Population and Economy of the Eastern Part of the Roman Province of Dalmatia 9781841714400, 9781407324500

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BAR S1060 2002 ZOTOVIĆ: POPULATION AND ECONOMY OF EASTERN ROMAN DALMATIA

Population and Economy of the Eastern Part of the Roman Province of Dalmatia Radmila Zotović

BAR International Series 1060 2002 B A R

Population and Economy of the Eastern Part of the Roman Province of Dalmatia Radmila Zotovic

BAR International Series 1060 2002

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford

BAR International Series 1060 Population and Economy of the Eastern Part of the Roman Province of Dalmatia

© R Zotovic and the Publisher 2002 Typesetting and layout: Darko Jerko Illustrations by Free Artist Vuk Roganovic, B.S. Architecture Translated from Serbian by Ana Vasic The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781841714400 paperback ISBN 9781407324500 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781841714400 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by Archaeopress in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd/ Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2002. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

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CONTENTS INTRODUCTION .....................................................................................................

1

POPULATION .........................................................................................................

4

Population ..........................................................................................................

4

Social Hierarchy ...............................................................................................

15

Settlements ......................................................................................................

22

Living Standard - Level Of Urbanization, Towns and Roads Built According to Plans, Building Techniques ..................................................... 27 Burial ................................................................................................................

33

~It ...................................................................................................................

~

ECONOMY ............................................................................................................

59

Agriculture and Cattle Breeding ........................................................................

59

Handicrafts .......................................................................................................

61

Mining ...............................................................................................................

63

Trade And Trade Routes ..................................................................................

64

CONCLUSION ......................................................................................................

68

DIRECTIONS FOR USE OF APPENDICES .......................................................... 91 APENOIX I - Epigraphic register ...........................................................................

92

APENOIX II - Cult .................................................................................................

97

APENOIX Ill - Military units .................................................................................

100

APENOIX IV - Settlements ..................................................................................

101

APENOIX V - Necropoleis ...................................................................................

103

BIBLIOGRAPHY ..................................................................................................

105

ABBREVIATIONS ................................................................................................

109

LIST OF MAPS ...................................................................................................

110

LISTOF ILUSTRATIONS ....................................................................................

111

INDEX OF PLACES ............................................................................................

112

INDEX OF PEOPLES, PERSONS ANO DEITIES ............................................... 115

Tho Population and tho Econorny of tho Eastern Part of tho Roman Province of Dalmatia

INTRODUCTION The territory, which this work incorporates, is not defined as an historical or geographical entity. It represents a territorial region, which on the basis of archaeological research, undertaken up to now, is considered to have been inhabited by a population of the same ethnic and cultural identity during the period of Roman domination. In this sense the territorial unit as a subject of scientific-investigative analysis this work includes the following regions, in the north Bratunac, in the west the Drina valley and in the east Rogacica, then on the west side of the Drina the area around Srebrenica, Skelani, Rogatica, Visegrad, Gorazde and F oca and on the east side of the Drina, areas around Kosjeric, Uzice, Pozega, Priboj and Nova Varos, as far as Prijepolje and Pljevlja to the south. In the context of present day geography this region includes the greater part of the Drina valley on one side and a smaller part of the Lim valley in the southwest region of Serbia and north Montenegro on the other side. To define it as a geographic unit from a present day perspective is just as difficult as assigning it to an historical category - Roman province of Dalmatia (fig. 1). 1 Considering possible J.J.Wilkes' description 2 of the east border of the Dalmatian province at Cacak and lvanjica in the east from where in a gentle arch it moves towards the west and avoiding Pee comes to the mountain Sara then along the Drina to present day Ljes, it is easy to conclude that the region included in this work do not correspond in the historical context to the eastern boundary of the Roman province of Dalmatian and for this reason it is referred to as its eastern part. 3 Time determination can also be established only conditionally. Particularly the lower time limit which may take 9 AD as the The eastern border of the province of Dalmatia has different definitions in theoretic discussion. According to some the border folowcd the river Drina (M.Zaninovic 1988), and to others it lay further to the cast including part of west and southwest Serbia (J.J.Wilkcs (1969), 79; G. Alfi:ildy ( 1965), 27-28. 2

J.J.Wilkes (1969), 27-28.

3 Cacak is referred to in the province of Dalmatia as the most easterly border point in the direction of Mocsia, mainly because there were auxillary units of the Dalmatian legion stationed there. lvanjica near Cacak is considered part of Mocsia Superior. Studies up to now hardly include lhis area as parl of a terrilory wilh identical ethnic and cullural content, so for this reason it is also not taken into consideration here.

date when the Roman province of Dalmatia was founded but which still, judging by archaeological research, can not be considered a firmly established date for the beginning of Roman domination in these regions. The upper time limit could be considered late Antiquity, most probably the second half of the 4th century. Thus the subject of investigation in this work is the region established by up to date archaeological investigation, as an entity of cultural and ethnical unity in the eastern part of the province of Dalmatia, in the period from the !8' - 4 th century AD. The specific aspects of the scientific analysis of this area are, to a large extent, the result of unsystematic archaeological investigations, irregular publication of data and to a lesser or greater extent the result of interconnecting data and conclusions which refer to different parts of this entity. Archaeological investigation of this region began at the end of the 19th century and has continued for more than a century. The first unsystematic investigations and reconnoitering of the region are known to us from data found in old literature. 4 Systematic investigations of the town necropoleis in Domavia, Prijepolje and Pljevlja as well as reconnoitering in the surroundings of Skelani, Gorazde and U stipraca and a wider region around Uzice were undertaken only in the sixties of this century.5 All this requires a somewhat unusual approach to the theme, which according to present-day standards differs from the established methodological approach to the study of archaeological material, and for this reason the drawing of conclusions. It is important to distinguish that certain themes may appear to the author as the finalization of all that has been achieved by archaeological investigation and study of material to a high level of research while on the contrary the theme can be presented even if the degree of research achieved is low. The latter refers here to work on the theme "Population and economy of the eastern part of the Roman province of 4

Based on the work of A.Evans, F.Kanitz, F.Studniczka, V.Radimsky, C.Truhelka, F.Fiala, D.Sergejevski, N.Vulic, A.Premerstein and A. Domasevski. The literature is very copious so is not referred to in the introduction. Sec bibliography under above mentioned authors. For most recent literature sec bibliography of works by the following authors A.Ccrmanovic-Kuzmanovic, D.Srcjovic, M.and D. Garasanin, F.Papazoglu, M.Zotovic, P.Petrovic, A.Jovanovic, E.Pasalic, M.Baum, I.Bojanovski etc.

