Anthropology from Carleton College in Northfield, Minnesota. Curtiss Takada Rooks,  PhD, a critical race and ethnic studies scholar in Asian and Asian American Studies at Loyola Marymount University has a wealth of higher education experience including as the associate dean of liberal arts, department chair, program coordinator, and as associate dean of students. He teaches courses in Asian Pacific Islander American (APIA) multiracial identity, TransPacific diaspora, contemporary APIA issues, and his research encompasses APIA multiracial identity and engaged scholarship on cultural health and wellness. Born to an African American father and native Japanese mother, his life experiences as a multiracial double minority person have been shaped from growing up throughout the US and Japan. Brittany N. Smotherson,  MEd, is an Educational Leadership and Policy Analysis PhD student at the University of Missouri College of Education, where she previously served as the inaugural Recruitment and Retention Director. Smotherson is most interested in works that explore and empower communities of Black women throughout Africa and her diaspora. She is hoping to weave internationalization via study abroad into the study of the identities and experiences of Black women sense making and sister circling in countries abroad. Kevin Wright,  EdD, serves as the Equity and Inclusion Senior Facilitator for the Center for Equity and Inclusion. Kevin has previously worked in Residence Life, Student Activities, TRIO Programs, Student Affairs Administration, and Student Leadership and Service Learning. Kevin is a

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biracial scholar-practitioner-advocate who received his bachelors in Business Communications with a minor in Sociology from Northern Arizona University and his Masters in Student Affairs Administration from Lewis & Clark College, as part of the inaugural cohort; he completed a Doctorate of Education in Organizational Leadership at North Central University.

List of Figures

Fig. 3.1 Fig. 3.2 Fig. 5.1 Fig. 7.1 Fig. 8.1

TMP multiracial identity negotiation Adaption of Houston and Hogan (2009): Dynamic, Emic Agency Model of Mixed Heritage Identity Construction Becoming a Multiracial Scholar Model Model of Multiracial Consciousness Development Pathways to the contested borderlands of whiteness. © Mohajeri (Under review)

44 47 95 137 147

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List of Tables

Table 1.1 Table 2.1 Table 3.1 Table 3.2 Table 4.1 Table 4.2

Summary of MultiCrit tenets Participant characteristics Constructs: Survey Items related to Campus Climate Comparing mean scores of multiracial students with two minoritized parents and with at least one white parent Participants’ Demographics 2018 Demographics for Participants in 2021

8 28 50 52 69 71

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PART I

Multiracial Trajectories Through Higher Education

CHAPTER 1

Coming of Age: Why Multiracial Adolescence Matters for Higher Education Raven Lynch

Introduction Adolescence is a time of creativity and exploring what it means to be oneself with the goal of moving toward a positive, coherent identity that makes sense to the individual adolescent during this period of growth (Tatum, 1999). Though much of the recent research on multiracial identity has focused on college students and adults, identity development is a lifelong process, with critical exploration happening in adolescence. What we do and think about in adolescence during identity exploration will strengthen neural connections that can shape the way we feel, think, reason, and make decisions into adulthood (Siegel, 2015). Knowing the positive outcomes for multiracial adults with an integrated multiracial identity (Jackson & Samuels, 2019), it makes sense to begin introducing personal meaning-making of identities at a younger age to build on identity protective factors and resilience (Fisher et al., 2014).

R. Lynch (*) The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 M. P. Johnston-Guerrero et al. (eds.), Preparing for Higher Education’s Mixed Race Future, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88821-3_1

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This chapter explores how racial identity development among multiracial adolescents can better inform our understanding of and support for multiracial college students, who now have always lived in a post-Census 2000 world with the ability to “mark one or more” races. Additionally, I utilize Critical Multiracial Theory, or MultiCrit (Harris, 2016), developed with college-age students in mind, to understand the factors affecting racial identity development for multiracial adolescents, and ultimately, showcase the lifespan applicability of this critical approach. The chapter begins with a brief overview of racial identity development from infancy to adolescence followed by an exploration of MultiCrit to frame the remainder of the chapter. I then highlight the unique experiences of multiracial adolescents during racial identity development and end with how these experiences feed into the college experience and how they should be further considered by higher education professionals as we prepare for an increasingly mixed-race future.

Racial Identity Development and Racial Socialization from Infancy to Adolescence Racial identity development is a lifelong process despite parents, caregivers, and teachers often avoiding discussing race-related topics with children due to the complicated and frequently taboo subjects. There is a strong preference to pretend children are colorblind or that they do not see race and that race is an adult issue (Nayani, 2020; Winkler, 2009). Some argue that if we talk to young children about race, we give them ideas or steal their innocence because they would not know about or notice race otherwise. Because of this avoidance, it may be surprising to some to learn that racial awareness and ideas around racial belonging begin as early as infancy and carry on through adolescence and into adulthood (Williams et al., 2020; Winkler, 2009). This section will highlight formative racial identity awareness and socialization messages from infancy to adolescence to provide a backdrop for the next sections focused on multiracial adolescents specifically. Infancy and Early Childhood Infants learn who is a safe person by a preference for people who look like their primary caregivers (Bronson & Merryman, 2009b; Sensoy & DiAngelo, 2012), and one of the simplest ways of grouping people by

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looks is race, which can encompass skin tones, facial features, and hair textures. In a study of children from six months to six years, researchers found that six-month-old infants stared at the faces of adults who were different skin tones than their caregivers significantly longer than those who were not, implying an awareness of racial differences and that this awareness began earlier than six months if it is solidified by that point (Katz & Kofkin, 1997). Around age 2–3, children begin moving around on their own and playing with peers in group settings such as playdates, daycares, or preschools, and start choosing playmates based on race, showing an understanding of race as a basis for in-group and out-group belonging (Aboud, 2008; Katz & Kofkin, 1997; Patterson & Bigler, 2006). There has even been evidence of toddlers using race, or phenotypic differences, to negotiate power or status in their playgroups (Feagin & Van Ausdale, 2001; Winkler, 2009). As early as age 4–5, children can begin to show racial prejudice and a preference for people considered white. This early racial prejudice tells us that even if we are not having conversations with children about race, they are learning about social hierarchies, specifically the societal preferential treatment for whiteness, through implicit messaging they will constantly be exposed to, whether parents are aware of it or not. By 5 and 6, children in the US not only have a preference for whiteness, but also can associate race with social status and begin holding racialized attitudes common for adults (Bronson & Merryman, 2009a). Most children are just entering traditional K-12 school at age 5–6; thus, all the aforementioned racialized experiences and ideas are formed before a traditional educational environment where topics like social studies and history of race relations would generally be taught. This early racial awareness strongly goes against the notion that children are colorblind and too young to notice race. It also emphasizes the importance of young childhood on identity formation, especially racial identity, and the importance of discussing all aspects of a person and belonging. Children build their attitudes and behaviors about race by observing how people with similar physical appearances are treated based on how they look (Tatum, 1999). They are in an ongoing process of taking in information, fitting it into their worldview, and building up their understanding of the society they live in (Aboud, 2008; Aboud & Steele, 2017; Bronson & Merryman, 2009a). This process is a subconscious effort to try to make sense of the world, understand their role, and try to predict some elements of the future and plan their behavior. Explicit conversations with children ages

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5–7 can change their previous beliefs and attitudes about race in as little as a week (Bronson & Merryman, 2009a), but if parents and teachers maintain a colorblind approach, we miss these opportunities and instead allow ideas to become solidified into late childhood and adolescence. Late Childhood and Adolescence Most socialization and racialization messages come from close relatives or caretakers, and then from environments where youth are surrounded by their peers; they make sense of their lived experience through social interactions and relationships (Nayani, 2020; Sharma & Cockerill, 2014). They learn who loves them, who is safe, what happens when they exhibit certain behaviors, and how to behave in line with social norms. Because of these experiences, children leave early childhood and enter late childhood and adolescence with a sense of self as well as in-groups and out-groups, and a concept of social classes and hierarchies. In late childhood to early adolescence, youth explore in-group and out-­ group belonging and they understand and develop feelings about human differences such as gender, race, and class (Aboud & Steele, 2017; Cole & Verwayne, 2018; Derman-Sparks, 2016; Nayani, 2020). By age ten, these ideas have been solidified and become core beliefs. As youth enter puberty and adolescence, they begin asking questions about who they are, who they can be, and what it means to be them (Siegel, 2015; Tatum, 1999). The level of exploration within each part of their identities varies, and it is normal for adolescents to be exploring one aspect of themselves more than other aspects (such as race), because it is one of the more prominent subordinate identities an individual may hold; hence, differences in when and how youth think about their racial identity or other identities. After a basic concept of self is developed, more abstract ideas around identity can occur, as adolescence is a time for self-reflection and developing self-­consciousness (Pfeifer & Berkman, 2018; Tatum, 1999). This is why a lot of research on different aspects of identity development is focused on adolescence and young adulthood—gender, sexuality, race, social class, and so on. Despite awareness of race and racial identities beginning in infancy, adolescence is when youth really begin to explore what these concepts mean to them and how they fit into their worldview. With a general understanding of racial identity awareness and early stages of development from early childhood to adolescence in mind, we can begin to understand how

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multiracial adolescents may have different experiences from monoracial youth in exploring this aspect of their lives and how that impacts their identity exploration as young adults and college students.

