Portuguese Merchants in the Manila Galleon System 1565–1600 2020032717, 2020032718, 9780367615543, 9781003105497

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Portuguese Merchants in the Manila Galleon System

Villamar examines the role of Portuguese merchants in the formation of the Manila Galleon as a system of trade founded at the end of the sixteenth century. The rise of Manila as a crucial transshipment port was not a spontaneous incident. Instead, it came about through a complex combination of circumstances and interconnections that nurtured the establishment of the Manila Galleon system, a trading mechanism that lasted two and half centuries from 1565 until 1815. Villamar analyses the establishment of the regulatory framework of the trade across the Pacific Ocean as a whole setting that provided legality to the transactions, predictability to the transportation and security to the stakeholders. He looks both at the Spanish crown strategy in Asia, and the emergence of a network of Portuguese merchants located in Manila and active in the long-​distance trade. This informal community of merchants participated from the inception of the trading system across the Pacific, with connections between Europe, ports in Asia under the control of Portugal, the Spanish colonies in America, and the city of Manila. From its inception, the newly founded capital of the Philippines became a hub of connections, attracting part of the trade that already existed in Asia. Surveying the Portuguese commercial networks from the “Estado da Índia” across the “Spanish lake,” this book sheds light on the early modern globalisation from a truly comprehensive Iberian perspective. This is a valuable resource for scholars of Pacific and Iberian trade history and the maritime history of Asia. Cuauhtémoc Villamar is a retired career diplomat who served in the Mexican Foreign Service for three decades, primarily in Asia. He was posted in China twice, Singapore, Thailand, and Canada, specialising in economic and cultural promotion as well as in technical cooperation. He has a PhD in History from the National University of Singapore.

Routledge Studies in the Maritime History of Asia (RSMHA)

Routledge Studies in the Maritime History of Asia is a series encompassing all aspects of Maritime History that touches upon Asia, including: • the history of trade, piracy, naval warfare and imperial expeditions in Asian waters; • the histories of Asian port cities; • histories of ships and sailors in Asia; and • histories of aquaculture in Asian waters. If you have a book you’d like to propose for this series, please contact Simon Bates in Routledge’s Singapore Editorial office on [email protected]. Portuguese Merchants in the Manila Galleon System 1565–​1600 Cuauhtémoc Villamar For more information about this series, please visit:  www.routledge.com/​ Routledge-​Studies-​in-​the-​Maritime-​History-​of-​Asia/​book-​series/​RSMHA

Portuguese Merchants in the Manila Galleon System 1565–​1600 Cuauhtémoc Villamar

First published 2021 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2021 Cuauhtémoc Villamar The right of Cuauhtémoc Villamar to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-​in-​Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-​in-​Publication Data Names: Villamar, Cuauhtémoc, author. Title: Portuguese merchants in the Manila galleon system: 1565–​1600 / ​Cuauhtémoc Villamar. Description: Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. Includes bibliographical references and index. | Identifiers: LCCN 2020032717 (print) | LCCN 2020032718 (ebook) | ISBN 9780367615543 (hardback) | ISBN 9781003105497 (ebook) Subjects: LCSH: Shipping–​Portugal–​History. | Merchant marine–​Portugal–​History. | Portugal–​Commerce–​Philippines–​History.  | Philippines–​Commerce–​Portugal–​History. Classification: LCC HE861.V55 2021 (print) | LCC HE861 (ebook) | DDC 382.09469/​0599–​dc23 LC record available at https://​lccn.loc.gov/​2020032717 LC ebook record available at https://​lccn.loc.gov/​2020032718 ISBN: 978-​0-​367-​61554-​3  (hbk) ISBN: 978-​1-​003-​10549-​7  (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by Newgen Publishing UK

To my wife, Netnapit Tasakorn.

Contents

List of maps  List of tables  List of abbreviations  Note on currencies and conversions  Preface  Introduction 

ix x xi xii xv 1

PART I

Origins of the Manila Galleon system 

13

1

Rivalry and complexity of the Iberian monarchies  A round and connected world  15 Different modalities of expansion  17 Portuguese administrative consolidation and social differentiation in Asia  19 Trading in uncertain waters  21

15

2

Southeast Asia in the early modern period  With one foot in Southeast Asia  30 A string of port cities  32 The footprint of China and Japan  37

30

3

Birth of the Manila Galleon system  The Manila Galleon as a system  46 Why Manila?  52 Birth of the Manila Galleon system  54

46

viii Contents PART II

The art of trade 

61

4

The Portuguese legacy in Manila  Ars mercatoria  65 Focal point: Macao  69 Macao and Manila under one king  70 The slave trade  73

63

5

Wealth and power  Political and commercial elites  80 Risk management: the case of the Misericordia  82 Interactions between Macao and the Philippines  83

80

6

An evolving merchant network  Building a trading network  96 The cases of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and Diogo Fernándes Vitória  102 The Rodriguez de Figueroa connection  105

95

7

The art of commerce and representation  Manila, an emerging transshipment port  114 Bargaining processes within the system  115 Institutions and legitimacy of Manila  118

114

The Synod of Manila (1581)  119 Citizens’ petitions (Junta General, 1586)  122 The commercial spirit of Manila (1591)  126 PART III

Trans-​Pacific connections 

133

8

Diego Hernández Victoria, the Merchant of Manila  Manila Intramuros  135 The will of Hernández Victoria  138

135

9

Mexican connections  Between dungeons and markets  149 Partners in the Mexican church  151 Dangerous liaisons in the Americas  154 Antonio Díaz de Cáceres  156

147

Epilogue  Appendix: Visualisation of the Portuguese merchant network  Bibliography  Index 

167 169 172 200

Maps

1 .1 2.1 4.1 9.1

Portuguese expansions  Intra-​Asian trading ports  Route of Manila galleons  New Spain 

16 31 64 148

Tables

6.1 Partners of Vaz Landeiro. Power of Attorney (PoA), Macao 1580  7.1 List of governors of the Philippine Islands, 1565–​1600  A.1 Type of activity of 83 members of the network (nodes)  A.2 Type of connections among members within the network (edges) 

98 121 170 170

Abbreviations

AGI AGN AGNCM APO B&R CEPESA CHAM CUP Colin

COLMEX FCE IMCE JRAS JSAS PARES UNAM

Archivo General de Indias Archivo General de la Nación, México Archivo General de Notarías de la Ciudad de México Archivo Portuguêz-​Oriental Emma Blair and James Alexander Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493–​1898, Cleveland, Ohio: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903–​1908 Portuguese Centre for the study of Southeast Asia (Macao) Centro de História Alem-​Mar (Centre for the Study of Overseas History) Cambridge University Press Francisco Colin. Labor Evangélica, Ministerios Apostólicos de Los Obreros de La Compañia de Iesús, Fundacion y Progressos de su Provincia en las Islas Filipinas. Pablo Pastells S.J. (Ed.), Barcelona, Imprenta y Litografía de Henrich y Compañía, 1900 El Colegio de México Fondo de Cultura Económica Instituto Mexicano de Comercio Exerior Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland Journal of Southeast Asian Studies Portal de Archivos Españoles Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México

Note on currencies and conversions1

The money circulating in the vast regions and cities of the colonies was essentially ad hoc, a practical arrangement to facilitate trade, although the initial decades of the colonisation the monetary system was, to say it gently: chaotic. The first mint was established in New Spain in 1526, but in fact the monetary circulation started until the 1550s.2 The dominant currency was the Gold Peso (peso de oro), measured by weight, equivalent to 500 Maravedis or to a Castellano; divisible in eight fractions called Reales (commonly called ochavos) that is why it was called Peso de Ocho (peso of eight). 1 peso

8 ochavos 1 ochavo

48 tomines 6 tomines 1 tomin

576 granos 72 granos 12 granos

The European denominations had in reality limited circulation in America, as Doblón, equivalent to 750 maravedis, Castellano (500), Ducado (375), Dobla (365), Escudo or Corona (350), Blanca (4 4/​5). However, the different qualities of the metal made the system always complicated and without clear trade practicability. It must be said the references were mainly mentioned in archival documents, and few samples of the said “currencies” are preserved. Even some were conventional or imaginary standards. After the Peso de Oro, in the top of the scale, there was the Peso de Oro de Minas, equivalent to 450 maravedies, which was closer to reality and used more widely. In third place there is the Peso de Oro Ensayado, (414 maravedis), and the Peso de Oro Común (300 maravedies), with limited circulation in the central part of Mexico, and finally, the Tepuzque, the name of copper in Náhuatl, equivalent to 72 maravedis. Unless indicated, the references are in gold peso. In Asia, other currencies and means of payment continued in use, such as tin and copper coins as well as cowry shells.3 Japan also mined copper. Together with silver it was used to pay or barter goods with the Dutch East India Company (VOC) supplied silver to the Chinese economy until

Note on currencies and conversions  xiii the seventeenth century, and gradually it was replaced by silver from the Americas.4

Notes 1 Riva Palacio, Vicente. Mexico a Través de los Siglos (Barcelona: Espasa y Compañía, Editores, 1888). Chapter XXVII, 241–​248; “Escudos, Pesos, Reales y Centavos” (Mexico: Banco de México, 2014). 2 Martin L. Seeger. “Media of Exchange in 16th Century New Spain and the Spanish Response.” The Americas 35, 2 (October 1978): 168–​184. 3 Yang Bin. “The Rise and Fall of Cowrie Shells: The Asian Story.” Journal of World History 22, 2 (March 2011): 1–​25. 4 Bernd Hausberger and Antonio Ibarra. Oro y Plata en los Inicios de la Economía Global: De Las Minas a La Moneda (México, El Colegio de México, 2014), 2014. See also Ryuto Shimada. The Intra-​Asian Trade in Japanese Copper by the Dutch East India Company During the Eighteenth Century (Leiden; Boston: Brill, 2005).

Preface

Unlike the romantic idea of the lonely historian, locked in his cubicle, there is no intellectual effort that is not indebted to previous generations. The very intention of offering new interpretations means entering into a dialogue with the voices of other historians, past and present. The aim of this book is to continue a long journey to learn about the history of the Manila Galleon, which in my case began precisely during my first stay in China three decades ago. Part of the readings I had accumulated in several years was shown in a personal blog, La Nao Va, which I have kept active for more than a decade. Retirement from diplomacy has opened up a new perspective for me to arrange the accumulated knowledge, but above all to live the unique experience of working in various archives on three continents. Throughout the years of this research I  have received support, valuable advice, and information from many people. First of all, I would like to thank the kind encouragement of Associate Professor Dr Peter Borschberg of the National University of Singapore for his continuous advice, encouragement, and patience during the PhD at the NUS. A key person to pursue this research was my friend and maestro, Juan Luis Suárez, director of the Culturplex laboratory, University of Western Ontario (UWO). He has generously shared his research in the field of the Baroque as a collective culture of the Atlantic and, more recently, the study of complexity and social networks. Together with Dr Antonio Jiménez-​Mavillard, UWO, they made it possible for me to learn new approaches useful for this research. I would like to mention the late Eugenio Rogelio Reyes, a paleographer friend who guided me through the labyrinth of sixteenth-​century texts. In Mexico, I  always received the support and encouragement of Professors Carmen Yuste, Guadalupe Pinzón, and Iván Escamilla, researchers of the Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas of the National Autonomous University of Mexico (UNAM). I have a special appreciation for Professor Manel Ollé, University Pompeu Fabra, Barcelona. He guided me with his work and his expert comments. In Portugal, I had fruitful conversations with Professor Elsa Penalva and Miguel Rodrigues Lourenço of the Centro de Historia Além-​Mar (CHAM), Nova Universidade of Lisbon. Both guided me through the immense

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xvi Preface Portuguese history and its archives. I want to mention also professor Paulo Jorge de Sousa Pinto, CHAM, for his comments and support. I appreciate the conversations with Professor Juan O. Mesquida, University of Asia and the Pacific, Manila, as well as Professor Regalado Trota José, of the Archive University Santo Tomás, in the Philippines. I enjoyed an excellent exchange of ideas about merchant networks in the early modern era with researchers at the Universidad Pablo Olavide in Seville, among others:  Manuel Herrero, Natalia Maillard-​Álvarez, Manuel F. Fernández Chávez, and Rafael M. Pérez García. It was an honour for me to have a long conversation in Seville with Dr Juan Gil. The work in archives was possible thank to the efficient and always kind assistance of the personnel of the multiple archives consulted. At the Torre de Tombo in Lisbon, I had the support of a new friend: Adriana Dominguez. I want to thank my professors and colleagues of the Department of History at the National University of Singapore, with special appreciation to Professors Bruce Lockhart, Donna Brunero, Lee Seung-​ Joon, Kelvin Lawrence, Huang Jianli, Daniel Jew, and so many more. Special mention goes to Evelyn Hu-​Dehart, of Brown University for the confidence and encouragement she gave me during this investigation. This research was possible thanks to the generous funding of the NUS.

Introduction

This book offers an analysis of the Manila Galleon trade route between 1570 and 1600. It aims to identify, dissect, and examine how the Manila Galleon formed a system of trade that ultimately endured for two and half centuries, from 1565 to 1815. The Manila Galleon system can be understood not only in terms of geographic routes but also as a set of rules and regulations. These rules and regulations became sanctioned and circumscribed by law. Furthermore, cooperative and adaptive interactions between agents within the trading networks functioned efficiently according to the objectives of the Manila Galleon system. The individual experiences of seasoned merchants, active in different parts of Southeast Asia and the Americas during this early period, are utilised for characterising the Manila Galleon trade as a system. This study differs from previous analyses in three main regards. Firstly, it studies the Manila Galleon as a system, beyond the linear perspective of connected shipping routes. This system features multiple feeders and distribution points, scattered over multiple geographical and socio-​economic environments, connecting East and Southeast Asia with the Americas. The legal framework and the practices regulating the operation of the Manila Galleon, setting the norms and protocols of trade, are also a key characteristic of this system. The specific merchant network studied in this book was also part of this mechanism. Secondly, past accounts of the Manila Galleon have presented it as a unique Spanish achievement. This study, by contrast, disentangles the discourse from nationalist historical frameworks by taking other agents into account. This includes not only the Portuguese in Macao, and the New Christians (recent converts to Christianity), but also the Southeast Asian players. However, due to the space constraints, the latter are discussed only in broad terms, the focus being mainly on the Portuguese and the New Christians. Thirdly, this study views the Manila Galleon beyond a narrow economic framework of shipping goods and generating profits, addressing its cultural and societal impacts as well. This is why the Manila Galleon has been framed and understood in terms of a system. The approach to the Manila Galleon system has been made possible by a combination of rereading known sources and adducing new materials

2 Introduction that are held in the Inquisition and Notarial archives in Mexico City. While accessible for some time, these archives are now being systematically studied by a new generation of social, cultural, and economic historians. Research into the activity of certain individuals involved in trans-​Pacific trade has enabled the reconstruction of some of the most important trade networks of the early modern age, active within the Manila galleon system. Part of the reason why these individuals have not been systematically studied before is due to the biases held by historians of earlier generations. These biases include, most significantly, nationalist fervour, religious orthodoxy, and a limited understanding of the networks and how they were built and sustained. The individual agents behind the networks influenced the organisation of the Manila Galleon as a larger system, while they continued to forge their personal linkages along narrower affiliations like religion or shared locational origin (e.g. coming from the same Portuguese home town). The information found in Mexico, Portugal, and Spain, grant insights into the reasons why certain agents articulated their ideas for organising the system as a whole, and did so at a surprisingly early stage. It is vital to appreciate that each of the agents discussed in this book was operating within conditions constrained by geography, religion, financial leverage, multiple legal frameworks, Southeast Asian cultural contexts and, ultimately, imperial agendas. To enable these constraints to be appreciated, it is necessary to outline the unique circumstances that were facing these agents in their dealings within imperial structures, as well as the Southeast Asian context. See Chapters 1–​3. Perhaps the most significant factor is the Union of Crowns. Between 1581 and 1640, the person of the ruler dynastically united Spain and Portugal. However, the two global empires continued to operate as separate entities, with only minimal developing cooperation. Although Macao and Manila are separated only by few hundred kilometres, from the vantage point of an official seated in Madrid, Lisbon, Seville, Goa, or Mexico City, they were far apart and belonged to two completely different imperial orders. In fact, trade was technically prohibited between the two ports. In reality, however, exchange flourished.

Core concepts The conceptual basis of this book has been influenced by studies on diasporic communities, cross-​ cultural trade, network analysis, and the impact of material culture. This framework is embodied in the port cities, either in Asia or in the trade connection across the Pacific, providing a deeper understanding of the human and material interactions that nurtured the emergence of urban concentrations under the Iberian rule in the early modern period. The establishment of Manila in 1571 is observed in the light of a long-​term competition between the two Iberian powers, Portugal and Castile, which were the

Introduction  3 dominant forces of the European expansion in the world since the fifteenth century. The book uses the port-​city framework.1 In broad terms, this approach observes the seaside cities as the showcase of the cross-​cultural exchange in particular locations, but with a larger perspective that connects them to the regional and global levels. The main feature is, of course, their physical locations on the coast (the littoral space that connects the sea and the land2), and the ways in which they were in constant contact with other port cities. The economic life of the Southeast Asian cities was signed by trade, often of a particular product or a group of merchandises of high value (i.e. spices, precious stones, raw materials, porcelain, or silk). An examination of the different types of commercial goods handled by these traders, shows how they were able to introduce new items of material culture and influence new consumer trends on both sides of the Pacific Ocean. Two ideas developed by Philip Curtin, cross-​cultural trade and diaspora, serve as conceptual groundwork for studying the emergence, and the apparent success, of the merchants, despite the difficulties they faced and the frequent obstacles imposed over their businesses by authorities and competitors. I start by analysing the business performance of the merchant communities using a cross-​cultural trade background. It depicts “commercial exchanges across geographical, political, linguistic, religious, or ethnic boundaries.” The concept of diaspora represents “trade communities of merchants living among aliens in associated networks.”3 It should be noted that these communities are “socially interdependent but spatially dispersed,”4 The link across the Pacific Ocean, or Trans-​Pacific connection, examined in this book offers a case of cross-​cultural trade among foreign merchants who were based in places such as Melaka, Macao, Manila and Acapulco. Scrutinising the commercial practices of these merchants shows a high adaptability to local conditions, and to conducting business with merchants from different cultural backgrounds based on mutual trust and benefit5 (Chapters 4–​5). The diasporic character of the Portuguese merchants aligns with their ability to conduct long-​distance business from places like Manila or Macao, and to other ports both inside and outside the Iberian empires. Macao developed an outstanding resilience as a port of trade on the Southern coast of the Chinese Empire. Despite its vulnerability, Manila grew as a multifaceted city in the very few years in which the Castilians settled in the bay. Notwithstanding the threat of piracy, and the challenges posed by foreign powers such as the Japanese, the Dutch, and the English, the city and its commerce flourished on a grand scale. In Macao and Manila, the agency of private traders was essential to conducting public affairs, from trade to defence. The merchants in Macao and Manila exhibited an ability to hold the property of ships in the Southeast Asian region and occasionally in the trade across the Pacific Ocean. They established a basic system of credit and collective insurance and forged connections with local and regional trade. Their counterparts in the Americas had access to the newly developed silver

4 Introduction mining areas of New Spain, and this lent them an advantage in developing their business in Asia. It was the time of the initial monetary system in New Spain: therefore the property of silver mines gave the owners sufficient leverage in the local markets –​that is, after delivering metal to the royal mint and paying a fifth of the value to the crown. It was also an advantage to carry silver to Asia, sometimes without declaring the total amount, due to the price differences of the metal (a phenomena known as arbitrage).6 Manila could hardly be administered directly from the Iberian Peninsula, due to the vast distance to Europe, via the Pacific to the Americas, and further to Europe through the Atlantic. The Philippines posed a challenge for the Castilian Crown in terms of administration and defence, both of which were assigned to the viceroy of New Spain. Allegedly, King Philip II of Spain vowed to keep the Philippines as the foothold of the Roman Catholic church in Asia, regardless of any economic benefit it might produce for the crown. In parallel, the chronicles of the period and official records consistently uncovered and denounced cases of negligence and corruption on the part of the local authorities.7 It should be immediately adjoined here that corruption was tantamount to betrayal of God and King. It was condemned as immoral, and acts such as tax evasion were deemed to impede good governance. Neither the fear of pirate attacks, indigenous insurrections or tropical diseases, prevented the arrival of administrators, missionaries, and soldiers, though, as well as adventurers willing to accumulate vast fortunes. Above all, Manila enjoyed a vitality sustained by the arrival of Chinese and other Asian traders. The connection between Manila and Macao emerged as a cause for serious concern when the Union of Crowns took effect. Trade between the two was thus formally prohibited shortly thereafter -​in 1581 (Chapters 6–​7). Moving forward in history to the present, and the contemporary concept of “diaspora,” which has developed over the last few decades, it has been criticised for being too generic and unsuitable to describe the characteristics of the long-​distance merchants.8 Some authors have advised against employing this concept as a tool of analysis for this period in history because itinerant merchants, who are “close-​knit groups,” and linked by bonds of kinship, feature in many societies without being branded “diasporas.” Some thinkers contends that the term diaspora, “de-​historicizes merchant communities, creating a form of false congruence between the activities of such groups, which were in fact quite varied over space and time.”9 However, this monograph reveals a line of continuity in the patterns of action of the Portuguese merchants, confirming the characteristics described by the categories of cross-​ cultural trade and diaspora. Charles Boxer once noted: “The most striking feature of the Portuguese empire, as it was established by the mid-​sixteenth century, was its expanse and dispersion.”10 Over vast spaces, a large but undetermined number of people of partial Portuguese ancestry, born in Asia, had the ability to perform the main activities of defence and trade on behalf of the Estado da Índia (“State of India,” Portugal’s empire in the East), identifying themselves

Introduction  5 with Portuguese culture and society. Yet, they did so without firm roots in the formal structure of the Estado.11 On top of this social scale, an elite corps of officials and administrators, who spent only for a short time in the imperial outposts, shared the place with soldiers, missionaries and merchants whose choice of life was to stay permanently in Asia. Network is the next concept used in this book; this concept has a different genealogy from mathematics and physics in complex systems.12 Standard features of these networks, either in nature or society, are the constant emergence of networks along diverse stages of history and the feedback process that allows reinforcing the characteristics necessary for survival. Other characteristics are interconnectivity, which makes the network more efficient than its individual members, self-​organisation (without a previous plan), and cooperation. All are attributes of this type of connections. The concept of network has been used by historians to fit the idea of a web of cooperation and exchange, sharing trade information, e.g. sources of credit and investment, within the groups in far-​flung locations. The concept of network further helps to explain the ability of these communities to cooperate with each other in different business environments, in each part of the chain of the business, and also across vast spaces.13 The network studied here represents a web of connections cogently crafted by merchants who operated out of Manila and, at the same time, also in different locations, but mainly in Southeast Asia, the Iberian Peninsula, New Spain, and Peru. These merchants shared commercial information, sources of credit, and investments on matters such as transportation, warehouses, and trade agents. They did so on the basis of trust and cooperation; that cornerstone of successful networking.14 The mutual trust derived from the attributes and social characteristics of members is also known as social capital.15 Location is an attribute of a node, meaning a city, a community, a group of merchants. Nodes sustain linkages and the networks are the accumulation of these relations. Sharing a place of origin in Portugal, religious beliefs, and their language and, to a degree, also their social status facilitated their entry into the world of business.16 The information flow was kept inside of merchant elites barely identified by their Jewish origin, although in most cases, they professed socially accepted Roman Catholic practices and held important social positions in their local communities. This book shows how Portuguese merchants who were active in the Manila Galleon trade at the time in which were indicted by the Inquisition. They had cultivated connections with the highest elite of the Mexican Church. This apparent contradiction can be explained on the basis of mechanisms of cooperation built among communities of different backgrounds and motivated by shared benefit.17 Previous studies have limited their focus to the Inquisition procedures of these subjects (the complex indictments and their condemnation) in the last decade of the sixteenth century, but without paying attention to the nature of their business and extra-​religious connections18 (Chapters 8–​9).

6 Introduction Because the official sanctioned maritime link was strictly limited to the ports of Manila and Acapulco the system acquired a certain shape and character, but most importantly, Manila was made the focal point of trade for the Spanish in Asia for more than two centuries. The port of Acapulco offers a sharp contrast, because it was only marginal to the administrative and political centre of New Spain. The economic and cultural impact of Asian merchandise was felt in the main cities in New Spain and Peru. On the basis of this commercial link, the maritime trade system under Spanish control connected a network of businesses located in different parts of the world. The viceroyalty of New Spain played a role as articulator of the interests in the Pacific and in the Atlantic. This book underscores the pragmatism of the merchants who formed part of the commercial operations, running business through their connections with several parts of the chain of trade:  from the silver-​rich territories in New Spain to the links with the Chinese traders in Manila and Macao. Using sources generated by the Inquisition in Mexico, two scholars have approached the study of these networks, but from different angles. The studies of James C. Boyajian19 and Daviken Studnicki-​Gizbert20 focus on the web of connections of the Portuguese businesses and their relation to the Spanish Crown. These studies have deepened our knowledge of the business networks to the New Christians in Asia, although before them, other authors had already gained a sense that such connections must have existed.21 As has been mentioned above, this book employs the concept of system, and it does so by understanding this to represent a set of norms and protocols mutually accepted by the participants of the trade, on either a formal or informal basis. The particular traits of the trading system established in the Pacific at the end of the sixteenth century aimed to ensuring the legality of transactions, predictability of transportation and security of trade. The system is also the outcome of combining different agents of trade with specific functions, without regard for position, status or hierarchy. Manila became a meeting point for Chinese merchants, but also others from the Malay world, from Siam, India, Japan, Peru, and Mexico (that latter group known as Novohispanos, inhabitants of New Spain). Among the many migrants from the Iberian Peninsula, generically dubbed “Castilians,” there were, in fact, also many individuals from other regions of “Spain,” such as Galicia, Andalusia, and the Basque country. Those Portuguese who lived in Manila had arrived either from the Portuguese-​held territories in India or from the Spanish Americas. All of them also maintained networks, slot themselves into the system and accepted the conditions of trade in the Philippine capital. The Manila Galleon thus became a formalised system that accommodated and blended the commercial practices of its different stakeholders. The medium-​term events also established a geographical dimension for this research. It is natural to start talking about Portuguese traders, moving from Europe eastwards across the sprawling Estado da Índia and on to China and

Introduction  7 Japan. However, the opening of the Pacific route in 1565 shifted the historical trajectory entirely. With the discovery of the Tornavuelta (the east-​bound route to return from Asia to the Americas) across the Pacific, part of the control over the Asian trade passed to the western coastline of the Americas. Therefore, the focus moves to the circular connection between the Philippines and New Spain. Due to space constraints, it is not possible to delve deeply into the complexities of New Spain’s society during its formative stage. However, the social conditions of these local formations have been taken into account as part of the linkages made between the merchants that stand at the heart of this study. It is beyond the scope of this study the Atlantic connection between Europe and the Americas, but is not to deny its importance. It provides evidences that the Manila Galleon system represented only a segment of a global trading regime.

Sources The sources consulted for writing this research at the archives in Mexico, Portugal, Spain, and the Philippines have yielded rich information about the skills, and particular activities, of a small community operating out of Manila. Their network extended across Asia to Europe and the Americas during the formative phase of the Manila Galleon system. Some merchants played a role as central nodes in the Trans-​Pacific segment, while others played a more limited role in the context of regional contacts. The evidence demonstrates intense social and commercial activities of this merchant community, and reveals the manner in which its members conducted business, how they joined in different environments, as well the actions they took to position themselves in this highly profitable trading system. Several testimonies documenting these activities survive in the archives of the Santo Oficio (Holy Office of the Inquisition), held at the Archivo General de la Nación (AGN), as well as their registries at the Archivo General de Notarias in Mexico City (AGNCM). The holdings of the Library of the Ajuda Palace, the Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (Overseas Historical Archive), the Jesuit Archive (Broteria), Torre do Tombo (National Archive), as well as the Biblioteca Nacional de Portugal (National Library of Portugal) proved indispensable to round up the research. Additional investigation was conducted in the Archivo Histórico Nacional (National Historical Archives) in Madrid, the Archivo General de Indias (General Archives of the Indies) in Seville, and the library of the University of Santo Tomás in Manila. Details are listed in the Bibliography, under Published Primary Sources, as well as Collections and Catalogues. Due to the loose and informal nature of these networks, it was necessary to investigate and reconstruct their geographic reach, from their home in Spain and Portugal to New Spain, where the merchants firmly established their

8 Introduction connections, and from there expanded across the Pacific to the Philippines and Macao. A  number of these sources found around the globe have been processed in the preparation of other studies that have focused on ethnic and religious affiliations. This is especially true of the archival holdings of the Inquisition in New Spain and in the Philippines. This book, however, studies these sources from a different vantage point, namely by examining the trading activities of merchants indicted by the Inquisition. It also takes into account studies by Portuguese researchers who have drawn on the archives of the Portuguese Inquisition in Goa. This offers an institutional counterpart to the Spanish Inquisition in Manila. The scrutiny made by these scholars reveals the existence of merchants active simultaneously on the Portuguese and the Spanish territories in Asia in very different ways.22 This study provides information about the life and business of the participants in the capital of the Philippines, comparing them with the cases of other successful merchants, which were not subject to the Inquisition. This approach reduces the prevailing emphasis on the religious identities and, instead, emphasises the belonging of the individual into larger civil communities. Several cases retrieved in the Mexican archives provide examples of how many of the persons interrogated by the Inquisition were prominent persons in their respective communities, who enjoyed a successful life in business or as public administrators. This status is confirmed by the information available in the Notarial Archives in Mexico City, which was opened to researchers and the general public only recently. In the files are contracts, legacies, affidavits, and other legal documents related to specific business; dealings; several connected to the subjects of this book. The documents reveal the goals of their businesses, the actions and the period estimated to achieve results, and the expected returns of their operations. Indeed, those are the terms of reference for promising overseas business.23

Terminology In this book, the term New Christians is the proper one to designate the persons that had a recognised Jewish heritage but were forced to convert to Christianity. For this reason, they are also known as Conversos (converted). In order to survive in the atmosphere of religious intolerance in Spain and Portugal during the late fifteenth century, and later during the Counter-​ Reformation, as well as Europe’s Wars of Religion (c.1563–​1648), many Jews opted to convert rather than be expelled from Spain and Portugal. Another designation is Criptojudíos or Judaizantes (“Crypto-​Jews” or “Judaisers”). This applied to persons suspected of keeping or secretly practising their religion under the watchful eye of the Inquisition and society at large. Some authors have resorted to the derogatory name Marrano (pig) which was historically also applied to converted Jews on the Iberian Peninsula. This term has been categorically avoided in the present book, not only because it was

Introduction  9 coined as a pejorative, but also because it is utterly useless as an attribute to describe this social group. The definition of “Jew” cannot be limited to a religious or ethnic definition; it also bears a civilisation dimension in the Mediterranean context. The definition of Jewish civilisation proposed by Ferdinand Braudel is apposite for this study: so individual that is not always recognised as an authentic civilisation. And yet it exerted its influence, transmitted certain cultural values, resisted others, sometimes accepting, sometimes refusing: it possessed all the qualities by which we have defined civilisation. True, it was not or was only notionally rooted to any one place; it did not obey any stable and unvarying geographical imperatives. This was one of its most original features, but not the only one.24

Notes 1 Rhoads Murphey. “Traditionalism and Colonialism:  Changing Urban Roles in Asia.” The Journal of Asian Studies 29, no. 1 (1969): 67–​84; Frank Broeze, ed. Brides of the Sea: Port Cities of Asia from the 16th-​20th Centuries. (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1989); Frank Broeze. Gateways Of Asia. New York: Routledge, 2013; Haneda Masashi. Asian Port Cities, 1600–​1800: Local and Foreign Cultural Interactions. 1st edn. (Singapore: NUS Press, 2009). 2 Although the term seems self-​evident, some authors refer to littoral as the “Janus-​ faced zones between two millieux of connectivity (and a) base for mobilisation of resources (…) limited to the tracts of shoreline where land is distinguished from sea.” Nicholas Purcell. “Tide, Beach, and Backwash: The Place of Maritime Histories,” in P.N. Miller, ed., The Sea. Thalassography and Historiography (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2013), p.  100. (Ann Arbor: University Michigan Press) See also Michael N. Pearson. “Littoral Society: The Concept and the Problems.” Journal of World History 17, no. 4 (30 October 2006): 353–​373. 3 Philip Curtin, Cross-​Cultural Trade in World History, Cambridge (New  York:  Cambridge University Press, 1984), 3. 4 Jessica Vance Roitman, The Same but Different? Intercultural Trade and the Sephardim 1595–​1640 (Leiden and Boston:  Brill, 2011), pp.  63–​70. The author recalls that it was the anthropologist Abner Cohen who first applied the term diaspora to trading communities in his essay “Cultural strategies in the Organisation of Trading Diasporas,” in Claude Meillassoux, ed., The Development of Indigenous Trade and Markets in West Africa (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1971). 5 Ana Sofia Ribeiro, Early Modern Trading Networks in Europe: Cooperation and the Case of Simon Ruiz. (New York: Routledge, 2016). Introduction. 6 Officially, the first mint was established in New Spain in 1526, but in fact the monetary supply started in the 1550s. Martin L. Seeger, “Media of Exchange in 16th Century New Spain and the Spanish Response.” The Americas 35, 2 (October 1978): 168–​184. 7 Hernando de los Ríos Coronel, on behalf of the interest of the Philippines describes the weak condition of the commerce and the city during the first decades of the seventeenth century. There are abundant complaints as well as proposals to

10 Introduction remedy this state of affairs preserved in the archives. See, for example, “Memorial y relación para su magestad, del Procurador General de las Filipinas, de lo que conviene remediar, y de la requeza que ay en ellas, y en las islas del Maluco,” 1621. There is an English translation of this Memorial in John Newsome Crossley, Hernando de Los Ríos Coronel and the Spanish Philippines in the Golden Age (Surrey, England: Ashgate Publishing, 2013). 8 Rogers Brubaker, “The ‘Diaspora’ Diaspora.” Ethnic and Racial Studies, 28, 1 (2005): 1–​19. 9 Kirti N.  Chauduri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean. An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 221–​228, and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Merchants, Markets and the State in Early Modern India (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1991). Michael N. Pearson also drew a line between peddler traders and diaspora. In his opinion, some of the groups classified as diaspora by Philip Curtin, as the India’s Hindu, Muslim overseas traders, and Armenians kept their strong ties with some base or home area. Michael N. Pearson “Merchants and States.” In The Political Economy of Merchant Empires: State Power and World Trade, 1350–​1750, James D. Tracy, ed. (New York, Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 73. 10 Charles R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–​1825 (Lisbon: Carcanet Press, Calouste Gulbekian Fundation and the Discoveries Commission, 1992), 51. 11 Estado da Índia is the way to refer to the Portuguese administration in Asia since 1505. First established in the capital in Cochin and in 1510 it moved to Goa. The head was a viceroy ruling for three years. In 1571, King Sebastian divided the administration into three geographic areas:  the first on East Africa, the second from Hormuz to the Bay of Bengal and the third from the east of Bengal to Macao. Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–​1700:  A Political and Economic History (West Sussex, UK:  John Wiley & Sons, 2012); Anthony R. Disney, A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire, vol. 1: From Beginnings to 1807:  Portugal. 1st edn, vol. 1 (New  York:  Cambridge University Press, 2009); Bailey W.  Diffie and George D.  Winius, A Fundação do Império Português, 1415–​1580 (Lisbon: Vega, 1993), 107–​113. 12 An introductory study to networks and complexity in Mark Newman, Albert-​ Lászlo Barabási, and Duncan J. Watts, The Structure and Dynamics of Networks (Princeton NJ:  Princeton University Press, 2006), 1–​9. For a concrete application to the Portuguese traders see Amélia Polónia, Amândio Barros and Miguel Nogueira, “ ‘Now and Then, Here and There…on Business’:  Mapping Social/​ Trade Networks on First Global Age” in Mapping Different Geographies, Karel Kriz, William Cartwright, and Lorenz Hurni, eds., Lecture Notes in Geo-​ information and Cartography (Berlin Heidelberg: Springer, 2011), 105–​128. 13 Alan T. Wood reflects on whether the relation between theory of complexity and history in his essay “Fire, Water, Earth, and Sky:  Global Systems History and the Human Prospect,” Journal of the Historical Society, 10, no.  3 (September 2010): 287–​318. See also Andrea Jones-​Rooy and Scott E. Page, “The Complexities of Global Systems History.” The Journal of the Historical Society, 10, no.  3 (September 2010): 345–​365. 14 Ana Crespo Solana, and David Alonso García (eds), “Self-​Organizing Networks and GIS Tools. Cases of Use for the Study of Trading Cooperation (1400–​ 1800)” (Paris:  Scientific Papers, Journal of Knowledge Management, Economics and Information Technology, 2012); NIkolaus Böttche, Bernard Hausberger and

Introduction  11 Antonio Ibarra, eds. Redes y Negocios Globales en el mundo Ibérico Siglos XVI-​ XVIII (Madrid /​Frankfurt: Iberoamericana /​Vervuert /​Colmex, 2011). 15 Ribeiro, Early Modern Trading Networks in Europe (2016), 26. 16 Amélia Polónia, A Expansão Ultramarina Numa Perspectiva Local, Amélia Polónia  –​O Porto de Vila Do Conde No Séc. XVI. 2  vols. (Lisbon:  Imprensa Nacional Casa da Moeda, 2007). 17 Ribeiro, Early Modern Trading Networks in Europe (2016). Chapter I. “A model for the study of historic business cooperation.” Ribeiro offers a typology of the factors for cooperation, inside and outside the network, indirect reciprocity that is not intended for economic rewards, limits on cooperation and penalties to those that cheat or break the rules. 18 Seymour B. Liebman, The Enlighted. The Writings of Luis de Carvajal, El Mozo (Coral Gables:  University of Miami Press, 1967); Eva Alexandra Uchmany, La vida entre el judaísmo y el cristianismo en la Nueva España 1580–​1606 (México City: FCE, AGN, 1992); Martin A. Cohen, “Antonio Díaz de Cáceres: Marrano Adventurer in Colonial Mexico.” American Jewish Historical Quarterly 60, no. 2 (1 December 1970):  169–​184; Martin A.  Cohen, The Martyr:  Luis de Carvajal, A Secret Jew in Sixteenth-​Century Mexico. Revised ed. (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001); Samuel Temkin. Luis de Carvajal:  The Origins of Nuevo Reino de León (Santa Fe. NM: Sunstone Press, 2011). 19 James C.  Boyajian, Portuguese Bankers at the Court of Spain, 1626–​1650 (New Brunswick, NJ:  Rutgers University Press, 1983), and from the same author, Portuguese Trade in Asia Under the Habsburg (Baltimore, MD:  Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993). 20 Daviken Studnicki-​Gizbert, A Nation upon the Ocean Sea:  Portugal’s Atlantic Diaspora and the Crisis of the Spanish Empire, 1492–​ 1640 (Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 2007). 21 Ferdinand Braudel, The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, Vol. 2, Chapter 3. “One Civilization against the rest: The destiny of the Jews” (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1995. First published 1949, Rev. 1966), 802; Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire (1992), 266–​272; Uchmany, La vida entre el judaísmo y el cristianismo en la Nueva España 1580–​1606 (1992). 22 Miguel Rodrigues Lorenço, A Articulaçāo da Periferia. Macau e a Inquisiçāo de Goa (c.1582-​c.1650) (Macao and Lisbon: Fundaçao Macau, Centro Científico e Cultural de Macau, I.P., 2017). 23 Archivo Histórico de Notarias, AGNCM. http://​notarias.colmex.mx/​ 24 Braudel, The Mediterranean, vol.2, ch.3, 802.

Part I

Origins of the Manila Galleon system Portuguese Seaborn Empire O mar com fim será grego ou romano: O mar sem fim é português. (The sea with an end can be Greek or Roman: the endless sea is Portuguese) Poem “Padrão” by Fernando Pessoa

1  Rivalry and complexity of the Iberian monarchies

Soon after the first voyage of Columbus across the Atlantic in 1492, leading European powers struggled with an overwhelming question:  What was the actual dimension of the world? Just few years before, Portugal had managed to ascertain the route to India, bordering the Cape of Good Hope. It was more than a contingency that both Iberian powers embraced the planet through the east and west routes to India, as they sought equally the riches from the Spice Islands in Asia. The monarchies of Portugal and Spain confronted immediately the effects of an “enlargement of the world” and faced the need to develop methods to continue further explorations and expand their territorial dominions. Equally important was the imperative to consolidate Roman Catholic religious principles all over the territories under their domains. A sense of urgency was heightened early the sixteenth century by the split in the Roman Catholic Church caused by the Reformation in Europe. Finally, the Iberian powers needed to understand the nature of the peoples living in vast territories in Asia and America, in order to exercise their dominance. Clearly, the challenge was political, economic and technical, but also moral. This chapter introduces the environment in which the Portuguese and Spanish competed in encircling the globe and secure domination during the sixteenth century. It pays particular attention to the Portuguese deployment around Africa, and the settlements on Asian coastal areas. Far from a Eurocentric optic, the study of the circumstances that shaped European competition in Asia makes it possible to show the mix of technologies and knowledge originating in the latter region. The text helps to understand the modalities of adaptation of the merchant diaspora studied in this book.

A round and connected world The constant transformation of geographical knowledge from the late fifteenth century was modifying the cultural references and introducing new terms in the European languages. The problem posed by the widening of the world claimed for an immediate agreement between Portugal and Spain to

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16  Origins of the Manila Galleon system

Map 1.1  Portuguese expansions

Rivalry & complexity of Iberian monarchies  17 set limits to their respective domains.1 In the minds of the Portuguese and Spanish peoples, a fictitious border located in East Asia and defined by the Treaty of Tordesillas (1494), denoted an imaginary division of the world, in places barely known to them at the time. The Iberians were creating in each voyage a “meta-​geography” that either confirmed or modified their previous knowledge. In either case, they were surprised by the magnitude of these regions. How the Iberians constructed their knowledge of the world has been the subject of several studies, but for the present discussion, it is worth pointing out that the imago mundi (image of the world) was one of the most valuable results of the period.2 The majority of this knowledge was kept within the inner circle of each monarchy and the leading navigators under its control. Their ability to collect information was as important as the adaptation to the new sceneries, e.g. through their navigation technics, including ship designs to suit local weather and conditions.3 The European perception of the world was transformed since the fifteenth century thanks to the parallel Iberian explorations in America and beyond Africa and India, the most populated region in the world.4 Up to that point, Asia in the imagination of the Europeans was an island-​world, Orbis terrarum, known only by accounts of ancient and medieval travellers and their high-​end products of remote origin, such as spices, silk, and porcelains.5 The explorations reported by chroniclers, the letters, and the maps, transformed the European view of the dimensions of the planet, breaking with the classical and Medieval geographic nomenclature. The Ptolemy’s geography was gradually replaced with actual descriptions of places. The toponyms of antiquity, such as Ophir and Tarsis, Gog and Magog, Taprobana, Golden Chersonese, and Cathay were replaced by the new, more accurate names. The real places appeared in the new cartography, including: Ceylon, Sumatra, Melaka, Java, Siam, Borneo, Luzon, and China, becoming part of the collective interpretation, although with Portuguese or Spanish pronunciation, at the end of the sixteenth century.6 The narrative that we can obtain from the sources of that time was mostly a seaside perspective, a vision from the littoral.

Different modalities of expansion The evaluation of the expansion modalities employed by the Castilians and the Portuguese during the sixteenth century helps to understand the specific context that led to a certain level of interaction  –​under intense competition –​between these monarchies. The following description serves to explain the specific momentum of the last quarter of that century and the multiple connections between ports dominated by the Iberians, mainly Melaka, Macao, Manila, and the Maluku. Notwithstanding their conflict at the higher political level, the Portuguese and Spanish merchants took a pragmatic approach for survival in Southeast Asia. The economy of the Portuguese expansion was based on trade, rather than production, and this was part of the initial success of the Portuguese in Asia,

18  Origins of the Manila Galleon system where local markets were already developed. In explaining the driving forces behind Portuguese overseas expansion, it is possible to identify an urgent need to overcome the weaknesses in its economic structure and the remaining religious zeal of the Crusades. Scarce population, agricultural smallholders, and religious motivations played a combined driving role in the Portuguese overseas expansion. Subsistence farming on small plots of land and herding triggered migration to coastal cities. Fishing was one of the most effective economic resources in the country, dedicating part of the population to long seasons at sea. For the Portuguese crown, international trade was attractive in terms of tax revenue.7 Demographic factors played a crucial role in Portugal’s problems and also served as one of the solutions to its shortcomings. At the beginning of the sixteenth century, Portugal had around one million inhabitants.8 Castile accounted for five or six million people, and Aragon, one million inhabitants.9 During the century, the Portuguese had 10,000 men permanently in Asia, plus another 25,000 in Brazil; roughly 3.5 per cent of its population.10 By comparison, estimates of the Spanish population in the Americas range from 105,000 to 200,000 migrants throughout the sixteenth century, with an average annual drip of 1,000 people. That represents between 1.5 to 2 per cent of the population of Castile and Aragon combined living overseas.11 Religious motivations moreover played a driving role in the Portuguese and Spanish expansion. The Iberian monarchies developed two parallel religious structures in their overseas domains: royal sponsorship of missionary work, known as Padroado (Patronato in Spain) and two equivalent Inquisitions. The fervour of the Counter-​Reformation after 1563 revitalised both institutions.12 The Portuguese crown nourished the dream of reconquering Jerusalem, as had been done at the time of the Crusades. The fervent religious stand of the king of Portugal required sources to finance his conquest, and the evident obvious way to achieve this was to dominate the trade of Oriental products arriving in Europe.13 The ensuing chain of events is well known. After facing many difficulties in Africa, the Portuguese nurtured the idea of conquering India as a way of controlling the supply of highly appreciated products, such as pepper, cinnamon, nutmeg, and cloves. The initial religious drive shifted into an interest in conquering the Spice Islands. Spain instead, tried another form of colonisation, based on the control of territories and, as they had done in the Americas, controlling and extracting rents from large populations.14 The Spanish settlers from New Spain to Peru developed local economies for their survival, keeping a connection with Europe through trading of new varieties of products, such as cochineal dye for textiles, chili and tobacco, and importing European goods, such as wheat, olives, and wine, aiming to maintain their way of life in an American environment.15 The Spanish American continent became an extension of the Castilian culture with attractive economic conditions for European settlers, an extensive local indigenous workforce, land, and gold and silver mining in

Rivalry & complexity of Iberian monarchies  19 the second half of the sixteenth century. A few decades after the conquest, a growing segment of mixed-​blood mestizos appeared.16 Compared with the coastal Portuguese expansion, the Castilian “founded a land-​ based colonial empire whose characteristics and extent were far different from the factory and fortress empire”.17 The price for this type of colonisation was the radical transformation of the base of production in the Americas, the labour submission—​and to a large degree the slavery—​of the massive indigenous populations. Remarkably, this also entailed the integration of the local economies to the world circuit supporting the dominant role of the Habsburg empire, through Spain, in the European context. In social terms, the main results of the Spanish expansion, both in the Americas and in the Philippines, was the following: the foundation of cities built upon the urban planning of the Baroque era; the creation and expansion of a Creole population, subordinated to the Spanish rule but exerting significant domination through the Spanish language, and the imposition of Roman Catholic religion. The Viceroyalty of New Spain was created in 1535 and the Viceroyalty of Peru in 1542. The coordination of general strategies in the Americas remained in the hands of the Crown through the Council of the Indies, founded in 1524 and active for 300 years. The regulation of trade, first in the Atlantic and later in the American territories, fell in the Casa de Contratación de las Índias (House of Trade of the Indies) located in Seville. Curiously, the Archive General of the Indies occupies nowadays the headquarters of the former house of trade.

Portuguese administrative consolidation and social differentiation in Asia It is accepted the division of the Portuguese deployment in Asia in three periods: first, 1500–​1515, the time of active conquest of city ports in Asia, led by the Portuguese governors of the Estado da Índia. A second period, 1515–​ 1560, which witnessed the apogee of Portuguese power in the region. A third period, 1560–​1580, illustrates the crisis resulting from the methods used and the over-​extension of Portuguese power. Bearing this chronological division in mind, the chapter will now take a closer look at the major trends in the deployment of the Portuguese.18 The central administration of the territories in Asia was settled with the designation of D. Francisco de Almeida as the first governor of the Estado da Índia (1505–​1509), having Goa as the political capital. He acted as a military commander and administrative head in an extremely dispersed territory. This space supposedly extended from southeastern Africa to China, and was based on a string of port-​cities barely connected to their hinterland; the only continuity between provided by the sea.19 The early politico-​ religious ambitions of King D.  Manuel, similar to a crusade, were superseded by the ambitions of commanders and traders more interested in the world of commercial opportunities. The Portuguese

20  Origins of the Manila Galleon system commanders played an essential role to consolidate the system and orient it to trade and not to the occupation of territories or agriculture. The second governor was Afonso de Albuquerque (1509–​1515), bringing with him an aggressive strategy for the consolidation of the Estado da Índia. During his six years at the head of the government, Albuquerque tried to extend his territory and set the rational and momentum that linked the nodes of the Portuguese maritime empire in Asia. These actions established policies that would define the social personality of the Portuguese overseas possessions. Albuquerque’s period showed remarkable activity, taking initiatives, negotiating with local leaders, and deploying an effective diplomacy with perceived local powers in the region.20 The Portuguese established several entities to administer overseas trade. At the centre of it was the Casa da Índia in Lisbon, able to control the whole system, from cargo, customs, to overall administration. Two pillars of the trade were the Carreira da India, administering the coastal Africa route, and the Estado da Índia, located in Goa, overseeing the extensive Asian region. Almost from the beginning they introduced a militarised order to commerce, adding to the cost of trading, the costs of protection to be paid by local traders. The method was imposing cartazes, or permits for trading.21 In the beginning, they used their previous experience in Europe to set feitorias, or merchant posts with warehouses, naval facilities, customs and administration, but soon they moved into fortified places.22 The power of their gunships managed to establish surveillance posts in the vast region from the eastern coast of Africa to India and the Malay Peninsula. The local merchants throughout the region had to adapt to the presence of the new European tenants. In essence, through payment for protection, the Portuguese extracted a rent from the traditional merchants in the region. The locals avoided conflict through the cost of protection. Philip Curtin has pointed out that a majority of merchants from the Red Sea to the Malay Peninsula had embraced Islam a short time before and did not show warlike behavior. This performance contrasted with the bellicose irruption of the Portuguese.23 From the first period of Portuguese expansion it is possible to distinguish the beginning of social differentiation of the Portuguese in Asia. On one side, it was evident the sense of cohesion nurtured by the elite representatives of the Portuguese crown, the fidalgos (gentlemen). Their loyalty to the crown, and their ability to use their brief tour of duty in the territories to consolidate their positions back home, gave them a sense of cohesion and independence.24 The soldiers, on the other hand, faced the difficulty of travelling and surviving in faraway territories. In 1510, Albuquerque opened a door to the Portuguese veterans, encouraging them after two to three-​years term of military service “to take local women, including former Muslims, as their wives.” They were called casados, married settlers, and as we will see, played an important role in sustaining the Portuguese presence in Asia.25 As early as 1512, Albuquerque observed that there were few “pure” Portuguese in the

Rivalry & complexity of Iberian monarchies  21 Asian empire. Earle and Villiers estimate “maybe 10,000 permanent residents, supplemented yearly by soldiers and sailors—​some of whom were transient, some of whom remained”.26 Some ports had Iberian residents who adapted to the local cultures, or became “Asianised”, for example in Masulipatnam (India), Martaban (Burma), Pattani (Siam), Sunda Kalapa (Indonesia).27 The next section will focus on the institutional mechanisms and trading developments, controlling ports and sea-​lanes, which made it easier for the Portuguese to insert themselves in an Asian environment.

Trading in uncertain waters Why did the Portuguese exert coercive behaviour in the Asian environment? The most pertinent explanation is that the vast territories and the dispersion of their troops pressed the Portuguese Crown into establishing harsh mechanisms to control the sea-​lanes. It has been suggested that the Portuguese adopted these more aggressive methods from their Venetian and Genoese competitors.28 In economic terms, the uncertainty of the overall enterprise (monsoons, diseases, and ship wreckages) made it more profitable to obtain payment for protection directly from traders. For the locals, it became preferable to pay for protection rather than to enter into complicated conflicts and spend resources building their maritime escort and defence system. The Portuguese aimed to control the sources of the spice markets supplying these commodities to Europe. That was the largest sea trade route, connecting Eurasia from time immemorial, and they wished to create a monopoly at the site of demand, Europe, and a monopsony (single buyer) in Asia, the origin of production. However, the European market was dominated by Venetians and Genoese traders, using their connections through two major routes: caravan routes in the Middle East, known as the Levant trade and the sea route bordering India and arriving at the ports of the Red Sea and the Persian Gulf. The discovery of the route around the Cape of Good Hope opened the opportunity for the Portuguese to avoid the trouble of passing through the territories dominated by the Ottomans, especially after the fall of Damascus to the Ottomans in 1516 and Aleppo in 1517. However, the Portuguese failed to achieve this strategic goal because the system had too many segments, limiting the possibility to control each one with a firm grip. The Portuguese enjoyed a period of dominance over regional trade, from 1515 to 1560, although they did not succeed in establishing a monopoly on pepper or the fine spices, such as cloves, nutmeg, mace, and cinnamon.29 Some authors have suggested, for example, that the Portuguese never had a monopoly on the pepper traded in Europe.30 On the one hand, the caravan trade in the Levant never really stopped channeling Asian commodities to Europe and their Italian partners. Following the trail of pepper helps to illustrate the patterns of the Portuguese trade and the complexity of the merchant networks across Eurasia. This web of relations was far bigger and involved than a single agent, in this case, the Portuguese.31 Indeed,

22  Origins of the Manila Galleon system supported by the Portuguese authority, these networks relied on many trading interconnections, thanks to their ability to gather information. The Estado da Índia was in command of the naval development, warfare and the construction of fortresses in the main points of the maritime route. However, they were unable to sustain linkage in Asia under a single control, mainly due to a lack of manpower and resources. The sheer geographic expanse made it a logistical nightmare in an age of sail.32 Looking mainly for spices, the Portuguese could also catch a whiff of the best commercial opportunities despite the dangers of the long-​distance trade. Sailing through maritime routes that few other Europeans adventured; crossing borders of empires, climates and cultures, they found chances to multiply their riches. They adapted themselves to the ways of trading in a range of societies, where the magnetism of high-​value merchandise was persuasive enough to transmit their requests without interpreters. Their commercial skills allowed them to crowd out competitors, for example, in the sandalwood market from Timor.33 By the second half of the century, the Portuguese merchants had accumulated broad experience in Asia. Their know-​how was transmitted across generations and acquired two major characteristics:  many merchants had settled down, become localised or Asianised, and felt free from the rule of Estado da Índia. After the second half of the century, the Portuguese behaved in most Southeast Asian ports very much like Asian traders.34 There is an additional reason for this type of adaptation of the Portuguese overseas. Since the initial times of the Portuguese administration in Asia, a duality had surfaced in all the decisions of the crown in its extensive between centralisation, known as dirigisme, versus its tendency to allow the private actions of the Portuguese in those territories, dubbed as grande soltura (great freedom). The governor of Estado da Índia, Lopo Soares de Albergaria (1515–​1520), was the leader most identified with the concept of free movement. This great freedom prevailed in the region, perhaps as a simple recognition that it was not possible to control the activities of all the Portuguese in Asia.35 This laxity would be evident a half a century later in the relationship between Macao and Manila, where the Portuguese merchants, many of them New Christians, acted frequently on the margins, or against official trade bans. Following Chaudhuri’s chronology, after 1560, the Portuguese trade in Asia declined.36 How to explain the alleged downturn of Portuguese economic dominance in Eurasian trade? There were several factors, although it was a long-​term process. At mid-​century, there was a clear shifting of priorities, called the Atlantic turn, started by King Sebastian, apparently supported by his uncle Philip II of Spain. Portugal had many other commitments in Africa and increasingly in Brazil.37 An unfulfilled desire to control the Asian spice market, combined with responsibility for an extensive territory on three continents, and a permanent lack of human resources, led the Portuguese Crown to encourage private trade through merchants using cartazes,

Rivalry & complexity of Iberian monarchies  23 or licenses of passage.38 Another negative sign of losing grip over trade was the corrupt practices of officials who wanted to obtain higher benefits from their brief stay in Asia. Many of the Portuguese, particularly soldiers, started to act outside their rank, adapting and making private business at the local level. The chronicler Diogo do Couto used the genre of fictional dialogue between two royal officers and a soldier to show, in 1611, a critical analysis of the “decay” of the Portuguese Empire in Asia.39 Certainly, the Portuguese did not pass unnoticed by the local polities from Africa to Southeast Asia, but the dimensions of their enterprise should be put in the proper context. The newcomers joined the existing stream of commerce in the region and, with the use of violence, introduced some changes in securing their share in the exchange. In that process, the Portuguese also experienced a profound change. The Estado da Índia, aimed to equalise the benefits of the ports from India to Southeast Asia, operating so far under multiple systems. The Portuguese authorities in the region introduced the concession of rights of shipment (viagem). The initial mechanism was the carreira with ships owned by the king, but this method was replaced by concessions to private owners of vessels that assumed the risk of travel. The fidalgos were in the first circle of beneficiaries, but on some occasions, men of lesser ranking took over the enterprises. Both mechanisms assumed the existence of a royal monopoly on trade that in reality was not effective, due to a variety of factors, like distances between ports, different composition of the local populations, seasonal changes, wreckages, red tape and smuggling. During some years in the mid-​sixteenth century, the Portuguese merchants preferred to transport the Southeast Asian products from Melaka to Kochi (Cochim), instead of to Goa. The Malay port of Melaka served as a hub for different routes and the taxation in the West Coast of India, now the state of Kerala, was 2.5 per cent less than in the official capital of Estado da Índia. The simple intention to change this route provoked irate protests by the casados of Cochim. The struggle was not subtle, and changes in the trading policy menaced the survival of some ports like Melaka, reliant on basic staple supplies.40 For the Portuguese merchants, the regional setting of Southeast Asia in the last quarter of the sixteenth century was still a nebulous environment, although they had an advantage over the Spanish merchants arriving from the Pacific Ocean. The Portuguese had followed the information gathered from local navigators, merchants, and translators. The depiction of the region they obtained from random pieces of data provided a sense of articulation between the sub-​regions and developed by the local people of Southeast Asia. In turn, this knowledge was reflected in the roteiros (trade route maps with descriptions), using ancestral maritime corridors of communication. The larger routes were segmented by regional portions and integrated through a system very similar to what the experts in logistics describe as a feeding system of trade.

