Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century (Habsburg Worlds) 9782503591599, 2503591590

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Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century

Habsburg Worlds volume 5 General Editor Violet Soen (KU Leuven) Editorial Board Tamar Herzog (Harvard University) Yves Junot (Université Polytechnique Hauts-de-France) Géza Pálffy (Hungarian Academy of Sciences, Institute of History) José Javier Ruiz Ibánez (Universidad de Murcia, Red Columnaria) Barbara Stollberg-Rilinger (Westfälische WilhelmsUniversität Münster) Joachim Whaley (University of Cambridge)

Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century

Edited by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz

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Cover illustration: Jacob Jordaens, Portrait of the Infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia as a Nun, c. 1635. American Private Collection, Courtesy of Agnews Gallery, London.

© 2021, Brepols Publishers n.v., Turnhout, Belgium. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise without the prior permission of the publisher. D/2021/0095/47 ISBN 978-2-503-59159-9 E-ISBN 978-2-503-59160-5 DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.121611 ISSN 2565-8476 E-ISSN 2565-9545 Printed in the EU on acid-free paper.

Table of Contents

List of Illustrations 7 List of Abbreviations 11 Glossary13 Notes on currency 15 Acknowledgements17 Royal Sites as Key Elements of the Early Modern Monarchies: The Case of the Spanish Monarchy19 José Eloy Hortal Muñoz PART I Royal Chapels Royal Chapels: Spirituality, Ceremonial and Integration of the Elites37 José Eloy Hortal Muñoz Spirituality at the Royal Chapel of the Alcázar of Madrid (16th-17th Centuries): The Triumph of Rome57 José Martínez Millán The Display of Royal Ecclesiastical Power: The Palatine Chapel of Palermo (1586-1713)75 Fabrizio D’Avenia No King for a Palace: Royal Palaces and Chapels in Barcelona in the Seventeenth Century99 Ignasi Fernández Terricabras Changes and Continuity in the Royal Chapel of Valencia during the Seventeenth Century117 Emilio Callado Estela Lima and the Ecclesiastical Entourage of the Viceroys (1600-50): The Royal Chapel137 Guillermo Nieva Ocampo and Ana Mónica González Fasani

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PART II Royal Palaces, Convents and Monasteries Royal Palaces, Convents and Monasteries: The Presence of the Sovereign, Integration of the Realms and Kingdoms and Religious Practices167 José Eloy Hortal Muñoz Court Spaces and Dynastic Piety at the Royal Convents of Madrid (16th-17th Centuries)185 Víctor Mínguez Cornelles The Influence of Rome on Spirituality in the Royal Convents of the Habsburg Netherlands: The Foundation of the Capuchin Convent at Tervuren (1621-33)207 Henar Pizarro Llorente The Presiding Religious Influence of an Absent King: Philip II as King of Portugal (1580-98), Royal Palaces, Convents and Monasteries227 José Pedro Paiva The Spaces of Monarchy in the Kingdom of Valencia: Political and Religious Practices (16th-17th Centuries)243 Inmaculada Rodríguez Moya Power, Politics and Religion: The Viceregal Court and the Royal Convents in the Kingdom of Sardinia (15th-17th Centuries)267 Nicoletta Bazzano Royal Sites as Key Elements of the Political and Religious Relationship between the Spanish Monarchy and the Holy See: The Permeation of the Spirituality of Rome283 José Eloy Hortal Muñoz Notes on the Contributors Index of Names Index of Places Index of Royal Sites

297 301 319 321

List of Illustrations

Introduction Royal Sites Fig. 1.  Map of the castilian Royal Sites (c. 1600). Courtesy of María Luisa Walliser Martín. Fig. 2. Louis Meunier, The palace of La Zarzuela. c. 1665-68 stamp. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España. Royal Chapels Fig. 0.1. Domenico Fancelli and Bartolomé Ordóñez, Cenotaph of Catolics Kings (left) and of Joanna I of Castile and her husband (right) at the Royal Chapel in Granada, c. 1517-20. Image @ Wikimedia Commons. Fig. 0.2.  Former mosque of the Aljaferia in Zaragoza, in Mariano Nougués Secall, Descripción e historia del castillo de la Aljafería sito extramuros de la ciudad de Zaragoza (Zaragoza: Antonio Gallifa, 1846), p. 13. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España. Fig. 1.1 Anonymous, View of the Alcázar Real in Madrid and the Segovia old bridge surroundings Museo Soumaya [Public domain, Public domain or CC BY-SA 4.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/ by-sa/4.0)], Image @ Wikimedia Commons. Fig. 1.2 Claudio Coello, The adoration of the Sacred Form, 1690. Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Patrimonio Nacional. Image © Paul M.R. Maeyaert, via Wikimedia Commons. Fig. 2.1 Jean Andrieu, View of the Royal Palace in Palermo, c. 1862-76 photography. Courtesy of Rijskmuseum, Amsterdam (http://hdl. handle.net/10934/RM0001.COLLECT.262697). Fig. 2.2 Giovanni Vicenzo Casale, Front of the Royal Chapel of the Viceroyal Palace of Naples. 1575 engraving. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España. Fig. 3.1 Unknown author, Photography of the Grand Royal Palace. Plaça del Rei in Barcelona, northwest side during a period of excavation before the restoration of the Palace, c. 1940. Courtesy of Museo de Historia de la Ciudad de Barcelona. Fig. 3.2 Ignasi Fernández Terricabras, Photography of the Plaça del Rei in Barcelona nowadays, flanked by three royal buildings: on the right, the Royal Chapel of Saint Agatha (14th century); in the background,