Centering the Experiences of Multiracial People Through Critical Multiracial Theory As multiracial adolescents have multiple racial backgrounds and often physically present as racially ambiguous, they traverse a different identity development trajectory than their monoracial peers (Nishina & Witkow, 2020; Rockquemore et al., 2009). To frame our understanding of differences between multi- and monoracial youth and racial identity development moving forward, Critical Multiracial Theory, or MultiCrit, is utilized. What is MultiCrit? In short, MultiCrit is an adaptation of Critical Race Theory (CRT), a critical theory developed from critical legal studies that comprises tenets that assert racism is a normal, deeply-engrained part of our society, and it functions to uphold White supremacy and oppress people of color (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). A MultiCrit approach calls for a need to explore race beyond a binary and instead explore racialities as diverse and uniquely situated historically, interpersonally, familially, and individually (Jackson & Samuels, 2019). Being based on CRT, MultiCrit involves minor changes to the original eight tenets to place a focus on the racial consciousness of multiracial individuals (Harris, 2016). While holding on to several original CRT tenets, MultiCrit’s new center of focus challenges racial essentialism and the racial hierarchy by highlighting the instability and porosity of racial designations across sociocultural meanings (Daniel et al., 2014). MultiCrit and Adolescents Jessica Harris (2016) developed MultiCrit with a focus on multiracial college students. With MultiCrit only being around for a few years, it has not yet been adapted to understand the experience of multiracial adolescents. However, Atkin and Yoo (2019) emphasized a need for literature that takes on a MultiCrit lens in understanding multiracial adolescents, highlighting the dearth of research focused on understanding how multiracial youth learn and make meaning of racialized experiences. They conclude

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that to build on the literature on multiracial youth specifically, researchers have to look at how caregivers navigate the multiracial experience their children have that they may not understand because of their monoracial heritage or because their multiracial experience would have been different due to different sociohistorical factors. Previous research also often focuses on Black/white or white/minority individuals as encompassing the multiracial experience and only explores monoracial families in racial socialization. Applying MultiCrit to understanding multiracial adolescents allows for an interrogation of racial identity through an emphasis on intersectionality, identity transience and uniqueness, and an ever-changing sociopolitical landscape. The eight tenets of MultiCrit are outlined and defined below  in Table  1.1, an adapted table based on a table by Harris (2016), which defined and compared MultiCrit tenets to those of CRT.  Tenets of MultiCrit will be highlighted throughout the rest of this chapter to frame

Table 1.1  Summary of MultiCrit tenets Tenet

Definition

Challenge to In understanding multiraciality, the historical and contextual ahistoricism factors must be analyzed as well Interest convergence The acknowledgement of multiracial people only when it is in the best interest of the larger white institution Experiential Centering the voices and experiences of multiracial people in knowledge understanding race and multiraciality Challenge to Challenging dominant ideologies and narratives by placing a focus dominant ideology on multiracial individuals and their experiences Racism, CRT asserts that racism is endemic, MultiCrit asserts that racism as Monoracism, and well as monoracism and colorism are endemic and affect the lived Colorism experience of multiracial people A monoracial An expansion beyond a Black/white binary is necessary to paradigm of race understand the social creation of racial identities in fixed, discrete categories, which is not inclusive of a multiracial experience Differential Multiracial people can be racialized differently on a day-to-day micro-racialization basis Intersections of Allows for an exploration of the intersectionality of multiple racial multiple racial identities in addition to other social identities rather than a singular identities racial identity Adapted from Harris (2016)

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a changing understanding of racial identity development for multiracial adolescents, and how their experiences affect higher education and college students.

A MultiCrit Perspective on Multiracial Adolescents and Racial Identity Development Erikson (1968) highlighted the importance of adolescent years on identity development over 60  years ago, and researchers began differentiating between minority racial identity and multiracial identity about 30  years ago (Renn, 2004, 2008; Rockquemore et al., 2009; Spencer, 2004). Yet, research on multiracial children and adolescents’ racial identity development is still limited (Atkin & Yoo, 2019). Nayani (2020) states, “there is no singular experience that is the same for all multiracial children except for the need to balance a variety of inputs that inform a child’s racial identity.” (p. 61). For this reason, multiracial individuals’ sense of belonging and experiences with racial identity development can be challenging to navigate and generalize, as each person’s racial make-up is a unique combination of their parents; their phenotypic presentation varies greatly even among siblings, and each person’s environment will impact them differently. Racial identity development may also begin in a much more accelerated and nuanced manner for multiracial youth compared to monoracial youth (Nishina & Witkow, 2020), which could be good or bad depending on the individual circumstances. Knowing this, we know that each multiracial adolescents’ racial identity development journey will be unique, but there are some commonalities that set their experiences apart from that of monoracial youth and can affect their sense of self moving into young adulthood. In this section, socialization messages, identity transience, experiencing race-based -isms, and mental health concerns will be highlighted as they are major factors that can affect racial identity development for multiracial adolescents. Socialization Messages from Parents and Caregivers A significant input for exploring belonging and identity is conversations with parents and trusted adults. For some multiracial youth, like monoracial youth, parents may avoid conversations about racial identity entirely in the name of colorblindness or just not knowing how to navigate the

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conversation. There is an issue of personal unreadiness or avoidance for adults when it comes to these conversations, usually due to the adult not having taken the time to reflect on their own mono- or multiracial identity and what it means to be them. Other issues can be having to uncomfortably acknowledge privilege, recalling traumatic experiences, feelings of sorrow or guilt for the child having a differently privileged or oppressed experience than the parent or adult, and an awareness that talking about and acknowledging racial hierarchies can be painful—something caregivers do not want their children or students to experience (Atkin & Yoo, 2019; Nayani, 2020). While avoidance is understandable, the problem with adults avoiding talking about race with multiracial children is that the children are then completely unprepared to deal with instances where race is the main issue or concern. Alternatively, some parents may engage in intentional racial socialization. However, they may still be socializing their multiracial children as if they were monoracial; or, if parents are multiracial, they may not have the same physical presentation or racial make-up of their children, and still have trouble understanding and helping their child navigate their experiences. Further, the avoidance of adults in talking about race and racial identity due to being uncomfortable or only taking a monoracial approach is evidence of the need to reframe the understanding of multiracial identity and approaches to supporting identity development from the experiential knowledge of multiracial people. Adolescence is a time of creativity and exploring what it means to be oneself (Siegel, 2015; Tatum, 1999); thus, it can and should be a time of individual meaning-making, self-reflection, and building self-confidence and understanding for an adolescent, which is easier with support from trusted adults. However, when adults avoid conversations about race or only socialize their children based on their experience, multiracial children, like monoracial children, create their own narratives to make sense of their experience and identities, which are likely to be based on dominant ideologies that pathologize multiracial identity and can be harmful to the adolescent’s sense of self and mental wellbeing. Identity Transience A unique attribute of multiracial people compared to monoracial people is the concept of racial identity transience. By exploring individual racial identity and belonging, multiracial youth may, either permanently or intermittently, claim different monoracial or multiracial identities. Like

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adults, multiracial children’s multi- or monoracial identity can vary based on several factors, such as their physical appearance and similarity to one group over another, their racialized experience, their family members’ group identity, their prescribed identity from others, or any other individual reason (Parker et al., 2015; Pauker et al., 2018). One of the reasons a multiracial youth’s identity may vary situationally is due to trying to find belonging, but also societal and peer pressure. Beyond their personal identities, multiracial adolescents are often “assigned” an identity by other family members, peers, teachers, or others whose thoughts they value, which may not be the identity they feel they fit in to (Fisher et al., 2014; Nayani, 2020). Perceived exclusion from a subscribed identity, especially one central to ones’ sense of self, can lead to negative outcomes for anyone, not just multiracial adolescents, such as lower perceived meaningful existence, sense of belongingness, and self-esteem (Bernstein et al., 2010). This identity transience can be better understood in the context of the MultiCrit tenet of differential micro-racialization. Differential micro-­ racialization acknowledges the original CRT tenet of differential racialization in racial socialization serving White populations; however, the micro- addition highlights the racialization of multiracial people that can differ from day to day (Harris, 2016). Harris (2016) uses the example of PWIs, or Primarily White Institutions, leveraging multiracial students’ multiple racial identities to meet diversity standards and maintain the whiteness or white comfortability of the institution. Similarly, multiracial youth are socialized to take on different racial identities depending on the situation and social cues. In a collection of personal essays, poems, and letters, a number of multiracial youth reflect on being told or pressured to identify or act in different ways depending on the family, peer, or school context, or choosing to do so on their own to avoid conflict (Saint Stephen’s Community House, 2018). While both instances are problematic, adolescence is a period when youth are most susceptible to mental health concerns, especially anxiety and depression, and the ideas and behaviors they practice will strengthen neural connections that can shape the way they feel, think, reason, and make decisions into adulthood (Siegel, 2015). The brain does not have a filter to remove the experiences that are not conducive to positive racial identity development and self-­ concept. Thus, all personal and interpersonal experiences, good and bad, are integrated and create neural roadmaps from adolescence into adulthood for self-awareness, reflection, planning, decision making, empathy, and morality (Siegel, 2015).

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Experiencing Race-Based -Isms Minority-identifying adolescents will almost undoubtedly experience some form of discriminatory -ism—racism, sexism, ableism, and so on. Multiracial adolescents are susceptible to these -isms as well, but, due to differential micro-racialization, multiracial adolescents are also particularly susceptible to experiencing pressures based on essentialism and monoracism in terms of their identity development compared to their monoracial peers. Ideas surrounding essentialism create a belief in a homogenous existence of a group, in turn creating an out-group or “othered” feeling for anyone who does not fit into the prescribed idea of what that race or identity should be (Bernstein et al., 2010; Daniel et al., 2014). Essentialist and stereotyped thinking about race can begin happening as early as 7–10 years old (Pauker et al., 2010), and even school curriculum can enhance essentialist perspectives of race (Donovan, 2014). We see this further exhibited in the common things taken into consideration in multiracial childrens’ racial identity development and situational ownership, such as proving racial legitimacy; exposure and reinforcement; phenotype and assignment both at home and in school environments; empowerment and choice; and interference by gatekeepers (Nayani, 2020). These concepts are directly related to belonging and the MultiCrit tenet of monoracism, essentialism, and colorism as endemic. Proving racial legitimacy, interference by gatekeepers, reinforcement of monoracial identities by peers and family members, and any form of identity contestation or denial are manifestations of monoracism (Johnston & Nadal, 2010). Instances of identity invalidation or contestation are considered one of the most stressful experiences for multiracial adolescents during their identity development and can lead to decreased self-esteem, inhibited racial identity development, increased risk of anxiety and depression, and resentment (Franco et al., 2016). Studies have also concluded that multiracial adolescents may struggle to find a sense of belonging when they claim a multiracial identity, but also feel they are unable to be their full, authentic selves when they claim a monoracial one (Bowles, 1993; Franco et al., 2016; Franco & O’Brien, 2018; Lusk et  al., 2010; Smith, 2014). Still, a prominent socialization message multiracial adolescents are receiving is the pressure to identify monoracially. Multiracial youth are often asked, “what are you?” and, as stated earlier, that answer may vary situationally. Many older multiracial identity development models set an endpoint of a monoracial identity, as

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multiracial identity development was often equated to that of monoracial people (Poston, 1990; Rockquemore et  al., 2009; Rockquemore & Brunsma, 2002). However, as stated before, pressuring youth to take on a monoracial identity can be harmful to their self-concept and mental health. To empower an adolescent to combat essentialist and monoracist ideas of performing race and decrease the negative effects of having to perform within these constraints, it is important to acknowledge the inseparable influence multiple identities have on the whole sense of self and then promote positive feelings, a sense of control, and individual meaning-making about them. Similarly, Siegel (2015) stated that emerging adolescents, creatively explore the deeper meanings of life, of friendships, of parents, of school, of everything … what we think about, what we discuss with friends, how we spend our time will help expand on this new way of thinking about the world. (p. 90)

