Porphyry: The Homeric questions. A bilingual edition [A Bilingual ed.] 9780820416069, 0820416061

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LANG Classical Studies GRAD 888 H80 . P82

PORPHYRY

Lang Classical Studies

Daniel H. Garrison General Editor

Vol. 2

E PETER LANG New York * San Francisco * Bern * Baltimore Frankfurt am Main * Berlin * Wien * Paris

PORPHYRY The Homeric Questions A Bilingual Edition

Translated by

Robin R. Schlunk

X PETER LANG New York * San Francisco * Bern * Baltimore Frankfurt am Main * Berlin * Wien * Paris

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Porphyry, ca. 234-ca. 305. [Questiones Homericae. English & Greek]

The Homeric questions / Porphyry : [translated by] Robin R. Schlunk.

p. cm, — (Lang classical studies: vol. 2) Includes bibliographical references and index. 1. Homer—Criticism, Textual.

Textual.

2. Epic poetry, Greek—Criticism,

3. Greek language—Semantics.

I. Schlunk, Robin R. PA4035.P704713

Il. Title. 1993

4. Homer—Language.

II. Series. 883'.01—4dc20

92-35639

ISBN 0-8204-1606-1 ISSN 0891-4087

CIP

Die Deutsche Bibliothek-CIP-Einheitsaufnahme

Schlunk, Robin R.: Porphyry: the Homeric questions/Robin R. Schlunk.—New York;

Berlin: Bern; Frankfurt/M.; Paris; Wien: Lang, 1993 (Lang classical studies ; Vol. 2)

ISBN 0-8204-1606-1 NE: CT

Cover design by Nona Reuter.

The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for

Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources.

© Peter Lang Publishing. Inc., New York 1993 All rights reserved. Reprint or reproduction, even partially, in all forms such as microfilm,

xerography, microfiche. microcard, offset strictly prohibited. Printed in the United States of America.

Carol:

τὴν δ᾽ ἐκ ueAfoong τήν τις εὐτυχεῖ λαβών᾽

CONTENTS Preiäce

sau

Introductory Letter to Anatolius .........................

ix eere 3

Ine QUOSBONN ara Bibliography

5

........(ννννννννονονννννννννννον εν νννονννεννενενν νον ενενννννννν 95

Index to Principal Homeric Passages ......................... es 97 Index

of Authors Cile]

u...

99

PREFACE

Nearly twenty years ago, Angelo Sodano published his edition of Porphyry’s Homeric Questions and a few years later, a translation. Since Porphyry's essay has never been translated into English, I thought that it might be useful to provide one, especially for those who know no Greek but are so enamored of Homer that they will read and reread him or teach him year after year with ever-increasing awe and respect. The translation, hopefully, will provide the reader some sense of how

our ancient colleagues approached the text and as a

result reveal a bond that has transcended time. The translation is for the most part literal both for Porphyry and his quotations of Homer. Since the majority of the Questions deal with the meanings of rare or obscure words, this seemed necessary despite the fact that such a translation will in some cases seem rather awkward. Porphyry may be "learned and sober" but his language is never "awkward;" indeed, it is said to be in the

"grand style." Some

of Porphyry's

etymologies

seem

far-fetched

while others,

which

seem so at first sight, may well not be. At any rate, one can only admire the philosopher's efforts to arrive at the true meaning of Homer's precious words, for that is what they appear to have been for him. Porphyry was bom in 232/3 A.D. in Tyre. Originally named Malchus (Phoenician for the Greek "Basileus," "King," cf. "Leroy"), he was later given the name Porphyry (Greek for "purple") by Longinus, the famed literary critic and scholar under whom he studied at Athens in his earlier years. It was

during this period, in all likelihood, that the Questions were begun. When he was about thirty, Porphyry settled in Rome and became a student of the great Neoplatonist philosopher, Plotinus. It was his association with Plotinus that led to his major contribution to the history of philosophy. Towards the end of his life, Porphyry edited the unpublished works of his master, giving them the title, The Enneads. This work, which covers virtually the enüre field of ancient philosophy, had a tremendous influence on mediaeval philosophy and is truly a landmark in intellectual history. Porphyry died ca. 305. In addition to editing the Enneads, he was, himself, the author of numerous commentaries and treatises on various philosophical and religous works, e.g., works by Plato, an introduction to Aristotle, which was translated into

Latin by Boethius and became widely used as a school book in the middle ages, the Book of Daniel, Zoroaster, as well as a treatise in fifteen books enti-

X

tled Against the Christians, burned in 448. His well-known Cave of the Nymphs (an allegory on Od. XIII, 102-12) has recently been translated with an introduction and notes by Robert Lamberton (Barrytown, 1983). The study of Homeric questions has a long history, dating back perhaps to the sixth century B.C., when allegorists tried to explain difficult or objectionable passages. Since Homer was an integral part of Greek education, such "problem-solving" was not only imbedded in the the schools but was also a pleasant pastime for the literate. Indeed, numbered among Aristotle's lost works is a six book study entitled Aporemata Homerica, Homeric Problems, a

few fragments of which survive.

Chapter 25 of the Poetics also contains sev-

eral examples of such problems and their solutions. Similar works are also mentionned in passing by various other ancient sources. At any rate, Rudolf Pfeiffer, in his History of Classical Scholarship (p. 71), argues that Porphyry had the Aristotle "at hand," while writing his Problems. We are, then, dealing with an ancient and time-honored tradition.

By now, it might fairly be objected that after centuries of cism, what in Porphyry could be "new" or of value to readers cially since he has often been called "unoriginal." The answer, at least, is not much. A considerable amount of what he wrote centuries

ago, digested

and passed

on as common

Homeric critiof today, espeon the surface, was picked up

knowledge

without

any

attribution to origin. As a result of misguided editing of texts before Sodano, Porphyry's work was published as a linear commentary on the /liad and Odyssey, and not as a collection of twenty essays on specific problems.

The conti-

nuity of Porphyry's thought was therefore largely lost. On the other hand, too, while Porphyry's solutions are not always -à fact he readily admits- there are a few lessons to be learned by the reader. One that is best known, but often forgotten, is that we must Homer, not necessarily the critics, to solve problems that crop up from

his own modem look to time to

time in any ancient text. Homer, to use the famous dictum, usually explains himself, often in the lines that immediately follow, or in other passages removed from the one under discussion.

Although much of Porphyry's essay focuses on the meanings of specific words or phrases, not all of it does.

For example, Question VII concerns the

description of the siege on Achilles’ shield (//. XVIII), while Question VIII attempts to solve the problem of Il. XXI, 122ff., the description of the fish about to devour the corpse of Lycaon. In these and other Questions, Porphyry does not hestitate to give his sources for differing views. Among those he cites are some of the major scholars of antiquity, e.g., Zenodotus, Aristophanes, Aristarchus, Apollonius the son of Molo, Callimachus, Philetas, Plato, etc., as well as others who are virtually unknown aside from Porphyry, e.g., a certain Sextus, or Zenodorus, or Polycleitus. How much of Aristotle lies behind Porphyry, we cannot say, but the spirit is surely there.

xi Of more importance are Porphyry's observations on metaphor and simile (Questions VI and XVII) which have recently been cited as forgotten forerunners of current developments in Homeric criticism (Richardson, p. 281 and n. 51 and 283 with n. 66). Here, indeed, we can enjoy remarkably "modem" appreciations of the poet's art. I have followed the text of Sodano which also gives the scholiastic version of Porphyry's Questions, cut up and rearranged as linear commentary in the 10th and 11th century manuscripts of the Iliad. These are the so called bT scholia, which help supply the text of Porphyry when there is a lacuna in the one extant manuscript of the Questions.

This single manuscript is the Vaticanus Graecus 305, written probably in 1314 by a monk named Theophylactus Saponopulus. Sodano notes, is probably not complete, since the sign cates the conclusion of each Question is missing on the last Question may not have been the end of the book. many books there may have been.

The which last It is

manuscript,as regularly indipage, hence the not known how

Sodano's text is very useful in many ways: the apparatus is filled with references to parallel passages in other authors, and there are complete indices of Homer's and Porphyry's vocabulary, a gift from the gods for any reader, as well as a list of Homeric passages cited by Porphyry. There is, of course,a full introduction and bibliography. A few further notes on the text: Porphyry does not always quote Homer exactly apparently relying on his excellent memory. Where this (rarely)

makes any difference, I have so noted; otherwise, I have translated the quote as Porphyry gives it. On occasion, I have found it necessary to offer brief explanations or reworded translations of the text. These I have placedin parentheses (...). Square brackets [...] indicate line references to Homer. Where Sodano and others have felt that comments were later, explanatory additions to Porphyry, I have indicated this by enclosing the passages in braces{...}. Pointed brackets (...) indicate a lacuna in the text which has been supplied by the bT scholia. I would like to thank the American Council of Learned Societies and the National Endowment for the Humanities for their generous funding for a research project in 1980-1. The original research proved redundant in some ways, but it allowed me to be introduced to Porphyry and led to the present

undertaking. I would also like express my gratitude to Dr. Loeta Tyree and Ruth Spear for their generous help and manuscript.

patience in preparation of the

PORPHYRY:

THE HOMERIC QUESTIONS

IIOPPYPIOY PIAOZOPOY OMHPIKON ZHTHMATQN

ΒΙΒΛΙΟΝ A

(Porphyrius ad Anatolium)

Πολλάκις

μὲν

Ev ταῖς ἀλλήλους συνουσίαις ᾿Ομηρικῶν

ζητημάτων

γινομέων, ᾿Ανατόλιε, κἀμοῦ δεικνύναι πειρωμένου, ὡς αὐτὸς μὲν ἑαυτὸν τὰ πολλὰ “Ὅμηρος ἐξηγεῖται, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἐκ τῆς παιδικῆς κατηχήσεως περινοοῦμεν μᾶλλον ἐν τοῖς πλείστοις ἢ νοοῦμεν ἃ λέγει, ἠξίωσας ἀναγράψαι με τὰ λεχθέντα μηδὲ διαπεσόντα ἐᾶσαι ὑπὸ τῆς λήθης ἀφανισθῆναι. μὴ dv δὲ οἷός τε πρὸς τὰς σὰς δεήσεις ἀντιβλέπειν διὰ σὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ᾿Ομήρου ἐραστάς, πειράσομαι τά τε ῥηθέντα

ποτὲ ἀνενεγκεῖν τά τε πάλιν ὑποπεσόντα προσθεῖναι, τὰς μὲν εἰς

Ὅμηρον

πραγματείας

ὑπερτιθέμενος

εἰς

καιρὸν

μείζους

σκέψεως

τὸν

προσήκοντα, ταυτὶ δὲ οἷον προγύμνασμα τῶν εἰς αὐτὸν ἀγώνων, ἐν οἷς ἀγνοεῖται μὲν πολλὰ τῶν κατὰ τὴν φράσιν, λανθάνει δὲ τοῦς πολλοὺς τῇ δοκοῦσῃ ἐπιτρέχειν τῶν ποιημάτων ὁλοσχερεῖ σαφηνείᾳ προσέχοντας. αὐτὸς δὲ ἕκαστος ἑαυτὸν ἀνακρίνων εὐθυνέτω, πρὶν ὑφ᾽ ἡμῶν ἐπαχθῆναι

τὴν ἐξήγησιν, ποίαν περὶ τῶν προβαλλομένων ἐπῶν εἶχε τὴν διάνοιαν. ἢ γὰρ ταὐτὰ νοὺς ἡμᾶς λέγοντας βεβαίαν τὴν περὶ τῶν νοηθέντων ἕξει κρίσιν, ἢ σφαλλόμενος μεταβήσεται ἡμᾶς τε ὀνήσει πλανωμένους διορθώσας.

PORPHYRY THE PHILOSOPHER: HOMERIC QUESTIONS, BOOK ONE (LETTER TO ANATOLIUS)

Frequently in our conversations with one another, Anatolius, questions concerning Homer arise, and while I try to show that although he often pro-

vides his own explanation, we, because of our childhood instruction, read into him rather than reflect upon what he is saying.’ You, as a result of this, have asked me to record what was said so as not to allow our words to slip away and vanish into forgetfulness. Inasmuch as I cannot look upon your requests with indifference because of my feelings for you and others enamored of Ho-

mer, I shall try to report what we have discussed and add what came as afterthoughts, postponing higher criticism on him to an occasion suitable for its consideration, such as the exercise preparatory to the competitions in his hon-

or^ In these, much of what concerns his expression is not only misunderstood but goes unnoticed by many because they are intent on pursuing what seems to

them the overall clarity of the poems. Prior to proposing an interpretation, let each of us by a close self-interrogation call himself to account for what understanding he has of the verses which stand before us under indictment. Indeed, knowing that we agree, each will have his judgement concerning his own

thoughts confirmed, or, if in error, will change his course and be of benefit for having set us straight when we have gone astray.

' Little is known of Porphyry's friend. and teacher of Iamblichus.

He was a Neoplatonic philosopher

See Eunapius, Lives of the Sophists, 457-8.

? On the nature of these "preparatory exercises," see Clark, pp. 177-82. See also Marrou, pp. 272-8, esp. p. 276 and 342; for the "competitions," see pp. 231 and 259. These rhetorical and philological competitions apparently preceded the gymnastic contests.

TA ZHTHMATA

1. ᾿Εζητοῦμεν τὸν νοῦν τὸν τούτων Kal τὰς λέξεις" "εἶμι μέν, οὐδ᾽ ἁλίη

ὁδὸς

γίνομαι. "ἔμπορος"

ἔσσεται

ὥς

νύ

ἣν

που

καὶ τὸ

ἀγορεύω,

ὕμμιν

"“ἐπήβολος"

/ ἔμπορος:

ἐείσατο καὶ

κέρδιον

πρὸς

οὐδ᾽

ἐρετάων

εἶναι."

τί

τί ἀναφέρεται

τὸ

ἐπήβολος

σημαίνει "ὥς

/

TO

νύ mov

ὕμμιν ἐείσατο κέρδιον εἶναι;" τὸ μὲν οὖν "ἔμπορος" οὐ κατὰ τὴν συνήθειαν τέτακται tap’ Ὅμήρῳ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τῶν ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίας νηὸς περώντων, obs συνήθως ἐπιβάτας νῦν λέγομεν. αὐτὸς γοῦν ἐν ἄλλοις περίστησι λέγων: "fj ἔμπορος εἰλήλουθας / νηὸς Em’ ἀλλοτρίης," τῶν ᾿Αττικῶν τῶν ἐν ταῖς τριήρεσι στρατενομένων τοὺς μὲν μαχομένους ἐπιβάτας καλούντων, τοὺς δὲ τὰς κώπας κατὰ πηδαλίου ἔχοντας ἐπικώπους. ὅπερ δὲ παρὰ τῷ ποιητῇ τῶν ἐπὶ τοῖς ἅρμασιν οἱ μὲν μαχόμενοι "παραιβάται," οἱ δὲ τὰς ἡνίας ἔχοντες "ἡνίοχοι," τοῦτο ἐπὶ τῶν ἐν ταῖς τριήρεσιν ἐπίκωποι καὶ ἐπιβάται παρ᾽ ᾿Αττικοῖς δύνανται. οὐ μέντοι ὁ "ἔμπορος" ἀπὸ τοῦ πορίζειν πεποίηται παρ᾽ 'Ομήρου, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ τοῦ πόρου, τουτέστι τῆς πορείας. τὸν δὲ πόρον κυρίως ἐπὶ τῆς τοῦ ὕδατος τάττει πορείας, λέγων: "ὅσσ᾽ ἐμόγησα πόρους ἁλὸς ἐξερεείνων"

καὶ "ἀλλ᾽

ὅτε

δὴ πόρον ἷξον eiippetos ποταμοῖο."

ὡς οὖν τὸ μὴ ἐν

οἰκείῳ οἴκῳ γαμεῖν ἀλλ᾽ἐν ἀλλοτρίῳ ἐγγαμεῖν λέγουσιν, οὕτως τὸ ἐπ᾽ ἀλλοτρίας νηὸς τοὺ πλοῦν ποιεῖσθαι ἐμπορεύεσθαι. καὶ "ἔμπορος" ὁ τοιοῦτος. τὸ δὲ "ἐπήβολος" σημαίνει τὸν ἐπιτυχῆ καὶ ἐγκρατῆ, ἀπὸ τῆς βολῆς καὶ τοῦ βάλλειν, ὃ σημαίνει τὸ τυγχάνειν τοῦ σκοποῦ, ὅθεν καὶ τὸ "σὺ δ᾽ ἐνὶ φρεσὶ βάλεο σῇσι," τουτέστιν ἐπιτυχῶς λάμβανε. καὶ ἡ βουλὴ 8€ otov βολή τις, ὅθεν ἔφη: "σῇ δ᾽ ἥλω βουλῇ Πριάμοιο πόλις," ὡς εἰ ἔφη: τοῖς σοῖς ὅπλοις ἢ τόξοις ἢ βέλεσι. λύσεις ἐντεῦθεν καὶ τὸ "ἡ δὲ Φερὰς ἐπέβαλεν ἐπειγομένη Διὸς οὔρῳ" μετῆκται γὰρ ἀπὸ τῶν πόρρω τὴν ἐπιβολὴν ποιουμένων ὥστε τυχεῖν: ἡ ναῦς οὖν ἐπιβολὴν ἐποιεῖτο ὥστε τυχεῖν τῶν Φερῶν. οὕτω τῇ λέξει καὶ οἱ μεθ᾽ “Ὅμηρον κέχρηνται" Σοφοκλῆς ᾿Αλκμαίωνι-: "εἴθ᾽ εὖ φρονήσαντ᾽ εἰσίδοιμί πως φρενῶν / ἐπήβολον

καλλίστης μήτε

καλῶν

Wöns,"

πολιτείας

ἐγενόμην

σε," Πλάτων

Ὑπερίδης ἐπηβόλους

χρημάτων

Νόμων

πρώτῳ

"ἐπήβολοι

ἐν τῷ κατὰ Δημάδου: γενέσθαι,"

ἐπήβολος."

ἔστι

"μηδέποτε

"Αρχιππος

δὲ

οὐ

γεγονότες

Πλούτῷ:

ποιητικὴ

τῆς

πολέμου "νῦν

λέξις

ὡς

ἀλλ᾽

THE QUESTIONS 1. We used to question the meaning of the following lines and choice of words [Od. II, 318-320]: "I (Telemachus) shall go, and the journey I am speaking of will not be in vain, though I am an ἔμπορος, and not ἐπήβολος

of oarsmen.

So, I think, it has seemed more to your advantage."

What do Europog and ἐπήβολος mean, and to what does the line, "So, I think, it will be more to your advantage," refer? “Euimopoc was, in fact, not used by Homer

in its current sense ("merchant")

sailed on another's ship, those whom ("passengers").

Homer,

himself,

we now

at any

rate,

but rather for those

commonly offers

who

call ἐπιβάται

a parallel

in another

passage when he says [Od. XXIV, 300-301]: "or have you come as an ἔμπορος on another's ship," though the Attic writers call those who fight aboard warships ἐπιβάται ("marines") and those who man the oars down to the rudder ἐπίκωποι. Even as in the poet, (when he speaks) of those in chariots, the ones who do the fighting are called παραβάται while those who hold the reins are called ἡνίοχοι

ἐπίκωποι

("charioteers"),

("oarsmen") and ἐπιβάται

those aboard warships.

thus in the Attic writers

("marines") are the equivalents for

At any rate, ἔμπορος in Homer was not derived from

πορίζειν ("provide") but from πόρος

("ford"), i.e., "passage."

Homer uses

πόρος in its proper sense for "passage" on water, saying [Od. XII, 259]: "as

much as I have suffered, searching the ‘paths’ of the sea," and [/]. XIV, 443]; "but when they came to the ‘ford’ of the lovely flowing river..."

Therefore,

just as "to marry not in one's own house" but "in that of another" is called. ἐγγαμεῖν, so "to make a voyage on the ship of another" is called Eunopedeodaı. So much, then, for Europoc. The word ἐπήβολος, on the other hand, means "hitting the mark," or "in

possession of," from BoAfj

("a throw") and βάλλειν, which means "to

the target," and hence [I]. I, 297]: "and you B&Aeo

"understand me exactly!"

βουλή

hit

in your heart," that is,

("counsel"), too, is, so to speak, a kind of

βολή, and hence he said [Od. XXII, 230]: "By your βουλή the city of Priam was taken," as if he had said, "by your weapons, or bows, or arrows." From. this you will also solve the problem [of Od. XV, 297]: "The ships, sped by a

wind from Zeus, ἐπέβαλεν Pherae.”

Since the metaphor was derived from

those making an attempt (£21 BoOAf) to reach a goal from a distance, the ship, therefore, was making an "attempt" to reach Pherae. Writers after Homer also used the word in this way, Sophocles in his Alcmaeon [fr. 104, Nauck]: "How I wish I could see you sane and 'in possession of' sound thought;" Plato, in the first book of the Laws [= II, 666d, 11-12]: "You ‘have acquired a knowledge’ of the most beautiful song;" Hyperides, in the Against Demades [fr. 78, Blass]: "never to have been 'acquainted with' war or citizenship;" and Archippus in

his Ploutos [fr. 37, Edmonds]: "Since now I have come into ‘possession of’

6 ᾿Αττική. τί οὖν al λέξεις σημαίνουσι δεδήλωται. τὸ δὲ "ὥς νύ που ὕμμιν

ἐείσατο κέρδιον εἶναι" σὺν βαρύτητι εἴρηται, λέγοντος Τηλεμάχον᾽ ἐν ἀλλοτρίᾳ

πλευσοῦμαι

νηΐ᾽ οὐ γὰρ εἰμι ἐπιτυχὴς

ἰδίας νηὸς οὔδὲ ἐρέτας

κέκτημαι᾽ τοῦτο γὰρ ὑμῖν ὠφελιμώτερον εἶναι ἐφάνη, τουτέστι τὸ μὴ ἔχειν ἐμὲ ἰδίαν ναῦν ἀλλ᾽ ἔμπορον πλεῖν: ἀναφέρει δὲ εἰς ἐκεῖνο, ὅτι εἰς πενίαν αὐτὸν κατέστησαν. προεῖπε yàp: "ἢ οὐχ ἅλις, ὡς τὸ πρόσθεν ἐκείρετο πολλὰ καὶ ἐσθλὰ / κτήματ᾽ ἐμά, μνηστῆρες, ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἔτι νήπιος

ἦα;" ἔστιν οὖν οὕτω τὸ νόημα’ ἀντὶ ναυκλήρου δι᾽ ὑμᾶς ἐπιβάτης γέγονα τἀμὰ καταναλώσαντας.

7

wealth."

This, however, is not poetic diction but rather, Attic (i. e., "posses-

sion" in a physical sense).

The meaning of the words, therefore, has been

explained (i.e., ἔμπορος, "passenger," and ἐπήβολος, "in possession of"). The phrase [Od. II, 320]: "So, I suppose, it has seemed more to your advantage," was uttered with heaviness of heart since Telemachus is saying: "I shall sail in another's ship since I am not in possession of (Emtuxf\¢) my own nor do I have rowers; this certainly has seemed to be more advantageous to

you," i.e., "that I do not have my own ship and sail as a passenger." He is referring to the fact that they (the suitors) have impoverished him, as he said [a few lines before, Od. II, 312-3]: "Is it not enough, Suitors, that you have de-

voured my many fine possessions before this, while I was yet a child?"

This,

then, is his thought: "Instead of being a shipowner, I have become a passenger, because of you, who have squandered my possessions!" ᾿

? Hyperides, d. 322 B.C., an Athenian orator who vigorously opposed the Macedonians and was ultimately put to death for his stance. Archippus was an Athenian comic poet of the late fifth century B.C.. None of his work survives.

2. Tov ποιητοῦ πολλάκις ἐπισημαινομένου περὶ τῶν πυρῶν, ds oi Τρῶες ἐποιοῦντο ἐκ παραγγελίας τοῦ Ἕκτορος τοιαύτης" "ἐπὶ δὲ ξύλα πολλὰ λέγεσθε, / ὥς κε παννύχιοι μέσφ᾽ ἠοῦς ἠριγενείης / καίωμεν πυρὰ πολλά, σέλας δ᾽ οὐρανὸν ty,” καὶ πάλιν: "ἐγγὺς γὰρ νηῶν καὶ τείχεος

αὖλιν

ἔθεντο

/ Τρῶες

ὑπέρθυμοι

τηλεκλειτοί

+’

ἐπίκουροι,

/

κειάμενοι πυρὰ πολλὰ κατὰ στρατοῦ," καὶ πάλιν: "ὅτ᾽ ἐς πεδίον τὸ Τρωϊκὸν ἀθρήσειε, / θαύμαζε πυρὰ πολλὰ τὰ καίετο ᾿λιόθι πρό," εἰκότως ἀσαφές

ἐστι

τὸ

τοῦ

Δόλωνος,

ὅτι

ἐρωτηθεὶς

"πῶς

δ᾽

αἱ τῶν

Τρώων

φυλακαί τε καὶ evvai"; ἀποκρίνεται" "φυλακὰς δ᾽ ἃς εἴρεαι, ἥρως, / οὔ τις κεκριμένη ῥύεται στρατὸν οὐδὲ φυλάσσει" ||ὅσσαι μὲν Τρώων πυρὸς ἐσχάραι, οἷσιν ἀνάγκη οἵ τ᾽ ἐγρηγόρθασι φυλασσέμεναί τε κέλονται / ἀλλήλοις." τί γὰρ βούλεται τὸ "ὅσσαι μὲν Τρώων πυρὸς ἐσχάραι," προδεδηλωμένου

συνιδειῦ.

ὅτι πολλὰς

πυρὰς

λύοντες οὖν ἐλέγομεν

ἔκαιον;

ὃ ἀποροῦντας

ἡμεῖς περὶ

εὖ πεδίῳ

οὐκ ἔστι

πυρῶν

ῥᾷον

νῦν οὐ

ποιεῖσθαι τὸν λόγον ἀλλὰ βούλεσθαι εἰπεῖν ὡς ὅσοι Τρῶες αὐθιγενεῖς καὶ οὐ ξένοι ἀλλ᾽ ἐστίαν ἔχοντες, ὃ ἐν ἄλλοις περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν donor’ “Τρῶες μὲν λέξασθαι ἐφέστιοι ὅσοι ἔασι," τουτέστιν ὅσοι πῦρ καὶ ἑστίας ἔχουσιν, ὡς καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις" "ἦλθε μὲν αὐτὸς ζωὸς ἐφέστιος," ἤτοι εἰς Tfjv ἑστίαν: ἑστία δὲ ὁ οἶκος" ὃ γὰρ εἶπεν" "ἦλθε μὲν αὐτὸς ἐφέστιος,"

μεταλαβὼν ἔφη" "ἦλθ᾽ ᾿Οδυσσεὺς καὶ οἶκον ἱκάνεται." καὶ ἀντὶ τοῦ οἶκος" "Lotin T''O8vofjos ἀμύμονος." ὁ οὖν κεκτημένος οἰκίαν ἐφέστιος᾽ ὁ δ᾽ ἄπολις καὶ φυγὰς "ἀφρήτωρ ἀθέμιστος ἀνέστιος." τὸ οὖν "ὅσσαι μὲν

Τρώων ἐφέστιοι

πυρὸς καὶ

ἐσχάραι" πολῖται.

δηλοῖ καὶ ὅτι

ὅσοι Τρώων τοὺς

πολίτας

ἑστίαι, ἐξ οὗ ὅσαι εἶπεν ἐνταῦθα

μὴ

Τρώων λείπειν

τὰς «φυλακὰς» διὰ τοῦ "πυρὸς ἐσχάραι," δῆλοι τὰ émayóyeva: "οἷσιν ἀνάγκη / οἵ τ᾿ ἐγρηγόρθασι φυλασσέμεναί τε κέλονται ἀλλήλοις" αὐτὰρ αὖτε πολύκλειτοι ἐπίκουροι / φυλάσσειν." ἐκ τούτων λύσεις καὶ yap ἐπίστιόν ἐστι," ἤτοι οὐδεὶς ἐφεότιον πῦρ ἔχοντες. διὰ δὲ δέκεσθαι

καὶ οὐχὶ-οὐκί.

εὕδουσι: Τρωσὶ γὰρ ἐπιτροπέουσι τὸ περὶ τῶν Φαιάκων εἰρημένον" "πᾶσι ξένος ἐστίν, ἀλλὰ πάντες πολῖται καὶ ψιλοῦ ἐξενήνεκται, ὡς τὸ δέχεσθαι-

9 2. Since the poet often remarks upon the fires which the Trojans had set at Hector’s command

[1]. VIII, 507-9]:

"...and gather much firewood, so that all

night long until early dawn we may bum many fires and the brightness reach the heavens,” and again [//. IX, 232-4]: "Near the ships and the wall the proud Trojans and their famed allies have pitched camp, setting many fires throughout the army," and again [//. X, 11-12]: "Indeed, whenever he gazed out over the Trojan plain, he was amazed at the many fires which blazed before Ilion,” it is fair to say that Dolon's response is unclear since when asked /Il. X, 408]: "How are the other Trojan watches and sleeping quarters arranged?” he replies [416-20]: "..as for the watches you speak of, Hero, no fixed detachment guards the army or keeps watch. "Occoa of the Trojans’ fire ἐσχάραι, those who must do so, lie awake and order each other to keep watch." What does the phrase ὄσσαι.. ἐσχάραι mean, since it has already been shown that they had set many fires? For those who are puzzled, this is not so easy to see! As the solution,

then, we said that (Dolon)

was not speaking

of the fires on the

plain at the moment, but that he meant to say "as many as are Trojan natives, and not foreigners, that is, those who have a ‘hearth’ (i. e., at Troy)," which he expresses elsewhere concerning them [i.e., "natives," 1]. II, 125]: "...the Trojans

to be gathered, as many as are at their own homes (ἐφέστιοι)," i.e., as many. as have

fire and hearth (ἐστίαι);

so, too, elsewhere

[Od. XXIII,

55]:

"He,

himself, has come, alive, ἐφέστιος," that is, to his own ἑστία; ἑστία means "home;" indeed, varying what he had expressed with "He, himself, has come ἐφέστιος," he said [Od. XXIII, 7]: "Odysseus has come and reached ‘home.’"

And,

again,

instead

of "home"

[Od.

XIV,

159]:

"the

hearth

(iotfn)

of

blameless Odysseus."

One, therefore, who possesses a house is ἐφέστιος, while one who is without a city and is a fugitive is [I]. IX, 63]: "without social tie, without laws, ἀνέστιος (without a hearth, i.e., homeless)." Accordingly, the phrase [Il. X, 418]: ὅσσαι μὲν Τρῶων πυρός ἐσχάραι means "as many of the Trojans as are at their own home (ἐφέστιοι) and are citizens." Homer means, here, by his use of the words πυρὸς ἐσχάραι, that the citizens do not abandon their watch-posts, which the lines that follow show [418—421]: "those who must, lie

awake and assign each other to keep watch. But the allies, called from many lands, lie sleeping since they entrusted the watch to the Trojans." From this you will also solve what was said of the Phaeacians [Od. VI, 265]: "for each

and everyone there is an ἐπίστιον," that is, no one is a foreigner, but all are citizens and have a hearth-fire (ἐφέστιον πῦρ). It (Exfotiov) was pronounced

without an aspirate, like δέχεσθαι-δέκεσθαι and οὐχὶ-οὐκί.

10

3. Td "αἰόλον"

οὐκ old’

ὅθεν τῶν γραμματικῶν

τινες ἐπὶ τοῦ

ποικίλου παρ᾽ ᾿Ομήρῳ ἀκούειν ἀξιοῦσιν: οὕτω γοῦν τὸ “αἰολόπωλον" ἀποδιδόασι καὶ τὸ "αἰόλος ἵππος" καὶ "αἰόλον ὄφιν." οὐκ ἔστι δὲ ἀλλὰ σημαίνει

τὸ ταχύν, γενόμενον

ἀπὸ

τῆς ἀέλλης,

ἥτις ἀπὸ

τοῦ ἄειν καὶ

εἱλεῖν πεποίηται, ὡς αὐτὸς ἐξηγήσατο εἰπών" "dv περ ἄελλαι / χειμέριαι εἰλέωσιν," ἤτοι εἱλῶσιν, ὡς καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Βορρᾶ Edn’ "εἴλει γὰρ Βορέης

ἄνεμος." ἡ μὲν οὖν ἄελλα ἀπὸ τοῦ ἄειν καὶ εἱλεῖν, ἡ δὲ θύελλα ἀπὸ τοῦ θύειν καὶ εἱλεῖν, θύειν δὲ τὸ σφοδρῶς ὁρμᾶν δίκην μαινομένων:

"A yàp ὅ

γ᾽ ὀλοῇσι φρεσὶ θύει," ὅθεν καὶ Θυάδες αἱ Βάκχαι. ὡς οὖν “ἀελλόπους " ἡ Ἶρις λέγεται, ἣν μεταλαβὼν "ποδήνεμον" προσηγόρευκεν, οὕτω τὸν ποδώκη ἵππον μεταλαμβάνων "πόδας αἰόλος ἵππος" εἶπε καὶ ὡς εἰπὼν "ἀργίποδας κύνας" κατὰ περίληψιν ἀλλαχοῦ ἔφη "καὶ κύνας ἀργούς," οὕτω τοὺς πόδας αἰόλους ἵππους κατὰ τὴν περίληψιν "αἰολοπώλους "

ἔφη. καὶ "αἰόλαι" οὖν "εὐλαὶ" ἀπὸ τοῦ εἱλεῖσθαι ταχέως λέγονται, καὶ "σφῆκες μέσον αἰόλοι" οἱ κατὰ τὸ μέσον συνεχῶς κινούμενοι καί

εἱλούμενοι. μεταποιῶν

καὶ ἐπὶ

"κορυθαιόλος" τοῦ

"Apeos

ἔφη"

οὖν ὁ συνεχῶς “Laos

ἐντεῦθεν καὶ τὸ "ὡς δ᾽ ὅτε γαστέρ᾽

᾿Ενυαλίῳ

ἀνὴρ πολέος

κινῶν

κορυθάϊκι."

λύσεις

πυρὸς αἰθομένοιο, /

ἐμπλείην κνίσσης τε καὶ αἵματος, ἔνθα καὶ ἔνθα / αἰόλλῃ"" εἱλεῖν καὶ συνεχῶς τε τριχάϊκες," οἱ

τὴν κόρυθα, ὃ δηλοῖ οὖν τὸ

στρέφειν. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ "κορυθάϊκι" λύσεις τὸ "Δωριέες συνεχῶς τὰς τρίχας διὰ τὸ δραστικὸν κινοῦντες"

καρηκομόωντες εἴρηνται.

11 3. I do not know why certain scholars think that odóAog in Homer means "multicolored." Thus, at any rate, they take αἰολόπωλος [/l. III, 185] and αἰόλος ἵππος ("multicolored horse") [//. XIX, 404] and odóAog ὄφις ["multicolored snake," /l. XII, 208].

from ἀέλλης

('eddying")

This cannot be: it means "swift," derived

which is a compound

of &ew

εἰλεῖν ("to shut in"), as he, himself, explained, saying

("to blow") and

[1]. II, 293-4]:

"...he

whom the wintry blasts (ἄελλαι) elAfworv...,"that is, "hem in," just as he said of Boreas [Od. XIX, 200]: "for the strong wind of Boreas hemmed (them in)..." Therefore, ἄελλα ("blast") is from &e ("to blow") and εἰλεῖν ("hem," "shut in"), while θύελλα ("hurricane") is from θύειν and εἰλεῖν: θύειν (means) "to rush violently," like those driven mad [/l. I, 342]: "for in his

deadly heart he rages (@6€1)...," hence, Bacchants are also called "Thyades." Just as Iris is called ἀελλόπους ("storm-footed") [1]. VIII, 409], whom he had called with the variant [/]. II, 786]: "wind-footed," so, in varying "swift-footed

horse," he said πόδας αἰόλος ἵππος ["horse swift of foot," Il. XX, 404]. In the same way, after saying ἀργίποδας κῦνας ["swift-footed hounds", 1]. XXIV, 211], he said with the word ("foot") understood, καὶ κύνας ἀργούς [swift dogs," II. I, 50], so, with ("foot") understood, he called horses that are

swift of foot oloAon@Ao1.

Even maggots, then, are called αἰόλοι [I]. XXII,

509] from their quick wriggling, and [//. XII, 167]: "...wasps μέσον αἰόλοι," which are constantly in motion at the abdominal segment, coiling themselves

up.‘

κορυθαιόλος,

therefore, (means) one who is constantly moving his

helmet, and, recasting this for Ares, he said [IL XXII, 132]: "like Enyalios κορυθάϊκι ('helmet-shaking')." From this you will also solve the problem of the following [Od. XX. 25-7]: "As when a man at a great blazing fire, ol6AAQ this way

and

that a stomach

full of fat and blood;"

(αἰόλλειν),

means "to tum around (εἰλεῖν)" or "continuously rotate."

therefore,

"From κορυθάϊκι

( helmet-shaking'), you will solve [Od. XIX, 177]: "The Dorians τριχάϊκες," those continuously shaking their hair when in action: they were called [/I. II,

11]: "flowing-haired."

* For this meaning of μέσον, see Leaf, ad loc., and LSJ, s.v., III, f, 7, b = κοιλία = "thorax with abdomen."

