Post-War Immigrants in Canada 9781487575229

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POST-WAR IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA

CANADIAN STUDIES IN SOCIOLOGY

Editor:

s. D. CLARK

A series of studies sponsored by the Social Science Research Council of Canada, and published with financial assistance from the Canada Council

1. A Protest Movement Becalmed: A Study of Change in the CCF. By Leo Zakuta 2. Post-War Immigrants in Canada. By Anthony H. Richmond

POST-WAR IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA

Anthony H. Richmond University of Toronto Press

© University of Toronto Press, 1967 Printed in Canada Reprinted in 2018 ISBN 978-1-4875-8518-1 (paper)

ToG. C.R.

An enthusiastic New Canadian

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

of the absorption of post-war immigrants in Canada is based mainly upon two surveys. The first, conducted in Canada in February 1961, covered a representative cross-section of immigrants of all nationalities throughout Canada. The second, conducted in Britain in 1962-63, was concerned with British immigrants returning from Canada. The research was carried out approximately sixteen years after the first postwar immigrants entered the country. A few included in the surveys had been in Canada only a year, which is a very short period of time over which to consider the economic and social processes of absorption. The study ignores entirely one important aspect of any migratory movement, the effect upon children of immigrants and their relationship with the members of the receiving society. A continuous series of investigations over a long period of time will be required if the impact of post-war immigration upon Canadian society as a whole is to be understood fully. I hope this small contribution will stimulate interest and further research. Contemporary sociological research of the survey type requires the cooperation of many people, not least the informants who spared the time to answer questions. I should like to take this opportunity to express my appreciation to all those who have made these studies possible. I am indebted to the Director, Mr. W. I. Moore, and the staff of the Special Surveys Division of the Dominion Bureau of Statistics who arranged the selection of a sample in 1961 and the distribution of questionnaires throughout Canada. I should like to thank officials in the London and Newcastle offices of the Ministry of Pensions and National Insurance, England, who cooperated in the distribution of questionnaires in 1962-63 and recorded basic information concerning returning migrants, while preserving the anonymity of informants. I am especially appreciative of the practical assistance and advice, at every stage of the research, of the former Director, Mr. Z. W. Sametz, and staff of the Economic and Social Research Division of the Department of Citizenship and Immigration who undertook coding, cardpunching, and some of the tabulation of data on my behalf, under the THIS STUDY

viii

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

supervision of Dr. R. Sylt. Other present and former members of the Department of Citizenship and Immigration who have been very helpful at various stages of the research are Assistant Deputy Minister Mr. R. B. Curry, Mr. Jean Boucher, Mr. Alex Sim, Mrs. Charlotte de Hesse, Dr. W. G. Black, and Mr. Glynford Allen. I should like to thank my wife, who edited the first draft of the report and prepared the index. Further helpful suggestions were made by Dr. R. Appleyard, Australian National University; Professor D. V. Glass, University of London; Professor S. D. Clark, University of Toronto; and Professor Frederick Elkin, York University. I am grateful to Mrs. W. Peddy and Mrs. J. M. Vass in Edinburgh, Miss C. Crowther, Mrs. J. Hines, and Mrs. V. Stuart in Bristol, and Miss M. Geddes and Miss L. Nelson in Toronto for invaluable clerical and computing assistance. Dr. Brian Baughan, now with the B.B.C., London, wrote the computer programs that enabled data to be analysed on the Elliott 803 Computer at the Bristol College of Science and Technology, and Mrs. Hans Carol drew the figures. I am indebted to Miss L. Ourom of the University of Toronto Press for editorial advice and corrections. The research originated when I was appointed Canada Council Fellow and Koerner Visiting Lecturer in the Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of British Columbia (September 1960 to December 1961) . To all my colleagues in Vancouver and especially Professor H. B. Hawthorn and Dr. R. A. H. Robson, who extended the original invitation, I am grateful for their most generous hospitality. To them, and to my former colleagues at the University of Edinburgh and the Bristol College of Science and Technology, I owe an intellectual debt that can never be adequately repaid. This book is an adapted and extended version of a thesis accepted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the external degree of Doctor of Philosophy in the University of London. Financially, the research was made possible by grants towards research expenses from the Government of Canada (Department of Citizenship and Immigration) and from the Milbank Memorial Fund of New York. This work has been published with the help of a grant from the Social Science Research Council of Canada using funds provided by the Canada Council. Needless to say, none of those whose assistance is hereby gladly acknowledged is in any way responsible for this report or the views expressed in it, least of all for its errors or deficiencies. A.H. R. April, 1967 Department of Sociology, York University, Toronto

CONTENTS

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I

Introduction

vii

3

Characteristics of the immigrants

29

III ·

Economic absorption of immigrants

42

IV

Incomes and standards of living

71

II

v Social stratification and social mobility VI VII

Kinship, marriage, and family

126

Acculturation and social integration

138

vm Attitudes to life in Canada IX

x XI

95

157

Citizenship and naturalization

196

The return to Britain

229

General conclusions

253

APPENDIX A

Research procedure and statistical analysis

The classification of occupations and the measurement of social mobility

281

APPENDIX B

298

SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY ON CANADIAN IMMIGRATION

307

INDEX

315

POST-WAR IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA

I INTRODUCTION

"We try to select as immigrants those who will have to change their ways least in order to adapt themselves to Canadian life and to contribute to the development of the Canadian nation. This is why entry into Canada is virtually free to citizens of the U.K., the U.S., and France so long as they have good health and good characters. That is why deliberate preference is shown for immigrants from countries with political and social institutions similar to our own." Minister of Immigration, 1955 1 THE FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES governing Canada's immigration policy in the post-war period were laid down in 1947 by the Prime Minister at that time, the late Rt. Hon. W. L. Mackenzie King, in a statement to Parliament. "The policy of the government," he said, "is to foster the growth of the population of Canada by the encouragement of immigration. The government will seek by legislation, regulation, and vigorous administration, to ensure the careful selection and permanent settlement of such numbers of immigrants as can be advantageously absorbed in our national economy." Later he added, "the people of Canada do not wish, as a result of mass immigration, to make a fundamental alteration in the character of our population." The context of his remarks, which referred to immigration from Asia, made it clear that he was referring to ethnic character and a preference for those nationalities which were numerically dominant in earlier waves of immigration. In other words the policy was designed to attract permanent settlers and not transient migrants; it was to be planned in order to facilitate economic absorption; and it was to be selective according to ethnic criteria. 2 One of the cardinal assumptions underlying Canadian immigration policy in the post-war period was that British immigrants would be more

