Postcolonial Germany: memories of empire in a decolonized nation 9780198703464, 9780191008450

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POSTCOLONIAL GERMANY

OXFORD HISTORICAL MONOGRAPHS The Oxford Historical Monographs series publishes some of the best Oxford University doctoral theses on historical topics, especially those likely to engage the interest of a broad academic readership.

Editors P,. CLAVIN J. DARWIN L. GOLDMAN J. INNES D. PARROTT R. SERVICE P. A. SLACK B. WARD-PERKINS J. L. WATTS

Postcolonial Germany Memories of Empire in a Decolonized Nation

BRITTA SCHILLING

OXFORD

UNIVERSITY PRESS

Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Britta Schilling 2014 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2014 Impression: 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above

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To my family

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Acknowledgements My deepest gratitude goes to Professor Jane Caplan for her enthusiasm and encouragement throughout this endeavour, as well as her tireless dedication to reading and re-reading drafts. I am also indebted to Dr Jan-Georg Deutsch for his assistance in conceptualizing the project, as well as Professor Robert Gildea and Professor Nick Stargardt for providing insight and support along the way. This book would not have taken its present form without the helpful suggestions of Professor Sylvia Paletschek

and Professor Simone Lassig, both Stifteverband Visiting Fellows at St Antony's College, Oxford, while I was writing my dissertation.

I would like to thank my examiners, Professor Hartmut Pogge von Strandmann and Professor Eve Rosenhaft, for a thorough and thought-provoking viva, as well as the anonymous reader who reviewed my manuscript for the OHM series. This study would not have been possible without the cooperation of interviewees from colonial families both in Germany and Namibia. My

heartfelt thanks goes to all of them for letting me in to their lives and sharing what were at times deeply personal insights and memories. I have decided to include the fruits of my research in Namibia in a future publication rather than in the present book. [ am also grateful for feedback on the final chapter from participants at a conference at the Freie Universitat Berlin in September 2011, particularly conference organizers Professor Sebastian Conrad and Professor Sir Richard Evans, as well as Dr Eva Bischoff and Dérte Lerp. Friends and colleagues Dr Tanja Bihrer, Sir Tim Lankester, Dr Carlos Meissner, Dr Nadine Rossol, and Dr Tom Williams have all been extremely supportive and helpful throughout the research and writing process. My thanks also go to my former colleagues at UCL who encouraged my academic interests, particularly Professor Stephen Conway, Professor David d’Avray, Professor Catherine Hall, Professor Axel Korner, and Professor Nicola Miller, as well as my new colleagues at Cambridge who have already pro-

vided many stimulating discussions. The memory of Dr Jens-Wilhelm Wessels has guided me throughout this project, and I am grateful to his friends and family for continuing to remind me of him. This project would not have been possible without grants from the Arts and Humanities Research Council, the German Historical Institute London, the University of Oxford History Faculty, the University of Oxford Vice-Chancellor’s and Beit Funds, and St Antony's College.

viii Acknowledgements Many thanks also to the librarians at the Georg Eckert Institut ftir

Schulbuchforschung in Braunschweig, the Sam Cohen Library in Swakopmund and the Museum Tsumeb, as well as Giinter Scheidemann at the Archives of the Auswartiges Amt in Berlin. Above all, I would like to thank my family—-Mama, Papa, Katja, Rob, Elsa, and Wolfgang—for their patience and support. This book is dedicated to them.

Contents

List of Illustrations xi List of Abbreviations xiii Introduction: The Fall of Colonialism and the Rise of Memory 1

1. The ‘Africa-Book’, 1915-1925 13

‘Good’ Colonialists 22 Victims of Versailles 32 Explaining Heimat 35

1925-1935 4] ‘Black’ Performers 51

Jazz 61

2. Colonial Wares, ‘Blacks’, and Jazz at the Colonial Ball,

Kolonialwaren: Bananas, Coftee, and Cocoa 48

3. The Schoolbook, 1935-1945 68

Colonial Violence 79 The First World War in Africa 8] Teaching the Volksgemeinschaft 83 Types of Heroism 85 Training in the Will for Colonies 87

Education in Weimar and Nazi Germany 72

4. The State Gift, 1949-1968 90

Togo 1960 107 Tanganyika 1961/Tanzania 1964 113 Rwanda and Burundi 1962 123

Cameroun (Fr.) 1960; Cameroon (GB) 1961 98

Southwest Africa 127

5. The Empty Plinth, 1968-1990 133 Colonialism on the Streets 135 Historians and Historiography 142

The Namibia Question 147

Memory 157

6. The Family Heirloom: Private Memories of Colonialism 155 The History Makers—Colonial Actors’ Forming of Family

x Contents

Making 159

Continuities and Discontinuities in “Decolonized’ Memory

Reconsidering Family Memory in the Postcolonial Generation 173 ‘Working Through—A Case Study of Generational Encounter 186

7. Conclusion 195 Bibliography 209

Index 253

List of [Mlustrations

1.1 Cover of a popular Afrikabuch 20

the 1920s 52

2.1 Decorations at a colonial ball in Ebingen in Wiirttemberg in 1937 45 2.2 Representations of blacks in popular German advertisements of

2.3 Advertisement for a colonial ball in Berlin in 1933 58 3.1 “Das schnelle Emporblithen der deutschen Kolonien’ 80 4.1 Health Minister and Acting Prime Minister of Burundi Pie Masumbuko and FRG Ambassador Hans-Wilhelm Lippoldes take

the new VW ambulance for a test drive around Usumburu 124 5.1 Students took issue with the Hermann von Wissmann and Hans

Dominik statues in Hamburg 140

6.1 Everyday life in Africa 167 6.2 Coffee on the veranda 168 6.3 Playing outside 169 6.4 Carola von Clausewitz 175 6.5 Elisabeth Moller with hunting trophies 176

7.1 Emil August Kurz 207

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List of Abbreviations AA Auswartiges Amt

AHR American Historical Review

AZ Allgemeine Zeitung

BAB Bundesarchiv Berlin BDM Bund Deutscher Madel BMZ Bundesministerium ftir wirtschaftliche Zusammenarbeit (Ministry for Economic Cooperation)

CEH Central European History

C] Critical Inquiry

DAG Deutsche Afrika-Gesellschaft DDP Deutsche Demokratische Partei DED Deutscher Entwicklungsdienst (German Development Office) DFK Die Frau und die Kolonien DKG Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft (German Colonial Society) DKZ Deutsche Kolonialzeitung DNVP _ Deutschnationale Volkspartei

DOA Deutsch Ostafrika

DSWA ~~ Deutsch Siidwestafrika

DVP Deutsche Volkspartei EEC European Economic Community

FDJ Freie Deutsche Jugend FDKG _— Frauenbund der Deutschen Kolonialgesellschaft (Women’s League of the German Colonial Society)

FFM Frankfurt am Main GEA German East Africa GSWA ~~ German Southwest Africa

HA Hamburger Abendblatt HJ Hitler Jugend (Hitler Youth) HW] History Workshop Journal IKZ Illustrierte Kolonial-Zeitung JAH Journal of African History JCH Journal of Contemporary History JMAS Journal of Modern African Studies

JMH Journal of Modern History JSAS Journal of Southern African Studies

KJ Kolonialjugend (Colonial Youth) KPD Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands LRB London Review of Books MFB Mitteilungen des Frauenbundes der Deutschen Kolonialgesellschaft NSDAP_ Nationalsozialistische Deutsche Arbeiterpartei

Xiv List of Abbreviations RKB Reichskolonialbund (Reich Colonial League) SED Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands SPD Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands

WDR Westdeutscher Rundfunk Z£G Zeitschrift fiir Geschichtswissenschaften

Introduction: The Fall of Colonialism and the Rise of Memory How should a nation deal with its imperial and colonial heritage? How should the progeny of colonialists, anti-colonialists, settlers, subjects, collaborationists, and resistance fighters come to terms with the legacy of colonial rule on a personal level? And how do they? Ever since the beginnings of decolonization, these questions have intrigued politicians, statesmen, intellectuals, and, not least, historians. In recent years, these questions are becoming increasingly pressing, as those who lived through colonialism are dying out. A few examples may serve to illustrate the diversity of colonial memory across the globe. In London in 2012, three elderly

Kenyans who claim to have been tortured by the British during the Mau Mau uprising won the right to legal proceedings against the UK government, and in June 2013, 5,228 Kenyan victims of torture by the British received a total of around £20 million compensation—around £3,000 each.' Meanwhile the British Empire and Commonwealth Museum in Bristol, established in 1986 and refurbished in 2002, was forced to close a mere six years later because it could no longer attract enough visitors.’ In Amsterdam's Oosterpark, a memorial to the victims of the slave trade was unveiled in 2002. Yet every year on 5 December, many whites in the Netherlands still parade through the streets in blackface, lampooning a popular figure known as Zwarte Piet, or “Black Pete’.* In Brussels, some two thousand visitors a day came to see an exhibition on the Congo in the Colonial Era in 2005, for many of them the first encounter with the more brutal aspects of Belgium’s colonial past.* At the same time, in Kinshasa,

' “Mau Mau uprising: Kenyans win UK torture ruling’, BBC News (5 Oct. 2012): ; ‘Mau Mau torture victims to receive compensation—Hague’, BBC News (6 June 2013): . * S. Morris, “Row erupts over British empire museum's “lost” artefacts’, Guardian (10 Dec. 2012). ° S. Jabbar, “Black Pete the Slave: Race, Power and Identity in the Netherlands’, Zhis is Africa (5 Dec. 2012): . * A. Roxburgh, ‘Belgians confront colonial past’, BBC News (3 Sept. 2005): .

2 Postcolonial Germany King Leopold I’s statue was briefly resurrected on the orders of Congolese

Culture Minister Christophe Muzungu.’ The way colonialism has been remembered is wrought with tensions: between justice for past wrongs and

education for the future, between remembrance guided by governments and remembrance guided by the people, between the memories of the colonizer and memories of the colonized. It is these tensions which are at the heart of this book. What is often ignored in discussions and debates about the memory of colonialism, decolonization, and postcolonialism is that Germany was the first European nation participating in the ‘new imperialism’ of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries to be decolonized. At the end of the First World War, Germany appeared to have lost everything: the lives of millions of soldiers and civilians, control over borderland territories such as Alsace and Lorraine, and, above all, a sense of national self-worth in the international political arena. But modern history books gloss over the fact that Germany also lost about 2.95 million square kilometres of land overseas.° Article 119 of the Treaty of Versailles stipulated that it should cede its possessions in Africa, China, and the Pacific to Allied Mandate powers. In Africa, the largest part of the overseas empire and focus of this study, this included Southwest Africa (today Namibia), East Africa (today Tanzania, Rwanda, and Burundi), Togo (today’s Togo and parts of Ghana), and Kamerun (Cameroon). The end of colonialism was the beginning of a memory culture that has been long-lived and relatively dynamic. This is because Germany's postcolonial period has been shaped by profound ruptures including the Second World War, the Holocaust, and the Cold War. This book traces the evolution of a multifaceted collective memory of German colonialism, a memory which has developed its own form and chronology, stretching from the loss of the colonies to the present day. In 1959, Theodor Adorno

famously admonished Germans for not ‘coming to terms’ with their National Socialist past in the postwar period, a statement which many intellectuals and ‘ordinary Germans’ have taken to heart since then.’ This research ultimately tests the extent to which there has been any comparable ‘coming to terms’ with a colonial past which has taken less space than the Nazi era in German public and political consciousness.

> J. Vasagar, “Leopold reigns for a day in Kinshasa’, Guardian (4 Feb. 2005): . ° W. Speitkamp, Deutsche Kolonialgeschichte (Stuttgart, 2005), 40. ’ 'T, Adorno, “What does coming to terms with the past mean?’, in G. Hartman (ed.), Bitburg in Moral and Political Perspective (Bloomington, 1986), 114-29.

Introduction: The Fall of Colonialism and the Rise of Memory 3 Although there were certainly ‘colonial fantasies’ in Germany before the ‘scramble for Africa in the late nineteenth century,® it was not until then that a reluctant Bismarck finally succumbed to pressure from colonial interest groups. These included bankers and financiers, as well as explorers such as Carl Peters and merchants such as Adolf Liideritz, who had forged

ahead on their own and then came back to Berlin to ask for government protection.’ At the Berlin Congo Conference of 1884/5, Germany finally laid claim to territory of its own. An initial period of ‘pacification’ of the colonies involved numerous violent struggles with indigenous groups particularly in Africa, and two major uprisings called for considerable intervention from the German military.

The first, the war against the Herero and Nama from 1904 to 1907," claimed the lives of at least one-third, but perhaps as much as 75 to 80 per cent of the indigenous Herero population.'' Thousands of Herero died of thirst after General Lothar von Trotha ordered them to be driven into the Omaheke Desert following a battle in the Waterberg region. Others died of malnutrition and disease in concentration camps after the official end of hostilities, or were put to work as forced labourers.'* The Nama, who had joined in the fighting shortly after the Herero, saw their numbers reduced to approximately half their population.’ The second major conflict was the Maji-Maji uprising in German East Africa in 1905-7, in which various ethnic groups united in revolt against grievances including taxation, forced labour, and the violent behaviour of local colonial agents.'* At least 75,000 Africans died in this conflict."

* See, e.g., S. Zantop, Colonial Fantasies (Durham, NC, 1997); G. Steinmetz, The Devil’ Handwriting (Chicago/London, 2007). > On the establishment of the colonial empire, see, e.g., H. Pogge von Strandmann, Imperialismus vom grtinen Tisch (Berlin, 2009); E Stern, Gold and Iron (New York, 1977); cf. H. U. Wehler, Bismarck und der Imperialismus (Cologne, 1969). '° The fighting itself ran from 1904 to 1907, yet J. Zimmerer makes a convincing argument that the end of the war should be marked at 1908, when the last Herero and Nama prisoners of war were released from concentration camps; J. Zimmerer, “Krieg, KZ und Volkermord in Siidwestafrika. Der erste deutsche Genozid’, in Zimmerer and J. Zeller (eds.), Valkermord in Deutsch-Stidwestafrika (Berlin, 2003), 59. I will therefore use 1904-7 in reference to the war itself and 1904—8 in reference to the larger conflict. '' G. Kriiger, Kriegsbewaltigung und Geschichtsbewufstsein (Gottingen, 1999), 64; H. Griinder, Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien, 4th edn. (Paderborn, 2000), 121. '? J. Hull, “The Military Campaign in German Southwest-Africa, GHT Bulletin 37 (Fall 2005), 39-44. 'S Griinder, Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien, 121. 'T. Sunseri, “Statist Narratives and Maji Maji Ellipses’, International Journal of African Historical Studies 33/3 (2000), 567-84; J. Monson, “Relocating Maji Maji’, /AH 39/1 (1998), 95-120; P. Hassing, “German Missionaries and the Maji Maji Rising’, African Historical Studies 3/2 (1970), 373-89. > J. lliffe, “Organization of the Maji Maji Rebellion’, JAH 8/3 (1967), 495-512.

4 Postcolonial Germany The increased expenditure and moral controversy surrounding the violent suppression of these uprisings, particularly in Southwest Africa, wreaked havoc in Berlin in the run-up to the so-called ‘Hottentot Elections’ of 1906-7. ‘The left-leaning wing of the SPD, led by August Bebel, had already campaigned against German colonialism even before the wars had begun on account of its inherent nature of violence and exploitation."

Yet they, together with the Catholic Zentrum, were defeated, making way for a conservative nationalist and pro-colonialist bloc. After the end of the First World War, the SPD joined all other parties aside from the Communists in supporting colonial revisionism, which entailed a return of the colonies to Germany and revocation of what came to be known as ‘the colonial guilt lie’, allegations by the Mandate powers that Germans were unfit for colonial rule. Thus, although Germany had been a colonial ‘latecomer’ and only a formal colonial power for about thirty years, many Germans, including those who had traditionally shown little enthusiasm for colonialism, felt an affinity towards the nation’s former overseas territories following the Treaty of Versailles.

The German case is important to understanding wider European colonialisms and postcolonialisms because it is at once an example and an

aberration. Although some academics have revived Hannah Arendt’s work on the origins of totalitarianism and sought the origins of Nazism in colonial wars at the beginning of the twentieth century, this is a prob-

lematic thesis which has come up against a number of well-founded counter-arguments.'’ Extreme violence and racism were not unique to the German colonies, and, as with other European powers, the shape of colonial rule varied across the different areas of empire. As much as it may have influenced German racialist thinking, colonial violence in itself does

'6 Griinder, Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien, 74-6; I. Hull, Absolute Destruction (Ithaca, NY/London, 2005), 13. '7 J. Zimmerer has been the most prolific recent proponent of this argument; see for example ‘Krieg, KZ und Vélkermord in Siidwestafrika. Der erste deutsche Genozid’; see also M. Mazower, Dark Continent (New York, 1998), 71—2; M. Klotz, “Global Visions: From the Colonial to the National Socialist World’, European Studies Journal. Special Issue: German Colonialism: Another Sonderweg? 16/2 (Fall 1999), 37-68; D. Furber and W. Lower,

‘Colonialism and Genocide in Nazi-Occupied Poland and Ukraine’, in A. D. Moses (ed.), Empire, Colony, Genocide (New York/Oxford, 2008), 372-400. Convincing arguments against this ‘continuity thesis’ have been presented by Hull, Absolute Destruction; B. Kundrus, “Kontinuitaten, Parallelen, Rezeptionen’, Werkstatt Geschichte 43 (2006), 45-62; P. Grosse, ‘What does German Colonialism Have to Do with National Socialism? A Conceptual Framework’, in E. Ames, M. Klotz, and L. Wildenthal (eds.), Germany’ Colonial Pasts (Lincoln, NE), 115-34; S. Conrad, Deutsche Kolonialgeschichte (Munich,

2008), 96-106; S. Malinowski and R. Gerwarth, ‘Hannah Arendt’s Ghosts’, CEH 42 (2009), 279-300. For further discussion of the debate, see V. Langbehn and M. Salama (eds.), German Colonialism (New York, 2011).

Introduction: The Fall of Colonialism and the Rise of Memory 5 not explain why other colonial powers did not develop into totalitarian societies. Moreover, not all former colonialists integrated themselves into the NSDAP seamlessly. Certainly, both Nazism and colonialism made use of concepts of ‘race’, ‘empire’, and to some extent also ‘colonialism’, but in very different contexts.'* Finally, in numerous aspects, the colonial period

itself was similar to and indeed entangled with other Europeans’ patterns of governance, as Ulrike Lindner, for example, has shown with respect to British and German colonial powers in Africa.” Part of what makes the German case unique is not only that the colonial period was so short, but rather that it was cut short. On the one hand, this meant that Germany never had the experience of the ‘empire striking back’, of hundreds of thousands of ex-colonial migrants living and working in the metropole, as has been the case in France and Britain. ‘Thus, although some may consider Germany to be ‘postcolonial’ in the cultural-literary sense, its contemporary culture rarely references the colonial period itself but instead refers to the postwar immigration of Turkish ‘guest workers’ or the more recent migration of refugees from non-Western countries to the European Union as a whole.*”” Germany’s original postcolonial period started earlier than that of many other European nations, giving it considerable time and impetus to develop a collective memory of colonialism after the fact, a memory which is now one or even two generations ahead of that of other major European powers, but perhaps more hidden from public space. As we will see, there are significant differences which make the memory of German colonialism exceptional, but for that very reason an important case study in light of current postcolonial debates. This study can be situated in the wider field of memory studies, pioneered in the 1920s by French sociologist Maurice Halbwachs. Halbwachs argued that memory in a historiographical sense is a subjective, generationally determined version of history,”' and historians have focused on societies ‘collective’ (in the words of Halbwachs), or ‘social’ (in the words of Aby '§ Uta Poiger thus makes a valid plea for viewing German history as ‘imperial’ history, but this is not contingent upon classifying the German—Herero war as ‘genocide’. U. Poiger,

‘Imperialism and Empire in Twentieth-Century Germany’, History and Memory 17/\—2 (Spring-Summer 2005), 117-43. This is echoed by Pascal Grosse in ‘From Colonialism to National Socialism to Postcolonialism’, Postcolonial Studies 9/1 (2006), 48 and Shelley Baranowski in Nazi Empire (Cambridge, 2011), 3. U. Lindner, Koloniale Begegnungen. Deutschland und Grofsbritannien als Imperialmdchte in Afrika 1880-1914 (FFM/New York, 2011). © See M. Albrecht, ‘Postcolonialism and Migration into Germany's Colonial Past’, German Life and Letters 65/3 (July 2012), 363-77; P. Nganang, ‘Autobiographies of Blackness in Germany’, in Ames, Klotz, and Wildenthal (eds.), Germanys Colonial Pasts, 227-40.

*! M. Halbwachs, On Collective Memory, trans. L. A. Coser (London, 1992); The Collective Memory, trans. FE. J. and V. Y. Ditter (New York, 1980), 50-87.

6 Postcolonial Germany Warburg),”” memory of the past over time. Other scholars have broken down collective memory further in order to distinguish between ‘communicative’ and ‘cultural’ memory,” considered the iconography of memory,” or uncovered the links between generations, trauma, and memory.” Another strand of memory studies has explored the connections between memory and national identity; for example, the works of Pierre Nora in French history,”° Raphael Samuel and Paul Thompson in British history,”” and Etienne Francois and Hagen Schulze in German history.** Following their lead, several scholars have taken these analyses one step further, focusing on commemoration and the creation of hegemonic national memories.” Perhaps

the most notable continuous use of the rubric of memory in history has been regarding the testimonies of Holocaust survivors.*° Closely related to this field is the work of several historians who have recently begun to analyse the impact of gender on individual and collective memories of the Second World War in Europe.*! Memory has therefore been a highly productive field for historical inquiry to date.°

* A, Warburg, ‘Allgemeine Ideen’, in Notebook (1927); Mnemosyne (1928-9), both cited by E. H. Gombrich, Aby Warburg (London, 1970), 239-59.

°> J. Assmann and J. Czaplicka, “Collective Memory and Cultural Identity’, New German Critique 65 (Spring-Summer 1995), 125-33; A. Assmann, Erinnerungsréume (Munich, 1999). ** Gombrich, Aby Warburg.

> J. Winter, Sites of Memory (Cambridge, 1998); R. Moeller, War Stories (Berkeley, 2001); D. LaCapra, History and Memory after Auschwitz (Ithaca, NY, 1998); N. Wood, Vectors of Memory (Oxford, 1999). 6 P. Nora (ed.), Les lieux de mémoire (3 vols., Paris, 1984—92). *7 R. Samuel and P. R. Thompson (eds.), Zhe Myths We Live By (London, 1990).

*8 E. Francois and H. Schulze (eds.), Deutsche Erinnerungsorte (Munich, 2001). ” H. Rousso, The Vichy Syndrome (Cambridge, MA/London, 1991); R. Gildea, Marianne in Chains (London, 2002); J. Herf, Divided Memory (Cambridge, MA, 1997); R. Koshar, From Monuments to Traces (Berkeley/London, 2000); L. Niethammer, ‘“Normalization” in the West: Traces of Memory Leading Back into the 1950s’, in H. Schissler (ed.), Zhe Miracle Years (Princeton, 2001), 237-65; R. Kansteiner, Jn Pursuit of German Memory (Athens,

OH, 2006). °° B. Foley, “Fact, Fiction, Fascism: Testimony and Mimesis in Holocaust Narratives’, Comparative Literature 34/4 (Autumn 1982), 330-60; L. Langer, Holocaust Testimonies (New Haven/London, 1991). *! S. Schraut and S. Paletschek, ‘Erinnerung und Geschlecht—auf der Suche nach einer transnationalen Erinnerungskultur in Europa’, Historische Mitteilungen 19 (2006), 19-26; C. Lenz and H. Bjerg, “If only grandfather was here to tell us...”: Gender as a Category in the Culture of Memory of the Occupation in Denmark and Norway’, in S. Paletschek (ed.), The Gender of Memory (FFM/New York, 2008), 221-37. ** For further background on issues such as the difference between ‘history and ‘memory’, and the distinctions between individual and collective memory see Halbwachs, The Collective Memory, 78-87; P. Ricoeur, ‘Memory—Forgetting—History’, in J. Rtisen (ed.), Meaning and Representation in History (New York/Oxford, 2006), 9-19; P. Burke, “Geschichte als soziales Gedachtnis’, in A. Assmann and D. Harth (eds.), Mnemosyne (FFM, 1991), 289-304; A. Erll, Kollektives Gedachtnis und Erinnerungskulturen (Stuttgart/ Weimar, 2005).

Introduction: The Fall of Colonialism and the Rise of Memory 7 This study is based on the theoretical groundwork established by Jan and Aleida Assmann, whose model of collective memory draws a distinction between ‘communicative’ and ‘cultural’ memory. Communicative memory is memory that is concerned with the everyday, characterized by non-specificity, disorganization, and a ‘floating horizon’, that is, it does not go back for more than 80 to 100 years in each generation; it is also usually associated with oral history. Cultural memory, on the other hand, is based on ‘collective experience’ that forms in a society over hundreds and even thousands of years; it is composed of ‘those profound moments in the past whose memory is kept alive through cultural formations and institutionalized communication, i.e., recitation, inspection, observation’, and is thus associated with written or visual forms of communication.*? The Assmanns’ definitions of communicative and cultural memory can be extended and renamed in order to reflect their location in ‘public’ or ‘private’ spaces. Communicative memory, memory that is usually transmitted orally and within the family, may thus be called ‘private memory’, and collective memory, memory that is transmitted usually through different forms of mass media and outside of the family, may be called ‘public memory’. As the Assmanns themselves stress, the boundaries between these different types of memory can be fluid.

But the approach used here goes beyond the Assmanns’ limitation of cultural memory forms to either written or oral sources and adds the dimension of the material. Borrowing from research methods and ideas used in the fields of archaeology and anthropology, this book brings us closer to understanding the link between memory and material culture. Recent attempts to define the relationship between people and artefacts have shown how memory objects are a unique means of re-experiencing the past in the present. In his work on memory and material culture, Andrew Jones, for example, argues that ‘we can no longer simply treat objects purely as symbolic media; rather the materiality of objects is best seen as impinging on people sensually and physically at a fundamental level’.** This primacy of the material in social and cultural history has also been evoked in different contexts by sociologist Arjun Appadurai and historians Wolfgang Ruppert, Carolyn Steedman, and Laurel Thatcher Ulrich.” In German history, the function of material objects has most

°> J. Assmann, “Kollektives Gedachtnis und kulturelle Identitat’, in J. Assmann and T. Holscher (eds.), Kultur und Gedachtnis (FEM, 1988), 9-19. A. Jones, Memory and Material Culture (Cambridge, 2007), 19; M. Rowlands, “The Role of Memory in the Transmission of Culture’, World Archaeology 25/2 (Oct. 1993), 141-51; C. Tilly (ed.), Reading Material Culture (Oxford, 1990). ° A. Appadurai (ed.), Zhe Social Life of Things (Cambridge, 1986); W. Ruppert (ed.), Fahrrad, Auto, Fernsehschrank (FFM, 1993); C. Steedman, Dust (Manchester, 2001);

8 Postcolonial Germany influenced studies on museums, exhibitions, and the history of German ethnology.*° This book expands this research by refocusing the debate to consider how objects of memory function not just as symbols in public spaces such as museums, but as ‘physical traces’*’ of the past in private spaces such as the home.

Historical research on German colonialism and transnational history has intensified in the past ten years or so, infusing numerous edited volumes and a number of monographs,** yet few studies have focused on Germans’ relations to the former colonies after 1919.*” Joachim Zeller’s survey of German colonial monuments is an excellent starting point for the consideration of colonial memory culture in Germany and overseas. Yet it only scratches the surface, considering primarily the didactic functions

Steedman, “What a Rag Rug Means’, Journal of Material Culture 3/3 (Nov. 1998), 259-81; L. Thatcher Ulrich, The Age of Homespun (New York, 2001).

°° H. G. Penny and M. Bunzl (eds.), Worldly Provincialism (Ann Arbor, 2003); H. G. Penny, Objects of Culture: Ethnology and Ethnographic Museums in Imperial Germany (Chapel Hill/London, 2003). *” Jones, Memory and Material Culture, 19. 8 E.g., Zimmerer and Zeller (eds.), Volkermord in Deutsch-Stidwestafrika; J. Zimmerer, Deutsche Herrschaft tiber Afrikaner (Hamburg, 2001); B. Kundrus, Moderne Imperialisten

(Cologne, 2003); Kundrus (ed.), Phantasiereiche (FFM, 2003); S. Friedrichsmeyer, S. Lennox, and S. Zantop (eds.), Zhe Imperialist Imagination (Ann Arbor, 1998); Ames, Klotz, and Wildenthal (eds.), Germanys Colonial Pasts; M. Bechhaus-Gerst, Die (koloniale) Begegnung (FFM, 2003); Bechhaus-Gerst and R. Klein-Arendt (eds.), AfrikanerInnen in Deutschland und schwarze Deutsche (Cologne/Miinster, 2004); Bechhaus-Gerst and S. Giesecke (eds.), Koloniale und postkoloniale Konstruktionen von Afrika (FFM, 2007); S. Conrad and J. Osterhammel (eds.), Das Kaiserreich transnational (Gottingen, 2004); J. Zimmerer and M. Perraudin (eds.), German Colonialism and National Identity (London, 2010); G. Eley and B. Naranch (eds.), German Cultures of Colonialism (forthcoming); V. Langbehn (ed.), German Colonialism, Visual Culture, and Modern Memory (New York/ London, 2010); Langbehn and Salama (eds.), German Colonialism. *° J. Poley, Decolonization in Germany (Oxford/New York, 2005); T. Campt, Other Germans (Ann Arbor, 2004); S. Lewerenz, Die Deutsche Afrika-Schau (FFM, 2006); K. Linne, Deutschland jenseits des Aquators (Berlin, 2008). Only three monographs have included the period after 1945 in their analysis: D. van Laak, Imperiale Infrastrukur (Paderborn, 2004); J. Zeller, Kolonialdenkmaler und Geschichtsbewufstsein (FFM, 1999); S. Mafs, Weifse Helden, schwarze Krieger (Cologne, 2006). None have studied the period after 1919 with a view towards both private and public arenas of German colonial memory. An edited volume by H. Lutz and K. Gawarecki includes some disparate vignettes on colonial memory in Germany and the Netherlands in the present day; Lutz and Gawarecki (eds.), Kolonialismus

und Erinnerungskultur (Minster, 2005). The present work was written and submitted as a doctoral dissertation in June 2010. Jason Verber’s dissertation, “[he Conundrum of Colonialism in Postwar Germany’, presented for examination at the University of Iowa in July 2010, came to my attention following the completion of the major revisions of this text for publication. Verber’s work also confirms the relevance of colonialism to Germany after 1945 but does not systematically show how the memory of colonialism changed over time and how it is linked to material culture, nor does it connect private with public memories of German colonialism. His chapter on German participants in the French Foreign Legion is interesting but arguably still of little relevance to the memory of German colonialism.

Introduction: The Fall of Colonialism and the Rise of Memory 9 of public memorials, as well as debates surrounding their erection, something which drops off dramatically after 1945. The present book moves

beyond monuments, which are static, official reminders of the past, to a dynamic view of memory as reflected in a variety of more meaningful material objects. Although the scope of German colonialism discussed, for example, at international conferences, has been expanded more and more, most historians still see 1945 as a stopping point, claiming that afterwards there existed only a period of colonial ‘amnesia’.*° This study proposes

a different periodization, one which transcends the conventional breaks marked by the Nazi takeover and the end of the Second World War. It also takes into account the variations of colonial memory in East and West Germany, and in private and public space. The goals of this book are thus twofold, both historical and theoretical.

On the one hand it addresses a problem in traditional historiography by exploring how long, following the end of formal claims to overseas territories, a ‘collective memory’ of German colonialism continued to exist, what forms it assumed, and how and why these forms changed over time. It is thus not only a contribution to German imperial history, but also an important comparative case to other histories of decolonization and postcolonialism. But this study also opens up valuable new opportunities for considering the relationship between human memory and material culture, how things make us think about the past. In our own rapidly evolving digital age, which replaces material objects with ephemeral renditions (one has only to think of the evolution of the book), the relationship between

the physical and the psychological may itself soon be a figment of the past, making its investigation all the more valuable. Finally, this study tries

to unpick what may be called an ‘entangled memory’, a memory which spans both the public and the private spheres and reveals much about how the two work together. Halbwachs’s argument that collective memory

is based on a narrative of continuity will be addressed by showing that Germans collective memory of colonialism was at times discontinuous, with gaps, disruptions, changes of emphasis, and moments of ‘forgetting’, especially after 1945. This discontinuity, however, was smoothed over by the interplay of public and private narratives. ‘Thus, inconsistencies in pri-

vate memory were filled with memory from the public domain, and, in

“© The term Ammnesie has been used by Reinhart K6fler and others to describe the current state of awareness of colonialism in Germany. R. K6fsler, “Kolonialherrschaft—auch eine deutsche Vergangenheit’, in Lutz and Gawarecki (eds.), Kolonialismus und Erinnerungskultur, 33. L. Wildenthal also refers to a ‘repudiation or amnesia’ of imperial ambitions after 1945 in her essay, “Notes on a History of “Imperial Turns” in Modern Germany’, in A. Burton (ed.), After the Imperial Turn (Durham, NC/London, 2003), 145-56.

10 Postcolonial Germany turn, when public memory was disrupted, private memory of colonial actors continued. There was therefore never a period of colonial ‘amnesia in Germany, as there were always individuals and groups determined to bring the colonial past into the present. The research for this book draws on a variety of sources from colonial and foreign office archives, magazines, and interviews, using a framework of mnemonic ‘artefacts’ found in both public and private spaces to show how different interest groups have constructed varying images of the colonial past based on particular forms of media. It uses hitherto unexplored files from the archives in the East and West German Foreign Offices, untapped

texts and photographs discovered through a close reading of colonial publications and schoolbooks, and a unique collection of oral interviews. The resulting story of German ‘postcolonialisms’ moves, in broad terms, from a time of remembering, re-visualizing, and re-enacting what was lost, through a time of trying to forget, to a time of not being able to forget. Up to 1945, we can speak of a continuous public ‘memory culture’ produced by asmall group with the intent of, and some degree of success in, reaching larger parts of the population. After the end of the Second World War, this memory became more fractured in the public sphere, coming to the fore only in conjunction with larger events such as global decolonization and the 1968 student movement, which marked the most visible and lasting caesura with Germany’s colonial past in the West. At this point, students and activists literally toppled the statues of German colonialists in protest against colonial legacies and in solidarity with the developing world. In

an inversion both of the nineteenth-century Orientalist obsession with the ruins of non-Western empires*' and a twentieth-century European fixation on postcolonial ‘debris’,*? the ‘68ers’ were fascinated not with the ruins in the former colonies but with the colonial ruins in the metropole. Because symbols of colonialism were shunned in the public sphere after this time, subsequent generations were afforded the opportunity to believe

that Germany, indeed, never had any colonies. ‘This was compounded by the fact that the generation of German colonialists was beginning to die out. The last great ‘hero’ of the East African campaign, Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck, was buried in 1964—although not without ceremony. Public discourse on German colonialism was thus laid to rest after 1968. Certainly, occasional references to German colonialism resurfaced here and there, but in the world of a postcolonial Germany and a postcolonial

41 E. Said, Orientalism (London, 1978).

© A. L. Stoler, “Imperial Debris: Reflections on Ruins and Ruination’, Cultural Anthropology 23/2 (2008), 191-219.

Introduction: The Fall of Colonialism and the Rise of Memory 11 Africa, no one really knew how to deal with this legacy, and public discussion was largely avoided.

This later fragmentation of public memory stands in contrast to a remarkably resilient narrative of private, generational memory in colonial families. This is true both in Germany and in Namibia, Germany’s largest former settler colony in Africa, which today still has an estimated 18,000 to 20,000 citizens of German descent, approximately 6,500 of whom held German passports just before Namibian independence in 1990.* It is in the private sphere that a positively connoted memory of German colonialism survives to some degree. This is marked by a belief in Germans as ‘good colonizers’ compared to other European powers, colonizers who built houses, roads, and bridges, improved local agriculture, eradicated tropical diseases, and spread German and Christian virtues of cleanliness, order, ‘civilization’, and peace among endlessly warring tribes. Although this research has been limited to European perspectives on decolonization and postcolonialism in order to produce a contained study, it nevertheless shows how integral former African colonial subjects were to the memory of colonialism in postcolonial Germany. On the one hand, they were frequently the focus of colonial ‘myths’, particularly the myth of the ‘loyal native’. The term ‘myth’ here should be understood according to Peter Burke's words, ‘not in the positivist sense of “inaccurate history” but in the richer, more positive sense of a story with a symbolic meaning involving characters who are larger than life’.** As we will see, other recurring myths included General von Lettow-Vorbeck’s victorious campaign in East Africa during the First World War, the massacre of the Herero by an autonomous ‘villain’ Lothar von Trotha, and the idea of Germans being ‘good colonialists’ compared with other European powers. But Africans

were not just objects of postcolonial contemplation. Particularly in the 1920s and the 1960s, we find evidence of Africans participating actively in discourses on German colonialism. From the Bund Deutscher Togolander to Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere, Africans were involved in shaping this memory and incorporating it into their own political agendas. It should be emphasized that each object of memory discussed in this

book reflects aspects of the dominant colonial memory discourse at the time. There were certainly challenges and counter-discourses to these paradigms from various sectors of society, including international anti-colonial

leagues, progressive political groups, African activists, and church and *® G. Brenke, Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Namibia-Konflikt (Munich, 1989), 38. 1997) Burke, ‘History as Social Memory’, in Burke, Varieties of Cultural History (Cambridge,

12 Postcolonial Germany missionary movements. A further challenge to the memory of colonialism was quite simply the natural human process of forgetting, a usurping of the past by subsequent events, especially when these events were as dramatic as those which colour German history after the First World War. Like any production of ‘popular culture’, the (re)production of a hegemonic colonial memory can be seen as a constant process of conflict and negotiation between the desires of a pro-colonial elite and the needs of the largely disinterested and ‘forgetful’ ‘masses’.* The significance of German colonial memory, then, lies not in its mass appeal, which varied, but in its controversial nature, longevity, and repeated impact on politics and cultural life. The very adaptability of this memory causes it to reappear time and again at points where many historians have deemed it long forgotten.

* S. Hall, “Notes on Deconstructing “the Popular”’, in R. Samuel (ed.), Peoples History and Socialist Theory (London, 1981), 227—40.

l The ‘Africa-Book’, 1915-1925 As Peter Burke has remarked, the ‘losers’ of history are ‘condemned to brood over it’, reliving the moments of their downfall again and again, while the victors can afford to forget.' This observation is extremely useful to understanding the memory of German colonialism during and just after the First

World War. The territorial loss of Germany's overseas possessions, often euphemistically called Schutzgebiete, or protectorates, by contemporaries, was relatively small, yet the fact that they had been confiscated under what were seen as unjust circumstances magnified their importance for many Germans. Right-leaning individuals and pro-colonialists sought aggressively to garner more interest for colonial revisionist aims amongst the government and general public, and their initiatives were supported by private donors,

industrial interests, and a significant amount of funding from the Foreign Office.” The most ardent political supporter of colonial revisionism was the DVP (Deutsche Volkspartei), but interest groups such as the German Colonial Society (Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft, or DKG) also succeeded in winning over the DNVP (Deutschnationale Volkspartei), DDP (Deutsche

Demokratische Partei), Zentrum, and the mainstream wing of the SPD (Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands), which thereby renounced its prewar anti-colonial stance. This widespread consensus across the political spectrum, excluding only the KPD (Kommunistische Partei Deutschlands), can be explained by revisionism’s ability to act as a cover for more general hopes for German expansion, for it entailed not only a return of the former colonies, but also expansion in the East and economic and military recovery.°

],

' P. Burke, ‘History as Social Memory’, in Burke, Varieties of Cultural History (Cambridge,

can Rigen “The Colonial Aims of the Weimar Republic’, in H. Stoecker (ed.), German

Imperialism in Africa (London, 1986), 305—6. The Weimar government subsidized German businesses in the former colonies with an estimated 34 million marks and also provided financial support for the DKG’s propaganda efforts. H. Pogge von Strandmann, ‘Imperialism and

Revisionism in Interwar Germany’, in W. J. Mommsen and J. Osterhammel, /mperialism and After (London, 1986), 97-8. > Pogge von Strandmann, ‘Imperialism and Revisionism’, 92-3.

14 Postcolonial Germany Above all, however, colonial revisionism called for public revocation of what was known as the ‘colonial guilt lie’. During the Versailles negotiations, the Allies, headed by Great Britain, had accused Germany

of ‘cruel methods of repression...arbitrary requisitions and... various forms of forced labour which resulted in the depopulation of vast expanses of territory in German East Africa and the Cameroons, not to mention the tragic fate of the Hereros in South-West Africa’.* Germany’s past mistakes as a colonial power were taken as a pretext for claims that the nation could not again be trusted with responsibility for overseas territories. Heinrich Schnee, the last governor of German East Africa and member of the DVP, responded to accusations of German colonial failure in several well-publicized treatises, declaring that ‘the fiction of Germany’s colonial incapacity was concocted, developed and spread abroad merely as a convenient means of effecting certain definite political ends which had been decided upon in secret long before’.’ Many colonial revisionists like Schnee argued that it was just as important to refute the ‘colonial guilt lie’ as it was to disprove Germany's responsibility for the First World War in general.®

Having been forced to cede the colonies under these conditions, Germans were, in Burke’s terms, ‘condemned’ to remember them, reviewing time and again the circumstances under which they had been lost. Such

memories were intimately connected with an understanding of German culture which, following the war, appeared fragmented, damaged, or deflated. This memory was played out not only on a political, but also ona cultural level. To Germans who had been deported from Africa, the imme-

diate postwar period was a time of searching for cultural and national salvation. For many, the only place where unscathed “Germanness’ could still be found was in their memory. Around a hundred of them sought to substantiate this memory in a cultural artefact known as the Afrikabuch. Afrikabuch ot Kolonialbuch, an analogous expression, are not terms that are found, for example, in literary encyclopaedias such as Hiersemann’s Lexikon des Gesamten Buchwesens or Hiller and Fiissel’s Worterbuch des

Buches. ‘They are, nevertheless, terms which were frequently used in everyday parlance during the 1920s and, in the specific case of Afrikabuch,

still used today. Indeed, ‘Africa-books’, published travel accounts and geographies of Africa for a European audience, have been in existence for hundreds of years. One of the most notable examples, said to be the first early modern European geography of the continent, was written by the 4H. Schnee, German Colonization Past and Future (London, 1926), 68. > Schnee, German Colonization Past and Future, 67. ° Schnee, German Colonization Past and Future, 50.

The Africa-Book, 1915-1925 15 Moroccan diplomat Leo Africanus in the sixteenth century.’ Afrikabiicher published between 1915 and 1925 were therefore certainly not the first Ones to appear on the scene. They were, however, the first ones in which we clearly have a sense of the book representing the memory of a bygone era, written during a time when Germans not only were not able to travel

much abroad, but were actually banned from entering some of the former colonies in Africa. These books laid the groundwork for a genre that continued to bloom all through the 1920s and well into the Nazi period. Indeed, many of these books were reissued in the later 1930s because of their nationalist arguments and memories of a German Reich spanning the globe.

Perhaps the most successful fictionalized Afrikabuch of all time was Hans Grimm's novel Volk ohne Raum, first published in 1926, with 480,000 copies in print by 1940.° It was in many ways the culmination of an almost ten-year tradition of German non-fiction books about the former colonies. The story is of a young man who, frustrated with living in an overcrowded and industrialized Germany, finds fulfilment as a farmer in prewar German Southwest Africa. Known to contemporaries as ‘the German Kipling’, Grimm inspired a generation of readers by drawing from his experiences as a journalist and businessman in South and Southwest Africa.’ He was one of the most fervent adherents to the nineteenth-century idea of Lebensraum, claiming that the German race urgently needed space to expand. Indeed, Grimm’s novel was more than just light entertainment. His very motto, Volk ohne Raum, was used by the Nazis to describe colonial living space in the East.'° But it would hardly have been possible without the rise in the number of Afrikabticher making their way into German homes before and during Grimms drafting of the story. As a medium, the Afrikabuch combines both the ‘communicative’ and

‘cultural’ memory of the period.'' It lies at the intersection of oral and written forms of culture, combining the traditional elements of storytelling prevalent in settler society in the colony and the more permanent elements of the written word and popular literature in the metropole. Like ” See N. Zemon Davis, Trickster Travels (London, 2007). ° D.R. Richards, The German Bestseller in the 20th Century (Bern, 1968). > G. H. Danton, “Hans Grimm's Volk ohne Raum’, Monatshefte fiir deutschen Unterricht 27/2 (Feb. 1935), 37. See also W. Smith, “The Colonial Novel as Political Propaganda: Hans Grimm's Volk ohne Raum’, German Studies Review 6/2 (May 1983), 215-35.

'© K. Jarausch and M. Geyer, Shattered Past (Princeton, 2003), 207; J. Zimmerer, ‘Colonialism and the Holocaust—Toward an Archeology of Genocide’, Development Dialogue 50 (Dec. 2008), 96. ' J. Assmann and J. Czaplicka, “Collective Memory and Cultural Identity’, New German Critique 65 (Spring-Summer 1995), 126.

16 Postcolonial Germany communicative memory as defined by Jan and Aleida Assmann, stories in the Afrikabuch are often tales retold, constructed in relation to others who have a common conception of the past, that is, the community of white settlers in Africa.'* Thus, these narratives often include digressions, tales related from second-hand knowledge, or even local rumours and myths. Parts of Afrikabticher are told as campfire stories, with a degree of truth but

also some room for embellishment, part of a local tradition of telling ‘stories .'° Such storytelling was also frequent in POW camps during and after the war, where a number of authors found their inspiration for writing.'* At the same time, a number of Afrikabuch authors were attempting to fix the ‘shifting horizon’ of this form of communicative memory, memorializing it in a more permanent way for future generations through a ‘cultural’ formation: the medium of the written word.” The Afrikabuch acts as a textual monument to the past, a symbol for an eternal, or timeless, unalterable rendition of history, as well as an expression of a Gemeinschaft,

or a national identity.'° The need to memorialize and monumentalize German experiences in Africa stemmed from the fear that the actual era of German colonialism was over.

Natalie Zemon Davis urges us to consider ‘the printed book not merely as a source of ideas and images, but as a carrier of relationships’.'” Although Davis focuses on sixteenth-century France, her theory of literature establishing relationships ‘among people and hitherto isolated cultural traditions’'® holds true for the Afrikabuch as well. Indeed, the very purpose of this type of literature was to spread the experiences of a select few—German settlers in Africa—throughout more of German society.

This would foster a common sense of belonging—both in the sense of Germans belonging to Africa and Africa belonging to Germans—through a shared collective memory. As Adrian Johns has pointed out, because there are so many people involved in constructing the book as a physical object, it already represents a ‘collective consent’, or a consensus.'? The memory of the colonial period contained within Afrikabicher is thus not only the personal memory of the authors, but also represents the collective '2 Assmann and Czaplicka, “Collective Memory and Cultural Identity’, 127.

O. W. H. Inhiilsen, Wir ritten fiir Deutsch-Ostafrika (Leipzig, 1926), 124-5; H. R. Schneider-Waterberg, Der Wahrheit eine Gasse (Swakopmund, 2006), 18. 4 K. W. H. Koch, Jm toten Busch (Leipzig, 1922), foreword. '9 Assmann and Czaplicka, “Collective Memory and Cultural Identity’, 127. '© Cf. J. Assmann, ‘Stein und Zeit. Das “monumentale” Gedachtnis der altagyptischen Kultur’, in J. Assmann and T: Holscher (eds.), Kultur und Gedachtnis (FFM, 1988), 90-1. '7 N. Zemon Davis, ‘Printing and the People’, in Davis, Society and Culture in Early Modern France (Stanford, 1975), 192. 'S Zemon Davis, “Printing and the People’, 192. A. Johns, The Nature of the Book (Chicago, 1998), 3.

The Africa-Book, 1915-1925 17 memory of a coalition of authors, publishers, and readers. ‘These titles were published in a cultural framework which allowed the genre of the Afrikabuch to evolve, sanctioning the inclusion of some material, such as how to ‘make do’ in the bush, and demanding the exclusion of others, such as sexual relations with ‘natives’. Reviews and advertisements provide us

with additional clues to the framework of norms and attitudes in which these books appeared. In an age predating modern media such as film and radio, which were

not popularized until the later 1920s, the printed word was the ‘unchallenged medium of mass communication’.“? Books were still some of the most popular forms of entertainment. In spite of changing internal dynamics, the German book market reached a new peak in 1927, with a total of 31,026 new releases and reprints.*! A contemporary debate about the amount of tax payable on popular literature, in fact, concluded that books were to be categorized as ‘objects of daily use’.”” The sheer number

of books published on colonial themes during this period points to the desire of the publishing industry to incorporate new titles and lure in new

readers. Evidence of faulty editing and the fact that quite a number of Afrikabiicher were already being published during the war itself suggest that at least some of these manuscripts were assembled hurriedly for a ready audience.

During the Weimar Republic, books, including Afrikabiicher, were understood by contemporaries not only as forms of entertainment, but also as symbols of culture.” The German book market recovered quickly from the wartime situation in the early Weimar years.” In fact, in 1920 the German Publishers and Booksellers Association remarked that there was a distinct rise in newly established publishers, part of a ‘founding fever which was considered damaging to the trade.” This was partially in response to the lifting of wartime restrictions on production, which lasted until October 1920.”° Yet the quality of books being produced was, according to some authorities, increasingly poor. The board of directors of the Booksellers Association remarked for the year 1919-20 that more *© Although specializing in the eighteenth century, J. Feather has made some useful observations on the book trade in the twentieth century in “Ihe Commerce of Letters’, Eighteenth-Century Studies 17/4 (Summer 1984), 406. *! P. Raabe, ‘Das Buch in den zwanziger Jahren’, Wolfenbiitteler Arbeitskreis fiir Geschichte des Buchwesens ii (1978), 18. * Buchhdndlergilde-Blatt 12 (1921), 267. °° Raabe, “Das Buch in den zwanziger Jahren’, 32. * 'T. Grieser, ‘Buchhandel und Verlag in der Inflation’, Archiv ftir Geschichte des Buchwesens

51 (1999), 18. ° Grieser, “‘Buchhandel und Verlag in der Inflation’, 50. 76 R. Wittmann, Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels (Munich, 1999), 331.

18 Postcolonial Germany and more ‘low quality literature’ had been sold, rather than higher-quality literature on which ‘the reputation of the German book market rests’.*” The public was enraptured with novelties, and a ‘novelty craze’ developed, in which publishers chose to constantly issue new titles rather than reprint tried and tested works. This led to a perceived overproduction of books.”

Afrikabticher were popularized as the book trade was, like other businesses, affected by the economic rollercoaster after 1923.”? Many established publishers complained of a ‘book crisis’, or Bécherkrise, characterized by falling book sales. This was interpreted as a symptom of not only economic, but also cultural and intellectual decline.”