24  Origins of the Manila Galleon system At the end of the century, 70 years after the death of Magellan, multiple efforts continued to quench the curiosity of the Europeans about the geography of the region. None other than the Portuguese bishop of Melaka, João Ribeiro Gaio, collected maps, trade routes, social and political descriptions of the multiple kingdoms, from Aceh, Patani, and Siam, with the unbridled idea of conquering them. The recollection of intelligence was so precious that it was considered by the Castilian authorities of the Philippines of such importance to be sent immediately to King Philip II/​I.41 The Portuguese expansion was an intense and constant process of adaptation: from their perception of geography, to their understanding of other cultures, or to the shipping technologies. A list of the main characteristics of the transformation introduced by the Portuguese in Asia should include the following elements.42 a) The Portuguese were searching for coastal locations, which could provide them control over trade and guarantee their defence. They preferred the mouths of straits and the tips of promontories or peninsulas (Ormuz, Diu, Melaka), as well as river estuaries and bays (Macau, Manila), in which it was possible to establish fortifications. Following the medieval European models of defence, the Portuguese created a series of towers of surveillance, forts and walls, shipyards, and warehouses under strict military control. It is worth noting that the Spanish covered the coastal areas of the Philippines with similar structures. On the Spice Islands, the number and scale of military constructions was an amazing show of power.43 b) They were skilful in searching for the places with intense commercial activity and special products of high value, like spices, drugs and silk. On several occasions, they managed to maintain the organisation of trade in alliance with local elites and merchant communities. These exchanges relied on self-​organising merchant networks of middle-​men with long experience in these outposts. Many of these merchants were Armenians, Arabs, Jews, Indians, and New Christians.44 c) Most of the Asian markets were different from modern market systems, where exchange is driven by pricing level (or price fixing). Some markets operated in different forms, i.e. were tributes were paid for redistribution or reciprocity. The Portuguese introduced the practice of protection of trade, to control supply. However, in many cases they also joined the modalities of exchange established by local tradition.45 d) Portuguese and Spanish navigators modified their shipbuilding techniques at the same pace as they moved into new waters. The process of adaptation started in the Atlantic and North Africa and in a few decades, continued in the Indian Ocean and Southeast Asia. Initially, caravelles were favoured for exploration, for example by Christopher Columbus in 1492, because they could be sailed in all wind conditions and had a shallow bottom (the latter proving useful when plying unfamiliar or

Rivalry & complexity of Iberian monarchies  25 uncharted waters). However, for cargo and long-​haul trips along standard routes, the galleons replaced the caravelles. The characteristic round-​ shape of Portuguese galleon was known as naus (naos in Spanish). Soon, the Portuguese combined nautical techniques learned in Asia, like the fusta (foist), based on Indian models, with lateen sails and oars. They kept smaller vessels, which were fast and ready for combat, in combination with the galleons and fustas.46 e) The Spanish used similar designations and building techniques, calling the vessels Naos or Galeones. By the middle of the century the average weight was between 600 and 1000 tons, but larger vessels of up to 2000 tonnes. Respectively, the Portuguese and Spanish took advantage of an abundance of high-​quality woods in India, Burma, and the Philippines to build their ships.47 The Portuguese also resorted to using non-​European vessels of local types, like junks, sometimes placed under the command of local pilots and crews. These vessels were accompanied by medium-​ size Galleotas (Galliot), also carrier vessels named Pataxo (Patax in English, Patache in Spanish) and the light fustas (foist) used in the Indian Ocean, propelled by oars, usually rowed by up to 40 slaves, with two or three guns.48 These were used in the Asian markets to transport high-​ value local products such as spices, textiles, or pearls, between ports in the region. Involvement in regional trade, for example, between India and Southeast Asia, transformed some of the Portuguese merchants into regional brokers, building their specific networks.49 Often, the description of the European deployment in Asia overlooks the profound changes that were occurring in the geopolitical configuration of the macro-​region and its specific rhythms and interactions. The Iberian powers were transformed by the influence of the rich societies of Asia. The next chapter will deepen, from the perspective of Southeast Asia, the analysis of the impact generated by Portuguese expansion.

Notes 1 Spain and Spanish here are generic terms to designate the multiplicity of participants gathered by the crown of Castile for the expansion in the Americas and Asia. 2 See Ricardo Padrón, The Spacious Word:  Cartography, Literature, and Empire in Early Modern Spain. 1st edn (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004); Onésimo T. Almeida. “Science During the Portuguese Maritime Discoveries.” In Science in the Spanish and Portuguese Empires, 1500–​1800, Daniela Bleichmar, Paula de Vos, Kristin Huffine, and Kevin Sheehan, eds. (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2009),  78–​92. 3 Most of the information was obtained via collaborators and sometimes by force. See the Introduction of Rui Manuel Loureiro to the letters of the Portuguese prisoners in China during the 1530s. Cartas dos Cativos de Cantāo, Cristovāo Vieira e Vasco Calvo (1524?) (Macao: Instituto Cultural de Macau, 1992).

26  Origins of the Manila Galleon system 4 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–​1700, A  Political Economic History (Chichester: Wiley-​Blackwell, 2nd edn 2012), 11, estimates the total population of Asia at approximately 200 million or 225 million at that time, slightly more than half of the world total. However, it is necessary to take into account the seriously decimated European population after the plague epidemic of the fifteenth century. 5 Manuel Godinho de Erédia, Tratado Ophirico, 1616, Juan Gil and Rui Manuel Loureiro eds. (Lisbon: Centro Científico e Cultural de Macau, I.P. and Fundaçāo Jorge Alvares, 2016). 6 The location of the Malay peninsula beyond the literary associations which had “overlaid their historical origins with a crust of legend” is the matter of a study of Paul Wheatley, The Golden Khersonese, Studies in the Historical Geography of the Malay Peninsula before A.D. 1500 (Kuala Lumpur: University of Malaya Press, 1961). Part II, chapters IX and X. 7 Anthony Disney, A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire, From the Beginnings to 1807, vol. I: Portugal (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009). 8 Anthony Disney, A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire (2009), ch.6; Anthony John R. Russell-​Wood, The Portuguese Empire, 1415–​1808, a World on the Move (Baltimore and London: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998), 58–​122. 9 John H.  Elliott, Imperial Spain, 1469–​1716 (London:  Penguin Books, 2002. 1st edn 1963), 24–​25. 10 Charles R. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire, 1415–​1825 (Lisbon: Carcanet, The Calouste Gulbekian Foundation and the Discoveries Commission, 1991. 1st edn 1969), 52. Russell-​Wood, The Portuguese Empire (1998), 60–​63. 11 John H. Elliott, Empires of the Atlantic World, Britain and Spain in America 1492–​ 1830. Ch. 2, Occupying American Space (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006) 12 Luke Clossey, Salvation and Globalization (New  York:  Cambridge University Press, 2008). 13 Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia (2012), “Mercantilism and Messianism”,  48–​55. 14 The endeavour to create sound fiscal structures in the Philippines, and the failure to achieve this, has been thoroughly studied by Patricio Hidalgo Nuchera, Encomienda, Tributo y Trabajo en Filipinas (1570–​1608) (Madrid: Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, Ediciones Polifemo, 1995). Luis Alonso Álvarez, El costo del Imperio Asiático, La Formación Colonial de las Islas Filipinas Bajo Dominio Español, 1565–​ 1800 (México:  Instituto Mora, Universidad de la Coruña, 2009). 15 Ranching, planting and mining were characteristic of the economies of the Americas. J.H. Parry:  “… precisely because it was a colonial society, Spanish America, much more than the highly developed societies of the East, was the economic complement of Europe.” The Cambridge Economic History of Europe, vol. IV (Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 1967), 199; Alfred W.  Crosby, El Intercambio Transoceánico. Consecuencias Biológicas y Culturales a partir de 1492 (México: UNAM, 1991), 96–​112. 16 John H. Elliot, Imperial Spain (1963), 185. 17 Carla Rahn Phillipps, “The growth and Composition of Trade in the Iberian Empires, 1450–​ 1750”, in The Rise of Merchant Empires, James Tracy, ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), 74.

Rivalry & complexity of Iberian monarchies  27 18 Kirti N.  Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean:  An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge, New  York:  Cambridge University Press, 1985), 66. 19 Luis Filipe Thomaz. De Ceuta a Timor, Lisbon: Difel, 1994; Catarina Madeira Santos, “Los Virreyes del Estado de la India en la Formación del Imaginario Imperial Portugués”, in El mundo de los virreyes en las monarquías de España y Portugal, Pedro Cardim and Joan-​Lluís Palos (Madrid:  Iberoamericana, 2012), 71–​117. 20 Disney, A History of Portugal, vol. II (2009) 129. 21 James C.  Boyajian, Portuguese Trade in Asia under the Habsburgs, 1580–​1640 (Baltimore and London; The John Hopkins University Press, 1993), 3. 22 Boyajian estimates fifty or more Portuguese fortifications on India, East Africa and Arabian Peninsula by the 1570s, Portuguese Trade in Asia (1993), 7. 23 Phillip D. Curtin, Cross-​Cultural Trade in World History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984), 136–​139. 24 Fidalgo, filho d’algo “son of somebody”, originally applied to the so-​ called gentlemen of blood and coat-​armour. Although Boxer said gentlemen or petty noble, he extended the term to the kind of “men who were personalities in their own right, however doubtful or obscure their origin may have been.” Charles R.  Boxer Fidalgos in the Far East 1550–​1770. Fact and Fancy in the History of Macao (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1948), 278. 25 Disney, A History of Portugal, vol. II (2009), 130. 26 Letter of Afonso de Albuquerque to King Manuel, April 1512, In Albuquerque: Caesar of the East, T.F. Earle and John Villiers, ed., trans. and notes (Warminster, England: Aris & Phillips, Ltd., 1990), 147. 27 Sanjay Subrahmanyam, Improvising Empire. Portuguese Trade and Settlement in the Bay of Bengal 1500–​1700. (Delhi: Oxford University Press, 1990). 28 Michael N.  Pearson, “Merchants and States”, in The Political Economy of Merchant Empires: State Power and World Trade, 1350–​1750, James D. Tracy, ed. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 77–​80. 29 Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean (1985), 66. 30 Ronald Findlay and Kevin H.  O’Rourke, “Commodity Market Integration, 1500–​2000.” NBER, (January 1, 2003), 17–​18; N. Steensgaard, The Asian Trade Revolution of the Seventeenth Century. The East India Companies and the Decline of the Caravan Route (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973), 155–​171; C.H. Wake, “The Changing Pattern of Europe’s Pepper and Spice Imports, ca. 1400–​ 1700”, Journal of European Economic History, 8, Roma: Banco di Roma (1979), 361–​403; Anthony Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce, 1450–​1680: vol. 2, Expansion and Crisis (New Haven: Yale University Press, Reprint in Thailand by Silkworm Books, 1993). 31 M.N. Pearson discusses the difficulty of controlling the markets in the context of several degrees of coalescence of the States participating in the chain of trade. The tendency for several of the states was to extract rent from the private trade, instead of developing a complex fiscal system. “Merchant and States”, in The Political Economy of Merchant Empires, (1997). 32 Kevin H.  O’Rourke and Jeffrey G.  Williamson, Did Vasco da Gama Matter for European Markets? Testing Frederick Lane’s Hypotheses Fifty Years Later (Cambridge: National Bureau of Economic Research, December 2005), 25.

28  Origins of the Manila Galleon system 33 Roderich Ptak, “The Transportation of Sandalwood from Timor to China and Macao c. 1350–​1600”, in Portuguese Asia; Aspects in History and Economic History (Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries), Roderich Ptak ed. (Stuttgart:  Steiner Verlag Wiesbaden HMBH, 1987), 87–​109. From the initial times of Albuquerque, the shipment of sandalwood to Hormuz was a success. Pigafetta reported the production of the aromatic in Timor in 1522, and the trade of this merchandise continued to be in hands of Portuguese merchants in Macao several decades later. 34 Anthony Reid, “Economic and Social Change, c.  1400–​1800.” Ch. 8 of The Cambridge History of Southeast Asia, From Early Time to c. 1800, ed. Nicholas Tarling. vol. 1, part  2. (Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 1993, ebook 2008), 460–​507; Barreto uses the concept of Asianization. Luis Filipe Barreto, Macau:  Poder e Saber, Séculos XVI e XVII (Lisbon:  Editorial Presença, 2006). Ch. 3, “Uma Paisagem Histórico-​Social de Macau (c. 1557–​c. 1650).” 35 Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia (2012), 145. 36 Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean (1985), 66. 37 The Atlantic turning was a shift of the focus across the Atlantic, from Asia to Africa and Brazil, for the production of agricultural products such as sugar, cotton or coffee for export, using a slave workforce. Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire (2012), 120–​124. 38 Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire (1991), ch. IV, “Slaves and Sugar in the South Atlantic, 1500–​1600”, 84–​105. 39 Diogo do Couto, O Soldado Prático, Introduçāo, Actualizaçāo de Texto e Notas de Reis Brasil, (Lisbon: Publicações Europa-​América. 1987.) There is an English version and notes by Timothy J.  Coates, Dialog of a Veteran Solder:  Discussing the Frauds and Realities of Portuguese India, pref. by M.N. Pearson (Dartmouth, MA: Tagus Press at UMass, 2016). 40 Miguel Lobato. Política e Comercio dos Portugueses na Insulindia. Malaca e as Molucas de 1575 a 1605 (Macao:  Instituto Português de Oriente, 1999), ch.3, “Comercio Português no Contexto Asiático”, 165–​240. 41 The Boxer Codex, A  Modern Spanish Transcription and English Translation of 16th-​Century Exploration Accounts of East and Southeast Asia and the Pacific. Isaac Donoso, transcription and ed. (Manila:  Vibal Foundation, 2018); George B. Souza, The Boxer Codex. Transcription and Translation of and Illustrated Late Sixteenth-​Century Spanish Manuscript Concerning the Geography, Ethnography and History of the Pacific, South-​East Asia and East Asia. Jeffrey S. Turley, trans., vol. 20 (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2016). 42 Some of the patterns of Portuguese performance are adapted from an essay by Amândio Jorge Morais Barros, “The Portuguese in the Indian Ocean in the First Global Age: Transoceanic Exchanges, Naval Power, Port Organization and Trade”, in Oceans Connect: Reflections on Water Worlds across Time and Space. Rila Mukherjee, ed. (Delhi: Primus Books, 2013), 143–​202. 43 Miguel Lobato counts and describes more than 25 fortresses in the Spice Islands. See Fortificações Portuguesas e Espanholas na Indonésia Oriental (Lisbon: Prefácio, 2009). 44 Chaudhuri, Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean (1985), 63–​79; Pearson, “Merchants and States” (1997), 41–​116. 45 Curtin, Cross-​Cultural Trade (1984), 147–​148. 46 Daniela Bleichmar, et  al. Science in the Spanish and Portuguese Empires, 1500–​ 1800 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2009).

Rivalry & complexity of Iberian monarchies  29 47 Another generic name is carrack and there is agreement that either definition is very loose. Boxer, The Portuguese Seaborne Empire (1991), 206–​213; Carla Rahn Phillips, Seis Galeones para el Rey de España. La Defensa Imperial a Principios del siglo XVII (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1991), 61–​69. 48 Amândio Jorge Morais Barros, “The Portuguese in the Indian Ocean in the First Global Age” (2013), 143–​202. 49 Russel-​Wood, The Portuguese Empire (1998), 29.

2  Southeast Asia in the early modern period

What were the characteristics of trade relations in Southeast Asia before the arrival of the Europeans? What were the connections of this region with China, India, and the Arab world? How did trade operate in the Philippine archipelago before the arrival of the Spaniards?1 The markets described by the Iberian chronicles of the time show the presence of traders of many origins, religions and languages gathering in Melaka at the beginning of the sixteenth century. In this port, merchants from China, Siam, and Luzon seasonally lived and traded. It was in Melaka where the merchants of Portugal and Luzon enter into contact for the first time, before the Iberians visited the Philippines.2

With one foot in Southeast Asia In the historical context, the Iberians breached into the “world” of maritime Southeast Asia that covers extensive distances, divided at that time by sub-​ regional segments controlled by commercial centres such as Aceh (Sumatra), Melaka (Malay Peninsula), Banten (West Java), and Surabaya (East Java). The sea journey to the source of spices extended roughly 1,900 miles (3,120 km) from Melaka to Makassar (Sulawesi) and 2,500 miles (4,041 km) from Aceh to the Spice Islands. See Map 2.1. When Albuquerque sent embassies to Siam, China, and the Spice Islands, he was probably not aware of these dimensions, but certainly the Portuguese obtained the first reliable information and kept it quiet to their commercial advantage.3 It is possible to put forward the idea that the presence of European traders in Southeast Asia was an additional facet to regional relations. The commercial exchanges of the sixteenth century had an impact on local social life through the cultural contact and the military features such as armed fortresses, ships equipped with artillery, and personal firearms brought by the Europeans.4 In military terms, besides gunships, equipped with powerful cannons and trained soldiers, they refined techniques of assault and also the construction of sophisticated walled fortresses.5 Interactions with the local traders showed that the Europeans barely understood the complexity of the world in which they irrupted.

newgenrtpdf

Southeast Asia in the early modern period  31

Map 2.1 Intra Asian trading ports

32  Origins of the Manila Galleon system The analysis so far has intended to take a broad view of the European expansion and the Asian response. The Europeans, led by the Portuguese experience, gave more importance to their maritime economies than the rest of societies, because they were more dependent on maritime revenues. Therefore, they relied more on controlling supply (monopoly practices), while the Asian navigators participated in the flow of trade, without forcing it. In their quest for quick profits, the Europeans resorted to the military control of ports and navigation. I  have mentioned how they introduced more advanced military force, due to the use of gunpowder, than the Asian military and institutions, with their many innovations, could. Another aspect, no less important, was the miscegenation produced by the contact of the European occupation on the wider regions, as will be studied in the next chapter.

A string of port cities According to Anthony Reid the most visible index of prosperity between c. 1350 and 1511 was the expansion and proliferation of port-​cities, which, together with their immediate hinterlands, were known in Malay as negeri. Located as close to a river mouth as security allowed, such towns drew their livelihood by providing entrepôt services along with interior crops, metals, and forest products. Because regional population densities were low and residential compounds sprawled haphazardly from the city centre, port conurbations often contained a sizeable fraction of a region’s total population. Indeed, if we accept a flexible definition of “city, Reid has argued that by 1500 archipelagic Southeast Asia was among the world’s most urbanised regions.6 In demographic terms, Asia had the largest population of any continent, with around 300 million of the perhaps 500 million or so persons on the globe in 1650.7 However, when the Europeans arrived, the population of Southeast Asia was no more than twenty million after a long period of slow growth. The sub-​ region showed low density (about 5.5 persons per square kilometre), concentrated either in areas of rice production or in port cities, and surrounded by large forests.8 For the record, China had around three times the number in 1600.9 Prior to the arrival of the Europeans, trade in Southeast Asia gravitated across several lines of cultural and linguistic boundaries. Many of the traders had high mobility through large areas, with notable sailing skills, and held a variety of religious identities. The constellation of polities was mainly connected by sea and, therefore, was affected by the perennial routine of winds. First in time and influence in the region was the intense dynamism of trade in the Malay world which dominated East-​West connections: from the Maluku, the Southern part of the Philippine archipelago and Borneo across the Java and Karimata Strait to Java and Sumatra Islands.10 Most of this interaction happened in coastal areas, along specific routes that have been studied by several researchers.11

Southeast Asia in the early modern period  33 The knowledge collected by European explorers, merchants, and missionaries arriving in Southeast Asia during the sixteenth century was limited to the description of the coastal areas and the ports, because they rarely called on the hinterland. In this sense, the perception obtained from Iberian sources reveals only a limited range of maritime experiences during the sailing era. European knowledge about the diverse Southeast Asian polities was superficial and limited to information to locate markets, find alliances and avoid enemies.12 Only at the end of the century were chronicles written by missionaries and officials improved in depth and detail in terms of descriptions about the variety of cultures in the Philippine Archipelago.13 Another frame of the region was the Ming dynasty (1368–​1644) and the projection of its policies from the Chinese coastal areas. I will return to this subject at the end of this chapter, but it is necessary to point out that the priority for the Chinese imperial authority was always to secure borders and provide stability to the empire. They considered trade as a lesser activity, necessary but under strict regulations.14 The ports in Fujian and Guangdong provinces were connected with Southeast Asia, keeping trade with the Ryukyu Islands, Luzon, and Borneo, all the way to the Spice Islands.15 On the religious and cultural side, Southeast Asia was a complex mosaic. The deployment of Islam in the region suggests a remarkable process of absorption, primarily by the local elites. Merchants and migrants from India and the Middle East were vehicles transmitting the religious principles of Islam, not through war, but by acculturation and trading contracts. The case of Theravada Buddhism in continental Southeast Asia had a longer history of non-​violent reception, integrating its principles to the political structures in the region. In this tenure, the arrival of the Iberians, with their militant Roman Catholic defiance against any other religion, was in sharp contrast to the prevalent sense of plurality and tolerance exhibited by the regional religious denominations.16 How much did the Portuguese and the Castilians understand about the realm at the time of their entry? The previous chapter examined changes in the European perceptions produced by their discoveries. In Asia, the Iberians moved at least in two dimensions. One was physical, marked by the oceans, sea streams, and climates and constrained by their own sailing technologies. The other was that they navigated in cultural spaces with distinct social and political identities, and also with various religious and philosophical affiliations, roughly in the order in which the Portuguese faced them in Southeast Asia: The Malay, the Buddhist and the Sinic (Chinese) state systems, according to the typology outlined by G.B. Souza.17 Each ruling system was closely related to the religion of Islam, the Buddhist thought, or the philosophy of Confucius. The discussion here is limited to the social status of the merchants granted by each of these philosophical systems.

34  Origins of the Manila Galleon system In the large space of maritime Southeast Asia, Islam was dominant in the ways of organising and ruling the markets. This religion recognises the social function of the traders, reflecting the experience of its founder as a merchant. In this sense, it was expected the participants in the market showed honourable conduct, under a profit-​sharing regime, without abuses and avoiding the use of interest rates for loans, known as riba. Regarding Theravada Buddhism practised in continental Southeast Asia, it was fundamentally the role of the monarch as protector of society to take the merchants under his sacred shadow. In the Confucian philosophy, which upholds a “pro-​agrarian and antibusiness ethic” as G.B. de Souza argues, merchants were considered low on the social scale and, thus, trade practitioners would not have sought to participate in higher circles of government or leadership, but in practice enjoyed a certain freedom for their activities. Paying tributes to the ruler was a widespread practice among most of the polities, regardless of the religious stand or type of fiscal regime. Indeed, China, due to its size, played a substantial role in Nanyang, or the South China Sea. The philosophy of Confucius officially embraced by the Ming and Qing dynasties, in the form of Neo-​Confucianism, was fundamental to regulating the entrance of new trade players, such as the Iberians in the East and the Southeast parts of Asia. For the Chinese rulers, contact with the “Barbarians” was possible only as a concession through the tributary system of trade. However, as will be observed in further chapters, there were some loopholes in such rigorous policy, as happened in the cases of trade between Macao-​Nagasaki, and Macao-​Manila at the end of the sixteenth century.18 The last section of this chapter offers a closer view of the footprint of China and Japan on the trading patterns of the region. Prior to the arrival of the Portuguese, Southeast Asia had experienced a surge on the demand of its products, particularly spices such as pepper and cinnamon from India and Sumatra, and clove, mace and nutmeg from the Maluku islands, products endemic to the region. According to Anthony Reid, Zheng He’s expeditions properly opened the Age of Commerce in Asia beginning in the 1400s.19 The famous voyages suddenly concluded, mostly because of internal decisions based on the imperial reasons of security and protection, plus the fact that the completion of the Grand Canal in the early fifteenth century allowed an internal north–​south linkage and reduced foreign trade.20 Meanwhile, Asia continued the many trends of their economic and social transformation, incorporating, on their way, the European ingredients of trading and violence, on a path towards administrative consolidation. Lieberman considered that the Europeans were incorporated into the reality of Southeast Asia, in a period of change in that region. On the ensuing centuries, the region established “complex international linkages (both cultural and material)” with the rest of the world.21 In consequence, the framework should incorporate the agency of the regional actors in the process of connecting with their European guests.

Southeast Asia in the early modern period  35 On the monetary side, it is worth to observe that there was not a regional standard of value, but the intense trade generated mechanisms of equivalence between metal specie and valuable merchandise. Copper, lead, and silver in various forms were accepted in exchange of spices, grain or expensive cloth. The cowry shell widely used in the Indian Ocean and China was also accepted in Southeast Asia.22 Slowly but surely, the silver from the Americas introduced by the Manila Galleon trade after 1571 displaced part of the metal currencies used in Southeast Asian. As per the fiscal regimes prevalent in East and Southeast Asia, initially were based mostly on tributes, which are different to a tax system of quantitative revenue payment, enforced by the rulers in some of the more structured states.23 The latter would be important in the second half of the sixteenth century as a result of changes in the fiscal policy introduced in China, based on silver taxes. This change stimulated the connection of that economy with the arrival of American silver. It can be useful to go back to the initial point of the Portuguese arrival to Southeast Asia (Melaka, 1511), to identify some of the main traits of the commercial experience, focusing on the characteristics of the trading organisation and the products. The principal routes of trade connecting this Malay port-​city were a source of wealth and knowledge that the Portuguese kept secret for decades.24 An interval of 60 years separates the fall of Melaka in 1511 and the occupation of Manila in 1571. This historical period meant, for the Portuguese, a sheer learning curve, which implied transformations for the visitors as well as for their Asian hosts. The Portuguese managed to control the passage of one of the richest ports in the region, the crossroads of Melaka. With the conquest of the port, “the Portuguese inherited a network of trade routes that can only be understood [by] keeping in mind the grandeur of the sultanate that, at the time, was a leading emporium on [a]‌global scale.”25 For half a century, Melaka was the political and economic laboratory for the Portuguese to deal with specific patterns of the region, their polities, diplomacy, and trade. The account written by the apothecary Tomé Pires portrays a vibrant system of trade in the region in the south of the Malay peninsula, and the vicinity of Singapore, Sumatra, and Java. During the period before the arrival of the Portuguese, Melaka was a centre in need of alliances and solving conflicts with its neighbours. (…) there was a large number of merchants of many nationalities in Malacca (…), and sea-​traders realised how much difference there was sailing (…) because they could anchor safely there in all weathers, and could buy from the others when it was convenient. They began to come to Malacca all the time because they got returns. The king of Malacca dealt kindly and reasonably with them, which is a thing that greatly attracts merchants, especially the foreigners.”26

36  Origins of the Manila Galleon system The exchange was organised in detail and with clear rules, with overseers, or xabandares (shahabandars, lords of the harbour). They are the men who receive the captains of the junks, each one according as he is under his jurisdiction. These men present them to the Bemdara (bendahara), allot them warehouses, dispatch their merchandise, provide them with lodging if they have documents, and give orders for the elephants.27 The trading system also provided justice in terms of trade and ethical matters, abiding to the principles of fairness prescribed by sharia (religious law) and adat (customary law).28 Before the Portuguese arrived, Melaka had two dominant groups of residing merchants, the Hindus (Kelings) and the Muslims (of Gujarat origin). The Kelings allied with the Portuguese and received special treatment for their loyalty to the newcomers with the appointment of Nina Chatu as the bendahara of the port.29 As an indicator of Melaka’s cosmopolitan relations, we can take with some necessary caution, the observation of Tomé Pires that 84 languages were spoken at the port due to the variety of merchants gathering every season.30 Melaka was not only a commercial emporium, but also a diplomatic crossroads of the larger region. The chronicles of the Portuguese at the beginning of the century depicted the influence of Islam in regional politics. These descriptions showed the political distrust of Sumatra and Java as adversaries of Melaka. The relationship with Siam was passing through a period of stagnation. In Melaka, there were active merchants from Gujarat and other Indian origins, Persians and Arabs. Albuquerque paid attention to the regional struggles of power and exerted fast actions of diplomacy, improvising ambassadors to different corners of the region.31 Immediately after Melaka, Southeast Asia became a reality that challenged the whole Portuguese interpretation of the dimensions of the world. During five months (August 1511 to January 1512), Albuquerque sent embassies to Siam, Pegu, Majapahit, Minangkabau, and China that helped him to counteract the pressures of the Muslims marshalled in Aceh. Portuguese envoys tried to establish commercial relations with Pegu, Pasai, Java, and Banda. Perhaps the most important result of this diplomatic and commercial visit was the first real contact with the Spice Islands.32 From this perspective, the sixteenth century was a period that allowed time for reflecting on the consequences of taking one of the most active city ports in Southeast Asia. The Portuguese chronicles, such as Tomé Pires, Antonio Galvão and Duarte Barbosa, were rich in details but were only partially known outside Portugal until they were published by the Italian editor, Giovanni Battista Ramusio, between 1555 and 1559.33 Antonio Galvão made a political narrative of the early years of the Portuguese expansion in Southeast Asia.34 Duarte Barbosa registered, with the skills of an accountant, many details of the production of spices out of Maluku.35 The information

Southeast Asia in the early modern period  37 provided by Fernão Mendes Pinto can be a source, if carefully treated, for a reconstruction of Portuguese merchant networks active in Siam between 1530 and 1550.36 Knowledge of the local geography was a competitive advantage for the Portuguese. Defined by climate, sea currents, and monsoons, the ports detected by the Portuguese had a vocation to facilitate trade: a kind of hinge that articulated the contact between the regions and supporting the commercial exchange. Peter Borschberg refers to these regional articulations as strategic nodal points that appeared at the points of intersection.37 The Chinese named this corridors of trade and communication along the coasts of the kingdom:  one to the east (Xi Huang Lu) linking the province of Fujian to the islands of Taiwan, Luzon, the eastern coast of Borneo and, after having crossed the Sulu Sea, finally reaching the Spice Islands. The other was in the west (Dong Huang Lu) linking the province of Guangdong with Hainan, bordering the coast of Vietnam, and bifurcating into the west to the kingdom of Siam or continuing straight south to Pattani before turning toward the Singapore Strait to Melaka. This basic web of communications can help contemporary scholars grasp the patterns of trade activity that extended over centuries in the region.38 See Map 2.1, Intra Asian Trading Ports. Luzon, the major island of the Philippine archipelago, was part of the eastern trade link (Xi Huang Lu) connecting the ports on the southern Chinese coasts (Fujian and Guangdong). The island of Luzon was known by the Chinese as Ma-​Yi.39 The Chinese traders continued to Mindoro, and later to Palawan, as well as to Sabah and Brunei on the island of Borneo. A minor branch of this route extended to the Sulu Sea. Trade with the southern islands took place in this region, or in Mindanao. This network of trade routes witnessed a long history of contact between the Chinese merchants and the local peoples of this vast region.40 These were large spaces dominated by one of several regional powers that sometimes coexisted and overlapped under multiple loyalties and tributary systems.

The footprint of China and Japan Between the 1520s and 1550s, Portuguese merchants arriving at the Southern coasts of China were either disdained or tolerated, offering Asian products such as pepper, sappan-​wood, ivory, thyme-​oil, aloe, sandal-​wood, and varieties of incense, to the Chinese market at reasonable prices.41 In return, the foreigners (Fo-​Lang Chi, as they were known)42 had to paid higher prices than the average for their food and merchandise in China. After decades of being active on these conditions in the vicinity of southern China, the Portuguese were given the opportunity to settle in the port of Macao. Allegedly, the reason given for this concession was that in the 1550s, the Portuguese had clashed with regional pirates, or Wak-​O, on the Chinese coast, a situation that gave them respectability with the Chinese authorities. Although the role of the Portuguese in the defence of the Chinese coasts could be exaggerated,

38  Origins of the Manila Galleon system this founding legend of Macao shows how fast the Portuguese harnessed the essence of diplomacy and trade in the region. Mendes Pinto claimed to have witnessed the early days of Macao in 1557. Certainly, at some point he visited China with Father Francis Xavier, who died on the island of Sancian (Sangchuan) off the coast of Guangdong province in December 1552. Nevertheless, the events in China and Japan, as we shall see later, expressed the interests of the Portuguese and Jesuits about legitimising deployment in the region in commercial and religious terms. The description made by Mendes Pinto vividly portrayed these moments. After a mass was held at Francis Xavier’s tomb, the merchants went to the island of Lampacau (westward of Macao) on the estuary of the Pearl River where “the Portuguese made their trade with the Chinese, as they did always; until the year 1557, when a Mandarin of Canton, requested by the merchants of the land, gave us this port of Macao.”43 Another version complements Mendes Pinto’s account specifying that the establishment of Macao was result of the work of two private merchants, Leonel de Sousa and Simão d’Almeida, who were active in the region of Guangdong from 1552. They were searching for some form of peaceful accommodation to the rules established by Chinese authorities. Leonel de Sousa was able to persuade the Haidao, provincial vice-​commissioner of the maritime defence, named Wang Bo, about the Portuguese intentions to trade and pay the taxes for trading in Canton (Guangzhou). Wang Bo accepted but authorised only half the amount of goods the Portuguese wanted to introduce in the market, and paying 20 per cent duty. The arrangement was private and lasted until 1571 or 1572, later changing to a payment of “ground rent” for the Macao land.44 During the last phase of the Ming dynasty, two important changes occurred to coincide with the establishment of the Portuguese settlement on Macao and the occupation of Manila by the Castilian forces. During the two decades after 1540, a growing disparity developed between the intensification of trade on the Southern coasts of China and the lock-​economy stance of the authorities, based mostly in tributary exchange. This situation had serious consequences for the whole region, affecting also the interest of the populated provinces of Zhejiang, Fujian, and Guangdong. Non-​official trade proliferated in the area, to give a name to the activities range from simple smuggling to uncontrolled piracy. Macao became a valve of relief for the pressure on the economy of Guangdong, which received a variety of merchandises from foreign partners, including Portuguese merchants. In contrast, Fujian and Zhejiang traders took the initiative to sail to the markets in the region to obtain necessary goods for their economy and subsistence, from Japan, Luzon, Siam, and Melaka. In 1567, the ban on private trade was lifted, recognising a hefty reality, and the problem of piracy was diminished. This was the historical period in which the Portuguese and Castilians entered into the intricate web of trade involving ports along the China coast, Japan, Taiwan, and the Philippines.45

Southeast Asia in the early modern period  39 The Ming authorities were making efforts to restructure the economy. This change was a slow-​motion process that lasted decades, highlighted by the failure of the monetary system based on paper currency early in the sixteenth century. In 1572, the authorities introduced the monetisation of taxes, previously charged from payments in kind, into a levy calculated mostly in silver specie; a system dubbed by the taxpayers as “the single whip,” Labour services, land property and other taxes were charged to each parcel of property rather than to individuals, simplifying the work of tax collectors. It was an implicit recognition of a silver monetary standard that would have important indirect effects on the world economy for a simple reason: China was not a self-​sufficient producer of silver. As can be observed, the monetary policy of the Ming dynasty was extremely important in connecting trade with Manila, and attracting the silver supply from the Americas. Another part of the narrative constructed by the Portuguese chronicles of that time was the unintended “discovery of Japan, around 1543. To some extent, reaching Japan and Okinawa (Lequios on the maps of the time) was a natural continuation of the route between Melaka and southern China. However, the arrival of private Portuguese merchants to the Japanese islands, due to a storm, should be seen in the context of the persistent interest of several traders to enter into that market for many years. After patiently reducing the resistance of Japanese authorities, the Portuguese first managed to settle in a small port in Ómura. This historical period is known in Japan as the Nanban boéki or time of the trade of Southern barbarians. In 1570, a port was registered in an excellent maritime location called Nagasaqui (Nagasaki), contemporary to the founding of Manila. In the following decades, Nagasaki became one of the most prosperous examples of Portuguese commerce, trading Chinese silk for Japanese silver. The Portuguese filled a space that China and Japan had locked up for political and security reasons. The newcomers acted as intermediaries, and although they sometimes transported long-​distance goods, the nature of this company could be considered mainly Asian.46 The novelty was that the Iberians were able to substitute the Japanese supply of silver with imports of the precious metal from New Spain and Peru. The two viceroyalties in the Americas had started to produce huge amounts of silver in the 1560s.47 It is difficult to rule out the coincidence of circumstances that led to the emergence of these global connections, but the process described here prefers to highlight a process of previous interactions in which the Iberians were instrumental. In addressing the importance of Japan in the regional context and the influence of its warrior leaders on the initial times of Manila, it is necessary to mention the inner-​looking stance of the Daimyo elite, which tightened the foreign contacts of the country since the seventeenth century. One of the concerns of the rulers was the influence of the Jesuit missionaries on the southern islands, and Kyushu in particular. The spread of the Roman Catholic faith during the Edo period went hand in hand with Portuguese commercial activities, specifically in Nagasaki.

40  Origins of the Manila Galleon system In parallel, the unification carried out by military force by Oda Nobunaga (1534–​1582) and Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1537–​1598) inaugurated a period of stability after prolonged civil wars. Their economic policies increased the prestigious consumption of foreign goods.48 Another characteristic of Japanese influence was the type of Japanese products exported through the Portuguese, mostly porcelain, fine furniture, folding screens (biombos), and lacquer-​wares, which were also taken to Manila.49 These products had a major cultural impact on the elites of cities as far away as Mexico and Lima, generating a demand that fuelled the trade for high-​end Asian merchandise.50 Last but not least, it was the way in which the military power of Japan was perceived as a threat in the Philippines, raising the attention of the governments in Manila and Mexico. The process of unification of Japan ran parallel to the arrival and settlement of the Portuguese and Castilians in the vicinity at the end of the sixteenth century. The control of the silver mines by the Japanese shogunate brought about both the stabilisation of the country and propelled aggressive policies toward Korea (1592–​1598), as well as an ambition to conquer Ming China. The rulers in Macao and Manila clearly understood the need to deal with this powerful neighbour in the most diplomatic manner.51 The Portuguese involvement in Asia was quite different from the parallel development in the Americas led by Castile, first in Mexico (1519–​1521) and later in Peru (1532–​1572). The Spanish conquest overwhelmingly transformed the local way of life turned into the construction of mixed societies. However, it is possible to observe a circulation of knowledge inside the two Iberian spaces, connected /​themselves in their technological (e.g. mapping and sailing), religious, and cultural approaches. It can be said, again, that the Iberian colonisers adopted fundamental traits of the original inhabitants of the colonies, from agriculture production, food, culture and some technologies. Both experiences would be reflected at the end of the sixteenth century precisely at the crossroads of Manila, linking the knowledge of the Atlantic and the Pacific deployments.52 In the following chapter we will observe both, the conflict and the collaboration patterns of the Portuguese and Spanish expansion in Asia.

Notes 1 William Henry Scott, “The Mediterranean Connection.” Philippine Studies 37, no.2 (1 June 1989): 131–​144; Heather Southerland, “Southeast Asian History and the Mediterranean Analogy.” JSAS 34, no. 1 (1 February 2003): 1–​20. 2 Armando Cortesão, The Summa Oriental. An Account of the East, from the Red Sea to Japan, written in Malacca and India in 1512–​1515. See also the Book of Francisco Rodrigues, Almanack and Maps, Written and Drawn in the East before 1515 (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1944).

Southeast Asia in the early modern period  41 3 The transmission of this knowledge, together with the agency of Francisco Serrāo and the maps of Francisco Rodrigues, played a crucial role in the voyage of Magellan (1519–​1521) and later in the scientific conference Badajoz-​ Elvas in 1524. O livro de Duarte Barbosa, Introduçāo e Notas de Neves Águas (Lisbon: Publicações Europa-​América, 1993). 4 Pierre-​Yves Manguin collected folktales from pesisir, coastal societies, told or recorded in the harbor-​cities on the Javanese, Balinese, Sumatran, and Kalimantan communities, about overseas contacts. “The Merchant and the King. Political Myths of Southeast Asian Coastal Polities.” Indonesia, vol. 51 (October 1991), 41–​54. 5 Tonio Andrade, The Gunpower Age. China, Military Innovation, and the Rise of the West in World History (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2016), chs. 11 and 12. 6 Anthony Reid, “The Structures of Cities in Southeast Asia, Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries.” JSAS, Vol. 11, no. 2 (Sept. 1980) 235–​250. 7 Subrahmanyam, Sanjay. The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–​1700:  A Political and Economic History. Second edition (West Sussex, UK:  Wiley-​ Blackwell, 2012), 11. 8 Anthony Reid. Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce (1450–​1680). Two volumes (Chiang Mai: Silkworm Books, 1988), vol. 1 (1988), 11–​18. 9 The most conservative figure is 56  million inhabitants in China, but there are estimations up to 150  million and 230  million at the beginning of the seventeenth century. Timothy Brook, The Troubled Empire, China in the Yuan and Ming Dynasties (Cambridge, MA:  The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2010),  42–​45. 10 Traditional regional networks prior to the arrival of European powers has been studied by Jacob Cornelius van Leur, Indonesian Trade and Society:  Essays in Asian Social and Economic History (The Hague: W.van Hoeve Publishers, 1967, originally published in 1944). His work was partially criticised by M.A.P. Meilink-​ Roelofsz, Asian Trade and European Influence:  In the Indonesian Archipelago between 1500 and about 1630. (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1962). 11 A synthesis of the differences between van Leur and Meilink-​Roelofsz is offered by Hans-​Dieter Evers, “Traditional Trading Networks of Southeast Asia.” Archipel 35, 1 (1988): 89–​100. 12 Barbara Watson Andaya, “Oceans Unbounded:  Traversing Asia across ‘Area Studies.’ ” The Journal of Asian Studies 65, 4 (November 2006): 669–​690; Tonio Andrade and Xing Hang, Sea Rovers, Silver, and Samurai. Maritime East Asia in Global History, 1550–​1700 (Honolulu, University of Hawai’i Press, 2016)  see Introduction,  1–​27. 13 Wiliam Henry Scott used the anthropologic observations made by the Spanish conquerors in the Philippines, following the crown’s instructions to submit detailed reports of the land, the people, and the resources. Among others, the early accounts of García Jofre de Loaysa (1526), Ruy López de Villalobos (1542–​ 1543) and Miguel López de Legazpi (1565–​1569) give rich information of the peoples of Mindanao. These were complemented by Miguel de Loarca (1582), Juan Placencia (1589), Pedro Chirino (1604), Antonio de Morga (1609) which are invaluable sources for grasping the settings of the pre-​Hispanic Philippines. William Henry Scott, Barangay, Sixteenth-​Century Philippine Culture and Society (Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1994).

42  Origins of the Manila Galleon system 14 Kenneth Pomeranz and Steven Topik, “The Chinese Tribute System,” in The World That Trade Created: Society, Culture, and the World Economy 1400 to the Present (New York: Routledge, 3rd edn, 2013). See also John E. Wills, Jr., “Maritime Europe and the Ming,” in China and Maritime Europe, 1500–​1800:  Trade, Settlement, Diplomacy, and Missions (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010). 15 Roderich Ptak, “From Quanzhou to the Sulu Zone and Beyond:  Questions Related to the Early Fourteenth Century.” JSAS 29, no.  2 (1 September 1998): 269–​294. 16 Tara Albert, Conflict and Conversion Catholicism in Southeast Asia, 1500–​1700 (Oxford:  Oxford University Press, 2013); Barbara Andaya Watson, “Between Empires and Emporia:  The Economics of Christianization in Early Modern Southeast Asia.” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 53, nos. 1/​2, (2010): 357–​392. 17 George B. Souza, The Survival of Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea 1630–​1754 (Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 1986), ch. 1, “Maritime Trade in Asia.” 18 Kirti N Chaudhuri. Trade and Civilisation in the Indian Ocean. An Economic History from the Rise of Islam to 1750 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 13; Michael N. Pearson. “Merchants and States,” in The Political Economy of Merchant Empires: State Power and World Trade, 1350–​1750, James D. Tracy (ed.) (New York, Melbourne: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 102–​105. 19 “An enormous boost in the demand for Southeast Asian products was given by the six state trading expeditions of the Ming Emperor Yongle (1402–​24) and the contemporary Chinese expansion into Vietnam and Burma.” Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450–​1680, vol. 2 (1993), 12. 20 Pearson, “Merchants and States” (1997), 104. For the archaeology, the term “The Ming Gap” define the period in which China was secluded from foreign trade. Roxanna Maude Brown, The Ming Gap and Shipwreck Ceramics in Southeast Asia. Towards a Chronology of Thai Trade Ware (Bangkok: The Siam Society, 2009); Geoff Wade, “Chinese Engagement with the Indian Ocean during the Song Yuan, and Ming Dynasties (Tenth to Sixteenth Centuries),” in Trade Circulation, and Flow in the Indian Ocean World. Edited by Michael N.  Pearson (New York: Macmillan, 2015), 56–​81. 21 Lieberman lists “the combination of accelerated political integration, firearms based warfare, broader literacy, religious textuality, vernacular literatures, wider money use” between the years c.1450 and 1800/​1850. Victor Lieberman, Strange Parallels, Southeast Asia in Global Context, c. 800–​1830 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009), vol. I, “Introduction,” 79 and vol. II, “Europeans as ‘White Inner Asians’,” 824–​837. 22 Robert S.  Wicks. Money, Markets, and Trade in Early Southeast Asia:  The Development of Indigenous Monetary Systems to A.D. 1400 (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University, 1992). Reid, Southeast Asia in the Age of Commerce 1450–​1680, vol. 2 (1993), 93–​107. 23 Fiscal regime differs from fiscal state, the latter being an open agreement between State and Society to collect taxes in exchange for security and order, to promote economic growth. See Yun Casalilla, Bartolomé, Patrick O’Brien and Francisco Comín Comín, The Rise of Fiscal States: A Global History, 1500–​1914 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); Pearson, “Merchants and States” (1997),  61–​69.

Southeast Asia in the early modern period  43 24 A. Bausani, Lettera di Giovanni da Empoli (Rome–​ Jakarta:  Istituto Italiano per il Medio ed Estremo Oriente  –​Centro Italiano di Cultura, 1970), 107–​161; Luis FIlipe Thomaz, Early Portuguese Malacca (Macao:  Commisão Territorial de Macau para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Potugueses  –​Instituto Politécnico de Macau, no date). 25 Paulo Jorge de Sousa Pinto, The Portuguese and the Straits of Melaka 1575–​1619. Power, Trade and Diplomacy, Roopanjali Roy (Trans.) (Singapore: NUS Press, The Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 2012). 26 Cortesāo, The Summa Oriental (1944), 246. 27 According to Pires, there was a Xabandar for Gujaratees, and another for the Bunuaquijlim, Bengalees, Pegus, Pase. One more for the Javanese, Moluccans, Banda, Palembang, Tamjompura and Luçoes; finally, another for the Chinese, Lequeos, Chancheo and Champa. “Each man applies to [the Xabandar] of his nation when he comes to Malacca with merchandise or messages.” Cortesāo, The Summa Oriental (1944), 265. Purnadi Purbatjaraka. “Shahbandars in the Archipelago.” In Studying Singapore Before 1800. Kwa Chong Guan & Peter Borschberg, eds. (Singapore: NUS Press, 2018), 354–​365. 28 Peter Borschberg, “Another Look at Law and Business during the Late Malacca Sultanate, c.1450–​ 1511,” Seminar Proceedings East Asia Maritime Regional Networks and Port City Societies (In Chinese), Taiwan (2015), 485–​527; Peter Borschberg, “The Melaka Empire,” in Empires of the Sea. Maritime Power Networks in World History Series, ed. by R.  Strootman, F.  van den Eijnde and R. van Wijk (Leiden and New York: Brill, 2019), 263–​294. 29 “Carta de Rui de Araujo e de seus companheiros de cativeiro a D.  Afonso de Albuquerque,” Malacca, 6th of February 1510, in Cartas de Afonso de Albuquerque, Tome III, 5–​12, ATT gaveta 14-​8-​21, published by M.J. Pintado, Portuguese Documents on Malacca, vol. 1, 1509–​1511, Collected, Translated and Annotated by M.J. Pintado (Kuala Lumpur:  National Archives of Malaysia, 1993), 130–​139. See also Sousa Pinto, The Portuguese and the Straits of Melaka (2012), ­chapter 5, 171–​229. 30 Cortesāo, The Summa Oriental (1944), 269. See in particular the description of boats and the variety of characters that crowded that port. 31 Peter Borschberg, “Malacca as a Seaborne Empire. Continuities and Discontinuities from Sultanate to Portuguese Colony,” in P. Borschberg and M. Krieger, ed., Water and State in Asia and Europe (New Delhi: Manohar, 2008), 35–​74; See also Peter Borschberg, “Jacques de Coutre on Trade and Violence in Monsoon Asia (Early 17th Century).” Jahrbuch für Europäische Überseegeschichte, 17 (2017): 43–​74. 32 Luis Filipe Thomaz analyses the regional consequences of the Portuguese control of Melaka, “Maluco e Malaca,” chapter XII in De Ceuta a Timor (Lisbon: Difel, 1994), 546. 33 Giovanni Battista Ramusio, Navigations and Travels, 3 vols (Venice:  Appresso I Giunti, 1555, 1556, 1559). 34 António Galvão, Richard Hakluyt, and C.R. Drinkwater Bethune, The Discoveries of the World, from Their First Original unto the Year of Our Lord 1555 (London: Printed for the Hakluyt society, 1862). 35 Duarte Barbosa is a lesser-​known character in the discovery of the Moluccan Islands in the period 1512–​1520. O livro de Duarte Barbosa, Introduçāo e Notas de Neves Águas (1993). A chapter of the book was first published by Giovanni Battista Ramusio in 1555. “Delle Nauigationi et Viaggi.” 1555.

44  Origins of the Manila Galleon system 36 Jorge Santos Alves, “Fernão Mendes Pinto and the Portuguese Commercial Networks in Maritime Asia (1530–​ 1550),” in Fernão Mendes Pinto and the Peregrinação. Studies, Restored Portuguese Text, Notes and Indexes directed by Jorge Santos Alves, vol.1 (Lisbon: Fundação Oriente, 2010), 89–​119. 37 Borschberg, “Jacques de Coutre on Trade and Violence in Monsoon Asia (Early 17th Century)” (2017). 38 Roderich Ptak, “The Northern Trade Route to the Spice Islands:  South China Sea –​Sulu Zone –​North Moluccas (14th to early 16th century)” Archipiel, Vol. 43, (1992),  27–​56. 39 Chao Ju-​Kua. Ma-​Yi, The Journal of History, XI, 1–​2 (Manila, 1963): 277–​282. 40 Roderich Ptak. “Jottings on Chinese Sailing Routes to Southeast Asia, Especially on the Eastern Route in Ming Times,” in China, The Portuguese, and the Nanyang. Ocean and Routes, Regions and Trade (c.1000–​1600). Variorum Collected Studies Series (Aldershot, Hampshire, England; Burlington, VT: Ashgate Variorum,  2004). 41 Boxer, South China in the Sixteenth Century (1953), XXIII. 42 Different designations given by the Chinese to the Europeans during the sixteenth century reveals some fear of the unknown and to the aggressive initial attitude of the Portuguese. Barbarians devils (Fang-​kuei); Frankish intruders (Feringhi), or Frankish breech-​loader (Fo-​lang-​chi) were the epithets defining the newcomers and this, one wanders, is the origin of the Thai term “Farang.” See Boxer, South China (1953), XXIII; Needham, Joseph, and Tsien Tsuen-Hsuin, Science and Civilisation in China: Volume 5, Chemistry and Chemical Technology, Part 1 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), p. 369; Dennis C.  Twitchett and Frederick W.  Motte, Cambridge History of China, Ming Dynasty, vol. 8-​2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998), 340–​348. 43 Jorge Santos Alves, Pinto and the Peregrinaçāo (2010) vol. II, ch. 221, 775 (English version of this phrases by C. Villamar). See ­chapter 215 for the death of Francis Xavier. A  thorough analysis of Mendes Pinto in China see also Rui Manuel Loureiro, Fidalgos, Missionarios e Mandarins. Portugal e a China no Século XVI, ch. 25, “Visões chinesas de Fernāo Mendes Pinto, 1569–​1583” (Lisbon: Fundaçao Oriente, 2000), 647–​673. 44 Jorge Manuel dos Santos Alves, Um Porto Entre Dois Impérios. Estudos sobre Macau e as Relações Luso-​Chinesas (Macao:  Instituto Portugues do Oriente, 1999),  63–​82. 45 Roderich Ptak, “Ming Maritime Trade to Southeast Asia, 1368–​1567: Visions of a ‘System,’ ” in From the Mediterranean to the China Sea, Guillot, Lombard, Ptak eds. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998), 157–​192. 46 Charles R.  Boxer discusses the alleged participation of Fernāo Mendes Pinto in the “discovery of Japan, because the author of Peregrinaçāo was at that time fighting in Burma. The Christian Century in Japan 1549–​1650 (Lisbon: Carcanet, The Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, The Discoveries Commission, Fundaçāo Oriente. 1993), 1–​ 41. See also Loureiro, Fidalgos, Missionarios e Mandarins, Portugal e a China no Século XVI (2000), ch. 14, “O descobrimento do Japāo e o comercio luso-​chinês 1542–​1545,” 363–​396; Joāo Paulo Oliveira e Costa, “Macau e Nagasáqui –​Os Pólos da Presença Portuguesa no Mar da China na Segunda Metade do Século XVI.” in Portugal e a China, Conferências no III Curso Livre de Historia das Relações entre Portugal e a China (Séculos XVI-​XIX), Jorge M. Dos Santos Alves, coord. (Lisbon: Fundaçāo Oriente, 2000), 79–​103.

Southeast Asia in the early modern period  45 47 The topic has produced countless academic texts. Richard von Glahn, Fountain of Fortune (Berkeley, Calif.: University of California Press, 1996). From the same author, The Economic History of China. From Antiquity to the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016); William S. Atwell, “Ming China and the Emerging World Economy, c. 1470–​1610,” in The Cambridge History of China, vol. 8, The Ming Dynasty, 1368–​1644, 2nd part (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). John J. Tepaske, A New World of Gold and Silver. Kendall W. Brown, ed. (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2010). 48 The Portuguese found a “crack in the wall” when entering Japan, offering Chinese silk highly appreciated by the elites. They became intermediaries carrying “a highly profitable if precarious commerce.” In artistic standards this period is known Adzuchi-​Momoyama. See Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan (1993), 91 and 103. 49 Etsuko Miyata, Portuguese Intervention in the Manila Galleon Trade (Oxford: Archeopress Publishing Ltd., 2016). 50 The Japanese embassy led by Hasekura Rokuemon Tsunenaga (1571–​ 1622) visited Mexico in 1610 on his way to Europe, and back in 1614, helped to make more appealing the Japanese art among the elites of New Spain. Sofia Sanabrais, “The Biombo or Folding Screen in Colonial Mexico” in Donna Pierce and Ronald Otsuka, Asia & Spanish America, Trans-​Pacific Artistic & Cultural Exchange, 1500–​1850 (Denver: Denver Art Museum, 2006). 51 Dennys O.  Flynn, “Comparing the Tokugawa Shogunate with Habsburg Spain: Two Silver-​Based Empires in a Global Setting,” in The Political Economy of Merchant Empires: State Power and World Trade, 1350–​1750. James D. Tracy, ed. Reprint edition (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), 332–​359. 52 Edmundo O’Gorman, Cuatro Historiadores de Indias, siglo XVI (México:  SEP, 1972). O’Gorman shows the construction of the image of Spanish America after the conquest by four of the most salient historians of their time: Pedro Mártir de Anglería, Gonzálo Fernandez de Oviedo y Valdés, Fray Bartolomé de las Casas, and Joseph de Acosta. For the conquest of the Inca empire and the intellectual construction of colonial Peru, see Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios Reales, José de la Riva-​Agüero, ed. and notes (Mexico: Editorial Porrúa, 1984. First printed in Lisbon, 1609).

3  Birth of the Manila Galleon system

The enlargement of the world opened by the Columbus voyages claimed for an immediate agreement between Portugal and Spain to set limits to their respective domains. The Treaty of Tordesillas, crafted between Castile and Portugal in 1494 with the assistance of Pope Alexander VI, followed the European traditions of conquest. The terms of the said Treaty became common currency in the language of members of the European courts, sailors, missionaries, colonisers, and anyone barely involved in the expansion of Portugal and Spain around the planet. This chapter discusses the importance of the Spanish occupation of the Philippine archipelago within the framework of the overall strategy of the Hapsburg Empire. It establishes how there was a shift in such strategy between the arrival in Cebu (1565) and the founding of Manila (1571), which redirected the goal of dominating the spice trade and brought to the fore a broader vision of control of East Asia. In that context, the main features of the trade across the Pacific were studied, materialised in the annual voyage of the Manila Galleon.