Canada, House of Commons, Debates, 1955, p. 1254. For a full discussion, see D. C. Corbett, Canada's Immigration Policies (University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1958), pp. 38-65. 1 2

4

POST-WAR IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA

readily absorbed than those from other countries. Extra efforts were made to encourage immigrants from the United Kingdom. There were fewer formalities, speedier procedures for obtaining visas, a larger number of immigration offices and officials in Britain, and a more active promotional campaign there than anywhere else in the world. 3 The special encouragement given to British immigrants was supported by both Liberal and Conservative parties in Canada. In the twenty years from 1946 to 1965 two and a half million immigrants entered Canada4 ( see Table 1.1 and Figure 1 ) . A third of these were of British ethnic origin, 30 per cent were citizens of the United Kingdom and colonies, 28 per cent gave the United Kingdom ( Great Britain and Northern Ireland) as their country of last permanent residence, and 26 per cent were born in Britain. The differences between these figures reveal the ambiguity in the concept of "British." Whichever criterion is used, more British immigrants were admitted to Canada in the post-war period than of any other nationality. Italian immigrants were the second largest category ( see Figure 2) ; 15 per cent were of Italian ethnic origin, 14 per cent were citizens of Italy, and the same percentage gave Italy as their former country and birthplace. For the British immigrants the differences between statistics based on birthplace or former country and ethnic origin were due to the substantial numbers of immigrants entering Canada from the United States and from Commonwealth countries who were of British descent. For example, in 1964, 36,199 immigrants entering Canada were classified as British by origin. Seventy-three per cent of these gave Britain as their country of last permanent residence. Almost all the rest were from the United States, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Rhodesia, or the Republic of Ireland. In each quinquennial period from 1946 to 1965, British immigrants outnumbered any other single category. There was a brief period from 1958 to 1961 when Italian immigrants outnumbered those from Britain ( cf. Figure 3). However, whenever the proportion of British immigrants showed signs of falling, the Canadian government intensified its promotional campaign in the United Kingdom and re-established the primary position of the British immigrants. 3 In addition to the Federal Department of Citizenship and Immigration, the Ontario Provincial Government and some transportation companies carried out active promotional campaigns in Britain. 4 For a detailed analysis see Immigration Statistics, 1965, Department of Citizenship and Immigration (Queen's Printer, Ottawa, 1966).

TABLE 1.1 IMMIGRANTS ENTERING CANADA BY ETHNIC ORIGIN,

Ethnic origin

1946-65

1961-65

1956-60

1951-55

1946--50

1946-65

No.

%

No.

%

No.

%

No.

%

No.

%

British European French German Italian Dutch Polish Others Asian Negro Jewish Others

196,528

45.66

220,636

27.86

259,004

33.08

155,752

31.23

831,920

33.22

10,472 19,560 21,152 31,994 36,471 86,748 3,484 947 22,469 564

2.43 4.54 4.92 7.43 8.47 20.16 0.81 0.22 5.22 0.13

22,209 149,513 116,035 85,721 26,558 133,243 14,513 1,260 20,845 1,397

2.80 18.88 14.65 10.83 3.35 16.83 1.83 0.16 2.63 0.18

18,836 99,787 137,018 40,577 16,066 170,486 17,313 4,415 17,481 1,328

2.41 12.75 17.58 5.18 2.05 21.78 2.21 0.56 2.23 0.17

17,196 38,496 96,688 11,919 12,680 105,023 31,158 11,835 11,992 6,051

3.45 7.72 19.38 2.39 2.54 21.06 6.25 2.37 2.40 1.21

68,713 307,356 371,493 170,211 91,775 495,500 66,468 18,457 72,787 9,340

2.74 12.27 14.84 6.80 3.67 19.79 2.66 0.74 2.91 0.37

Total

430,389

100.00

791,930

100.00

782,911

100.00

498,790

100.00

2,504,020

100.00

NUMBER

THOUSANDS 280

240

ENTERING

OF

IMMIG RAN'l'S

THOUSANDS 280

CANADA BY YEAR

1946 -1965

I-

I

-I

I •-----

240

FROM BRITAIN

TOTAL

200

160

200

160

,,

120

120

0

I \

I

I

I I I

80

40

''

'""' ' ' .,•'\

,,,,,,, r

\,..--......

.

30

30

>

:;:

20

20

. z 0

c,,

10

10

1.9 PERCENT

U. K.

NON• U.K. FIGURE

5

PERCENT

204

POST-WAR IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA

Among the reasons given by the immigrants themselves for wanting to become a Canadian citizen, the most frequent was a sense of belonging permanently to Canada (Table IX.2). This view was expressed by 48 per cent of all those who were either already citizens or were positively inclined. The second most important reason given was the desire to TABLE IX.2 REASONS FOR BECOMING A CITIZEN

Sense of belonging permanently,

Desire to participate in political life,

U.K. Others Total

70.6 45 .8 48.4

5.9 30.2 27.7

U.K. Others Total

33.3 51.2 49.0

33.3 31. 7 31.9

%

%

Others,

%

Not stated,

Total

%

%

No.