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the Grand Royal Palace (14th century); on the left, the New Palace (16th century). Own photography. Fig. 4.1 Detail of the Royal Palace of Valencia at Tomás Serrano, Fiestas seculares, con que la coronada ciudad de Valencia celebró el feliz cumplimiento del tercer siglo de la canonización de su esclarecido hijo, y ángel protector S. Vicente Ferrer (Valencia: Imprenta de la Viuda de Joseph de Orga, 1762), c. 1738 engraving. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España. Fig. 4.2 Carlos Francia, Naumachia y Parte de la Ciudad, Vista del Colegio de S. Pio V at Tomás Serrano, Fiestas seculares, con que la coronada ciudad de Valencia celebró el feliz cumplimiento del tercer siglo de la canonización de su esclarecido hijo, y ángel protector S. Vicente Ferrer (Valencia: Imprenta de la Viuda de Joseph de Orga, 1762), 1755 engraving. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España. Fig. 5.1 Anonymous, View of the Mayor Square in Lima with the Royal Palace on the left, 1680, private collection of the marquise of Almunia. Image @ Wikimedia Commons. Fig. 5.2  Plan of some squares of the ‘City of the Kings’ and its suburb. On the left the Royal Palace, the Cathedral and the Episcopal Palace, 1611, AGI, MP-PERU_Chile, 6, fol. 2v-3r. Image courtesy of the Archivo General de Indias (Seville). Fig. 5.3 Basilica and Convent of St. Francis in Lima, Peru. 2015. Image @ Wikimedia Commons. Royal Convents Fig. 1. Jan Brueghel the Younger, Palace of Coudenberg, ca. 1627, Madrid, Prado Museum This work is in the public domain in its country of origin and other countries and areas where the copyright term is the author’s life plus 100 years or less. Source: https://www.museodelprado.es/imagen/alta_resolucion/ P01451.jpg Fig. 2.  Main facade of the Convent of the Immaculate Conception of Loeches nowadays. 2010 photography. Image @ José Luis Cernadas Iglesias, via Wikimedia Commons. Fig. 6.1 Main façade of the Monasterio de las Descalzas Reales in Madrid, 2011. Image © Luis García, via Wikimedia Commons. Fig. 6.2 North-east façade of the Real Monasterio de la Encarnación in Madrid, 2011. Image © Luis García, via Wikimedia Commons.

li st o f i llu st rat i o ns

Fig. 6.3 Pedro Perret, Eighth Design, Elevation of the altarpiece in the main chapel of the Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial (Antwerp: S. N., 1589). 1589 burin stamp. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España. Fig. 6.4 First page of the book about the death of Mary Louise of Orléans, José Pérez de Montoro, Al rey N. Señor en la muerte de la reyna N. Señora, que goza de Dios (S.L.: S.N., 1689). 1689. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España. Fig. 7.1 Jan Brueghel the Elder, The Archdukes hunting at Tervueren, ca. 1611, Madrid, Prado Museum, Public domein via Wikimedia Commons (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Jan_Brueghel_de_Oude_-_De_aartshertogen_jacht.jpg) Fig. 7.2 Lucas Van Uden, View of the Capuchin Convent at Tervuren, c. 1628-73 engraving. Courtesy of Rijskmuseum, Amsterdam (https://www. rijksmuseum.nl/nl/collectie/RP-P-OB-12.892). Fig. 8.1 Louis Meunier, View of the Royal Palace of Lisbon. c. 1665-68 stamp. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España. Fig. 8.2 Church and Convent of Saint Vincent, Lisbon. 2017. Image @ Wikimedia Commons. Fig. 9.1 Illustration drawn by Antonio Rodríguez and engraved by Pedro Vicente Rodríguez, View of the Royal Palace of Valencia, c. 1807. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España. Fig. 9.2 George Vivian, Surroundings of Valencia with the Convent of San Miguel de los Reyes Valencia in the background. c. 1833-37 drawing. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España. Fig. 10.1 Hendrik Van Cleve, View of the harbour of Cagliari, 1585 engraving. Courtesy of Rijskmuseum, Amsterdam (http://hdl.handle.net/10934/ RM0001.collect.95995). Fig. 10.2 View of Cagliari with the Royal Palace, 2017. Image @ Wikimedia Commons. Fig. 10.3 Sepulchre of Martin I ‘the Younger’ at Cagliari Cathedral, 2008. Image @ Wikimedia Commons. Conclusion Fig. 1. Cover of Miguel de Luna, Constituciones de la congregación, y escuela de nuestro señor Iesu Christo (Zaragoza: Miguel Luna, 1659). Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España.

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List of Abbreviations

ACA: Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, Barcelona (Spain) AEA: Archives de l’État d’Anderlecht, Brussels (Belgium) AEB: Archives Ecclesiastiques du Brabant AGI: Archivo General de Indias, Seville (Spain) AGP: Archivo General del Palacio Real, Madrid (Spain) RC: Real Capilla AGS: Archivo General de Simancas, Valladolid (Spain) SP: Secretarías Provinciales AHN: Archivo Histórico Nacional, Madrid (Spain) ARV: Archivo del Reino de Valencia (Spain) Bailia: Bailía. Deliberaciones patrimoniales RC: Real Cancillería ASC: Archivio di Stato di Cagliari (Italy) ASV: Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Rome (Italy) BNE: Biblioteca Nacional de España, Madrid (Spain) CODOIN:  Colección de Documentos Inéditos para la Historia de España, 112 vols, 1842-95 RAH: Real Academia de la Historia, Madrid (Spain) Notitia: Regiae et imperialis capellae collegiatae Sancti Petri sacri et regii palatii Panormitani notitia: Opus posthumum cum supplemento et additionis D. Antonini Mongitore, sacre teologiae doctoris et presbyteri panormitani. Editio novissima, magis nitida et mendis purgata, Lugduni Batavorum, Sumptibus Petri Vander Aa, Bibliopolæ, et typographi Academiæ atque Civitatis (1723)