Clearly, the importance of individual creativity in identity development for all youth is highlighted during adolescents and these explorations of deeper meanings associated with multiple identities. The intersectionality of multiple racial categories in MultiCrit helps to reframe dated understandings of race, racial identity, and belonging and instead creates new knowledge and awareness of the diverse experiences of multiracial people that can vary based on physical characteristics, lived experiences, and racial heritages. Jackson and Samuels (2019) state, “an intersectional and multidimensional perspective directly challenges singular monolithic conceptualizations of race, multiraciality, and identity itself” (p. 79), and encourage parents, teachers, and social workers to promote exploration of all identities a youth may hold. Mental Health Concerns Literature often highlights the increased risk of a variety of negative experiences for multiracial adolescents attributed to their multiracial identity. Some of these experiences include increased anxiety and depression symptoms, feelings of isolation, and lower levels of self-esteem for multiracial adolescents in comparison to their monoracial peers (Bracey et al., 2004; Fisher et  al., 2014; Franco et  al., 2016; Franco & O’Brien, 2018; Henriksen & Trusty, 2004; Lusk et al., 2010). Research also frequently

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takes a deficit approach to understand multiracial adolescents in contrast to their monoracial peers, which sets monoracial identity as the ideal or normal identity, further promoting ideas around monoracism (Atkin & Yoo, 2019). Literature suggests that to combat adverse mental health outcomes, multiracial adolescents need validation, representation and role models, and exploration of their racial identity (Bracey et al., 2004; Crawford & Alaggia, 2008; Fisher et al., 2014; Lusk et al., 2010). A series of studies on a racial identity development program for adolescents continuously found that for minority-identifying adolescents, multiracial youth included, identity exploration and affirmation were effective at decreasing anxiety and depression symptoms, and increasing global identity cohesion, and grades (Bracey et  al., 2004; Umaña-Taylor et  al., 2014, 2018; Umaña-­ Taylor & Douglass, 2017). Jackson and Samuels (2019) highlight that a strong degree to which an individual explores and integrates their multiple racial identities and finds them compatible can decrease stress and negative affect and enhance pride in multiracial identity. Additionally, highlighting the fluidity and integration of multiracial identities can reverse the pathologizing of multiple identities as “confused”, and instead frame it as a resilient characteristic, one that allows for easier navigation of different racial or ethnic situations and contexts (Jackson & Samuels, 2019). However, multiracial youth often have less access to representative adults or peers and lower levels of a sense of community, which are essential for promoting resilience and escaping the constant explaining and defending of their existence and identity.

Lessons from Adolescence for Higher Education Despite the heavy focus of previous literature on the struggles of multiracial adolescents, the existence of happy, healthy multiracial adults tells us that they are not doomed to a life of wishing they could be monoracial or feeling misunderstood. Their experiences with navigating multiple backgrounds and family cultures positions them to be better equipped to interact with a more diverse range of individuals and hold more flexible and fluid ideas of race in comparison to their monoracial counterparts (Nishina & Witkow, 2020). Additionally, they may be better than their monoracial peers at perspective-taking, understanding social hierarchies, and identifying biases, all of which are great skills entering into a college environment. Critical identity development begins in adolescence, and adolescence does

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not end until the late teen years, meaning adolescents and college students, at least for the first year or two for traditional students, are the same people. The question then becomes how positive racial identity development for adolescents should be promoted so that they become happy, healthy college students and adults. The rest of this section will highlight two areas for consideration for higher education professionals: promoting or continuing positive racial identity development, and promoting or continuing counterspaces. Promoting or Continuing Positive Racial Identity Development In exploring the racial classification of mixed-race students in college, Renn (2004) found that the students with a mixed, multiracial, biracial, or other form of racial identity beyond a monoracial identity often had self-­ created the identity and claimed it proudly. Personality and physical appearance affected the students’ decision to identify with a multiracial identity, as well as their “propensity to explore mixed identity and its possibilities” (p.  180). With knowing the positive outcomes for multiracial college students with an integrated multiracial identity, as well as awareness of racial differences developing as early as infancy (Fisher et al., 2014; Jackson & Samuels, 2019), it makes sense for those who work with adolescents or children to begin introducing personal meaning-making of identities at a younger age. It also warrants more attention from those who work with college students to recognize racial identity development happening pre-college, and to build on identity protective factors and resilience in an ongoing manner. A MultiCrit framing of understanding the current literature on multiracial adolescents highlights the need to begin promoting a positive, coherent identity that makes sense to the individual adolescent during this critical period of growth, one that honors their unique experience and identities, and combats harmful ideologies that problematize multiracial identities. The assertions in previous sections in this chapter have a commonality in that they require adolescents, as well as those supporting their identity development, to recognize (1) the existence of individuals happily living with multiracial identities, and (2) the validity of the uniqueness, porosity, and individuality of their own identity; in turn, moving away from essentialist views of race and challenging identity hierarchies. Higher education professionals will not be able to start this process, but they can take action to promote it or continuously support it. This means promoting racial identity exploration, rejecting monoracial and essentialist ideas

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of race, not grouping all multiracial students as “other”, promoting creation of multiracial-specific resources rather than making students choose from monoracial ones, and taking time to learn about and understand the unique experiences of multiracial students. Promoting or Continuing Counterspaces It is important for higher education professionals to have a critical understanding of how students’ experiences and socialization during the earlier years of adolescence have shaped their attitudes, beliefs, and identity moving into higher education. Generation Z, or those born in 1997 and afterward (Parker & Igielnik, 2020), have lived in a time where internet and social media are always accessible, celebrities are openly and proudly claiming multiracial identities, and conversations about intersectionality and identity fluidity are common. Now, more than ever, many youth increasingly have access to affinity groups, or counterspaces. Counterspaces are spaces that encourage identity work, strengths-based approaches, and overall wellness of marginalized individuals (Case & Hunter, 2012). They are also places to “reimagine transformation of a society … or one’s self, family, and community to promote belonging and well-being” (Jackson & Samuels, 2019, p. 10). Affinity groups often act as counterspaces, and many more K-12 schools are expanding their affinity groups to be inclusive of other identities besides monoracial minoritized groups. I personally have facilitated the creation of an affinity group for multiracial middle school students in a local school, and I am increasingly getting connected to others doing similar work. Another example is the Adolescent Ethnic-Racial Identity Development lab at Harvard University, with programming and research that has had multiracial students participate in pilot programs, and an offer for schools to partner and implement their racial identity development curriculum (AERIDLab, 2021; Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014, 2018). Even if youth do not have access to counterspaces and affinity groups in their K-12 contexts, they usually have access to social media, which allows for international and long-distance networking with people of similar backgrounds at the tip of their fingers. Online groups such as MixPeeps, Biracial Family Network, Swirl, and various Facebook groups/pages and Instagram profiles are accessible at any time for multiracially identifying people—including youth. Overall, this means multiracial college students may be entering higher education with more racial awareness and identity exploration than previous generations, and current initiatives, if any, may need to catch up rather than act as a first experience for multiracial youth to explore racial identity.

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Alternatively, continuing access to affinity groups, especially campus-­ specific ones, can provide helpful insight into what new arrivals may need to be successful, and how early student initiatives can create inclusive and supportive counterspaces for multiracial adolescents and young adults to continue identity exploration and self-development.

Conclusion A study from the Pew Research Center suggests that multiracial youth are increasingly identifying as multiracial (Parker et al., 2015). Despite people under the age of 18 only making up 23% of the population, this group accounted for 46% of the multiracial population in 2013, with an average of 6% of respondents identifying as multiracial, compared to only 1% of respondents who were over the age of 65. Changes in social and political norms can indeed be explored further to explain this discrepancy, but regardless of why it is happening, what is important is that it is happening, so we need to be prepared to support healthy identity development and growth of multiracial people from adolescence into adulthood. Racial awareness and identity development is a lifelong process for all individuals, and is an especially unique process for multiracial people. Critical Multiracial Theory, or MultiCrit, was created to critically examine the experience of multiracial college students, but is applicable to understanding the different factors and socialization processes that promote or inhibit positive racial identity development for multiracial adolescents. Late adolescence overlaps with the early college years for traditional college students, meaning racial identity processes in adolescence are not only relevant to understanding college students, but still occurring. Thus, for higher education professionals to be prepared to successfully work with multiracial individuals or multiracial student initiatives, they should be well-informed and knowledgeable about the unique factors affecting this population and their success.

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on-­the-­cusp-­of-­adulthood-­and-­facing-­an-­uncertain-­future-­what-­we-­know-­ about-­gen-­z-­so-­far-­2/ Parker, K., Morin, R., Horowitz, J.  M., Lopez, M.  H., & Rohal, M. (2015). Multiracial in America: Proud, diverse, and growing in numbers. Pew Research Center. https://www.pewresearch.org/social-­trends/2015/06/11/multiracial­in-­america/ Patterson, M. M., & Bigler, R. S. (2006). Preschool children’s attention to environmental messages about groups: Social categorization and the origins of intergroup bias. Child Development, 77(4), 847–860. https://doi.org/ 10.1111/j.1467-­8624.2006.00906.x Pauker, K., Ambady, N., & Apfelbaum, E. P. (2010). Race salience and essentialist thinking in racial stereotype development. Child Development, 81(6), 1799–1813. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-­8624.2010.01511.x Pauker, K., Meyers, C., Sanchez, D. T., Gaither, S. E., & Young, D. M. (2018). A review of multiracial malleability: Identity, categorization, and shifting racial attitudes. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 12(6), e12392. https:// doi.org/10.1111/spc3.12392 Pfeifer, J. H., & Berkman, E. T. (2018). The development of self and identity in adolescence: Neural evidence and implications for a value-based choice perspective on motivated behavior. Child Development Perspectives, 12(3), 158–164. https://doi.org/10.1111/cdep.12279 Poston, W. C. (1990). The biracial identity development model: A needed addition. Journal of Counseling & Development, 69(2), 152–155. https://doi. org/10.1002/j.1556-­6676.1990.tb01477.x Renn, K. A. (2004). Mixed race students in college: The ecology of race. SUNY Series. Renn, K.  A. (2008). Research on biracial and multiracial identity development: Overview and synthesis. New Directions for Student Services, 123, 13–21. https://doi.org/10.1002/ss.282 Rockquemore, K.  A., & Brunsma, D.  L. (2002). Socially embedded identities: Theories, typologies, and processes of racial identity among Black/White biracials. Sociological Quarterly, 43(3), 335–356. Rockquemore, K. A., Brunsma, D. L., & Delgado, D. J. (2009). Racing to theory or retheorizing race? Understanding the struggle to build a multiracial identity theory. Journal of Social Issues, 65(1), 13–34. https://doi.org/10.1111/ j.1540-­4560.2008.01585.x Saint Stephen’s Community House. (2018). It’s not all black and white: Multiracial youth speak out. Annick Press Ltd. Sensoy, O., & DiAngelo, R. (2012). Is everyone really equal?: An introduction to key concepts in social justice education. Teachers College Press. Sharma, A., & Cockerill, H. (2014). Mary Sheridan’s from birth to five years: Children’s developmental progress (4th ed.). Routledge.