5.9 12.0 11.3

100 100 100

17 142 159

16.7 7.3 8.5

100 100 100

6 41 47

NATIONAL SAMPLE

17.6 12.0 12.6

VANCOT.NER SAMPLE

16. 7 9.8 10.6

participate in Canadian political life, which was expressed by 28 per cent of those who were citizens or positively inclined. Lack of knowledge of the language was given as the reason by eight out of nine of those who said that they were not sure if they qualified for Canadian citizenship. Of those who were undecided about applying, a quarter said that their reasons were economic, implying that they might not remain permanently in Canada. A further 12 per cent stated specifically that they had plans for remigration or return to their former country. Fifteen per cent said that they were undecided because they felt a loyalty to their country of origin. Ten per cent were undecided because of their dislike for certain aspects of the Canadian way of life or Canadian social institutions. Almost half of those who were entirely negative in their attitudes and definitely did not intend to become citizens said that they were planning to leave Canada. Almost all the others indicated that they were proud of their present citizenship and loyal to their country of origin and, therefore, did not wish to become Canadian citizens. In view of the fact that a high proportion of the British immigrants did not regard themselves as permanent settlers in Canada and intended to remigrate or return to Britain, it is reasonable to suppose that the attitudes of those who did intend to settle permanently would be closer

CITIZENSHIP AND NATURALIZATION

205

to those of other immigrants from Europe. Some substance for this view is provided by the evidence that only one of the British immigrants who said that his original intention was to remigrate or return to Britain had become a citizen at the time of the survey and none of those who said that their present intention was to leave Canada had done so. In contrast, 10 out of the 44 British immigrants in the national sample who said that their intention was to settle permanently no matter what the circumstances had become citizens by the time of the survey. In between came 6 out of the 67 British immigrants in the national sample who said that their original intention was to settle permanently if they obtained a good job and liked it in Canada and who had become citizens at the time of the survey. Nevertheless, among British immigrants who intended to settle permanently, there was still a smaller proportion who had become citizens compared with other nationalities. 6 It is not surprising to find that the large majority of British immigrants who became citizens gave "a sense of belonging permanently to Canada" as their reason. Whereas about a quarter of the other immigrants gave as their reason that they wanted to participate in Canadian political life, only one British immigrant in the national sample gave this reason. This was presumably because citizens of the United Kingdom with more than one year's residence in Canada have the same privileges, as far as voting is concerned, as the Canadian-born. THE DETERMINANTS OF POSITIVE CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS 7

The reason given by the majority of both British and other immigrants for becoming a citizen was that they had developed a sense of "belonging permanently" to Canada. It remains to examine some of the economic and social factors which would appear to predispose immigrants towards developing a sufficiently high degree of identification with their new country to wish to become Canadian citizens. Becoming a naturalized citizen of a new country may sometimes be a purely practical measure undertaken for utilitarian reasons, but this is comparatively 6When the special matched groups of immigrants are compared, a smaller proportion of the British had become citizens or were positive in their intentions, but the difference was not large and was quite insignificant statistically. This suggests, therefore, that when "all other things are equal" there was less difference between British and other immigrants in their motivation with regard to Canadian citizenship. 7The term "positive citizenship intentions" is applicable to all immigrants who had become citizens by February 1961 or who stated that they definitely intended to do so.

206

POST-WAR IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA

rare. For the majority of people it is a symbolic act carrying with it considerable emotional significance. In the case of post-war immigrants in Canada, the act of becoming a naturalized citizen implied that the immigrant no longer identified himself closely with his former country and that he had deliberately severed most of his political, cultural, and social ties with it. The strong sense of belonging to Canada expressed by so many of those who had become or intended to become citizens was indicative that they had undergone a profound experience that had transformed their own sense of identity. The attitudes, values, and personality characteristics of an immigrant who decided to become a naturalized citizen of his new country must have undergone significant changes at the affective, cognitive, and conative levels. That is to say, he must have subscribed to a set of beliefs concerning the way of life of his new country. He must also have identified himself emotionally with the people of the new country and their collective symbols. The earlier socialization and education of the immigrant in his former country probably left an indelible mark upon his personality. Learning a new language and adapting himself to the way of life of a new country were likely to have generated feelings of insecurity and inadequacy. Many of the changes which took place in the immigrant's personality and outlook were quite conscious adjustments while others took place unconsciously and without his realizing that they had occurred. Becoming a citizen expressed the need to belong to and be accepted by the people of Canada. This process leading up to the decision to become a naturalized Canadian citizen clearly took time. Apart from the requirement of the Citizenship Act which compelled the immigrant to be resident in Canada for five years before he could become naturalized, it is likely that it required some time before the majority of immigrants were sufficiently motivated to want to take this step. It was not, therefore, surprising to find that the longer an immigrant had been in Canada the more likely it was that he had become a citizen or intended to do so. Similarly, there was an association between age and citizenship intention which was indirectly related to length of residence in Canada. Three out of ten of the British immigrants in the national sample under 25 years of age were positive in their intentions compared with 50 per cent of those who were 45 years and over. Similarly, among the other immigrants only 62 per cent of those under 25 years compared with 86 per cent of those over 44 years were positive in their intentions with regard to citizenship.