12 4. Οὐ

δεῖ

δυσχεραίνειν,

el

τοὺς

πολλοὺς

τῶν

viv

παιδευτῶν

λανθάνει τινὰ τῶν ᾿Ομηρικῶν, ὅπου καὶ τὸν δοκοῦντα εἶναι ἀκριβέστατον καὶ πολυμαθέστατον

Καλλίμαχον ἔλαθεν

ἡ διαφορὰ τῆς ἁρματροχιας,

ἔχει πρὸς τὴν χωρὶς τοῦ ρ λεγομένην ἁματροχίαν.

ἣν

ἔστι δὲ ἁματροχία

τὸ ἅμα τρέχειν καὶ μὴ ἀπολείπεσθαι, οἷον ὁμοδρομία τις obca- τρόχους γὰρ

τοὺς

δρόμους

ἔλεγον.

ἁρματροχία

δὲ τῶν

τροχῶν

τὸ ἴχνος.

ἄμφω

δὲ παρ᾽ ᾽Ομήρῳ κεῖται, τὰς δυνάμεις αὐτῶν τοῦ ποιητοῦ ἐξηγουμένου. ὅτι γὰρ τὸ ἅμα τρέχειν δηλοῖ ἁματροχία, παρίστησιν ἐπὶ τοῦ Μενελάου λέγων "τῇ ῥ᾽ εἶχε Μενέλαος ἁματροχίαν ἀλεείνων" ὑπελείπετο γὰρ διὰ τὸν ῥωχμὸν τῆς γῆς τὴν συνέμπτωσιν τοῦ δρόμου φυλασσόμενος. τοῦτο δὲ μεταλαβὼν ἐν ἄλλοις ἐξηγήσατο "αἰὲν ὁμοστιχάει." καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Εὐμαίου δὲ ἐχομένου ἤδη τροφῆς καὶ συνβαδίζοντος τῇ μητρί rot’ "παῖδα γὰρ ἀνδρὸς ἑῆος ἐνὶ μεγάροισιν ἀτιτάλλω, / κερδαλέον δὴ τοῖον, ἁματροχόωντα θύραζε," τουτέστιν ἤδη μοι ἔξω συντρέχειν δυνάμενον καὶ

βάδην

σὺν

"ἁματροχόωντα θύραζε."

ἐμοὶ

πορευόμενον,

θύραζε"

ἁματροχία

τὸ

οὖν οὕτως.

"ἡ

δέ

οὐκ

με

ἐπικολπίδιον:

χειρὸς

ἁρματροχία

ταὐτὸν

ἑλοῦσα

δὲ ὅτι τὸ ἀπὸ

δὲ

τῷ

δόμων

ἐξῆγε

τῶν

τροχῶν

ἴχνος δηλοῖ, αὐτὸς πάλιν παρίστησι λέγων: "οὐδ᾽ ἄρα πολλὴ / γίνεται ἐπισσώτρων ἁρματροχίη κατόπισθεν ἐν λεπτῇ κονίῃ“" διὰ γὰρ τὸ λεπτὸν καὶ ὀλίγον τῆς κόνεως μὴ πολὺ γίνεσθαι τὸ τῶν ἐπισσώτρων ἴχνος φησίν. ἐξηγήσατο δὲ καὶ πῶς γίνεται τὸ ἴχνος, ὅτι λειπόμενον ὀπίσω τοῦ ἱεμένου εἰς τὸ ἔμπροσθεν. ἀγνοήσας δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Καλλίμαχος

φησιν’ "ἀλλὰ θεόντων / ὡς ἀνέμων οὐδεὶς εἶδεν ἁματροχίας." βούλεται μὲν γὰρ εἰπεῖν ὡς οὐδεὶς εἶδεν ἴχνος διὰ τὸ θεῖν ὡς ἀνέμους" ἁματροχίαι δὲ οὐ δηλοῦσι τὰ ἴχνη τῶν θεόντων ἁρμάτων, ἀλλ᾽ αἱ μετὰ τοῦ ρ λεγόμεναι ἁρματροχίαι.

13 4. There is no need to feel disgust if many of today’s scholars miss the meaning of certain Homeric words, since even Callimachus,! who seems to be most perceptive and learned, missed the difference in meaning between ἀρμα-

tpoxía and ἀματροχία, spelled without the rho. The latter means "running together and not being left behind," i. e., "running neck and neck (óÓpo-

6poufa);"

indeed,

they

used

ἀρματροχία,

however,

means

who explains

their meanings.

to

call

race

courses

"wheel-track.”

(δρόμοι)

τρόχοι.

Both words occur in Homer

Indeed he shows

that ἀματροχία

means

"running side by side," when he says of Menelaus [/I. XXIII, 422]: "Menelaus drove there, avoiding running abreast (Guatpoyta);" because of a rivulet in the ground he had fallen behind to avoid a collision in the race. Having varied this elsewhere, he said [Il. XV, 635]: "and (the herdsman) always keeps pace together (ὁμοστιχάει, i.e., with the cattle)." Of Eumaeus, who was by then grasping at his food and toddling with his mother, (Homer) says [Od. XV, 450-1]: "I am the nurse of my master's child in his hall, such a cunning child

who is ever running around outside with me (ἀματροχόωντα θύραξε)," that is, "he is already able to run around outside with me and keep pace with me, no longer at my breast." This phrase (ἀματροχόωντα θύραξε) is the same in

meaning as [Od. XV, 465]: "and taking me by the hand, she led me outside the house." So it is, then, with ἀματροχία. (Homer), himself, again shows that &ppatpoxfa means a "wheeltrack" when he says [/l. XXIII, 504—6]: "...not much ἀρματροχία of the rims was there behind in the fine dust." He says, then, that there was not much trace of the rims because of the fineness and lack of dust. tracks came

about,

that they

were

left behind

He also explained how the

as (the chariot) went

forward.

Callimachus, misunderstanding this, says [fr. 383, 9-10 (p. 309 I), Pfeiffer]:

"But no one saw the ἀματροχίας (lit, "runnings abreast") because they were running like the winds." He means to say actually that no one saw the tracks because they were running like the winds: ἀματροχίαι do not refer to tracks of racing chariots, whereas &ppatpoyfot, spelled with a rho, do. i

* Callimachus was one of the most famous and popular poets of the Hellenistic period. His Hymns and Epigrams along with many fragments of other works still survive.

14 5. Τὴν ἀρχὴν τῶν Λιτῶν ἀναγινώσκων οὕτως ἔχουσαν Τρῶες

φυλακὰς

ἔχον

αὐτὰρ

κρυόεντος ἑταίρη, / πένθεϊ δ᾽ ἄνεμοι δύο πούτου ὀρίνετον Θρήκηθεν dntov ἐλθόντ᾽ κορύσσεται, πολλὸν δὲ παρὲξ στήθεσσιν ᾿Αχαιῶν," ταῦτ᾽ περὶ

τὰς

εἰκόνας

“Ὅμηρος

᾿Αχαιοὺς

/ θεσπεσίη

ἔξε

"ὥς oi μὲν φύζα

φόβου

ἀτλήτῳ βεβολήατο πάντες ἄριστοι. / dis δ᾽ ἰχθυόεντα / Βορέης καὶ Ζέφυρος, τώ τε ἐξαπίνης: ἄμυδις δέ τε κῦμα κελαινὸν / ἅλα φῦκος €xeve: / ds ἐδαΐζετο θυμὸς ἐνὶ οὖν ἀναγινώσκων ἠπόρεις, πῶς ἀκριβὴς ὦν νῦν

δοκεῖ

πρὸς

μηδεμίαν

χρείαν

δυοῖν

ἀνέμοιν εἰκόνα παραλαμβάνειν. εἰ γὰρ αὐξήσεως ἕνεκα, ἔδει τοὺς τέσσαρας, ὡς ἐν ἄλλοις" "σὺν δ᾽ Εὖρός τε Νότος τε πέσον Ζέφυρός τε δυσαὴς / kai Βορέης αἰθρηγενέτης, μέγα κῦμα κυλίνδων." λύει δὲ τῆν ἀπορίαν αὐτός, ὡς καὶ ᾿Απολλώνιος ὁ τοῦ Μόλωνος παρίστησι. δύο γὰρ πάθεσι χειμαζομένους ποιήσας τοὺς ᾿Αχαιούς, φόβῳ μὲν ἐφ᾽ οἷς εἴρηκε "θεσπεσίη ἔχε φύζα," λύπῃ δὲ ἐν οἷς ἐπάγει "πένθεϊ δ᾽ ἀτλήτῳ βεβολήατο πάντες ἄριστοι" - δεδίασι μὲν γὰρ τὰ μέλλοντα, βαρέως δὲ φέρουσι

πνεύμασι

τὰ

γεγονότα

-, προσηκόντως

ἐξεγειρομένῳ.

"θεσπεσίη"

αὐτοὺς

δ᾽

ἀπεικάζει

"ἔχε

φύζα"

πελάγει

δηλοῖ

οὐ

δυσὶ

τὸν

προσγενόμενον αὐτοῖς διὰ δειλίαν φόβον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ βουλήσεως θεῶν, ὥς mov καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις αὐτὸς εἶπε: "γνώσεαι δ᾽ εἰ καὶ θεσπεσίῃ πόλιν οὐκ ἀλαπάξεις, ἢ ἀνδρῶν κακότητι," τουτέστι θείᾳ βουλήσει καὶ οὐ συμφύτῳ κακίᾳ. εἰ δὲ καὶ ἄλλων ἐπίθετον τὸ θεσπέσιον - "θεσπέσιός" τε γὰρ “πλοῦτος " καὶ "“θεσπεσίη φύζα-," ἐκ κοινοῦ ἔσται κἀνταῦθα ἡ

κακότης" γνώσῃ πότερον θεσπεσίῃ κακότητι ἢ ἀνδρῶν κακότητι. [φύζα δέ

15 5. When

reading the opening of the Litae [Il. IX, 1-8], you were at a loss

why Homer, who is precise in his similes, now seems to use his simile of the two winds to no purpose: "So the Trojans held their night watches. Meanwhile immortal Panic, companion of cold Terror, gripped the Achaeans as their best were stricken with grief which passes endurance. As two winds rise to shake the sea where fish swarm, Boreas and Zephyros, north wind and west, that blow from Thraceward,

suddenly descending, and the darkened water is gathered to crests, and far across the salt water scatters the seaweed;

so the heart in the breast of each Achaean was troubled."’ If (he used the simile) for the sake of amplification, he should have used four

winds, as (he did) in another passage [Od. V, 295-6]: "The East and South winds dashed together and the stormy West wind and the North, bom of the clear heavens, rolling up a mighty wave." He, himself, resolves the question,

as Apollonius, the son of Molon, shows.” After he has represented the Achaeans as distraught by two emotions, (a) fear, saying, "Immortal Panic (θεσreotn φύζα) gripped them," and (b) grief, adding, "All their best were stricken

(BeBoAfjato) with grief that passes endurance," -since they fear for the future and endure what has happened with heavy heart- he appropriately likens them to the sea aroused by two winds.

"Immortal Panic gripped them" indicates that —

it is not a fear which has come upon them through cowardice but rather, through the will of the gods, as he, himself, said elsewhere [Il. II, 367-8]: "and you will know whether it is by θεσπεσίῃ that you will not sack the city, or by

the cowardice cowardice.

of the men,"

Since,

however,

ie, by divine will and not their own θεσπέσιος

("divinely decreed")

innate

is used as an

epithet of other things [/I. II, 670]: "θεσπέσιος wealth and θεσπεσίῃ panic", here, too, "cowardice" will be understood with it: "you will know whether by divine-sent

selves)."

(Beoreofn)

cowardice

or by the cowardice

of the men

(them-

(φύζα means "flight," and is called "friend of fear" because one who

* The Litai, the ancient title of Book X, "The Prayers." Porphyry means that Homer's similes often show a multiple correspondence with the situation they describe.

’ The translation is by Richmond Lattimore, The Iliad of Homer. Chicago, 1951, reprinted by permission of the University of Chicago Press.

* He was a famous rhetorician of the 1st century B.C. and a teacher of Cicero.

16 ἐστι ἡ φυγή. φόβου δὲ φίλη λέγεται, ὅτι ὁ φοβούμενος τὴν φυγὴν προσεταιρίζεται].

καὶ τὸ μὲν "βεβολήατο"

δὲ βεβλῆσθαι ἐπὶ σώματος.

τὴν

βούλησιν

βεβλάφθαι

δηλοῖ, τὸ

17 fears takes flight as his companion.)

BeBoAfjato

["were stricken", line 3],

moreover, means that they were stricken in resolve, while βεβλῆσθαι means

(struck) in the body.

? The bracketed passage was taken by Sodano and others as spurious on the grounds that in Porphyry (as well as in Homer) φύζα means "Panic," not

"Flight."

18 6. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ παραβολῆς ἐμνήσαμεν, σκέψαι τὴν τοῦ ποητοῦ ἐνταῦθα χρῆσιν. ἐπὶ γὰρ Tov’ Αγαμέμνονος τρωθέντος χρησάμενος τῇ παραβολῇ ταύτῃ "ὡς δ᾽ ὅταν ὠδίνουσαν ἔχῃ βέλος ὀξὺ γυναῖκα" καὶ ἀνταποδόσει᾽ "ὥς ὀξεῖ᾽ ὀδύναι δῦνον μένος ᾿Ατρεΐδαο," ἐπὶ τοῦ Κύκλωπος δυνάμει τὰ τῆς παραβολῆς μεταφέρων χρῆται “Κύκλωψ δὲ στενάχων TE καὶ ὠδίνων

ὀδύνῃσιν"" ἔστι δὲ τῆς παραβολῆς τὸ "ὠδίνων," τῆς δὲ ἀνταποδόσεως τὸ "ὀδύνῃσι." πάλιν εἰπὼν ἐπὶ τῆς τοῦ Ἕκτορος κατὰ ᾿Ἑλλήνων ὁρμῆς"

“ὀλοοίτροχος χειμάρροος

ὥς

ἀπὸ

WON,"

πέτρης,

κατὰ

τὴν

/ ὅν

αὐτὴν

τε

κατὰ

φαντασίαν

στεφάνης πεποίηκε

ποταμὸς περὶ

αὐτοῦ

λέγοντα τὸν Διομήδη "νῶϊν δὴ τόδε πῆμα κυλίνδεται ὄβριμος Ἕκτωρ" ὁ δὲ ὄβριμος οἰκεῖος ἀψύχῳ ὁρμῇ: οὐ yap "θρασὺν" ἔφη οὐδὲ

"κορυθαιόλον,"

οἷς ἰδίως αὐτὸν προσαγορεύειν

εἴωθε. πάλιν ἐπὶ τοῦ

Νέστορος σκεπτομένου ποῖ τράπηταί φησιν. "ὡς δ᾽ ὅτε πορφύρῃ πέλαγος μέγα κύματι κωφῷ / ὀσσόμενον λιγέων ἀνέμων λαιψηρὰ κέλευθα / abTos, οὐδ᾽ ἄρα re προκυλίνδεται οὐδ᾽ ἑτέρωσε, / mpiv τινα καταβήμεναι ἐκ

Διὸς

οὖρον." εἶτα ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αγήνορος προτραπέντος

μὲν ὑπ᾽ ᾿Απόλλωνος

᾿Αχιλλέα ὑποστῆναι, ὅμως δὲ τήν θέαν αὐτοῦ καταπλαγέντος, ἠρκέσθη τῷ ὀνόματι" "πολλὰ δέ οἱ κραδίη πόρφυρε κιόντι." πάλιν εἰπὼν ἐπὶ τῆς Ἥρας: "ὡς δ᾽ ἐληλυθὼς φρεσὶ

ὅταν ἀΐξῃ νόος ἀνέρος, ὅς τ᾽ ἐπὶ πολλὴν / γαίαν πευκαλίμῃσι νοήσοι / ἔνθα ἴῃ ἢ ἔνθα, μενοινήσειέ τε

πολλά, / ὥς κραιπνῶς μεμαυῖα διέπτατο πότνια Ἥρη," καὶ ἀπὸ μὲν τοῦ νοῦ

ποιήσας

τὴν

συμτέμνων

τὰ

παραβολήν,

αὐτὰ

ἐν

θαυμαστὸν δὲ αὐτῷ φθεγξάμενος οἰκεῖαν

ἀπὸ

ἄλλοις

δὲ

τοῦ

πέτεσθαι

φησίν:

"ὡς

εἰ

τὴν

πτερὸν

ἀνταπόδοσιν,

ἠὲ

νόημα."

κἀκεῖνο’ ἐκ μεταφορᾶς γάρ τι τολμηρότερον ἐπάγει παραβολὴν, κρατύνων αὐτὴν ὡς εὔλογον

ἔσχε τὴν τόλμαν. εἰπὼν οὖν "κραδίη δέ οἱ ἔνδον ὑλάκτει," ἐπάγει: "ὡς δὲ κύων ἀμαλῇσι περὶ σκυλάκεσσι βεβῶσα / ἄνδρ᾽ ἀγνοιήσασ᾽ ὑλάει μέμονέ τε μάχεσθαι." καὶ αὖθις ἐπὶ τοῦ στρατοπέδου "τῶν δὲ στίχες εἵατο

πυκναὶ

ἐπήγαγεν: νέον,

ἀσπίσι

"οἵη

μελάνει

δὲ δέ

καὶ

κορύθεσσι

Ζεφύροιο τε

καὶ

ἐχεύατο

πόντος

ὑπ᾽

ἔγχεσι

πόντον

αὐτῆς."

ἔπι ἐπί

πεφρικυῖαι"

φρὶξ τε

τῶν

εἰπών,

/ Öpvunevoro Τρώων

ἔτι

ποικιλώτερον κέχρηται᾽ ἀρξάμενος γὰρ ἀπὸ μεταφορᾶς ὁμοίωσίν TE αὐτῇ τὴν

ἀκόλουθον

ἐπάγει

καὶ

ἐπ᾽

ἀμφοῖν

τὴν

παραβολήν:

“Τρῶες

μὲν

19 6. Since we have been been speaking of similes, consider the poet’s use here.

After employing this simile for the wounded Agamemnon

[Il. XI, 269]:

"As when a sharp pang grasps a woman in labor (ὠδίνουσαν)," and the point of the comparison in the narrative [272]: "thus sharp pains (ὀδύναι) came over the might of Atreus’ son," (Homer) makes use of the effect for the Cyclops,

drawing his metaphor from the simile [Od. IX, 415]: "But the Cyclops, groaning and ‘laboring (ὠδινῶν)᾽ in pain (ὀδύνῃσιν);" “laboring” is from the simile while “in pain” is its correspondence in the narrative. Again, for Hector's attack on the Greeks [/]. XIII, 137-8]: "like a boulder rolling from a cliff which a river, swollen by winter, forced down from the edge..." (Homer) had Diomedes describe him with the same imagery [/I. XI,

347]: "This disaster now rolls down upon us, Hector, the mighty (ὄβριμος)." ""OBpipog is appropriate for the onrush of an inanimate object; indeed, he did not use "bold" or "of the glancing helmet," (epithets) with which he was accustomed to describe him, specifically.

Again, for Nestor when he was looking where to tum, (Homer) says [Il. XIV, 16-19]: "As when the great sea πορφύρει ("surges") with a noiseless swell, foreboding the swift paths of the shrill winds, aimlessly, neither does it roll forward nor to one side until some steady wind comes down from Zeus." Accordingly, for Antenor who has been urged to withstand Achilles but was nevertheless panic-stricken at the sight of him, (Homer) was content with the word

[/l. XXI,

551]:

"as he

went,

his heart

‘surged’

(πόρφυρε)

with

many

thoughts." Again, speaking of Hera [1]. XV, 80-3]: "As when the thought (νόος) of a man darts swiftly, one who has traveled over a great distance and thinks in the

wisdom of his heart, ‘How I wish I were here or there,’ and eagerly desires

many things, so the regal Hera διέπτατο (‘flew’) swiftly in her eagerness,” he based his simile on "thought"

on "flew" (διέπτατο).

(νόος), and the action to which

it corresponds,

Briefly combining this, he says elsewhere [Od. VII,

36]: "(whose ships move swift) as a winged creature or thought."

This, too, is striking in Homer: after he has coined a rather bold metaphor, he adds a simile which is consistent with it, confirming it, as though he considered its boldness well-taken. Saying, then [Od. XX, 13-5]: "and his heart ‘growled’ within him," he adds, "and as a bitch, facing an unknown man, protects her tender pups and growls, eager to fight." Again, after he has said of an army [Il. VII, 61—4]: "their ranks sat close, πεφρικυΐαι (‘rippling,’ *bristling’) with spears and helmets and shields," he added, "just as when a rippling

(φρίξ) of the West wind, recently come on, is shed upon the sea, and the sea blackens beneath iL"

He has, moreover, made a still more intricate use (of

this) for the Trojans [Zl. III, 2-5] by beginning with a metaphor and adding not only a comparison consistent with it but also a simile consistent with both. This is the metaphor: "The Trojans came on with a κλαγγή (‘scream’),” the

_

20 KAayyQg'" τοῦτο ἡ μεταφορά" τὸ δ᾽ "ὄρνιθες ὥς" ἡ ὁμοίωσις" εἴθ᾽ ἡ παραβολή: “ἠύτε περ κλαγγὴ γεράνων πέλει οὐρανόθι πρό" ἧ σχεδὸν

μόνῃ

τῶν

παραβολῶν

οὐκ ἀνταπέδωκεν,

ὡς τῆς ὁμοιώσεως

ἅμα

καὶ

μεταφορᾶς προεχουσῶν τὴν ἀνταπόδοσιν. πάλιν αὐτοῦ παρατηρητέον ἐκεῖνο: τάς τε γὰρ οἰκείως τιθεμένας φωνὰς ἐπὶ τῶν πραγμάτων πολλάκις εἰς τὰς παραβολὰς μετατίθησι καὶ τὰς ἐπὶ τῶν παραβολῶν εἰς τὰ πράγματα. οἷον ἔθνη στρατιωτῶν λέγεται, σμήνη δὲ μελισσῶν: αὐτὸς

δὲ μεταλαβὼν

τῷ

τῶν στρατιωτῶν

ὀνομάτι

ἐπὶ τῶν

μελισσῶν xpfjrai:

"ἠύτ᾽ ἔθνεα εἶσι μελισσάων ἀδινάων," ὃ πλήθους ἀνθρώπων ἐστὶν ὄνομα. οὕτως ὀλοοιτρόχῳ λίθῳ τὴν ὁρμὴν τοῦ Ἕκτορος εἰκάζων ἀναθρώσκειν τέ φησι

τὸν

λίθον

καὶ πέτεσθαι,

καὶ τελευτήν,

ὡς ἀπ᾿

αὐτοῦ

στρατιώτου

ἀφιγμένος ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τοῦ λίθου, ἐπάγει. "6 δ᾽ ἀσφαλέως θέει ἔμπεδον, εἰσόκεν ἔλθῃ." οὕτω καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ κύματος, ὃ τάξεσιν ἀπεικάζει στρατοπέδου, προειπών: "ὡς δ᾽ ὅτ᾽ ἐν αἰγιαλῷ πολυηχέϊ κῦμα θαλάσσης / ὄρννται Ζεφύρου ὑποκινήσαντος," μετάγει ἀπὸ τῶν στρατιωτῶν ἐπὶ τὰ étfis: "πόντῳ μὲν τὰ πρῶτα κορύσσεται." ἀνάπαλιν δὲ τὰς τῶν παραβολῶν μετατίθησι φωνὰς ἐπὶ τὰ πράγματα, ὡς ἐπὶ τοῦ ᾿Αχιλλέως "ὡς 6' ὅτ᾽ ἀριζήλη φωνή, ὅτε τ᾽ ἴαχε σάλπιγξ" εἰπών, ἐπάγει μετατιθεὶς

ἀπὸ τῆς σάλπιγγος ἐπὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον Αἰακίδαο."

"οἱ δ᾽ ὡς οὖν ἄϊον ὅπα χάλκεον

κεκινδύνευται δὲ αὐτῷ ἐκεῖνα, οἷον "σιδήρειος ὀρυμαγδὸς

χάλκεον οὐρανὸν ἧκε δι᾽ αἰθέρος ἀτρυγέτοιο."

/

21 comparison, "like birds," and then the simile: "as when the clamoring (KAoryyf) of cranes goes heavenward." This is about the only simile to which he did not give the point of correspondence (in his description of the action) since the

comparison together with the metaphor provided the point of correspondence in advance.

One should also observe this practice of his: he often transfers to his similes language which is properly used for action, and vice-versa. For example, one speaks of "companies" (ἔθνη) of soldiers and "swarms" (σμήνη) of bees, but he, taking the word for warriors, uses it for bees [Il. II, 87]: "Even as

when ‘companies’ of thronging bees go...," which is the term for a body of men. In the same way, comparing Hector's onslaught to a rolling boulder, he says that the boulder “leaps up" and "flies on" and finally, as though he had begun with the warrior, himself, rather than the boulder, he adds [/l. XIII,

141]: “it ‘runs’ steadily and unfailingly until it reaches..." Thus, too, for a wave, which he uses as an image for the ranks of an army, he first says [Il. IV, 422-3]: "As when on a resounding beach the wave of the sea is aroused under the gust of the West wind," and then reverts to a meta- © phor from (words descriptive of) soldiers for what follows, “and first (the

wave) crests (κορύσσεται, i.e., like a helmet) upon the sea." Conversely, he transfers the language of similes to that of action, as in the case of Achilles. After saying [//. XVIII, 219]: "Like the trumpet's clear voice when

it blares," he adds,

transferring

(the word

describing)

a trumpet

to the

man [222]: "but when (the Trojans) heard the ‘brazen’ voice of Aiakos' son." He also ventured such bold phrases as [/]. XVII, 424-5]: "(So they fought on) and the ‘iron’ din went to the ‘brazen’ sky through the ‘barren’ air."

22

7. Πολλῆς ταραχῆς πλήρη ἔδοξεν εἶναι τὰ ἔπη ταῦτα: "riy δ᾽ ἑτέρην πόλιν ἀμφὶ δύο στρατοὶ εἵατο λαῶν / τεύχεσι λαμπόμενοι᾽" δίχα δέ σφισιν ἥδανε βουλή, / ἠὲ διαπραθέειν ἢ ἄνδιχα πάντα δάσασθαι {κτῆσιν ὅσον πτολίεθρον

ἐπήρατον

ἐντὸς

ἐέργει"

/ οἱ δ᾽

οὔ mw

πείθοντο,

λόχῳ

δ᾽

ὑπεθωρήσσοντο. / τεῖχος μὲν ῥ᾽ ἄλοχοί τε φίλαι καὶ νήπια τέκνα / ῥύατ᾽ ἐφεσταότες, μετὰ δ᾽ ἀνέρες οὕς ἔχε γῆρας. / οἱ δ᾽ ἴσαν ἦρχε δ᾽ ἄρά σφιν "Apns καὶ Παλλὰς ᾿Αθήνη / ἄμφω χρυσείω, χρύσεια δὲ εἵματα ἔσθην, / καλὼ Kal μεγάλω σὺν τεύχεσιν, ὥς τε θεώ περ / ἀμφὶς ἀριζήλω᾽

λαοὶ δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ὀλίζονες ἧσαν. / οἱ δ᾽ ὅτε δή ῥ᾽ ἵκανον ἐν ποταμῷ ὅθι σφίσιν ἧκε λοχῆσαι / 56 τ᾽ ἀρδμὸς ἔην πάντεσσι βοτοῖσιν, / ἔνθ᾽ ἄρα τοί γ᾽ ἵζοντο εἰλυμένοι αἴθοπι χαλκῷ. [τοῖσι δ᾽ ἔπειτ᾽ ἀνάνευθεν δύω σκοποὶ εἵατο λαῶν / δέγμενοι ὁπότε μῆλα ἰδοίατο καὶ ἕλικας βοῦς. / οἱ δὲ τάχα προγένετο, δύω δ᾽ ἅμ᾽ ἕποντο νομῆες / τερπόμενοι σύριγξι" δόλον δ᾽ οὐ τι προνόησαν. / οἱ μὲν τὰ προϊδόντες ἐπέδραμον, ὦκα δ᾽ ἔπειτα / τάμνοντο

ἀμφὶ βοῶν ἀγέλας καὶ πώεα καλὰ / ἀργεννῶν ὀΐων, κτεῖνον δ᾽ ἐπὶ μηλοβοτῆρας. / οἱ δ᾽ ὡς οὖν ἐπύθοντο πολὺν κέλαδον περὶ βουσὶν / ἱράων προπάροιθε καθήμενοι, αὐτίκ᾽ ἐφ᾽ ἵππων / Bavres ἀερσιπόδων μετεκίαθον,

αἶψα δ᾽ ἵκοντο. / στησάμενοι δ᾽ ἐμάχοντο μάχην ποταμοῖο παρ᾽ ὄχθας, / βάλλον δ᾽ ἀλλήλους χαλκήρεσιν ἐγχείῃσι" καὶ τὰ ἑξῆς. ταράσσει γὰρ

τοὺς πολλούς" οἱ δύο στρατοὶ dpd γε πολέμιοί εἰσι τῶν κατοικοῦντων καὶ ἀλλήλοις φίλοι ἢ εἷς μὲν πολέμιος, ὁ δ᾽ ἕτερος τῶν ἐκ τῆς πόλεως; καὶ πρὸς τίνας διχονοοῦσιν; ἄρά γε ἀλλήλους ἢ πρὸς τοὺς ἔνδον; καὶ ἐπὶ τίνων τὸ "οἱ δ᾽ οὔ πω πείθοντο;" dpa τῶν εἴσω ἢ τοῦ ἑτέρου στρατοῦ;

καὶ πάλιν ἐπὶ τίνος τὸ "λόχῳ δ᾽ ὑπεθωρήσσοντο;" ἄρά γε ὁ ἕτερος τῶν στρατῶν

ἢ οἱ ἔνδον;

καὶ τίνων οἱ σκοποί;

καὶ τίνων ἡ λεία; πῶς τε, εἰ

τῶν ἔνδον ἡ λεία, ὁ λόχος παρ᾽ αὐτῶν; καὶ τίνες οἱ ἐπεξιόντες; ἄρ᾽ οἱ δύο στρατοὶ ἢ οἱ ἕτεροι; ὅλως τε τίς ἡ διατύπωσις τοῦ πλάσματος; ᾿Αλέξανδρος μὲν ὁ Κοτιαεὺς οὕτω φησίν: "δύο στρατοὶ περιεκάθηντο τὴν πόλιν πολέμιοι, ἢ πορθεῖν ἀξιοῦντες αὐτὴν ἢ τὰ ἡμίση λαβόντες ἀπιέναι"

οἱ δ᾽ ἔνδον ὄντες οὐ ἐδέχοντο τὴν πρόκλησιν. οἱ οὖν πολέμιοι," φησίν

23 7. The following

lines seemed to us to be fraught with confusion:

[/l.

XVIII, 509-34]; "But around the other city sat two camps of warriors, agleam in their armor. And they were divided in counsel [510], whether to sack it or

to divide all in two, whatever the lovely city held within; they, however, were not yet persuaded [513] and they were secretly arming themselves for an ambush [513]. Their dear wives and young children were defending the wall, standing on it, and with them the men whom old age had possessed; and they

were going forth and Ares and Pallas Athena were leading them [516], both of gold and clad in golden raiment, beautiful and great with their armor, and like

gods they were, conspicuous apart, while the people below were smaller. When they were come to the place where it seemed good to them to set an ambush, at a river where there was a watering-place for all grazing creatures, there they sat, clad in flashing bronze.

For them, apart from the soldiers, sat

two scouts, waiting until they should see the sheep and sleek cattle. they came along and two herdsmen

Quickly

were attending them, taking pleasure on

their pipes, and they were not at all aware of the treachery. The others, seeing this, ran at them and thereupon quickly intercepted the herds of cattle and fair flocks of white sheep, and therewith slew tbe shepherds.

But they, when they

heard the great uproar around the cattle [530] as they were sitting ἱράων προπάροιθεν

[531], at once mounted their horses, setting out in pursuit and

quickly arrived there. Joining in battle, they fought by the banks of the river and struck at each other with spears tipped with bronze." The lines following these also (seemed filled with confusion and) indeed trouble many: are the two armies hostile to the inhabitants and allied with one

another, or does one belong to the enemy and the other to those in the city? Also, with whom were they in disagreement, with one another, or with those inside (the city)? Who, further, is meant by "they, however, were not yet persuaded [513];" those inside, or one of the two armies? And further, who is meant by "and were secretly arming themselves for an ambush [513];" one of the two armies, or those inside? Whose are the scouts, and to whom do the cattle belong?

And how, if the cattle belonged to those in the city, was an

ambush set by them? Who were those who went out; the two armies or the others? In short, what is represented by the detailed description of the artwork?

[i]

Alexander of Kotiaion'" says as follows: "Two hostile armies were bes-

ieging the city, expecting either to sack it or go away, taking half (its posses-

sions).

Those within did not accept the proposal.

Therefore, the enemy," he

' A teacher of Marcus Aurelius, he was highly praised as a literary critic. His only known work is on Homer, and the quotation, bere, the only extant fragment.

24 "ἐνέδραν τινὰ ἐποιήσαντο τῶν ποιμνίων kai τῶν τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει." εἶτα ἀξιοῖ τὸ μὲν "οἱ δ᾽ οὔ πω τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει, τὸ δὲ "λόχῳ δ᾽ ὑπεθωρήσσοντο" τὸ "οἱ δ᾽ ἴσαν" περὶ τῶν εἰς ἐνέδραν ἀπιόντων

βουκόλων, πείθοντο" περὶ τῶν πολεμίων᾽

ἃ ἦν κτήματα ἀκούειν περὶ πολεμίων, καὶ οἱ δὲ σκοποὶ

τῶν πολεμίων εἰσί: τὸ δὲ "οἱ δ᾽ ὡς οὖν ἐπύθοντο πολὺν κέλαδον περὶ βουσὶν"

ἐπὶ

τῶν

ἐν τῇ

πόλει

ἀκούει:

ἐκαθέζοντο

γὰρ ἐν ἐκκλησίαις

βουλευόμενοι, τὰ τείχη φρουρεῖν παραδόντες τῇ ἀπολέμῳ ἡλικίᾳ τὸ γὰρ "ἱράων προπάροιθε καθήμενοι" σημαίνει τῶν ἐκκλησιῶν, ἐν αἷς εἴρουσι

καὶ ἀγορεύουσιν. ὅτε δὲ αὐτοῖς ἐμηνύθη τὰ κατὰ τὰ ποίμνια, ἐπιτρέχουσι καὶ ἐξελθόντες συμβάλλουσι

μάχην. εἶχε δ᾽ ἂν πιθανότατα ἡ διατύπωσις,

εἰ μὴ πρῶτα μὲν βεβιασμένη ἦν ἡ ἀπόδοσις τοῦ τοιούτου στίχου"

"οἱ δ᾽

οὔ πω πείθοντο, λόχῳ δ᾽ ὑπεθωρήσσοντο." τὸ μὲν γὰρ "ol δ᾽ οὔ mo πείθοντο" ἀξιοῖ περὶ τῶν ἔνδον ἀκούειν, τὸ δὲ "λόχῳ δ᾽ ὑπεθωρήσσοντο"

περὶ

τῶν

ἐκτός,

iva

GF

ὑπεθωρήσσοντο»" ἀντὶ τοῦ

τὸ

"oi

δ᾽

οὔ

mw

πείθοντο

«λόχῳ

δ᾽

μὴ πειθομένων αὐτῶν εἰς λόχον ἐθωρήσσοντο

οἱ τάς προκλήσεις πεποιημένοι. ["ró δὲ "οἱ δ᾽ οὔ πω πείθοντο" ἂν ἀκούωσιν ἀντὶ τοῦ μὴ πειθομένων αὐτῶν, βίαιον.] πάλιν δὲ μεταξὺ τοῦ "λόχῳ

δ᾽

ὑπεθωρήσσοντο"

«καὶ» τὸ "οἱ δ᾽ ἴσαν,"

ἐμβεβλῆσθαι

ἔστιν

φάσκειν

ἐλεγχόντων

τὸν

«τὰ»

ποιητὴν

περὶ

μὴ

τῶν

ἔνδον

δυνάμενον

φράζειν ἀταράχως. πάντως δὲ καὶ ὁ λόχος οὐκ ἐκ πάντων ἦν τῶν ἐν τοῖς δυσὶ στρατοπέδοις, ἀλλὰ τινῶν: πῶς οὖν ὑπεξίασιν οἱ ἐν τῇ πόλει,

φανερῶς τε καὶ ἀδεῶς τῶν πολιορκούντων κωλυόντων; ἀμείνους οὖν οἱ οὕτω

διατυπώσαντες

τὸ

πλάσμα’

δύο

στρατοὶ

ἐπελθόντες

τὴν

λείαν

περιήλασαν, καὶ τὴν πόλιν πολιορκοῦντες ἀξιοῦσι τῶν κτημάτων τῶν ἐν

αὐτῇ λαβεῖν τὸ ἥμισυ ἐφ᾽ ᾧ γε καταθέσθαι τὸν πόλεμον. οἱ δ᾽ ἐν τῇ πόλει

οὐκ

ἐπείθοντο,

ἀλλ᾽

ἐνεδρεύσοντες

ἐπὶ

πότον

ἐρχόμενα

τὰ

τετράποδα ἀπήλασαν. οἱ πολέμιοι δὲ στρατοί, καίπερ ἐκκλησιάζοντες, ἐπεὶ ἐπύθοντο τοῦτο, τῶν ἵππων ἐπιβάντες ἐπῆλθον αὐτοῖς. ὅτι γὰρ αὐτοί εἰσι (λέγω δὴ οἱ στρατοί) ἐκκλησιάζοντες, δεδήλωκε περὶ αὐτῶν εἰπών: "δίχα δέ σφισιν ἥνδανε βουλή." ἀκολούθως δὲ εἴρηται ἐπὶ τῶν ἐντός, ὅτι οὐκ ἐπείθοντο μέν γε, εἰς δὲ λόχον ὡπλίζοντο, παραδόντες τοῖς

25 says, "laid some sort of an ambush against the sheep and cattle which belonged to those in the city."