The industry was also upset by new competition from book clubs, Vereinsbuchhandel or Buchgemeinschaften.°' These clubs, such as the Deutsche Buchgemeinschaft founded in 1924, were characterized by inexpensive mass production of good quality products which were distributed exclusively among members. Subscribers were obliged to order

a minimum number of books for the duration of their contract. The clientele of such clubs was made up mostly of the burgeoning class of white-collar workers.* It is estimated that between 800,000 and 900,000 members belonged to Buchgemeinschaften by 1928/9.* Afrikabticher entered the market partly to counter the effects of this ‘book

crisis, which was epitomized in the 1926 Schund und Schmutz campaign censoring the production of cheap, ‘immoral’ literature, ranging from serialized adventure and detective novels to pornography.** Schund (trash) literature in particular was ‘blamed for destroying the ability of the young to distinguish between fantasy and reality and for undermining respect for authority’. Afrikabiicher, on the other hand, were usually marketed as more highbrow and intellectual Reisebiicher, or travel literature, a form of educative non-fiction which saw a remarkable rise in the Weimar years.°*° They *” Borsenblatt fiir den deutschen Buchhandel 85 (21 Apr. 1920), 374, in Grieser, ‘Buchhandel und Verlag in der Inflation’, 53. *8-H. G. Gopfert, “Die “Biicherkrise” 1927 bis 1929, Wolfenbitteler Arbeitskreis fur Geschichte des Buchwesens ii (1978), 36.

* See chart: ‘Deutsche Buchproduktion und Industrieproduktion 1875-1933 im Vergleich’, in Grieser, ‘Buchhandel und Verlag in der Inflation’, 17. °° See, e.g., Gdpfert, ‘Die “Biicherkrise” 1927 bis 1929’, 32; B. Brohm, “Das Buch in der Krise. Studien zur Buchhandelsgeschichte der Weimarer Republik’, Archiv ftir Geschichte des Buchwesens 51 (1999), 189-328.

*! “Der = -Vereinsbuchhandel als Schadling des deutschen Buchhandels’, Buchhandlergilde-Blatt 11 (1924), 138. 32 Wittmann, Geschichte des deutschen Buchhandels, 334-5. °° Gopfert, “Die “Biicherkrise” 1927 bis 1929’, 41.

M. Stieg, “The 1926 German Law to Protect Youth against Trash and Dirt’, Central European History 23/1 (Mar. 1990), 22—56. °° Stieg, “The 1926 German Law to Protect Youth against Trash and Dirt’, 30. °° Raabe, “Das Buch in den zwanziger Jahren’, 19.

The Africa-Book, 1915-1925 19 were to be the antidote to popular novels such as Edgar Rice Burroughs’s Tarzan series, which shook the very foundations of national honour and the memory of German colonialism. 7arzan the Untamed, which takes place during the First World War battle for German East Africa, was distinctly anti-German, to the consternation of one critic. He claimed, ‘Perhaps there would be nothing more to say about these platitudes and insults if millions of greedy ‘Tarzan readers in Germany were not looking out for the newest Tarzan tome. Here they have it; may their conscience tell them whether they should sweep these smutty novels out of their homes [and] submit themselves to their national dignity.’°” Some years later, another reviewer complained about an episode in a Tarzan novel in which a German colonial soldier mistreated a ‘native’.*® With such supposedly ‘distorted’ images of life

in the former German colonies at large, publishers such as Reimar Hobbing offered readers ‘true experiences and fortunes of brave German mer’ rather than ‘stories born of wild fantasies’.*° At the same time, Afrikabiicher can be seen as going along with the most

avant-garde trends which fashioned books as objects of mass consumption. Many of these books were advertised to ‘young and old alike’, reflecting the new desire to provide literature for greater parts of the population,

particularly children and young people.*® They also made use of new advances in reprographic technology which allowed for inclusion of a far greater number of photographs, pictures, or drawings. The prolific author Hans Anton Aschenborn’s Afrikanische Buschreiter, tor example, boasts 41

drawings by the author, and his Farm im Steppenlande includes as many as one hundred photographs. Richard Hennig’s Sturm und Sonnenschein in Deutsch-Stidwest features 47 coloured and black-and-white photos, sketches, and watercolours. The inclusion of more visual material was also a response to the growing appeal of media such as illustrated magazines and film.*! Graphically intricate covers bearing exotic scenes were meant to quickly attract potential readers. Many Afrikabuch covers, such as August Hauer’s Kumbuke, featured colourful renditions of the African landscape

and its people (Fig. 1.1). Their outward presentation thus already promised relatively inexpensive escapism.

Were authors and publishers of Afrikabiicher trying to win over

a larger audience or merely attempting to continue pleasing the *” Buchhandlergilde-Blatt 3 (1925), 39-40.

*6 “Tarzan, der Affenmensch, und seine deutschen Bewunderer’, Zeitung des Reichslandbund 18 (25 Mar. 1925), cited in Stieg, “The 1926 German Law to Protect Youth against Trash and Dirt’, 37. * Buchhdndlergilde-Blatt 10 (1925), 175. °° Buchhandlergilde-Blatt 10 (1925), 175. “1 Brohm, ‘Das Buch in der Krise’, 272.

20 Postcolonial Germany

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Nias racl? S WEES ara Oi ai My Shy ow | es oS

Fig. 1.1. Cover of a popular Afrikabuch. A. Hauer, Kumbuke. Erlebnisse eines Artes in Deutsch-Ostafrika, 4th edn. (Berlin: Hobbing, 1926).

Bildungsbiirgertum? Judging from the objects produced, they were probably trying to do both. Many works were published by well-established organizations, such as the Paul Parey Verlag, one of the top fifteen publishers in Germany during the early 1920s. Other frequent publishers of Afrikabticher included Schéningh, which was in the top 25, Scherl at rank 80, and Koehler at rank 90 out of the top 100 organizations listed in the trade publication, the Bérsenblart.* Still other examples, such as Koch’s Kamerun. Erlebtes und Empfundenes, were published using inexpensive paper and, this, at a mere 64 pages, formed part of a series, Voigtlinders © See Grieser, “Buchhandel und Verlag in der Inflation’, Table 9: ‘Im Borsenblatt angezeigte Publikationen und Ladenpreise 1913 und 1920’, 174-6.

The Africa-Book, 1915-1925 21 Volksbicher, possibly a Buchgemeinschaft. In terms of volumes published,

few, if any, titles could compete with the vast success of Grimm’s Volk ohne Raum or Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck’s writings, but other Afrikabiicher also ran into several editions. Hauer’s Kumbuke, first published in 1922, was in its seventh edition by 1943; Hans Schomburgk’s Mein Afrika was published in five editions between 1922 and 1938; while Otto Inhiilsen’s Wir ritten fur Deutsch-Ostafrika ran into a more moderate three editions, with 60,000 copies produced. Book prices tell us a little bit more about the range of the intended audience. We thus see elegant volumes bound in linen, such as Hans Paasche’s Im Morgenlicht. Kriegs- und Jagderlebnisse in Ostafrika, sold by Neudamm for as much as 12 marks,* as well as inexpensive stories by the same author, such as Von Kamerun in den deutschen Schiitzengraben (‘to be handed to

the next generation instead of the Robinsonade’), sold by Scherl for as little as 1 mark, unbound.” To put this into context, the average price of a book in 1927 was 5.55 marks.*? At Christmas, Easter, and other special occasions, Afrikabiicher were advertised as special gifts at a range of prices. General von Lettow- Vorbeck’s Meine Kriegserinnerungen aus Ostafrika, for example, was offered by Koehler at 28.50 marks, 35 marks fully bound; his

Heia Safari!, for a younger audience, was offered to booksellers at 13.50 marks fully bound.*° Kriegserinnerungen was thus in the same price range as works by Goethe.” Of course, each Afrikabuch had a slightly different emphasis, whether safari stories for young and old, detailed accounts of war in the colonies for adults, or humorous anecdotes of life in the bush for younger audiences. Some were written in the third person as highly fictionalized accounts, while others included direct transcripts from diaries. In terms of content, many Afrikabiicher published during the late 1910s and early 1920s were primarily war stories. On one level, they provided exciting tales of German bravery during the First World War overseas, as well as ‘proof’ of the noble

defence of the colonies. Some Afrikabiicher, primarily those written by former members of the Schutztruppe, include play-by-play accounts of the

war effort. But, as Robert Darnton has aptly phrased it, “books do not merely recount history; they make it’.“* The way in which Afrikabiicher portrayed life in the colonies before and during the war determined the collective memory of that period during the 1920s and, to a large degree, “3 Advertisement in H. A. Aschenborn, Die Farm im Steppenlande (Neudamm, 1924). “ Advertisement in G. Kiihnhold, /n Friedens- und Kriegszeiten (Berlin, 1917). *° Raabe, “Das Buch in den zwanziger Jahren’, 18. “© Buchhdndlergilde-Blatt 3 (1920), 68. *’ Buchhandlergilde-Blatt 3 (1920), back cover. “8 R. Darnton, ‘What is the History of Books?’, Daedalus 111/3 (Summer 1982), 81.

22 Postcolonial Germany beyond. This was the period during which most of the myths and legends concerning Germans in the African colonies were born. Interestingly, it was also a time in which many of these myths were not yet reified, and we see a degree of ambiguity on issues such as the loyalty of African subjects, the treatment of German POWs, and the prospects of Germans returning to the colonies in the future. Afrikabiicher published during the first half of the 1920s were volumes which could be valued not only for their lively stories and aesthetic appeal,

but also for their underlying political messages. They challenged the accusation of Germans being bad colonialists, which had been suggested by the British Blue Book® and was used as justification for removing the colonies from German possession. Instead of portraying German colonialists as violent perpetrators, Afrikabicher used tales of internment, loss, and decline to cast Germans in the role of victims. A central element in all of these accounts is explaining the meaning of the Heimat (home) abroad, or zweite Heimat (second home), to those who had never experienced or felt any allegiance to it. They offered a glimpse into the community of German Afrikaner who felt let down by an unjust peace accepted by the Weimar government and was now struggling to survive. Whilst offering these more emotional appeals, Afrikabiicher illustrated everyday life abroad and educated readers in the skills and knowledge needed for life in the bush. They sought to excite younger readers with their memories of a golden age, which, in the mid-1920s, some authors hoped could be reclaimed. By imbuing their audience with a sense of nostalgia for a ‘lost paradise’,”” authors used their personal experiences in the former colonies as political propaganda. It is this quality which made their books attractive to the German readership not only during the early interwar period, but ensured their popularity in years to come.

‘GOOD’ COLONIALISTS One of the most prominent and undisguised aims of Afrikabiicher was to challenge the myth that Germans were bad colonialists. This was done on several fronts. First, authors hoped to give a ‘true’ picture of race relations in the former colonies to readers at home, an audience which presumably had very few encounters with Africans except in the contexts of circus

® South-West Africa Administrator’s Office, Report on the Natives of South-West Africa and their Treatment by Germany (London: His Majesty's Stationery Office, 1918) [British Parliamentary Papers Cd. 9146]. °° Aschenborn, Farm, 7.

The Africa-Book, 1915-1925 23 performances and Volkerschauen. Authors thus dot their writing with broad generalizations about the characteristics of ‘the Negro’. For many, the sub-

ject of ‘the Negro’ forms a separate chapter in their account. According to Ludwig Deppe, a doctor serving the East African Schutztruppe, for example: ‘the Negro, and not only the woman, loves finery above everything’; ‘the Negro is very curious’; ‘the Negro is an opportunist’; ‘he loves rest more than work’; ‘they have a naiveté which is simply unfathomable to us.?! Many authors try to make it clear to their readers that managing African workers necessitated an entirely different approach from supervising white workers. Blacks supposedly required a method which was more akin to rearing children: “Work on a Negro is educational work’.”

Particularly settlers and soldiers from Southwest Africa—where the massacre of the Herero had occurred earlier in the century—oscillated between defending themselves against accusations of cruelty against blacks and justifying the need for violence. Under the British administration and

later under the South African Mandate government, corporal punishment, which had been a key part of German governance of the area, was forbidden, with heavy fines for white farmers caught beating their staff. Afrikabiicher written by former German settlers in Southwest Africa try to make it clear that the question of corporal punishment was not whether or not it was needed, but whether or not it was just. As the settler Richard Hennig noted, ‘Just treatment is above all the basis for success. If the Bas [white boss] has the required respect, and if the black man knows exactly what he can expect in all walks of life, then he does his duty as well as he

can.” In order to justify recourse to corporal punishment, then, Afrikabiicher

often highlight situations in which indigenous Africans are caught thieving, lying, or refusing to work. The farmer and artist Hans Anton Aschenborn, for example, dedicates an entire chapter in one of his books to the story of Kandandi, a Herero girl working for him. Kandandi is at first a willing and helpful housemaid, until the First World War begins. Presumably having heard British propaganda, she becomes listless and works less and less, finally declaring herself too good for work and moving to a different farm. The story ends with a dispute between Kandandi’s new boss and some black servants, in which Kandandi is shot and killed. Crucially, the ‘punishment’ for the Herero woman comes at the hands of a Boer, and not a German.™ L. Deppe, Mit Lettow-Vorbeck (Berlin, 1919), 94, 95, 98, 102.

* Deppe, Mit Lettow-Vorbeck, 98; similar sentiments in Inhiilsen, Wir ritten fiir Deutsch-Ostafrika, 57.

° R. Hennig, Sturm und Sonnenschein (Leipzig, 1926), 156. * H. A. Aschenborn, Afrikanische Buschreiter (Berlin, 1926), ch. 3.

24 Postcolonial Germany Why did Aschenborn choose to include such a story in his collection? It certainly does not show the former colonies in the most pleasant light. But that is precisely the point: like the beginning of the Kandandi story, other anecdotes in the book relating to the prewar period are light-hearted, fun-filled stories, character sketches of amusing people and incidents. Readers could be forgiven for thinking that life on a farm in Southwest Africa under the Germans was pure domestic bliss, underpinned by the loyal cooperation of African servants who helped with the housework. It is supposedly not until Allied troops cross the border and break into German territory that relations between whites and blacks become out of control.”? According to the German authors, this is because the British and the French—and not the Germans—are the truly bad colonialists and have no idea about how to treat ‘the natives’.°° Aschenborn’s Afrikanische Buschreiter, like many other Afrikabicher, cries out to the German public about the injustice of this situation. In postwar Germany suffering under economic hardships, anger about this ‘paradise lost’, and above all a paradise unjustly lost, doubtless found a ready audience. The need to ‘explain’ race relations to readers at home was not limited to Southwest African writers. Carl Wilhelm Heinrich Koch, for example, wrote about his travels through Kamerun in two works published during the early 1920s. In his first volume, /m toten Busch, published in 1922 and reprinted in 1941, Koch delivers his narrative in semi-fictional form, retelling his own experiences through the eyes of a figure he simply calls der Weifse, or ‘the white man’. According to Koch and many of his contemporaries, the treatment of blacks needed to follow strict guidelines in order to be fruitful. Somewhere in between paternalism and vassalage, this relationship required severe, but ‘just’ corporal punishment on the one hand and ‘good’ work conditions on the other in order to remain in equilibrium. This combination was said to engender reliability and loyalty in native workers.”” Many Afrikabiicher claim that Africans themselves had

the saying: “Ihe Germans have hard words but a good heart; the English have nice speeches, but a bad heart.’”® Using a slightly different approach, other Afrikabiicher sought to soften a potentially controversial relationship between Germans and Africans by portraying this bond in light-hearted, humorous terms. As the Aschenborn example already suggests, literary and often visual portraits of individual

> See, e.g., Kithnhold, /n Friedens- und Kriegszeiten, 16. °6 Aschenborn, Buschreiter, 82-4; W. Mattenklodt, Verlorene Heimat (Berlin, 1928), 113-18; R. Unterwelz, In Tropensonne und Urwaldnacht (Stuttgart, 1923), 130. >’ Koch, Busch, 80. *§ P von Lettow-Vorbeck, Heia Safari! (Leipzig, 1920), 278.

The Africa-Book, 1915-1925 25 Africans and their sometimes awkward actions in European eyes were an essential part of just about every Afrikabuch. Some authors even made such chapters the main body of their work. Ernst Nigmann, for example, published his book Schwarze Schwénke in 1922. According to the author, the main point of producing the book was to keep a more harmless, worry-free memory of the colonies alive. ‘These cheerful vignettes shall show the innocently happy, childlike, and carefree, and yet so touchingly loyal candid sentiments of our brave blacks, who stood by us in unparalleled devotion during the four years of the World War.

Thus they may serve to keep alive the memory of our wonderful colony, of the German cultural work [Kulturarbeit] done there, and its brave black population.”

The audience reads, for example, about an African who asks a German

doctor to help his friend, who had been attacked by a lion—while bringing his remains along in a sack.® Or they learn about Abenama, a young black man in Kamerun who lives a wanton life of thievery, lying, and womanizing, but then becomes the most valorous of war heroes.°! Alternatively, they might be amused by the story of a company of black soldiers stalking British forces and then running away in fright when their officer uses dynamite to blast an enemy locomotive to pieces—they had never heard such a noise.®* The idea was for readers to relive and recreate in their imaginations the positive, paternalist relationship with blacks that

Nigmann and others presumably had whilst abroad. Pitted against such harmless images, the idea that Germans were cruel to their colonial subjects seemed ridiculous, ‘every word a lie’.° The Konigsberger Allgemeine Zeitung remarked on Nigmann’s work: “The author reports, based on his own experiences, on colonial life and the loyalty of the askari... humour and the love for a lost German land speak from every line." Finally, Afrikabticher set in the former German East Africa, as well as

Togo and Kamerun, avidly propagated the image of the ‘loyal askari’, or black colonial soldier. This is perhaps nowhere more evident than in the works by Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck, commander of the German East African army. In 1920 Koehler published two of Lettow-Vorbeck’s books, Meine Erinnerungen aus Ostafrika, and Heia Safari! Deutschlands Kampf in Ostafrika. Lettow-Vorbeck claims that many blacks in East Africa, not just

° FE. Nigmann, Schwarze Schwanke (Berlin, 1922), 5. °° Nigmann, Schwarze Schwdnke, 14-15. °l Koch, Busch, 78. ° Lettow-Vorbeck, Heia Safari!, 69-70. ° B. Voigt, Du meine Heimat Deutschstidwest, 12th edn. (Berlin, 1925), 283. 4 Advert in back of Voigt, Heimat.

26 Postcolonial Germany soldiers, felt a sense of loyalty to the German Reich. He writes that, while touring the region as early as 1914—tthat is, before the conflict had even begun—crowds of Africans greeted him with cheers and fond memories of the Germans they had served previously. This, the author claims, was why they supported the Germans once the fighting began.” The image of the loyal askari is thus at the very heart of Lettow-Vorbeck’s

writing during the early postwar period, publications which one can assume reached a significant proportion of the German public judging from the number of reprints.°° Heia Safari!, for example, was published again in 1921, 1935, 1936, 1939, 1940, 1941, and—crucially, even after the Second World War—in 1952, reaching a total of 281,000 copies in print. It was compiled of largely the same material as the Erinnerungen but abbreviated and addressed to a younger audience. If anything, allusions to a sense of camaraderie with loyal askari were stressed even more in this edition than in the Erinnerungen. The very title of the book is said to refer to the cry with which German leaders rallied their black troops.®” It is filled with anecdotes ‘proving’ their loyalty to German officers. For example, upon hearing that his commander was wounded, one askari is said to have taken off his sock to wipe the blood off the officer's face, claim-

ing, “[hat is a wartime custom; you only do something like that amongst friends.’®* And, according to the author, “Our askari were constantly our comrades [Kameraden].’° The word Kameraden was also used by other authors of Afrikabiicher to describe their relationship with black soldiers.” It is a term which resonated deeply with a contemporary understanding of camaraderie during war, and underlined values such as trustworthiness, shared experience, and equality in the face of danger.”' Its use in an interracial context, however, is somewhat surprising.

Even the illustrations were dominated by images of black soldiers drawn by the lieutenant colonel Walther von Ruckteschell, who illustrated many Afrikabicher and Africa-related products marketed by colonial interest societies. The pictures had abstract, iconic qualities, such as the one gracing the cover of Heia Safari! It is unclear whether Ruckteschell developed this iconography or whether he was merely tapping in to the

°° P. von Lettow-Vorbeck, Meine Erinnerungen aus Ostafrika (Leipzig, 1920), 9. °° And not just the German public: Lettow’s early memoirs were also printed in Britain as My Reminiscences of East Africa (London, 1920). °” Lettow-Vorbeck, Heia Safaril, vi. °8 Lettow-Vorbeck, Erinnerungen, 68-9; Heia Safaril, 85. °° Lettow-Vorbeck, Heia Safari!, 159. ” See, e.g., Deppe, Mit Lettow-Vorbeck durch Afrika, who dedicates his book to: ‘Meinen Kameraden von DOA, den weifSen wie den schwarzen...’ " Ich hatt ein Kameraden is a traditional German military song.

The Africa-Book, 1915-1925 27 discourse of the time, yet the image of the askari adorned multiple items of colonial memorabilia during the 1920s and 1930s, from colourful tin soldiers and lead desk ornaments of 32 cm, to monumental stone figures of 1.7 metres. Ruckteschell’s images were also marketed separately under the title: Kwaheri Askari—Auf Wiedersehen Askari. The portfolio was com-

posed of ten lithographs by Ruckteschell, seven of which featured in the original Erinnerungen, printed on good quality paper with a foreword by Lettow-Vorbeck.” Although the figure of the askari dominated postwar literature about the former colonies, details of this image were much more nuanced at this point than in later years. Early works, such as the account of the East African conflict by the doctor Ludwig Deppe, show that not all askari were ‘loyal’, citing attempts by Africans to desert the German forces, which were punished by flogging.” Indeed, 2,487 deserters from the German side were recorded for German East Africa alone, while a total of 4,510 soldiers were reported as missing in action.’”* According to Deppe, not all Natives were proper askari material. Wasukuma and Wajamwesi were said to be the most skilled and trustworthy warriors, while the Masai may have been ready for a fight, but not particularly reliable. Deppe also admits that both the British and the Portuguese were able to recruit indigenous spies. In fact, he includes a photograph of a black man who was sentenced to death for desertion; evidence of non-compliance on the part of blacks could hardly be more concrete.” Nevertheless, the author concludes that, ‘On the whole one can say that regarding bravery, they are all good as long as they feel themselves watched.’’”° And, indeed, a few pages later, Deppe cites yet another of countless examples of ‘the reliability of our askari’.”” Broadening his observations, he concludes that how ‘the great majority of our blacks—yes, we may even say the natives of German East Africa in general—stood in regard to German rule was proven by thousands and tens of thousands of askari and bearers who stayed with us loyally through hunger and thirst, through need and death’.”* Deppe was not the only one to present a relatively differentiated portrait of askari. Otto Inhiilsen, a cattle rancher and soldier in German East

” Maggs Bros. Ltd. Catalogue 1343: ‘From the Abyssinian Expedition to the Mau Mau Insurrection: The Winterton Collection’ (London, 2003), item 588: , accessed May 2010. > Deppe, Mit Lettow-Vorbeck durch Afrika, 34. 74 §. Michels, Schwarze deutsche Kolonialsoldaten (Bielefeld, 2009), 117. ” Deppe, Mit Lettow-Vorbeck durch Afrika, 214-15. ’° Deppe, Mit Lettow-Vorbeck durch Afrika, 77-8. ’” Deppe, Mit Lettow-Vorbeck durch Afrika, 78. > Deppe, Mit Lettow-Vorbeck durch Afrika, 101-2.

28 Postcolonial Germany Africa, relates how particularly the Masai were ‘not willing soldiers’ and had to be beaten into submission.” Numerous authors make references to unruly Africans who were put an die Kette, or in chain gangs, both in East Africa and Kamerun.*° And many admitted that, even if the askari were filled with a sense of duty, this was not necessarily the case for porters, cooks, and other elements of the Schutztruppe.*' Indeed, we now know that numerous defections to British forces and localized rebellions by indigenous East Africans, including the Wasonjo and the Warundi, forced the Schutztruppe to divert resources into penal expeditions during the First World War.®* Moreover, many of the ‘loyal’ bearers were actually forced labourers, whose attempts to flee were met with severe punishment and even death.* Even Lettow-Vorbeck concedes that not all troops were steadfast. In fact, underneath the surface, his accounts are filled with contradictions regarding the performance and allegiance of black soldiers and porters. During their stay in Portuguese East Africa, for example, a number of soldiers were said to have deserted, following the propaganda spread by British leaflets and longing to return to their homeland. ‘The author assures readers, though, ‘the old trust soon returned’. Porters, similarly, were lured away by homesickness, but, ‘as always our askari stayed by us with unwavering loyalty’.” Fears of native unrest among the general population at the start of the war were said to have been unfounded, and yet, once the British had entered German territory, the threat from indigenous people was ‘very great’.*°

Still, every Afrikabuch has a story about a loyal ‘native’. Poeschel claims: ‘volumes could be filled with examples of veritably touching attachment and devotion of blacks to their white masters *®’—and, indeed

volumes were filled with such stories. If the main character was not an askari, then perhaps an old Herero who keeps an eye on the farm while the master is at war, a thoughtful ‘boy’ who follows his master on safari and never ceases to try to make him comfortable, or a native girl who falls

” Inhilsen, Wir ritten fiir Deutsch-Ostafrika, 37. °° Deppe, Mit Lettow-Vorbeck durch Afrika, 228; H. Poeschel, Ostafrika (Leipzig, 1924), 10; E. R. Petersen, Die Gummisucher (Berlin, 1928), 112; A. PriiSe, Zwanzig Jahre Ansiedler (Stuttgart, 1929), 115-16. *! Prike, Zwanzig Jahre Ansiedler, 207. °° U. Schulte-Varendorff, Koloniatheld fur Kaiser und Fuhrer (Berlin, 2006), 52. 8° Schulte-Varendorft, Kolonialheld fiir Kaiser und Fiihrer, 58-9. ** Lettow, Heia Safari!, 201. ® Lettow, Heia Safari!, 247, 250. 8° Lettow, Erinnerungen, 29. *” Poeschel, Ostafrika, 20.

The Africa-Book, 1915-1925 29 in love with a German officer and becomes mentally ill when he leaves.** Some authors even describe situations in which Africans are so committed to their masters and the Kaiser that they consider themselves ‘Germans’, even though the German colonial administration did not grant citizenship to blacks.*” In many books, authors are keen to pay a sort of literary tribute to their fallen black comrades. Petersen thus mentions ‘the tall, proud Samba’, who dies defending his master’s luggage.’” While representations of disloyal and troublesome ‘natives’ are usually generalized, such portraits of loyal subjects are individualized. The reader gets to know ‘Samba’, ‘Joseph’, ‘Petro’, ‘the loyal Amugo’, and ‘Bala’! much more intimately than the problematic ‘natives’. This personalization effect probably led to the positive image of the ‘loyal native’ eventually becoming the dominant one in collective memory. How are we to make sense of these contradictions in the image of blacks and their loyalty in Afrikabiicher? It is difficult to resolve this dilemma, for we have no contemporary records from black soldiers themselves. Of course, we must take into account the differences on the ground which existed among the various German colonies in Africa. Few, if any, blacks were given arms during the war in Southwest Africa for fear of an uprising, but they were used as drivers and officers’ servants (Bambusen).”* Togo

did not possess a Schutztruppe, but instead had a police force of eight Europeans and approximately 550 blacks.’? Black soldiers formed the majority of the German army in East Africa, and also participated actively

in the fighting in Kamerun. In East Africa, a small number were even promoted to the ranks of officers, though they were referred to as effendi, or high-ranking soldiers, and therefore still in a different category from white officers.” Because of their close incorporation in the German army, there may indeed have been a very real, military-based sense of loyalty among East African askari. Particularly elderly African troops who had served under

88 Mattenklodt, Verlorene Heimat, 36; Inhtlsen, Wir ritten fiir Deutsch-Ostafrika, 116; Koch, Busch, 98-113. ® E.g., Petersen, Die Gummisucher, 222. ” Petersen, Die Gummisucher, 223. 1 Petersen, Die Gummisucher, 12, 187. 92 Mattenklodt, Verlorene Heimat, 45. This is in contrast to the 1904—7 war, where

there were black sub-officers. See, e.g., ‘Emmanuel Timbo, farbiger Unteroffizier des Hauptquartiers’, in L. von Trotha, “Bilder aus dem Krieg’, commemorative photo album, Sam Cohen Library, Swakopmund; G. Kriiger, Kriegsbewaltigung und Geschichtsbewufstsein

(Gottingen, 1999), 72. °° V. Zech, “Togo’, in H. Schnee (ed.), Deutsches Kolonial-Lexikon, iii (Leipzig, 1920), 497.

4 §. Michels, ‘Askari—Treu bis in den Tod?’, in M. Bechhaus-Gerst, AfrikanerInnen in Deutschland und schwarze Deutsche (Minster, 2004), 175.

30 Postcolonial Germany Hermann von Wissmann in his campaign against Arab forces in 1889/90 may have felt this allegiance. This group, known as the Wissmann-Truppe, eventually formed the heart of the Schutztruppe in East Africa. Many of these troops had left home at a young age, as the colonial army attracted social outsiders, including former slaves, who were promised freedom

in return for joining.” Because most of them were recruits, including ‘Sudanese’ from Cairo and “Zulu from Portuguese East Africa,”° their rela-

tionship with the Germans was perhaps more purely ‘professional’ than that of the indigenous population. Indeed, until the turn of the century, the term ‘askari’, in the sense of native East Africans, was still used to delin-

eate a subgroup of all colonial soldiers, much like the terms ‘Sudanese’ or “Zulu’.”’ Inhilsen, for example, relates the story of a former effendi who served under Wissmann and was in many ways a German army ‘fan’, covering the walls of his home with pictures of German military leaders that he had cut out of illustrated magazines.”® ‘This is not that surprising,

as the German army offered askari an opportunity for climbing up the social scale. In return for their service, they received uniforms, equipment, salaries, a share of war spoils, and status; if these conditions were not met they were prone to desertion.” Thus, African soldiers’ sense of allegiance or camaraderie to white soldiers was not necessarily limited to Germans.

Secondly, there were certainly very real differences between the bonds among German soldiers and askari and a different sort of ‘loyalty’, if any, found among the more general indigenous population which made up the body of porters and workers. An account written by the settler Albert PriifSe provides some insight. PriifSe, who came to East Africa in 1898, was initially considered too old for military action and was in charge of maintaining the colony’s infrastructure with the help of a ‘native’ labour force. While discussing his early work on a plantation in his book Zwanzig Jahre Ansiedler in Deutsch-Ost-Afrika, he claims that African farm workers were by their very nature ‘lazy’, and only after being beaten would they do their work ‘willingly and with great enthusiasm’.'”° Later, PriifSe ends up serv-

ing under Lettow-Vorbeck. In the course of events, porters leave him, in > 'T. Morlang, Askari und Fitafita (Berlin, 2008), 18, 80. %© ‘Askari’, in Schnee (ed.), Deutsches Koloniallexikon, i, 89; A. Hauer, Kumbuke. Erlebnisse

eines Arztes in Deutsch-Ostafrika, 4th edn. (Berlin, 1926), 72-3; Michels, ‘Askari’, 173.

*” Stefanie Michels suggests that by 1904 the meaning of the term had expanded to include all black soldiers working for the Germans in German East Africa; Michels, Schwarze deutsche Kolonialsoldaten, 25.

°° Inhiilsen, Wir ritten ftir Deutsch-Ostafrika, 151-2. ”” M. Moyd, “Making the Household, Making the State: Colonial Military Communities and ‘abor 2011), 56.in German East Africa’, International Labor and Working-Class History 80 (Fall 100 poke Zwanzig Jahre Ansiedler, 135, 199.

The Africa-Book, 1915-1925 31 spite of having worked for him for five years, but new ‘followers’ are found along the way.'®' His experiences with black soldiers—especially the ‘old

guard’ which had served under Wissmann—were, in contrast, much less ambiguous: ‘Loyally they stood fast, until their bodies let them down and they had to stay behind. They were usually men with a pronounced sense of soldierly honour.’'®’ PriifSe’s account thus presents an entire spectrum of different levels of loyalty among the native population working for the Germans. But perhaps the most vital lead towards understanding the dilemma of the contradictory images of blacks in the former colonies lies in the vagaries of the German colonial imagination. Juhani Koponen has described German soldiers’ racism in the colonial context as a “flexible ideology’, ranging from virulent racism to paternalism.'°? Michelle Moyd goes a step further and claims that the term ‘racism’ is not at all useful in describing the sentiments of white members of the Schutztruppe, but she does little to resolve the issue.'** Perhaps we could get a bit closer by considering the effects of memory on the authors of Afrikabiicher. Memory of course is informed not only by what happened in the past, but also by what is occurring in the present. Although there were different images of askari, black porters, farmhands, and plantation workers in Afrikabiicher, the image of the ‘loyal native’ almost always wins out in the end. Unfazed by apparent contradictions, authors stress repeatedly that the relationship between Germans and Africans is a friendship governed by peaceful interaction. The approach seen in Afrikabiicher after the First World War thus differs markedly from accounts written by Germans in Africa up to and into the First World War. Earlier accounts, as yet uninfluenced by the Treaty of Versailles and the ‘colonial guilt lie’, openly and unapologetically discuss violent actions against blacks, because at that point these actions were still seen as legitimate. The diaries of the soldier Johann Ferdinand Mohr, for instance, published in 1917, allude to the gruesome murder of a black man who had to dig his own grave. Mohr also mentions the fact that numerous Nama and Herero POW fell victim to sickness and fever and died in the camp on the Shark Island, near Liideritz, in 1908.'° In

'! Priifve, Zwanzig Jahre Ansiedler, 205-6. '? Prive, Zwanzig Jahre Ansiedler, 254. '°3 J. Koponen, ‘Colonial Racialism and Colonial Development’, in W. Wagner (ed.), Rassendiskriminierung, Kolonialpolitik und ethnisch-nationale Identitat (Minster/Hamburg, 1992), 89-107. 104 M. Moyd, ‘A Uniform of Whiteness’, in P. Purseigle and J. Macleod (eds.), Uncovered Fields (Leiden/Boston, 2004), 25—42.

65. Jee Mons Johann Ferdinand Mohrs Kriegs-Erlebnisse (Bad Nassau (Lahn), 1917),

32 Postcolonial Germany the Afrikabticher following the First World War, few authors allude to the colonial wars which preceded it and focus instead on events which cultivated the myth of the ‘loyal native’. For the same reasons, the myth of the ‘loyal askari’-—in the sense of a story with a certain degree of truth—was later expanded in German collective memory to include ever greater circles of the native population, from porters and ‘boys’ outwards to ordinary villagers and peasants. It

is not long after 1919 that authors such as the big game hunter Robert Unterwelz, for example, broadly claim that ‘whether they were bearers, plantation workers, stonemasons working on the railways, farmers in the local village, youth, man, and elder, even women and children, all of them stood solidly by our side’.'°°

VICTIMS OF VERSAILLES A second aim of Afrikabiicher was to portray former German colonialists as victims, rather than as perpetrators of colonial violence. In some books, this was a more or less explicit aim, advertised already on the title page. What else was a reader to expect, for example, from books with titles such as Verlorene Heimat (‘Lost Homeland’, W. Mattenklodt, 1928), Ostafrika: Skizzen aus verlorenem Lande (‘East Africa: Sketches from a Lost Land’, H. Poeschel, 1924), Kriegsgefangen quer durch Afrika (“Through

Africa as a Prisoner of War’, E. Proempeler, 1918), or... und ich weine um dich, Deutsch-Ostafrika (And I Cry for You, German East Africa’, H. Consten, 1926)? Other works also portray Germans primarily as victims of the British during the war. This is first of all the domain of German Schutztruppler (colonial soldiers) who recount their wartime experiences to readers. But no Afrikabuch which has even a partial account of the war in the African colonies fails to mention the extent to which German troops were outnumbered by Allied, and particularly British, forces. The general consensus for the East African arena seems to have been that around 3,000

Germans and 13,000 African troops faced a combined force of around 200,000 British and British-colonial (i.e., Indian) troops.'*” Deppe puts this in very graphic terms: ‘the number of enemy automobiles was ten times as large as the number of our askari’.'°° As we will see in Chapter 3, 106 Unterwelz, In Tropensonne und Urwaldnacht, 206.

'°” Deppe, Mit Lettow-Vorbeck durch Afrika, 76. Inhiilsen cites 185,000 British troops

against a combined force of 15,000 Germans and black troops; Inhiilsen, Wir ritten fiir Deutsch-Ostafrika, 157. Lettow mentions only 11,000 askari; Lettow-Vorbeck, Erinnerungen, 17. '8 Deppe, Mit Lettow-Vorbeck durch Afrika, 76.

The Africa-Book, 1915-1925 33 the proportions by which German forces were outnumbered increased even further in the memory of colonialism during the Third Reich. Not only were they vastly outnumbered, some German soldiers emphasize how they had been badly treated by the English as POWs during the conflict. By revealing the English enemy as thieving and dishonourable, Afrikabiicher set the German army in the most favourable light. Here was a military force which still functioned according to the old Prussian code of honour, something that a defeated Germany could still be proud of.!” In Lettow- Vorbeck’s words, the troops could hold their heads high ‘that we kept a piece of German militancy [So/datentum] and brought it back home untarnished and that our Germanic male loyalty remained intact even in the context of a tropical war’.'"° Not only soldiers, but also settlers portrayed themselves as victims of the British. Aschenborn, for example, gives the following picture of what

he came home to after the British had ravaged his farm in Southwest Africa: ‘ruined, destroyed, randomly and without reason everything had been devastated and the animals for the most part had been herded away .''! Aschenborn’s book, Farm im Steppenlande, is perhaps one of the most graphic and propagandistic illustrations of this issue. It is composed of one hundred photographs and texts showing how Aschenborn and his family built their farm Quickborn in German Southwest Africa. The series starts with the rudimentary beginnings of the building process, climaxing in pictures of the finished house and idealized family life. The last few pictures show, in sharp contrast, the house in ruins and an ox cart with the family’s belongings being driven away into the distance. It is a simple, iconic storyline of the rise and fall of a German farm, but also, as the text suggests, the story of a lost way of life. Aschenborn’s farm becomes a symbol for the fate of all Germans from Africa who were resettled in Germany. “These pictures shall show more than just our home before and after the war. They shall show what all of the German colony looked like during German rule, and what it looks like now, after further advanced nations have taken it out of “unfit” German colonial hands.’''* Aschenborn’s text and images were of course meant to suggest that the Germans had been anything but ‘incapable’ of colonization. Inhiilsen describes the fate of settlers in German East Africa in simi-

lar terms: ‘All farmers and plantation owners had already lost their '® For more on how this sense of honour was challenged by new forms of colonial warfare, see T. Bihrer, Die Kaiserliche Schutztruppe fiir Deutsch-Ostafrika: Koloniale Sicherheitspolitik

und transkulturelle Kriegfiihrung, 1885 bis 1918 (Munich, 2011). ° Lettow, Erinnerungen, 302. "ll Aschenborn, Farm, 121. 12 Aschenborn, Farm, 121-2.

34 Postcolonial Germany livelihoods, or were confronted with certain failure. The only thing they had left to lose was their lives, which they risked every day.’''? Poeschel also describes scenes of destruction and ‘desolate devastation’.''* The farmer Lydia Hépker paints the following picture: “Everything was hacked to pieces. The mattresses had been burned out of the beds; the pictures on the walls were shot through; Bismarck and the German Kaiser had received a fair number of shots, but also harmless pictures of landscapes or relatives.’''? Such detailed descriptions of destruction and decay serve two purposes. First, they alert readers to the levels of loss which Germans in Africa experienced as a result of forces of nature, the war, and particularly the dishonourable actions of enemy soldiers and blacks. But they also serve as an inventory of all that the Germans had built up during their time in Africa. Every time someone read over the words listing material losses, they also reconstructed this lost world and committed it to memory. In many ways, tales of loss were a means for German colonialists to gain recognition at home. The act of reading Afrikabiicher was a process of reliving and memorializing shared by a growing sector of the population.

Another key issue which cast both soldiers and settlers as victims in Afrikabiicher was internment by Allied forces. A distinct anti-British attitude was thus reflected in, and perhaps even helped to form, a larger national collective memory of the First World War in the African colonies. Addressing the evils of the ‘dictated peace’ was one of the main points of a book written by Wilhelm Mattenklodt, a farmer in Southwest Africa who served as a model for the big game hunter “Mattink’ in Hans Grimm's Volk ohne Raum.''® According to the author and many other former colonialists

publishing at the time, “Germany has shown that it knows how to colonize, and the Versailles treaty, which states that Germany is not capable nor worthy of possessing colonies is one of the most base lies in the history of the world, a burning stain on the honour of those nations who used this excuse to rob us of our colonies.’''” The British, together with the Treaty of Versailles, had officially labelled the German population in Southwest Africa as ‘criminals’.''® Mattenklodt tries to speak not just to the Germans in Southwest Africa, but to all Germans, goading his audience into a fury about the loss of the colonies similar to the one which possessed him.

Referring to processes of memory and recall amongst Holocaust survivors, Aleida Assmann has observed that witnesses ‘bear witness to that ''S Inhilsen, Wir ritten fur Deutsch-Ostafrika, 148. "4H. Poeschel, Bwana Hakimu (Leipzig, 1922), 85. 9 L. Hoépker, Um Scholle und Leben (Minden i.W., 1927), 111-12. 16 Mattenklodt, Verlorene Heimat, v. 7 Mattenklodt, Verlorene Heimat, xi. N18 Mattenklodt, Verlorene Heimat, 115.

The Africa-Book, 1915-1925 35 which fits into the current thematic framework of society and which harmonises with [their] subsequent positive self-image’.''? We see remarkably similar workings of collective memory in the books memorializing the German experience in Africa during and after the First World War. According to a 7imes reporter, upon arrival in Rotterdam, a group consisting mostly of German officers, NCOs, women, and children claimed they had been ‘treated excellently’ by the British troops aboard the ship which took them back to Europe, asharp contrast to the version in Afrikabticher.'”° A sense of mutual respect and honour between British and German offic-

ers who fought in Africa, as was mentioned in British newspapers in the 1920s, for example, also has no place in German Afrikabiicher.'*' Authors of these books show how selective memory becomes in response to what one may call the ‘trauma’ of the loss of a homeland. Like other ‘victims’ of trauma, they blocked out memories which did not fit with their image of German victimhood and instead cited other, more comforting ones which clearly condemned the enemy as a dishonourable and unworthy opponent. These latter ‘myths’ they repeated again and again, until eventually they formed the national canon of memory about the war, Versailles, and the loss of the African colonies.

EXPLAINING HEIMAT Another cornerstone of this canon of memory created by Afrikabticher was the loss of a Heimat abroad. Authors found it necessary to explain their sentiments towards Africa, justifying their feelings of belonging and thus the grief at having to leave a ‘homeland’. Many authors describe their return to Germany as a sort of reverse ‘homecoming’, a return to a foreign place, one which seemed less “German’ than the German colonies abroad. How did such a strong emotional attachment to the colonies form in such a relatively short period of time, that is, in barely 30 years? Part of the reason for this fondness for the African Heimat was certainly

that German Afrikaner had been completely cut off from the metropole during the war. If it had not already done so before, Africa became during the conflict ‘the only home [Heimat] which we still had’.'** The war had tested Germans’ ties to the colony and eventually even strengthened ' A. Assmann, “Die Last der Vergangenheit’, Zeithistorische Forschungen 4/3 (2007), Para. 9: . 120 “Von Lettow-Vorbeck’s Arrival’, The Times (3 Mar. 1919), 9. "7! The British were particularly enthused about Lettow-Vorbeck’s talent as a military tactician. See, e.g., “General von Lettow-Vorbeck Entertained’, The Times (7 Dec. 1929), 14. '? Inhilsen, Wir ritten fiir Deutsch-Ostafrika, 70.

36 Postcolonial Germany them. ‘Thus, in the early postwar period, references to a Heimat abroad,'” afrikanische Heimat,'* neue Heimat,'”’ or zweite Heimat'*® were woven into the narrative of just about every Afrikabuch. Secondly, referring to Africa as Heimat retained a sense of ownership over the former colonies. As Peter Blickle has noted, the German idea of Heimat ‘combines territorial claims with a fundamental ethical reassurance of innocence’.'*” Establishing a German ‘home’ abroad was one of the many ways

German women in particular made their mark on the colony. As Hans Poeschel, a German judge in East Africa, notes: ‘conquering and colonising will always be men’s domain. But where it is important that the new land becomes a home, then the help of woman is essential.’'”° Heimat or ‘home’ is in many cultures associated with domesticity, gentility, and comfort.'” But particularly for Germany the idea of Heimat was and is closely linked with a sense of Deutschtum, or “Germanness’, which represented all that was ‘good’ about German culture and society, underpinning the ideals of Germany as a Volksgemeinschaft and a Kulturnation.'*° Claiming ownership over ‘savage’ lands was therefore represented in Afrikabticher more as an act of charity than of vio-

lation. Erich Petersen, a rubber plantation owner in Kamerun, for example, relives the moment when he felt ownership over the African wilderness: ‘the heart of the wilderness is now mine... can now walk proud and tall as a hunter across the wide, green carpet, overcome with love for this beautiful land’.'*! Indeed, this love of the savage Heimat was seen as the first step towards its ‘civilization’. Such allusions to protection of and passion for the native landscape resonate with the ecological underpinnings of the Heimatschutz movement in Germany, a reaction against urbanization begun in the nineteenth century and continuing right through the 1930s.'% 3 E.g., M. Grafin Matuschka, Meine Erinnerungen an Deutsch-Ostafrika (Leipzig, 1924), 47; Voigt, Heimat.

4 Voigt, Heimat, foreword. '? Prive, Zwanzig Jahre Ansiedler, 182; O. Reiner [Otto Greiner], Achtzehn Jahre Farmer in Afrika (Leipzig, 1924), 244. 6 FE.g., Reck, Aufeinsamen Marschen (Berlin, 1925), 118; Mattenklodt, Verlorene Heimat, xi; W. Schoenfeld, Geraubtes Land (Hamburg, 1927), 77; Unterwelz, In Tropensonne und Urwaldnacht, 206. 27 P Blickle, Heimat (Rochester, NY, 2004), 1. 28 Poeschel, Bwana Hakimu, 121. ' See, e.g., A. Blunt and R. Dowling (eds.), Home (London, 2006); K. M. O’Donnell, ‘Home, Nation, Empire: Domestic Germanness and Colonial Citizenship’, in O’Donnell,

R. Bridenthal, and N. Reagin (eds.), Zhe Heimat Abroad (Ann Arbor, 2005), 43-4; N. Reagin, Sweeping the German Nation (Cambridge, 2007); L. Wildenthal, German Women for Empire (Durham, NC, 2001). 5° ©’Donnell, ‘Introduction’, in Heimat Abroad, 8. 51 Petersen, Die Gummisucher, 152.

'52 See W. Rollins, ‘Heimat, Modernity, and Nation in the Early Heimatschutz Movement’, in J. Hermand and J. Steakley (eds.), Heimat, Nation, Fatherland (New York, 1996), 87-112; R. Koshar, “The Antimonies of Heima?’, in Hermand and Steakley, 113-36.

The Africa-Book, 1915-1925 37 Feeling such allegiance to more than one Heimat was not, as it may at first seem, unpatriotic according to these authors. Knowing the country they were living in and coming to love it was, instead, the very essence

of what it meant to be German and what redeemed them from being mere conquerors. Loving another Heimat was a way of once again proving that Germans were ‘good’ colonizers who were not just bent on ruling from afar, but had a good idea of what was going on locally. It was not an unpatriotic act, but quite the opposite: allegiance to the zweite Heimat was motivated by a passion for an idealized German fatherland. Petersen explains it thus: “The love of my people [Vo/k] is in my blood, but here I live and work under the African sun and here I must carry the soul of this land within me, otherwise I will remain a foreign conqueror... Not violence, but the work of my hands, the warmth of the heart, and the strength of the spirit shall win me this land for Germany.’'°? Allusions to ‘home’, finally, also evoked a sense of nostalgia which could

be directed into political aims. Heimat was not only a space, but also a point in time: the past. For deported German colonialists returning to Germany, Heimat was always somewhere else and some other time. The very yearning of Germans for roaming and adventure, their desire to bring German Kultur abroad, is what gave them their identity. As Alison Blunt suggests in the British imperial context, ‘the clearest and fondest imaginings of home are often located at a distance of forced exile or voluntary roaming. Home is imagined as a unique and distant place that can neither be discovered nor reproduced elsewhere and thus remains a site of continual desire and irretrievable loss.’'** Longings for a ‘home’ in Africa increased ever more as former colonialists found it difficult to reintegrate into life in a demoralized Germany. Hauer writes, “Where was there the

thanks of the fatherland and the justness in being there?...The desire for the beautiful, free colony became ever greater.’ Mattenklodt, upon returning to the ‘old Heimat’, writes in even more dramatic terms: ‘the only thing they could not take away from me, and which I thought about time

and again, freezing, in the cold winter of 1920 in the cramped German surroundings, was the memory of the land down there in the South which had become a second home to me’.!°° While the German Heimat is seen as dark, cold, overcrowded, and politically in turmoil, the African Heimat is remembered as a land of sunshine, honest work, room to live, and true

'33, Petersen, Die Gummisucher, 167-8.

'54 A, Blunt, ‘Imperial Geographies of Home’, Transcripts of the Institute of British Geographers 24 (1999), 421-40. '39 Hauer, Kumbuke, 325-6. 136 Mattenklodt, Verlorene Heimat, x.

38 Postcolonial Germany ‘Germanness’. In an interesting turn of allegiance, Africa comes to stand for everything that Germany no longer was. Afrikabiicher articulated the sentiments of a broader, formerly privileged, layer of society which had undergone a rapid loss of wealth and social status following the First World War. Their portrayal of German Afrikaner resonated deeply with the image of German morality propagated by the ‘revolutionary conservatives’ at home. It was an image of hardworking individuals who adhered to a German sense of Sittlichkeit, ‘German order and reason’.'*’ According to Aschenborn, for example, life in Africa was ideal before the war, ‘out there, where prosperity and order used to reign, where budding German life made its mark on the land’.'** Returning to the German towns Tabora and Marogoro after months of fighting across the border, Deppe saw them as havens for “German air, German soul, German ethos, German love’.'*’ And describing his return to Germany, Reiner comments: “The radical Left has broken Germany’s moral strength, has killed the spirit of dutifulness and hard work. Instead, the spirit of dolefulness, of dissatisfaction and work aversion has come in.’ 4°

The memorialization of an idealized past sought to secure the position of the Birgertum at the same time as it delegitimized the new Republic."*! Yet conditions under the Wilhelmine Reich had not been ideal either. Indeed, according to the memories recorded in Afrikabiicher, Germans in Africa were constantly at odds with the government in Berlin. They felt hemmed in by the rules and regulations of ‘high’ society in the metropole, seen as a group of bureaucrats who understood nothing of the conditions on the ground.’ Aschenborn, for example, notes wistfully: “back then, there were still guys who not only slammed their fist on the table so that the glasses fell over each other—no, who also, to the amusement of the guests, shot down one bottle after another from the shelves of the bar with their Browning’.'*° A certain amount of lawlessness on the African ‘frontier’ was thus portrayed as a welcome characteristic, amusing and refreshing rather than dangerous. At the same time, memoirs constantly refer to complaints by settlers that they had not been supported enough by the government at home.'“* Moreover, it had only ever been the educated classes which had

'°7 Poeschel, Ostafrika, 6-7. 138) Aschenborn, Farm, 8.