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Siegel, D. (2015). Brainstorm: The power and purpose of the teenage brain. Penguin Random House LLC. Smith, C. L. (2014). Biracial Americans’ experience with identity, gender roles, and anxiety. Journal of Human Behavior in the Social Environment, 24(4), 513–528. https://doi.org/10.1080/10911359.2013.849222 Spencer, R. (2004). Assessing multiracial identity theory and politics: The challenge of hypodescent. Ethnicities, 4(3), 357–379. Tatum, B. D. (1999). ‘Why are all the black kids sitting together in the cafeteria?’ And other conversations about race. Perseus Books Group. Umaña-Taylor, A. J., & Douglass, S. (2017). Developing an ethnic-racial identity intervention from a developmental perspective: Process, content, and implementation of the Identity Project. In N. J. Cabrera & B. Leyendecker (Eds.), Handbook on positive development of minority children and youth (pp. 437–453). Springer International Publishing. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-­3-­319­43645-­6_26 Umaña-Taylor, A. J., Douglass, S., Updegraff, K. A., & Marsiglia, F. F. (2018). A small-scale randomized efficacy trial of the Identity Project: Promoting adolescents’ ethnic–racial identity exploration and resolution. Child Development, 89(3), 862–870. https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12755 Umaña-Taylor, A. J., Quintana, S. M., Lee, R. M., Cross, W. E., Jr., Rivas-Drake, D., Schwartz, S. J., Syed, M., Yip, T., Seaton, E., Ethnic, & Group, R. I. in the 21st C. S. (2014). Ethnic and racial identity during adolescence and into young adulthood: An integrated conceptualization. Child Development, 85(1), 21–39. https://doi.org/10.1111/cdev.12196 Williams, C. D., Byrd, C. M., Quintana, S. M., Anicama, C., Kiang, L., Umaña-­ Taylor, A. J., Calzada, E. J., Pabón Gautier, M., Ejesi, K., Tuitt, N. R., et al. (2020). A lifespan model of ethnic-racial identity. Research in Human Development, 1–31. https://doi.org/10.1080/15427609.2020.1831882 Winkler, E. N. (2009). Children are not colorblind: How young children learn race. PACE: Practical Approaches for Continuing Education, 3(3), 1–8.

CHAPTER 2

College Enrollment and Multiracial Backgrounds: An Exploration of Access and Choice Blossom A. Barrett

I Know I Can

Introduction The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has caused educators to reimagine the methods that higher education employs to engage, recruit, and enroll current high schoolers. Students, their families, college access professionals, and higher education professionals navigate the turbulent waters of standing up for what they believe is right, what they need and want for success, while ensuring their physical health. The existing issues concerning postsecondary inclusion are more apparent as underrepresented student enrollment declines faster than their majority peers amid the COVID-19 pandemic. However, groups of students within the

B. A. Barrett (*) I Know I Can, Columbus, OH, USA e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 M. P. Johnston-Guerrero et al. (eds.), Preparing for Higher Education’s Mixed Race Future, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88821-3_2

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underrepresented descriptor were yet to be fully seen and included in college access practices and higher education admissions before the jarring impact of COVID-19. Based on my literature review in preparation for my dissertation research (see Barrett, 2017), it became clear to me that college access literature and practices have often overlooked or completely excluded multiracial students. Now more than ever, professionals and scholars must hear and include all student experiences in college access and postsecondary admissions. This intentionality will ensure that as we all strive to regain normalcy and return to college campuses, we do not retain our past ways of neglecting multiracial students. Effective college access programming should aim to provide multifaceted and comprehensive services to ensure the inclusion of underrepresented students’ unique identities and experiences in higher education (Perna & Jones, 2013). We do not know if the current model includes multiracial students, particularly when services are not straightforward enough for these students to know if they can participate (Literte, 2010). There is little existing scholarship on this topic; however, there are related data that help us understand the need to explore multiracial students’ college access experiences. In this chapter, I elaborate on the complicated intersection of multiraciality and college access focusing on how multiracial individuals perceived, interacted with, and benefited from college access resources. I begin with a brief review of multiracial demographic statistics before moving on to institutions’ access and support structures and the theoretical frame that I chose for the research study. I then highlight study findings while answering the guiding research questions of what higher education should look to in the future.

Who Are Multiracial Students? Conclusions drawn from the 2010 U.S. Census indicates that the American multiracial population is 3% of the total U.S. population, yet research that takes parent and grandparent racial identity into account estimates the American multiracial population is 6.9% (Pew Research Center, 2015) when accounting for multigenerational mixing. This operationalizing of multiraciality is in stark contrast to the U.S.  Census Bureau (2011). Aligned with the abovementioned statistics, current Multiracial Americans are also overwhelmingly young. Close to half (46%) of Multiracial Americans are under 18, which is significantly disproportionate to their monoracial counterparts at 23%. Additionally, more than 17% of all

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newlyweds are interracial, which can further contribute to the growing multiracial population (Pew Research Center, 2017). Taken together, these statistics suggest that multiracial students will continue to enroll in college in greater numbers—but we need a better understanding of their access journeys to postsecondary education. Exploring racial differences among multiracial individuals enrolled in postsecondary education is limited, as multiracial students are reported federally in the aggregate (United States Department of Education, 2007). The National Center for Education Statistics (2019) reports an overall increase in enrollment of multiracial students—3.9% of all students who enrolled in postsecondary education in the fall of 2018 were of Two or More Races, which is an increase of 2.3% since 2010. As the multiracial population continues to grow, college access and higher education must revisit how multiracial students are included and supported within college access services to increase access to postsecondary education for multiracial students.

Overview of College Access The origins and current state of college access provide context about how programs were designed and who they were meant to serve. Swail and Perna (2002) grouped U.S. policy makers’ response to the persisting gaps in enrolling and completing American postsecondary education into three categories: programs to supplement school-based learning, school voucher programs, and charter schools. As we know them today, college access programs and organizations were a part of the initial response and fell under programs to supplement school-based learning. The mid-1960s saw the birth of college access initiatives implemented first by the federal government and then local governments and community organizations. For example, programmatic interventions at the federal (e.g., TRIO, which refers to currently eight federal interventions), state (e.g., California Student Opportunity and Access Program), and local levels (e.g., I Know I Can, located in Columbus, Ohio) target a variety of student populations, including students with racial minority, low-income, and first-generation college-going backgrounds. These programs are committed to fighting the unfortunate reality of the American educational system, which is that even the most academically gifted student may not enter and complete postsecondary education (Ma et  al., 2019). Research has shown that for underrepresented students, accessing, choosing, entering, and persisting through college is a web of

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complex negotiations through academic, financial, and social norms. Lack of skills and knowledge necessary for college compound as parents and students often overestimate the cost of college; this makes college aspiration, enrollment, and completion less likely to occur (Nienhusser & Oshio, 2017; Tierney & Venegas, 2009). However, evidence suggests that access programs can have a significant, positive impact on student enrollment and completion when interventions are holistic, targeted, and timely (Dyce et al., 2013; McDonough, 2004; NCAN, 2018). A critical time in the college pipeline is the one between college access and college choice. The research shows that college access is a foundational assumption for college choice and that college choice is an essential component of college access’ ultimate outcome. College access literature often serves as a springboard for college choice researchers to use in their efforts to understand the process, information, and factors critical to students’ postsecondary choice. As a whole, college choice research is undertaken with the general assumption that the student has access to postsecondary education (Bergerson, 2009). However, enrollment patterns show that underrepresented students’ college access and, ultimately, their college choice is limited, as seen in their over representation at for-­ profit and two-year institutions (Iloh & Tierney, 2013). Perna’s (2006) Conceptual Model of Student College Enrollment supports exploration to better understand college access and college choice. Perna (2006) guides the model by three important assumptions: (a) to fully understand the college enrollment process, multiple theoretical perspectives should be included; (b) college enrollment processes happen and are influenced by multiple contexts, and (c) college enrollment is not universal and varies across groups. These assumptions and the model’s multiple contexts recognize and allow space for the unique experiences of all students. Guided by the assumptions mentioned above, Perna (2006) advanced four contextual considerations. The model itself centers on components of human capital theory. Specifically, a student’s college enrollment is based on a costs/benefits comparison of monetary and nonmonetary benefits, college costs, and foregone earnings. Academic achievement and financial resources influence the student’s comparison. Overall, this comparison is nested within four contextual layers. The first layer is the student and family context; the second layer is the school and community context; the third layer is the higher education context; and the fourth is the social, economic, and policy context. Perna’s contextual layers serve as the lens

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through which we will explore the postsecondary access and choice experiences of 13 multiracial individuals.

A Study on Multiracial Student Access The purpose of the constructivist narrative inquiry presented here was to examine how multiracial students perceived, interacted with, and benefited from college access resources. Three questions guided the research: (a) what pathways do multiracial students employ to access postsecondary education; (b) what college access resources do multiracial students perceive as available for use, and (c) how does a student’s multiracial identity interact with college access pathways and resources utilized? Given the space constraints of this chapter, I refer readers to further details from my dissertation study (Barrett, 2017). Given the focus of this volume, I share findings related to the third research question that centers on multiracial identity. At the time of data collection, spring 2017, 13 students participated in the study. They were currently enrolled, recently enrolled, or had recently graduated from an accredited institution of higher education in the Midwest. Recruitment materials sought students who had parents from more than one racial category. However, it became apparent that the majority of potential study participants affiliated with a Black identity. In sum, participants of this study represent several racial categories, with all individuals having an affiliation with a Black identity. I have used self-­ selected pseudonyms for participants to preserve anonymity. Table  2.1 provides an overview of the relevant characteristics of the participants.

Findings The following is a thematic summary of participants’ narratives utilizing a traditional approach of presenting qualitative data. I examined data across narratives to find common experiences and trends among how participants perceived, interacted with, benefited from college access resources during their college choice process. The themes presented below are the product of the nominal level, application of thematic categories, and restorying processes (Riessman, 2008; Tamboukou, 2003).