Next, he thinks that the line [513], "they, however, were

not yet persuaded," refers to those in the city, and that the phrase [513], "and were secretly arming themselves for an ambush,” is in reference to their enemy, and that "they were going forth [516]" is in reference to those of the enemy who were setting out for the ambush; the scouts, too, belong to the enemy. The line [530f.], "But they, when they heard the great uproar about the cattle,"

he understands as referring to those in the city, since after they had entrusted the garrisoning of the walls to those unfit for war because of their age, they were sitting in counsel, deliberating; indeed, the phrase [531], "sitting ἰράων

rpon&nroi8Ev," means "in assemblies," where they both speak and debate. When they learn what has happened to their flocks, they rush out and engage in battle.

His conception would be persuasive if, in the first place, his reading of the following

line

had

not

been

forced

[513]:

"they,

however,

were

not

yet

persuaded and they were secretly arming themselves for an ambush." He thinks that "they were not yet persuaded" refers to those inside the city, while "were secretly arming themselves for an ambush" refers to those ouside so that line 513 will read: "when, however, they were not yet persuaded, those who

had made the proposals armed themselves for an ambush." (The phrase, "were not yet persuaded," if understood as having a different subject, is a forced (reading)).

Again, to say that the reference to the situation in the city (i.e., the

garrisoning of the walls) between lines 513 and 516 was an interpolation is typical of those who accuse the poet of not being able to express himself clearly. Moreover, the ambush was certainly not laid by all those in the two armies, but only by some of them; how, then, do those in the city slip out if (the besiegers) are out in the open and preventing them without any fear? [ii] A better conception of the scene is given by those who take it as follows; two armies attack and drive off cattle; while besieging the city, they resolve to take half its possessions in return for a cessation of hostilities. Those in the city did not consent but rather set an ambush and drove away the flocks that were coming for water. When the enemy armies learned of this while holding an assembly, they mount their horses and set out against them. Indeed, (Homer) has shown that they -I mean the armies- are holding an assembly by having said of them [510], "and they were divided in counsel" In keeping with this, he said of those in the city that they were not persuaded and armed

themselves for an ambush, having entrusted the garrisoning of the walls to those who were exempt from military service. The phrase [516], "and they

'' The meaning of the phrase was uncertain even in antiquity: see Leaf, ad loc..

26 ἀστρατεύτοις

πόλεως

τὴν

φρουρὰν

ἀκολούθως

ἐπῆκται,

τῶν

τειχῶν.

λάθρα

kai

ἐξιόντων

τὸ

"oi δ᾽

αὐτῶν,

καὶ

ἴσαν"

ἐκ τῆς

ὅθεν

οὐκ ἦν

προσδοκῆσαι τοῖς" ἔξω ἀνοχὰς ἔχουσι τοῦ πολέμου καὶ ἐκκλησιάζουσιν. αὐτῶν τε οἱ σκοποὶ τῶν εἰς τὸν λόχον ἐξιόντων. καὶ οἱ τερπόμενοι ταῖς

σύριγξι νομεῖς εἰ μὲν τῶν πολεμίων εἶεν, ἔχει λόγον, εἰ δὲ τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει, παρὰ λόγον" οὐ γὰρ οἱ τῶν πολιορκουμένων ἐτέρποντο, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ τῶν

πολιορκούντων. καὶ λοιπὸν ἀκολούθως, ἀπελθόντων τῶν στρατῶν, παρακάθηται μὲν οὐδεὶς τὴν πόλιν, μάχη δὲ περὶ τὸν λόχον γίνεται.

ἄλλοι δὲ ἠξίουν τῶν δύο στρατῶν τὸν μὲν εἶναι φίλιον τῶν ἔνδον, τὸν δὲ πολέμιον, καὶ τὸν μὲν πολέμιον ἑλεῖν βούλεσθαι τὴν πόλιν, τὸν δὲ φίλιον ἀξιοῦν τὰ ἡμίση μήπω πείθεσθαι

συστῆσαι

τοὺς

δοῦναι τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλει ἀλλὰ βουλεύεσθαι: ὧν

τῶν

ἔνδον

φίλους

κτημάτων, τοὺς δὲ πολεμίους βουλενομένων, λόχον αὐτῶν

στρατιώτας.

τετάρακται

δὲ

καὶ

ἡ

τοιαύτη ἐκδοχή, ὡς ἐπιόντι σοι κατ᾽ αὐτὰ τὰ ἔπη ἔσται δῆλον, ὥστε ἡ δευτέρα ἀπόδοσις ἔχει τὰ τῆς ᾿Ομηρικῆς διανοίας. ἐκεῖνο μέντοι παρελθεῖν οὐκ ἄξιον, ὅτι οἱ περὶ Παρμενίσκον ἐπὶ τοῦ "τεῖχος μέν ῥ᾽

ἄλοχοί τε φίλαι καὶ νήπια τέκνα / boar' ἐφεσταότες μετὰ δ᾽ ἀνέρες ots ἔχε γῆρας" στίζειν ἠξίουν μετὰ τὸ "ῥύατο," εἶτα συνῆπτον τὸ ἑξῆς" "ἐφεσταότες μετὰ δ᾽ ἀνέρες obs ἔχε γῆρας." "ἐὰν γὰρ τοῖς ἄνω," φασί, "συνάψωμεν, σολοικισμὸς ἔσται, ἐπεὶ θηλυκὸν πρόκειται καὶ οὐδέτερον, τὸ δὲ "ἑσταότες" ἀρσενικόν." ἦ οὖν ἐδυνάμην φάναι πρὸς αὐτούς, ὅτι καὶ οὕτως “Ὅμηρος πολλὰ σχηματίζει: καὶ αὐτὸς γὰρ λέγει "κλυτὸς Ἱπποδάμεια" καὶ "θῆλυς dürun” καὶ “ὀλοώτατος ὀδμὴ" καὶ "ὅπα χάλκεον" καὶ "ἁλὸς πολιοῖο," καὶ ἐπὶ δυϊκῶν: "οὐκ ἄν ἐφ᾽ ὑμετέρων ὀχέων πληγέντε κεραυνῷ." ἄλλως TE ἐν τοῖς τέκνοις καὶ οἱ ἄρσενές elov τί οὖν κωλύει

πρὸς τὸ σημαινόμενον ἀπηντηκέναι, ὡς Em’ ἄλλων μυρίων; otov: "νεφέλη δέ μιν ἀμφιβέβηκε / κυανέη: τὸ μὲν ὄ ποτ᾽ époci": πρὸς yàp τὸ νέφος ἡ ἀπόδοσις. πάλιν: “ἠδ᾽ ἐπὶ δεξιά, ἠδ᾽ ἐπ᾽ ἀριστερὰ νωμῆσαι Pav / ἀζαλέην, τὸ μοί ἐστι ταλαύρινον πολεμίζειν" πρὸς γὰρ τὸ σάκος ἡ ἀναφορά. καὶ εἰπὼν "ἐπ᾿ εἰροπόκοις ὀιέσσι," ἐπάγει "τὰ δ᾽ ἔρημα

27 were going forth" from the city was added in keeping with this, since they were secretly slipping out, and out of a place where it was unlikely that those outside would expect them since they were enjoying a truce from the fighting and were holding an assembly. The scouts belong to those who are going out on the ambush. The shepherds who are playing happily on their pipes make sense if they are the enemy’s, while it is contrary to reason if they belong to

those in the city: it is not the shepherds of the besieged who were enjoying themselves, but, rather, those of the besiegers. Finally, in keeping with this, after the armies have gone away, no one is encamped beside the city and the fighting takes place at the ambush. [iii]

Others thought that one of the two armies was an ally of those in the city

and that the other was an enemy who wished to capture it. The ally thought it

expedient to give up half the wealth in the city, while the enemy, who were not yet persuaded, were deliberating.

While they were deliberating, the war-

riors friendly to the city laid an ambush.

An explanation such as this is also

vexed, as will become clear if you approach the lines one by one; hence it is

the second explanation that keeps to the sense of Homer's meaning.

One, however, should not disregard what Parmeniscus'" and his school (thought) of the lines [514-5]: "Their dear wives and young children were defending the wall £bectaótec μετὰ δ᾽ and with them the men whom old age had possessed." They thought it right to punctuate after "were defending (the wall)," and took together the words that follow &deotasteg μετὰ δ᾽ "(and with them were standing) the men whom old age had possessed." "For if," they say, "we join ‘were standing’ (ἐφεσταότες) with the words that precede (i.e., wives and children), there will be a solecism since a feminine and a neuter noun precede it, while

‘were standing’ is masculine."

I, indeed, was able to

say against them that Homer often arranges his words in this way; he says in fact (i.e., using masculine adjectives with feminine nouns [J/. II, 742]: "Glori-

ous(m.) Hippodameia,"

[Od. VI, 122]:

"feminine(m.) scent," [Od.

IV, 442]:

"most deadly(m.) odor, [1]. XVIII, 222]: "bronze(m.) voice," ΠῚ XX, 229]: "of

the gray(m.) salt-water," and with dual forms [//. VIII, 445]: "once struck(m.) in your chariot by a lightning bolt, you(f.)...". Besides, males are counted as children. What, then, prevents (Homer) from reverting to the sense as in countless other passages? For instance [Od. XII, 74-5]: "...a dark cloud (νεφέλῃ, f)

always

stands

véooc(n., cloud).

about

it;

this(n.)

never

"This(n.)"

refers

to

Again [/l. VII, 238-9]: "...to the right, now to the left the

oxhide(f.) which(n.) is my shield in battle."

shield).

recedes.”

"Which" refers to τὸ σάκος (n.,

After saying [/l V, 137]: "among the fleecy sheep (m.)," he adds

"7 A student of the great Alexandrian scholar Aristarchus (2nd cent., B.C.).

28 $oBeto8av"

πρὸς

yàp

rà πρόβατα

τὸ σχῆμα

δηλοῦμενον.

kai

ὧδε

οὖν

πρὸς τοὺς παῖδας φαίη ἄν τις τὴν ἀναφοράν. ἐν δὲ τοῖς ὑποκειμένοις καὶ δύο σχήματ᾽

ἔμιξεν, ἐπὶ τοῦ

"διάνδιχ᾽

ἅπαντα

δάσασθαι

/ krfjow

ὅσην πτολίεθρον ἐπήρατον ἐντὸς ἐέργει" τὸ γὰρ "ἅπαντα" ἀναφέρεται πρὸς τὰ κτήματα, τὸ δὲ "ὅσην" πρὸς τὴν κτῆσιν. ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκεῖ παραπλήσιόν τι νῦν κἀνθάδε πεπονθέναι τὴν φράσιν τῷ λεγομένῳ ᾿Αλκμανικῷ σχήματι, ὅπερ ἐστι τοιοῦτον: "ἔνθα μὲν εἰς ᾿Αχέροντα Πυριφλεγέθων

τε ῥέουσι / Kókvrós τε," "εἰ δέ κ᾿

" Apns ἄρχωσι

μάχης ἢ

Φοῖβος ᾿Απολλων." ws γὰρ ἐν τούτοις ἐν μέσῳ κεῖται ὃ ἔδει ἐπάγεσθαι, οὕτω καὶ ἐπὶ τῶν νῦν ζητουμένων. εἰ γοῦν τὸ "ἐφεσταότες" ἐπαγάγῃς τῷ "μετὰ δ᾽ ἀνέρες obs ἔχε γῆρας," οὐδ᾽ ἂν ἔτι (mnroiro: μόνῳ δὲ τούτῳ

διαφέρει

τοῦ

᾿Αλμανικοῦ

ἧ ἐκεῖνο

μὲν τοῖς παρ᾽ ἀριθμὸν

σχήμασι

ὑποπίπτει, τοῦτο δὲ τοῖς παρὰ γένος, ὑπερβατῶς δὲ ἀμφότερα λύεται.

29 [140]: "and the abandonned ones(n.) are frightened;"

The form given (neuter)

is in reference to πρόβατα (flocks). Thus, then, one could say that the reference [Il. XVIII, 514, ἐφεσταύτες, m., "standing"] is to "boys." In the lines under discussion, (Homer) has also joined two forms [1]. XVIII, 511-2]: "...or to divide all(n.) in two, whatever(f.) the lovely city held

within." "All" refers to κτήματα (n., "possessions"), while "whatever(f.),” refers to κτῆσις (f., "possession"). It seems to me that here, now, his manner

of expression has undergone something similar to the so-called Alcmanic" figure, which is as follows [Od. X, 513-4]: "There Pyriphlegethon flow (plural) into Acheron, and Cocytus," or [/]. XX, 138]: "If only Ares begin to fight, or

Phoebus Apollo."

Indeed, just as in these passages (the verb) which ought to

follow (the subjects) lies between them, so it is with the words under discussion. If, at any rate, you take "standing" together with "and with them

the men whom old age had possessed," there would no longer be any question. In this only is there a difference from the Alcmanic: the latter falls under the figures of number while the former falls under those of gender, and both are

explained as a kind of hyperbaton.

? A lyric poet of Sparta in the 7th cent., B.C., famed for his choral odes. The "Alcmanic figure" refers to the use of a singular verb with a compound subject.

30 8. "Ev rots Φιλήμονος Συμμίκτοις περὶ ‘Hpodoreiov διορθώματος ὁ γραμματικὸς διαλεγόμενος πειρᾶται καὶ ᾿Ομηρικά τινα σαφηνίζειν. οὐδὲν δὲ

χεῖρον

ἀναγράψαι

καὶ

τὸν

‘Hpddotov

φιλοῦντί

σοι

ζήτησιν. φησὶ γὰρ ὅτι ἐν τῇ πρώτῃ

τὴν

πᾶσαν

τοῦ

ἀνδρὸς

Ἡρόδοτος τῶν ἱστοριῶν

περὶ Κροίσου τοῦ Λυδοῦ πολλά τε ἄλλα διείλεκται, καὶ μὴν ὅτι θεοσεβέστατος γένοιτο καὶ διαπρεπῶς τιμήσαι τὰ ᾿ Ἑλληνικὰ μαντεῖα, τὰ ἐν Δελφοῖς, τὰ ἐν Θήβαις, τὸ τοῦ “Appwvos, τὸ τοῦ ᾿Αμφιαράου" "τοῦτο

μὲν δὴ ἄλλοις ἄλλα πέμψε δῶρα, ἀνέθηκε δέ τινα καὶ εὖ Βραγχίδῃσι τῇσι

Μιλησίων." καὶ γέγραπται ἤδη κατὰ πάντα ἁπλῶς τὰ ἀντίγραφα τὸ "τῆς" ἄρθρον σὺν τῷ ἰῶτα ἰσοδυναμοῦν τῷ "ταῖς." οὐδένα ye μὴν Ἑλλήνων ὑπομεῖναι θηλυκῶς τὰς Βραγχίδας ἂν εἰπεῖν, Ἡρόδοτον δὲ μᾶλλον ἂν ἑτέρων φυλάξασθαι, ἀκριβῆ τε ὄντα περὶ τὰ ὀνόματα καὶ πάνυ ἐπιεικῶς φροντιστικόν. "τοῦτο δὴ θεραπεύων τις οὐχ Ἡροδότου, φησίν, ἁμάρτημα γεγονέναι,

μᾶλλον

δὲ τὸν συγγραφέα

φησὶ

διαμαρτεῖν

παρεμβαλόντα

τὸ

-σι, πολλὰ δὲ φέρεσθαι μέχρι νῦν ἁμαρτήματα κατὰ τὴν Ἡροδότου συγγραφὴν καὶ ἔτι τὴν Θουκυδίδου καὶ Φιλίστου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ἀξιολόγων συγγραφέων.

τί

δ᾽

οὐχὶ

καὶ

τὰ

ποιήματα

σχεδὸν

ἀνάπλεω

πάντα

τυγχάνει ἁμαρτημάτων γραφικῶν καὶ τῶν ἄλλων παραδιορθωμάτων πάνυ ἀγροίκων; καὶ ἵνα μὴ περαιτέρω τις προβαίνων ἐνοχλῇ διερευνώμενος τὰς ἐν τοῖς ἀντιγράφοις ἐμμεμενηκυίας ἡμαρτημένας γραφάς, ἔξεστί σοι σκοπεῖν

καὶ

τῶν

᾿Ομηρικῶν

συναγείρεται ἵππους

ἀναγκαῖον

ἐγράφη

ταδί:

"ὅς

T’

ἐπεὶ

ἐκ

πολέων

πίσυρας

..λαοφόρον καθ᾽ ὁδόν." ἐνταῦθα γὰρ πρὸς οὐδὲν

διὰ του γάμμα’

νωθρὸν οὖν τὸ σημαινόμενον

καὶ

σφόδρα ὑπόκωφον προσπίπτειν ἔοικε. τὸ δὲ χωρὶς τοῦ γάμμα γράφειν Ὁμηρικὸν Távv τῇ χρήσει καὶ τῷ λόγῳ πάντη συνάδον ἐπιεικῶς. τὸ γὰρ "συναείρεται" μᾶλλον προσεχῶς σημαίνει τὸ συνάγειν καὶ συναρμόζειν. καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις: "σὺν δ᾽ ἤειρεν ἱμᾶσι," συνήγαγε τοὺς ἵππους. ὁ δὲ βέλτιστος ᾿Αριστοφάνης κἀκεῖνο τὸ ἐν ταῖς Παραποταμίαις Aeyópevov: "θρώσκων τις κατὰ κῦμα μέλαιναν φρῖχ᾽ ὑπαλύξει / ἰχθῦς, ὅς ke φάγησι

31 8. During his discussion of an emendation in Herodotus in his Miscella-

nea, Philemon the Grammarian attempts to clarify certain points in Homer as well.'* Since you are also fond of Herodotus, it will be none the worse if I record for you the whole of the scholar’s investigation.

(92) of Croesus, endowed Ammon

He says that in Book I

the Histories, Herodotus narrated many things about the Lydian, among them that he was very pious and that he had magnificently the oracles of the Greeks at Delphi and Thebes as well as those of and Amphiareus: "for this reason, he sent various gifts to various

places and also made

some

dedications

Βραγχίδῃσι τῇσι MiAnofov)."

in Branchidai

of the Milesians (fv

Now, in all editions without exception, the

article τῆς was written with an iota, making it the equivalent of ταῖς (dative

plural, feminine). feminine,

No Greek, however, would have said that Branchidai can be

he says, and Herodotus

would be more on his guard

than others

since he was precise and extremely careful with names. "Mindful of this," (Philemon) says, "someone (explained) that the error was not Herodotus' but rather that a scribe erred by inserting the -σι and that many errors are still

being committed

throughout

Herodotus'

history as well as in Thucydides,

Philistus, and other prominent historians."

Why, then, should it not also hap-

pen that virtually all poetry is full of errors of transcription and other blundering (attempts at) correction, which are perfectly insensitive?

"So as not to trouble yourself further in proceding to track down errors that have persisted in transcription, you might consider the following lines in Homer

[/]. XV, 680-2]:

‘(even as

(‘gathered together')..four horses Here, for no compelling reason meaning consequently seems to spell the word, however, without

a man)

out of a the verb strike the the gamma

who,

when

he had συναγείρεται

herd along a well-traveled road.’ was spelled with a gamma; the ear as flat and rather absurd. To is perfectly Homeric in usage as

well as in agreement with his thought, since συναείρεται more aptly indicates

‘to harness,’ ‘to suit them to each other.” In another passage [1]. X, 499]: ‘odv δ᾽ fi&ipev them with reins,’ means ‘he harnessed the horses together.’

"The distinguished Aristophanes'^ points out that what was said in “The Battle Beside the River’ remained misunderstood because of the ancient alphabet [/]. XXI, 126-7]: ‘one of the fish, leaping κατὰ the wave, will ὑπαλύξει

'* Apparently an Attic grammarian of the 2nd cent., B.C..

'S A Syracusan historian of the 4th cent., B.C.. work was very influential as well as popular.

Although now lost, his

To rank him with Herodotus and

Thucydides, then, is not surprising.

'© Aristophanes of Byzantium, one of the great Homeric scholars of the Alexandrian period (d. 180 B.C.).

32 Λυκάονος

ἀργῆτα

δημόν," δείκνυσι os ἡμαρτημένον

ὑπολείποιτο

ἐκ τῆς

παλαιᾶς γραμματικῆς. οὐ γὰρ χρὴ τὸ "ὃς κε φάγῃσιν" ἀκούειν ὡς ἄρθρον

ὑποτακτικόν, μᾶλλον δὲ ἀντ᾽ ἐπιρρήματος παρειλῆφθαι τοῦ ὧς, ἢ μᾶλλον σύνδεσμον αἰτιώδη. δηλοῦνται ydp: ἵνα φάγῃ σκοπῶν δὴ (ὡς τὸ σύμπαν προσεχῶς συντέτακται), κατὰ τὴν τούτου γνώμην, ἀκολούθως ὑποδύσεται τὸν ἀφρὸν ὁ ἰχθῦς. καὶ τοῦτο ἀναγκασθήσεται πρᾶξαι καὶ ἐπιπολαίως ὑπονήξεται

τοῦ

ὕδατος

ὑποδεδυκώς,

ἐπεὶ

καὶ

τῶν

ἀποθανόντων

τὰ

σώματα, ἕως ἂν ἧ πρόσφατα καὶ διῳδηκότα, ἄνωθεν ἐπιπλεῖν εἴωθεν." ὅτι μὲν οὖν τῶν παλαιῶν βιβλίων ἐπὶ τὸ χεῖρον κινεῖται ἡ γραφή, φησὶν αὖθις διὰ πλειόνων ἐπιδείξειν. "ἐπανάγωμεν δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Ηρόδοτον καὶ τὸν διορθωτὴν τὸν Κοτιαέα ᾿Αλέξανδρον. ἠξίου γὰρ ὁ αὐὴρ γράφειν "τῆσι Μιλησίων" χωρὶς τοῦ ἰῶτα "τῆς Μιλησίων," ὑποκειμένης ἔξωθεν χώρης ἢ γῆς. καὶ ἐγὼ δέ, φησίν, ἐπειθόμην οὕτως ἔχειν τὰ τῆς γραφῆς, τὸν δὲ ἄνδρα τῆς ἀκριβοῦς συνέσεως ἐτεθαυμάκειν. ἐντυχὼν «δὲ» τοῖς

“HpoSotetors αὐτοῖς ἔπεσι καὶ γενόμενος ἐπὶ τέλει τῆς Αἰγυπτιακῆς βίβλου, ἥτις ἐστὶ δευτέρα τῇ τάξει, εὑρίσκω πάλιν κατὰ τὴν αἰτιατικὴν πτῶσιν εἰπόντα τὸν 'Hpó8orov: "ἀνέθηκεν εἰς Βραγχίδας τὰς Μιλησίων."

οὐκέτι οὖν ᾧμην ἁμάρτημα εἶναι γραφικόν, ᾿Ιωνικὸν δὲ μᾶλλον ἰδίωμα. πολλὰ γὰρ οὗτοι τῶν ὀνομάτων χαίρουσι θηλυκῶς ἐκφέροντες, οἷον τήν τε λίθον

καὶ

τὴν

κίονα

καὶ

ἔτι

τὴν

Μαραθῶνα'

Κρατῖνος

"εὐιπποτάτη

Μαραθών," Νίκανδρος "εὐκτιμένην Μαραθῶνα." ταῦτα μὲν οὖν ἃ ἡμεῖς εὕρομεν καὶ ἐκρίναμεν ὑγιέα." τοιαῦτα δὴ τοῦ Φιλήμονος λέγοντος, ἃ μὲν πρὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρον περὶ τοῦ ᾿Ηροδοτείον διορθώματος εἴρηκεν, οὐκ οἰκεῖον

κρίνω τὴ παρούσῃ ὑποθέσει ἐξετάζειν. τὸ δὲ "συναγείρεται" ὑπόκωφόν φησι εἶναι οὐκ ἔστι γνῶναι. τίς γὰρ οὐκ οἶδε ἱππογνώμονας ἐκ πολλῶν ἵππων τοὺς ἐπιτηδειοτάτους ἀθροίζοντὰς; τοῦ "συναγείρεται" δηλοῦται᾽ ἀγείρειν γὰρ καὶ συναγείρειν ἐπὶ συνάγειν λέγεται. τῷ δ᾽ ᾿Αριστοφάνει ὅπως συντέθειται τὰ Λυκάονα καταμάθωμεν. βούλεται τὸν ἰχθῦν ὡς καταφάγῃ τὸν Λυκάονος δημὸν θρώσκειν κατὰ κῦμα καὶ ὑπαΐσσειν τὴν φρίκην"

πῶς τοὺς ὃ ἐκ τοῦ κατὰ τοῦ καὶ

33 the dark ripple, ὅς xe φάγῃσιν (‘eat’) the glistening flesh of Lycaon.’ It is not necessary to understand ὅς as a relative pronoun but rather, it should be taken as the adverb, ὧς, or better still, as the causal (final?) conjunction since

it has the meaning ‘in order to eat (va Oéryq)."'’

The fish, according to his

view, on the watch for Lycaon -how carefully everthing has been arranged!will consequently dive beneath the foam. It will have to do so and will swim

beneath the surface after it has dived underwater, since as long as corpses are not decomposed and are filled with air, they tend to float up." (Philemon) says, then, that he will later show

with more examples

that the copying of

ancient texts is changing for the worse. (Philemon continues:)

"Let us return to Herodotus and his editor, Alexan-

der of Kotiaion. The leamed gentleman thought it fit to write tho. MtAnotὧν, without the iota, τῆς Μιλησίων, with xópng or γῆς (i.e., "region" or "land") understood. And I," he says, "was persuaded that his reading was correct, and I admired the learned man for his keen intelligence. However, I happened upon these same Herodotean words at the end of the book on Egypt, which

is the second book (159), and again I find Herodotus using them

in the

accusative case: ‘Branchidai τάς of the Milesians.’ I no longer thought that it was a spelling error but rather that it was an Ionic idiom.

(The Ionians) are

fond of expressing many nouns in the feminine, such as ‘stone,’ ‘column,’ and even 'Marathon:' Cratinus [fr. 346, Edmonds]: ‘Marathon, most famed for (her) horses;

thon.'*

and

Nicander

[fr

This, then, is what

we

111,

Gow-Scholfield]:

have discovered

‘well-built(f.)

and we

Mara-

have judged

it

sound."

Such were the words of Philemon, but I do not judge it appropriate for the present discussion to examine closely what he said against Alexander conceming the correction in Herodotus. It is also not possible to know why he says

συναγείρεται is "absurd."

Who does not know that good judges of horses

round up the most suitable ones out of the herd?

This is what συναγείρεται

means, since ἀγείρειν and συναγείρειν are used for συνάγειν ("bring together").

But let us see in what way he pays heed to Aristophanes in the matter of

Lycaon. (Philemon) wants the fish to leap through the waves and dart beneath the ripples in order to (ὡς καταφάγῃ) eat Lycaon’s fat: he says: "(the fish)

1 See Leaf, ad loc., and Van der Valk, II, pp. 2-3, for further discussion of the various readings.

The problem, apparently,

arose after the transition

from the Attic to the Ionic script; a long omicron was replaced by an omega (o = ὦ).

'* Cratinus, now lost, was one of the great masters of Old Comedy.

Ni-

cander was a didactic poet of the 2nd cent. B.C.. Marathon was generally regarded as masculine, though some (e.g., Pindar) took it as feminine.

34 φησιν:

"ἐπιπολαίως"

ἐπινήξεται, τῷ ἀφρῷ τοῦ ὕδατος

ὑποδεδυκώς,

ἐπεὶ

καὶ τῶν ἀποθανόντων τὰ σώματα, ἕως ἂν ἦ πρόσφατα, ἄνωθεν ἐπιπλεῖν εἴωθε." πρῶτον μὲν οὖν οὐκ ἔστιν ἐπινοῆσαι νηχόμενον ἰχθῦν ὑπεράνω μὲν ὕδατος, ὑποκάτω δὲ ἀφροῦ τοῦ ὕδατος, οὐδὲ τούτων μεταξὺ νεκρὸν

ἄνδρα φερόμενον.

ἀλλ᾽

οὐδὲ τὴν φρίκην ἀκούειν δύναμαι

τὸν ἀφρόν,

Ὁμήρου μὲν "μέλαινα φρίκη" λέγοντος: τούτου δὲ ἀξιοῦντος λευκότητα ἀκούειν, ἐπί τε τοῦ Πρωτέως λέγει πάλιν “Ὅμηρος "μελαίνῃ φρικὶ καλυφθείς," καὶ ἀλλαχοῦ τῆς φρικὸς μνημονεύσας ἐπάγει"

πόντος ὑπ᾽

“μελάνει δέ τε

αὐτῆς." καὶ ἔστιν ἡ φρὶξ κινουμένου τοῦ πνεύματος

ἀρχή.

Σιμονίδης δὲ αὐτὴν καὶ δεῖξαι πειρώμενος οὕτως ἔφη: "εἶσ ᾿ dda στίζουσα πνοιά." τὸ δὲ λέγειν ὅτι τὰ πρόσφατα σώματα φέρεται τῶν κυμάτων ἐπιπολαίως, ψεῦδος. τοὐναντίον γὰρ ἐν ἀρχῇ μὲν διὰ

στερρότητα καὶ πυκνότητα τοῦ σώματος ἰσχυρότερος ὧν τοῦ στηρίζοντος ὕδατος ὁ νεκρὸς διισταμένου καταδύεται, σχήματι καταβαίνων

καὶ βάρει᾽

πληρούμενος δὲ τῆς ὑγρότητος, πλείω τόπον ἐπιλαμβάνων τῷ σχήματι μετέωρος αἴρεται, βάρει τοῦ φέροντος ἐλαττούμενος. τίς οὖν ὁ νοῦς τωῦ ἐπῶν; διττὴ γὰρ ἡ γραφή: ἐν οἷς μὲν γὰρ γράφει "μέλαιναν φρῖχ᾽

ὑπαΐξει," ἐν οἷς δὲ γράφει "μέλαιναν φρῖχ᾽ tradvéer.” κἂν μὲν κατὰ τὴν "ὑπαΐξει," φήσομεν λέγειν αὐτόν: τῶν πηδώντων τις κατὰ τὸ κῦμα ἰχθύων ὑπὸ τὴν φρῖκα ἀίξει, τουτέστιν ἐκ τοῦ ἄνω θρώσκειν παυσάμενος ὑπὸ τῆν dpika ὑποδύσεται καὶ ὁρμήσει κάτω, συγκαταφερόμενος τῷ νεκρῷ, ὡς

φάγῃ τοῦ Λυκάονος τὸν δημόν. τοῦτο μὲν οὖν, εἰ ἐπιπολῆς τοῦ κύματος θρώσκειν ὑπακούοιμεν: εἰ δ᾽ ἐκ βάθους ἀναπηδῶντα ἐπὶ τὸ κῦμα, ἔσται

ὡς ἐπὶ τοῦ λίθου εἶπεν "ὕψι τ᾽ ἀναθρώσκων πέτεται," ἵνα σημαίνῃ τὸ ἐκ τοῦ βυθοῦ κάτωθεν κατὰ τοῦ κύματος θορεῖν, μὴ μέντοι ὑπερθορεῖν τὴν φρῖκα, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ᾽ αὐτὴν ὄντα ἅπτεσθαι τοῦ νεκροῦ, εἰ ἐπιπολαίως φέροιτο. εἰ δ᾽ "ὑπαλύξει" γράφοιτο, φησὶ Πολύκλειτος τὸν νοῦν τοιοῦτον ἔσεσθαι᾽ καταδύσεται μὲν εἰς τὸ βάθος τοῦ κύματος ὁ ἰχθῦς φεύγων τῆς φρίκης τὴν ψυχρότητα. καὶ γὰρ αὐτῷ πολεμιώτατον" τοῦ γοῦν χειμῶνος ἐκ τοῦ πελάγους εἰς τὴν γὴν Katalpovot’ πολλοὺς δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ φωλεύειν κατὰ βάθους διὰ τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίαν ἱστορεῖ καὶ ᾿Αριστοτέλης ἐν τῷ ζ΄ Περὶ ζώων φύσεως: ψυχροτάτη δ᾽ ἡ φρίκη, καὶ μάλιστα ἂν βόρειος ἧ. γενόμενος δ᾽ ἐν τῷ βάθει τοῦ Λυκάονος ἔδεται τὸ λίπος. οὐ δοκεῖ δέ μοι οὗτος ὀρθῶς τὸν νοῦν τῶν ἐπῶν ἀποδοῦναι. οὐ γὰρ εὐθὺς αὐτόν φησιν

35 will swim beneath the surface after it has dived under the foam of the water, since corpses tend to float up as long as they are not decomposed." First of all, it is not possible to conceive of a fish swimming to the top of

the water but below its foam, nor of a dead man borne along between them. Neither can I take τὴν φρίκην ("ripple," Il. XXI, 126) as meaning τὸν ἀφρόν ("foam") since Homer speaks of a ripple as "black." Although Philemon thinks it fit to take it as "white (i.e., the ripple"), Homer, in the case of Proteus, says

on the contrary [Od. IV, 402]: "hidden in the black ripple," and elsewhere, speaking of a ripple, he adds [//]. VII, 63-4]: @pté also means

the gust of an arising wind.

"the sea darkens beneath it." Simonides,

trying to portray

this, said as follows [fr. 41, Diehl]: "the breeze will go, ‘speckling’ the sea."'? To say, moreover, that corpses which have not yet decomposed

are borne on

the surface of the waves is false. It is just the opposite since in the beginning, because of the firmness and density of the body, the corpse, being heavier than the water supporting it, submerges as it gives way, sinking down because of its condition and weight; becoming filled, however, with moisture and taking on a greater volume, it rises since it is less in weight than the (water) supporting it.

What, then, is the meaning of the words? There are in fact two readings: in some (texts) "ὑπαΐξει the black ripple," occurs, and in others, "ὑπαλύξει the black ripple." If we read ὑπαΐξει, we shall say that he is relating (how) one of the fish which are leaping through the waves will "dart under" the ripple, i.e., after it has ceased leaping, it will dive under the ripple and plunge down, taking the same direction as the corpse, to devour the fat of Lycaon.

This is the meaning, then, should we understand the fish as leaping on top of the waves.

If, however, we take the fish as leaping up from the depths to the

wave, it will be like what he said of the stone [//. XIII, high, it flies," so as to mean a springing from the depths wave," certainly not that it springs over the ripple, but neath it, (the fish) attacks the corpse should it rise to the

140]: “leaping up on below up towards the rather that being besurface.

If, on the other hand, ὑπαλύξει was written, Polycleitus” says that the meaning will be this: the fish will dive to the depths of the sea as it flees the chill of the rippling. Indeed, this is very dangerous for it; in winter, fish certainly do come in towards land from the open sea and Aristotle observes in Book VI [fr. 333, Rose] of his On the Nature of Animals that many hibernate in the depths for the same reason; rippling (water) is very cold, especially if it comes from the north wind. Once in the depths, it feeds upon Lycaon's fat. This, however, does not seem to me to present the meaning of the words

'? The lyric and elegiac poet famed for the poignancy of his funerary epigrams (d. 468 B.C.). ? Otherwise unknown.