' Deppe, Mit Lettow-Vorbeck durch Afrika, 458. 4° Reiner, Achtzehn Jahre Farmer in Afrika, 359-60. |B. Barth, DolchstofSlegenden und politische Desintegration (Diisseldorf, 2003), 411. “Hennig, Sturm und Sonnenschein, 265; Reiner, Achtzehn Jahre Farmer in Afrika, 358. 143° Aschenborn, Buschreiter, 11.

4 E.g., Priike, Zwanzig Jahre Ansiedler, 11,19, 101.

The Africa-Book, 1915-1925 39 shown an interest in the colonies, while the working masses remained deaf to their promise.'* This was certainly meant as a jab at the current political situation in the Weimar Republic, where conservatives feared a society that had been reduced to the rule of the uneducated ‘masses’. Spanning the dimensions of time and space, Afrikabticher were seen as relics of a more glorious past abroad carried into the present at home. Hennig perhaps summarizes the sentiments expressed in Afrikabticher most succinctly: “Unfortunately too soon we had to convince ourselves that we had returned to a bankrupt, hungry, politically and morally spoiled fatherland. And the only thing that remained of the beautiful place in the sun [Sonnenland], Africa, was the memory.’!*° It was this highly politicized ‘invented memory that really defined Afrikabiicher as a genre during the Weimar Republic.

In both implicit and explicit ways, the rhetoric of remembering and forgetting infuses the texts of Afrikabticher. This sort of remembering was

the dominant form of cultural memory of the colonial period during the early 1920s. It reflected not only the personal experiences of individual authors, but established a canon of collective memory, as the processes of writing and reading ultimately become heavily charged with political and cultural meaning. Indeed, the very medium of text and words, and the more tangible objects of manuscripts and paper become highly significant to authors. When Angebauer is forcibly removed from Southwest Africa, his first instinct is to swear to return. In the face of financial hardship, however, he chooses a different route: he writes about what he has lost.!*” For Inhiilsen,

it was so important to keep a record of his time in Africa alive that he smuggled his notes and diaries out of East Africa in a suitcase with a false base.'*8 Kithnhold instead regrets having to cede ‘a few small books with

scientific observations and notes on my travels in Kamerun’ to British forces upon leaving.'*? On an even more elemental level, several works reference the Swahili word Kumbuke, or ‘please remember’.'’’? Memory was thus enmeshed with the very language of the former African homeland. As much as some books were dedicated to the memory of lives and comrades lost, then, they were also dedicated to a lost time and place. However entertaining or light-hearted Afrikabiicher may have appeared

on the surface, they were certainly not just pleasant stories about life > Prive, Zwanzig Jahre Ansiedler, 41. 46 Hennig, Sturm und Sonnenschein, 263. 47 K, Angebauer, Ovambo (Berlin, 1927), 24-6. 48 Inhilsen, Wir ritten fiir Deutsch-Ostafrika, 212-13. 49 Kuhnhold, In Friedens- und Kriegszeiten, 66. °° Hauer, Kumbuke; Prise, Zwanzig Jahre Ansiedler, 270.

40 Postcolonial Germany abroad. On a deeper level, they functioned as politically charged treatises seeking to convert a broad German audience to the colonial cause. As one reviewer of Julius Steinhardt’s Vom Wehrhaften Riesen und seinem Reiche put it: ‘everything here is gilded in a perpetual humour... his prose buries into the hearts of the readers, deeper than speeches or advertisements, the thought which we must never lose: the thought of our German colonies’.'”! The Afrikabticher discussed here were just the beginning of a genre, works which prepared the way for a revival of Africa-centred and colonial literature in years to come. Some may even have helped establish prominent publishing houses which later specialized in travel and adventure literature, such as the Safari Verlag, established in 1921.'”* In any case, every time Afrikabiicher were read, every time children and adults leafed through the illustrated pages or gazed at the colourful covers, the memory of the German colonial past was ‘recharged’ through the cultural framework of the present, and the memory of colonialism kept alive.

9! Advertisement in back of W. von Rentzell, Unvergessenes Land (Hamburg, 1926).

96 ees H. Thiekotter, and W. Lehmann, Safari Verlag 1921-1961 (Berlin,

2 Colonial Wares, ‘Blacks’, and Jazz at the

Colonial Ball, 1925-1935 If, in the immediate postwar period, the memory of colonialism was firmly anchored in the lived experiences of former settlers and travellers, from the mid-1920s onwards, it was increasingly becoming the material of dreams. German colonialism, as well as its precolonial endeavours, has often been referred to as an amalgamation of ‘dreams’ or, even more frequently, ‘fantasies’,’ yet these terms need to be looked at more closely. In his Interpretation of Dreams, Sigmund Freud suggests that the dream is a form of memory, seemingly a reproduction of the banal, the everyday, but

upon closer inspection a composition of elements that are only in part ‘reproductions’ of reality.* These fragments mix with elements of fantasy and desire to create the dream. We can use Freud’s model to describe the collective memory of some sectors of German society who resided in a remarkable ‘dream state’ in the interwar period. In an atmosphere of disillusionment following defeat, the dreams of a relatively small elite—former colonial officials, overseas shipping magnates, railway industrialists, and

plantation owners—quickly became part of a dominant national paradigm of colonial nostalgia. The most animated example of a waking dream of colonialism in the interwar period is the Kolonialball, or colonial ball, scene for the celebration of various objects of memory, including colonial products, or Kolonialwaren, objectified ‘black’ performers, and jazz music.

At the heart of Freud’s definition of a dream is the idea that it acts as the fulfilment of a wish, albeit in various, often hidden, guises. A dream about drinking is therefore interpreted in the following manner: “The cause of the dream is thirst, which I perceive when I wake. From this sensation arises the wish to drink, and the dream shows me this wish

' See for example B. Kundrus, Phantasiereiche (FFM, 2003); S. Zantop, Colonial Fantasies (Durham, NC, 1997). * S. Freud, Die Traumdeutung, ii [1900], in A. Mitscherlich, A. Richards, and J. Strachey (eds.), Sigmund Freud: Studienausgabe, 10th edn. (FFM, 1996), 45-7.

42 Postcolonial Germany as fulfilled. It thereby serves a function... The dream takes the place of action.” This chapter will argue that, like Freud’s definition of a dream, the Kolonialball fulfilled a certain set of desires held by the German colonial elite in the interwar years. Having only recently been forced to yield their colonial possessions—whether property or businesses—to the Allies, this disenfranchised elite was ‘thirsty for the former colonies. By staging colonial balls, they could act out their yearning for reinstatement of the former colonies without political repercussions.* Like the dream space, the entertainment sphere was a safe environment for projecting one’s strongest wishes and beliefs. Like the thirsty dreamer, former colonialists and colonial enthusiasts found their desires fulfilled and their most cherished memories re-enacted in colonial balls. Like the glass of water, the existence of German colonies was vital to their (political and cultural) survival. Attempts at turning this dream into reality were thwarted politically by the Treaty of Versailles and also by economic uncertainty. Although some former colonialists continued to live and work overseas in the interwar period, for most, the dream-world of the colonial ball needed to ‘take the place of action’. Indeed, this liminal world was a space for ‘dream-work’,

including processes of condensation, representation, censorship, and displacement. Before entering into a description of colonial balls and the associated

objects of memory themselves, it is useful to sketch out the context in which these ‘dreams’ emerged. The colonial ball in Germany reached its peak between the mid-1920s and mid-1930s. At this point, societies like the German Colonial Society (DKG) were in full stride campaigning for colonial revisionism in Germany. We can chart the rising popularity of colonial issues by looking, for example, at the membership figures for the Women’s League of the German Colonial Society (FDKG). Despite the economically and politically volatile situation during the Weimar

Republic, membership rose steadily. Particularly after 1925, when Tanganyika Territory was reopened for German settlement and there appeared to be renewed hope for reappropriation of the former colonies, colonial organizations won new members. Economically, Germany at this point was also recovering from the inflation crisis of 1923 with the help of the Dawes Plan introduced the following year. In 1930 the Women’s League reached the highest membership hitherto at 20,560.’ Four years > S. Freud, /nterpretation of Dreams, trans. A. A. Brill (Ware, 1997), 35. * Although most political parties, including the SPD, supported efforts to regain the former colonies, the left wing of the SPD turned increasingly against this idea throughout the late 1920s and 1930s; H. Griinder, Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien, 4th edn. (Paderborn,

2000), 74-6. > BAB R1001/6693, FDKG Jahresbericht 1929-30, 31.

Colonial Wares, ‘Blacks, and Jazz at the Colonial Ball, 1925-1935 43

later the number had risen to 26,600.° In the meantime, 270 local chapters of the FDKG had been founded—over twice as many as in 1933— of which 40 were in Africa.’ By 1936, the year of its incorporation into the Nazi Party's Reich Colonial League (RKB), FOKG membership had doubled compared with the figure for 1928 and was 7.5 times higher than in its founding year, 1906.° This ‘popularization’ was attributable to a large extent to the colonial propaganda spread by the Women’s League and the larger DKG. Despite the increase in membership numbers, however, the class structure of the leadership remained as middle- and upper-class as ever. Adda von Liliencron, the founder of the FDKG, came from a well-established Prussian officer family. Although the organization had at times been led by left-leaning individuals such as Hedwig Heyl, the profile of members

in the 1920s through the 1940s did not depart much from its founding core of officers’ wives and sisters.’ Despite their interest in women’s public participation in the colonial question, they were politically conservative, which during the Weimar Republic meant they had a strong patriotic allegiance to the Bismarckian ideal of nation and empire and women’s position within it. Their rallying cries for the colonial cause did not take the form of Reichstag speeches, but were expressed in a plethora of recreational activities intended to invigorate colonial memory among the public.

Along with other interest groups, since 1922 subsumed under the KORAG (Koloniale Reichsarbeitsgemeinschaft), the DKG and FDKG produced a vast array of entertainment products, from films and sheet music of hits like Heia Safari! and the Stidwesterlied, to menu cards, poetry books, and postcards designed by the popular artist Walther von Ruckteschell.'° Jambo, a colonial-themed magazine for young people, was founded in 1924, and slide series, model lectures, and films were distributed to teachers in Berlin. Another favourite was a colonial calendar, edited

by the revered colonial artist and novelist Hans Anton Aschenborn and issued by the DKG, with replicas of paintings, photographs, and sketches, as well as ‘native’ sayings, legends, and fables."

° BAB R1001/6695, BI. 99, Jahresbericht 1933/34. ” BAB R8023/404, BI. 41—2, N. von Steinmeister, ‘Deutsche Btichereien und Leseartikel

in Afrika’, 1933; BAB R1001/6695, Bl. 219, Geschaftsbericht 1935/36. * E. Frobenius lists membership as 30,000 on 31 May 1936 in Frobenius, 30 Jahre koloniale Frauenarbeit (Berlin, 1936), 31, Fig. 4. > B. Kundrus, Die imperialistischen Frauenverbande des Kaiserreichs (Basel, 2005), 10-13; R. B. Schneider, “Um Scholle und Leben” (FFM, 2003), 43. '0 BAB R1001/6695, FDKG 1933-36. Ne TKZ 2/2 (1928), 24.

44 Postcolonial Germany In 1926 the DKG organized 850 colonial-themed events and lectures."”

Many were private and charitable evenings, where the social and economic elite could meet colonial celebrities such as Lettow-Vorbeck up close. Such traditions continued or were revitalized until 1936, and to some extent beyond. The Women’s League, for example, underwent ‘coor-

dination between 1933 and 1936, and yet little appears to have changed in its activities. A staple of the Women’s League and associated organizations’ repertoire of colonial propaganda was the colonial ball, a phenomenon that lasted right through the darkest years of the depression and continued even after 1936, although its heyday was between 1925 and 1935. The continued success of the colonial ball was due to the fact that it served a definite purpose in the upper echelons of interwar German society. It incorporated certain fragments, which we may call dream symbols, that repeated themselves and were woven into a wish-fulfilling, yet memory-based, narrative of economic prosperity, racial dominance, and ‘safe’ exoticism.

From 1920, the local chapter of the FDKG in Berlin organized an annual ball held at the beginning of the year with the theme ‘A Tropical Night under the Palm Trees’. Decorations were crafted by hundreds of

FDKG members to decorate the halls of the Zoologischer Garten for thousands of visitors. The estimated attendance in 1928 was around 3,500 guests.'’ According to its proponents, the colonial ball in Berlin was as much a traditional social event of the Berlin winter season as the press ball, another annual event at which Germany’s social and political elite still gather today.'* Similar gatherings were held in Gronau, Bielefeld, Miinster,

Cottbus, Leipzig, Hamburg, Kénigsberg (now Kaliningrad), and other locations. Although the specific set-up varied, there were several commonalties among colonial balls which already started with the type of decoration. A typical theme for the evening was, for example, “Travels in the Tropics’ or a “Voyage around Africa’. On these occasions, the ballroom was transformed into a steamer of the Woermann Line, often with props created by local theatre artists. Occasionally, even more well-known painters were enlisted to decorate the walls with colonial-inspired motifs (Fig. 2.1).

A wall decoration from the 1938 ball in Berlin, for example, depicts a typical ‘African’ scene of giraffes and zebra in the bush which could (con-

veniently) represent either the former German East Africa or German

2 1D. van Laak, Uber alles in der Welt (Munich, 2005), 109; C. Rogowski, *“Heraus mit unseren Kolonien!” Der Kolonialrevisionismus der Weimarer Republik und die “Hamburger Kolonialwoche” von 1926’, in Kundrus, Phantasiereiche, 247. 3, DEK 3 (1938), 45; ‘Kolonial-Ball 1928’, MFB 1 (1928), 6. 4 *Kolonial-Ball 1928’, 6.

Colonial Wares, ‘Blacks, and Jazz at the Colonial Ball, 1925-1935 45

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Fig. 2.1. Decorations at a colonial ball in Ebingen in Wiirttemberg in 1937. Die Frau und die Kolonien 6 (1937), 96.

Southwest Africa in spring. It was painted by the biologist Eberhard Jany, at that time still a student in Berlin who was later to become co-editor of one of the standard geography books in German schools." At larger events, the ‘Arrival in Africa’ was set up in a further ballroom. After being greeted with a speech about the significance of the former colonies for Germany and the importance of their reacquisition, guests ‘disembarked’ and wandered among vines and palm trees, past a ‘native kraal’ or an interactive pontok or tent, into ‘liveliness and frolicking’, accompanied by an African band. Tables were decorated with miniature elephants, monkeys, palm trees, and ‘small chocolate negroes’. In the “Miteliedschaft der Deutschen Ornithologischen Gesellschaft 1938’, Journal of Ornithology 86/2 (1938); H. Schiffers, K. Voppel, and E. Jany, Harms Handbuch der Lirdkunde, iv: Afrika (Munich/FEM, 1962).

46 Postcolonial Germany Native bazaar’, women dressed as ‘coloured beauties’ served tropical fruits such as bananas and oranges. Further delights could be tasted at the ‘oriental’-style Mokkastiibchen, where guests were served Germany's ‘own’ coffee,

cocoa, and other colonial products. Often the entertainment included a rendition of Zehn kleine Negerlein ("Ten Little Negroes’), as well as jazz music and an African dance or two.

There were, of course, regional variations which incorporated local dance troupes and orchestras. Performances and spectacles included a curious mix of German music and seemingly ‘real’ fragments of South and East African cultural life. Stettin’s “Beach Party in Swakopmund’, for example, included a quartet from a local singing club, Das Heimweh by Hugo Wolf and Heimkehr by Richard Strauss, an ‘elf dance’ by the ballet troupe Uleya, and a performance by the young championship dancer Irma Reich. Plays with titles such as Negertreue (“Negro Loyalty’) shared the programme with traditional German favourites such as Max und Moritz, by Wilhelm Busch. A great drive for authenticity accompanied the ‘African’ performances: Napenda-We, an African love song, for example, was accompanied by African instruments played by the “Negro band’ Ofjimbingwe, actually students of a local music school. The use of Native’ words in band and troupe names lent a further sheen of authenticity to their performance, as well as heightening their exotic appeal. It was this very foreignness which aftronted the Nazis, causing them to ban all non-German band names in 1935."° Colonial balls typically also held plenty of non-musical diversions for young and old alike, ranging from an ‘African sand bakery to a “‘Hagenbeck show’. The latter was a display of animals based on the shows by renowned animal trainer and dealer Carl Hagenbeck.'” Despite all the make-believe, there were a number of elements which served to remind visitors that playing in this fantasy world could have real ramifications. All proceeds were donated to real causes, such as promoting German Red Cross nurses who were sent overseas, or the construction of a school for German children in East Africa. Invitations and posters were adorned with advertisements by businesses such as the Norddeutsche Lloyd Bremen, the shipping company which was likely to take them there.'* Commercial elements thus anchored colonial dreams in some sort of reality. '© M. Kater, Different Drummers (Oxford, 1992), 45. '7 Hagenbeck had made his fortune supplying wildlife to circuses and zoos beginning in the late nineteenth century, founding a unique animal park in Hamburg, and running his own popular touring show. His shows not only displayed animals, but were also known for exhibiting an array of ‘native’ peoples who performed their daily life for a German audience enthralled by their exoticism. See H. Thode-Arora, Fur funfzig Pfennig um die Welt (FFM/ New York, 1989); E. Ames, Carl Hagenbecks Empire of Entertainments (Seattle, 2009). '8 BAB R8023/168, BI. 27, Deutscher Frauenverein vom Roten Kreuz, Bd. 2.

Colonial Wares, ‘Blacks, and Jazz at the Colonial Ball, 1925-1935 47

Guests at colonial balls typically included members of the political, colonial, and merchant elite who owned major shipping firms based in Hamburg and Bremen or traded in colonial products. Former governors and heads of colonial organizations mingled with generals, government representatives, scientists, artists, financiers, and even more exclusive guests, like the wife of Reich President Paul von Hindenburg. Additional revenue was generated by a raffle which featured prizes donated by prom-

inent firms such as AEG, Deutsche Afrika Linien, Gasag, Rosenthal, Schultheif$-Patzenhofer, Deutsche Lufthansa, Daimler-Benz, and Maggi.” In 1933, tickets for the thirteenth annual ball in Berlin cost 8 marks on the day, and 4 marks for members, although guests were encouraged to promote the evening’s fundraising by contributing generously to the raffle.”

Invaded by this colonial dream, ballrooms in major metropolitan centres were repeatedly described as ‘unrecognizable’ or ‘fairy-tale-like’ in society reviews. The colonial balls of the FDKG meant above all an escape from the everyday, which explains their popularity in the midst of economic and political crisis. The entertainment industry in particular had suffered under the depression, and large dance and music establishments were forced to close in 1930—1.*! Yet in December 1937 and January 1938, three colonial balls in Berlin still brought a total of around 12,000 people to the Zoologischer Garten.” Thus, even after the activities of the FDKG were redirected into the Reich Colonial League, colonial balls were allowed to continue and, indeed, thrived. However, colonial enthusiasts were eventually kept from using these events to raise money for their causes without special permission. After 1936, proceeds were more likely to be channelled into the Party.” The resilience of the colonial ball may be due to the fact that it was built on a tradition of social pastimes of the European upper class stemming from the nineteenth century. In his work on the demise of the merchant elite in Hamburg during the Nazi period, John Jungclaussen shows the remarkable continuity in the elite’s social calendar despite a period of economic and social decline.* Gatherings such as balls solidified social ties among the city’s leading families. Following Jungclaussen’s thesis, they can be read as events that reified the elite’s perceived supremacy during a

” BAB R1001/1196, BI. 27, Programm, 18. Kolonialball, 1938. 2° BAB R8023/404, BI. 72. *! Kater, Different Drummers, 26-7.

2 DFK3 (1938), 45. °° R8023/404, Bl.12, W. Reher, Abteilungsleiter, NSDAP Reichsftihrung NS Volkswohlfahrt, an N. von Steinmeister, 5 Oct. 1933. * J. E Jungclaussen, “The Nazis and Hamburg’s Merchant Elite’ (Oxford University D.Phil. Dissertation, 2002); see also Jungclaussen, Risse in weifsen Fassaden (Munich, 2006).

48 Postcolonial Germany difficult period by alluding to a former golden age of social, economic, and racial ‘superiority in overseas contexts. After the war, leading shipping and mercantile enterprises such as the Hamburg firms William O’Swald & Co. had lost their property and investments in Africa following the First World War. Some also had considerable sums confiscated; O’Swald & Co., for

example, lost 40 million marks, for which the company tried to secure compensation from the German government.” Despite a brief moment of recovery following inflation, overseas trading companies were again hit

hard by the world financial crisis in 1929/30, when they were finding it increasingly difficult to sell raw goods such as rubber, sisal, cocoa, and palm oil on the world market. This loss of property and profits which were, after all, the mainstay of the German overseas merchant elite and had always been at the heart of the German colonial project,*® arguably left a gaping hole in the former colonialists’ sense of identity. The colonial ball can be read as an attempt to compensate for this loss by arranging colonial and pseudo-colonial objects, or symbols, in a dream-space, and then ‘performing’ the dream. As with other dreams, further analysis of the dream of the colonial ball requires it to be broken down into its component elements.

KOLONIALWAREN: BANANAS, COFFEE,

AND COCOA A recurring theme in the dream of the colonial ball is a series of stands either selling tropical fruits or displaying Kolonialwaren, colonial products such as rubber, palm oil, or sisal. Often, colourful advertisements for such

items would also adorn the ballroom. This plainly consumerist pitch in the midst of an entertainment spectacle reflects the degree to which commercial interests were involved in the campaign to regain the former colonies. It also represents the wish-fulfilment of these companies’ desires for rebuilding and surpassing the former German economic empire overseas. But what kind of colonialism were these sponsors supporting? After

1925, with a political return of the former colonies still not in sight, German colonial advocates threw themselves on the side of economic imperialism rather than settler colonialism. Contemporary literature stressed that German economic interests in the former colonies would, *> Jungclaussen, “The Nazis’, 44.

6 See H. Pogge von Strandmann, ‘Domestic Origins of Germany’s Colonial Expansion

under Bismarck’, Past and Present 42 (Feb. 1969), 140-59; Pogge von Strandmann, Imperialismus vom griinen Tisch (Berlin, 2009).

Colonial Wares, ‘Blacks, and Jazz at the Colonial Ball, 1925-1935 49

for the time being, have to be directed by private investment, as long as a political solution to the colonial question was outstanding.” Settler colonialism was certainly not forgotten, but it was also framed in terms of its economic and cultural, rather than political, benefits to Germany. According to a popular definition reprinted in the //ustrierte Kolonial Zeitung in the late 1920s, “Colonies are not only the so-called protectorates, but also economic settlements of larger numbers of people on foreign (usually overseas) territory under the aegis of national peculiarity—a political connection to the motherland is not a precondition.”** This was a view often found in the wider colonial literature of the day.

The interwar period also inherited and further popularized the idea of Lebensraum, or living space, first proposed by the geographer and ethnographer Friedrich Ratzel in the 1890s. Human progress, according to Ratzel, was the victory of societies that had successfully spread themselves across the globe, integrating new traits without compromising their own volkisch myths. The continued viability of such evolutionarily successful societies was based on their tendency to migrate, or what was eventually called the need for a Lebensraum.” In this spirit of a quest for ‘living space’, Hjalmar Schacht, President of the Reichsbank in both Weimar and Nazi Germany, soon became one of the most ardent supporters of settler colonialism based on economic arguments. He saw new possibilities for colo-

nial settlement through improved medicine and technology, and hoped that the home economy could be enhanced by decreasing the population and increasing raw material imports. The latter especially would help pay off the reparations of the Versailles treaty and debts from the Dawes Plan, preventing further conflict.*° Schacht’s championing of free trade was to characterize his approach to economic recovery for Germany, even into the Nazi period.*! Economic salvation, for Schacht, should come in the form of large, private chartered companies (a British model) in the absence of state control of overseas territories. Demand for a resumption of economic imperialism—of which tropical fruit was an influential symbol—came from both government and industry. But how much of this rhetoric was unfulfilled wish-dreams, and how much was based on reality? Focusing on specific industries, we see that German plantations in Cameroon were indeed to a large extent reacquired *” See for example Dr. v. Zanthier, “Die weitere Forderung der Kolonialfrage’, KZ 2/2 (1928), 59. °S [KZ 2/4 (1928), 81. ” W.D. Smith, Politics and the Sciences of Culture in Germany (New York, 1991), 147-52. °° H. Schacht, “Neue Kolonialpolitik’, 7ZKZ 2/6 (1928), 133. 31 J. Weitz, Hitlers Banker (London, 1997), 12. * Schacht, “Neue Kolonialpolitik’, 133.

50 Postcolonial Germany by their original owners by auction in London in 1924.*° In German East Africa, many German sisal estates were sold to British and Greek settlers,

Asian businessmen, or British or continental-owned plantation companies following the First World War. Several, however, were bought back

by their former owners after 1924, when Germans were legally allowed to return to Tanganyika.** By 1939, German sisal estates in Tanganyika accounted for 18 per cent of total East African sisal production.” The German coffee business did not fare quite as well. The price of plantations in the Tanganyikan highlands was simply too high for most former owners.*°

Another example of the tenacity of German efforts in the tropical goods industry is embodied in the Afrikanische Frucht Kompagnie (AFC) and Willi Ganssauge, son of one of its founding partners, executive director after the First World War, and partner from 1936 onwards. In 1924, the AFC reclaimed its former property in Cameroon and began rebuilding its banana empire, which was only marginally stunted by the 1929 worldwide depression. The AFC continued to import this exotic fruit throughout the protectionist and nationally based economy of the Nazi regime, which abhorred ‘foreign’ products.” This was done by means of careful marketing which branded bananas from the former Kamerun as ‘German’ fruit. Ganssauge himself appealed to Goéring in 1937 with a proposal for a return of the former overseas colonies on economic, political, and social erounds.*®

An essential part of tropical fruit merchants’ marketing strategy was making colonial products, usually revered as a luxury, appeal to a larger group of consumers. In this regard, the display and sale of colonial products at colonial balls was not only a way of solidifying bonds within the colonial elite. It was also intended to increase awareness of the colonial cause

amongst a wider band of upper- and middle-class enthusiasts, expanding the circle of potential investors in a reinvigorated imperial project overseas. This marketing strategy revolved around two central points: the German housewife and the African servant.

°° MFB7 (1929), 79. * N. Westcott, “The East African Sisal Industry 1929-1949’, JAH 25/4 (1984), 446. °° Westcott, “The East African Sisal Industry’, 450. 36 BAB R8024/11, Kolonial-Wirtschaftliches Komitee an die Reichstelle fiir das Auswanderungswesen, 20 Nov. 1924. °” Por a more comprehensive history of the banana in Germany, see K. Wilke, ‘“Die deutsche Banane.” Wirtschafts- und Kulturgeschichte der Banane im Deutschen Reich, 1900-1939’ (University of Hannover Ph.D. Dissertation, 2004). *§ Jungclaussen, “The Nazis’, 96.

Colonial Wares, ‘Blacks, and Jazz at the Colonial Ball, 1925-1935 51

During the Weimar era, women were increasingly seen to be influen-

cing the German economy through their control of the household. It was therefore hardly a coincidence that the Women’s League of the DKG rigorously promoted the sale of colonial products at their social events. The FDKG stressed the ‘educational’ and economic values of promoting

products from Germans in the former colonies, claiming that German women held 70 per cent of the entire national wealth in their hands.*° Blacks (or representations of blacks), on the other hand, were the means

by which colonial goods were sold. Though seldom credited with the production of colonial products, Africans were highly visible as abstract advertising symbols for them. Almost always depicted in a position of servitude, black men and women were shown carrying bananas, offering chocolates, and pouring coffee, an iconography continued from the nineteenth century.*' Some of the most popular advertisements of the 1920s, published in the trade magazine Gebrauchsgraphik, include a black cook handing Mignon chocolate to a well-dressed white gentleman, a black native’ dressed in a palm skirt hoisting up a bar of erasing gum, and a cheerful “Moor’ rolling in a cart of Hickstein biscuits (Fig. 2.2). The trope of the African seems to have worked so well that it was extended to more

ordinary household products which were also advertised at colonialist events. An exhibition stand in 1929 presented the following wares: ‘glistening negro caricatures, red-mouthed and thick-lipped, tried skin creme, toothpaste or margarine, which was gobbled up by the packet’.*” Such images reinforced the stereotype of blacks as ridiculous, dirty, unhygienic, and uncivilized subjects who would benefit from a German sense of order, cleanliness, and hygiene.”

‘BLACK’ PERFORMERS These examples from advertising for colonial products begin to show a certain visual preoccupation with black and white skin in German culture in the 1920s and 1930s. A fixation on racial difference further informed the

dream-world of colonial balls through the second dream element: black *° See N. Reagin, Sweeping the German Nation (New York, 2007).

0 DFK 2 (1937), 22. “| D, Ciarlo, ‘Rasse konsumieren. Von der exotischen zur kolonialen Imagination in der Bildreklame des Wilhelminischen Kaiserreichs, in Kundrus, Phantasiereiche, 135-79; see also Ciarlo, Advertising Empire, Consuming Race (Cambridge, MA, 2011).

2 MFB 12 (1929), 147. * For a similar phenomenon in British advertising, see A. McClintock, /mperial Leather (New York, 1995), 207-32.

52 Postcolonial Germany performers. The choice of the term ‘black’ rather than ‘African’ is significant, because, as we will see, the idea of ‘black’ took on a variety of different guises in German popular discourse at this time, including black Africans, African-Americans, and black Germans representing African-Americans. Above all, although there may have been black Africans at German colonial balls, several reports suggest that it is more likely that the physical reality of ‘blackness’ in the context of the colonial ball was a layer of black or brown greasepaint on white bodies. The presence and function of blacks within the colonial dream is best

illustrated with an example from the colonial ball held in Zwickau in 1929, which is worth quoting in full: The event demonstrated an African character. The stage had been transformed into a Negro kraal. One also saw a tropical fruit stand selling all kinds

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Fig. 2.2. Representations of blacks in popular German advertisements of the 1920s. Gebrauchsgraphik 2/4 (1925), 55, 65; Gebrauchsgraphik 2/5 (1925), 69.

Colonial Wares, ‘Blacks, and Jazz at the Colonial Ball, 1925-1935 53

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7h, > MFB 12 (1929), 147. © 'T. Campt, Other Germans (Ann Arbor, 2004); see also Campt, “Converging Spectres of an Other Within’, Ca//aloo 26/2 (Spring 2003), 322-41; Marc Weiner argues that the presence of the occupation troops was conflated with ‘foreign’ jazz music; Weiner, ‘Urwaldmusik and the Borders of German Identity’, German Quarterly 64/4 (1991), 478. *” R, Kestling, “Blacks under the Swastika’, Journal of Negro History 83/1 (1998), 84-99; C. Lusane, Hitlers Black Victims (New York/London, 2002), 96-7; K. L. Nelson, “The “Black Horror on the Rhine”’, /MZH 42/4 (Dec. 1970), 606—27.

58 Postcolonial Germany

FRAUENBUND DER DEUTSCHEN |ROLONIALGESELLSCHAFT, Abteilung GroB-Berlin.

ivCC) , * 4= a ‘a:oye% : a ia 3 Ky = lg Ss

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ao \ 2 | 1 ¥ \ :Ui.tiene Z =, j woe | Pre tilt | is | = = = is, as mre . sayar Se eS oI p BAB R1001/6695, Bl. 207, FDOKG Rundschreiben Nr 9/36, 28 May 1936. ‘6 Ballhaus, ‘Colonial Aims’, 352—4. '’ Ballhaus, “Colonial Aims’, 374—5. 'S L. H. Gann and P. Duignan, The Rulers of German Africa (Stanford, 1977), 235-6. W. Eckart, Medizin und Kolonialimperialismus (Paderborn/Munich, 1997), 525. 0H. Grinder, Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien, 4th edn. (Paderborn, 2000), 228-9.

*! Griinder, Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien, 230-1; W. Speitkamp, Deutsche Kolonialgeschichte (Stuttgart, 2005), 172.

” A. Hitler, Monologe im Fithrerhauptquartier 1941-1944. Die Aufzeichnung Heinrich Heims (Hamburg, 1980), 94, in D. van Laak, Uber alles in der Welt (Munich, 2005), 149. 23 R. Lakowski, “The Second World War’, in Stoecker (ed.), German Imperialism, 389; Linne, Deutschland jenseits des Aquators?, 144. *4 Hildebrand, Vom Reich zum Weltreich, 36.

72 Postcolonial Germany the context of the Nazis’ overall aims, which were primarily focused on the East. Yet in terms of Germany's colonial past, textbooks simplified any discrepancies, and for the first time, a positive memory of colonialism became the ‘official’ national memory. Historians of education in Germany have found that the general tendency of Nazi educational policy oscillated between continuity and change from Weimar.” An analysis of the memory of colonialism as it is presented in Nazi schoolbooks shows

that these claims also hold true for colonial-themed content. In textbooks, as in colonial rhetoric, the Nazis ushered in some new initiatives, but above all celebrated the memory of colonialism in very similar ways as right-wing colonialist groups had done in the 1920s and early 1930s. Under the Nazis, a traditionally heroic rendition of the story of German colonialism continued to be taught, while new initiatives provoked subtle but significant changes in the treatment of violence in the colonial sphere and the interpretation of the First World War in Africa as a ‘race war’. Alterations were made less in terms of changing the ‘facts’ of the colonial story, but in terms of narrative emphasis. Didactic aims also diverged to incorporate a new focus on the importance of the Volksgemeinschaft, heroism and leadership, and the power of the collective will.

EDUCATION IN WEIMAR AND NAZI GERMANY Before moving on to the content of lesson plans and schoolbooks themselves, an overview of educational policy and general attitude towards teaching German colonialism under the Weimar and Nazi governments is necessary. The Weimar constitution of 1919 made schooling compulsory, and children were required to attend at least eight years at a Volksschule, with the option of afterwards attending a Fortbildungsschule until eighteen years old.*° The first four years formed the so-called Grundschule, which was the basis for further schooling in Mittel- and Hohere Schule.*’ Although the Weimar government established a Reichsschulausschuss (1919-23) and an Ausschuss fiir das Unterrichtswesen (1924-33) in an attempt to coordinate school programmes, these committees did not succeed in reaching

> See, e.g., R. Fricke-Finkelnburg (ed.), Nationalsozialismus und Schule (Opladen, 1989), 12-13. *© §4(145), Verfassung des Deutschen Reiches vom 11. August 1919, reprinted in Richtlinien des PreufSischen Ministeriums fiir Wissenschaft, Kunst und Volksbildung fir die Lehrpline der Volksschulen, 2nd edn. (Breslau, 1923), 4.

*” ‘Richtlinien tiber Zielbestimmung und innere Gestaltung der Grundschule’, Erlafs

(9 mtr des Inneren vom 18 Jul. 1921 (III 3681), reprinted in Richtlinien

The Schoolbook, 1935—1945 73 any binding agreements.”* Three times, in 1921, 1925, and 1928, the government attempted to consolidate education in the Volksschule by means of a Reichsschulgesetz, and each time it failed to reach a consensus with teachers and pedagogical reformers.”” What was taught therefore remained largely in the hands of the individual states and, subsequently, in control of individual teachers. Most teachers after the First World War were nationalist conservatives;

they opposed the new Republic and unanimously fought the stipulations of Versailles.*° In the politically volatile climate of the time, subjects such as history were also highly politicized, and government pedagogues

worried in the later years of the Weimar Republic about the failure of ‘civic education’.*! It is likely that immediately after the First World War,

many teachers were still using older editions of schoolbooks published before the conflict. It was just as well, then, that in 1919 the Minister for Science, Art, and Education in Prussia, Konrad Hanisch, decided that, although Germany had been forced to cede the colonies to the mandate powers in the peace negotiations, an understanding for the importance of overseas possessions should be upheld among the youth ‘in the interest of the fatherland’.*’ Despite this general continuity, on 6 December 1920, textbook publishers, who were already battling constraints on paper supplies,°* were rattled by a decree issued by Hanisch stating that existing schoolbooks for history could no longer be used in the classroom and that a substantial reworking of the texts was required. Pupils could no longer be required to purchase the existing books. The Association of Schoolbook Publishers protested vehemently, claiming that the decree meant ‘heavy

damage to the publishers of history textbooks and the extermination of

°° B. Schmoldt, ‘Schule und Unterricht um allgemeinbildenden Schulwesen der Weimarer Republik unter besonderer Beriicksichtigung der Entwicklung in Berlin’, in R. Dithmar and A. Schwalb (eds.), Schule und Unterricht in der Weimarer Republik (Ludwigsfelde, 2001), 10. ” W. Scheibe, Die Reformpddagogische Bewegung 1900-1932, 10th edn. (Weinheim/ Basel, 1994), 282.

°° H. Gies, ‘Antidemokratische Geschichtslehrer und antirepublikanischer Geschichtsunterricht in der Weimarer Republik’, in Dithmar and Schwalb (eds.), Schule und Unterricht in der Weimarer Republik, 180-1. *! W. Geiger, ‘Staatsbiirgerliche Erziehung und Bildung in der Endphase der Weimarer Republik’, in R. Dithmar (ed.), Schule und Unterricht in der Endphase der Weimarer

Republik (Neuwied, 1993), 3-5; H. Gies, “Die verweigerte Identifikation mit der Demokratie: Geschichtslehrer und Geschichtsunterricht in der Weimarer Republik’, in Dithmar (ed.), Schule und Unterricht in der Endphase der Weimarer Republik, 89.

* K. Hanisch (SPD), 25 Oct. 1919, in Mitteilungen der DKG (15 Feb. 1930), in Jacob, Kolonialpolitisches Quellenheft, 111. °° Deutsche Verlegerzeitung 6 (1920), 111.

74 Postcolonial Germany millions of values at the stroke of a pen’.** Indeed, Hanisch’s efforts were

ultimately thwarted.” According to guidelines published by Hanisch’s ministry in 1922, history lessons, taught in the upper grades of the Volksschule, were to follow the rule of ‘approximating historical truth as much as possible’. At the same time, education in history was understood as a means of awakening in pupils ‘the consciousness of shared responsibility for the entire Volk and state, as well as love for the Vo/k and the fatherland’.*° In geography lessons, a field which was gaining increasing prestige,*’ children were to learn about ‘other regions’ in the last grades, with priority given to those areas in which Germans lived and worked and to which Germany had ‘significant relations’.*® Publishers also realized that there was a real potential for fostering national pride and a sense of civic duty in history and geography classes. The schoolbook authors Alois and Michael Geistbeck (Alois was incidentally a pupil of social Darwinist Friedrich Ratzel)* claimed in 1923 that: Together with history, geography shows the internal and external need for a tightly knit national unity of the Reich for historical development, and like history it teaches community values and sacrifice for the greater good, awareness and respect of every walk of life in the enormous gears of a large state apparatus, and an understanding of the social needs of our time. Thus, geography becomes an irreplaceable part of the civic education of our youth and a strong base for the self-belief of our Vo/k and belief in its future.*°

In a similar vein, Hans Philipp and Richard Neumann wanted their schoolbooks to contribute to the education of ‘discriminating citizens and prepare them for participation in the state and the care of its people.*! In the Weimar Republic, then, education—particularly in history and geography—was already closely linked to an understanding of Volk and nationhood.

* Deutsche Verlegerzeitung 1 (1920), 15-16. 3° Gies, ‘Antidemokratische Geschichtslehrer’, 209. °° ‘Richtlinien zur Aufstellung von Lehrplanen fur die oberen Jahrgange der Volksschule’ (UINA 2060), Berlin, 15 Oct. 1922, reprinted in Richtlinien (1923), 27. °” Department chairs for Volkstumskunde and Geopolitik, for example, were established in 1929; B. Barth, DolchstofSlegenden und politische Desintegration (Diisseldorf, 2003), 437. °§ Barth, Dolchstofslegenden, 29. *” H.-D. Schultz, “Geopolitik und Volksgemeinschaftsideologie im Erdkundeunterrichr’, in Dithmar and Schwalb (eds.), Schule und Unterricht in der Weimarer Republik, 221. “0 M.andA. Geistbeck, Die aufSereuropdaischen Erdteile (Geographie fiir hohere Lehranstalten

4, ed. Geistbeck and Geistbeck), 32nd edn. (Munich, 1923), iii. “| H. Philippand R. Neumann, Neue und neueste Zeit (Bausteine fiir den Geschichtsunterricht

3, ed. Philipp and Neumann) (Leipzig, 1924), vii.

The Schoolbook, 1935-1945 75 Regarding the treatment of German colonialism, the texts of the first new schoolbooks following the war remained largely the same, still referring to the territory as ‘German’ or ‘our colonies’. ‘The statistics used for charts and graphs dated from 1913 or earlier, although the stipulations of the Treaty of Versailles and its effect on colonial possessions were included in separate inserts. By 1921 some textbooks began to refer to the overseas territories as ‘our former colonies’.** Others, such as those published by

Harms, clung steadfastly to the heading ‘our colonies’ until 1928; even then, usage of ‘our former colonies was sometimes jumbled together with continued references to ‘German Southwest Africa and ‘German East Africa’. In the first new edition of Harms Vaterlindische Erdkunde follow-

ing the war, the chapter on the colonies was shortened to accommodate new information without having to increase the overall cost of the volume;

the editor nevertheless hoped that it would soon be able to appear in its former capacity.** By 1923, some editors were beginning to expand their chapters on the ‘former colonies’, and the outcome of the Versailles treaty was integrated into the main body of the text.** At this point, the government continued to encourage teachers ‘to prevent our youth, growing up under altered circumstances, from forgetting our colonial past’ and to understand ‘how heavy the loss is that we have suffered through the forced

ceding of our colonies’. In 1930, the Prussian state government's educational policy regarding the colonies changed dramatically, alarming colonial propagandists. Prussian Education Minister Grimme declared that colonialism was to be taught exclusively as a general topic of education, without any reference to German colonies, and that any political viewpoints on the loss of the colonies should remain outside of the classroom.*° Other states, such as Bavaria, Thuringia, Anhalt, Brunswick, Oldenburg, and Saxony, however, remained committed to promoting German colonialism in the classroom. Grimme’s decree was revoked in 1932 by State Secretary Hans Heinrich Lammers, who urged a return to the 1919 statutes.*” A convert to the Nazi

© E.g., M. Weyrauther and W. Droéber, Das Deutsche Reich und seine bisherigen Kolonien (Erdkunde fiir hohere Lehranstalten 6, ed. Dréber and Weyrauther), 4th edn. (Niirnberg, 1921). 8H. Harms, Vaterlindische Erdkunde: nebst Deutschlands Kolonien (Erdkunde in entwickelnder, anschaulicher Darstellung 1, ed. Harms), 15th edn. (Leipzig, 1921), foreword. “ E.g., Geistbeck and Geistbeck, Die aufSereuropdischen Erdteile, 1923.

45 Otto Boelitz (DVP), Minister for Science, Art and Education, 23 Feb. 1923, in Mitteilungen der DKG (15 Feb. 1930), in Jacob, Kolonialpolitisches Quellenheft, 112.

*© Volksbildungsminister Adolf Grimme (SPD), 3 Jun. 1930, in Puls, Der koloniale Gedanke im Unterricht der Volksschule, 118.

*’ H. Lammers, Berlin, 29 Sept. 1932, in Mitteilungen der DKG (15 Nov. 1932), in Jacob, Kolonialpolitisches Quellenheft, 115.

706 Postcolonial Germany Party in 1932, Lammers’s move foreshadowed the education policy of the Third Reich. Few textbook editors were able to respond immediately to Grimme’s

decree, even if they had agreed with it in the first place. We do see a marked change in the Harms Erdkunde 1930 edition, in that the colonies are hardly mentioned, and a formerly independent section on “Germany's Former Colonial Possessions’ was shortened considerably from nineteen to three pages compared to the 1924 edition. Cuts were made to the number of illustrations and statistical tables, descriptions of individual colonies which offered geographical statistics, climate and inhabitants, and a two-and-a-half-page excerpt on the former colonies written by the colonial artist Ernst Vollbehr.** Yet it is not clear whether these changes were made in response to Grimme’s decree or rather as an economizing measure in the midst of a financial crisis. Another schoolbook published by Harms together with Sievert in the same year, indeed, bore no change from its 1927 edition.” Unlike Weimar politicians, the Nazis were able to gradually submit the entire education system to the control of the central government.”’ In 1935, a new curriculum was instated, prioritizing “German subjects such as language, literature, folk customs, and history, as ‘racial biology became a new compulsory subject.’' But already as early as 1933, the German colonies were firmly back in the schoolbooks. In unequivocal language, Bernhard Rust, Minister for Science, Education, and Culture, urged educators to support the efforts of the German Colonial Society in bringing colonial propaganda into the classroom.” Similarly, Hans Schemm, leader of German teachers in the NSLB, declared in a speech in the Berlin Sportpalast: “We German teachers will not stop and rest until the will for colonization is so strong that the request for the return of the colonies is fulfilled internationally.’ It is difficult to ascertain whether the majority of schoolteachers were wholeheartedly in support of this colonialist propaganda; enthusiasm for the colonial project was undoubtedly expressed to varying degrees in classrooms throughout the country. Yet given their nationalist conservative leanings, most teachers probably had less trouble

48 Harms, Vaterlandische Erdkunde (1924, 1930). H. Harms and A. Sievert, Deutschlands Wirtschafisleben (Leipzig, 1930). °° Schmoldt, “Schule und Unterricht’, 26. >! B. Schneider, Die héohere Schule im Nationalsozialismus (Cologne/Weimar/Vienna, 2000), 340. * B. Rust, Berlin, 5 Sept. 1933, Zentralblatt fiir das gesamte Unterrichtswesen in Preufsen 1933 (UNC 2044), 229, in Jacob, Kolonialpolitisches Quellenheft, 115. °> H. Schemm, “Kundgebung des Nationalsozialistischen Lehrerbundes’, 18 June 1934, in Puls, Der koloniale Gedanke im Unterricht der Volksschule, 118.

The Schoolbook, 1935-1945 77 adapting to the National Socialist regime than they had had adapting to the Weimar government.” And if they used the educational material supplied under the Weimar and National Socialist governments, they had little choice.

By 1939, schoolbooks could only be published if they had been approved by a special commission which ensured they adhered to Nazi ideology.” A directive for Volksschulen also stipulated that lessons in geography were to be driven by ‘the interaction between Volk and space (Volk

und Raum), between blood and soil (Blut und Boden). This included studies of different ‘races’, whereby the achievements of the “Nordic race’ were to be highlighted. To that end, ‘to be particularly emphasized are the contributions made by Germans to geographical discoveries, the colonialist achievements of our people across the world, and our right to colonial space’.°° An understanding of Lebensraum was of course essential.’ History and geography were therefore the ideal ground for practising both colonial and broader National Socialist propaganda.

School texts referring to the German colonies needed little alteration between the Weimar and Nazi periods. As we will see, much of the information on the areas of German expansion in Africa remained the same, as did the underlying premise that Germany demanded the return of its former colonies. Although from 1933 onwards, the Prussian Exam Board for History and Political Geography (and after 1938 the Central Institute for Education) strove to monitor the production of textbooks, very few books were directly outlawed.”® Still, Nazi principles gradually entered school texts, and books were increasingly littered with references to speeches and

statements from the Fuhrer and other Party dignitaries. For at the same time as publishers opposed measures from the government to reduce competition and universalize textbooks, they scrambled to make their works acceptable to the new regime and thus secure their business's economic survival.”’ Following the 1938 decree on education in higher schools, publishers were finally required to produce new schoolbooks for all subjects. The Ministry for Education strove to create uniform textbooks across the

Reich, yet its efforts were only enough to produce a common text for 4 M. Kater, Hitler Youth (Cambridge, MA/London, 2004), 41. °° G. W. Blackburn, Education in the Third Reich (Albany, 1985), 37. © “Erdkunde: Amtlicher Richtlinientext’, reprinted in K. Higelke (ed.), Neubau der Volksschularbeit (Leipzig, 1941), 148-9. *” H. Belstler, “Erdkunde’, in Higelke (ed.), Neubau der Volksschularbeit, 153. °8 J. Stephenson, Women in Nazi Germany (Harlow, 2001), 71; R. Eilers, Die nationalsozialistische Schulpolitik (Cologne/Opladen, 1963), 28.

14 Semele ‘Das Nationalsozialistische Geschichtsbild und der Geschichtsunterricht’, °° Eilers, Die nationalsozialistische Schulpolitik, 29.

78 Postcolonial Germany the Volksschule in 1935; a universal history or geography textbook for the upper grades was never published.°!

In 1937, history and geography textbooks referred to areas that had been called the ‘former colonies’ in the mid-1920s as ‘our colonies’. Visually, the former colonies were highlighted in maps and school atlases

to make them instantly recognizable to pupils.°? As in the Weimar period, the writing style under the Nazis remained emotionally charged in an attempt to enthuse young minds for the colonial idea. In order to capture their imaginations even further, a series of short, inexpensive pamphlets (Schriften zur deutschen Erneuerung) published by Heinrich Handel, Breslau, was distributed to classrooms to supplement standard textbooks. These included readings on Lettow-Vorbeck as part of the ‘Heroes of the World War’ series and a separate series on “Borderland and Overseas Germans’ which included “Our Colonies Past and Future’ and ‘Our Colonies during the World War’. Additionally, teachers could use Schriften der Schiilerbiicherei, pamphlets which included colonial-themed titles such as Gustav Frenssen’s Peter Moors Fahrt nach Stidwest, Bayer’s Die Helden der Naukluft, and Lettow-Vorbeck’s Heia Safari! Other independent titles include booklets of 50 or so pages on colonial pioneers as part of the Niedersdchsische Jugendbiicherei series published by Appelhans or a similar Erbe und Verpflichtung series published by Teubner.°° Some teachers also used Hans Grimm's Volk ohne Raum as reading material for

sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds.® According to contemporary lesson plans, the focus of historical teaching was the recent past and present, including the acquisition and loss of the former colonies, taught in the fifth and again in the eighth grades.®* Colonialism also appears in lesson plans for geography in the seventh and eighth grades.” °! Eilers, Die nationalsozialistische Schulpolitik, 30. °° O. Grapentin, Das Koloniatheft der deutschen Jugend (FFM, 1937), 6.

°> For more on how maps were used to contest spatial boundaries during this period see G. H. Herb, Under the Map of Germany (London, 1996). “ G. Vogel, Helden des Weltkrieges, Ith edn. (3 vols., Breslau, 1943); P. Schmidt, Unsere Kolonien in Vergangenheit und Zukunft, 16th edn. (Breslau, 1941); W. Pardex, Unsere Kolonien im Weltkriege, 3rd edn. (Breslau, 1938). °° W. Rédiger, ‘Geschichte’, in Higelke (ed.), Neuwbau der Volksschularbeit, 144.

°° E.g., R. Krause, Kaufmann im Hererolande, Niedersichsische Jugendbiicherei 2 (Brunswick, 1937); C. Bradt, Robert Koch, Niedersachsische Jugendbiicherei 5 (Brunswick,

1937, 1944); R. Brauckmann, K. Witt, and W. Poppendieck, Kolonialdienst in der Stidsee, Niedersachsische Jugendbiicherei 9 (Brunswick, 1939); H. Coerver, Carl Peters (Leipzig/Berlin, 1937); H. Nyszkiewicz and B. Dauch, Deutsches Land in Afrika (Leipzig/ Berlin, 1940). °’ H. Knust, “Grimms “Volk ohne Raum” als Schullektiire’, Deutsches Bildungswesen (Oct. 1933), 265. °8 Rédiger in Higelke (ed.), Newbau der Volksschularbeit, 130. © Belstler in Higelke (ed.), Neubau der Volksschularbeit, 159, 169-70.