Radmila Zotovic

unum

I

LEGEND

e

Co/oniae

■

fvfuniclplae

. -limes

or Province Dalmatia

- - - Teritory of Eastern Part of Pro.tince Dalmatia

Fig. 1 - Province of Dalmatia and the territory of the eastern part of the province of Dalmatia

Dalmatia". It is important to underline that it represents the authors response to the evidently available degree of up to date research in this field, essentially the published literature. In this way the basis of the methodological principle of work on this theme would correspond to that which is termed "serendipity" in the English language - describing and reconstructing exactly something that has never been seen, but according to the traces it has left behind. 6 More precisely it would correspond to that which M.Suic described "Lay people frequently have mistaken ideas about the methods and aims of archaeological research and consider that it is mainly exhausted in uncovering (excavating) old remains preserved beneath the surface of the earth. However this is only one aspect of archaeological activity and one means of achieving final results. Scientific research includes a whole complex of specific approaches whose application depends on the object of investigation". 7 The specific approach employed in the study of this theme was based exclusively on the use ofliterature as the basis for 6

G.Pucci (1983), 105.

7

M.Suic (1976), 37.

analysis of the state of the population and the economy in the eastern part of the Roman province of Dalmatia, which in the final analysis had observation and confirmation of the achieved degree of Romanization and process of its development in this region during the period of Roman domination. Thus while using literature as the initial method we differentiated general data from the conclusions drawn on the one hand and separated the published material on the other. As the published archaeological material did not provide sufficient elements to create the classical typology of material (e.g. pottery, tools, weapons and such like) the author choose a certain level of classification in the sense of selecting and grouping all the related material according to its significance and importance for the further study of the subject. So the material is collected in five different APPENDICES (epigraphic register, cult, military units, settlements and necropoleis) which are interconnected by means of special signs to facilitate following common factors. 8 The material in APPENDICES is divided into twelve, so called, geographic 8 This for example refers to relating the names of the dedicated (APPENDIX I, epigraphic registar) with dedications to certain deities (APPENDIX II, cult) and such. For details see the instructions for use of the APPENDICES

Tho Population and tho Econorny of tho Eastern Part of tho Roman Province of Dalmatia

regions laid out as the areas of today's larger town entities in this region. The regions have not been chosen in the sense of defined microregions in which sites with material were found gravitating towards the main and larger urban points. These urban centers coincide in some cases with those of the period of Roman domination (Srebrenica, Uzice, Rogatica, Skelani, Rudo) and in others not (Pozega - Visibaba, Prijepolje Kolovrat, Pljevlja - Komini), while in some cases it is not possible, on the basis of archaeological investigations undertaken up to date, to determine whether they were in any form urban entities at the Roman imperial period (F oca, Priboj, Nova Varos). The allocation of material in the framework of such specific areas was chosen for two reasons. One was the fact that it is not known how the administration was divided in this region in Roman times, or more precisely how the municipal ageri were determined and organized. The second reason was determined by the necessity to review in the framework of today's urban areas, the present state of archaeological investigation and through analysis of the material to draw certain conclusions concerning the eventual existence of peculiarity in the development of the process of Romanization of these parts as parts of an unique entity, i.e. the eastern part of the Roman province of Dalmatia.

The eastern part of the province of Dalmatia is considered as a territorial entity with all its particularities. From this aspect a method of analysis is applied to this region as a part in relation to the remaining parts of this same entity, i.e. the Roman province of Dalmatia. This was done because the onomastic and archaeological material shows much similarity to the central Dalmatian zone, - to the coastal zone and also to its hinterland. The material located in the APPENDICES served for further and easier drawing of conclusions in individual areas such as: social structure of the population, social hierarchy, the degree of settlement and urbanization of the area, cult, forms of burial, transport and general economic movement. Accessing the conclusions derived in this way in relation to those already found in the literature their interrelationship in questions of similarity, differences or coincidence contributed to the final conclusions concerning the degree of development achieved by the population and its economy, to a certain extent within the framework of a process of Romanization in this region. Everything which may appear in this work as illogical concerning the question of time and space may be attributed to the opinion of J.Hatt that: " in archaeology as well as in history, chronology and logic are not synonyms". 9

9

3

Cited after B.Gabricevic (1987), 54.

Radmila Zotovic

POPULATION Population Archaeological finds from the pre-Roman period of conquest are rare i.e. the period can be broadly referred to as protoantique. Yet they are primarily significant as they indicate that this territory had a population of local inhabitants in the proto-antique period. First of all the discovery of collective tombs in Krajcinovici near Priboj dated to the middle of the 2nd century BC must be mentioned. 10 Then the sporadic finds of different archaeological material should be mentioned such as: silver coins from Durachium, 200 BC, from the hill St. Hija near Pljevlja, 11 single finds ofDurachium and Apollonia coins in the surrounding of Srebrenica 12 and sporadic finds oflllyrian material in the surrounding ofKomini. 13 All these finds, with the exception of Illyrian material from the surrounding ofKomini, for which there is no data indicating the period to which it belongs, point to the significant influence of Hellenistic culture in the Late Iron Age, in this region. However, the discovery of collective tombs in Krajcinovici, where the way of burial and the archaeological material 14 throw light on the presence of Celtic ethnic elements towards the end of the Late Iron Age in southwest Serbia, 15 is of much greater significance and indicates that an earlier theory of a homogenous ethno-culture of the Illyrian (the meaning "illyrian" in whole text of the book refers on the meaning of cultural and not ethnical element of certain material manifestation.) population, during the period before Roman domination, is questionable. This theory is mainly based on the study of historical sources and epigraphic material while there is a lack of archaeological material. Thus F. Papazoglu states with reserve that Celts did not occupy southwest Serbia. 16 lO In detail, M.Zotovic (1985), 100 ff.