The Manila Galleon as a system In order to provide a conceptual context to the fundamentals of the Manila Galleon as a system, several points need to be addressed. First, we must disentangle the study from nationalist historiographies, which tend to only yield a partial view of the whole. Acapulco and Manila  –​respectively in New Spain and in the Philippines  –​comprised nodes in the regulatory mechanism created in the 1590s by stakeholders of the system, which were located in several places, including Seville. Second, the reader needs to be aware that, since the Middle Ages, the competition between the Iberian monarchies had generated significant interest towards explorations that began during the early fifteenth century. Third, to measure the nature of the trading system, it is crucial to identify and examine the political and administrative scaffolding of these empires. This is of particular significance during the period of the Union of Crowns (1581–​1640), which coincided with the transition to, and consolidation of, the new trading system.

Birth of the Manila Galleon system  47 The Manila Galleon became part of a larger system that also encompassed other components in the Spanish Atlantic region and –​in an early stage –​in the Portuguese experience in Asia. Due to the limitations of national historiographies of the past, most of the historical events of the Iberian expansion, either Portuguese or Spanish, have been studied separately. Therefore, changes in the relation between both monarchies, when Philip II of Spain was crowned King of Portugal in 1581, stands out as a historical anomaly. This chapter explores the social and political context in which the protagonists were operating at the end of the sixteenth century. On the one side, we correlate the process that led the Portuguese to Asia and, on the other; we address the way in which the Castilians connected Asia by crossing the Pacific from the Americas. The establishment of the Manila Galleon system was perhaps the most important consequence of this process. The interconnectedness of both developments will be explained in the following sections. The constant conflict between Portugal and Castile in Asia crystallised in part in the treaties of Tordesillas (1494) and Zaragoza (1529), both with the blessing of the Papal intervention. However, the Spanish crown continued promoting the exploration in the Pacific throughout more than half a century, with limited results. Meanwhile, the Portuguese government in India managed to consolidate an administrative structure in the arc of South Asia and a huge extension in the Southeast and East of Asia. Considering the global expanse of the domains held by both monarchies at the end of the sixteenth century, the royal administrations assumed considerable responsibilities over large territories. The Portuguese and Spanish chronicles of exploration written by witnesses of this odyssey confirm that there were multiple difficulties and constant frustrations due to administrative inefficiencies and limited resources. The apparent resolution of these contradictions was a complex decentralisation, which synergised the agency of merchants, missionaries, professional administrators, soldiers, and various other unexpected allies. The construction of the Manila Galleon system was a process of learning on the terrain, and it was not necessarily the outcome of a strategy emanating from the monarchy. Instead, it was a form of constant accommodating to reality. An example of this is the list of guidelines approved by the Spanish crown to regulate the Manila Galleon system. This chapter explains in detail the regulatory framework that accommodated multiple agencies and interests involved in the Iberian expansion. Due to new approaches, it is possible to observe the contributions of multiple agents (i.e. the Portuguese, Basques, Castilians, Andalusians, Catalans, Italians, among others) in the expansion of both Iberian powers. Among the players who contributed to the creation of the global Spanish political structure we can count the Portuguese communities who were identified as New Christians. The analysis concentrates on this specific point and how it relates to the complexities of the global dominance of the Spanish Habsburg monarchy, as well as to the dynastic union of the Portuguese kingdom in 1581.

48  Origins of the Manila Galleon system The New Christian networks contributed to the configuration of the trading system and deployed their connections under the umbrella of the Portuguese and Spanish monarchies, the two prominent political entities dominating the European stage during the early modern period. To establish context around the role of the New Christians in the Iberian culture, it is necessary to go back one century to the conquest of Granada on 2 January 1492. This was a moment of epochal changes for the people of the Iberian Peninsula. In that same year, Muslims and Jews were expelled from the Spanish side of the Peninsula and Columbus embarked on his first trip in search of Cathay via the Atlantic. The occupation of the Americas generated opportunities for the Spanish and other Europeans not previously been considered. The Americas became a valve for the release of economic and social tensions resulting from the expulsion of essential segments of the population. Exploits in the New World nurtured a dominant feature of the Spanish imagination:  the so called uniqueness of their culture (promoted as heroic, Roman Catholic, and Castilian), and the dominant role it played in relations with other European powers and also with the new overseas territories. A second, persistent concept, now under growing scrutiny, is the alleged centralisation of the monarchy and its supposed ability to impose a tight system of order and command on its dominions worldwide. It is worth discussing briefly the elements that illustrate the structure and performance of the Spanish monarchy. The exceptionality of the Spanish and Portuguese enterprises has been challenged in recent decades by several studies that uncovered a variety of forces collectively acting within the Spanish monarchy under the scaffold of the Habsburg Empire. The same holds true for Portugal’s long overseas enterprise that, apart from being associated with Mediterranean cartographic and navigation expertise, was also related to the Habsburgs before the dynastic union of 1581. Overarching strategies for control in Europe determined the priorities given to each initiative in all of the overseas territories. These driving forces were transmitted into the political structures in America, Africa and Asia. While political and governmental organisation of the Spanish administration was most ambitious and multifaceted in early modern Europe, it shared ruling practices similar to other monarchies on the continent.1 The cohesiveness of the Spanish ruling structure relied predominantly on religious and cultural features. The Roman Catholic religion was a distinctive symbol of ideological and cultural integration, devotedly exercised as a vital instrument of monarchical power. Following the Reformation, the defence of the religion often morphed into intolerant confrontations with Islam and Judaism. In defence of the Roman Catholic faith, the monarchy relied on tried and tested instruments:  the patronage of missionary corporation via the Patronato (royal sponsorship, patronage), as well as the Inquisition.2 Another integrating factor of the Spanish monarchy was the use of Castilian as the official language.3 The language embedded cultural expressions through

Birth of the Manila Galleon system  49 literature, music, and other art forms, which spread throughout societies under the Spanish rule. Contemporary studies are now focusing on the role of the Age of Baroque as more than a dominant art expression and evaluating its function in providing social cohesion to the Spanish Americas. Baroque art emphasised sharp contrast, tension, and strong oppositions, both creating illusions and destroying them. The Baroque was a cultural and political strategy deeply embedded in the resolutions of the Council of Trent (1545–​ 1563) that sustained the Counter-​Reformation.4 The agreement between the kingdoms to maintain a balance of powers within the framework of the vastly extended monarchy was continuously under assault. The solution was the polycentric arrangement that eased the centrifugal forces operating within the extended empire. Constant tensions developed as a result of persistent manoeuvrings by court officials attempting to control each piece of the enormous machinery and from the exigent demands from each of its parts.5 Along this line of interpretation, Henry Kamen promoted a challenging idea:  “the (Habsburg) empire created Spain”; Spain did not create its own empire. Additionally, he argued that “at the outset of our historical period ‘Spain’ did not exist, it had not formed politically or economically, nor did its component cultures have the resources for expansion.” Consequently, “the empire was made possible not by Spain alone, but by the combined resources of the Western European and Asian nations.”6 To substantiate his thesis, Kamen explores interrelations between distant places such as the Americas and in the Philippines, to find out “who participated fully and legally in an enterprise that is normally thought of (…) as being ‘Spanish’.”7 This perspective articulates the idea that the Spanish monarchy was an aggregate of multiple forces around the world. Notably, Portugal followed its own parallel path in tandem with the rise of Spain. The endeavours of the Portuguese sailors, travelling south of the Atlantic, bordering the western coast of Africa and facing the sea streams to circumvent the Cape of Good Hope, to arrive in India in 1498, count among some of the most remarkable achievements of the European peoples. Portugal was a nodal point connecting the traditional trade of the Mediterranean with Northern Europe, becoming the dominant supplier of products from Africa and Asia. Its foreign trade evolved from exporting traditional products into “a spectacular Portuguese re-​export trade in exotic products from outside Europe. This phenomenon was fundamental in increasing the perception of the first half of the sixteenth century as a Golden Age.”8 This view of Portugal as a nodal point will be strengthened later in the text by identifying the deep connections between both Iberian powers in navigational technologies and geographical knowledge, and shared human resources, as was the case with Christopher Columbus and Ferdinand Magellan.9 For now, the following section provides a deeper view of the competition and conflict between the Iberian monarchies, which were settled through agreements at various point during the sixteenth century.

50  Origins of the Manila Galleon system Fortune came to the court of Castile in 1519 with the defection of the Portuguese navigator Ferdinand Magellan. This captain had accumulated experience in the crucial moments of the Portuguese expansion in Asia and had participated in the attack on Melaka in 1511, under the command of Afonso de Albuquerque. Immediately after the conquest of the Malay port city, Albuquerque sent a mission with three vessels to the Spice Islands with Magellan aboard. Bordering the northern coast of Java, the vessels of the convoy lost track of each other due to bad weather and only one ship, led by Francisco Serrão, eventually arrived at Ternate. This captain remained on the island until his death a decade later and he kept in contact with Magellan (who was likely his cousin). This could be the reason Magellan possessed reliable information regarding the sailing route to the Maluku islands, adding to the calculations of another friend, Rui Faleiro, which accompanied him to Spain and was highly experienced in the art of navigation. As many other members of his cohort, he was dissatisfied with the rewards granted to him by the Portuguese crown and had a plan to reach the Spice Islands from the Pacific, taking with him the intelligence accumulated by the Portuguese sailors to be his gift to the Spanish monarchs. Such a plan made sense to the experts and bankers in Castile and, therefore, on 28 March 1518, the king signed the capitulations giving instructions to Magellan to discover the Atlantic route, south of the American continent and across the Pacific Ocean to the Spice Islands.10 The voyage lasted three years, from September 1519 to September 1522, but Magellan died on 27 April 1521 in Mactan, Philippines, at the hands of the local ruler. Under the terrible conditions of the galleon Victoria, the expedition travelled via India, bordering the African coasts under the command of Sebastian Elcano and culminating in the first round trip of the planet.11 The reaction of King Joāo of Portugal against the project was fulminant, which led him to order an expedition to Maluku to stop Magellan. The Portuguese captain Jorge de Brito departed Lisbon in April 1520 but he made the imprudent decision to attack Aceh on his way, where his forces were repelled and he eventually died in combat in May 1521. Soon after, Antonio de Brito replaced his brother as commander of the expedition to Maluku, and on his way provided support to Jorge de Albuquerque during the latter’s attack on Bintan. He wintered at Gresik, in Java, from October 1521 to January 1522, when he continued to Banda. Finally, he arrived at Tidore on 14 May with eight vessels and 300 men. In June, Brito started the construction of the fortress of Tidore. In October, the survivors of the Spanish galleon Trinidad, the flag ship of Magellan’s expedition, arrived at Halmahera, whereupon they asked the Portuguese for help. The new commander was the Basque Sebastian Elcano, travelling as we said in the galleon Victoria. Seven sailors were carried as prisoners to Lisbon, completing their own voyage around the globe. This was one of the first episodes of the Iberian conflict taking place in the area of the Spice Islands. More would happen in subsequent decades.12

Birth of the Manila Galleon system  51 As a result of Magellan’s adventurous voyage, the Spanish monarch was enthusiastic about his power and ability to dominate the world. Upon the instructions issued in 1523 to his ambassador in Portugal to defend Spanish interests in Maluku, he asserted, wrongly, that even Melaka belonged to his dominions.13 The main argument now was that Magellan set the Spanish precedence in the Maluku Islands, notwithstanding the fact that the first Europeans to occupy the said Islands since 1512 were the Portuguese.14 The political skills of the young emperor can also be traced through the arrangement to convey, in 1524, a meeting of the most reputed cosmographers of both kingdoms in the twin border cities of Badajoz and Elvas. Despite three months of debates, the Badajoz-​Elvas conference failed to achieve consensus regarding the location of the Maluku due to differences in calculating the notional line of demarcation. Therefore, both parties persisted in their dispute to be rightful claimants of the so-​called Spice Islands. In fact, it was impossible to reach any agreement given the amount of false and deliberately skewed information that each party presented. With the failure of these negotiations, Charles V gave discreet instructions to Hernán Cortés to send one expedition that sailed from New Spain in 1527, likely with the intention to reduce political reactions in Europe.15 Meanwhile, the controversy regarding the Asian territories was partially solved in April 1529 with an expedited agreement:  the Treaty of Zaragoza (Saragossa), in which the Portuguese paid 350,000 ducats in gold to Spain for the pawning of its rights over the Maluku Islands, an agreement also known as the Capitulation. Spain pawned but did not relinquish its claims. The money was a timely cash injection when the Spanish crown was conducting wars in Europe, especially with France. The treaty provided Spain with the breathing space to deal with other plans, including its Asian strategy.16 Notably, the Treaty of Saragossa was the first international agreement regulating European interest in the Pacific Ocean. There were some other expeditions that, in fact, trespassed on the limits agreed in the Asian region and which failed to achieve the round trip of the Pacific: García Joffe de Loaisa (1525–​1524), Alvaro de Saavedra Cerón (1527–​1529), and Ruy López de Villalobos (1542). Was this last captain who gave the name of “Philippines” to the Archipelago, honouring the prince Philip.17 With the instruction to Hernán Cortés, the king gave the opportunity to the Spanish in America, the elite of New Spain, to play a new role in the imperial expansion of the Pacific. The expeditions of 1527 and 1542 departed from New Spain and faced the Portuguese in Southeast Asia, exacerbating the conflict. The Spanish ambition to have a stronghold in Asia was not achieved until 1565 by the expedition of Miguel López de Legazpi, sailing from the coast of Mexico and arriving in Cebu, Philippines. Importantly, the most relevant achievement of the Legazpi expedition was to explore winds and currents for the return voyage across the Pacific. This inaugurated a new stage in the Iberian expansion, which is distinguished by the route across the Pacific,

52  Origins of the Manila Galleon system known as the Manila Galleon, under the control of Spain, as is explained in the following section.

Why Manila? The main achievement of the expedition commanded by Miguel López de Legazpi in 1565 was the return of the galleon San Pablo, from Cebu to the New Spain, across the Pacific Ocean. The voyage was a major advance to keep control over the Pacific Ocean; however, at that time it was also a technical breakthrough based on multiple astronomical observations made during previous expeditions. On 1 June 1 565, the galleon San Pedro set sails to find the return route to Mexico via the Pacific, piloted by Fray Andrés de Urdaneta, a survivor of the expedition of 1527. The ship crossed the ocean over four months before reaching Acapulco on 8 October 1565. Urdaneta was tasked with finding a route back to America, a voyage that was attempted with the minimum knowledge of the maritime currents and winds in this area of the planet. His mission ended with this key contribution to the overall strategy of the Spanish crown:  the Tornavuelta, or return voyage across the Pacific. The Manila Galleon plied a similar route for 250 years, until 1815. For the commercial aspect of the expedition, the San Pedro carried gold, wax and cinnamon.18 It is accepted that the Manila Galleon commenced before the founding of Manila, with several voyages between Cebu and Mexico from 1965 to 1571.19 Once the military expedition managed its mission to find the return to New Spain, and to control the Cebuano people (with a violent irruption in the town), traders from other islands began to arrive with supplies and merchandise. The initial difficulties started to recede with the arrival of the San Gerónimo on 15 October1566, which brought reinforcements and the confirmation that the San Pedro had arrived in New Spain, completing the Tornavuelta. On the Portuguese side, the arrival of the Spanish to Cebu was considered a major transgression to the treaties of Tordesillas and Saragossa, and a risk to the spice trade in the hands of the Portuguese. On 20 December 1566, the papal envoy to Melaka, the Jesuit Melchior Carneiro, wrote to the Superior General of the Order, Francis Borgia, alerting him of the arrival of the Spanish to the Philippines. The letter had information transmitted by Gonçalo Pereira, the captain-​major of Maluku. Captain Pereira was on his way to his post when he stopped in Borneo at the Sultanate of Brunei, but the local rulers refused to provide maintenance to his fleet as they claimed to be already in alliance with the Spanish from the Philippines. For this reason, the captain decided to reroute his mission in an attempt to expel the Spanish from Mindanao, which he rightly believed was in the demarcation of Portugal.20 Father Melchior Carneiro was attempting to protect the possession of the Portuguese since the Jesuits had clear interests in the Estado da Índia.

Birth of the Manila Galleon system  53 This is a symmetric condition in the case of the Augustinians enrolled in Legazpi’s expedition under Spanish protection. This differentiation would play an important role in the future missionary efforts in China and Japan a few decades later. Indeed, Melchior Carneiro became administrator of the Diocese of Macau in 1576, and was an active promoter of the autonomy of the Senate of that city. This was also reflected in the rivalry between Macau and Manila.21 After two attempts to evict the Spanish from the Philippines, Captain Gonçalo Pereira went to Cebu in September 1568 and mounted a sea siege to the port from October to December. There were sporadic skirmishes and few casualties on both sides, and in the Portuguese vessels started a serious outbreak of beriberi, which killed more than 200 sailors. The Portuguese documents of the event blamed the captain for acting late against the Spanish, but also mention a mistake in revealing to the Spanish the importance of the trade between China and the island of Luzon.22 There are two events that help to evaluate this version. First, Martin de Goiti and Juan de Salcedo led the first exploration to Luzon until May 1570, and second, the Spanish, in contact with the local people, gradually understood the importance of trading with China from the Philippines. Nevertheless, it was only when they settled in Luzon, in 1571, that they fully appreciated the value of the island’s relations with China.23 In a letter written in Cebu in 1569, the Royal Factor, Andrés de Mirandaola commented, “when the Portuguese were in this port (the Spanish) understood how they (traded) on the coasts of China and Japan.”24 These events led the Spanish stationed in Cebu to consider moving to Luzon. There are two documents that suggest a shift in the target of the expedition. First, a letter from father Martin de Rada, on 8 July 1569, to the viceroy in Mexico Martín Enriquez de Almanza (1568–​1580) suggesting the occupation of the island of Luzon. Rada also outlined for the first time his recommendation to invade China from the Philippines. Second, on 25 July 1570, Legazpi wrote to the viceroy of New Spain regarding his decision to move the camp from Cebu to Panay due to the lack of supplies and food.25 For Legazpi it was time to move to a better location, and his decision became a prudent solution for the standoff between Spain and Portugal, concluding a period of five years of uncertainty. The original strategy of the Spanish crown was targeting the occupation of the south of the Archipelago, attempting to control the route of the Pacific Ocean with the spice trade as the main attraction. The Castilians relocated from Mindanao and Visayas (in the vicinity of the Islamic Malaysian fringe of Borneo, Melaka, and Aceh) to Luzon, northwards by about 600 kilometres. This change brought them very close to the Chinese provinces of Fujian and Guangdong, which at that time were undergoing significant transformations. This shift in the centre of gravity of Spanish strategy brought the Castilians into a relatively unknown part of Asia.

54  Origins of the Manila Galleon system As a result of the Legazpi’s expedition, the New Spain confirmed its role as a springboard in the Pacific Ocean. The Augustinian order played a leading part in the expedition, placing at its disposal such missionaries as Andrés de Urdaneta and Martín de Rada both of whom possessed remarkable skills in navigation and languages. This precedent secured the future participation of the religious order in the benefits of the occupation of the Philippines. The participation of the Spanish friars counterbalanced the prominence of the Jesuits on the Portuguese side, particularly in terms of their advances into Chinese and Japanese territories. With the founding of Manila in 1571, new circumstances emerged at the local and regional level, notably, the contact with the Chinese merchants arriving to the capital of the Philippines. The abundance of American silver, from Mexico and Peru, fuelled the exchange for Asian products. Almost immediately, the administration of the Archipelago was left in the hands of the Viceroyalty of New Spain. Overall, a new level of conflict and cooperation between the Portuguese and Spanish in Asia emerged in this period. As part of this process, the possibility of advancing Spanish relations with China was considered and even the dream to conquer the Middle Empire was nurtured.26 However, new contingencies loomed on the path of the Iberian expansion. The unexpected dynastic change in the Iberian Peninsula in 1580s had direct effects on the European deployment in Asia. The crisis caused by the sudden death of King Sebastian in 1578 forced a dynastic solution crowning Philip of Spain the king of Portugal.

Birth of the Manila Galleon system For the Manila Galleon system to flourish, a number of key preconditions had to be met. The system was conditioned by geostrategic circumstances: 1) a demarcation (however permanent or temporary) in the form of the Treaty of Saragossa; 2)  knowledge of the sea routes, particularly of the return route across the Pacific; and 3)  a diplomatic equilibrium between the Iberian monarchies, and how the dynamics of the instable balance between them played out in the Asian theatre, particularly between Manila and Macao. However, these developments are insufficient to explain the multilevel system that included official administrators, merchants, and even religious authorities and missionaries. Two decades after the founding of Manila, trade across the Pacific lacked a basic set of rules and regulations. These came until the Permission ruled in February 1593. The first voyages from New Spain to the Philippines were free and with minimum requirements. Passengers were able to carry silver and merchandise to trade in the islands and beyond. During the first decades, the exchange relied on vessels that were the property of the crown and sometimes on privately-​owned ships, making the number of ships and the volume of cargo uncertain.

Birth of the Manila Galleon system  55 The formal regulation established two ports for the Manila Galleon to operate: Acapulco and Manila. However, there were several ports and ways that supplied the trade in Asia and the Americas. At both ends, the merchants accumulated the cargo, waiting for the opportunity to send their merchandise to the opposite shore of the Pacific Ocean. The first caja real (customs house) was established in Manila in 1575, beginning the payment of duties per tons of cargo. Carmen Yuste highlights that the introduction of the Permission marked a key turning point in trade. However, Luis Alonso Álvarez considers this process as a gradual tendency aimed at regulating trade between the 1580s and the 1590s. For the regulatory system, the most important compilation of rules and regulations was prepared in 1736 by Antonio Álvarez de Abreu. That text includes all the laws and decrees of the previous 140 years and was put together on behalf of the Council of Indies for the purpose of reviewing their long-​standing trading policies.27 Permission introduced the mechanism of quotas (known as boletas, or vouchers with the rights to trade) and they were distributed to all registered neighbours of Manila to place merchandise in a slot of the galleon. The new directive provided that two vessels could depart every year; however, they were limited in terms of capacity to 300 tons each. The regulation issued in 1593 banned direct trade between the viceroyalty of Peru and the Philippines, but we refer in later chapters to some cases that infringed on this prohibition. The same decree initiated the Fair of Acapulco, which became a major event every year for the society of New Spain, and gathered in the Mexican port merchandise and buyers from the whole viceroyalty. Multiple decrees in the subsequent years and decades attempted to curtail tax evasion, excesses in the cargo, and illegal trips outside the official Manila-​Acapulco route. This provides evidence of the prevalence of such practices against the said Permission. Schell Hoberman described the different strategies developed by traders to skirt the restrictions, which were documented in the written reports of administrators and successive viceroys, complaining about the difficulty to implement the verification of goods.28 Packing was a means to hide valuable products in the bottom of the boxes, covered on the top by the tightly folded silk. Whenever there was an inspection at Acapulco it was inhibited by the difficulty to repack the cargo.29 The Manila galleons were required to settle for the following taxes:  the almojarifazgo, charged over the cargo; a tax for the defense of the vessels named avería; a small duty for the port services called almirantazgo; and, finally, the sales tax from Acapulco to Mexico City, known as alcabala.30 The taxation of the cargo and the limits to the silver exports from America to Asia were, simply an extension of the system prevailing in the Atlantic. However, in the case of the Philippines, it was granted special treatment to protect the initial trade and the subsistence of the administration in the Asian Archipelago.31 At the time in which the Permission was introduced, the viceroy of New Spain, Luis de Velasco, the younger, reported to the king the challenges associated with implementing the system.

56  Origins of the Manila Galleon system In 1593 the official in Acapulco appraised the value of a cargo from Manila to be worth 942,101 pesos, when the limit allowed was 250,000.32 A few years later, the viceroy, the Count of Monterrey, expressed similar complaints about the merchant excesses and requested reinstatement of the trade between Peru and Mexico, to increase taxes and seriously combat smuggling. Four ships bound to Mexico suffered losses or were wrecked between 1600–​1601 in Philippines waters because they had been overloaded. The commercial impulse was far too strong to be stopped by these difficulties. In 1601, the Santo Tomás was carrying two million pesos in merchandise, 500,000 pesos more than declared and permitted.33 Trade was carried out in silver weights, with coin minted in the New Spain (pesos) or in ingots, although in the Spanish empire a dual monetary system based on gold and silver was used. In the mid-​16th century, the primary sources of metals used in Europe came from the other side of the Atlantic, due to the discovery of silver reserves in New Spain and Peru. However, often the value of the trade from diverse regions was converted in gold standard to be measured.34 See note on currencies and conversions. In public policy, now as in the past, the act of establishing a ruling does not mean automatically fixing a problem or starting a sound practice that is followed by everyone. There are many factors involved, particularly the problem of reaching agreement with the parties involved. As will be shown later, the merchant community in Manila had opportunity to express their interests since the 1580s, as they struggled to keep control over the trade among the circle of what they considered the legitimate neighbours of the city. For that purpose, their ideal local traders were the permanent residents in Manila, or at least those who had accumulated a minimum of five years living in the Archipelago, as opposed to the occasional visitors from Europe or the Americas. Their concern was the intrusion of monopolising capital from merchants of Mexico. The merchants of Manila received a preferential tax treatment in recognition that trade was vital for the economy of the Philippines. The merchants were considered as professionals, risking their capital and facing the hassles of long-​distance trade. This rule was intended also to bar the religious orders, royal officers, and military personnel, occasionally participating through proxies in the Galleon trade. However, the initial proposals by the merchants were adopted by the system with the mechanism of pancada (buying in bulk), allowing the collective negotiation of the cargo of most items, which was set to avoid monopolistic control and abuses of pricing.35 The allocation of quotas (distributing boletas among the neighbours), was considered a fair way of equalisation inside of the small colony. However, because some of the citizens were unable or did not have interest in the complex system of exchange with the Asians and the customs procedures, or did not have partners in New Spain, it led the system to concentrate the rights to trade into only a few hands, those of

Birth of the Manila Galleon system  57 the professional merchants. Many people in Manila preferred to receive cash for their rights to trade and, therefore, to avoid the hassles associated with trading. What is relevant is the royal intention to regulate the trade. From the 1590s onwards it deserved to be called a trading system because the number of stakeholders, the regularity of the galleons traversing the Pacific Ocean, the taxes payable, the amount and volume of cargo authorised. The system constituted a regular, reliable mechanism of trading with a set of stakeholders, in which the crown absorbed the basic costs of transportation and defence. The particular traits of the trading system established in the Pacific at the end of the sixteenth century aimed to ensuring the legality of transactions, predictability of transportation and security of trade. For the group of professional traders, two major responsibilities remained in their hands: pooling financial resources and covering the risk in the case of loss of  cargo. To wrap up this chapter, we must state that at the end of the sixteenth century, the Iberians had accumulated an important experience in Southeast Asia, occupying a string of port-​cities, mainly in Melaka, Macao, and Manila. The Portuguese were an important linkage between China and Japan, and their trading networks extended from Siam to Mindanao and the Spice islands. However, to avoid a Eurocentric bias, which usually identifies the European attributes as the bearers of modernity, it is sufficient to recall that Asia at the end of the sixteenth century moved to be at the centre of the global world economy and the Iberians also participated of that change.36

Notes 1 John Merriman, A History of Modern Europe: From the Renaissance to the Present (2nd edn) (New York: W.W. Norton & Company, 2004); Merry E. Wiesner-​Hanks, Early Modern Europe, 1450–​1789 (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006); Philippa Levine, The British Empire: Sunrise to Sunset (Recovering the Past) (Harlow, England: Pearson Longman, 2007). 2 A parallel arrangement existed in the Portuguese Padroado, with high impact in the initial Jesuit missionary work in Asia and the mission of Saint Francis Xavier in China and Japan. Luke Clossey, Salvation and Globalization in the Early Jesuit Missions (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2008). 3 It is well known the phrase of Antonio de Nebrija in his prologue to the Gramática de la Lengua Castellana, Grammar of the Castilian language:  “the language has been always the companion of the Empire.” www.biblioteca.org.ar/​libros/​1285.pdf (consulted 22 September 2016). 4 José Antonio Maravall, La Cultura del barroco (Barcelona: Editorial Ariel, 1980); Juan Luis Suárez and Estefania Olid-​Peña (translator) “A Model for the Study of Cultural Complexity in the Atlantic World,” South Atlantic Review 72, no.1, Cultural Studies in the Spanish Golden Age (Winter 2007): 31–​47; John H. Elliott, “Un Rey, Muchos Reinos,” in Pintura de los Reinos, Identidades Compartidas,

58  Origins of the Manila Galleon system Territorios del Mundo Hispánico, siglos XVI-​XVIII, Juana Gutiérrez Haces, ed. (México: Fondo Cultural Banamex, 2008), 41–​83. 5 Pedro Cardim, and Susana Munch Miranda, “La Expansión de la Corona Portuguesa y el Estatuto de los Territorios” in Las Indias Occidentales. Procesos de Incorporación Territorial a Las Monarquías Ibéricas, Oscar Mazín, José Javier Ruíz Ibáñez, eds. (México: Colmex, 2012). 6 Henry Kamen, Empire:  How Spain Became a World Power, 1492–​ 1763 (New York: Harper Perennial, 2004), Preface. The reaction of nationalist Spanish historians was particularly negative against this author. 7 Kamen, Empire (2004), xxv. 8 Portuguese exports shifted from traditional products such as salt, wine, olives, oil, cork, dried fruits, beeswax and honey, to high-​value products, such as spices, textiles, and precious stones. Anthony R.  Disney. A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire, vol. 1: From Beginnings to 1807: Portugal, 1st edn vol. 1 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), ch.8, the “Golden Economy.” 9 Luis Filipe F.R. Thomaz, De Ceuta a Timor (Lisbon:  Difel, 1994); Anthony John R.  Russell-​Wood, The Portuguese Empire, 1415–​ 1808, A World on the Move (Baltimore and London:  Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998); Sanjay Subrahmanyam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–​ 1700:  A Political and Economic History. 2nd edn (Chichester: Wiley-​Blackwell, 2012). 10 An indication of the Habsburg interest in the Magellan’s project is that the banker Cristobal de Haro, allied to the Fugger bankers from Augsburg, financed a fifth of the cost of the expedition. Haro had distanced himself from the Portuguese monarchy. Juan Gil, Mitos y Utopías del Descubrimiento. 2. El Pacifico. Prologue by Clotilde Jacquelard. 2 vols. (Seville: Athenaica Ediciones Universitarias, 2018, original 1989), 22–​28. 11 Antonio Pigafetta, Primer Viaje Alrededor del Mundo, Leoncio Cabrero Fernández ed. and notes (Madrid: Dastin Historia, 1985). 12 The expedition of Antonio de Brito was recorded by the most important Portuguese chronicles as an embarrassing trail of mistakes in Aceh and Bintan. Fernāo Lopez de Castanheda. Historia Do Descobrimento & Conquista da Índia Pelos Portugueses. This was the first and most complete publication of the Portuguese expansion, printed in Coimbra from 1551 to 1561. The complete work is composed of ten books, vol. V, fls. 142-​142v. https://​archive.org/​details/​ historiadodescob01castuoft (accessed 17 September 2017); Gaspar Correia, Lendas da Índia. Collecção de Monumentos Ineditos para Historia das Conquistas dos Portuguezes em Africa, Asia e America (Lisbon: Academia Real das Ciências de Lisboa, 1864, original 1556), 623–​630; Joāo de Barros, Decadas de Asia de Joāo de Barros (Lisbon: Regia Officina Typografica, 1778, original 1563), Tercera Decada, fls. 129-​129v; José Manuel Garcia, A Viagem de Fernāo de Magalhāes e os Portugueses (Lisbon: Editorial Presença, 2007), 108–​126; Bartolomé Leonardo de Argensola carefully avoided mentioning the conflict. He was writing from the Spanish side of history during the Union of Crowns. Conquista de las Islas Malucas (1629). Prologue by Glória Cano (Madrid:  Miraguano Ediciones and Ediciones Polifemo, 2009), 25–​28. 13 King Charles reserved his right to continue sending missions to the Spice Islands while a definition of the limits of boths dominions was achieved. Martín Fernández de Navarrete, Colección de Documentos, Instruction signed in Valladolid, 4 February 1523, vol. 4, XXIX, 301–​330.

Birth of the Manila Galleon system  59 14 “Francisco Serrāo, the captain of one of the ships in Abreu’s expedition to the Spice Islands, was the first European to visit the Moluccas, where he arrived in 1512, living there probably until the beginning of 1521, when he died.” Note by Armando Cortesāo to the description of the Maluku by Tomé Pires, Summa Oriental, vol. 1 (1944), 212. Duarte Barbosa, also provides one of the first descriptions of the said Islands. O Livro de Duarte Barbosa, Introduçāo e Notas de Neves Águas (Lisbon: Publicações Europa-​América, 1993), 174–​176. 15 Luis Abraham Barandica Martínez, “Andrés de Urdaneta en la Nueva España (1538–​1568),” in María Cristina E.  Barrón Soto, coord. Urdaneta Novohispano. La Inserción del Mundo Hispano en Asia (México: Universidad Iberoamericana, 2012),  35–​66. 16 Had the Portuguese marriage of King Charles in 1526 served to reduce the conflict and facilitated a solution between the Iberian powers? According to Spate, “the interests of Charles V, Holy Roman Emperor of the German Nation, outweighed those of Carlos I, Rey de Castilla (king of Castile).” Oscar H.K. Spate, The Spanish Lake (Canberra: The Australian National University, 2004), 94–​95. 17 Carlos Prieto, El Océano Pacífico:  Navegantes españoles del siglo XVI (Madrid:  Alianza Editorial, 1984), 152–​ 157; García Escalante Alvarado. Viaje a las Islas del Poniente. Preliminary study by Carlos Martínez Shaw (Santander: Editorial de la Universidad de Cantabria, 2015). 18 José Eugenio Borao, “The Arrival of the Spanish Galleons in Manila from the Pacific Ocean and their Departure along the Kuroshio Stream (16th and 17th Centuries)” Taiwan: Journal of Geographical Research, NTNU, no. 47 (2007): 17–​ 38. Andrés Urdaneta died in Mexico in 1568. 19 Junald Dawa Ango, “The Cebu-​Acapulco Galleon Trade.” Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society 38, no. 2 (1 June 2010): 147–​173. 20 Josef Wiki S.I., ed. Documenta Indica, vol. VII (1566–​1569) (Roma: Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, 1962), Doc. 30, 157–​161. 21 Manel Ollé, “Portugueses y Castellanos En Asia Oriental,” in Pedro Cardim, Leonor Freire Costa and Mafalda Soares da Cunha, eds., Portugal Na Monarquia Hispânica. Dinâmicas de Integração e Conflito (Lisbon: CHAM /​Red Columnaria, 2013), 253–​276. 22 Maria Augusta Lima Cruz, “Década 8 Da Asia de Diogo Do Couto. (Informaçāo Sobre Uma Versāo Inédita)” Arquipelago, 6 (1984): 151–​166. 23 Patricio Hidalgo Nuchera, Los Primeros de Filipinas, Crónicas de la Conquista del Archipiélago. (Madrid: Miraguano Ediciones, Ediciones Polifemo, 1995) Doc. 31; Emma H. Blair, and James A. Robertson, The Philippines Islands 1493–​1803 (Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903), vol. 3, 74. 24 Isacio R.  Rodriguez, Historia de la Provincia Agustiniana del Smo. Nombre de Jesús de Filipinas, vol. XIV (Manila: Arnoldus Press, 1978), 8–​17. 25 Hidalgo Nuchera, Los Primeros (1995), doc. 31, 279–​281. Rodriguez, Historia de la Provincia Agustina, vol. XIV, 49–​53. 26 Manel Ollé, La Empresa de China: De La Armada Invencible Al Galeón de Manila (Barcelona: El Acantilado, 2002). 27 Carmen Yuste, “De La Libre Contratación a Las Restricciones de La Permission,” in Salvador Bernabeu Albert and Carlos Martínez Shaw eds., Un Océano de Seda y Plata: El Universo Económico Del Galeón de Manila. Colección Universos Americanos 12 (Sevilla:  CSIC Científicas/​Tagus, 2013), 85–​106. See also Luis Alfonso Álvarez, “E la nave va, Economia, fiscalidad e inflación en las regulaciones

60  Origins of the Manila Galleon system de la carrera de la Mar del Sur, 1565–​1604,” in Bernabeu and Shaw eds., Un Océano de Seda (2013), 25–​84; Antonio Alvarez de Abreu, Extracto Historial del Comercio entre China, Filipinas y Nueva España, 2 vols. (México: IMCE, 1977). 28 Schell Hoberman, Mexico’s Merchant Elite, 1590–​1660: Silver, State, and Society. 1st edn (Durham, NC: Duke University Press Books, 1991), 217–​222. 29 William Lytle Schurz, The Manila Galleon (New York: E.P. Dutton & Company, Inc., 1939), 182–​183. 30 Arturo Giráldez, The Age of Trade. The Manila Galleons and the Dawn of the Global Economy (Lanham, Boulder, New York, London: Rowman & Littlefield, 2015), 149. 31 AGI, Contaduria, 1200, is the main source for the analysis of treasury accounts for cargo, (caxa de Mexico) in volume and value, as well as taxes, known as “almojarifazgo” or import tax from the Philippines at 10 per cent through the year 1611. These registrations accumulated over centuries in the Archivo General de Indias in Seville. Hoberman, Mexico’s Merchant Elite, Appendix B, Philippine Trade. 32 Letter of viceroy Luis de Velasco, the younger. AGI, Audiencia de Mexico, 22, N.113, 25 February 1593. The viceroy detailed the practical difficulties of charging the almojarifazgo to the uncertain amount of merchandise. 33 “Principal points in regard to the trade of the Filipinas. Alonso Fernandez de Castro” [undated; 1602?], in Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, vol. XII, 46. The ships were Santa Potenciana, San Gerónimo, Santa Margarita, Santo Tomás. The Viceroy Gaspar de Zuñiga Acevedo y Velasco, count of Monterrey (1595–​1603), advised that the calculation in bulk facilitated smuggling because the officials preferred not to open the boxes. 34 Manuel Moreyra Paz-​Soldán, “La Técnica de la Moneda Colonial Unidades, Pesos, Medidas y Relaciones.” Revista de Historia de América 20 (December 1945): 347–​369. For the globalisation of silver as a mean of payment see Bernd Hausberger and Antonio Ibarra. Oro y Plata en los Inicios de la Economía Global: De las Minas a la Moneda (México: Colmex, 2014). 35 Juan Gil points out this purchasing method, as a whole, existed in China and Japan before the arrival of European merchants, from where it was adapted in Manila. Los Chinos en Manila (Siglos XVI y XVII) (Lisbon: Centro Científico y Cultural de Macau, I.P. 2011), 54–​56. 36 Andre Gunder Frank, Reorient, Global Economy in the Asian Age (Berkeley and Los Angeles:  University of California Press, 1998); Kenneth Pommeranz, The Great Divergence: China and the Making of the Modern World Economy (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2001).

Part II

The art of trade

Macao/​Macau1 [The Portuguese] secretly sought to purchase children of above ten years age to eat. Each child was purchased at 100 cash. This caused the evil youths of Kwangtung to hasten to kidnap children and the number of children eaten was uncountable. Ming writings.2

Ars mercatoria “Thankfully, my financial situation is healthy. All my money is not invested in one ship or in one part of the world. Even if I don’t do well this year, I’ll still be fine.” Dialogue of Antonio with Salarino and Solanio. Shakespeare. The Merchant of Venice First scene

Notes 1 The Portuguese name of the city is Macau, although the original name until mid-​ seventeenth century was “Cidade do Nome de Deus na China” (City of the name of God in China). According to Boxer, for the Chinese was “Bay of Godess Ama,” therefore the pronunciation derived into Amacõn. Charles R. Boxer. Fidalgos in the Far East 1550–​1770. Fact and Fancy in the History of Macao (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1948). 2 Sanjay Subrahmanyam. The Portuguese Empire in Asia 1500–​ 1700 (West Sussex: Wiley-​Blackwell), Second edition. p. 109. K.C. Fok. “Early Ming Images of the Portuguese” in Portuguese Asia: Aspects in History and Economic History. Ed. Roderich Ptak (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1987):143–​155. He explains the Portuguese were popularly portrait as murderers and cannibals. The account is the Yüeh-​shan ts’ung-​t’an.

4  The Portuguese legacy in Manila

In a session of the Council of Indies at the end of 1589, a letter from Portugal exposed the perils to the unity of the empire if the trade between the American viceroyalties and China continued. The worst consequence, as the document asserts, would be the devastation of Portuguese trade in Asia, which was the only source of income for Estado da Índia, followed by the economic disconnection of the kingdoms of America that could rely mainly on trading with China.1 This type of allegation by the Portuguese administrators always referred to the pledge of Phillip II to the Cortes of Tomar of 1581 to protect the autonomy of Portugal’s administration on their overseas territories, separated from the Spanish authority. Notably, this royal promise served to consolidate the alliance with the Portuguese elites supporting a Castilian monarch and, in retrospect, was likely also the wiser manner to solve countless problems due to the different nature of each region under Portuguese sovereignty. The crown kept its promise attending the Portuguese and the Spanish affairs in separated sleeves. However, it was unable to halt the exchange between port cities as Manila and Macao. On 23 July 1590, an edict issued on San Lorenzo, provided that only the citizens and inhabitants of Manila, with not less than ten years of residence in the city, should be authorised to trade Chinese products, in turn excluding Mexican merchants and from other parts of the Americas.2 See Map 4.1, Route of Manila Galleons. During the last quarter of the sixteenth century, trading, missionary work and military conflict were closely intertwined in this part of the world. This is the social and regional scenario in which we can observe the emergence of the Portuguese merchant network that is the subject of our study. It was clear that the trade observed in the regional corridor between China and the Philippines, whether it be the Portuguese-​dominated corridor in Macao or the Chinese corridor in Guangdong and Fujian provinces, had powerful political and economic resonances as far away as the New Spain and Europe. The Manila Galleon system was a result of political impulses and agency of individuals in complex networks. The connections between private merchants might be understood as the wiring of the Manila Galleon system. This chapter reveals the existence of one of these networks, and how some of its members

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64  The art of trade

Map 4.1 Route of Manila galleons

The Portuguese legacy in Manila  65 had the opportunity to express the merchants’ interests during the process of defining the rules and regulations of the system.

Ars mercatoria This chapter examines the functional components of the network emerging from the interaction between multiple merchants in the Macao–​Manila trading corridor during the last three decades of the sixteenth century.3 It is important to reiterate that, in this developmental period, the trade was not as sumptuous or voluminous as in the subsequent century. In the case of the Manila–​Macao trade, the significant increase in exchanges was registered decades later, from the 1610s to 1630s, and then interrupted when Portugal obtained its independence. The approach studying both cities identifies the main elements that underpin the nature of a port-​city: the trading facilities, from the infrastructure to the administration and the way of solving commercial controversies. But the port, usually the most dynamic part of the maritime cities, cannot be studied apart from the rest of the town and the hinterland. It includes, for example, also defence or cohesiveness of the citizens. The port-​city is not only an economic phenomenon, but includes its social, political and cultural life. Each port-​city developed its peculiar ethos, in many cases out of cosmopolitan mix of the inhabitants. The study of port cities is a cross-​cutting tool, both geographically and historically located, as a piece for the historical development.4 As described in the previous chapter, political and military confrontation with Portuguese forces in Cebu, 1565–​1570, pressed the Castilians to move their settlement from the south to the north of the Philippines. Initially, the Castilian strategy relied on connecting New Spain and the Spice Islands in Asia, dominating the Pacific route. However, the target pivoted up North, to the island of Luzon, attracted now by the possibility of conducting business with China. The occupation of Manila, 1571,5 had important consequences for the global connections between Southeast Asia and the rest of the world. These ports were part of the pre-​existing regional links, but the arrival of foreign traders accelerated the connection with the new trade flows, the influx of silver, urban design, and new crops. While not within the scope of this study, it should be noted that some authors have considered the end of the sixteenth century, and this region in particular, as the starting point of globalisation.6 Manila’s proximity to China and Japan, considered by the Portuguese under their area of influence, opened up concerns in the Portuguese camp, in particular the citizens of Macao. Notwithstanding, Macao and Manila merchants started trading relations. In the first decade of these operations, trade opportunities attracted also merchants from New Spain and Peru, representatives of the interests of Seville, and of course, Portuguese merchants. After 1580s, the Portuguese merchants attempted to obtain privileges from the Spanish Crown in exchange for loyalty to the united Iberian monarchy.

66  The art of trade In this way, they became integrated as stakeholders of the whole system. Let’s take a closer look at these merchant nuclei and their contributions in terms of trading skills. 1. Wide expansion. The merchants studied in this book were scattered along the main port cities of the Estado da Índia, mainly in Southeast Asia, but also on the Iberian Peninsula and in the American viceroyalties. This distribution facilitated the articulation of a trading system able to extract trade profits, either through the Cape of Good Hope or the Manila Galleon in the Pacific Ocean. Significant Portuguese merchants named in archived documents were:  Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and Diogo Fernándes Vitória in Macao and Manila; Antonio Dias de Casseres in Mexico and Manila; Jorge Almeyda and Manuel Lucena in Mexico. The latter two maintained connections in South America, Africa, and Spain. All of these merchants associated directly or not with each other, and with dozens of partners (a total of 83 individuals included in this study). They can be considered nodes in a network scattered throughout the Portuguese and Spanish domains. 2. Religious identity. Occasionally, the united Iberian monarchy requested information from the viceroy in India about the presence of New Christians and the conditions of those that represented more danger, with the intention of expelling them from the Estado da Índia. Apparently, the enquiries faced resistance and, with the use of bribes, the merchants avoided being targeted. Rodrigues Lourenço comments on this situation: “It is possible that the viceroy Manuel de Sousa Coutinho (1588–​ 1591) had evaluated the situation in which the crown rehearsed a policy of restricting the circulation of New Christians in the Estado da Índia.”7 The viceroy had a prudent attitude to avoid fractures and social conflicts in Macao. Also, the governor of the Estado da Índia gave priority to the stability of his administration, sparing from prosecution the merchant networks of Macao. Some prominent figures at that time were listed in the inquisitorial archives in Goa, for example the Fernandes d’Aires family, native of Porto, with contacts in Lisbon, Mexico City, Seville, Pernambuco, and Bahia. Research conducted by James C.  Boyajian in the Inquisition archives in Goa reveals how the prosecution against religious deviations from Roman Catholic orthodoxy was motivated, from time to time, mostly by economic interests and political circumstances.8 However, the Inquisition of Goa could not act against the powerful Duarte Gomes Solís, a merchant who, decades later, drafted a set of proposals to reform the Iberian trade in Asia.9 Some information recorded in Mexico, halfway around the globe, shows the existence of contacts in Goa, Melaka, and Macao, in the cases of António Días de Casseres (Díaz de Cáceres), Diogo Fernandes Vitória (Diego Hernández Victoria), Diogo Dias Neto, Bernardo de Luna and Henrique Dias.10

The Portuguese legacy in Manila  67 In this historical perspective, the personalities mentioned above, and many more, were prominent figures in their communities because they participated in long-​distance trade, the most dynamic sector of the economy at that moment, and not ostensibly because of their religious identity.11 They were not operating in isolation, as can be observed by the involvement of these merchants with partners of different origins, including Old Christians, Chinese, Malay, and persons of Indian heritage. On the other hand, it is a fragile hypothesis that the New Christians had a strategy at the level of the family nuclei against religious prosecution worldwide, including plans to escape.12 The study of family ties, on which the information is fragmentary, demands caution for an accurate reconstruction of the documentary pieces, as Miguel Rodrigues Lourenço has suggested.13 First, in any analysis, prudence advises observing family interlaces and comparing them with available commercial evidence. Second, identifying their place of origin, and last, through examining their declared or alleged religious affiliations.14 3. Trading skills. The examination of this group of merchants confirms that these individuals applied specific skills in diverse segments of the commercial system. They also sustained leadership in the communities of these port cities through their cultural and social abilities. A common characteristic observed was the ownership of transportation assets. Ship owning indicated an ability to retain skilled pilots and a certain commercial intelligence. These two capabilities denoted a special relationship with foreign and local navigators. Meanwhile, commercial intelligence involved constant updates of information at ports of call that would, in turn, offer security and favourable conditions for trade upon arrival at the port of destination. Individuals with administrative skills, such as accounting and long-​distance correspondence, were observed in partnership with others at several locations, holding a competitive advantage in relation to the allocation of resources, pricing and production practices. It was a sign of their time, or as Alfred W. Crosby said: “In the dizzy vortex of a cash economy the West learned the habits of quantification.”15 The merchants were able to detect changing preferences on the demand side, mostly in Spain, New Spain and Peru, and were also able to respond to the supply of specific products from different Asian markets. The merchant networks discussed here have much in common with the type of merchant communities described by Frédéric Mauro in the European context of the early modern era. The emergence of these associations can be traced in ties of solidarity and fraternity, although the drive for commercial competition prevailed. These networks held, developed, and transmitted trading skills within their members to guarantee sound administration (such as the training of young men of merchant families16 and the transmission of knowledge of updated bookkeeping systems), financial instruments, and fluid information.17 The difference between the Medieval guilds and these merchant

68  The art of trade networks was the first acted in local, limited markets while the latter dedicated their main efforts to long-​distance trade.18 4. High-​end merchandise. A  commercial practice of these traders was to also penetrate the markets with luxury products to obtain the necessary liquidity to escape in case of persecution.19 All kinds of appreciated products were traded, including rarities such as ostrich eggshells, pearls, precious stones and medicines, which provided prestige to their owners, or “were thought to enhance reproduction, sex, and bodily health.” Chris A. Bayly has elaborated upon the concepts of cross-​cultural trade and the social value of commodities in what he called archaic globalisation: “in the register of bodily practice, the human being constructed global linkages through acts of bio-​moral transformation of substances and goods. The logic (…) was strategically to consume diversity (…) The pattern of collecting charismatic goods and substances differed significantly from the market-​driven uniformity of today’s world.”20 A characteristic feature of the Portuguese merchants was the slave trade in South and Southeast Asia, which also passed via Manila to the Americas. We will observe this issue at the end of the chapter. 5. Financial resources. Long-​ distance trade required the use of financial instruments that could be considered innovative at the time. These instruments included letters of credit, collective insurance against risk, selling on command, and employing commercial representatives in distant ports. These commercial skills were also a cultural enterprise that included negotiation skills, the use of translators, and cross-​ cultural connections with local merchants and authorities.21 The legal aspects of the transactions were essential for European merchants in Asia, who relied upon the written contracts and affidavits. The Iberians transplanted their legal machinery to remote Asia. For the crown, the detailed registration of commercial actions reflected a top-​down policy to curtail tax evasion. But for the merchants, the activity of diligently keeping records and notarised agreements was part of an innovative commercial practice. 6. Negotiation skills. Finally, the trading mechanism was an art of representation. The Portuguese merchants developed the necessary sensitivity of approaching a variety of local partners, as well as building trust and prestige. The material culture of that era left evidence of their social abilities, such as stylish dressing to impress in local markets, surrounded by servants and colourful regalia, including numerous slaves dressed in silk, parasols, and sedan chairs.22 It was, after all, an era of excesses by way of Baroque representation. 7. Risk management. Maritime trade has always had a high risk factor, as witnessed by the long history of shipwrecks and deaths in Portuguese and Spanish spaces in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.23 The way

The Portuguese legacy in Manila  69 in which both maritime cultures faced the risk, base in mutual support among the members of the trading community, is a topic seldom studied before. Next chapter dedicates particular attention to the mechanism embedded in the brotherhood of Misericordia, both in the Portuguese and the Spanish side. Macao condensed the Portuguese experience, accumulated in the half-​ century previous to its foundation and is the bridge that connected with the Spanish subjects arriving from the Pacific. The business networks were in charge of transmitting the commercial skills described above, known as Ars mercatoria.

Focal point: Macao The history of Macao is an example of resilience and survival. Since its foundation, the residents of the city –​merchants, to a large extent –​learnt and mastered the difficult technique of negotiation with the Chinese authorities of the province of Guangdong.24 They needed to do this to survive. They dealt with the officials of Estado da Índia, located in Goa, and sometimes with officeholders as far away as Lisbon. For the people of Macao, the concrete dimension of this experience was their daily contact with merchants of different origins, starting with the Chinese, and including traders from Japan, Siam, Annam, Borneo, Luzon, Java, and Sumatra. In the political field, Macao fought constantly for recognition from the Estado da Índia, trying to preserve a degree of autonomy in their trading decisions. Simultaneously, the inhabitants of the small port were in constant negotiation with the Chinese merchants and authorities, struggling to comply with Chinese regulations. The port of Macao concentrated its attention on the Chinese market, mostly through a special privilege granted by the Chinese authorities to access The Canton Fair (Guangzhou) each year and supporting the mid-​length and long trading maritime routes, such as Nagasaki, Melaka, Goa, and the Maluku. The East Asian trade was concentrated in Macao and continued to Europe across the Indian Ocean route. The opening of Manila as a merchant hub only 700 miles (1,152 kilometres) away, in the same zone, was a challenge to the functions developed by the Portuguese. However, the pragmatic merchants of Macao also saw an opportunity to inaugurate a new route across the Pacific Ocean to the Americas and eventually to Europe. The favoured historical narrative has misled many to think that Manila was a spontaneous creation of a Spanish hub in the burgeoning Asian trade market. However, myriad traits of Manila as a long-​distance trading port were a legacy of the experience of the Portuguese merchants, particularly those of Macao in interaction with the whole region. For over half a century Portuguese traders managed to obtain a detailed knowledge of routes, climates, supply ports, and security conditions in the Southeast Asia region.

70  The art of trade Writings and reports of this early period served to catalogue the products according to their geographical origin, prices and potential use. This can be understood as a case of what Arjun Appadurai called the social life of things, or goods. Although the pursuit of profit played a role in the process, many other non-​economic elements allowed the circulation of goods. Trading represented more than the relative price of the merchandise because the products were the vehicles for the exchange of values and were accepted as political and cultural mediators.25 It is worth observing that the accounts written at that time privileged information about high-​end products, precious stones, spices, and aromatics (among others objects) likely to be exported to Europe. However, the same reports generally paid little attention to the staple foods and tools necessary to maintain the economic life of the port cities. It has been argued that the weight of trade in the economy as a whole was relatively small, but this quantitative way of looking at the trends does not take into account the social effect of trade, including its cultural transmission. Concerning the concept of long-​distance trade, it is essential to bear in mind that the networks as a whole had the necessary contacts and, above all, the financial resources to risk entering new markets. These networks accumulated knowledge of the various ports, their range of products, the local agents to contact, and the benefits they could obtain. From a historical distance, we can observe an intangible factor of business continuity: the trust between network members, especially during critical periods. The transcending characteristic is the social composition of these networks. Their cultural identities remained resilient, despite the constant movement across borders. As we have seen in previous chapters, these merchants were able to interact in different contexts, from strict fiscal regimes that extracted heavy taxes, to more open mechanisms, like the ones observed in Southeast Asia. Often, these merchants belonged to circuits acting locally but performing globally. The Portuguese merchants of Melaka and Macao gathered these qualifications and were able to move to the edges of the empire and sustain a high degree of autonomy in their decisions.26 The citizens of Macao were determined to defend the defining characteristics of their city, namely self-​regulation and political autonomy, confronting first, the competition represented by the founding of Manila (1571) and second, the Union of Crowns (1581). The next section studies this process of negotiation and the agreements between Portuguese and Spanish in Asia.