36 Ὅμηρος

odayévta kai ῥιφέντα τοῦτο παθεῖν, tv’ ἐκδεχώμεθα ὅτι κάτω

ἐνεχθέντος

ὁ ἰχθῦς

κάτω

χωρεῖν λέγεται

εἰς τὰ βάθη

τοῦ κύματος

ἐπὶ

τὴν βρῶσιν, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξενεχθῆναι ὑπὸ τοῦ Σκαμάνδρου ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν, ὥστε οὐκέτι αὐτοὺ ὑποβρύχιον, ἄνω δ᾽ ἐπιπλεῖν ἀνάγκη. ἔχει γὰρ οὕτω τὰ ἔπη "ἐνταυθοι νῦν κεῖσο pet’ ἰχθύσιν, οἵ σ᾽ ὠτειλῆς αἷμ᾽ ἀπολιχμάσονται ἀκηδέες" οὐδέ σε μήτηρ / Evdenevn λεχέεσσι γοήσεται, ἀλλὰ Σκάμανδρος οἴσει δινήεις εἴσω ἁλὸς εὐρέα κόλπον," οἷς ἐπάγει" "θρώσκων τις κατὰ κῦμα μέλαιναν φρῖχ᾽ ὑπαΐξει / ἰχθὺς, ὥς κε φάγῃσι Λυκάονος ἀργῆτα δημόν." νεοσφαγῆ μὲν οὖν ὄντα φησὶ "κεῖσο μετ᾽ ἰχθύσιν,"

ὡς

ἂν

κάτω

ἀπενεχθέντα,

ὅπου

φησὶ

τῆς

ὠτειτῆς

αὐτοῦ

τὸ

αἷμα ἀπολιχμάσεσθαι τοὺς ἰχθῦς: χρονίζοντα δὲ ἄταφον ἐκβληθῆναι εἰς τὴν

θάλασσαν

ὑπὸ

τῶν

ποταμῶν,

ὅτε

καὶ

ἀναπλεῦσαι

ἀνάγκη,

καὶ

θρώσκοντα οὐχ ὑπὲρ τὸ κῦμα ἰχθῦν ἀλλὰ κατὰ τὸ κῦμα, ("κατὰ κῦμα" γὰρ ἔφη, οὐχ ὑπὲρ κῦμα) ὑπὸ τὴν φρῖκα ἀίξαι. τὸ γὰρ μέτρον τῆς εἰς τὰ ἄνω ὁρμῆς τοῦ ἰχθύος δηλῶν ἀφορίζει ἄχρι τῆς φρικός. οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἐπέθρωσκε

κατὰ κῦμα, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὲρ κῦμα, εἰ καὶ τὴν φρῖκα ὑπερεπήδα. ἐκφερομένου οὖν ὑπὸ τῶν ἐκβολῶν τοῦ ποταμοῦ πηδῆσαι κατὰ τὸ κῦμα φησι τὸν ἰχθῦν καὶ

γενέσθαι

ἄνω

ἐξηγήσαντο

ὑπὸ

τὴν

φρῖκα,

ἔθνα

ἐντεύξεται

τῷ

νεκρῷ.

οὕτως

καὶ οἱ ᾿Αριστάρχειοι λέγοντες" "ὑπὸ τὴν φρῖκα ἀίξει τις τῶν

ἰχθύων κατὰ τὸ κῦμα κολυμβῶν, ὃς φάγοι ἂν τὸν τοῦ Λυκάονος δημόν. πάντως γὰρ ἔδει τὸν μέλλοντα τοῦ ὑπερφερομένου νεκροῦ ἅπτεσθαι ἰχθῦν ἄνω μετέωρον ὑπὸ τὴν φρῖκα ἐλθεῖν." Φιλητᾶς δὲ τῇ "ὑπαλύξει" γραφῇ συντιθέμενός

πιμελώδης διανεστηκὸς

φησιν,

ὅτι

ὁ

φαγὼν

ἰχθῦς

τοῦ

Λυκάονος

γενόμενος τὸ κρύος φεύξεται. ἀγνοεῖ

τὸν

δημὸν

δὲ καὶ οὗτος, ὅτι τὸ

τῆς θαλάσσης ἐπιπολῆς, οὐ τὸ κρύος φησὶν Ὅμηρος

ópika-

"ὡς δ᾽ ὅθ᾽ ὑπὸ φρικὸς Βορέω ἀναπάλλεται ἰχθῦς," τῆς ἐπιτρεχοῦσης κατὰ τὴν

θάλασσαν

πρὸ

τῆς

τοῦ

ἀνέμου

ἐμβολῆς.

καὶ

ἐπὶ

τοῦ

συὸς

μεταφοράν. "φρίξας εὖ λοφιήν" καὶ "ἔφριξε δὲ μάχη φθισίμβροτος."

κατὰ

37 correctly.

Homer does not say that Lycaon, slain and hurled (into the river),

immediately

underwent

this, so that we are to understand that after he had

sunk, the fish is said to go down into the depths of the waves for food, but rather that he was borne along by the Scamander into the sea so that he is no

longer under the water but by now must be floating on the surface.

In fact,

(Achilles’) words say this [/J. XXI, 122-5]: "Lie there, now, among the fish which will lick away the blood of your wound, without sorrow, nor will your

mother lament you as she places you upon a bier, but the Scamander will carry you as it eddies into the wide bosom of the sea," to which he adds [126-7]:

"One of the fish, leapng through the waves, will dart up to the black ripple to eat the glistening fat of Lycaon."

(Achilles), therefore, says to the just now slain Lycaon: "Lie there among the fish," as though

he had sunk down

the blood from his wound.

where, he says, the fish will lick away

Remaining unburied, he was cast out into the sea

by the river, when he must also float to the surface, and the fish, leaping, not

over the wave, but through it -for he says κατὰ κῦμα, not ὑπὲρ κῦμα- darted up to the ripple. Indeed, he indicates the extent of the upward leap of the fish by setting its limit as up to the ripple, and it would not be springing through the wave but rather over it if it were in fact leaping over the ripple. Therefore, he says that as the river disgorged itself into the sea, the fish leapt through the wave and rose up under the ripple where it will fall upon the corpse.

This is also the way the Aristarcheans”' interpreted the passage, saying "One of the fish, plunging through the waves, will dart under the ripple and eat the fat of Lycaon." There is no doubt that the fish, about to attack the corpse as it was borne above, had come up beneath the ripple.

Philetas, however, agreeing with the reading ὑπαλύξει ("will flee"), says that after the fish has eaten the fat of Lycaon, he will become fat and avoid the

cold.” sea’s

He, too, fails to understand that Homer calls the roughening of the surface

opfE,

not

κρύος

("cold")

[/

XXIII,

692]:

"as when

a fish

bounds up beneath the ripple of the North Wind," the ripple spreading across the sea before the gust of wind.

(Note) too, in the case of a boar, meta-

phorically [Od. XIX, 446]: "with his back bristling (φρίξας)," and [1]. XIII, 339]: "The battle, where men perish, bristled (ἔφριξε, i.e., with spears)."

71 The most famous of the Alexandrian literary scholars.

He was so re-

spected that his name became a synonym for any astute critic (d. 145 B.C.).

His school

included such eminent

scholars as Parmeniscus

(see note #12,

above) and Didymus, who, Sodano thinks, is referred to here.

23 Philetas of Cos (3rd cent, B.C.) was both a poet and a scholar, one of whose students was Zenodotus, the first of the great Alexandrian Homeric scholars (d. 260 B.C.).

38 9. ᾿Ηξίουν ἡμᾶς, λεπτουργίαν, ἰχνεύειν

παρατηροῦντας tiv ἐν πᾶσι TOD ποιητοῦ καὶ τὴν ἐν τοῖς ὀνόμασιν αὐτοῦ πρὸς αὑτοὺ

ὁμολογίαν. φωτὸς γὰρ ἐν τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς ἡμῶν ὄντος συμμέτρου δι᾽ ov ὁρῶμεν τὰ πεφωτισμένα, τὴν τυφλότητα ὁτὲ μέν φησιν "ὀφθαλμοῦ ἀλάωσεν,"

ἄμερσε," μαίρειν

ἀφῃρῆσθαι

τὸ

τοῦ

τὸ

μαίρειν

ἐστερημένον

λεύσσειν

παριστάς,

ἐστερημένον

εἴδωλον

"ἀναυρὸν"

λέγων

ὁτὲ

δὲ

"ὀφθαλμοῦ

σκοτεινόν:

ἔφη" φωτὸς

γὰρ

καὶ

μὲν

τὸ

τοῦ

παρουσίᾳ

καὶ

ὀφθαλμὸς ὁρῶν τὰ ὁρώμενα φαίνεται. διττῆς οὖν ὀφθαλμῶν οὔσης καὶ κατὰ Πλάτωνα ἐπιταράξεως -- ἢ γὰρ διὰ σκότος ἢ δι᾽ ὑπερβολὴν τοῦ συμμέτρου φωτός -, TO μὲν διὰ σκότος μὴ μαίρειν ἢ μαρμαίρειν ἀμέρδειν εἶπε καὶ ἀμαυρόν, τὸ δὲ διὰ στιλβηδόνα ἐπὶ τοῦ χαλκοῦ" "ὄσσε δ᾽ ἄμερσεν / αὐγὴ χαλκείη κορύθων ἀπολαμπομενάων θωρήκων τε νεοσμήκτων σακέων τε φαεινῶν." ὅθεν καὶ ἐπίθετα χαλκοῦ ἐφιλοτέχνησε,

τὸ "νώροπα

χαλκὸν" καὶ "ἤνοπι χαλκῷ," σημαίνων τὸν μὴ ἐῶντα τοὺς Gras ὁρᾶν διὰ τὴν προσοῦσαν

μέρδειν

στιλβηδόνα.

εἰ δὲ τὸ μέρδειν τὸ μαίρειν ἐστι καὶ τὸ μὴ

ποιοῦν ἀμέρδειν, τὸ ἄγαν

ἐγκειμένης

ὡς ἐν τῷ ζαχρειής.

μέρδειν σμερδαλέον

ἂν εἴη, τῆς ζα

ὅταν οὖν ἐπὶ τοῦ δράκοντος

λέγῃ

"σμερδαλέον δέδορκε," τὸ ἄγαν στίλβον τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἀκουσόμεθα: καὶ γὰρ δράκων παρὰ τὸ δρακεῖν εἴρηται. καὶ τὸ "σμερδαλέω δὲ λέοντε" ἐπὶ τῆς ἐκφοβούσης αὐτῶν ἐνοράσεως ἐκδεξόμεθα" καὶ γὰρ ὁ λέων παρὰ τὸ λεύσσειν ὠνόμασται. καὶ αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἡρμήνευσε τὸ σμερδαλέον ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τί ἐστιν εἰπὼν "γλαυκιόων." καὶ ἡ ἀσπὶς δὲ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς διὰ τὴν μαρμαρυγὴν "δεινή τε σμερδνή re": δεινὸν γὰρ καὶ τὸ ἄγαν λαμπρὸν καὶ στίλβον, ὡς ἐπὶ τῆς ᾿Αθηνᾶς τῆς γλαυκώπιδος ἔφη᾽ “δεινὼ δέ οἱ ὄσσε φάανθεν," ὅπερ ἐπ᾿ ἄλλων ἔφη "ὄμματα μαρμαίροντα." "γλαυκιόωντες" δὲ

39 9. Since we used to pay careful attention to Homer’s meticulous craftsmanship in all respects, I thought it also worth our while to study step by step his consistency in the use of words. Given that the light in our eyes is propor-

tionate to the light by which we see what has had light shed upon it, Homer sometimes in speaking of blindness says [Od. I, 69]: “he blinded (the Cyclops) ‘of’ his eye," suggesting the removal of sight, and sometimes [Od. VIII, 64]:

"(the Muse) deprived (ἄμερσε) (the bard) of his eye," calling that which lacks brightness (pafpew),"? "dark;" he also called a phantom which lacks "brightness" [Od. IV, 824]: ἀμαυρόν ("dim," "shadowy"), for it is in the presence of

light that the eye appears to see what it sees.

Since, then, according to Plato

[Rep. VII, 5184] there is a two-fold disturbance in the eye, -either because of

darkness or an excess of proportionate light- (Homer) called that which does not shine (μὴ μαίρειν ἢ μαρμαίρειν) because of darkness, ἀμέρδειν ("to deprive,” i.e., of sight) and ἀμαυρός ("dim"), and with reference to bronze, because of its brilliance [//. XIII, 340-2]: "the bright light of the bronze from their glittering helmets ‘blinded’ their eyes (Goce δ᾽ ἄμερσε) as did that of their newly burnished breastplates and shining shields." This is why he skillfully devised the following epithets for bronze [/l II, 578]: vapow ("flashing"), and fjvoy [1]. XVI, 408], meaning bronze that prevents the eyes

from seeing because of its natural brilliance.

If u£p5ewv means the same as

podpetv ("flash," "gleam") and ἀμέρδειν means the same as μὴ μέρδειν ποιο-

dv ("causing not to flash"), then σμερδαλέον

would mean "dire-gleaming

(ἀγὰν μέρδειν)", with the prefix Ga- ("very") added, as in Caypertic ("very violent"). Therefore, when Homer says of a snake [/]. XXII, 95]: σμερδαλέον

ö£öopxe, we shall understand (it as referring to) the terrible glistening of its eyes, since the word for snake (δράκων) was derived from δρακεῖν ("see," "look at". σμερδαλέω

We shall also understand the words [/ XVIII 579]: "two lions" as referring to their terrifying glare; indeed, the word for

lion (λέων) comes from λεύσσειν, "to gaze upon."

Homer, himself, explained

what σμερδαλέον means when he used [Il. XX,

172] yAavi6ov ("glaring

fiercely") of a lion.

Also, the shield of Athena is [/]. V, 742] δεινή ("dread")

TE σμερδνή te because of its flashing, since excessive radiance and brightness

are dire and terrifying, even as he said of γλαυκῶπις

deivd δέ ol ὄσσε flashed"),

which

φάανθεν

in the case

Athena [/]. I, 200]:

("gleaming-eyed Athena, and her dread eyes of others

he expressed

with

[1].

III, 397]:

> μαίρω = μαρμαίρω, so Stephanus, V, s.v.. * ἁμαυρός, LSJ, "‘having no light,’ hence, ‘blind,’ ‘sightless.’" > The etymology of v@poy was uncertain even in antiquity.

to be from &v-Sy, "not to be looked at," "dazzling."

fjvow seems

40 λέοντες kai ᾿Αθηνᾶ "γλαυκῶπις" ἀπὸ τοῦ γάλακτος, 6 ἐστιν ἄσκιον kai διὰ τοῦτο λευκόν, ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ εἴρηται" μέλαινα γὰρ ἡ σκιά, οἷον "σκιόωντό τε πᾶσαι dyual,” ἤτοι ἡλίου δύντος συνεσκοτοῦντο᾽ ὀξὺ δὲ τὸ λευκὸν, ὡς τὸ μέλαν ἀμβλύ: ἡ γοῦν ὀξὺ ὁρῶσα γλαυκῶπις. ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ γάλακτος καὶ τῆς στιλβηδόνος "γλαυκὴ" καὶ ἡ θάλασσα εἴρηται καὶ ἡ τοῦ ὀφθαλμοῦ κόρη "γλήνη" καὶ "τρίγληνα" ἐλλόβια ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐν λευκότητι ἀποστίλβειν, καὶ "ὃς γλήνεα πολλὰ κεχάνδει" τὰ μὴ ἐρρυπωμένα ἱμάτια ἀλλὰ στιλπνὰ διὰ

καθαρότητα.

καὶ

ζοφουμένης

μὲν

τῆς

θαλάσσης

"μελάνει

δέ

τε

πόντος" λέγει, ἀταραχώδους δὲ οὔσης καὶ διειδοῦς "λευκὴ δὲ ἦν ἀφμὶ γαλήνη": καὶ γὰρ ἡ γαλήνη ἀπὸ τοῦ γάλακτος εἴρηται. καὶ ἐπεὶ τὸ μέλαν

σκυθρωπόν, τὸ δὲ λευκὸν ἀντίκειται τῷ μέλανι, ἱλαρὸν ἂν ein’ γέλως δὲ ἱλαρότης: "γέλασε δὲ πᾶσα περὶ χθὼν" φησὶ "χαλκοῦ ὑπὸ στεροπῆς," ἤτοι λαμπρυνθεῖσα,

λαμπρὸν

φαιδρὰ

γέγονεν.

γανόοντες,"

ἀπὸ

οὕτω

τῆς

νόει καὶ τὸ

γῆς

τῆς

"κόρυθες

λαμπούσης

καὶ

καὶ

θώρακες

διὰ

τῆς

στιλβηδόνος φαιδρυνομένης. καὶ ὁ "γαίων" δὲ τῷ "κύδεϊ," ὁ διαχεόμενος καὶ λαμπρυνόμενος διὰ τὴν δόξαν. ἐπεὶ δὲ φῶς ἐστιν ἐν τοῖς ὀφθαλμοῖς, ὅταν μὲν ἥμερον βλέπωσι, "φάεα" αὐτὰ καλεῖ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐν αὐτοῖς φωτός" ὅταν

γὰρ

ἀποθάνῃ:

"κατὰ

δὲ

ὄσσε

ἐρεβεννὴ

νὺξ

ἐκάλυψεν":

ὅταν

δὲ

ἐξαγριωθῶσιν ὑπ᾽ ὀργῆς καὶ ἐκκαυθῶσιν, ἔτι μὲν ἀρχομένης τῆς ὀργῆς" "πυρὶ λαμπετόωντι ἐΐκτην," κρατούσης 8é: "πυρ ὀφθαλμοῖσι 8éBopke": καὶ γὰρ τὸ φῶς ἀπὸ πυρός. καὶ τὸ ὕφαιμον δ᾽ ὁρᾶν διὰ τὸ πυρὶ ἐοικέναι τὸ

αἷμα σμερδαλέον εἴρηται:

"σμερδαλέος

δ᾽ αὐτῇσι φάνη

ἅλμῃ," ἤγουν ὕφαιμον βλέπων διὰ τὸ πυρωτοὺς τῆς ἁλός. καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ πυρὸς δίκην μαινομένου "Apns ἐγχέσπαλος ἢ ὀλοὸν πῦρ," ἐπάγει᾽ "τὼ λοιπὸν δὲ κατὰ μεταφορὰν "σμερδαλέα" μὲν τὰ

κεκακωμένος

ἔχειν τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐκ εἰπὼν "μαίνετο δ᾽ ὡς ὅτ᾽ δέ οἱ ὄσσε λαμπέσθην." οἰκήματα Tov “Αιἰδου ἔφη,

ἀπὸ τοῦ ὕφαιμα εἶναι καὶ φόνων πλήρη, ἐπὶ τὴν ὄψιν ἀναφέρων ἐπὶ φωνῆς δὲ λαμπρᾶς καὶ διαφανοῦς "σμερδαλέον κονάβησαν" καὶ "σμερδνὸν

41 (Aphrodite's) ὄμματα μαρμαίροντα ("sparkling eyes").

Homer called lions γλαυκιόωντες and Athena γλαυκῶπις, (words derived) from γάλα ("milk"), which is without shadow and because of this, "white," since a shadow is black, as in [Od. II, 388]: "All the ways were in

shadow," that is, when the sun went down, they became quite dark. Whiteness, then, is sharp even as blackness is dull: therefore, γλαυκῶπις means she

"who sees keenly."

The sea, too, was called γλαυκή ("gleaming") from γάλα

("milk") and στιλβηδῶν ("brightness"), as was the pupil of the eye, γλήνη;

earrings (were called) [/J. XIV, 183] tptyAnva ("with triple drops") from their gleaming

whiteness, and the phrase [// XXIV,

192]: "which contains many

yAfıvea inside it," (means) clothes that were unsoiled and gleaming because of their cleanliness. Again, when the sea darkens, he says [/I. VII, 64]: "and the waters blacken," but when it becomes calm and clear [Od. X, 94]: "but there

was a λευκὴ γαλήνη ("bright calm") upon it," since γαλήνη ("calm") also

derives from γάλα ("milk"). Moreover, since "blackness" is sullen, and "white" its opposite, "white" would (imply) "cheerful," and cheerfulness, laughter (γέλως) [/L. XIX, 362-3]: "and all the earth laughed (γέλασε)," he says, "under the flashing of the bronze," that is, decked out with brightness, she

beamed for joy. This also is what is meant by [/l. XIII, 265]: "and helmets and breastplates brightly γανόοντες, (a word taken) from the earth when it is radiant and beaming with joy because of the brightness. Also [/l I, 405]: γαίων kÓóct means one who becomes expansive and takes pride in his own

glory. When

there is a light in the eyes when one gazes with kindness, he calls

(the eyes) φάεα [Od XVI, 15 and XVII, 39], from the φῶς (light) in them. When, indeed, one dies, (he says) [Il. V, 659]: "dark night covered his eyes." When, on the other hand, (the eyes) first become wild with rage and are aflame, (he says) [/I. I, 104]: "his eyes were like flashing fire," and when rage prevails [Od. XIX, 446]: "his eyes glared fire:" light, to be sure, comes from

fire. Because blood is similar to fire, to look with bloodshot eyes was called

σμερδαλέος ("terrifying") [Od. VI, 137]: "he appeared σμερδαλέος to them, encrusted with brine," that is to say, looking with bloodshot eyes since his eyes were enflamed with salt.

Also, after he has said of one who is raging like fire

[Il. XV, 605]: "and he raged, as when spearshaking Ares or destructive fire...," he adds,

"and his eyes flashed."

Furthermore,

he called the halls of Hades

σμερδαλέα [I XX, 65], metaphorically, in reference to their appearance, since they are covered with blood and filled with gore. For a clear and distinctive sound [1]. II, 334]: "(the ships) echoed σμερδαλέον," and [Il. XV,

?5 See, however, Leaf and Kirk, ad loc, "brilliant," or "radiant with."

42 Bodwv'"

καὶ

ἐπ᾿

"θηεῖτο

ποδῶν,"

ὀρχήσεως

συντόνου

μεταφέρων

τὰς ἐν τῇ κινήσει στιλβηδόνας,

κινούμενον.

καὶ

οὐχὶ

διακριτικὸν

ὄψεως,

φιλόσοφοι

ἀλλὰ

πρὸ

πρῶτοι

αὐτῶν

τὸ

“Ὅμηρος,

"μαρμαρυγὰς " ἔφη

ἃς ποιεῖ

λευκὸν

καὶ τὸ πῦρ

ἀφωρίσαντο

μαρμαίρειν

λέγων

τὸ

τὸ

λάμπειν, ὅ ἐστι μερίζειν καὶ διαιρεῖν, db’ οὗ τὸ διακρίνειν. ὅθεν τὸ μὴ μερίζον

ἀλλὰ

σκοτεινὸν

"ἀμαυρόν."

διακρίνειν καὶ διαιρεῖν κέκληκε

καὶ

τὸ φωτίζειν

ὅτι

παρὰ

τὸ

"μαρμαίρειν"

μερίζειν

καὶ

[δὲ], δηλοῖ τὸ

φῶς δάος καλέσας" "δάος μετὰ χερσὶν ἔχουσαι," ἀφ᾽ οὗ αἱ δεκτικαὶ τοῦ φωτὸς δᾷδες καὶ δαΐδες.

43 687]: "(Ajax) bellowing σμερδνόν ('terribly');" he also said, metaphorically, for violent dancing [Od. VIII, 264-5]: "he gazed at the μαρμαρυγάς of their feet," the 'sparkling'(of their feet) as they move, (the sparkling) which fire also makes when stirred. The philosophers, moreover, were not the first to define white as the "penetrating" factor of vision (i.e., by which we see), but even before them it was Homer who used μαρμαίρειν (to mean) "to shine," that is, "to divide" (uep{C-

εἰν) and "take apart" (διαιρεῖν), hence, "to separate" (διακρίνειν, i.e.,"penetrate"), and as a result, that which does not "divide" and is dark is (called)

ἀμαυρόν

("dim,"

"having no light")"

Homer

also shows that he used

μαρμαίρειν to mean "to give light" because it "divides," "separates," and "takes apart," by calling light (φῶς) 660g [/]. XXIV, 647]: "having a torch (6606) in their hands," and as a result, receptacles of light are called δᾷδες

and δαΐδες ("torches").?*

77 For the significance of "penetrating," see Plato, Timaeus, 67d-e, and Aristotle, Meta. X, 1057b, 8-9.

# The verb, δαίω, has two meanings, "to light," "kindle," and "to divide."

44 10. " "Os δὲ λέβης Cet εὔδον ἐπειγόμενος πυρὶ πολλῷ / Kvícom peA8óuevos ἁπαλοτρεφέος σιάλοιο / πάντοθεν ἀμβολάδην, ὑπὸ δὲ ξύλα κάγκανα κεῖται, ὥς τοῦ καλὰ ῥεῖθρα πυρὶ φλέγετο, (ee δ᾽ ὕδωρ." οἱ μὲν

διορθοῦντες ἠξίουν μετὰ τοῦ vd γράφειν "κνίσσην μελδόμενος," ἀντὶ τοῦ τήκων ἀκούοντες, iv’ N τὴν κνίσσαν τήκων. σημαίνει γὰρ κυρίως τὸ μέλδειν

τὸ

τὰ

μέλη

ἔδειν.

ἄνευ

δὲ

τοῦ

vd

γεγραμένου

"κνίσση

μελδόμενος," οἱ μὲν ἠξίουν μὴ προσγράφειν τὸ ἰῶτα, tv’ 4 οὐδέτερον τὸ κνίσση τήκων. οὐκ εἶχον δὲ παρ᾽ ᾿Ομήρῳ δεικνύναι οὐδετέρως [δεικνύναι] τὸ κνίσσος λεγόμενον, ἀλλὰ θηλυκῶς"

"κνίσση δ᾽ οὐρανὸν

Ike," "κνίσσην

δ᾽ ἐκ πεδίου ἄνεμοι φέρον." μήποτ᾽ οὖν οὐκ ἔστι "μελδόμενος" τὸ τήκων οὐδὲ κεῖται τὸ ἔδειν ἀλλὰ τὸ ἄλδειν. ὃ οὖν λελυμένως ἔφη "μέλε᾽

ἤλδανε

ποιμένι λαῶν," ἤτοι εὐτραφῆ καὶ λιπαρὰ ἐποίει εὐρύνουσα τὰ μέλη, τοῦτο

συνελὼν "μελδόμενος" εἶπε, κατὰ μεταφορὰν τὰ μέρη τοῦ λέβητος λέγων μέλη, ἃ λιπαίνεσθαι τηκομένῃ τῇ πιμελῇ χριόμενα. ἢ γοῦν τῇ κίσσῃ τοῦ εὐτραφοῦς χοίρου ὁ λέβης λιπαινόμενος, ἢ τῇ κνίσσῃ ζεούσῃ αὐξάνων τὰ μέλη, ἢ τῆς κνίσσης τὰ μέλη ἀλδόμενος, δοτικὴν λαβὼν ἀντὶ γενικῆς.

45 10. (J. XXI, 362-5]: "And as a cauldron boils within, spurred on by a

great fire, bubbling up on all sides while it xv(con μελδόμενος of a well-fed hog, and under it lie dry logs, so its (i.e., the Xanthus river) lovely streams

burned with the fire, and the water kept boiling.”

Some text critics thought fit to write xv(conv μελδόμενος with a nu, taking μελδόμενος as "melting," so that the words mean "melting the fat."

Indeed, u£A8e properly means "to devour the limbs (τὰ μέλη Edetv)." If it is written without the final nu, κνίσση μελδόμενος, others thought it fitting not to add a "iota subscript," so that the word would be a neuter, "melting the ‘pieces’ of fat." However, they could not find κνίσσος used anywhere in Homer as a neuter, though they could as a feminine [/]. I, 317]: "The savor of the fat (kv(con) went up to the sky," and [1]. VIII, 549]: "and the winds bore

the ‘savor’ from the plain." Indeed, μελδόμενος never means "melting," nor does it occur as "eat," though it does occur as ἄλδειν ("nourish"). Separating the words he said [Od. XVIII, 70]: u£Ae' ἤλδανε of the shepherd of the people," i.e, (Athena),

and sleek.

This

filling out his limbs, made

is the same

compound, μελδόμενος,

as what

them

he has said,

(appear) well-developed

taking

the words

as a

metaphorically calling the parts (μέρη) of the caul-

dron "limbs" (μέλη): these are made sleek, coated with the melted fat.

At any

rate, (the words mean) either (1), the cauldron "made sleek by the fat of the well-nourished pig" or "increasing (the size of) its legs with the boiling fat,"

using the dative instead of the genitive, or (2) "having filled out the legs with the fat."”

2? There seems to be something not quite right with the texts at this point. I have chosen to follow Sodano's emendation of ἀλδόμενος for ἐδόμενος, while following the word order of the scholia.

46 11.’ Αξιῶν δὲ ἐγὼ “Ὅμηρον ἐξ 'Oyripov σαφηνίζειν αὐτὸν ἐξηγούμενον

ἑαυτὸν ὑπεδείκνυον, ποτὲ μὲν παρακειμένως, ἄλλοτε δ᾽ ἐν ἄλλοις. τῇ τε γὰρ "εἰροκόμῳ" παράκειται συνεζευγμένη ἡ ἐξήγησις" "γρηὶ δέ μιν ἐϊκυῖα παλαιγενέϊ προσέειπεν / elpokójup." τίς οὖν ἡ εἰροκόμὸς "fj οἱ" φησὶν "ἤσκειν εἴρια καλά": ἡ γὰρ ἀσκοῦσα τὰ ἔρια εἴη ἂν εἰροκόμος" ἀσκεῖν δὲ τὸ καλλωπίζειν, οἷον "χρυσὸν... κέρασι περιχεύει / ἀσκήσας." καὶ πάλιν "ἄλλους τ᾽ αἰδέσθητε περικτίονας ἀνθρώπους." τίνες οὖν οἱ περικτίονὲς;

" περιναιετάουσι." "βοῦν ἦνιν εὐρυμέτωπον / ἀδμήτην." ἄρ᾽ οὖν τὸ "ἀδμήτην" ἄγαμον δηλοι; οὐχί, ἀλλὰ "τὴν οὔ πω ὑπὸ ζυγὸν ἤγαγεν ἀνήρ."

πάλιν:

"ἦρχε

ἐπόρουσεν."

γὰρ ἐπὶ

πολλαχόθεν

τὴν

ἐπίστασθαι

αὐτὴν

᾿Αχιλλεύς,"

Αρης." δὲ

τῆς

κλῆσιν

ἢ ἀπὸ

Πηλιάδος

μελίης

προσοῦσαν

mika τοῦ

τί οὖν τὸ "ἦρχε;" δεικνύναι"

᾿Αχιλλέα: Πηλέως

καὶ

"ἀλλὰ

τοῦ

"πρῶτος

᾿Αθηναίῃ

φιλοτιμουμένῳ τοῦ

μόνον

μιν οἷος ἐπίσταται

πῆλαι

πατρός᾽

ἢ

γὰρ

"τὴν

ἀπὸ

ἔοικε

πατρὶ

φίλῳ

τάμε

Χείρων," ἢ ἀπὸ τοῦ ὄρους ἐξ οὗ ἐτμήθη" "Πηλίου ἐκ κορυφῆς." ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ μελίη τὸ δόρν ἀπὸ τοῦ δένδρου τῆς μελίας, δῆλον ὡς καὶ τὸ "μείλινον ἔγχος"

ἐκ μελίας

τοῦ

δένδρου,

οὐ

μήν,

ὡς

οἱ πολλοί,

"ἔγχεα ὀξυόεντα" τὰ ét ὀξύης τοῦ δένδρου, ὡς καὶ

τὸ

μακρόν.

᾿Αρχίλοχος"

καὶ

"ὀξύη

ποτᾶτο," ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τὰ ὀξέα, ὡς οἱ γραμματικοὶ ἀποδεδώκασιν. πάλιν ἔφη: "ἤτοι ὁ κὰπ πεδίον τὸ ᾿Αλήϊον." ἀρά γε τὸ ἄσπορον καὶ μὴ ἔχον λήια;

οὐχί, ἀλλ᾽ ἀλᾶσθαι;

Λύκιοι

ἐκ τοὺ οἷον αὐτὸν ἐν αὐτῷ ἐξηγεῖται᾽

"πάτον

ἀνθρώπων

τέμενος τάμον" ταχέως

ἀλᾶσθαι.

ἀλεειύων."

δεδήλωκεν

καὶ τί οὖν τὸ οἷον ἐν δὲ τῷ

"καὶ μέν οἱ

ὅτι ἀπὸ τοῦ τετμῆσθαι

καὶ

ἀφωρίσθαι τὸ τέμενος λέγεται. οὕτω καὶ κειμήλια ἔφη κεῖσθαι" ἀπὸ γὰρ τοῦ

κεῖσθαι

κειμήλια λέγεται.

πάλιν

πτωχὸν

ἔφη

πανδήμιον.

τίς οὖν

47 11. Since I believe that it is right to clarify Homer with Homer, I used to |

point out that he explains himself, sometimes immediately, sometimes in another passage.

Indeed, the explanation of εἰροκόμος lies added right next to it

(Zl. III, 386-7]: "and spoke to her, likening herself to an aged woman, an εἰροκόμος." What, then, is an &ipoxÓpoc? “One,” he adds [387], "who skilfully worked out (fjoxeiv) beautiful things in wool (εἴρια) for her (i.e. Helen);" indeed, one who works skilfully (ἀσκοῦσα) with wool would be an

εἰροκόμος; ἀσκεῖν means

"to adorn," as in [Od. III, 437-8]: "he gilds the

horns, having skilfully adorned (ἀσκήσας) them."

Again [Od. II, 65]: "and feel shame before the other περικτίονας men." Who,

then, are the repıctloves?

[66]: "(those) who live around our land."

(Zl. X, 292-3]: "I shall sacrifice a heifer, ἀδμήτην." Does ἀδμήτης mean "unmated?" heifer "which no one has ever led beneath the Again [Il XXI, 391]: "for Ares fipxe." "(and) first he 'rose up' against Athena." In the case of Πηλίας μελίη (i.e., "Pelian

broad-browed, one year old, No, (it means) rather [293]: a yoke." What does fipxe mean? [392]: spear,"), Homer seems like one

eager, even, to indicate the many meanings attached to it: either from the fact

that only Achilles knew how to wield it [//. XVI, 142]: "But Achilles, alone, knew how to πῆλαι ("wield") it," or from the fact that Πηλεύς (Peleus) was his father [//. XVI, 143]: "(spear) which Cheiron had cut for his father," or from the mountain where it was cut down [144]: "from the summit of

Πήλιον."

Since, moreover the spear (is called) peA{n, "from an ash tree," it is

also clear [/]. V, 655] that a μείλινον spear is one (cut) from an ash tree, not,

certainly, as many (take it), a long one.

Also [Il. V, 568], ὀξυόεντα spears

are those from a beech tree, as Archilochus says [fr. 186, Bergk]: "656n (the beech spears) flew," not "sharp ones (ÓE£a)," as the grammarians explained it.

Again, Homer said [/i. VI, 201]: "and (he wandered) about the ' AAfjtov s

plain." Does ἀλήϊος mean "uncultivated" and not "having crops (Afjito)?" Not at all; it is rather from the fact that he olov ἀλᾶσθαι on it. What, then, does olov ἀλᾶσθαι mean? He explains (in the next line): "(he wandered alone), shunning the paths of men.””

In the phrase [/l. VI,

194]: "the men of

Lycia τέμενος τάμον," he immediately showed that τέμενος ("a piece of land") derives from τετμῆσθαι ("cut"), actually, "to mark off by boundaries." In the same way he said [/ VI, 47]: κειμήλια κεῖσθαι (treasures lie"); indeed, κειμήλια derives from κεῖσθαι. Again, he said [Od. XVIII, 1]: πτωχὸς ("beggar") πανδήμιος.

Who, then, is this?

[12]: "(one) who used to

? Homer frequently alludes to etymologies or engages in word play, as the examples in Porphyry show.

Here, ᾿Αλήϊος ("Land of Wandering") is taken

as akin to ἀλᾶσθαι, "to wander."

48 οὗτος; "ὃς κατὰ ἄστυ / πτωχεύσκ᾽

Ἰθάκης," ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὡς ᾽Οδυσσεὺς Ev μιᾷ

οἰκίᾳ. πάλιν: "μετέπρεπε γαστρὶ μάργῃ." τίς οὖν αὕτη ἡ γαστριμαργία; ἧς ὥσπερ ὅρον ποιούμενος émáyev "ἀζηχὲς φαγέμεν ἠδὲ πιέμεν," τὸ ἀδιαλείπτως ἐσθίειν καὶ πίνειν μεταλαβὼν εἰς τὸ ἀζηχές, ὃ ἐν ἄλλοις ἔφη "συνεχὲς αἰεί." καὶ ἐπὶ ἄλλου μὲν ἐν πᾶσι διαπρέποντος ἔφη "μετὰ

δ᾽ ἔπρεπε καὶ διὰ πάντων," ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ Ἴρου "μετὰ δ᾽ "empeme γαστέρι

μάργῃ,"

ἤτοι

μόνῃ

γαστριμαργίᾳ.