Apart from this, all the epigraphic material available for study of this problem belongs to the period 2nd - 3rd century AD when it is possible to discuss to what extent the process of Romanization had advanced and in this context to what extent there are visible traces of indigene elements here, while the previous two centuries of Roman military operations in Illyricum and establishment of rule in the Dalmatian province from the point of view of population questions in the Drina valley and part of the Lim valley have not been given much attention. Tribes that have been mentioned as the population of this region in pre-Roman times are mainly those mentioned by Pliny's census of decurias of the Naronitan convent: Dindari, Glinditiones, Siculotae, Sciritones and Cerauni (fig. 2). G.Alfoldy considers that the Sciritones, Siculotae and Cerauni were Pirustae, miners who settled in the mountainous areas of east Bosnia and north Montenegro particularly areas around Pljevlja, while the Dindari were a branch of the Scordisci. 17 The presence of Celts in west and south Serbia and to a lesser extent in north Montenegro is referred to by J.J. Wilkes, 18 also according to the N aronitan convent list and epigraphic material. Much more important than theoretic study of the ethnic group to which individual tribes belonged on the basis of Pliny's census and epigraphic material, is we believe D.Rendic-Miocevic's observation, when by means of analysis ofDelmatan onomastic material he concludes that archaeology is still, neither in a position to confirm the dimensions and disposition of certain Illyrian tribes, nor to state what their relationship was with the organization of the Roman decurias about which Pliny in certain cases gives us fairly accurate data. 19 For this reason it is probably more important from the point of view of archaeology, dealing with relationships in the question of Illyrian-Celtic cultural and ethnic identity, to access the well known facts concerning the Celtic movement towards the south to Greece as well as the fact that from the foundation of the province of Macedonia in 141 BC they were in constant opposition to the Romans. 20

11

A.Evans (1885), 31.

12

P.Popovic (1987), Fig.29, Appendice III.

13

A.Cermanovic-Kuzmanovic

14

M.Zotovic (1985), 100-108, 130-133; (1984), 60-62; (1987), 51-60.

18 J.J.

15

Ibid., 59-60.

19 D.Rendic-Miocevic

16 F.Papazoglu ( 1969), 288.

(1969), 101-102.

17

G.Alfoldy (1965), 55-56. Wilkes (1969), 171-179. (1960), 169.

20 PRW, Suppl. IX, 528.

The Population and the Economy of the Eastern Part of the Roman Province

orDalmatia

Fig. 2 - Native people in the time of roman conquest

Both of these facts are significant for our theory not only because of later connections during the period of Roman domination but also because the movement to the south suggests closer contact with the Greek and Hellenistic world.21 Apart from that, Celtic movement in the Balkans and their susceptibility to assimilation and acceptance of outside influence made the processes oflllyrian and Celtic integration possible which leads to the problem of the life shared by the Illyrian and Celtic inhabitants which in epigraphic material may provide Celtic names with Illyrian endings, although we do not know what language these groups spoke. 22 To establish the degree of settlement in these regions we refer to the claims of N. Vuli6 and later S. Josifovi6 who taking Vulic's opinion concerning Octavian's conquest of east Bosnia and west Serbia renewed and supplemented them with new conclusions. 23 Antique historiography completely neglected 21

Cf. in more detail, R.Zotovic ( 1998-1).

22

PRW, Suppl.IX, 536. The process of Celtic-Thracian integration is also mentioned.

23 N.Vulic (1933-1) 13-24; S.Josifovic (1956). 138-165.

this region which contributed to the opinion that the Romans carried out no military operation in this region during the 1st century AD and that these regions were included in the composition of the Dalmatian province only with the formation of its administration. The lack of archaeological finds in these areas contributed to the confirmation of this approach and thus it was even considered that the Romans when founding the Dalmatian province "cultivated" this region by settling populations from other areas, particularly the central Dalmatian regions. According to the opinions ofVuli6 and Josifovi6, Octavian's operations from 33 - 35 BC even as far as east Bosnia and west Serbia in the regions of Daesitiates, Glinditiones and Parthini are of exceptional importance to archaeology because they provide two important facts: that it must be taken into account there was an indigenous population already living here and that already in the 1st century BC we can count on Roman presence with military operations here. There is no archaeological evidence of the presence of Romans at this period. Apart from the already mentioned finds from the 2nd century BC the habitation of this area is also suggested by the fact that in the Komini region there was a hillfort settlement indicated by the

Radmila Zotovic

definitely Celtic names while Matisa, Nindia, Aioia, Bidna, Sarnus and Seius may be Celtic but it is not certain. So names in our territory that are certainly Celtic are to be found in the region of Uzice (A I, 39, 40 and 43) and in the region of Skelani (A I, 237, 238 and 261). However we meet other names rather more frequently particularly in the Uzice and Pozega areas (Karan - Nindia, A I, 49; Visibaba - Aioia, A I, 10) and in the surrounding of Skelani (Osatica - Septimia Matisa, A I, 263 ). In any case the epigraphic material provides proof of the Celtic presence in small numbers and that only in the north regions of the east part of the province, that is those which were in fact close to the province of Pannonia, a territory settled by a Celtic population.

configuration of the terrain. This was taken over by the Romans on their arrival and developed into a town with municipal status. 24 This opinion, which in fact coincides with Evans' claim that the St. Ilija hill was an original Illyrian center, has its confirmation in one of the laws ofpolygenesis: that Roman urban settlements could not have appeared "overnight" so that if they did not develop from preroman settlements, they did not exist at all. 25 The population of the Roman period, in the east part of the Roman province of Dalmatia, can be judged to a great extent on the basis of the epigraphic material on grave and votive monuments and to a lesser degree on the basis of representations of deceased on grave monument reliefs, that is the costumes illustrated on them. Certainly it should be kept in mind that the epigraphic material offers an insight into the composition of the minor section of the population, that which in urban centers entered into the process of Romanization and became acquainted with the Latin language and writing, while the greater part of the population, in any case the indigenous, remained outside the urban settlements in villages or canabae, excluded from the influence of the Romanization process and urbanization. Of their lives we know nothing except that from the aspect of society and state organization at the time they represented the most basic work force. By comparison with them, the indigenous inhabitants in municipal centers, involved in the general social currents of Romanization and particularly in the formation of the town administration, tended through their onomastic formulae to emphasize the importance of the new role of individuals in the new social events.