Glossary

Catholic Monarchy: The Spanish Monarchy has passed into history with this sobriquet, indicating that its identity and raison d’être were based on religious confession (Catholicism). In reality, the notion of ‘Catholic Monarchy’ was primarily a political construct, and not (only) a confessional one, and the term was not applied to the Spanish Monarchy throughout the Early Modern period, but only during the seventeenth century. Monarchia Universalis: This political idea, which indicated that the Holy Roman Empire would be the last Monarchy in history, as well as the biggest and most powerful in the world, originated in the Middle Ages. In Early Modern times, however, the Spanish Monarchy was organized around the old idea of the Monarchia Universalis, although it was applied in a very different way from the traditional concept. The Spanish Monarchy did not present itself as an Empire but saw itself as a ‘universal kingdom’ that was actually capable of becoming one. This idea took shape during the regency of Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’ and the early years of the reign of his grandson, Charles V, and was the result of the confluence of various ideological currents. All these currents consisted, in essence, of subordinating the power of the pontiff to the political interests of the Spanish king and were bound up with the Christian religion and medieval political organization (Christendom). Forty Hours’ Devotion: This spiritual devotion originated in the practice of the Quarantore (‘Forty Hours’), which started to be celebrated in Milan in 1526, when the inhabitants of the Lombard capital discovered that Charles V’s troops were going to stop in that city on their way to Rome, an advance that ended in the Sacco (‘Sack of Rome’) in 1527. The inhabitants of Milan allayed their fears by praying continuously for a total of forty hours before the Holy Sacrament in a succession of churches during Holy Week. Those Forty Hours were in remembrance of the time that elapsed between the death and resurrection of Christ. This liturgical practice, which arose in opposition to Charles V and his Spanish Monarchy, was adopted more than a hundred years later by Philip IV, not realizing that it was anti-Spanish in tone and implied spiritual submission to Rome. Pietas Austriaca: A Christian devotion particular to the House of Austria, or House of Habsburg, which was an amalgam of Marian, hagiographic and theological devotions, including the unwavering defence of Catholic mysteries

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such as the Eucharist and the Immaculate Conception. It gave rise to a sacred conception of politics able to confer messianic significance on the members of this dynasty. Its origins can be found in the myth of Duke Rudolf, the founder of the House of Austria, who, when riding in the woods, lent his horse to a priest taking the viaticum to a poor dying man. Reconquest: A historiographical construct that represents the eight centuries of war against the infidel between the Christian kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula and Moorish troops and kingdoms (711-1492). Royal Chapel: The Royal Chapel served many purposes in the Early Modern period. In the first place, it was responsible for attending to the liturgical and devotional needs of the king and, by extension, the royal family and those residing at Court, as well as for setting the standards of behaviour to be followed there. The pulpit was undoubtedly the ideal platform from which to influence the royal will or the government of the Monarchy. It was also responsible for spreading the spirituality backed by the Sovereigns to all parts of their kingdoms and overseeing it. Thirdly, the Royal Chapel was one of the palace spaces that constructed the royal image through the rites and ceremonies performed there, serving to display to the kingdom the grandeur of the monarch and the ruling dynasty, as well as their generosity and magnanimity. Finally, it was a space for the integration of the elites, where clientelist networks were formed that helped to reduce the distance between the person of the monarch and the local people, since Chapel personnel had to come from the elites of the kingdoms that were committed to the religious ideology being advocated. At first, the court chapels were itinerant, like the travelling courts of the monarchs, but when the residence of the various courts became fixed, so too did the chapels, which were set in the heart of the palace. This served to reinforce the two ways in which the concept of Chapel was understood: the department of the Royal Household that attended to the spiritual needs of the monarch and his family, and also the physical space where its primary activity took place, such as the chapels or churches at the primary or secondary Royal Sites, or those in the convents at each Court that were under royal patronage.

Notes on currency

Real [Real]: The real, literally ‘royal’, was the basic currency unit of the Spanish Monarchy’s monetary system until the nineteenth century. It was first introduced in the reign of Peter I of Castile. Its value was set at four maravedis, with a weight of sixty-seven pieces per silver mark, and a fineness of eleven deniers four grams. A coin of 4.4 grams, which was not, in principle, expected to be minted in multiples, but rather submultiples, was the standard medium of exchange. However, during the Early Modern period, pieces of two and four reals were minted and, in particular, pieces of eight reals, whose minting dates from 1537, with the creation of the Mint of Mexico. The piece of eight became the standard currency of exchange in Early Modern Europe. Given the weight of the real, the piece of eight came to weigh between 27 and 27.5 grams and its fineness was set at 930,555 thousandths, meaning that its fine metal content had to reach 25.5 grams. Maravedi [Maravedí]: In Spain and the Indies, the standard unit of account was the maravedi. In the Indies, throughout the viceregal period, a peso de ocho (‘piece of eight’) was 272 maravedis and a peso ensayado (‘assayed piece’) 450 maravedis. Eight reales made one peso de ocho; each real thus contained thirty-four maravedis. Ducat [Ducado]: One ducat was equivalent to 375 maravedis in Castile. Valencian or Barcelona pound [Libra valenciana, or Libra barcelonesa]: This was a local unit of currency equivalent to the real in both kingdoms and contained 327 grams of silver. Valencian or Barcelona real [Real valenciano, or Real barcelonés]: 1 real = 23 deniers [dinero] and 1 sou [sueldo] = 12 sous; therefore, 1 real = 1.92 sous. Sicilian scudo [Scudo siciliano]: The silver scudo, which was worth twelve tarì, was the main currency used in Sicily in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In 1620, it was the equivalent of ten silver Spanish reals. Neapolitan ducats [Ducato napolitano]: These were almost equivalent in value to the Sicilian scudi, although the equivalence between the two currencies dates from 1639. Peruvian assayed pesos [Pesos ensayados peruanos]: These were worth thirteen reals and eight maravedis, in other words, 450 maravedis in total. To avoid tampering with the quantity of silver that this currency should contain, it was decided to engrave the legal standard of fineness and weight on each coin. For this reason, they came to be called assayed pesos.