The Schoolbook, 1935-1945 79 The colonial story in Weimar and Nazi Germany was in large parts the same story, beginning with Grofs Friedrichsburg on the Gold Coast, established by the Brandenburg Prussian Friedrich Wilhelm in 1682. ‘Proper’ colonialism started as an outcome of the modern German nation state and rapid industrialization in the nineteenth century according to a model of natural’ expansion. As a colonial ‘latecomer’, German settlers and entrepreneurs are portrayed as victims of both antagonistic forces abroad and a lack of support from the homeland. Weimar and Nazi schoolbooks thus used the memory of colonialism both to criticize the Wilhelmine state and to legitimize a new order. The actual process of colonization then tends to be condensed into a listing of ‘what the Germans did for the colonies’. A great deal of effort was expended in illustrating the various inputs to and exports from the former colonies—both textually and graphically—in order to emphasize what Germany had been forced to give up with the Treaty of Versailles (Fig. 3.1). Perhaps not surprisingly, the bounty and potential of the colonies as described in schoolbooks increased with the amount of time passed since the actual colonial period.

COLONIAL VIOLENCE One chapter of colonial history which was, however, rarely mentioned in Weimar schoolbooks was that which included colonial violence. Punitive

expeditions and colonial wars were as much a part of the early days of German colonialism as building roads and railroads was a decade later. Early conquests were sometimes followed by a period of economic exploitation involving coercion of the native population, forced labour, displacement of indigenous people, or appropriation of cattle.”” Yet any accounts of the war against the Herero and Nama in Southwest Africa from 1904 to 1907, the Maji-Maji uprising in 1905-7, or the punitive expeditions carried out by Hermann von Wissmann and Carl Peters in the 1890s remain absent from the schoolbooks of the 1920s and early 1930s. ‘The occasional reference to colonial wars appears as a shadow of a forgotten history that seems to have been left on the page by accident. In a 1920 textbook, for example, it is only the caption of a picture of the Waterberg in Southwest Africa that explains: ‘this is where in 1904 the insurgent Herero gathered,

after they had torched German farms and murdered countless whites. Surrounded by German troops, the core of the Bantu peoples was slain ” L. H. Gann, ‘Economic Development in Germany’s African Empire’, in P. Duignan and Gann (eds.), Colonialism in Africa, iv: The Economics of Colonialism (Cambridge, 1975),

219-20.

80 Postcolonial Germany Tafel 4

Mas jebuelle Cmporbluben der deutfehen Rolonien Piz Gablen (obne Kiautfdyou) find abgerundet und da, wo genaucre Quellen nicht porbanden marten (bef. Viffionen fur 1896), abgelchaht worden.

| Weifie

—. Hein, Die Westdeutschen und die Dritte Welt, 41. ° R. Tetzlaff, “Grundziige und Hintergriinde Bonner Afrika-Politik’, 28.

’ W. Manshard, “Deutsche Afrika Gesellschaft, MAS 3/4 (Dec. 1965), 608; AA B34/129, Deutsch-Afrikanische Gesellschaften. * D. Dehmer, “Going South: Germany’s Africa Business Association Turns 75’, The African Times (May 2009), online edition: ; AA B34/130, DAG Tatigkeitsbericht 1958, Anlage 1, 2. > AA B34/130, DAG Tatigkeitsbericht 1958, Anlage 1, 3. '° D. van Laak, Imperiale Infrastruktur (Paderborn, 2004), 362. '' For further prominent figures, see van Laak, /mperiale Infrastruktur, 366-7. '? E. Jany, “Naturschutz in aller Welt’, Natur und Landschaft 27 (1952), 90-2.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 93 students interested in Africa were likely to study under such ‘traditionalists.'° The continuation of colonial memory in the public sphere in the long 1950s was therefore not just a continuation of mentalities, but the actual continuity of personalities who had been active in colonial organizations during Weimar and Nazi Germany, and now resumed prominent positions in public life. Their influence on Africa-related matters ensured that a positive memory of colonialism was upheld, a memory which, as Dirk van Laak has remarked, established a near seamless link from colonial paternalism to postwar ‘development’. GDR involvement in Africa in the era of the Hallstein Doctrine looked slightly different. During the isolation campaign of the West against the East beginning in 1955 and lasting through the 1960s, the GDR was not recognized as a separate state and was known by the West only as the SBZ (Sowjetische Besatzungszone) or the ‘DDR’ (in inverted commas). West Germany saw itself as the only true representative of German interests, and, as the Korean War brought it closer to Allied forces, it began to take a leading role in representing Western interests against the East. In 1954, Adenauer’s government began asking for assurances from individual countries that they would not recognize an independent East German state and would keep their relations with the SBZ ‘transparent’.'” Establishing foreign relations in this climate was extremely difficult for East Germany, and exchanges such as trade agreements had to be conducted primarily at sub-governmental level.’® Indeed, before its de facto recognition as a result of Willy Brandt's Ostpolitik, the GDR had succeeded in establishing formal diplomatic relations at ambassadorial level in sub-Saharan Africa only with Zanzibar and, temporarily, Guinea.'’ There was, however, a ‘grey area in which, for example, the West would allow the presence of an East German consular official with an exequatur, as long as this did not constitute either de jure or de facto recognition.'® Despite initial handicaps, Africa was at the heart of the GDR’s foreign policy in the 1960s and 1970s.'° Its efforts were propelled, at least in part,

'S BF Ansprenger, ‘African Studies in the Federal Republic of Germany’, Journal of Modern African Studies 5/3 (Nov. 1967), 403. 4 Van Laak, Imperiale Infrastruktur, 367-74. > W. G. Gray, Germanys Cold War: The Global Campaign to Isolate East Germany, 19491969 (Chapel Hill/London, 2003), 25. '© Hillebrand, Das Afrika-Engagement der DDR, 135. '7 Guinea's Sekou Touré established diplomatic relations with the GDR in March 1960,

but by April, he denied formal recognition in response to threats from the FRG. G. M. Winrow, The Foreign Policy of the GDR in Africa (Cambridge, 1990), 62-3. '8 Winrow, The Foreign Policy of the GDR in Africa, 40-1.

J.-P. Behrendt, Zwischen proletarischem Internationalismus und Sicherheitsdenken. Afrikabilder in den Lehrplinen und Schulbiichern der DDR (Hamburg, 2004), 7.

94 Postcolonial Germany by the ideology of international solidarity amongst the working classes, against capitalism, and against imperialism. This ideology, indeed, was built into the SED’s (Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands) revolutionary programme of 1946.” It was laid down in even more concrete terms as part of the third version of the GDR’s constitution in 1974: “The GDR supports those states and peoples who are fighting against imperialism and its colonial regimes, and for national freedom and independence, in their struggle for social progress.” It was thought that “Third World’ countries could not undergo a complete socialist revolution until certain economic preconditions were met.** Thus, as representative of the ‘actually existing socialism’, it was the GDR’s duty to help these countries ‘advance’

from their subsistence-level economies and pave the way for the Marxist revolution. Although the GDR shared this ideology with Moscow, its Africa policy was distinctly its own, shaped by its relation to the ‘other’ Germany and its quest for international recognition.”

Some historians, such as Ernst Hillebrand, claim that the GDR’s engagement with Africa did not hit its peak until after 1963. Indeed, it was not until the 1970s that East German development aid was associated with paramilitary aspects and mocked as “Honecker’s Afrika-Korps’.* By this time, East Germans were concentrating their aid efforts on countries such as Angola, Ethiopia, and Mozambique.” Yet although the relations between the GDR and Africa may not have been as formalized as they were to become, networks of exchange were already being established during the late 1950s and early 1960s. This was the beginning of the so-called ‘solidarity aid’, which included sending out technical experts, cooperating in production, technical training, and education for Africans, student exchange programmes, medical and humanitarian aid, as well as financial aid in the form of capital.*° The GDR also began sending ‘friendship brigades’ of the Freie Deutsche Jugend (FDJ) to developing countries in

1960. Although work was concentrated on committed socialist countries such as Guinea and Ghana, it eventually also included Tanzania *° “Grundsatze und Ziele der Sozialistischen Einheitspartei’ (Berlin, 21. und 22. April 1946), in W. Treue, Deutsche Parteiprogramme seit 1861, 4th edn. (Zurich/Berlin/FFM, 1968), 177-82. *! GDR Constitution, Art. 6, Para. 3, in H.-J. Déring, ‘Es geht um unsere Existenz. ’ Die Politik der DDR gegeniiber der Dritten Welt am Beispiel Mosambik und Athiopien (Berlin,

]2 Bille ,3/.rand, Das Afrika-Engagement der DDR, 55.

* ‘This view is also shared by Gareth Winrow in his The Foreign Policy of the GDR in Africa.

TA illeb rand, Das Afrika-Engagement der DDR, 127. ° Hillebrand, Das Afrika-Engagement der DDR, 139. 6 Hillebrand, Das Afrika-Engagement der DDR, 145, 150, 166.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 95 and supported resistance movements in South Africa and Mozambique. ‘Brigades’ of between fifteen and thirty FDJ members would help build up infrastructure and install new technology in industry and agriculture.” The East German counterpart to the Deutsche Afrika-Gesellschaft was the Deutsch-Afrikanische Gesellschaft der DDR, founded in 1961 and headed by Professor Walter Markov, together with Vice Presidents Gerald Gotting (later President of the People’s Chamber of the GDR) and Werner Lamberz.*® Further experts in African studies in the GDR could be found at the Karl-Marx-Universitat in Leipzig. A five-year programme of study included not only specialization in African culture, economics, language, history, and politics, but also a ‘solid and wide-ranging education in Marxism-Leninism .”’ It was in this context that East German historians such as Horst Drechsler, a student of Markov’s at Halle, eventually produced one of the first academic studies on German colonialism in the postwar era. A good part of East Germany’s activity in Africa was in reaction to West Germany’s strident efforts to win over the allegiance of African politicians, statesmen, workers, and students. For example, after hearing news of an ‘Africa-Week’ planned by the DAG in 1960, the FDGB (Freier Deutscher

Gewerkschaftsbund, the GDR’s state trade union organization) began making plans for a similar meeting.*” For East Germany, though, there was

even more at stake in nurturing positive relationships with new African states than ideology and straightforward competition with the FRG. Ever in the shadow of the Hallstein Doctrine, their ultimate goal in this early period of overseas involvement was to be recognized internationally as a sovereign state.”!

A deeper understanding of both East and West Germans’ relation to the former colonies can be gleaned from analysing objects that lie at the very heart of both the FRG and GDR’s Afrikapolitik during the 1950s and 1960s. The official gifts from both states which were given to the former colonies at independence can provide valuable insights in this area, and serve as a springboard for further discussion of ‘gifts’ in a broader sense, including economic and technical aid. ‘The archival material pertaining to these state gifts has not previously been explored by historians, although it is an incredibly rich source. This chapter will therefore present a more

*” Hillebrand, Das Afrika-Engagement der DDR, 78-9. *° Post and Sandvoss, Die Afrikapolitik der DDR, 19. ” Hillebrand, Das Afrika-Engagement der DDR, 52-3. °° AA B34/217, Splett, DAG, an Steltzer, AA, 10 Aug. 1960. >! J. Howell, “The End of an Era: The Rise and Fall of GDR Aid’ MAS 32/2 June 1994),

305-28.

96 Postcolonial Germany detailed investigation of these objects of memory as they were presented to each of the states emerging from the former German colonies in Africa. The exchange of gifts between rulers of state has been documented in the European sphere since at least the Byzantine Empire. In the Middle Ages, state gifts were valued primarily for their monetary worth, but by the eighteenth century, gifts at European courts were treasured for their originality, quality of art or craft, and representativeness of the region. They ranged from exotic animals to luxurious textiles, silverware, or porcelain.*” These gifts solidified bonds between rulers, and by default, between the ruled states. It isa much more recent phenomenon that state gifts are given not only as a symbolic gesture to the head of state, but for the benefit of an entire nation. In this context, state gifts become all the more representative not only of an individual, but of a collective. Often occurring at the same time as state visits, the procurement of a state gift represents the collective planning and knowledge consensus of a range of actors, including politicians, protocol planners, as well as non-governmental actors such as industrial interest groups.*? As we will see, competing memories of German colonialism were deeply embedded within the processes of selection, procurement, and delivery of the state gift. According to Marcel Mauss’s observations on gift-giving, there is no such thing as a free gift; gift-giving is a reciprocal process of exchange. A semi-mystical ritual that is motivated by more than just economics, it is a ‘system of total services’ that has the power to solidify social bonds.*™ Material objects exchanged are both embodiments of the gift-giver, as well

as reminders of the receiver’s obligation to reciprocate.” Indeed, handing over the state gift is a process whereby the power of the exchange is localized not merely in written contracts, handshakes, or oaths, but in the material thing itself.°° It is therefore appropriate to view state gifts as mnemonic devices embodying a ‘modern’ relationship to the new African nations, as well as references to the memory of a colonial past.

East and West Germany approached the rituals of gift-giving in very different ways. For both, however, the gift was an important symbol for the relationship they wished to build with the new state. Unlike the porcelain products favoured by Kaiser Wilhelm II,*’ state gifts to newly independent African nations were usually items which would be useful to large *° S. Gotz, ‘Staatsgeschenke’, in B. Kefs (ed.), Geschenkt! Zur kulturgeschichte des Schenkens

(Heide, 2001), 145. °° S. Derix, Bebilderte Politik (Gottingen, 2009), 19-21. M. Mauss, The Gift, trans. W. D. Halls (London, 1990), 5-6, 33. °° Mauss, The Gift, 12, 20, 41. °° Mauss, The Gift, 62. *” Gotz, ‘Staatsgeschenke’, 145.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 97 numbers of people. In fact, African leaders were often asked what sort of gifts they thought would most benefit their society. Although the era of a more centrally coordinated West German development politics or East German solidarity politics did not begin until around 1973, the foundations were already being established by the mid-1950s.** Often, the state gift at independence was the tip of the iceberg, a gateway to a set of agreements and aid programmes which were to be solidified by representatives of trade and industry in subsequent discussions in years to come. The boundary between state gift and technical or economic aid was therefore not always clear. Nevertheless, officials laboured to find independence

gifts that made an impact, gifts that were appropriate and thoughtful and meant more than just an arbitrary package of economic goods and financial help. More often than not, choosing the right gift was a cause of contention, hurried urgency and confusion, particularly in the West German Foreign Office. The rapid political developments in Africa kept ambassadors and

consulates on their toes. West German representatives usually handed over gifts or gift certificates at the independence celebrations themselves, often presenting the item with a formal speech. Shortly thereafter, they would send over a team of delegates to secure a trade agreement with the new nation. Undeniably, for the West, development politics was, as the old colonial politics had been, a way of securing a market for exports.*’

Accusations of ‘neo-colonialism’ by the East were thus not entirely unfounded. As African nations made up only 2 per cent of West German foreign trade in the mid-1960s, however, economic motivations cannot be considered the sole factor for the FRG’s interest in the continent.*° West Germans were also motivated by pressure to participate in strategic development aid from other Western powers, particularly the United States.* East Germany was much slower in combining gift-giving with development aid to African countries, causing it to resent West Germans’ early ties with newly emergent states. While West Germany sent ambulances and promised harbour development projects, East Germany initially sent only a congratulatory telegram. It was a slow, cautious approach, as the GDR had no pre-existing relationships with Africa. It had rejected any ties to a former colonial relationship on ideological grounds and was not able to compete with the large financial grants and credits offered by the FRG. Nevertheless, as the FRG’s state gifts were often a precursor to more 38 Falk, Die heimliche Kolonialmacht, 29. 39 Hein, Die Westdeutschen und die Dritte Welt, 26-8.

*° ‘Tetzlaff, ‘Grundziige und Hintergriinde Bonner Afrika-Politik’, 30. 41 Hein, Die Westdeutschen und die Dritte Welt, 38.

98 Postcolonial Germany extensive development aid, so the GDR’s telegram was often a gateway to economic or cultural agreements, or even a ‘solidarity programme’. As was the case for West German gifts, sending the congratulatory telegram was a ritual which served to promote the GDR as the one ‘true’ Germany as much as it was meant to actually help Africans. As Mauss observed, an intense rivalry exists within and between societies to bring about exchanges of the most valuable things, for this signifies wealth and can ‘attract and dazzle’ the other party, eventually winning them over as allies.4? Such a rivalry eventually played itself out between East and West Germany in the selection and delivery of state gifts, for both wished to win over the newly independent nations as allies in the Cold War. But beyond Cold War politics, a key point informing this rivalry was the dilemma of how to remember Germany’s colonial past. West Germany, although aware of the negative connotations of colonialism in an age of

mass decolonization, could not help but try to assume the legacy of a ‘good colonialist’ in Africa. Its cultural memory was constructed by the convictions of government ambassadors and advisers who had been active in the former colonies before 1945, as well as alleged testimonies by former colonial subjects themselves. East Germany, however, claimed to have broken with the colonial past completely. Its stance left relations to the former colonies dangling in a state of uncertainty, ostensibly with no shared

memories—positive or negative—to build upon. As we consider the independence movements of former German colonies from Cameroon to Southwest Africa, we can see how East Germans’ denial and repression of colonial memory was at times punctuated by a very limited recognition.

CAMEROUN (FR.) 1960; CAMEROON (GB) 1961 Cameroonian independence was achieved in two steps: French Cameroun was granted independence in January 1960, followed by British Cameroon

and the unification of the French and the northern two-thirds of the British protectorate amidst violent conflict in October 1961. For the purposes of diplomatic relations, we will here be focusing on the original date of independence in 1960, as it received more attention internationally. West Germany faced a crucial dilemma at this point: should it build

“ Mauss, The Gift, 28. “8 For the sake of historical accuracy, I will use the spelling ‘Cameroun’ to distinguish the French protectorate up to 1960 from ‘Cameroon’, both the British protectorate and the new state after 1961, and ‘Kamerun’, the former German colony which included both territories.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 99 ona memory of a ‘special relationship’ between the German Reich and its former colonial subjects, or should it seek to distance itself from colonialism, leaving that legacy primarily to France and Britain? While contemplating what gift to give the Cameroonian government at independence in 1960, West German officials took into consideration the ‘great sympathies’ for the German government in Cameroon dating from the time of German ‘protection’. They also wanted a gift that was

in line with the goals of the new development aid. Finally, they hoped to achieve a certain ‘political effect’ with their gift, and therefore began preparations well in advance. Initial ideas revolved around an institution such as a technical training college, which would represent a cooperative effort between the two nations.** Suggestions also included a school for cocoa planters and a Klinomobil, or mobile medical station, the latter winning out in the end.* Upon arrival in Duala, the Kiinomobil was to have the German colours painted on either side, as well as the phrase “To the People of Cameroon, from the Federal Republic of Germany’, on one side in French and on the other in German.*° A mechanic was later added to the package.*’ There were, however, some difficulties in making the Klinomobil more than just a symbol, but also an effective gift in practice. No African doc-

tors or chauffeurs, for example, were said to know how to handle the Klinomobil’s technology, making it necessary to send over the required specialists from Germany.** Other forms of aid offered in the wake of the formal independence celebrations may have been more effective; for example, establishment of an educational farm, scientific specialists for the Centre Agronomique in Nkolbisson, police advisers to help build a national police force, teams of nurses and doctors, as well as training in West Germany for twenty-five interns in trades and management, to name just a few. One may wonder why the FRG’s official state gift at independence was a Klinomobil, rather than a harvesting machine, another gift that was given shortly thereafter. One reason may be that the Foreign Office was simply pressed for ideas, surprised by the rapid turn of events on the African continent and lacking concrete knowledge of what was needed “ AA B68/189c, i.A. gez. Schlitter an Generalkonsulat der BRD Léopoldville, 8 May 1959. ® AA B68/189c, Ergebnisbericht fiir die Interministerielle Referentenausschuf-Sitzung fiir Entwicklungslander, 26 Aug. 1959. *© AA B68/189c, Deutsche Wirtschaftsf6rderung und Treuhand an AA Ref 407, bettr. Clinomobil als Staatsgeschenk ftir Kamerun, 1 Dec. 1959. *” AA B68/189c, VII. Kamerun, betr. Entsendung eines Mechanikers ftir die fahrbare Krankenbehandlungsstation. 48 AA B34/219, In Cameroun durchzuftihrende Massnahmen, 7.

AA B34/219, In Cameroun durchzuftihrende Massnahmen, 7.

100 Postcolonial Germany on the ground. But an even more likely reason is that the Kiinomobil represented exactly how the West Germans saw their relationship with Cameroon. The fact that it embodied German medical care referenced the ‘good old days’ of German colonialism, when German missionaries and doctors such as Robert Koch and Albert Schweitzer travelled to Africa and cured ‘natives’ of tropical diseases. At the same time, the mobile medical stations were kitted out with the latest technology, representing both the superior modernity and the economic prowess of the West German state. Many of the FRG’s actions in Cameroon were in response to a perceived threat of East German activity in the area. It was deemed vitally important that ‘quick and effective help for the handling of economic start-up problems’ be offered by the ‘free world’ in order to prevent the new nation

from falling into the grasp of Communism. West Germany felt that it bore a particularly weighty role in the issue because of the allegiance of the Cameroonians dating back to 1884-1916. Considerable anxiety stemmed from the fact that ‘it would be difficult for the Cameroonians to make the necessary distinctions between West and East Germans’.” In this particular instance, it appears that some West German officials had little faith in the ideological appeal of the ‘free world’ unless it was backed up by a considerable display of material wealth. But social work was also important. The Foreign Office, for example, decided to establish a vocational school

near Douala because it thought that social help was particularly necessary in urban centres. The urban proletariat was said to be most prone to Communism, therefore making large cities potential revolutionary hubs.?' Both references to the ‘good old days’ of colonialism and the ‘modern threat of Communism which were embodied in the Kinomobil gift appear repeatedly in the discourse around state visits, gifts, and foreign aid given just after independence as well. Shortly following the independence celebrations, Dr Siegfried Gerth embarked on a month-long journey through Cameroun on behalf of the DAG in early 1960. He remarked that ‘we have seen several examples in Cameroun attesting to the fact that Germany had not forgotten her “lost son” and has been from the beginning ready to help with advice and actions.” The paternalistic overtones here are obvious as Gerth rather awkwardly portrays the solidification of German relations with Cameroun as a return to a special familial relationship the two nations shared before the First World War. Gerth goes on to

°° AA B68/189c, Schlitter, Aufzeichnung betr. Kamerun—Ausarbeitung ftir den Herr Sonderbeauftragten der Bundesregierung bei den Unabhiangigkeitsfeierlichkeiten in Kamerun, 22 Dec. 1959. >! AA B34/129, In Cameroun durchzufiihrende Massnahmen, 2. >? AA B34/219, Gerth an Steltzer, AA, 16 Feb. 1960.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 101 say that although there had been little Communist activity in Cameroun to date, the nation ‘will inevitably have to succumb to Communism if other help fails to materialize. From a psychological point of view, this help can currently only be made available by Germany, since particularly French aid would definitely be misunderstood as an attempt at a new colonialism.’*° Ironically, in Gerth’s vision, the negative branding of colonialism is reserved only for France, as Germany (and particularly the FRG) emerges as the one postwar partner untarnished by such a legacy. We see similarly muddled sentiments on the part of the West German embassy in Yaounde. According to Ambassador Thomsen, Cameroonian cocoa producers were seeking to increase their sales to Germany for two reasons: ‘first, because of the steadfast loyalty and the stalwart trust which the Cameroonian population has kept towards the Germans since the end

of the protectorate, and, secondly, in the hope that with German help the last chains of political and economic dependency may be broken’. He urges German trading companies to take up this offer in order to maintain the trust of the Cameroonian planters, who make up the majority of the country’s electorate. According to Thomsen, ‘the export of Cameroonian cocoa is therefore a matter of existence for the Cameroonian government, one of the strongest assets of the western world in Africa’. Moreover, it was thought that the East Germans imported very little cocoa and could buy up Cameroon’s entire surplus harvest in exchange for allegiance to Communism.” In addition to revealing some ambiguity as to how to handle the colonial question, Thomsen’s statements show us how Cold War politics intersected questions of colonialism repeatedly during this period. Thus, West Germany’s relationship with Cameroon was constantly dictated by the threat of East Germany taking over any area of economic or technical aid that the West did not cover. In another letter, Thomsen states that ‘it is obvious that in Cameroon the SBZ is being pushed forward in order to profit from the weight of Germany's good name in the country’.” The West Germans were certainly tempted to claim this legacy for themselves. A note from a West German economic delegation in Cameroon in December 1961 observes: In Ebolowa, where sentimental friendliness towards Germans is particularly strong, and where Assale [sic—Charles Assalé, Premier of East Cameroon 1961-5] has his cocoa-planters’ electoral circle, rallies are ushered in with

3 AA B34/219, Gerth an Steltzer, AA, 16 Feb. 1960. ** AA B68/128, Thomsen an AA, betr. Kamerunische Kakao-Exporte nach Deutschland, 29 Sept. 1960.

On ‘fo 128, Thomsen an AA, betr. Besuch des Ministerprasidenten in Bonn, 13

102 Postcolonial Germany flag-waving children...ofhicial speeches and spontaneous statements by the public, police reports, radio reports, letters and visit have proven that German afhnity is true. ‘Parents return to children’, “German father, French mother’, etc.”

If there existed some tension in terms of its role in economic relations, then, the FRG seemed entirely comfortable playing the part of the pater-

nalist colonial power in cultural relations with Cameroon. This was because there was a sense that the FRG could build on a cultural residue of German occupation dating back over forty years. The reasoning behind sending a German teacher on behalf of the Goethe Institute to Yaoundé is exemplary: The hope for German aid, the trust in German work and the respect towards the former German administration have formed an emotional tie amongst

many Cameroonians to Germany which is both surprising and moving. Since many young people wish for an education in Germany or economic relations with Germany, an interest in learning the German language is fairly large. To some extent, entire families and villages still speak German.”

It seems that West Germans to some extent appropriated the idea of a ‘special relationship’ from the days of the Reich because there really were positive memories of German rule in the former colony. At the same time, it could be argued that the FRG was also particularly receptive to such sentiments. Another reference to the ‘good old days’ of German—Cameroonian relations during the colonial period involves shipments of records and novels as gifts from West Germany to Cameroon around the time of independence. A selection of music to be sent to Radio Cameroun was to include Bach’s Brandenburg Concertos, Handel’s Concerti Grossi, works by Haydn and Mozart, as well as Bavarian folk music. It was particularly the latter which was thought to appeal to the musical tastes of the local population. By sending these records, officials thought there would be ‘to a certain

extent a German cultural presence in the radio... which will certainly have quite a broad resonance’.”® A similar shipment of eighteenth- and nineteenth-century music, along with propagandistic brochures on West Germany, European issues, and problems with Communism were to be sent to the College des Travailleurs in Bassa.’ Once again, members of the West German Foreign Office and Deutsche Afrika-Gesellschaft saw © AA B68/128, Delegationsbericht Nr 3, Effenberg/Doering an AA, Fernschreiben aus Yaoundé, Nr 131, 3 Dec. 1961. 7 AA B34/219, DAG, In Cameroun durchzuftihrende Maf$Snahmen, 1960, 9. 8 AA B34/219, DAG, In Cameroun durchzufiihrende Maf{nahmen, 1960, 14—15. °? AA B34/219, DAG, In Cameroun durchzufthrende MafSnahmen, 1960, 16.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 103 German culture as a useful line connecting a golden age of colonialism with the new age of independence.

A further cultural gift was made with a shipment of five hundred books to the Bibliothéque de Enseignement in Yaoundé. The librarian in Yaoundé, who had been employed since German rule, is said to have lamented the dearth of German authors on the shelves. Gerth’s DAG team therefore decided to send a collection of German novels ‘for those circles

which still have an afhnity for Germany dating from colonial times’.° Despite the assertions regarding the popularity of the German language we have seen already, though, informants to the Foreign Office in this case conceded that it would be better for the books to be in French or the most elementary German, as ‘knowledge of the German language is as yet not so widespread after all’.°' What is particularly interesting in these gifts, especially in the shipment of music, is the belief that items like the records themselves would personify Germany abroad. Mauss claims that ‘what imposes obligation in the present received and exchanged, is the fact that the thing received is not inactive. Even when it has been abandoned by the giver, it still possesses something of him. Through it the giver has a hold over the beneficiary.’ By presenting Cameroonians with German books and music, the West Germans were presenting them with a piece of Germany. They were also implicitly obliging Cameroonians to use these gifts and possibly buy more in the future, thereby perpetuating a sense of German ‘culture’ in the former colony. Playing with the legacy of colonialism did not come without its consequences for West Germany, however. Reporting on talks concerning foreign aid from the FRG following independence, Foreign Office representative Effenberg noted: In terms of development aid, the Cameroonian delegation had from the start planned to pin down the German delegation on the special relationship

to Cameroon, which would disrupt our system of development aid. This demand is explained by way of the particular historical connection between the two countries and the pressure of the doubtlessly candid German afhnity of the Cameroonian public.”

According to Foreign Office reports from both East and West, Russia, the GDR and the FRG were all at times keen to exploit a legendary positive

° AA B34/219, DAG, In Cameroun durchzuftihrende MafSnahmen, 1960, 1-2. ol AA B34/219, DAG, In Cameroun durchzuftihrende MafSnahmen, 1960, 15. °° Mauss, The Gift, 12. ° AA B68/128, Dr Effenberg, Aufzeichnung betr. Deutsch-kamerunische Wirtschaf tsverhandlungen: Verhandlungen einer deutschen Regierungsdelegation in Yaoundé, 12. Dec. 1961.

104 Postcolonial Germany relationship between Cameroonians and their former German colonial masters in political and economic negotiations—but so, too, were the Cameroonians themselves.

Cameroonian agency in this process becomes even more evident in the German—Cameroonian encounter over the expansion of the Douala— Chad rail network. Plans for the railway, initiated during German colonial times to connect Kamerun with Dar es Salaam via the French and Belgian Congo, were reinvigorated around the time of independence.™ The project was supported financially by the EEC, France, and the United States (involved more for ‘political’ than economic reasons).°° France's contribu-

tion (in addition to providing 35 per cent of the EEC’s joint funding) was explained by means of the ‘special relationship’ it held with its former

colony, according to the Treaty of Rome. In this case, West Germany remained aloof from building on a similar ‘special relationship’, something

which did not go unnoticed by Charles Assalé.°’ In a conversation with German delegates, Assalé expressed his regret that Germany would not be participating in the rail project in a more visible way. German aid would thus be achieving only minimal psychological effect, he said, and he was sorry that Germany was not more involved in a project which, after all, stemmed originally from the German colonial era. He urged the FRG to reconsider the degree of its participation, increasing its contribution beyond its part in the EEC subsidy, which was around 1.23m DM.°* We see here that a colonial legacy could work both ways, entailing not only privileges, but also obligations. Attitudes such as Assalé’s were frequently criticized in the West German

media. West German development aid, claimed one publication, had become ‘the central clinic for growth aid for undernourished states, as the coloured representatives of the new states take large bites out of the billionaires’ cake served by the Bundestag’. Although sentiments in the *¢ AA B68/197, Charles Okala, Minister fiir Auswartige Angelegenheiten der Republik Kamerun an Bundesminister des Auswartigen H. v. Brentano, 13 June 1960, Ubersetzung.

® AA B68/197, Botschaft Yaoundé an AA, betr. Projekt des Eisenbahnbaus Douala-Tchad, 19 Aug. 1960.

°° AA B68/197, Paul Dernault, Ingenieur Général des Travaux Publics, Conseiller Technique de la Sté du Douala-Tchad 4 l’Ambassadeur d’Allemagne, Yaoundé, 26 June 1961. °” AA B68/197, Dr Erdmann, Bundesminister f. Wirtschaft, an AA Ref 418, 19 July 1961, Schnellbrief betr. Transkamerunbahn. Assalé became the second Prime Minister of East Cameroon following Ahidjo in May 1960. 6 AA BG68/197, Dr Trémel, Wirtschaftsreferent, Vermerk, betr. Transkamerunbahn [Treffen in Paris], 21 June 1961; AA B68/197 Paul Dernault, Ingenieur Général des Travaux Publics, Conseiller Technique de la Sté du Douala-Tchad a l’Ambassadeur d’Allemagne, Yaoundé, 26 June 1961. © “Schwarze Woche’, Spiegel 15/21 (17 May 1961), 21.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 105 German public were largely in tune with the reminders of ‘good colonialism’ embodied in the Klinomobil state gift, then, it was perhaps more difficult to convince them that a continuation of such gifts and similar aid projects were necessary to protect the West and its allies from Communist threats. The records of the East German Ministry of Foreign Affairs reveal that the West Germans actually had little to worry about from the side of the GDR. No East German delegation appeared at the 1960 independence celebrations, which were marked by a letter signed by Prime Minister Otto Grotewohl.”” The process of handing over the Ghickwunschbrief, or congratulatory letter, however, was conducted with almost as much ceremony and protocol as the delivery of a state gift. It was delivered to Rolf Seidel, head of GDR’s Trade Representation in Ghana, with particular instructions to hand it to President Ahidjo personally—or, in the case of not being granted an audience with Ahidjo, to an official ‘of as high a rank as possible’ with instructions to pass it to Ahidjo, but not before the arrival of the official Ghickwunschtelegramm, or congratulatory telegram.” Whilst handing over the letter, Seidel was to state that the GDR was willing to cooperate with Cameroon on all levels, and to find out what Ahidjo thought about establishing diplomatic relations. (This, of course, would go against the Hallstein Doctrine.) If the answer was negative, Seidel was to raise the possibility of economic relations. To that end, the establishment of an East German consulate and trade representation in Yaoundé was to be suggested.”” Seidel fulfilled his mission, and the Cameroonian government expressed

an interest in conducting trade relations with East Germany.” In August of that year, a GDR trade delegation under Béttger arrived in Cameroon, bearing a series of gifts for President Ahidjo and other officials: a MeifSen porcelain service set, a MeifSen ashtray, two Pentacon cameras (with film), two Altix cameras, a watch, two briefcases, four Weralux exposure meters (for cameras) with matching cases, one amber necklace, three amber pins,

and an Optima typewriter.” It seems that, at least on a trade level, no relations could be established without bringing along some representative goods—the best of East German manufacturing. While Bottger and his colleagues travelled in Cameroon, they once again encountered a strong indigenous affection for everything German: ” AA MfAA/A14614, Bl. 2-5, Grotewohl an Ahidjo, 28 Dec. 1959. 1 AA MfAA/A14614, Biittner an Seidel, n.d. ” AA MfAA/A14614, BI. 9, Directive fir Handelsrat Seidel, 11 Apr. 1960. 7? AA MfAA/A14614, BI.17, Abschlussbericht tiber die Reise nach Cameroon und die geftthrten Verhandlungen in der Zeit vom 7.4. bis 19.4.1960. 7™ AA MfAA/A14614, BI. 59, 21 Nov. 1960.

106 Postcolonial Germany Everything which one sees in this country, for example the president's palace, the ministerial chambers, the churches, hospitals, the trains, etc., were according to the Cameroonians, built by ‘the Germans’, without the ‘Germans’ ever having taken anything in return. Discussions such as ‘the Germans were the first to make a separate state out of Cameroon’ are the order of the day...In

sum, one might say that the overwhelming majority of the population of Cameroon categorically praises everything which comes from “Germany or has to do with ‘Germany’, and prefers it to France. ‘The sentiment even extends to the point that “Germany is considered to be the only country which is able to help Cameroon achieve full autonomy.

The problem for the GDR was, of course, that “Germany meant West Germany. According to Bottger, the West Germans were rebuilding their empire in Cameroon.” West German efforts had indeed been productive, and they may be seen as the eventual winners of the ‘gift race’ between East and West. By July 1963, there was renewed cause for celebration as FRG officials travelled to Cameroon to witness the signing of an association agreement between

the EEC and several African states.’ During a tour through the region, the German delegation was once again transported back to a colonial past. According to a report filed by Baron Otto von Stempel, when Assalé intro-

duced the delegation as representatives of the FRG, the inhabitants of Ebelowa broke out in ‘a torrent of applause’. The town had been established by the Germans during the colonial period and, according to von Stempel, ‘the grave of Lieutenant of the Schutztruppe Hans von Sobbe in front of the prefecture is still kept in a good and neat condition.” A further trip involved transport ‘with the train still constructed during German colonial times’ from Yaoundé to Edea.”* Later, on another excur-

sion which led past plantations established by German colonialists, the head of the press department of the government of West Cameroon, O.N. Macoge, told von Stempel, “One has a good memory of the Germans in this country; the only thing he did not like was that they defeated the Cameroonians back then.’ Lunch was served in the Schloff (‘castle’) built by the former German governor, Jesko von Puttkamer, in Buea, where Vice President Foncha emphasized the fact that the plantations they had

” AA MfAA/A14614, BI. 199, Bottger, Reisebericht Cameroun, 50.

7° AA B34/467, Reisebericht: Dienstreise vom 19.30. Juli 1963 nach Jaunde und Conakry.

” AA B34/467, Reisebericht von Stempel, Dienstreise vom 19.—30. Juli 1963 nach Jaunde und Conakry, 5. ’S AA B34/467, Reisebericht von Stempel, Dienstreise vom 19.—30. Juli 1963 nach Jaunde und Conakry, 5.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 107 seen ‘had been created by our German masters’.” This was a mixed legacy, to be sure. Interestingly, though, this legacy was not just a figment of a German colonialist imagination—it was upheld by the Cameroonians as well.

TOGO 1960 Even before Togo’s actual independence celebrations, West German industrial interests were active in the former colony. In March 1960, the Deutsche Togogesellschaft resumed its activities abroad. Originally founded in 1902, it controlled 60 per cent of the country’s trade during colonial times. In the 1960s, it represented companies such as Daimler Benz, Bosch, Siemens, and Mannesmann, some of the biggest names in German industry. It was

joined by several other newly founded companies, often joint ventures between Germans and Togolese, producing goods such as beer (Schultheiss and Holstein breweries) and textiles, even roads (Strabag), planes and flight connections (Lufthansa), and plastic homes. In most of these cases, German investors provided the majority of the capital and retained control of the venture until the return had covered all or most of their investment.°®° It was against this background that, on 27 April 1960, a unified Togo celebrated its independence.*' Bundestag and DAG-President Gerstenmaier

was apparently delighted to attend the festivities of a ‘former protectorate —and he was not the only German invited.” An invitation was also sent to Togo’s last German colonial governor, Adolf Friedrich, Duke of Mecklenburg, who was in his late eighties by then.*? The West German periodical Der Spiegel claimed that the duke had become a symbol for the Togolese nationalist movement. According to the magazine ‘the allure of the patriarchal proconsul’ still surrounded Mecklenburg. In the so-called ‘time of the Reichsmark’ the duke and duchess were said to have received regular shipments of coffee from loyal Ewes in Togo.** Mecklenburg supposedly received letters and greetings from former Togolese subjects well into the 1950s.® ” AA B34/467, Reisebericht von Stempel, Dienstreise vom 19.—30. Juli 1963 nach Jaunde und Conakry, 6. | a AA B55/2/240, Botschaft BRD an AA, 21 May 1962, betr. Aktivitaét deutscher Firmen “al ‘Erench Togo had chosen to become an autonomous republic within the French Union in 1956, but in 1958 elections its citizens voted for complete independence and Olympio's Togolese National Unity Party. 8° AA B34/129, Dr Splett, DAG, to Dr Stelzer, AA, 13 Aug. 1959. 8° ‘Adolf Friedrich Herzog zu Mecklenburg’, Der Spiegel 14/17 (20 Apr. 1960), 62. 8 “Togo: das deutsche Schicksal’, Spiegel 10/26 (27 June 1956), 30. > “Togo: das deutsche Schicksal’, Spiegel 10/26 (27 June 1956), 30.

108 Postcolonial Germany The legendary ‘loyalty of the natives’ was to some extent not only the material of German colonialist dreams. The Bund Deutscher Togolander, an organization founded by Johannes Kofi Apenyowu Agboka in 1924,

was characterized by its pro-logoland, pro-German, anti-French, and anti-colonial politics.8° Between 1925 and 1937, the Bund sent a number of petitions to the League of Nations Permanent Mandates Commission, including ones demanding a return of the mandate territory to Germany.*” Arguably, the period of German ‘protection’ was a golden age in the memory of some Togolese because it could be juxtaposed to a more recent negative memory of French rule and national division. ‘This,

however, does not make it less real. But, again, how were Germans to deal with these sorts of sentiments in an atmosphere where most of the world seemed to be fighting against colonial legacies? Given this complicated set of historical relations, deciding on the main gift offered by the FRG to Togo at independence was subject to some confusion. At first, the Foreign Office—guided by the Interministerial Committee for Developing Countries—wanted to present Togo with a mobile Kiinomobil worth 150,000 DM, the same gift which was to be given to Cameroon, Nigeria, and Somaliland. This was to ensure that Germany did not appear to favour the former fabled ‘model’ colony over other African nations.* The gift, at least in its early planning stages, also included a ‘loan’ of three doctors for two years at an existing hospital.® The mobile medical stations

were thought to be not only valuable technology, but gifts that would also have ‘a broad propagandistic effect’.”” According to representatives on the ground, however, a Klinomobil was not appropriate for the bad roads in Togo, and a stationary X-ray machine for the hospital in Lomé worth 100,000 DM was preferred.?' The machine was to be produced by Siemens-Reiniger and delivered with a technical expert.’* This was supplemented a few months later by X-ray therapy equipment worth 70,000 DM in response to the Togolese government's wishes.”* What is important

8° For more on the Bund, see B. N. Lawrance, Locality, Mobility and ‘Natiow (Rochester, NY, 2007), esp. ch. 5. *” Lawrance, Locality, Mobility and ‘Nation’, 127. 8 AA B68/110, Vorlage ftir die Bewilligung von Mitteln, 15 Sept. 1959. *” AA B68/189c, Ergebnisbericht ftir die Interministerielle Referentenausschufs-Sitzung fur Entwicklungslander, 26 Aug. 1959. °° AA B68/189c, Ergebnisbericht ftir die Interministerielle Referentenausschufs-Sitzung fur Entwicklungslander, 26 Aug. 1959. °! AA B68/110, telegram from Lomé to AA, Bonn, 23 Dec. 1959. 92 AA B68/110, Dumke, AA, an Bundesminister der Innern, 2 Feb. 1960. °° AA B68/110, Aufzeichnung betr. durchgefthrte und geplante Mafsnahmen auf dem Gebiet der Entwicklungshilfe in Togo, 10 Nov. 1960; Bereitstellung von Mitteln Togo, Erganzung, 26 Aug. 1960.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 109 here is that the financial value of the gift did not matter—in fact, it was first reduced by a third of the original gift’s value. Just as Mauss observed, the gift was motivated by more than just economics; it was a representation of the giver’s self-worth, as well as their relationship to the receiver.” The substitution of the X-ray machine was approved by the Ministry of the Interior because, like the K/inomobil, it ‘promoted Togo’ public health

sector and thus met the remit of the development fund.” German interests in Togolese welfare were, according to State Secretary Albert Hilger van Scherpenberg, based on ‘an old friendship’.”® The representative of the West

German embassy in Togo claimed that the Togolese were a people ‘with whom they felt a traditional bond’.”” It may come as no surprise, then, that another component of the independence gift ‘package’ included renovation of a handicraft school dating from the time of German rule, along with the installation of a German director and two teachers.”®

One of the most important West German-led projects that were part of the larger independence ‘package’ was the construction of a new harbour at Lomé, based on German plans from the colonial era.”” An ambitious undertaking led by Strabag and Krupp, it was not expected to generate profits for

a long time to come, and was indeed not completed until 1968.'° Its construction was, however, of primary importance to the first Togolese president, Sylvanus Olympio, and thus to the FRG as well. West German ambassador Alexander Torok pleaded for its realization as a way of blocking ‘all Soviet efforts at finding a foothold in Togo’. If the FRG did not offer financial aid and turn Togo into a ‘shop window for German foreign aid’, then ‘the East would hardly hesitate to do what we had failed to do’.'®!

What Torok emphasizes here and repeatedly in all his correspondence is that Togo’s relationship with East Germany in particular and Eastern Europe in general depended overwhelmingly on the degree to which West Germans were able to provide economic and technical aid.'** Togolese * Mauss, The Gift, 39. > AA B68/110, Dumke, AA, an Bundesminister des Innern, 2 Feb. 1960. °° AA B68/219, Tischrede des Staatssekretars van Scherpenberg ftir das Frihstiick zu Ehren des togolandischen Handelsministers Coco am 10 Nov. 1960. *” AA B68/305, Aufzeichnung: Dienstreise nach Elavanyon, 27 Aug. 1964. °° AA BG68/189c, Ergebnisbericht ftir die Interministerielle Referentenausschufs-Sitzung fiir Entwicklungslander, 26 Aug. 1959. ” AA B68/305, Niederschrift tiber die Arbeitsbesprechung mit dem togoischen VP und Finanzminister Méatchi am 24 Mar. 1964 im AA unter Leitung von LR I Dr Torok, 21 May 1964. '° AA B68/110, Bericht Nr 778/60, betr. Hafen ftir Togo, 4 Nov. 1960. Ll AA B68/110, Torok, Botschaft BRD Lomé an AA, betr. deutsche wirtschaftliche und technische Hilfe f. Togo, 25 Aug. 1960. 1022 AA B68/110, Botschaft Lomé an AA, betr. deutsche wirtschaftliche und technische Hilfe f. Togo, 2 Nov. 1960.

110 Postcolonial Germany independence may well have marked the end of a colonial era, but it was the beginning of a whole new chapter of German involvement in Africa. Just like during colonial times, the African nation was once again subject to intra-European rivalries. In fact, the harbour project became a global issue. With a visit to Togo by Khrushchev expected in spring 1961, the United States became involved, pushing the FRG to provide the necessary assistance to build the harbour.'” But the Togolese themselves were not without agency; indeed, both Germanies scurried to meet the African country’s needs for fear that their Cold War rival would step in should they fail to deliver. In June 1960, an alarm-raising report arrived in Bonn from Lomé stating that East German technical experts had arrived in Togo, possibly preparing the way for a formal recognition of the GDR. T6r6k once again pressed the Foreign Office to send West German experts quickly, even if it meant increasing their salaries.'°* It seems no expense was to be spared to meet Togo’s needs.

President Olympio was also aware of this rivalry and used it to his advantage. According to a report filed by T6rdék, Olympio said that the project would go ahead in either case, but that he would be particularly pleased to receive West German aid, because he knew ‘that the German government does not connect its contributions to Togo’s economic development to political conditions. One could say the same of other governments, particularly those in the Eastern bloc.’'” This was, of course, a diplomatic way of saying that if West Germany did not supply funds, Togo would have to look elsewhere, including the Eastern bloc. It also exposed the FRG’s implicit expectation of having its gifts reciprocated in terms of political and ideological allegiance. Moreover, while T6r6k believed that Togo had shown exemplary poise by not inviting a delegation from the German ‘Soviet zone’ to the independence celebrations and refusing to answer congratulatory telegrams sent by the East Germans, the archives of the GDR’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs reveal that the reality was quite different, and Olympio did engage in correspondence with East Germany.'°° The FRG had decided to shoulder not just the glory, but also the burden of the German Reich's colonial past. This was in line with their greater objective of representing themselves as the only legitimate Germany. Indeed, in a report on the harbour project, Ambassador T6rék claimed: ‘It would be quite natural if the Federal Republic of Germany, which is legally 105 AA B68/110, Schlitter, Ref 410 an Bundesminister fiir Wirtschaft, 10 Feb. 1961. 104 AA BG68/110, Bericht Nr 309/60, betr. Infiltrationsversuche des Ostens, 9 June 1960. '9 AA B68/110, Bericht Nr 778/60, betr. Hafen ftir Togo, 4 Nov. 1960.

106 AA B68/110, Bericht Nr 251/60, betr. Deutsch-togolandische Wirtschaftsverhandlungen, 23 May 1960; AA B68/110, Bericht Nr 778/60, betr. Hafen fur Togo, 4 Nov. 1960; AA MfAA A15912.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 111 and politically identical to the Kaiserreich, were to help a former German colony which has now become independent.’'” Meanwhile, the GDR had its own battles to fight with the memory of German colonialism in Togo. A delegation of East German representatives led by Gerald Gétting and Robert Havemann visited Togo shortly after independence in 1960, where they were immediately assured that ‘all of Togoland has the greatest sympathies for the German people’. ‘The Togolese Foreign Minister Paulin Freitas declared in a welcoming speech: ‘the traces of Germany can be seen everywhere in Togo and the Togolese retain a fond memory of the Germans, who brought them schools, education, and culture’.!°° Freitas added that if the delegates were to address any group in

Togo in German or let it be known that they were German they would be welcomed enthusiastically. The GDR delegates assured him that they delighted in the exchange between a free Togo and a ‘free Germany’, and that they looked forward to cooperation in establishing world peace, economic development, and a better understanding between the two nations. Constantly reassuring Freitas that the relations between the GDR and the new African nation would be completely unlike those between imperialist Germany and Togo, the Togolese minister to his surprise ‘made a detailed defence of Wilhelmine colonial politics’, which in his mind had brought ‘a lot of good to Togo’. This was worth taking seriously, according to the GDR representative, ‘for such opinions are probably more widespread than we thought’.!” Again, we see here a positive memory of German colonialism being

kept alive by the former colonial subjects themselves. This shocked the East Germans, who had adopted the Marxist anti-colonial stance and expected to build partnerships with new “Third World’ nations in ‘solidarity’ against imperialist foes. But ideological tenets did not interest the Togolese, who instead adopted a Realpolitik approach with both Germanies. Their aim was a speedy economic upturn; where the money came from was of secondary importance. East Germany, unlike the West, thus had some initial difficulties in its relationship with Togo. It sought to distance itself from the so-called ‘infiltration politics’ of the West, which was supposedly trying to establish itself with the reputation of the ‘good Germans’.''° By completely rejecting a German colonial past, though, '°7 AA B68/110, Bericht Nr 778/60, betr. Hafen ftir Togo, 4 Nov. 1960. '°8 AA MfAA/A15916, Bericht der Delegation Gétting—Havemann bei der Regierung der Rep Togo (frz. Treuhandschaft) in Lomé (1960), BI. 6-10. ' AA MfAA/A15916, Bericht der Delegation Gétting—Havemann bei der Regierung der Rep Togo (frz. Treuhandschaft) in Lomé (1960), BI. 6-10. 8 AA Mf£AA/A15950, BI. 44, Eindringen des deutschen Imperialismus in Togo, 3 June 1960.

112 Postcolonial Germany they had unwittingly created a disadvantage for themselves. By the time of independence, East Germany had not yet succeeded in taking up official diplomatic relations with Togo.''’ Moreover, a few years later, observing a state visit by West German President Heinrich Ltibke in 1966, the East Germans reported: ‘All signs are pointing towards West Germany trying

to mould Togo into a neo-colonial “model country” and into a political and economic springboard for its activities in West Africa.’!'? Looking back, a gift-giving policy appears to have been an effective way of achieving these aims.