CITIZENSHIP AND NATURALIZATION

207

Motives for Migration, Residence Intentions, and Level of Satisfaction

It was originally postulated that intentions with regard to citizenship would be associated with the motive for migration and the immigrants' intentions with regard to permanent settlement in Canada. No association between motives or intentions and level of satisfaction with life in Canada was expected or found, save in the case of non-British immigrants, where a firm intention to settle permanently gave rise to a higher level of satisfaction. However, both motives and residence intentions were found to be closely associated with citizenship intention. Among both British and other immigrants in the national and Vancouver samples, those who gave "travel and adventure" as their main reason for migration were the least likely to be positive in their intentions with regard to citizenship and those who gave "political" reasons were the most inclined (Table IX.3). Only four British immigrants in the national sample gave political reasons for coming to Canada and three of these were positive compared with 96 out of 107, or 90 per cent of the other immigrants who gave political reasons. In the Vancouver sample 84 per cent of the non-British immigrants who were motivated mainly by the political situation in their former country were positive with regard to citizenship intention. There was obviously a connection between the motives for migration and the intentions with regard to residence in Canada. The majority of those seeking opportunities for "travel and adventure" did not intend to settle permanently in Canada, whereas a firm intention to settle permanently "whatever the circumstances" was characteristic of many of the economically and politically motivated immigrants. Those who gave economic reasons for coming to Canada were the most likely to say that they intended to stay "if they found a good job and liked it in Canada." Those who originally intended to leave Canada again, and those whose continued residence was conditional, were much less likely to be positive in their intentions with regard to Canadian citizenship. This was true of British and other immigrants in both samples (Table IX.4). When residence intentions at the time of the survey were considered, the association with citizenship was even closer (Table IX.5) . Of those who intended to become Canadian citizens or who had done so already, 58 per cent originally intended to settle permanently "whatever the circumstances," compared with 71 per cent who felt that way at the time of the survey. The association between a firm intention to settle

TABLE IX.3 CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS BY REASONS FOR MIGRATION

National sample

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

89.2 68.9 59.5 40.4 59.3

10.8 31.1 40.5 59.6 40.7

100 100 100 100 100

111 241 42 57 27

%

Political Economic Near to relatives Travel and adventure Other reasons

Vancouver sample Total

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No

84.6 56.8 50.0 47.8 47.1

15.4 43.2 50.0 52.2 52.9

100 100 100 100 100

26 81 20 23 17

%

Total

TABLE IX.4 CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS BY ORIGINAL RESIDENCE INTENTIONS

National sample

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

86.4 57.8 34.1 50.0

13.6 42.2 65.9 50.0

100 100

220 211 41 6

%

Stay whatever the circumstances Stay if good job and like it Remigrate Others

Vancouver sample Total

100

100

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

70.3 52.9 42.9 0

29.7 47.1 57.1 100.0

100 100 100

%

Total 100

No. 64

87 14 2

TABLE IX.5 CITIZENSIDP INTENTIONS BY PRESENT RESIDENCE INTENTIONS

Vancouver sample

National sample

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

87.0 55.4 11.1 25.0

13.0 44.6 88.9 15.0

100 100 100 100

269 157 36 16

%

Stay whatever the circumstances Stay if good job and like it Remigrate Others

Total

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

82.3 52.6 7.4 0

17.7 47.4 92.6 100.0

100 100 100 100

79 51 27 4

%

Total

TABLE IX.6 SATISFACTION IN CANADA BY POSITIVE CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS

Vancouver sample

National sample

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

56.9 61.2 81.6 75.0

43.1 38.8 18.4 25.0

100 100 100 100

72 209 185 12

%

Dissatisfied Moderately satisfied Very satisfied Not stated

Total

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

36.1 59.5 72.2 33.3

63.9 40.5 27.8 66.7

100 100 100 100

36 74 54 3

%

Total

210

POST-WAR IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA

permanently in Canada and positive intentions with regard to citizenship was found at each level of satisfaction and, therefore, was not merely a result of the higher level of satisfaction of those who had a firm commitment to permanent residence. However, of those who were both very satisfied and firmly committed to permanent residence, 94 per cent were positively inclined to become Canadian citizens. There was, as expected, a significant association between the degree of satisfaction with life in Canada and citizenship intentions in both samples (Table IX.6). 8 Among the non-British immigrants in the national sample the proportion who said that they were very satisfied was more than double among those who were positive in their citizenship intentions than among those who were neutral or negative in their attitudes. For the British immigrants there was also considerable difference in the proportions who said that they were very satisfied. Despite this close association between level of satisfaction and citizenship intention, a third of those from Britain and two-thirds of those from other countries who were dissatisfied were nevertheless positive in their citizenship intentions. In other words, satisfaction with life in Canada was not, of itself, a necessary prerequisite for the wish to become a Canadian citizen. The number of immigrants in the dissatisfied category was small, and it was not possible to trace any statistically significant factors that were particularly associated with positive or negative intentions with regard to citizenship. The trends in the figures suggested that the same factors that were influential for the satisfied groups were also operative for the dissatisfied, but less strongly. It was assumed that favourable experiences in Canada would be, generally speaking, more likely to increase the propensity to become a citizen than unfavourable ones. In accordance with this hypothesis, the fulfilment or over-fulfilment of the immigrant's expectations with regard to the ease of earning a living in Canada, or the interest to be found in life in Canada, proved to be more likely to promote positive citizenship intentions than the frustration of the immigrant's expectations. This was true of British and other immigrants in both the national and Vancouver samples (Tables IX.7 and IX.8). However, the association between the realization of expectations and citizenship intention was in part due to the fact that both were correlated 8The expression of likes and dislikes in the open-ended questions answered by the respondents in the survey appeared also to be closely associated with citizenship intention. Those who expressed strong feelings of dislike for certain aspects of the Canadian way of life were much less likely to be positive in their intentions and, by the same token, those who indicated that there were many things that they liked were, in 80 per cent of the cases, positive in their intentions.