Macao and Manila under one king At the time in which King Philip II/​I resided in Lisbon (1571–​1583) he received valuable information about the Portuguese affairs in Asia, ports, fortresses, merchandise and population.27 There were at that times three major routes of intra-​Asian trade (Melaka–​Spice Islands, Macao–​Japan, Melaka–​Goa),

The Portuguese legacy in Manila  71 known as concessions of voyages, which proved to be more active and profitable than trade between Goa and Lisbon itself. The concessions were granted to the capitāo-​mor, or captain-​major, which became the royal authority in several ports, in charge of regulating trade, administration and justice, followed by his captains and pilots. The routes calling at several ports were also the most profitable. The reason for this is that the Portuguese merchants obtained benefits at each stop due to the different prices of the products. These disparities were due to the variability of climate and production conditions. As the differences between ports became more pronounced, e.g. microclimates, harvest cycles, and manufacturing times, products became more appreciated and valuable. Melaka continued to be a hub of Portuguese trade in Southeast Asia in coexistence with Macao and other ports in India.28 The main products of this intra-​Asian trade were pepper and spices from Melaka to Macao; silk and gold from Macao to Japan, and silver from Japan to Macao. Macao sent silk, copper and precious metals to Goa. The ships used in this trade, mostly Naus or Galleons, were conspicuous in the region because they reached 1,200 to 1,600 tons each. The most famous was the “Black Ship” (Kurofune in Japanese, Nau do Trato in Portuguese) arriving every year to Nagasaki.29 Regarding Macao, the land of the city belonged to “the King of China,” but the laws and administrative system of the Portuguese kingdom governed their citizens. The city paid taxes for the occupation of land to the Chinese.30 It is worth mentioning that the identification of Portuguese in several narratives might refer to different personae: people born in Portugal (Reinois) or those born in Asia of Portuguese origin, or even Asians that were Christianised by the Portuguese.31 The outstanding position of King Philip II/​I to oversee the Asian domains was tied to his commitment to keep a separation between the Portuguese and Spanish administrations, and to address the interests expressed by the local expatriate communities, mainly composed of administrators, merchants, and missionaries. The monarch used all the information available from the Portuguese and Spanish sides to control the Portuguese addition to his empire. In 1581, King Philip I of Portugal ordered messages be sent urbi et orbi with the news of his crowning. The instructions to Asia arrived in two ways: India and New Spain. In Manila, Governor Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa (April 1580–​March 1583) decided to send an embassy to Macao to request from the Portuguese citizens of Macao the recognition of Philip as their new monarch. Jesuit priest Alonso Sánchez led the mission but faced reticence from Macao Jesuits and adverse reactions from Chinese authorities in Guangdong Province. It is not difficult to understand the apprehension of the Portuguese in Melaka, Macao and Nagasaki at that time regarding the potential negative impact of European events on their business in Asia. Rumours that the earlier contender to the Portuguese throne, Dom António, Prior of Crato, had moved to Asia made the situation even more anxious.32 Governor Ronquillo also sent letters to the captains-​major of Maluku, Diego de Azambuja, and Ambon,

72  The art of trade Sancho de Vasconcelos. He offered military support from the Philippines and informed them that he had also sent a letter to Melaka.33 The friendly tone of the letters must have been bitter for the Portuguese who received them, and whom had, little more than a decade before, fought against the entry of the Castilians into the Spice Islands. Notwithstanding many troubling elements of Alonso Sánchez’s first trip to Macao, he managed to obtain the allegiance of the citizens of Macao. On 20 January 1582, the fidalgos of Macao swore loyalty to Phillip II/​I as King of Portugal.34 Months later, the bishop of China (Macao) Melchior Carneiro sent a letter to Bishop Domingo de Salazar in the Philippines celebrating the news.35 Another act of allegiance was the letter, in the same tone, sent by Joāo de Almeida, Portuguese captain-​major in China, to Governor Ronquillo of the Philippines.36 It was evident that Macao and Manila had contrasting interests, as a result of their different developments.37 However, in the last quarter of the century there was a compelling phenomenon of synergies and rejections between the two port-​cities, which in each case had been the terminals of the expansion into Asia. The Union of Crowns released forces, likewise for cooperation and rejection, to the Manila–​Macao interlink. The Portuguese were reluctant to allow the merchants from Manila to have access to the Chinese market and to lose the advantage they had crafted in the previous decades. They attempted to be the only brokers with China, keeping their position to negotiate with the local merchants and authorities. They also feared the incursion of merchants from Castile to the profitable markets of Nagasaki, Ayutthaya (Siam), and Melaka. In the Philippines, in turn, some Spanish officials were opposed to maintaining relations with Macao. Some members of the religious congregations in Manila and some merchants representing the interests of New Spain and Seville cultivated a sense of contention with Macao. However, some of the first governors, notably Santiago de Vera and Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas, took an open stance in favour of trade with Macao. The main allegation to stop ties with Macao was the promise made by King Philip II/​I to keep a strict separation of both royal dominions. This division existed in many aspects of trade, but trade persisted across the Manila–​ Macao corridor. Merchants identified as Chinese or Japanese handled the trade between the Philippines and China, which included Macao and provinces on the southern coast, as well as Ryukyu and sometimes Japan. The Portuguese arrivals of one ship at least from Macao every year and also from other parts of Estado da Índia, were part and parcel of the supply of merchandise to the Manila Galleon.38 The Portuguese tried all the time to be the intermediaries in the trade between the Philippines and China and Japan. Trading was the essence of life of Macao and Manila, but remains necessary to address other elements in the political and cultural side that articulated their requests to the crown.

The Portuguese legacy in Manila  73

The slave trade An additional part of the business of the Portuguese merchants in Asia, which shows the extension of their connection to far distances and cultures, was human trafficking. According to Antonio de Morga (1609) and other witnesses, the Portuguese merchants used to take slaves from the territories of the Estado da Índia for sale in Manila. He reported the slave trade of “caffers and negroes” from India.39 The crown ruled that only heathen enemies captured in a just war could be made slaves. The intention was to prevent making slaves among those peoples who were likely to adopt the Roman Catholic religion, were in peace with the Iberian crown, or expressed the desire to be converted to that religion. Despite an official ruling to this effect, the slave trade in Manila persisted and even registered an upsurge during the whole period of the Union of Crowns, and during that epoch introduced Asian forced labour into the Americas.40 The Portuguese became the main suppliers of slaves in Manila, with an advantage in this trafficking due to their connections in the extensive territories of the Estado da Índia. Since the beginning of the occupation of the Philippines, the Spanish crown was involved in a debate promoted by the Spanish humanists who reflected on the impact of the conquest of the Americas in relation to the religious and moral principles of the destruction of the original cultures of the new continent. Formally, it was forbidden the slavery of peoples converted to the Roman Christian religion. In contrast, the import of non-​Christian slaves from Africa was allowed, in India and other regions.41 In Manila there were another concerns:  The Audience of Manila informed Spain in 1584 and 1586 that the Portuguese traders did not pay taxes on slaves brought from India and Macao, nor on slaves exported to New Spain. The administration resolved to force them to pay taxes, but years later, in 1605, the complaint was the same. Tatiana Seijas indicates that it was not until 1612 that the payment of almojarifazgo, imposed on foreign trade in goods and slaves, was established on seven ships from Macao. The markets in America showed different preferences regarding slaves. African slaves were destined for hard work, while slave labour from South and Southeast Asia was dedicated to housework and handicrafts. Asian women were target of sexual abuse, both on the galleon’s journey across the Pacific and at the final destination where they were purchased.42 The demand for slaves was so wide and stimulated by the trade across the Pacific, that it also touched the market of Japan. Jesuits complained about the trade of Japanese persons. In 1571, King Sebastian of Portugal issued an order prohibiting the trafficking of slaves in Japan so that Catholic missionary activity in Kyushu would not be hindered. In 1603 and 1605, the citizens of Goa protested against the law, claiming that the crown was wrong to prohibit the trafficking of legally acquired slaves. So in reality, the human trade continued as usual.43

74  The art of trade Human trafficking is better documented in the case of trade in the Atlantic. It is estimated that about 4.5 million Africans were taken to America to develop the sugar industry in Brazil. The discovery of gold and diamonds in the late seventeenth century accelerated human trafficking. In contrast, the massive slave movement in the Asian region is less well studied. Richard B.  Allen estimates that between 1500 and 1599, the Portuguese traded about 12,500 and up to 25,000 slaves in the Indian Ocean space; a figure that is repeated in the period 1600–​1699. With the advent of the Dutch, English, and French in the Portuguese and Spanish areas, the trade of slaves accelerated and became more sophisticated and detrimental for the populations of Africa, India and Southeast Asia.44 The Macao–​Manila trading corridor became an important mechanism for the transmission of knowledge and merchandise for the Portuguese merchants. Manila quickly absorbed Macau’s experience, mainly in the way it negotiated with China and other regional port cities in the East and Southeast regions of Asia. In this sense, the trading skills of individuals and the networks gave impetus to several of the features of trade that were passed on to trade in the Pacific.

Notes 1 Emma H.  Blair and James A.  Robertson, The Philippines Islands 1493–​1803. (Cleveland:  The Arthur H.  Clark Company, 1903), vol. VII, 1588–​ 1591, 199. Simancas, Secular, Audiencia de Filipinas; cartas y expedientes del presidente y oidores de esta Audiencia vista en el Consejo. 1583–​1599; est.67, caja 6, leg.18. The document includes a handwritten royal instruction to the Council of Indies:  “to study the case and to give advice to the king about measures that must be taken before the sailing of the ships,” signed in Pardo, 3 March 1590. 2 Charles R.  Boxer, “Portuguese and Spanish Rivalry in the Far East during the 17th Century.” JRAS, 2 (December 1, 1946): 150–​164. Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, vol. VII (1588–​1591), 262. 3 Archivo Portuguêz-​Oriental (APO), Carta Regia ao Vice-​rei D. Duarte de Menezes (Lisbon, 1587), 3rd vol., 1st part, 79–​85. Carta a Mathias d’Albuquerque do seu Conselho, e seu Visorrey da Índia, APO, 3rd vol., doc. 140, 419–​435. (Lisbon, 1 March 1594); Alvara do Re para prohibir a navegaçāo e comercio da Índia oriental e partes dellas pertenecentes á Coroa de Portugal pera as Índias occidentaes da Coroa de Castela e mais partes a ellas pertenecentes. APO, 3rd vol., doc. 147, (Madrid, 9 March 1594), 453–​454. Carta Regia a Vice-​Rei Mathias d’Albuquerque (February 18, 1595). APO, 3rd vol., doc.162, 473–​482. In this royal decree the king imposed sanctions to those breaking the prohibition to trade directly between New Spain and Macao. 4 Frank Broeze (ed.), Brides of the Sea:  Port Cities of Asia from the 16th-​20th Centuries. (Honolulu: University of Hawai’i Press, 1989), Frank Broeze, Gateways of Asia, (New York: Routledge, 2013). 5 The official document laying the foundation of the city of Manila was issued by the Notary-​in-​Chief Hernando Riquel on 3 June 1571. Blair and Robertson, The Philippines Islands 1493–​1803 (1903) Vol.1, n.3.

The Portuguese legacy in Manila  75 6 Dennys O. Flynn and Arturo Giraldez, “Cycles of Silver, Global Economic Unity through the Mid Eighteenth Century,” The Journal of World History 13, no.  2 (2002):  391–​427. These authors dated the beginning of globalisation with the founding of Manila in 1571. From the same authors, “Spanish Profitability in the Pacific. The Philippines in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries,” in Dennis O. Flynn, Lionel Frost and Anthony John H. Latham, Pacific Centuries: Pacific and Pacific Rim Economic History Since the 16th Century (New York: Routledge, 2002),  23–​37. 7 Miguel Rodrigues Lourenço, A Articulaçāo da Periferia. Macau e a Inquisiçāo de Goa (c.1582-​c.1650) (Macao and Lisbon:  Fundaçao Macau, Centro Científico e Cultural de Macau, I.P., 2017), 147–​ 148. See Carta do principe Filipe a D.  Francisco da Gama, vie-​rei da India, por via de Miguel de Moura, secretario de Estado, de 10 de mayo de 1598, in J.H. da Cunha Rivara, Lisbon: APO, Fasc 3, 862. 8 Historical Archives of Goa (HAG), MR, No.3B, fol. 443, 1589–​1595, quoted by James C.  Boyajian, “Goa Inquisition. A  New Light on First 100 Years (1561–​ 1660),” Purabhilekh-​Puratativa, IV, 1, Panaki-​Goa, (Jan–​June 1986): 1–​40. 9 See the proposal to the king by Duarte Gomez Solis, Alegación a Fauor de La Compañia de La India Oriental y Comercios Vltramarinos que de Nueuo se Instituyó en el Reyno de Portugal, 1628. 10 Antonio Díaz de Cáceres confirmed that his brother, Francisco Lopes de Casseres resided in Cochin, AGN Inquisición, vol. 159, Mexico, 1595. Diogo Fernándes Vitória, AGN Inquisición, vol. 162, Manila, 1598. Diogo Dias Neto, AGN, Inquisición, vol. 164. Mexico, 1595, and Bernardo de Luna, AGN Inquisición, vol. 164, Mexico, 1598. 11 Big cities, such as Porto and Lisbon, might attracted these merchants because they were less invigilated by the Inquisition, but also because of the financial and commercial advantages the urban centres offered in expanding their business. The same can be said about the migration to the edges of the empire. See Amélia Polónia, A Expansão Ultramarina Numa Perspectiva Local, Amélia Polónia –​O Porto de Vila Do Conde No Séc. XVI. 2 vols. (Lisbon: Imprensa Nacional Casa da Moeda, 2007), 145. 12 “In the 1590s, the Holy Office launched a rare visitation to Macau to pursue the Fernandes d’Aires complex in China. In Macau, the Inquisitor ordered the arrest of Leanor da Fonseca, daughter of Manuel Teixeira and Ines Gomes, whose contacts in the Far East included yet another native of Oporto and kinsman of the Fernandes d’Aires, Diogo Fernandes Vitoria of Manila.” James C. Boyajian, “Goa Inquisition.” (1986): 12; Biblioteca Nacional, Lisboa, reservados, folio 454. AGN, Inquisición, 162, fls 182–​184. 13 Lourenço, A Articuaçāo da Periferia (2017), 130–​136, and 156–​165. 14 From a historiographic viewpoint, Robin Vose proposes to enrich the analysis of the Inquisition processes, linking them across regions and the specific religious prosecution. “Beyond Spain:  Inquisition History in a Global Context.” History Compass 11, no. 4 (1 April 1 2013): 316–​329. 15 Alfred W. Crosby, The Measure of Reality. Quantification and Western Society, 1250–​ 1600 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997), chapter “Bookkeeping,” 73. See also Catherin Secretan, “From Permutation of Commodities to the Praise of Doux Commerce. Changes in Economic Rationality in Early Modern Times” in Jakob Bek-​Thomsen, Christian Olaf Christiansen, Stefan Gaarsmand Jacobsen

76  The art of trade and Mikkel Thorup, eds., History of Economic Rationalities Economic. Reasoning as Knowledge and Practice Authority (Cham, Switzerland: Springer, 2017). 16 In most cases, the sojourns of the young merchants in Africa, Brazil or India served as a crucial training period. Graça A Mateus Ventura, Negreiros Portugueses na rota de Indias de Castella (1541–​1556). (Lisbon: Edições Colibri, 1999). 17 The double entry bookkeeping is attributed to the accounting manual of Luca Pacioli, De Computis (Venice, 1494); Benedetto Cotrugli, Book of the Art of Trade (Venice, 1573); Carlo Carraro Carlo and Giovanni Favero, Benedetto Cotrugli – The Book of the Art of Trade: With Scholarly Essays from Niall Ferguson, Giovanni Favero, Mario Infelise, Tiziano Zanato and Vera Ribaudo (Cham: Springer, 2016). Saravia de la Calle, Instrucción de Mercaderes (Medina del Campo, 1544); J. Gentil da Silva, Lettres Marchandes de Rodrigues d’Evora et Veiga. Stratégie des Affaris à Lisbonne entre 1595 et 1607 (Paris: Librarie Armand Colin, 1956). For the description and historical evolution of the accounting techniques, see Jacob Soil, Jean-​ Batiste Colbert’s secret State of Intelligence System (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press, 2009), ­chapter 4. 18 Frédéric Mauro, “Merchant Communities, 1350–​1750,” in The Rise of Merchant Empires. Studies in Comparative Early Modern History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990), 255–​286. 19 José Alberto Rodrigues da Silva Tavim, “Judeus e Critāos-​Novos de Cochim História e Memória (1500–​ 1662),” PhD dissertation, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2001. This was not always the case, because the Jews of Tangiers traded in basic goods and performed practical trades such as doctors, shoemakers and bakers. 20 Chris A. Bayly, The Birth of the Modern World, 1780–​1914: Global Connections and Comparisons. The Blackwell History of the World (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2004),  42–​44. 21 Interpreters were essential to commercial tasks and were highly appreciated. Lingua, jurabaça (from the Malay word Jurubahasa) on the Portuguese side, or lengua, nahuatlato (interpreter of the Mesoamerican Náhuatl, but extended to all interpreters) were employed by the Castilians in New Spain. Malay was dominant in Asia for business during the sixteenth century, followed by Portuguese. Chinese was also employed in the commercial interactions. 22 Jorge Flores, O Espelho Invertido, Imagens asiáticas dos europeus 1500–​1800. Introduction by Luis Filipe Barreto (Macao:  Centro Científico e Cultural de Macau, I.P. Ministerio de Ciencia, Tecnologia e Insino Superior, 2007); Dennis Carr, Gauvin Bailey, Timothy Brook, Mitchell Codding, Karina Corrigan, and Donna Pierce, eds., Made in the Americas:  The New World Discovers Asia (Boston, New  York:  MFA Publications, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 2015); Gustavo Curiel, “Perception of Others and the Language of ‘Chinese Mimicry’ in the Decorative Arts of New Spain,” in Asia & Spanish America. Trans-​Pacific Artistic & Cultural Exchange, 1500–​1850. Donna Pierce and Ronald Otsuka, eds. (Denver: Denver Art Museum, 2006), 19–​36. 23 Bernardo Gomes de Brito. Historia tragico-​ maritima:  en que se escrevem chronologicamente os naufragios que tiveraõ as naos de Portugal, depois que se poz em excecicio a navegação da India. (Lisboa Occidental: Naofficina da Congregação do Oratorio, 1736). 24 Guangzhou (the city formerly known as Canton) is the capital city of the province of Guangdong. The spelling of Guangzhou and Guangdong in several languages

The Portuguese legacy in Manila  77 was confused with the name Canton, leading to Europeans later referring to the area as Canton. 25 Arjun Appadurai, ed., The Social Life of Things:  Commodities in Cultural Perspective. (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988). 26 Manuel Herrero Sánchez and Klemens Kaps, eds., Merchants and Trade Networks in the Atlantic and the Mediterranean, 1550–​ 1800:  Connectors of Commercial Maritime Systems. 1st edn (London, New  York:  Routledge, 2017); Daviken Studnicki-​ Gizbert, “Interdependence and the Collective Pursuit of Profits:  Portuguese Commercial Networks in the Early Modern Atlantic,” in Commercial Networks in the Early Modern World, Diogo Ramada Curto and Anthony Molho, eds. (Italy:  Badia Fiesolana, San Domenico, 2002); Studnicki-​ Giizbert explains that the Atlantic trade started with small units of “partnerships and merchant houses that came together to form the commercial backbone of different trading nations.” See A Nation Upon the Ocean Sea (2007), 8; George Bryan Souza, The Survival of Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea 1630–​1754 (Cambridge; London, New  York:  Cambridge University Press, 1986). 27 O Livro das Cidades, e Fortalezas, que a Coroa de Portugal tem nas partes da India, e das Capitanías, e mais cargos que nelas há, e da importancia deles. O Livro das Cidades (Book of Cities) is a codex with 107 pages, without images, that is the property of the Biblioteca Nacional de España (Manuscritos, 3217). It was reprinted for the first time in 1952 by Francisco Mendes de Luz. See also Graça Almeida Borges, entry of the e-​dictionary Project Lands Over Seas, (https://​edittip. net/​?s=livro+das+cidades&submit consulted 25 March 2018); Luis Saraiva. History of Mathematical Sciences: Portugal and East Asia IV (Hackensack, New Jersey: World Scientific Publishing Company, 2012). 28 Based on the livro das cidades, Luis Filipe Thomaz confirms interesting trends of trade, “Os Portugueses nos Mares da Insulíndia Século XVI,” chapter XIII of De Ceuta a Timor, (Lisbon: Difel, 1994) 567–​590. 29 Reiner H. Hesselink, “The Capitāes Mores of the Japan Voyage: A Group Portrait” International Journal of Asian Studies, 9, 1(2012):  1–​41. Charles R.  Boxer, The Great Ship from Amacon. Annals of Macao and the Old Japan Trade, 1555–​1640 (Lisbon: Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 1963). Linschoten described this voyage in detail, lasting three years from Melaka, Macao and Nagasaki and returning. See Jan Huygen van Linschoten, A. C. (Arthur Coke) Burnell, and Pieter Anton Tiele, The Voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies: From the Old English Translation of 1598: The First Book, Containing His Description of the East (London:  Printed for the Hakluyt Society, 1885), vol.1, pp. 145–​165. 30 Livro das Cidades, ch. XV, fl. 74–​75, cited in Saraiva, History of Mathematical Sciences, 4.  Regarding Portuguese trade with India, the analysis should rely on the narratives of Portuguese historians of that time, due to the loss of archival records. “There is, in contrast, better documentation and detailed corroborative evidence for the Japan[ese] and Manila trades.”; Souza, The Survival of Empire (1986), 48. 31 Rui Manuel Loureiro, Macao and Manila in the Context of Iberian Dutch Rivalry in the South China Sea, in Alan Norman Baxter, Maria Antónia Espadinha, Centro Português de Estudos de Sudeste Asiático, Aomen da Xue and Leonor Diaz

78  The art of trade de Seabra, Conference Proceedings of Macao-​ Philippines Historical Relations. University of Macau (2005): 282–​296. 32 The rumor turned to be baseless because the resistance against the Spanish power moved to the Azores, where it slowly faded out. See Subrahmayam, The Portuguese Empire in Asia, 1500–​1700 (2012), 2nd edn, 120–​124. The menace of an uprising lead by the followers of the Prior of Crato rumbled for at least a decade. See Fernando Bouza Alvarez, “De las alteraciones de Beja (1593) a la Revuelta Lisboeta dos Ingleses (1596). Lucha Política en el Último Portugal del Primer Felipe.” Studia Historica. Historia Moderna, Universidad de Salamanca, 17 (1997): 91–​120. 33 AGI, Patronato, 24, R.61. Letters to the captain-​ major of Moluccas and Ambon. 1582. 34 AGI, Patronato, 24. R.60. Oath of the Hidalgos of Macao, in (the) Philippines (sic), to king Phillip II as king of Portugal. 20 January, 1582. 35 AGI, Patronato, 24, R. 62. Letter from Dom Melchior Carneiro, the patriarch of Ethiopia in China to don Domingo de Salazar, bishop of the Philippines, celebrating the news that Phillip II is also king of Portugal, Macao, 1 July 1582. 36 AGI, Patronato, 24, R.59. Letter from don Joāo de Almeida, captain-​major for the Portuguese in China, to don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñaloza, governor of Philippines, giving his obedience to king Phillip II who is now king of Portugal. Macao, 24 June 1582. 37 These were the main questions raised among the first historians of the Macao-​ Manila link. Pierre Chaunu, “Manille et Macao, Face a La Conjoncture des XVIe et XVIIe Siècles.” Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 17, no. 3 (1962): 555–​580; Benjamim Videira Pires, A viagem de comércio Macau-​Manila, nos séculos XVI a XIX:  comunicação apresentada ao V Congresso da “Associação Internacional de Historiadores da Asia [1971]” (Macao: Centro de Estudos Marítimos de Macau, 1987); John Villiers, “Silk and Silver: Macau, Manila and Trade in the China Seas in the Sixteenth Century.” Lecture delivered to the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society at the Hong Kong Club (10 June 1980). Journal of the Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 20 (1980): 66–​80. See also: Conference of Macao-​Philippines Historical Relations, jointly organized by University of Macau and Portuguese Centre for the Study of Southeast Asia (CEPESA) (Macao: Co-​ sponsored by Institute of European Studies of Macau and Macau Millennium College, 2004). 38 Souza, The Survival of Empire (1986), 74–​75. 39 Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, Patricio Hidalgo Nuchera (ed.) (Madrid: Polifemo, 1997), 341. Lourido, A Rota Maritima, 328. 40 Virginia González Claverán, “Un Documento Colonial Sobre Esclavos Asiáticos.” Historia Mexicana, 38, no.3 (1989): 523–​532; Maria de Deus Beites Manso and Lúcio Sousa, “Os Portugueses e o Comércio de Escravos nas Filipinas (1580–​ 1600)” Revista de Cultura Macau (2011):  6–​22; Déborah Oropeza Keresey, “La Esclavitud Asiática en el Virreinato de La Nueva España, 1565–​1673.” Historia Mexicana, 61, no. 1 (2011); Ryan Crewe, “Transpacific Mestizo:  Religion and Caste in the Worlds of a Moluccan Prisoner of the Mexican Inquisition” Itinerario 39, no. 3 (December 2015): 463–​485.

The Portuguese legacy in Manila  79 41 William Henry Scott, Slavery in the Spanish Philippines. 2nd edn (Manila: De La Salle University Press, 1994). See also P. Borschberg review of this book JSEAS, 27, no.2 (1996) 440–​441. 42 Tatiana Seijas, “The Portuguese Slave Trade to Spanish Manila:  1580–​1640.” Itinerario 32, no.  1 (March 2008):  19–​38. See also Tatiana Seijas, Asian Slaves in Colonial Mexico:  From Chinos to Indians (New  York:  Cambridge University Press, 2014). 43 Thomas Nelson, “Slavery in Medieval Japan,” Nipponica Monument, Sophia University, Vol. 59, no. 4 (Winter 2004): 463–​492. 44 Richard B.  Allen, Satisfying the “Want for Labouring People”:  European Slave Trading in the Indian Ocean, 1500–​1850, Journal of World History, Vol. 21, no. 1, University of Hawai’i Press (2010), 64.

5  Wealth and power

Political and commercial elites The members of the merchant networks were part of the local elites in the Portuguese and Castilian ports of the Far East, meaning a minority of the population with a large political influence in public matters. They effectively exerted power and political influence due to their wealth and connections and, also, because they were close to the sources of trade controlling the most important income of those cities. Sometimes they combined their merchant activities with official positions. For them, the distance from the metropolis often became a commercial and political advantage. The merchant elite of Macao had, since 1582–​1583, the Senado da Camara (municipal council) to regularly express their petitions to the crown. The creation of this institution can be seen as an indirect reaction of the citizens of the port to prevent the possibility of absorption by the authorities of Manila. Under the initiative of Bishop Carneiro, the citizens of Macao decided to create legislative representation and, years later, the Portuguese viceroy of India endorsed the institution on 10 April 1586. Likewise, trade management issues were resolved each year through negotiation with the captains-​major appointed by the viceroy of Goa.1 The Macao Senate voiced the interests of merchants and citizens in connection with the tight regulations introduced by the crown through the captains-​major.2 As explained above, the accumulated experience of dealing with the Chinese regional authorities gave to the commercial elite of Macao an invaluable advantage and a degree of autonomy. For the city, the recognition of Macao’s importance by the Chinese authorities was crucial, as happened in 1584 when the Chinese procurator of Macao’s affairs took second place among the mandarins of Guangdong.3 In the Philippines, the elite was composed of several circles of ruling persons who exerted power or who tied to positions of status and authority. First, there was a fluctuating social group (of family, friends, and assistants) around the governor who, in turn, was prone to obtain fast profits before being moved to other destinations in the Habsburg empire after three to six years in duty. Second, there were merchants of European origin who were in direct contact with the large group of Chinese residing in Manila, the large majority from

Wealth and power  81 the Fujian province. The religious orders also exercised an important role in the public affairs of Manila, as we will see below. There was also a small community of Japanese Christians who had obtained refuge in Manila and survived on small trading. Finally, there were the local Filipino rulers (datus) who maintained a level of authority in the population.4 Manila suffered from a permanent dearth of European population, due to the distance to Spain and New Spain and the difficulty of adapting to local conditions. By 1571, the city had 250 European settlers registered as vecinos (neighbours), mostly armed men from the first expeditions.5 Between 1590 and 1600 the population of the colony increased only to 300 civilian residents and 200 soldiers.6 The average European population in the islands rarely amounted, in the ensuing years, to more than a few thousand. William Lytle Schurz quoted an adage, saying that, in the Philippines only the Church prospered.7 One characteristic that identifies the elites in both cities was their cosmopolitan behaviour and mentality. Describing the social and political organisation of Macao, the subsistence of the port city “was protected by the managerial abilities of a group of merchant elites in several domains.” This elite of traders concentrated “power, wealth, and knowledge.”8 In due proportion, the foreign community of Manila, originally brought as soldiers, missionaries, and official administrators, seized the opportunity to immerse itself in the city’s commerce, despite the different restrictions and limitations imposed on its members. A  few years after the establishment of Manila, together with royal support provided to the Philippines in political, military, and economic terms, a merchant elite emerged simultaneously with the upsurge of Asian goods and American silver. In the long run, the connection of merchant elites in Manila, New Spain, and briefly in Peru, became crucial to Castilian permanence in the archipelago. Katharine Bjork argues that the shared interests of the elites in both New Spain and the Philippines, in the context of global economic dynamism, was more relevant than the central imperial design from Spain.9 The cultural practices of the elites, in particular their religious displays, also left an imprint on the mutual influence between Macao and Manila. Each port city displayed features of the diversity of their inhabitants, their different origins and spiritual beliefs. Altogether, all of these elements constitute what can be called the “ethos of the city” –​the way in which the population organises itself and lives together, their social organisation, and the production of culture. Beyond the possible similarities of these cities, the resulting ethos was related to contact with the culture in which they survived. Also, the way of organising and surviving reflected the conflict between the interests of the representatives of the Empire (secular or religious), with local needs. In Manila, the atmosphere of the colony was turbulent in the 1580s, due to the ongoing controversy between Archbishop Domingo Salazar and the governors about the abuses against the natives Filipinos and the Chinese sojourners in the port.10 In Macao, a partial solution to these tensions was found at the political level, through the municipal council, which allowed

82  The art of trade the citizens to discuss the administration of the city, organise festivities, and trade.11 Part and parcel of the political structure of Macao and Manila were the Roman Catholic orders. The religious stream in the Philippines also included missionaries with previous experience in the New Spain who transmitted practices and beliefs that shaped the social life of the archipelago. The different religious orders showed particular agendas. The Dominicans specialised in the prosecution of heresy; Augustinians and Franciscans were concerned with the religious education of the local population. The Jesuit order held the missionary monopoly in Portuguese space, but was also active in the Philippines. On the ecclesiastic side, the foundation of the bishopric of Macao, in January 1576, can be seen as a Portuguese response to the arrival of the Castilians in the Philippines.12 Promoted by the energetic bishop, Melchior Carneiro, the diocese played at local and global levels, agglutinating the agency of the people of Macao and defending the interests of the Portuguese inhabitants in Asia in front of the crown. Concurrently, the Jesuits fought for their turf in China and Japan, shielded by Portuguese royal patronage, at the time in which the missionary order was deeply involved in commerce. For example, between 1579 and 1583, the Franciscan friars Pedro de Alfaro and G.  Baptista Lucarelli held the church Nossa Senhora dos Anjos (our Lady of the Angels), but they were expelled from Macao because they had arrived from the Castilian camp. At this point, the church passed into the hands of the Jesuits.13

Risk management: the case of the Misericordia A significant example of this combination of political power, trade, and religion was the constitution of the brotherhood of Misericordia in the capital of the Philippines in 1594. The model for this institution was the brotherhood of the same name existing in several Portuguese cities. Queen Leonor of Portugal created the original association in Lisbon in 1498. The statutes of the charity in Manila were very similar to the Portuguese original brotherhoods in Goa and Macao. The beginning of this institution in the Philippines was a step towards providing private community support to the weakest segments of the Spanish community. Based on the donations of wealthy members of society, the Misericordia charity supported a hospital for Spanish widows, orphans, and needy Spanish citizens. However, in the ensuing decades, part of the financial resources accumulated by the brotherhood were invested in the galleon trade that had become the most important and lucrative activity of the city. Carmen Yuste underscores the participation of three Portuguese neighbours of Manila in the initial session of the brotherhood that elected the first mesa (board): the Jesuit Pereyra, the Franciscan Frey Marcos de Lisboa (sic), and a lay brother Cristóbal Giral.14 The initiative to establish the Misericordia was

Wealth and power  83 attributed to Juan Fernández de León, a layperson who travelled from Spain to Mexico and arrived at the beginning of the 1590s to Manila. Fernández de León was engaged in charity in one of the poorest districts of Manila (Ermita, around the church of Our Lady of Guidance) and suggested to Governor Gomez Pérez Dasmariñas the creation of the Misericordia. After the death of the governor, the chair was passed to the governor’s son, Luis Pérez Dasmariñas. The earliest document available of the Misericordia is a copy of the statutes drafted in 1606. However, the first known edition was printed in 1675.15 Two characteristics of the Misericordia are relevant to the arguments of this research: channeling resources to navigation and covering risk. A few decades after its foundation, the charity performed a growing role in pooling financial resources and using these assets to finance trade and sharing the risk involved with long-​distance trade. Due to the endowment accumulated by the institution, lending monetary resources to the merchants of the Manila Galleon became a common practice in the seventeenth century, bearing an interest rate of 10 per cent. The institution invested in obras pías (pious works) that financed the risk of navigation, from there the name risco maritimo (maritime risk) emerged. During the period considered in this study, this institution was limited to charity work, but its activities are noteworthy because it laid the ground for subsequent developments in funding merchants. The Misericordia evolved by financing trade, with the advantage that charity escaped from possible accusations of moral damage for the sin of usury, often punished by the legal and social standards of the Iberian communities. The case of the Misericordia charity can be an illustration of the combination of moral values and business agency of the Iberian early modern period, dominated, as it was, by the Counter-​Reformation and the Baroque culture. In terms of the trading system, this type of organisation provided predictability of funding and assumed part of the risk cost. The reader will see in the next section how members of the Portuguese merchant network began to deploy their political and commercial skills, Ars Mercatoria, as members of the local elites, in the Macao–​Manila trade corridor.

Interactions between Macao and the Philippines An overview of the trends of commerce between Macao and Manila since the 1580s suggests intermittent contact, reflecting the political circumstances, from conflict to cooperation.16 On one hand, the interaction between the two cities was an opportunity to obtain benefits from the regional trade. The tension was evident in the lack of regularity of the shipments and the composition of the cargo, but the Portuguese support was welcomed after the great fire of the city in 1583, and later on, it developed into cooperation. The statistics of the Contaduria (accounting records) shows a total of 1,055 merchant vessels connected China and Manila between 1580 and 1642.

84  The art of trade However, only 77 arrived directly from Macao, meaning, 978 vessels came from different ports along the southern coasts during this period. This statistic reflects the payment of port duties (almojarifazgo) from the ships arriving in Manila, but it seems highly possible that many other arrivals, plus smuggling, were not captured in the data. Technically, bilateral trade between Macao and Manila was forbidden, but it continued, and even flourished during the first three decades of the seventeenth century with 69 arrivals from Macao alone. These statistics reflect the overwhelming influence of Chinese trade on Manila’s economy, but does not diminish the importance of bilateral trade between Macao and Manila.17 This bilateral trade observed a preliminary period between 1580 and 1600, with an expansionary tendency in the following two decades, but the apex was between 1622 and 1642. Evidently, the separation of Portugal and Spain in the 1640s harmed the exchange. The most intense phase of the Macao–​ Manila trade was registered, with at least one ship from China every year between 1619 and 1644, except in the years 1634 and 1643 when no arrivals were registered. Overall, the Portuguese trade from other parts of the Estado da Índia was very active between 1620 and 1638, with an interruption after that year.18 It is also possible to observe Portuguese participation in Chinese trade and the supply from other parts of Southeast Asia, acting as brokers. There were constant complaints about the Portuguese meddling in Chinese trade. In the early seventeenth century, a report to the Council of Indies by the alderman of Manila José de Navada underscored the point that the Portuguese bought complete batches of goods in advance at the Canton Fair; they harassed the Chinese merchants (Sangley) in the sea and acted as intermediaries influencing price increases in Manila. Navada estimated the usual value of the imports from Macao to be about 1,500,000 gold pesos.19 The zone between Macao and Manila proved to be a porous barrier for the merchants and the missionaries alike, particularly after forming the Union of Crowns.20 Portuguese traders had accumulated experience in dealing with a variety of local traders and a variety of social and political entities. This process was also observed in the sphere of the political economy of the polycentric empire, and more specifically, in the bargaining with the crown for special fiscal treatment.21 Another way to observe this activity is by examining the composition of trade. In the dawn of the new century, several travelers who visited Manila confirmed the abundance and variety of products, supplied from other ports of Southeast Asia, making the Philippine capital a trading hub for the whole region. Among the outstanding narratives that can be mentioned, are those of the Fleming Jacques de Coutre,22 the Italian Francesco Carletti,23 the information leaked to the United Provinces of the Netherlands by the Dutchman John Huyghen van Linschoten,24 and, a few decades later, the travel account of the Englishman Peter Mundy.25 However, it was Antonio de Morga who described the trade of Manila at the turn of the century in a far superior and

Wealth and power  85 detailed manner. In his account, he mentioned the arrival of Portuguese ships to port, illustrating the regional Asian trade that supplied the long-​distance trade of the Manila Galleon: [The Portuguese trade] from Maluco and from Malacca with the south-​ west monsoon; the goods they bring are cloves, cinnamon, pepper, black and Caffre slaves, cotton cloths of all sorts, fine muslins, fine stiff cotton stuff … gauze … rambutis (sic), and other sorts of stuffs very fine and costly, amber and ivory, embroidered stuff of aloes, ornamental coverings for beds, hangings, and rich coverlets of Bengal, Cochin, and other countries, many gilt things and curiosities, jewels for headdresses and rarities from India, wine, raisins and almonds, delicate preserves, and other fruits brought from Portugal and prepared in Goa, carpets, and small carpets of silk and fine wools from Persia and Turkey, writing cases, drawing-​ room chairs and other furniture daintily gilt, made in Macao, needlework on white stuffs and silk of combined colours, chain lace and royal point lace, and other work of much delicacy and perfection. All these things are purchased in Manila, and paid for in reals and in gold [i.e. in silver and gold], and these ships return in January with the north-​east winds, which are their fixed monsoon; and for Maluco they take away provisions of rice, wine, crockery, and other baubles which are in request there, and to Malacca only gold or money, excepting a few particular gewgaws and rarities from Spain, and emeralds: the king’s duties are not levied on these ships.26 This list of products reflected the general impression of that time, but it is pertinent to observe that trade was not always the luxury that is attributed to the exchange with China. The Manila settlers also demanded basic goods for the survival of the foreign community: fruits and grains, flour, munitions, maintenance equipment for the trading vessels (i.e. iron and nails), low-​cost cotton for clothing, saltpetre (sodium nitrate, used in the production of gunpowder), copper, and mercury (employed in silver mining in Peru and New Spain).27 The most prestigious silk of China was produced in the centre of China and was acquired by the Portuguese at the Canton Fair (Guangzhou). It was in such demand that it stimulated production in some southern parts of China. The brief mention of the slave trade as one of the “merchandise” coming into Manila should not escape our attention. Based on the needs of Manila, the administrators allowed exceptions to the general prohibition of trade with Macao that, more often than not, ensued for their personal benefit. Two items were treated as strategic by the crown and the administrators in Macao and Manila: saltpetre and mercury.28 Special permits allowed transporting these supplies, thus circumventing limits to the bilateral trade.29 Connected to this privileged situation, the Portuguese also gained advantage in the shipping industry. In 1584, governor Santiago de Vera (May 1584–​May 1590) wrote about the possibility of buying saltpetre

86  The art of trade in Macao and Siam to produce gunpowder because they had sulphur and carbon. In the same report, the governor recommended producing ships locally to supply the trade with New Spain, because he needed to take two Portuguese vessels anchored in Manila, when he received news of Japanese pirates prowling in the vicinity.30 The increasing importance of Manila became attractive to elites and merchants from other parts of the empire, especially from Peru. The interest of Peruvian traders in the Asian market left testimonies useful to evaluate here, as they show the degree of uncertainty and conflict prior to the establishment of the Manila Galleon system. This situation became evident during the government of Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñaloza (1580–​1583). The governor had the task of proclaiming to the authorities and citizens of Macao the Union of Crowns, and of obtaining their loyalty to King Philip II/​I. He sent father Alonso Sanchez to Macao, igniting unexpected consequences. However, it can be observed that the governor appraised the whole political situation from a limited private perspective, resulting from his previous experience and influence in Spain and Peru, where he forged and maintained contacts through his extended family.31 Before his arrival to Manila, the governor had plans to open trade across the Pacific with Peru, bluntly challenging the stand of the crown that restricted the ties of the Philippines with New Spain only. This pretension of Ronquillo de Peñaloza contradicted the strategic design of the crown which, from an economic point of view, sought to prevent the flight of silver to Asia, and from a political viewpoint, barred connections between New Spain and Peru, fearing the potential threat of political independence.32 However, Ronquillo de Peñaloza sent two ships in 1580 from Manila to Peru, but they returned to the Philippines due to adverse weather. In a third attempt in June 1581, the galleon, Nuestra Señora de Cinta, arrived in December at the port of Lima (El Callao). Under the pretext of providing artillery from the Philippines for the defence of Peru, the journey turned out to be a trick to supply Asian goods. This hoax triggered a royal enquiry in Mexico and Peru.33 Meanwhile, the governor died of natural causes in Manila, but his nephew, Diego Ronquillo (1583–​1584), replaced him carrying out similar family plans. Contemporary chronicles in Lima documented the impression caused by the Chinese products in Peru, opening an appetite for new trips across the Pacific.34 With an investigation still in underway, regardless of a royal reprimand, the Nuestra Señora de Cinta returned to the Philippines around April 1583, presumably with Peruvian merchants holding silver from the rich mines of South America. This saga unfolded the following year, as will be seen later, when Peruvian merchants got a second opportunity to trade in Asia. Meanwhile, Diego Ronquillo wrote a letter in Manila on 21 June 1583, telling the king of the difficulties faced in China by Jesuit Father Alonso Sanchez and of his return to the Philippines after a one-​year visit to the southern Chinese provinces. The governor recounted the initially hostile reaction of

Wealth and power  87 the Portuguese living in China against the visit of Sanchez, but recognised that the priest had achieved his duty thanks to the intervention of three persons: the Jesuit Visitor, Alessandro Valignano; the captain-​major in Macao, Ayres Gonçalvez Miranda; and, “a noble resident of that province named Bartholomé Baez Landero [who] has proved loyal to Your Majesty’s service [which] prepared a boat [to] send Alonso Sanchez.” Governor Ronquillo (Jr) added an interesting comment: “I have received much information about the things and greatness of China from the Portuguese that they brought.” In the same letter, the governor proposed the takeover of China with a thousand Spaniards, and an armada of ten or twelve galleons. This proposal was one of the many initiatives to invade China that fevered the minds of the Castilians in Manila in the ensuing years.35 Alonso Sanchez corroborated, in an extensive account of his first voyage, his commendation of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro (Bartolomé Báez Landero in Spanish), and he mentioned this Portuguese merchant as a faithful follower of the Jesuits, enormously rich and certainly extravagant.36 Among the messages carried to Manila by Father Sanchez was a letter dated in Macao on 14 December 1582 by the visitor of the Society of Jesus, Alessandro Valignano to the Governor General of the Philippines, Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, already deceased. With flowery prose, the Jesuit strategist made particularly clear a warning to the authorities of Manila to avoid entering into Japan or China, and to stop, at once, putting at risk the secular domains of the new King of Portugal and the spiritual work on the region –​implicitly indicating the missionary works done by the Jesuits of China. Valignano explained that the troubles faced by the embassy of Father Alonso Sanchez, in conveying the news of the royal unification, was due to the suspicion of Chinese governments, who were always alert to the presence of foreigners in their territory and a Spanish presence in the region. He advised restraining from any actions, from commercial to religious, before putting at risk altogether Macao and the Philippines.37 Valignano also dedicated expressions of appreciation to captain Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, which helped the delegation led by Alonso Sanchez to leave China, after many difficulties imposed by local authorities. He wrote: “He is a person that deserves to be rewarded by H.E., because the service done to his majesty, taking the fathers back to the Philippines with such good will, but also because he had devoted many expenses and had many losses” and recommended the governor to compensate Vaz Landeiro, “who is a wealthy man,” that in the service of his majesty “does not know how to stop spending.” The Jesuit hoped that the Portuguese merchants could leave Manila in good condition and have the opportunity to return “with larger ships.”38 However, against the Jesuit’s suggestion, the governor, Diego Ronquillo, reiterated, in another letter to the king, dated 20 June 1583, an even bolder plan:  to conquer China, with forces gathered in South America, mainly in Chile. This scheme never happened, but the real purpose of the governor was to establish a commercial connection between the South American

88  The art of trade viceroyalty of Peru and the Philippines. He was challenging the suitability of the Acapulco–​Manila route, proposing to replace it with a Lima–​Manila connection, arguing “it is known the navigation (route) and how good is the voyage; (with only) eighty days, and sixteenth days of calm, and it is considered a better voyage than New Spain to these islands.” He offered himself to travel to Chile, recruit troops and return to the Philippines.39 In this context, the galleon San Juan Bautista, set sail from Manila in June 1583 bound for Acapulco, under the command of Francisco de Mercado. On the route, the ship deviated to Macao, apparently because it encountered rough weather.40 The information reached Manila in March 1584, indicating that on board the ship there were Peruvian merchants, who had arrived the previous year in the Philippines. They rebelled against captain Francisco de Mercado and after leaving Manila they forced the ship to move to the Portuguese port.41 Once again, the merchant Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro rescued the Castilians, bringing to Manila captain Mercado and members of the crew that did not join the revolt. Francisco de Mercado was part of the circle of Governor Gonçalo Ronquillo, arriving in the Philippines with him in 1580, becoming captain of the Manila Galleon, encomendero, and mayor of Manila in 1591.42 This episode is important because it reveals the beginning of the relationship between Portuguese traders and the Spanish in Manila. As a result of this incident, apparently, Vaz Landeiro made his first visit to the capital of the Philippines. Governor Diego Ronquillo, in Manila, reported the situation in detail.43 In May 1584, the governor sent the accountant and controller, Juan Bautista Román44, and father Alonso Sánchez to China (his second trip in two years) to solve the situation of a ship detained in Macao.45 After five months of litigation, the Portuguese and local Chinese authorities accepted that the envoys from Manila had priority to judge the rebels because the offence happened in a Spanish ship, not in Chinese or Portuguese territories. The justification to send this mission was to settle the jurisdiction of Castilian law for future cases, as Governor Diego Ronquillo explained in his letter dated 8 April 1584. Another task was to negotiate a commercial treatment with the Chinese similar to the Portuguese in Macao.46 The ship arrived in Acapulco at the beginning of 1585 but sailed again to Peru, under rumours that the merchants bribed Bishop Pedro Moya de Contreras, temporarily in charge of the government of New Spain. Later, we will study how the bishop of Mexico played a direct role in the early times of the Manila Galleon, first in New Spain and later in his capacity as President of the Council of Indies.47 The incursion of Peruvian interests into the nascent Manila Galleon system concluded with these fiascos, although silver from South America continued flowing indirectly into Asia during the subsequent centuries.48 During the 1580s, contradictory forces continued proliferating in the Iberian outposts in Asia, controverting the guidelines established by the crown. It was during this period that a new set of rules for trading were being drawn up by the Council

Wealth and power  89 of Indies, and issued in 1593. Altogether, the main effect of these cases was the reinforcement of the decision to organise the trade with stricter regulations. The next chapter turns to analysing how and why the Portuguese merchant network in the Macao–​Manila corridor was well positioned to enter into trade across the Pacific Ocean. This group of merchants enjoyed the advantage of being “local” in Manila and firmly settled in Southeast Asia, with allies and representatives in the viceroyalties of the Americas.

Notes 1 Reaffirming the relative autonomy of the port city, Macao sent seven diplomatic missions to the Ming authorities from 1600–​1633. Jorge M.  dos Santos Alves. “To Beijing: Macao´s Diplomacy with the Ming Dynasty (1600–​1633),” in Macau during the Ming Dynasty Luis Filipe Barreto (Lisbon: Centro Científico e Cultural de Macau, 2009). 2 “In civil and criminal lawsuits between the Portuguese, they rely on the Captain Major or the oydor (judge), but when a Chinese is involved, the case is referred to the mandarin or the judge of Canton” observed Juan Bautista Roman in his letter 8 September 1584, in Macao. AGI, Filipinas, 29. Transcription by Manel Ollé. 3 Tianze Zhang (T’ien-​Tsê Chang). Sino-​Portuguese Trade from 1514 to 1644:  A synthesis of Portuguese and Chinese Sources (Boston: Brill Archive, 1969). See Rui d’Avila Lourido, “Portugueses e Espanhois em Macau e Manila com os Olhos na China.” Revista de Cultura Macau, 7, Iberian Relations in East Asia (2003): 23–​45. 4 Onofre Dizon Corpuz tells the history of the rebellion of the datus Maharlikas, in 1588. This is a testimony of the difficulties facing the stabilisation of the Castilian regime in Luzon. Onofre Dizon Corpuz, The Roots of the Filipino Nation (Manila:  Philippine Centennial Edition (1898–​1998), 1998), 114–​118; Juan Gil, “Los Japoneses en Manila en el siglo XVII,” in Pedro Cardim, Leonor Freire Costa and Mafalda Soares da Cunha, eds., Portugal Na Monarquia Hispânica. Dinâmicas de Integração e Conflito (Lisbon: CHAM /​Red Columnaria, 2013), 17–​51; Ryan Crewe, “Transpacific Mestizo:  Religion and Caste in the Worlds of a Moluccan Prisoner of the Mexican Inquisition.” Itinerario 39, 03 (December 2015): 463–​485. 5 Tamar Herzog, Defining Nations: Immigrants and Citizens in Early Modern Spain and Spanish America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2011), ch.1. The term vecino, Tamar Herzog explains, is a pragmatic status identifying the settlers that followed the rules and benefited from the rights established in the communities. See also Luis Merino, El Cabildo Secular: Aspectos fundacionales y Administrativos. Estudios sobre el Municipio de Manila, vol I  (Manila:  The Intramuros Administration, 1983), 26. 6 Luis Merino, El Cabildo Secular (1983), 31. 7 William L.  Schurz, The Manila Galleon (New  York:  E.P. Dutton & Company, Inc., 1939). Manila had become a warehouse of the Faith (“Almacén de la Fe”) from which missionaries issued forth to labour at the conversion of the infidels of the surrounding regions … In 1722 there were … over 1,500 priests in the islands, or more than the total of the Spanish lay population at that time. (51–​52)

90  The art of trade See Garcia-​Abásolo, “Formas de Alteración social en Filipinas. Manila, escenario urbano de dramas personales,” in Un Océano de intercambios (1521–​1898), Miguel Luque Talaván y Marta Manchado López, eds. vol. I (Madrid: Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional, 2007), 255–​284; Marta Ma. Machado Lopez, “La Audiencia de Manila y la Concesión de Licencias a los Chinos. La Gestión del Oidor Rivera Maldonado” in Orbis incognitvs: avisos y legajos del Nuevo Mundo homenaje al profesor Luis Navarro García (Huelva: Universidad de Huelva, 2007). 8 Elsa Penalva, “Merchant Elites of Macao in 1642.” Bulletin of Portuguese -​Japanese Studies 17 (2008): 167–​195. 9 Katharine Bjork, “The Link that Kept the Philippines Spanish: Mexican Merchant Interests and the Manila Trade, 1571–​1815.” Journal of World History 9, no. 1 (1 April 1998): 25–​50. 10 “Letter to the king by Frey Domingo de Salazar,” Manila, 20 June 1582 and “Affairs in the Philippine Islands, Domingo de Salazar,” Manila, 1583, in Emma H. Blair and James A.  Robertson, The Philippines Islands 1493–​1803. (Cleveland:  The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903), vol. V, 1582–​1583. 11 A similar solution was created in the Spanish America as Cabildo. The instruction to build cities in the Spanish America were very detailed. See Zelia Nuttall, “Royal Ordinances Concerning the Laying Out of New Towns.” The Hispanic American Historical Review 5, no. 2 (1922): 249–​254. 12 Bula Super Specula Militantis Ecclesiae, January 1576, by pope Gregorio XIII, created the bishopric of Macao with jurisdiction in China, Japan and Korea, see Luis Filipe Barreto, Macau: Poder e Saber. Séculos XVI e XVII, (Lisbon: Editorial Presença, 2006), 141. 13 Manuel Teixeira, “Os Franciscanos em Macao.” Archivo Ibero-​Americano, nos. 149–​152 (1978): 309–​312. 14 Carmen Yuste studies a long cycle of the Misericordia, to observe the economic nature of this institution in the Trans-​Pacific trade. See “Obras Pías en Manila. La Hermandad de la Santa Misericordia y las Correspondencias a Riesgo de Mar en el Tráfico Transpacífico en el Siglo XVIII,” in La Iglesia y sus Bienes. De la Amortización a la Nacionalización. María Del Pilar Martínez Lopez-​Cano, Elisa Speckman Guerra, and Gisela von Wobser, eds. (México:  UNAM, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 2004), 181–​202. 15 Ordenanzas y constituciones de la Sancta Misericordia de la Insigne ciudad de Manila reguladas conforme a estado, y disposiciones de la tierra por los Hermanos de la dicha Hermandad, conforme a las Ordenanzas de la Ciudad de Lisboa se dispone, y aunados a ella el año de 1606. Manila 1724. Archive University of Santo Tomas. Catalogue 1. Becerros, Folletos, and Libros. By Fr. Gregorio Arnaiz, O.P. Edited and annotated by Regalado Trota José, with an Introduction by Fr. Fidel Villarroel (Manila: University of Santo Tomas Publishing House, 2016). 16 During the period of Governor Ronquillo de Peñalosa in the Philippines (1580–​ 1583), the Viceroy of India was Francisco de Mascarenhas (1581–​1584). The Viceroy of New Spain was Pedro Moya de Contreras, also bishop and inquisitor of Mexico, who later became president of the Council of Indies (September 1584–​November  1585). 17 Pierre Chaunu. Las Filipinas y El Pacífico de Los Ibéricos. Siglos XVI-​XVIII. Estadísticas y Atlas. (México:  Instituto Mexicano de Comercio Exterior, 1974), 66; See also Rui d’Avila Lourido, “The Impact of the Silk Trade: Macau–​Manila,

Wealth and power  91 from the Begining to 1640,” in The Silk Roads: Highways of Culture and Commerce, Vadime Eliseeff, ed. (Paris: UNESCO, 2000), 209–​247. 18 George Bryan Souza, The Survival of Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea 1630–​1754 (Cambridge, London, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 74–​75. 19 Blair and Robertson, The Philippines Islands (1903), Vol. XXV, 111–​144. See also Chapter 2 and note on abbreviations and currencies in this book. For a discussion regarding Portuguese trade at Manila see Joseph de Navada Alvarado, in Schurz, The Manila Galleon (1939), 132. 20 Rodrigues Lourenço, “Toponímia, Titulatura e Ordem Espacial:  As Ilhas do Sueste Asiático e a Formacāo da Fronteira Luso-​Castelhana na Asia.” Anuario Centro de Estudos de História do Atlantico 3 (2011): 762–​777. This author observes the phenomenon from the process of legitimation of the Spanish crown, clearly appropriating in symbolic terms the territories reserved to the Portuguese by the Zaragoza treaty. 21 Pedro Cardim, “The Representatives of Asian and American Cities at the Cortes of Portugal,” in Pedro Cardim et al. Polycentric Monarchies. How Did Early Modern Spain and Portugal Achieve and Maintain a Global Hegemony? Pedro Cardim, Tamar Herzog, José Ruiz Ibañez and Gaetano Sabatini, eds. (Sussex: Fundación Séneca, Sussex Academic Press, CHAM, Red Columnaria, 2014), 43–​53. Pedro Cardim offers a broad perspective of the kind of negotiation of the kingdoms “adhered” to under the Spanish monarchy, although he studies the process of centralisation of the seventeenth century under the rule of Count-​Duke of Olivares. 22 Peter Borschberg, The Memoirs and Memorials of Jacques de Coutre:  Security, Trade and Society in 16th-​and 17th-​ century Southeast Asia. Translated by Roopanjali Roy, (Singapore:  National University of Singapore, 2013), 215–​216. Trade was prosperous, as Jacques de Coutre says that every year from Melaka two or three carracks carried textiles and “many slaves” to Manila. From the Philippines they returned with silver, gold and cloves. 23 Francesco Carletti, Ragionamenti del mio viaggio intorno al mondo (Milan: Ugo Mursia Editore, 2008). Primo discorso delle Indie Occidentali. Sesto ragionamento (Isole Filippine). Francesco Carletti, My Voyage Around the World:  The Chronicles of a 16th Century Florentine Merchant. Herbert Weinstock, trans. (New York: Random House, 1964). 24 The voyage of John Huyghen van Linschoten to the East Indies:  from the old English translation of 1598:  the first book, containing his description of the East (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1885). 25 Peter Mundy, The Travels of Peter Mundy in India and Asia, 1608–​1667. 4 vols (London: The Hakluyt Society, 1919). 26 James S. Cummins, Sucesos de Las Islas Filipinas by Antonio de Morga. Second Series 140. (Glasgow:  Cambridge University Press/​The Hakluyt Society, 1971), 341–​342. 27 Souza, The Survival of Empire (1986), 65; AGI, Filipinas, 8, R.2. N.21.Trade Macao Manila. 28 In 1590, Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas sent a ship to Macao to acquire gunpowder. “Trade with Macan,” Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands (1903), Vol. VIII, 174, and “Letter of Dasmariñas to the king,” 20 June 1591, Blair and Robertson The Philippine Islands (1903), vol. VIII, 270. In reality, this ship was a

92  The art of trade private enterprise of Dasmariñas. The crown authorised Dasmariñas, in 1591, to buy mercury from China. AGI, Filipinas, 339, L.s.f., 10v. 29 Antonio de Morga, item 50 of his memorial to the King “The Chinese captains and merchants should be ordered, under penalty of being imprisoned and fined, to bring saltpeter, iron, and other metals, which they have refused to bring in later years, and of which there is great need.” “Report of conditions in the Philippines,” 8 June 1598, Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands (1903), vol. X, 84. On 12 July 1599, Antonio de Morga reported that captain Joan Çamudio travelled to China “to buy iron, saltpeter, lead, tin, and other very necessary articles for the provision of the camp at Manila; because the Chinese have not brought anything of this kind in their vessels.” “Military affairs in the Islands, Francisco Tello and others,” Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands (1903), vol. X, 231. 30 AGI, Filipinas, 18A, R.2, N.7. Letter of Santiago de Vera about the needs of the Philippines. Manila, 30 June 1584. 31 Ronquillo de Peñalosa became governor of the Philippines with all the privileges of a conqueror. In exchange for the promise of bringing Spanish settlers to Asia, the new governor obtained the title of governor, captain general and chief of police, for life. Maria Lourdes Diaz Trechuelo, “El Consejo de Indias y Filipinas en el siglo XVI,” en El Consejo de Indias en el siglo XVI (Valladolid: Universidad de Sevilla, 1970), 126–​127. See also Luis Alfonso Álvarez, who focuses on the inflationary effects and the alarm caused by the level of corruption in the islands. “E la Nave Va, Economia, fiscalidad e inflación en las regulaciones de la carrera de la Mar del Sur, 1565–​1604”, in Bernabeu Albert, Salvador and Carlos Martínez Shaw (eds.). Un Océano de Seda y Plata:  El Universo Económico Del Galeón de Manila. Colección Universos Americanos 12 (Sevilla:  Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas/​Tagus, 2013), 25–​84. 32 Woodrow Borah, Early Colonial Trade and Navigation between Mexico and Peru, (Berkeley: University of California, 1954), 117. 33 Fernando Iwasaki Cauti, Extremo Oriente y Perú en el siglo XVI (Madrid: Editorial MAPFRE, 1992). 31–​36. As early as 1579, a royal decree halted Peru–​Philippines trade. William Lytle Schurz, “Mexico, Peru, and the Manila Galleon.” The Hispanic American Historical Review (1918): 389–​402. 34 AGI, Patronato, 24, R.55. List of Products from the Philippines to Peru, 1581, in which the majority of products were spices, crockery, pieces of iron, and some silk, for private merchants. The galleon carried one single canon of bronze of 85 quintals, trying to justify the large, private enterprise. 35 Carta de Diego Ronquillo sobre Incendio de Manila. AGI, Filipinas, 6, R.5, N.53, 21 June 1583. There is another letter from the bishop Domingo Salazar, of 8 June 1583, AGI, Filipinas, 74, N.25. 36 Relación del viaje del jesuita Alonso Sánchez a China. AGI, Filipinas, 79, N.10. (1582). The document has been transcribed by Manel Ollé in his PhD Thesis, document 4. Some excerpts appeared in Colin Pastells, Vol. II, 266–​308. 37 The Letter of Alessandro Valignano to Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa, 14 December 1582. AGI, Patronato, 24, R.57. This missive had the tone and feeling of warning against the voyage of Miguel López de Legazpi to the Philippines 17 years before. See letter of Melchior Carneiro to the Jesuit Superior General, Francis Borgia, 20 December 1566, Chapter  3, “Close encounter with the Portuguese.” Josef Wiki ed. Documenta Indica, Vol. VII (1566–​ 1569) (Roma:  Monumenta Historica Societatis Iesu, 1962), Doc. 30, 157–​161.