In contrast to the West German package of gifts and foreign aid, the East German congratulations for Togolese independence appear rather mean. This was perhaps meant to be symbolic proof of their commitment to ideological solidarity and rejection of crass capitalist ‘neo-colonialism’. It may well have also been a testament to their economic situation—having lost out on the ‘economic miracle’ of the West, the GDR in the early

1960s had little wealth to spare. In any case, congratulations took the form of a congratulatory telegram sent by President Wilhelm Pieck. In the document, Pieck expressed his and the East German people’s delight at Togolese independence, the government’s decision to formally acknow-

ledge the state, and anticipation of the development of good relations between the two states ‘in the spirit of equality and mutual respect’.'!° A second letter to Olympio accompanied Gerald Gotting on his trip to Togo following independence. Signed by the Minster for Trade Heinrich Rau, it stressed Togo’s achievements in the struggle against imperialism, as well as East Germany’s peaceful and non-interventionist stance.'!* The

GDR thus took great pains to make it clear to the new nation that they were interested in entering into a partnership of equals, and not one built on the paternalistic relationship of a colonial past. Olympio responded to the telegram with thanks, and another telegram was duly sent by Walter Ulbricht on Togo’ss first anniversary of independence the following year.'” By 1962, however, East German officials found that the legacy of the colonial past was inescapable. Their attention turned to the archival docu-

ments on German colonialism, particularly on Togo, that were in their possession. A young journalist and future historian, Peter Sebald, argued

for the analysis of these documents in order to combat the myth of a "l AA MfAA/A15950, BI. 47, DDR und Westdeutschland, 25 May 1960. 12 Dr Krebs, Informationen iiber den Aufenthalt des Westdeutschen Prasidenten Liibke

in der Republik Togo, Berlin, 9.3.1966, MfAA A 15950, Imperialismus Togo/BRD President Liibke in Togo. ''S AA MfAA/A15912, BI. 1, Pieck an Olympio, 20 Apr. 1960. 4 AA MfAA/A15912, BL. 3-4, Rau an Olympio, 21 Apr. 1960. 'P AA MfAA/A15912, BL. 9, 29, 31.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 113 benevolent German colonialism, help the Togolese reclaim the history of their resistance to colonialism, and unmask the so-called ‘colonial legend’

propagated by a ‘neo-colonial’ West Germany. According to Sebald, German colonialism was still being glorified by the West Germans, who were using this false portrayal of history to ‘infiltrate’ the former colony. The fond memories of the period on the side of the Togolese were due either to a lack of knowledge of their own history or the actions of ‘collaborationists’ such as Olympio’s grandfather.''® By uncovering the true history of German colonialism with the release

of information in these confidential files, Sebald hoped the Togolese would see the systemic parallels between the current FRG, which supported the likes of former colonialists such as the Duke of Mecklenburg and groups such as the Deutsche Togogesellschaft, and the German Reich. By contrast, resistance to colonialism and to the exploitation of Togo had come only from the German working class, whose modern representative was the GDR. Therefore, together with handing over selected documents, the “first German workers’ and farmers’ state’ would stand by Togo’s side to

assist them in continuing their fight against imperialism.''” It seems that while negotiating a new relationship with Togo, East Germany’s stance shifted slightly from representing itself as a nation denying a colonial past completely to a nation whose knowledge about the colonial past could actually be useful in the propaganda war against ‘neo-imperialists’.

TANGANYIKA 1961/TANZANIA 1964 In a speech delivered at the opening of the first ‘Africa Week’ held in West Germany in 1960, the Christian Democrat Minister-President of Schleswig-Holstein and future Foreign Minister, Kai-Uwe von Hassel, claimed: ‘the Africa Week has shown that nobody in the Federal Republic

would go down a path which would hearken back to colonial times in only the slightest way’.''® And yet, even though his attitude may have differed markedly from the vanguard of old-school German colonialists, von Hassel’s speech called forth precisely those images he was seeking to avoid. Von Hassel’s father, Theodor, had served in the Schutztruppe in German 116 Discussions were also held on whether to send some documents to Ghana, since the Transvolta region was formerly a part of German Togoland; AA MfAA/A15959, BI.14, Sebald an Scholz, 12 May 1964.

7 AA MfAA/A15959, Bl. 1-4, P Sebald, “Die Aktenbestande des Deutschen Zentralarchivs Postdam tiber Togo’, 24 June 1962. 8 AA B34/218, ‘Entwicklungslander Ostafrikas. Bericht tiber eine Studienreise’, speech by Kai-Uwe von Hassel, 28 Oct. 1960, Bad Godesberg, 26-7.

114 Postcolonial Germany East Africa and remained there as a planter until 1913, when the family was forced to return to Germany. Kai-Uwe himself was born in Gare, Tanganyika, and returned to East Africa as head of the plantations trading department of the former Deutsch Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft until he was interned in 1939.'!? In 1940 he was repatriated a second time and married a woman whom he had met in the Colonial Youth in the 1930s.'”° The speech was von Hassel’s analysis of what he had seen on a trip to East

Africa undertaken by himself and DAG-director Eugen Gerstenmaier in July and August 1960. Although the trip included regions in Kenya, Uganda, Zanzibar, and the Sudan, it was concentrated for three weeks on those areas in Tanganyika which were already familiar to von Hassel. Not only the trip’s itinerary, but also some of the proposals made by von Hassel in his speech grappled with the legacy of German colonialism

in Africa. He claimed that, rather than merely throwing money at the newly emerging African states, German experts should once again become

actively involved in African development. Particularly young people should take up what he called ‘their task’ not just for the sake of Africans, but also for the sake of the FRG’s future.'*’ The Minister lamented the fact that in ten years’ time, there would no longer be a single specialist for tropical agriculture in Germany, and lauded the reopening of the former colonial school at Witzenhausen.!** In a similar vein, he envisioned the erection of two German scientific institutes, one in West and one in East Africa.'*? He saw missionary schools, such as the German Benedictine Mission in southern Tanganyika, as models for educational aid.'** If at

times inadvertently, then, von Hassel sought to address contemporary African problems with ‘remedies’ from a colonial past.

Allusions to the legacy of German colonialism are combined in von Hassel’s speech with a second underlying message stressing the need for the West to continue its involvement in Africa in order to block out the East. Interestingly, von Hassel argued against unconditionally appropriating European forms of democracy for Africa; instead, he recognized the

diversity of traditions in the region and sanctified the one-party domination of the TANU (Tanganyika African National Union) under Julius Nyerere. Yet he was worried by the Eastward-looking tendencies of nearby

Zanzibar, particularly its close relationship to Communist China.'” '? D. Childs, “Obituary: Karl [sic]-Uwe von Hassel’, The Independent (10 May 1997). '° “Von Hassel: Weitermachen’, Spiegel 17/3 (16 Jan. 1963), 23 21 “Von Hassel: Weitermachen’, 28. '22° “Von Hassel: Weitermachen’, 27, 30. 3 “Von Hassel: Weitermachen’, 32. 124 “Von Hassel: Weitermachen’, 18. '29 “Von Hassel: Weitermachen’, 13.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 115 Moreover, it was vitally important for the West to provide aid to emerging African nations quickly: ‘when their politicians see that they do not receive any aid from us, the western world, or that there is any hesitation on our part, they are forced to turn towards the other world, the East’.'*° The year the Berlin Wall was erected, Tanganyika gained independence. As with other African states, Tanganyika was to receive a state gift from West Germany worth initially around 100,000 DM, though this was later increased to 250,000 DM.'” Various ideas included a public health centre for provincial areas, a stationary X-ray machine, a hospital laboratory, part of a vocational centre (for example, for lorry mechanics), or some object

‘which has the greatest possible utility in the given context’. Another option would be promising ten technical internships of one to one-and-ahalf years each. By now, experiences with the Kiinomobils had been so negative that the idea was abandoned immediately.’ It appears that the Tanganyikan government let it be known in an unofficial exchange that it preferred a gift that did not entail further funding by the new state, showing great interest in gifts of medical technology. The Tanganyikans were

particularly keen on X-ray machines, both for diagnosis and treatment purposes.'*’ Not only is the gift, as according to Mauss, ‘never completely detached from those carrying out the exchange’, here, the gift-receivers actually influence the nature of the gift.'*° Three weeks before independence celebrations, there was still no consensus on the gift, yet all indices pointed towards an X-ray unit. This gift was declared ideal, following the advice of Tanganyikan Chief Medical Officer, Dr W. J. Maelor Evans, since it was ‘visually more powerful than any other form of aid’. Every part of the X-ray unit—from generator to lab—could be marked with a plaque commemorating the donor and the occasion; “Thus the generous German donation would be remembered for all eternity.’'°' Two weeks before independence, a final decision was made in favour of the X-ray unit, particularly because there already were experienced operators on the ground in Tanganyika.'*’ The independence festivities were attended by von Hassel, who, as mentioned previously, bore personal connections to the former German East Africa, although

'6 “Von Hassel: Weitermachen’, 16. '°7 AA B68/119, AA an Generalkonsulat BRD Nairobi, betr. Staatsgeschenk, 31 Aug. 1961; AA B68/119, AA an Konsulat BRD Dar es Salaam, 16 Sept. 1961.

8 AA B68/119, AA an Generalkonsulat BRD Nairobi, betr. Staatsgeschenk, 31 Aug. 1961. 29 AA B68/119, Konsulat Dar es Salaam an AA, 24 Oct. 1961. '° Mauss, The Gift, 33. '51- AA B68/119, Konsulat Dar es Salaam an AA, 14 Nov. 1961. '? AA B68/119, Bereitstellung von Mitteln aus dem Entwicklungstonds, 24 Nov. 1961.

116 Postcolonial Germany this is not mentioned in any correspondence with the Foreign Office at the time.'*? It was at this point that the state gift was handed over (symbol-

ically, as preparations had been conducted too late to be able to present the actual gift), and President Nyerere immediately expressed his gratitude

for—surprisingly—not an X-ray unit, but an airplane.’ The announcement was followed by pandemonium behind the scenes as the West German consulate in Nairobi tried to find out what was going on—this was the first that they had heard of an airplane as the state gift.'” The decision had apparently been made only three days earlier by the Interministerial Committee for Developing Countries.'°° The Foreign Office, also not clued in, scurried to buy a Dornier plane stationed in Khartoum in order to be able to provide the goods.'*” It was hoped that the gift, worth 185,000 DM in total, could be used for pest control measures.'°® But that was still not the end of the matter. Tanganyikan officials had understood the plane to be a model with two motors, ideal for ‘government business’; upon discovering that the Dornier 27 had only one motor, the head pilot reminded officials of security measures for the transporta-

tion of high-ranking government representatives, and the Tanganyikan government found itself unable to accept the gift.'*’ So much for Mauss’s theory that a gift also entails the ‘obligation to accept’.'*° More confusion ensued on the German side, as diplomats in Dar es Salaam were assured by Lufthansa that the plane had two motors; meanwhile, the German consulate was already suggesting a Mercedes 300 sedan instead.'*' The plane, which was supposedly never intended for government purposes but instead for management of natural disasters and other technical tasks, was flown back to Munich. Gradually, the focus returned to the original idea of an X-ray unit.” It finally arrived in Tanganyika in January 1963, and was presented to the hospital in Tanga in August that year by Ambassador Schréder.'* 33° AA B68/119, Fernschreiben Nr 119 an AA aus Nairobi, ‘von Dar es Salaam’, 12 . 1961.

ne AN BBh 119, Fernschreiben Nr 119 an AA aus Nairobi, ‘von Dar es Salaam’, 12 aS AA B68/ 119, Telegramm Nr 111, FRG Konsulat Nairobi an AA, 13 Dec. 1961. 36 AA B68/119, Schnellbrief, Bundesminister ftir Gesundheitswesen an AA, 12 Jan. 1962. '57 AA B68/119, Berger, AA, an GAWI Frankfurt, 14 Dec. 1961. 1588) AA BG68/119, AA an Bundesminister der Finanzen, 14 Dec. 1961.

59 AA B68/119, Fernschreiben Nr 125, Schoeller, Nairobi an AA, 16 Dec. 1961. 4° Mauss, The Gift, 41. 4) AA B68/119, Telegramm Nr 28, Robert an AA, 16 Dec. 1961; Fernschreiben Nr 128, Schoeller an AA, 19 Dec. 1961. “2 AA B68/119, Telegramm Nr 31, Sachs an AA, 21 Dec. 1961. “3 AA B68/119, Botschaft BRD, Auftragszahlung: Ausklarierungskosten, 25 Jan. 1963; Botschaft Dar an AA, 16 Aug. 1963.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 117 The ceremony prompted the Tanganyikan Minister for Health, Dr Saidi Maswanya, to remark upon ‘the old relations which survive between Germany and Tanganyika in the field of health care’.'** A subsequent press release issued by the Tanganyika Information Services mentioned that the famous German doctor Robert Koch had begun his research in Tanga and

conducted much of his work on malaria there.'* It seems that after all the back and forth, the West German government had struck exactly the right chord with their gift, albeit two years later. The lengthy deliberations about the gift attest to the high symbolic value that the West German government placed on its Unabhdngigkeitsgeschenk, whereas the Tanganyikan government was perhaps more concerned with its practical applications. Much like the gifts for Togo and Cameroon, the X-ray machine for Tanganyika called up the memory of German colonialism in the region, but only in its most positive light. According to a report on agricultural development in Tanganyika sent to the Foreign Office by Dr Hans Willbrandt, “The German pioneer work from before the First World War is recognized not only by Africans, but also by the English. This activity is particularly striking because so little happened under mandate rule in between the two world wars.’!*° To that end, West Germany provided other forms of aid in agriculture following independence, including an agricultural advice centre, an agricultural college, and an agricultural research station.'*” Such projects certainly also built on a legacy of colonialism, as the Germans had established an expansive agricultural research station in Amani in 1902. Similarly, the FRG planned to help Tanganyika establish a school for wildlife rangers, building on an interest in wildlife conservation already present during colonial times.'*® Again, these gifts were a gateway into further state relations. A treaty

for economic cooperation between the FRG and the Republic of Tanganyika was agreed upon in 1962, stating that West Germany would help Tanganyika in terms of building schools, providing teaching 4 AA B68/119, Botschaft Dar an AA, 16 Aug. 1963. 4 AA B68/119, Press Release: German Gift Will Help to Stamp Out Tuberculosis, 14 Aug. 1963.

46 AA B68/119, Vorbericht von Prof Dr Hans Wilbrandt, Bericht der

Sachverstandigen-Kommission, tiberreicht dem AA am 7 Aug. 1961. 47 AA B68/119, Antrag fiir Mittel, 21 Mar. 1962. 48 AA B68/212, Aufzeichnung betr. technische Hilfsmassnahmen fiir Tanganyika, stand 1 Mar. 1963; see B. Gifsibl, “German Colonialism and the Beginnings of International

Wildlife Preservation in Africa, GHI Bulletin Supplement 3 (2006), 121-43; H. G. Schabel, “Tanganyika Forestry under German Colonial Administration’, Forest & Conservation History 34/3 (July 1990), 130-41; J. Koponen, Development for Exploitation (Miinster, 1995); E Nelson, R. Nshala, and W. A. Rodgers, “The Evolution and Reform of Tanzanian Wildlife Management’, Conservation and Society 5/2 (2007), 232-61; H. J. Wachter, Naturschutz in den deutschen Kolonien in Afrika (Minster, 2008).

118 Postcolonial Germany materials for technical and economic institutions, the technical training of Tanganyikans, the training of Tanganyikan specialists with the aim of having them eventually take over the technical and economic institutions erected by the Germans, and the provision of German specialists, teachers, and experts. The FRG would also provide educational opportunities for Tanganyikan students at German educational institutions and businesses.'*? This type of aid shows the West Germans’ penchant for support-

ing technical training colleges and small- and medium-sized industries, rather than large industrial projects, in order to create a stable middle class. The East, by contrast, was thought to prefer large-scale industry, if only for ‘ideological reasons’.'”° During independence celebrations, the East Germans remained in the

background.'”' Yet in the case of Tanganyika, they were actually more active than in other former German colonies. A congratulatory telegram was sent to Nyerere already on the day of the TANU’s formal takeover in May 1961. Signed by the President of the National Council of the National Front of the GDR, Erich Correns, it alluded to ‘common interests and a ‘common struggle’ against militarism, imperialism, and war.!”” Ironically, references to a ‘common struggle’ for ‘liberation’ also character-

ized a speech delivered by the Mayor of West Berlin, Willy Brandt, on his visit to Dar es Salaam and Zanzibar in 1963. Brandt drew parallels between the fight for Berlin’s ‘freedom and unity’ and the African freedom struggle, prompting the Mayor of Dar es Salaam to adopt President Kennedy's phrase uttered earlier that year: Ich bin ein Berliner.’ The rhetorical competition between the Germanies in Tanganyika around the time of independence was therefore fierce. But was it matched by a comparable competition in material assurances and state gifts? As it had done with other newly independent states, the GDR sent a congratulatory telegram signed by Grotewohl to mark Tanganyikan independence in December 1961.'%* Messages from the Freier Deutscher Gewerkschaftbund and the Deutsch-Afrikanische Gesellschaft (not to be confused with the West German Deutsche Afrika-Gesellschaft) followed.!”° A letter was also sent by the latter to Tanganyikan students residing in the

49 AA B68/119, Rahmenabkommen zwischen BRD und Tanganyika betr. wirtschaftliche und technische Zusammenarbeit. 0 Falk, Die heimliche Kolonialmacht, 32-3. >! AA B68/119, Telegramm an AA aus Nairobi, ‘von Dar es Salaam’, 12 Dec. 1961. 2 AA MfAA/A15085, BI. 2, Correns an Nyerere, n.d.

3 AA B34/466, betr. Besuch des Regierenden Biirgermeisters von Berlin in Dar es Salaam und Sansibar, 15 Nov. 1963. 4 AA MfAA/A15085, BL. 5, Grotewohl to Nyerere, 28 Nov. 1961.

AA MfAA/A15085, BI. 6-7.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 119 GDR, part of an already established scholarship programme, in which the President of the Deutsch-Afrikanische Gesellschaft, Walter Markov, went so far as to warn them of ‘neo-colonialist’ threats, ‘particularly of the West Germans’.'”° Upon the declaration of Tanganyika as a Republic in 1962,

Nyerere was sent a telegram signed by Chairman of the GDR Council of State Walter Ulbricht, commending Tanganyikan efforts ‘to preserve peace and to remedy the abuses caused by colonialism’, as well as its ‘desire to maintain friendly relations with all states’.'°’ Indeed, perhaps more than other African leaders of the time, Nyerere was particularly adept at keep-

ing all avenues open and not declaring particular allegiance to either the East or West in the early days of independence, desperately trying to keep Tanganyika out of Cold War wrangling.'® But that was next to impossible. East Germany was afraid its aims would be trumped by West Germany’s wealth and material aid, which it termed neo-colonialism’. As one delegate to Tanganyika remarked: West German imperialism in particular shows a great deal of interest in Tanganyika. One tries to keep the memory of the former colony under the Kaiser alive. This manifests itself in their current neo-colonial politics. The West German capital aid in the region of £3 [million] to £4 million is characteristic of this.'”’

In response, the East Germans sent out not only telegrams, but a number of delegations of officials and journalists, who found that “Tanganyika

should be declared a focal point in Africa’.'°° Both states seem to have thought that they had a real chance at winning over Nyerere’s regime. A GDR delegation travelling to the area in 1962, for example, found that monetary intervention could well be kept on a small scale, that is, restricted

to ‘smaller aid’ and trade agreements for coffee and tropical fruits.'©! Tanganyikans were said to hold a ‘pro-German’ stance, also in terms of buying ‘good quality’ German products. This reputation, however, did not distinguish between East and West Germany, and it was deemed more important than ever to establish an embassy in Dar es Salaam that repre-

sented ‘the truly good traditions of the German people’.' Rather than 6 AA MfAA/A15085, BI.8, DAG an Gruppe der Studenten aus Tanganyika in der DDR, 8 Dec. 1961. 157 SA MEAAIAL 5085, BI. 30, Ulbricht an Nyerere, Nov. 1962. 8M. Meredith, Zhe State of Africa (London, 2005), 143.

AA MfAA/A15067, BI. 56-7, Kurzbericht der Delegation Keubler/Stange nach Tanganyika vom 9.5.—25.6.1962. 160 AA MEAA/A15067, BI. 57. '6l AA MfAA/A15067, BI. 57.

102 AA MfAA/A15067, BI. 133, Bericht tiber die Reise nach und den Aufenthalt

in Tanganyika [1962 Reise von Koll und Kaubler, Mitarberiter im Staatlichen Rundfunkkomitee], 10 Jan. 1963.

120 Postcolonial Germany distancing itself completely from a German legacy in Africa, then, East Germany was here competing with the West in order to manipulate this legacy to its own advantage.

By 1963, it had become obvious to some that Nyerere was building a socialist state in East Africa, but still encouraging the West to make capital investments.'® Early that year, representatives of German industry, the Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie (BDI) under the leadership of Fritz Berg, visited Tanganyika, along with several other neighbouring African states, in order to explore business opportunities.'°* Meanwhile, Tanganyika was in talks with East Germany about a trade agreement guaranteeing import of East German goods, such as machines, fertilizers, and medical and pharmaceutical products, and export of Tanganyikan sisal, cotton, coffee, and raw materials. As was the case with Togo, East Germany was also an important contact for Tanganyikans wanting to learn about the history of their country under German rule. Most of the archives relating to the colonial period were in possession of the GDR, and East German archivists were willing to help in supplying material and personnel to debunk ‘particularly the idea of Africa as a place with no history .'°° In 1963/4, fifteen scholarships were offered to Tanganyikans by the GDR, and shortly thereafter a formal cultural agreement between the two states was settled. If the East Germans had not yet succeeded in marking their presence in Africa with an embassy in Dar es Salaam, they at least

had made significant inroads trying to establish economic and cultural relations with the new African state. The end of 1962 also saw the East Germans make a more material contribution to their growing relationship with Tanganyika with the gift of a printing press. Like the West German gift at independence, this state gift was in response to a wish expressed by the Tanganyikan government, specifically, Foreign Minister Oscar Kambona during his visit to the GDR in April 1962.'®” It was presented at the one-year anniversary of independence.'®* This move greatly angered the West Germans, who initially requested that the Tanganyikan government send back the press and buy '©3 AA MfAA/A15067, BI. 222, Informationsabteilung, Information tiber die Aufnahme offizieller Bezicehungen zwischen der DDR und der Rep Tanganyika, 8 Mar. 1963.

'©4 B68/143, Botschaft Dar an AA, betr. Studienreise BDI, 20 Aug. 1962; “German Industrialists meet Nyerere’, Tanganyika Standard (2 Feb. 1963). 16> AA MfAA/A15067, BI. 201—2, Handelsabkommen.

66 AA ME£AA/A15068, BI. 145-6, Aktenvermerk uber historische Quellen zur Kolonialzeit.

'7 AA MfAA/A15067, BL. 244, MfAA an Biiro des Bevollmachtigten der DDR in der VAR, betr. Tanganyika, 4 May 1963.

8 AA MfAA/A15068, BI. 201-2, Direktive ftir die Delegation nach Ostafrika im Dezember 1963, 29 Nov. 1963.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 121 a new one with 100,000 DM. This, of course, was the value of the still outstanding state gift from the FRG to Tanganyika. While some members of government took up this agreement with the West Germans, the contract with the East Germans was also left running.’ As Nyerere himself claimed, the ‘Second Scramble for Africa’ had “begun in real earnest’.'”°

The scramble escalated further in 1963-4, when tensions between the East and West over a newly independent Zanzibar reached unprecedented heights. Zanzibar had been a potential target for German expansion only briefly before the island came under British protection in 1890.

Nevertheless, it became a key area of conflict between East and West Germany during the Cold War. East Germany already had good state relations with Zanzibar when the latter embarked on a violent revolution against the ruling Arab elite in 1964. The move was immediately praised in a relatively lengthy congratulatory letter from Walter Ulbricht to Abeid Karume in March of that year.'”' Unlike the more reserved congratulations to the other emerging states we have looked at, the GDR commemorated the occasion of Zanzibar’s independence with a Solidarititssendung, or solidarity shipment. Finally embracing the possibilities of presenting material goods as gifts, the East Germans sent a package including sugar, watches, textiles, shoes, blankets, clothing, medication, transistor radios, and bicycles. These gifts were displayed to the public in a gym in Zanzibar in time for solidarity celebrations on 1 May of that year.'”” When Zanzibar was united with Tanganyika later that year, the GDR hoped that relations with the new state would improve and reach the level that had formerly been attained only with the island.'’? Meanwhile, the FRG hoped that a united Tanzania would finally open doors for them on Zanzibar. Selection of the right state gift was therefore vital. An internal note from the Foreign Office reveals caution, but also high hopes: The politically charged situation on the island and the threat of communist infiltration require particular attention in our treatment of Zanzibar. A timely and well-picked state gift at independence could help influence political relations positively. '”

'69 AA MfAA/A15068, BI. 213, Notiz iiber ein Gesprach mit dem Generalsekretar der TANU am 7.12.1963. '7 J. Nyerere, “The Second Scramble’, reprint in Freedom and Unity (Dar es salaam, 1967), 204-8. Ml AA MfAA/A15069, Bl. 64—6, Ulbricht an Karume, 12 Mar. 1964. '2 AA M£AA/A15072, BI. 6-7, Solidaritatssendung an Sansibar, 5 May 1964. ' AA MfAA/A15069, Schwab, MfAA, an Fritsch, Botschaft Sansibar, 29 Apr. 1964. '4 AA B68/259, Vermerk betr. Unabhangigkeit von Sansibar, 5 June 1963.

122 Postcolonial Germany A number of ideas, including an airplane, Volkswagen ambulances, and a helicopter, were suggested, but West German ofhcials kept returning to the idea of two to four tractors with trailers, equipment that could be used in a new rice cultivation programme planned by the Zanzibari government.!” When it was announced that the island would be united with the Republic of Tanganyika, the independence gift was merely renamed the ‘unification gift’, although there was some mixed opinion on whether it should be delivered to the mainland or directly to Zanzibar.'”° Yet competition was fierce: time and again the gift of two tractors was deemed inadequate, for China had just delivered twenty-five tractors, and ‘aid from the Soviet zone’ for Zanzibar was also thought to be ‘significant’.'”” According to Ambassador Torok, delivering only two tractors would be ‘an inaccurate reflection of our economic strength’.'”° Despite these doubts, a certificate promising three tractors to a united Tanzania was handed over to the Tanganyikan government in July 1964.'” But within the same month, new directives from the Foreign Office ordered the delivery of the tractors to be put on hold while relations with Zanzibar were sorted out. The GDR, after all, had not yet closed its embassy on the island.'*® More than ever, we see here Mauss's tenet in action: gift-giving

entails an obligation to reciprocate on the part of the receiver. If only symbolic, this obligation is what makes the alliance between giver and receiver so strong.'*! ‘The tractors were not just a charitable donation: the West Germans were expecting all of Tanzania, including Zanzibar, to cut off relations with the East, in accordance with the Hallstein Doctrine. If this did not materialize, the gift would be withdrawn. At the same time, hints of Germany’s former military role in Africa were

reinvigorated when, after considerable back and forth, West Germans contributed to an ‘Askari Fund’ which raised money for the former colonial troops in 1964, and President Libke joined former askari in laying a wreath at the memorial for fallen soldiers in Dar es Salaam.'** Moreover, '° AA B68/259, Botschaft Dar an AA, 9 Aug. 1963. 7° AA B68/259, Pauls, Dar es Salaam, an AA, 15 May 1964; Botschaft BRD Dar es Salaam an AA, betr. Geschenk von Traktoren, 18 July 1964. 77 AA B68/259, Fernschreiben Nr 142, Schroeder an AA, 1 June 1964; T6rdk, AA, an Botschaft BRD Dar, 28 July 1964.

8 AA B68/259, Térdk an Bundesministerium ftir Ernahrung, Landwirtschaft und Forsten, 28 July 1964.

' AA B68/259, Ministry of External Affairs and Defence, Tanganyika, to Embassy of FRG, Dar, 15 July 1964. '8° AA B68/259, Torok, AA, and Bundesministerium ftir Ernahrung, Landwirtschaft und Forsten, 28 July 1964. '8! Mauss, The Gift, 33. '82 S. Michels, Schwarze deutsche Kolonialsoldaten. Mehrdeutige Reprisentationsriume und friiher Kosmopolitismus in Afrika (Bielefeld, 2009), 141.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 123 a new sort of ‘gift-giving’, in the form of military aid, was initiated in order to strengthen the bonds between the FRG and the part of Tanzania which was more likely to reciprocate. In early 1965, the FRG sent 40 million DM worth of coastguard boats, planes, soldiers, and technicians to the former Tanganyika. The military aid had been an initiative proposed by von Hassel with the reasoning that the Tanganyikan mainland needed

weapons in order to prove its authority against the Communist threat coming from the island of Zanzibar, which harboured close ties to China. As Dar es Salaam tried to promote good relations with both Germanies,

however, it fell victim to the same rules of gift-giving as Zanzibar had done. The shipment was cancelled suddenly when the West Germans learned that Nyerere had sanctioned the establishment of an East German general consulate (though not an embassy) in Dar es Salaam.'** Relations between the FRG and the united Tanzania became complicated as Nyerere continued to build a socialist state, seemingly becoming increasingly dictatorial. In 1967, he issued the Arusha Declaration, which called for state control of all means of production. ‘This was followed by a comprehensive nationalization programme and the unveiling of ujamaa, which ran counter to West Germans’ views of a democratic society.

RWANDA AND BURUNDI 1962 Both Rwanda and Burundi had been part of German East Africa and became Belgian colonies as the Territory of Ruanda-Urundi after the First World War. When they gained independence on 1 July 1962, both states received three Volkswagen ambulances from the West German government asa state gift. The gift was accompanied by a formal note of congratulations signed by the German Chancellor.'** Ambassador Schréder of the FRG was in Burundi in September of that year and could thus present the certificate for the gift personally.'® The ambulances themselves, however, did not arrive until three days before the first anniversary of independence, when they were handed over by Ambassador Hans-Wilhelm Lippoldes (Fig. 4.1), elsewhere described as an ‘old East African’.'*°

'83 “Militar-Hilfe: Heia Safari’, Spiegel 19/10 (3 Mar. 1965), 24. The GDR’s consul was not expelled from Zanzibar until June 1970. Winrow, The Foreign Policy of the GDR in Africa, 125. 184 AA BG68/159, Entwurf, n.d.

'8) AA B68/159, AA Abteilung 3 an Abt 8, 17 Sept. 1962. '8° AA B68/159, Botschaft BRD Usumbura an AA, 2 July 1963; “Kampf gegen Zuschuf’, Spiegel 28/25 (17 June 1974), 16.

*é aOr. wk = 2 Ss a i /, i : 2 \ i. tee | ya i /,/ / he SSATe | Y 3 ; ye Mey . pe> = = MS Vs 124 Postcolonial Germany

*: a « i si > ge ,: ‘= —— AS a

| —-« 4

. my

DEUTSCHLAND o ,

Fig. 4.1. Health Minister and Acting Prime Minister of Burundi Pie Masumbuko and FRG Ambassador Hans-Wilhelm Lippoldes take the new VW ambulance for a test drive around Usumburu. AA B68/159, HI] B 5, Anlage zum Bericht der Botschaft Usumbura vom 25. Juli 1963, Ber.-Nr. 176/63. Image courtesy of Auswartiges Amt, Germany.

As was the case in Tanganyika, the ambulances were gifts suggested by Rwandan and Burundian government officials themselves. In expressing his wishes, the Rwandan Agrarian Minister Balthazar Bicamumpaka made reference to a ‘good memory of the former German colonial admin-

istration.'*’ Indeed, according to the German Embassy in Burundi, ‘the population still has strong sympathies for Germany dating back to the times of German protective rule and did not hesitate to defend the German point of view in front of the United Nations’.'** The West Germans themselves were aware of ‘our particular relationship to the two '” AA B68/160, Botschaft BRD Briissel an AA, 7 Aug. 1962; AA Ref IIB1 ttber Herrn ALIL Herrn Staatsek., 22 Nov. 1962, Vermerk betr. Besprechung zw Herrn Balthazar Bicamumpaka..., 19 Oct. 1962. ISS AA B68/293, Botschaft BRID Usumbura an AA, betr. Technische Hilfe Burundi, 14 July 1964.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 125 countries as parts of the former German East Africa’.'®’ Interestingly, though, the West Germans were also aware of the fact that they needed to distance themselves from colonialist connotations to some degree. Like the Klinomobils sent to Cameroon, the ambulances were to be decorated with French, German, and indigenous language dedications to the people of Rwanda and Burundi. Great attention was paid to detail, and the Rwandan ambulance had to repainted in order to reflect the new spelling ‘Rwanda’, ‘because the way of writing Ruanda is of course—as a colonial residue—now very suspect .'”° There was, apparently, a fine line separating

memories of the ‘good Germans’ and the contemporary climate which eschewed colonial power relations. The ambulances were accompanied by a promise for five internships in Germany for each country. Again, these were more than just a sign of genuine good will; plans were made ‘to use this educational project occurring

in the framework of the government’s development aid for publicity— that is, to gain maximum propagandistic mileage out of the gift.'?! The nature of the aid that followed was very much along the lines as the FRG’s programmes in other areas of Africa. It included setting up radio stations, technical and vocational schools, and veterinary inoculation programmes, as well as improving infrastructure.!”” The state gifts presented by the West Germans to Rwanda and Burundi

thus fall into the patterns already established at previous independence celebrations. They were gifts involving medical care, which to some degree was a reference to Germans’ ‘achievements in medical care and tropical hygiene in Africa during the colonial era. The ceremony of handing over the gifts was accompanied by ‘positive’ colonial rhetoric, often also from the side of the former colonial subjects, and involved German representa-

tives who already had some connection to Africa dating from colonial times. The nature of the state gifts was debated exhaustively within the corridors of official West German state institutions, because they were seen as having great symbolic value, not only in terms of negotiating a past memory of colonialism, but also in terms of placing the FRG in an advantageous position within the Cold War ‘scramble’ for Africa. In the case of Rwanda and Burundi, the form of the gifts was determined at least in part by the input of African representatives themselves. We see here an attempt

on the part of the West German government to provide something truly

1899 AA B34/469, Bericht der Botschaft Usumbura vom 28 Mai 1963.

AA B68/159, Botschaft BRD Usumbura an AA, 23 Apr. 1963. ! AA B68/159, AA an Botschaft BRD Usumbura, 20 May 1963. 1922 AA B68/159, Botschaft BRD Usumbura an AA, 18 Dec. 1963; Vermerk betr. K6nigreich Burundi, Finanzielle und Technische Hilfe, 18 Dec. 1962.

126 Postcolonial Germany useful to the newly independent nations, having perhaps learned from early mistakes involving gifts unfit for tropical environments. Finally, the gifts came with a tacit agreement that they would cement the relationship between the new African state and the West. Any violation of this understanding would lead to harsh consequences. As with most other former German colonies, the initial relations between East Germany and Rwanda and Burundi were cautious, on a smaller scale and more often than not a reaction to perceived West German threats. In spite of the official rhetoric of equality and solidarity, the East German manner could be just as patriarchal as the West Germans’. The GDR felt

obliged ‘to demonstrate the dangers of West German neo-colonialism which presents itself for Ruanda-Urundi as the former German colony ’.'” Yet the East Germans were involved in aid projects very similar to the ones offered by West Germany, sending experts abroad to help with town planning, state finances, agrarian issues including pest eradication, and veterinary matters.!’* The GDR, however, worked hard to try to start a new—FEast German—legacy in Africa, seeing itself as a common ally in

the struggle for independence from colonialism and therefore marking the anniversary of independence with congratulatory telegrams in years to come.'”’ Indeed, the state telegram was for the East Germans of as much solemn symbolic value as the state gift was for the West Germans. Future

relations with the new African nation often seemed to depend on how officials responded to this gesture. When Rwandan President Kayibanda, for example, did not answer the GDR’s telegram congratulating him on Rwanda’s proclamation of independence, the East German Ministry of Foreign Affairs decided to send the telegram at actual independence to the Foreign Minister instead.'”° By contrast, Julius Nyerere’s notes of thanks for the congratulatory telegrams he received were surely interpreted as a positive sign for future relations.!”’

> AA MfAA/C1160/77, BL. 107. 4 AA MfAA/C1160/77, BL 113.

AA MfAA/C1161/77, BI. 7, Gliickwtinsche zur Unabhangigkeit von Burundi zum 3. Jahrestag, gez. Ulbricht; AA MfAA/C1168/77, Bl. 1, Gliickwiinsche Rwanda zum 3. Jahrestag, gez. Ulbricht. AA MfAA/C1168/77, BL. 27, Dr Lessing an Minister Stibi, MfAA Hausmitteilung, 22 Sept. 1962. 7 AA MfAA/A15085, BI. 12, Nyerere to Ulbricht, 18 Dec. 1961.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 127 SOUTHWEST AFRICA The independence of Namibia, the former German Southwest Africa, from

South African rule did not occur until 1990, and thus a consideration of Namibian independence gifts falls beyond the scope of this chapter. In fact, because of its significant and powerful German-speaking population, the story of Southwest African colonial memory has a much longer and more entangled trajectory with the German metropole(s). During the 1950s and 1960s, Namibia was nevertheless an important site of Cold War competition between East and West Germany, as both states engaged in economic, political, or paramilitary assistance to the territory of South Africa.

Namibia's perpetual ‘colonial’ status under South Africa was a real cause for concern for the United Nations from 1946 onwards, when South Africa approached the UN asking for outright annexation of Southwest Africa (SWA). Under the League of Nation’s mandates system Southwest Africa had been a Class C mandate territory, meaning that it was governed as a fifth province. Following the Second World War, the mandates system was transformed into the trusteeship system, and South Africa refused to cooperate with more stringent oversight from the United Nations. It neglected to file regular reports on the territory and in the early 1960s began to implement the Odendaal Plan, dividing SWA into ten ‘homelands’ for people classified as ‘black’ under the race-based classification system underpinning apartheid since 1948.

This prompted Liberia and Ethiopia to file a complaint with the UN against South Africa breaching the mandate agreement. Though initially unsuccessful, international displeasure with the South African government culminated in the revocation of the mandate in 1966.'”® Already during the early 1960s, East Germany was deeply involved in supporting the independence struggle in southern Africa. One of the most

fundamental East German foundation myths was that the GDR was a nation of resistance fighters, growing out of the Communist opposition to Nazi rule during the Third Reich.'” The FRG, in contrast, was seen as a continuation of fascist ideologies. Because the South African nationalists had retained close ties to Nazi Germany and valued many of the same racist ideals, the struggle against apartheid was seen as very much akin to the 8 For a brief summary of Namibias road to independence, see G. Brenke, Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Namibia-Konflikt (Munich, 1989), 13-20. See also R. Dreyer, Namibia and Southern Africa (London, 1994); L. Cliffe, The Transition to Independence in Namibia (Boulder/London, 1994); and B. Becker, Speaking Out: Namibians Share their Perspectives on Independence (Windhoek, 2005) for more comprehensive studies. ' See, e.g, J. Hell, ‘At the Center an Absence’, Monatshefte 84/1 (Spring 1992), 23-45.

128 Postcolonial Germany Communist struggle against Nazism.””° In 1960, the GDR’s newly founded

Solidarity Committee took up relations to the SWAPO (the Ovambo-led South West Africa People’s Organization, founded 1960) and SWANU (the Herero-led South West Africa National Union, founded 1959), and in the next few years sponsored exchange programmes for students, journalists, and members of youth organizations. Future Namibian President Sam Nujoma made the first of several visits to East Germany in 1962, and the GDR also

offered some limited material aid, including a typewriter and the offer to print the SWAPO’s manifesto in East Germany.””' Relations began in earnest following the collapse of the former Portuguese possessions in neighbouring Angola and Mozambique, when the GDR sent material aid to refugee camps. Because the FRG did not openly condemn the Portuguese policy towards its colonies, it was quickly marked by resistance groups such as the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) as a supporter of colonialism.””*” Meanwhile, East Germans trained SWAPO resistance fighters, provided medical care for their wounded, and supplied them with weapons.*”

Most German-Namibians, however, held FRG passports.*°* Loath to give up their race-based positions as the nation’s elite, the interests of most of the German community in Namibia were diametrically opposed to the anti-imperialist, socialist rhetoric of the GDR. As the African scene began

to heat up in the first half of 1961, members of the German community in Southwest Africa increasingly sought West German passports, and applications increased by 60 per cent.” The FRG, in turn, supported several German—Southwest African initiatives, much like the German Reich had done previously. These included financial aid to several care homes for Germans run by the German Women’s Association in Windhoek.*”

Having re-opened the German consulate in Windhoek in 1953, the FRG went on to settle a cultural agreement in 1962, which pledged support for German schools in the area and recognized continued ties to the German-speaking population.*”” At the same time, the West German government condemned apartheid policy in 1963 and supported a UN resolution for a weapons embargo against the Republic of South Africa.*”* Yet °° Schleicher and Schleicher, Die DDR im siidlichen Afrika, 4. °°! Schleicher and Schleicher, Die DDR im siidlichen Afrika, 154-5.

*? AA B34/467, FRELIMO Information Bulletin: West Germany Involved in the Portuguese Colonial War, 28 Oct. 1963. 3 Schleicher and Schleicher, Die DDR im stidlichen Afrika, 157. 204 Schleicher and Schleicher, Die DDR im siidlichen Afrika, 171. > AA B85/803, Strusch, Konsulat der BRD in Windhuk, 9 May 1961. 6 AA B85/1118, versch. Antrage ftir Beihilfe 1960-1962. °°” Brenke, Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Namibia-Konflikt, 110, 119. 8 Brenke, Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Namibia-Konflikt, 110; Tetzlaff, ‘Grundziige und Hintergriinde Bonner Afrika-Politik’, 34.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 129 Bonn stopped short of implementing a trade boycott. The fact that 30 per cent of the FRG’s uranium imports came from Namibia at the time may well have influenced the decision.”” Although the connection to colonialism was not ideal, the South African

state and the conservative German community in Southwest Africa were seen as a bulwark against Communism on the African continent. According to the West German consulate, it was advantageous to support societies like the Deutsch-Afrikanische Hilfsausschuf$ in Windhoek: ‘Its members are in part still somewhat tainted by Nazism, but they are def-

initely anti-communist, so there are no qualms about putting them in touch with the Hilfsring e.V. volunteer association.’*'° Moreover, South Africa was one of West Germany’s leading African trading partners in the early 1960s.*'' Despite, or, rather, because of these political and economic ties, a small number of enthusiasts and specialists concerned with South African solidarity became active in the West German student movement

in the late 1960s.” During the change in leadership throughout much of the rest of Africa in the early 1960s, the memory of colonialism can be seen, from both the German and African sides, as a political bargaining tool. Moreover, both the GDR and FRG constantly oscillated between wanting to portray themselves as a Germany without any colonial past, and being a Germany with a colonial past that was all too present. When presenting their state gifts to mark the independence of former German colonies, the two states often behaved according to Mauss's basic theory of gift-giving. In this sense, gift-giving became a ritualized procedure with high symbolic value, a process motivated by prestige even more than by economics. Gift-giving at independence was understood as an exchange of material goods and/ or promises of future aid, which was to be reciprocated with political allegiance, if not economic output. In this sense, West Germany was the more ‘successful’ gift-giver, in that no African nation with the exception of Tanzania and Egypt officially recognized the GDR during this period.’'° Above all, Mauss contends that gift-giving inherently places the receiver in a position of inferiority and, indeed, that this process constitutes a “basic °” A. Tomforde and C. Page, ‘Bonn rejects trade boycott as Paris sits on the fence: West

German and French governments’ response to worsening situation in South Africa’, Guardian (13 June 1986). 710 AA B85/1119, Konsulat BRD Windhuk an AA, 11 June 1964.

I! AA B68/231, Entwurf: “Die wirtschaftliche Beziehungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland zu Afrika’, 1961. “7 R. Kofler and H. Melber, “The West German Solidarity Movement with the Liberation Struggles in Southern Africa’, in U. Engel and R. Kappel (eds.), Germany’ Africa Policy Revisited (Miinster, 2002), 103-26. *!3 ‘Tetzlaff, “Grundziige und Hintergriinde Bonner Afrika-Politik’, 29.

130 Postcolonial Germany imperialism’ of all human beings.*’* The GDR was quick to criticize the FRG as it appeared to shower the new African states with material gifts in development aid which were deemed to be of a ‘neo-imperialist’ nature. Yet the East’s offers of ‘solidarity aid’, which eventually also incorporated

material goods as well as military training, also came with obligations attached. Both states hoped that their offers would win over new allies in the Cold War, bound to them through gift-giving ties that were ‘comparatively indissoluble’.*””

Treading the fine line between the ‘good old times’ as former imperialists in Africa and negative connotations of colonialism and imperialism was not always easy for West Germany. The setbacks of the East African mobile trade exhibition of 1963 serve as a case in point. The exhibition, showcasing the very best of West German manufacturing, featured

machinery and equipment either not suited to the African environment or of little interest to Africans. Information presented was either too complicated or too boring for the African audience.”'° Moreover, some members of the exhibition crew held openly racist attitudes towards Africans, calling them ‘monkeys’.*'” The leader, Thomas Dannemann, conducted himself “briskly, imperatively, and with all the airs of a colonial master | Herrenmensch|’. In Mombasa, he ran over a black man with the exhibition van without stopping.*’> Dannemann’s crew travelled to the tune of marching songs, saluted the German flag, and always appeared in uniform, evoking uncomfortable images of a Prussian and Nazi military heritage. This occurred despite a Foreign Office warning that ‘an emphasis on military and nationalist elements warrant suspicion both by Europeans and Africans. Neither of them wants to be reminded of the past.’*””

The outcome was a public relations disaster, as only a year earlier a similar mobile trade exhibition had made its troublesome debut in West Africa. The first leader of the exhibition, Dr Kollmansperger, a former SA-Sturmbandfiihrer, was called back “because of his clumsy behaviour’, only to be replaced by the former SS officer Seibold. During this time it was said that members of the exhibition travelled along singing several

714 Mauss, The Gift, 65. *19 Mauss, The Gift, 33. 716 AA B68/231, “German Fair: PR Mistakes’, Reporter (21 Sept. 1963). “17 AA B68/231, Vermerk betr. personelle Belange einer deutschen Wanderausstellung, 19

OMe AA B6BI231, Anlage betr. schadigendes Verhalten eines Méitgliedes der Wanderausstellung. *) AA B68/231, Vermerk betr. personelle Belange einer deutschen Wanderausstellung, 19 Dec. 1963.

The State Gift, 1949-1968 131 old Nazi songs, including the Horst Wessel Lied. As much as they tried, the West German Foreign Office could not keep a lid on the German past, not

even in Africa.” Racism and Eurocentrism characterized many Germans’ attitudes towards Africans during this period, in spite of official efforts to distance themselves from the negative aspects of colonialism. When asked what the West German Bundestag thought of a European presence in Africa during a visit in the problematic Angola, representatives answered, “We believe...that it is a necessary precondition for upholding peace, order, and progress, and the cooperation of people of all races and all beliefs. That is to say that the European is the essential motor for the further development of this huge and wonderful continent.’”*' Development theory had once again made it acceptable to think of black Africans as inferior beings who might, with the help of further ‘advanced’ Europeans, be able to bet-

ter their situation. And it was not only the West that found it difficult to distance itself from historical attitudes towards blacks. As Young-Sun Hong has shown, Africans sent to East Germany on medical exchange programmes were often given the most menial of tasks despite higher qualifications and were frequently subject to ghettoization and racist remarks.*” It seems the idea of ‘solidarity’ across the races only went so far. In both East and West Germany, the colonial past was a point of entry for relations to the former African colonies after independence. Whenever the legacy of this past became uncomfortable, though, both the FRG and GDR quickly distanced themselves, denying any connection with imperialism. In an interview with the West German periodical Die Zeit in 1960, Eugen Gerstenmaier declared that ‘it is not only in our own interest, but in the interest of the entire free world, that we Germans remain unburdened by the mortgage of a colonial past. We have witnessed, without doing much about it, that the early loss of our colonies has eventually become a blessing.’*’? The East Germans doubtless thought the same. We have so far traced the changing face of the public memory of German

colonialism since the end of the First World War, noting where and how this collective memory was upheld and manipulated to fit into dominant

°° AA B68/231, Vermerk betr. personelle Belange einer deutschen Wanderausstellung, 19 Dec. 1963. For more on German trade exhibitions in Africa, see K. Pence, “Showcasing Cold War Germany in Cairo: 1954 and 1957 Industrial Exhibitions and the Competition for Arab Partners’, Journal of Contemporary History 47/1 (2012), 69-95. “I! AA B34/467, Anlage: Tageszeitung ‘A Provincia de Angola vom 28 Jul. 1963’.

2 Y.-S. Hong, ““The Benefits of Health Must Spread Among All”’, in K. Pence and P. Betts (eds.), Socialist Modern (Ann Arbor, 2008), 183—210.

3 “Karitas fir Afrika’, Spiegel 14/44 (1960), 43.

132 Postcolonial Germany national paradigms. We have seen that, even after the Second World War,

the public memory of colonialism was still making important appearances. And yet, it had changed: by the 1960s, there were rising uncertainties about moral implications of a colonial past, as well as an entirely novel context of Cold War alliances which framed colonial memory.

The Empty Plinth, 1968-1990 In the early hours of 1 November 1968, Hermann von Wissmann came down from his pedestal. A 2.6-metre bronze likeness of the German explorer and colonial governor, flanked by a doting askari, had stood proudly overlooking the green in front of the University of Hamburg since 1922. Symbol of the glory days of German empire, it had originally been

erected in Dar es Salaam, capital of the former German East Africa, in 1909. After Germany lost its colonies following the First World War, the statue was eventually shipped to Germany and displayed on the campus of the nation’s first colonial institute.! Wissmann had fallen before, knocked down by the effects of an Allied

bombing raid on the city in 1945. Yet in 1949, officials had resurrected him.’ Less than twenty years later, his ultimate demise came not from foreign forces, but from Germans themselves. Students had been embroiled with the University of Hamburg since 1961, campaigning for the removal of the Wissmann statue, together with a likeness of his fellow colonial-

ist, Hans Dominik, which had been erected in 1935, having spent very little time in its original destination, Yaoundé, before being returned to Germany after the outbreak of the First World War.’ Encouraged by the Sozialistischer Deutsche Studentenbund (SDS), the activists protested against the statues as symbols of ‘colonialism in the African world’. Two previous attempts at defacing and razing Wissmann to the ground had been thwarted by police, and the monument was saved. But in the

' J. Zeller, Kolonialdenkmdaler und Geschichtsbewufstsein (FFM, 1999), 201-11; see also W. Speitkamp, Denkmalsturz (Gottingen, 1997). * “Wissmann wieder da’, Hamburger Abendblatt (10 Oct. 1949), 8. > “Kleiner Irrtum’, HA (10 Aug. 1967), 3. J. Zeller, ‘Monumente ftir den Kolonialismus’, in H. Mohle (ed.), Branntwein, Bibeln und Bananen (Hamburg, 1999), 134—5. For fur-

ther background on the SDS involvement in Wissmann’s ‘downfall’ see I. Cornils, ‘Denkmalsturz: The German Student Movement and German Colonialism’, in M. Perraudin and J. Zimmerer (eds.), German Colonialism and National Identity (New York/London,

2011), 197-212. * “Wissmann-Denkmal sollte umgestiirzt werden’, HA (9 Aug. 1967), 4.