TABLE IX.7 CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS BY INTEREST IN LIFE IN CANADA

National sample

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

57.0 69.8 77.3

43.0 30.2 22.7

100 100 100

100 268

%

Less interesting than expected As interesting as expected More interesting than expected

Vancouver sample Total

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

39.3 58.5 72 .7

60.7 41.5 27.3

100 100 100

28 106 33

%

110

Total

TABLE IX.8 CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS BY EASE OF EARNING A LIVING

National sample

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

61.2 67.4 86.8

39.8 32.6 13.2

100 100 100

129 273 76

%

More difficult than expected As easy as expected Easier than expected

Vancouver sample Total

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

51.7 58.1 81.3

48.3 41.9 18 .7

100 100 100

58 93 16

%

Total

212

POST-WAR IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA

with the level of satisfaction. When the influence of realization of expectations on citizenship intention was examined separately for each level of satisfaction, the association was still in the "expected direction" but not statistically significant. In other words it was largely the fact that the fulfilment or over-fulfilment of expectations promoted a high level of satisfaction with life in Canada which induced a higher proportion to be positive in their intentions with regard to citizenship. However, even among the dissatisfied, those who found life in Canada more interesting and those who found it easier to earn a living than they had expected were slightly more inclined to become citizens. Among the immigrants from countries other than the United Kingdom in the national sample a slight negative association between the level of satisfaction and education was found and there appears to be a similar negative association between the level of education and citizenship intentions (Table IX.9A). Eighty-five per cent of these immigrants with a below average education were positive in their intentions compared with only 66 per cent of those with an above average education. As in the case of level of satisfaction among the British immigrants the lowest level of citizenship intention appeared among those with an average education. In Vancouver 78 per cent of all immigrants with an average education or below compared with 52 per cent of the above average were positive. When each level of satisfaction is considered separately in the national sample the negative association of level of education with citizenship intention was quite pronounced and statistically significant. For example, among the very satisfied with less than five years of education, 100 per cent were positive in their intentions compared with 57 per cent of those with 17 years or more. A similar contrast was found among the dissatisfied, and to a lesser extent the moderately satisfied (Table IX.9B). Whereas low socio-economic status and below average income were associated with only moderate satisfaction or dissatisfaction with life in Canada, no such association appeared in the consideration of citizenship intentions. In fact, the reverse appeared to be true (Table IX.10). Taking the national sample as a whole, 80 per cent of those in semiskilled or un~killed occupations were positive in their intentions, compared with only 52 per cent of the non-manual group. The position of clerical workers was of particular interest because the lowest proportion of the British and the highest proportion of the others had positive intentions with regard to citizenship. Among the non-British immigrants the lowest proportion who were positive was found in the professional category.

TABLE IX.9A CITIZENSIIlP INTENTIONS BY LEVEL OF EDUCATION

National sample

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

83.2 59.7 62.8

16.8 40.3 37.2

100 100

173 211 94

%

Under 9 years 9-12 years Over 12 years

Vancouver sample Total

100

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No

50.0 80.0 52.3

50.0 20.0 47.7

100 100 100

4 35 128

%

TABLE IX.9B POSITIVE CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS BY LEVELS OF SATISFACTION AND EDUCATION, NATIONAL SAMPLE (PER CENT POSITIVE TOWARDS CITIZENSHIP)

Years of education Less than 9 9-12 years 13 years and over

Very satisfied,

%

90 80 61

Moderately satisfied, Dissatisfied,

%

%

75 50 66

78 47 42

Total

TABLE IX.10 CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS BY PRESENT OCCUPATION

Vancouver sample

National sample

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

53.8 38.4 42.0 62.7 69.8 80.5 77.0

46.2 61.6 58.0 37.3 30.2 19.5 23.0

100 100 100 100 100 100 100

26 26 31 51 149 169 26

%

Higher managerial Professional Technical Clerical Highly skilled Semi- and un-skilled Not in labour force

Total

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

70.6 25.0 50.0 52.0 54.7 71.7 41. 7

29.4 75.0 50.0 48.0 45.3 28.3 58 . 3

100 100 100 100 100 100 100

17 12 6 25 42 53 12

%

Total

TABLE IX.11 CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS BY STANDARD OF LIVING

Vancouver sample

National sample

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

47.2 57.3 64.7 83.5

52.8 42.7 35.3 16.5

100 100 100 100

36 82 190 170

%

Worse off Same Better off Much better off

Total

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

40.9 47.1 57 .6 75.6

59.1 52.9 42.4 24.4

100 100 100 100

22 34 66 45

%

Total

CITIZENSHIP AND NATURALIZATION

215

When each level of satisfaction was considered separately, it was found that the negative association between occupational status and citizenship intention was consistent and statistically significant for the very satisfied and the moderately satisfied, although there was no difference among the dissatisfied. Similar trends were evident in regard to income although there was no direct linear relationship. At each level of satisfaction the highest income group had the smallest proportion who were positively inclined to become citizens, but the difference was significant only for the very satisfied. Among the latter the highest proportion who were positive in intention (94%) was found in the middle income group ($3,000-$3,900 p.a. in 1960). A relative improvement in the immigrant's standard of living compared with his former country was strongly associated with his degree of satisfaction and was also influential in determining his intentions with regard to citizenship (Table IX.11). Thus, it was found that among the non-British immigrants in the national sample 52 per cent of those who said they were worse off, compared with 90 per cent of those who said they were very much better off in Canada, were positive in their intentions. Among British immigrants, 36 per cent of those who were worse off compared with 52 per cent of those who thought they were much better off were positive. A similar association was found in Vancouver, where 41 per cent of all immigrants who thought they were worse off, compared with 7 5 per cent of those who felt they were much better off, were positive in their intentions. This association persisted even after the effects of satisfaction had been allowed for by considering each level of satisfaction separately in the national sample. Those who felt that their standard of living was the same as or worse than in their former country were consistently less inclined to become Canadian citizens, although the difference was significant only for the very satisfied. There was, however, no connection between the immigrant's own assessment of his position in the community and his citizenship intention, particularly after the effect of satisfaction levels had been taken into account. Thus it was found that, among the British immigrants in the national sample, 35 per cent of those who retained the same status, compared with 51 per cent of those who either rose or fell, were positively inclined to become Canadian citizens. Among the other immigrants there was no difference between those who retained their status and those who fell and, although a higher proportion of those who rose in status were positive in their intentions, the difference was not significant. In Vancouver there was a slight tendency, among both groups of immigrants, for those who thought that their position had fallen to