Greeks 28 and Orientals must be counted among the minority populations of the eastern part of the province of Dalmatia. The existence of a Greek colony in the region of Srebrenica is presumed on the basis of a stela type grave monument, dated to 1st - 2 nd century. There is a Greek text, but the typical Greek word hairg is omitted which suggests that Romanization had taken hold among them. 29 Likewise a certain group of "mixed" population is noticeable, that broadly speaking may be distinguished as immigrant Greeks and Orientals from north Italy or the Dalmatian coast where they were previously intermixed with the local inhabitants. 30 A group of immigrant population ofltalic origin is also evident, particularly in the Pljevlja region. 31 It is interesting to note that the inhabitants of this "group" were distinguished families that had significant influence on the development of towns and urban administration. First of all there were the families Paconii and Cipii, who were in fact in blood relations (cognatus), who had probably moved from Risan, 32 i.e. Agruvium, 33 and the family Clemens from the Rogatica area which was earlier mentioned in Aseria. 34

When investigating the population components in the Roman period in the eastern part of the Dalmatian province, analysis of epigraphic material can be carried out in two ways: through analysis of the name content and through the types of onomastic formulae. It must be kept in mind that such analysis is to a large extent unreliable if we wish to draw precise conclusions. The greater number of epigraphic monuments from this region belongs to the yctcentury when intermingling of populations of different social structure and ethnical composition took place, not only here but also in other parts of the Empire.

The remaining names which appear in the eastern part of the province of Dalmatia belong, as already stated, mainly to the Illyrian and Latin name repertoire. Seen as a whole the Illyrian names that appear in the eastern part of Roman Dalmatia are identical to those that appear in the middle Dalmatian name region, 35 for example: Aplini, Andetia, Baza, Besus, Carvus,

Calvus, Dasius, Dussona, Germano, Lautus, Lavius, Panto, Venda, Pinentia,Plator, Plares, Stataria, Statius, Scaevianus, Tata, Turo, Turus,Testo, Tritano ..36 The greatest

Analyzing the name content of the population, it can be established that Illyrian and Latin names are the most frequent, while Greek and Celtic are represented in much lesser number. This statement directs us to the conclusion, that the opinion ofG.Alfoldy and J.J. Wilkes concerning the presence of Celtic names among the onomastic material to such an extent that it would be possible to claim that Celts settled west and to a lesser degree southwest Serbia, must probably be revised at least in the question of onomastic material. 26 Here R.Katicic's opinion 27 will be accepted, that Jaca, Catta and Totio are 24

A.Cennanovic-Kuzmanovic

25

M.Suic (1976), 33. Contrary opinions exist, on the basis of finds confirmed in Bosnia and Hcrccgovina ( A.Benac, 1985), sec at the beginning chapter Settlements and note 99.

28

Apart from epigraphic proof on grave monuments, of Greek presence in this area , sec V Radimsky ( 1894), 18, citation based on fragments of ceramic with inscription t?????, indicate there was a Greek masterpotter in Domavia, and as well as this there was a colony of Greek immigrants.

29

Dj.Basler (1982), 41.

30 A.Cennanovic-Kuzmanovic

(1970), 80.

31 It must be taken into consideration that the cpigraphic material from the Pljcvlja and Prijcpoljc areas is the most numerous. 32 A.Ccnnanovic-Kuzmanovic

(1981), 49.

33 Ibid.

(1969), 101-102.

34

J.Medini (1973-1974), 41.

26 G .Alfoldy ( 1965). 54; J.J. Wilkes ( 1969). 171.

35 Cf. R.Katicic ( 1962). Katicic notes these names as ones that occur most frequently in the southeast region, marked as the middle Dalmatian name region.

27

36 Cf. also with list of names cited by Katicic (1962).

R.Katicic (1956), 53.

6

Tho Population and tho Econorny of tho Eastern Part of tho Roman Province of Dalmatia

number of names from the middle Dalmatian name region appear in the onomastic material from the Prijepolje and Pljevlja regions but are also noted in the other regions of our territory. It must be particularly emphasized that the majority of personal names present in onomastic material of the conservative Illyrian population are from the Rider region. These are: Piadomenos, Titus, Germanus, Panto, Venda, Tritano. 37 Names derived from the ethnicon appear sporadically, for example the female name Dardana inscribed on a monument from Kolovrat (A I, 90) which leads to the conclusion that in this area the possible presence of a Dardanian ethnic elements must be taken into consideration. 38 On a monument from Tubici there is a male name Fl(avius) Dalmata (A I, 5), which indicates the presence ofDelmatae. Certain less frequent names may be attributed to Libumian and Japod anthroponym tradition.39 Here one must be cautious as some names that are found in Liburnian and Japod anthroponym tradition may not necessarily indicate the ethnic group to which they belong. This is the case for example with the name Hostilius that here appears in Skelani (A I, 245), and may be considered as much Latin as Venetan, or the name Turus (A I, 219) that, as mentioned before, can be ascribed to the middle Dalmatian name region.