134 Postcolonial Germany autumn of 1968 students succeeded in pulling the figure down for good and marching it to the cafeteria, where it was displayed covered in red paint and fruit yoghurt.’ Eventually retrieved by university representatives, Wissmann ended up in the cellar of the local planetarium. He collected dust until he was briefly pulled out for an artistic project in 2005,° only to return to obscurity thereafter. How did “Germany's greatest African’ of 1908,’ or the ‘great German explorer of Africa’® of 1949 become the “European master [Herrenmensch]”

targeted in 1968? What had happened that, in spite of protests by the Vereinigung der Ostatfrikaner, the Traditionsverband ehemaliger Schutzund Uberseetruppen, and individual colonial army veterans,'° university officials decided to keep the statue out of sight after 1968? The way in which colonialism was understood by the German public had undergone a sea change, a change brought about not least by the end of political and cultural dominance by a generation directly involved in colonialism and colonial revisionism and supplanted by one coming of age after the Second World War. As we saw in the previous chapter, a new set of tensions surrounding the memory of German colonialism was never quite resolved when, in 1968, students literally and figuratively swept aside Germany's imperial past. As figures of colonial rulers were toppled in a series of public actions they called Denkmalsturz, the words ‘colonialism’ and ‘imperialism’ became public taboos. Rather than ‘working through’ or ‘coming to terms’ with colonial legacies, then, the collective memory of colonialism in Germany was frozen in time in 1968. We will see how, despite historical ruptures and public silences, German colonial memory continued in the private sphere of the family. However, the memory of colonialism in public space changed dramatically after °1968’."!

This chapter argues that, in spite of several moments of colonial remembering after 1968, Germany's colonial past ceased to play a significant role in public space and therefore receded from the nation’s (or, rather, both nations’) collective memory. During this period the memory > “Jetzt steht Wissmann in der Mensa, HA (2 Nov. 1968), 12. ° See . ’ ‘This is the inscription on a statue of Wissmann erected in Bad Lauterberg, Germany,

in | ,

. ® “Ein Vermachtnis’, HA (12 Oct. 1949), 2. ? “Nach den Debatten Sturm auf Kolonialdenkméaler’, HA (1 Nov. 1968). '® See letters to the editor by W. Dachert, G. Auer, and C. Jansen, all HA (21 Aug. 1967), 6; Dachert, “WifS’man-Denkmal’ and H. D. Moldzio, “Kein Mut geh6rt dazu’, HA (5 Oct.

] , 10.

1 Following recent convention, the term ‘1968’ will be used to denote the entire spectrum of events associated with student activism and protest movements during the late 1960s and early 1970s.

The Empty Plinth, 1968-1990 135 of colonialism may therefore be considered not as an artefact, but as an absence—an empty plinth where once a colonial monument stood. This is not to say that there was no interaction with the colonial past at all. In fact three potential nodes of memory did develop during this time in the fields of student activism and street protest, the work of East and West German historians, and the controversy surrounding Southwest Africa’s independence. The difference from previous foci of memory, however, is that this memory no longer informed the national, collective conception of the past; it did not exist on the level of politics and government, nor did it have any real meaning in the socio-cultural space. It was a memory not internalized, but employed by small groups sharing diverse special interests, causes not necessarily directly related to German colonialism at all. These groups confronted the German colonial past in the present, but these were localized, fragmented, incomplete encounters, not tied together in a master narrative as public or national memory is. Colonial memory had thus moved from the monumental to the local, and likewise from an era of material memories to an era of traces, ghosts, and whispers increasingly related to the present rather than the past. Colonialism ceased to be a memory anchored in material relics but instead became an idea, a battle-cry, a symbol, a word. In public space at least, it moved from three to two dimensions.

COLONIALISM ON THE STREETS The early 1960s saw the coalescing of three major protest movements: the anti-nuclear movement (Ostermarschbewegung), intellectuals, left-liberals, and unions protesting against the planned Emergency Laws,

and the Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund, or SDS.'* Together, under the intellectual influence of the “New Left’, they formed the backbone of the AufSerparlamentarische Opposition (APO), a major oppo-

sition movement to the CDU/CSU and SPD coalition government, between 1966 and 1968." The student movement, including the SDS, the Kommune I, and smaller groups, saw themselves as leading a revolutionary struggle against '? ‘The Emergency Laws foresaw a curtailment of individual rights and the augmentation of legislative rights of the government in the event of either an ‘external’ crisis (i-e., war) or an ‘internal’ crisis (environmental disaster or general strike). See W. Kraushaar, Achtundsechzig. Eine Blianz (Berlin, 2008), 163-75.

'S P Richter, “Die AufSerparlamentarische Opposition in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland 1966 bis 1968’, Geschichte und Gesellschaft: Sonderheft: 1968—Vom Ereignis zum Gegenstand der Geschichtswissenschaft 17 (1998), 35-55.

136 Postcolonial Germany capitalism and authoritarianism and for a more democratic education system. Universities, they claimed, were being driven by an ‘ivory tower mentality, far removed from significant contemporary issues. Inspired by Marxism, but opposed to Stalinist Communism, they advocated an alternative lifestyle and protested against materialism and political apathy. Many were inspired by Chairman Mao and his Chinese cultural revolution, a ‘great leap forward’ which called for the destruction of traditional cultural forms, including material relics of the past. Students also picked up protest techniques from the United States, participating in direct action and civil disobedience. They staged sit-ins, teach-ins, and go-ins, attempting to disrupt the normal running of society to alert a wider audience to their cause. These protest tactics were, according to Martin Klimke, some of the most distinctive elements of the West German student movement."

Three main areas of protest informed the ‘68ers’: anti-fascism, anti-capitalism, and anti-imperialism.’? Although certainly in tune with new historiography from Fritz Fischer and a new generation of historians considering, among other topics, German colonialism,"° activists also reacted to intellectual and political developments from outside Germany. They were inspired by the Cuban revolution (Che Guevara's Bolivianisches Tagebuch was published in 1968), the American involvement in Vietnam, or the bloody Algerian war for independence from France. According to Frantz Fanon, whose Les Damnés de la Terre was first published in German

translation by an SDS member in 1966, the process of decolonization necessitated violence, a ‘decisive struggle’ between the colonizer and the colonized.'” Reform through pre-existing intellectual or commercial elites was no longer sufficient because it did not overthrow the underlying system of oppression.'® Following Engels, Fanon claimed that the violent nature of colonialism (and thus decolonization) was linked to capitalism.”

This resonated with students and other members of the “Third World Movement’, which began after French intervention in Algeria in 1957 and reached a high point during anti-Vietnam protests between 1965 and 1969.*°

‘4M. Klimke, “West Germany’, in M. Klimke and J. Scharloth (eds.), 1968 in Europe: A History of Protest and Activism, 1956-1977 (New York, 2008), 105. '? Kraushaar, Achtundsechzig, 71.

‘6 Cornils, ‘Denkmalsturz: The German Student Movement and German

Colonialism’, 200. '7 FE Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth (London, 2001), 28, 48, 68. The translation was published as Die Verdammten dieser Erde, trans. Traugott Konig (FFM, 1966), also with an introduction by Jean-Paul Sartre. 'S Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 46. Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, 50-1.

°° For more on the Third World movement in Germany, see C. Olejniczak, Die Dritte-Welt-Bewegung in Deutschland (Wiesbaden: Deutscher Universitats Verlag, 1999).

The Empty Plinth, 1968-1990 137 Activists saw the West German government as part of a ‘neo-colonialist’

network, oppressive both at home and abroad, and also sought a ‘third way for the future, one that entailed navigation between capitalist and socialist systems. Like leading figures in the GDR, students opposed traditional development aid, favouring instead ‘solidarity’ with militant groups struggling for independence in the “Third World’. Many of their peers, meanwhile, went overseas as volunteers to deliver material and technical aid, but also to present themselves as ‘peaceful revolutionaries’ helping to resist authoritarian structures and regimes abroad.*' Perhaps acknowledging some pressure from the APO, members of an FRG ambassadorial conference held in Abidjan in Spring 1968 declared that ‘the Africa policy of the FRG shall in future no longer be an appendix to the Germany policy, but shall instead gain a greater weight of its own’.** Arguably, though, the government's approach did not change substantially in the years that followed.”?

On the streets of the Federal Republic, protests against ‘neo-colonial’ political violence in the Congo, a repressive regime in Iran, and colonial intervention in Vietnam, Angola, and Algeria served to discredit European colonialism at large. Internationalism and transnationalism were therefore integral to the 1968 movement, a ‘global’ phenomenon.” Young West Germans were gripped by the Black Power movement which

saw African-Americans as an ‘internal colony’ of the United States, a state simultaneously engaging in imperialist repression in Vietnam.” This was complemented by a cultural affinity of blackness, particularly in the African-American sense, with ‘hipness’; in a countercultural coup,

students considered themselves ‘white negroes’.”” Fanon’s sanctification of armed struggle in decolonization was translated into a necessary

*! B. Hein, “Entwicklungshilfe, international Solidaritat oder Weltinnenpolitik? Der Umgang mit der “Dritten Welt” als Gradmesser des Reformklimas’, in U. Wengst (ed.), Reform und Revolte. Politischer und gesellschaftlicher Wandel in der Bundesrepublik vor und

nach 1968 (Munich, 2011), 35. * V. Matthies, “Wird Afrika rot? Kommunismus als Bedrohungsvorstellung deuscher Afrika-Politik’, in H. Bley and R. Tetzlaff (eds.), Afrika und Bonn (Reinbek bei Hamburg, 1978), 172. °° See Hein, ‘Entwicklungshilfe’. * For a re-evaluation of the significance of the Congo conflict and the death of Lumumba in 1961, see Q. Slobodian, Foreign Front: Third World Politics in Sixties West Germany (Durham/London, 2012), 61-73.

° Kraushaar, Achtundsechzig, 78. For more on the transnational (North American/ European) dimensions of the movement see also M. Klimke, 7he Other Alliance: Student Protest in West Germany and the United States in the Global Sixties (Princeton/Oxford, 2010).

°° Klimke, Student Protest, 108-42. *” D. Siegtried, Time is on My Side: Konsum und Politik in der westdeutschen Jugendkultur der 60er Jahre (Gottingen, 2006), 359-61, 366-98.

138 Postcolonial Germany application of violence against authoritarianism in the ‘First World’ by the Black Panthers and the Red Army Faction (RAF), who, like many 1968ers, saw West Germany as an ‘external colony of the United States.” Against this, though, Germany's own transnational past received relatively little attention. ‘Colonialism and ‘imperialism’ had taken on a huge significance which

could, but rarely did, relate back to the German past in Africa, with one notable exception. Students saw universities as loci for revolutionary protest, and their actions were focused around the possession and manipulation of public space.” Thus it was no surprise that two landmarks on the campus of Hamburg University sparked one of the most direct confrontations between a new generation of students and Germany’s colonial heritage. In the 1960s students attempted several times to topple the statues of Hermann von Wissmann, former gov-

ernor of Kamerun, and another prominent colonial officer in Kamerun, Hans Dominik. ‘They eventually succeeded and were put on trial, with historian Helmut Bley serving as an expert witness.*’ The Wissmann statue, a larger-than-life figure of the governor with an adoring askari at his feet, was seen by students as a ‘daily cynical insult to our African fellow students’. Their

action was meant as ‘an unambiguous expression of the will of all progressive powers of the University of Hamburg, who cannot tolerate the use of civil scholarship for the methodical exploitation of the peoples of the Third World’.*! The sequence of events of the Denkmalsturz action against the Wissmann statue has already been related in more detail by Ingo Cornils and Joachim Zeller,** as has the similarly controversial rise and fall of a statue of Carl Peters by Arne Perras and Constant Kpao Saré, both of which need not be retold here.*? What is important is less the actions of students, universities 8 Klimke, Student Protest, 130-1.

*” M. Klimke and J. Scharloth, ‘1968 in Europe: An Introduction’, in Klimke and Scharloth (eds.), 1968 in Europe, 1-9, 1; C. Leggewie, ‘A Laboratory of Postindustrial Society: Reassessing the 1960s in Germany’, in C. Fink, P. Gassert, and D. Junker (eds.), 1968: The World Transformed (Cambridge, 1998), 287.

39 Cornils, ‘Denkmalsturz: The German Student Movement and German

Colonialism’, 202. *! Allgemeiner Studentenausschuss (ASTA) an der Universitat Hamburg, Das permanente Kolonialinstitut. 50 Jahre Hamburger Universitat (Trittau, 1969), 39. 32 Cornils, ‘Denkmalsturz: The German Student Movement and German Colonialism; Zeller, ‘Monumente ftir den Kolonialismus: Kolonialdenkmaler in Hamburg’; J. Zeller,

‘Decolonization of the Public Space? (Post)Colonial Culture of Remembrance in Germany’, in U. Lindner, M. Mohring, M. Stein, and S. Stroh (eds.), Hybrid Cultures— Nervous States: Britain and Germany in a (Post)Colonial World (Amsterdam/New York, 2010), 65-88. See also J. Verber, “Building Up and Tearing Down the Myth of German Colonialism: Colonial Denkmale and Mahnmale after 1945’, in B. Niven and C. Paver (eds.), Memorialization in Germany since 1945 (Basingstoke, 2010).

°° A. Perras, Carl Peters and German Imperialism (Oxford, 2004); C. Kpao Saré, Carl Peters et l'Afrique: un mythe dans lopinion publique, la literature et la propaganda politique en

The Empty Plinth, 1968-1990 139 officials, and the press, but the resulting absence—empty space and its relationship to colonial forgetting. A mainstay of the ‘68er movement was, according to historian and former activist Wolfgang Kraushaar, ‘criticism’: ‘its destructive force was probably far

greater than its constructive [force]’.** This came to be interpreted not only figuratively but also literally; ‘the point was above all to attack symbols of power and, if possible, destroy them’.*”” While on the one hand confronting the colonial and Nazi past, the 68ers also saw themselves as separate from it; they wanted to start anew, turn over a ‘clean sheet’.°° This was what determined their relationship to the older generation. As former SDS member Gerd Koenen remarked, ‘the first vital... reaction was an angry need for distancing. “They” (the elders, the parents) had got us into this mess; it was because of them that we were forced to always explain ourselves, embarrassed to the bone, standing there like monsters and the losers of world history par excellence.’*” As Fanon had claimed, the colonial world had been a static, compartmentalized world, ‘a world of statues: the statue of the general who carried out the conquest, the statue of the engineer who built the bridge; a world which is sure of itself, which crushes with its stones the backs flayed by whips’.°® Students instead favoured dynamism and immediacy, and Wissmann and Dominik were in the way.

Arguably, the toppling of the Hamburg Wissmann statue had more to do with the destruction of a symbol of the university than a serious generational encounter with the legacies of German colonialism. Students repeatedly criticized the university as a promoter of research serving capitalist interests, from its inception as a Colonial Institute in 1908, to its close association with big business and ‘neo-colonist’ aims in the postwar period.”’ In 1969 students published a history of the university, a booklet

bound in red with a picture of the statue of a proud bronze Wissmann on the front and a toppled Dominik on the back cover (Fig. 5.1). In their publication, students drew parallels between the German colonial project in the nineteenth/early twentieth century and the contemporary troubles in Vietnam.*® They highlighted the overwhelming continuity Allemagne (Hamburg, 2006); Kpao Saré, ‘Abuses of German Colonial History: Carl Peters’, in Perraudin and Zimmerer (eds.), German Colonialism and National Identity, 160-72.

Kraushaar, Achtundsechzig, 70. °° W. Kraushaar, 1968 als Mythos, Chiffre und Zasur (Hamburg, 2000), 203. *° S. Kiefling, Die antiautoritdre Revolte der 68er. Postindustrielle Konsumgesellschaft und skulare Religionsgeschichte der Moderne (Cologne/Weimar/Vienna, 2006), 187-98. *’ G. Koenen, Das rote Jahrzehnt. Unsere kleine Kulturrevolution 1967-1977 (Cologne, 2001), 96. °° Fanon, Lhe Wretched of the Earth, 40. *° ASTA, Das permanente Kolonialinstitut, 31, 35, 64. 40 ASTA, Permanente Kolonialinstitut, 10.

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The Empty Plinth, 1968-1990 143 East Germany, where Horst Drechsler published his influential Scidwestafrika unter deutscher Koloniatherrschaft in 1966.’ Although a number of historians today implicitly retrace East German historians’ arguments drawing parallels between colonialism and the rise of Nazism, few have gone back to the original texts of the 1950s and 1960s to understand how these arguments were originally framed and the context in which they emerged.

What is perhaps little known or recognized by historians today is that even before Drechsler published his study, East Germans had already been introduced to a different kind of colonial historiography. Already in 1952, Maximilian Scheer published a short book revealing German colonialism not as a heroic adventure story, but as a narrative of brutality, deceit, rape, murder, prostitution, theft, slavery, forced labour, and corporal punishment. It was a narrative featuring the ‘fathers of the SS’—industrial magnates and wealthy government ofhcials—forcing their colonial ambitions on a largely uninterested majority. These forces were opposed only by August Bebel’s Social Democrats.”

Southwest Africa was a ‘branch office of the Junker’, the German-speaking population ‘haters of negroes, who turned into yelling adherents of Hitler's racial theory; who were already Nazis before Hitler came onto the scene, and who stayed that way when he reduced Germany to ruins’. Scheer already sees ‘the beast of Auschwitz and Buchenwald’ making an appearance in a hearing concerning the ‘primitive communist’ Herero in the Reichstag in 1905.” In the wake of the Second World War and with the advent of large-scale independence movements across the African continent, East German historians were aware of a critical moment for re-evaluating the legacy of European colonialisms in what was now known as the “Third World’. For the more dogmatic academics, it was a tipping point in favour of a socialist over an imperialist world order.°° Within this new order, East German historians had a special mission. According to Fritz Ferdinand Miller: Nobody is in this situation more qualified or more deeply obligated [verpftichtet] to a scientific analysis and truthful representation of German colonial history than the historians of the German Democratic Republic. Their employer is the first German state which categorically supports the liberation movements of all colonial and dependent societies.”’

* Continuing in this vein, Helmuth Stoecker published a collection of work on German colonialism by East German historians in 1977. H. Stoecker (ed.), Drang nach Afrika (Berlin, 1977). °° M. Scheer, Schwarz und Weiff am Waterberg (Schwerin, 1952), 20, 60. 4 Scheer, Schwarz und Weif’ am Waterberg, 138. °° Scheer, Schwarz und Weifs am Waterberg, 98. °° EE Miller, Deutschland—Zanzibar—Ostafrika (Berlin, 1959), 13. ” Miller, Deutschland—Zanzibar—Ostafrika, 19-20.

144 Postcolonial Germany Helmuth Stoecker also writes of a ‘particular obligation’ for GDR historians.*® After the fall of the imperialist German regimes, GDR historians were for the first time free to criticize the colonial past without seeming unpatriotic, in contrast to their West German colleagues, who still had to defend economic interests in the region.”

Miiller found that methods of German colonialists continued in the forced labour, corporal punishment, and ‘proletarization’ of indigenous Africans in contemporary South Africa, Angola, and Mozambique.” His account of brutal German colonial punishment methods was written as a corrective to what he called the ‘colonial-apologetic literature propounded

in postwar West Germany, a literature constructed by former colonial officials and champions such as Anton Zischka and Oskar Hintrager in order to ‘whitewash’ history and justify ‘neo-colonialism’ in the form of development aid.®' Indeed, Miiller was correct in claiming that German colonialism played a negligible role in postwar German historiography. If considered at all, the focus was on colonialism as a phenomenon driven

by internal politics rather than the at times violent confrontations with colonial subjects overseas. This lack of a rigorous historical engagement had left the floor open for more traditional positive, even heroic, accounts of the colonial period.

The East Germans used the chance to rewrite history. Drechsler described von Trotha as a ‘slaughterer in a general’s uniform’. Helmuth Stoecker described two ‘pioneers’ of German colonialism in Kamerun, Assessor Wehlan and Karl Theodor Heinrich Leist, as ‘sadists’.°? Rather

than celebrating Germans’ contribution to the end of slavery in East Africa, historians such as Peter Sebald focused on its persistence in Togo until well after it had been outlawed in neighbouring British colonies.

The new empirical research was rich and solid, but it was also usually adorned with polemical value judgements. Although Communist rhetoric certainly does not pervade the works entirely, there are numerous attempts at portraying the colonialist project as a white elephant dreamt up by the wealthy upper classes—bankers, industrialists, and the landholding nobility—and borne financially by the working class. Take, for example, Heinrich Loth’s description of the establishment of German East Africa, quoting a speech by August Bebel in the Reichstag °® H. Stoecker (ed.), Kamerun unter deutscher Kololonialherrschaft, vol. 1 (Berlin, 1960), 9.

” Miller, Deutschland—Zanzibar—Ostafrika, 25. ° EE Miller, Kolonien unter der Peitsche (Berlin, 1962). 61 Miiller, Kolonien unter der Peitsche, 19-20. °° H. Drechsler, ‘Stidwestafrika 1885-1907’, in Stoecker (ed.), Drang nach Afrika, 44. °° H. Stoecker, ‘Kamerun 1885-1906’, in Stoecker (ed.), Drang nach Afrika, 53. P. Sebald, “Togo 1884-1900’, in Stoecker (ed.), Drang nach Afrika, 75.

The Empty Plinth, 1968-1990 145 in 1896: ‘Since the /unker-bourgeois state took over the government of the German state in East Africa, the subsequent military conquest of the colonies was financed “out of the pockets of the taxpayers, that is to say, primarily out of the pockets of our working population”.’® Implicitly then this historical narrative connects the anti-colonial protest by August Bebel to the anti-neo-colonialist stance of the GDR as the representative of the ‘workers’ and peasants’ state’.°° Moreover, the German Reich's colonial past could be portrayed as a past of pillaging and plundering without any moral implications for East Germany's present: the two Germanies were

to be seen as two entirely different states. Thus the GDR was separated not only by spatial but also by temporal boundaries from the Wilhelmine state and the FRG. It was just a small step further to claim a direct correlation between both a violent colonial and a National Socialist past in West Germany’ heritage.°’ German colonialists were, in short, the ‘inevitable ideological predecessor of Hitler’s fascism’.®* Although later recognizing some advances in the deconstruction of colonial myths by West German historians since 1968, such as the works of Helmut Bley, Rainer Tetzlaff,

and Detlef Bald, the East German authors claimed that any attempt at unearthing the truth of colonial history was useless if not linked to the monopoly capitalism characterizing the contemporary world system.” The East German historians’ initial advantage was that they had easy access to the archives of the Reich Colonial League and the German Colonial Society, which had been housed in Potsdam since being returned by the Soviets after the Second World War. Strong empirical research thus

forms the basis of their work. But the West quickly followed suit and consulted the archives, with a major study by Helmut Bley in 1968, soon followed by social historical research by Klaus Hildebrand, Rainer Tetzlaff, Karen Hausen, Klaus Bade, and others in the early 1970s.” They were part

of a new generation of historians, such as Franz Ansprenger and Rudolf von Albertini, who promoted a fresh look at African and colonial history

® H. Loth, “Deutsch-Ostafrika 1885-1906’, in Stoecker (ed.), Drang nach Afrika, 84.

°° This is also done more explicitly by Helmuth Stoecker in his introduction to Kamerun, 26. 67 Miiller, Kolonien unter der Peitsche, 22. °8 Stoecker (ed.), Kamerun, 12. For further East German analyses of German colonialism see K. Bittner, Die Anfange der deutschen Kolonialpolitik in Ostafrika (Berlin, 1959); M. Nufsbaum, 7ogo—Eine Musterkolonie? (Berlin, 1962).

° H. Stoecker, “Birgerliche Literatur seit 1945 zur Geschichte der deutschen Kolonialherrschaft in Afrika’, in Stoecker (ed.), Drang nach Afrika, 357. ” H. Bley, Koloniatherrschaft und Sozialstruktur (Hamburg, 1968); K. Hildebrand, Vom Reich zum Weltreich (Munich, 1969); R. Tetzlaft, Koloniale Entwicklung und Ausbeutung (Berlin, 1970); K. Hausen, Deutsche Koloniatherrschaft in Afrika (Zurich, 1970); K. Bade, Friedrich Fabri und der Imperialismus der Bismarckzeit (Freiburg i. Br., 1975).

146 Postcolonial Germany in light of contemporary politics of the early 1960s.”' Certainly the Fischer controversy, which suggested overwhelming continuity in German expan-

sionist aims from nineteenth-century imperialism to the Second World War, contributed to discussions among scholars of German colonialism.” Added to that were the studies coming out of East Germany, which some historians such as Karin Hausen took as an impetus to discover more about German colonialism, but in a ‘non-judgemental’ way.” Just as the student protests were beginning, a critical documentary called Heia Safari—die Legende von der deutschen Kolonialidylle was aired

on the Westdeutscher Rundfunk (WDR) in 1966/7. Directed by Ralph Giordano, its historical adviser was one of Fischer’s students, Harmut Pogge von Strandmann, who was writing his dissertation on the German Kolonialrat.” The film, which was deliberately polemical, engendered such strong, but conflicting, public responses that WDR producers decided to

host a televised discussion forum a few months later.” At this point, it became clear that a positive memory of German colonialism would no longer remain uncontested by historians. Along with this television production, historian Helmut Bley’s work also may have reached a somewhat wider audience than traditional historical works—with the Spiegel praising it in its back pages as ‘the first scientific publication about a German colony in the Federal Republic’, a study which ‘destroyed the legend of the good German colonial master’.”° Historical discussions around 1968, heightened by the concurrent stu-

dent protests, can thus be seen as having a significant influence on the perception of German colonialism in public space. But this influence soon waned. Even in the era of colonial anniversaries, including the centenary of the formal beginning of German colonialism in 1984, as well as the Berlin-Africa Conference of 1985, a public discussion of German colonialism was limited. In 1984, several academics at the University of Hamburg, including Peter Lock, Renate Nestvogel, and Ekkehard Wolf, ” EF Ansprenger, Politik im schwarzen Afrika (Cologne, 1961) and Afrika: Eine politische Landerkunde (Berlin, 1961); R. von Albertini, Dekolonisation: die Diskussion tiber Verwaltung

und Zukunft der Kolonien 1919-1960 (Cologne, 1966) and Moderne Kolonialgeschichte (Cologne, 1970). ” F Fischer, Griff nach der Weltmacht (Diisseldorf, 1961). 73 Tn her introduction to her work on German colonialism in Cameroon, Hausen claims to have been influenced by the work of GDR historian Helmuth Stoecker. Hausen, Deutsche Kolonialwirtschaft in Afrika, 18. ’* Pogge von Strandmann’s revised work has recently been published as Imperialismus vom Griinen Tisch. Deutsche Kolonialpolitik zwischen wirtschaftlicher Ausbeutung und zivilisatorischen Bemihungen (Berlin, 2009). ” For moreon Giordano’s documentary, see E. Michels, “Geschichtspolitik im Fernsehen’, Vierteljahresschrift fur Zeitgeschichte 3 (2008). © ‘Deutsche Gesittung’, Der Spiegel 10/1969 (3 Mar. 1969), 121-2.

The Empty Plinth, 1968-1990 147 ran a seminar on ‘Hamburg and Africa: Practice and Consequences of Colonialism’. In a resulting publication, the editors Rainer Tetzlaff and Renate Nestvogel claimed that the tradition of challenging German foreign policy, as the Social Democrats had challenged German colonialism

at the turn of the century, had remained dormant until the Green Party took up this tradition again in the 1980s.”” Even then, the memory of colonialism was marginalized by greater concerns about issues such as the environment and apartheid in South Africa.

THE NAMIBIA QUESTION Whereas during the 1960s, the relationship to Germany’s former colonies in Africa may have been influenced by memories of colonialism, in the 1970s and 1980s other factors were more important. Relations between West Germany and ‘Tanzania, for example, were resumed in the 1970s,

but contemporary analysts saw these as being motivated by a particularly warm rapport between Minister for Economic Cooperation Erhard Eppler and President Nyerere. Recognition of Tanzania's own efforts at development was said to have influenced international relations more than any imperial overhang.” This was because many of the generation who were active both during the colonial and immediate ‘decolonized’ era were no longer in active service in the Foreign Office or organizations such as

the Deutsche Afrika-Gesellschaft (DAG) by the late 1970s and 1980s.

With the further development of the BMZ (Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development) and GTZ (Organization for Technical Cooperation, founded 1975 and mainly serving the BMZ), a new era of West German politics towards Africa had begun. One exceptional case, however, was the case of Namibia, the former German Southwest Africa. East Germany repeatedly distanced itself from what was seen as a reactionary and time-frozen group of ethnic Germans still living in Namibia

in the 1970s and 1980s. In October 1976, the GDR envoy to the UN, Peter Florin, claimed that: The people of the GDR have nothing in common with those reactionary forces of German origin operating in Namibia, who continue to march up and down the Kaiserstrasse in Windhoek and other places named after such notorious fascists as G6ring and Goebbels, who continue to be inspired by

],

”” R. Nestvogel and R. Tetzlaff (eds.), Afrika und der deutsche Kolonialismus (Hamburg

eR. Hofimeies ‘Moglichkeiten und Grenzen deutscher Entwicklungspolitik gegentiber

Afrika’, in Bley and Tetzlaff (eds.), Afrika und Bonn, 219.

148 Postcolonial Germany Goebbels’ racial discrimination laws and other Nazi ideas, and even today enjoy consular recognition.”

Florin points out that “representatives of the German workers’ movement raised their voices in protest and condemned the crimes of German colonial troops’ even in ‘the Kaiser’s day’.*’ While abroad, East German representatives also distanced themselves from West Germans, following a policy of delimitation, or Abgrenzung.”' Since the 1960s the GDR had openly declared its ‘solidarity with the legal claim of the national liberation movement of South West Africa to independence and national self-determination’.*’ In allegiance to the prospect of black majority rule in Namibia, the SED agreed a formal Treaty

of Friendship and Cooperation with exiled SWAPO representatives in 1977.°° This was in line with a number of agreements arranged with ruling parties in other African states such as Angola, Guinea, and Mozambique.”

In addition, the GDR, now under General Secretary Erich Honecker, increased material aid and sent out doctors, nurses, and teachers to help in SWAPO camps in Angola and Zambia. Military or security aid—from training to supplying weapons, uniforms, and blankets—also continued and, along with numerous visits by SWAPO leader Sam Nujoma in the 1970s, a SWAPO embassy was opened in East Berlin in 1978.” Following the South African bombing raid on a refugee camp in Kassinga, Angola, in May 1978, several hundred critically wounded SWAPO fighters were flown to East Germany for medical treatment. In the 1980s, GDR representatives advised the upcoming Namibian leaders on political and strategic issues, including the road to independence.® Between December 1979 and 1989, more than four hundred Namibian schoolchildren—orphans and children of exiled SWAPO leaders—were ” Speech given by Ambassador Peter Florin, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs and Permanent Representative of the GDR at the United Nations, to the UN Security Council on the question of Namibia, 13 Oct. 1976, in B. Hoeft (ed.), Against Racism, Apartheid and Colonialism: Documents published by the GDR 1949-1977 (Berlin, 1978), 598. 8° Speech given by Ambassador Peter Florin, in Hoeft (ed.), Against Racism, Apartheid and Colonialism. ‘| G. M. Winrow, The Foreign Policy of the GDR in Africa (Cambridge, 1990), 104. ®° ‘Telegram addressed by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the GDR, Otto Winzer, to the President of the XXI session of the UN General Assembly, Abdul Rahman Pazhwak, regarding the debate on South West Africa, 26 September 1966, in Hoeft (ed.), Against Racism, Apartheid and Colonialism, 127.

8 S. Timm, Parteiliche Zusammenarbeit. Das Kinderheim Bellin fiir namibische Fliichtlingskinder in der DDR (Minster/New York/Munich/Berlin, 2007), 38-9. ¢ Winrow, The Foreign Policy of the GDR in Africa, 89. ® Winrow, Lhe Foreign Policy of the GDR in Africa, 89, 90. 8° H.-G. Schleicher, “DDR-Solidaritat mit dem Befreitungskampf’, in K. Hess and K. J. Becker (eds.), Vom Schutzgebiet bis Namibia 2000 (Windhoek, 2002), 94.

The Empty Plinth, 1968-1990 149 sent to be educated in the GDR, only to return to their former homeland years later with a sense of strangeness and displacement.*’ Arriving as pre-schoolers, they stayed in the children’s home ‘Bellin’ together with a number of women teachers, where, protected from South African bombs

such as those deployed at Kassinga, they could engage in the education deemed necessary for the future leaders of the SWAPO and, it was hoped, ultimately of Namibia.** As their stay lengthened, they were integrated into neighbouring schools, albeit in separate groups, continuing on to the School of Friendship in Stafsturt, opened in 1985. The children were taught German and English, crafts, home economics, and music, while an element of (Namibian) patriotism was also stressed.*? The existence of the ‘Sonderschule SED’ in Schlofs Bellin was kept con-

fidential until 1989,” so its impact on a majority of East Germans as a node of memory may be negligible. Moreover, when it was publicized, the presence of Namibians in Germany was not officially interpreted as a memory of Germany's colonial past but, instead, as ‘the most beautiful memorial to international solidarity’.’! Those Germans who lived near the schools or otherwise interacted with the group of young Namibians thus did not necessarily make a connection between the socialist present and a colonial past. ‘Solidarity was more a means of training citizens of the new East Germany than about the old imperial Germany. It existed in a constant dialectic with the West German concept of ‘development’, claiming to be a relationship based on equals rather than ‘neo-colonial’ paternalism.°* Although members of the SWAPO considered East Germans as historically responsible for the legacy of colonialism,’? the GDR refused to acknowledge any connection to the past. According to a statement by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in 1965, ‘the German Democratic Republic has completely broken with German imperialist foreign policy’..* And again

*’ |. and H.-G. Schleicher, Die DDR im siidlichen Afrika (Hamburg, 1997), 199; C. Kenna (ed.), Homecoming: The GDR Kids of Namibia (Windhoek, 1999); interview with Jiirgen Leskien, ‘solidarity worker’ and GDR-Volkskammer representative (1990) who accompanied the last “GDR kids’ back to Namibia, Berlin, 1 May 2007. 88 ‘Timm, Parteiliche Zusammenarbeit, 22—3.

8 Timm, Parteiliche Zusammenarbeit, 31, 54-7. ” Timm, Parteiliche Zusammenarbeit, 13, 82—90. °! R. Kruppa, ‘Ein Zuhause fur Anna, Bulli und die anderen. Namibische Kinder werden im SWAPO-Heim in Bellin liebevoll umsorgt’, Schweriner Volkszeitung (23 Dec. 1983), 1-2, quoted in Timm, Parteiliche Zusammenarbeit, 84. ** 'T. Weis, “The Politics Machine: On the Concept of “Solidarity” in East German Support for SWAPO’, Journal of Southern African Studies 37/2 (June 2011), 352. 93 Weis, “The Politics Machine’, 355. ** From a statement by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to mark the 10th Anniversary of the Bandung Conference (24 April 1965), in Hoeft (ed.), Against Racism, Apartheid and Colonialism, 105.

150 Postcolonial Germany in 1973, just after the GDR had been admitted to the UN, the Minister of Foreign Affairs claimed that “[the people of the GDR] have once and for all put an end to the aggressive and militarist policy of the former imperialist German Reich’.”” By October 1980, Erich Honecker claimed that ‘Nobody today is unaware of the fact that the German Democratic Republic has broken with the German imperialist past once and for all.’ Moreover, despite the rhetoric of ‘solidarity, interpersonal exchange between Namibian children and white East Germans—as between East German ‘solidarity workers’ (those who were able to evade the travel ban) and Namibians outside of work—were rare and indeed discouraged.”” As they reached school age, the children from Namibia were shuttled to and from their school by bus, minimizing any interaction with their community. If they met with strangers they were expected to say that they were from ‘Africa’ rather than Namibia specifically, for fear of reprisals from enemies of the SWAPO.’ When they did see the children, then, local East Germans had no way of connecting them with Germany’s colonial past. Instead, a number of youngsters were jealous of the seemingly privileged

lifestyle the African children led.” Toni Weis convincingly argues that problems of racism and xenophobia in post- Wende eastern Germany may lead back to the wholly abstract interpretation of ‘solidarity’, leaving the majority of East Germans unprepared for a multicultural society.'"° The presence of Namibian children in East Germany did not therefore present any real opportunity for large-scale public engagement with the colonial past but was instead limited to chance local encounters informed by the context of socialist solidarity.

In West Germany, political organizations such as the SPD’s Priedrich-Ebert-Stiftung or the CDU’s Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung also harboured close ties to Namibia, providing assistance in education, media, and communal politics, to the point that just about every political group > From the address given by the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the GDR, Otto Winzer, to the XXVIII session of the UN General Assembly (19 Sep 1973), in Hoeft (ed.), Against Racism, Apartheid and Colonialism, 236. °© Speech delivered by the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Socialist Unity Party of Germany and Chairman of the GDR Council of State, Erich Honecker, at the International Scientific Conference on “The Joint Struggle of the Working-class Movement and the National Liberation Movement Against Imperialism and for Social Progress’, 20 Oct. 1980, in A. Babing (ed.), Against Racism, Apartheid and Colonialism: Documents published by the GDR 1977-1982 (Dresden, 1982), 420. 97 Weis, “The Politics Machine’, 365. °8 L. Engombe and P. Hilliges, Kind Nr. 95—-Meine deutsch-afrikanische Odyssee (Berlin, 2004), Kindle File, location 1358. »” Engombe and Hilliges, Kind Nr. 95, location 1374, 3133, 3152, 3285, 3325, 3828, 3888, 3901. 100 Weis, “The Politics Machine’, 366.

The Empty Plinth, 1968-1990 151 in the FRG had ties to the former colony by the 1980s. They supported a range of causes, from the drive towards independence by black Namibians,

to the continuity of the apartheid regime under South Africa.'°' The CDU’s Hans-Seidel-Stiftung in particular came under intense criticism for supporting the election campaign of the DTA (Democratic Turnhalle Alliance), a party backed by South Africa and supported by many ethnic Germans in Namibia in the first free Namibian elections.'” Politicians in Bonn tried to reconcile this difficult relationship with the apartheid state by attempting to keep economic relations separate from politics.!"° Starting with Soviet and Cuban involvement in the independence struggle in neighbouring Angola, however, this position became increasingly untenable. By 1973, when the FRG joined the UN, it was clear that it needed to be less ambiguous in its relationship with Namibia. West Germany, from 1977 a member of the “Contact Group’ in the UN Security Council and under the influence of Hans-Dietrich Genscher as Foreign Minister, was a major promoter of free elections in Southwest Africa as stipulated in UN Resolution 435. It saw its role as supporting US foreign policy and mediating a transition to democracy rather than to a Moscow-led ‘dictatorship’. Thus, the West German consulate was closed, the cultural agreement repudiated in 1977 and the German Private High School in Windhoek opened to non-white students in 1978. At the same time, smaller, public/private initiatives forging relationships between West Germany and the new Namibia began. One example is a Bremen-based group which helped develop a social studies programme for Namibian schools, a project supported financially by the Regional Office for Developmental Cooperation in Bremen, the Terre des Hommes inter-

national federation, and the European Commission. Initiatives such as these, however, also met with resistance from groups within Germany who

deemed SWAPO to be a communist terror organization.’ Arguably, the “Namibia question’ at this point did not evoke the legacy of German colonialism but instead was irrevocably tied to the ‘South Africa question’ and therefore part of global politics rather than national memory. It was only in the rhetoric of the minority Green Party that a

Ol R. Kofler and H. Melber, ‘Die “Wende in der Bundesdeutschen Afrikapolitik”: Kontinuitét und Neuorientierung am Beispiel des Stidlichen Afrika’, in ISSA, Im Brennpunkt: Namibia und die Bundesrepublik Deutschland / eine Dokumentation der 6ffentlichen Anhorung der Fraktion die Griinen im Bundestag in Zusammenarbeit mit der Informationsstelle Stidliches Afrika (issa) 16./17. September 1985 in Bonn (Bonn, 1987), 10; Tetzlaff, Koloniale Entwicklung und Ausbeutung, 61.

' See e.g. H. Bley, ‘Die Bundesrepublik, der Westen und die internationale Lage um Namibia’, in Bley and Tetzlaff (eds.), Afrika und Bonn, 165. 103 K6ler and Melber, ‘Die “Wende”’. 104 Gustafsson, Namibia, Bremen und Deutschland, 361-89.

152 Postcolonial Germany mention of German postcolonial responsibility was discussed. Under a coalition government led by Willy Brandt (SPD) and Walter Scheel (FDP), the relationship to Germany's colonial past receded to a distant memory in the face of the more immediate concerns of Ostpolitik. By the time Helmut Schmidt (SPD) took the helm and Hans-Dietrich Genscher

(FDP) travelled to Windhoek in 1978, members of the IG (Interest Group for German-Speaking Southwest Africans) and Democratic Turnhalle Alliance felt snubbed by his aloofness. ‘The new political align-

ment in Germany did not play into the hands of the more conservative ‘Southwesters’. According to journalist Henning von Loéwis of Menhar, ‘Genscher’s detour to Windhoek showed what sort of a U-turn Bonn’s foreign policy had made in the 1970s, how deep the gulf was between those Germans in the FRG government and those who lived in Namibia. They

spoke the same language, without really understanding each other.’ A similar break occurred in the Lutheran Church, a bulwark of German ethnic nationalism in Namibia which inevitably invoked a colonial past. Missionaries were some of the first Germans in Southwest Africa, establishing themselves in Southwest Africa in 1842, even before the beginning of formal colonial rule.’°° Black Lutheran churches in particular were

deeply involved in Namibia's independence struggle.'"’ This, however, met with resistance from the Deutsche Evangelische Lutherische Kirche Siidwestafrikas (DELK) which clung fast to its all-white congregation.'”° Fiercely tied to its German-language roots, the DELK was founded in 1960 as a consolidation of German-speaking congregations, with 12,000 members.'” Even though it understood itself as fully independent of the Evangelische Kirche Deutschlands (EKD), it was nevertheless an insti-

tution preserving German language and culture. Over the years, the EKD agreed to send out, finance, and train new deacons of the DELK, thus enabling it to remain independent of the Boer Church. It also provided financial support to all Lutheran congregations in Namibia, but

' H. von Léwis of Menar, Namibia im Ost- West Konflikt (Cologne, 1983), 128. '06 "This included Germans in the London Missionary Society, as well as the Rhenish Mission Society. Out of the legacy of the Rhenish Mission Society grew two main churches: first, the

Evangelisch-Lutherische Kirche (ELK), with 190,000 members in 1989 coming from the Ovambo, Damara, Nama, Herero, and Baster ethnic groups. This was the second-largest congregation following the Evangelisch-Lutherische Kirche in Namibia (ELCIN), which was the former Evangelisch-Lutherische Ovambokavango-Kirche (ELOK), founded by Finnish missionaries and numbering c.360,000 in 1989. G. Brenke, Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Namibia-Konflikt (Munich, 1989), 54—5. '°7 Brenke, Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Namibia-Konflikt, 59; C.-J. Hellberg, Mission Colonialism and Liberation (Windhoek, 1997), 238-81. 18K. Rudiger, Die Namibia-Deutschen (Stuttgart, 1993), 111-21. ' Brenke, Die Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der Namibia-Konflikt, 54—5.

The Empty Plinth, 1968-1990 153 in particular to the DELK.''® An exchange based on a missionary—colo-

nial legacy thus continued, but it was not without its tensions. In West Germany, several church organizations led initiatives to boycott South African products.''! When six West German pastors sent to Namibia challenged the apartheid regime in 1973, the relationship was severely damaged. The pastors, who had attempted to instate mixed-race congregations and other measures involving black churches, met with strong resistance amongst the German community, who condemned them as ‘leftist’, and they soon returned to Germany.'”

Although it would be wrong to say that references to German colonialism disappeared completely from Germany after the late 1960s, the encounters of activists, grassroots organizations, and a handful of historians also did not add up to a distinctive or discernible national memory. After toppling colonial monuments, the ‘68ers’ actions were more a comment on a range of causes from university administration to apartheid;

for them and the later activists they inspired, German colonialism, if mentioned directly at all, was only used as a local point of departure for discussion of other, more important, contemporary issues. Overseas epicentres were no longer Togo or Cameroon, but rather Vietnam, Algeria, Chile, and Mozambique.'’? Political, social, and cultural encounters with Namibia and Namibians in the 1970s and 1980s were also determined by relations to the United Nations and the policy of apartheid rather than to a specifically German colonial past. And, finally, as much as some East and West German historians attempted to continue (re-)engaging with German colonialism, most of their findings from the 1970s through the 1990s were never published for a wider audience. There was no tome, no statue, no product of consumption to reinvigorate a meaningful and widespread German public colonial memory on a national scale. Whereas in Namibia, the offspring of German settlers, together with a second generation of immigrants from Germany, erected a monument to Curt von Francois in Windhoek in 1965, then,'’* in Germany, the public memory of the colonial past faded after 1968.

''® G. Kramer, Report on ‘Kirchenkontakte zu Namibia’, in ISSA, J Brennpunkt: Namibia und die Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 160. "! R. Kéfsler and H. Melber, “The West German Solidarity Movement with the Liberation

Struggles in Southern Africa’, in U. Engel and R. Kappel (eds.), Germany’ Africa Policy Revisited (Miinster, 2002), 103-26. 2 Ridiger, Die Namibia-Deutschen, 116-19. 3 See C. Olejniczak, “Dritte Welt Bewegung’, in R. Roth (ed.), Die sozialen Bewegungen in Deutschland seit 1945 (FFM, 2008), 320-45. 4 Zeller, Kolonialdenkméler, 321.

154 Postcolonial Germany This was because effective memory is dependent in large part on effective retrieval—the ability to call up encoded memories quickly. Not only

individual memory, but also collective memory requires some outside impulse, a mnemonic device, in order to be sustained. With the absence of triggers for remembering, and above all with the physical destruction of monuments to the colonial past, the German collective memory of colonialism was rendered a taboo and subsumed in a torrent of other national

memories, many of them more recent. As Viktor Mayer-Schonberger points out, ‘Even though we may have stored it... information that cannot be retrieved easily in practical terms is no different from having been forgotten.”''? Without things, historical memory—like individual memory—has no longevity. Absence, then, is as important to the memory of German colonialism as presence—the empty plinth holds equal weight to the statue, the memoir, the schoolbook, the colonial product, and the state gift. Without objects of memory, the narrative of German colonialism reappeared in fits and spurts after 1968 but was missing a cohesiveness and importance it had previously gained through debate in public space. These developments call to mind Rudi Koshar’s analysis of memory culture in Germany from its unification to its reunification. Koshar charts the demise of a ‘monu-

mental’ prewar memory landscape, through an age of ruins from 1918 to 1945, culminating in an age of ‘traces’, from the 1970s onwards. In this final phase, local interest groups search for traces of the past in their own neighbourhoods, or in some cases in capital cities. What they find, however, is more than the artefact, or a ‘text’ in and of itself; it is instead an object beyond the present, imbued with meanings past and future.''® This

is an era of counter-monuments, often more textual rather than visual, often referencing the present as much as they evoke the past."'”

Thus, whether removed, allowed to disintegrate, or reconfigured, objects of colonial memory disappeared from public space after 1968, their original meanings apparently forgotten. But were they really? Absence or silence in the public sphere, of course, does not foreclose the continuation of memories in the private, family sphere, as we will see in the following chapter.

"9 V. Mayer-Schonberger, Delete: The Virtue of Forgetting in the Digital Age (Princeton/ Oxford, 2009), 73. "© R. Koshar, From Monuments to Traces: Artifacts of German Memory, 1870-1990 (Berkeley, 2000), 11, 227-8. ''7 J. Ward, ‘Monuments of Catastrophe: Holocaust Architecture in Washington and Berlin’, in A. Daum and C. Mauch (eds.), Berlin— Washington 1800-2000: Capital Cities, Cultural Representation, and National Identities (New York, 2005), 163-4.

The Family Heirloom: Private Memories of Colonialism Family histories of the British Empire are seen by most historians as continuous narratives, perpetuated through the constant renewal of ties between colony and homeland until the late 1940s or the early 1950s.! Family histories of German colonialism, in contrast, are marked by the same breaks that we have seen accompanying public memory: the loss of the colonies at the end of the First World War, another military defeat and humanitarian crisis at the end of the Second World War, the reconsideration of imperial pasts in the 1968 student movement, and, finally, reunification. Despite these breaks, however, families involved in the German colonial project were and still are able to construct a cogent narrative involving colonial actors within the private sphere by passing on colonial memory both literally and figuratively as a family heirloom. This chapter will show what sort of private memory of colonialism still exists in these families and in what forms, through what media this memory is transmitted to the next generation, how the memory of the colonial past is shaped by ruptures such as the National Socialist period, and how public and private memories are intertwined in recollections and evocations of German colonialism. Finally, a case study will be presented of an intergenerational encounter with colonial memory within one family whose very identity has been shaped by German colonialism. In contrast to the subjects of recent historical work on ‘empire families’, which draws on the recollections of active members of the British Empire, German colonial actors can no longer be questioned about their experiences. Even ifa young man had turned eighteen on the day the last German force capitulated in Africa, which was a tiny part of the Schutgtruppe in

' See for example E. Buettner, Empire Families (Oxford, 2004), esp. 22-3; A. Blunt and R. M. Dowling, Home (London, 2006); see also S. Howe, “When (if ever) Did Empire End?’, in M. Lynn (ed.), The British Empire in the 1950s (Basingstoke, 2005), 214-37.

156 Postcolonial Germany German East Africa in 1918, he would now be well over one hundred years old. Yet, as previous chapters have shown, German public interest in colonial revisionism was widespread in politics and popular culture well beyond the period of colonialism itself. The central question in this chapter is what aspects of German colonial-

ism are deemed most important to a contemporary ‘collective-—a family—over time, or what elements, in the historian Reinhart Koselleck’s terms, re-emerge from the ‘pastness’ of the occurrence and are ‘articulated anew .” In interviews conducted to form part of the source base, inform-

ants were asked about family heirlooms—stories and anecdotes on the one hand and material ‘relics’ of the colonial past on the other—that were passed down to them through the generations descending from colonial actors themselves. Koselleck’s ‘past presence’, or ‘what really happened’ during the colonial period, is thus important in this study insofar as it is reconfigured in the ‘present past’ and is thought to change or endure as it moves to the ‘future past’.’ By asking detailed questions about the origins of the oral and material elements of memory still present, one is eventually able to disentangle the strands of German colonialism important to each generation before they were added to a larger canon of family ‘history’. Together with orally transmitted memory, these material elements form a unique ‘family archive’. In Germany, colonial memory transcends four generations, in the sense of Karl Mannheim’s Evrlebnisgemeinschaften.* Each generation is defined by external events occurring in the prime of their lives, from young adulthood to middle age, events which determine a shared collective identity. These include, first, the original ‘long’ generation of colonial actors, born

between the 1850s and 1880s, who helped set up the German empire abroad; secondly, their ‘decolonized’ children, born between the 1890s and 1910s, many of whom became a second generation of ‘colonial-like’ actors in the former colonies; thirdly, the ‘postcolonials’, born between the 1920s and 1940s; and, lastly, the ‘extra-colonials’, born between the 1950s and 1970s. The temporal divisions are approximate, as families have their own reproductive patterns. What is important, however, is the distinctions between the group of actors who were involved in constructing empire,

> R. Koselleck, “Terror and Dream: Methodological Remarks on the Experience of Time during the Third Reich’, in Futures Past: On the Semantics of Historical Time, trans. K. Tribe

(London, 1985), 216. > See Koselleck, ‘“Begriffsgeschichtliche Anmerkungen zur “Zeitgeschichte”’, in V. Conzemius, M. Greschat, and H. Kocher (eds.), Die Zeit nach 1945 als Thema kirchlicher Zeitgeschichte (Gottingen, 1988), 19. * K. Mannheim, “Das Problem der Generationen’, Ké/ner Vierteljahreshefte fiir Soziologie 7 (1928/29), 157-84.