216

POST-WAR IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA

have a higher proportion who were positive with regard to citizenship but, again, the differences were not significant. When the relationship between self-assessment of position in the community was examined separately for each level of satisfaction in the national sample, there was no consistent association in any direction. Occupational Status Mobility and Citizenship Intention

It was originally assumed that both level of satisfaction and citizenship intention would be positively associated with upward social mobility measured in terms of standard of living, self-assessment of position in community, and occupational status. As has been shown, the association with improvement in standard of living was confirmed but not that with self-assessment of position in community. In fact, the association between occupational status mobility and citizenship intention proved to be of a more complex nature than originally postulated. The lowest proportion of immigrants with positive citizenship intentions was found among those who retained the same occupational status in Canada as they had in their former country (Table IX.12A). Both immigrants who rose in status and those who fell had a higher proportion who were positively inclined. This was particularly true of the British immigrants, although there was a slight tendency in this direction also among the other immigrants. Using the change in Blishen score between occupation in former country and that followed by the immigrant at the time of the survey as a measure of mobility, it was found that in the national sample 74 per cent of those who rose and 71 per cent of those who fell in status had positive intentions compared with 60 per cent of those who had no mobility, whether up or down. For the non-British immigrants the differences between those who were mobile and those who were not were small and not statistically significant. However, for the British immigrants there was a more marked difference. Only 26 per cent of the non-mobile group compared with 51 per cent of those who were mobile, whether up or down, were positive in their intentions. When all immigrants were considered together there was a tendency for those who experienced the greatest mobility, whether up or down, to be more inclined to be positive than those who experienced less mobility. The association between a low level of citizenship intention and no occupational status mobility was further confirmed by an examination of the patterns of mobility taking into account the first occupation in Canada (Table IX.13A). Those who had the same occupational status at the time of the survey as in their former country included some who

TABLE IX.12A CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS BY OCCUPATIONAL STATUS MOBILITY* National sample

Blishen score movements

Positive,

%

Negative and neutral,

Vancouver sample Total

%

%

No.

Positive,

%

Negative and neutral,

Total

%

%

No.

Risen

Same Fallen Not known

71.9 64.1 71.2 70.9

28.1 35.9 28.8 29.1

100 100 100 100

121 167 104 86

59.6 52.8 65.6 60.8

40.4 47 .2 34.4 39.2

100 100 100 100

42 70 32 23

Total

68 . 8

31.2

100

478

58.1

41.9

100

167

*Blishen score difference between job in former country and job in Canada, February 1961. TABLE IX.12B POSITIVE CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS BY LEVEL OF SATISFACTION AND FINAL MOBILITY,* NATIONAL SAMPLE (PER CENT POSITIVE TOWARDS CITIZENSHIP) Very satisfied,

%

Down Same Up No answer

89.6 70.8 85.2 82.9

Moderately satisfied, Dissatisfied,

%

%

70.8 53.9 58.3 65.7

60.8 58.8 58.3 50.0

*Blishen score difference between job in former country and job in Canada, February 1961.

218

POST-WAR IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA

had fallen in status in their first occupation in Canada, but who had subsequently recovered. When this group is excluded and only those who had remained at the same level throughout were considered, it was found that an even smaller proportion were positive in their citizenship intentions. This was true of both British immigrants and the others. Taking the national sample as a whole, 57 per cent of the non-mobile group, compared with nearly three-quarters of those who were either upwardly or downwardly mobile, were positive. Thus it would appear that an immigrant who retained the same occupational status in Canada was less likely to become a Canadian citizen than one who at any time after arriving in Canada had experienced a change of occupational status, whether this meant a decline or an improvement. In so far as there was an association between upward mobility, as measured by the Blishen score, and a feeling of satisfaction the effect of this must be eliminated before the influence of mobility on citizenship intention can be properly assessed. Among the very satisfied in the national sample, those who at the time of the survey were at the same level as in their former country had the lowest, and those who had fallen the highest proportion who were positive in their citizenship intentions. The difference between the mobile and the immobile was statistically significant. A similar tendency occurred for the moderately satisfied although the differences were smaller and not significant. Among the dissatisfied there was virtually no difference between the immobile and those who had moved either up or down (Table IX.12B). An examination of patterns of mobility for each satisfaction level confirmed the tendency for those who had not moved at all to have the lowest, or almost the lowest, proportion who were positive in intention. Furthermore, both British and other immigrants who had recovered their former occupational status after a set-back were slightly more inclined to become citizens than those who retained the same status all the time. The tendency persisted among the moderately satisfied and the dissatisfied, despite the association between recovery of status and satisfaction. However, none of these differences was large enough to be statistically significant (Table IX. 13B). In some cases, where the occupational status of the immigrant had fallen, it may have been true that he believed that by becoming a citizen his employment opportunities would be improved. However, very few of the respondents gave economic reasons for wanting to become a citizen. In Vancouver there was a slight association between not being a Canadian citizen and length of unemployment experienced but this was probably a consequence of the shorter period of residence

TABLE IX.BA CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS BY PATTERNS OF MOBILITY

Vancouver sample

National sample

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

73.9 69.2 57.4 63.6 78.8 74.4

26.1 30.8 42.6 36.4 21.2 25.6

100 100 100 100 100 100

%

Fallen, without full recovery Full recovery Remained same Fell, but now above former level Same, but now above former level Rose, on arrival and since

Total

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

62.0 46.6 47 .6 69 .0 47.0

38.0 53.4 52.4 31.0 53.0

100 100 100 100 100

29 15 42 29 17

%

No.