Wealth and power  93 38 Alessandro Valignano (1539–​1606) was in Macao at the moment of the arrival of Alonso Sánchez in 1582, accompanying a mission of four young Japanese nobles to Europe, also known as the Tensho embassy. It is well known that the Jesuits had a contract with the Macao merchants since 1578 to give over a proportion of the ship space to Nagasaki every year. Of the 1,600 piculs of white silk floss exported from Macao, the Jesuits invested an amount of 100 piculs, rendering profits for about 4,000 to 6,000 ducats every year. Charles R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan 1549–​1650 (Lisbon: Carcanet, The Calouste Gulbenkian Foundation, The Discoveries Commision, The Fundaçāo Oriente, 1993), 72–​74 and 117–​118. 39 AGI, Escribanía de Cámara 499-​ A, Manila, 20 June 1583 in Iwasaki Cauti, Extremo Oriente y Perú (1992), 62. Bishop Salazar complained, in June 1583, about abuses of Diego Ronquillo and requested the king to send a governor with better qualities for Manila. The most damaging situation was the fire that almost destroyed the city that year. 40 Shirley Fish, The Manila–​Acapulco Galleons:  The Treasure Ships of the Pacific. With an Annotated List of the Transpacific Galleons 1565–​1815 (UK: Autorhouse, 2011), 425. Another version wrongly gives the name of San Martín to the ship. Horacio de la Costa. The Jesuits in the Philippines, 1581–​ 1768 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1961, reprint 2014), 53. 41 Iwasaki Cauti, Extremo Oriente y Perú (1992), 87–​110, reproduced the Report of D. Juan de Mendoça, who was accused of being the instigator of the rebellion, “Relación del viaje que hiço don Juan de Mendoça desde la ciudad de Lima en el Pirú, a la de Manila en las Philipinas y a la China, año de 1583.” RAH, Colección Salazar y Castro, fls. 88–​112v. 42 “Memoria de las personas beneméritas que ay en las yslas Philipinas” in Luis Merino, El Cabildo Secular, annex 1 (1983), 79. He is listed, also, among the business partners in the testament of Diego Hernández Victoria, AGN Ramo Inquisición, Vol. 251, Exp.1, year 1599 (original 1597). 43 Letter of D. Diego Ronquillo to the king, 8 April 1584. AGI, Filipinas, 6, 5, 55; Manel Ollé (2002), 250, n.300; Rodriguez (1981), XV, 160–​161; Boxer (1963), 46; Costa (1961), 52. 44 Factor real de hacienda and veedor, Royal accountant and controller. 45 Vaz Landeiro brought captain Francisco de Mercado in two vessels. The decision to send Alonso Sanchez and Juan Bautista San Román was fast and they arrived in Macao in May 1584, presumably in the same ships property of Vaz Landeiro. AGI, Filipinas, 79, Relation of Father Alonso Sánchez for his second voyage. 46 AGI, Filipinas, 29, N.47. Report of factor Bautista Román, 15 June 1584. AGI, Filipinas, 18A, R.3, N.12, Letter of attorney Ayala about the situation and needs of the Philippines, 6 June 1585. fls. 1–​44. Item 6. 47 The report of Juan de Mendoza includes a description of China. Iwasaki Cauti, Extremo Oriente y Perú (1992), 87–​110. The chronicle of father Alonso Sánchez shows that his second voyage to Macao was the basis for his proposal to control China and the ports in the hands of the Portuguese. He returned to Manila via Melaka after a year and half. AGI, Filipinas, 79, N.13, c. 1584. 48 During that period, the significant silver production in the Potosí, in Bolivia, and in second rank the silver mines of Taxco and Pachuca, in Mexico, satisfied the increasing demand of metal both in Europe and in Asia. John J. Tepaske, A New World of Gold and Silver. Edited by Kendall W. Brown (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2010); Dennys O. Flynn and Arturo Giráldez. “Born with a ‘Silver Spoon’: The

94  The art of trade Origin of the World Trade in 1571,” Journal of World History, Vol. 6, No. 2, University of Hawai’i Press. (1995): 201–​221; Peter Bakewell, “Mining in Colonial Spanish America”, in The Cambridge History of Latin America, Leslie Bethell (ed.) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984); John Tutino, Making a New World:  Founding Capitalism in the Bajío and Spanish North America. (Durham, NC and London: Duke University Press, 2011).

6  An evolving merchant network

Two visible heads of the Portuguese economic networks connecting Macao and Manila during the 1580s were Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and Diogo Fernándes Vitória. Before the Union of Crowns, both had operations in Southeast Asia as local merchants, sharing long-​distance connections with several other merchants. Both enjoyed the prestige of promoters of social and political initiatives in their own local environments at the end of the century. This chapter moves forward with the aim of understanding a specific merchant elite operating simultaneously in several ports of the Portuguese and Spanish expanse. The appraisal of sources of a commercial nature, together with documents from the Inquisition, shows the rich activity of the merchants, and helps contrasting the moments of relative success together with the failure represented by the Inquisition intervention. We have described in the previous chapter the crucial role of Vaz Landeiro in opening trade in the Macao–​ Manila corridor during the 1580s.1 One decade later, on 1597, another Portuguese merchant, Diogo Fernándes Vitória (better known in Manila as Diego Hernández Victoria) used the capital of the Philippines as a base to expand his network of connections across Southeast Asia and into New Spain. Hernández Victoria and Báez Landero might not have had strong personal contacts, but a sequence of events shows a handful of direct and indirect relations, and the continuity of their commercial objectives. We start in this chapter with the node led by Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro in Macao, and continue with Diogo Fernándes Vitória as the head of the trading node at Manila. Together, these actors led a Portuguese merchant network operating during the initial times of the Manila Galleon. To help the observation of the multiple interactions, in regional and long-​distance trade, we used the digital platform of CulturePlex Lab of the University of Western Ontario, Canada. This exercise allowed us to feed a database and to get a visualisation of the multiple nodes and locations that are part of this merchant network. The note on Network Analysis and the Graphic of connections unpack these and other connections and their nodes in New Spain and Europe.

96  The art of trade

Building a trading network During the initial years of the Union of Crowns, the influence of the rich Macao merchant Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro emerged in Manila. He had been active since the previous decade in the Canton-​Nagasaki route, and had lent a vessel to help the return of father Alonso Sánchez to Manila in 1583. The priest was pressured to leave Macao because of an adverse reaction by the Chinese authorities to the presence of Castilian authorities in China. He travelled in a ship under the command of Sebastião Jorge Moxar (also known as Bastião Jorge), nephew of Vaz Landeiro.2 This voyage can be considered as the implicit inauguration of the informal trade between Macao and Manila.3 Vaz Landeiro was already a key regional player, trader and ship-​owner and, since the 1580s, became the most conspicuous connection between the interests of the merchants of Macao and Manila. His influence, however, was ingrained in the Canton–​Nagasaki trade under the umbrella of the Estado da Índia. Writing several decades after the events, the Jesuit Provincial in the Philippines, Francisco Colin (1592–​ 1660), referred to Vaz Landeiro/​ Báez Landero in a complimentary manner, putting forward for posterity a public celebrity of that period. Father Colin provided the widespread description of Vaz Landeiro as the “King of the Portuguese” based on the contemporary opinions of Alonso Sánchez and Alexandre Valignano, who had known the merchant.4 Last century, Charles Boxer attempted a more elaborate description of the merchant in the context of the economic life of Macao:5 “He certainly endeavoured to live up to this reputation, as he went everywhere attended by a suite of richly dressed Portuguese and by a bodyguard of eighty (sic) Muslim and Negro slaves, armed with halberds and shields.”6 The first set of documents used in the previous chapter was studied and published for the first time in 1998 by Manel Ollé, from the perspective of the Iberian strategies towards China in that period.7 A study by Lúcio de Souza provides further details, based also on the sworn statements held in Manila in 1583 and April 1586 about the merits and services of Landeiro. These documents are useful to describe the social and political trajectory of Vaz Landeiro/​Báez Landero, or at least what he wanted to be revealed in public. The affidavits of Bartolomé Báez Landero and his associates were intended to gain recognition for their help to the people of Manila in difficult times (1582–​1583), but barely hide their intention to participate in the promising business of Manila.8 First, the statements made in Manila by captain Bastião Jorge and other merchants in 1583 highlight the help handed by his uncle, Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, to Alonso Sánchez and his delegation to return to the Philippines.9 Second, the captain carried communications from prominent personalities in Macao, like the Jesuit visitor Alessandro Valignano and the captain-​major of Macao Ayres Gonçalves de Miranda. A third document issued in Manila in 1586 intended to obtain recognition of the merits and services of Landeiro, including the events of the previous years.

An evolving merchant network  97 Captain Bastião Jorge carried a power of attorney, issued in Macao in 1580, allowing him to represent his uncle in all sorts of businesses. It is possible to speculate that he also brought Chinese merchandises to sell in Manila. The legal document reveals part of the business linking a network of Portuguese merchants in East and Southeast Asia and their commercial practices. The notarial document certified 13 merchants, able to represent each other in the different transactions in the region. The notary Bernardino de Araujo had issued this document in Macao. It was general and specific according to the legal terminology of the Roman law still in use in the Ibero-​American countries, (escrivano publico y judicial e de difuntos). The document was in solidum (in firm), representing each and all of the signatories, who agreed to it in complete liberty.10 The power of attorney detailed the type of commercial transactions expected among the partners: to request and receive payment for business on behalf of the signatories; money and merchandises; gold, slaves ( male or female) to be embarked on their vessels or by land; as well as legal representation for trials or enquiries by the authorities. Blas Ribero, Valerio Gentil, “and others” not specified, acted as witness of the legal act. The power of attorney was recognised by the authorities of Manila to proceed with the enquiry requested by Sebastião Jorge Moxar in 1583. The partners of Vaz Landeiro, listed in the power of attorney of 1580 were: Bastián Jorge Moxar (nephew), António Garcês, António Vaz; Henrique Borges, Melchior Correia; António Correia, Antonio Rrabello Bravo, Fernán de Soberas, Father Nuno Fernández; António Teixera Lobo, Damiāo Gonçalves, and Antonio Vieyra. The document is remarkable because it indicates a standard procedure of the merchants accustomed to traveling in the region with Iberian style legal documents, which allowed the business associates to represent each other in the ports they visited.11 See Table 6.1, Partners of Vaz Landeiro. The most relevant in the list of business partners was António Garcês, who in 1582 was captain major of the route Macao–​Kuchinotsu, and also associate of Diego Hernández Victoria, connecting their interests in the subsequent years in Melaka, Macao and Manila.12 The inquiry carried in Manila in 21 April 1583, collected the information of four Portuguese and two Castilian sailors confirming the complications of the Sánchez voyage and highlighting the great service provided by Vaz Landeiro, in cooperation with the Jesuits in Macao. Another set of documents reveals biographic details and corresponds to an inquiry held in 1586 about the merits and services of Vaz Landeiro to the crown, a petition that received the endorsement of the Manila Audiencia.13 Based on his testimony, we know that Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro was born in the vicinity of Lisbon, and his arrival to India can be dated to around 1558, with the crew of viceroy Aires de Saldanha. He had errant movements in the region, probably in Cambodia, until he settled in Macao circa 1560. It is relevant to underline some initial moments of his career, including the pursuit in the 1570s, of a Chinese pirate in Siam; an action that earned him great prestige with the authorities of the Guangdong province who were concerned with

newgenrtpdf

Name

Place of origin

Location

Occupation

Relation

Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro

Portugal

Macao

Merchant, Shipowner

Legal Proxy with the rest of merchants

Bastián Jorge Moxar

Portugal

Macao

Ship Pilot

António Garcês

Portugal

Macao, Japan, Melaka

Captain Major Macao-​ Kochinotsu (1582)/​ Merchant

António Vaz Henrique Borges Melchior Correia António Correia

Portugal Portugal

Macao Macao

Merchant Merchant

The rest of the merchants in the Power of Attorney (PoA) Nephew of The rest of the Bartolomeu Vaz merchants in Landeiro /​Legal the Power of Proxy of BVL Attorney (PoA) Legal Proxy of BVL, PoA, witness of Business Partner of Pedro de Brito Diego Hernández Victoria Legal Proxy PoA Legal Proxy BVL PoA

Portugal Portugal

Macao Macao

Merchant Merchant

Legal Proxy BVL Legal Proxy

António Rrabello Bravo Fernán Soberas Father Nuno Fernández António Teixeira Lobo Damião Gonçalves António Vieyra

Portugal Portugal Portugal Portugal Portugal Portugal

Macao Macao Macao Macao Macao Macao

Merchant/​Alderman Macao Merchant Priest Merchant Merchant Merchant

Legal Proxy Legal Proxy Legal Proxy Legal Proxy Legal Proxy BVL Lega Proxy

Source: AGI, Filipinas, 79, N.17, fls. 15–​70.

Contacts

PoA PoA, Witness of Pedro de Brito PoA PoA PoA PoA PoA PoA

98  The art of trade

Table 6.1 Partners of Vaz Landeiro. Power of Attorney (PoA), Macao 1580

An evolving merchant network  99 piracy infesting the area. In counterpart, Landeiro gained valuable knowledge of the actual Vietnam, Cambodia and Thailand (Siam) area, where he apparently maintained privileged contacts and later managed to place agents for his commercial network. It is remarkable the help he gave to the Jesuits in Japan, recognised at that time, but later vanished from the official records. He owned a non-​official carrier between Macao and the Japanese ports, probably in alliance with captains such as António Garcês. In 1586, he had spent 28 years in Asia, being one of the early European inhabitants of Macao. The account of his merits, curiously prepared in Manila and not in Macao, with the intention to obtain a reward from the crown for his later years and benefiting his two daughters, allows us to think that he was in a very difficult situation round 1586, both in the economic and political spheres. It is interesting to note that James C. Boyajian does not mention Landeiro/​ Landero when outlining the activities of the Portuguese traders in Asia, probably because he was not recorded in the sources he consulted –​the archives of the Inquisition –​either in Goa or Mexico. Was he a New Christian? Quite probably, but in the small Macao community, the best way to act in public was demonstrating the Roman Catholic militancy for social survival. Table 6.1 shows way in which I  have processed the information of the power of attorney signed in Macao in 1580 about the merchants in partnership. Aspects as location, occupation and the active relation among the members of the group are essential for measuring their social weight inside of the network. For now, it is important to note that he and many other individuals were part of the same circuit of global economic alliances. We can observe differences among individuals, and perhaps the existence of parallel networks, but in essence, all of them belonged to a single pattern of action trying to control the markets in Asia and the Americas. Two years later, in 1584, Vaz Landeiro made his first known trip to Manila, this time helping captain Francisco de Mercado, who faced a rebellion of the crew of the San Juan Bautista on his way to New Spain, but who was detained in Macao. The details of this imbroglio were presented in the previous chapter. For the moment it is sufficient to say that this was the reason for a second trip by father Alonso Sánchez to China in two years, this time in the company of the royal administrator Juan Bautista Román, to solve this particular crisis. Vaz Landeiro could not miss this great opportunity to be present in Manila. In the words of governor Diego Ronquillo: Bartolomé Báez Landero, Portuguese resident of Macao, serves Your Majesty with proofs of much fidelity. And last year he dispatched a junk with the father Alonzo (sic) Sánchez, a religious of the Society of Jesus on it. By order of governor Gonzalo Ronquillo, he had gone to that town to bring news of the succession of Your Majesty to the Kingdoms of Portugal and he does whatever he has to do in Your Majesty’s service diligently and carefully. He helped the Castilians in the boat while in port,

100  The art of trade sustaining many of them at his cost. And now he offers to go on the expedition to the Moluccas with a boat of his own and some people to assist him: This I thought I would report to Your Majesty, that you be pleased to grant him help in what he intends to do according to his merits which I have cited. And I can also certify to Your Majesty it would be very well received by the Portuguese of these part and they will get to know the magnanimity that Your Majesty usually bestows upon those who faithfully serve him.14 Loyalty to the new king had to be accompanied by clear evidence of fidelity to the principles of the Roman Catholic Church, as a factor of survival. On one occasion, he avoided entering one Japanese port, losing up to 30,000 ducats in merchandise, because the Jesuit missionaries were not welcomed there. An anecdote depicts the alleged religiosity of Vaz Landeiro:  “Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro boasts that he helped the Jesuit mission by sending his ships only to those ports when Christianity was favoured, said Boxer, illustrates the close connection between God and Mammon, which characterised the Macao–​ Japan trade.”15 The network of Portuguese merchants studied here operated simultaneously in all of these ports, sometimes, as in the case of Diogo Fernándes Vitória, as alderman of the city of Manila. The people of Manila accused the Portuguese of Macao of influencing the Chinese authorities against the merchants of Manila and blocking the entrance to the Spaniards.16 On many occasions, merchants from Manila tried to enter China, raising complaints from the Portuguese, which claimed a violation of the royal rule separating the administrations. The people of Manila as well complained about the presence of Portuguese in the trade routes supplying the galleon to Acapulco. During that period, an alternative phenomenon surfaced:  the rush of Chinese merchants to the Manila market, mainly from the province of Fujian, swelling the trade that turned out to be very lucrative. Various contemporary sources, including Dutch documentation, indicate that between 20 and 30 Chinese vessels arrived at Manila every season.17 The key to this human and commercial flow was indeed American silver.18 It is possible to entertain the idea of a natural regional accommodation of the Chinese trade. On one hand, the Portuguese continued their privileged relations with the Guangdong province, due to their history of contacts and the ability to negotiate with merchants and authorities. On the other hand, the merchants of Fujian evolved to be the natural partners of the Spaniards in Manila. The example can be extended to Taiwan in the seventeenth century. Supplying the Philippines, wrote Pierre Chaunu, all three regions “are supported, replaced when necessary, seconded as long as they are not in competition.”19 All happened with the tacit approval of the regional Chinese authorities. Macao continued to be the hub for the arrival of merchant ships commanded by Portuguese from different ports in India, Melaka, and Maluku.20

An evolving merchant network  101 Every year, the Canton Fair (in Guangzhou or Canton city) attracted merchants interested in Chinese products. The Portuguese merchants of Macao elected a number of representatives to attend the fair, using the capital resources of other merchants, bargaining with the Chinese and collecting products. However, there were complaints that the selected ones were the most powerful and did not represented the interests of the majority of the merchants. The rich merchant Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro was one of those privileged “eleitos de Cantāo” (selected by Canton) who attended the city’s trade fair of Canton.21 Silk arrived in Manila from various routes, but mainly from Macao and Fujian, to be transported to Acapulco every year. At the Mexican end, the low price of silk crowded out the local production of the fabric and reduced the competitiveness of the product sold from Europe to the colonies.22 One of the most remarkable Portuguese merchants in Manila during the 1580s and 1590s was Diogo Fernándes Vitória, who was also known in Spanish as Diego Hernández Victoria. The extension of his business either in the Estado da Índia or across the Pacific illustrates the existence of a web of contacts in several strategic nodes of the trade circuit. Likewise, the type of goods traded with his partners indicate his participation in the circuit of high value merchandise, such as diamonds, rubies, and seed pearl, earrings, carpets, slaves and cotton from different parts of India, sent to him via Melaka by captain-​major António Garcês, who has already been mentioned as one of the partners of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro.23 Alternatively, he received spices via Maluku, but also products from India, such as textiles, gold and jewels, and slaves, thanks to Thomé Nieto, who operated the link Maluku-​Melaka.24 Other correspondents in Maluku, in particular in the Ambon island, sent cargoes of spices to Hernández Victoria in Manila, who occasionally went in person to collect the products.25 Via Macao, he was in contact with the traders of Chinese and Japanese products, in connection with several partners, particularly Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro. As will be seen in the next chapters, he was an active participant in the cargo of the Manila Galleon to New Spain, owning some of the galleons that made voyages across the Pacific, and sending Asian products in exchange for silver, which he conveniently used to finance his intra-​Asian business. He had connections with António Dias Casseres (or António Díaz Cáceres, the Spanish spelling), among several others business persons, who had investments in mining and trade in the Americas.26 Boyajian estimates Diogo Fernándes Vitória invested 450,000 cruzados in silver every year in the Manila trade, together with other New Christians, with connections in South and Southeast Asia, Macao, and New Spain. The bulk of his business was basically raw silk and silken cloth, followed by clove, slaves, and cotton cloth. This can be compared with the 1.5  million cruzados invested by the merchants of Goa in the carreira trade in the Estado da Índia:  “The total of about 1.9  million cruzados invested in Asia gave New Christians control of 44 percent of the total Portuguese circulating

102  The art of trade capital within Asia (4.3 million cruzados).” According to Boyajian, the New Christians controlled “75  percent of the Cape Trade (1.5  million out of 2.0 million cruzados) and at least 30 percent of the Manila trade (450,000 out of 1.5 million cruzados).27 The main lesson of these proportions is the interconnection of the different segments of trade, the route of Cape, intra-​Asian trade, and the Manila Galleon, all of them “interdependent and complementary enterprises,” according to Boyajian. Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and Diogo Fernández Vitória were contemporaries and also shared common Portuguese origins and business interests. If the expression is allowed, they were co-​localised in the trading system, and represented major connectors or nodes of the networks. Vas Landeiro was instrumental in the official early trade between Macao and Manila in 1582–​ 1584. Most probably, Diogo Fernández Vitória started his trading activity in Macao from early 1580, but the most relevant part of his business flourished a decade later, under the government of Gomez Perez Dasmariñas (1590–​ 1593). In the next chapter, we will see the extension of their linkages in the region and across the Pacific Ocean.

The cases of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro and Diogo Fernándes Vitória With these interpretations in mind, we return to the business partners of Hernández Victoria, studying two documents in which the linkages with Vaz Landeiro appears. The first document is a letter written in Guangzhou by Joāo Oliveira to Diego Hernández Victoria in Manila, in November 1584. The second is a report by the viceroy of the New Spain, Alvaro Manrique de Zuñiga, dated January 1587, alerting the crown to possible abuses by Manila merchants, based on an inquest of the cargo of the galleon San Martin. The viceroy pointed at Hernández Victoria as the main merchant in the Philippines. It is important to have in mind the power of attorney (Macao, 1580) studied above, because it indicates the merchants associated with Vaz Landeiro, who also had indirect connections with Hernández Victoria. Individuals to stand out in this list are António Garcês and Antonio Rabello Bravo.28 A letter written in Canton (Guangdong) on 22 November 1584, by João Oliveira to Diego Hernández Victoria in Manila, provides clues to various connections between some of the personalities mentioned above.29 It must be highlighted that this letter was a private communication between two business partners, listing the pending transactions with several foreign merchants in China, some outstanding debts, and merchandise acquired during the Fair of Canton ready to be sent from Macao to New Spain and Japan in the following year.30 Based on the Historical Archives of Goa, James Boyajian considers that Joāo Oliveira resided in Goa since the 1580s, and then moved to Melaka “He and his brother had been associated with Duarte Gomes Solis, António Fernándes Ximenes, Francisco Lopes d’Elvas, Manuel Vaaz d’Orta, and other prominent carreira merchants” in the voyage between Goa, Cochin and Melaka.31

An evolving merchant network  103 The document reveals more than 12 partners of the Portuguese merchant in Manila, active in the circuit of Macao–​Nagasaki. The most relevant aspect of the letter shows Fernandes Vitória as already active in trade in Macao in the early 1580s. The missive referred to a frigate that arrived in Macao on 2 May 1584. In all probability, the ship was property of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro because he was the person who brought Captain Francisco de Mercado to Manila. Landeiro returned on his frigate to China in 1584 with Alonso Sánchez and Bautista Román, who were sent by governor Ronquillo to negotiate with the Chinese authorities to rescue the Castilian galleon San Juan Bautista. As has been seen above, Captain Mercado was in charge of this Spanish galleon held in Macao since 1583 by the Chinese authorities after a crew rebellion. The letter of Oliveira referred to the ill-​fated galleon, without mentioning the name of the vessel in which Fernándes Vitória had sent merchandise to New Spain. Because the galleon ran aground on the Chinese coast and was partially looted by locals, we can identify the ship as the San Juan Bautista. Most of the cargo was lost. Oliveira said that the bales stored in the warehouse in China “were in such poor condition, so mistreated (and) I was so hurt by the situation that I decided not to open a bundle without the presence of a notary public, to attest (the situation). He took note of everything and recorded the marks of each one.” Oliveira recovered two bales with garments (the generic ropa) and a box with white incense given to him by Diogo Desamudio (de Çamudio or Zamudio), which was travelling in the San Juan Bautista. After several months of conflict which the Chinese, Portuguese and Castilians, discussing under what jurisdiction the galleon’s cargo should be charged, the ship was allowed to proceed to New Spain. The merchandise shipped by Diego Hernández Victoria to Acapulco was destined for Diogo Cavaleiro Baçao (Diego Caballero Bazán) and other partners.32 The representatives of Oliveira in this business were his cousin Paulo Gomez and Diogo de Ribeyra. Oliveira highlighted his confidence in three other persons moving in the circuit of Macao:  António Garcês, Antonio Rabello Bravo, and Francisco de Novais. It is relevant, as we have seen, that captain António Garcês and the merchant Rabello Bravo were also partners of Vaz Landeiro. Both were active in the region, based in Melaka and Macao, as revealed by the power of attorney dated in Macao in 1580. Among the recipients of these goods in New Spain were Joāo de Guzmāo (cousin of Oliveira) in the port of Acapulco and Francisco López in Mexico City. Antonio Pereira Portuguez (sic) accompanied the cargo to New Spain. On his return to Asia, Pereira was expected to meet Hernandez Victoria in Manila, because in the words of Oliveira: “[he] can take care of the voyages to Macao. And coming to this land (China) on one of your frigates you can send me by secure person some gold if [it] is at [a]‌good price.”33 Oliveira completed his to-​do list plan to Fernandes Vitória:  “If there is a ship of ours, or yours, that has to go to Melaka, then it would be a great

104  The art of trade favour to me to send all the money that was used in the acquisition of gold.” This reference suggests a level of horizontal partnership between the two ship-​ owners, and not a top-​down relationship between the patron and his agent. Probably only the exceptional circumstances of the damaged cargo of the galleon, San Juan Bautista, could show such detail of commercial connections and the remarkable interaction among a variety of merchants in this vast Asian region. A second document, written a few years later, provides further particulars. In January 1587, viceroy Alvaro Manrique de Zuniga, marquis de Villamanrique (October 1585–​January1590) ordered a detailed account of a galleon from Manila, the San Martin, which arrived at Acapulco in December 1586. The intention was to determine possible frauds in the amount, and value of merchandise initially declared in order to charge a corresponding amount of customs tax.34 Again, the name of Diego Hernández Victoria and some partners appeared in the list. Among the 194 packages carried by the galleon, Hernández Victoria sent 24 bundles, representing more than 10 per cent of the ship’s total cargo by value. The chief partners in Mexico were two clergymen, Diego Caballero Bazán and Francisco de Paz, who received bales of clothes (ropa) and gold ingots. It is interesting to note the use of gold bullion as merchandise in this early period of the Trans-​Pacific trade, due to the advantageous exchange of silver over gold, a practice known as “arbitrage.” To have a transaction in the galleon, it was necessary to have a previous agreement, personal or proxy, to guarantee the delivery and the kind of products requested. Generally, the trust that sustained such types of transactions was the result of years of connections. The merchandise ranged from clothes (generic for ropa, but sometimes called mantas or blankets), silks, wax, and gold ingots, sometimes called tejo and others referred to by the Chinese monetary unit of tael. The list included white incense, and even one live civet cat. The partners of Hernandez Victoria in Mexico were:  Pedro de Lavazzeras (possibly Lavezaris), Antonio Nunez (possibly Nuñez) Caldera, Rodrigo de León, Alexo de Munguía, Joan de Tolosa, Martín de Olarte, Bartolome Cano, Diego Rexxano (possibly Rejano), Don Diego de Mercado, Francisco Muñoz, licenciado Maldonado, Miguel Montes, and Pedro de Ledesma. Explaining to the king his decision to inspect the San Martín, the viceroy Villamanrique recalled that since the early times of the voyage between Manila and Acapulco, it was free of charge for the people travelling. He noted that not only the people in Manila had privileges in the form of encomiendas, but they also received profits from trade and refused to pay trade taxes. They were so confident of these opportunities, wrote the viceroy, that they were careless and excessive in their shipments and had sent merchandise even with their employees. The inspection found more than 25,000 unregistered ducats and boxes of spices that had restrictions on being shipped to New Spain. The viceroy recommended a stricter regulation of the trade and the silver going to Asia because this would affect the trade with Spain. However, he did

An evolving merchant network  105 not oppose a moderated exchange that would serve to sustain the archipelago with the noble aim of Christianising its peoples. Therefore, he suggested charging higher taxes on the merchandise of the Philippines to stop the abuses of the merchants who received the crown’s support. Vilamanrique withheld the papers of Diego Caballero Bazán, claiming that this person was the representative of “the most important merchant of the archipelago.”35 The names of two priests acting as merchants, Diego Caballero Bazán and Francisco de Paz, are key to interpreting the level of connections of Hernandez Victoria with the Mexican curia, which will be studied further later. During the 1570s, Caballero Bazán was the canon of the Cathedral of Valladolid in Michoacán, living at the time of this event in Mexico City. Francisco de Paz, likely cousin of Diego Fernandez Victoria, was also a priest linked to the financial administration of the Cathedral of Mexico City.36 Finally, the viceroy recommended that merchants should henceforth bear the cost of transport, including the ownership of vessels. The viceroy denounced the practice of hoarding and criticised that only those close to the president and auditor of the Audience in Manila were allowed to send goods in the galleon.37 Was he referring to the prominent captain Esteban Rodríguez de Figueroa? This association is extremely important because it shows the link between Portuguese traders and a leading military and political leader in the Philippines, Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa. Summarising this section, the commercial documents mentioned above (the power of attorney of 1580; the letter of João de Oliveira of 1584, and the inventory of the cargo of the galleon San Martin, 1586), are essential to understanding the degree of involvement of Portuguese merchants in trans-​ Pacific trade. The events described in these documents happened before the establishment of the galleon’s regulations and, as the recommendations made by Viceroy Villamanrique to the crown revealed, were urgent in establishing the strict rules for the functioning of the carrier. In effect, the Permission was issued in 1593, providing the regulatory basis of the Manila Galleon system. At a political level, the recommendations to regulate the Manila Galleon were debated by the citizens of Manila in the ensuing years.

The Rodriguez de Figueroa connection The case of the shipment in the galleon San Martin (1586) shows two connections that were fundamental in structuring the commercial power of Hernández Victoria. The first, was Pedro de Brito, alderman of Manila, whose life followed a public trajectory in the Philippines similar to the Portuguese merchant, Hernández Victoria.38 Brito sent wax and clothes in the galleon San Martin to Diego Ortiz de Ayandia and to Gaspar de Peralta. Another significant name in this shipment was Juan Rodriguez de Figueroa, who received, in Mexico, cloths and gold from Hernández Victoria. The Rodriguez de Figueroa family had Portuguese ancestry and deployed several lines of connection from Seville to the Americas and to the Philippines.39 Alvaro

106  The art of trade Rodriguez de Figueroa, for example, was a brother of Juan and Esteban, and became a member of the Consulate of Commerce of Mexico City, founded years later, in 1594.40 Andrés Duarte de Figueroa, from Jerez de la Frontera, was related to Captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, one of the colonisers that arrived in Mexico in the 1580s with governor Luis de Carvajal. A few years later, the settlers led by Carvajal to New Spain were accused of being New Christians.41 In Manila, the well-​known captain Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa became a strategic partner of Diego Hernandez Victoria, as they were associates in the property of galleons during the last decade of the century. Rodriguez de Figueroa was part of the expedition of López de Legazpi in 1565 and was recognised as a distinguished military captain, entitled to own land and labour in the form of encomienda in the island of Panay, another in Mindanao and in Luzon. Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa was also a prominent ship-​owner and merchant until his death in 1597.42 There is a little-​known connection between Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa and Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro that goes back to the year 1584. Rodriguez de Figueroa participated, in that year, in the military campaign in the Maluku, together with Vaz Landeiro. On 1586, Vaz Landeiro filed a legal petition to obtain the crown’s recognition for his work done in favour of Manila. The Portuguese merchant highlighted, in his request, that he had incurred huge expenses maintaining the soldiers on the Spice Islands, and paying for a ship to be used by Rodriguez de Figueroa. He never received any reimbursement and allegedly this operation brought economic ruin to the merchant of Macao. The whole episode shows the economic and political power held by Rodriguez de Figueroa during that time. As we have seen, since the eighties, Rodriguez de Figueroa was a partner of Diego Hernández Victoria, sharing business and connections with Mexico, and in the nineties sharing a collection of galleons. The star of Rodriguez de Figueroa would rise even more a decade later, with the arrival of governor Gomes Perez Dasmariñas (1590–​1593). In hindsight, the event of the Maluku was a test of the connections between the Portuguese and Castilians. However, how deep was Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro in touch with the changing political reality of Manila? Immediately after the death of governor Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñaloza in 1583, Vaz Landeiro decided to support Manila during the difficult years of earthquakes and fires in Manila, following a pattern that he had used before in Macao. However, why did he pursue a military adventure, and decide to be in charge of the re-​conquest of Ternate? Did he enter in conflict with his Portuguese countrymen? We have approached the social profile of Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro as the most important Portuguese merchant in Macao in the 1570s and 1580s. According to testimonies, he was proactive in the cooperation, always claiming that his actions were for the mutual benefit of common defence of the two cities. He efficiently used the rhetoric of the political moment in which all Iberians were living under one monarchy. It is worth considering

An evolving merchant network  107 that he was aware of the difficulties for the survival of Manila, the crown’s efforts to contend with the external threats to the Philippines and to solve the weakness of the occupation of the Archipelago.43 The troubles of the Portuguese defending the Maluku caused by the uprising of the Ternate rulers were apparently a new opportunity for Vaz Landeiro to show his abilities and willingness to serve the crown. Nevertheless, there is insufficient explanation for the sudden involvement of Vaz Landeiro in the Castilian expedition in the Maluku in 1584. The presence of a Portuguese merchant in this Spanish military operation contradicted the rhetoric of the Portuguese and Spanish authorities of the time, advocating for the separation of administrations. However, the sense of emergency was apparently motivated by an understanding that the Portuguese were losing the islands and recurring to the help of the authorities of Manila, under governor Santiago de Vera (1584–​1589). The Portuguese captain, Diego Azambuja, requested 1,000 men, arms and supplies to resist the war against the King of Ternate and the potential alliance with Tidore. Besides the danger of war, he proposed commercial actions such as sending clove from the Maluku to India, as a business of the people of Manila.44 The governor sent 100 soldiers with five frigates. Manila was equally in difficult conditions to defend self. Santiago de Vera reported to the crown: About twelve days ago we received letters from Maluco (Maluku), in which the captain commanding at that place says that the king of Ternate is now powerful, and has seized the most important stronghold. A reinforcement of 80 or a 100 men, with supplies, had been sent to him before the arrival of the Audiencia; and he says that he can hold out until the end of October or November.45 The treasury account of the Philippines for the years 1583 and 1584 recorded deliveries of navigational and food supplies to Bartolomé Báez Landero for the campaign of the Maluku.46 The list is long, but included sea ropes, barrels, pipes, metal nails, wooden planks, gunpowder, and grains. On 20 November 1584, the royal accountant, Luis de Vivanco (factor real de hacienda), paid to Diego Hernández Victoria for 120 bushels of rice “to feed the people who work in the shipyard and [other] works of his Majesty in [preparation of] the Maluco (Maluku) army.” This means that, incidentally, it was Hernández Victoria the official that provided the supplies for the expedition commanded by Báez Landero.47 Simultaneously, Melchor Dávalos, auditor of the Philippines, complained in a letter in 1584 about the nomination of Báez Landero/​Vaz Landeiro as chief of operations in the Maluku. His opinion seems to reflect disaffection because he was not considered part of their group: Speaking of the war which is to be carried on, the president [of the Audience] was and is about to send four hundred men and a thousand

108  The art of trade friendly Indians. He is perplexed about the election of the captain-​general (Báez Landero), for each of the captains who seek that post desires to be sole commander, while the rest show displeasure that one of their equals should be appointed. Moreover, no one of them is pleased that Captain Bartolome Vaez Landero (sic) may be the commander. He is a Portuguese, who came here from Macan through the agency of Governor Diego Ronquillo and remained here to protect this land with two ships, well equipped with artillery, in the service of your Majesty. On seeing this controversy, I proposed to the president on St. John’s day (24 June) that I and my sons, with our weapons, would go with the soldiers to serve in this expedition.48 The political and social position of Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa gave him a clear advantage over Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro (the latter considered an outsider). The first was married to the daughter of the auditor Melchor Dávalos, giving firm support through this letter to his son-​in-​law regarding the management of the Maluku crisis. In another letter, the auditor intervened again to defend the interests of his son-​in-​law because the governor had retained without paying, a ship that was the property of the captain, Rodriguez de Figueroa. Melchor Dávalos interpreted this as an obstacle for the private initiative in building the vessels needed by the Philippines. The policy prescribed by the auditor was directly beneficial to ship-​owners like Rodriguez de Figueroa.49 Another line of information emerged a decade later mentioning the associations between alderman Pedro de Brito and Bartolomé Báez Landero. As stated before, Pedro de Brito had a long association with Diego Hernandez Victoria. Both had parallel political trajectories in the colony, with the difference that Pedro de Brito was identified as Castilian Old Christian. In 1597, he was claiming his rights over the encomiendas of Nayun and Catilaya, around the province of Tayabas, inherited by his wife Ana de Herrera.50 The name of Bartolomé Báez Landero, using his Spanish name, appeared in the litigation as a witness for Pedro de Brito. The background of the legal document includes a relation of actions and merits of Pedro de Brito, highlighting his contribution, back in 1591, to solve a controversy with a ship that arrived at Macao from Panama. Pedro de Brito declared that he went that year from Manila to Macao as captain of the galleon, Nuestra Señora de la Concepción, ordered by the governor, Gomez Perez Dasmariñas. Among the witnesses in the litigation of Pedro de Brito in 1597 appeared Báez Landero, as his compadre (godfather of his children). This epithet shows a highly appreciated kinship in Iberian culture, equivalent to brotherhood. Other well-​known names in support of Pedro de Brito’s claim were members of the Macao business circle, such as António Garcês and Francisco Vaz, who declared being neighbours in the Portuguese port and sustained the negotiations led by Pedro de Brito back in 1591. It is interesting to note that the

An evolving merchant network  109 alderman of Macao, to whom the affidavits were made, was none other than Antonio Rravelo Bravo, commercial partner of Vaz Landeiro/​Báez Landero since the beginning of the decade.51 Commercial, political, and strategic elements intertwined in the process of settling the rules of Permission in 1593. As the next chapter will examine, the commercial and security concerns were at the centre of these decisions and, the political discussion of the Manila citizens (including the Portuguese merchant network) contributed to the Manila Galleon system. Members of this network played a relevant part in determining the rules of the Manila Galleon system.

Notes 1 George B. Souza, The Survival of Empire: Portuguese Trade and Society in China and the South China Sea 1630–​1754. (Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 1986), 33–​37. Luis Filipe Barreto identified Landeiro as a hegemonic figure of his time, Macau, Poder e Saber. Séculos XVI e XVII, Lisbon:  Editorial Presença, 2006), 135. Lúcio de Sousa underscores in Landeiro the New Christian origin and indicates his place of birth in the vicinity of Lisbon, The Early European Presence in China, Japan, The Philippines and Southeast Asia (1555–​1590). The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro (Macao: Fundaçāo Macau, 2010), 17. 2 Vaz Landeiro commanded the preparations for the trip of Sánchez, but due to a sudden illness he sent his nephew Sebastião Jorge Moxar (aka Bastian Jorge) as captain of the vessel that departed from Macao in February 1583. 3 An account from a Portuguese passenger of this trip from Macao to Manila is included in the memorial “Pontos de que me lembrar,” in Livro de varias noticias, 1579–​1666. Lisbon: Biblioteca da Ajuda, Cod. Ms. 49-​V-​3, Serie da Provincia da China, copia de Joāo Álvares (1746). 4 AGI, Filipinas, 79, N.10. Relación del viaje del jesuita Alonso Sánchez a la China. The memorial of father Sánchez depicts the image of the powerful merchant, who knows how to promote himself among Japanese hierarchs. “(He) brings to the church his own silk carpet, cushion and a chair upholstered in red velvet and nailed in gold.” The general opinion of people of Macao and Manila is that Bartolome Baez Landero was straightforward and generous. 5 Charles R. Boxer. The Great Ship from Amacon. Annals of Macao and the Old Japan Trade, 1555–​1640. (Lisbon:  Centro de Estudos Históricos Ultramarinos, 1963), 40–​48. Francisco Colin, Labor Evangélica, Ministerios Apostólicos de Los Obreros de La Compañia de Iesus, Fundacion y Progressos de Su Provincia en Las Islas Filipinas (Madrid, 1663), 286–​288, 298–​301, n.553. 6 Boxer, The Great Ship from Amacon (1963), 42. 7 Manel Ollé, Estrategias Filipinas respecto a China:  Alonso Sánchez y Domingo Salazar en la Empresa de China (1581–​ 1593), PhD dissertation, 2  vols. (Barcelona: Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 1998). 8 Sousa, The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro (2010). The document is Información de los méritos y servicios del capitán Bartolomé Báez Landero contraídos en Filipinas, China e isla de Macán, y otras de Asia durante 28 años. Manila, 19 April 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R.2.

110  The art of trade 9 Información y petición hecha a petición de Bastián Jorge Moxar en nombre de Bartolomé Báez Landero sobre el servicio que hizo de traer de Macau a Manila al padre Alonso Sánchez y padres de la Compañía de Jesús y de la orden de San Francisco. Manila, 28 April 1583. AGI, Filipinas, 79, n.17. This document is attached to Carta del agustino Francisco Manrique sobre evangelización de China y Japón, Macao, 1 March 1588, published by Lúcio de Sousa, The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro (2010), 211–​244. 10 Information requested by Sebastião Jorge Moxar, in the name of Bartolomé Báez Landero, about the service made to bring father Alonso Sánchez, and the fathers of the Company of Jesus and San Francis, from Macao to Manila. AGI, Filipinas, 79, N.17.fls.15–​70, Manila, 28 April 1583. It was an outstanding debt of Sebastião (Bastian) Jorge Moxar, registered in the accounting book left by Diego Hernández Victoria in 1597, for four bushels of clove and 100 pesos given by Hernández Victoria to Jorge Moxar for buying merchandise in Macao. AGN, Inquisición, vol. 162, fl.470. 11 AGI, Filipinas, 79, N.17, fls. 15–​70. 12 Reiner H. Hesselink, “The Capitães Mores of the Japan Voyage: A Group Portrait” International Journal of Asian Studies, 9, 1 (2012): 1–​41; Lúcio de Sousa assumes that António Garcês was a New Christian or converso, The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro (2010), 53; James C. Boyajian identifies captain Garcês as a contact of Hernández Victoria in Melaka, Portuguese Trade in Asia Under the Habsburgs, 1580–​1640 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1993), 80. 13 Información de los méritos y servicios del capitán Bartolomé Báez Landero contraídos en Filipinas, China e isla de Macán, y otras de Asia durante 28 años. Manila, 19 de abril de 1586. AGI, Patronato, 53, R.2, in Lúcio de Sousa, The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro (2010). 14 AGI, Filipinas, 6, R.5, N.53. Letter of Governor Diego Ronquillo, of the Philippines. It refers to the death of Gonzalo Ronquillo leaving him successor; the fire that razed Manila to the ground the last days of February, 1583. English version Virginia Benitez Licuanan and José Llavador Mira, The Philippines Under Spain. A compilation of Original Documents (Manila:  The National Trust for Historical and Cultural Preservation of the Philippines; UNESCO, Toyota Foundation, 1993), Book IV, Doc. 22, 94–​102. 15 Boxer made this reference about Vaz Landeiro upon the information provided by Colin, in The Great Ship from Amacon (1963), 42; Colin-​Pasells, Labor Evangelica, vol. I, 286–​288, 298–​301, n. 553. 16 AGI, Filipinas, 74, N. 25 (microfilmed) 8 April 1584. Bishop Salazar complained against the Portuguese of Macao because they tried to ruin the trade with the Chinese, and influenced the Chinese authorities against the Spaniards in Manila. 17 Marie A.P. Meilink-​Roelofsz, Asian Trade and European Influence. The Indonesian Archipelago between 1500 and about 1630 (The Hague: Martinus Nihjoff, 1962). This author quoted several VOC reports, and acknowledged the variety of sizes of these vessels, from 25 to 350 tons, 263–​264. 18 During the period of emperor Longqing (1567–​1572), Fujian enjoyed a partial opening of the maritime trade, allowing Chinese junks to travel to the Philippines. This situation became an alternative to the almost impossible establishment of a Spanish trading post on the Chinese coast. Manel Ollé, “A inserçāo das Filipinas na Asia Oriental.” Review of Culture, Macao, 7 (2003):7–​22.

An evolving merchant network  111 19 Pierre Chaunu, Las Filipinas y El Pacífico de Los Ibéricos. Siglos XVI-​XVIII. Estadísticas y Atlas. (México: IMCE, 1974). 20 Rui d’Avila Lourido, A Rota Maritima da Seda e da Prata: Macau-​Manila dese as origens a 1640. Chapter 4 “A strutura da Rota Macau-​Manila” Master Dissertation (1995), Faculdade de Ciencias Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 94. David C. Kang, East Asia Before the West. Five Centuries od Trade and Tribute. See Chapter 6, “Trade: International Economic relations.” (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010). 21 Rui d’Avila Lourido, A Rota Maritima (1995), 154. From the same author, “The Impact of the Silk Trade: Macau-​Manila, from the beginning to 1640,” in The Silk Roads: Highways of Culture and Commerce, edited by Vadime Eliseeff, (UNESCO, 2000 (1996)), 209–​247. 22 Mariano Bonialian, “La seda china en Nueva España a principios del siglo XVII. Una mirada imperial en el memorial de Horacio de Levanto.” Revista de Historia Economica, Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History, No.1 (March 2016): 1–​25. 23 AGI, Filipinas, 79, N.17, Macao, 1 March 1583. Information by Bastián Jorge Moxar, fls. 15–​70; Hesselink, “The Capitães Mores” (2012), 1–​41; Sousa, The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro (2010), 53; Boyajian, Portuguese Trade (1993), 80. 24 Meilink-​Roelofzs identified this trade route between Melaka and the Philippines passing through Borneo, like the Philippinos (in reference to the peoples living in the islands before the Spanish occupation), the inhabitants of Borneo used to take their products to the Malaccan market, taking advantage of the appropriate monsoon winds for their voyages out and back. (Asian Trade and European Influence, 94–​95) A witness from that time confirms the crossing between Melaka and Borneo. Jacques de Coutre travelled in 1597 from Melaka to what is now Bandar Seri Begawan, Brunei, in a Chinese junk. Peter Borschberg, ed., The Memoirs and Memorials of Jacques de Coutre:  Security, Trade and Society in 16th-​and 17th-​ century Southeast Asia. Translated by Roopanjali Roy, (Singapore:  National University of Singapore, 2013), 147. 25 Boyajian, Portuguese Trade (1993), 76–​85. Inquisition process against Hernández Victoria, AGN, Inquisición, vol. 162. 26 Martin A. Cohen, “Antonio Díaz de Cáceres, Marrano Adventurer in Colonial Mexico.” American Jewish Historical Quarterly, vol. 60, no.2 (December 1970): 169–​184. AGN, Inquisición, Exp. 159 (year 1596). 27 Boyajian, Portuguese Trade (1993), 81–​82. 28 AGI, Filipinas, 79, n.17. Manila, 28 April 1583. The power of attorney is dated in Macao, 7 March 1580, published by Sousa, The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro (2010), 211–​244. 29 AGI, Filipinas, 34, N.65, Macao, 22 November 1584, fls. 650-​651v. Letter of Joāo Oliveira to Diogo Fernandes Vitória (paleography by Ana Pereira Ferreira, Universidade de Lisboa). 30 António Garcês was captain major of the route to Japan in year 1582 arriving in Kochinotsu. Boyajian identified him as New Christian based in Melaka, together with João de Oliveira, Diogo Dias, and Diogo Jorge. All of them had connections

112  The art of trade in the Bengal and Coromandel ports. “They probably provided the bulk of Diogo” (Hernández Victoria) with merchandise from India. Boyajian, Portuguese Trade (1993), 80. The New Christian identity of these merchants is remarked upon by Sousa, The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro (2010), 145, and Hesselink, The Capitāes Mores of the Japan (2012), 9. 31 Boyajian, Portuguese Trade (1993), 80 and 281n. 32 Letter of Joāo Oliveira to Diogo Fernandes Vitória, 22 November 1584. AGI, Filipinas, 34, N.65, fls. 650-​651v. The preceding chapter of this thesis displays a visualisation of the merchant network, including these merchants. 33 Letter of Joāo Oliveira, 22 November 1584. 34 Letter of Marquis Villamanrrique, 24 January 1587. AGI, Patronato, 24, R.42. See also Relation of merchandises of the Philippines:  galleon San Martin. Circa December, 1586. AGI, Patronato, 25, R.29 (paleography by Cuauhtemoc Villamar). 35 Letter of Viceroy Villamanrique, 1587. 36 Martin Austing Nesvig, Promiscuous Power: An Unorthodox History of New Spain (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2018), 123–​124. 37 Letter of viceroy Villamanrique, 1587, item 4.  If the merchants owned the vessels, the crown “would not need to keep so many blacks (sic) and carpenters, blacksmiths, caulkers, from several nations, that drain salaries” which demanded a huge administrative machinery. 38 Pedro de Brito bought his public position as alderman in the same auction as Antonio de Cañedo, Antonio Garrido de Salcedo, Francisco Ochoa de Salinas and Diego Hernández Victoria. Expediente de confirmación, March 1591, AGI, Filipinas, 45, N.8. It was not possible to confirm that Pedro de Brito was Portuguese, but there are clues that he had family connections in Porto, linked to Fernandes Vitória. 39 Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa probably was born in Tangier, North of Africa, of Portuguese parents at the service of the Castilian crown. However, he was officially recognised as a native of Jerez de la Frontera, Andalusia. Marta María Manchado López, “Familia y linaje en un contexto imperial: Los Rodríguez de Figueroa.” Historia Mexicana 63, no. 3 (1 January 2014): 1077–​1119. 40 María del Pilar Martínez López-​Cano, “Los mercaderes de la Ciudad de México en el siglo XVI y el comercio con el exterior.” Revista Complutense de Historia de América 32 (2006): 103–​126. 41 Samuel Temkin, Luis de Carvajal:  The Origins of Nuevo Reino de León. (Santa Fe: Sunstone Press, 2011). 42 There is a good deal of information about the military experience of Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, particularly for the nineties. Bartolomé Leonardo de Argensola, Conquista de las Islas Malucas (Madrid:  Miraguano Ediciones and Ediciones Polifemo, 1609), 203–​ 209; Colin-​ Pastells, Labor Evangélica de los obreros de la Compañía de Jesús en las islas Filipinas (1900–​1904), Vol. III, 750–​ 754; Horacio de la Costa, The Jesuits in the Philippines (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1961); John Newsome Crossley, The Dasmariñases, Early Governors of the Spanish Philippines (London and New York: Routledge, 2016), 47–​48 and 199–​201. 43 Sousa, The Life of Bartolomeu Landeiro. 44 Letter of Diego de Azambuja about the needs of the Maluku, AGI, Filipinas, 29, N.11. c. J1583. AGI, Filipinas, 29. N.43. 18 June 1583.

An evolving merchant network  113 45 Letter of the royal officials (to the king) about several issues. AGI, Filipinas, 29. N.43. 18 June 1583. 46 AGI, Contaduria, 1200, years 1575–​ 1590. Fls.870v, 954v, 1004, 1004v, 1066. I would like to thank Dr Elsa Penalva for this information. 47 AGI, Contaduria, fl. 1066. 48 Letter of the auditor Dávalos about the moors, Terrenate. AGI, Filipinas, 18A, R.2, N.9. 3 July 1584. 49 Melchor Dávalos to the King, AGI, Filipinas, 18A, R.3, N.19. Manila, 20 June 1585. 50 Patricio Hidalgo Nuchera registered the encomiendas of Calilaya and Dayun in the province of Laguna de Bay. Encomienda, Tributo y Trabajo en Filipinas (1995), 260–​261. Pedro de Herrera was father of Ana de Herrera, and together with Pedro de Brito played an important role in the succession after the sudden death of governor Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñaloza. Luis Merino, El Cabildo Secular (Manila: The Intramuros Administration, 1983), 135–​137. 51 AGI, Escribania, 403A. Pleitos de la Audiencia de Filipinas. Lawsuits of the Audience of the Philippines, fl.23r. I would like to thank Dr. Elsa Penalva for this reference, Projecto do CHAM-​Centro de Humanidades, financiado pela Fundaçāo para a Ciência e a Tecnologia, PTDC/​HIS-​HIS/​114992/​2009  “Prospografia das Comunidades Lusófonas Residentes e de Passagem nas Filipinas (1582–​1654).”

7  The art of commerce and representation

The preceding chapter examined the initial contacts between Macao and Manila, with particular attention to the role of merchants in both cities, looking for trading opportunities. This chapter narrows the investigation to the emergence of Manila as a commercial port in the 1580s, as well as to analysing how regional and long-​distance trade shaped the city’s configuration. It dissects the two main factors that structured the Manila Galleon system:  the convergence of political forces and the participation of private merchants. This was reflected in the first regulation of trade issued in 1593. Manila was fragile and subject to the complexity of global developments that set in motion forces from different continents and origins, competing around trade, taxes and military protection. However, the citizens of the Philippines, as part of a polycentric scheme of the imperial regime, raised their demands before the court on several occasions to strengthen Spanish power in Asia. With better results than others, the Portuguese traders deployed their trading skills, their Ars Mercatoria, to participate in the early stages of the system. The cases of other merchants such as the Peruvians who tried to participate, without success, in trans-​Pacific trade are examined here.

Manila, an emerging transshipment port The Philippines was the most important Spanish outpost in Asia, and therefore, a political showcase for Castile.1 In the 1580s, Manila was already a hub of trade of the colonial Spanish network. The city and its port in Cavite were an enclave between Asia and the Americas. It was simultaneously a nodal point inside the Southeast Asia region. Therefore, the commercial movement in Manila depended on what traders brought each season, directly or indirectly, from all over the world (New Spain, Europe, China, India).2 Regardless of its success, the administration of Manila needed royal support to continue playing its role in transshipment and international trade. The first taxes to Chinese traders were fixed in 1582 (3 per cent over the value of the merchandise imported), but were ineffective because the Chinese transferred them on to the price of products, and therefore onto the consumers.3

The art of commerce and representation  115 Geopolitical and religious considerations continued to play a central role for the united crowns of Iberia, but the significance of commercial exchanges gradually dominated the attention of Spanish administration at different levels. This commercial activity triggered price increases in the Philippine Archipelago, depending on the external provision of food and basic supplies. The growing demand for Asian products in the viceroyalties of Peru and Mexico, financed with American silver, forced the administration to implement measures that would limit these exchanges and the leakage of silver.4 This was the time when the merchant elites from Mexico started to monopolise trans-​Pacific trade, sidelining those citizens of Manila without enough silver at their disposal to compete in Chinese trade. Also, the merchants of Seville were tenaciously opposed to the trade between Manila and Acapulco, requesting, without success, the suspension of this exchange.5 This friction between the three poles of power had been present since the beginning of the Pacific trade. These power elites were the merchants of Seville, those in New Spain, and those from the Philippines. Throughout the history of the Manila Galleon, clashes and alliances between such forces followed one another.6 With the promulgation of the first comprehensive trading regulation in 1593, the Manila Galleon started to function in an orderly manner, and therefore also as a trading system.7 The fiscal aspect became a key bargaining space between the parties that made up this vast empire. The next section will scrutinise financial support to the Philippines, known as situado (allocation), which represented a compromise between stakeholders and the imperial metropolis. This specific mechanism foreshadowed the type of agreements that, a few years later, laid the regulatory foundation for the Manila Galleon system.