The Family Heirloom: Private Memories of Colonialism 157 the generation who grew up after the overseas empire was just lost, the one who lived through or participated in the Second World War, and the one born after the Second World War and after large-scale decolonization. As we will see, each generation’s understanding of German colonialism is dependent upon their experience of other aspects of German history. The spread of colonial actors which are the subjects of the interviews in this chapter reflects the various capacities in which Germans travelled to the colonies. It includes explorers, members of the colonial army, govern-

ment administrators, nurses, household helps, and farmers. ‘To be sure, missionaries also played an important role in German presence in the colonies; however, they made up a relatively small proportion of the total number of settlers and are thus not reflected in this discussion.’ It was not always possible to interview direct descendants of colonial actors. For one thing, male colonial officials had a tendency not to reproduce, since the tropical climate overseas was often not deemed suitable for European families. Another reason is that many colonialists came from traditional military families, so their sons also joined the military and were killed during the First or Second World War. ‘This was the case for General Lothar

von Trotha, Friedrich von Lindequist, a former Governor of German Southwest Africa and successor to Bernhard Dernburg as State Secretary of the Reich Colonial Office, and Jesko von Puttkamer, a former Governor of Kamerun.° Given these limitations, the results nevertheless reflect vividly the interaction between elements of private, family memory and public memory of German colonialism, both of which have become part of the fabric of German family histories.

THE HISTORY MAKERS—COLONIAL ACTORS’ FORMING OF FAMILY MEMORY Part of the responsibility for constructing a lasting family memory of colonialism rests with colonial actors themselves. The first generation was concerned with literally and metaphorically making their mark on the colonial landscape. Much of their legacy was a defence against critics of colonialism, ranging from those morally opposed to the subjugation of indigenous

> In 1913, for example, there were only 82 male missionaries in GSWA, but 1,819 members of the Schutztruppe and 1,587 farmers; H. Oelhafen von Schoellenbach, Besiedlung DSWAs bis zum Weltkrieg (Berlin, 1926), Appendix 9. 6 Lothar von Trotha had two sons, both of whom died childless in the 1920s. Friedrich von Lindequist had one son, who died childless in 1910; his daughter remained single. Jesko von Puttkamer had one son, who in turn did not have any children.

158 Postcolonial Germany peoples to—what was more often the case—those who thought overseas empire was simply a waste of finances. For the majority of its members, colonialism was by and large considered to be a ‘civilizing mission’. Many colonial actors accepted violence as a legitimate and necessary evil in order to fulfil this duty, the ‘white man’s burden’. This was, however, combined with a genuine, almost anthropological interest in native peoples and customs. As much as some members of this generation terrorized indigenous peoples and forcibly “Europeanized’ the landscape, they were also enraptured by the colonial ‘other’. They brought back objects from overseas—objects of fascination, education, ornament,

and, above all, mnemonic artefacts to be displayed in museums and in German homes. A young soldier in the Schutztruppe, Heinrich Meyer, for example, brought back a Herero woman's headdress and a irri, or hunting stick. All of the objects Meyer imported to Germany, as well as his uniform,

were lost during the Second World War, as the family fled its home in Leipzig. In fact, the only things that survived the war were Meyer's diary, a photo of him in his desert uniform, and his ration book.’ Meyer's penchant for collecting may have been just a personal idiosyncrasy. However, the enthusiasm for all things Southwest African that he passed on to family suggests that the former dispatch rider was trying to establish a personal ‘archive’ of what were essentially objects of memory. Others returned with hunting trophies. The author and artist Thea de Haas, for example, described the efforts she undertook in order to bring home a lion skin from East Africa: “Later, in the war, I dragged the lion skin across the colony and, in spite of imprisonment... brought it home

with me. Today it hangs, to the joy of our boys, over their [American] Indian wigwam and often, often upon seeing it I think of the lost and now locked paradise.”*

These objects of memory from Africa can be interpreted in at least two ways. As Russell Berman notes, ‘alterity...is at the core (not the margins) of colonial discourse; the possibility of exploring the world and experiencing something new.” In line with Berman’s argument that some Germans

were curious about, rather than immediately dismissive of, difference, ethnographic objects brought back by colonial actors may show how engagements with alterity made their way into the familiar confines of the home. This is certainly true for objects brought back for museums by anthropologists, ethnographers, and missionaries, perhaps also for curious youths like Meyer. In fact, it may be true for much of the colonialist ’ Interview with Anneliese Gartner, née Meyer, Bad Lauterberg, 14 Oct. 2007. ® 'T. de Haas, Urwaldhaus und Steppenzelt (Leipzig, 1926), 152. > R. Berman, Enlightenment or Empire (Lincoln, 1998), 18.

The Family Heirloom: Private Memories of Colonialism 159

generation that transported the objects to Germany in the first place in order to hold on toa memory—their memory—of life abroad. Yet arguably most objects brought back for the private home ended up serving a different purpose: that of ornament. Over the years, as meanings tied to objects dissipated, what was inserted into bourgeois German homes from Africa

and other colonial spheres had less to do with issues of knowledge and power than with issues of aesthetics. This process to some extent mirrors a similar discursive turn in the world of professional ethnographic collectors: what was at first a means of acquiring knowledge for Enlightenment ideals of comparative humanity became in the course of the twentieth century a desire to collect for the sheer pleasure of possessing.” Bringing back artefacts from abroad and telling their stories—whether written or oral—were thus important ways in which colonial actors laid the foundations for a memory of empire. Keeping this alive, however, depended on subsequent generations.

CONTINUITIES AND DISCONTINUITIES IN ‘(DECOLONIZED’ MEMORY MAKING Although most historians date the end of ‘the German colonial dream’ to the reorientation of German military and political strategy to the East in 1944,'' this does not hold true for colonial actors themselves, nor for their progeny. Ina letter written in March 1945 to the former Governor of East Africa, Heinrich Schnee, Friedrich von Lindequist lamented: What is to become of our beautiful colonies? I especially miss East and Southwest Africa. Four days ago I received a paper on farming and settlement in S.W.A. for review from the Foreign Office...I often receive word from Exz. Seitz [Theodor Seitz, Governor of Kamerun 1907—10, Governor of German Southwest Africa 1910—15].!”

Besides highlighting the salience of colonial memories and nostalgia among

colonial actors themselves, Lindequist’s letter raises another important issue, namely, that German colonial actors continued to keep in touch ' H. G. Penny, Objects of Culture (Chapel Hill/London, 2002); Penny, “Bastian’s Museum: On the Limits of Empiricism and the Transformation of German Ethnology’, in Penny and M. Bunzl (eds.), Worldly Provincialism (Ann Arbor, 2003), 86-126. '' W. Speitkamp, Deutsche Kolonialgeschichte (Stuttgart, 2005); K. Hildebrand, Vom

Aerial (Munich, 1969); L. Wildenthal, German Women for Empire (Chapel l2 “Geheimes Staatsarchiv Preufsischer Kulturbesitz, HA VI, Nachl. Schnee, H., Rep. 92, BL. 70, Letter from Friedrich von Lindequist to Dr Heinrich Schnee, Gut Macherslust, 7 Mar. 1945.

160 Postcolonial Germany through informal social networks long after the colonies had been ceded to the Allies.'’ This obviously had an effect on their families as well, as the ‘decolonized’ generation was drawn into these circles.

After Heinrich Meyer returned to Germany from Southwest Africa, he immediately wanted to go back to Germany’s ‘place in the sun’. No longer needed as a soldier, however, he was released from the colonial army and began a career as a revenue officer. He married in 1913, and the couple started making plans to emigrate. Everything was in place by 1914, but the dream burst with the beginning of the First World War in August of that year. Meyer never went back; instead, he continued his dreaming of Africa to the fullest in Germany. Determined to promote the colonial idea, he purchased a series of slides, or Lichtbilder, in Berlin—a widespread form of entertainment and propaganda at the time. He used these slides not only in public lectures around the country, but also in presentations to his family, erasing the boundaries between public and private forms of memory. Meyer’s daughter, Anneliese Gartner, born 1918, remembers looking at these slide presentations on a big screen in their house with her two siblings and mother. Although expected to be obedient and watch the presentations, the children were also genuinely fascinated by the pictures and facts about the landscape, ‘natives’, and history of the region. As Gartner explains: ‘of course I absorbed all of this as a child, and that’s why I know so much today’.'* Meyer also shared his enthusiasm for the former colonies with a close circle of like-minded friends who were from time to time invited into the home. He wrote colonial-themed plays with titles like “By the Campfire’ and ‘Christmas at the Waterberg’ for Christmas parties, colonial memorial days, or other events in the local community. Gartner and her siblings were often recruited as actors for smaller roles in these productions. ‘The nationalist tenor of such performances is perhaps best expressed in a play called “Germania’s Children’, a kind of tableau vivant in which different characters, including a member of the Schutztruppe, a sailor, and a ‘native’ ask Germania—played by a popular theatre actress in Leipzig—to grant them their wishes. Meyer never quite let go of the dream of the former German Southwest Africa, and in 1973 a series of his poems and plays were published in 'S Members of the Afrika-Club in Mehdort/Holstein, for example, convinced the Bremen Senate to donate a plaque commemorating Adolf Liideritz to the town Liideritz in Southwest Africa in 1953. In 1958, Violet Vogelsang travelled from Germany to Southwest Africa in order to unveil a memorial plaque for her father, Heinrich Vogelsang, who laid claim to Southwest Africa in the 1880s. H. Gustafsson, Namibia, Bremen und Deutschland (Delmenhorst/Berlin, 2003), 349-59. ‘4 Interview with Anneliese Gartner, née Meyer, Bad Lauterberg, 14 Oct. 2007.

The Family Heirloom: Private Memories of Colonialism 161

a compilation dedicated to the ‘memory of my comrades who lived, worked, and died in Southwest Africa and the other German territories overseas..'? One of these was the play ‘Elisabeth’, first performed in Leipzig in 1923 and narrating the fortunes of a woman forced to leave Southwest Africa during the First World War. The play was dedicated to the first president of the Colonial War Heroes Association, General Georg Maercker, in memory of his wife Elsbeth, who, according to the dedication, died ‘lonely...on June 27, 1922 in her lost Heimat Bromberg’. If we take Elsbeth Maercker to be the real-life inspiration for Meyer's Elisabeth, the conflation between the lost Heimat in Southwest Africa and the lost Heimat in Bromberg (Bydgoszcz), which was ceded to Poland after the First World War, is telling. It shows how colonial actors even before the National Socialist period drew parallels between German colonies overseas

and the spread of the German Empire in the East. These two zones of German projections of empire were to become even more conflated during the years of National Socialism. What binds them together in private memory during the interwar period, however, is not a common thread of racial theory and cultural dominance, but rather a common sense of loss. Although usually keeping to smaller, locally based groups, Meyer’s work

promoting the memory of the former colonies also had ramifications on a national level. As a leader in his circles, Meyer often met with later presidents of the Colonial War Heroes Association as well, including the famous Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck. During the interwar period, colonial interest groups were bound together not only by a common purpose and common fascination with the former colonies, but also by a shared sense of loss that was passed on directly to the decolonized generation. ‘This is how Gartner, for example, explains her father’s enthusiasm and nostalgia for the former colonies: It wasn't just my father who was angry, rather, the Diktat of Versailles stated Germans’ inability to colonize, and that of course brought all these men once more to the barricades. ‘They said: we won't take this. And that happened

in the most diverse German cities—in Bochum, in Berlin, in Leipzig, in Erfurt, in Bremen, Dortmund, or Diisseldorf—groups were formed, more like fellowships, like today in shooting clubs, who more or less maintained their stories and their companionship. The first few years there were still a lot of Schutztruppen. It didn't take five minutes for them to have turned the conversation to Africa.'°

'? H. Meyer, Es war einmal (Windhoek, 1973). '© Interview with Anneliese Gartner, née Meyer, Bad Lauterberg, 14 Oct. 2007.

162 Postcolonial Germany Their sense of loss and the mission to overcome it also fuelled the imagination and enthusiasm of Gartner's generation. Gartner, for example, joined the Colonial Youth (KJ) in Leipzig. This was a group of forty to fifty girls and boys who met to talk and learn about the former colonies. ‘They went to lectures and seminars at the commercial college and visited an experimental farm in the area that grew native African plants. Holding on to cultural traditions as well, they sang songs like the Stidwesterlied, which starts with the romantically inspired lines: “Hard as camel thorn wood is our land/And dry are our riverbeds’; and climaxes in the refrain: ‘And if you should ask us/What keeps us here?/We can only say/We love Southwest!’!”

For these children, then, the dream of regaining the former colonies was kept alive in Germany in very real manifestations. In 1933 the KJ, the Colonial Scouts, and other colonial youth groups were merged into the Hitler Youth (HJ). Although the Women’s League of the German Colonial Society retained some control over the girls’ colonial groups, by and large the organizations were from now on controlled by the Nazi Party, a clear blow to the conservative colonial circles.'® According to Reich Youth Leader Baldur von Schirach, members of the HJ were supposed to learn about the former German colonies to the extent that they could recognize the economic importance of raw materials exported from the overseas territories. At the same time, though, he stipulated: ‘within this training it shall be remembered that the bottom line of German population politics, which aims for maximization of the East, will not be harmed’.”? In prac-

tical terms, according to Gartner, neither the HJ nor the BDM (Bund Deutscher Madel) in Leipzig concerned themselves much with overseas colonial issues, and the group identity of the KJ was lost within the larger

organizations. In fact, the only outward sign that members were still allowed was the Petersflagge crest, a black, white, and red flag with the Southern Cross which was worn on the shirt pocket. Still, they met up and attended lectures, continuing an informal gathering of colonial-minded peers much like their parents had done and continued to do.” During the Second World War, KJ members were preoccupied with more immediate difficulties and did not see much of each other. Gartner, who had left school in 1937 to begin training as a nurse, joined the Labour Service. As this was one of the few career choices that her authoritarian father allowed her to pursue, she saw it as ‘a chance to free oneself a bit’. '7 “Und sollte man uns fragen:/Was halt uns hier fest?/Wir konnten nur sagen:/Wir lieben Stidwest!’

'8 BAB R8023/404, BI.24; see also Hildebrand, Vom Reich zum Weltreich, 402-8. B. von Schirach, Die Hitlerjugend. Idee und Gestalt (Berlin, 1934), 160, in Hildebrand, Vom Reich zum Weltreich, 402—3.

°° Interview with Anneliese Gartner, née Meyer, Bad Lauterberg, 14 Oct. 2007.

The Family Heirloom: Private Memories of Colonialism 163 She led her own camp in the Erzgebirge Mountains, today on the border of eastern Germany and the Czech Republic, and was then transferred

to Austria, ‘where you could build up something culturally.’ Gartner started up kindergartens, organized food resources, and planned cultural events for the local population. Perhaps for reasons similar to those that motivated the women who were sent to colonize the East or the former colonies in Africa, Gartner tried to establish a Deutschtum in the Anschluss territories.** She does not see her actions as politically motivated but seems to have inherited her fascination with the foreign and the ideology of creating Germanness abroad from her father. Gartner’s private decision to take up a cultural ‘mission’ in Austria dur-

ing the war reflects a general shift that channelled the public memory of colonialism into more vague goals of imperialism that were not immediately connected to the former colonies. Germany's defeat in the Second World War marks another caesura not only in public, but also in private memory. For the colonial actors’ generation, if they were still alive, it was another blow to nationalist ideology, which they found difficult to bear. Impending military defeat caused Friedrich von Lindequist to commit suicide with his wife in 1945; perhaps similar reasons motivated Jesko von Puttkamer to take his own life after an earlier period of military defeat in 1917. The decolonized generation thus experienced a very tangible form of loss from the Second World War which was added on to the more ideological sense of loss they experienced during the interwar period. In families where the Second World War still left colonial actors alive,

we see the incredible resilience with which they hung on to their colonial dream despite continued defeat. One might say, however, that private dreams had changed their shape by this time. It is not clear whether Heinrich Meyer still believed that Germany could regain its former colonies after the Second World War. In any case, he soon rekindled the old colonial networks and founded the Traditionsverband ehemaliger Schutzund Uberseetruppen in 1956. His daughter, now married to a man she had met in the Displaced Persons Camp, was at his side. To her, the mission of the Traditionsverband was ‘less the reclaiming of the colonies, but rather to create a credible version of German history, particularly in regard

*! Interview with Anneliese Gartner, née Meyer, Bad Lauterberg, 14 Oct. 2007.

** FE. Harvey, Women and the Nazi East (New Haven, 2003), Wildenthal, German Women; N. Reagin, ‘German Brigadoon? Domesticity and Metropolitan Germans Perceptions of Auslandsdeutschen in Southwest Africa and Eastern Europe’, in K. M.

ome R. Bridenthal, and N. Reagin (eds.), 7he Heimat Abroad (Ann Arbor, 2005), 3 Entry for Friedrich von Lindequist in latest edition of Lindequist family history, given to the author by Olof von Lindequist.

164 Postcolonial Germany to the colonies’. ‘The colonial society, in its new form, was at its beginnings ‘more or less a meeting of friends [Kameradentreffen]’.** In the 1950s, for

example, members living in the more affluent West Germany sent aid packages to families who had been displaced from the East. It was not until after Meyer had resigned as head of the establishment that it drafted a formal constitution and became an official philanthropic organization. Gartner became increasingly involved in the Traditionsverband, especially following her own retirement. Keeping the memory of the former

colonies alive became for her a kind of life work. The meetings of the Traditionsverband are, to borrow Homi Bhabha’s term, ‘performative’ ways of memorializing the German nation abroad.” Meetings, still held today, are accompanied by lectures, slideshows, exhibitions, and an antique

books market, all of which accord to one particular historical view: that Germany was a ‘good’ colonial power, one that was wronged by the Treaty of Versailles. In a literal sense, two members re-performed the past at the annual meeting in 2007 by dressing up in an old Schutgtruppe and marine officer uniforms. For Gartner, this was for a long time the closest she could come to her father’s dream of moving to Southwest Africa.”°

Others in the decolonized generation came into much closer contact with the former colonies. They formed the second wave of ‘colonial-like’ actors, colonialists without colonies who emigrated mostly to Southwest Africa and Tanganyika Territory during the interwar period. Having a colonial ancestor was not a prerequisite for these travellers, as they were still able to construct their own narratives of life abroad as much as the previous generation had done. Much like the colonial generation itself, the decolonized memorialized their experiences with photographs, diaries, and indigenous artefacts brought back home.

Max-Diedrich Gaudchau, for example, took a Woermann steamer to East Africa in 1929. At twenty-two years old, he had completed a university education in agriculture up to the first set of exams, as well as several internships. He started out at a work placement on a coffee plantation belonging to the Usambara Gesellschaft, a company that had benefited from the lifting of the property holding ban for Germans in Tanganyika Territory in 1925. Gaudchau then met an English big game hunter and joined him on safaris across the country, collecting trophies. He settled in Moshi on his return and began a hunting safari business, catering mostly for British tourists. In 1934, he had amassed enough capital to start his own coffee plantation at the Weru-Weru River. At the outbreak of war * Interview with Anneliese Gartner, née Meyer, Bad Lauterberg, 14 Oct. 2007. ° H. Bhabha, Zhe Location of Culture (London, 1994), esp. 54—5. 6 Gartner did not travel to Namibia until 1984.

The Family Heirloom: Private Memories of Colonialism 165 in 1939, he was interned in Dar es Salaam, where he applied for permission to return to Germany with his family. Permission was granted, and in 1940, Gaudchau, his wife and three children returned to a war-torn Europe.” Although Gaudchau spent ‘only’ eleven years in Africa, this experience seems to have become a primary element of his identity. Throughout the 1950s, Gaudchau wrote stories and articles about life in Tanganyika, some of which were published in a book series for children, Das neue Universum.

Gaudchau also shared photographs of animals, landscape, locals, and his daily life in Africa with his family. A comment in one of his articles shows that Africa continued to be a dream for the former hunter even after his return to Europe. Nostalgically, he writes still in the early 1950s that, ‘when we hear of East Africa, we usually think of our former German East Africa’, and:

The further opening of Tanganyika Territory by Europeans can certainly be done for the benefit and advantage of the Negro and is of inestimable value for our crowded Europe. The precondition for this is the cooperation between whites and blacks, which is at the moment lacking.”

Thus Gaudchau, like others in the decolonized generation, internalized a feeling of loss regarding the former colonies and developed it into hopes for the future. In fact, his reference to an ‘overpopulated Europe’ again calls up the popular novelist Hans Grimm’s vision of Africa as a Raum ohne Volk for a Volk ohne Raum. He also mentions that such a future would

depend on greater interracial cooperation than existed during his time, thus consciously taking a step to distance himself from the accusations of mistreatment of blacks that were levelled at the Germans at the end of the First World War. Although they changed somewhat, then, Gaudchau’s story shows that dreams for a German presence in the former colonies did not stop with the end of the Second World War. Indeed, holding on to the memory of the former colony was a way for the former coffee planter to place his hope in future generations. The other primary promoter of the Gaudchaus’ss memories of Africa besides Max-Diedrich was his wife. Erika Gaudchau collected her husband’s published and unpublished stories and photographs and compiled them in a family album for their nieces and nephews. While the first half of the album is composed solely of Max-Diedrich’s hunting stories and

*7 FE, Gaudchau (ed.), ‘“Max-Diedrich Gaudchau: Geschichten aus Ostafrika (1993), album shown to the author by Bettina von Kiigelgen.

°° M.-D. Gaudchau, “Sendung zum Erdkunde-Unterricht: Max-Diedrich Gaudchau erzahlt von Ostafrika’, Schulfunk [Stiddeutscher Rundfunk] 9 (Sept. 1953), 335-6.

166 Postcolonial Germany pictures of lions, rhinos, safari tents, and Masai warriors, the latter half is composed of his unpublished manuscripts and photographs of domestic life in Tanganyika. While the stories in the first half revolve around big game hunters and their powerful prey, a story in the second part is told from the perspective of two children, Barbel and Rosel. The overall impression the reader gets is of an easy, carefree life in paradise. Consider a passage from ‘Plantation Children in East Africa: In the mornings, everything gathers to collect its share of that which nature provides in such abundance here. ‘They are all satisfred—even the humans, and it is only rarely that humans make use of weapons in order to defend their culture. Whatever was needed for the kitchen was killed in the near bush or steppe and not on the plantation.”

The children’s memories of life in interwar Germany, in contrast, are described thus: The memory of the horrible time in Germany has already faded. The flight, the misery in the camps, the adversity then in the crowded city flat, and all the worries of that time are almost all forgotten; but when the parents say that the children must now go to Germany for a few years after all, then they are sad.*°

Not only from a child’s perspective, the ‘freedom’ and plenty in Africa would seem preferable to life in the overcrowded, grey Germany. This sort of paradisiacal vision of life in East Africa is compounded by

the pictures of tranquil domestic life in the second half of the album, a sharp contrast to the more violently charged photographs of virile men and their prey in the first half. Unlike the pictures of men on safari, these photos are situated largely in domestic spaces, either inside the home or the ‘tamed’ wilderness immediately surrounding it. Yet they are in their own way not entirely unthreatening. The interior shots show these spaces to be interesting amalgams of German and African people and objects.

The image of a woman reading in a typically German living room, for example, is punctuated by a ferocious open-mouthed lion skin sharing the floor with an oriental rug, and an oriental or North African pouf next to the settee (Fig. 6.1). A similar mixing of cultural references can be seen in exterior photographs taken around the farm (Fig. 6.2). Wesee, for example, Max-Diedrich and a woman (probably either his wife or his sister) having coffee on the veranda. The table is once again decked out with a white tablecloth and 29 M.-D. Gaudchau, ‘Pflanzerkinder in Ostafrika’,, in E. Gaudchau (ed.), ‘Max-Diedrich Gaudchau’. 39 Gaudchau, ‘Pflanzerkinder in Ostafrika’.

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The Family Heirloom: Private Memories of Colonialism 167

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European tableware. The woman is clad in a checked dirndl, the typical German folk dress. Even the reference to the meal—afternoon coftee, which like the British afternoon tea is often expanded into elaborate social occasions such as the Kaffeeklatsch—speaks of the very ‘Germanness’ of the

situation. At the same time, the photographer chose to frame this idyllic scene with a wilderness of tropical plants in the foreground, which appear to encroach upon the couple. Clear signs of African exoticism, these plants at once situate the German domestic scene in Africa and threaten it. Nowhere is this sense of an encroaching wilderness clearer than in a photograph of a young girl in a playpen gazing out across the lawn next to the house (Fig. 6.3). The little girl is veritably dwarfed by the surrounding vegetation: palms, vines, and flowers. Like the viewer, she seems to gaze into

it in awe, threatened by it but also protected from it by a sort of wooden cage. In fact, this photograph can be read as a metaphor for the experience of many Germans in Africa, even beyond the colonial period: they were at once eager to venture out into the unknown and the exotic, yet at the same time surrounded themselves with artefacts of German culture which they used as ideological or moral protection against ‘going native’, which was of course frowned upon by polite society at home and abroad. ‘These photographs also illustrate the point mentioned earlier in Max-Diedrich Gaudchau's writings on Tanganyika in the 1950s: that the Germans in the

168 Postcolonial Germany

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former colony thought they were working on an important project of civilization or ‘cultivation’, and that the country would return to a wilderness if they were to leave it prematurely. If these pictures are taken to represent the ‘everyday on the Weru-Weru farm, then why were they included in the photo album—usually a location for documentation of the extraordinary or the repetitive: celebrations, social gatherings, holidays?’' Arguably, it was the small elements representing the disjunctions or diversions from a German norm—black servants, lion

skins, tropical vegetation, and so on—that marked the photographs as ‘African’ and warranted an inclusion in a collection of nostalgic memories

of a former home abroad. Because they were part of a lost past, scenes from ‘ordinary’ life in Africa gained new meaning for the decolonized generation; they suddenly became extraordinary and worth keeping and handing down to the next generation. On another level, the depictions of domestic life tempered the more violent images of life in Tanganyika at

*! P. Bourdieu, Photography, trans. S. Whiteside (Cambridge, 1990), 19.

The Family Heirloom: Private Memories of Colonialism 169

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See, e.g., T. Sunseri, “Statist Narratives and Maji Maji Ellipses’, International Journal of African Historical Studies 33/3 (2000), 567-84; J. Monson, “Relocating Maji Maji’, JAH 39/1 (1998), 95-120; P. Hassing, “German Missionaries and the Maji Maji Rising’, African Historical Studies 3/2 (1970), 373-89; J. lliffe, “The Organization of the Maji Maji Rebellion’, JAH 8/3 (1967), 495-512. ” Interview with C.-H. and D. von Wissmann, Cologne, 27 Apr. 2007. ’© Letter to the editor of the Ké/ner Stadt-Anzeiger by C.-H. von Wissmann given to the author in an interview.

186 Postcolonial Germany He then goes on to cite a letter written by his cousin, Hermann von Wissmannss son, to the president of the University of Hamburg, a letter written in 1967 in the midst of the Denkmalsturz movement that attempted to topple Hermann von Wissmann’s statue from its plinth. In our conversation, Claus von Wissmann moved directly from Wissmann’s

‘misrepresentation to the anecdote also mentioned in his cousin’s letter. According to the Wissmanns, when the president of Tanzania, Julius Nyerere, went on his first state visit to Europe, he was asked by a German

television reporter why he had chosen West Germany as his first stop. As Claus von Wissmann explained, Nyerere responded: ‘that went without saying, for after all, his tribe had sworn to be blood brothers with the Africa-Wissmann—that is how strong memory is’.”” In fact, Claus von Wissmann told me that Nyerere for years tried to get the statue of Wissmann back to Dar es Salaam, its original location. Looking back at Wissmann’s own travel accounts, however, we find that the story of blood brotherhood was a myth constructed by Wissmann himself. Other sources say that in a different situation, Wissmann had ordered two of his officers to become blood brothers with the Warussa, but never did so himself.”® These anecdotes again show the centrality of positive African memories of German colonial occupation to German families involved in colonialism. They also demonstrate how, to Claus von Wissmann’s generation, private family memory, the memory as related by a cousin (Hermann von Wissmann’s son), is still viewed as having greater authority than the public memory represented in the newspaper article. Although the original anecdote relates to public information—the reporter's interview with Nyerere in the 1960s—it can be seen as having been internalized and ‘authorized’ by Hermann von Wissmann’s son. In the case of the 2007 newspaper article, though, the discrepancy between private and public memories was considered so great that Claus von Wissmann thought the public needed to be ‘reminded’ of the ‘correct’ memory. This is of course one way of ‘coming to terms’ with a colonial past.

“WORKING THROUGH’—A CASE STUDY OF GENERATIONAL ENCOUNTER We have so far seen examples of how public memory can be layered onto private memory of colonial family members, building over the years and

” Interview with C.-H. and D. von Wissmann, Cologne, 27 Apr. 2007. ’® B. Andreae, Die afrikanische Herausforderung (Windhoek, 1999), 50-1, 72.

The Family Heirloom: Private Memories of Colonialism 187 throughout the generations, both literally and metaphorically, an ‘archive’ of family memory that is imbued with the authority of official family history. What happens, though, when the first experience with a family’s colonial history comes from outside the family? ‘The case of the von Trothas can be useful to demonstrate how the layers of private memory can also be peeled apart by subsequent generations as they ‘come to terms’ with German colonialism

from the outside in. Three members of the von Trotha family were interviewed for this book, each belonging to a slightly different age group: Clamor

von Trotha, born 1937, his cousin Karin von Trotha, born 1945, and her daughter Laetitia von Trotha, born 1976. For all three family members, their first encounter with the memory of the German colonialism and specifically the memory of General Lothar von Trotha occurred from outside rather than inside the family, i-e., through public rather than private memory. The von Trothas trace their roots back to a common ancestor in the late fourteenth century. Like many other noble families, they founded a family organization in 1894, which organizes regular meetings, circulates news-

letters, and generally keeps family members informed of their kin. They have a strong military and ecclesiastical heritage based in Sachsen-Anhalt, as well as a marked presence in German colonial history. Indeed, no fewer than six von Trothas and their families were involved in the colonial project

in Southwest Africa. Four von Trothas were soldiers in the Schutztruppe between 1904 and 1906: Adrian Dietrich Lothar (1848-1920), his son Thilo August Wolfgang Lothar (1874-1929), his nephew Thilo Wolfgang Lothar Dieudonné (1877-1905), and a more distant cousin Maximilian

Thilo (1878-1943). Two more family members from a different line went to Southwest Africa with the primary intention of becoming farmers: Gebhard Rudolf Albrecht Waldemar (1881-1968) and his brother Hans Dietrich (1885-1957), already mentioned earlier. Yet it is the memory of Lothar von Trotha which is at the forefront of the von Trotha family’s collective memory of colonialism. This is not surprising, as we have already seen how von Trotha has become a symbol for ‘bad colonialism’ in public memory from the 1960s onwards. In more recent historiography, Jiirgen Zimmerer has described the general’s

actions in German Southwest Africa thus: “Trotha...who had already acquired a reputation for being a particularly ruthless military man during the colonial wars in German East Africa (1894-1897) and China (1900)...knew... neither the country nor the people, but instead had a clear vision of a future “race war’.’”? Elsewhere, Zimmerer calls Trotha ” J. Zimmerer, “Krieg, KZ und Voélkermord in Sitidwestafrika. Der erste deutsche M03) 48 in Zimmerer and J. Zeller (eds.), Volkermord in Deutsch-Stidwestafrika (Berlin,

188 Postcolonial Germany the man responsible for the first German genocide.*° Even less polemical historians such as Horst Griinder, Winfried Speitkamp, Dirk van Laak, and others have labelled von Trotha’s orders as instructions for genocide.*! The German media was quick to pick up on the rhetoric of genocide and has published an increasing number of articles on von Trotha’s actions in what is now Namibia over the last few years. In an interview with the popular weekly magazine Der Spiegel, historian Christopher Clark claims that ‘the genocide cannot be explained with a mental military mind-set, but in the fact that Generalleutnant Lothar von Trotha, offspring of a Prussian

military family from Magdeburg, ran amok’.” The one-hundred-year anniversary of the massacre in 2004 instigated a number of exhibitions, documentaries, and fictional accounts about German colonialism that have further influenced the most recent public consciousness. This was followed by polemically titled non-fictional popular literature such as David Olusoga and Casper Erichsen’s The Kaiser's Holocaust.*’ But above all, this debate surrounding von Trotha has been escalated by series of legal cases

presented since 1999 in front of US courts by a group of Herero claiming reparations for the 1904-8 conflict. In 2004, moreover, the German Minister for Development, Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul, travelled to Namibia to issue a statement acknowledging Germany’s responsibility for crimes committed by the colonial army against the Herero, Nama, and other indigenous peoples of Namibia.* Lothar von Trotha’s line died out with the death of his sons, but members

of the extended family who bear his name have been forced to deal with his legacy. Although increased historical interest in the colonial period in recent years has perhaps accelerated their memory-work, the von Trothas have had to face Lothar’s past for decades already, and their response to his actions appears to be generationally determined. The process of coming to terms with a colonial past has over the years changed from being one of active forgetting to one of active remembering. For Clamor von Trotha, part of the early ‘postcolonial’ generation, a brush with Lettow-Vorbeck—not Lothar von Trotha—was one of his first encounters with German colonialism. As an officer in the Bundeswehr,

8° J. Zimmerer, “Holocaust und Kolonialismus. Beitrage zu einer Archadologie des genozidalen Gedankens’, Zeitschrift fiir Geschichtswissenschaft 5/12 (2003), 1113. *' H. Griinder, Geschichte der deutschen Kolonien, 4th edn. (Paderborn, 2000), 122; D. van Laak, Uber alles in der Welt (Munich, 2005), 85; Speitkamp, Deutsche Kolonialgeschichte, 126. 8° “Ein Bollwerk der Demokratie’, Spiegel 61/33 (Aug. 2007), 43. °° D. Olusoga and C. W. Erichsen, The Kaiser’ Holocaust (London, 2010).

84H. Wieczorek-Zeul, ‘Rede von Bundesministerin Heidemarie Wieczorek-Zeul anlasslich des 100. Jahrestages der Herero-Aufstande in Namibia (14 Aug. 2004): .

The Family Heirloom: Private Memories of Colonialism 189 Clamor was sent to stand guard at Lettow-Vorbeck’s grave at his funeral in Hamburg. He remembers how in 1964 here in Hamburg a whole busload of askari from Africa, in old German uniforms, appeared at the grave in the old Ohlsdorf cemetery for the funeral of General Lettow-Vorbeck...with tears in their eyes, that their old general

had died. That made me think, my God, that must have been an amazing relationship—that is, in the education of the Bundeswehr, that people from that long ago remember this old general and come to his funeral. It really impressed me back then.”

In Trotha’s case, then, as is the case with many other relatives of famous male colonial actors in the postcolonial generation, the first encounter with colonial history was not from within the family and from private memory, but from without, or public memory. At the time of LettowVorbeck’s funeral, this public memory was in the process of being confronted on university campuses, yet the funeral itself was a continuation of a strand of positively connoted colonial memory perpetuated by the progeny of colonial actors themselves. Around this time Clamor also remembers historians starting to ask the Trotha family for Lothar’s diaries, which prompted him to question his parents about his colonial ‘ancestor’. Clamor asked his father, who was also in the

military, what had occurred with General von Trotha in Africa and received the reply: “He followed the Kaiser’s orders. The Kaiser selected him because he

was a good soldier and sent him there and said, “Put down the rebellion.” It is important to note this position regarding Lothar von Trotha by the decolonized generation—admitting acts of violence but claiming it had been done following military orders—appeared in the private space only because someone in the postcolonial generation had brought it up. Following this response, Clamor said, as a young man, one did not dare ask further questions.°*’

As mentioned earlier, the fact that the memory of Lothar von Trotha came ‘from the outside in’ to the Trothas I interviewed is in part due to the fact that Lothar had only two sons, who died childless and ended the line in 1929. It is, however, also due to the silence within the family whenever questions were asked about Lothar, an unwillingness of older generations to uncover whatever remnants of memory may be left. Until only recently,

the family policy concerning questions about Lothar, including inquiries after his diaries, was ‘cover it up and hope it goes away’, according to Karin von Trotha.®*® Karin, who was born in 1945 and married into the ® Interview with C. von Trotha, Hamburg, 28 Apr. 2007. 8° Interview with C. von Trotha, Hamburg, 28 Apr. 2007. *” Interview with C. von Trotha, Hamburg, 28 Apr. 2007. 88 Interview with Karin von Trotha, Hamburg, 28 Apr. 2007.

190 Postcolonial Germany von Trotha family about thirty-five years ago, did not really start thinking about Lothar until she was working as a teacher. She was asked by some colleagues if she was related to the Trotha “Hottentott murderer’. Because, she says, German colonialism was not covered extensively in German history in her school in the postwar period, Karin knew almost nothing about it. After this incident, the topic faded into the background for her, because ‘it was said [within the family] that the diaries aren't available, we don’t know anything, and he is not a direct relative’.*” While in the United States around 2001, Karin was again confronted with Lothar when she was lis-

tening to a lecture in which the presenter made a reference to ‘the first genocide of the twentieth century’, and again heard the name “Trotha. At this point, Karin realized that Lothar von Trotha was not a person about whom ‘nothing is known’, but that in fact, in the public space, quite a few people knew something about him and were very interested in him.” Karin’s daughter Laetitia, born in 1976, also said that she did not learn anything about German colonialism in school or, at first, from her family. Her first encounter with Lothar von Trotha was initiated through a friend at university who lent her a book and excerpts from a film about Herero Day in Namibia, the annual commemoration of the German—Herero War. She was fascinated by the way in which Herero still commemorate the colonial wars in Namibia, something she says ‘isn't so here [in Germany]; here you say it was bad, it was wrong, the door is closed, and nothing is left’.?' Indeed, as we have seen, there are fewer and fewer forms of memory of German colonialism left in Germany today. Part of the reason for this

forgetting is the loss of material relics of the past through the destruction of war. But another part is that during the late 1960s, the discourse of colonialism being a negative undertaking had gained enough ground to become the dominant discourse. It influenced the ‘decolonized’ and, indeed, some of the ‘postcolonial’ generations enough to make them wary of continuing to pass down colonial memories. It was a time of silence and willed forgetting. The initial push from outside prompted Laetitia to present the film she

had seen to her extended family at the annual von Trotha family reunion in 2001. Suddenly, according to Laetitia, people started talking. After that, some members of the family felt that “something needed to be done’ and organized a well-publicized ‘reconciliation meeting’ in Germany with

Ombara (Supreme Chief) Alphons Maherero, descendant of Samuel Maherero, in 2004, the centenary of the German—Herero War. Karin then ® Interview with Karin von Trotha, Hamburg, 28 Apr. 2007. °° ‘Interview with Karin von Trotha, Hamburg, 28 Apr. 2007. *! Interview with Laetitia von Trotha, Hamburg, 28 Apr. 2007.

The Family Heirloom: Private Memories of Colonialism 191 organized a fund drive for a children’s home in Namibia, as well as sending clothes and other gifts abroad. What one might call a ‘working through’ of a colonial past in this family thus involves a sense of guilt and need to make amends in a visible way.”’ Continuing the ‘working through’ process, members of the von Trotha family, including the family head, accepted an invitation by the OCD-—

1904 (Ovaherero/Ovambanderu Council for the Dialogue on the 1904 Genocide) to visit Namibia in October 2007, in order to attend White Flag Day ceremonies. Also known as Wilhelm Zeraua Day, this is an annual convention of Herero in Omaruru upon invitation by the Supreme Chiefs of the West Herero. During their stay, the von Trothas issued the following statement: We, members of the Trotha family, are ashamed of the horrible events that took place here one hundred years ago. We deeply regret what happened to your people, but also to the Nama and the Damara: the gruesome and unjustified death of thousands of men, women, and children.”

At this point, new objects came into the family archive and another layer of memory was added as the two extended families exchanged gifts. The von Trothas travelled through Namibia under police escort, their

actions closely monitored by members of the German embassy, the Namibian government, and the Herero and German-speaking communities. This one family’s dynamic encounters with their history show the importance of memory, particularly when family history becomes politically charged. As with Wieczorek-Zeul’s statement in 2004 and Tony Blair's statement on British responsibility in the slave trade in 2006, Wolf-Thilo von Trotha, the family head, chose his words carefully, avoiding an ‘apology in favour of an expression of ‘regret’ and ‘shame’. The German government, as with the British and the French, is keen to avoid a formal apology for fear of becoming entangled in ongoing reparations payments to victims of colonial wars or genocides. Above all, though, Namibia today is no longer the Southwest Africa of German colonial memory. It is a multi-ethnic state which is still recovering from the more recent legacy of apartheid. Any show of favouritism to one ethnic group, such as the Herero, could threaten a sense of national unity and is not always wel-

comed with open arms by the Ovambo-led majority in the Namibian parliament. The issue of reconciliation with Germany in general and the von Trothas in particular has even factionalized the Herero community.

** Interview with Laetitia von Trotha, Hamburg, 28 Apr. 2007. 3 "Taken from ‘Die Reise nach Namibia des Familienverbandes v. Trotha vom 1.10.— 16.10.2007’, unpublished manuscript given to the author by Clamor von Trotha.

192 Postcolonial Germany As members of the Maharero royal household welcome reconciliation, Herero Paramount Chief Kuaima Riruako has openly condemned them and vocally opposed the von Trothas’ visit. “I cannot be smiling with them

knowing the events in history that transpired between the Germans and us’, he said in a news interview.” In an associated parliamentary debate, Arnold Tjihuiko of the Nudo party claimed: “The von Trothas have just come here to pursue their strategy of divide and rule.’” The ‘working through’ of the von Trothas resonates to a great extent with

many Germans’ desire to ‘work through’ or ‘come to terms with’ a Nazi past. Indeed, in many interviews I conducted with members of the postcolonial generation, the conversation about the family’s colonial history often led to a conversation about its history during the National Socialist period. Moving to talking about the family’s fate under Nazism was for some an opportunity to present their own families as ‘victims of totalitarianism and for others a chance to allude to participation in a regime that engineered what, according to public memory, is deemed an ‘even worse’ genocide of Jews and other ‘undesirable’ ethnic groups. As both Clamor and Karin also realized, there are parallels between their parents’ justif1cation of Lothar von Trotha’s actions as ‘just following orders’ and that generations defence of their own complicity with the Nazi regime, as they themselves ‘just followed orders’. In other words, a more ‘present past’, using Koselleck’s terms mentioned earlier—or the memory of National

Socialism—is linked intimately with the ‘past past—the memory of German colonialism.

In his seminal study on intergenerational memory of the Nazi past, Harald Welzer compares what he calls a ‘lexicon’ of German National Socialism as learned through the public sphere—schoolbooks, films, etc.—with an ‘album’ of family memories of the period. He claims that the communication of versions of the past (Vergangenheitsbilder) both within the family and in wider social contexts creates a framework for how a learned past through education is interpreted and used by the younger generation.”° We see a very similar process in the intergenerational encounters with a German colonial past. In both the decolonized and postcolonial generations, what was learned in school about German colonialism (if anything) was already framed by a generally positive sense of the period from discussions about colonial ancestors within the family. ** C. Tjatindi, “Von Trotha Clan Arrives’, New Era (3 Oct. 2007): .

> B. Weidlich, “Von Trotha Issue Heats Up Debate in Parliament’, 7he Namibian (3 Oct. 2007): — .

°° H. Welzer, S. Moller, and K. Tschuggnall, Opa war kein Nazi, 5th edn. (FFM, 2005).

The Family Heirloom: Private Memories of Colonialism 193 But we have also seen how the reverse process is possible: how public discussions of colonialism also shaped family memories of the period, particularly among the postcolonial generation. Moreover, German colonialism has not been the subject of an intense process of re-education as National Socialism has, and certainly does not play as large of a role in the history curriculum today. The brief encounters with German colonialism in the social movements of the 1960s did not lead to broader educational changes regarding public memory of the period; if anything, they led to a silencing of communicative memory within the private sphere of colonial families, as the older generations became wary of the negative connotations of German patriotism and empire.

Confused by the multiple histories generated in turn by the ‘archive’ and the ‘album’, Welzer’s ‘grandchildren’ generation are led to construct a counter-discourse which portrays their ancestors as resistance fighters against the Nazi regime, even if they were actually members of the SS. A counter-discourse—one that negates colonial violence and celebrates patriotism, heroism, and loyalty in colonial encounters—is similarly present in the postcolonial generation. Unlike in Welzer’s third generation, though, this counter-discourse usually stops short of describing colonial ancestors as members of a resistance movement against colonialism (except perhaps to some extent Wissmann, who, as discussed previously, is celebrated as the man who ended slavery in East Africa). However, in the

German colonial context, unlike the National Socialist context, we also have a fourth generation. ‘The next generation down, the ‘extra-colonial’ generation, is doubly impacted by a relative silencing of colonial memories

within the family and a lack of emphasis on German colonial history in education and the wider public discourse until quite recently, within the last ten years. In addition, it also has a considerably smaller family ‘archive’ of material objects of memory which could serve as mnemonic devices for

talking about the colonial past. In contrast to all its predecessors, then, the extra-colonial generation has so far tended to stumble across colonial memories both in and outside the family, rather than look for them. Unlike memories of the Holocaust and the Second World War, which have often been controlled or directed by politics from above,” a collective national memory of colonialism is still to a great extent manipulated at the ‘grassroots’ level of individuals and families. Whether or not this *” See, e.g., T. Judt, “The Past is Another Country: Myth and Memory in Post-War Europe’, in J.-W. Miller (ed.), Memory and Power in Postwar Europe (Cambridge, 2002), 157-83; J. Herf, “Ihe Emergence and Legacies of Divided Memory: Germany and the Holocaust since 1945’, in Miiller (ed.), Memory and Power in Postwar Europe, 184-205; Hert, Divided Memory (Cambridge, MA, 1997); W. Kansteiner, In Pursuit of German Memory (Athens, OH, 2006).

194 Postcolonial Germany will change as there is a growing historical and political awareness of the debates surrounding German colonialism, especially the debate around the implications of genocide in the events of the German—Herero War, is still a matter of speculation. There certainly is the potential for a similar process of ‘coming to terms’ with a colonial past on a political level as there has been for ‘coming to terms’ with the Holocaust. Increased public dialogues over official apologies, reparations payments, foreign aid, and even monuments and memorials will certainly increase the prevalence of German colonialism in national collective memory. It is unclear, however, whether these political processes will have any impact on mass individual memory of future generations, or whether this will continue to be either dominated by family memory or forgotten entirely. The Trotha case nevertheless offers some promise of this process continuing on all levels for some time to come.

Conclusion This book has shown how Germans have negotiated their colonial legacy over a time span of almost one hundred years. Throughout this period, the collective memory of colonialism changed fairly frequently and was prone

to ruptures and increasing fragmentation. Often, competing memories jockeyed for position before a dominant paradigm emerged. Although we can discern a general trend in the public sphere, where a predominantly positive view of colonialism has been superseded by a predominantly negative valuation, the realities of colonial memory formation are far more intricate if we also take private memories into account. Within families, colonial memory is a melange of positive personal, intergenerational revelations set against both positive and negative impressions taken from a wider public discourse. Public and private memories are thus intricately woven together. The resulting pattern, though, is irregular, for several reasons. First, as Tamara Hareven has shown, ‘family time’ exists in a category distinct from both

individual and historical times.' The appearance and significance of Germany's colonial past within a family is usually linked to the family’s own temporal nodes such as retirements, deaths, or private revelations. The impact of colonial memory in and on public life is connected to an altogether different set of variables, including treaties, independence days, and anniversaries. [he intersection of the two ‘times’ thus necessarily results in unevenness. Yet the pattern is also irregular because of the repeated frac-

turing and episodes of discontinuity in both private and public memory. The public memory of the German colonial past was disrupted in East Germany by the founding of a new state based on anti-colonial ideology, and then unsettled again by the jarring of this ideology with the realities of how German colonialism was actually remembered in Africa in the 1960s. Public colonial memory in the FRG was shaken by new attitudes towards empire and colonialism emerging in the 1960s social movements. Private

' 'T. Hareven, “Family and Historical Time’, Daedalus 106/2 (Spring, 1977), 57-70.

196 Postcolonial Germany memory within colonial families was sometimes altered in response to these public events. In addition, the loss of objects of colonial memory through relocation sometimes made it more difficult for families to anchor private memory narratives. And yet, cogent narratives do still emerge, as individuals try to make sense of the past by smoothing over these inconsistencies and breaks through a combination of recall and myth. It is this adaptability and resilience, the repeated reappearance of colonial memory in Germany despite significant ruptures, which is so extraordinary. Looking back at the overall trajectory of colonial memory formation in Germany, we see that public colonial memory began as a hegemonic construction by a select few, a memory revered by those who had lived through colonialism and longed to share their experiences with the ‘homeland’ through media such as the Afrikabuch. The colonial cause was then increasingly popularized amongst ever wider circles of the former colonial and contemporary commercial elite through the distribution of colonial goods at events such as colonial balls. As waking ‘dreams’ of overseas empire, colonial balls were performances which fulfilled the elite’s inner-

most desires for colonial revisionism. Yet it was not until the complete takeover of all colonial organizations by the National Socialists that a positive and heroic memory of colonialism was circulated amongst the major-

ity of the national population. The treatment of German colonialism in contemporary schoolbooks shows how the Nazis incorporated arguments and views of the former colonial elite and added didactic messages of their own. They sought to engrave the memory of this period in young minds

and to have it serve their own aims for empire. In terms of popularizing the subject of German colonialism, they seem to have been at least partly successful.

After the Second World War, public displays of colonial memory quieted for a few years, but never disappeared completely. The topic soon resurfaced in public space, as various former colonial interest associations re-emerged in the form of Afrika-Vereine, while the Africa departments

of the West German Foreign Office were in part populated by former colonialists. By the time most former German colonies in Africa gained independence in the early 1960s, public discussions of Germany’s colonial legacy were once again in full stride. This time, debates occurred on both sides of the iron curtain and were heavily informed by Cold War ideologies. State gifts to the former colonies at independence from the FRG and GDR show how both Germanies carefully sought to distance themselves from a ‘bad’ memory of colonialism, but also use a potential ‘good’ memory to their advantage. ‘These gifts invariably referenced Germany's colonial past in order to provide the foundation for productive state relations in the future.