96 39 94 55 'l 33 f 43

TABLE IX.BB POSITIVE CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS BY LEVEL OF SATISFACTION AND MOBILITY PATTERN, NATIONAL SAMPLE (PER CENT POSITIVE TOWARDS CITIZENSHIP)

Very satisfied,

%

Fallen, without full recovery Full recovery Remained same Fell or same, but now above former level Rose, on arrival and since No answer

Moderately satisfied, Dissatisfied,

%

%

89.2 70 .0 71.4

72.3 69.2 49 .0

59 .0 60.0 54 .5

78.9 95.4 83.6

61.3 53 . 3 64.1

66.6 50.0 54.5

Total

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POST-WAR IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA

in Canada. It seems likely, therefore, that other influences, apart from the directly economic ones, must be taken into account in order to explain the association between retaining one's own occupational status and not becoming a Canadian citizen. Probably the most important consequence for the immigrant of being able to retain the same occupation or social status in Canada was that he did not have to make so many changes in his way of life or in his subjective attitudes and values. As a consequence his "self-image" or sense of identity was not subject to the same degree of change as that of an immigrant who, in addition to adapting himself to the Canadian way of life, had to adjust to a new occupation and social status as well. It would seem that the experience of status dislocation as a consequence of migration promoted a degree of de-socialization and detachment from the former country. The consequent feelings of insecurity and alienation, particularly among those who had fallen in status, generated a stronger need to "belong" formally to the new country than among those who retained the same occupational status as in their former country. The latter maintained not only their occupation and social status but many of the attitudes and values that they brought with them as well. They experienced fewer of the traumatic experiences of readjustment than those whose status was dislocated and, consequently, had a less urgent need to convince themselves or others that they formally belonged in Canada by taking out citizenship papers. Family Relationships, Social Integration, and Acculturation

It might have been assumed that immigrants with close family ties in Canada would be more inclined to become citizens, but this was not supported by the evidence from the survey. Among British and other immigrants in both the national and Vancouver samples, there was practically no difference between those who were married and had children in Canada, those married without children, and the single respondents in the proportion who were positively inclined to become citizens. The only group showing a significantly high propensity towards citizenship were the widowed, divorced, and those who were voluntarily or involuntarily separated from some or all of their dependents. Of this "broken family" category 93 per cent in the national sample and 63 per cent in Vancouver were positive in their intentions with regard to citizenship. It seems likely that family status dislocation, like occupational status dislocation, may have generated feelings of insecurity and a desire to "belong," and therefore to become naturalized.

CITIZENSHIP AND NATURALIZATION

221

Closely related to questions of marital and family status was that of sex differences in citizenship intentions. Women from the United Kingdom and from other countries in the national sample were slightly less inclined to become citizens. However, this difference is probably accounted for by the fact that the women, particularly in the British sample, were more likely to be single and, in many cases, were not intending to settle permanently in Canada. In any case the women in the sample survey were not representative of female immigrants in general since the sample did not include those who were dependents. However, it is known that there was a slightly lower rate of applications for citizenship among women, and this is probably related to the fact that, generally speaking, they have fewer opportunities to learn the language and otherwise acquire the necessary qualifications and motivations for citizenship. Among British immigrants in the national sample and both British and others in Vancouver, those with high "family intensity" scores, i.e. those who saw close relatives or in-laws frequently, were a little more likely to be positive in their intentions; but there was no difference between those with high and low scores among the non-British immigrants in the national sample. In other words there was a slight but statistically insignificant tendency for those who had fairly frequent opportunities of communication with their close relatives in Canada to be more inclined to become Canadian citizens, but this was stronger in the case of the British. The fact that there was no such difference for the non-British immigrants in the national sample may have been due to the somewhat different character of family relationships among some national groups. For example, for Italian immigrants the sponsorship of close relatives meant the migration to Canada of whole communities and the reconstruction, particularly in Toronto, of an ethnic community retaining the language and cultural characteristics of the former country to a large extent. In contrast, immigrants from the United Kingdom who had frequent contacts with close relatives in Canada were not involved to the same degree in ethnic communities based upon extended kinship networks. As a consequence, they were able to feel a stronger sense of belonging to their new country and were more likely to be positive in their citizenship intentions. At the outset of the study it was assumed that, in order to bring about the change in attitudes and the degree of identification with Canada that would motivate immigrants to seek naturalization, more than superficial contact with Canadians and Canadian institutions would be required. The hypothesis was formulated that "positive intentions

222

POST-WAR IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA

with regard to citizenship would be expressed more frequently by immigrants who had primary group relationships with native-born Canadians and who participated in predominantly Canadian associations." Surprisingly, the evidence from the sample survey did not lend any support at all to this proposition. Both before and after the effects of satisfaction levels were taken into account, there was virtually no difference in the proportions positively inclined to become citizens between immigrants who had close friends who were Canadian-born and those who did not. Among the satisfied there was a slight but statistically insignificant tendency for the socially isolated to be more inclined, but this was not true of the dissatisfied. It would appear that the informal social relationships the immigrant had with other immigrants and with Canadians did not constitute a very strong influence towards his becoming a citizen. It seems likely that in these informal primary group relationships the question of whether the immigrant was a citizen or not did not arise and was not considered relevant to the relationship. The immigrant's formal membership of clubs appeared to be more closely associated with his citizenship intention, but in a direction contrary to hypothesis (Table IX.14) . It is surprising to find that immigrants who were members of clubs mainly attended by Canadian-born were the least disposed towards becoming Canadian citizens. This was true of both the British and the other group but was particularly marked in the latter. The immigrants who were members of ethnic clubs were the ones most likely to be positive in their citizenship intentions. This was true even after the influence of satisfaction was allowed for, although differences were not statistically significant. There are several possible explanations of this. It is known that refugee immigrants, who had the highest proportion who wished to become Canadian citizens, were also among those likely to be members of ethnic clubs. At the same time it is probably true to say that those who belonged to ethnic clubs were also most directly exposed to the influence of citizenship liaison officers and leaders of voluntary organizations who were keen to promote citizenship among the members. The subject was one frequently discussed in meetings of these ethnic associations, while clubs mainly attended by Canadian-born people paid much less attention to questions of citizenship. It was, in fact, by conforming to the demands of Canadian society, expressed through the activities of the federally appointed citizenship liaison officers and others, that their members should become Canadian citizens that the ethnic associations legitimated their position in Canada. Otherwise, if they did not subscribe to a common political loyalty, these associations

TABLE IX.14 CITIZENSillP INTENTIONS BY CLUB MEMBERSillP

National sample

Positive,

Negative and neutral,

%

%

No.