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Table 2.1  Participant characteristics Participant Racial identity

Racial categories used

Institution type

FirstReceived generation Pell Grant

David

Hispanic, Two or More Races Two or More Races Asian, Black, Two or More Races Black, Pacific Islander Black Black, Hispanic Black, White Black, White American Indian, Asian, Black American Indian, Black, Two or More Race, White Black, Two or More Races, White Black, White Black

4-Yr Public

Yes

Yes

2-Yr Public 4-Yr Public

Yes Yes

Yes Yes

4-Yr Private 4-Yr Public 4-Yr Public 4-Yr Public 4-Yr Public 4-Yr Public

Yes No Yes Yes No Yes

Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes Yes

4-Yr Private Yes

Yes

4-Yr Public

Yes

Yes

4-Yr Public Yes 4-Yr Private No

Yes No

Jalen Lee

Puerto Rican Black Multiracial

Liberty Little Love Monika No Sleep Olivia

Black Black Multiracial Multiracial Multiracial Black

Paula

Multiracial

Q

Black

Steve Taryn

Black Black

Degrees of Usage of College Access Resources Among Multiracial Students The college access resources that participants perceived were available for them to use fall within three degrees of use: (a) no use of college access resources, (b) limited use of college access resources, and (c) maximized college access resources. These three degrees align with themes. Within each theme, the factors contributing to the participants’ degree of use varied from interaction with their racial identities and other salient identities to a lack of college knowledge and ease or difficulty of accessibility. The following thematic categories cover each participant’s experiences when describing the college access resources they perceived were available for use and the number of resources they incorporated in the college access and choice pathway.  aximized College Access Resources M Steve and Paula maximized the college access resources provided as a part of their school and community context. Steve identifies as Black but

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acknowledges his White background, and as such, he saw all college access resources as available for his use marketed to Black, underrepresented, and general minoritized students. Additionally, Steve is a first-generation college-­going student from a low-income background, which broadens the type and number of resources he utilized as a part of his college access and choice strategy. Steve maximized his resources by participating in college advising via institutional agents (e.g., college recruiters) to gain as much information about the types of resources available and then applied for services. Paula’s story mirrors Steve’s in the holistic method she employed to learn about college access resources that would be available to her. Given that Paula is a first-generation college-going student from a low-income background who identifies as multiracial, she stated that those labels made her perceive all resources from her backgrounds as available for use.  imited Use of College Access Resources L The limitations on what college access resources participants perceived as available for their use varied by background and contextual factors. David, Liberty, and Olivia perceived that their affiliation with different racial identities limited college access resources. Whereas Jalen’s, Lee’s, Monika’s, and Taryn’s perception of the college access resources available for their use was constrained by the level of difficulty in accessing the resources. Lastly, Q and Love were also limited in their college access knowledge. College Access Resources Limited by (Multi)Racial Identity. David struggled with his racial identity and ascription among his high school peers. Although he now identifies as Puerto Rican during part of his high school and college career he identified as Black.  He traced much of his conflict back to the absence of details related to his parents’ racial backgrounds. The college access resources that David perceived were available for him to use were limited to one-on-one advising with his high school counselor to assist in his application to and enrollment in the local community college. Once enrolled, David was willing to participate in access and persistence programming designed for underrepresented students and did not focus on racial identity. David cited this inclusive design because he did not have to think about his racial identity and fit within the program. This sentiment is different from how he explained his use of college access resources during his community college to four-year institution transition.

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Liberty and Olivia share common traits in how they perceived college access resources. Both individuals identify as Black and generally took advantage of resources marketed to Black students or other inclusive descriptors such as underrepresented, minority, low-income, and first-­ generation college-going. Liberty understood her background, but it made her uncomfortable to use resources for Asian Pacific Islander (API) students, because she did not actively represent that population. Olivia had a fluid perception of the resources available for her to use as she had multiple racial backgrounds of which she did not have a close understanding. As she learned more about each racial background and how she believed she fit within it, she began to affiliate with that identity and perceived the resources for each race for use. College Access Resources Limited by Ease of Accessibility. Jalen, Lee, Monika, and Taryn have contrasting college access and choice pathways; however, the college access resources they perceived for use were a matter of accessibility. For instance, Jalen applied only to his local community college after persistent encouragement and support from his college access advisor. Jalen stated that he was more interested in ensuring that postsecondary education was right for him. Lee’s, Monika’s, and Taryn’s college access and choice pathway was predetermined and interacted with the type of support provided. Each participant had comprehensive support in terms of social capital and higher education funding. Additionally, they perceived college access resources that aligned with all their identities for use. Monika’s and Taryn’s experience is different from Lee’s in that they have only Black and White racial backgrounds. However, both of these participants perceived resources that targeted Black, minority, or underrepresented students were available for their use. Lee stated that he was proud of his API and Black racial backgrounds, yet did not seek out any API-specific resources. When asked if he would have any issue accepting resources for API students, he stated that he would not. In sum, these participants in this theme believed that once their most important aspects of their college choice were covered, they did not need to seek out other resources. Jalen had applied and could attend a college where he felt academically matched and could financially afford, and the other participants had a predetermined pathway. College Access Resources Limited by College Knowledge. Q and Love attended the same college and relied on their school and community contexts to guide their college access and choice pathways. Love identifies as multiracial, and like other participants, perceived college access resources

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marketed to all her racial backgrounds, minority, and other inclusive descriptors as available for use. Love applied for scholarships from Black cultural organizations but was not aware of the resources or postsecondary institutions that targeted Hispanic students. For instance, it was not until her freshman year of college that she became aware of Hispanic-serving Institutions (HSIs). Q stated that because she attended a predominately White high school, many of the minority-specific opportunities were not discussed with her. She applied for and was awarded a cost of attendance scholarship for low-income students. Additionally, the Scholars program was the only scholarship for which Q applied. Ultimately, their experiences highlight the limits of generalized college access and choice assistance within the school and community context. Their institutional agents successfully assisted them in choosing, applying, and enrolling in postsecondary education; however, they did so without many of the resources available to them.  o Use of College Access Resources N The two participants who did not perceive any college access resources for their use (Little and No Sleep) manifested unique approaches to college choice. Little did not research or perceive any college access resources for use. His decision not to use basic college access advising services, formal or informal, heavily influenced what resources he perceived as available. Little’s need to navigate his college process alone created no opportunity to learn about any resources he could have potentially seen as useful in his college access and choice strategy. No Sleep’s college access and choice pathway was the only college access resource he perceived for use. His limited college choice list is a matter of the most cited college access resource, financial aid. For No Sleep, the only form of financial aid that he considered was the cost of attendance scholarships. Postsecondary institutions began recruiting No Sleep for athletics during his sophomore year of high school, which made him believe that there was no need to seek out other opportunities. Interactions: Multiracial Identity, College Access, Choice Pathway, and Resources The final and most comprehensive guiding research question explored how each participants’ multiracial background interacted with the college access and choice pathway employed, as well as the college access resources, they perceived as available for use. Not all components of the participant’s

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pathway interacted with their backgrounds in the same way. Like their multiple racial backgrounds, the multiple contextual factors described within the abovementioned themes (e.g., college knowledge, pathway, other salient identities, and need for college access resources) interacted differently depending on each participant’s unique experience. The patterns that emerge in relation to this research question began with the level of interaction between their pathway and perceived resources. This observation was then coupled with the contextual factors to present a robust theme that accounted for how the interaction occurred and the degree of the interaction. Little to No Interaction with Multiracial Identity Participants with little to no interaction had a strong sense of self regarding their racial background and college access and choice pathway that often did not rely on specific racial resources. These participants often had pathways that aligned with their other social identities. For instance, neither Jalen’s strategy nor the resources he perceived for use or used had anything to do with his multiracial background. Like Jalen, Little did not speak of his multiracial background often. Their college access and choice pathway of using community college enrollment as a means of postsecondary access did not allow space for interaction between their multiracial identities as Jalen and Little ultimately only saw community college as their college choice because of non-race related reasons and did not seek out any race-based resources. Limited Interaction with Multiracial Identity Participants with limited interactions between their college access and choice pathways and the college access resources they perceived for use either had inconsistent interactions across their pathways or perceptions. For instance, Lee’s multiracial identity interacted with his college access and choice pathway because he appreciates his mother’s background and what he desired in a college. Lee recounted his mother’s hard work and sacrifice to make sure that he and his siblings were prepared to go to college. In terms of college choice, he wanted to attend a diverse institution with a study abroad program in the Philippines to experience first-hand where his mother was born. Lee’s consistent multiracial identity enabled him to perceive all related resources from all his identities for use. What

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limits Lee’s multiracial identity interactions is the actual implementation of his desires. Lee did not attend a diverse institution with a study abroad program to the Philippines because he adapted his sister’s college access and choice pathway. Although he perceived API resources for use, he did not use any because of the ease of resources provided by his sister’s pathway. High Interactions with Multiracial Identity Paula and David had opposite experiences of their multiracial identity interacting with their college access and choice pathway as well as the resources that they perceived for use. Observed on a positive to negative spectrum, these participants would anchor the scale with Paula having positive interactions and David having negative interactions between their Multiracial identity and college journeys. Paula’s Multiracial experience was positive, and she stated that she was proud of the many races included in her background. She believed that being multiracial gave her the ability to navigate spaces and situations in a way that monoracial individuals cannot. Paula acknowledged that she could never fit entirely within one racial group because she celebrated her difference. Paula’s view of her multiracial identity allowed her to perceive all college access resources for use as well as programs that were marketed under inclusive labels such as minority and underrepresented. Overall, Paula’s strong sense of self and appreciation of her multiracial background interacted highly and positively, completely different from David’s experience. David’s complicated development of his racial identity began with his mother and her refusal to provide consistent details about her or David’s father’s racial background. Without a firm understanding of his background, David experimented with his racial identity in high school. Adopting the racial ascription given by his White peers, David identified as Black in high school, which elicited an undesirable response from his peers. Isolated, David did not take advantage of any college access resources in high school. As a student at his local community college, David’s multiracial identity interacted with a college access and success program that he utilized. The program was marketed to underrepresented students and did not require David to think about his racial identity and fit. Once he transferred to a four-year state university, he purposefully did not participate in race-based resources because he felt like he did not belong. Unlike Paula, David did not celebrate his difference; it was

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avoided. David’s multiracial background, and his lack of knowledge about his racial ancestry, interacted highly but negatively with his college journey as it created limitations and barriers to what postsecondary options and resources, he saw available.