confirmed that in single syllable formula there is a larger number of Latin names in relation to the non-Latin. 40 The largest number of non Latin names are female which corresponds to the well known fact that women were slower to accept the process of Romanization than men and that they maintained firm connections with their traditional cultural base for much longer. We may presume that there were a certain number of Latin translations, frequently in examples of the names Maximus and Maxima, (i.e. in the degenerated form or incorrectly written Macxima ). This is in the east part of the province of Dalmatia seen principally in the areas around Prijepolje and Pljevlja. 41 A similar occurrence is noticeable in the Rider area with the name Maximus (Maxima) as the most numerous, then Firmus and Valens,42 which in our region are not so frequent. A translation of local names into Latin, that corresponds to the number of children born in a family (Quintus, Quintina, Secundo - Sicundo as a corruption), is also noticeable in the Sandzak area. Old monosyllabic formula, however in the majority of cases, changed to two-syllable formula of the type Aelia (Aurelia) Panto, that is Aelius (Aurelius) Maximus. It can be considered that this type of formula is to be found among the names in the class of the population that shows the firmest connection with tradition and that the majority of names in two syllable formula of this type are from the period after 212 BC.43 It is possible that the year 212 BC can be taken as terminus post quem for the gentilice Aurelius added to the Illyrian names Turo, Tatta, Flares, Trito, Panto, Venda, Dussona, Dasius, Dasianus, Aioia, Pinentia, Baeta and the Celtic Jaca (Zaca) while for the remaining names accepted from the Latin repertoire, the earlier phase of Romanization can be assumed. Apart from this type of two syllable onomastic formulae in the east part of the province of Dalmatia, the two syllable type of onomastic formula is characteristic for the Delma tan, Japod and Libumian regions 44 where the so-called family name ("surname") appears. This two syllable formula represents an attempt by the local inhabitants to adapt to the needs of the newly established social organization in which the old single syllable formula, adequate in undeveloped communes and villages, no longer satisfied the needs of the Roman system of administration and power. 45 Formulae of this type are most frequent in the Prijepolje and Pljevlja regions and are seldom met in the northern parts of our

On the other hand, analysis of the types of onomastic material provides an insight into certain aspects of the process of Romanization that developed in this region, it seems, very slowly and gradually. So among the onomastic material of our region the incidence of onomastic formulae from the simplest, single syllable to two syllable, three syllable and four syllable is evident, in which the presence of names from the Latin repertoire are as frequent as those from non Latin such as Illyrian, Celtic or Greek. It is immediately noticeable that the onomastic formulae of the indigenous population developed very slowly and that in confrontation with their tradition and conformity it was almost impossible to acquire a "completely" Roman formula. It can be established that there is a significant presence of single and double syllable formulae with the affixed gentilice Ulpius, Flavius, Aelius or Aurelius, which meant citizenship (286 : 120). Two syllable formulae with the gentilice Ulpius or Flavius (120 : 7) are the least frequent that may correspond to either the early or the late Empire. The most frequently appearing are two syllable formulae with the gentilice Aurelius (120: 58), then monosyllabic onomastic formulae (120 : 40), while the onomastic formulae with the gentilice Aelius are very sporadic (120 : 13). This statistic analysis shows that the process of forming two syllable formulae, as one of the indications of the process of Romanization had no clear chronological rules or mechanism. Even in the old single syllable formula, where the use of the personal name only corresponds to the old conservative tradition of the indigenous population, one can notice the beginning of a process of Romanization. Thus it can be 37

The expression "non-Latin" used here and further in the text as all these names arc not lllyrian but a certain number arc Greek or Celtic.

41

D.Rcndic-Miocevic (1964), 101-110.

42

A.Cennanovic-Kuzmanovic ( 1968), 204.

43

D.Rendic-Miocevic (1948), 36. This may however be taken conditionally for the majority of examples, having in mind the example on the monument from Kolovrat (Vurus, Secundo, Sicundo) dated to the 4th century.

44

D.Rendic-Miocevic ( 1948), 33, two syllable formula, phase Ila; G.Alfoldy (1965), 67, that "familiar" names appeared among the Liburnians and were adopted by the Japodes and Delmatae from them. This undermines the earlier thesis ofC.Patsch (1899), 74, 90 concerning the existence of two personal names among the Illyrians in the Antiquity.

45

D.Rcndic-Miocevic (1960), 164. Similar is found in the example Titus Anae Codalianus even though it is a three syllable onomastic formula, as well as in general in all examples where in place of a patronymic without filiation or "surname" there is the mother's name.

A.Cennanovic-Kuzmanovic (1968), 204.

38 A.Ccnnanovic-Kuzmanovic (1989), 10. 39

40

A certain number of names like Cata, Laritus, Hostilus, Tunis, Sestus (Sextus), Aetor and similar correspond to the Japod and Liburnian anthroponym tradition. D.Rendic-Miocevic (1989), 713-714. 750.

7

Radmila Zotovic

territory. Their least frequent appearance is in southwest Serbia, it seems not because of fewer numbers of onomastic examples but rather the greater influence of Pannonia where the concept of family names was unknown. In a certain number of examples (A I, 68,212,246,279) instead of"family" names or patronymic we find female name. Regardless of how unusual this onomastic formula may be, it is however close to the family name form. The onomastic formulae of this type are most frequently found in the Prijepolje and Pljevlja regions. 46 The appearance of family names is found in variations of three and four syllable onomastic formulae. So examples of the type P Gavienus Candidianus (Pljevlja A I, 163) and P Ael(ius) Pladomenus Carvanius (Kolovrat A I, 87)47 confirm that in formulae of both types they are found after the personal name Publius, i.e. Publius Aelius as a mark of citizenship, additions with surname and patronymic, i.e. name and surname of the father. It is a further developmental direction in Illyrian onomastic nomenclature in the general social process of Romanization, in which such patronymic surnames and gentile distinction acquired the position of multiple cognomens. 48 Depending on the degree of Romanization on the one hand and traditional conservatism on the other we can expect both three and four syllable formulae of this type, whose onomastic nomenclature may 46

Herc we believe one must discern the onomastic formulae of this type of man and woman. It is possible that in the female onomastic fornmlae, as they are found in the Sandzak region and in the surrounding ofSkelani and Rudo (Fuscae Anae, Actiae Balbiae etc.), are a completely different type of formulae. Judging by the formula He[r?jonia Vera, it could also be for example Fusca Ana, Actia Balbia, or likewise Fusca Anae and Actia Balbiae, so we cannot conclude whether it is a question of an earlier phase of development of onomastic formula where in place of a patronymic without filiation there is the mother's name in the genitive, or the final formation of this type of formula where the second name had become the "surname" which for certain reasons developed from the mother's name or some female predecessor. In that case it seems we could consider, but with reserve, that it may have been children born in illegitimate partnerships or even adopting the family name from the female line, probably for some particular reason. There were situations when right to the clan and its organization (marriage contracts, inheritance of property ...), in which women in particular situations obtained rights that usually belong to man as the father of the family. In this case it would appear that the clan system retained some traces of matriarchal order. Concerning matriarchy sec M.Garasanin (1967), 227228.