Jacob Jordaens, Portrait of the Infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia as a Nun, c. 1635. American Private Collection, Courtesy of Agnews Gallery, London.

Acknowledgements

The origin of this collective book was the workshop, Spanish Royal Geographies in Early Modern Europe and America: Re-thinking the Royal Sites / Geographies of Habsburg Politics and Religion, held at the University of York on 4th-5th May 2017. Directed by Professors Cordula Van Wyhe and José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, this international meeting involved the collaboration of the Department of History of Art and CREMS (Centre for Renaissance and Early Modern Studies) at the University of York, the Rey Juan Carlos University, Madrid (URJC), and IULCE (University Institute ‘La Corte en Europa’) of the Autonomous University of Madrid (UAM). This volume has been funded as part of the projects ‘Del Patrimonio Dinástico al Patrimonio Nacional: los Sitios Reales’ (HAR2015-68946C3-3-P); ‘Protection, production and environmental change: the roots of Modern Environmentalism in the Iberian Peninsula (16th-18th centuries)’ (AZ 60/V/19); ‘Las raíces materiales e inmateriales del conservacionismo ambiental de la Península Ibérica (SIGLOS XV-XIX)’ (V-790); and ‘Madrid, Sociedad y Patrimonio: pasado y turismo cultural’ (H2019/HUM-5898).

José Eloy Hortal Muñoz 

Royal Sites as Key Elements of the Early Modern Monarchies The Case of the Spanish Monarchy*

The illustration on the cover of this volume portrays the Infanta and Arch­ duchess: Isabella Clara Eugenia dressed in the habits of the Poor Clares,1 which is how she was generally portrayed after the death of Archduke Albert in 1621, when she was received as a Tertiary into the Franciscan order. This painting was based on the official portrait made of her by Rubens in 1625.2 Painters such as Van Dyck followed the same model when depicting her, but we are interested in this less well-known portrait by Jacob Jordaens painted around 1635, after the death of the Archduchess, since all the elements that are analysed in this study appear in it. First of all, we have a woman of the Habsburg dynasty, who was also cosovereign of one of its main territories, the Habsburg Netherlands, through the connection with the Duchy of Burgundy. This can be appreciated in the curious composition of the coat of arms that appears in the lower right-hand corner of the painting, which incorporates the two-headed eagle of the Holy Roman Empire, the citadel that represents the city of Antwerp and the rampant lion of Brabant, all topped by the crown usually worn by the Infanta and surrounded by the collar of the Order of the Golden Fleece.





* This chapter was funded as part of the projects ‘Del Patrimonio Dinástico al Patrimonio Nacional: los Sitios Reales’ (HAR2015-68946-C3-3-P); ‘Protection, Production and Environmental Change: The Roots of Modern Environmentalism in the Iberian Peninsula (XVI-XVIIIth centuries)’ (AZ 60/V/19); ‘Las raíces materiales e inmateriales del conservacionismo ambiental de la Península Ibérica (SIGLOS XV-XIX)’ (V-790); and ‘Madrid, Sociedad y Patrimonio: pasado y turismo cultural’ (H2019/HUM-5898). I would like to thank Janet and Anthony Dawson for the translation and revision of this chapter. 1 In recent years, interest in Isabella Clara Eugenia has risen considerably, and there are many studies of her, among which we should like to single out Cordula van Wyhe (ed.), Isabel Clara Eugenia: Female Sovereignty in the Courts of Madrid and Brussels (London: Paul Holberton, 2011). There is also a Spanish version, published by the Centro de Estudios Europa Hispánica in Madrid in the same year. Other studies with specific details of her life will be cited in the following pages. 2 Barbara Welzel, ‘Princeps Vidua, Mater Castrorum: the iconography of archduchess Isabella as governor of the Netherlands’, Jaarboek van het Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten (Antwerpen), 1999, pp. 159-75. José Eloy Hortal Muñoz • Universidad Rey Juan Carlos Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 19-33.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123279

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The Habsburg dynasty in general, and Isabella Clara Eugenia in particular, was identified throughout its existence with the defence of Catholicism, maintaining a peculiar power relationship with the Papacy. This struggle to control and be at the forefront of Catholicism would mark the destiny of Europe from the end of the fifteenth century to the end of the seventeenth, occasionally creating spiritual conflicts in certain members of the Habsburg dynasty as a result of the dual loyalty to dynasty and Papacy.3 The Infanta’s habit testifies to this special relationship, as it was usual for Habsburg widows to wear religious habits after their husbands died. It was the case, for example, with Queen Marianne of Austria, wife of Philip IV (1649-65), and the Infanta Joanna of Austria, who became part of the Jesuit order after being widowed by the Portuguese Crown Prince, João Manuel. The crucified Christ who appears just above the coat of arms of the dynasty likewise bears witness to this special relationship. Finally, we can see the way that the figure of Isabella Clara Eugenia seems to divide the picture, with two buildings on either side of her, the product of the artist’s imagination but illustrating two essential aspects of her life. On the left, there is a palace or royal residence, represented by a flight of steps and a rich coffered vault. On the right is a convent, like the many that the Archduchess herself founded in the Habsburg Netherlands—alone or with her husband Archduke Albert—as a benefactor of one of the many religious orders she supported throughout her life, the Jesuits, Capuchins, Discalced Carmelites, Augustinians, Dominicans, Benedictines, Cistercians and Premonstratensians being cases in point.4 These are the two main types of Royal Sites studied in this volume: the royal palaces and chapels linked to them, and the royal convents sponsored by the Habsburg sovereigns in their various kingdoms. Based on the elements so well represented in this magnificent painting, the present volume seeks to develop a comparative approach to the complex meshing of politics and religion at Spanish Habsburg Royal Sites in the Iberian Peninsula and beyond, focussing particularly on the seventeenth century. The origin of this collective book was the workshop, Spanish Royal Geographies in Early Modern Europe and America: Re-thinking the Royal Sites / Geographies of Habsburg Politics and Religion,5 held at the University of York on 4th-5th May 2017. Directed by Professors Cordula Van Wyhe and José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, this international meeting involved the collaboration