Bargaining processes within the system Philip II/​ I envisioned an alliance with the overseas Portuguese domains without merging institutional structures, either by cooperation or by force, as a guiding principle that would provide stability to the Iberian union.8 Based on a polycentric scheme, the crown kept the Portuguese ports of the Far East in the hands of the Estado da Índia, with headquarters in Goa,9 while delegating the administration of the Philippines to the Viceroy in New Spain, located in Mexico City. Josep M.  Fradera called the Philippines “the most peculiar colony,” forging strong linkages between the viceroyalty of New Spain and the Asian archipelago, and giving privileges to administrators and merchants from the Americas.10 The economic, military, administrative, and ecclesiastical aspects of the Philippines were managed from New Spain, within a system “that allowed the existence of many different centres.”11 Many important decisions had to be negotiated with the metropole, through the Council of Indies based in Valladolid, Castile. The economic basis of the Philippine archipelago, with Manila as the new centre, is critical to explaining the initial period of the Spanish dominion

116  The art of trade that sustained the survival of the colony. The original economic plan for the Philippines was oriented to extracting rents from the local population through the model of encomiendas, widely used in the Americas. This consisted of obtaining tributes in labour and in cash from indigenous people in exchange for religious education and protection provided by missionaries. This model proved to be cost-​effective, notably in Peru and Mexico, which had large populations. But in the Philippine archipelago, where the indigenous groups were smaller and dispersed, the colonisers, or encomenderos, lamented the poor returns of this economic model.12 In the islands, the system of tribute by labour was used intensively in the exploitation of the wood forest for naval construction. Also, servants were employed in the militia and seafaring, as well as in domestic service. For decades, the study of the public finances of the colonial Philippines was dominated, wrongly, by the idea that the island’s survival depended on the tax return called situado (allocation), exacted on foreign trade and forwarded to the Philippines every year from New Spain.13 Other studies show, however, that the issue of fiscal support sprung from political bargaining used by the elites to obtain financial provision from the crown. These negotiations rested in allegations made that the Philippine economy was weak.14 Allegedly, transferring part of this fiscal revenue from New Spain to the Philippines was intended as a temporary administrative measure to build defence infrastructure to protect the archipelago and to facilitate trade. However, the menace of Dutch and English attacks since the 1580s convinced the crown to make this financial support payment permanent. Increasing trading activity fuelled the costs of local administration, and the military attacks increased expenditures to protect the city and its commerce.15 This transfer did not necessarily mean trade in Manila was running a deficit, and much less that the Filipino economy was unproductive. It was a way to support the Spanish colony in the Philippines with tax exemptions, the supply of soldiers and priests to strengthen its institutions, to accelerate the economy and to keep control of the population of the Islands. The merchant elite of Manila was able to negotiate privileges that guaranteed the continuity of trade across the Pacific. The whole Imperial administration operated on a system of intra-​colonial transfers, essential to the culture of representation in the Spanish political system. “The most complete and efficient system” to collect taxes through an imperial bureaucratic structure was maintained by Spain in its colonies, explains Herbert S. Klein.16 There was a network of regional treasury offices (cajas reales) annexed to official tax collectors under the supervision of the regional administrative centre located in the capital of the viceroyalty. Regional treasuries would pay their surplus funds into the principal treasury in Castile. At the end of the sixteenth century there were 14 regional treasury offices, and 17 more were created in the course of the seventeenth century. The responsibility of the king towards his vassals (subordinate kingdoms and people) was to provide support, as in the Philippines, with resources extracted from other regions, such as New Spain and Peru. In a debate about

The art of commerce and representation  117 the financial organisation of the empire, Regina Grafe and Alejandra Irigoin have argued that the fiscal system was local, but the expenditure global, “the tax incidence differed greatly between distinct parts of the Empire. Given that there were multiple centres of decision-​making regarding revenue collection this should not surprise.”17 Carlos Marichal has suggested that a key issue that defines an absolute monarchy is the degree to which subjects of the king are given formal powers to influence fiscal and military policy. Moreover, it is evident that while privileged corporations could negotiate, obtain certain concessions and favours of many kinds, there was an unspoken consensus established among crown, church, and the privileged that the popular sectors of society should not be permitted much formal space or practical instruments to press for their claims.18 This precision is necessary to describe the leverage of the merchant groups in Manila. Previously, we have highlighted the trading skills of these merchants, the Ars Mercatoria, which included among others: transport ownership, contact with pilots, commercial intelligence, legal and accounting abilities, as well as collective financing and risk insurance mechanisms. Compared with the social role of the encomenderos, the merchants had more autonomy searching for business opportunities and taking risks. It is important to keep in mind these differences in exploring the frequent conflict and/​or convergence between the elites. This approach helps when observing the political expressions and the economic evidence left by prominent individuals active in the exchange in the Macao–​Manila commercial corridor and the long-​ distance connections between Asia and the Americas. A crucial test for the colony came from the security aspects of the Galleon, as the reader will see briefly in the subsequent section. During the early formative period of the Philippines, there were several threats to security that demanded the attention of the Castilian government:  First, the resistance of indigenous communities, such as the Sambales, Igorrotes, and Ifugaos, among others, who maintained some level of autonomy on their own land in the main islands, who engaged in sporadic exchanges of products with foreigners. Second, the permanent state of conflict with Islam in the south of the archipelago: a situation that remains a political problem in the modern Philippines. The third menace to the survival of the Philippines, already mentioned above, was the appearance of English and Dutch naval forces on the Asian horizon. As the previous chapter has elucidated, since the beginnings of colonial Manila, the Spanish crown promoted the settlement of European colonisers, with poor results. The colony had a shortage of European population, due to the distance to Spain and New Spain. These weaknesses worried the crown in view of internal and regional security. In sum, security measures completed the archetype of political, missionary, and commercial equilibrium, resulting in an extra cost to the crown. The way to defend the Philippines was twofold: reinforcing military protection and regulating trade through a set of rules introduced by the permission

118  The art of trade of 1593, described in Chapter  3.19 The military protection of the Manila Galleon intended to preserve the security of the carrier, which business had become an essential income for the crown.20 Manel Ollé has studied the political and religious dimensions represented by the Philippines in the plans of the empire, during the crucial interval of 1587–​1588, when a proposal to invade China was circulated. At that point, the Council of Indies reached a consensus against such initiative.21 Other important decisions of the Council were aimed at strengthening the separation of the Portuguese and Spanish administrations, and the regulation of the missionary work in Asia. During the last quarter of the sixteenth century, the distinction between merchants, soldiers of fortune, and missionaries often loosened the lines of separation between these roles. Despite the fears of external attacks, there were sectors in both the Portuguese and the Spanish camps that were absorbed by fantastic dreams of conquest.22 Suffice to point out here the intentions of these factions to launch military campaigns in the last years of the century against China, Japan, Siam, Laos, and Cambodia proved to be unsupported in reality.23 The Cambodia campaigns (1594, 1598) were perhaps the most noteworthy of all. It is interesting to note that some of these initiatives were carried by Portuguese adventurers, such as Diego Belloso, Pantaleón Carneiro, and Antonio Machado, associated with the Castilian, Blas Ruyz de Hernán González. The priest Diego de Aduarte accompanied these soldiers of fortune.24 The Spanish crown halted all of these regional military initiatives because the key interest of the monarchy was attuned with the Habsburg geostrategic perspective, which placed priority on solving conflicts in Europe. The correlation between emerging trade and an unstable security framework was expressed vehemently, particularly through the demand of Manila’s citizens to build the city wall. The alderman Diego Hernández Victoria was in charge of collecting the special tax for this public work. The next section describes the alignment of these demands, trading and security, during the 1580s.

Institutions and legitimacy of Manila How significant was Manila to the overall vision of the Spanish monarchy? Judged from the information examined in the preceding chapters, it had a strategic importance, but was not at the centre of the plans of the crown.25 However, the citizens of Manila nurtured the idea of being the forerunners of a “grand strategy” of Castile in Asia and repeatedly attempted to influence the empire’s policies towards the Asian region. The last decades of the century witnessed the intermeshing of public and private agency shaping the Manila Galleon system. This approach contrasts with the narrative dominating Philippine historiography.26 Three momentous events permit the study of the concerns of the inhabitants of Manila. This is possible because the abundant testimonies of the deliberations held amongst the community. These events were: first, from

The art of commerce and representation  119 October 1581 to March 1582, it celebrated the first Synod of Manila, where Spain’s legitimate right to occupy the Philippines and the legal institutions needed to consolidate this Spanish settlement in the archipelago were discussed.27 Second, a Junta General, or meeting of all the citizens in July 1586, known as “General Assembly of the Estates,” elaborated a detailed list of petitions to the Council of Indies. It contained the essential concerns of the Spanish people in the Philippines.28 Third, in 1591, the governor ordered a survey to understand the opinions of the merchants of Manila. The results were part of the decisions taken by the crown to regulate the trade of the galleon.29 Another important determination was to build a wall to protect Manila, the lasting Intramuros, in which also Diego Hernández Victoria was involved. During this period, three interrelated matters dominated the life of the Philippine islands:  first, the need to guarantee the legal foundation of the colony and to consolidate the administration of justice. Second, the strengthening of commerce became the priority of public interest in the latter years of the century. Third, the ideas and actions of the citizenship to improve the security and defence of the city became urgent. These issues shaped the public agenda of Manila, transmitted by the citizenship to the Crown through the Council of the Indies. These issues and dilemmas of the “furthest colony” were debated locally, as well as in Mexico City and diverse circles in the metropolis, alerted by the recurrent complaints and reports sent from the Philippines. The petitions to the crown accumulated by the citizens of Manila in 1581, 1586, and 1591 illustrate that, at a global level, there was an expectation on the part of citizens to have a regulatory framework for trade. The agency of the elite of the Philippines exemplifies the polycentric approach discussed above, which sustain that in the early modern the Iberian monarchies were spaces for the circulation of people, money, institutions and ideas.30 It took years to prepare the procedures for regulating trade, known as the 1593 Permission, and many of the provisions contained herein had been formulated in response to petitions from the citizens of Manila a decade earlier. The community of Manila was far from being a solid block, but many opinions converged in the voice of the citizens of Manila as one stakeholder in a global system. The Synod of Manila (1581) On 16 October1581, the first Bishop of Manila, Domingo de Salazar, called for a permanent council of the Church in the Philippines at the monastery of the Augustinians. The documents of the Synod of Manila recognised the abuses perpetrated during the period of conquest and the need to pay back the damage caused to individuals, and to the barangays (community towns) of Filipino people. They also highlighted the need to be stricter with the encomenderos’ obligation to provide religious education to the indigenous peoples, in line with principles of justice.31 The Synod paved the

120  The art of trade ground for upholding justice in the administration of the Christian communities of the Philippines, a goal that was rarely achieved during the colonial regime. These arguments echoed the debates held at Salamanca in 1550–​1551 between Bartolomé de las Casas and Ginés de Sepulveda about the legitimacy of the Spanish presence, and the conquest of the Americas in a just war.32 The Salamanca debates, focusing on missionary practices in the Americas, had a tangible impact in Manila. The legitimation of Spanish possession of the Philippines was a necessary step towards the economic organisation of the colony and trade across the Pacific Ocean. Later in this chapter, when the demands of the citizens of Manila are studied, the issue of legitimacy and institutions will be addressed again. The objective of the crown to implement law and justice in the archipelago faced several difficulties, notably the spread of corrupt practices. Since the early times of colonial settlement, Manila had a cabildo (city council) with 12 council-​members elected from among the most prestigious vecinos (neighbours); one chief constable or alguacil (sheriff), and two alcaldes ordinarios (mayors). Also were appointed one notary for the town council, and two others to assist the mayors. However, the authorities sent by the crown to the archipelago were more interested in accumulating personal wealth during their short tour of duty than on improving the living conditions of the islands. Another factor that made local administration difficult was the social stratification of the small colony. Over time, the first generation of settlers was distinguished between the veteran soldiers who had arrived with the Spanish navigator, Legazpi and his expedition, who were entitled to obtain rights to land and labour,33 and newcomers who were lesser-​known migrants who dedicated their time to the complexities of trading with Asian products forwarded to New Spain and to the Iberian Peninsula. Contrary to the wishes of the crown, some priests were involved in this trade, and officials misbehaved by exacting rents from indigenous peoples or from Chinese merchants in Manila. The European migrants witnessed, with alarm, an increase in the number of Chinese merchants who brought year by year, all kinds of merchandise, from staple foods and simple utensils, to novelties and luxuries. In the last three decades of the century, these sojourners, mainly from the Chinese provinces of Fujian and Guangdong, turned out to be more necessary and unmistakeable in Manila and became, not only part of the human landscape, but quickly outnumbered Europeans. Asian merchandise became, for Europeans, the reward for their efforts for crossing the Pacific and remaining in the Philippines.34 The inhabitants of Manila were in a permanent state of alarm because of the attacks of the Chinese and Japanese pirates, as well as the growing threat posed by the enemies of northern Europe, especially the English and the Dutch. The cost of each disruption to trade counted as a disaster for the Spanish colony in Asia that took years to recover from. Finally, but not less important, the weather and diseases of the tropics and the distance from everything they were accustomed to in Europe, and the Americas,

The art of commerce and representation  121 Table 7.1 List of governors of the Philippine Islands, 1565–​1600 Name

Dates

Miguel López de Legazpi Guido de Lavezaris Francisco de Sande Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa Diego Ronquillo Santiago de Vera Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas Pedro de Rojas Luis Pérez Dasmariñas Francisco de Tello de Guzmán

27 April 1565 20 August 1572 25 August 1575 April 1580 10 March 1583 16 May 1584 1 June 1590 October 1593 3 December 1593 14 July 1596

20 August 1572 25 August 1575 April 1580 10 March 1583 16 May 1584 May 1590 25 October 1593 03 December 1593 14 July 1596 May 1602

limited the arrival of new European settlers to the archipelago. Every galleon accident or delay was considered a catastrophe for the city. It was common to have an increasing number of priests and soldiers, from New Spain surpassing those individuals coming from the Iberian Peninsula. During the last quarter of the sixteenth century, tension increased among different stakeholders interested in benefiting from the opportunities offered by the Philippines. There were three main groups involved in the operation of the Manila Galleon: in Seville, in New Spain, and the Philippines. Global stakeholders from New Spain and the Atlantic would fight to control Asian markets. The Consulate of Mexico, installed in 1593, concentrated their interests on Pacific trade.35 Meanwhile, the merchants of Seville defended their interests in the Atlantic. However, the objective of establishing rules and regulations for trans-​Pacific trade, essential to the creation of the Manila Galleon system, generated consensus in some respects: to keep the exchange under the crown’s control, guarantee the safety of navigation, and limit the amount of silver that went to Asia.36 The conflict over specific aspects of trade, such as the amount of taxes and distribution of the cargo, would ostensibly be part of the agenda of the governors of the Philippines during these years. The government of Ronquillo de Peñalosa (1580–​1583), which received almost a private dispensation to rule the archipelago, reflected the crown’s intention to use minimum resources to extend power in Asia. Ronquillo de Peñalosa had promised to King Philip II to bring 600 people of Castile, married and single, to Manila –​the best soldiers and skilled workers –​but most of his initiatives failed.37 However, the method of appointing a governor for life soon showed its negative side and, because of the growing importance of trade, the crown decided to devote more attention to the colony, which had hitherto been neglected. Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa died suddenly and was briefly succeeded by his less efficient nephew, Diego Ronquillo (1583–​1584). For the next six years, the government remained in the hands of Santiago de Vera (1584–​1590). As governor, Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas

122  The art of trade (1590–​1593) had the responsibility of implementing the new rules for the Manila Galleon, but died in 1593. This duty then fell on his son and successor, Luis Pérez Dasmariñas (1593–​1596). Three years later, Francisco de Tello de Guzmán (1596–​1602) distinguished himself as the first governor with knowledge of trade. He had experience as the treasurer of the Casa de Contratación de Sevilla (Central Trading House and Procurement Agency).38 See Table 7.1. Trying to balance the different interests of actors within the system (the merchants of Seville, New Spain, and Manila), the crown reinforced the relationship between Manila and New Spain for defence and commercial purposes. However, trade across the Pacific Ocean generated new concerns, as it was feared that silver produced in the Americas could escape to Asia. It was urgent to regulate this trade, linked to the emerging economies of the Americas and Iberian interests. Citizens’ petitions (Junta General, 1586) In Manila, as in every Spanish colonial settlement, the way to listen to the opinions of the citizens was through the Audiencia Real (Royal Audience), a tribunal consisting of oidores (judges) and fiscal (prosecutor), presided over by a president, that acted as a court of justice in the resolution of civil court cases and also an advisory body to the regional colonial government. In 1583, the king authorised the creation of the Audiencia of Manila presided over by Santiago de Vera (1584–​1590). It included four oidores and one prosecutor.39 “All the colonial audiencias,” remarked Cunningham in his classic study, The Audiencia in the Spanish Colonies as illustrated by the Audiencia de Manila, “utilised the same law in common” which were later compiled into the Laws of the Indies during the seventeenth century.40 In Manila, the 1580s was a feverish period in which the leaders of the church produced homilies and treaties by the dozen. New disputes erupted over the principle of just war applied to the occupation of the archipelago. Some governors were excommunicated and threatened with brimstone and fire from the pulpits of Manila. Questions surrounding the treatment of the Filipino peoples, the enslavement of baptised native people, and the payment of tributes were settled only very gradually, but meanwhile left a terrible legacy in Filipino society.41 Many more events occurred outside the monasteries and their theological debates, but the discussions were useful for considering the Empire’s strategies in Asia and for the formulation of specific policies. The Manila Audiencia was designed to enforce communication with the most distant node in the over-​sprawling Spanish empire. However, the new legal body entered into conflict with the governor due to the constant intervention of Governor Gonzalo Ronquillo (1580–​1583) in citizens’ business, altering the essence of justice and affecting personal interests. Regularly, the governor had important leverage to administer justice, but over time he acquired excessive control over the affairs of the city.42 In 1586, the neighbours

The art of commerce and representation  123 demanded the suspension of the legal body and the crown suspended their functions in 1589.43 In July 1586, the governor, Santiago de Vera, together with the head of the clergy, the administrative and military branches, and many distinguished settlers in Manila, reached consensus on a range of issues, including religious administration, taxes, trade, justice, defence of the city, about the idea of establishing a perimeter of security around the Philippines. From a new round of discussions by “all the estates of the islands,” an extraordinary Junta General or general assembly of the estates, emerged a substantive list of petitions to the Council of Indies. The document has been quoted several times because it is a review of the state of affairs in the islands, and it received the attention of the Council and the King Philip II on substantive aspects of Asian affairs. The missive of the citizenship of Manila was compacted into ten chapters, and a special annex regarding the proposal to invade China. As a document resulting from negotiated consensus, it conveys the impression of a wish list of too many topics with irregular weighting. However, the political message was clear in terms that the colony deserved the attention of the crown. For that purpose, the General Junta decided to send father Alonso Sánchez to Spain, the energetic envoy that two years before had negotiated the Manila’s affairs in Macao, to express the opinions of the Manileños. The document enjoyed the support of secular and religious authorities –​who for a long time were previously confronted –​and civil and military dignitaries, adding the voice of groups of interest identified as “men of experience in the affairs of the country.” Among the 51 signatories of the petitions of 1586 appeared the name of Diego Fernandez Vitoria, using the Portuguese spelling of his name, but already in the process of becoming a merchant of Manila.44 Because he endorsed the document of the General Junta of Manila in 1586, we can assume that some of his opinions were integrated in the list of petitions, in particular on the commercial aspects of the petition and in relation to Macao. As we have seen, Hernández Victoria was an active merchant based in Manila since the beginning of the eighties.45 The petition list of the citizens of Manila in 1586 included items like the spiritual affairs of the archipelago and its capital; the commerce of Manila with the neighbours in the region; the taxation system and anemic local production; the specific conditions of the Filipinos, the soldiers, the defence and the urgent need to complete the conquest of the islands. A specific chapter dealt with the request to compensate the damages to the Filipinos incurred during the initial occupation in the seventies; therefore, requiring the help of the crown for “a certain sum of money to give to the Indians.” This, and the conclusive section of the document about the need for more committed missionaries to the Philippines, shows the hand of Bishop Salazar.46 Manel Ollé has studied in detail the results of Alonso Sánchez’s mission to Spain, highlighting the real rejection of China’s invasion plans. The issue was

124  The art of trade attached in a special chapter for the direct discussion with the Council of Indies and King Philip.47 Mentioned separately is an item that breaks the continuity of the list of petitions, requesting “that there should be no commissary of the Inquisition.”48 The reason being that at that moment “(f)or a commissary so far away in Mexico, and in a matter of so great importance and weight for the honour, property, and lives of men might cause so many wrongs; and many times it might happen in cases that, after all this expense, they will be set free in Mexico.” They recommended that this matter be kept in the jurisdiction of the bishop, with the help of a dignitary, but not a commissary brought from New Spain. Alonso Sanchez, the envoy of Manila was entitled to present this point to the Council. However, in this case, the king insisted on installing the Inquisition in Manila.49 It is not difficult to imagine the concerns of Bishop Salazar in keeping control over the small community on matters of heresy, superstition, bigamy, and sexual behaviour. In line with his intention to avoid a tribunal of the Inquisition in Manila, the bishop had several allies among the citizens, as the gossip retrieved from documents of the time made evident the existence of many potential sinners.50 The events listed have offered an opportunity to observe, from the web of connections of Diego Hernández Victoria, the agency of the Portuguese merchant network of the last two decades of the sixteenth century in Manila. The reader can observe how the merchant network studied had the opportunity to articulate its opinions about the state of the Philippines on security and trade matters. The citizens’ discussion of the commercial aspects of the life of the city in 1586 would be the basis for the establishment of the Manila Galleon system, its practices and regulatory framework. Diego Hernández Victoria participated in both consultations. The growing importance of the Manila trade with China, with other Asian neighbours, and across the Pacific, occupied the full second section of the list of requests of 1586. The proposals for organising the trading system are manifold, but denoted an interest in consolidating Manila as the focus of the regional trade, in connection with New Spain and Europe.51 The citizens called for a virtual duty-​free system in Manila, to attract regional merchants who arrived to the port: “Chinese, Portuguese, Japanese, Siamese, Borneans, or any others,” especially if they bring food, supplies, and products that benefit the land.52 The king accepted the proposal to exempt this types of merchandise. Citizens also asked for tax exemptions for residents of the Philippines in Acapulco and other New Spain ports at the first sale. The citizens also wished to eliminate the freight duty of 12 pesos imposed by Governor Ronquillo, but the king ordered they continue charging the commercial tax. The logic behind the decision of the king was to return, to the Philippines, the trade taxes collected each year in Acapulco to pay for the conservation and defence of the islands. This order can be considered the first official decision, in the case of the Philippines, connected to the creation of a tax transfer, later called

The art of commerce and representation  125 Situado, to help the local economy. In Manila, the citizens’ petition demanded payment of the salaries of sailors, carpenters, blacksmiths, and other workers in charge of ship repairs. The crown accepted “if there is money for that.” It also requested a ship-​purveyor in Manila, entirely dedicated to guaranteeing the efficiency of dispatching the ships, but the king responded that this task should continue on the command of the Royal Factor. The third section of the document examined the problem of a growing amount of silver drained from New Spain and Peru into Asian markets. The major concern was the monopoly held by Mexican merchants sending the metal to buy Asian products, mainly of Chinese origin, with inflationary effects in the Philippines. The local settlers were left out of business and with no space in their galleons. The solution suggested an implied transfer of the monopoly to local merchants: “We ask that his Majesty ordain and confirm what has been ordained here by his Royal Audience  —​namely that neither shall such consignments (of currency) be sent from Mexico nor shall Mexican factors or trading companies come hither from that country; but that only the citizens of these islands be allowed to buy and export to Mexico the products of this land and foreign products.” More emphatic still: If any other person wishes to do this, he should be obliged to become a citizen and reside here at least three years; and should trade with none but his own property, under severe penalties. These should include the confiscation of both such goods and his personal property, in addition to which he should not be allowed to carry any wealth to Mexico; nor from there shall the money be brought which now the Chinese take, so that their goods may be bought more cheaply, and with the product of this land. The consensus among the citizens was that all the trade should be completed on a wholesale basis and not retail, to have a better bargaining position vis-​ à-​vis the Chinese. For this purpose, the document asked for the appointment of persons, as many as necessary to “buy at wholesale all the goods brought by the Chinese vessels, and afterward apportion them to the Spanish citizens, the Chinese, and the Indians, by a just and fair distribution, at the rate of the prices paid for them, plus other incidental expenses required.” To complete the task, the governor or the persons assigned by the king should determine the prices. However, the king handed the issue to the governor for further consideration. Another point in the petition denounced the Chinese retailers remaining in the islands because they increased prices, had vices, taught witchcraft to the Filipinos and, in particular, had secret vices (homosexuality). It was recommended their shops pass to the Spaniards and only Chinese workmen, such as mechanics, carpenters, gardeners, farmers, and food sellers would be admitted to stay in Manila. Although the king accepted the request, the number of Chinese in the capital swelled in the following years, leading to new levels of conflict with the Spaniards.53

126  The art of trade The next request was that the Portuguese should not trade with Mexico or Peru: “The Portuguese should be forbidden, for the present, to make a voyage to or traffic with Peru or New Spain; for this country (Philippines) will be ruined, while that city (Seville) will lose the duties on the voyages and goods, and the Portuguese will take the silver to China, India, Siam, and Sunda.” The king accepted this request, forbidding the Portuguese from entering into this trade. The citizens requested authorisation to trade with Japan and any other ports (in Asia), and all other kingdoms and places, whether Portuguese or pagan, who admitted their trade and friendship. The king remitted the issue to the governor for further consideration.54 The last element in the section insisted on the abolition of the Audiencia, advancing the argument that the citizens of Manila were so few and poor to carry such a great a burden. In any case, the treasury of Mexico, it said, should pay the maintenance of the legal body. Philip II accepted, until 1589, to abolish the Audiencia; but it was re-​established in 1598 during the time of Governor Francisco Tello (1596–​1602).55 The commercial spirit of Manila (1591) In the summer of 1591, Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas ordered a survey into the convenience of having, or not, direct trade with Macao. Among the citizens consulted appeared Hernández Victoria, in his rank of alderman of Manila and an experienced trader. The resulting survey was signed by the interested parties, recommending the establishment and regulation of the Macao–​Manila trade to benefit the colony, advance the Roman Catholic religion, and get closer to the Chinese market.56 In 1591, as he did in 1586, Hernández Victoria expressed his opinions in favour of trade with China, which was an important topic of the citizens’ agenda, as discussed above. He was acting already as an influential lobbyist with some bearing on the political agenda in Manila. This was the end of a period of two decades of the life of Manila, in which the trade across the Pacific had no limit on volume, or differentiation on quality of the cargo, or limit to the amount of silver transported in the galleons. Beyond practical conditions, there were no official limitations on the number of vessels travelling, although their movement was highly irregular due to difficulties with navigation. There were no restrictions on individuals to travelling between New Spain and the Philippines and, initially, the crown paid for passages to stimulate Spanish migration to the Asian colony, with meagre results.57 Everything started to change early in the eighties, when “trading duties began to be levied at both terminals of the line. The first form of contribution was a tax on Chinese and on other imports into Manila. This actually amounted to an indirect levy on Galleon trade, since the Chinese naturally shifted the final incidence of the duty on to their customers.”58 To replace this initial period in which trade ran unrestricted by-​laws, the Permission started a new system of trade that lasted for more than two centuries.

The art of commerce and representation  127 During the last decade of the century, the economy of Manila was transformed by the external trading factors. At the highest levels of the monarchy, the evaluation of the Asian outpost was more and more related to its economic value and its role as a promoter of the Roman Catholic religion. After years of discussions, memorials and recommendations by the Manila community, on 11 January 1593, the crown issued new laws to regulate the trade across the Pacific.59 We have described in Chapter 3 the first set of these regulations. The next chapter will show the way in which the merchant of Manila, Diego Hernandez Victoria, developed actions of public interest in the city, with the intention of strengthening his own business.

Notes 1 The island of Guam (named Ladrones) had been claimed by Castile since 1565, and used as a stopover of the Manila Galleon, but was occupied only in the seventeenth century. See José Eugenio Borao, “The Arrival of the Spanish Galleons in Manila from the Pacific Ocean and Their Departure along the Kuroshio Stream (16th and 17th Centuries).” Journal of Geographical Research, 2007. The first Spanish commercial beachhead in China, El Pinal, was negotiated in 1588, and enjoyed a short lifespan. Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Filipinas (1997), 162–​ 163; Charles R. Boxer, Fidalgos in the Far East 1550–​1770. Fact and Fancy in the History of Macao (The Hague:  Martinus Nijhoff, 1948), 46–​47; Charles Ralph Boxer, “Portuguese and Spanish Rivalry in the Far East during the 17th Century.” Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 2 (1 December 1946), 152. The Castilian outpost in Formosa, now Taiwan, was a Spanish military garrison between 1626–​1641, Antonio García-​Abásolo, “Españoles y Chinos en Filipinas, Los Fundamentos del Comercio del Galeón de Manila” in España, El Atlántico y El Pacífico. V Centenario Del Descubrimiento de La Mar Del Sur (1513–​ 2013) y Otros Estudios Sobre Extremadura (Llerena, Spain:  Sociedad Extremeña de la Historia, 2014):  9–​ 30; José Eugenio Borao, “ ‘Intelligence-​ Gathering Episodes in the ‘Manila, Macao, Taiwan Triangle’ during the Dutch Wars,” in Macao-​Philippines, historical relations. (Macao:  University of Macao, CEPESA, 2005), 226–​247. 2 William Lytle Schurz, The Manila Galleon (New York: E.P. Dutton & Company, 1939), 180–​181; Carmen Yuste, Emporios transpacíficos Comerciantes Mexicanos en Manila 1710–​1815 (Mexico: UNAM, 2007), 30–​31. 3 Schurz, The Manila Galleon (1939), 180. 4 Peter Bakewell provides a wide perspective on the extraction of gold and silver in New Spain and Peru since the sixteenth century. The discovery of large mineral deposits induced the research of innovative methods of extraction and metal refining. “Mining in Colonial Spanish America” in The Cambridge History of Latin America, Leslie Bethell, ed. (Cambridge:  Cambridge University Press, 1984). 105–​ 152; Jean-​ Pierre Berthe, “El Mercurio y la Mineria Mexicana en el Siglo XVI,” in Estudios de Historia de La Nueva España. De Sevilla a Manila (México:  Universidad de Guadalajara/​Centre d’Études Mexicaines et Centraméricaines, 1994), 239–​251.

128  The art of trade 5 Antonio Francisco García-​Abasolo, “La expansión mexicana hacia el Pacífico: La primera colonización de Filipinas (1570–​1580)” Historia Mexicana 32, no.  1 (1 July 1982): 55–​88. 6 Ostwaldo Sales Colín, El Movimiento Portuario de Acapulco. El Protagonismo de Nueva España en La Relación con Filipinas, 1587–​1648 (Mexico: Plaza y Valdes, 2000),  94–​99. 7 Carmen Yuste, “De la Libre Contratación a las Restricciones de La Permission. La Andadura de Los Comerciantes de México en los Giros Iniciales con Manila, 1580–​1610,” in Salvador Bernabeu Albert y Carlos Martínez Shaw, eds. Un Océano de Seda y Plata: El Universo Económico del Galeón de Manila. Colección Universos Americanos 12. (Sevilla: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Tagus, 2013), 85–​106. 8 Letter of Philip II to Diego Ronquillo de Peñalosa, dated in Lisbon, 31 March 1582. “Help each other, work together, defend each other,” in Colin-​Pastells, Las Filipinas. Lib. III. Cap. XV. 199. The practice to separate the overseas administrations applied to New Spain and Peru. However, between 1535 and 1655, seven viceroys were transferred from one to the other governments. Eduardo Torres Arancivia. Corte de Virreyes, El Entorno del Poder en el Perú del Siglo XVII (Lima: Fondo Editorial de la Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 2006). 9 Liam Matthew Brockey ed., Portuguese Colonial Cities in the Early Modern World (Farnham: Ashgate, 2008). 10 Josep M.  Fradera, Filipinas, la colonia más peculiar. La hacienda pública en la definición de la política colonial, 1762–​1868 (Madrid:  Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1999), 34–​69. 11 See chapter three of this interpretation. Cardim et  al., Polycentric Monarchies. How Did Early Modern Spain and Portugal Achieve and Maintain a Global Hegemony? Pedro Cardim, Tamar Herzog, José Ruiz Ibañez and Gaetano Sabatini, eds. (Sussex: Fundación Séneca, Sussex Academic Press, CHAM, Red Columnaria, 2014), 3. 12 Governor Guido de Lavezaris (1572–​1574) reported in 1573 the conquest of the provinces of Camarines by captain Juan de Salcedo. He brought under the dominion and obedience of your Majesty all that region, with about twenty thousand of its natives, with as little injury as possible. Some villages [had to] paid their tribute in gold [specie]. They have abundant stores of food and possess goldmines. (Emma H. Blair and James A. Robertson, The Philippines Islands 1493–​1803. (Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903) vol. III, 179–​189) 13 Leslie E.  Bauzon, Deficit Government:  Mexico and the Philippine Situado, 1606–​1804 (Tokyo: Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies, 1981). O.D. Corpuz said: “This real situado is cited ad nauseam in the textbooks as proof of the piety and magnanimity of the Spanish kings. It is time to establish what it really was.” Onofrio D. Corpuz, The Roots of the Filipino Nation, Philippine Centennial 1986. vol. 1 of 2 (Quezon: AKLAHI Foundation, Inc. Quezon City, 1986), 104–​106. 14 Patricio Hidalgo Nuchera, Encomienda, tributo y trabajo en Filipinas: 1570–​1608 (Madrid:  Universidad Autónoma de Madrid:  Ediciones Polifemo, 1995); Luis

The art of commerce and representation  129 Alfonso Alvarez, El Costo del Imperio Asiático. La Formación Colonial de las Islas Filipinas Bajo el Dominio Español, 1565–​1800 (Mexico City: Instituto Mora, 2009). 15 Luis Alonso Álvarez, “La Ayuda Mexicana en el Pacífico: Socorros y Situados, 1565–​1816,” in El Costo del Imperio Asiático, (2009), 261–​302. Álvarez studies the statistics of the situado in the long cycle 1580–​1800, including information of the royal treasury in Manila and Acapulco. See also Bauzon, Deficit Government (1982), ch. 3, 50–​66; Yuste, Emporios Transpacíficos (2007), 52–​56. 16 Herbert S. Klein, The American Finances of the Spanish Empire, 1680–​1809 (Santa Fe: University of New Mexico Press, 1998). 17 Regina Grafe and Alejandra Irigoin, “A Stakeholder Empire:  The Political Economy of Spanish Imperial Rule in America” London School of Economics, Working Paper No. 111 (November 2008), 12. 18 Carlos Marichal, “Rethinking Negotiation and Coercion in an Imperial State.” Hispanic American Historical Review 88, no.2 (May 2008):  211–​ 218; Regina Grafe and Alejandra Irigoin, “Bargaining for Absolutism:  A Spanish Path to Nation-​State and Empire.” Hispano-​American Historical Review 88, no.2 (May 2008): 173–​209. 19 Yuste, “De la Libre Contratación a las Restricciones de la Permission (2013). Luis Alfonso Alvarez put emphasis in the King’s instructions to Governor Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas, signed in San Lorenzo del Escorial in 9 August 1589, as the blueprint of the Permission; “ ‘E La Nave Va, Economia, Fiscalidad e Inflación en las Regulaciones de la Carrera de la Mar Del Sur, 1565–​1604,’ ” Un Océano de Seda y Plata (2013), 25–​84. 20 The capture of Galeon Santa Ana, November 1587, by Thomas Cavendish was a harsh warning about the need to protect Pacific navigation. Colín, El Movimiento Portuario de Acapulco (2000), 92. 21 The treaties written by the Jesuit, Joseph de Acosta, reflect the official opinion against invading China. Manel Ollé, La Empresa de China:  de la Armada Invencible al Galeón de Manila (Barcelona: El Acantilado, 2002), 183–​193. For the economic aspects, see Álvarez, El Costo del Imperio Asiático. (2009), 31–​33. 22 José Antonio Cervera, “Los planes españoles para conquistar China a través de Nueva España y Centroamérica en el siglo XVI” Cuadernos Inter.ca.mbio. Vol.10, no.  12 (2013); Paulina Machuca, “El sueño de un Gran Pacífico en el ‘tercer y Nuevo mundo’:  la jornada de Camboya de 1596.” in Carmen Yuste López and Guadalupe Pinzón Ríos, coord. A 500 años del hallazgo del Pacífico. La presencia novohispana en el Mar del Sur (Mexico:  UNAM, 2016), 163–​188; Manel Ollé, “Entre China y la Especiería. Castellanos y Portugueses en Asia oriental” in Carlos Martínez Shaw, José Antonio Martínez Torres, eds. España y Portugal en el mundo (1581–​1668) (Madrid: Polifemo, 2014), 371–​390. 23 Isaac Donoso, et  al., Boxer Codex, A  Modern Transcription and English Translation of 16th Century Exploration of East and Southeast Asia and the Pacific (Manila: Vibal Foundation, 2018), 214–​224. The Bishop of Melaka, João Ribeiro Gaio, mused in 1584 about the prospects of invading the kingdom of Siam. From here, the Iberian powers would continue to subdue Aceh, Patani, Cochinchina, and China. Diogo do Couto shared similar ideas to counteract the rise of Islam in his Dialogue of a Veteran Soldier. Discussing the Frauds and Realities of Portuguese India. Modern English version by Timothy J.  Coates (Dartmouth, MA:  Tagus Press, UMass Dartmouth, 2016).

130  The art of trade 24 Antonio de Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas, (Glasgow:  Cambridge University Press/​The Hakluyt Society, 1971), chapters five six and seven. Marcelo de Ribadeneira, Historia del Archipielago y Otros Reynos. Vol.1, ch. XXVI (Manila:  Historical Conservation Society, 1970); Diego de Aduarte, General History of the Philippines, An Eyewitness Account of the Cambodian Expedition, Part I, vol. 3, (Manila:  Historical Conservation Society, 1988), Vol. XLVII [Chapters 46 to 48 of Historia de la Provincia del Santo Rosario de la Orden de Predicadores en Filipinas, Japón y China]. Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, vol. IX, 160–​180. 25 Geoffrey Parker, The Grand Strategy of Philip II (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 2000), 281–​296. Henry Kamen, Philip of Spain (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1997). 26 For a critical assessment of the dominant narrative of the early years of the colony see Luis Alonso Álvarez and Patricio Hidalgo Nuchera, “Los nietos de Legazpi revisan el pasado. Continuidad y cambio en los estudios históricos filipinistas en España, 1950–​1998.” Illes i imperis; no.  3 (spring 2000):  23–​59. See also Glória Cano, “La Cara Oculta de Retana:  Una Nueva Aproximación Histórica a Su Obra.” Illes Imperis, no. 10/​11 (2008); Glória Cano. “Blair and Robertson’s The Philippine Islands, 1493–​1898: Scholarship or Imperialist Propaganda?” Philippine Studies: Historical and Ethnographic Viewpoints 61, no. 1 (2013): 3–​44. 27 José Luis Porras, The Synod of Manila of 1582 (Manila: Historical Conservation Society. General History of the Philippines, Part I, Vol.4., 1990). 28 The assembly of all estates of 1586 included the governor, Audiencia and bishop, representatives of religious orders, the military, the merchants and representatives from a number of towns. Horacio de la Costa, “Church and State in the Philippines during the Administration of Bishop Salazar, 1581–​1594.” The Hispanic American Historical Review 30, no. 3 (1950): 314–​335. Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, vol. VI (1903). 29 AGI, Filipinas, 18B, R.1, N.1. “Testimonio de Información sobre necesidades de Manila,” 26 January 1591. 30 Grafe and Irigoin, “A Stakeholder Empire:  The Political Economy of Spanish Imperial Rule in America”, (2008); Regina Grafe, “The Spanish Reigns and the ‘Failures’ of Mercantilism,” in Mercantilism Reimagined:  Political Economy in Early Modern Britain and Its Empire, Philip Stern and Carl Wennerlind, eds. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, January 2014). 31 John N.  Schumacher, “Bishop Domingo Salazar and the Manila Synod of 1582.” Introduction to The Manila Synod of 1582. The Draft of the Handbook for Confessors, Translated into English by Paul Arvisu Dumol, with an Introduction by John N. Schumacher (Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 2014), xiii–​ xxxiii; Porras, The Synod of Manila of 1582 (1990). 32 Lewis Hanke, All Mankind Is One: A Study of the Disputation Between Bartolomé De Las Casas and Juan Ginés De Sepúlveda in 1550 on the Religious and Intellectual Capacity of the American Indians, Reprint ed. (DeKalb, IL:  Northern Illinois University Press, 1974). 33 Nuchera, Encomienda, Tributo y Trabajo en Filipinas (1995), 41–​54. The official document conceding to the commander of the Philippines the authority to distribute land and labour is the Carta Real a Miguel López de Legazpi, Escorial, 16 November 1568. The document was later included in the Ordenanzas de

The art of commerce and representation  131 Descubrimiento, Nuevas Poblaciones y Pacificaciones. Bosque de Segovia, 13 July 1573. 34 The most common selection of primary sources for the initial Spanish period, compiled during the first years of American occupation of the Philippines in Blair and Robertson, eds., The Philippine Islands, 1493–​1598, 55  vols. (1903–​ 1909). See also John L.  Phelan, The Hispanization of the Philippines:  Spanish Aims and Filipino Responses, 1565–​ 1700 (Madison:  University of Wisconsin Press, 1959). A recent work that put Manila as a centre of convergence of global interests is Birgit Tremml-​Werner, Spain, China, and Japan in Manila, 1571–​1644. Local Comparisons and Global Connections (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2015). 35 Óscar Cruz Barney, El régimen jurídico de los consulados de comercio indianos: 1784–​ 1795. (México City: UNAM, Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, 2001), 45–​46. 36 Colín, El Movimiento Portuario de Acapulco. (2000), 94–​99. 37 Provisiones para que Don Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñaloza lleve seiscientos hombres solteros o casados a Filipinas para colonizar. AGN, Ramo Inquisición, Vol.172, Exp.15, 1578. Antonio de Morga explains that Governor Ronquillo obtained privileges to bring a large number of Castilian settlers, but failed since one of the first ships sank in San Lúcar de Barrameda. He sailed with the rest of the crew and travelled to Tierra Firme, on the coast of Colombia, and followed the voyage via Panama and the Philippines. It was the time in which Francis Drake was marauding the coasts of the Pacific, from Chile to New Spain. See Antonio de Morga, and James S.  Cummins, ed., trans. Sucesos de Las Islas Filipinas by Antonio de Morga, ­chapter 3, Second Series 140. 38 Created in 1503, the Casa de Contratación was intended to oversee the trade between Spain and the American colonies, later extended to scheduling routes of ships, collecting trading taxes, and keeping account of the royal revenues. “(…) It also established navigational and cartographic schools and began the Archives of the Indies.” Indeed, the Archivo General de Indias is located in the same place of the trading house. Encyclopaedia Britannica (consulted 15 August 2017). 39 Morga, Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (1609/​1971),  67–​70. 40 “Cedulas, edicts, and decrees were issued to them from a common source, to be executed under similar circumstances” indicates Charles Henry Cunningham. The Recopilación de leyes de los Reinos de las Indias of 1680 collected all the laws and regulations of the Audiencias from around the world. See Charles Henry Cunningham, The Audiencia in the Spanish Colonies as Illustrated by the Audiencia of Manila (1583–​1800) (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1919), 25–​39. 41 Lewis Hanke, Cuerpo de documentos del siglo XVI sobre los derechos de España en las indias y las Filipinas/​descubiertos y anotados por Lewis Hanke; editados por Agustín Millares Carlo. (Mexico: FCE, 1943). For the intricacies of Filipino slavery and the uses made by the Spanish settlers to elude the dictum to abolish slavery, see William Henry Scott, Slavery in the Spanish Philippines (Manila: De la Salle University Press, 1994, second edition). ch. 4. 42 Marta Ma. Manchado López underscores that the Audiencia in Manila received the experiences accumulated in different territories and it was created during a time of reorganisation of the overall system. “La Audiencia de Manila y La Concesión de Licencias a Los Chinos. La Gestión del Oidor Rivera Maldonado,” in Orbis Incognitvs : Avisos y Legajos Del Nuevo Mundo Homenaje al Profesor Luis

132  The art of trade Navarro García. Universidad de Huelva, 2007. See Cunningham, The Audiencia (1919),  32–​82. 43 Morga attributes to the ability of Alonso Sanchez the crown’s decision to suspend the Audiencia in the Philippines. the cleric convinced the court during the trip he made to Spain in 1586, in representation of all the states of the Manila citizens Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas (1609/​1971), 71; Cunningham, The Audiencia (1919), 40–​43. The attorney Melchor de Avalos defended the permanence of the Audiencia, criticising Santiago de Vera. “Melchor de Avalos al Rey, Manila, 20 June 1585, AGI, Filipinas, 18.A, R.3, N.19, cited by Manchado López. 44 Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, vol. VI (1903); Horacio de la Costa, “Church and State in the Philippines” (1950). 45 Letter of Joāo de Oliveira, 22 November 1584, AGI, Filipinas, 34, N.65. 46 Francisco Colin, Labor Evangelica, Ministerios Apostólicos de Los Obreros de La Compañia de Iesus, Fundacion y Progressos de su Provincia en las Islas Filipinas, in Pablo Pastells S.J. ed. Book II (Barcelona: Imprenta y Litografía de Henrich y Compañía, 1904, original 1664), 415–​459; Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, Vol. VI (1583–​1588), 157–​233. 47 Ollé, La Empresa de China (2002). 48 Colin-​Pastells, Labor Evangélica (1904), item 10 of the second section. 49 Colin-​Pastells (1904), 419–​420. 50 Everyday life in Manila was regimented by canonic hours, the waiting times of the vessels ruled by the monsoon and the officially forbidden gambling. The days of idleness were not conducive to a life of spiritual recollection. See Romain Bertrand. Le Long remords de la Conquête (Paris: Seuil, 2015). 51 Nuchera, Encomienda, tributo y trabajo en Filipinas (1995). Álvarez, El Costo Del Imperio Asiático (2009); Yuste, “De la libre contratación a las restricciones de la permission (2013), 85–​106. 52 The proposal of the citizens of Manila intended to guarantee the supply of food and basic necessities, except for paying duties to the short list of merchants. See Colin-​Pastells, Labor Evangélica (1904), 418, note 3. 53 For a critical history of the Parián, see Manel Ollé, “Interacción y Conflicto en el Parián de Manila.” Illes Imperis, 2011; José Antonio Cervera, Las Cartas Del Parián. Los Chinos de Manila a Finales del Siglo XVI a Través de Los Ojos de Juan Cobo y Domingo de Salazar. (Mexico:  Palabra de Clío, 2015); Tremml-​Werner, Spain, China, and Japan in Manila, 1571–​1644 (2015); 54 Colin-​Pastells, Labor Evangélica (1904), 420–​422. 55 Carta de la Audiencia de Manila sobre su fundación y funcionamiento. AGI, Filipinas 18 B, R.9, N.122, dated in Manila, 12 July 1599. Francisco de Tello presided over the new Audiencia with four oidores:  Antonio de Ribera, Antonio de Morga, Cristobal Tellez de Almazán and Alvaro Rodriguez Zambrano. Jerónimo de Salazar y Salcedo was appointed as public prosecutor. 56 Investigation at Manila concerning Trade with Macan, Blair & Robertson, The Philippine Islands, vol. VIII, 174–​198. 57 Schurz. The Manila Galleon (1939). 154–​160. 58 Schurz, The Manila Galleon (1939), 179–​182. 59 It contained 15 items. Antonio Alvarez de Abreu, Extracto Historial del Comercio entre China, Filipinas y Nueva España, 1736, 2 vols. (Mexico City:  Instituto Mexicano de Comercio Exterior, 1977) vol. 1, 39–​43.

Part III

Trans-​Pacific connections

New Spain1 It is the richest and most opulent city [in the world], with the most trade and the most treasure… The silver of Peru and the gold of Chile lands here, the fine cloves of Ternate and the cinnamon of Tidor. Fabrics from Cambray [Cathay], from Qinsay [Hangzhou] ransom… diamonds from India, and from gallant Scita [Ceylon] purple rubies and fine emeralds, ivory from Goa and dark ebony from Siam; from Spain the best, the cream from the Philippines, the most precious from Macao, from both Javas pilgrim riches; fine porcelain from the timid Sangley… In short, the finest in the world, of all that is known and produced, here is abundant, is sold and is inexpensive… In you Spain is united with China, Italy with Japan, and finally the entire world in commerce and order… It is all by the grace of fortune, and your power is [like] an angry eagle perched on the wide leaves of a cactus; so pregnant with treasures and silver that fleets, one from Spain, another from China, leave every year with [your] surpluses. Bernardo de Balbuena, La Grandeza Mexicana (The Grandeur of Mexico City) 1604

Note 1 Bernardo de Balbuena, La Grandeza Mexicana. English version by Edward R. Slack Jr., “Orientalizing New Spain: Perspectives on Asian Influence in Colonial Mexico, www.brown.edu/​conference/​asia-​pacific/​sites/​brown.edu.Conference.Asia-​Pacific/​ files/​apma-​Slack.doc.

8  Diego Hernández Victoria, the Merchant of Manila

This chapter expands on preceding analysis exploring the social microcosm of Manila through the testimony of a trader, Diego Hernández Victoria, whose advancement as a merchant illustrates aspects of the social, economic, and political life of Manila during the last quarter of the sixteenth century. This Portuguese citizen played a notable role as merchant, interacting with many partners in Southeast Asia, New Spain, and Europe.1 His function as a nodal point in the trading network is scrutinised through his political relations and business affairs. The outstanding element of information unveiled in this research is the cooperation between the network of Portuguese merchants in Southeast Asia and the highest ranks of the Mexican church, as well as with merchants, several of them Portuguese, located in different cities of New Spain. The study weighs these links, based on a search of multiple files. In this chapter we show a very little-​known aspect about the public personality of some of the members of the merchant network. In the next chapter we add the information located in the archives of the Inquisition. In turn, such information is analysed along with that obtained in the notary archives, such as:  affidavits, legacies and powers of attorney widely used by these merchants in their relations with business partners throughout the Pacific. Some citizens, such as Hernández Victoria, were simultaneously private merchants and public duty bearers. Hernández Victoria became involved in Manila’s public affairs and took part in discussions related to security and trade. An atmosphere of anxiety caused by pirate attacks, as well an overwhelming number of Chinese merchants in the vicinity of Manila, led to the construction of a walled perimeter around the city. These discussions, which addressed a vast number of concerns, were the impetus for proposals to establishing a regulatory framework for trade across the Pacific.

Manila Intramuros There is an aspect of the political career of Diego Hernández Victoria that underpins his level of involvement in the public policy of Manila: the construction of the city wall called intramuros. Because commerce was the main

136  Trans-Pacific connections activity of the city, the security of the city was closely related to the maintenance of the Manila Galleon. As we have seen, the trading system required the protection of the crown to carry out exchanges across the Pacific. The same can be said of the security of the capital of the Philippines. However, the cost of construction fell on citizens. From 1590 until his death in 1593, one of the most relevant activities of Governor Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas was the construction of the wall around the city of Manila. This enterprise became an opportunity for Hernández Victoria to promote his prestige in the city as a public administrator. He had acquired the position as alderman in 1589, taking advantage of the new Royal provision that allowed selling the posts of public notaries and councilmen. At that time, some appointments in the cities were put on sale to achieve the participation of the citizens interested in public works. The new members of the city council were Pedro de Brito, Antonio de Cañedo, Antonio Garrido Salcedo, Francisco Ochoa de Salinas, and Diego Hernández Victoria.2 Probably Pedro de Brito was also Portuguese but was widely accepted as an Old Christian in the local community.3 Diego Hernández Victoria paid 81 pesos oro, 7 tomines and 9 granos for the job,4 and in 1591 he was “elected” councillor of the city.5 In that year, Hernández Victoria made a requested to the assistant mayor of Manila, Francisco de Mercado de Andrade, to interview prominent residents about the needs of the city and have their statements formally recorded in affidavits. The resulting evaluation could not be worse:  the city council lacked the resources to provide the necessary infrastructure:  slaughter house, granary, reliable source of drinking water, and the pavement of the streets, which were constantly affected by rain. The city council did not have premises –​including a jail –​and the construction of the city wall had been delayed for more than eight years.6 At this time, Hernández Victoria also supervised the accounting of the city. He relied on a basic form of double-​entry bookkeeping, as revealed in his personal accounts.7 There is no doubt Hernández Victoria took seriously his role as a public servant. For more than two decades, the capital of the Philippines relied on weak construction, with the use of nipa (dry palm leaves), wood and a few stone houses. Fires, hurricanes, and earthquakes always periodically distressed the city.8 Another problem was the vulnerability of the city to potential attack from invaders. This concern featured prominently among the fears of the citizens who, collectively, petitioned the crown to pay for the provision of security. Referring back to the list of requests of 1586, the plans were evident: to build a stoned wall around the city and to construct two watch-​towers, one on the seaside and the other looking at the Pasig River. They demanded a permanent garrison to deter violence and potential uprisings by the Chinese, Filipinos, and other non-​Spanish foreign elements. The citizens identified several dangers:  the Filipinos, Chinese, Japanese, the inhabitants of Maluku and Borneo, and the English. To thwart further attacks, the citizens requested the building of three forts:  one in the North

The Merchant of Manila  137 of Luzon, in Ilocos or in Cagayan to protect from the menace of the Chinese and Japanese; another in the central area of the Archipelago, in Cebu, against attacks from Borneo and Maluku; and the third in Pampanga, in the hinterland of Manila, to fortify the city against the Zambales. They recommended using galleys or frigates to secure the coasts. The king responded positively to all of the petitions and instructed Dasmariñas to reinforce the protection of the city. However, it took longer than expected to improve the security of Manila and the rest of the islands. The distance from New Spain or Europe and the financial burdens of the crown delayed any action. Indeed, the arrival of the Dutch in Manila Bay in 1600 alarmed the Spanish population in the colony, and increased the costs of security that were, in effect, included in the trade transported by the Manila Galleon.9 For the construction of the wall, the governor established, with the approval of the city council, a tax of 2 per cent on merchandise exported to New Spain. The expected fiscal revenue was accurate, taking into account the value of trade with Acapulco, calculated at that time at nearly half a million pesos.10 Hernández Victoria confirmed in his will that he collected the 2 per cent in contributions from the merchandise sent to New Spain. The subtle language avoided calling it tax, after the controversy between the governor and Bishop Salazar, who questioned the authority of officials to levy citizens. The design and construction of the wall were in the hands of the Jesuit Antonio Sedeño, under the direct supervision of a military engineer, Leonardo Turriano, who had been appointed by the king.11 Intramuros is nowadays a landmark of Manila, part of its cultural and historical legacy. When Dasmariñas was killed, on 25 October 1593, the wall of Intramuros was at the cusp of completion, and the citizens of Manila were fully involved in trading with their Asian neighbours and exporting to New Spain. The governor’s death was a severe political blow for Diego Hernández Victoria after the propitious years of the Dasmariñas government.12 With the arrival of Francisco de Tello de Guzmán in July 1596, the political landscape started to change. The new governor introduced additional elements for the reorganisation of the city and trade. As has already been mentioned, Tello de Guzmán had experience as treasurer of the Casa de Contratación of Seville, the official trading house in charge of the commerce of the Spanish Americas and also the Philippines.13 As a representative of one of the stakeholders of the imperial system, Governor Tello received royal instructions to revamp the trade system across the Pacific according to the royal decrees issued in 1593, as well as to reinstate the Audiencia.14 It cannot be said that Diego Hernández Victoria was a fugitive or a casual migrant living in Manila for almost two decades. Instead, the main finding regarding his influence in the city concerns his participation in the general assembly of the estates of 1586. Years later, his designation as alderman of Manila in 1591, and his intervention in discussions the same year about trade with Macao, confirmed his role in the local elite.

138  Trans-Pacific connections Our knowledge of his career comes from a variety of sources: a dozen public reports issued during his tenure at the Council of Manila, from 1589 to the year of his death in 1597, and the Inquisition process where his will was inserted. He had the dubious merit of being one of the first persons accused of Judaism by the Inquisition in Manila but, beyond this fact, it is not possible to make more associations about his religious identity. Most of the historical references are related to the process against him, but almost all information about his social role in Manila has not been valued. The reason for this could be because he had a secondary rank in the circle of famous Manila personalities of his time.15 But also, we can think of the Inquisitor’s deliberate interest in erasing any memory of the Portuguese merchant. If this were the case, the work of the Inquisition would be done efficiently: eliminate any traces of the victims. He would not suffer imprisonment or torture, but contempt and oblivion. However, the same institution had a tradition of compiling detailed information, now preserved in archives around the world. Without the possibility of becoming a landowner using Indian labour, since he was neither a pioneer in the islands nor a Spaniard, Hernández Victoria assumed his role as a merchant and citizen of the new colony. Instead, his public personality followed the mainstream of life in the city, having, as a backdrop to his activities, the flow of international contingencies of the epoch, the regular arrival of the galleon from New Spain and the steady influx of Asian vessels from a variety of places. As it became commonplace to say, the only things to arrive in Manila from the other side of the Pacific were silver, priests, soldiers, and government officials.