47

Due to the importance of this name for comprehension of the formation of Illyrian onomastic content and its retention in "combined" type formulae (with new Roman nomenclature) and because of different interpretations of this name in the literature (see D. Rendic-Miocevic ( 1989), 652, 682), we introduce here another interpretation by A. Evans (1885), 44, Fig. 21 beginning of the inscription: D. m. s. PAel. P[l]adome[n}o ... Carvantio ... D. Rcndic-Mioccvic is undccisivc about the nominative form of this name. In one place he puts P Aelius Pladomen(us ?) Carvantius, citing it as an example where the old Illyrian onomastic formula entered the new completely (p. 652), and in another (p. 682) states that his formula is the same as Publius Aelius qui et Pladomenus Carvantius. However it seems to us that Pladomenus Carvantius is not the old name of Publius Aclius, rather that the four syllable onomastic formula appeared because the person concerned added a sign of acquired citizenship (Aelius) to his personal name from the Latin repertoire (Publius), and then the "surname" from his gens. As the inscription is from the time when Illyrian onomastic formula had fully developed, that is a surname was derived from a patronymic in a form not genitive, as in the early phase of development (patronymic without filiation), but nominative. Thus if we withdraw the gcntilicc in his name, we get the same onomastic formula type P Gavienus Candidianus and similar.

48

contain equal elements from Latin and Illyrian or even from Latin only. Among such onomastic formulae the appearance of Illyrian gentile names 49 can be noticed like Argenianus, Arguriana, Cambria (A I, 127, 128, 184) and similar. In some cases it is difficult to determine whether it is an Illyrian gentile name or "surname". However in spite of the fact that the development of the onomastic formulae may not always be clear, they do indicate clearly the degree to which culture and social development is maintained among certain Illyrian tribes in the given chronological period. 5 ° Considering that the appearance of the developmental phase in the onomastic formulae, in the eastern part of the province of Dalmatia, corresponds to that which appears in the middle Dalmatian region, we can assume that there is evidence here also of a process of weakening and disintegration of the family communities, as a result of the strengthening of new production forces. So in time the family, as the smallest unit both of social and productive significance, becomes the center of social and cultural happenings and the role of father becomes more and more essential. In such a social process, whose course it is however not possible to establish chronologically, the necessity arises to introduce patronymic without affiliation in the already old, specifically Illyrian formula of personal name and surname. This new three syllable formula now regularly contains Roman names 51 that clearly indicate a process of Romanization that includes the previous social changes, the disintegration of family communities among the indigene population. The old monosyllabic formulae that survived for quite a long time even into the 3rd century, that are likewise evident in the interior of the province as well as in its eastern part, also indicate the slower social development under conditions of new social and cultural changes of the Roman social and state organization. This developmental phase of the onomastic formulae together with the later addition of gentilice as a mark of citizenship point to, as yet, inadequately developed social conditions for the appearance of new social and cultural movements or change among the local population. In the east part of the province of Dalmatia the most obvious are in the region of Prijepolje and Pljevlja, although they can also be followed sporadically in other areas. From this it is possible to conclude that peoples of varied social structures, that can be roughly divided into two groups, inhabited this region. One group as the onomastic material indicates, is made up of families who immigrated from maritime parts of Dalmatia, most frequently Rider and Risan and their surroundings and are the bearers of new social adaptation and changes in the sense of approaching the Roman social model. They were not just Illyrians but Greeks, Orientals and Italics as well as those groups where there was already intermingling through marriage. Likewise this group had already passed through the initial phase of Romanization in its original territory, so that in the Sandfak region we meet them to a greater or lesser degree as the already Romanized inhabitants. Using archaeological material it is possible to follow the same type 49 A.Cermanovic-Kuzmanovic (1968), 205. In fact it probably has the same value and sense as a family name i.e. "surname" as D. Rendic-Miocevic calls it. concerning the appearance of the lllyrian gentile name in the municipium S region, M. Garasanin (1967), 38. 5o

D.Rcndic-Mioccvic (1948), 38.

51 Ibid., 42.

D.Rendic-Miocevic (1948), 40.

8

Tho Population and tho Econorny of tho Eastern Part of tho Roman Province of Dalmatia

Fig. 3 - Tomb of area maceria cincta type.

of grave monuments, stela type, monumental cippus and entire graves of the type area maceria cincta (fig. 3). The families Paconii, Statii, Cipii, Gavienii belonged to this group. Inhabitants that are mainly considered to have come from interior mountainous areas, far from the coast, formed a second group which had still not experienced its own process of Romanization. From an onomastic point of view it can be followed through the phase type Panto - Aurelia Panto, Maxima - Aurelia Maxima and Fusca Ana( e?), and in the name repertoire identical with that of middle Dalmatia. Archaeologically it can be followed through the grave monuments of the stela type but without monumental cippus and special grave constructions. It seems to be easier to define the first group, its social position and function, but in the case of the second we see how in varying degrees they approach the Roman forms of life standard and attempt to come closer to them yet have no real opportunity to participate in them. For this we find archaeological evidence on the stela type grave monuments, that in style and tectonic characteristics differ from good Roman models, while the inscriptions show that the deceased never received Roman citizenship. To this group also belong that part of the population whose generation had experienced the social process of Romanization as distinct from the ordinary inhabitants with the right to Roman citizenship who are found in the onomastic formulae type T Aurelius Maximus, and who could also achieve a certain level of social hierarchy in the administrative functions of the municipality. However it remains unclear whether the inhabitants, conditionally speaking of this group, were entirely immigrants from the interior of the province of Dalmatia, or were the existing similarities among the peoples of these two areas to some extent the result of the same social and ethnoculture characteristics of the population inhabiting the entire region of the Roman Dalmatian province.