70.9 80.8 65.6 59.6 83 . 3

29 . 1 19.2 34.4 40.4 16.7

100 100 100 100 100

234 47 32 141 24

%

None Ethnic only Canadian and ethnic Canadian only Not stated

Vancouver sample Total

Positive,

%

44.8 78.6 62.5 66.7 55.6

Negative and neutral,

Total

%

%

No.

55.2

100 100 100 100 100

67 14 8 69

21.4 37.5 33.3 44 .4

9

224

POST-WAR IMMIGRANTS IN CANADA

could become, and would almost certainly be regarded, as dangerously subversive. 9 A minimum knowledge of English or French and of Canadian history and political institutions was demanded of those who became naturalized Canadian citizens but there was no evidence to support the view that those who were most acculturated did, in fact, seek naturalization proportionately more than those who were less familiar with the language or way of life. Actually the evidence points to the opposite conclusion. Among non-British immigrants language fluency was negatively associated with positive intentions regarding citizenship, although the difference between the fluent and the not fluent was not statistically significant. Furthermore, British, American, and other English-speaking immigrants, who might be regarded initially as more fully acculturated to the Canadian way of life, had the lowest rates of naturalization and citizenship intention. Immigrants from France were also disinclined to become citizens. There is some reason to suppose that positive intentions with regard to citizenship were to be found most often among those who had been exposed to deliberate education in this respect. Immigrants who were conscious of the inadequacy of their English or French and who attended language classes, together with those who belonged to ethnic clubs, would be frequently reminded by their instructors, leaders, and citizenship liaison officers of the desirability of becoming naturalized. They would also feel the need for some symbolic expression of their membership of the Canadian social and political system more than those who were less marginally attached to it. 10

CONCLUSION

We may sum up by saying that immigrants who were most likely to become Canadian citizens were those who came to Canada as political refugees and those who intended to settle permanently no matter what the circumstances. Those who were very well satisfied with life in Canada and whose expectations with regard to earning a living and 9It seems likely that ethnic associations were what Shits has called "ideological primary groups" whose members exhibited an "over-commitment" to Canadian values : E. A. Shils, "Primordial, Personal, Sacred and Civil Ties," British Journal of Sociology, VIII, no. 2 (June 1957), 130-145. lOit may be significant that comparatively few Canadian-born persons apply for the "certificate of citizenship" to which they are entitled, and one official of the Department of Citizenship and Immigration in Vancouver informed me that he would never think of doing so!

CITIZENSHIP AND NATURALIZATION

225

interest in life in Canada had been fulfilled, or more than fulfilled, were also more likely to become citizens. Those who considered that their standard of living was very much higher than before were also more positive in their attitudes towards citizenship, but this was due partly to their higher level of satisfaction. Upward social status mobility compared with occupation in former country was associated with positive intentions regarding citizenship but, contrary to the original hypothesis, so also was downward mobility. This led to the formulation of a theory to the effect that status dislocation as a consequence of migration produced an alienation from the former country and a stronger need to belong to Canada by becoming a naturalized Canadian citizen. The dislocation could occur in the occupational sphere but it might also be influential in family relationships or almost any aspect of the immigrants' way of life. High levels of education, income, and occupational status at the time of the survey were all inversely associated with positive intentions regarding citizenship. Table IX.15 shows the principal correlates of positive intentions regarding citizenship. It appeared that the most important factor contributing to a high rate of naturalization was the need to make a radical break with the way of life that the immigrant had pursued in his former country. It is probably for this reason that immigrants from the United States had the lowest rate of applications for Canadian citizenship. When they crossed the border from the United States into Canada, particularly if they retained the same occupational position, there was very little change in their way of life. They did not have to learn a new language or even acquire many new words, phrases, or modify their accent. They were able to retain close connections with family and friends at home, and their sense of personal identity was hardly affected by their migration. This was in marked contrast with immigrants from Europe or Asia. For such immigrants life in Canada was a complete contrast with the way of life they had previously experienced, and a tremendous effort was involved in the process of adaptation. Learning the language was one of the most important elements in this, and it was also the process by which the immigrant became acculturated to the new country and learned to identify with Canada. The experience of learning the language and of citizenship education went together in formal language classes and ethnic associations which the immigrant may have attended. The greater the contrast between the immigrant's way of life in his former country and that in Canada the more likely it was that he would make a complete break, sever his ties with his former country, and identify wholly with Canada. In the case of the political refugees, the

TABLE IX.15 CORRELATES OF POSITIVE CITIZENSHIP INTENTIONS, NATIONAL SAMPLE

-

Intended to settle permanently, February 1961 Originally intended to settle permanently Had political motives for migration Satisfied with life in Canada Below average education Total sample Very satisfied only Semi-skilled or unskilled manual worker Total sample Very satisfied only Higher standard of living Total sample Very satisfied only Occupational status dislocation Total sample Very satisfied only

Chi-squared

Degrees of freedom

p•

Ct

93.24 58.15 27.57 22.49

1 1 1 2