πόθεν

οὖν

"Ipos ἐκλήθη; "οὕνεκ᾽

ἀπαγγέλλεσκε κιών, ὅτε πού τις ἀνωγει." πάλιν: "οὐκ ἀΐεις ὅ μοι ἐπιλλίζουσιν ἅπαντες;" τί οὖν ἐπιλλίζειν; τὸ διανεύειν - "ἑλκέμεναι δὲ κέλονται" -, ἀπὸ τοῦ τοὺς διανεύοντας συστρέφειν τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς"

"ἰλλάδες"

γὰρ

οἱ συνεστραμμενόι

ἱμάντες,

ὡς

ἀλλαχοῦ

Edn’

"ἐν δὲ

στρόφος ἦεν ἀορτήρ." "τὸν μὲν ἄκουρον ἐόντα Bad’ ἀργυρότοξος ᾿Απόλλων." τίς οὖν ὁ ἄκουρος; "μίαν οἴην παῖδα λιπόντα." ὡσαύτως καὶ τὸ "κύμβαχος" ἐξηγεῖται ἐπάγων "ἐπὶ βρεχμόν τε καὶ ὦμους. δηθὰ μάλ᾽ εἱστήκει." "γυῖα" δ᾽ ἐξηγεῖται. "πόδας καὶ χεῖρας ὕπερθε"" καὶ

"ἀμφιγυήεις" ὁ περὶ τὰ γυῖα βεβλαμμένος, ὃν καὶ "κυλλοποδίονα" εἶπε. καὶ

"γυιώσω

μὲν

σφῶϊν

ὑφ᾽

ἅρμασιν

ὠκέας

ἵππους,"

ἤτοι

σκελεαγεῖς

ποιήσω ἐπάγει γὰρ "κατὰ δ᾽ ἅρματα ἄξω." φιλοτιμεῖται καὶ τὸ λυκόφως ἐξηγήσασθαι: "ἦμος δ᾽ οὔτ᾽ ἄρ πω ἠώς, ἔτι δ᾽ ἀμφιλύκη νύξ" οὔτε γὰρ

εἰ μηδέπω ἠώς, ἔτι ἦν νύξ, ἀλλ᾽ ἡ ἀμφιλύκη ἦν, ὁ βαθὺς ὄρθρος. ἠῶ δὲ λέγει νῦν τὸν ὄρθρον καὶ τὸ πρὸ ἀνατολῆς ἡλίου πεφωτισμένον διάστημα" ὅτι γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο τὸ κατάστημα λέγει ἠῶ, δηλοῖ ἐπὶ τῆς νεὼς τοῦ

Τηλεμάχου εἰπών: "παννυχίη μὲν ἄρ᾽ ἥ γε καὶ ἠῶ πεῖρε κέλευθον," εἶτα εἰπὼν "ἠέλιος δ᾽ ἀνόρουσε." καὶ ἡμεῖς δὲ τὸ πρὸ ἡλίου ἐξ ἑωθινοῦ φαμεν καὶ ἕωθεν, ὃ ὁ ποιητὴς "ἠῶθεν δ᾽ ἀγορήνδε" φησίν. ἕως οὖν καὶ ἠὼς τὸ πρὸ ἀνατολῆς ἡλίου, τὸ δὲ πρὸ τῆς ἕω λυκόφως καὶ "νὺξ ἀμφιλύκη." λέγει μέντοι

καὶ

τὸ

ἀπὸ

ἀνατολῆς

ἡλίου

ἄχρι

μεσημβρίας

διάστημα

"à:

"ἔσσεται ἠὼς ἢ δείλη ἢ μέσον ἦμαρ" καὶ "ὄφρα μὲν ἠὼς ἦν καὶ ἀέξετο

49 go begging (ntwxeßeok’) through the town of Ithaca," not, however, like Odysseus, in a single house. Again [Od. XVIII, 2]: "and was conspicuous for his γαστρὶ

μάργῃ."

What,

then, is this γαστριμαργία"

As

if giving

a

definition for it, he adds [3]: "for his ἀζηχὲς φαγέμεν ἠδὲ πιέμεν," having converted "incessant" eating and drinking into (the word) ἀζηχές, which he elsewhere expressed with [Od. IX, 74] συνεχὲς ἀεί ("unceasingly ever").

For

someone else who was altogether conspicuous, he said [/] XII, 104]: "but among all he was preeminent,” but in the case of Irus, "he was preeminent for his γαστέρι

Irus?

μάργῃ,"

i.e, only for his gluttony.

Why,

then, was he called

[Od. XVIII, 7]: "because he would run to give messages when anyone

ordered him."*'

Again (Irus speaks) [Od. XVIII, 11]: "Do you not see how

all of them émAA{Covoiv?" What does ἐπιλλίζουσιν mean? "To nod/beckon "[12]: "bidding me to drag you," from the fact that those, who are beckon-

ing, “twist/roll up" (συστρέφειν) their eyes; indeed, [//. XIII, 572] ἰλλάδες are thongs which have been twisted (συνεστραμμένοι), as he says elsewhere [Od. XIII, 438]: "with a twist (στρόφος) of rope attached." [Od. VII, 64-5]: "But Apollo of the silver bow struck him down, &xoupoc." What does ἄκουρος mean? [65]: "leaving only one child." He explains κύμβαχος (i.e., "headlong") in the same way, adding [/l V, 586-7]: "on his head and shoulders. For a long time he stuck fast there." He explains γυῖα (limbs) with

(I. V, 122]: "his feet and hands above," and ἀμφιγυήεις [/l. I, 607], one with injured limbs, who is also called [/]. XVIII, 371]: "club-footed." Also [//. VIII, 402]: "I shall γυιώσω their swift horses beneath their chariot," that is, "I shall

break their legs;" indeed, he adds [403]: "and I shall smash their chariot." He is also eager to explain λυκόφως

[Il. VII, 433]: "But when

it was not‘

yet dawn (1c) but still night ἀμφιλύκη;" indeed, if not yet dawn nor still night, it was (night) ἀμφιλύκη, the dim morning twilight. By "| c he means the time just before daybreak and the interval of light just before the rising of, the sun, and he shows that he calls this period of time "ἠώς" in discussing

Telemachus' ship [Od.II, 434]: "All night long and into the ἠῶς the ship pierced her path," then [III, 1, the line which immediately follows]: "And the sun rose."

We,

too, call the time before (the rising) of the sun ἐξ ἑωθινοῦ

and ἕωθεν, which the poet [expresses by, Od. I, 372]: "and at dawn (1j 0&v),

(let us go) to the assembly." ἕως and ἠώς, therefore, mark the time before the rising of the sun, while that before ἕως is called λυκόφως and [Il. VII, 433] νὺξ ἀμφιλύκη. However, he also calls the time from the sun's rising till noon, ἠώς [Il. XXI, 111]: "there will be an ἠῶς or evening or noontime," and (JI. VIII, 66]: "As long as it was Tj óc and the sacred day was increasing," and

?! [ris is, of course, the messenger of the gods, a name which was derived from elpo, "to tell."

50 ἱερὸν ἦμαρ" kai "εὗδον παννύχιος ἐπ᾿ ἠῶ kai μέσον ἦμαρ." λέγεται ἠῶ

καὶ ὅλην τὴν ἡμέραν: "ἥδε δὴ ἠὼς εἶσι δυσώνυμος," "ἥδε δέ μοι νῦν / ἠὼς ἑνδεκάτη," περὶ οὗ φησιν "ἕνδεκα δ᾽ ἤματα θυμὸν ἐτέρπετο οἷσι φίλοισι." ἠὼς δὲ καὶ ἡ θεός: "ὥς μὲν ὅτ᾽ ᾿Ωρίωνα ἕλετο ῥοδοδάκτυλος

Ἠώς."

πάλιν ἑαυτὸν ἐξηγεῖται

παρακειμένως δι᾽ ὧν φησιν

""Ipw δὲ

κακῶς ὠρίνετο θυμός." τί οὖν τὸ κακῶς ὀρίνεσθαι τὸν θυμόν; "δειδιότα."

τί οὖν παρακολούθημα δέους; "σάρκες δὲ περιτρομέοντο

μέλεσιν" ὁ δὲ

δειλὸς κακός, ἀφ᾽οὗ τὸ "κακῶς." πάλιν τὸ δεδιέναι, ὃ πάθος ἐν τῇ ψυχῇ γίνεται, καὶ τὸ τρέμειν, ὃ ἐν τῷ σώματι, ἐπιτέμνων ἔφη τρομέεις

καὶ

δείδιας

κρυόεντα

καλεῖ

αἰνῶς."

τὸν φόβον

ἐπιμένων

"φόβου

δὲ τῇ

κρυόεντος

ψυχρᾷ

"εἰ δὴ τοῦτον

φύσει

ἑταίρη,"

τοῦ φόβου,

καὶ ἐν ἄλλος"

“ψυχρὸν δέος εἷλε" καὶ "ῥίγησε ὁ γέρων," ἐφοβήθη. εἰ δ᾽ ὁ φόβος ψύχει,

δῆλον ὡς τὸ θάρσος θάλπει εἰκότως ἄρα "θαλπωρὴν" λέγει τὸ θάρσος. ἐκ δὴ τούτων παρακεινένας ἐχόντων τὰς ἐξηγήσεις δεῖ παρατηρεῖσθαι καὶ τὰ ἐν διαφόροις

ἀσαφεστέρων.

ἐπὶ

τῆς

διανοίας

παραλαμβανόμενα

εἰς ἐξήγησιν

τῶν

51

[Od. VI, 288]: "I slept all night long into the ἠῶς and middle of the day."

He

even calls a whole day, ἠῶς [Od. XIX, 571]: "This hdc of evil name will come,"

and

[/l.

XXI,

155-6]:

"This,

now,

is the

eleventh

ἠώς

for

me,"

concerning which he says [/l. XXI, 45]: "For eleven days (fata) he took pleasure in his heart with friends." "Hg is also the goddess [Od. V, 121]: "Thus, when rosy-fingered Dawn chose Orion..." Homer, again, immediately explains himself when he says [Od. XVIII, 75): "The heart in Irus κακῶς @pfveto." What does "his heart is sorely troubled" mean? [77]: "in fear." What, then, accompanies his fear? [77]: "and the flesh shivered on his limbs." The coward is base (κακός), hence, κακῶς. Concise,

again, in his use of "fear (δεδιέναι)," which is a state of the psyche, and "tremble (τρέμειν)," which is one of the body, he said [Od XVIII, 80]: "if indeed you ‘tremble’ before him and are dreadfully ‘afraid.’" Dwelling on the cold nature of fear, he calls it κρυόεις ("chilling") [/]. IX, 2]: "(Panic), the

companion of chill Fear," and elsewhere", "chill dread seized..." and [/l. III, 259]: "the old man shivered," i.e., he was terrified. If, then, fear chills, clearly courage warms (θαλπωρή): therefore, he quite fittingly calls courage [/]. X, 223] θαλπωρή ("warming," "comfort"). (Moving) from these (words) whose explanations are immediately supplied, we should now also carefully examine

(some) used with the same meanings in different contexts for an explanation of words whose significance is less obvious. ]

?? This phrase, as it stands, does not occur in Homer.

Porphyry may have

been thinking of Od. XXII, 42, χλωρὸν δέος εἷλε ("pale," lit, "green fear siezed them"). Fear is also called "chill" at 7]. XIII, 48, though the wording is different.

52 12. "Ort μὲν ὁ "τηλύγετος" δηλοῖ map’ αὐτῷ καὶ τὸν μόνον γενόμενον [τηλοτέρας γενεᾶς] παρίστησι τὰ ὑφ᾽ ᾿Ελένης λεγόμενα περὶ ‘Eppiovns’

δὲ

καὶ

τὸν

γηράσκοντι

"παῖδά τε τηλυγέτην

τηλοῦ τῷ

τῆς

πατρὶ

καὶ ὁμηλικίην ἐρατεινήν." σημαίνει

ἡλικίας

τῷ

πατρὶ

γεγονότα,

ὡς

ἐπὶ

γενομένων

ἔφη

"ἄμφω

τηλυγέτω᾽

ὁ δ᾽

δυεῖν

ἐτείρετο

γήραϊ λυγρῷ, / υἱὸν δ᾽ οὐ τέκετ᾽ ἄλλον." ἐπὶ τοίνυν τοῦ ᾿Ιδομενέως ὅταν λέγῃ “ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ᾿Ιδομενῆα φόβος λάβε τηλύγετον ὡς," ἐνδέχεται μὲν ἀκοῦσαι ἀπὸ τῶν μονογενῶν παίδων κατὰ μεταφορὰν τὸν μεμονωμένον, ἐνδέχεται δὲ κὰι ὡς τηλοῦ γενεᾶς ὄντα, ἤτοι πρεσβύτην" ἔφη γὰρ περὶ αὐτοῦ:

"ἔνθα μεσαιπόλιός περ ἐών." παρέχει δὲ ὁ ποιητὴς τὴν ἀμφίβολον

ἐκδοχὴν αὐτὸν ποιήσας λέγοντα τὸν ᾿Ιδομενέα ἐπιόντος Αἰνείου" "δεῦτε φίλοι, καί μ᾽ οἴῳ ἀμύνατε᾽ δείδια δ᾽ αἰνῶς" ἐκ yàp τοῦ "οἴῳ ἀμύνατε" τηλύγετον ἔστιν ἐκδέξασθαι τὸν μόνον" ὅταν δὲ ὁ αὐτὸς πάλιν λέγῃ "καὶ δ᾽

ἔχει

ἥβης

ἄνθος,

6 τε

κράτος

ἐστὶ

μέγιστον.

/ εἰ

γὰρ

ὁμηλικίη

γενοίμεθα τῷδ᾽ ἐνὶ θυμῷ / ala κεν ἠὲ φέροιτο μέγα κράτος, ἠὲ φεροίμην.," ἀναμφίβολον γίνεται μὴ τὸ τηλύγετόν γε ἐοικέναι ἐπὶ τοῦ ὁμήλικος, ἀλλὰ πρεσβυτέρου καὶ τῆς τηλοτέρας γενεᾶς ὄντος, ὡς ἔφη ποτὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ μὴ ὁμήλικος "οὗτος δὲ προτέρης γενεῆς προτέρων τ᾽ ἀνθρώπων." ἀλλ᾽ ᾿Ιδομενεὺς μὲν "μεσαιπόλιος" καὶ διὰ τοῦτο τῆς "προτέρης γενεῆς," Νέστωρ δὲ γέρων τρίτης, ἀφ᾽ ov: "δύο μὲν γενεαὶ μερόπων ἀνθρώπων / ἐφθίαθ ', οἵ οἱ πρόσθεν ἅμα τράφεν ἠδὲ γένοντο /... μετὰ δὲ τριτάτοισιν ἄνασσεν." δύο μὲν γὰρ γενεαὶ ἐφθάρησαν τῶν πρὸ αὐτοὺ, fi τε τῶν πατρῴων, ὑφ᾽ ὧν γεννηθεὶς ἀνετράφη, καὶ ἡ τῶν

ἀδελφῶν -- “ἐλθὼν γὰρ ἐκάκωσε βίη 'HepakAnetn /... τῶν οἷος λειπόμην" -, τρίτης δὲ ἄρχει τῆς τῶν παίδων γενεᾶς,

οἱ σύν αὐτῷ ἐστρατεύοντο. καὶ

γὰρ ὁ ληγούσης ἡμέρας ἐπιδημήσας καὶ τῆς τρίτης ἕωθεν ἐξίων τῇ τρίτῃ

ἀποδημεῖν λέγεται

λέγεται, καίτοι μίαν τὴν μέσην ὅλην ἐτέλεσεν. εἰ δὲ γενεὰ

ἡ τοῦ

τίκτειν

καὶ

γεννᾶν

τελείωσις,

ἥτις

τήν

τριακονταετῆ

περίοδον ἔχει, ὁ τὰ ἑξήκοντα ἔτη πληρώσας δύο ἂν εἴη γενεὰς βιώσας, ἀπὸ δ᾽ ἑξηκοστοῦ εὖ τῇ τρίτῇ ἂν καταλέγοιτο. ὥστε δύο γενεαὶ ἀνθρώπων ἐφθάρησαν, οὐχ ὅτι καὶ ἀνθρώπους φησὶν ἀποθανεῖν, ἀλλὰ δύο περιοδικὰς γενεὰς τὰς καλουμένας ἀνθρωπίνας, ὡς εἰ ἔλεγε δύο τριακονταετίας,

al

καλοῦνται

γενεαὶ

ἀνθρώπειοι.

οὕτω

δ᾽

ἂν

ζώντων

τινῶν τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ γεννηθέντων, ὁμοίως αἱ γεννεαὶ ἂν εἶεν ἐφθαρμέναι, αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἄρχοι τῶν ἐν τῇ τρίτῇ γενεᾷ γενομένων, οἱ ἦγον τὴν στρατεύσιμον ἡλικίαν. ταῦτα τοίνυν καὶ τὰ τούτοις ὅμοια, ὡς τὸ ἀμφίβολον ἔχοντα, ἐνδοιάζοντα δεῖ ἐξηγεῖσθαι.

53

12. Helen's words concerning Hermione suggest that τηλύγετος in Homer means "only born child" [Zl. III, 175]: "(When I left) my τηλυγέτην (child) and the lovely companions of my age." The word also indicates a son born to his father far beyond (τηλοῦ) his prime, as Homer said of the two sons bom to a father while he was growing old [Il. V, 153-4]: "both τηλυγέτω, and he was oppressed by sorrowful old age and did not beget another son." Moreover,

when

he says of Idomeneus

[/l. XIII, 470]:

"Fear did not sieze

Idomeneus τηλύγετον ὥς," it is possible to understand, metaphorically, from "only

born children,"

"the only one

left"

It is also possible to take it as

meaning "far from his birth," i.e., "old," since he had said [of Idomeneus, Il. XIII, 361-2]: "half-gray though he was." The poet causes the uncertainty when he has Idomeneus say, as Aeneas attacked [him, some lines later, 481]: "Here,

friends, help me; I am alone (ofoc) and I am terribly afraid..." since from the phrase, "Help me; I am alone," it is possible to take tnAOyetov as "alone." When,

on the other hand, Idomeneus

says [484-6]:

(Aeneas') and his strength is exceptional.

"the flower of youth is his

If, indeed, we were of the same age

and spirit, either he would win a great victory or I would,” it is quite clear that τηλύγετος is not an apt word for a contemporary, though it is for an older person, one who is of the previous generation, as he said, at some point, of one who was not a contemporary [Il. XXIII, 790]: "he is of the earlier generation

and of earlier men." Idomeneus, is, however, "half-gray," and therefore "of the earlier generation," while the aged Nestor belongs to the third [/]. I, 250-2]: "Two generations of mortal men had perished, those who had been born and reared with him...and he ruled the third." Therefore, two generations of men had

perished

before

him,

that of his father,

by

whom

he

was

begotten

and

reared, and that of his brothers [/I. XI, 690, 693]: "for the might of Heracles had come and done evil (to us, Neleus' sons)...and of them, I, alone, am left," and he rules over the third generation, that of his sons who were fighting

alongside him. In fact, one who has come to stay in a city at day's end and departs at early dawn of the third day is said to be away from home on the third day, even though he completed his journey with (but) one full day. intervening.

If the full cycle of reproduction, which encompasses a period of

thirty years, is called a generation, one who has completed sixty years would have lived for two generations, and after his sixtieth year, would be counted among the third. And so, two generations of men have passed away, not that he means that the men have died, but that two recurrent cycles of the type

called "human" (have passed away), as if he had said two thirty-year periods, the so-called "generations of men."

And

so, even

if some

of his contem-

poraries are living, nonetheless, (two) generations would have passed away and. he

would

Therefore,

be

leading

those

of the third,

those

who

since these words and ones like them

should explain them as being matters of doubt.

were

of military

age.

admit of ambiguity,

one

54 13. Πρῶτος δοκεῖ Πλάτων λύπας ἡδοναῖς μιγνυμένας δεικνύναι Em’ ὀργαῖς καὶ πένθεσιν, ᾿Ομήρου πρότερον τουτὶ συνεωρακότος καὶ τοὺ Πλάτωνα διδάξαντος. ὀργὴν μὲν γὰρ οὐδέποτε “Ὅμηρος εἴρηκε, χόλον δὲ αὐτὴν προσαγορεύει οἰκειοτέρως, ἀπὸ τῆς χολῆς, ἥτις ἐν τῷ πάθει

κρατεῖ, ἄχος

λέγῃ:

φησίν, ἄχος

μὲν ὅταν

"Πηλεΐωνι δ᾽ ἄχος γένετ᾽, ἐν δέ oi ἧτορ / στήθεσσι

λασίοισι

διάνδιχα

δὲ μεμίχθαι

μερμήριξεν."

καὶ

ἄχους

ἡδονὴν

τῷ χόλῳ

οὖν παρουσίαν

ὁ χόλος

ὑφίσταται,

ὃν καὶ

θυμὸν κέκληκεν" "NE χόλον παύσειεν ἐρητύσειέ τε θυμὸν" θυμὸν γὰρ νῦν τὸν χόλον ἔφη, οὐχ ὡς ἀλλαχοῦ τὴν ψυχήν. ὅτι δὲ οὐ γεννᾷ μόνον ὀργὴν ἡ λύπη,

λέγων ἡδονῇ

ἀλλὰ

καὶ

συμπαραμένει,

δηλοῖ

ἐπὶ

τοῦ

᾿Αχιλλέως

μηνίοντος

"κούρης χωόμενος" καὶ ἐπάγων "τῆς ὅ γε κεῖτ᾽ ἀχέων." ὅτι δ᾽ συμμιγὴς ἡ ὀργὴ καὶ ὅτι ἔφεσίς ἐστι καὶ μέτοχος ἐπιθυμίας,

ἐξηγεῖται λέγων" "χόλος, ὅς T' ἐφέηκε πολύφρονά περ xaAerfjvai," ἤτοι ἐν ἐφέσει καὶ ἐπιθυμίᾳ τοῦ χαλεπαίνειν ἐποίησε. πῶς οὖν ἡδονῆς

μέτοχος;

"ὅς τε πολὺ

γλυκίων

μέλιτος

καταλειβομένοιο

ἀνδρῶν

ἐν

στήθεσιν ἀέξεται ἠύτε καπνός" καρδίας γὰρ ἔπαρσιν εἶναι καὶ ὁρμὴν ἐγειρομένην τὴν ὀργήν

"ἀλλ᾽

ὅτε δὴ Μελέαγρον ἔδυ χόλος, ὅς τε καὶ

ἄλλων / οἰδάνει ἐν στήθεσσι νόον." οὐ μόνον δὲ αὐτὴν ἔπαρσιν καὶ ἔφεσιν ἀποδεδώκασιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ ζέσιν. διὸ καπνῷ τε ἀπεικάζει τὴν ἔπαρσιν καὶ τοῦ ὀργισθέντος πυρὶ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἐοικέναι φησίν. [καὶ μὴν ἡ λύπη μελαίνει τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, μελαίνει δὲ καὶ ὁ καπνός" "ῥωγαλέα ῥυπόωντα,

κακῷ μεμορυγμένα καπνῷ." τὸ οὖν ἄχος τῆς ὀργῆς αἴτιον ὄν, καπνίζον τὴν ὀργήν, μελαίνει τὰς φρένας" "μένεος δὲ μέγα φρένες ἀμφιμέλαιναι / πίμπλαντο." τὸ δ᾽ ἄχος καὶ τὸ ἄχνυσθαι ὅτι μελαίνει, φησίν "ἀχθομένην ὀδύνῃσι, μελαίνετο δὲ χρόα καλόν." τὸ δ᾽ ἄχθεσθαι τοῦ ἄχνυσθαι πλεονασμῷ δηκτικῆς ἀγανακτήσεως διαφέρει, λύπη δ᾽ ἑκάτερον. ἐπιμένων δὲ τῇ ἐξάψει τῇ ἐπὶ τῶν ὀργιζομένων ἔφη" "κεῖνος δ᾽ οὐκ ἐθέλει σβέσαι χόλον." κατηγορεῖ δὲ τοῦ πάθους καὶ ἀγριότητος. "αὐτὰρ ᾿Αχιλλεὺς / ἄγριον ἐν στήθεσσι θέτο μεγαλήτορα θυμόν," καὶ πάλιν: "χόλος δέ μιν ἄγριος ἥρει," πρὸς ὃν καὶ ὁ παραινῶν ἔφη ὡς ἐπὶ ἀγρίου θηρίου: "ἀλλ᾽

55 13. Plato seems to have been the first to point out that pain is mingled with pleasure in anger (ὀργή) and sorrow, but Homer had realized this earlier

and had taught it to Plato.

Homer, indeed, never used (the word) ὀργή

("anger"), but more appropriately termed it χόλος ("rage"), from χολῇ ("gall") which is prevalent in this emotion. He further says that grief (ἄχος) and pleasure are mingled in rage when he says [/l. I, 188-9]: "and grief came over the son of Peleus and in his shaggy heart he pondered in two ways." Rage, which he also called θυμός ("anger"), therefore, suggests the presence of grief [I]. I, 192]: "or check his rage and keep down his θυμός." Here, he used θυμός

for "rage," not, as elsewhere,

for "spirit."

He also shows

that pain

(λύπη) not only begets anger but also that it persists with it, saying in the case of Achilles, in a rage [/l. II, 689]: “angered over the girl," and adding [/I. II,

694]: "for her sake he lay grieving (ἀχέων)." (ὀργή)

is mingled

He also explains that anger

with pleasure and that it is a desire which partakes of a

yearning, when he says [/L XVIII, 108]: "and rage (χόλος), which incites a man to become angry, even though he is wise," that is, he acted from a desire and a yearning to be angry.

How, then, does rage share in pleasure?

[Π. XVIII, 109-110]: "(rage),:

which is sweeter by far than trickling honey, wells up in the hearts of men like smoke." (He says), then, that anger (ὀργή) is a swelling of the heart and a sudden impulse [/]. IX, 553-4]: "But when rage came upon Meleager, (rage) which swells in the hearts of others, too."

(These passages) have represented anger not only as a swelling up and a desire but also as a seething. He therefore likens the swelling to smoke and says that the eyes of one who has been angered are like fire. (Indeed, pain blackens the eyes even as smoke does [Od. XIII, 435]: "filthy rags, stained with foul smoke.") Therefore, since grief (ἄχος) is the cause of anger (ὀργή) and makes it smoulder, it blackens the heart [//. I, 103]: "his heart, blackened,

was greatly filled with anger (u£voc).” He also says that "grief ((&yoc)" and "to grieve (ἄχνυσθαι)" cause a blackening [/l V, 354]: "grieving with pain, her fair skin was darkened."

grieve (ἄχνυσθαι)"

by

"To be vexed (ἄχθεσθαι)," then, differs from "to

its excess

of stinging

irritation, but each

is pain

(λύπη). Continuing with (the concept of) inflaming for those who are angered, he says [/l. IX, 678]: "that man does not wish to ‘quench’ his rage." On the other hand, he denounces the savagery of the emotion as well [/I. IX, 628-9]: "But

Achilles has made savage the proud spirit in his breast," and again [/l. IV, 23]: "and ‘savage’ rage took hold of her," and in the same vein (Phoenix), while advising (Achilles), spoke as though of a wild beast [/]. IX, 496]: "But, Achil-

? See Plato, Philebus, 47e.

|

56 ᾿Αχιλλεῦ, δάμασσον φησίν" "εἰ δὲ σύ γ᾽ Πρίαμον Πριάμοιό ἐξακέσαιο." καὶ ὅτι καθὰ

καὶ τὴν ὀργὴν

θυμὸν μέγαν." kai πάλιν ἐνδεικνύμενος τὴν θηριωδίαν εἰσελθοῦσα πύλας καὶ τείχεα μακρὰ / ὠμὸν βεβρώθοις τε παῖδας ἄλλους τε Τρῶας, τότε κεν χόλον τῶν ἐν κινήσει ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐν σχέσει ἐστιν ὁ χόλος, τῶν

ἐν κινήσει φασὶν

εἶναι οἱ φιλόσοφοι,

δηλοῖ

τὰ

τοιαῦτα“ "᾿Ατρεΐωνα δ᾽ ἔπειτα χόλος λάβεν, αἶψα δ᾽ ἀναστὰς / ἠπείλησε μῦθον," καὶ πάλιν: "Πηλεΐδης δ᾽ ἐξαῦτις ἀταρτηροῖς ἐπέεσσιν / ᾿Ατρεΐδην προσέειπε, καὶ οὔ πω λῆγε χόλοιο," ὡς ἂν δυνάμενος καὶ παύσασθαι. ὅταν δ᾽ ἐν σχέσει γένηται καὶ ἡσυχάζῃ, κότον καλεῖ. διό $now-

“εἴ περ

γάρ

τε χόλον

γε καὶ αὐτῆμαρ

καταπέψῃ,

/ dAAd τε καὶ

μετόπισθεν ἔχει κότον, ὄφρα τελέσσῃ," ὡς ἐγχωροῦν ἐᾶσαι μὲν τὸν χόλον, περιποιεῖν δὲ τὸν κότον, μηνίειν δὲ εἰκότως. αὐτοῦ κινηθέντος, πάλιν χόλος. ταὐτὸν δὲ καὶ ὁ θυμός, ὅταν μὴ τὴν ψυχὴν σημαίνῃ, δηλοῖ τῷ χόλῳ: ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν θυμὸς ἀπὸ τοῦ θύειν, ὁ δὲ χόλος ἀπὸ τοῦ χολᾶν προσηγόρευται. εἰπὼν οὖν: "μή τι χολωσάμενος ῥέξῃ κακὸν υἷας ᾿Αχαιῶν," ἐπάγει. "θυμὸς δὲ μέγας ἐστὶ διοτρεφέων βασιλήων" καὶ πάλιν: “ἠὲ χόλον παύσειεν ἐρητύσειέ τε θυμόν," καὶ πάλιν" "καὶ μάλα περ

θυμῷ κεχολωμέον," εἰ μή τις ἐνταῦθα θυμὸν τὴν ψυχὴν ἀκούοι. ὅτι δὲ παρὰ τὸ θύειν καὶ ἐγείρεσθαι καὶ ἡ ψυχὴ καὶ ἡ θυμός, δηλοῖ λέγων" “Τρωσὶ θυμὸν ἐγεῖραι." θυμὸς δὲ καὶ χόλος, προσλαβὼν τὴν ἐπὶ τὸ δρᾶσαι κακὸν ἀγανάκτησιν, χώεσθαι λέγεται, καὶ ὁ ἐν τῷ τοιούτῳ πάθει "χωόμενος

ἐρωτῶσιν:

κῆρ":

αὐτίκα

γοῦν

τὸν

λοιμὸν

ἐπάγει,

"ὅς κ᾿ εἴπῃ 6 τι τόσσον ἐχώσατο Φοῖβος

καὶ

δράσαντος

᾿Απολλων"" διὸ καὶ

ἐπὶ τοῦ δρᾶσαί τι κακὸν δυναμένου δι ὀργὴν βασιλέως εἴρηται" "κρείσσων γὰρ βασιλεύς, ὅτε χώσεται ἀνδρὶ χέρηϊ." οὕτως εἴρηκε καὶ τὸ

"σὺ δ᾽ ἔνδοθι θυμὸν ἀμύξεις / χωόμενος," δηλῶν τὸ δραστικὸν St’ ἀγανάκτησιν περιέχειν τὸ χώεσθαι. καὶ τοίνυν τὸ "χωόμενος δ᾽ ὁ γέρων πάλιν ᾧχετο" ἀκουσόμεθα οὐχ ἁπλῶς ὀργιζόμενος, ἀλλὰ μετ᾽ ἀγανακτήσεως

"χωόμενος"

ἀμυντικῆς᾽

δὲ "κατὰ

διὸ

θυμὸν

καταρᾶται,

ἐὐζώνοιο

καὶ

οὕτως

γυναικὸς"

ἀμυνόμενος.

καὶ

᾿Αξιλλεὺς τῇ ὀργῇ

δηλοῦσθαι ποιεῖ τὴν τιμωρητικὴν δι᾽ ἀγανάκτησιν ἄμυναν: ἐπεξέρχεται

57 les, ‘tame’ your great anger." Again, making plain the brutality (i.e., of Hera’s

emotion), he says [Il. IV, 34-6]: "If you were to enter the gates and high walls and devour Priam and his sons raw and the other Trojans, then you would appease your rage." The following passages show that χόλος ("rage") is one of the temporary (emotions), not a persistent one, just as the philosophers say that ὀργή ("anger") is temporary [1]. I, 387]: "but then rage took hold of the son of Atreus,

and standing up, he made his threat," and again [I]. I, 223-4]: "But the son of Peleus once again spoke to the son of Atreus with harsh words and did not yet give up his rage," as though he were able to do so.

When, however, rage is

persistent and held in abeyance, he calls it κότος ("an enduring resentment" or "rancor"). He therefore says [/]. I, 81]: "and if even for a day he swallows © down his ‘rage,’ he still keeps his ‘resentment’ until it is fulfilled," as though it

is possible in letting go of his rage to store up his resentment and cherish his wrath (μηνίειν), as is reasonable; when his resentment has been aroused, it is. again called "rage."

When θυμός does not mean "heart," it means the same as Θυμός, moreover, derives from θύειν ("to rage," "to seethe"), from χολᾶν ("to be full of black bile," "to rage"). Therefore, [JI. II, 195]: "May he not in his rage (χολωσάμενος) do some of the Achaeans,"

he adds

[196]:

"for great is the anger

χόλος ("rage"). while χόλος is after he has said evil to the sons

(θυμός) of Zeus-

nourished kings," and again [1]. I, 192]: "or else cease from his rage (χόλος) and hold back his anger (θυμός), and again [Il. I, 217]: “enraged in my anger (θυμῷ κεχολωμένον)," unless one would take θυμός, here, as "heart." (Homer) makes it clear that θυμός means both heart as well as anger (ὀργή), from θύειν ("to rage") and ἐγείρεσθαι ("to arouse," "excite") by saying [Il. V, 510]: “rouse up (ἐγεῖραι) the θυμός in the Trojans." Moreover, θυμός and χόλος, when they have taken on the addition of a violent irritation to do some evil, are called χῶώεσθαι, and one who is in such a state is [/l I, 44]: χωόμενος Kip (i.e. Apollo, "full of wrath in his heart"). He immediately brings on the plague and, after he has done so, (the Achaeans) ask [64]: "Who

can say why Phoebus Apollo is so full of wrath (&x@oato)?"

Therefore, it

was also said of a king who is able to do evil because of his anger [Il. I, 80]:

"for mightier is a king when he is 'full of wrath' at an inferior."

Thus, he also

said

you,

[/].

I, 243-4]:

"and

then

you

will

tear the

heart

within

‘full

of

wrath," showing that χώεσθαι embraces action which is caused by violent irritation. We shall now understand the words [Il. I, 380]: "and the old man went back χωόμενος," not simply in anger but with a violent irritation for revenge. He, therefore, calls down a curse (on the Achaeans), thus gaining his

revenge. Achilles [Il. I, 429]: "χωόμενος in his heart because of the fair-girdled woman,"

angrily reveals the revenge that springs from

his violent irritation.

58 ovv διὰ τῆς μητρὸς τοῖς “Ἕλλησι

kal οὐχ ἁπλῶς ὀργίζεται. ὥσπερ yap Td

ἄχθεται

πρὸς

τὸ ἄχνυται

περιττεύουσαν

χώεσθαι

πρὸς

τὸ

ἔχει

χολοῦσθαι᾽

"μή

οἱ

γοῦνα

ἀγανάκτησιν,

λαβόντι

οὕτω

χολώσαιτο

TO

φρένα

κούρη," ἀντὶ τοῦ ὀργισθείη" "γαῖα δ᾽ ὑπεστονάχιζε Ati ὡς τερπικεραύνῳ / χωομένῳ," καὶ ἐπάγει τὰ ἐκ τοῦ χώεσθαι" "ὅτε τ᾿ ἀμφὶ Τυφωέϊ γαὶαν

ἱμάσσῃ." ἐν κινήσει μὲν οὖν χόλος καὶ θυμὸς καὶ «χώεσθαι᾽ καὶ» ταὐτὸν δὲ τῷ χώεσθαι τὸ σκύζεσθαι. εἰπὼν οὖν "σέθεν δ᾽ ἐγὼ οὐκ ἀλεγίζω / χωομένης," ἐπάγει" "οὔ σευ ἔγωγε / σκυζομένης ἀλέγω," ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αχιλλέως "χωόμενος κατὰ θυμὸν" εἰπών, ποιεῖ λέγοντα "οἵ μοι σκυζομένῳ περ ᾿Αχαιῶν φίλτατοί ἐστον." ἐν δὲ σχέσει μῆνις, μένος καὶ κότος" καὶ μῆνις μὲν καὶ μένος ὀργὴ ἐναπόθετος καὶ ἔμμονος" πάλιν δὲ μῆνις, προσειληφυῖα τὸ ἐπιτηρητικὸν μετ᾽ ἀγανακτήσεως καὶ κακοποιίας,

κότος γίνεται, ὡς τὴν μὲν μῆνιν ἐκ τοῦ χόλου ἐναποκεῖσθαι, τὸν δὲ κότον ἐκ τοῦ χώσεσθαι.

νηυσὶ

παρήμενος

ὠκυπόροισι

ὅτι δὲ παρὰ

ὠκυπόροισι"

τὸ μένειν ἡ μῆνις

"αὐτὰρ

καὶ “ἀλλὰ σὺ μὲν νῦν νηυσὶ

μήνι᾽᾿᾿Αχαιοῖσι,"

καὶ

ὅτι

διὰ

τὸ

μένειν

ὁ μήνιε

παρήμενος καὶ

κεῖσθαι

ἡσυχάζοντα καὶ σιγῶντα, φησὶ "κεῖτ᾽ ἀπομηνίσας," παρὰ τὸ κεῖσθαι τὸν pnvtovra: καὶ ὁ πᾶς χρόνος μηνιθμός: "πάνθ᾽ ὑπὸ μηνιθμόν." ὅτι δὲ

μένος καὶ μῆνις ταὐτόν" "᾿Ατρεΐδη, σὺ δὲ παῦε τεὸν μένος." τίς οὖν ἡ ufjis;

χόλος, φησί, μὴ ἀφεθείς: ἐπάγει γοῦν" "αὐτὰρ ἐγώ γε / λίσσομ᾽

᾿Αχιλῆϊ

μεθέμεν χόλον"

καὶ πάλιν ἀντὶ τοῦ φάναι μὴ μήνιε ἔφη᾽

"ἔα δὲ

χόλον θυμαλγέα," καὶ παυσαμένῳ μήνιδός φησι "μεταλήξαντι χόλοιο." καὶ ὁ μεθεὶς τὸν χόλον καὶ ἀμήνιτος μεθήμων: "ἀλλὰ μάλ᾽ οὐκ ᾿Αχιλλῆϊ χόλος φρεσίν, ἀλλὰ μεθήμων" καὶ ὁ ἄγαν τηρῶν καὶ ἀναφαιρέτως τὸν

59 Not simply angry, he in fact attacks the Greeks through his mother.

even as ἄχθεται

("is vexed"), in comparison with ἄχνυται

Indeed,

("is grieved"),

implies an excessively violent irritation, so, too, does χῴεσθαι ("to be full of

wrath") in comparison with χολοῦσθαι ("to be provoked to anger") [Od. VI, 147]: "(Odysseus feared) that if he clasped her knees, the girl might χολῶcoato ("become angry"), as an equivalent of ὀργισθείη.