3 On this question, see Monográfico 1 (2014) entitled La doble lealtad: Entre el servicio al rey y la obligación a la iglesia of the journal Libros de la Corte, under the direction of José Martínez Millán, Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, Gloria Alonso de la Higuera, Koldo Trápaga Monchet and Javier Revilla Canora. 4 See the chapter by Henar Pizarro Llorente in this volume, as well as Annick Delfosse, ‘Une “divine princesse” au zèle fervent: La politique dévotionnelle d’Isabelle Claire Eugénie (15661633) dans les Pays-Bas méridionaux’, in “La dame de cœur”: Patronage et mécénat religieux des femmes de pouvoir dans l’Europe des xive-xviie siècles, edited by Murielle Gaude-Ferragu and Cécile Vincent-Cassy (Rennes: Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2016), pp. 193-208. 5 All details at https://spanishroyalspirituality.wordpress.com/.

roya l s ite s a s ke y e l e m e n t s o f t h e e ar ly mo d e rn mo narchi e s

of the Department of History of Art and CREMS (Centre for Renaissance and Early Modern Studies) at the University of York, the Rey Juan Carlos University, Madrid (URJC), and IULCE (University Institute ‘La Corte en Europa’) of the Autonomous University of Madrid (UAM). Funded by a Hispanex grant from Spain’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and two research projects ‘La herencia de los Reales Sitios: Madrid, de corte a capital (historia, patrimonio y turismo)’ of the Autonomous Community of Madrid (ref. CAM (S2015/HUM-3415) and ‘Del Patrimonio Dinástico al Patrimonio Nacional: los Sitios Reales’ of Spain’s Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness (ref. HAR2015-68946-C3-3-P), this workshop brought together experts in the field, all from different disciplines (History of Art, History, History of Architecture and Political Thought). These days of intensive academic exchange and debate, not just with the speakers, but with other specialists in the field, such as María José Rodríguez-Salgado, Toby Osborne and Simon Ditchfield, laid the groundwork for the present publication.6

Royal Sites as Key Elements of Early Modern Monarchies: The Case of the Spanish Monarchy and its Evolution Royal Sites in Europe are often seen just as residences belonging to royal families who lived isolated from society, an image that was created by historians and writers in the nineteenth century. The result of this focus is that, while there have been many excellent studies of the buildings, with some attention paid to the royal hunt tradition and urbanism, other spaces that developed around the sites, which were also crucial components of early modern Royal Sites, have so far been neglected.7 The first step, therefore, is to define what we understand by Royal Site. In some countries, such as Spain or Italy, the term poses no conceptual problems at all, since it is still used in everyday language – although in the collective imaginary, it mostly conjures up only architectural buildings – and even the organizations in charge of managing these sites continue to use this expression. In other countries such as the United Kingdom, however, it is not generally used, and the term Royal Site evokes archaeological sites related to the Ancient Age,8 based on the definition of site formulated by Hilda Kuper



6 In this respect, I should like to thank Professor Van Wyhe for lending her support to this initiative in its early stages. 7 Except in a few cases, such as the important work by Vincent Maroteaux, Versailles. Le Roi et son Domaine (Paris: Établissement public du musée et domaine national de Versailles, Éditions A. et J. Picard, 2000). 8 Among those that are famous are the ‘six Royal Sites’ of ancient Ireland, which are explained in Conor Newman, ‘Reflections on the making of a “royal site” in early Ireland’, World Archaeology, 30:1 (1998), pp. 127-41, DOI: 10.1080/00438243.1998.9980401.

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in the 1970s.9 The most commonly used term therefore is Residence, or Court Residence, as it is in areas such as Germany, with its equivalent Residenz.10 The term domaine used in France, or its Dutch cognate domein, seems to us to be more appropriate, since it indicates everything that is included in a territory, one, in this case, that was owned by the Sovereign. Because of the lack of precision, we have been working for several years now on a definition that demonstrates our conceptual understanding of a Royal Site, so that it can be applied to historiographical fields that do not include it in its widest sense. Following on from this, therefore, our definition of the term Royal Site when applied to the Early Modern period, refers to properties that belonged to the ruling dynasty where the ruler and other members of the dynasty lived, had lived or where there was an expectation of them being able to stay there for longer or shorter periods of time. Royal Sites do not only refer to the palaces, since they were complex spaces that also encompassed forests, gardens, agricultural spaces, factories and urban centres. Nor should we forget the royal monasteries and convents, to which royal apartments or pantheons were attached or where certain members of the ruler’s family – usually female members – could profess religious vows. These were founded and/or supported by the royal family and so were closely linked to the dynasty. In this volume, we pay particular attention to this last type of Royal Site. Although royal residences had existed since the Ancient Age, including those where Sovereigns moved from one to another according to the season,11 the concept of Royal Site would not acquire its true meaning until the late