Discussion: Multiracial Identity Interactions and College Access As few researchers have brought together the college access and college choice literature to explore multiracial students’ college journeys, the major themes provided a recognizable and easily digestible summary of the research findings. Below, I focus on answering the third research question on multiracial interactions with college access to assess the meaning of the findings in relation to previous literature and the study’s theoretical frame. Understanding the interactions between participants’ multiracial backgrounds, college access, and choice pathways, and the college access resources that they perceived for use must begin with an observation of each participant’s racial identity. Renn (2004) affirmed five racial identity patterns that were put forth by Root (1990). Of 13 total participants, seven stated that they identified as monoracial, Black. Of the five remaining participants, two aligned closer to a multiple monoracial identity than a multiracial identity. As seen by the participants’ patterns of identity as well as with a subtheme of only using resources aligned with their racial identities, there were limitations to what college access resources participants perceived for use and the interaction their racial identities had with their college access and college choice pathway. Previous scholarship supports this limitation of resources perceived for use based on racial identities (Literte, 2010). The racial identities that make up each participant’s background influenced the boundaries of their monoracial identity. Black/White study participants holding a Black monoracial identity did not place boundaries on college access resources. Research supports part-Black multiracial students being more likely to take on a Black monoracial identity (Herman, 2010; Khanna, 2011). Influences from the broader American social history lend

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themselves to the notion of hypodescent, both in racial identification and racial ascription (Townsend et al., 2012; Young et al., 2021). For participants who had minoritized backgrounds in addition to their Black racial ancestry, they knowingly chose not to access resources that targeted their other racial backgrounds. Specifically, participants whose parents represented multiple non-White racial identities, but held a monoracial identity described instances by which they were genuinely bounded by the type of resources they perceived as available for use. For example, participants with an API or Hispanic background did not take advantage of API or Hispanic-specific college access resources because they did not feel connected to their API or Hispanic racial identity enough to assert it in their college access and choice pathway. When asked to elaborate, participants spoke to a conflict found in racial identity literature, not possessing enough cultural knowledge (King, 2008; Literte, 2010). Additionally, the pathways that participants implemented were primarily based on criteria that include non-race-related labels such as first-generation college-going and low-income. Identity salience related to low-income and first-generation college-going status was described in participants’ narratives. Renn (2004) found that multiracial students with limited cultural knowledge about foods, language, and customs associated with a racial identity have difficulty claiming that racial background. In this study, other monoracial minorities did not exclude most participants who shared their racial background. However, participants chose to remain respectful but unincorporated with that part of their racial ancestry. Some attributed their monoracial identity to how their parents identified, while others described that as they became more aware of their racial background and the culture that goes with it, they felt more comfortable claiming that racial heritage. Learning and claiming their racial ancestry did not change participants’ racial identities. Participants described and acknowledged their racial backgrounds, but their multiple cultures formed a monoracial Black identity. As such, Black, underrepresented, and generally, minority college access programs were the most common college access resources participants perceived as available for use. Findings from this study provided insights into the interactions of multiracial backgrounds on college access and choice processes. However, when observing all participants’ narratives, there is not one instance where a participant’s multiracial identity interacted throughout all contexts. Research on multiracial students suggests an incongruence between students’ racial identity and institutional views on race that impacts students’

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college access and choice strategies, as well as the resources they perceive for use (Literte, 2010). Although the participants in this study have multiple racial backgrounds, most do not have a multiracial identity, and thus are congruent with how college access resources were organized, marketed, and implemented by postsecondary institutions and college access organizations. An alignment between racial identity and the resources participants used reduced issues or concerns related to their multiracial identities during their college access and choice processes.

Implications and Recommendations Significant implications and recommendations for this study center on the racial identity of the participants. As mentioned above, individuals who participated in this study, as a group, held multiple patterns of racial identity. This study advertised for individuals who had parents from more than one racial category. Once participants expressed interest in being a part of the research, they were directed to complete a consent form and a demographic questionnaire. As part of the questionnaire, participants were asked to describe their race and their parents’ race. For this study, students were asked to select all the racial categories that applied in three separate questions for themselves, their mother, and their father. Only two participants selected a monoracial identity on their questionnaire for themselves; however, upon further examination, eight participants stated they held a monoracial identity. Conclusions drawn from this research would encourage an additional screening process to ensure that the participants can speak to experiences as individuals who racially identify as Multiracial, not just individuals who have a multiracial background. This study also has implications for racial data collection and categorization. The U.S. Department of Education mandates all students being permitted to select as many racial categories as they believe apply, with individuals who select two or more races being placed in the Two or More Races category. However, here we have seen that a multiracial background does not mean the individual identifies as multiracial. The implication for monoracial students being included in the Two or More Races category is a skewed understanding of the racial makeup of postsecondary institution’s student populations. This skewed understanding could be unfavorable if most students answer identity questions based on a parent or grandparent definition of Multiracial and not self-definition (Pew Research

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Center, 2015). In an attempt to create an inclusive environment, postsecondary institutions may use the Two or More Races statistic in data driven decisions and provide more new or modified college access resources for multiracial students. However, if most students with multiracial backgrounds identify as monoracial, an imbalance in resources may occur. This study holds important implications for college access practitioners. College access organizations and postsecondary institutions that implement college access programming should aim to better understand their student populations and create resources that align with their racial identities and social realities. The demographic changes reviewed above suggest that the multiracial youth population will continue expanding. Access services and programs must adapt their outreach strategies so that multiracial students clearly know they can utilize their services. Utilizing inclusive terminology that explicitly names the diversity of potential ways multiracial students might identify seems like a necessary step to ensure access to services, especially those targeted to various racial groups. Should there be multiracial-specific college access services? This study’s findings suggest they are not necessary, likely because the sample identified predominately as monoracial (Black) or with multiple monoracial patterns of identity (Renn, 2004). Yet, other studies with different samples and representation might suggest that multiracial-specific access services and programs are needed. Institutions and organizations interested in pursuing such targeted efforts could partner with multiracial student organizations on campuses (or their advisors), who may often look for additional service/ engagement opportunities in line with social justice efforts (Malaney & Danowski, 2015; Mohajeri & Lou, 2021). Community-based groups, like Multiracial Americans of Southern California (MASC), and professional organizations, like the Critical Mixed Race Studies Association (CMRSA), might also be strong partners for increasing college-knowledge through a multiracial lens. Overall, proper inclusion of multiracial students and evaluating how they are being served in college access and choice programming can support both multiracial students and their monoracial peers.

Conclusion This chapter outlined findings from a larger dissertation study focused on multiracial students and their college access journeys. Multiracial students who in this case—all shared Black ancestry as part of their identities—mirror other minoritized students’ access journeys, particularly as explained

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through Perna’s (2006) conceptual framework. Moreover, the nuances of multiracial identities, and how they interacted with college access processes provide important insights for future research and practice. The findings contribute to the more extensive college access and college choice literature by providing college access and higher education professionals with the opportunity to learn about how multiracial students approach, prepare for, and enroll in postsecondary education.

References Barrett, B. (2017). A narrative exploration of college access, college Choice, and Multiracial background. Electronic Thesis or Dissertation. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1503266486770625 Bergerson, A.  A. (2009). Special issue: College choice and access to college: Moving policy, research, and practice to the 21st century. ASHE Higher Education Report, 35(4), 1–141. https://eric.ed.gov/?id=EJ869356 Dyce, C. M., Albold, C., & Long, D. (2013). Moving from college aspiration to attainment: Learning from one college access program. The High School Journal, 96(2), 152–165. https://doi.org/10.1353/hsj.2013.0004 Herman, M. (2010). Do you see what I am? How observers’ backgrounds affect their perceptions of multiracial faces. Social Psychology Quarterly, 73(1), 58-78. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1177/0190272510361436 Iloh, C., & Tierney, W.  G. (2013). A comparison of for-profit and community colleges’ admissions practices. College and University, 88(4), 2–12. https:// www.proquest.com/openview/d3c423c30a960d064ff07ec89c8d7708/1?pq-­ origsite=gscholar&cbl=1059 Khanna, N. (2011). “If you’re half Black, you’re just Black”: Reflected appraisals and the persistence of the one-drop rule. Sociological Quarterly, 51(1), 96-121. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1533-­8525.2009.01162.x King, A. R. (2008). Student perspectives on multiracial identity. In K. A. Renn & P.  Shang (Eds.), New directions for student services (Vol. 123, pp.  33–41) https://doi.org/10.1002/ss.284 Literte, P. E. (2010). Revising race: How biracial students are changing and challenging student services. Journal of College Student Development, 51(2), 115–134. https://doi.org/10.1353/csd.0.0122 Ma, J., Pender, M., & Welch, M. (2019). Education pays 2019: The benefits of higher education for individuals and society. Trends in higher education series. The College Board. https://research.collegeboard.org/pdf/education-­ pays-­2019-­full-­report.pdf Malaney, V.  K., & Danowski, K. (2015). Mixed foundations: Supporting and empowering multiracial student organizations. Journal Committed to Social

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Change on Race and Ethnicity, 1(2), 54–85. https://doi.org/10.15763/iss n.2642-­2387.2015.1.2.54-­85 McDonough, P.  M. (2004). The impact of advice on price: Evidence from research. TERI. Mohajeri, O., & Lou, H. C. (2021). Mixed and multiracial student organizations on campus: The necessity of weaving together art and critique. In M. P. Johnston-­ Guerrero & C. L. Wijeyesinghe (Eds.), Multiracial experiences in higher education: Contesting knowledge, honoring voice, and innovating practice (pp. 179–210). Stylus. National Center for Education Statistics (NCES). (2019). Total fall enrollment in degree-granting postsecondary institutions, by control and classification of institution, level of enrollment, and race/ethnicity of student: 2018. https://nces.ed. gov/programs/digest/d19/tables/dt19_306.50.asp National College Attainment Network (NCAN). (2018). Closing the college graduation gap: 2018 national college access and success benchmarking report. https://cdn.ymaws.com/www.ncan.org/resource/resmgr/data/benchmarking/ncanbenchmarkingreport2018.pdf Nienhusser, H. K., & Oshio, T. (2017). High school students’ accuracy in estimating the cost of college: A proposed methodological approach and differences among racial/ethnic groups and college financial-related factors. Research in Higher Education, 1, 1–23. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11162-­017-­9447-­1 Perna, L. W. (2006). Studying college access and choice: A proposed conceptual model. In J. C. Smart (Ed.), Higher education: Handbook of theory and research (pp. 99–157). Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/1-­4020-­4512-­3_3 Perna, L.  W., & Jones, A. (2013). The state of college access and completion: Improving college success for students from underrepresented groups. Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203074091 Pew Research Center. (2015). Multiracial in America proud, diverse and growing in numbers. http://www.pewsocialtrends.org/2015/06/11/multiracial-­in-­ america/ Pew Research Center. (2017). Survey of multiracial adults. https://www.pewresearch.org/social-­trends/2017/01/23/survey-­of-­multiracial-­adults/ Renn, K. A. (2004). Mixed race students in college: The ecology of race, identity, and community on campus. SUNY Press. Riessman, C. K. (2008). Narrative methods for the human sciences. Sage. Root, M.  P. (1990). Resolving ‘other’ status: Identity development of Biracial individuals. Women and Therapy, 9(1–2), 185–205. https://doi.org/10.1300/ j015v09n01_11 Swail, W. S., & Perna, L. W. (2002). Pre-college outreach programs: A national perspective. In W. G. Tierney & L. S. Hagedorn (Eds.), Increasing access to college: Extending possibilities for all students (pp. 15–34). SUNY Press.