[After Jl. II, 781-2]:

"the earth groaned beneath as if Zeus, who delights in lightening, were full of wrath (xóec001)," Homer adds the result of his wrath [782]: "when he lashes

the earth around Typhoeus." Therefore, χόλος ("rage"), θυμός ("anger"), and χώεσθαι ("to be full of wrath") are temporary; σκύζεσθαι also means the same as χώεσθαι. After he has said [//. VIII, 477-8]: "I do not care for you in

your

wrath

(χωομένης),"

he

adds

[482-3]:

"nor

do

I care

for

you

σκυζομένης," and when he has said of Achilles [Il. IX, 198]: "with wrath (χωόμενος) in his heart" he has him say: "(you) who even in my wrath (oxvCopév@) are dearest of all the Achaeans." Mavic

("wrath"),

μένος

("wrath"),

and

κότος

("enduring

resentment"),

however, are persistent (emotions): both μῆνις and μένος (mean) an anger that is pent up and enduring. In its turn, μῆνις becomes κότος after it has progressed to waiting for an opportunity to do evil with its (feeling of) violent irritation, so that μῆνις ("wrath") is stored up as a result of its χόλος ("rage"),

and κότος, as a result of χώεσθαι ("be full of wrath").^

(Showing) that

μῆνις ("wrath") is from μένειν ("to remain as one is"), he says [Jl I, 488]:

"But he, ‘sitting’ by his swift ships, μήνιε (‘cherished his wrath'), and [421-2]: "You, now, ‘sitting’ by your swift ships, ‘cherish your wrath’ against the

Achaeans,"

and

(showing)

that

(μῆνις

is

from

μένειν)

because

he

‘remains’ as he is and lies in peace and quiet, he says [Jl. II, 772] "xett'

ἀπομηνίσας," from the fact that he lay (there), "cherishing his wrath.” Μηνιθμός means the whole span [i.e., of his wrath, /l. XVI, 202]: "during all his μηνιθμόν." To show, further, that μένος and μῆνις mean the same [1]. I, 282]:

"Aueus,

cease

from

your

μένος"

What,

then,

is μῆνις

("wrath")?

"Rage (xóAoc)," he says, "that has not been given up;" he adds, then [282-3]; "and I beg you to give up your ‘rage’ against Achilles." Again, instead of saying μὴ ufjvie ("Do not cherish your wrath"), he said [Il. IX, 260]: "Let go of the 'rage' that is causing your heart grief," and for one who has ceased from his μῆνις, he says [/l. IX, 157]: "(if) he ceases from his 'rage.'"

Moreover, (Homer calls) one who has set aside his rage and is rid of this wrath [//. II, 241]: μεθήμων: "But there is no rage in Achilles’ heart and he is

μεθήμων ("careless," "remiss")."

Also, one who obsessively pays too much

* For a similar explanation in his discussion of Zeno, the Stoic, see Diogenes Laertius, VII, 114.

60 χόλον "αἰὲν ἐπιζαφελῶς χαλεπαίνει""

ζαφελὲς yap τὸ ἀναφαίρετον, kai

ζαφελὴς οὖν χόλος ἡ μῆνις, "ὅτε κέν τιν᾽ ἐπιζαφελὴς χόλος ἵκοιτο" περὶ γὰρ τῶν μηνιόντων ὁ λόγος. [καὶ τὸ μένος δὲ παρὰ τὸ μένειν, μένειν δὲ ἀκίνητον καὶ ἄτρομον καὶ μὴ φεύγειν. "ἐν γάρ τοι στήθεσι μένος πατρώϊον ἧκα / ἄτρομον." ὅτι γὰρ παρὰ τό μένειν: "ἔτι μοι μένος ἔμπεδον ἐστι." καὶ μένος οὖν χειρῶν τὸ ἔμμονον ἔργον πρὸς τὸ δράξασθαι: "οἱ δὲ μένος χειρῶν ἰθὺς φέρον." ὅτι δὲ τὸ μένος σθένος"

"πάντως, οἷον ἐμὸν μένος καὶ χεῖρες ἄαπτοι" εἰπόντος Δίος, "εὖ νυ," φησί, "καὶ ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν ὅ τοι σθένος οὐκ ἐπιεικτού." ὡς οὖν τὸ σθένος

μένος, οὕτω καὶ χόλος μένων μένος καὶ μῆνις. εἰπὼν οὖν "χαλεπὴ θεοῦ

ἔπι

μῆνις,"

ἐπάγει"

"οὐ

γάρ

T’

αἶψα

θεῶν

τρέπεται

νόος

δὲ αἰὲν

ἐόντων." ἔτι δὲ μῆνις ἐπιτηροῦσα καιρὸν τιμωρίας κότον ποιεῖ" "ἀλλά γε καὶ μετόπισθεν ἔχει κότον, ὄφρα τελέσῃ" τὸ γὰρ "ὄφρα τελέσῃ" ἕως ἂν κατεργάσηται καὶ λυπήσῃ τὸν λυπήσαντα. ὅτι δὲ παρὰ τὸ ἐγκεῖσθαι

κότος

εἴρηται,

ἐξηγεῖται.

"ὅ

τοι

κότον

ἔνθετο

θυμῷ,"

καὶ

ὅτι

ἐπιτηρητικὸν ὁ κότος εἰς τὸ δρᾶσαί τι πονηρόν "Ζεὺς δέ σφι Κρονίδης ὑψίζυγος αἰθέρι ναίων / αὐτὸς ἐπισείῃσιν ἐρεμνὴν αἰγίδα / τῆσδ᾽ ἀπάτης Koréov: τὰ μὲν ἔσται οὐκ ἀτέλεστα," ὅμοιον τῷ "ἔχει κότον, ὄφρα

τελέσῃ." καὶ πάλιν "ὀλλῦσαι Τρῶας, τοῖσιν κότον αἰνὸν ἔθεσθε" ἔθεσθε δὲ ἐν τῷ θυμῷ ἀκουστέον" τὸ yap αὐτό ἐστι τῷ “κότον ἔνθετο." καὶ εἰπὼν ὅτι τῷ ᾿Αγαμέμνονι "ἐκπάγλως κοτέοντο," προσάγει τὰ ἐκ τοῦ κότον᾽ "νῦν δή σε, ἄναξ, ἐθέλουσιν ᾿Αχαιοὶ πᾶσιν ἐλέγχιστον θέμεναι." [καὶ STL μὲν ἡ μῆνις μέγαν χόλον δηλοῖ" "πὰρ Διὸς αἰγιόχοιο χόλος καὶ μῆνις ἐτύχθη" ὅτι δὲ μῆνις ἀγανάκτησιν ἀμυντικὴν περιέχουσά ἐστι ὁ κότος παρίστησι

διὰ τούτων:

"εἰ μή τις θεός ἐστι

κοτεσσάμενος

Τρώεσσιν

ἱερῶν pnvioas: χαλεπὴ δὲ θεοῦ ἔπι μῆνις" μηνίσας οὖν ὁ θεὸς εἰς κότον μεθίσταται.]

/

61

heed to his rage [/ IX, 516]: "is always angry ἐπιζαφελῶς: (means)

"not to be taken away

(i.e.,

‘obsessive’),"

and μῆνις(

"ζαφελής wrath") is a

ζαφελῆς rage [1]. IX, 525]: "when an ‘obsessive’ rage should come upon someone:" the tale (here) was about those (heroes of the past) who cherished their wrath. (Moreover, μένος derives from μένειν, to remain motionless and fearless, and not to flee [Il. V, 125-6]: "since I have put within your breast your father's μένος (‘strength’) which is fearless.” [I]. V, 254]: "since my μένος is steadfast." Therefore, μένος χειρῶν is enduring (ἔμμονον) work with a view to grasping something [/] V, 506]: "they bore on ‘the strength of their hands’ straight (against the Trojans)." (He shows) that μένος means strength, when after Zeus says [/L VIII, 450]: "Such is my μένος, and my hands are invincible," (Hera) replies [463]: "We know well already that your strength (σθένος) is unyielding.” Therefore, even as μένος means strength, so, too, an.

abiding rage (χόλος μένων) is called μένος and μῆνις.

After saying, in fact

[/I. V, 178]: "Hard to deal with is the μῆνις of a god," he adds [Od. III, 147]: "for the mind of the eternal gods is not quickly turned.") Further, a μῆνις ("wrath") which lies in wait for an opportunity for vengeance produces an enduring resentment [xÓtoc, Il. I, 82]: "he still keeps back his κότος until he fulfills it;" indeed, "until he fulfills it" means until he has

been successful in causing suffering for the one who had made him suffer. He explains that κότος ("enduring resentment") derives from ἐγκεῖσθαι ("to lie within") [Od. XI, 102): "since he has laid up (ἔνθετο) ‘enduring resentment’ in his heart," and that κότος means "ever watchful for an opportunity to do some evil" [Il IV, 166-8]: "And Zeus, the son of Cronos, enthroned on high,

dwelling in the heavens, himself, will shake his gloomy aegis in his enduring resentment at this deception,

things which shall not go unfulfilled."

This is

similar to [Il. I, 82]: "he keeps his κότος until he fulfills it."

Again [with Il.

VIII,

set your

449]:

"destroy

the

Trojans

against

whom

you

have

dread

κότος," one should understand "in your heart" with "set," since this is the same as [Od. XI, 102, above]: "laid up (κότος) in his heart." After he has said that (the Achaeans) [/L II, 223]: "were furiously resentful (Kot&ovto)

towards Agamemnon,” he adds what will result from their resentment [284-5]: "The Achaeans now wish, Lord, to make you an object of reproach before all men." (μῆνις (wrath) indicates a strong χόλος (rage) [Il. XV, 122]: "there would have been (greater) χόλος and μῆνις from Zeus, shaker of the aegis," and he shows that κότος ("enduring resentment") is a μῆνις which includes a

violent irritation to retaliate in the following [/l. V, 177-8]; "unless he is some god in enduring resentment (κοτεσσάμενος) against the Trojans, having cherished his wrath (um v(caG) because of (blemished) sacrifices; hard is the wrath of the gods." The god, therefore, by cherishing his wrath passes to (a state of) enduring resentment. }

62 εἴρηται

τοίνυν

ὅτι ἡ μὲν κατὰ

θυμός, ἡ δὲ pet’ ἀγανακτήσεως καὶ σκύζεσθαι, ὁ δ᾽ ἀπόθετος ἀμύνεσθαι ἐπιτηροῦσα κότος, καὶ ὀρέξεως ἡ ὀργη, καὶ ὅπως

κίνησιν

πρόσκαιρος

ὀργὴ

χόλος

kal

δραστικῆς ἐνεργείας χώεσθαι λέγεται χόλος μένος καὶ μῆνις, αὕτη δὲ τὸ ὅπως ὁρμὴ ἐπηρμένη μετὰ λύπης καὶ κατὰ αὔξησιν τοῦ θυμοῦ γίνεται.

63 It has been stated, then, that rage (χόλος) and anger (θυμός) both are an anger (ὀργή) that is temporary, owing to its being transitory. One with a violent irritation for drastic action is said to be "full of wrath (χῴώεσθαι and

σχύζεσθαι),"

while a rage that is stored up is both a μένος and a μῆνις

(wrath), and a wrath which lies in wait for retaliation is (called) an enduring

resentment (κότος), both when the anger (ὀργή) is an impulse induced by pain and longing and when it arises in answer to an increase in anger (θυμός).

64 14. l'eXotos 6’ Απίων ἱπποκορυστὰς ἀποδέδωκε τοὺς κόρυθας ἔχοντας ἱππείαις θριξὶ κεκοσμημένας. εἰ γὰρ παρὰ τὴν κόρυν συνέκειτο, ἱπποκόρυθος ἂν ἐλέγετο. νῦν δὲ σημαίνει τὸν ἐφ᾽ ἵππων ὁπλίτην᾽ κορυστὴς γὰρ ἀπὸ μέρους ὁ ὁπλίτης καὶ μαχητής"

"πρῶτα δ᾽ ᾿Αντίλοχος

Τρώων ἕλεν ἄνδρα κορυστήν." καὶ τὸν "Apea δὲ ἔφη χαλκοκορυστήν "Αργεῖοι δ᾽ tm’ "Apni καὶ Ἕκτορι χαλκοκορυστῇ," ὃ τὸν ὁπλίτην σημαίνει καὶ ἀντίθετον τῷ ἱπποκορυστής. ἐκ δὲ τοῦ κορύεσθαι, ὅ πλεονασμῷ

τοῦ θ ἔφη

κορθύεσθαι,

f| τε περικεφαλαία

κόρυς καὶ κορύνη,

ἀμυντήριον ἐκ κεφαλῆς ῥοπὴν ἔχον καὶ βάρος, παρ᾽ ὃ καὶ ῥόπαλον λέγεται, καὶ κορυνήτης ὁ τῇ κορύνῃ χρώμενος. ἔμπαλιν δὲ τὸ εἰς τὸ σκηρίπτεσθαι ἐπιτήδειον ξύλον σκηπάνιον καὶ σκῆπτρον. ὡς καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ δόρατος, ᾧ καταχρῶνται εἰς τὸ σκηρίπτεσθαι, φησὶ "στῆ δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἐπὶ μελίας χαλκογλώχινος ἐρεισθεις," οὕτω καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ ῥοπάλου, ὅτε λέγει "δὸς δέ μοι, εἴ ποθί τοι ῥόπαλον τετμημένον ἐστί, / σκηρίπτεσθαι." ἐν δὲ τῷ ἱπποκορυστὴς δύναται ἡ ἵππου γενικὴ συγκεῖσθαι ἀντὶ τοῦ ἱππεύς, ὡς τὸ “ὀτρύνων ἵππους τε καὶ ἀνέρας ἀσπιδιώτας " τοὺς γὰρ ἵππους τοῖς ἀσπιδιώταις

ἱππέων

ἀντιθείς,

ἤτοι

πεζοῖς

ὁπλίταις,

ἐμήνυσεν

ὅτι

ἀντὶ

τοὺς ἵππους ἔφη. ᾧ τρόπῳ καὶ ἐν τῇ συνηθείᾳ φαμὲν

τῶν

ἡ τῶν

Περσὼν ἵππος ἐνίκησεν, ἤγουν οἱ ἱππεὶς" ἡγεμονικώτεροι δὲ τῶν πεζῶν οὗτοι. διὸ ὀτρύνει " ἵππους τε καὶ ἀνέρας." καὶ τὸ εὕδειν οὖν ἀνέρας ἱπποκορυστὰς

κατ᾽

ἐπικράτειαν

εἰρημένον

δηλοῖ

οὐ μόνον

ἱππεῖς

καὶ πεζοὺς καὶ οὐκ ἄνδρας μόνον ἀλλὰ καὶ γυναῖκας καθεύδειν.

ἀλλὰ

65 14. Apion ludicrously defined txxoxopvotof as meaning those who have

helmets decorated with horse hair

If the word were a compound from

κόρυς ("helmet"), it would be ἱπποκόρυθος. Today, however, it means an armed warrior on horseback, since κορυστῆς by part for the whole (i.e., synecdoche) means a hoplite or warrior [Il IV, 457]: "Antilochus was the first to

kill an armed man (ἄνδρα κορυστήν) of the Trojans." He also called Ares xaAxoxopvotfis [/ V, 699]: "But the Argives under Ares and Hector, ‘bronze-armored,’" which means "hoplite," and is antithetical to ixxoxopvστής ("a fighter on a horse"). A κόρυς (helmet) which covers the head (derives) from κορύεσθαι, which (in Homer is spelled) κορθύεσθαι ("lift up," "rear," as of a crest), with the redundant 0; also (derived from it is) xopóvm ("mace"), a weapon weighted at its end and having a downward momentum, hence it is also called ῥόπαλον ("war club") and its user, a kopuvfirng. On the other hand, a staff or scepter (σκῆπτρον) is a piece of wood suitable for support (σκῆριπτεσθαι). Even as he says of a δόρυ ("shaft," "spear") which is used for support [//. XXII, 225]:

"(Achilles) stood, leaning on his bronze-

tipped ash-spear," so also of ῥόπαλον, when he says [Od. XVII, 195-6]: "and give me a 'club' to support myself, if any has been cut for you somewhere." But with ἱπποκορυστής (a fighter on a horse), it is possible that (the word) is a compound with the possessive case of ἵππος (horse) instead of ἱππεύς (horseman), as in /l. XVI, 166-7: "urging on the ‘horse’ and spearbearing men," since by contrasting the horse with the shield-bearers, i.e., the beavily armed infantry, he made it clear that he used "horse" for "horsemen." We, too, in this way commonly

say "The horse of the Persians conquered,"

that is, the cavalry; the latter, further, are more capable of command than the infantry.

For this reason, then, (Achilles) urges on

"his

‘horse’

and men."

Therefore, (the phrase) "ἄνδρες ἱπποκορυσταί are sleeping," owing to their superiority, means that not only is the cavalry sleeping but also the infantry,

and not only the men but the women sleeping, the realm sleeps).

*5 Apion, an Alexandrian Homeric glossary.

scholar

as well (ie.

of the

when

Ist cent

the cavalry

A.D.,

compiled

is

a

66

15. Taparnpeiv

Set ὡς, ὅταν ἐκ προσώπου

τινὸς ἐπάγειν

λόγους

μέλλῃ τινὰς ὁ ποιητής, προλέγει προσημαίνων οἷος ἔσται ὁ λόγος ἢ μεθ’ οἵας διαθέσεως λεγόμενος. οὕτω γὰρ ὅρον λαβόντες παρὰ τοῦ ποιητοῦ

ἐπὶ τὰ αὐτὰ οἷς αὐτὸς παρήγγειλε τῶν λεγομένων ἀκουσόμεθα. οἷον εἰπόντος "τὸν δ᾽ ἄρ ὑπόδρα ἰδὼν προσέφη," ὑβριστικοὺς προσεκτέον ἔσεσθαι τοὺς λόγους, οἷοι ἂν γένοιντο ὑπὸ rov ὑποβλεπομένου" καὶ πάλιν προειπόντος "καί μιν νεικείων ἔπεα πτερόεντα προσηύδα," θεωρητέον εἰ οἱ ἐπάγεσθαι μέλλοντες λόγοι ὀνείδη παρέχουσιν. ὅταν δὲ "ὅς σφιν εὖ φρονέων

ἀγορήσατο

xal

μετέειπε,"

φρονίμους

προσδεκτέον

λόγους" φρονίμου δέ ἐστι τὰς αἰτίας τῶν ἐνεστηκότων elmew καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐπάγειν τὰ ποιητέα. τὸ μὲν οὖν "ἀγορήσατο" δηλοῖ τὴν ἐξήγησιν

καὶ φανέρωσιν τῶν ἐνεστηκότων, οἷον “οὔτ᾽ ἄρ᾽ εὐχωλῆς ἐπιμέμφεται" καὶ τὰ ἑξης, τὸ δὲ "μετέειπε"

τὸ μετάγειν

τὸ ποιητέον

ἐπάγει

yáp:

"οὐδ᾽ ὅ γε πρὶν λοιμοιο βαρείας χεῖρας ἀφέξει" καὶ τὰ eins. καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ Νέστορος:

"ὦ πόποι, A μέγα πένθος

᾿Αχαιΐδα γαῖαν ἱκάνει"

διήγησιν

ἔχει τῶν ἐνεστώτων ἃ "ἀγορήσατο," τῷ δὲ "ἀλλὰ πείθεσθε καὶ ὕμμες" à Seu πράττειν λέγει. καὶ πάλιν ὅταν εἴπῃ "καὶ τότε κουφότερον

μετεφώνεε Φαιήκεσσι," δει ἡμας τῶν μελλόντων λέγεσθαι λόγων ἀκούειν ὡς

κούφων

καὶ

ἐπηρμένων,

ὑψηλολογοῦυντος

διὰ

τὴν

νίκην

τοῦ

Ὀδυσσέως: τοιοῦτον γὰρ τὸ “τούτων vuv ἐφίκεσθε, νέοι," καὶ Ta ἑξης" προθεωροῦντι ἀκουσομένους λύειν

τῶν

γὰρ ἔοικεν ὁ ποιητὴς ἑαυτὸν καὶ προδιατιθέντι τοὺς περὶ Trou εἴδους τῶν λόγων. ἐκ τούτων δὲ πολλὰ ἔνεστι

παρεωραμένων

τοις

γραμματικοις.

αὐτίκα

τὸ ἐπὶ

TOU

Διός"

"αὐτίκ ᾿ émeiparo Κρονίδης ἐρεθιζέμεν Ἥρην /Keptopiors ἐπέεσσι παραβλήδην ἀγορεύων." μὴ νοήσαντές τινες ὅτι περὶ τοῦ μέλλοντος τρόπου TOU λόγου εἴρηκεν, ἀλλοκότους ἐξηγήσεις πεποίηνται" φησὶ δὲ ὅτι παραβλητικοις ἐχρῆτο λόγοις, παραβάλλων καὶ ἀντεξετάζων τὴν ᾿Αφροδίτης ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ ἐπικουρίαν πρὸς τὴν Ἥρας καὶ ᾿Αθηνας TQ

Μενελάῳ

γινομένην. τὸ οὖν "παραβλήδην"

τὸ μετὰ τοῦ παραβάλλειν

67 15. One should observe that when the poet is about to introduce the words of a certain character, he indicates what sort of speech will follow or what the speaker's disposition is by means of an introductory comment. Indeed, after we have taken the poet's guideline, we shall understand what is being said within the framework he, himself, has provided.

For example, when he says

[I]. I, 148; XX, 260 and 344, and XXIV, 559]: "then looking grimly at him," one must note that the words will be those of outrage, such as would be those of one who is glaring angrily. Again, when he says first (Od. XVIII, 9]: "and, railing at them, he uttered winged words," one must see whether the words that ' follow exhibit reproach. On the other hand, (whenever he begins with) [Il. I, 73 and 253, II, 78 and 283]: "and he with kind intent toward them ἀγορήσατο

(‘addressed the assembly’) and μετέειπε (‘spoke among them’), one should expect thoughtful words, since it is characteristic of the thoughtful to speak of the causes of the present circumstance and then to add what must be done. "Ayopficato, therefore, indicates an explanation and clarification of the present circumstance, i.e. [/l. I, 93]: "(Apollo) does not blame us because of a vow,”

etc., while μετέειπε

(indicates) a transition to what

must be done:

he

adds, in fact [97]: "nor will he keep his heavy hands from the plague," etc. (i.e, until they return the girl). In the case of Nestor [Il. I, 254-5]: "Alas, great sorrow comes upon the land of Achaea," (the phrase) provides a statement of the present circumstance due to which he "addressed the assembly (&yopficato)," and with the words [274]: "But you also heed me," he tells

them what must be done. And again, when he says [Od. VIII, 201]: "Then he addressed the Phaeacians in a lighter vein," we should understand the words that he is about to utter as lively and excited, since Odysseus is speaking proudly because of his victory: such, to be sure, is [202]: "Match this (toss), young men," etc.; indeed, the poet seems like one who has carefully considered. how to predispose his audience to the tone of his words. As a result of this, one can resolve many passages that have been misinterpreted by the grammarians. For example, in the case of Zeus [/l. IV, 5-6]: "At once the son of Cronos tried to ‘provoke’ Hera with ‘jeering’ words, speaking παραβλήδην." Some, unaware that he has been speaking of the tone of the speech to follow, have devised interpretations utterly different from one another.” Homer says that (Zeus) used napaBAntixot words, comparing (παραβάλλων) and contrasting the aid of Aphrodite to Paris with that of Hera and Athena to Menelaus. Therefore, παραβλήδην means "with a compari-

?* The same still holds true.

Leaf, ad loc., giving various explanations,

prefers the meaning "by way of risking himself (‘drawing her fire’) ... hence 'provokingly.'"" Kirk, ad loc, prefers "deviously." See, also LSJ, napa-

βλήδην, "malicious," and πκαραβλητικός, "comparative."

68 λέγει, ὃ εἰώθασι λέγειν συγκρίνειν. Kal ὅτι τοῦθ᾽ οὕτως ἔχει, δηλοι ὁ TOU Διὸς λόγος συγκριτικὸς dv: "δοιαὶ μὲν Μενελάῳ ἀρηγόνες εἰσὶ θεάων,

Ἥρη

τ᾽

᾿Αργείη

καὶ

dXaAkouevnis

᾿Αθήνη.

/ ἀλλ᾽

ἤτοι

ταὶ

νόσφι καθήμεναι εἰσορόωσαι /Tépmeo00ov: τῷ δ᾽ αὖτε φιλομειδὴς ᾿Αφροδίτη /alei παρμέμβλωκε καὶ αὐτοῦ κῆρας ἀμύνει." καὶ οὐχ ἔστιν

ἁπλῶς παραβολὴ καὶ ἀντεξέτασις, ἀλλ᾽ οὕτως ἐρεθιστικὴ καὶ κέρτομος, ὡς προεῖπεν

δύο μὲν Μενελάῳ,

μία δ᾽ ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ,

καὶ ἡ μὲν Ἥρα

ὡς

᾿Αργεία τῷ Μενελάῳ Erapkeıv ὀφείλουσα, ἡ δὲ ᾿Αθηνα ἀλαλκομενηΐς, ἡ δὲ ᾿Αφροδίτη

φιλομειδὴς

καὶ οὐκ ἀπ᾽ ᾽Ιλίου:

καὶ ὅμως

αἱ μὲν νόσφι τοῦ

Μενελάου κάθησθε, ἡ δὲ "αἰεὶ παρμέμβλωκε"" καὶ αἱ μὲν θεωροὶ εἰς τέρψιν τῶν ἀγώνων, ἡ δὲ "αὐτοῦ κηρας ἀμύνει" συμπαραμένουσα: "καὶ vw ἐξεσάωσας ὀϊόμενον θανέεσθαι." ὀρθὼς ἄρα προεῖπεν ὅτι ἐρεθιστικὸς ὁ λόγος ἔσται καὶ χλεναστικὸς καὶ παραβλητικός. πάλιν ὅταν ἐπὶ τῆς Θέτιδος

λέγῃ

"ὥς

ἔχετ᾽

ἐμπεφυυϊα,

καὶ

εἴρετο

δεύτερον

αὖτις,"

τὸ

"εἴρετο" οὐ χρὴ ἀκούειν ἀντὶ Tov ἠρώτησεν ἅπλως, ἀλλ᾽ ἀντὶ Tov ἠρώτα τὸ ἀληθὲς μαθέιν θέλουσα: ἐπάγει γὰρ "νημερτὲς μὲν δή μοι ὑπόσχεο καὶ κατάνευσον {ἢ ἀπόειπε, ἐπεὶ οὔ τοι ἔπι δέος, ὄφρ᾽ ἐὺ eldw." καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις ἔφη" “elpwras μ᾽ ἐλθόντα θεὰ θεόν: αὐτὰρ ἐγώ τοι νημερτέως τὸν μῦθον ἐισπήσω." καὶ τὸ "εἴρεαι" τοίνυν "ὁπόθεν εἰμὲν" οὕτως ἀκουσόμεθα' τἀληθὲς ἀκουσαι βουλόμενος ἐξετάζεις. καὶ τὸ “‘Eppeiav ἐρέεινε

Καλυψώ,

«...ἐνισπεῖν»,

δῖα θεάων": ἐπάγει

καὶ

τὸ

"νημερτέως

γὰρ

"αὔδα ὅ τι φρονέεις." ἐνισπέιν

τὸν

μυθον

ἐνισπήσω,"

ἤτοι

ἀναμαρτήτως τἀληθὲς Epw' κεῖται γὰρ ὡς εἰ ἔλεγεν ἐπαληθεύσομαί

σοι

dipevón τὸν λόγον. καὶ τὸ "ἔννεπε" οὖν ἀληθῆ λὲγε καὶ τὸ "ἄειδε" πάλιν ἀληθη

ἐν ποιήμασι

λέγε:

ἀοιδὴ

γὰρ

ἡ ποίησις.

εἰπὼν

οὖν

"ἀλλά ye

δὴ

μετάβηθι καὶ ἵππου κόσμον ἄεισον," ἐπάγει" "al κεν δή μοι κατὰ μοιραν

69 son," (a meaning) they used to express with συνκρίνειν (lit, "bring into combination," "compare"). Zeus’ speech shows that this is so since it is συλκριτικός (comparative) [7-11]: "Menelaus has two goddesses as helpers,

Argive Hera and Alalcomenian Athena? looking

on,

while

on

the

contrary,

But they sit far off and delight in

Aphrodite,

the

laughter-loving,

always

protects and wards off fate from him." Now this is not simply a comparison and contrast: it is as "provocative" and "jeering" as Homer had foretold [see lines 5 and 6, above]: two goddesses for Menelaus, one for Paris, and Hera, as

"Argive," is obliged to help Menelaus, as is Athena, as "Protectress," while Aphrodite is "laughter-loving," and not even from Troy.

Nevertheless, they sit

apart from Menelaus while she "always protects" (Paris); they are spectators for their own

delight in the combat,

while she, remaining by his side [11]:

"wards off fate from him;" [12]: "even now she saved him when he thought that he would die." Homer, then, spoke to the point in advance, saying that the speech would be provocative, both jeering and expressing a comparison. Again, when he says of Thetis [//. I, 513]: "thus clinging fast, she held

(Zeus' knees) and asked (εἴρετο) him a second time," one should not hear εἴρετο simply as "asked (ἠρώτησεν)," but as "she asked, wishing to leam the truth," since Homer

adds

[515]:

"Nod

your head in assent and promise me

truly (to accomplish this), or else refuse, since you have nothing to fear, so that I may know well In another passage he said [Od V, 97-8]: "You, a goddess, ask (εἰρωτᾷς) me, a god, why I have come; I shall tell (ἐνισπήσω) you the story truthfully." We shall therefore also understand [Od. III, 80]: "You

ask (εἴρεαι)

where

we are from,"

as follows:

"You

inquire carefully,

wishing to hear the truth." Also [after Od. V, 85]: "But Calypso, the divine goddess, questionned (ἐρέεινε) Hermes," he adds [89]: "say what you have in mind." ἐνισπεῖν (...évionetv).* and [Od. V, 98]: "I shall ἐνισπήσω you the story truthfully," that is, "I shall tell you the story without mistake," since it is as if be had said, "I shall verify for you that my word is not false." ἔννεπε, then, also means "speak the truth," while ἄειδε in turn means "speak the truth in poetry," since ἀοιδή is "poetry." Therefore, after saying [Od. VIII, 492]: "Come, change (your theme) and sing (Ge1cov) of the building of the (wooden) horse," he adds [496]: "if you will tell me this κατὰ μοῖραν

’7 Kirk, ad Il., IV, 8, takes Alalkomenai as the name of a place by Lake Kopais in Boeotia, where Athena had a temple in her honor. While this may well be true, Leaf took it as an "attributive rather than local, meaning 'the guardian.'" In this, he is following Aristarchus (Porphyry's source), who took the name as deriving from the verb, ἁλαλκεῖν, "to ward off." See note #30 for a similar etymological play.

?! There is a brief lacuna in the text at this point and again on p. 77.

70 karaAéEgs,"

οὖν τὸ

ὅπερ

"κατ᾽

ἐν ἄλλοις᾽

αἶσαν"

"πάντα

εἰπεῖν;

Kat’

"οὐδ᾽

αἶσαν

ἂν ἔγωγε

ἔειπες,

ἀγακλεές."

/ ἄλλα

πάρεξ

Ti

εἴποιμι

παρακλιδόν, οὐδ᾽ ἀπατήσω" [καὶ ὅταν δὲ προείπῃ "εἶθαρ δὲ προσηύδα," τὸ εὐθὲς καὶ ἀληθὲς καὶ φανερὸν ἀκουσόμεθα, πάλιν ἔφη ηὔδα," τὸ ἄντικρυς καὶ διαῤῥήδην, ὃ ἐν ἄλλοις ἔφη

ἀπόφημι"

"ἔπος ἀντίον "ἀντικρὺ δ᾽

Tov γὰρ εὐθέως λόγου δύναμις τὸ μὴ πάρεξ

εἰπεῖν μηδὲ

παρεκκλιναι. καὶ τὸ "ἀντίον" δὲ "ηὔδα" ἐξηγήσατο "rov οὐδέν τοι ἐγὼν κρύψω Eros" οἱ γὰρ ἰθὺ καὶ κατεναντίον ἰόντες οὐ κρύπτονται ὡς οἱ

κλέπτοντες. ὅθεν ἐπὶ rov οὐκ ἀπατῶντος "«μὴ» .Aémre

νόῳ." τί οὖν

τὸ "κλέπτε νόῳ;" "ὅς x’ ἕτερον μὲν κεύθει ἐνὶ φρεσίν, ἄλλο δὲ βάζει." πάλιν ὁ ποιητής, Tov ᾿Αγαμέμνονος μέλλοντος λέγειν πρὸς τὸν Κάλχαντα "μάντι κακῶν, οὔ ποτέ μοι τὸ Kpriyvov ἔειπας" {αἰεί τοι τὰ κάκ᾽ ἐστὶ φίλα φρεσὶ μαντεύεσθαι, / ἐσθλὸν δ᾽ οὔτέ τί πω εἶπες ἔπος οὐδ᾽ ἐτέλεσας," καὶ t διὰ τ... k... μάντιν κακὼν πολλάκις ἀγορεύοντες, t

προλέγων ὅτι τοιοῦτοι ἔσονται οἱ λόγοι, φησίν: "Κάλχαντα [μάντιν] πρώτιστα κακοσσόμενος προσέειπεν." οὐ κακῶς ὑποβλεψάμενος" οὐ γὰρ οἷόν τε τὸ κακῶς συναλέιψαι διὰ τὸ σύμφωνον οὐδ᾽ ἔστιν ὅπου τὸ ὑποβλέπεσθαι ὄσσεσθαι λέγει. ἀλλὰ σημαίνει τὸ "κακοσσόμενος" ἐν συνθέτῳ ῥηθὲν κακόμαντιν ἀποκαλῶν. ἐπεὶ γὰρ "ὄσσα" ἡ θεία φήμη, ἣν καὶ Διὸς ἄγγελον ἔφη

- "μετὰ δέ σφισιν

ὄσσα δεδήει

ὀτρύνουσ᾽

ἰέναι,

Διὸς ἄγγελος" -, Διὸς δὲ ἄγγελοι καὶ οἱ μάντεις καὶ ns ὀπὸς τῶν θεῶν ἀκούουσιν, ἥτις ἐστίν ὄσσα - "ὥς γὰρ ὄπ᾽ ἄκουσα θεῶν" -, ἀπὸ rns ὄσσης πεποίηται τὸ "κακοσσόμενος," ἤτοι ὡς κακόμαντιν αὐτὸν ὀνειδίζων, ὡς

εἰ ἔλεγε: κακὸν ἄγγελον τῆς Διὸς ὄσσης ἀποκαλῶν. οὐ γάρ ἐστιν ἁπλῶς κακολογὼν, ὅτι οὐδ᾽ ὄσσαν ἁπλως τὴν φωνὴν σημαίνει, ἀλλὰ τὴν θείαν,

ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἐπὶ κακῷ χρώμενον TH θείᾳ avi

λοιδορῶν.

μὲν γάρ τοι ἐγὼ κακὸν ὀσσομένη τόδ᾽ ἱκάνω οὐ

κακὸν

κληδονιζομένη,

kai

"ὀσσόμενος

καὶ ἐν ἄλλοις" "οὐ

ἀλλ᾽

πατέρα

ἀγαθὰ φρονέουσα," ἐσθλὸν

ἐνὶ

φρεσίν,"

ἤτοι ἐν ἑαυτῷ κληδονιζόμενος καὶ εὐχόμενος θείας τυχέιν φήμης περὶ τῆς ἐπανόδου

θυμός," "Ξάνθε,

καὶ τὸ "οὔ

ἀντὶ τοῦ προεμαντεύετο.

ὄσσεσθαι πάντων

τοῦ πατρός,

αὐτὸς κεφαλάς,

τί

μοι

ἐδήλωσεν

ἐπὶ

τῶν

ποτέ

μοι θάνατον

καὶ ἔτι μάλλον ἀπὸ μνηστήρων

ὄσσοντο

δ᾽

ὄλεθρον,"

θάνατον

μαντεύεαι;"

ὃ ἐπ᾽

τὴν

λέγων

ἄλλου

δὲ

προτιόσσετο

τῆς ὄσσης

τὸ

"ἐς δ᾽

ἰδέτην

ἐξηγήσατο

εἰπών"

ὄσσαν

ὅτι

θεία φωνὴ

71 ("rightly," "in order"), which (he expresses) elsewhere [Jl XVII, 716]: "You

have said everything, famed one, κατ᾽ adoav."