Conclusion 197 Academic discussions about the legacies of colonialism continued in both East and West Germany throughout the 1960s and reached a wider public in the controversial West German television documentary Heia Safari and resulting televised debate in 1966/7. The interpretation of Germany's colonial past by the 1968 student movement was, by contrast, much less varied. Protesting against remnants of colonialism, imperialism, and fascism in contemporary society, West German students tore down many physical traces of German colonialism in the public arena. Germany’s colonial memory in public space was thus laid to rest in 1968, much as it already had been in the officially ‘anti-colonial’ East Germany. In the FRG, it never went away completely, though, but was constantly lurking under the surface, ready to be resurrected by various special interest groups, ranging from the anti-apartheid movement to the Traditionsverband ehemaliger Schutzund Uberseetruppen. As the public memory of German colonialism changed shape across time, a complementary narrative of memory developed in the private sphere. Within colonial families, the memory of colonialism has been passed down like a family heirloom, often literally in the form of colonial-themed artefacts, such as photographs and ethnographic items, but also through stories and anecdotes. Four generations have picked up these ‘artefacts’ and presented them according to their own interpretations and purposes, weaving them into a multi-layered ‘family archive’. Colonial actors themselves already sought to secure a positive legacy by embellishing their accounts with tales of heroism and often literally making their mark on the African landscape. Their sons and daughters, a newly ‘decolonized’ generation, considered the period of German colonialism with an overwhelming sense of loss and nostalgia. For the next ‘postcolonial’ generation, the memory of colonialism was deeply enmeshed with memories

of National Socialism and wrought with a mixture of pride and guilt. Finally, the ‘extra-colonials’, members of the fourth generation, are once again taking up the thread of German colonial memory, having remained largely aloof from it up to this point. Over the years, two major trends have emerged: first, the narratives produced in colonial families have become increasingly influenced by public memory; and, secondly, private, family memory’s bearing on public memory has decreased. In spite of some similarities and overlaps, the memory of German colonialism is thus ultimately unlike that of Nazism, which has been increasingly infused with private recollections brought to light in published sources, talks, school projects, and similar initiatives. At the same time, because a much smaller segment of the population was involved in the colonial project, the private memories of colonialism could

198 Postcolonial Germany continue, not without impact from outside but certainly without such a full-scale intrusion as the national ‘working through’ of the Nazi past. In both Germanies, then, the memory of colonialism, although contested at times, frequently appeared in public life even beyond 1945. Private family memory, on the other hand, was more hidden, lying just below the surface of national narratives, in what one might call a ‘subterranean’ space filled with odd pieces of material culture, a few anecdotes and incomplete recollections. This eclecticism is a typical characteristic of collective memory in the family. Grandparents, as Maurice Halbwachs argues, can only communicate their family memory to their grandchildren in fragmentary ways, ‘within the interstices of the present family’, never as a totality.” Moreover, as Angelika Keppler has posited, the narration of what she calls ‘family history’ is defined by occasional acts of remembering and can therefore by its very nature never be seen as unified whole.’ Finally, the substance of family memory lies not in the profound, but, rather, in the profane. Keppler claims that family memory is above all constituted by ‘little’ stories.* Colonial family memory, like other family memory, is a series of these sorts of fragments. In the absence of a monumental’, internationally recognized narrative of empire, and in the overwhelming absence of public monuments still actively associated with colonialism, ‘little’ private memories have become the primary means of engagement with Germany’s colonial legacy.

Overall, Germans have experienced a dynamic, scattered, and varied ‘postcolonialism’, perhaps more so than other former colonial powers in Europe, such as Britain, where the continued presence of an ‘imperial overhang’ in politics appears to have been considered acceptable years after the empire ceased to exist.’ A closer look, though, reveals that the idea of coming to terms with a colonial legacy has been and continues to be highly

contentious for many European nations. To that end, the German case may bea useful lens through which to view broader questions of how postcolonialism marks the colonizer as much as the colonized, as Stuart Hall has remarked°’—or how Europe is ‘coming to terms’ with its colonial past.

* M. Halbwachs, On Collective Memory, trans. L. A. Coser (London, 1992), 77-8. > A. Keppler, Tischgespriche (FFM, 1995), 207. * Keppler, Tischgesprache, 186. > A. Deighton, “The Past in the Present: British Imperial Memories and the European

Question’, in J.-W. Miller (ed.), Memory and Power in Post-War Europe (Cambridge, 2002), 108; see also Niall Ferguson’s albeit controversial historical celebration of the British Empire, Empire: How Britain Made the Modern World (London, 2003).

° S. Hall, “When was the “Post-Colonial”? Thinking at the Limit’, in I. Chambers and L. Curti (eds.), The Post-Colonial Question (London/New York, 1996), 246.

Conclusion 199 First, to what extent has the way in which a nation lost its colonies affected postcolonial memory? The way in which the British Empire ended made it possible for some colonial enthusiasts to see it as the logical stopping point of a planned educational and ‘civilizing’ venture, the culmination of a Whig version of imperial history.’ In the German case, the end of overseas empire, if not continental empire, was interpreted as an unnatural interruption to the trajectory of expanding powers searching for increased ‘living space’. While British decolonization could still be

remembered by civil servants in the mid-1980s as having been planned and methodical—even if it was not always so in practice’—German decolonization was always interpreted as abrupt, an acute loss of control. British decolonization at home and abroad occurred over decades; even after large-scale independence movements in Southeast Asia and Africa, the British still held fast to the Falkland Islands, Gibraltar, Rhodesia, British Honduras, British Antarctica, and Hong Kong until well into the 1980s and 1990s. German decolonization occurred at the stroke of a pen at Versailles and was implemented within a matter of months. Like the British case, French disengagement from Algeria was also a more drawn out process—with the Algerian war of independence lasting from 1954 to 1962.’ Italy, by contrast, also underwent an abrupt decolonization like Germany: the Treaty of Paris deprived Italy of its colonies in 1947. Yet the trajectory of an Italian postcolonial memory shows significant divergence from the German pattern, not least because, unlike Germany, it was required to pay compensation for its colonial wars, haunted by financial repercussions from colonialism.'° Secondly, to what extent does a persistence of ‘colonial-like’ behaviours after a formal end to colonialism facilitate or hinder the transition to post-

colonialism? For Germany in the 1920s and 1930s, Britain in the 1950s (during its ‘first wave’ of decolonization), and France in the 1960s, the loss of overseas colonies meant first of all a desire to preserve or return to the practice of informal influence driven by economic measures—perhaps a form of denial. As John Darwin has observed for the British case, ’ J. Darwin, ‘British Decolonization since 1945: A Pattern or a Puzzle?’, Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 12/2 (1984), 189; B. Porter, The Lions Share (Harlow, 2004), 324. 8 Darwin, “British Decolonization’, 189—90. > J. House and N. MacMaster, Paris 1961 (Oxford, 2009), 4. '° Although Italy had already lost its colonies by the 1960s, it was also affected by liberation movements, particularly in Libya, where Muammar Gaddafi expelled all remaining Italian expatriates—something which Nicola Labanca convincingly claims changed Italians’ memory of the colonial past. Labanca, “History and Memory of Italian Colonialism

2008. 2 J. Andall and D. Duncan (eds.), Italian Colonialism: Legacy and Memory (Bern,

200 Postcolonial Germany ‘decolonization was the continuation of empire by other means’.'' John Mackenzie has also shown that the majority of Britons did not realize that empire was coming to an end until the 1960s.’ As with the Germans, who continued to hold colonial balls into the 1930s, the British staged colonial exhibits and fairs into the early 1950s, not recognizing—or not willing to recognize—that the independence of the Indian subcontinent heralded a new age.'* Indeed, both in Great Britain and in France, old colonial relationships were reconsolidated in new institutions. The British created the Commonwealth in 1931 and expanded it into a multiracial Commonwealth with the admission of India in 1949 and further states in the 1960s. Similarly, in France, Charles de Gaulle still hoped to preserve special ties with the nation’s ‘privileged partners’, or ex-colonies in Africa, in the form of a Communauté." The concept of a francophone world also

created a political and cultural network built around the language of the former colonizers.’ Thirdly, does the development of postcolonial memory necessarily entail a period of ‘forgetting’? And what is the nature and function of this ‘forgetting’? Bernard Porter argues that by the 1980s in Britain, ‘people ceased to relate to the empire, and then to remember it: in schools and universities, for example, where it was squeezed out of most history curricula’.'° But the question is not only about whether or not the colonial past was forgotten, but also about what kind of memory was forgotten, or even repressed. Bill Schwarz claims that as the British Empire neared its end, ‘it was better to forget’; people felt ‘inhibitions’ about speaking about it.'” Other historians

'! J. Darwin, “The Fear of Falling: British Politics and Imperial Decline since 1900’, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society 36 (Dec. 1986), 42.

'2 J. Mackenzie, “The Persistence of Empire in Metropolitan Culture’, in S. Ward (ed.), British Culture and the End of Empire (Manchester, 2002), 32-3. 'S Mackenzie, “The Persistence of Empire in Metropolitan Culture’, 29.

‘4 J. Hayward, Fragmented France: Two Centuries of Fragmented Identity (Oxford/ New York, 2007), 329. 'S Hayward, Fragmented France, 331. '© Porter, Lions Share, 345—6. An oft-cited survey conducted in the late 1940s suggests that most Britons had little knowledge of the geographies or political construction of the British Empire already following the Second World War. This study, however, only focuses on textbook knowledge of the empire rather than popular memory. G. K. Evans, Public Opinion on Colonial Affairs (London, 1948), cited in S. Ward, ‘Introduction’, in Ward (ed.),

British Culture, 4. Stephen Howe, on the other hand, suggests that it was precisely the 1980s which saw a rise in debates concerning empire and decolonization in the metropole. Howe posits that by then, leftist activist historians, in their quest to unearth the multivalent legacies of empire, had succeeded in gaining a broader ‘consensus’ in society by the end of the decade. Among them are the influential works of Paul Gilroy and Stuart Hall. S. Howe, ‘Internal Decolonization? British Politics since Thatcher as Post-Colonial Trauma’, Zwentieth Century British History 14/3 (2003), 293-7. '7 B. Schwarz, The White Man’ World (Oxford, 2011), 6.

Conclusion 201 have also shown how empire quickly became a relic of the past in Britain, eccentric and laughable.'® Symbols of the colonial past were meaningless after the late 1960s, Schwarz argues.'’ But at the same time, he interprets the racialized and racist discourse of present-day Britain as a continuation of colonial mentalities—in effect, a kind of memory.” The forgetting of a colonial past in postwar Britain was thus ‘a partial, selective forgetfulness’ rather than oblivion.*! In France, the collective desire to forget colonialism, or at least its problematic aspects, was also strong. According to Robert Aldrich, a myth of an anti-colonial France came to replace a myth of colonial France from the 1960s to the 1980s.’7 What Alec Hargreaves has called a ‘public forgetfulness’ of French colonialism may have been due to the particularly violent end to empire in Algeria, leading the French public to block out the ‘trauma’ of the past. Some historians claim, however, that the resulting ‘amnesia’ has been overcome with increased publicization of Algerian victims memories of the conflict in recent years.”? The Netherlands has also witnessed what Paul Bijl calls simultaneous remembrance and forgetting. Whilst historians and other scholars frequently publicized instances of Dutch colonial violence from colonial times to the present, this is still not the prevailing collective memory of Dutch colonialism. Bijl argues that this is not because the negative memories were actively repressed, but instead, because they were never discussed as part of Dutch national history.” Italy’s postwar period has also been characterized as a period of ‘absence’ and ‘forgetting’ of the colonial past by Karen Pinkus.”” Decolonization for Italy, Pinkus claims, was at least in cultural terms ‘a nonevent’.*° Angelo del '8 Howe, ‘Internal Decolonization’, 292. S. Ward, ‘“No nation could be broker”: The Satire Boom and the Demise of Britain’s World Role’, in Ward (ed.), British Culture, 91-110. '9 Schwarz, White Man’s World, 7-8.

*° To that end, Schwarz anoints Enoch Powell as Britain’s ‘postcolonial proconsul’. Schwarz, White Man's World, 12, 30, 55, 57, 167. Ann Laura Stoler makes the same claim for France; Stoler, “Colonial Aphasia’, Public Culture 23/1 (2011), 133. 21 Schwarz, White Man’ World, 8. * R. Aldrich, Vestiges of the Colonial Empire in France (Basingstoke, 2005), 15.

°° A. G. Hargreaves, ‘Introduction’, in Hargreaves (ed.), Memory, Empire and Postcolonialism (Lanham, MD/Oxford, 2005), 2, 5 * P. Bijl, ‘Colonial Memory and Forgetting in the Netherlands and Indonesia’, Journal of Genocide Research 14/3—4 (2012), 444, 450-1, 458. ° K. Pinkus, “Empty Spaces: Decolonization in Italy’, in P. Palumbo (ed.), A Place in the Sun (Berkeley/Los Angeles/London, 2003), 299-320. 6 Pinkus, ‘Empty Spaces: Decolonization in Italy’, 300. Colonial forgetting was compounded by the fact that access to colonial archives by critical historians was severely limited. A. del Boca, “The Myths, Suppressions, Denials and Defaults of Italian Colonialism’, in Palumbo (ed.), A Place in the Sun, 19, 33.

202 Postcolonial Germany Boca attributes this forgetting to the former colonial and political elite’s wilful neglect, or repression, of the subject. *’ But more recently, historians have taken issue with this view.*® As Patricia Palumbo notes, Italians who had been active in the former colonies continued to publish accounts of the former overseas empire.” A ‘certain colonial nostalgia thus continued to persist into the postwar period.*® At the same time, a new wave of historiography, the reaction of veterans’ associations, and international politics prompted a significant encounter with the colonial past and a change in public opinion in the 1980s and 1990s, according to Nicola Labanca.*! A complex kind of forgetting—a forgetting whilst remembering—thus appears to characterize most European nations’ relationship with overseas colonialism at some point. Ann Laura Stoler’s concept of ‘colonial aphasia’,

which she applies to the French case, is extremely useful to help explore the kind of forgetting which historians may have difficulty describing.*” Aphasia is not a straightforward forgetting, but rather “dismembering, a difficulty speaking, a difficulty generating a vocabulary that associates appropriate words and concepts with appropriate things’. It highlights dimensions of both ‘loss of access and active dissociation’.*? Aphasia thus describes how, despite the confrontation with Germany’s colonial past by historians and activists in the 1960s, scholars today still talk of large-scale ‘colonial amnesia (however misleading this term may be). An internal taboo on colonial memory set by Communist rhetoric in the GDR and the 68ers in the FRG caused some members of older generations to hide their memories, at least from public space, and younger generations to simply not know or care about Germany’s colonial past. Closely tied to this issue is the question of the degree to which violent conflict between former colonizer and colonized during decolonization, as well as the continued presence of the former colonized in the metropole, have shaped colonial memory. Germany’s lack of violent confrontation with former overseas subjects in a colonial ‘emergency’ was perhaps conducive to a certain type of forgetting. Against France’s disentanglement from Algeria or the Dutch extraction from the East Indies, as well as the brutal extraction of Portugal and Belgium from their African colonies,

*” Del Boca, “The Myths, Suppression, Denials and Defaults of Italian Colonialism’. *8 J. Andall and D. Duncan, ‘Memories and Legacies of Italian Colonialism’, in Andall and Duncan (eds.), Italian Colonialism, 9. 29 Palumbo, ‘Introduction’, in Palumbo (ed.), A Place in the Sun, 4. °° Andall and Duncan, ‘Memories and Legacies of Italian Colonialism’, 18. °! Labanca, “History and Memory of Italian Colonialism Today’, 37-8. *° Stoler, “Colonial Aphasia’; Paul Bijl builds on Stoler’s concept in his investigation of colonial memory in the Netherlands; Bijl, “Colonial Memory and Forgetting’. °° Stoler, “Colonial Aphasia’, 125.

Conclusion 203 Germany was the exception to the rule.** Even Britain, whose comparatively ‘peaceful’ process of disengagement is often seen by scholars of the British Empire as exceptional, has its own violent confrontations in Kenya

to come to terms with. Moreover, it seems that in both East and West Germany, trying to forget a colonial past also became easier in the second half of the twentieth century because the visible and tangible residue of empire had dis-

appeared through both deliberate and inadvertent erasure. Those few colonial memorials still left in public space were no longer imbibed with their original meanings but had become strange ruins in local, rather than national, landscapes. Moreover, the former colonized never reached the metropole to engender such confrontation as Algerians in Paris in 1961, or Ugandan Asians in Britain in the 1970s. ‘The re-migration of empire prompted the everyday redefinitions ‘Britishness’ and ‘Frenchness’, of ‘us’ as opposed to ‘them’, and the addressing of new issues of integration, multiculturalism, and creolization.*° The perspective of postcolonial ‘entangled histories’ is also much rarer in German postcolonialism than in that of other European powers.*” Descendants of former subjects of British

Empire such as Stuart Hall, Homi Bhabha, and Partha Chatterjee, for example, now write histories and theories of empire. Public postcolonial memory formation has become enriched with the memories of the former colonized in Britain and France in a way which is incomparable with the rather one-sided memory formation in the German metropole. For the latter, perhaps, the sites of entangled memories are still much more tangible in Namibia than in Germany. The present study of German colonial memory also raises questions about the shape of private, family memory and its impact on and deviations from public narratives of the colonial past. It would not be surprising if for most colonial families, whether French, German, Italian, or English, Charles Burdett’s dictum holds true: ‘personal memory is regarded as uniquely reliable; the putatively negative characteristics of [the nation’s]

* J. Stengers, “Precipitous Decolonization: The Case of the Belgian Congo’, in P. Gifford

and W. R. Louis (eds.), The Transfer of Power in Africa (New Haven/London, 1982), 261-92; this is taken up by Martin Thomas, Bob Moore, and L. J. Butler in Crises of Empire: Decolonization and Europes Imperial States, 1918-1975 (London, 2008), 385-410. °° See D. Anderson, History of the Hanged (London, 2006) and C. Elkins, Britains Gulag (London, 2005). *° See, e.g., C. Waters, ‘Dark Strangers in Our Midst’, Journal of British Studies 36/2 (Apr.

],

an Buctner, ‘“Setting the Record Straight?”’, in U. Lindner, M. Méhring, M. Stein,

and S. Stroh (eds.), Hybrid Cultures—Nervous States (Amsterdam/New York, 2010), 98; B. Schwarz, ‘Claudia Jones and the West Indian Gazette’, Twentieth Century British History 14/3 (2003), 264-85.

204 Postcolonial Germany colonialism are seen as no worse than elsewhere’.** In Britain, perhaps even more so than in Germany, tensions exist between a growing acceptance of ‘empire as a Bad Thing’”’ and competing attempts by colonial families to ‘set the record straight’,*’ claiming that the memory of colonialism should be one of ‘selflessness, hard work, and sacrifice’.*! Accusations of colonial

misrule in both cases are regularly countered with examples testifying to the affection former colonizers felt towards their indigenous staff and servants.” In Italy, also, a disjunction has formed between the memories of those who were involved in colonialism, still active through colonial associations and journals, and the wider public.” When is a nation, then, truly ‘postcolonial’? Bill Schwarz posed this question in relation to the British Empire in 2003, suggesting that Britain still had a way to go in the process of ‘internal decolonization’. He argued that even if colonialism had come to an end, colonial ‘mentalities’ persisted.** Other historians of the British Empire also trace current racial discrimination back to an ‘imperial mentality .“* Ann Laura Stoler makes the same claim for France, connecting contemporary racism to the residue of a repressed colonial past.*° Jacqueline Andall and Derek Duncan attest to the continuity between the colonial and the postcolonial periods in Italy, even claiming that Italian colonial memories were ‘displaced’ onto more recent migrants to Italy.*” Clearly, a merely temporal definition of being ‘postcolonial’ is not sufficient;** more useful perhaps is a cognitive °° C. Burdett, “Colonial Associations and the Memory of Italian East Africa’, in Andall and Duncan (eds.), /talian Colonialism, 136. 39 Porter, Lion’ Share, 1. * E. Buettner, ‘Cemeteries, Public Memory and Raj Nostalgia in Postcolonial Britain and India’, History and Memory 18/1 (Spring/Summer, 2006), 5-42; Porter, Lion’s Share, 324-5. “| Buettner, ‘Setting the Record Straight’, 94. This positive memory is for various reasons often corroborated in the former colonies themselves, both by colonial subjects and settlers, as we have seen in Chapters 4 and 5. Buettner, ‘Setting the Record Straight’, 101. © Buettner, ‘Setting the Record Straight’, 103. This is also reflected in the popularity of Charles Allen’s Plain Tales from the Raj, an amalgamation of oral accounts from former British colonialists in India also aired on BBC Radio in the 1970s. C. Allen (ed.), Plain Tales from the Raj (London, 1975). “3 Labanca, ‘History and Memory of Italian Colonialism Today’, 31—2; Burdett, ‘Colonial Associations and the Memory of Italian East Africa’. “4 Schwarz here also uses the term ‘postcolonial’ to denote the cultural acceptance of a nation as no longer colonial, or after colonialism has come to an end, rather than in the critical-literary sense. Schwarz, ‘Claudia Jones’, 265. * Schwarz, “Claudia Jones’; D. Kennedy, ‘Imperial History and Postcolonial Theory’,

Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 24/3 (Sept. 1996), 345; P. Gilroy, ‘Multiculturalism, Double Consciousness and the “War on Terror”’, Patterns of Prejudice 39/4 (2005), 431-43. “6 Stoler, “Colonial Aphasia’, 133. “7 Andall and Duncan, ‘Memories and Legacies of Italian Colonialism’, 17, 21.

“8 P. Hulme, ‘Including America, Ariel 26/1 (1995), quoted in Hall, “When was the “Post-Colonial”?’, 253.

Conclusion 205 one that fulfils Stuart Hall’s definition of a society that is not merely ‘after’, but ‘going beyond’ the colonial.”

A final question, then, is what implications a study of colonial memory formation has on how future generations learn about colonialism. Despite the airing of Algerians’ memory of French colonialism, in 2005, the French government under Jacques Chirac called for schools across the nation to emphasize the ‘positive’ impact the nation had on its former colonial empire. In 2007 President Nicholas Sarkozy denied the Senegalese a

formal apology for colonialism, claiming that the French colonizer ‘has taken, but I want to say with respect that he also gave... he gave his effort, his work, his knowledge’.”° Similar debates about how ‘empire’ should be publicly remembered and taught in schools have occupied policy-makers in Britain in recent years, for example, in the debate surrounding Michael Gove’s new national curriculum proposals.’' In Germany, websites such as ‘Freiburg Postkolonial’ have been established to encourage large numbers of the population of any age to learn about the traces of the German colo-

nial past surrounding them.” Yet we should keep in mind that the ‘working through’ of colonial memory occurs on several levels. In Germany, a scholarly encounter with the past occurred in the 1960s, and is currently experiencing resurgence. But on a private level, this process is only just beginning. As we saw in Chapter 6, private memories have more authority for individuals than the canon of public memory, and it is a serious engagement with these private memories, rather than academic dictatorship of what ought to be remembered, which marks the beginning of a truly postcolonial age. My investigation into private memories of colonialism in this book must therefore be understood as the seed of a larger project to be continued in the future. What the present study has already shown is how important it

49 Hall, “When was the “Post-Colonial”?’, 253. © J. Godoy, “Recasting Colonialism as a Good Thing’, Global Policy Forum (5 July 2005); N. Sarkozy, ‘Allocution de M. Nicolas Sarkozy, Président de la République, prononcée a l'Université de Dakar’ (26 July 2007). °! For some historians’ reactions to the proposals, see R. J. Evans, “The Wonderfulness of Us (The Tory Interpretation of History)’, LRB 33/6 (17 Mar. 2011); Evans, “The folly

of putting Little England at the heart of history, Financial Times (8 Feb. 2013), 11; D. Priestland, “Michael Gove’s New Curriculum: What the Experts Say’, Guardian (12 Feb. 2013): ; N. Ferguson, “On the teaching of history: Michael Gove is right’, Guardian (15 Feb. 2013): . * . See also , , , and .

206 Postcolonial Germany is to recognize the role of material culture in colonial memory production and integrate it into education about colonialism in years to come.

The complexity of memory narratives spanning former colony and metropole is another point for future investigation. Although this book offers a chronology of postcolonial Germany among white Germans, the topic is by no means exhausted. The obvious other side of the coin that warrants investigation is the memory of this period among communities of former colonial subjects, both in the former colonies and in Germany.”

Little attention has been paid either to the legacy of colonialism that involves individuals and families of mixed-race descent, families which have emerged from sexual relations between colonial officers and black women.™

How do historians, for example, take account of the story of Marianne Hansen, née Kurz? Marianne’s grandfather was a German colonial soldier, Emil August Kurz, who was sent back to Germany around 1920 after shooting a Herero woman following a theft. He left behind a wife and seven children. One of these children, Marianne’s father, married a woman who had been adopted by Germans but was born of extramarital relations

> Inroads have already been made into this area, e.g. by L. Forster, Postkoloniale Erinnerungslandschaften. Wie Deutsche und Herero in Namibia des Kriegs von 1904 gedenken

(FFM/New York, 2010); D. Laumann, “Narratives of a “Model Colony”: German Togoland in Written and Oral Histories’, in M. Perraudin and J. Zimmerer (eds.), German Colonialism and National Identity (London, 2010); A. P. Oloukpona-Yinnon, “Unbewaltigte koloniale Vergangenheit. Problematik der Aufarbeitung der deutschen Kolonialzeit in Togo’, in W. Wagner (ed.), Rassendiskriminierung, Kolonialpolitik und ethnisch-nationale Identitdat

(Miinster/Hamburg, 1992), 430-8; S. Michels and A.-P. Temgoua (eds.), La politique de la mémoire coloniale en Allemagne et au Cameroun—The Politics of Colonial Memory in

Germany and Cameroon (Minster, 2005). These analyses centred in the former colonies have been enriched by previously mentioned studies of Africans in Germany conducted by Tina Campt and Marianne Bechhaus-Gerst.

4 Studies which consider mixed-race children of white German women and ‘black’ occupation soldiers following the First World War, as well as white German women and African-American Gls following the Second World War, include T. Campt, Other Germans (Ann Arbor, 2004); Y.-C. Lemke Muniz de Faria, Zwischen Fiirsorge und Ausgrenzung. Afrodeutsche ‘Besatzungskinder’ im Nachkriegsdeutschland (Berlin, 2002); Lemke Muniz de Faria, ““Germany’s ‘Brown Babies’ Must Be Helped! Will You?” U.S. Adoption Plans for

Afro-German Children, 1950-1955’, Callaloo 26/2 (2003), 342-62; M. Hohn, ‘Heimat in Turmoil: African-American Gls in 1950s West Germany’, in H. Schissler (ed.), Zhe Miracle Years (Princeton, 2001), 145-63; H. Fehrenbach, Race after Hitler (Princeton, 2005). Hans Massaquoi, the son of a black Liberian father and white German mother, has also written a fascinating account of growing up ‘black’ in Nazi Germany. H. J. Massaquoi, Destined to Witness (London, 2001). Molly O’Donnell has outlined the circumstances of mixed-race relationships during the colonial period, but much is still to be learned about experiences of mixed-race children beyond then. K. M. O’Donnell, “The First “Besatzungskinder”: Afro-German Children, Colonial Childrearing Practices, and Racial Policy in GSWA, 1890-1914’, in P Mazon and R. Steingréver (eds.), Not So Plain as Black and White (Rochester, 2005), 61-81.

,

Conclusion 207

a J ns -©y4

} aa . a pe. i _ ot “ie —— “4

>f¥|‘,|zx

tee, ws he ig: Z

% S| :)->;ae :.: ;he if ye

ae ee fee ae

Fig. 7.1. Emil August Kurz. Image courtesy of Marianne Hansen.

between another colonial soldier and a Herero woman. Marianne’s mother looked white, the family spoke German, and yet under what was by then South African law, they were considered ‘non-whites’. According to the rules of apartheid, the children could not attend German schools, but, on the other hand, Marianne’s German father did not allow them to entertain black friends at home. “There was no place for us, she remembers. “You were not white and you were not black. You were in between.’ Marianne identifies strongly with her German grandfather and keeps a portrait of him in a special place in her home, a painting of a dapper young marine with a twinkle in his eye (Fig. 7.1). The only material object that remains

from Emil August Kurz in Namibia, it was given to Marianne by her father, and she plans to pass it on to her son. Marianne longs to discover what happened to her grandfather, for as she puts it, “My roots [are] in Germany. I am only the fruit of something, but where?’” One of the major problems with the Denkmalsturz movement for historians is that it was morea process of erasure than of encounter. It removed objects which could have become valuable sources of information and

» Interview with Marianne Hansen, Windhoek, 8 Nov. 2007.

208 Postcolonial Germany dialogue. As Marianne Kurz’s story shows rather poignantly, people tend to cling to the few tangible sources of memory they have, even if this is a painful memory. Regarding Germany’s colonial past, there is still much to be remembered and worked through, both in terms of material traces and in terms of larger colonial legacies. It is a project that is ongoing.

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Index Adenauer, Konrad 92, 93 Berlin-Africa Conference (1884-5) 146

Adorno, Theodor 2 Berlin Wall 115, 118

advertisements 21, 46, 48—53 Bhabha, Homi 164 ‘Africa-Books’ 13-40, 196 Bibliotheque de l’Enseignement,

Africa Conference (1959) 91 Yaoundé 103

African-Americans 52, 61-7, 137 Bicamumpaka, Balthazar 124

Africa-Week (1960) 95, 113 Bismarck, Otto von 3, 185

Afrikabuch, see ‘Africa-Books’ ‘blackface’ entertainment 59-61 Afrikanische Frucht-Kompagnie (AFC) 50 Black Panthers 138

Afrikapolitik 90-132 Black Power 137 Agboka, Johannes Kofi Apenyowu 108 Bley, Helmut 145, 146 Ahidjo, Ahmadou 105 ‘Blue Book’ 22 Aktion Liideritzstraffe 141 Bosch 107 Albertini, Rudolf von 145 Bottger, Kurt 105-6

Algeria 136-7, 153, 199, 201, 202, 203,205 Bourdieu, Pierre 174

Allgemeine Elektricitats-Gesellschaft Brandt, Willy 93, 118, 152

(AEG) 47 Browning, Christopher 184

Amani, agricultural research station 117 Bund Deutscher Madel (BDM) 162

Angebauer, Karl 39 Bund Deutscher Togolander 11, 108 Angola 94, 128, 131, 137, 144, 148, 151 Bundesministerium ftir wirtschaftliche Ansprenger, Franz 145 Zusammenarbeit (BMZ), see Ministry

Anti-Kolonial-Denk-Mal 142-3 for Economic Cooperation

apartheid and anti-apartheid action Bundesverband der Deutschen Industrie

127-32, 141-2, 147, 151, 153, (BDI) 120

191, 197, 207 Burundi 2, 123-6, see also German aphasia 202 East Africa Arendt, Hannah 4, 184 business interests and German

Arusha Declaration 123 colonialism 13, 47, 50-1, 71, 107,

Aschenborn, Alfred 182 120, 139-41 Aschenborn, Hans Anton 19, 23-4, 33, 43 Bittner, Kurt 141 askari 25-32, 55, 81-2, 88, 122, 133, 138,

182, 184, 189 Cameroon 2, 14, 49-50, 59, 98-107, 108, Assalé, Charles 101—2, 104 117, 125, 179 Assmann, Jan and Aleida 6-7, 16, 34 Cameroun, see Cameroon Association of Schoolbook Publishers 73 Cartography, Reich Office for 71

Auslandsdeutschtum 84, 163 Centre Agronomique, Nkolbisson 99 Ausschuss fiir das Unterrichtswesen Chatterjee, Partha 203

(1924-33) 72 Chile 153

Auferparlamentarishe Opposition (APO), China 114, 122, 123, 136

see ‘1968’ Boxer Rebellion 187 Chirac, Jaques 205

Bade, Klaus 145 chocolate and cocoa 45—6, 48, 51, 99, 101 Baker, Josephine 61-2 Christian Democratic Party (CDU) 150-1 Bald, Detlef 145 Clausewitz, Carola von 174—5, 178, 179 bananas 46, 50,51, 62 cocoa, see chocolate and cocoa

Baumann, Hermann 92 coffee and coffee plantations 46, 50, 51, 54, Bebel, August 4, 90, 143, 144-5 88, 107, 119, 120, 164, 166-8

Behn, Fritz 142 Cold War 2, 90-154, 196-7

Belgium: colonial balls 41-67, 196 colonies 81, 123, 185, 202; see also Congo ‘colonial catechism’ 71

Bellin children’s home 148—9 colonial domesticity 166-9

Berg, Fritz 120 colonial exhibitions 8, 68, 200

254 Index ‘colonial guilt lie’, see colonial revisionism development theory 131, 149 Colonial Institute, Hamburg 92, 139-40; Dominik, Hans 133, 138—40

see also Hamburg, University of Donhoff, Marion Grafin von 91 colonial revisionism 4, 13—14, 31, 42, 55, 66, Dornier 116

68, 70, 86, 92, 134, 156, 196 Douala-Chad Railway 104

colonial stamps 183 Drechsler, Horst 95, 143, 144

colonial wares 48—51 Dutch East Indies, see Netherlands Colonial War Heroes Association 161

Colonial Youth 92, 114, 162 eastern territories, Germany, see German East Communism 100-1, 102, 109-10, East Germany, see German Democratic

114-15, 127, 129, 136, 144, 151 Republic

Communist Party (KPD) 4, 13, 66 economic imperialism 47-9, 199-200; see

Congo 104, 137, 185 also business interests and German Congo Conference, see Berlin-Africa colonialism; see also neo-colonialism Conference education and colonialism 10, 46, 66, 67,

Contact Group, UN Security Council 151 68-89, 100, 109, 111, 114, 117, 125,

corporal punishment 23, 144 128, 149-50, 151, 179, 185, 190, 192,

Correns, Erich 118 196, 197, 200, 205

Cuba 136, 151 Egypt 129

curriculum, see schools and colonialism Eichmann, Adolf 184 entangled memory 9

Daimler-Benz 47, 107, 116 Eppler, Erhard 147

Dannemann, Thomas 130 Ethiopia 94

Darré, Walther 87 Etzdorf, Hasso von 92

Dawes Plan 42, 49, 63 European Economic Community

decolonization, see independence and (EEC) 91, 104

decolonization Evans, W. J. Maelor 115

Deko-Group, see Group of German Colonial

Business Enterprises Fabri, Friedrich 84

Delbriick (Bank) 92 family archive, see family memory

Democratic Turnhalle Alliance family memory 7, 155-94, 195-8,

(DTA) 151, 152 204, 205-6

Denkmalsturz 133—4, 138, 154, 186, 197, Fanon, Frantz 136, 137-8, 139

208; see also ‘1968° Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) 9,

Deppe, Ludwig 27, 38 90-154, 164, 186, 195-7, 202-3 Dernburg, Bernard 157 Ferrostaal 92 Deutsch-Afrikanische Gesellschaft der films 68, 171, 190

DDR 95, 118-19 First World War 2, 11, 13-14, 19, 21, 23,

Deutsch-Afrikanische Hilfsausschuf$ 129 28, 31, 32-5, 48, 55, 59, 72, 81-3, Deutsche Afrika-Gesellschaft (DAG) 92, 155, 160, 161, 170, 171, 174, 181

101, 114, 147 Fischer, Fritz 136, 146

Deutsche Afrika Linien 47 Florin, Peter 147-8

Deutsche Bank 92 following orders 184, 189, 192 Deutsche Evangelische Lutherische Kirche Foncha, John Ngu 106

Siidwestafrikas (DELK) 152-3 France 101, 104

Deutsche Kolonialgesellschaft (DKG), see colonies 81, 108, 125, 199-201, 203, 205

German Colonial Society Francois, Curt von 153

Deutscher Afrika Verein 92, 196 Frauenbund der Deutschen Deutscher Entwicklungsdienst (DED), see Kolonialgesellschaft (FDKG), see

German Development Office Women’s League of the German Deutsche Togogesellschaft 107, 113 Colonial Society Deutsche Volkspartei (DVP) 13, 14 Preie Deutsche Jugend (FDJ) 94 Deutsch-Nationale Volkspartei (DNVP) 13 Freier Deutscher Gewerkschaftsbund

Deutsch Ostafrika, see German East Africa (FDGB) 95, 118 Deutsch Ostafrikanische Gesellschaft 114 Freitas, Paulin 111

Deutsch Siidwestafrika, see German Frenssen, Gustav 78

Southwest Africa Freud, Sigmund 41-2, 48, 54-6, 66-7 development aid 144, 149 Frick, Wilhelm 62 preludes to 90-132 ‘friendship brigades’ 94—5

Index 255 Ganssauge, Willi 50 Haas, Thea de 158

Gartner, Anneliese 160—4 Hagenbeck, Carl 46 Gasag 47 Halbwachs, Maurice 5, 9, 198 Gaudchau, Erika 165—70 Hall, Stuart 198, 203, 205

Gaudchau, Max-Diedrich 164—70, Hallstein Doctrine 93,95, 105, 122

178, 179 Hamburg, University of 133-4, 138,

Geistbeck, Alois and Michael 74 146-7, 186; see also Colonial Institute, genocide 5, 184, 188, 190, 191-2, 194 Hamburg Genscher, Hans-Dietrich 151, 152 Hanisch, Konrad 73-4

geography, teaching of 68-89 Hansen, Marianne 206-7 German Colonial Society 42—4, 92, 145; see Hassel, Kai Uwe von 92,113,115 also Women’s League of the German Hassel, Theodor von 113-14

Colonial Society Hauer, August 19, 20, 21

German Democratic Republic (GDR) 90- Hausen, Karen 145, 146

154, 195-7, 202 Havemann, Robert 111

German Development Office 92 Heia Safari 26, 43, 88, 146, 182, 197 German East 70, 72, 161, 162, 170, Heimat 22, 35-40, 85, 161, 169

172, 173 Hennig, Richard 19, 23

German East Africa 2, 3, 10, 11, 14, 19, 23, Herero 3, 23, 28, 54, 57, 65-6, 143,

25, 27-30, 32, 33, 36, 39, 44, 46, 50, 158, 188, 190-2, 206-7; see also 57, 59, 75, 81-2, 86, 88, 113-14, 123, German-Herero War; see also South 125, 133, 144-5, 158, 159, 165, 174, West Africa National Union 181-4, 185, 187; see also Tanganyika Herero Day 190 and Tanzania heroism 85—7 German-Herero War (1904-7) 3,11, 14,23, | Heydt, von der (Bank) 92

31, 55, 79-80, 88-9, 180, 184, 188, Heyl Hedwig 43

190-2, 194 Hildebrand, Klaus 145

German Southwest Africa 2, 4, 15, 23-4, Hindenburg, Gertrud von 47 29, 33-4, 39, 45, 55, 75, 81, 141, 142, Hintrager, Oskar 144 147, 152, 157-62, 171, 178, 183, history, teaching of 68-89 186-94, 206-7; see also German-Herero Hitler, Adolf 70-1, 145 War; see also Herero; see also Nama Hitler Youth 162, 182 Gerstenmaier, Eugen 92, 107, 114, 131 Holocaust 2, 6, 34, 184, 188, 193-4

Gerth, Siegfried 100 Holstein brewery 107

Gesellschaft fiir Technische Zusammenarbeit Honecker, Erich 94, 148, 150 (GTZ), see Organization for Technical Hopker, Lydia 34

Cooperation ‘Hottentott Elections’ (1906-7) 4 Giefskannenprinzip 92 [.G. Metall 142

Ghana 90, 94, 105; see also Gold Coast

Giordano, Ralph 146 independence and decolonization 1-2, 9-11, Goebbels, Joseph 70, 147 66, 90-132, 136-7, 147-54, 157, 180,

Goethe Institute 102 196, 199-208

Gold Coast 79 Inhiilsen, Otto 27-8, 30, 39

Goldhagen, Daniel 184 Interest Group for German-Speaking

Goéring, Hermann 50, 70, 147-8 Southwest Africans (IG) 152 Gétting, Gerald 95,111, 112 Interministerial Committee for Developing

Great Britain 121 Countries 108,116 British Empire 98, 156, 180, 198, Italy:

199-200, 203-4; see also Kenya; colonies 71, 199, 201—2, 204

see also Mau-Mau; see also

Tanganyika Jany, Eberhard 45, 92 Green Party 147,151 jazz 61-7 Grimm, Hans 15, 21, 34, 165

Grof’-Friedrichsburg 79 Kambona, Oscar 120 Grotewohl, Otto 105,118 Kamerun, see Cameroon Group of German Colonial Business Karl-Marx-Universitat, Leipzig 95

Enterprises 71 Karume, Abeid 121

Guevara, Ernesto ‘Che’ 136 Kayibanda, Gregoire 126

Guinea 93, 94, 148 Kennedy, John F 118

256 Index Kenya 114, 203 Mannheim, Karl 156

Kessel, Kurt-Albrecht von 174, 178, Markov, Walther 95, 119

179, 181-2 Marxism 95, 111, 136, 144—5

Khrushchev, Nikita 110 Masai 27, 28, 166

Klinomobils 99-100, 105, 108—9, 115, 125 Masumbuko, Pie 124

Koch, Carl Wilhelm Heinrich 24 Maswanya, Saidi 117

Koch, Robert 100, 117 Mattenklodt, Wilhelm 34, 37 Koloniale Reichsarbeitsgemeinschaft Mau Mau 1, 203

(KORAG) 43 Mauss, Marcel 96, 98, 103, 109, 115,

Kolonialjugend (KJ), see Colonial Youth 122, 129

Kolonialwaren, see colonial wares Mecklenburg, Adolf Friedrich, Duke of 91,

Korean War 93 107, 113 Koselleck, Reinhart 156, 192 Mein Kampf 70

Koshar, Rudi 154 memorial days 68

Kraft durch Freude (KdF) 67 Mercedes, see Daimler-Benz

Krupp 109 Meyer, Heinrich 158, 160-1, 163-4, 169 Kiigelgen, Bettina von 178, 179 military aid 94, 123, 128, 148

Kurz, Emil August 206-7 Ministry for Economic Cooperation and Development 91-2, 147

Labour Service 162 miscegenation, see mixed-race relationships

Lamberz, Werner 95 missionaries 114, 152—3, 157 Lammers, Hans Heinrich 75—6 Mittelafrika 92

League against Colonial Oppression and mixed-race relationships 54, 58, 61, 206-7

Imperialism 66 mobile trade exhibitions: Commission 108 West Africa (1962) 130-1

League of Nations Permanent Mandates East Africa (1963) 130

Lebensraum 15, 49,77, 84, 199 Moller, Elisabeth 175-6

legal implications of colonialism 188, 191; monuments and memorials 2, 8, 122, see also reparations and compensation 133-42, 153-4, 186, 194, 203; see also

claims for colonialism; see also Denkmatlsturz

statements of regret Mozambique 94-5, 128, 144, 148, 153

Leist, Karl Theodor Heinrich 144 Mozambique Liberation Front

Leopold IT 2, 178, 185 (FRELIMO) 128

Lettow-Vorbeck, Paul von 10, 11, 21, Miller, Fritz Ferdinand 141, 143 25-8, 33, 55, 78, 81-2, 86, 88, 161,

180-3, 188-9 Nachtigal, Gustav 182, 183

Liliencron, Ada von 43 Nama 3, 31, 79, 88, 188, 191

Lindequist, Friedrich von 157, 159, Namibia 2, 11, 127-8, 142, 147-53, 183,

163, 178 188, 190-2, 203, 207-8; see also

Lindequist, Olof von 178 Southwest Africa; see also German Lippoldes, Hans-Wilhelm 123-4 Southwest Africa

Lock, Peter 146 National Socialism 2,5, 15, 68-87, 90, 93, Lomé, harbour project 109 127, 130-1, 139-41, 143, 145, 161, ‘loyal native’ 11, 25-32, 46, 55, 81-2, 88, 162, 181—3, 192—3, 196, 197-8 107, 133, 171-2, 182, 184, 189 Nationalsozialistischer Lehrerbund

Litbke, Heinrich 112, 122 (NSLB) 76

Liideritz, Adolf 3, 141, 183 Nazism, see National Socialism

Lufthansa 47, 107, 116 neo-colonialism 119, 126, 130, 137, 139, Lutheran Church in Namibia, see Deutsche 144, 149 Evangelische Lutherische Kirche Nestvogel, Renate 146—7

Siidwestafrikas Netherlands:

colonies 201, 202

Macoge, O. N. 106 Neumann, Hans-Philipp and Richard 74

Maggi 47 Nigeria 108 Maherero, Alphons 190 Nigmann, Ernst 25

Maherero, Samuel 190 ‘1968’ 10, 92-3, 133-47, 153-4, 180, 193, Maji-Maji War (1905-7) 3, 79, 184, 185 197, 202

mandate rule 117, 127,171 Nora, Pierre 6 Mannesmann 92, 107 Norddeutsche Lloyd 46

Index 257 nostalgia 22,37, 41, 159, 161, 197, 202 Rwanda, 2, 123-6; see also German

NSDAB, see National Socialism East Africa Nujoma, Sam 128, 142, 148

NufSbaum, Manfred 141 Sarkozy, Nicholas 205 Nyerere, Julius 11, 114, 116, 118, 119, 123, Schacht, Hjalmar 49, 66, 92

126, 147, 186 Scheel, Walter 152 Scheer, Maximilian 143 Odendaal Plan 127 Schemm, Hans 76

Olympio, Sylvanus 109-10, 112, 113 Scherpenberg, Albert Hilger van 109 Organization for Technical Cooperation 147 Schirach, Baldur von 162

Ostpolitik 93, 152 Schmidt, Helmut 152

O’Swald & Co. 48 Schnee, Heinrich 14, 159 Ovaherero/Ovambanderu Council for schoolbooks 68-89

the Dialogue on the 1904 Genocide Schultheifs-Patzenhofer brewery 47, 107

(OCD-1904) 191 Schutztruppe 21, 27-30, 32, 79-81, 88,

Ovambo 57, 191; see also South West Africa 106, 113, 155—G6, 158, 161, 169, 170,

People’s Organization 180-1, 187 schwarze Schmach ¥7-—9 Paasche, Hans 21 Schweitzer, Albert 100

Paris, Treaty of 199 ‘scramble for Africa’ and ‘second scramble for Peters, Carl (also Karl) 3, 79, 86, 88, 138, Africa 3,121

181, 183 Sebald, Peter 112—13, 144

Petersen, Erich 36—7 Second World War 2, 6, 9,71, 90, 133, 145,

Petersflagge 162 146, 155, 157, 158, 162-3, 170, 173, photographs and family albums 165-70, 174, 180, 193

173-7, 192-3 Seidel, Rolf 105

Pieck, Wilhelm 112 Seitz, Theodor 159

Poeschel, Hans 28, 32, 34, 36 Senegal 205 Poland, see German East servants 23-4, 29, 50-1, 54, 55, 168-9,

Portugal: 180, 204; see also ‘loyal native’ colonies 28, 202; see also Angola and Siemens 107, 108 Mozambique sisal 48, 50, 120

PriifSe, Albert 30-1 slavery, anti-slavery and the slave trade 143,

Puls, Willi Walther 87-8 144, 185, 191, 193 Puttkamer, Ewald von 178, 179 Sobbe, Hans von 106

178, 179 143, 150

Puttkamer, Jesko von 106, 157, 163, Social Democratic Party (SPD) 4, 13,

Puttkamer, Nikolaus von 178, 179 solidarity aid 94, 121, 126, 130, 149-50 Somaliland 108

Radio Cameroun 102 Sonderschule SED, see Bellin children’s home

Ratzel, Friedrich 49, 74 South Africa 23,95, 127-9, 141-2, 144,

Rau, Heinrich 112 147-53, 181, 207-8; see also apartheid Red Army Faction (RAF) 138 and anti-apartheid action

Red Cross, German 46, 174 South Africa Weeks (1979) 141 Reich Colonial League 47,71, 145 Southwest Africa 127—9, 143, 147—53, 175— Reichskolonialbund (RKB), see Reich 7; see also German Southwest Africa and

Colonial League Namibia

Reichsschulausschuss (1919-23) 72 South West Africa National Union

Reichsschulgesetz 73 (SWANU) 128

Rendsburg, colonial school in 69 South West Africa People’s Organization reparations and compensation claims for (SWAPO) 128, 141, 148-50

colonialism 188 Soviet Union 90, 94, 109-10, 122, 145, 151

revisionism, see colonial revisionism Sozialistische Einheitspartei Deutschlands

Riruako, Kuaima 192 (SED) 94

Rome, Treaty of 104 Sozialistischer Deutscher Studentenbund

Rosenthal 47 (SDS) 133-6, 139, see also ‘1968’ Ruanda, see German East Africa and Rwanda Stafsfurt, School of Friendship 149

Ruckteschell, Walther von 26—7 state gifts 90-132

Rust, Bernhard 76 statements of regret 191

258 Index Stempel, Baron Otto von 106 Uganda 114 Stiftung Heimathilfe 91 Ulbricht, Walter 112,119, 121 Stoecker, Helmuth 144 United Nations 124, 127, 150, 151, 153 Strabag 107, 109 United States 60, 63—4, 90, 97, 104, 110,

student protest, see “1968 136-8, 188

Sudan 114 Unterwelz, Robert 32

Stidwesterlied 162 Urundi, see Burundi, see German East Aftica Usambara Gesellschaft 164

Tanganyika 42,50, 113-23, 124, 130, 164-70, 174-5, 178-9; see also German Vereinigung der Ostafrikaner 134

East Africa; see also Tanzania Versailles, Treaty of 2—4, 14, 31-5, 42, 49,

Tanganyika African National Union 73,75, 79, 87, 161, 164, 199

(TANU) 114, 118 Vietnam 136-7, 139, 153

Tanzania 2, 11,94, 121-3, 129, 147, 186; Volkerschau 65

see also German East Africa; see also Volksgemeinschaft 36,72, 83-5

Tanganyika Volkswagen 122, 123 Tarzan 19 Vollbehr, Ernst 76 teachers 73, 76—7; see also education and

colonialism Warburg, Aby 5-6

Tetzlaff, Rainer 145, 147 Weigelt, Kurt 71 textbooks, see schoolbooks Weimar Republic 13-40, 41-89, 90, 93, 181 Tjihuiko, Arnold 192 Welzer, Harald 192-3 Togo 2, 11, 25, 29, 81, 107-13, 117, 120, Westermann, Diedrich 92 144, 179, 182 West Germany, see Federal Republic of T6rdk, Alexander 109-10, 122 Germany Traditionsverband ehemaliger Schutz- und White Flag Day 191 Uberseetruppen 91, 134, 163, 197 Wieczorek-Zeul, Heidemarie 188, 191 tropical fruit 42, 48-61, 119; see also Wilhelm Zeraua Day, see White Flag Day

bananas Wissmann, Claus von 177, 178, 179,

Trotha, Adrian Dietrich Lothar von 183, 185-6

(Lothar) 3, 11, 144, 157, 178-9, Wissmann, Hermann von 30-1, 79, 86,

180-1, 186-94 88, 133-4, 138-40, 177, 178, 183,

Trotha, Clamor von 178, 186—94 185-6, 193

Trotha, Gebhard Rudolf Albrecht Wissmann-Truppe 30

Waldemar 187 Witzenhausen, colonial school in 69, 114

Trotha, Hans-Dietrich von 170—2, 187 Wolf, Ekkehard 146 Trotha, Hildegunde von 170-2 Women’s League for International Peace and

Trotha, Karin von 186—94 Freedom 66

Trotha, Laetitia von 186—94 Women’s League of the German Colonial

Trotha, Maximilian Thilo von 187 Society 41-67, 162 Trotha, Thilo August Wolfgang von 187

Trotha, Thilo Wolfgang Lothar Zambia 148

Dieudonné 187 Zanzibar 93, 114, 118, 121-3; see also

Trotha, Walpurgis von 170-2 Tanzania Trotha, Wolf-Thilo von 191 Zentrum Party 4, 13 Tucholsky, Kurt 65-6 Zischka, Anton 144