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Tamboukou, M. (2003). Women, education and the self: A Foucauldian perspective. Palgrave Macmillan. https://doi.org/10.1057/9780230513945 Tierney, W. G., & Venegas, K. M. (2009). Finding money on the table: Information, financial aid, and access to college. The Journal of Higher Education, 80(4), 363–388. https://doi.org/10.1353/jhe.0.0059 Townsend, S. S., Fryberg, S. A., Wilkins, C. L., & Markus, H. R. (2012). Being mixed: Who claims a biracial identity? Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 18(1), 91. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0026845 United States Census Bureau. (2011). USA quick facts. http://quickfacts.census. gov/qfd/states/00000.htm United States Department of Education. (2007). Final guidance for the collection of data on race and ethnicity (72 Fed. Reg. 59267). U.S. Government Printing Office. https://www.govinfo.gov/app/details/FR-­2007-­10-­19/E7-­20613 Young, D.  M., Sanchez, D.  T., Pauker, K., & Gaither, S.  E. (2021). A meta-­ analytic review of hypodescent patterns in categorizing multiracial and racially ambiguous targets. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 47(5), 705–727. https://doi.org/10.1177/0146167220941321

CHAPTER 3

Edge Dancing: Campus Climate Experiences and Identity Negotiation of Multiracial College Students of Multiple Minoritized Ancestry Kim Misa-Escalante, Curtiss Takada Rooks, and Jennifer Shimako Abe

“These encounters …can be described as a dance…the multiracial in turn engages the lead with some spins, dips, turns, and even sidesteps” —Valverde 2001:133

The authors thank the research team (Rebeca Acevedo, José Miguel Chavez, Christina Eubanks-Turner, Amber (Astredo) Gadd, and Nicole Murph) for their support and contributions throughout the study. K. Misa-Escalante (*) • C. T. Rooks • J. S. Abe Loyola Marymount University, Los Angeles, CA, USA e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected]; [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Switzerland AG 2022 M. P. Johnston-Guerrero et al. (eds.), Preparing for Higher Education’s Mixed Race Future, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88821-3_3

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Introduction Individuals identifying as multiracial1 currently represent one of the fastest-­ growing minority groups in the United States (Parker et al., 2015). Before 2000, individuals could not identify with more than one racial category on the U.S. Census (King, 2000); thus, it was impossible to quantify the proportion of the population consisting of persons of mixed race ancestry. By the year 2050, it is estimated that one in five Americans will identify as multiracial (Cárdenas et al., 2011). As such, the number of multiracial college students is predicted to continue to rise (Renn, 2021). Houston and Hogan (2009) describe these multiracial individuals as “edge dancers,” and frame their racial and ethnic identity as a dance of identity construction that is neither linear nor static, but rather fluid, multidirectional, and dynamic. At the same time, the methodology for identifying as multiracial is complex and affects how universities categorize multiracial individuals into racial/ethnic groups in ways that flatten the richness of multiracial identity construction. Concerns related to racial and ethnic data collection and reporting among students are twofold: first, the numbers of students who can be included in federally specified racial categories are reduced because multiracial individuals are not also categorized as members of specific racial/ethnic groups; second, multiracial student data are aggregated into the category “two or more races” which is overly generalized because it does not differentiate between types of multiracial identities within this group (Kellogg & Niskodé, 2008). Given the rapid growth of the multiracial population, understanding the nuanced experiences of this student population is critical. The purpose of this study is to examine perceptions of campus climate and identity negotiation for multiracial students, and explore if there are differences in perceptions and experiences of students with two minoritized parents versus at least one white parent (Talbot, 2008).

Literature Review In a study comparing the experiences of multiracial individuals with two minoritized parents (TMP), and those with at least one white parent (OWP), Hall and Cooke (2001) suggest that the identity development 1  Throughout this chapter, we use “mixed,” “mixed race, ““biracial,” and “multiracial” interchangeably.

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issues facing TMP individuals differ from those of OWP individuals,2 in part because TMP individuals are more likely to be perceived as minorities within American society. Ironically, some of the earliest seminal work on multiracial Asian identity focused on Black Japanese multiracial subjects and their families (Hall, 1980; Thornton, 1983), which helped to ignite the study of multiracial identity, legitimizing both the idea of multiracial identity and the presence of a TMP identity [see, for instance, different areas of scholarship including Comas-Diaz, 1994, and Murphy-Shigematsu, 2012, as well as academic (2016) and creative works of Mitzi Carter (Grits and Sushi blog), and playwright Velina Hasu Houston (Green Tea Girl in Orange Pekoe Country: Selected Plays of Velina Hasu Houston, 2014)]. Yet, despite the presence of TMP multiracial subjects in the early stages of a growing literature on multiracial identity, there remains scant research in this area and even less scholarly attention on how multiracial individuals with TMP negotiate college and university contexts. We propose that processes underlying TMP multiracial identity development are not the same as for individuals with OWP multiracial identities (Hall & Cooke, 2001), just as earlier research in this field suggests that underlying identity development processes for individuals with multiracial identities were not the same as for monoracial minoritized students (Wijeyesinghe & Johnston-­ Guerrero, 2021). While identity processes for all multiracial persons may be characterized as contextual, dynamic, and fluid (Renn, 2021), the processes for TMP multiracial students may also be qualitatively different from OWP multiracial students. There is simultaneously a “racial identity” process and a “cultural identity” process. A racial identity process entails how the TMP individual is perceived or “raced” by each constituent racial groups to which they belong, how they are “raced” by the [dominant] society, and how they “race” themselves, either by blood and/or phenotype characteristics. In contrast, cultural identity processes entail the possession (or not) of cultural knowledge (i.e., linguistic, ritual, and other heritage 2  Hall and Cooke (2001) assert that a central task of multiracial majority–minority persons—is to recognize that they too are a minority as a part of their multiracial identity development. That said, they also acknowledge that how a multiracial person is perceived (raced) by others is largely based on phenotype which affects their experiences. That is, phenotype differences for those who are majority (white)-minority—the extent to which others assume they are white or a person of color—will also affect their experiences as a majority–minority person. In such cases, minority identification may be accelerated.

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learning), values, and behaviors (i.e., knowing the socio-cultural rules and acting within them). Further, racial identity is viewed through the lens of culture, which can be defined as the “acquired knowledge that people use to generate behavior and interpret experience” (Spradley & McCurdy, 1972). In this sense, individuals with a TMP multiracial identity must regulate several levels of racial and cultural knowledge: • Racial and cultural knowledge that allows them to negotiate navigate minoritized group 1 • Racial and cultural knowledge that allows them to negotiate navigate minoritized group 2 • Racial and cultural knowledge that allows them to negotiate navigate majority society • Racial and cultural knowledge that allows them to negotiate navigate in multiracial spaces, both formal and informal. • Racial and cultural knowledge that allows them to negotiate navigate their family spaces, both nuclear and extended.

and and and and and

For example, a Black and Native American man must make sense of what it means to be a Black man, which includes what being Black means to him, and what it means to be seen as a Black man. This repeats for Native American man and multiracial man. See Fig. 3.1

Fig. 3.1  TMP multiracial identity negotiation

Racial Identity #1 e.g. Black

Racial Identity #2

Multiracial

e.g. Native

Identity

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These processes may at times work in conjunction with one another, while at other times, the processes may conflict. In addition, while any one of these processes might take priority due to immediate contextual factors, the remaining identity development processes work continually and simultaneously in the background.3 At the same time, TMP multiracial individuals, like all persons, do so while negotiating gender, sexuality, and class identities. Societal reactions to the TMP multiracial individual can be mixed. On the one hand, the TMP multiracial individual is seen as outside of the majority group and has no “claim” to that group’s identity or membership. On the other, because of their TMP multiraciality, majority group members can see them as a minoritized exception, accepting them because of their “unique” or exotic background. In this latter case, because the TMP multiracial individual cannot claim majority status, they are not viewed as threats to the majority “purity.”

Conceptual Framework To frame the study, we drew on three theories. First, Houston and Hogan (2009) use grounded theory to explore the lived experiences of multiracial heritage individuals through the anthropological framework of transculturalization (Hallowell, 1963, 1972). They view racial and ethnic identity “performance” as a dance with three experiential commonalities: alienation, complexity, and celebration. For multiracial persons who are described as “edge dancers,” this fluid, dynamic dance of identity construction is marked by promising possibilities of cultural change at the individual (micro), group (meso), and cultural (macro) levels. With their model, Houston and Hogan (2009) examine what happens when a multiracial individual, who is the social and biological product of two “transculturalites,” embraces an identity that is comprised of their respective cultural backgrounds without contradiction, then chooses to push or re-­ define the boundaries of those cultures, both consciously and sub-consciously. The significance of Houston and Hogan’s framework is that the identity construction process for edge dancers involves multiple ways of using 3  It might be best to think about this using the analogy of apps on your smartphone. Often, you have several apps open at once on your phone. While you may be working on one app, the other apps are working in the background, all of them drawing power.