What does kat’ αἷσαν

mean? [Od. IV, 347-8]: "I, myself, would say nothing beside the point, evasively, nor shall I deceive.” (When Homer prefaces (a speech with) [Π]. XI,

353]:

"He

spoke

εἶθαρ

δὲ," we

shall take

it as (meaning)

"frankly,"

"truly," and "openly." Again, he said [/I. III, 203]: "ἀντίον, he spoke a word," (i.e.) "openly," "explicitly," which he expressed elsewhere with [/]. VII, 362]:

"ἀντκρὺ ("openly") I declare.") Indeed, the force of open speech (lies in its)

not speaking beside the point or digressing. He also expressed “ἀντίον he spoke" [with Od. IV, 350]: "I shall not ‘conceal’ a word of this;" indeed, those who come openly and face to face do not "conceal" themselves like thieves. For this reason (Homer says) of one who does not deceive [I]. I, 131-2]: "Do

not κλέπτε (lit, ‘steal’) νόφ." What does this mean? [1]. IX, 313]: “he who ‘hides’ one thing in his ‘heart,’ and speaks another." Again, when Agamemnon was on the point of saying to Calchas [Il. I, 105-8]: "Prophet of evil, never yet have you said to me τὸ κρήγυον; always it is dear to your heart to prophesy evil while you have never yet said a good word to me nor have you brought it to fulfilment, "[.......] the poet, telling us beforehand that his words will be such, says [/I. I, 105]: "First of all, (Aga-

memnon) κακοσσόμενος Calchas, spoke to him." (This does) not (mean) eyeing him angrily (κακῶς), since it is not possible to elide κακῶς because of the consonant (ie., the final -¢), nor does he use ὄσσεσθαι anywhere (to. mean) "to eye angrily;" κακοσσόμενος, then, taken as a compound, means | "disparaging (Calchas) as κακόμαντις (prophet of evil)." Since, in fact, 600a means

"divine voice,"

which he also called "the messenger of Zeus"

[Il. II,

93-4]: "Among them "Ooca blazed, urging them to go, the messenger of Zeus" -and since prophets are also messengers of Zeus and hear the gods' voice (Ow), which is ὅσσα [Il. VII, 53]: "for thus did I hear the Sw of the

gods" -κακοσσόμενος is coined from ὅσσα, that is, "rebuking him as prophet of evil" as if he had said "disparaging the evil messenger of the voice of Zeus." Nor does κακοσσόμενος simply mean “abusing,” since he does not. use ὅσσα merely for a voice, but (rather) for a divine one, reviling him for using the divine voice for evil.

Also in other passages [Il. XXIV,

172-3]: "I

come to you, not κακὸν Ö000u£vn, but thinking kind thoughts," (that is), "not fore-boding evil," and [Od. I, 115]: ὀσσόμενος his noble father in his mind," that is, with an inward foreboding, and praying to come upon a divine report. concerning his father's return, and [Od. XIV, 219]: "my spirit never did προτιόσσεται death," for "prophesy." And even more clearly did he, himself, show that ὄσσεσθαι is from Soon when he says of the suitors [Od. IL 152]: "(the eagles) looked down on the heads of all, and they Socovto destruction," which he expained in another passage by saying [/I. XIX, 420]: "Xanthus, why

do you prophesy (pavteóeon) my death?"

72 efnyeıru λέγων: "fj ὄσσαν ἀκούσεις /ék Διός." λέγει δὲ αὐτὴν Kal κληδόνα- "ἦλθον, εἴ τινά μοι κληδόνα πατρὸς ἐνίσποις," κληδὼν δὲ παρὰ τὸ κλέος διδόναι καὶ φέρειν: "ἢ ὄσσαν ἀκούσεις, / fj τε κλέος μάλιοτα φέρει

ἀνθρώποισι,"

καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Τηλέμαχος

"πατρὸς

ἐμου," φησί,

"κλέος

εὐρὺ μετέρχομαι," καὶ "WXETO πευσόμενος μετὰ σὸν κλέος," καὶ ἡ μεγάλη καὶ ἔνδοξος φήμη καὶ κληδὼν μέγα κλέος: "πεύθετο γὰρ

Κύπρονδε μέγα κλέος." προσαγορεύει" ῥέζεσκον

τὴν δὲ ὄσσαν, οὖσαν θείαν φωνήν, καὶ "ὀμφὴν"

"θείη δέ μιν ἀμφέχυτ᾽

᾿Αχαιοί,"

ἐπεὶ καὶ ἡ ὄσσα

ὀμφή," καὶ "ἔνθα πανομφαίῳ Ζηνὶ καὶ ἡ ὀμφὴ

Διὸς

ἄγγελοι. ἔστι

τις ἄλλη δήμου φήμη

ἡ ὑπὸ ....... ἀγγελίας.

“εὐνήν τ᾽ αἰδομένη

δήμοιό

......ἰὕς, καὶ

πολύφημος,"

τε

φήμην"

φατίζεται.

ἤδη

δὲ

καὶ

τὴν

"ἀγορὰ

κληδόνα

φήμην

που

εἴρηκε:

δέ

πόσιος

ἐν fj πολλὰ "φήμην

δ᾽

ἐξ

οἴκοιο γυνὴ προέηκεν ἀλετρίς." ὥστε ὄσσα μὲν χαὶ ὀμφὴ καὶ κληδὼν ἐπὶ TOU αὐτου, φήμη δὲ ἐπὶ τῆς θείας κληδόνος καὶ τῆς ἀνθρωπίνης διαλαλήσεως:

οἴεται

γὰρ

... φωνὴν

εἶναι “Ὅμηρος,

ἧς

τοὺς

μάντεις

ἀκούειν - "ὥς γὰρ ἐγὼν Óm' ἄκουσα θεων" - , ταύτην δὲ διαδίδοσθαι μηδενὸς προκατάρξαντος ἀνθρώπου: "ὄσσα δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἄγγελος ὦκα κατὰ πόλιν ᾧχετο πάντη, μνηστήρων στυγερὸν θάνατον καὶ knp' ἐννέπουσα᾽" παρὰ γὰρ τὴν ὅπα τὸ "ἐννέπουσα." τὸ μὲν οὖν "κακοσσόμενος " σημαίνει τὸ εἰρημένον, τὸ δὲ "κρήγυον" οὐκ old’ ὅπως τὸ ἀληθὲς δηλοῦν

ἀποδεδώκασιν,

αὐτοῦ

ἀντιτιθέντος

οὐ τῷ

ψευδει

ἀλλὰ

τῷ

κακῷ

τὸ

"κρήγυον" ἀντίκειται δὲ τῷ κακῷ οὐ τὸ ἀληθές, ἀλλὰ τὸ ἀγαθόν: "οὐ πώ ποτέ μοι τὸ κρήγυον éevmag: /alei τοι τὰ Kak’ ἐστὶ φίλα φρεσὶ μαντεύεσθαι."

ταὐτὸν

τῷ

νηκερδὲς

δὲ

ὅμοιον

κακωτικὴν

φρόνησιν,

ἔστι

θυμῆρες.

ἔειπες,"

εἶναι

καὶ

οὐ γὰρ

τὸ

ἀρετὴν

kai

δὲ

"κρήγυον"

ἐν

ἄλλῳ

παρὰ

"μάντι

"οὐλόμενος"

τῷ

κέαρι

"οὐδέ

τί

τὸ προσῆκον

κακῶν"

κεκτημένον.

τὸ

καὶ

τῷ ὁ

δὲ ὁ ὀλοὸν

ἡδὺ

πω

καὶ

παρὰ

προσηνές,

ὃ

potpav

ἔπος

τὰ κακὰ ἠγόρευσας.

οἶμαι

"αἰναρέτη," "ὀλοόφρων"

ἔχων

μένος,

ὃ σημαίνει βλαπτικὴν

τὸν ἔχων

"οὐλομένη"

τε

73

On the other hand, he explains that 6ooa means "divine voice," saying [Od.

I, 282-3]:

"or (if) you

hear an Sooa

from

Zeus."

He

also calls it

KAndav [Od. IV, 317]: "I came to learn if you could tell me some κληδῶν of

my father," xAnö@v, from to give or bring “tidings (kA£oc)" [Od. I, 282-3]: "or (if) you hear an ὅσσα from Zeus which best brings ‘tidings’ to men," and

Telemachus, himself, says [Od. III, 83]: "I seek widespread 'tidings' of my father,” and [Od. XIII, 415]: "I have come to seek ‘tidings’ of you." Moreover, great κλέος means a great and glorious φήμη ("report"), or KAnSav ("omen," "tidings") [/I. XI, 21]: "for in Cyprus he heard ‘the great tidings.'" He also calls 600a, the divine voice, ὀμφή [I]. II, 41]: "and a divine ὀμφή. was shed about him," and [//]. VIII, 250]: "Zeus πανομφαῖος (‘author of all omens )," since both ὅσσα and ὀμφή are messengers of Zeus. Now the φήμη of the people is something else (a ‘report’ of some news

spread abroad by the people)” [Od. XVI, 75]: "respecting the bed of her husband and the talk (φήμη) of the people. (and again, [Od. XIV, 239]: "the harsh φήμη of the people was upon us"), and [Od. II, 150]: "(to the middle of) the πολύφημος assembly," where many things are discussed (φατίζεται). He also, somewhere, used φήμη for "omen (xAnóóv)" [Od XX, 105]: "and a woman,

as she ground

(grain),

sent a φήμη

from

her house."

Therefore,

ὅσσα, ὀμφῆ, and KAndav (are used) for the same purpose, while φήμη (is used) for a divine omen as well as for human discourse: indeed, Homer thinks’ that (divine) φώνη is what the prophets hear [//. VII, 53]: "for thus did I hear

the Sw of the gods," and that this is spread abroad without any human instigation [Od. XXIV, 413-4]: "and now “Ὄσσα, the messenger, went swiftly

throughout the city, everywhere, évvérovoa (announcing) the wretched death and destruction of the suitors;" indeed, ἐννέπουσα derives from Sy (voice). κακοσσόμενος, therefore, means what we have said, but as for xpfjyvov, I do not see how they have taken it as meaning "truth," since Homer, himself, contrasts it, not with the false, but with evil; now the opposite of evil is the good, not truth [Il. I, 106-7]: "Never yet have you said to me τὸ xpfiyvov; always is it dear to your heart to prophesy evil" xpfiyvov (means) something pleasant and soothing to the heart, which is the same as θυμῆρες ("suiting the heart"). Also, in another passage [Od. XIV, 509]: "nor have you misspoken a word or uttered anything unprofitable," i.e., you have not said anything evil or beyond what is fitting. I, then, think that μάντι κακῶν [/l. I, 106] is similar to odvapétn [Il. XVI, 31], which means "one who possesses a most dangerous courage." Also,

ὁλοόφρων (means) "one bent on destruction," and οὐλόμενος, "one having a deadly (6A06v) passion (μένος),

and οὐλομένη

μῆνις

[JL I, 1]: "a wrath

?? 'The text is restored from the Bt scholia, here, and in the next sentence.

74

"μῆνις" ἡ ἐξ óXoov μένους yevvnderoa: ὁ yàp ταύτην ἔχων ὀλοός- "ἀλλ᾽ dom ᾿Αχιλληὶ θεοὶ βούλεσθ᾽ ἐπαρήγειν." ταῦτα οὖν λέγει τοῖς ἀγαθόν τι κεκτημένοις, μὴ ὠφελοῦσι δὲ δι᾽ αὐτοῦ τινας" fj τε γὰρ ἀρετὴ καὶ ἡ φρόνησις καὶ τὸ μένος καὶ ἡ μαντικὴ τῶν ἀγαθῶν, οἱ δὲ μὴ δι᾽ αὐτῶν

ὠφελοῦντες εἰκότως διαβάλλονται ὡς ἐπὶ κακῷ κεκτημένοι ἄλλα

δὲ

εἴωθε

συντιθέναι

εἰς

διαβολήν

τινων

ὡς

τὸ ἀγαθόν.

δυσωνύμων,

ὡς

τὸ

"Δύσπαρι" καὶ τὸ "μῆτερ δύσμητερ" καὶ "N τάχα Ἶρος "Aipos" ἔστι γὰρ ὁ κακόϊρος, ὡς ἄμορφος γυνή, καὶ "Duov "Κακοΐλιον οὐκ ὀνομαστήν"" διὰ γὰρ τοῦ "οὐκ ὀνομαστὴν" τὸ δυσώνυμον ἐπεσημήνατο.

75 sprung from a deadly passion," since one who has this (μῆνις) is ὁλοός ("deadly") [J XXIV, 39]: "But you gods desire to help this ‘deadly’ Achilles." He’ therefore uses these words for those who possess some good quality but who

do not help anyone with it; indeed, courage and good sense, spirit and the art of prophesy are among the good, but those who do not help (others) with them are rightly censured

Homer,

as possessing

a good quality for the purpose

of evil..

further, is accustomed to devise other terms to discredit those who

have earned a bad name, like [Il. III, 39]: Δύσπαρις ("wretched Paris"),

[1].

XXIII, 97): μῆτερ δύσμητερ ("mother unmotherly"), and [Od. XVIII, 73]: "indeed, quickly “Ipoc "Atpog ("Irus, i.e., ‘messenger’, unfit for messages") since he is κακόϊρος ("misbegotten messenger"), like an unsightly woman, and [Od. XIX, 260]: "Ilio, Κακοίΐλιος οὐκ ὀνομαστής ("evil Ilios, unspeakable"); indeed, with "unspeakable" he has sealed it as a name of doom.

76 16. TIpoooxes δή λαμβάνει τὴν λύσιν.

pot

καὶ

τούτοις,

el

προσήκουσαν

παρ᾽

Tov

ἃ. “Ἔνθά oi ἠπιόδωρος ἐναντίη ἤλυθε μήτηρ / Λαοδίκην ἐσάγουσα, θυγατρῶν εἶδος ἀρίστην." τὸ "εἰσάγουσα" οὐκ ἔστι κατὰ τὸ σύνηθες, οἷον elodépovoa’ οὐ γὰρ εἰσάγειν μεθ᾽ ἑαυτῆς λέγει τὴν Λαοδίκην, ἀλλὰ πρὸς τὴν Λαοδίκην εἰσπορευομένην, ἧ ὁμοιωθέισα ἡ ᾿Αφροδίτη τὴν Ἑλένην ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἐξήγαγεν: "εἰδομένη" γάρ φησι “yadow ᾿Αντηνορίδαο ᾿Αντηνορίδαο δάμαρτι, τὴν ᾿Αντηνορίδης ἔχε κρείων

Ἑλικάων / Λαοδίκην." νομίζουσα οὖν ὄντως εἰς τὸ TELxos ὑπὸ τῆς Λαοδίκης ἀπηχθαι, εἰσήει τὴν αἰτίαν ths ἐξόδου πολυπραγμονήσασα. b. "“Τύμβον ἀμφὶ πυρὴν ἕνα ποίεον ἐξαγαγόντες ἄκριτον ἐκ πεδίου." τῷ "ἐξαγαγόντες" ὁμοίως TH “εἰσάγουσα" κέχρηται. ὡς γὰρ Te... τὸ "ἐξαγαγόντες" ἐκπορευθέντες τοῦ πεδίου. Eva ..... μὴ καθέκαστον τῶν

τεθνηκότων

διακρινομένων.

c. "Θέτιος δ᾽ ἐξαίσιον ἀρὴν / macav

ἐπικρήνειεν"" τὴν

παράνομον

εὐχὴν καὶ ἔξω αἴσης καὶ μοίρας. d. ""Epeto 8€ δῆσεν ἀρῆς ἀλκτῆρα γενέσθαι." οὐκ ἔστι τὸ ἔδησεν

ἀπὸ

τοῦ δεσμοῦ οὐδ᾽ "Apns ὁ πόλεμος νῦν ἢ θεός, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν ἔδησε κατὰ συγκοπὴν τοῦ ἐδέησε, περισπαστέον δὲ τὸ "ἀρῆς," iv’ ἡ βλάβης, ὡς τὸ "Μέντορ, ἄμυνον dpriv‘" ἐμοῦ γὰρ ἐδέησε καὶ χρείαν ἔσχε τῆς βλάβης βοηθὸν ἔχειν. 6. "Οὐ μὲν γάρ τι νεμεσητὸν βασιλῆα / ἄνδρ᾽ ἀπαρέσσασθαι, ὅτε τις

πρότερος

χαλεπήνῃ." ἀμφίβολον διὰ τὴν αἰτιατικήν. ἔστι δὲ ὁ λόγος

περὶ Tov βασιλέως" οὐ νεμεσητός, εἰ βασιλεὺς ἄνδρα βλάψας καὶ τῆς ἀδικίας προὐπάρξας ἀπαρέσεται αὐτόν. ἔστι δὲ τὸ ἀπαρέσεται τὸ τῆς dpns ἀπαραι, ἤτοι της βλάβης ἀπαλλάξαι καὶ ἐξιλάσασθαι. f."At τέ μοι εὐχόμεναι θεῖον δύσονται ἀγῶνα." ἀγῶνα λέγει καὶ τὸν

τόπον" "λείηναν δὲ χορόν, καλὸν δ᾽ etpuvay ἀγωνα" καὶ ""Apyeıoı δ᾽ ἐν ἀγῶνι καθήμενοι": καὶ τὸ ἄθροισμα SE: “Ἥρη μὲν μετ᾽ ἀγῶνα νεῶν"" καὶ τὸ πληθος" "λῦτο δ᾽ ἀγών": καὶ τὸ ἄθλον. "θειον" οὖν "ἀγῶνα" vvv τὸ ἱερὸν εἶπε καὶ τὸν νεών, ἤτοι θεῖον τόπον ὄντα ἤ θειον ἄθροισμα περιέχοντα, διὰ τὸ πολλῶν θεὼν ἀνατίθεσθαι ἐν αὐτῷ ἀγάλματα. "εὐχόμεναι" δὲ ἐμοί, οὐχ ὑπὲρ ἐμου, ὅτι περὶ χειρόνων ἦν ἡ εὐχὴ ἀλλ᾽ οὐχ ὑπὲρ TOU χείρονος.

77 16. Note carefully the following to see if we have provided a fitting solu-

tion. a). (Jl. VI, 251-2]: "His bountiful mother came there to meet him, ἐσάyouoa Laodice, the loveliest of her daughters." Εἰσάγουσα is not used in its

normal sense, i.e., "bringing in," since he does not say that she was ‘leading’ Laodice in with her, but that she ‘was going’ in to Laodice" to whom Aphrodite (actually, Iris) had likened herself when she had led Helen out to the wall;

indeed, he says [/]. III, 122]: "likening herself to (Helen's) sister-in-law, the wife of Antenor’s son, whom the lord Helikaon had wed, Laodice." Thinking, therefore, that Helen had in fact been led to the wall by Laodice, she entered, curious about the cause of her departure. b). [II. VIL, 336-7]: "And let us make one single common mound about the

pyre, ἐξαγαγόντες

from the plain." He has used ἐξαγαγόντες similarly to

εἰσάγουσα (for just as the latter means ‘going in,’ so) ἐξαγαγόντες means ‘going out’ of the plain. (They made a) single (tomb, common to all, i.e.,) the dead were not individually identified. c). [IL XV, 598-9]: "and so fulfill all of Thetis’ prayer ἐξαίσιον," an unlawful prayer and one beyond destiny (αἴσα) and fate.

d). (J. XVIII, 100]: "and δῆσεν me to protect him from ἀρῆς."

ἔδησεν

is not from δεσμός ("chain") nor is "Apng war or the god, here, but rather,

ἔδησε is a syncopated form of ἐδέησε ("lacked"), and ἀρῆς must be circumflexed so as to mean "ruin," as in [Od. XXII, 208]: "Mentor, ward off the ruin (ἀρῆς). (Our line thus means): "He did not have me with him and needed me

to help him avoid harm". e). [Jl. XIX, 182-3]:

"There is no cause for indignation if a βασιλῆα

ἄνδρ᾽ ἀπαρέσσασθαι ("appeases"), when he is first to become angry."

The

ambiguity is because of the accusative. The speech, however, is about king: there is no cause for indignation if a king, after he has wronged a and taken the initiative in the wrong-doing, will ἀπαρέσεται (ie. appease) him. ᾿Απαρέσεται means ἀρῆς ἀπᾶραι, i.e., "to take away harm done and make amends".

the man will the

f). [/]. VII, 298]:

"(Trojan women)

who

will enter pot....Getov....ó&yóva

with prayers." By ἀγῶνα he means a "place" smoothed out a dancing floor (χορός) and enlarged and [/l. XXIII, 448]: "Now the Argives who sat "gathering" [/]. XX, 33]: "Hera (went) to the ἀγῶνα

[Od. VIII, 260]: "They a lovely circle (ἀγῶνα), " in ἀγῶνι;" it is also a of ships," and a "crowd,"

[/]. XXIV, 1]: "and the ἀγὼν broke up," as well as a "contest."

Therefore, by

[J VII, 298]: θεῖον ἀγῶνα he meant a temple or a shrine, that is, a sacred place, or one that encloses a compound that is sacred because statues of the

gods have been dedicated in it. "With prayers" δὲ ἐμοί ("on account of me"), not

on

behalf of me

worsening

(ie.

for my

safety),

since

the

prayer

was

for

the

(i.e., of the Trojan situation), not on behalf of an inferior (i.e.,

78

g." Hv δὴ ἀλιτρὸς ἐσσὶ kai οὐκ ἀποφώλια εἰδώς." "ἀλιτρὸς " 6 ἀλιτήριος καὶ ἁμαρτωλός, "ἀποφώλια" δὲ τὰ ἀπαίδευτα. πῶς οὖν ἁμαρτωλός τε εἶ καὶ οὐκ ἀπαίδευτός φησιν; ἀλλὰ λέγει: πάνυ ἥμαρτες καὶ

οὐκ

Qv

ἥμαρτες.

ἀπαίδευτος,

ὡς

θαυμάζει δὲ καὶ

εἰώθαμεν

λέγειν:

θαυμάζω

πὼς

σοφὸς

ὦν

ἡ Καλυψὼ πὼς ἀπιστέι ἑαυτῃ ὁ ᾿Οδυσσεύς, εἰ

μὴ ὀμόσει περὶ τῆς ἐκπομπῇς, καίπερ οὐκ ὧν ἄφρων καὶ γνώμης θείας εὐσύνετος καὶ ἐρώσης.

h. "᾿Αλλά tiv’ οἴω / ἀσπασίως

φεύγων

αὐτῶν γόνυ κάμψειν, ὅς κε φύγῃσι

/

ἐκ moAXeuoto." οἱ φεύγοντες τεταμένον ἔχουσι τὸ γόνυ, οἱ δὲ

καθήμενοι κεκαμμένον. ἀσπασίως οὖν, φησί, καθεδέιται τῶν φευγόντων τις ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου, ὃς καὶ ἀναπαύσει ἑαυτὸν καὶ τὰ σκέλη, ἐκ τοῦ συντόνου τῆς duyns δρόμου καθίσας. i. “'Εσταότος μὲν καλὸν ἀκουέμεν, οὐδὲ ἔοικεν |ὐββάλλειν: χαλεπὸν

yàp ἐπιστάμενόν περ ἐόντα. / ἀνδρῶν δ᾽ ἐν πολλῷ ὁμάδῳ πὼς κέν τις ἀκούσαι ὠήθη

/ Tj εἴποι; βλάβεται δὲ λιγύς περ ἐὼν ἀγορητής." παραίτησιν

᾿Αγαμέμνονος τοῦτο

ἔχειν

συγχωρεῖν

ἐνέθηκε

τὸ

τὸν

λόγον,

ὡς

διὰ

ἀξιουντος εἰ καθήμενος

αὐτόθεν

ἐξ

ἕδρης,

οὐδ᾽

ἐν

τὸ

᾿Αρίσταρχος

τετρῶσθαι

Tov

λέγοι. καί dno

"διὰ

μέσοισιν

dvastas.'"

ἄτοπος δὲ ἡ παραίτησις" οὐ γὰρ τὸν πόδα ἀλλά ..... τὴν χεῖρα δὲ οὕτως τέτρωται,

ὥστε

μικρὸν

ὕστερον

αὐτὸς

ἀποσφάττει

τὸν

κάπρον.

κἂν

προσκείμενος δὲ ὁ στίχος A τὸ "αὐτόθεν ἐξ ἕδρης," ἀκουσόμεθα ἐκ τοῦ τῶν ἀριστέων συνεδρίου, ὥστ᾽ ἐν ἐκείνοις ὄντα λέγειν αὐτὸν καὶ οὐκ ἐν

μέσῳ τῷ πλήθει.

᾿Απολλώνιος μὲν οὖν ὁ διδάσκαλος ἡμῶν, καὶ αὐτὸς

συγκαταθέμενος ὅτι ἕστηκεν ὁ ᾿Αγαμέμνων, "παραιτεῖται," φησί, "τὸν ὑποβολέα ὡς ἂν ἐκ rov αὐτοσχεδίου μέλλων λέγειν: ἐμου γάρ φησιν ἀκούσατε καὶ μηδείς μοι ὑποβαλλέτω iv ' εἴπω: χαλεπὸν γὰρ τὸ

ὑποβαλλόντων ἀκούειν τῷ ἐπιστήμονι τοῦ λέγειν" καὶ πῶς γὰρ ἄν τις ἐν πολλῷ ὁμάδῳ ἀκούσειε τοῦ ὑποβάλλοντος ἢ ὁ ἀκούσας εἴποι; ὥστε καὶ λιγὺν ὄντα δημηγόρον καὶ δύναμιν ἔχοντα τοῦ αὐτοσχεδιάζειν βλάπτεσθαι ἐμποδιζόμενον τῷ ἐξ ὑποβολῆς λέγειν ἐν πολλῷ θορύβῳ." εἶχε δ᾽

ἄν τινα λόγον

ἡ ἐξήγησις,

εἰ ἐγίνωσκεν

“Ὅμηρος

τὸ τοιοῦτον

79 Hector, as a warrior).

8). [Οὐ V, 182]: "Ah, you are indeed ἀλιτρός and you know things that are not ἀποφώλια." “᾿Αλιτρός" means "one who sins" or "is in error," while

ἀποφώλια

means "foolish."

How, then, can she say, "You are in error but not

foolish?" She says, rather, "You are completely mistaken, though just as we are accustomed to say, "I am surprised that despite you have gone wrong." Calypso is indeed amazed that Odysseus of her unless she swears to send him off, though he is not witless

not foolish," your wisdom is distrustful and is quick

to understand the mind of the goddess and that she loves him. h). [/L. XIX, 71-3]: "I think rather that many a one will gladly

γόνυ

κάμψειν, whoever escapes in his flight from war." Those who flee have their knees stretched out, while those who are sitting down have them bent. "Gladly, then," he says, "will one of those who are fleeing from war sit down and rest both himself and his legs, after he has sat down from running

in full

flight. i). [J//. XIX, 79-82]: "It is right to listen to (a speaker) when he stands nor is it becoming to ὑββάλλειν. It is hard for him even if heis skilled. How, in the midst of a great uproar of a crowd, will anyone hear or speak? Even though the speaker is clear-voiced, he is hindered." Aristarchus" thought that Agamemnon's speech contained an apology, since he, because of his wound, thought it permissible for himself to speak while seated.

(Aristarchus) says: "for this reason, Homer inserted (77): '(Aga-

memnon spoke) αὑτόθεν ἐξ ἕδρης, and did not stand up among them.'" The apology, however, is out of place since he (was wounded) in the hand (not the foot), and in such a (superficial) way

that a little later, he, himself, killed a

boar. If [77] αὐτόθεν ἐξ ἕδρης, is the next line, we shall take (this as) "from the circle of nobles" so that he spoke while being among them and not in the

midst of the main body.

Therefore, our teacher, Apollonius*', himself, having

agreed that Agamemnon stood, says, "(Agamemnon) declines the use of a prompter on the grounds that he will speak extemporaneously, since he says, "Hear me, and let no one prompt me in order that I may speak.' Indeed, it is difficult to hear prompters even for one who is skilled in speaking.

And how,

in fact, in the midst of a great uproar would one hear a prompter or, if he did hear, speak? And so, an orator, even. a clear-voiced one and one who has the ability to speak extemporaneously, is obstructed, hindered by the great uproar

from speaking with a prompter at his side." This interpretation would make some sense if Homer knew such a manner

* See note #21.

“' Apollonius, a grammarian and friend of Longinus, is otherwise unknown.

80 εἶδος

τῆς

δημηγορίας,

ὑποβαλλόμενον.

λέγω

᾿Αλέξανδρος

δὲ δὲ

τὸ ὁ

ἐξ

ἀναγνώσεως

Κοτιαεύς

φησι

Kal

καλῶς

γραφῆς ἔχειν

τὸ

ἑστῶτος τοῦ δημηγοροῦντος ἀκούειν καὶ μὴ ὑποκρούειν αὐτὸν καὶ ἐμποδίζειν (τοῦτο γὰρ σημαίνει τὸ ὑββάλλειν): χαλεπὸν γὰρ καὶ τὸν πάνυ δεινὸν ἐν ταραχῃ εἰπεῖν. ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκει δύνασθαι καὶ οὕτως ἀποδιδόναι τὴν διάνοιαν: ἐκκλησίας ἀθροισθείσης, ó' Αγαμέμνων παύει προοιμιαζόμενος τὸν θόρυβον, λέγων ὡς ἡ ἐκκλησία οὐ πρὸς αὐτοὺς

ἔχει τὴν ἀπότασιν, οὐδὲ Se. vuv ὑποκρούειν ζητοῦντας τίνος ἕνεκα συνεληλύθασιν: χαλεπὸν γὰρ θορυβειν τὸν ἐπιστάμενον τὰ ὄντα. τίνα δὲ

ἦν

τὰ

ὄντα

πάντες

που

ἐγίνωσκον,

ὅτι

ἐμήνισαν

πρὸς

ἀλλήλους

᾿Αχιλλεὺς καὶ ᾿Αγαμέμνων, καὶ ὅτι νυν κατηλλάγησαν, καὶ ὅτι ἡ σύνοδος

διὰ τοῦτο. χαλεπὸν οὖν καὶ δεινὸν τὸ ἐπιστάμενον τὰ ὄντα καὶ ἐνεστηκότα θορυβέιν, πυνθανόμενον ὡς ἀγνοοῦντα ἢ ζητοῦντα περὶ ὧν οἶδεν ἀκούειν. καὶ ὅτι τοῦτο νοεῖ, δῆλον οἷς ἐπάγει" "Πηλεΐδῃ μὲν ἐγὼν ἐνδείξομαι: αὐτὰρ οἱ ἄλλοι / σύνθεσθ᾽ ᾿Αργεῖοι, ἠμὲν νέοι ἠδὲ γέροντες." λέγει γὰρ ὅτι ἡ ἀπότασίς μοι Tov λόγου πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αχιλλέα ἐστίν,

οὐ πρὸς

ὑμᾶς

τοὺς

εἰδότας

δι᾽

ἃ συνεληλύθαμεν.

ἔστιν

οὖν

ὁ

vous: μὴ θορυβέειτε, ὦ ἄνδρες, ὑποκρούοντες διὰ τί συνεληλύθαμεν᾽ ἐπίστασθε γὰρ πάντα, καὶ ὁ λόγος μου τὰ vuv οὐ πρὸς bpas ἀλλὰ πρὸς ᾿Αχιλλέα ἔχει τὴν ἀπότασιν: χαλεπὸν γὰρ τοὺς εἰδότας τὴν αἰτίαν τῆς

συνόδου

ὡς

μὴ

εἰδότας

θορυβέιν

καὶ

διὰ τοῦτο

ἐμποδίζειν

καὶ τῷ

λέγοντι καὶ τῷ ἀκούοντι, πρὸς ὃν ὁ λόγος ἁ παρὼν ἕστηκε. πολλὰ τοιαῦτα καὶ παρὰ τοῖς ῥήτορσι προοίμια ἐπιγράφεται πρὸς τοὺς θορύβους. j. Hit’

ἔθνεα

εἶσι

μελισσάων

ἀδινάων

/ πέτρης

ἐκ γλαφυρῆς

αἰεὶ

νέον ἐρχομενάων." τὸ "νέον ἐρχομενάων" ἀποδεδώκασιν ἀντὶ τοῦ νεωστὶ ἀεὶ ἐρχομένων, ὡς τὸ "KELVOS γὰρ νέον ἄλλοθεν εἰλήλουθεν." τί οὖν

ἐστι

τὸ

νεωστὶ

ἐξηγούμενοί

φασιν

ὅτι

τὰς

πτήσεις

οὐ

διηνεκεῖς

ποιοῦνται, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ βραχύ, ὥστε φαντασίαν αἰεὶ παρέχειν ὡς ἀρ..... τὴν ὥραν μηνύειν ὅτε πέτονται μᾶλλον: πέτονται δὲ Tov ἦρος αἰεί, νέον δὲ τὸ ἔαρ ἐκάλουν καὶ νέον ἔτος ἀπὸ τοῦ ἔαρος προσηγόρενον. αὐτὸς δὲ ἐκπληρῶν

ἔφη

"ἔαρος

νέον

ἱσταμένοιο"

πατέρα

τε

τῶν

καιρῶν

τὸν

χειμῶνα Πυθαγόρας καλέει. αὗται οὖν κατὰ νέον ἔαρ ἔρχονται. ὅτι γὰρ τὸ ἔαρ δηλοι, ἐπάγει "βοτρυδὸν δὲ πέτονται ἐπ᾽ ἄνθεσιν εἰαρινοισιν."

81 of public speaking, I mean the kind prompted by reading and writing.

Alexan-

der of Kotiaion, on the other hand, says (that it means): "It is right to listen to an orator while he stands and not to interrupt and interfere with him -that is

what ὑποβάλλειν means; it is difficult even for the highly skilled to speak in an uproar." It seems possible to me, however, to present Homer’s meaning as follows: after the assembly has been gathered, Agamemnon calms the uproar with his opening remarks, saying that the assembly does not concem them, nor is it necessary, now, for them to interrupt by asking why they have come together; it is indeed difficult when someone who knows the facts causes a disturbance. They all surely were aware of what the facts were, that Agamemnon and Achilles were full of wrath at one another and that they have now become reconciled, and that the meeting concemed this. Therefore, it is difficult and exasperating when one who knows the facts of the situation at hand causes a

disturbance by inquiring as though he does not know or by seeking to hear about what he does know.

It is clear that he means this by what he adds: "I

shall declare myself to the son of Peleus; but all you other Argives listen, both young and old."

He says: "The concern of my

who know why we have come together." cause a disturbance,

men,

speech is Achilles, not you,

The sense, therefore, is: "Do not

by interrupting me,

(asking) why

we

have come

together, since you know everything and my speech concerns Achilles, not you. Indeed, it is difficult when those who know the reason for a meeting create a disturbance as though they do not know and by this interfere with both

the speaker and the listener to whom the present speech is addressed." Many such opening remarks against disturbances are made note of by the rhetoricians. j). Ul. II, 87]: "Like tribes of ‘close-packed’ bees which issue from a hollow rock, always νέον ἐρχομενάων." The words, νέον ἐρχομενάων have been taken to mean "just now (νεωστί) always coming," as in the phrase [Od.

III, 318]: "for he has just now (νέον) come from elsewhere." Those who explain what νεωστί means say that the bees do not make unbroken flights but rather (fly) for a short distance so as to always give the impression that (they

are just starting out, but it seems to me) rather, that (νέον) indicates when they fly. Not only are they ever flying in the spring but they called the spring νέον and named the new year after it. He, himself, completing (the thought) said [Od. XIX, 519]: "when spring is newly (νέον) begun," and Pythagoras calls winter "the father of the seasons." They, then, are coming in the early (νέον) spring. (To show) that he means spring, he adds [89]: "and they fly Botpvdév upon the flowers of spring. It is surprising that Zenodotus took Botpvóóv to

42 See note #10.

82 θαυμάσαι

δὲ ἔστι

ZnvóBorov

τὸ

"βοτρυδὸν"

ἐκλαβόντα

ἐοικότως

Börpvi

τῷ ὀρνέῳ, ὃ ἑαυτὸ συστρέφει ἐν τῇ πτήσει. οὐδεὶς γὰρ τῶν παλαιῶν οὐδ᾽ ᾿Αριστοτέλης βότρυν (oov ἔγραψε, κέχρηται δὲ “Ὅμηρος ἐπ᾽

ἀμπέλου

τῷ

βοτρυδὸν

οὖν

"βότρυς" τὸ

ὀνόματι:

ἐοικότως

βότρυϊ

"μέλανες

δ᾽

σταφυλῆς:

ἀνὰ κατὰ

βότρυες

ἦσαν."