similar occurrences are noticeable in the onomastic material both of this area and of Prijepolje and Pljevlja, it can be assumed that in other regions the same or at least similar occurrences took place in the development phase of social change. The differences that exist in comparison with the Lim valley region are noticed in the limited presence of Celtic elements in the onomastic material of southwest Serbia, in the Uzice region and east Bosnia, in the Skelani region. Examples of early citizenship although sporadic are found most frequently in east Bosnia while, in southwest Serbia and north Montenegro, the conferring of citizenship can be seen, in the real sense, only from the period of Hadrian (Aelii), and further (Aurelii) but before this only sporadically. It is noticeable that the so called first group of migrants came to the Prijepolje and Pljevlja regions in family groups, some of whom were blood relatives like the families Paconii and Cipii, already mentioned. It is interesting to note that marriage was not arranged between members of the first group but between members of the first and second group and members of the second group among themselves. It is also evident that the family and the father role became in time more and more important, indicated not only by the developmental phase of onomastic nomenclature of the local population, but also the very precise reference to family relationships in the inscriptions on grave monuments.

The relief presentations on grave monuments, in the eastern part of the Dalmatian province, are another source that helps to trace and confirm the extent of Romanization, on the one hand, and the maintaining oflocal, traditional norms of daily life, on the other hand. They are a valuable source when examining the autochthon costumes and provide confirmation that conservatism and local traditions survived for a long time in this region, even into late Antiquity. This refers particularly to the female population, which in many aspects of daily life, showed greater and deep-seated conservatism by comparison with males.

Less numerous examples of epigraphic material from other areas of Roman Dalmatia do not provide such precise conclusions as those from Prijepolje and Pljevlja. However as more or less 9

Radmila Zotovic

The first thing to be noticed when studying the costumes on the grave monuments of the eastern part of Roman Dalmatia is the difference in headwear seen in the relief presentations of women from the regions of Prijepolje and Pljevlja compared with the other regions of this territory. The majority of these monuments present a typical style of female costume, with a scarf thrown over the head the ends of which are allowed to fall freely (fig. 4, 5, 6). This headdress is not found in other regions of the eastern part of the province of Dalmatia except perhaps on one monument in the surrounding ofF oca52 and on individual examples from Radoinja near Nova Varos and Hercegovinian Goles near Priboj. 53 This headdress was used with the female costume in the interior of the Dalmatian province in the areas around Konjic and Glamoc. 54 In the remaining areas of the eastern part of Roman Dalmatia we frequently meet a type of turban or cap or even barehead, that shows the influence of Roman fashion and a tendency to follow Roman trends in shaping hairstyles (fig. 7). The representation of turbans as well as sporadic bare head 55 are found on the monuments from the surrounding of Prijepolje and Pljevlja. On the cube gravestones from Loznica and Ustikolina 56 scarves are tied in the shape of turbans which is also characteristic of the interior of the Dalmatian province in the surrounding of Kakanj 57 but even more frequent in the province of Pannonia. 58 The third way of wearing a scarf is to throw it over the head and tie it on top from where the ends fall freely so it gives the impression of a cap that has a band of diadems fastened along the edge as is shown on the cube gravestone from Seca Reka (fig. 8). 59 This way of wearing a scarf is found also in the surroundings ofKonjic, Breza and Kiseljak 60 .

thanks to the constant traditionalism oflocal inhabitants, this costume survived until the late period of Roman domination. Sometimes this type of female costume had slight variations in the under dress when it also was draped like the outer. In another variant that, judging by the cube gravestone from Seca Reka, we can connect with a wealthy class oflocal inhabitants, the dress was worn straight with two rows of pleats added to the lower edge of the skirt. This type of autochthon female costume is represented in its simpler variation on the grave monuments of southwest Serbia and east Bosnia, on the cube gravestones from the surrounding of Pozega, Uzice and Skelani. It is also evident, as seen on the same gravestone from Seca Reka that a cloak was part of the female costume and was worn thrown back over the shoulders and permitted to fall freely. On the same relief the female figure on the front to the left shows an interesting detail - an embroidered band on the skirt of the underskirt worn low beneath the waist. K.Patsch is of the opinion that this is a femina stolata, the distinguished costume of a woman with many children, which is probably justifiable, 62 as the outer dress of the woman is fastened with two zoomorphic fibulae in the shape of dolphins. Contrary to earlier uncertainty whether these fibulae, which are always worn in pairs, were worn by men only or men and women, 63 the gravestone relief from Seca Reka shows that they were a part offemale costume too. Considering that the dolphin was symbolically and conceptually connected with the uterus and thus fertile woman, it could be presumed that the person on the left on the face in Seca Reka represents a woman who had given birth to several children. The presentation on this gravestone is evidence that in the late antique period at a time when the matron had long since lost her significance in the old Roman families, this significance still remained in the families of the local population of the eastern part of Roman Dalmatia. Concerning the social position of women we may assume that the local population remained under the matriarchal influence of the older clan tribal system even in an advanced stage of Roman domination. 64

On the face of the cube gravestone from Seca Reka there are two female figures that have all the elements oflocal costume and jewelry. Both women are represented in the typical dress of this region; an under dress with long sleeves and an outer dress richly drapped, without sleeves and fastened on the shoulders with two fibulae. This outer dress was worn free as on the cube gravestone from Ustikolina 61 or tied at the waist with a belt beneath which richly gathered pleats fell over the hips as on the cube gravestone from Seca Reka. This gravestone dated to the late 3rd century, on the side of which we find a similar although much simpler variant of the dress on a servant (fig. 9), shows that this dress was part of the local women's costume as far back as the period when there was still no extensive social divisions among the local inhabitants, in the sense of a social hierarchy. In this way, 52

D.Sergejevski ( 1934). 26, no.28, Fig. I 0.

53

R.Zotovic ( 1995-1), I 08, no.36 (Radoinja); 111, no.54 (Her.Goles).

54

I.Cremosnjik ( 1965), 121.

55

A.Ccrmanovic-Kuzmanovic (1989), 8-10, no.5. fig.5.