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their creative agency to measure, define, reinvent, and reframe themselves while maintaining stable, counter-cultural identities that defy mainstream categorization. These valuable social tools include intentionality (e.g., linguistic and cultural code switching), owning their respective identities, dynamic reframing of earlier lived experiences, and resilience. Next, Renn (2000) developed a multiracial student typology based on Root’s (1996) theory of multiracial identity development for clinical practice. This framework is influenced by Anzalduá’s (1987) liminal notion of “borderlands,” where a confluence of social and cultural identities resides. Root (1996) describes four ways that multiracial individuals can negotiate borders between their racial identities. We label and describe these strategies (Renn, 2021; Root, 1996) in the following way: (1) bridging—individuals who can act as a bridge by having feet in both groups; (2) contextualizing—individuals who alter the foreground and background of their identity by matching identity expression to the current context; (3) sitting—Individuals who decisively and intentionally sit on the border of their multiracial identity; and (4) homesteading—individuals who create a home in one identity camp for an extended period of time before possibly shifting to another camp if psychological, emotional, and social needs necessitate. These strategies reflect empirical reports on how multiracial students perceive their identity while building on a conceptualization of multiracial student identity that allows for fluidity and border crossing, consistent with other research on multiracial college students (Renn, 2021). The third and final framework focuses on dimensions of campus climate used to inform institutional practice and processes (Hurtado et al., 2012). We used two of Hurtado’s dimensions to assess perceptions of campus climate among students with multiracial identities: psychological climate (e.g., bias-motivated incidents); and behavioral dimension (e.g., campus intercultural involvement/engagement). Using Houston and Hogan’s framework, the campus climate is a cultural model, and college experiences are multiracial students’ lived experiences, both of which play a role in dynamic reframing and creative agency of identity construction and negotiation. Using an approach that incorporated both multiracial identity development/construction and campus climate perspectives, we explored the colleges experiences of TMP and OWP multiracial students to (a) add to the development of theoretical frameworks designed for multiracial college students and (b) guide campus practices around the needs of multiracial undergraduate students. See Fig. 3.2.

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Fig. 3.2  Adaption of Houston and Hogan (2009): Dynamic, Emic Agency Model of Mixed Heritage Identity Construction

Methodology The research team consisted of a working group formed from a campus-­ wide task force charged with investigating the social and academic experiences of multiracial students at Pacific Coast University (PCU), a pseudonym for the institution. The team aimed to address the following research questions: How do multiracial students at PCU perceive their experiences on campus? How do multiracial college students negotiate their identity? To address these questions, a mixed methods design was utilized. Mixed methods research designs include the connecting, integrating, or linking quantitative and qualitative approaches (Creswell & Clark, 2017). The two-phase study utilized a sequential implementation design (Creswell & Clark, 2017). We conducted focus groups and then used data from the focus group to inform the development of a student survey. Thus, the quantitative portion followed sequentially after the qualitative portion. In the final stage, the qualitative analysis of the focus group transcripts and quantitative analysis of the survey responses were integrated to inform our conclusions and recommendations.

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About PCU PCU has an enrollment of almost 6600 undergraduates and 1900 graduate students. Multiracial students are situated within a student body where from 2010–2011 to 2019–2020, multiethnic students comprised less than 10% of the full-time, degree-seeking undergraduate student body at PCU. However, more than one-third of the student body consists of students from other racially minoritized groups, as well. Phase I: What Does It Mean to Be a Multiracial College Student? The first phase of the study involved focus groups. Participants were pulled from the population of students who self-identified as multiracial on their college admissions application (N = 1254). Focus groups are interviews with participants in a group that relies on the interaction between participants to generate rich data around a concentrated, particular topic (Hatch, 2002), such as multiracial identity. Data Source Twenty students participated in the focus groups, split evenly between men and women (note that non-binary gender identities were not provided as an option). Of the 20 multiracially identified students, 5 identified as TMP, and 15 identified as OWP. Protocol We utilized a semi-structured interview protocol. Participants were asked what the term multiracial/multiethnic meant to them and how their multiracial identity impacted the campus community. Students were also asked to describe their specific experiences as multiracial students navigating the campus environment, including socializing, finding activities to join on campus, developing personal relationships, and learning in the classroom. Finally, students provided their perspectives on how support services regarding multiracial students could be strengthened at the university. Coding and Analysis The research team discussed their codes and analytical memos. The research team typically relied on consensus to progress through the research process, so discussion around these codes and analytic memos was used to derive intercoder agreement around the final codes, categories, and themes,

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as opposed to other quantitative measures of interrater reliability (Saldana, 2012). After two coding cycles, codes were compiled into a codebook, then translated into categories, then used to inform resulting themes. Results informed the development of an online survey. Phase II: How Did Multiracial College Students Negotiate Their Identity and Experience on Campus? Using the themes generated through the literature, theoretical framework, and the focus group data, the research team created a survey to collect additional data from the broader undergraduate multiracial student community at PCU. Data Source An invitation to participate in an online survey was sent to 1254 students who identified as multiracial at the time of their application to PCU.4 Approximately 24% of students who received an invitation responded to the survey (n = 307). Respondents were asked to indicate all racial/ethnic groups with which they identified, with their responses coded as follows: 31.3% multiracial students with two minoritized parents (TMP); 40.4% multiracial students with at least one white parent (OWP); and 28.3% declined to state or no response. Multiracial students that declined to state or did not respond were treated as missing data. Key Variables Identity Construction/Negotiation. We examined how multiracial students negotiate their identity and experience the campus, using Renn’s (2008) and Root’s (1996) four constructs, in which frequency was measured on a scale of 1 (never) to 6 (daily). Participants responded to the stem phrase, “Because of my mixed race background”: Bridging (“ I feel that I am able to bridge experiences across racial groups”); Contextualizing (“I find myself identifying differently depending upon the situation,” and “I am able to mediate difficult situations involving race”; Sitting, (“I am able to challenge stereotypes about my racial identities,” “I am able to empathize with others more easily” and “people tell me that I am 4  Students received an invitation to participate in the survey if they chose two or more races. We also included students that indicated they were Hispanic and one or more race category.

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privileged”). For Homesteading, the following stem statement was used for two items, “While I can identify with more than one racial group, I feel more connected to one of these groups” and “While I can identify with more than one racial group, most of my friends are from one part of my racial identity.” Confirmatory factor analysis was conducted to examine reliability in cases where multiple items were used to assess a construct; however, the Cronbach alphas were less than 0.6; thus, individual items were used. Campus Climate. To better understand the experiences of multiracial students, we also focused on campus climate, measured using adaptations of two of Hurtado et al.’s (2012) constructs: Psychological and Behavioral Climate. See Table 3.1 for the survey items that were used to assess campus climate. Confirmatory factor analysis was conducted to examine

Table 3.1  Constructs: Survey Items related to Campus Climate Alpha Behavioral Climate (intercultural engagement) α = 0.78 Scale: 1—strongly disagree to 5—strongly disagree   • In general, PCU faculty members understand my experience as a multiracial student.   • I feel comfortable speaking with at least one faculty member about my experience as a multiracial student.   • I feel comfortable speaking with at least one staff member about my experience as a multiracial student. Psychological Climate (frequency of bias-related incidents) α = 0.76 Scale: 1—Never to 6—Daily   • People feel comfortable saying negative things about a particular minoritized group(s) around me without recognizing that I belong to that group(s).   • Because of my multiracial background, I am called upon in classes to speak about racial issues.   • People ask me about stereotypes about at least one of my racial identities.   • Because of my specific multiracial background, people are surprised I speak well.   •  Because of the way I look, people ask me “what are you?” Psychological Climate (perceptions of compositional diversity) α = 0.68 Scale: 1—strongly disagree to 5—strongly disagree   •  I believe PCU has a diverse student body.   •  I believe PCU has a diverse faculty.

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reliability. The Cronbach alphas were greater than .6, indicating that these factors were reliable for this population. Campus Climate: Institutional Support for Multiracial Identity. Researchers note that college campuses provide spaces and an environment “in which individuals can explore racial identity and experience racial pride away from majority group members” (Renn, 2000, pp. 401–402). Additionally, institutions may engage in monoracism through their policies and programming (Harris et al., 2021). Thus, we were also interested in students’ perceptions of the role of the university in supporting their multiracial identity, assessed using two levels of agreement items (“I feel that PCU should provide services that address my needs as a multiracial student” and “I have found activities or events that speak to my multiracial identity”). Confirmatory factor analysis was conducted to examine the reliability of the construct; however, the Cronbach alphas were less than 0.60; thus, individual items were used. Analysis. First, responses to survey items were examined for all multiracial students. Then, responses for TMP and OWP multiracial students were compared. Students who declined to state their identities were not included in the analysis for a final sample of 220 individuals. Descriptive analysis, including t-tests, by TMP and OWP multiracial students, were tabulated for all key variables.

Findings Negotiating Identity: Edge Dancing Both qualitative and quantitative data show that students are edge dancers when constructing and negotiating their identities throughout their lived experiences as college students. While doing so, students engage in a variety of strategies regarding their multiple identities. Descriptive analyses were conducted to compare the survey responses of TMP and OWP students. In 8 of 13 measures, TMP students had higher mean scores than the OWP students (see Table 3.2). Below, findings from the survey are integrated with focus group data to describe the multiple strategies students used to negotiate their multiracial identities.

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Table 3.2  Comparing mean scores of multiracial students with two minoritized parents and with at least one white parent Survey Sample (n = 307)

Bridging Because of my mixed race background, I feel that I am able to bridge experiences across racial groups. Contextualizing   • Because of my mixed race background, I find myself identifying differently depending upon the situation.   • Because of my mixed race background, I am able to mediate difficult situations involving race. Sitting   • Because of my mixed race background, I am able to challenge stereotypes about my racial identities.   • Because of my mixed race background, I am able to empathize with others more easily.   • Because of my mixed race background, people tell me that I am privileged. Homesteading   • While I can identify with more than one racial group, I feel more connected to one of these groups.   • While I can identify with more than one racial group, most of my friends are from one part of my racial identity.

Two Minoritized Parents (n = 96)

At Least One White Parent (n = 124)

sig

M

SD

Ma

SDa

Mb

SDb

3.83

0.91

3.98

0.90

3.80

0.90

3.45

1.69

3.66

1.71

3.43

1.64

3.26

1.66

3.58

1.65

3.03

1.60 *

4.03

1.62

4.47

1.52

3.80

1.56 **

4.32

1.62

4.76

1.50

4.13

1.58 **

2.17

1.32

2.00

1.24

2.30

1.31

3.66

1.14

3.65

1.16

3.65

1.05

3.29

1.39

3.36

1.44

3.35

1.34

(continued)

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Table 3.2 (continued) Survey Sample (n = 307)

Psychological Climate (Perceptions of Compositional Diversity) Psychological Climate (bias-related) Behavioral Climate (intercultural engagement). Institutional support for multiracial identity development   • I feel that PCU should provide services that address my needs as a multiracial student.   • I have found activities or events that speak to my multiracial identity.

Two Minoritized Parents (n = 96)

At Least One White Parent (n = 124)

sig

M

SD

Ma

SDa

Mb

SDb

3.59

.74

3.53

.78

3.59

.71

2.62 3.38

1.12 .91

2.71 3.36

1.14 .97

2.54 3.36

1.05 .86

3.45

1.09

3.51

1.16

3.37

1.03 **

2.98

1.11

2.93

1.17

2.98

1.04

Note: *p