συστροφὰς

γὰρ

πέτονται" τάχα δὲ καὶ ὅτι ἐν σχήματι βοτρύων ἐκκρέμανται τῶν ἀνθέων, τῶν ῥαγὼν τὴν παχύτητα μιμούμεναι τῷ πολλὰς ἑνὸς ἐκκρέμασθαι. ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τῶν μελισσῶν τὸ βοτρυδὸν λέγει, ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν Ἑλλήνων, οἷς τὰς μελίσσας

παραβέβληκεν,

"ἰλαδόν," φησίν, "εἰς ἀγορήν,"

συστροφάς" ἰσοδυναμει ἄρα τὸ ἰλαδὸν τῷ βοτρυδόν, συνήθως καὶ τῆς πρὸς ἀλλήλους ἑταιρίας εἶχον.

κατὰ ἴλας καὶ

δηλοι

δὲ τὸ ὡς

K. Οὐκ ἔστι “Τρώων ἄνθ᾽ ἑκατόν τε διηκοσίων τε ἕκαστος / στήσεσθ᾽ ἐν

πολέμῳ"

[οὐ] πρὸς

ἑκατὸν

καὶ

διακοσίους

μαχέσεσθε,

ὥς

τινες

ἀποδεδώκασιν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς εἰ ἔλεγεν ἀντίσταθμοι καὶ looßapeıs ἑκατὸν καὶ

διακοσίων ἕκαστος ἠπείλει ἐν τῷ πολέμῳ γενέσθαι. τῇ γὰρ διανοίᾳ ταύτῃ ἀκόλουθον τὸ "vuv δ᾽ οὐδ᾽ ἑνὸς ἄξιοί εἰμεν / Ἕκτορος"

ἀπὸ γὰρ τῶν ἐν

Tas ζυγοῖς ἱσταμένων καὶ πιπρασκομένων εἴρηται. ἐπὶ μὲν οὖν τούτων εἴρηται" ἔφασκεν εἶναι ἀντίσταθμον «ἕκαστον» ἑκατὸν καὶ διακοσίων ἑαυτὸν λέγειν, ἤτοι Loopapn καὶ ἰσοδύναμιν. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ Ἕκτορος: οὐδ᾽ εἴ κέν σ᾽ αὐτὸν χρυσῳ ἐρύσασθαι ἀνώγοι / Δαρδανίδης

Πρίαμος," οἷον

ἶσον καὶ ἰσόσταθμον χρυσῷ: τὸ δ᾽ "ἐρύσασθαι" ἀντὶ τοῦ στῆσαι, ἀπὸ τῶν ἑλκόντων τὸν ζυγόν. ὃ δὲ σημαίνει τὸ "ἐρύσασθαι," τοῦτο καὶ "ἐτίταινε" λέγει" "καὶ τότε δὴ χρύσεια πατὴρ ἐτίταινε τάλαντα," καὶ τὸ ἐρύσασθαι ἐξηγούμενος ἐπάγει "Eyke 8€ μέσσα λαβών," καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς χήρας "f| τε σταθμὸν ἔχουσα καὶ εἴριον ἀμφὶς ἀνέλκει / ἰσάζουσα τάλαντα."

ἀτάλαντος οὖν ὁ ἶσος καὶ μὴ ταλαντεύων: "ἀτάλαντος "Apni," ὃ ἐξηγούμενός φησιν "ἶσος ᾿Ενναλίῳ κορυθάϊκι." κέχρηται τῇ ἀπὸ τῶν σταθμὼν διαμετρήσει καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ "δείδω μὴ τὸ χθιζὸν ἀποστήσωνται ᾿Αχαιοὶ / xpevos," ἤγουν ἶσον ἀπολάβωσιν, ὡς ἐν ζυγῷ τὸ loov στήσαντες καὶ ἀπομετρούμενοι ὄφλημα. χρεῖος γὰρ οὖν τὸ ὄφλημα, οὐχ ἁπλὼς τὸ Tpaypa. φησὶν οὖν: δέδοικα μὴ ὡς δανεισάμενοι χθὲς τὴν νίκην ἀποδῶμεν αὐτοῖς στήσαντες τὸ χρέος.

83

mean "like the βότρυς," a bird which flies in close formation."

None of the

ancients, in fact, including Aristotle, listed βότρυς as a living creature, but Homer did use the word for a grapevine [I]. XXIII, 562]: "and black were the

‘bunches’ of grapes."

Therefore, Botpv56v (means) "like a cluster of grapes,"

since bees fly in swarms, and perhaps, too, because they hang from flowers like a cluster of grapes, imitating the tightness of the grapes with many of them hanging from a single (stem).

He, then, uses Botpvdév

for the bees,

while for the Greeks, who have been compared to the bees, he says [93-4]: "(they marched) by companies ((λαδόν) to the assembly," by troops and in close formation. 'IAaS6v is the equivalent, thus, of βοτρυδόν and indicates how close they were in their camaraderie with one another. k). [/]. VIII, 233-4]: "Each man στήσθεσθ᾽ against a hundred or even

two hundred Trojans in the fighting," does not mean "You will fight (face to face) with a hundred or two hundred," as some have taken it, but it is as if (Agamemnon)

had

said:

"Each

boasted

that

he

could

make

up

for

(lit,

"counterbalance") or be of equal value (lit, "weight") to a hundred or two hundred in battle. ^ The next line is in keeping with this thought [234-5]: "Now we are not worth one of them, Hector," since (the expression) was taken from things that are weighed on scales and sold. With regard to this, then, it is agreed that (Agamemnon) said that each said that he was a "counterbalance" to a hundred or two hundred, i.e., of equal weight and equal strength. Of Hector, on the other hand [/l. XXII,

351-2]:

"not even if Priam,

the son of

Dardanus, should bid (them) weigh out (ἐρύσασθαι) your body in gold," i.e., equal to, or equal in its weight to gold. ᾿Ερύσασθαι (is used) for στῆσαι ("set," "weigh"), from those who lift up a scale. He also uses éx(toave with

the same significance as ἐρύσασθαι[]]. VIII, 69]: "then the father ‘balanced (t{tonve)’ his golden scales (τάλαντα)," and explaining ἐρύσασθαι, he adds [72]: "he lifted it up, taking it by the middle." In the case of the widow [Il. XII, 434-5:

"Holding on each side the weight and the wool, she lifts it up,

balancing the τάλαντα (scales)."

weighing down the balance."

Therefore, ἀτάλαντος means "equal," "not

Explaining [1]. II, 627]: "ἀτάλαντος to Ares,"

he says [/]. XXII, 132]: "equal (ἴσος) to helmet-shaking Enyalios." He also used weight-measure [at 7]. XIII, 745-6]: "Since I fear that the Achaeans will "weigh out’ (i.e., ‘pay back’) in full their debt (χρεῖος) of yesterday," that is to say, they will take as their due an equal amount, as if they had weighed it on the scales and measured out what was due. χρεῖος, thus, is "debt," not simply "business."

He says, then, "I am afraid that we shall make repayment for our

victory of yesterday, as though we had borrowed it, ‘weighing out (στήσαν tec)’ our debt to them."

3

See note #22.

δά Ι. "'ῶς

δ᾽

ὅτε

mup

ἀΐδηλον

ἐν ἀξύλῳ

ἐμπέσοι

ὕλῃ."

ἄξυλον

ὕλην

οἱ

μὲν τὴν πολύξυλον ἀποδεδώκασιν, οἱ δὲ ὁμόξυλον. δηλοι γάρ, φασὶν

.....

ὡς

βρόμῳ

καὶ

ἡ ὁμόλεκτρος

καὶ

ἀκόλουθος

"ἀΐαχοι"

ἅμα

ὁμόκοιτις.

καὶ

(ἔστι

γὰρ

laxn.

οὕτω

ἄξυλος

ὁμοκέλευθος)

καὶ

οὖν

ἄλοχος

ἡ ὁμόξυλος

καὶ

“ἄβρομοι"

καὶ

ἄκοιτις

διὰ

τὸ

πυκνόν.

ἅμα ἐμοὶ

δὲ

δοκέει

ἄξυλον λέγειν οὐ κατὰ τὴν στέρησιν Tov ξύλου: ἐπάγει ydp: "οἱ δέ τε θάμνοι / πρόρριζοι πίπτουσιν," ἀλλὰ κατὰ στέρησιν τοῦ ξυλίσασθαι, iv’ 1) ἄξυλος

ὕλη

ἀφ᾽

ἧς

οὐδείς

πω

ἐξυλεύσατο.

καὶ

ἄκοιτις

δὲ

καὶ

ἄλοχος

ἐμοὶ δοκει κυρίως ἡ παρθενικὴ λέγεσθαι, παρὰ τὸ λέχους ἑτέρου μὴ μετασχεῖν μηδὲ κοίτης. παρ᾽ ὃ καὶ λέγει "κουριδίης ἀλόχου." λοιπὸν δ᾽ ἡ κατάχρησις καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς ἄλλας μετήγαγεν, ὥσπερ κυρίως "ἀλεξησαι" τὸ ὑπὲρ τῶν ἀλόχων βοηθῆσαι, λοιπὸν δ᾽ ἐν καταχρήσει γέγονεν ἐπὶ Tov ὁπωσοῦν συμμαχειν. καὶ "ἀΐδηλον" δὲ "πυρ" οὐκ ἔστι τὸ μεγαλόδηλον, ἀλλὰ τὸ ἀδηλοποιόν, ἐξ οὗ σημαίνει τὸ ἀφανιστικόν. οὕτω γοῦν ἔφη "σὺ 6€ κτείνεις ἀϊδήλως," ἀφανίζων καὶ ἀδήλους ποιῶν. οὐ κακὼς δὲ καὶ Σέξστος

"ἀΐδηλον" ἀποδέδωκε

τὸ ἐξ ἀδήλου ἐμπεσόν.

85 D. (Ul. XI, 155]: "As when an ἀΐδηλον fire falls upon an GEvAoc wood-

land.”

Some have taken GEvAoc as meaning a "much wooded" one, while

others, as ὀμόξυλος (lit, together with the wood ready for use, e.g., firewood, fallen branches, etc.). The (a-) means, they say, ( ὁμοῦ, "together with", as

in ἀκόλουθος, that is), ὁμοκέλευθος, "going together", and &Bpopor ("joining in a shout"), and ἀΐαχοι ("joining in an outcry"). Thus, both ἄλοχος and ἄκοιτις mean "sharing the same bed." "AEvAoc, therefore, means ὁμόξυλος ("together with the wood ready for use"), because of the density (of the forest). It seems to me, then, that he says &EvAoc not because

of a lack of wood, since

he adds [156-7]: "and the shrubs fall completely before it," but because of a

lack of gathering of wood, so that an ἄξυλος woodland is one from which no one has ever cut wood.

Both ἄκοιτις and ἄλοχος ("wife"), moreover, seem to be used, strictly speaking, for a maiden, from her not having shared the bed (λέχος) or couch (κοίτη) of another, for which reason he also says [/l I, 114]: κουριδίη ἄλοχος ("lawfully wedded wife"). Finally, by catachresis (the word) passed over to other women, just as, strictly speaking, ἀλεξῆσαι means "come to the

aid of wives," but by catachresis it finally came to mean "to help (one) in any way whatsoever." Also, an ἀΐδηλον fire [I]. XI, 155] is not one visible far and wide but one

that "makes to disappear from sight" hence it indicates something that obliterates. Thus, he said [/]. XXI, 220]: "but you kill ἀϊδήλως," destroying and obliterating" (lit, making unseen, ἀδήλους). Sextus, moreover, did not give a poor explanation of ἀΐδηλον, (taking it as a fire) "arising from an

unknown source",

“ This could be the Sextus whose lectures Marcus Aurelius attended (Philostratus, Lives of the Sophists, 557-8).

86

17. 'EXéyouev

περὶ

rov

παραβολὼν

ὅτι πολλάκις

τὰ olkeia τοῖς

πράγμασιν ὀνόματα παρατίθησι τοῖς ἐν ταῖς παραβολαῖς ὁμοιώμασιν, ἐν πολλοῖς δὲ καὶ ἔμπαλιν. εἰς δὲ πίστιν τούτου παρακείσθω καὶ ravra: συμβάλλουσι μὲν ἀλλήλοις στρατοὶ τὸν πόλεμον: "σύν ῥ᾽ ἔβαλον Λαπίθαι

πόλεμον," "σὺν δ᾽ ἔβαλον ῥινά, σὺν δ᾽ ἔγχεα καὶ μένε᾽ ἀνδρῶν," μισγονται δὲ ποταμοὶ καὶ τὰ ὑγρά' "οἱ μὲν ἄρ᾽ οἶνον ἔμισγον ἐνὶ κρατῆρι

καὶ

ὕδωρ,"

ὅθεν

μισγάγκεια εἴρηται. συμβάλλειν,

ὃ ἦν

καὶ

τὸ καταδεχόμενον

τοὺς

ποταμοὺς

χωρίον

ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως αὐτὸς ἐναλλὰξ ἐπὶ τῶν ποταμῶν ἔφη τὸ ἐπὶ

τῶν

ἀνθρώπων:

"ἐς

μισγάγκειαν

συμβάλλετον

ὄβριμον ὕδωρ," ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν στρατῶν τὸ μίσγεσθαι, ὃ ἦν ἐπὶ τῶν ποταμῶν" “ὥς τῶν μισγομένων γένετ᾽ ἰαχή τε φόβος τε." συνεχώρει δὲ τὸ

μέτρον

εἰπεῖν

"ἐς

μισγάγκειαν

συμμίσγετον

ὄβριμον

ὕδωρ,"

Ὁμηρικοῦ ὄντος τοῦ παρετυμολογεῖν, ὡς τὸ "τέμενος τάμον" καὶ "κειμήλιον κεῖται" καὶ "ἅρπυιαι ἀνηρείψαντο" [καὶ “μένος οἴχεται ὃ πρὶν

ἔχεσκεν"]. ἐπὶ δὲ τῶν Αἰάντων

"νέφος" εἶπε τολμήσας

"πεζῶν" κατὰ

μεταφοράν, καὶ ὡς εὔλογον τὴν τόλμαν τῇ παραβολῇ ἐπιστώσατο καὶ τὰς φωνὰς ἤμειψεν, ἐπιποιῶν τὸ παραβληθὲν τῷ παραβαλλομένῳ. "ἦλθε δ᾽ ἐπ᾿

Αἰάντεσσι

νέφος

εἵπετο

πλάσσει

κιὼν ἀνὰ οὐλαμὸν

πεζῶν"

παραβολήν:

ἐρχόμενον μελάντερον

προαναφωνήσας

"ws δ᾽ ὅτ᾽

κατὰ πόντον ἠῦτε

πίσσα

πολλήν, / ..tora ἅμ᾽

ἀνδρων᾽

ὑπὸ

Αἰάντεσσι

οὖν

"νέφος

πεζῶν"

long:

ἰὸν κατὰ

ἅμα

δὲ

ἐξ αὐτου

ἀπὸ σκοπιῆς ἴδε νέφος αἰπόλος

Ζεφύροιο

/ daivet’

/ τὼ δὲ κορυσσέσθην,

ἀνὴρ /

/ Tw δέ τ᾽ ἄνευθεν ἐόντι πόντον, ἄγει δέ τε λαίλαπα

διοτρεφέων αἰζηῶν / δήϊον ἐς πόλεμον

πυκιναὶ κίνυντο φάλαγγες / κυάνεαι, σάκεσσίν τε καὶ ἔγχεσι πεφρικυῖιαι."

τὸ μὲν "νέφος ἐρχόμενον" καὶ "ἰὸν" καὶ "ἄγον λαίλαπα" εἶπεν, ὅ ἐστι πράγμα στρατιώτου, ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς φάλαγγος "κίνυντο," ὃ ἐπὶ νέφους τάττει κινήσει"

"πυκινὴν νεφέλην" καὶ "murıvai φάλαγγες" καὶ "κυάνεον

νέφος" καὶ "κυάνεαι φάλαγγες."

87 17. We used to say, concerning comparisons, that Homer often furnishes the images in them with words that befit (human) actions, and frequently viceversa. Let the following serve as proof of this: armies "clash together” (συμβάλλουσι) in battle with one another [/l XII, 181]: "The Lapiths ‘clashed together’ in battle;" [/L IV, 447]: "They ‘clashed together’ their Shields and spears and the fury of men," while rivers and liquids "mix" [μίσyovton, Od. I, 110]: "some were ‘mixing’ wine and water in a bowl" hence the place that receives rivers is called a "μισγάγκεια" (lit, a meeting of valleys). However, interchanging (the verbs), he used "clash together" for rivers, the word which

was used for men

[Il IV, 453]:

"(two rivers)

‘clash

together’ their mighty waters into a μισγάγκεια," while for armies, (he used) "mix," the word for rivers [456]: "such was the outcry and terror of the armies

as they 'mixed' together." together

(Ovppfoyetov)

The meter, however, allowed him to say "mixed their mighty

waters

into a μισγάγκεια,"

and it is

typical of Homer to allude to etymology, as in [Il. VI, 194]: "τέμενος τάμον" ("they 'parcelled' him out a (sacred) ‘parcel’ (of land).") [JL VI, 47]: "κειμήλιον κεῖται" ("treasure lies treasured"), and [Od. I, 241]" ἄρπνιαι &vnpetCyavto" ("snatchers, i.e., whirlwinds snatched"). ([II. V, 473]: "(where is) the spirit gone which possessed you before.") He used a bold metaphor referring to the two Aiantes [Il. IV, 274]: "cloud

of infantry," and on the grounds that it was well-chosen, he not only affirmed his daring with a simile, he also transposed words (i.e., between the narrative

and the simile), expanding on what had been compared (by the metaphor) in what was being compared (in the simile): (Agamemnon) came to the Aiantes,

going through the throng of men, and (the Aiantes) were armed and a cloud of infantry followed." Having first said "cloud of infantry,” he develops his simile from it [275-82]: "As when a goatherd sees from a lookout a cloud coming (ἐρχόμενον) across the sea, driven by the West wind, and to him being far off it seems blacker, like pitch, going ({6v) across the sea, and brings

(ἄγει) with it a great whirlwind..., in such a way did the dense (xvxivat) phalanxes of robust men, nourished by Zeus, move (κίνυντα) with the Aiantes into blazing battle, dark (κυάναι) and bristling with shields and spears." He said "cloud ‘coming’ (ἐρχόμενον)" and "going (16v)," and "bringing (ἄγον) a

whirlwind," words which are (expressive of) the action of a warrior, while for the phalanx, "move (xfvuovto)," (a word) which he uses to indicate a cloud's motion (κίνησις) [Il XVI, 298]: "(Zeus set in motion, κινήσει) a ‘dense’

cloud," and [Il. IV, 281]: "'dense' phalanxes," and [/l. XXIII, cloud," and [Il. IV, 288]: "‘dark’ phalanxes."

188]: "'dark'

55 As Richardson notes (p. 281), the language of the similies "suggests the movement of troops."

88 ἤμειψε kai ἐπὶ rov λέοντος Kal τῆς Πηνελόπης τὰς φωνάς"

"ὅσσα δὲ

μερμήριξε λέων ἀνδρὼν ἐν ὁμίλῳ / δείσας, ὁπότε μιν δόλιον περὶ κύκλον ἄγουσι, / τόσσα μιν ὁρμαίνουσαν ἐπήλυθε νήδυμος ὕπνος"

μερμηρίζει μὲν γὰρ κυρίως ἄνθρωπος, ὁρμαίνει δὲ λέων, ὁ δ᾽ ἐνήλλαξε. τῷ δὲ τήκεσθαι κυρίως ἐπὶ τῆς χιόνος χρησάμενος ἐνδιατρίβειν ὡς ἐναργέι πολλάκις οὐκ ὥκνησε καὶ τῷ αὐτῷ χρήσασθαι ἐπὶ τῆς διὰ λύπην τοὶς δακρύοις διαρρεομένης: "ὡς δὲ χιὼν κατατήκεται... / ἥν τ᾽ Εὖρος

κατέτηξε... τηκομένης δ᾽ ἄρα τῆς... / ds τῆς τήκετο καλὰ παρήϊα δακρυχεούσης," καίτοι ἐν ἄλλοις εἰπών: "τῆς δ᾽ ἐλεεινοτάτῳ ἄχεϊ φθινύθουσι παρειαί."

89 He also transposes words in the case of the lion and Penelope

[Od. IV,

791-3]: "As much as a lion μερμήριξε ("deliberates") amid a crowd of men, fearing when they draw about him the treacherous circle, so much was she turning over in her mind (Oppofvovoav) when sweet sleep came upon her." Strictly speaking, a man "deliberates" while a lion "turns over in his mind," but he has transposed them. Also, having properly used τήκεσθαι ("melt") for snow, he often did not hesitate to dwell upon it as vividly descriptive, and to use the same word for (Penelope), drenched in tears of grief [Od. XIX, 205-8]: "just as snow

'melts down'... which the East wind has *melted' down...as it is

‘melting’..., so were her beautiful cheeks ‘melted’ as she wept,” though in another passage he said [Od. VIII, 530]: "her cheeks were wasting away (φθινύθουσι) in most piteous grief."

90 18. Θαυμάσειέ

τις ἂν τοὺς τὸν ποταμὸν

olndevras, ὃν

“Ὅμηρος

Αἴγυπτον ποταμὸν κέκληκε, διιπέτη εἰρῆσθαι διὰ τὸ ἀφανεῖς ἔχειν τὰς πηγὰς «xdi» κατὰ τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ἐν οὐρανῷ καὶ οὐρανόθεν ῥεῖν. λέγει yàp: "ov γάρ τοι πρὶν διιπετέος ποταμοῖο,

Σπερχειὸν

Bumern

μοιρα φίλους ἰδέειν... / πρίν γ᾽ ὅταν Αἰγύπτοιο, αὖθις ὕδωρ ἔλθῃς." πρῶτον μὲν γὰρ καὶ τὸν

λέγει:

"υἱὸν Σπερχειοιο,

διιπετέος

ποταμοιο,"

καὶ

τὸν πρὸς TH Φαιάκων γῃ "ἐγὼ δὲ ἀπάνευθεν διιπετέος ποταμοῖο," καὶ ἁπλῶς δὲ πάντας διιπετεῖς ἐν παραβολῃ λέγει᾽ "ὡς δ᾽ ὅτε ἐπὶ πόδ ios διιπετέος ποταμοῖο / BéBpuxe μέγα κῦμα." διιπετέὶς οὖν λέγει τοὺς ποταμοὺς τοὺς ἐκ Διὸς γεγεννημένους: τῷ γὰρ Teoeiv ἀντὶ TOV γεννᾶσθαι

χρῆται

"ὅστις ἐπ᾿

ἤματι

τῷδε

ἀλλαχοῦ δὲ ἔφη ἀντὶ τοῦ διιπετοῦςτέκετο

Ζεύς."

τοῦτο

δὲ ὅτι φύσει

πέσῃ

μετὰ ποσὶ γυναικός."

"Ξάνθου δινήεντος, ὃν ἀθάνατος οἱ ποταμοὶ

ἐκ Διὸς γεννῶνται,

ὥς

που ἔφη "καί σφιν Διὸς ὄμβρος ἀέξει." ᾧ λόγῳ καὶ τὰς Νύμφας τοῦ Διὸς θυγατέρας Aéyev: "Νύμφαι κρηναῖαι, κοῦραι Διός," ἔτι "Νύμφαι ὀρεστιάδες

κοῦραι

Διός," ἐπειδὴ

καὶ τὰ ἐν ὄρεσι

φυτὰ

τῷ

Διὸς ὕδατι

τρέφονται. Ζηνόδωρος 8€ Burern τὸν &avyn ἀποδίδωσιν.

19. "οὐ γὰρ ἔσαν λιμένες νηῶν ὀχοί, o08 ' ἐπιωγαί." τίνι διενηνόχασιν ἐπιωγαὶ λιμένων καὶ πόθεν προσέβαλέ τις τὸ ὄνομα; ἔφην οὖν ὅτι “ἰωὴν" τὴν πνοὴν λέγει, ὥς που εἴρηκεν. "ét ἀνέμου πολυπλάγκτοιο

Lons," ποιήσας

ἀπὸ Tou ἄειν, ὃ σημαίνει

τὸ πνέειν. ἐπεὶ

δὲ καὶ ἐπὶ rov φωνέιν καταχρηστικῶς ἔφη "ave δ᾽ ἑταίρους," καὶ τὴν φωνὴν "ἰωὴν" κέκληκε: "τὸν δ᾽ αἶψα περὶ φρένας ἤλυθ᾽ ἰωή," [καὶ τὸ "ἤυσε" παρὰ TO dew] καὶ μεταφορικως.

"λεύσσω δὴ πυρὸς δηΐοιο ἰωήν."

κυρίως οὖν ἰωης τῆς πνοῆς οὔσης καὶ Tov ἄγνυσθαι σημαίνοντος τὸ κλασθαι, "ἰωγὴ" λοιπὸν ἡ τῆς πνοῆς ἂν εἴη κλάσις. ἔφη οὖν mov: "εὗδον Βορέω ὑπ᾽ ἰωγῇῃ," ὅπου ἄγνυται ἡ τοῦ Boppa πνοή. καὶ "ἐπιωγαὶ" μὲν οὖν ῥηθήσονται τόποι ἀλίμενοι μέν, δυνάμενοι δὲ διὰ τὴν ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνέμων σκέπην δέξασθαι vavs."

91 18. One might wonder at those who think that the river, which Homer called the "Aegyptus," was spoken of as διιπετής because its sources are unknown and because according to the Egyptians it flows in and from heaven. He indeed does say [Od. IV, 475-8]: "For it is not fated for you to see your

friends...until you again go to the water of the Aegyptus, the διιπετής river." First of all, he also calls the Spercheius διιϊπετής [1]. XVI, 174: "the son of Spercheius, the διιπετής river," as well as the river in the land of the Phaeacians [Od. VII, 284]: "and I, far from the διιπετής river," and, in a sense, he calls all rivers διιπετής in a simile [/]. XVII, 263-4]: "As when at the mouth of a διιπετής river a great wave roars."

He therefore calls the rivers which

have been begotten of Zeus (Διός) διιπετής since he uses πεσεῖν ("fall") to mean "to be begotten" [/]. XIX, 110]: "who on this day shall ‘fall’ between a woman's feet." Elsewhere, moreover, he said, instead of διιπετής [1]. XIV, 434]: "of the eddying Xanthus, which the immortal Zeus begot." This, because by nature rivers are begotten of Zeus, as he said somewhere [Od. IX, 111]: "and a rain from Zeus makes

(vines) grow."

In this sense, too, he calls the

nymphs "daughters of Zeus" [Od. XVII, 240]: "Nymphs of the fountain, daughters of Zeus," and again [1 VI, 420]: "Nymphs of the mountain, daughters of Zeus," since plants on the mountain are also nourished by Zeus' water. Zenodorus, on the other hand, explains διιπετής as "translucent."

19. [Od. V, 404]: "For there were indeed no secure harbors or ἐπιωγαίΐ to receive ships." How do é¢myod differ from harbors and how did the word acquire its meaning? I said, then, that he calls a "blast" (of wind) an ἰωή, as he said somewhere [Il. XI, 308]: "from the ‘blast’ of the wandering wind," having coined (the word) from &e1v, which means "to blow." Since he, using a violent metaphor, said [Il. XI, 461]: "abe to his companions," instead of φωνεῖν ("call loudly to"), he also called a voice (φωνή) an ἰωή [1]. X, 139]: "and quickly the ἰωή came round his thought" (fjvce (‘cried aloud’) is from ἄειν (‘to blow’)}; and metaphorically [//. XVI, 127]: "I see the twf, ("rush") of the ravaging fire." Since, then, properly speaking, an ἰωή is a "blowing" and ἄγνυσθαι means "to break," an ἰωγή, then, would be a "windbreak." Therefore, he said, somewhere [Od. XIV, 533]: "They slept, Bopéo ὑπ᾽ ἰωγῇ,

where

the blast of the North

wind

was

broken."

Therefore,

places

without a harbor will be called ἐπιωγαί, if they can receive ships because they are sheltered from the winds.

*5 Author of a treatise, On Homeric Usage of Language, now lost.

92

20. Πρὸς τοὺς ἀδυναμίαν

‘Opripouv Katnyopouvtas ἐκ rov πολλάκις

τὰς αὐτὰς ῥήσεις ποιέὶν λέγοντας τούς τε ἐκπέμποντας πεμπομένους ἀγγέλους καὶ κήρυκας ἢ διηγουμένους πράξεις

καὶ τοὺς ἢ λόγους

ῥηθέντας πρότερον, ἄξιον σημήνασθαι ὅπως ποικίλλων αὐτὸς ἑαυτὸν ἄλλως καὶ ἄλλως ἑρμηνεύει διὰ δύναμιν. οἷον εἰπὼν τὸ "ξυνὸς ᾿Εννάλιος καὶ ἐξηγησάμενος πῶς κοινὸς "καί τε κτανέοντα κατέκτα," ἄλλως τοῦτο λέγων

φησίν:

"N τ᾽ ἔβλητ᾽

ἢ τ᾽ ἔβαλλ᾽

ἄλλον,"

καὶ πάλιν

ἄλλως

"N κε

φέροιτο μέγα κράτος, Tj κε φεροίμην," "ἕλοιμί κεν Tj κεν ἁλοίην," καὶ πάλιν "νίκη δ᾽ ἐπαμείβεται ἄνδρας." πάλιν τὸ τειχίσαι πόλιν καὶ κύκλῳ

περιβαλέιν τὸ TELXOS καὶ ὅλως τὰ κυκλοτερῶς συνέχοντά TL ἑρμηνεύει λέγων:

"ἀμφὶ

"ἔλασε

τάφρον

ἀμφίχυτον,"

δὲ τεῖχος

Em’

ἔλασε

αὐτῷ,"

τὸ πέριξ

πόλει" καὶ "περὶ

εἶτ᾽

δ᾽ ἕρκος

ἄλλως ἑρμηνεύων

κεχυμένον.

καὶ

ἐπ᾽

οἴκου

φησὶ κύκλῳ

ἔλασε"

καὶ

"τεῖχος

ἐς

περιέχοντος"

"περὶ δὲ κλίσιον θέε πάντη," ὡς τὸ "περὶ δὲ χρύσεος πόρκης θέε," καὶ ἄλλως

"ἐν δὲ

μετώπῳ

λευκὸν

σημ᾽

ἐτέτυκτο

περίτροχον

ὅρα δὲ ἄλλων ὀνομάτων ἀφθονίαν ἐν ἑνὶ καὶ Tatty μέρει" "βαλὼν"

καὶ ἐπάγει:

"τὸν

δὲ σκότος

ὄσσ᾽

ἐκάλυψεν,"

TÜTE

μήνη."

"ἄνδρα" φησὶ

εἶτ᾽

"ΓΑξυλον

δ᾽

ἄρ᾽ ἔπεφνε" καὶ ἐπιφέρει "ἀλλ᾽ ἄμφω θυμὸν ἀπηύρα," εἶτ᾽ ἄλλως "Δρησόν T' Εὐρύαλος καὶ ᾿Οφέλτιον ἐξενάριξεν," εἶτα "καὶ μὲν τῶν ὑπέλυσε μένος," αὖθις "'᾿Αστύαλον δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἔπεφνεν," ἔπειτα " AvTiλοχος δ᾽ “ABAnpov ἐνήρατο," μεθ᾽ ἃ ἐπιφέρει " Φύλακον δ᾽ ἕλε Λήϊτος ἥρως," εἶτ᾽ ἀνάπαλιν "" A8pnorov δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἔπειτα βοὴν ἀγαθὸς Μενέλαος / ζωὸν ἕλεν," ἔπειτα ἐξ ὑπαρχῆς "τὸν δὲ κρείων ᾿Αγαμέμνων / obra κατὰ λαπάρην," ἔπειτα ὁ Νέστωρ φησίν:

"ἀλλ᾽

ἄνδρας

κτείνωμεν."

93 20. Against those who accuse Homer of a weakness because he often has those who had sent out messengers and the messengers and heralds when sent out giving the same speeches whether they are describing actions or repeating

words that had previously been uttered, it is worth pointing out that he skilfully diversifies his expression in a variety of ways. For example, after he had said (Ul. XVIII, 309]: "the War god is &uvóc," and explaining how he is "impartial," "and has killed the one who would kill," he says, putting this another way []]. XI, 410]: "whether he was struck or struck another," and again, still differently [Il. XVIII, 308]: "whether he carry off a great victory, or I do," [I]. XXII, 253]: "May I slay or be slain," and again [Il. VI, 339]: "Victory comes to men in turns." Again, he describes the walling of a city, the encircling of it with a wall, and circular enclosures, in general, by saying [Od. VI, 9]: "He has drawn a ‘wall’ around the city," and [//. XVIII, 564]: "he drew a ‘fence’ around it," and [I]. IX, 349]: "and drew a ‘ditch’ beside it," then, describing this another way [Il. XX, 145]: "(led the way) to a wall ἀμφίχυτον," one piled all around with

(with earth).

For a dwelling which encircles [Od. XXIV, 208]: "Around on all

sides ran a shed," so [Il. VI, 320]:

"around

(the spear point) ran a ring of

gold," and, differently [1]. XXIII, 454-5]: "but on the (horse’s) forehead there had been formed a white mark, circular like the moon." Note, too, the abundance of different words in one and the same passage

[I

VI, 7]: "Having

covered

his eyes,"

struck a man," he says and adds [11]: "and darkness then

[12]:

"(Diomedes)

'killed'

Axylus,"

and

adds

[17]:

"and ‘robbed them both of life," and then differently [20]: "Euryalus ‘stripped the arms’ of Dresus and Opheltius," then [27]: "and ‘loosed their might," and again [29]: "and (Polypoites) 'killed' Astyalus," and after this [32]: "Antilochus

‘did away with’ Ablerus," after which he adds [35]: "and the hero, Leitus ‘took’ Phylacus," and again [37]: "Menelaus, good at the war cry, thereupon ‘took’ Adrastus 'alive,'"" and then, starting anew [63-4]: "whom lord Aga-

memnon ‘stabbed’ in the side," whereupon Nestor says [70]: "Let us ‘slay’ the men.

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bidez, J., Vie de Porphyre. Gent, 1913. Clark, D. L., Rhetoric in Greco-Roman Education.

New York, 1957.

Diogenes Laertius, Lives of Eminent Philosophers, trans. by R. D. Hicks.

Cambridge, 1966 (LCL).

Erbse, H., Beitrdge zur Uberlieferung der Iliasscholien. Munich, 1960. ‚Scholia Graeca in Homeri Iliadem, 6 vols. Berlin, 1977-83.

Eunapius, Lives of the Sophists, trans. by W. Wright. (LCL). Kirk, G., The Iliad:

Cambridge, 1952

A Commentary, vol. I. Cambridge, 1985.

Lamberton, R., On the Cave of the Nymphs.

Barrytown, 1983.

Leaf, W., The Iliad, 2nd ed., 2 vols. London, 1900-1902. LSJ = Liddell, H., Scott, R., Jones, H., et al., Oxford, 1968.

A Greek-English Lexicon.

Marrou, H., A History of Education in Antiquity, trans. by G. Lamb. York,

New

1964.

Philostratus, Lives of the Sophists, trans. by W. Wright. (LCL).

Cambridge, 1952

Peiffer, R., History of Classical Scholarship. Oxford, 1968.

Richardson, N., "Literary Criticism in the Exegetical Scholia to the /liad," Classical Quarterly (N.S.), 30 (1980), pp. 265-287. Schrader, H., Porphyrii Quaestionum Homericarum ad Iliadem Pertinentium Reliquiae. Leipzig, 1880. Sodano, R., Porphyrii Quaestionum Homericarum Liber I. Naples, 1970. Stanford, W. The Odyssey of Homer, 2 vols. London, 1958. Stephanus, H., et al., Thesaurus Graecae Linguae, 8 vols. Paris, 1829.

Van der Valk, M., Researches on the Text and Scholia of the Iliad, 2 vols. Leiden, 1964.

INDEX

OF

Iliad

PRINCIPAL

HOMERIC

Page

Iliad

Page

73-5 57 67 57 61 67 71 73 85 67 55 53 67 57 59 69

VI,

93 47 47 77

VII,

19 77 77 49 83

IX,

21, 81 71 59 55

19 75 53 185

XI,

XII,

IV, 7-12 274-82 422-3

453-6 457 658

PASSAGES

XIV,

15-6

87 73 ii,

47 71 5-6

iv,

73 91 89 69 79 91

vil,

19 49

ix,

19

XX,

xiv,

71

XXI,

xviii,

49 49 45 73 51

xix,

89 75

XX,

19

XXIV,

73

XIX,

422 504-6 XXIV, 172-3

INDEX OF AUTHORS CITED Alcmaeon (p. 29) Alexander of Kotiaia (pp. 23, 79ff.) Apion (p.65) Apollonius the son of Molon (115) Apollonius (the teacher of Porphyry)(p.79)

Archilochus (p. 47)

Archippus (p. 5) Aristarchus (p. 79) Arisrarchus and his School (p. 21) Aristophanes of Byzantium (p. 31) Aristotle (pp. 3, 83) Callimachus (13)

Cratinus (p. 33) Herodotus (p. 31) Hyperides (p. 5) Nicander (p. 33) Parmeniscus (p. 27) Philemon (p. 31) Philetas (p. 37) Philistus (p. 31) Plato (pp. 39, 55) Polyclitus (p. 35) Pythagoras (p. 81) Sextus (p. 85) Simonides (p. 35) Sophocles (p. 5) Thucydides (p. 31)

Zenodorus (p. 91) Zenodotus (p. 81)

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