The will of Hernández Victoria On 1 December 1597, the Portuguese merchant Diogo Fernandes Vitoria, better known in Manila by its name in Spanish, Diego Hernández Victoria, felt his days were about to end. He requested the visit of a public notary, Miguel Muñoz, to his home to settle his earthly affairs in preparation for death. In dictating his last will and testament, Hernández Victoria, member of the city council of the capital of the Philippines, was leaving, for further generations, a document with information about his business affairs as well as information about the extensive network of which he was one of the main agents at the end of the sixteenth century.16 Hernández Victoria was part of a circle of personalities who, in 1586, created a plan  –​a list of requests  –​to solve the political and economic problems of the Philippines. As alderman of Manila, Hernández Victoria answered several needs of the city, the most important being the administration of the construction of the walled perimeter of the old city, later known as intramuros. He was active during a crucial period in which the rules and regulations of Manila Galleon trade were under debate, before the approval by the Council of Indies in 1593. Private papers and public references help to understand the public personality of this Portuguese merchant operating in

The Merchant of Manila  139 the most distant city of the Spanish Empire that stood at the border of the Portuguese and Chinese Empires. His will reveals many of the elements that we have tested so far. In his will, Hernández Victoria highlighted his privileged relationship with the hierarchy of the Catholic Church in the Philippines and New Spain. In each phase of his career, he made evident his stand as a devoted Christian. The Inquisition confiscated this set of documents, searching to indict him for secretly practising Judaism. Ironically, it was precisely the Inquisition that brought his memory to posterity. His sudden death in 1597, just before his indictment by the Inquisition, obscured his public career. Hernández Victoria was judged and acquitted post-​mortem by the Inquisition, both in Mexico and the Iberian Peninsula. Diego Hernández Victoria stated that he had arrived in Manila around 1580, via New Spain. The only trip documented in Manila on that date was from Panama, when Governor Gonzalo Ronquillo de Peñalosa arrived, accompanied by his entourage, to take office. At the time of his death, Hernández Victoria had lived for 18 years in Manila. Behind him was a long journey that began in Porto, in Portugal, with extended stays in Spain, Guinea, New Spain, and the Philippines. In the Philippines, around 1589, he married a Spaniard, María de Zárate, with whom, in 1593, he had a son named Pedro. The child, to whom he gave special attention in his will, was living in Mexico under the protection of Father Francisco de Paz, partner and probably sibling of Hernández Victoria. Hernández Victoria had a farm near the port of Cavite, with cattle and five slaves, administered by a loyal manager. This rural property was not an encomienda because he was a foreigner, not a member of the small circle of conquistadores (conquerors).17 With certain regularity, the Portuguese merchant of Manila travelled to Cavite, for business related to his property or for the arrival of the galleon from Acapulco. Meanwhile, he participated in the administrative and social activities of the city, forging tight relations with the first European settlers, many of them survivors of Legazpi’s expedition. During Hernández Victoria’s time, the personalities of six governors left their imprint on political life in Manila. It is evident that he possessed enough skills to keep good relations with each of them. Hernández Victoria also cultivated good relations with the religious leaders of the small community, including Bishop Salazar, who confronted the governor, Dasmariñas, over a special tax for the construction of the wall around the city. Hernández Victoria was a benefactor of several religious orders and their charities. However, the relationship with the priests would have another intention. Many members of the Catholic congregations on the islands were involved in the Manila trade, and because they were banned from trading, they depended on professional traders like Hernandez Victoria, who acted as their agent and proxy.18 Another noteworthy feature is the way Hernández Victoria cultivated his social links with the military commanders of the islands, notoriously Captain

140  Trans-Pacific connections Esteban Rodriguez de Figueroa, pilot and soldier since the expedition of López de Legazpi. The previous chapter addressed the early trajectory of Rodriguez de Figueroa, but is yet to assert that in the nineties he became a rich encomendero and ship-​owner, as well as an outstanding military commander in the Philippines. We have seen how he participated in the military campaign in the Maluku in 1584 with Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro, and how his business relations began during that decade with Diego Hernández Victoria. He enjoyed the trust of Governor Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas, embarking on the pacification of Mindanao and the construction of vessels at Oton.19 The public personality of Rodríguez de Figueroa is closely linked to the regional security context of the Philippines at that time. During the Union of Crowns, the Portuguese frailty to sustain control of the Maluku became an issue of grave concern. Since the Saragossa Treaty (1529) had not definitively solved the issue of ownership of the Spice islands, the Spanish still regarded this as potentially theirs and took a special interest in it. The Maluku was part of the regional surge of Islam in an arch of more than 2,600 miles (3,700 kilometres): from the Spice Islands and Mindanao westward to Aceh. Since the establishment of Manila, there were three unsuccessful interventions in the area led by military commanders sent from Luzon, in 1582, 1584, and 1585. A new campaign in October 1593 was aborted by the murder of governor Gomez Pérez Dasmariñas on his way to the Maluku. This event turned out to be a political and military challenge to Castilian power in the region.20 At the end of the century, Manila was a separate enclave from the rest of the islands as the Spanish occupation of the rest of the archipelago was a mere legal assertion without real backing. Muslim warriors who resisted Spanish and Portuguese attempts to control the islands dominated the territories south of Cebu. The interrelationships with a wide variety of local peoples and Asian traders were tense and tainted by the bellicose stance of the few European settlers. During that period, there were the aforementioned enforced military campaigns in Luzon, Mindanao, and Maluku. It is worth repeating that the colonial objective continued to focus on the encomienda system that has already been described. However, the dispersion of the islands made it difficult to create an elite of Spanish owners of land, using indigenous labour. This is one reason why the clergy took over control of the provinces, concentrating in the church the political power and land in the archipelago.21 Esteban Rodríguez de Figueroa had an outstanding political personality, due to his military prestige, the privileged connections he nurtured in New Spain, Peru, and Spain, as well as his personal fortune. He was a successful military operator and merchant until his death in 1596 during the campaign in Mindanao.22 He had become involved in trade across the Pacific since the early years of its exchange. Rodríguez de Figueroa acted in alliance with his brother, Alvaro, a member of the Consulado of Mexico, created in 1593, or chamber of commerce, and other merchants of the same family name.23 The influence of the Figueroa’s family was crucial for the operation of the Manila Galleon and for setting the regulatory framework of the trading system.

The Merchant of Manila  141 Rodríguez de Figueroa owned a galleon, the Santa Margarita, carrying Asian merchandise to New Spain in 1595 and the ship made at least one trip to Peru.24 A  letter from captain Tomás de Alçola to the viceroy count of Monterrey, signed in Acapulco on 19 November 1595, confirms that Esteban Rodríguez de Figueroa was a co-​owner of this galleon. Tomás de Alçola explained that it was difficult to buy Asian merchandise because the galleons from New Spain were delayed. That year, some Portuguese shipments from China and Melaka, brought to Manila products from China and India, as well as slaves from Maluku.25 Hernández Victoria mentioned three captains of galleons as his partners:  Luis de Vivanco, Juan de Alzesa (involved in voyages to Japan) and notably, Esteban Rodríguez de Figueroa. The list of partners of Hernández Victoria, however, is an inventory that does not reflect the variety of associates he had in the region, and rather seems limited to outstanding bills he may have had with some merchants. For example, Fernando de Castro paid an old debt for Chinese merchandise kept in Cavite, plus other goods that arrived from New Spain in 1596 in the galleon San Pablo, with a price of 13,000 pesos in gold. The agent, Martín de Brizuela, registered and commanded Chinese products sent to New Spain on the galleons San Pedro and El Rosario, in six boxes (cajones). Notably, in this operation, he used a letter of credit, which was an advanced commercial technique at the time.26 He indicated business relations with Don Joan de Guzmán, since the time during which they met in New Spain and Spain. Guzmán sent 580 ducats to Antonio de Tapia in the Philippines, but Hernández Victoria could not collect them. Therefore, Guzmán still owed that amount to Hernández Victoria “plus a large amount of gold pesos from the time we made the trip from Spain to New Spain via Guinea, but because of our friendship I have not tried to get paid.” With the aforementioned Francisco de Paz, he sustained business for the amount of 24,250 pesos for the years 1593 to 1597, using the galleons San Felipe and Santiago, San Pedro and San Pablo, San Gerónimo and El Nombre de Jesús, and El Rosario.27 In total, he recalls 15 bundles and eight boxes of cloves and twelve bars of wax sent in the galleons San Pedro and El Rosario. In 1595, he received 6,600 pesos and three tomines and an additional 1,074 pesos in merchandise from Mexico. It is possible to account for seven galleons used by Hernández Victoria and associates, of the nine who were active during that time in the trade across the Pacific. With the intention of keeping his properties intact and undivided, the executors of his will in Manila were: his wife Maria de Zarate, captain Joan de Bustamante, Luis de Balmaceda, Diego de Valdes, and his nephew and namesake, Diego Hernández Vitoria. After the date of his will, he requested his brother-​in-​law, sergeant major Juan Juárez Galinato (Juan Xuárez Gallinato) to also discharge his will according to the instructions in the document. At the end of the will it was added: “Executor(s) of his will in Mexico City Fr. Francisco de Paz, Alonso Fernandez de Santiago, Alonso Martin.” Juan

142  Trans-Pacific connections Xuárez Gallinato and his sister, Maria de Zárate, were witness to the seizure of assets of Hernández Victoria made by the Inquisition. In fact, Juan Xuárez Gallinato, who became the chief of the garrison in Manila, was part of the immediate social circle of Hernández Victoria. Xuárez Gallinato was the commander of the failed expedition to Cambodia, associated with the Dasmariñas, father and son, and Portuguese and Spanish mercenaries in the region. Two of Xuárez Gallinato’s contemporaries, Antonio de Morga and Diego de Aduarte, left sufficient written evidence of the temerity and discipline of the captain. His fame transcended the frontiers of the Philippines and into a character of theatre in Spain.28 A  play with the name “New Gallinato, venture for disgrace” was written by Andrés de Claramonte about the expedition to Cambodia and was presented in Spain early in the seventeenth century.29 We know very little about the readings habits of Hernández Victoria. The sparse number of books arriving in the galleons was mostly of religious literature, but there is no evidence that he had a library, in contrast with some of his contemporaries in the city, such as religious dignitaries and other notable persons.30 In 1598, his wife declared to Benito de Mendiola, the Inquisition delegate in Manila, that she saw Hernández Victoria reading only books of devotion and works about the lives of saints, so probably he borrowed readings from other people.31 Instead, he belonged to a merchant culture, more interested in practicalities and business. In his testament, he stated his desire “to keep the whole declaration together, without separating debit from credit, because that is the way to show the integral part of the assets.” Diego Hernández Victoria requested not to mix the borrador (draft) the manual (list of activities) and the libro de caja (book of cash flow). Clearly he was referring to the memorandum, the journal, and the ledger in the accounting technic. At that time, the double entry account system was utilised in the trade in the cities of Venice and Genoa.32 There are some clues about his taste for art and valuable objects, especially through the Asian products he marketed and owned. The list of his possessions shows two houses made of stone and a land property near Cavite. Among the merchandise traded by Hernández Victoria we can observe clothes from China, grain from Asia, religious pieces from Mexico and Asia, clothes, which is a generic for many textiles of various qualities, and he includes in his household the slaves acquired as part of debts with other merchants. The variety of products shows the trends of consumption and the type of products he dealt with. One example is the bedcovers, a type of merchandise that started to be highly appreciated in the New Spain around that time, as one of the finest pieces in the households of the rich families. The set regularly included curtains and a bed canopy.33 Through the trading process, the merchants acted as indirect consumers, introducing new aesthetic models to the societies in which they lived. As it has been said, during the early modern period, the merchants acted as vicarious consumers.34

The Merchant of Manila  143 In his will, Hernández Victoria reflected an active connection with most of the religious associations of the city: The Misericordia, Saint Dominic, the Hospital for Spanish, and the Hospital of the Naturales (indigenous peoples), the Holy Sacrament, the Divine Oath, the Soledad, Saint Andrew, the Spirit of the Purgatory. It should be noted that 25 pesos were donated to the chapel of Ermita, where the famous image of Our Lady of Guidance protector of the navigators is venerated, as well as the alms given to the brotherhood of the Misericordia of the Maluku.35 He gave instruction to be buried in the most important church of the city, in the convent of Saint Augustin, where he owned a space in the first chapel right next to the main altar. A document attached to the Inquisition file describes a complaint by the mayordomo (religious administrator) of the brotherhood of the Rosario against the Portuguese merchant for having retained an effigy of the virgin and her rich embroidered mantle, which was sent from Mexico by Francisco de Paz. The image was kept in the house of Hernández Victoria in Cavite to demand the payment of some debts of the administrator, but when the religious image was released it was damaged by humidity.36 Antonio de Morga supervised the months-​long lawsuit and controversy, which still was in process at the time of Hernández Victoria’s passing in 1597. The lawsuit over a religious image was a severe blow to the public integrity of Hernández Victoria, although it was not resolved at the time, but it went to the file prepared by the Inquisition. This chapter provides a view at other aspects of the life of Manila in which Hernández Victoria was publicly involved, building an idea of prestige as a loyal citizen and efficient administrator. The participation of the trader in public policies allows us to observe his perspective on the interrelationship between commercial interests, security issues and global linkages. In the next chapter, we will observe other cases of Portuguese New Christians in New Spain related to the trade with the Philippines. The connections of Diego Hernández Victoria with the political and economic elites of New Spain were outstanding, in particular with one group related to the administration of the Cathedral of Mexico City. This discussion illustrates the connections that contributed to the formation of the trans-​ Pacific trading system, the role of the Portuguese merchants, and the limits they faced when the Manila Galleon trade entered into a more regulated system.

Notes 1 See the discussion on the concepts of vecino (neighbor) and ciudadano (citizen) in ­chapter 2 of this thesis, based on Tamar Herzog, Defining Nations: Immigrants and Citizens in Early Modern Spain and Spanish America (New Haven, CT:  Yale University Press, 2011).

144  Trans-Pacific connections 2 Luis Merino, El Cabildo Secular:  Aspectos fundacionales y Administrativos. Estudios sobre el Municipio de Manila, Volume I  (Manila:  The Intramuros Administration, 1983), 146–​151. 3 Patricio Hidalgo Nuchera. Encomienda, Tributo y Trabajo en Filipinas: 1570–​1608 (Madrid: Universidad Autónoma de Madrid/​Ediciones Polifemo, 1995), 260–​261. 4 AGI, Indiferente, 527, L.1, fl. 220. “Confirmación de la [Real Provisión] a Diego Hernández dándole título de regidor de la ciudad de Manila” (extracto), 12 May 1591. 5 Elección del Cabildo de Diego Hernandez Bitoria (sic) como Procurador General, 19 de noviembre (sic) de 1591, in Emma H. Blair and James A. Robertson, The Philippines Islands 1493–​1803 (Cleveland: The Arthur H. Clark Company, 1903), Vol. VIII, “Investigation at Manila Concerning Trade with Macan,” 174–​198. 6 AGI, Filipinas, 18B, R.1, N.1. “Testimonio de Información sobre necesidades de Manila,” 26 January 1591. 7 AGI, Filipinas, 27, N.25, 3 April 1591. (Cat. 3755). “Cuentas de Gaspar de la Isla, mayordomo de los bienes de propios de la ciudad de Manila.” 8 Antonio de Morga, and James S.  Cummins, Sucesos de Las Islas Filipinas by Antonio de Morga. Second Series 140. (Glasgow: Cambridge University Press/​The Hakluyt Society, 1971, originally 1609), Chapter 5, 71–​89. 9 Colin, Francisco. Labor Evangelica, Ministerios Apostólicos de Los Obreros de La Compañia de Iesus, Fundacion y Progressos de Su Provincia en Las Islas Filipinas. Madrid, 1663 (1904), 430–​431. 10 Dasmariñas to the King, 20 June 1591 Blair and Robertson, Vol VIII, 169–​173, from Simancas–​Secular; Audiencia de Filipinas; Cartas y Expedientes del Gobernador de Filipinas vistos en el Consejo; años 1567 á 1599; est. 67, caj. 6, leg. 6. 11 Robert R. Reed, Colonial Manila. The Context of Hispanic Urbanism and Process of Morphogenesis (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1978), 38–​51. 12 Luis Dasmariñas, the deceased governor’s son, held the reins of power from December 1593 to July 1596. He promoted military actions across the region, including especially Cambodia and Mindanao. He remained in Manila until his death during the revolt of the Chinese of 1603. John Newsome Crossley, The Dasmariñases, Early Governors of the Spanish Philippines (London, New York: Routledge, 2016). Ch.15. 13 Manuel Francisco Fernández Chaves and Rafael M. Pérez García, “Filipinas en las Estrategias de las Élites Sevillanas entre Los Siglos XVI y XVII: El Caso del Gobernador Francisco Tello de Guzmán (1596–​1602),” Anais de História de Além-​ Mar XV (Lisbon:  Centro de História d’Aquem e d’Além  –​Mar, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2014), 295–​333. 14 Colin, Labor Evangélica (1904). 15 Crossley, The Dasmariñases (2016). 16 Testamento (Will hereafter) AGN, Inquisición, vol. 251, exp.  1, year 1599 (the document is dated 1 December 1597)  as Lista de bienes (household list). AGN, Inquisición, vol. 251, exp.  2, 1599, Palaeographic transcription by Eugenio de los Reyes. The composed file comprising the whole Inquisition process against Hernández Victoria is AGN, Inquisición, vol. 162. 17 The first generation included the commanders and soldiers of Miguel López de Legazpi, who governed the archipelago from 27 April 1565 until his death on 20 August 1572. He was succeeded by Guido de Lavezaris, 20 August 1572 to 25 August 1575. The third governor was doctor Francisco de Sande, 25 August 1575

The Merchant of Manila  145 to April 1580, nicknamed Doctor Sangre (Doctor Blood), for his bitter and strict character. 18 Schurz, Manila Galleon (1939), 166. 19 Crossley, The Dasmariñases (2016), 40. 20 The Portuguese feared an attack from Aceh, but also an invasion of the Castilians in the Spice Islands, in view of the weakness of the Estado da Índia unable to send troops to Ternate. Manuel Lobato, Politica e Comércio dos Portugueses na Insulindia. Malaca e as Molucas de 1575 a 1605 (Macao: Institvto Portvgvês do Oriente, 1999), 63–​73 and 154–​161. Manel Ollé, “A Inserção das Filipinas na Asia Oriental (1565–​1593)” Revista de Cultura Macau 7 (2003):  6–​ 22. Bartolomé Leonardo de Argensola, Conquista de Las Islas Molucas (1608) (Madrid: Miraguano Ediciones: Ediciones Polifemo, 2009). This book became a true “best seller” at that time, telling these events from the Castilian viewpoint. 21 See John Leddy Phelan, “Free Versus Compulsory Labor:  Mexico and the Philippines 1540–​1648.” Comparative Studies in Society and History 1, 2 (1 January 1959):  189–​201. For a long-​durée interpretation of this phenomenon see Denis Morrow Roth, The Friar Estates of the Philippines (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1977). He alludes also to the differentiation of the variety of peoples of the archipelago and the separateness of the hundreds of islands. 22 Marta María Manchado López, Marta María. “Familia y linaje en un contexto imperial:  Los Rodríguez de Figueroa.” Historia Mexicana 63, 3 (1 January 2014), 1103. 23 Guillermina del Valle Pavón, “ ‘Los Mercaderes de México y La Transgresión de Los Límites Al Comercio Pacífico en Nueva España, 1550–​1620’, in Revista de Historia Económica /​ Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History, La Economía en Tiempos del Quijote, v. XXIII, Número Extraordinario, Madrid (2005), 213–​240. 24 AGI, Mexico, 23, N.27, Letter of the viceroy about the arrival of ships from the Philippines. 20 December 1595. AGI, Mexico, 23, N.30, List of merchandises of the St. Margarita. 23 December 1595. This galleon departed from the island of Pintados, Visayas, not from Manila, and had small cargo. However, Diego Hernández Victoria sent merchandise to Francisco de Paz, as well Esteban Rodriguez to Francisco Rodriguez. Also in 1595, Hernández Victoria sent several boxes to Francisco Rodriguez in the galleon San Pablo. 25 Copy of the letter of Thomas de Alçola for the count of Monterrey, viceroy of the New Spain. AGI, Mexico, Legajo 23, N.23, November 1595. 26 Will of Diego Hernández Victoria. AGN, Vol. 251, exp. 1, year 1599. 27 The galleon San Felipe left Manila on July 1596 to New Spain with a cargo valued at more than a million and half silver pesos, but wrecked off the Southern coast of Japan in October that year. The economic loss triggered a political and religious crisis with Japan, when the Taiko Hideyoshi ordered, in 1597, the execution of 26 survivors, including six Franciscans, accused of being spies. For the merchants of Manila, the loss of the ship was a real economic disaster. Charles R. Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, 1549–​1650 (Manchester: Carcanet Press Limited, Calouste Gulbekian Foundation, The Discoveries Commission, The Fundaçāo Oriente. 1993), 163–​167. See appendix III, affidavit of Rui Mendes de FIgueiredo, Captain-​Major of the Japan Voyage, 1596–​1597, 415–​424. 28 Morga and Cummins, Sucesos de Las Islas Filipinas (1971, 1609); Gabriel Quiroga de San Antonio, A Brief and Truthful Relation of Events in the Kingdom

146  Trans-Pacific connections of Cambodia. Translated by Antoine Cabaton. 1st edn (Bangkok:  White Lotus, 1998); Fr. Diego Aduarte. De la historia de la Provincia del Sto. Rosario de Filipinas, Japón y China de la Seda. Orden de Predicadores. 29 Beatriz Domínguez-​Hermida, “Una problemática convivencia entre representación y realidad en ‘El nuevo Rey Gallinato y Ventura por Desgracia’ de Andrés de Claramonte.” Bulletin of the Comediantes; Auburn, Ala. 61, no. 2 (2009): 69–​82. 30 Vicente S.  Hernández, “The Spanish Colonial Library Institutions,” Philippine Studies 44, no.  3 (1 September 1996):  321–​348; Irving A.  Leonard, Books of the Brave:  Being an Account of Books and of Men in the Spanish Conquest and Settlement of the Sixteenth-​Century New World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992), ch. XV; John Newsome Crossley, “Una biblioteca en las Filipinas en 1611. “Cuadernos para Investigación de la Literatura Hispánica, no. 35 (n.d.). John Newsome Crossley, Hernando de Los Ríos Coronel and the Spanish Philippines in the Golden Age (Surrey: Ashgate Publishing, Ltd., 2011), 109–​111. 31 AGN, Inquisición, vol. 162, fl. 211. 32 Will of Diego Hernández Victoria AGN, Inquisición, vol.251, Exp.1, 1599, fl.327r. See Jacob Soil, Jean-​Batiste Colbert’s secret State of Intelligence System. (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2009). 33 Berenice Ballesteros Flores, “El Menaje Asiático de las Casas de la Elite Comercial del Virreinato Novohispano en el siglo XVII.” Mexico, Boletin del Archivo General de la Nación, 20 (April–​June 2008): 59–​119. 34 Manuel Pérez-​García, Vicarious Consumers. Trans-​ National Meetings between the West and the East in the Mediterranean World (1730–​ 1808). (New York: Routledge, 2013). 35 AGN, Inquisition, Vol. 162 and 163. Juan O.  Mesquida, “Negotiating Charity, Politics, and Religion in the Colonial Philippines:  The Brotherhood of the Misericordia of Manila (1594-​ 1780s),” in “Respondentia Endowments of the Misericordias of Macao and Manila in the Maritime Trade of the Iberian Empires in Asia (1660s–​1820s),” n.d. 36 AGN, Inquisition, Vol. 162, fls 448–​510. Antonio de Morga oversaw the extensive complaint and the dispute.

9  Mexican connections

To conclude this historical journey we will address the trans-​ Pacific connections of the Portuguese merchant network operating in Manila with partners in New Spain in the last quarter of the sixteenth century. That period witnessed the consolidation of the economic base of the Spanish viceroyalties in the Americas, in which the exchange of silver for Asian products via the Pacific opened an alternative to the Atlantic trade and boosted domestic consumption. Seen from the vantage point of New Spain, the process of formulating the rules and regulations implemented in the Manila Galleon system also accommodated and complemented the interests of local elites of the Americas. It is no coincidence that in 1593 the chamber of commerce (Consulado) of Mexico was approved by the crown, complementing the regulation of Pacific trade towards the establishment of a regulatory framework of the whole trading mechanism as a system. The network of Portuguese traders placed themselves successfully in the local markets, employing its Ars mercatoria (trading skills, products, and representation skills) and introducing Asian merchandise to the Americas and Europe. Increasingly, the variety and quality of merchandise made commerce across the Pacific Ocean more profitable. The merchant networks involved in the Manila Galleon clearly grasped this trend and adapted their supply of Asian products. The continuous flow of these elements stimulated the consumption of Asian merchandise in New Spain and Peru, which is one of the long-​lasting cultural outcomes of this exchange. An increasing number of goods transported since the last decade of the century in the Manila Galleon served to fulfill the social aspirations of American elites. Following the concept of Arjun Appadurai, in the long run, these social objects survived their original owners and left a footprint in the cultural formation of these societies.1 Unfortunately, this overview of the active phase of the trade that brought success to these individuals must be contrasted with the harsh conditions imposed by the Inquisition on Portuguese traders in Manila and Mexico, as described below.

newgenrtpdf

148  Trans-Pacific connections

Map 9.1 New Spain

Mexican connections  149

Between dungeons and markets At the end of the sixteenth century there were few cases initiated by the Inquisition in Manila, but they are relevant because they seized the properties of merchants involved in the Manila Galleon. This is the case of Diego Hernández Victoria, node of the Portuguese merchant network in Asia. In his chronicle about the Inquisition in the Philippines, published in 1899, José Toribio Medina underscored that in the last two decades of the sixteenth century, among the variety of enquiries opened by the Holy Office in Manila there were only three processes against heresy.2 Two brothers, Domingo and Jorge Rodriguez, Portuguese merchants living in the Philippines, were accused of practising the “religion of Moses” (Judaism). They were sent to New Spain and condemned to life imprisonment in an auto de fé (act of faith or public penance) held in Mexico City on 28 May 1593. The next case was opened in 1597 against Diego Hernández Victoria, prosperous merchant and alderman of Manila. His house slaves denounced him for practising secret religious ceremonies. His property was seized after he passed away in his house in Manila and the enquiry continued well after his death.3 The documentation linked to the investigation against him is extensive, but there is no conclusive document of conviction. The last piece of evidence stems from an exchange of letters between the Inquisition authorities in Mexico, Spain, and Portugal about the background of the suspect.4 As the institution in charge of preserving religious orthodoxy, the Inquisition targeted serious deviations from the canon (heresy), abandonment of the Christian faith (apostasy), and moral turpitude capable of disturbing religious cohesion. Persecution of practising Jews, therefore, was only one of the many functions of the Holy Office. Between 1574 and 1577 some investigations were carried out against suspected Lutherans and Calvinists in New Spain. The Inquisition in the Philippines depended hierarchically on the Holy Office of New Spain. It is therefore pertinent to make a brief account of the actions of the Inquisition in the Spanish-​American colony with respect to the Portuguese during the period. The increasing influx of Portuguese to New Spain since the 1580s alerted the attention of the Mexican Inquisition, which carried out a raid and an act of faith (ritual of public penance) in February 1590. The most prominent prisoner in that punishment ceremony was the governor of the Nuevo Reino de León, Luis de Carvajal, of Portuguese origin and suspected of practising Judaism. This leading case in New Spain reveals his family’s connections to traders dealing with the Philippines, particularly Miguel Díaz de Cáceres. See Map 9.1. Two other trials were held in the Mexican cathedral in 1591 and in 1593.5 However, the largest public procession ever held in Mexico City by the Mexican Inquisition, on 8 December 1596, condemned 67 persons. Forty-​four of them were accused of Jewish practices, of whom 36 were Portuguese, mostly from the region of La Guarda, and eight were born in Castile but of Portuguese

150  Trans-Pacific connections families.6 The rest of the 23 prisoners were condemned for witchcraft, bigamy, blasphemy, fornication, and other acts sanctioned with criminal charges. Another auto de fé was held in the capital of New Spain on 25 March 1601, with an additional batch of prisoners, relatives and associates of the same circle tried in 1590 and 1596, several of them repeat offenders. The aforementioned Antonio Díaz de Cáceres and Manuel Gil de la Guardia travelled to Asia, and their files provide clues of their contacts with the Portuguese networks across the Pacific, led by Diego Hernández Victoria and Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro/​Baz Landero.7 These cases should be studied taking into account the characteristics of the Inquisition, an institution linked to different levels of society, from the highest and most sophisticated elites of the empire to the everyday life of the lower circles, even in the most remote areas of the empire. It is worth following the approach of Stanley M. Hordes, observing the Inquisition, in economic and political terms, as invigilator of the society and also as part of the social, political, and cultural fabric. The Inquisition also exerted its power as a source of income for the crown through the expropriation of wealth from indicted persons.8 The practices of the Inquisition in New Spain were similar to other equivalent institutions in the Iberian space, incriminating individuals and asking for confession, either voluntarily or under torture. Besides the degree of penalties, sequestration of property was the crucial part of sanctions from the beginning of the process, because it provoked the social demotion of the prisoners.9 Once the inquisitors had tried and condemned the accused on religious grounds, they turned them over to the civil authorities for punishment. The penalties imposed ranged from parading in street in penitence, wearing clothes that showed them in public as sinners (sanbenito), to confinement in their homes or in convents, and up to life imprisonment and the death penalty. The merchant network active at the end of the sixteenth century, of which Diego Hernández Victoria represented the central node in Manila, was severely affected by the prosecution of some of its contacts in the Philippines and in Mexico.10 According to the indictment, the cause of the prosecution was suspicion about the religious profiles of the merchants. However, we can also consider the trial of some members of the network to be part of the intentions of the crown to regulate the trading mechanisms and to balance the interests of different stakeholders of the system. However, was removing the roots of the Portuguese merchants from the territories of the Iberian composite monarchy the main goal of the Inquisition? The ensuing sequence of events does not confirm this hypothesis. Observing the extent of networks and their importance in the regional trade, was even their extinction even a realistic task? These hypothesis doesn’t seem to be enough to explain the intentions of the Inquisition. During the first decades of the seventeenth century, other branches of Portuguese New Christian merchants continued and eventually replaced the previous one.11 The other

Mexican connections  151 large purge in New Spain against Portuguese merchants of New Christian identity was registered in the 1640s as a result of Portugal’s separation from the Union of Crowns.12 It should be noted that the economic structure of New Spain was experiencing a process of strengthening of the local markets. The influence of the Manila Galleon trade was increasing and alerting the interests in New Spain of traders organised in Seville. The merchant network studied here adapted to these changing circumstances, trying to preserve its influence in both sides across the Pacific. The regulatory framework issued by the crown in 1593 apparently had a limited impact on the operation of the merchants in this long-​distance trade system, and even benefited them. Strong relations with dynamic economic groups in New Spain can probably explain this resilience of the network operating in Manila.

Partners in the Mexican church Diego Hernández Victoria kept contacts with members of the high hierarchy of the Roman Catholic Church in Mexico City. This thread of information leads to connections with other emerging sectors of the economy of New Spain particularly silver mining at that time. Hernández Victoria maintained close business contacts with two clerics: Francisco de Paz and Diego Caballero Bazán. The steward of the cathedral of Mexico City, Francisco de Paz, was a relative of Hernández Victoria and became one of his most trusted business partners in New Spain. Despite being a priest, Francisco de Paz was a merchant of Asian goods in Mexico. Hernández Victoria acknowledged in his will the honesty of his partner:  “right person, good Christian, and can be trusted to execute [the] will … as has been in the continuous exchange in the past years.” This trust is confirmed by the fact that Hernández Victoria sent his only son Pedro, with nine years old in 1597, to be educated by the priest in Mexico, establishing a trust fund for his education. He ordered that the rest of the account be invested with Francisco de Paz in New Spain and gave specific instructions to that end.13 The testament of Hernández Victoria further reveals his commercial relations after 1584 with another clergy man in Mexico, Diego Caballero Bazán, who had also served as a member of the council of the metropolitan cathedral of Mexico City. He conducted previous business with both clerics, and also entrusted the continuity of his affairs to them, after he passed away. Had Caballero Bazán Portuguese roots? It is difficult to say for sure, but in a letter written by João de Oliveira in 1584, there is a reference to a Diogo Cavaleiro Bazão operating from Mexico for Hernández Victoria. Could it be the same person? Probably; the name could be a way to facilitate communication in Portuguese between Oliveira and Fernandes/​Hernández. How could a Portuguese rise to one of the highest levels of the church administration in Mexico?14 Looking at the parallel career of Francisco de Paz would clarify this connection.

152  Trans-Pacific connections Francisco de Paz was appointed in 1592 as the steward of the cathedral and was placed in charge of the administration and finances of the principal church in New Spain. The title in the Spanish language is Mayordomo de Fábrica, meaning the superintendent or administrator of the cathedral, a status of privilege within the church hierarchy. To achieve this position, he needed several decades as a member of the select group that managed the finances of the cathedral, particularly the administration of the diezmo, or the tenth penny (or church tax), that every citizen was required to give to the church. The amount of capital accumulated in this way was substantial. Along this line, Diego Caballero Bazán assumed similar functions at different times during the last quarter of the century. The promoter and protector of the de-​facto financial group of the cathedral was no other than Frey Pedro Moya de Contreras, the first Inquisitor of New Spain after 1571, who became archbishop of Mexico in 1582 Unexpected circumstances led the archbishop to assume the position of viceroy for two years, 1584–​1585, after which he returned to his ecclesiastical duties. He was recalled to Spain in 1589 to preside over the Consejo de Indias (Council of the Indies) the main advisory body to the king for the administration of the Americas and the Philippines. Moya de Contreras retained the title of archbishop of Mexico until his death in 1591. It is natural to assume that the prelate of the Catholic church in Mexico had considerable influence on the social and economic affairs of the Americas and the Philippines for two decades. During his term, the Council of Indies discussed the regulatory framework of the Manila Galleon. He was, for example, the main promoter of Captain Francisco Gali’s voyage to explore a new route across the Pacific in 1582–​1584.15 The participation of members of the Catholic Church elite in the trading of the Pacific was denounced by Viceroy Villamanrique (1585–​1590), partially giving voice to the professional merchants active in Mexico, who had connections in the Atlantic and were interested in the Asian trade. In previous chapters, we have shown how the Manila traders, in particular Diego Hernández Victoria, found in these merchant allies located in one of the most dynamic segments of New Spain’s economy. As the viceroy expressed, “with the increase of trading and the earnings, many benefit from them, most part clergymen. And with the freedom they have in this land … and because they have wealth (caudal) they are the ones who [deal with] everything.” The viceroy accused specifically Diego Cavallero Bazán, Francisco de Paz, and Fernando Zorrilla de La Concha.16 In the opinion of the viceroy: the worst was their [commercial] dealings and benefits with the indigenous people, that is a shame, and equally those that contract with China. They cause damage to the royal property of Your Majesty in this kingdom because being priest, they hide the taxes that should be paid to

Mexican connections  153 Your Majesty and they cheat the alcabala (sales tax) and it is not possible to charge them [taxes] as easily as the secular.17 During this period in New Spain, the church was the main source of credit, and gradually that role interconnected them to the silver miners and the merchants in a process of strengthening of the local market of the emerging economy of New Spain. The meticulous work done by researchers such as Maria del Pilar Lopez-​Cano shows how the inception of the Manila trade in the economy of New Spain became a catalytic element, because it injected a trading dynamic into the local economy.18 By the turn of the seventeenth century, the excessive European demand for silver threatened to drain the currency available in the local market in the colonies.19 By opening Asian markets across the Pacific, the exchange became more diversified.20 Only some commercial houses in Mexico City were able to face the new trend, buying the cargo of the Manila Galleon in bulk order to dispose of it again through retail sales in different locations, even in Central America and Peru, which was officially forbidden.21 We need to recall that the Consulado of Mexico was created in 1593, and had as its clear objective the promotion of trade both in the Atlantic and the Pacific regions.22 The connections of the church extended to the mining sector, particularly in the silver extraction. In a notarial document dated March 1597 appears the name of Francisco de Paz together with other members of the governing council (cabildo) of the cathedral, stating the existence of a credit (censo) and having as collateral the rural properties (haciendas) of Francisco Genovés which were located in the silver-​mining area of Taxco, between Mexico City and the Pacific coast at Acapulco. The participants were Dr Alonso Larios de Bonilla, who at the time served as the chantre or rector of the cathedral, Dr. Juan de Salamanca, treasurer; and church dignitaries, Francisco de Paz, Dionisio de Rivera Flores, Juan de Aborruza, Luis de Toro, licenciado Ríos, Pedro Osorio, Serván Rivero, and Antonio de Ylliana. All of them represented the dean and the cabildo of the cathedral of Mexico. “According to the customs and tradition” of the council and its members, they declared that the Church had a credit of 2,000 pesos de oro.23 In that regard, the businesses that Manila merchants sustained with the elite of the Catholic Church were an invaluable opportunity to increase their economic wealth and social status. However, in the end, this connection was of little use to protect them from religious persecution.24 The previous information should make evident the level of decentralisation of the networks, in which members had a fluid relation marked by business opportunities, and were allied by the coincidence of interests, cultural identity, social status, and eventually religious affinity. The self-​organising nature of these networks, without a previous plan, made it possible to establish contacts between people who perhaps never met in real life. Their worldwide links gave to these merchants the opportunity to tap into the most profitable market of their time: the combination of silver from the Americas and the Asian merchandise.

154  Trans-Pacific connections

Dangerous liaisons in the Americas Compared with the experiences of Portuguese in Asia, the Portuguese merchants in the Americas arrived mostly via the Atlantic, attracted by the main commercial centres in New Spain, Brazil, and Peru. At that time, the identity of Portuguese merchants was equated to New Christian, although they most certainly did not always have a Jewish background and identity. Crossing over to the Americas was associated with long sojourns. Stations along the way, such as the Canary Islands and Cabo Verde, served as opportunities to learn on the spot, and arrivals were registered later at Rio de Janeiro, Bahia, Havana, or Cartagena de Indias. The port of Cartagena, on the Caribean coast of Colombia, was the hub for the Atlantic slave trafficking, from which Portuguese merchants legally or illegally supplied the markets of South America and the Caribbean.25 In addition to their similar place of origin in Portugal, their experiences as merchants in the Americas had a common feature: at the end of the sixteenth century, they lived in societies that already had two or even three generations of European domination. The Union of Crowns, 1581–​1640, “made the passage to America possible for families” searching for better opportunities and to continue their way of life.26 Having large populations, the two American viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru made the Portuguese merchant networks more numerous but less visible among other Europeans. They shared their Mediterranean standards of living and even discreetly practised their religious ceremonies. Some historians dated from this period the first signs of a creole social identity of the European inhabitants born in the Americas.27 These networks of traders adapted to the circumstances offered by their new places, clearly trying to settle at the source of the most dynamic economic sectors: trading, mining and slavery. These business people congregated at the central and northern regions of New Spain, supplying goods and wares to the mining areas. Small and medium traders, ranch owners and mule drivers were attracted to these new mining towns. Occasionally they participated in the slave market.28 Behind the Portuguese condemned by the Inquisition there were entire families that continued labouring on their lands, peddling commodities from town to town and also working in mining. Tomás de Fonseca Castellano, a native of Viseu, Portugal, was an owner of mines in Tlalpujaha and Taxco, in the current states of Michoacán and Guerrero, near to the port of Acapulco in the Pacific Ocean. He was condemned by the Inquisition to die on the stake in 1593.29 His brother, Héctor de Fonseca, was accused of practising Judaism but reconciled with the church in 1571. His uncle, Tomás de Fonseca (namesake), was active in business in New Spain since 1559 and was accused of practising Judaism in 1601.30 A number of documents certify the property stakes that this family held in at least two mines: Tlalpujahua and Taxco, between 1559 and 1593.31 See Map 9.1. New Spain, main locations of the Portuguese merchants, 16th century.

Mexican connections  155 Crossing information available in the archives of the Inquisition with that of the notaries of Mexico highlights some names related to the trade with the Philippines. Other relatives of Héctor de Fonseca were Jorge de Almeida and Miguel Hernandez de Almeida, brothers with different family names. As we will see below, Jorge de Almeida followed the path of his relatives in buying a silver mine, but he later moved into business across the Pacific.32 The cases of brothers Domingo and Jorge Rodríguez, cited at the beginning of this chapter, show the same profile as other traders, but they continued their business migration to the Philippines.33 Domingo Rodriguez had a partnership with Manuel de Lucena, a Portuguese miner in Pachuca who played a significant role in integrating the Jewish community at the height of the persecution of the Portuguese merchants.34 Lucena had a servant, Francisco Báez (or Váez), single, 22 years old, who also migrated to the Philippines.35 The list of goods seized in 1596 from Manuel Lucena included simple items, tools he sold to the neighbours of the Pachuca mines, as well as fabrics and silk textiles from China. According to the list, he also had a few pieces of porcelain and bedding, also from China.36 Domingo and Jorge Rodriguez were captured in the Philippines and were sent back from Manila to be judged by the Inquisition in Mexico. They were tortured and reconciled to the church in a public auto de fé in 1593; their property was confiscated and they were sentenced to wear the penitent habit and sent to perpetual jail. Domingo never recovered from torture and died in 1595. After his death there were testimonies that he honoured the sabbath; his case was reviewed and his bones were exhumed from the cathedral of Mexico and put on trial again by the Inquisition in 1601.37 Since 1589, when he travelled to the Philippines, Jorge Rodríguez was representing Pedro Fernandez de Sigura (perhaps Segura) and Rodrigo Pacho. A private agreement between them stated an amount of 100 gold pesos to start a business in the distant archipelago.38 The document set the obligation of Jorge Rodríguez to obtain the said products in the islands “or other places where I am requested to go,” meaning China and perhaps other parts of Asia. His brother Domingo Rodríguez acted as his guarantor in Mexico. In conformity with the regulations introduced at that time, this is an example of an agent of Mexican merchants ready to live in the Philippines and send the Asian products to the New Spain.39 The commercial contract is included in the Inquisition file, indicating the property confiscated to Jorge Rodríguez. The treasurer of the Inquisition in Mexico reported the auction of four boxes of Chinese plates and bowls as part of the sequestered assets. One of the Mexican partners, Pedro Fernandez de Sigura, filed a lawsuit over this auction to recover the capital invested in the business with Jorge Rodríguez. Some of the clients of Rodríguez and Sigura were questioned about the selling conditions of the said Chinese merchandise and other specific details, such as the quality of the Chinese earthenware plates (de piquillo), their prices, and even the level of acceptance of the merchandise in the market. The questions were induced to benefit the Mexican

156  Trans-Pacific connections partner, because the answers gave the sense that it was not a very profitable business; the product was cheap and accepted in the market, but the cost of transportation and the risk of losses were high. In fact, almost half of the cargo was broken due to inadequate packing and the violent shake of the galleon, something common in this type of trade. The document emphasised the high moral standard of the Mexican partner, Pedro Fernandez de Sigura, as “a good and honest Christian merchant.” One question of the interrogation asked if he was a businessman willing to satisfy the needs of the customer and if there was any possibility of fraud in his commercial actions.40 One of the witnesses of the enquiry was the Castilian merchant and Old Christian, Sebastián Vizcaíno, involved in the Manila trade since the eighties and who, a decade later, would be the first explorer of California.41 Frequently, there were problems of venal behaviour of merchants and of several administrators, particularly in remote areas. On the moral and religious side, the formal interpretation considered corruption to be a betrayal of God and the king’s estate. We have observed that the main concern for the crown regarding the economic practices was to thwart tax evasion and, from the optic of mercantilism, to reduce the outflow of silver from the Americas to Asia. Also were taken seriously was the increase in prices in different parts of the empire, as in the case of Manila.42 The crown was in constant financial stress due to the increase in administrative costs, particularly transportation and war costs. The Portuguese merchant network active in New Spain took opportunity of the Manila Galleon trade, developing links with partners in the capital of the Philippines or sending agents to settle in Asia. It was a cautious way to invest in business with great potential, but with utmost risk for small traders. Only the discretion can explain, for example, that in the four years the Rodríguez brothers lived in Manila trading with New Spain they left little evidence of their relationship with their fellow countryman Diego Hernández Victoria, the most powerful Portuguese merchant in the capital of the Philippines. However, the accounting journal of Diego Hernández Victoria registered a debt of 85 pesos by Domingo Rodriguez, already in jail in Mexico. The Inquisition requested the said payment.43

Antonio Díaz de Cáceres A prominent member of the New Christian circle in New Spain was Antonio Díaz de Cáceres. He was born in 1540 in Santa Comba Dão in Portugal, district of Viseu, in a family of New Christians who endured religious prosecution at the beginning of that century, but recovered social recognition in the Roman Catholic community. Between 1562 and 1572, he changed occupation, presumably into the slavery trade on the West Coast of Africa and parts of South America, working with Antonio Gómez Acosta and Juan de Alcega. In 1572 he appeared in New Spain as a wealthy ship-​owner, often travelling to Spain.

Mexican connections  157 In the early 1580s, he met in Mexico the Portuguese Jorge de Almeida, member of the Fonseca family of Pachuca. Through the notary archives we can observe their ascendant trajectory in partnership. The strategy of the two businessmen was straightforward, to gain prestige in the circle of business people. In 1573, Díaz de Cáceres was selling to Nicolás de Illescas a black slave named Antón for 194 gold pesos.44 In the subsequent years he signed as witness in legal contracts that indicate the public recognition of his growing business status.45 In this way, he continued accumulating connections in the form of debts and favours.46 During that decade, Díaz de Cáceres improved his economic prestige as a merchant in Mexico and eventually became a wealthy person, mixing trade and mining silver.47 In 1581, for example, Díaz de Cáceres bailed Jorge de Almeida out of jail for a debt of 60 pesos.48 Together, they overcame some occasional difficulties and ended buying up mining estates in the area around Taxco, in the west of New Spain, near the port of Acapulco, for processing silver, and they bought pack animals to transport their wares.49 They were ready for the next level of business. In personal terms, the business partners also moved in parallel, getting married in 1586 to two sisters of the Carvajal family. Jorge de Almeida married Leonor de Andrada (Carvajal) and Antonio Díaz de Cáceres wed Catalina de León y de la Cueva; the two sisters were of much younger ages than their husbands. The arrangements of the wedding were made discreetly by their brother Luis de Carvajal, the younger, and without the knowledge of their uncle, perhaps because the ceremony reinforced Portuguese links with a clear connection to Jewish traditions. For Francisca de Carvajal, head of that family, the union was advantageous because she gave two daughters to rich men who would tolerate the religious practices of the family. For Díaz de Cáceres, the marriage arrangement was a good opportunity to incorporate him in New Spain society, becoming a member of a prominent, although not rich, Portuguese family in New Spain.50 The couple had a girl in 1586, named Leonor de Cáceres, herself the root of a fertile branch of the New Christian family during the first half of the seventeenth century. Almeida and Díaz de Cáceres moved with their new families, including the mother-​in-​law and the younger sister, to the thriving area of Taxco.51 Under the influence of the Manila Galleon trade, communications developed between the port of Acapulco and Mexico City. Mule caravans guaranteed the loading of Asian products and to succeed in business was necessary to be owner of this type of transportation. Unlike the city of Manila, the other end of the galleon trade, Acapulco was a village that burst into life only when the galleons arrived.52 However, the days of peace and joy ended in December 1589, when the Inquisition rounded up the Carvajal family. Under the pressure of fear and suspicion, the family had to disperse again, in different prisons. Francisca Carvajal was sentenced for the first time on 24 February 1590, together with

158  Trans-Pacific connections four of her daughters, and her son, Luis de Carvajal the younger, was in the same trial as the Fonseca family. The sentence forced them into reconciliation with the Roman Catholic practices and the use of penitence cloths. As the standard practice to guarantee the social exclusion of the convicts, the Inquisition confiscated their properties. Any act that would involve restarting Jewish practices would be punished with the stake. Another two sons, Balthasar Rodríguez and Miguel de Carvajal managed to escape to Europe. The first established himself in Pisa, Italy, and the youngest of the family settled in Salonica, where there resided a free Jewish colony. When the Carvajal family was incarcerated by the Inquisition, Jorge de Almeida hid and later escaped to Madrid in 1591, where he re-​established connections with New Christians close to the Court. In 1593, he was active in Madrid and in contact with personalities like Immanuel Vaez, the personal physician of Philip II, and the public attorney Antonio Rodríguez de Escarrigo.53 Almeida looked for the opportunity to join the slave trade, with the intention to re-​establish his wealth and to return to New Spain. The Inquisition issued judiciary orders across the Spanish territories to find him but he disappeared for good. In 1609 his effigy was burnt in a public ceremony in Mexico City, to indicate his absence in the process. Antonio Díaz de Cáceres, Manuel Gil de la Guardia and Francisco Váez Rodriguez moved in different moments of the 1590s to seek refuge in Asia. The case of Antonio Díaz de Cáceres reflects the connections of a network at risk of being dismantled. Manuel Gil de la Guardia became the main witness against the New Christians in the Inquisition jail at Mexico City. On December 1st, 1589, Antonio Díaz de Cáceres moved to Acapulco, the day before the Inquisition arrested his wife. We can only speculate here about his premeditation to escape alone, although some authors accept the idea that he organised a voyage to Asia at very short notice. He was travelling as administrator and shipmaster of the galleon Nuestra Señora de la Concepción (a few years later the vessel changed its name to San Pedro), bound for the Philippines. The main investors in the ship were: Hernando de la Vega with 4,000 pesos and Jorge de Almeida with 1,600 pesos. “The galleon had a crew of forty-​five men, carrying wine, conserves and minted silver. There were also twenty-​five passengers who paid fifty pesos each for the travel. Among the passengers were (the brothers) Domingo and Jorge Rodríguez.”54 Arriving at Manila in the spring of 1590, Cáceres faced several problems because the ship ran aground in the area of Cavite, affecting the passengers and the cargo. The costs of the damages mounted to 4,000 pesos. Additionally, customs in Manila pressed charges against him for not declaring his merchandise in Acapulco. However, he was able to solve these problems, apparently with bribes and contacts in the city.55 Antonio Díaz de Cáceres spent almost three years in Asia, but his activities are unclear and only recorded in his declaration to the Inquisition and the memoirs of his brother-​in-​law Luis de Carvajal, the younger.56 Once in Manila, he became interested in pursuing direct trade with China. He travelled from

Mexican connections  159 Manila to Macao in the galleon Nuestra Señora de la Concepción, commanded by the alderman of Manila, Pedro de Brito, in December 1591. The Portuguese authorities in Macao arrested Cáceres, as well as other merchants considered traffickers. He was deported to Goa but with the help of friends in Macao he was able to return to Manila hiding under the ship trapdoor of the Nuestra Señora de la Concepción. On the journey back to the capital of the Philippines, the crew discovered the stowaway and flogged him before handling him over to the Philippines authorities. During the years 1591–​1592, Diaz de Cáceres was in Manila and received pressure from Governor Gómez Peres Dasmariñas, dubbed by Díaz de Cáceres as his “mortal enemy.” Perhaps in the eyes of the governor, Díaz de Cáceres was indeed a troublemaker. However, he had local contacts who helped him to survive those years. He declared that with the help of Fr Diego Muñoz, at that time commissar of the Inquisition in Manila, he was able to work as a secretary in the office of the Inquisition.57 There were cracks in the structure of the Inquisition(s), with separated entities in Goa, Macao, Manila and Mexico, so it was not necessarily true that a person with problems in one city would be prosecuted in other locations. After three years of adventures and a little luck, Díaz de Cáceres remained in Manila until he was arrested and sent to Mexico in the ship San Pedro, which arrived at Acapulco on 24 November 1592. Manuel Gil de la Guardia travelled to Manila in 1594 and moved briefly to Macao, finally to return to the capital of the Philippines. He returned in 1597 to New Spain where the Inquisition detained him.58 He mentioned the influence that he received from a Portuguese named Manuel Rodrigues Navarro, who had lived before in Asia and told Gil de la Guardia about the opportunities in Macao and Manila. Supposedly, Rodrigues Navarro also commented about the existence of a New Christian community in Macao practising Jewish traditions.59 In Manila, Manuel Gil de la Guardia found a place to live in the house of Diego Hernández Victoria. From 1595 to 1597, he managed to accommodate himself in the local bureaucracy, as attorney of judicial causes at the Audience of Manila, to defend Chinese merchants living in the city. Apparently that position got him into trouble, because he needed to write accusations against the abuses of the Castilian citizens. Possibly this story was more complex than the one presented to the Inquisition, because Díaz de Cáceres used Portuguese contacts in the Estado da Índia and probably bribed several authorities on his way. The voyage of Antonio Diaz de Cáceres reveals not only his adventure of crossing the Pacific Ocean to escape the Inquisition, but also an ability to connect with different groups in one of the most extensive geographic areas known to Europeans at that time. The case of Díaz de Cáceres is outstanding because he survived the harsh punishment the Inquisition inflicted on his family. This Portuguese merchant who crossed the oceans was well educated, as confirmed by his writing skills and his ability to keep the accounting of his personal business. We can observe similarities with the educations of merchants like Vaz Landeiro and

160  Trans-Pacific connections Hernández Victoria.60 Díaz de Cáceres was more an established businessman than a casual adventurer; however his voyage to Manila and Macao occurred at the worst possible moment. Another characteristic of Díaz de Cáceres –​and of most of the members of the networks studied in this book  –​was his instinct to locate business opportunities and introduce goods into the different markets in which they operated. This skill included trafficking slaves. Díaz de Cáceres confirmed in Mexico his commercial abilities. The Inquisition confiscated multiple cloths from him, including dresses, fine fabrics and bedding clothes. The shirts, pants and stockings were made of cotton or silk from China. The garments were made of damask, taffeta and satin with gold thread. The inventory of textiles listed silk from China, in pieces and rolls of yarn and pieces of blue damask with gold thread. Also listed was a piece of yellow cloth from Japan. There were also rolls of gold yarn.61 We are not establishing a quantitative evaluation of the influence that these traders exerted on the economy of New Spain, but rather outlining the connections they established with partners and similar merchants in other latitudes. José L.  Gash-​Thomas has compared the price differentials of silk in the Atlantic and in the Pacific, finding high dispersion in the valuation of cargo.62 How did these Portuguese merchants in New Spain interact with such familiarity with so many diverse partners and complex markets as Southeast Asia, China and Japan, New Spain and Peru? Which associations helped them to expand their base of clients, suppliers and creditors? How did they manage to sustain the long-​distance trade with some level of confidence and trust among distant partners? The response might be that the variety of links relied on mutual trust and expected social and pecuniary benefits of the alliances, some of them apparently outside the immediate circle of the Portuguese merchants, and among people that we can assume could never meet. Two attributes of complex networks are precisely self-​organisation and cooperation without a previous plan.63

Notes 1 Arjun Appadurai, ed., The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (Cambridge, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1988). 2 José Toribio Medina, El Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición en las Islas Filipinas. (Santiago de Chile:  Imprenta Elzeveriana, 1899), 33. Medina enlisted a dozen cases related to bigamy, sorcery, and misconduct, e.g. Martin de Goiti, 14  years old, son of the captain of the same name, accused of showing his private parts when he was indoctrinating indigenous people. Marcos Quintero, was a soldier married with a Filipina and living as a local. He alleged that he was poor and he was accepted by the people. Medina, El Tribunal del Santo Oficio (1899), 12–​32. See also F. Delor Angeles, “The Philippine Inquisition: A Survey,” Philippine Studies, vol.28, no.3 (1980), 253–​283.