9 A definition found in the article by Hilda Kuper, ‘The Language of Sites in the Politics of Space’, American Anthropologis, 74 (1972), 411-25 (p. 411): ‘a particular piece of social space, a place socially and ideologically demarcated and separated’. In recent years, it has been taken further and, according to Janette Dillon, The Language of Space in Court Performance, 14401625 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 9, these spaces that were physically separate from the rest, as was the case with the Royal Sites, always generated and reinforced a feeling of authority or sacredness. 10 The terminological debate has a long tradition, see Karen Engel and Hanna Nogossek Lambrecht, ‘Hauptstadt–Residenz–Residenzstadt–Metropole–zentraler Ort. Probleme ihrer Definition und Charakterisierung’, in Metropolen im Wandel. Zentralität in Ostmitteleuropa an der Wende vom Mittelalter zur Neuzeit, ed. by Karen Engel and Hanna Nogossek Lambrecht (Berlin: De Gruyter Akademie Forschung (= Forschungen zur Geschichte und Kultur des östlichen Mitteleuropas, 1995), pp. 11-31. For a transdisciplinary, transnational approach to the study of the term Residence, see the studies of the Research Networking Programme PALATIUM of the European Science Foundation, directed by Krista de Jonge. The full title of this Project, whose studies were conducted between 2010 and 2015, was Court Residences as Places of Exchange in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe (1400-1700). Its activities and publications can be consulted at http://www.courtresidences.eu/index.php/home/. 11 This is the case, for example, of the residences of the Achaemenid Persians of Babylon, Ecbatana, Pasargada, Persepolis and Susa, which were connected to each other forming a quadrilateral. The Persian sovereign used to travel to these places every year, accompanied by a large entourage. This nomadic feature was initiated by Cyrus II (as explained by Joaquín Velázquez Muñoz, ‘El Gran Rey en movimiento. Banquetes y partetaš’, Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, 24 (2011), pp. 161-88).

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Middle Ages. During this period, the monarchs of the various European kingdoms gradually set about using, constructing and refurbishing a variety of buildings across the geographical area of their territories with the intention of using them as living quarters both for themselves and their travelling courts, establishing ownership over them and carrying out numerous works to consolidate the newly emerging territorial entities. Little by little, these networks of Royal Sites would become fundamental for consolidating the power of the Sovereign and promoting his sovereignty, and at the same time for helping to control enormous land holdings through the ‘progresses’ that the monarchs made to these places. Some of these areas were formerly royal hunting grounds,12 or urban centres in which royal residences containing important architectural and artistic features, such as art collections, libraries, archives, laboratories, scientific cabinets and manufacturing centres were integrated into the natural landscape. Hence, Royal Sites were centres of culture, science and innovation and contributed to the progress and development of European economy and society since they were also centres of cultural interchange in all respects, including, of course, religious and spiritual aspects, which are dealt with in this book. Royal Sites were actually dynamic, trendsetting cultural and economic centres that transcended borders and by virtue of their expansion across the multinational Early Modern monarchies, they helped to create a truly European culture and establish contacts with other cultures in America, Africa and Asia. They set the standards in art, fashion and knowledge, and constituted a diverse, global network that made royal power visible and effectual. Finally, and perhaps most importantly, Royal Sites were simultaneously centres of power that helped to shape the Early Modern European monarchies. All this, of course, was true in one of the most important monarchies of the time: the Spanish Monarchy. A great deal of research has been published on Sitios Reales [Royal Sites] in Spain, although previous studies have focused primarily on their artistic heritage.13 Recent works have provided a more interdisciplinary analysis of these sites,14 which has helped identify the role of Royal Sites in the political, 12 The importance of the royal hunt is explored in Thomas T. Allsen, The Royal Hunt in Eurasian History (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006). More detail for the European kingdoms in Claude d’Anthenaise and Monique Chatenet, eds, Chasses princières dans l’Europe de la Renaissance (Arles: Centre André Chastel, 2007), and Andrea Merlotti, ed, Le Cacce Reali nell’Europa dei Principi (Turin: Leo S. Olschki, 2017). 13 See for example Fernando Checa Cremades and José Miguel Morán Turina, Las Casas del Rey. Casas de Campo, Cazaderos y Jardines. Siglos XVI y XVII (Madrid: Ediciones El Viso, 1986), or José Luis Sancho Gaspar, La arquitectura de los Sitios Reales: catálogo histórico de los palacios, jardines y patronatos reales del Patrimonio Nacional (Madrid: Fundación Tabacalera y Patrimonio Nacional, 1995). 14 See the relevant chapters in José Martínez Millán and José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, eds, La Corte de Felipe IV (1621-65). Reconfiguración de la Monarquía Católica, 2 tomes, 3 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2015) or some of the studies included in Concepción Camarero Bullón and

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social, cultural, and economic development of the Spanish Monarchy as a whole. The Court has traditionally been divided by various authors into three parts: the Royal or Princely Households, the Councils, and the Courtiers.15 From what we know so far, we think that, in the case of the Spanish Monarchy at least, from the seventeenth century onwards, Royal Sites should be included as a fourth element in this system because of the way they evolved.16 Thanks to these new studies, we know that the Spanish Royal Sites became more obviously significant in the later Middle Ages when the monarchs of various Spanish kingdoms – Christian and Moorish – re-used, built or refurbished buildings throughout the land in order to use them for royal visits.17 The Reyes Católicos (‘Catholic Monarchs’), Isabella I of Castile (1474-1504) and Ferdinand II of Aragon (1475-1516), assumed ownership of these buildings and carried out numerous works in the interests of visually promoting a new territorial entity. At that time, most European rulers chose to settle in one specific city (generally the capital) for the winter months, moving between their fixed residences and a series of hunting lodges or recreational palaces between early spring and late autumn. As a result of this seasonal pattern of activity, a network of three separate concentric circles of Royal Sites emerged, each one organized into different systems, depending on the monarchy. The first level was the primary Royal Site, which mainly housed the ruler’s household and Court. This was just the nucleus of a more extensive environment that included queens, heirs, princes, dowagers, infantes (‘children of the Spanish Kings excluding the Crown Prince’) and other members of the royal family, who generally had their own households and, in many cases, their own Courts, thus creating a network of dynastic households.18 These residences were typically located in the capital, although this varied from monarchy to monarchy. In the case of the Spanish Monarchy, Madrid was the capital after 1561, and the Royal Alcázar, a former Moorish fortress, became the main residence until the arrival of the Bourbon family in the eighteenth