56

57

In any case, the female costume composed of a double dress was usually considered Pannonian that had succumbed to earlier Celtic influence, 65 but a detailed analysis of the monuments shows that it may be considered the local costume ofNoricum, Pannonia, Illyria and Moesia. 66 A second less frequent variation of female dress is found on the cippus of Paconia Montana from Komini (fig. 10).67 This

W.Radimsky (1893), 328, fig.25-26; D.Scrgcjcvski (1935), 19 T.IV (Loznica); (1936), 24, no.26, T. IX, fig.32-33 (Ustikolina).

62

I.Cremosnik (1963), 112, states that it is a detail of autochton female costume, but that adding an embroidered band gave the female costume the appearance of influence from the East.

63

D.Bojovic (1983), 67-68.

64

Sec note 46.

65

There is reason to claim Celtic influence ifwe look at the monuments of Noricum and Raetia in R.Wagner (1973), and it is interesting that this type of female costume is found mainly in the representations on grave monuments of the block type on which funeral feasts were regularly represented. This in a certain sense may be connected with the Celtic tradition through conceptual connection with so called Pannonian feasts. I.Crcmosnjik (1963), 111.

I.Cremosnjik ( 1963), 121.

58 A.Cermanovic-Kuzmanovic (I 989), 10. 59

R.Zotovic (1990) 161-162, no.17 fig. I 6.

60

I.Crcmosnjik (1963), 121.

66

61

D.Sergejevski (1936), 7 no.7. T. I, 10-11.

67 A.Cermanovic-Kuzmanovic (1968), 202,

iO

T. I Fig.2; II, Fig.3-4.

Tho Population and tho Econorny of tho Eastern Part of tho Roman Province of Dalmatia

Fig. 6 - Stela, Kolovrat Fig. 4 - Stela, Kolovrat

Fig. 5 - Stela (detail), Kolovrat

ii

Radmila Zotovic

Fig 7 - Grave cube, surrounding of Uzice

Fig. 8 - Grave cube (frontal side), Seca Reka

Fig. 10 - Ara of Paconia Montana, Komini

Fig. 9 - Grave cube, Seca Reka

Tho Population and tho Econorny of tho Eastern Part of tho Roman Province of Dalmatia

Fig. 11 - Grave cube, surrounding of Pljevlja

Fig. 12 - Stela, Skelani

Fig. 13 - Grave cube, surrounding of Pljevlja

dress is cut straight like a kimono with long sleeves, quite wide and trussed below the waist. There is also evidence of another variation offemale costume in the Pljevlja area, that differs from the usual representation in the Lim valley, as well as the remaining regions of the eastern part of the province of Dalmatia. On a cube gravestone from the surrounding of Pljevlja 68 we see a bust relief where the woman is dressed in a sort of tunic with long sleeves but it is not clear if there is a cloak thrown over the shoulders and arm (fig. 11). This relief presentation, unusual for this region, and the meander ornament on the shoulder of the relief, may suggest a certain influence from Greek cultural circles. The representation on the stela from Skelani (fig. 12)69 certainly originated under Greek - oriental influence. Here the visible lower part of the deceased's dress is clearly not a usual costume of this region but a Greek cloak - himation, 68

C.Patsch (1896), 292, no.2, fig.76.

69

K.Pac (1907), 451-452, no.39, fig.45-46.

Fig. 14 Grave cube, Crvica

that is often seen on the presentations of deceased on grave monuments in Macedonia. Male representations on grave monuments of the eastern part of the Roman province of Dalmatia indicate that men accommodated more quickly to Roman influence on daily life. Men are most frequently represented cloaked in a pelerine (sagum) fastened with a fibula on the right shoulder (fig. 13). This type of cloak was originally part of military clothing and later became part of urban costume. Under this a type of tunic was worn - shirt with short sleeves, in which case it was a real Roman tunic, or with long sleeves that would suggest local origin and so a type of dalmatica. Rare representations of tunics with short sleeves are found in Bajina Basta and Crvica (fig. 14)70 while the majority of remaining male costume representations on the gravestones of this territory show the dalmatica, a wide shirt with long stitched sleeves and trussed at the waist. A rare example of authentic indigene

°

7 F.Studniczka (1886), 211 (Bajina Basta); K.Pac (1907), 463-464.

Radmila Zotovic

Fig. 17 - Grave cube, Bajina Basta

participant in the funeral feast, i.e. not a servant, but a sort of priestly figure suggested by certain details of the entire presentation, 72 then, on the Vranjani stela it would be a unique presentation of priestly dress probably deriving from indigene tradition. The jewelry represented on the grave reliefs of this territory may also be attributed to indigene tradition. This applies first of all to the pendants in the shape of ivy leaves at the end of the small ornamental chains attached to fibulae. This type of jewelry was a part of both male and female costume. The best examples are found on the reliefs of the previously mentioned cube gravestones from Seca Reka, Loznica and Crvica, as part of female costume and from Bajina Basta, as part of male apparel (fig. 17). Pendants of this type were not only parts of jewelry but also ornaments on horse harness as seen on fragments of monuments from Zenica and Doboj, 73 probably because of the apotropaic significance attributed to them. The anchor type fibula is the most frequent and worn by both men and women. Men also wore circular and cruciform fibulae as confirmed by the representations from

Fig. 15 - Grave cube, Seca Reka

costume is found in the representation of servants on the side of the gravestone from Seca Reka, where it can be seen that they were dressed in a type of knee length "dress" with the lower parts made of either fur or woven woolen material (fig. 15). One should also notice the unusual presentation on the stela from Vranjani 71 where, in the second field of the relief in the representation of the funeral feast, there is a man dressed in a sort of full length "dress" with long sleeves, not trussed at the waist but tied with a tape, and seems to be made from some course material (fig. 16). Ifwe accept this is no ordinary 71

72 R.Zotovic (1995-1 ), 150. 73 D.Sergejevski (1948), T.III, fig.1-2.

R.Zotovic (1990), 163 no.IS fig.17.

i4

Tho Population and tho Econorny of tho Eastern Part of tho Roman Province of Dalmatia

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