Mexican connections  161 3 AGN, Inquisición, 162. Process against Diego Hernandez Victoria. It is a large compilation of more than a thousand pages. AGN, Inquisición 251, in two volumes, includes additional information. I have introduced in Chapters 5 and 6 some features of the public personality of Diego Hernández Victoria. 4 AHN, Inquisición, Libro 1049. “Letter to the authorities of the Inquisition in Spain and Porto,” Libro tercero de cartas de la Inquisición de la Nueva España, al Consejo de la Inquisición desde el año de mil y quinientos y noventa y cinco, hasta el mil y seiscientos y tres (1603). 5 José Toribio Medina, Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición en México. (México: Ediciones Fuente Cultural, 1952), 107–​112. 6 Medina, Historia del Tribunal (1952), 160–​161; John F. Chuchiak, The Inquisition in New Spain, 1536–​1820:  A Documentary History (Baltimore:  John Hopkins Press, 2012). Document 21, Relation of the Auto-​de-​fé that was Celebrated in the City of Mexico in the Major Plaza on the Second Sunday of Advent, Mexico City, December 8, 1596, based on Mexico City: AGN, Inquisición, vol. 1510, exp. 2, fls. 7–​12, lot Riva Palacio, vol. 35, no.2. 7 AGN, Inquisición, vol. 1510, exp. 2, fls. 7–​12; Chuchiak, The Inquisition in New Spain (2012); Eva Alexandra Uchmany, La Vida entre el Judaísmo y el Cristianismo en la Nueva España, 1580–​1606. (México: AGN /​FCE, 1992); Richard E. Greenleaf, The Mexican Inquisition of the Sixteenth Century (Albuquerque:  University of New Mexico Press, 1969). 8 Stanley M.  Hordes, “The Inquisition as Economic and Political Agent:  The Campaign of the Mexican Holy Office against the Crypto-​Jews in the Mid-​ Seventeenth Century,” The Americas 39, no.1, (1982): 23–​38. 9 Antonio M.  García-​Molina Riquelme, “El régimen de penas y penitencias en el Tribunal de la Inquisición de México” (Mexico City:  UNAM, Instituto de Investigaciones Jurídicas, 1999). Since this thesis is not a study of the Inquisition, there is no space to analyse here the differences in operation of this institution in Spain and Portugal, and the offspring in Goa and Manila. Charles H.  Lea, The Inquisition in the Spanish Dependencies. Sicily, Naples, Sardinia, Milan, The Canaries, Mexico, Peru, New Granada. (New York: Macmillan Company, 1908). Miguel Rodrigues Lourenço, A Articulaçāo da Periferia. Macau e a Inquisiçāo de Goa (c.1582–​c.1650). (Macao and Lisbon: Fundaçao Macau, Centro Científico e Cultural de Macau, I.P., 2017). 10 Stanley M.  Hordes calculates that between 1589 and 1596 almost two hundred individuals were tried for the crime of judaizante in New Spain. This was exceptional, because between 1610 and 1639 only seven persons were convicted for this reason. Stanley M. Hordes, The Americas (1982). See also Uchmany, La Vida entre el Judaísmo y el Cristianismo (1992); Greenleaf, The Mexican Inquisition of the Sixteenth Century (1969); Chuchiak, The Inquisition in New Spain (2012). 11 Jonathan I. Israel, Empires and Entrepots. The Dutch, the Spanish Monarchy and the Jews, 1585–​1713 (London and Ronceverte:  The Hambledon Press, 1990), Chapter  12 studies the distribution and occupation of these Portuguese nuclei. They apparently retreated from the silver mining centres and dedicated to commerce, 311–​331. 12 Viceroy duke of Escalona (Diego López de Pacheco) was arrested in 1642 under the accusation that he was supporting the separation of New Spain. He was cousin of the Duke of Braganza, crowned John IV, and leader of the Restauration period in Portugal. Seymour B. Liebman, “The Great Conspiracy in New Spain,”

162  Trans-Pacific connections The Americas 30, no. 1 (1973): 18–​31. Cayetana Alvarez de Toledo, Juan de Palafox, Obispo y Virrey. (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Europa Hispánica, Marcial Pons, 2011), 173–​213; Cuauhtémoc Villamar, “Juan de Palafox y China,” Estudios de Historia Novohispana, no. 52 (2015): 44–​60. 13 AGN, Inquisición, vol. 251, exp. 1, Testamento, year 1599 (the date of the document is 1 December 1597) and AGN, Inquisición, vol. 251, exp. 2, Lista de bienes, 1599. The composed file comprising the whole Inquisition process against Hernández Victoria is AGN, Inquisición, vol. 162. 14 AGI, Filipinas, 34, N.65, Letter of Joāo Oliveira to Diogo Fernandes Vitória, 22 November 1584, fls. 650–​651v. Chapter 5 of this thesis analyses of the content of this letter. 15 Michael W.  Mathes, Sebastián Vizcaíno y la Expansión Española en el Pacífico, 1580–​1630 (Mexico City:  UNAM, 1973), ch.5, 21–​24. See also Stafford Poole, “The Last Years of Archbishop Pedro Moya de Contreras, 1586–​1591,” The Americas 47, no.1 (1990): 1–​38; Chuchiak, The Inquisition in New Spain (2012). 16 AGI, Patronato, 263, N.1, R.3, Letter of viceroy Villamarique to the king, Mexico, 25 March 1587. There is a copy of this letter in AGI, Patronato, 24, r.42. For a critical view against the Jesuit’s involvement in the trade Macao-​Japan trade see Charles R.  Boxer, The Christian Century in Japan, 1549–​1650 (Manchester: Carcanet, 1993). 17 Letter of the viceroy Villamarique to the king, 25 March 1587, AGI, Patronato, 24, r.42. 18 José F.  de la Peña, Oligarquía y Propiedad En Nueva España, 1550–​ 1624 (México: FCE, 1983); Louisa Schell Hoberman, Mexico’s Merchant Elite, 1590–​ 1660: Silver, State, and Society (Durham: Duke University Press Books, 1991); María del Pilar Martínez López-​Cano, La génesis del crédito colonial. Ciudad de México, siglo XVI. Historia Novohispana 62 (Mexico City:  Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, UNAM, 2001); María del Pilar Martínez López-​Cano, “Los mercaderes de la Ciudad de México en el siglo XVI y el comercio con el exterior/​Mexico’s merchants in XVI Century and the foreign trade,” Revista Complutense de Historia de América 32 (2006):103–​126; Guillermina del Valle Pavón, “Expansión de la Economía Mercantil y Creación del Consulado de México,” Historia Mexicana 51, no. 3 (1January 2002): 517–​557. A description of the means of circulation used in Europe at that time can be found in Francesca Trivellato, “Credit, Honor, and the Early Modern French Legend of the Jewish Invention of Bills of Exchange,” The Journal of Modern History 84, no. 2 (2012): 289–​334. 19 Richard von Glahn (1996 and 2016); William S. Atwell (2008); Dennys O. Flynn and Arturo Giráldez (1995 and 2002); TePaske (2010). 20 “The demand for the silver peso as commodity money was a worldwide phenomenon:  the export of silver pesos from Spanish America to Spain and Western Europe was only one stage in a complex trajectory of the circulation of this universal money of the ancient regime,” Carlos Marichal, “The Spanish-​American Silver Peso:  Export Commodity and Global Money of the Ancien Regime, 1550–​1800.” From Silver to Cocaine: Latin American Commodity Chains and the Building, Steven Topik, Carlos Marichal and Zephyr Frank, eds. (Durham, NC, and London: Duke University Press, 2006). 21 Maria del Pilar Martínez López-​ Cano and Guillermina del Valle Pavón, El Crédito en Nueva España (Mexico City: Instituto Mora, El Colegio de Michoacán, Colmex, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas-​UNAM, 1998), 39–​42.

Mexican connections  163 22 Guillermina del Valle Pavón, “ ‘Los Mercaderes de México y La Transgresión de Los Límites Al Comercio Pacífico en Nueva España, 1550–​1620,” Revista de Historia Económica /​ Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History, La Economía en Tiempos del Quijote, vol. XXIII (2005), 213–​240. 23 AGNCM, Andrés Moreno, Notaría 374, vol. 2465, fol 266v/​267, Ficha 193, Escribano de Provincia, México, 8 March 1597, Poder Especial (special power of attorney), in Catálogo de Protocolos del Archivo General de Notarías de la Ciudad de México, Fondo Siglo XVI. Ivonne Mijares (coord.) (Mexico City:  Seminario de Documentación e Historia Novohispana, UNAM-​Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 2014). From now on abbreviated as:  AGNCM, Notary number and name, volume and file, subject and year. 24 Alan T.  Wood, “Fire, Water, Earth, and Sky:  Global Systems History and the Human Prospect,” Journal of the Historical Society, vol. 10, N. 3, 2010, 287–​318; Andrea Jones-​Rooy and Scott E.  Page, “The Complexities of Global Systems History,” The Journal of the Historical Society, 10, no.3 (2010): 345–​365; Amélia Polónia, Amândio Barros, and Miguel Nogueira, “ ‘Now and Then, Here and There … on Business’:  Mapping Social/​Trade Networks on First Global Age,” in Mapping Different Geographies, Karel Kriz, William Cartwright, and Lorenz Hurni, eds., Lecture Notes in Geo-​ information and Cartography (Berlin and Heidelberg: Springer, 2011), 105–​128. 25 Lucia Liba Mucznik, José Alberto Rodrigues da Silva Tavim, Esther Mucznik and Elvira de Azevedo Mea, Dicionário do Judaísmo Português (Lisbon: Editorial Presença, 2009), 140; Maria da Graça A Mateus Ventura, Negreiros Portugueses na Rota das Índias de Castela (1541–​1556) (Lisbon: Colibri Edições, 1999). 26 Solange Alberro, “Crypto-​Jews and the Mexican Holy Office in the Seventeenth Century” in The Jews and the Expansion of Europe to the West, 1450–​1800, Paolo Bernardini and Norman Fiering, eds. (New York, Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2001); Stanley M. Hordes, “The Crypto-​Jewish Community of New Spain, 1620–​1649; A Collective Biography,” PhD dissertation, Tulane University, 1980. 27 Solange Alberro, Inquisición y Sociedad en México, 1571–​1700 (Mexico City: FCE, 1988); Solange Alberro, Del Gachupin al Criollo, o de como los españoles de Mexico dejaron de serlo. (México: Colmex, 2009). 28 Lewis Hanke described several cases of Portuguese migrants in Peru in the sixteenth century. “The Portuguese in Spanish America, with Special Reference to the Villa Imperial de Potosi,” Revista de Historia de América, no.  51 (1 June 1961): 1–​48. 29 AGN, Inquisición, vol. 127, file 1, fls. 1–​215. Medina, Historia del Trbunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición (1952), 160. 30 AGN, Inquisición, Héctor de Fonseca, prisoner in the Inquisition, vol. 61, 1 A, file 38. Medina, Historia del Tribunal del Santo Oficio de la Inquisición (1952), 158. 31 AGNCM, Notaria 1. Baltasar Díaz, Not.1, vol. 44. batch 4, fol. 107v/​107, ficha 77, 4 July 1553. Payment of a debt. AGNCM, Martin Alonso, Not.1, vol.10, Fol.1, 844 bis 1/​8, Fol 2.  161/​164r, 14 February 1559, Establishment of a company to work a mine in Michoacán. AGNCM, Antonio Alonso, Not. 1, vol.5, batch 9, fol. 202/​202v. 21 December 1566, Power of Attorney to sell horses and portions of the mine. AGNCM, Antonio Alonso, Not.1, vol. 4 batch 2, Fol. 199v. fol. 2 (205v), May, 1571. Tomás de Fonseca bought houses and land in the town of San Pablo, in Tlalpujahua to his brother Héctor de Fonseca. AGCNM, Antonio Alonso, Not.1,

164  Trans-Pacific connections vol. 4, legajo 2, fol. 1, 101/​102v, fol.2, 207/​208v, 1 June 1571, Promise of payment Hector and Tomás de Fonseca. 32 Martin A. Cohen, The Martyr, Luis de Carvajal, a Secret Jew in Sixteenth-​Century Mexico, Introduction by Ilan Stavans (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico, 1973), 112. Uchmany, La vida entre el judaísmo (1992), 52; Medina, Historia del Tribunal (1952), 101. The last author identifies, wrongly, Héctor Fonseca as the same person as Francisco Rodriguez. AGN, Inquisición, col. 158, exp. 1, Process against Héctor de Fonseca, neighbor of Taxco, for Judaiser, 1596–​1601. 33 Medina, El Tribunal del Santo Oficio (1952), 33. 34 AGNCM, Cristobal de Tejadillo, Not.1  vol. 168, leg. 1, Fol. 507/​508, 13 April 1586, Promise of payment of Manuel de Lucena and Domingo Rodriguez to Domingo Cano and Pedro de Tapia. AGNCM, Cristobal de Tejadillo, Not.1, vol. 158, leg. 1. Fol. 438/​439, 222. 26 January 1587, Promise of Payment of 250 pesos of gold from Manuel de Lucena and Domingo for the silver mines in Pachuca to Isabel de Castilla, widow of captain Antonio de Guadalajara. 35 AGN, Inquisition, vol.152, exp. 3, Mexico, 1595–​1596, Process against Francisco Váez, Portuguese, natural from San Vicente Davera, servant of Manuel Lucena, neighbour of Pachuca, Judaizer, fugitive. See José Juan Velasco San Agustín, “El Proceso Inquisitorial de Francisco Báez: Criptojudaísmo y Herejía en Pachuca a fin del siglo XVI.” Edahi, Boletín Científico de Ciencias Sociales y Humanidades del ICSHU, N.4 (2014): 1–​18. 36 AGN, vol.5, exp. 1, 1596–​1597, Real Fisco de la Inquisición, fls. 1–​575, Creditors of Manuel de Lucena Portuguese condemned, neighbour of Pachuca and Catalina Enríquez, his wife. Claims of creditors of Manuel Lucena for the assets seized. 37 AGN, Inquisición, vol. 150, exp. 5, Denounces against Domingo and Jorge Rodriguez, brothers, living in Manila and neighbors of Mexico, Portuguese, for Judaism, fls. 272–​301. 38 50,000 maravedis or 100 castellanos. See note on Abbreviations and currencies. 39 AGN, Real Audiencia, Tierras, 110, Auction of seized properties of Jorge Rodriguez, Portuguese reconciled that came from Manila. Contenedor 1406, vol. 3252, years 1592–​1649. 40 AGN, Real Audiencia, Tierras, 110, Auction of seized properties of Jorge Rodriguez, Contenedor 1406, vol. 3252, fls. 21–​34. 41 Mathes, Sebastián Viscaíno y la Expansión Española en el Pacífico (1973). 42 AGN, Mexico, 22, N.113. Letter of Viceroy Luis de Velasco, the younger, 25 February 1593. The viceroy was alarmed that the prices in the Philippines increased up to 100 per cent in the preceding year. 43 AGN, Inquisición, Diego Hernández Victoria, vol. 162, fls. 463r-​ 464v. 14 November 1597. 44 AGNCM, Pedro Sánchez de la Fuente, Not.1, vol. 150, fols. 605–​606, 22 February 1573. Díaz de Cáceres sold to Nicolás de Illescas a black slave. 45 AGNCM, Pedro Sánchez de la Fuente, Not.1, vol.9, leg. 12, Fol 478/​478v, 17 May 1576. Power of attorney Antonio Díaz de Cáceres to Rodrigo de Lucio. AGNCM, Nots. 1 Pedro Sánchez de la Fuente, vol. 155. Fl1. 14 March 1575. Special Power of Attorney. Antonio Díaz de Cáceres signed as witness. AGNCM, Pedro Sánchez de la Fuente, Not. 1, vol. 169, leg.6 fl.1, no date c. 1576 Special power to Cristobal (name incomplete) gives power to Antonio Díaz de Cáceres to collect a debt. AGNCM, Antonio Alonso, Not.1, vol. 9, leg.9, fol. 2034/​2035v, December, 1576. Witness of the acquisition of a black slave named Lorenzo, 40 years old, between

Mexican connections  165 Juan Alvarez to Rodrigo de Vivero, cavalier of the Order of Santiago (future governor general of the Philippines in 1608). AGNCM, Juan Román, Not.1, vol.136, fls. 400/​401, no date c. 1576, Leonardo Cervantes and Rodrigo de Acevedo owe 203 pesos gold to Antonio Díaz de Cáceres. AGNCM, Pedro Sánchez de la Fuente, Not.1, vol. 151, leg. 15, Fls 1848/​1848v, 11 September 1576, Juan Juárez will pay Gaspar Hurtado in Seville 377 pesos, Antonio Díaz de Cáceres signed as witness. AGNCM, Cristobal de Tejadillo, Not.1, vol. 168, leg. 6, Fls 1 (13/​13v), 13 October 1580, Manuel Cardoso and Juan Sánchez owe 39 gold pesos to Antonio Díaz de Cáceres. 46 AGNCM, Gómez Fernández Salgado, Not.1, vol. 58, Fls. 192/​194, 15 June1582, Gabriel Díaz owe to Antonio Díaz de Cáceres 1970 pesos gold and 8 reales for the prices of merchandises (not specified). AGNCM, Juan Pérez Rivera, Not 497, vol. 3352, Fls. 671/​671v, 18 Ma 1585, Francisco Hernández and Jorge de Almeida give a power of attorney to Marco Antonio (no family name). Antonio Díaz Cáceres signed as witness. 47 Cohen, The Martyr (1973), 113. AGNCM; Franciso de Cuenca, Not.1, vol.38, Fls. 769/​770, 29 April 1586, Antonio Díaz Cáceres, Jorge de Almeida and Hernando Vega will pay to his majesty 429 gold pesos as part of the 36,000 pesos for two haciendas de minas (mining farmhouses). 48 AGNCM, Alonso Antonio, Not.2. vol.5, leg.13, Fl. 690, 7 September 1581. Díaz de Cáceres paid to bail Jorge de Almeida from jail for a debt of 60 pesos. 49 AGNCM, Francisco de Cuenca, Not.1, vol. 38, Fl.137, 1586, Luis Nájera sells to Jorge de Almeida and Antonio Díaz de Cáceres five mules for a total of 120 pesos gold. 50 Cohen, The Martyr (1973), 113. 51 Alfonso Toro, La Familia Carvajal: Estudio Histórico sobre Los Judíos de la Nueva España en el siglo XVI, Basado en Documentos Originales y en su mayor parte inéditos, que se conservan en el Archivo General de La Nación de La Ciudad de México. vol. II. (Mexico City: Editorial Patria, 1944); Araceli Reynoso Medina, “Judíos En Taxco,” in Parroquia de Santa Prisca y San Sebastián: 250 Años, Coord. María Teresa Pavía (México City: INAH/​UNAM, 2009), 134–​145. 52 Rolf Widmer, Conquista y Despertar de las Costas de la Mar del Sur (1521–​1684). Regiones. (Mexico City:  Conaculta, 1990), 94–​ 115; Guadalupe Pinzón Ríos, “Descubriendo el Mar del Sur. Los puertos novohispanos en las exploraciones del Pacífico (1522–​1565),” in El mundo de los conquistadores, Martín Ríos Saloma, coord. (Madrid-​México City: Silex Ediciones-​UNAM, Instituto de Investigaciones Históricas, 2015). 53 Uchmany, La vida entre el judaísmo (1992), 52. “Carta de Jorge de Almeyda a Luis de Carvajal, junio 1595,” in “Segundo Proceso de Luis de Carvajal… por judaizante, México, 1595–​1596,” in Toribio Medina, Procesos de Luis de Carvajal el Mozo vol.1 (Mexico City:  AGN, 1935), 117; Cyrus Adler, “Trial of Jorge de Almeida by the Inquisition in Mexico,” Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, no. 4 (1896): 29–​79. 54 Uchmany (1992), 57. 55 Uchmany (1992), 58. 56 Luis de Carvajal, The Enlightened:  The Writings of Luis de Carvajal, El Mozo. Translated, Edited and with an Introduction and Epilogue by Seymour B. Liebman, 1st edition (Miami: University of Miami Press, 1967), 75. Toro, La Familia Carvajal (1944), chapter XXIV, “Los estupendos y maravillosos viajes que

166  Trans-Pacific connections realizaron los cuñados de Luis de Carvajal, El Mozo” and chapter XXV “Las increíbles aventuras de Antonio Díaz de Cáceres y de su vuelta a México.” 57 Cited by Uchmany from the testimonies of Domingo y Jorge Rodriguez. AGN, Inquisición, vol. 150, exp. 5, “Testificación y denuncia contra Domingo Rodriguez y Jorge Rodríguez, hermanos de origen portugués, residentes en Manila por judíos, Mexico 1592.” Uchmany, La vida entre el Judaismo (1992), 442. 58 AGN, Inquisition, vol. 160, Deposition of Manuel Gil de la Guardia, vol. 160 exp 1, fls. 45–​53 cited by Lúcio de Sousa, The Jewish Diaspora and the Perez Family Case in China, Japan, the Philippines, and the Americas (16th Century). Trans. Joseph Abraham Levi (Macao: Fundaçāo Macau, Centro Cientifico e Cultural de Macau, 2015), 126. 59 AGN, Inquisición, vol. 159, Mexico, 1595. Antonio Diaz de Cáceres had a brother in Cochin, named Francisco Lopes de Casseres; see also AGN, Inquisición, vol. 160, Deposition of Manuel Gil de la Guardia, vol. 160, exp. 1, fl.1, cited by Sousa, The Jewish Diaspora (2015). 60 Martin A. Cohen, “Antonio Díaz de Cáceres: Marrano Adventurer in Colonial Mexico,” American Jewish Historical Quarterly 60:2 (1970): 169–​184; Adler, “Trial of Jorge de Almeida by the Inquisition in Mexico,” (1896):  29–​79. Sousa, The Jewish Diaspora (2015), 31. 61 AGN, Real Fisco de la Inquisición, vol 3, exp. 51, 1589, “Inventario y secuestro de los bienes de Antonio Diaz de Cáceres”. See also Berenice Ballesteros Flores, “El Menaje Asiático de las Casas de la Elite Comercial del Virreinato Novohispano en el siglo XVII.” Mexico: Boletin del Archivo General de la Nación, 20, (April–​June 2008): 59–​119. The study is based on the list of properties of wealthy merchants in Mexico. It uses the household seized by the Inquisition to Antonio Díaz de Cáceres. 62 José L. Gash-​Thomas, Transport Costs and Prices of Chinese Silk in the Spanish Empire. The Case of New Spain, c. 1571–​1650, Revista de Historia Industrial, No. 60, vol. XXIV (2015): 15–​47. From the same author, Globalisation, Market Formation and Commoditisation in the Spanish Empire. Consumer Demand for Asian Goods in Mexico City and Seville, c. 1571–​1630, Revista de Historia Económica, 32, no. 2 (2014): 189–​221. 63 Wood, “Fire, Water, Earth, and Sky” (2010); Jones-​ Rooy and Page, “The Complexities of Global Systems History,” (2010); Ana Crespo Solana and David Alonso García, “Self-​ Organizing Networks and GIS Tools (2012); Nikolaus Böttche, Bernard Hausberger and Antonio Ibarra, Redes y Negocios Globales en el mundo Ibérico Siglos XVI-​XVIII (Madrid/​Frankfurt: Iberoamericana/​Vervuert/​ Colmex, 2011).

Epilogue

The existence of private networks of merchants in the trans-​Pacific trade has been studied by the historiography reviewed in this book, including some cases of Portuguese New Christians, but some questions remain about the weight and extent of their economic power. In the case of the New Christian merchants, Mexican historiography is limited to the description of their imprisonment in various periods, the loss of their wealth, and the torment of some of their members in the dungeons of the Inquisition. The network studied here was detected and persecuted because of their religious identity, according to the trial documents, but perhaps another reason of their incarceration was to prevent the competition they represented against other economic groups. The creation of the chamber of commerce (Consulado de México) in 1593 marked the tendency to centralise and regulate the commercial practices between New Spain, Spain and the Philippines. The appointment of Francisco Tello de Guzman in 1596 as governor of the Philippines, despite several complaints about his management in the Casa de Contratación in Seville, shows the importance that was given at that time to the structuring of trans-​ Pacific trade. There is at least a chronological coincidence of these events with the persecution of several members of this Portuguese merchant circuit. It seems that there was a concern at that time about the extension and power of the merchant network, which was really unsettling for the competitors. The study of the Asian links of the Portuguese merchant networks reveals that their counterparts in the New Spain were more vulnerable to the Inquisition’s pressure. Stakeholders in New Spain and in the Atlantic trade wanted to get rid of competition across the Pacific and to reorganise the system according to their interest. The political pressure, including using the Inquisition as a mechanism of control, would be the best one to achieve these purposes. Paramount to that historical moment was the creation of the trading system. The particular traits of that mechanism established in the Pacific aimed to ensure the legality of transactions, predictability of transportation, and security of trade. Manila secured its strategic position in the system that linked Asia, the Americas, and the Atlantic trade.

168 Epilogue The human costs of creating the Manila Galleon system were extremely high for many of the participants. Directly or indirectly, Filipino sailors and caulkers, Mexican and Peruvian indigenous miners, Asian slaves trafficked into the Americas, or the New Christian merchants of Portuguese origin paid a high price during the configuration of global connections and the unintended transmission of their cultures. The Inquisition of the sixteenth century set social rules and discipline among the very diverse societies that were in the process of formation. The public ceremonies of auto de fé were a strategy of deterrence against heresy, and became a ceremony of power during the Baroque era. However, four decades after the trials of the Portuguese merchants, the connections forged in that period across the Pacific Ocean continued in the hands of new generations of business people, as can be confirmed by new attacks against merchants of Portuguese origins in the 1640, when Portugal separated from the Union of Crowns.

Appendix: Visualisation of the Portuguese merchant network

The information collected shows a social structure with links between actors located in distant geographical places. Social network analysis allows the observation of the level of contact between those actors, giving weight to their interactions. The graph is the mathematical expression of this value, connecting one or more actors. The information was slotted in the graph attached, following these steps: 1. To organise the information in a database, through a matrix with rows and columns. This dissertation uses the data of 83 persons identified during the research and seven columns that show their social nature:  place of birth, active location, occupation, type of relation (business, family, political, or religious), contacts declared and the source of the information. The result is a matrix that illustrates the basic connections among the individuals. 2. To determine the social actors. In this case, the merchants studied (individuals identified in the dissertation) and the level of contact between the actors according to their social activity, for example as merchants, shipman, officials, or priests. These are called nodes. 3. To describe their connection through their actions, usually denoted by verbs (sell, invest, travel, settle). These are called edges. The resulting visualisation of graphs helps to identify relationships. The way to observe the network focuses on the existing links between the nodes, either very direct or distant. In some cases, the nodes did not know other parts of the network. When some nodes concentrate most of the connections they show the quality of betweenness, indicating their centrality within the merchant networks. These are the cases of Diego Hernández Victoria in Manila and Bartolome Vaz Landeiro in Macao. At a lower level, it is also the case of Antonio Díaz de Cáceres, in México, Manila and Macao. The visualisation indicates four types of nodes:  person, place, ship transporting their merchandise (i.e. Nuestra Señora de la Concepción), Institution (i.e. The Cathedral of Mexico).

170  The Portuguese merchant network Table A.1 Type of activity of 83 members of the network (nodes) Merchant Unknown profession Place Ship-​owner Official (city) Housewife Miner Alderman Galleon official Priest Country Institution Dean Farmer Landowner Captain-​Major Governor

45.05% 9.91 9.91 8.11 5.41 4.5 3.6 2.7 1.8 1.8 1.8 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.9 0.9

The profession identifies the social activity of the individuals. In some cases, the location indicates its relation with other members of the network. Some prominent individuals had multiple professions, as public officials, ship-​owners, and landowners. The first activity is taken for the statistic.

Table A.2 Type of connections among members within the network (edges) Contact of Partner of From (location) Legal proxy of In (location) spouse of executor of the will of paid to uncle of brother-​in-​law of alderman brother of servant of officer with travelled with friend of owes to travelled to captain of invested in sent merchandise to mother-​in-​law of granted power of attorney to captain-​major of coloniser with dean with cousin of governor of

47.16% 14.41 4.8 3.93 3.49 3.06 2.62 2.18 1.75 1.75 1.31 1.31 1.31 1.31 1.31 0.87 0.87 0.87 0.87 0.87 0.87 0.87 0.44 0.44 0.44 0.44 0.44 0.44

The Portuguese merchant network  171 The data collected in the matrix was transferred into SylvaDB, a user-​ friendly free online tool that enables modelling of graphs and data entry without previous knowledge of programming. The author received valuable support and feedback from Dr. Antonio Jiménez-​Mavillard, at the Culturplex Lab of the University of Western Ontario, sorting information based on this historical research.

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Index

Acapulco, port in Mexico 3, 6, 46, 52, 55, 56, 59, 88, 93, 100, 101, 103, 104, 124, 128, 129, 131, 137, 139, 141, 153, 154, 157–​9, 183, 193; Acapulco-​ Manila route 55, 88, 115, 177 Aceh (Sumatra) 24, 30, 36, 50, 53, 58, 129, 140, 145 Adat (customs law) 36 Aduarte, Diego, OP 118, 130, 142, 146, 172 Agriculture 20, 40 Aleppo 21 Africa 9, 10, 15, 17–​20, 22–​4, 27, 28, 48–​50, 58, 66, 73, 74, 76, 112, 158, 173–​5, 179 Albuquerque, Afonso de 11, 20, 27n26, 28n33, 30, 36, 43n29, 50, 74n3, 145n21, 172, 181, 182, 185 Alcabala, tax 55 Alcega, Juan de, partner of Díaz de Cáceres 156 Alçola, Tomás de, captain 141, 145n25 Alfaro, Frey Pedro 82 Almirantazgo, port services duty 55 Almeida, Francisco de, Viceroy Portuguese India 19 Almeida, João de, captain-​major in China 72, 78n36 Almeida, Jorge de, merchant Pachuca, miner Taxco, partner of Díaz de Cáceres 155, 157, 158, 165n53, 166n60, 176; notary agreements 165n46, 165n47, 165n48, 165n49 Almeida, Simão, merchant Guandong 38 Almojarifazgo, import tax 55, 60n31, 60n32, 73, 84 Alzesa, Juan de, captain, partner Hernández Victoria 141

Andrada (Carvajal), Leonor de, wife of Jorge de Almeida, Mexico 157 Annam see Vietnam Andrew, Saint, brotherhood 143 Arab merchants 10, 24 Armenian merchants 10, 24 Ars mercatoria, trading skills 61, 65, 69, 83, 114, 117, 147 artillery 30, 86, 108 Asianised 21, 22 Atlantic turn 22, 28nn37, 28n38 Augustinans 53, 54, 82, 119; church and monastery 143 Audiencia (Royal Audience) 74n1, 89n7, 97, 107, 113n51, 122, 126, 130n28, 131n40, 131n42, 132n43, 132n55, 137, 144n10, 182, 188 Azambuja, Diego, captain-​major, Maluku 71, 107, 112n44 Badajoz-​Elvas, conference 15, 24, 41n3, 51 Baeça, Pedro (Pedro Baeza), official, ship owner 172 Bautista Román, Juan, officer Manila 88, 89n2, 93n45, 93n46, 99, 103 Báez Landero, Bartolomé, (Bartolomeu Vaz Landeiro), merchant, ship owner 66, 87, 88, 93n45, 95–​103, 106–​9, 109n2, 109n4, 109n8, 110n9, 110n15, 119n10, 119n13, 140, 150, 159, 169 Barbosa, Duarte 36, 41n3, 43n35, 59n14, 172 Baroque culture 49, 68, 83, 168; urban design 19 Belloso, Diego, Portuguese solder 118 Bendahara, treasurer of the harbor 36 Bintan 50, 58n12

Index  201 Boletas (quotas allocated among the neighbours) 55, 56 Borges, Henrique, merchant Macao, partner Vaz Landeiro 97, 98 Borneo Island 17, 32, 33, 37, 52, 53, 69, 136, 137; Brunei 37, 52, 111n24 Brazil 18, 22, 28n37, 23, 74, 76n16, 154 Brito, Antonio de 58n12 Brito, Jorge de, Portuguese captain 50 Brito, Pedro, alderman Manila, ship pilot, encomendero, partner of Vaz landeiro and Hernández Victoria 7, 8, 98, 105, 108, 112n38, 113n50, 136, 159 Brizuela, Martín de, merchant, indebted to Hernández Victoria 141 Buddhism 33, 34 Caballero Bazán, Diego (Diogo Cavaleiro Baçao), priest, merchant, partner Hernández Victoria 103–​5, 151, 152 Cagayanes, province and valley in the island of Luzon 137 Camarines 128n12 Cambodia 97, 99, 118, 130n24, 142, 144n12, 145n28, 172, 174 Cano, Bartolome 104 Canton (Guangzhou) 38, 76n24, 89n2, 96, 102; Fair of Canton 69, 84, 85, 101, 102; Guangdong province 76n24, 102 Cañedo, Antonio de, alderman Manila 112n38, 136 Caravelles 24, 25 Carletti, Francesco 84, 91n23, 172 Carneiro, Father Melchior, Jesuit 52, 53, 72, 78n35, 80, 82, 92n37 Carneiro, Pantaleón 118 Carvajal, Luis, governor of Nuevo Reino de León 11n18, 106, 112n41, 149, 157, 165n51, 165n53, 195, 196 Carvajal, Luis (the younger), merchant Mexico 11n18, 157, 158, 164n32, 165n53, 165n56, 181, 187 Carvajal, Francisca, housewife, sister of governor Carvajal 157 Cartazes (Portuguese naval trade licence) 20, 22 Carrack, vessel 29n47, 91n22 Casados 20, 23, 131n37 Casa de Contratación de Indias (Hose of hiring), Seville 19, 122, 131n38, 137, 167

Casa da India, Lisbon 20 Casas, Bartolom 82; fray Bartolomé de las, priest 120 Castro, Fernando de, merchant, indebted to Hernández Victoria 141 Cathay 17, 48, 133 Cathedral, Mexico city 105, 143, 149, 151–​3, 155, 169 Catholic Church, Roman Catholic Church 4, 5, 15, 19, 33, 39, 42n16, 48, 48, 66, 73, 82, 99, 100, 126, 127, 139, 151–​3, 156, 158, 176, 182 Cavite, seaport of Manila 114, 139, 141–​3, 158 Cebu 46, 51–​3, 59n19, 65, 137, 140, 177 Ceylon (Siri Lanka), 17, 133 Champa see Vietnam Chile 87, 88, 131n37, 133 Chili 18 Chinese, authorities 3, 33, 34, 37, 38, 42n19, 69, 71, 80, 87, 88, 89n2, 92n29, 96, 100, 103, 139; coasts 33, 37, 44n40, 44n42, 53, 54, 61, 63, 86, 103, 120, 179, 192, 198; economy xii, 42n14, 42n20, 71, 72, 100, 104, 126, 192; language 76n21, 182; merchandise 39, 45n48, 63, 76n22, 86, 97, 101, 125, 141, 155, 166n62, 184; pirates 97, 137; traders 4, 6, 37, 38, 43n27, 54, 67, 69, 72, 81, 84, 100, 110n16, 110n18, 114, 115, 120, 124, 125, 135, 136, 144n12, 159 Cinnamon 18, 21, 34, 52, 85, 133 Civet cat 104 Claromonte, Andrés de, writer 142 clove 18, 21, 34, 85, 91, 101, 107, 110, 133, 141 clothes, bedcovers, bed canopies 104, 105, 142, 160 Cochineal dye 18 Columbus, Christopher 15, 24, 48, 49 Confucius 33, 34 Contaduría (accounting records) 83 Correia, António, merchant Macao, partner Vaz Landeiro 97; table 6.1 98 Correia, Melchior, merchant Macao 97; table 6.1 98 Corruption 4, 92n31, 156, 191 Cortés, Hernán, conqueror Mexico 51 Consulado de México (Chamber of Commerce) 131n35, 140, 147, 153, 162, 167, 182, 196

202 Index Consejo de Indias (Council of the Indies) 74n1, 92n31, 144n10, 152, 182 Couto, Diego de, historian 23, 28n39, 59n22, 129, 173, 187 Cowry shell xii, 35 Daimyo, local rulers Japan 39 Damascus 21 Dávalos, Melchor, auditor of the Philippines 107, 108, 113n48, 113n49 Díaz de Cáceres, António (António Dias Casseres), merchant and ship owner 11n18, 66, 75n10, 101, 111n26, 149, 150, 156, 157, 165n45, 165n46, 165n47, 165n48, 165n49, 165n57, 169, 181; in Acapulco 158; in Asia 158, 159, 160; miner Taxco 157, 164n45; slaves 160, 164n44, 164n45; Inquisition trial 166n59, 166n60, 166n61 Díaz Neto, Diogo, merchant Melaka, partner Díaz de Cáceres 66, 75n10 Dirigisme, centralisation 22 Diu, India 24 Divine Oath, brotherhood 143 Dominicans, religious order 82, 145n28 Dominc, Saint, brotherhood 143 Dong Huang Lu 37 Duarte de Figueroa, Andrés, agricultor Mexico 106; see also governor Luis Carvajal El Rosario, galleon 141 El nombre de Jesús, galleon 141 Encomendero 26n14, 88, 104, 106, 108, 113n50, 116, 117, 119, 140, 144n3, 186 Enríquez, Catalina, wife of Manuel Lucena, Pachuca 164n36 Estado da Índia I 4, 6, 10n11, 19, 20, 22, 23, 27n18, 47, 49, 52, 63, 66, 69, 72, 74n3, 75n7, 76n16, 76n23, 77n27, 79n44, 80, 84, 90, 96, 101, 115, 145, 159, 173, 177, 177, 188 (see also India) Fernandes Ximenes, Antonio, merchant India 102 Fernández de León, funder of the Misericordia Manila 83 Fernandez de Sigura, Pedro, merchant New Spain 155, 156 Fernandez de Santiago, Alonso, witness of Hernández Victoria 141 Fernández, Nuno, priest Macao 97, 98

Fiscal regime 35, 42n23, 129n19, 185, 197 Fonseca Castellano, Tomás de, miner 154 Fonseca, Héctor, merchant Pachuca 154, 155, 157, 158, 163n30, 164n32 Fonseca, Tomás de, merchant Tlalpujahua 154, 163n31 Fortifications 19, 20, 22, 24, 27n22, 28n43, 30, 50, 70, 77n27, 136, 137, 172, 187 Franciscans 82, 90n13, 145n27, 195 Fujian, Hokien province in the south of China 6, 33, 37, 38, 53, 63, 80, 100, 101, 110, 120 Fusta (foist), vessel 25 Fidalgo (gentleman) 20, 25, 27n24 Galleon, round-​shape vessel 25 Galley, galeota 137 Gallinato, Juan Juárez, captain 141, 142, 146n29, 182 Galvão, Antonio 36 Garrido Salcedo, Antonio, alderman 136 Garcês, António, captain major Macao-​ Kochinotsu, partner Vaz Landeiro 97, 99, 101–​3, 108, 110n12, 111n30; table 6.1 98 Genoa, trading methods 18, 25 Gil de la Guardia, Manuel (Manuel Gil de Goarda), administrator, Mexico, Manila, Macao, partner Díaz de Cáceres 150, 158, 159, 166n58, 166n59 Giral, Cristobal, funder of Misericordia Manila 82 Gog 17 Golden Chersonese 17 Gomez Solis, Duarte, merchant India 75n9, 102, 173 Gómez Acosta, Antonio, partner of A. Díaz de Cáceres 156 Gonçalves, Damiāo, merchant Macao 97; table 6.1 98 Gonçalves Miranda, Ayres, captain-​ major Macao 96 Guzmán, Don Juan de, merchant 141 Guzmán, Tello, governor Philippines 92, 121, 122, 126, 132n55, 137, 144n13, 167, 183 Good Hope, Cape 15, 21, 49, 66; Cape Trade 102 Goiti, Martin de, captain 53, 160n2

Index  203 Haidao, provincial vice-​commissioner of the Ministry of Defense 38 Hernández de Almeida, Miguel, merchant Pachuca 155 Hernández, Pedro, son of Hernández Victoria 139 Hernández Victoria, Diego (Diogo Fernandes Vitória), merchant 66, 93, 95, 97, 98, 101–​8, 110n10, 110n12, 111n25, 111n30, 123, 124, 127, 135, 137–​9, 141–​3, 144n16, 145n24, 145n26, 146n32, 149–​52, 156, 159, 160, 161n3, 162n13, 164n43, 169; Alderman 105, 112n38, 118, 119, 126, 135–​8, 140; slaves 139, 149 Hernández Victoria, Diego, nephew 141 Holy Sacrament, brotherhood 143 Hospital of the Naturales, Manila 143 Hospital for Spanish, Manila 143

160, 162n16, 162n16, 166n58, 172, 174, 175, 179, 181, 186, 187, 190, 191, 194, 195 Jesuits, religious order 7, 38, 39, 52, 54, 57n2, 71, 73, 82, 86, 87, 92n36, 92n37, 93n38, 93n40, 96, 97, 99, 100, 109n4, 112n42, 145n21, 137, 162n16, 175, 177, 181, 182, 192 Jew (Jewish heritage) 5, 8, 9, 11n18, 11n21, 24, 48, 76n19, 111n26, 149, 154, 155, 157–​9, 161n8, 161n11, 162n18, 163n25, 163n26, 164n32, 165n53, 166n58, 166n59, 166n60, 176, 178, 180, 181, 186, 187, 193–​7 Juárez Gallinato, Juan (Juan Xuarez Gallinato), Military commander Manila, brother in law Hernández Victoria 141, 142, 146n29, 182 Junta General (General Assembly of the Estates) 119, 122, 123

Ilocos, province in Luzon 137 India 6, 15, 17, 20, 21, 23, 25, 27n18, 27n22, 27n28, 28n37, 28n 39, 28n42, 28n44, 29n48, 30, 33–​5, 40n2, 42n18, 42n20, 50, 58n12, 71, 73, 77n30, 85, 91, 97, 100, 101, 107, 111n30, 114, 123, 125, 126, 129, 133, 141, 172, 174, 175; Indian merchants 24, 36, 67; India sea route 18, 69, 74, 176, 181, 189, 191, 195; India viceroy, Goa 2, 10, 19, 20, 69, 80, 115 Intramuros, defence wall of Manila 119, 136–​9 Inquisition 2, 5–​8, 18, 48, 66, 75n11, 75n12, 75n14, 78n40, 89n4, 95, 99, 111, 124, 135, 138, 139, 142–​4, 146n36, 147, 149, 150, 154–​60, 160n2, 161n3, 161n7, 161n8, 161n9, 161n10, 162n13, 162n13, 163n30, 164n35, 165n53, 166n58, 166n60, 166n61, 167, 168, 176, 177, 180–​2, 185–​8, 196 Islam 10, 10n9, 20, 27n18, 33, 34, 36, 42n18, 48, 53, 96, 117, 129n23, 140, 181

Karimata Strait, Indonesia 32 Kelings 36 Kochi (Cochim), India 25 Kurofune, sea stream 71

Japan vii, xii, xiii, 3, 6, 7, 34, 37–​40, 44n46, 45n48, 45n50, 53, 54, 57, 60, 65, 69–​73, 77n29, 77n30, 79n43, 81, 82, 86, 87, 90n8, 90n12, 93n38, 98–​102, 109n1, 109n4, 109n5, 110n12, 111n30, 118, 120, 124, 126, 131n34, 132n53, 133, 136, 137, 141, 145n27,

Lampacau (Westward of Macao) 38 Lavazzeras (Lavezaris), Pedro de, partner Hernández Victoria 104 Lavezaris, Guido de, governor Philippines (1572-​75) 104, 128n12, 144n17 Laos 118 Leon y de la Cueva, Catalina de, wife of Antonio Díaz de Cáceres 157, 164n36 León, Rodrigo de, partner Hernández Victoria 104 Lequios (Okinawa) 39 Levant trade (caravan routes in the Middle East) 18, 19 Loaisa, García Joffe de 51 Lopes de Casseres, brother of Díaz de Cáceres 75n10, 166n59 Lopes d’Elvas, Francisco, merchant India 102 López de Legazpi, Miguel, governor Philippines (1565-​72) 41n13, 51–​4, 92n37, 106, 120, 121, 130n26, 139, 140, 144n17, 176; designation 130n33 López de Villalobos, Ruy 173 Linschoten, Joign Huyghen 41n13, 51, 84

204 Index Lucena, Manuel, mine owner Taxco 66, 155, 164n34, 164n35, 164n36 Lucarelli, Frey G. Baptista 82 Luna, Bernardo de, merchant Michoacán 66 Luzón islands 17, 30, 33, 37, 38, 53, 65, 69, 89n4, 106, 137, 140 Macao, port city in Guandong 1–​4, 6, 8, 10n11, 11n22, 17, 22, 27n24, 28n33, 34, 37, 38, 40, 44n44, 54, 57, 61, 51n1, 63, 65, 66, 69–​74, 74n3, 77n29, 77n31, 78n34, 78n35, 78n36, 78n37, 80–​9, 89n1, 89n2, 90n8, 90n12, 90n13, 91n27, 91n28, 93n38, 93n45, 93n47, 95–​7, 99–​103, 106, 108, 109, 109n2, 109n3, 109n4, 109n5, 110n9, 110n10, 110n16, 110n18, 111n23, 111n28, 111n29, 114, 117, 123, 126, 127n1, 133, 137, 146n35, 159, 160, 162n16, 169, 178, 179, 181, 187–​9, 191–​5; Senate of Macao 80; partners of Vaz Landeiro in Macao, Table 6.1 98 Machado, António, soldier 118 Magog 6 Maluku, known as Spice islands 17, 32, 34, 36, 50, 51, 52, 59n14, 69, 71, 100, 101, 106, 107, 108, 112n44, 136, 137, 140, 141, 143 Manila City 2–​4, 6, 8, 17, 35, 38–​40, 47, 52, 54, 56, 57, 63, 65, 66, 70, 71, 74, 80, 83, 87, 93, 99, 100, 103–​9, 115–​21, 123–​7, 135, 142, 155, 158, 167, 169; security of the city 136–​40, 143, 147, 149, 151–​3 (see also Intramuros); Manila-​Acapulco 3, 6, 46, 55, 56, 88, 104, 156, 157, 159; Manila-​Macao 3, 4, 6, 22, 34, 53, 65, 66, 72, 74, 82, 86, 95, 96, 102, 114; Manila population 81; Manila regional market 40, 69, 85, 89, 97, 101, 102, 114, 122, 137, 141; Manila slave market 68, 73, 91n22, 92; Manila Taxes 56, 84 Manrique de Zúñiga, Alvaro, Viceroy, marquis de Villamanrique (1585-​1590) 104, 105, 112n34, 112n35, 112n37, 152 Marcos de Lisboa, funder of Misericordia Manila 82 Martín, Alonso, witness of Diego Hernández Victoria 141 mayordomo, (religious administrator) 143, 144n7, 152

Mercado, Francisco de, officer in Manila 88, 136 Melaka, Malay port (Malacca) 3, 17, 23, 24, 30, 35–​9, 43n25, 43n28, 43n29, 43n32, 50–​3, 57, 66, 69–​72, 77n29, 91n22, 93n47, 97, 98, 100–​3, 110n12, 111n24, 111n30, 129n23, 141, 179, 194 Mexico see New Spain Mirandaola, Andrés de 53 Martaban (Burma) 21 Masulipatnam (India) 21 Mindoro 37 Misericordia, brotherhood, Maluku 143 Misericordia, brotherhood, Manila 82 Morga, Antonio 41n13, 73, 78n39, 84, 91n26, 92n29, 127n1, 131n37, 132n43, 132n55, 142, 143, 144n8, 146n36, 173, 174, 184 Moya de Contreras, Pedro, bishop and inquisitor, President of the Council of Indies 88, 90n16, 152, 162n15 Moxar, Bastián Jorge, merchant ship-​ owner, partner Vaz Landeiro 97, 109n2, 110n9, 110n10, 111n23, 96, 97; table 6.1, 98 Mundy, Peter 84 Munguía, Alexo de 104 Nagasaki 34, 39, 69, 71, 72, 77, 93n38, 96, 103 Naturales, Hospital de los (indigenous peoples), Manila 143 Naus, round-​shape vessels 25, 71, 182; see also galleons New Christians 1, 6, 8, 22, 24, 47, 48, 66, 67, 99, 101, 102, 106, 109n1, 110n12, 111n30, 143, 150, 151, 154, 156–​9, 167, 168, 196; see also Jew New Spain, viceroyalty 39, 45, 46, 51–​5, 56, 63, 65, 67, 71–​3, 74n3, 76n21, 76n22, 81, 82, 85, 86, 88, 95, 99, 101–​4, 106, 112, 114–​17, 120–​2, 124–​6, 127n4, 128n8, 131n37, 133, 135, 137–​43, 145n27, 147, 149–​60, 161n5, 161n7, 161n10, 162n15, 163n26, 166n62, 167, 177, 181, 182, 184, 186, 187, 193; Map of New Spain 148 (see also Viceroy of New Spain) Nieto, Thomé, merchant, Maluku-​Melaka  101 nipa (dry palm leaves) 136 Nuestra Señora de Cinta, galleon 86

Index  205 Nunez Caldera, Antonio 104 Nutmeg 18, 21, 34 Oath, The Divine, brotherhood 143 Obras pías (pious works) 83, 90n14, 198 Ochoa de Salinas, Francisco, alderman of Manila 136 Olarte, Martín de 104 Oliveira, João, merchant, Macao, Melaka, partner of Hernández Victoria 102, 103, 105, 111n29, 111n30, 132n45, 151, 162n14 Olives 18, 58n8 Ophir 6 Ormuz 28 Ortiz de Ayandía, Diego 105 Our Lady of Guidance, chapel of Ermita 143 Pacheco, Rodrigo, merchant New Spain 153 Palawan 37 Pancada (buying in bulk) 56 Patache, vessel for cargo 25 Patani (Siam, now Thailand) 24, 129 Patronato (royal sponsorship) 18, 48 Paz, Francisco de, priest, Dean of the Cathedral Mexico, merchant, partner Hernández Victoria 104, 105, 139, 141, 143, 145n24, 151–​3 Pepper 18, 21, 27n30, 34, 37, 71, 85, 197 Peralta, Gaspar de, partner of Pedro de Brito 105 Pereira, frey, funder of Misericordia Manila 82 Pereira, Gonçalo, captain-​major of Maluku 52 Pérez Dasmariñas, Gomez, governor Philippines (1590-​93) 72, 83, 90n28, 91, 91n28, 92n28, 102, 106, 107n28, 108, 112n42, 121, 126, 129n19, 136, 137, 139, 140, 142, 144n10, 182 Pérez Dasmariñas, Luis, governor Philippines (1593-​96) 83, 122, 142, 144n12, 144n15, 145n19 Permission (1593) 54, 55, 126, 128n7, 129n19, 132n51, 197 Peru, viceroyalty 5, 12, 18, 19, 39, 40, 45n52, 54–​6, 65, 67, 81, 85, 86, 88, 92n32, 92n33, 92n34, 93n39, 93n41, 93n47, 114–​16, 125, 126, 127n4, 128n8, 133, 140, 141, 147, 153, 154,

160, 161n9, 163, 168, 177, 178, 179, 186, 187 Pires, Tomé 35, 36, 43n27, 59n14, 174 Porto, Portuguese port-​city 11n16, 66, 75n11, 75n12, 112n38, 139, 161n4, 193 Portugal 2, 4, 5, 7, 8, 10n11, 11n20, 15, 18, 22, 16n7, 27n19, 27n20, 27n25, 30, 36, 44n43, 44n46, 46–​54, 58n8, 59n21, 63, 65, 71–​3, 74n3, 75n9, 76n23, 77n27, 77n32, 78n34, 78n35, 78n36, 82, 84, 85, 87, 89n4, 91n21, 98, 128n11, 129n22, 139, 149, 151, 154, 156, 161n9, 161n12, 168, 172–​5, 179, 180, 182, 184, 187, 188, 190, 193, 195, 197 Prior de Crato, Dom Antonio 71 Rada, Martin de, OSA 53, 54, 179 Ribero Gaio, João, bishop Melaka 24, 129n23 Rrabello, António, merchant, alderman Macao, partner Vaz Landeiro 97, 98, 109, 113n51 Rodriguez de Figueroa, Alvaro, merchant, Consulate of Commerce Mexico 105, 106 Rodríguez de Figueroa, Esteban, captain, ship owner, merchant, Manila, partner Hernández Victoria vii, 105, 108, 112n39, 112n42, 140, 141, 145n21, 188 Rodriguez de Figueroa, Juan, merchant, Mexico 106 Rodríguez, Domingo, merchant, Mexico, Manila 149, 155, 156 Rodrigues, Francisco, sailor, map 40n2 Rodriguez, Jorge, merchant, Mexico, Manila 149, 155, 156 Ronquillo de Peñalosa, Gonzalo, governor Philippines (1580-​83) 71, 72, 78n36, 86–​8, 90n16; privileges 92n31, 121, 122, 124; settlers 131n37, 139 Ronquillo, Diego, governor Philippines (1583-​84) 86, 87, 88, Fire in Manila 92n35, 121, 128n8 Rojas, Pedro de, governor Philippines (Oct-​Dec 1593), Table7.1 121 ropa see cloths Risco maritimo (maritime risk), 83 Ruyz de Hernán González, Blas, soldier 118 Ryukyu Islands 33, 72

206 Index Saavedra Cerón, Alvaro de, captain 51 Salazar, Domingo de, Bishop of Manila 72, 78n35, 81, 90n10, 92n35, 93n39, 109m7, 110n16, 124, 130n28, 130n31, 132n53, 132n55, 137, 139, 181, 190, 194; Synod 119, 123 Salcedo, Juan de 53, 128n12, 182 San Andrés, church 143 San Dominic, church 143 San Felipe, galleon 141 San Gerónimo, galleon 52, 60n33, 141 San Juan Bautista, galleon 88, 99, 103, 104 San Martín, galleon 104 San Pablo, galleon 141 San Pedro, galleon 52, 141 Santa Margarita, galleon 60n33 Santa Potenciana, galleon 60n33 Santiago, galleon 141 Santo Tomás, galleon 55, 60n33 Santo Sacramento, brotherhood Holy Sacrament 143 Sánchez, Alonso, Jesuit 86 Sande, Francisco de, governor Philippines (1575-​80) 121, 127, 144n17 Saragossa Treaty 15, 29; Zaragoza 51, 52, 54, 140 Sedeño, Antonio, Jesuit, constructor of the Manila wall 137; see also Leonardo Turriano Sepúlveda, Ginés de, priest 120 Seville see Casa de Contratación Sharia (religious law) 36 Shogunate 40, 45n51, 183 Siam, now Thailand 6, 17, 24, 30, 36–​8, 57, 69, 72, 86, 97, 99, 118, 124, 126, 129, 133, 193; Patani 21 Silver xii, xiii, 3, 4, 6, 18, 35, 39, 40, 41n12, 44n47, 45n51, 54–​6, 60n28, 60n34, 65, 71, 75n6, 78n37, 81, 85, 86, 88, 91n22, 93n48, 100, 101, 104, 115, 121, 122, 125, 126, 127n4, 133, 138, 145n27, 147, 151, 153, 155–​8, 161n11, 162n18, 162n20, 164n34, 177, 183, 188, 194, 195, 197 Slavery 19, 73, 78n41, 79n43; slave trade 73, 74, 122, 154, 156; Asian slaves 168; Filipino slavery 131n41, 154, 156; Maluku slaves 141, 142, 157, 158; African slaves 56, 85, 87, 91 Soberas, Fernán, merchant, alderman Macao 97, 98 Soledad, brotherhood, Manila 143

Soltura, grande soltura (great freedom) 22 Sousa Coutinho, Manuel de 66 Sousa, Leonel de 38 Spice Islands 15, 18, 24, 28n43, 30, 33, 36, 37, 44n36, 50, 51, 57, 58n13, 59n14, 65, 70, 72, 106, 140, 145, 192 The Spirit of the Purgatory, brotherhood, Manila 143 Sulu Sea 37, 42n14, 44n38, 192 Sumatra 17, 30, 32, 34–​6, 41n4, 69 Sunda Kalapa (Indonesia) 21 Synod of Manila 119, 123, 130n27, 130n31, 192, 194 Tael, Chinese gold measure 104 Taprobana 17 Tapia, Antonio de, merchant indebted to Hernández Victoria 141 Tarsis 17 Taiwan (Formosa) 37, 38, 43n27, 59n18, 100, 127n1, 178, 179, 190 Tello de Guzmán, Francisco de, governor Philippines (1596-​1602) 92, 121, 122, 126; President Audiencia 132n55, 137, 144n13, 167, 183 Ternate 50, 106, 107, 133, 145n20 Tidore 50, 107 Timor 22, 27n19, 28n33, 43n32, 58n9, 77n28, 177, 192, 195 Tolosa, Joan, partner Hernández Victoria 104 Tordesillas 17, 46, 47, 52 Tribute 35, 42n14, 111n20, 116, 122, 128n12, 192 Trinidad, galleon 50 Turriano, Leonardo, engineer, Manila wall 137; see also Antonio Sedeño Urdaneta, Andrés de, Augustinian, pilot 52, 54, 59n15, 59n18, 177, 178 Union of Crowns (1581-​1640) 2, 4, 46–​8, 58n12, 70, 72, 73, 84, 86, 95, 96, 115, 140, 151, 154, 168, 180; proclamation Gonzalo Ronquillo 86 Valignano, Alessandro, Jesuit Visitor China 87, 92n37, 93n38, 96 Vasconcelos, Sancho de, captain-​major of Ambon 72 Vaas d’Orta, Manuel, merchant, merchant India 102

Index  207 Váez (Báez) Rodríguez, Francisco, merchant, Mexico, Manila 155, 158, 164n35 Vaz, António, merchant Macao 98 Vaz, Francisco 108 Vaz Landeiro, Bartolomeu see Bartolomé Báez Landero Vega, Hernando de la, merchant, Mexico, Manila, business partner with Díaz de Cáceres 158, 165n47 Vera, Santiago de, governor Philippines (1584-​90) 72, 85, 121; President Audiencia 122, 123, 132n43 Velasco, Luis de, the younger, Viceroy of New Spain 55, 60n32, 164n42 Victoria, galleon 50 Vietnam 37, 42n19, 99; Annam 69; Champa 43 Vieyra, António (Antonio Vieira), merchant Macao, legal proxy of Vaz Landeiro 97, 98

Visayas 53, 145n24 Vivanco, Luis de, factor (treasurer), partner Hernández Victoria 107, 141 Wang Bo, vice-​commissioner Canton 38 Wak-​O, pirates  37 Wine 18, 58n8, 85, 158 Xabandar (shahabandar), lord of the harbor 36 Xi Huang Lu 37 Zamudio, Diogo (Diogo Desamudio), merchant, Macao 103 Zárate, María de, wife of Diego Hernández Victoria, Manila 139, 141, 142 Zorrila de la Concha, Fernando, merchant 152