15 16 17 18

Félix Labrador Arroyo, eds, La extensión de la corte: los Sitios Reales (Madrid: Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 2017). Lastly, José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘Los Sitios Reales como elementos clave de las monarquías europeas de la Edad Moderna: una aproximación’, Studia Historica. Historia Moderna, 42:2 (2020), pp. 191-211. For research on the Court, see Jeroen Duindam, ‘Rulers and Courts’ in The Oxford Handbook of Early Modern European History, 1350-1750: Cultures and Power, ed. Hamish Scott, 2 vols (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015), II, pp. 440-77. José Eloy Hortal Muñoz and Gijs Versteegen, Las ideas políticas y sociales en la Edad Moderna (Madrid: Síntesis, 2016), chapter 1. For a general overview of the evolution of the Spanish Royal Sites in Habsburg times, see José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘La integración de los Sitios Reales en el sistema de Corte durante el reinado de Felipe IV’, Libros de la Corte, 8 (2014), pp. 27-47. René Vermeir, Dries Raeymaekers and José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, eds, A Constellation of Courts. The Households of Habsburg Europe, 1555-1665 (Louvain: Leuven University Press, 2014), especially the Introduction.

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century.19 The Buen Retiro Palace,20 was built to complement the Alcázar in the seventeenth century. The next category consists of secondary Royal Sites, mostly located outside the capital, which corresponded to the monarchs’ custom of moving from one place to another depending on the season. The Spanish kings moved between El Pardo, Aranjuez, Valsaín and El Escorial.21 Finally, the third category of Royal Sites consisted of places occupied by other members of the royal family. Each family member had their own court and household. In some cases, Royal Sites were designed for other members of the family in capital cities or nearby locations. This was not common in the Spanish Monarchy, with the exception of a few examples like La Zarzuela, which was built on the orders of the Cardinal-Infante, but which passed to his brother Philip IV after his death. More to the point for the purposes of this volume, when certain members of the Spanish branch of the Habsburgs or members of the high nobility of the Monarchy held major positions away from the central court as governors, governors-general, viceroys, or other forms of delegated power, their courts were physically separate from the King’s Court. Hence, they used some of the Royal Sites in other courts of the Monarchy that the King did not usually occupy or visit but which nonetheless represented his presence and authority, as we shall see in several chapters of this book. Around all these residences were the aforementioned convents, monasteries and pantheons under the patronage of different members of the Habsburg dynasty. We should also remember that the Spanish Monarchy included several territorial kingdoms and units, each of which had its own political system and princely court prior to integration into the Spanish Monarchy.22 This political structure, found in other monarchies of the era, has been called a composite,23 articulated,24 or, more recently, polycentric monarchy.25 19 Véronique Gérard, De castillo a palacio. El Alcázar de Madrid en el siglo XVI (Madrid: Xarait, 1984) and José Manuel Barbeito, El Alcázar de Madrid (Madrid: Colegio Oficial de Arquitectos de Madrid, 1992). 20 Jonathan Brown and John H. Elliott, A Palace for a King: Buen Retiro and the Court of Philip IV (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1986). 21 For the rotation of the Spanish Court during Habsburg times, see José Luis Sancho and Gloria Martínez Leiva, ‘¿Dónde está el Rey? El ritmo estacional de la corte española y la decoración de los Sitios Reales (1650-1700)’, in Cortes del Barroco. De Bernini y Velázquez a Giordano (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Acción Cultural Exterior, S.A., 2003), pp. 85-98. 22 The integration of the several kingdoms covered in this volume into the Spanish Monarchy is briefly explained in each chapter. 23 This idea has been developed since the 1990s. See John H. Elliot, ‘A Europe of Composite Monarchies’, Past and Present, 137 (1992), pp. 48-71. 24 Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, ‘El Consejo de Italia y la territorialización de la Monarquía (15541600)’, in Felipe II y el Mediterráneo, ed. by Ernest Belenguer Cebrià (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 1998), III, pp. 97-113. 25 This terminology has gained currency following the publication of Pedro Cardim, Tamar Herzog, José Javier Ruiz Ibáñez and Gaetano Sabatini, eds, Polycentric Monarchies. How Did Early Modern Spain and Portugal Achieve and Maintain Global Hegemony (Eastbourne: Sussex Academic Press, 2013).

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Under Charles V (1517-56), the Monarchy opted to use the Court as the means of bringing together all the territories that had been inherited, as well as those acquired by annexation or conquest, in order to provide architectural structures in all the kingdoms. The Spanish Monarchy can therefore be viewed as a ‘monarchy of courts’ that was consolidated during the process that had shaped the Monarchy over two centuries.26 As far as the Royal Sites were concerned, this structure based on using various courts meant that all except the main Court had to follow the scheme outlined above, reproducing principal and secondary Royal Sites on a small scale. This was effected by using or refurbishing palaces that existed before they were incorporated into the Spanish Monarchy, or by building new ones to complete the system, as we shall see through various examples in this volume. We do not however find any third-level Royal Sites, since neither viceroys nor governors had the authority to delegate power. This political and social configuration of the Spanish Monarchy favoured the proliferation of Royal Households, which had been instrumental in helping to shape its kingdoms socially as well as politically. Protecting their autonomy also meant that the respective households had to be retained even when the king was not in residence, which happened in kingdoms such as Sicily, Naples and Aragon. By the same token, any changes to the political structure of the Monarchy inevitably affected the organization of the Royal Households,27 which were gradually consolidated in the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries under the Household of Burgundy.28 As a result of the decision made by Charles V, his son, Philip II (1556-98) inherited a political and social system that lacked a unifying structure, and the Monarchy’s constituent territories felt the physical absence of their prince acutely. In order to keep his territorial inheritance intact, Philip II initially decided to use the tried and tested model of his father to unite these scattered regions by incorporating their elites into his service via the Court. This plan however was short-lived because the Castilian elites advocated Castilian hegemony in the Monarchy and at Court. The process of Castilianization was undoubtedly reinforced both by the process of confessionalization and the decision to move the central Court permanently to Madrid, which was

26 Fully developed in Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, La monarquía de los Austrias. Historia del Imperio español (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 2017). 27 For a study of this process of integration, see José Martínez Millán, ed., La Corte de Carlos V, 5 vols (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 2000); José Martínez Millán and Santiago Fernández Conti, eds, La Monarquía de Felipe II: la Casa del rey, 2 vols (Madrid: Fundación Mapfre-Tavera, 2005); José Martínez Millán and Maria Antonietta Visceglia. La Monarquía de Felipe III, 4 vols (Madrid: Fundación Mapfre-Tavera, 2008); Martínez Millán and Hortal Muñoz, La Corte de Felipe IV. The conclusions are summarized here. 28 José Eloy Hortal Muñoz and Félix Labrador Arroyo, eds, La Casa de Borgoña. La Casa del rey de España (Louvain: Leuven University Press, 2014).

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accompanied by measures designed to make the sovereign omnipresent. Aware that he needed a new organizational structure, Philip II decided that political harmony would best be guaranteed through hierarchy and inequality. Castile would head up his territories, and its councils would form the basis of the political entity to which they belonged. This evolution naturally had a significant impact on the Spanish Royal Sites. Although Charles V initiated several notable projects, it was Philip II, whilst still a prince, who was the first monarch to undertake a specific construction plan in an organized manner. A system was designed to facilitate this plan, the core of which was the Junta de Obras y Bosques (‘Board of Works and Woodlands’), a committee set up to manage the construction programme.29 The presence of the king’s confessor on the Junta provides a clear example of the interlocking of politics and religion in these vast building projects and also shows the crucial role that the sites played in the ‘Prudent King’s’ confessionalization of the Monarchy and the image of the process that he wanted to promote across the kingdom.30 Juan Bautista de Toledo was appointed head architect to ensure uniformity of style and to oversee the hierarchical organization of the officials involved in the works. With this system in place, Philip II ordered the construction of the Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial, initiated work on the Casa de Campo and converted existing buildings into Renaissance palaces, such as Aranjuez, Valsaín and the Moorish fortresses of Toledo and Madrid, whilst also continuing works on the palace of El Pardo. These royal centres played a fundamental role in promoting princely splendour and tightening the Crown’s religious and political grip on its Iberian territories. Undoubtedly, Philip II gave primacy to the kingdom of Castile, as all the royal residences that came under the management of the Board of Works and Woodlands belonged to that kingdom.31 Sites belonging to other kingdoms were managed by the corresponding viceroys or governors of each kingdom.32

29 For this Board, see the studies by María Victoria García Morales, ‘Los artistas que trabajan para el Rey: la Junta de Obras y Bosques’, Espacio, Tiempo y Forma. Historia del Arte, 3 (1990), pp. 123-36 and Francisco Javier Díaz González, La Real Junta de Obras y Bosques en la época de los Austrias (Madrid: Dykinson, 2002). For a more recent study taking a less institutionalized approach and closer to our own, see José Martínez Millán, ‘La descomposición del sistema cortesano: la supresión de la Junta de Obras y Bosques’, in Europa e America allo specchio. Studi per Francesca Cantù, eds, Paolo Broggio, Luigi Guarnieri Calò Carducci and Manfredi Merluzzi (Roma: Viella, 2017), pp. 159-86. 30 For a study of this process, see José Martínez Millán and Carlos J. de Carlos Morales, eds, Felipe II (1527-1598). La configuración de la monarquía hispánica (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, 1998), pp. 99-213. 31 As Gil González Dávila argues in his Teatro de las grandezas de la villa de Madrid. Corte de los reyes católicos de España (Madrid: Thomas Iunti, 1623), pp. 521-22. 32 See the introduction to Sancho Gaspar, La arquitectura de los Sitios Reales, and some of the chapters in this book.

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The intense focus on the kingdom of Castile under Philip II was replaced under his son, Philip III (1598-1621), with more inclusive policies and forms of piety, such as his patronage of the Royal Convent of La Encarnación in Madrid. It should be pointed out however that the King was aware of the relevance of the Castilian Royal Sites to the organization of his kingdom and did not neglect their maintenance;33 he also tried to create a new Royal Site system around Valladolid while the Court was there (1601-06).34 At the same time, the Duke of Lerma, Philip III’s favourite, tried to improve the system put in place by Philip II for his own benefit. Firstly, he tried to take personal control of the Board of Works and Woodlands, while at the same time acquiring the alcaidías (‘governorships’) of several of the royal residences, since the previous incumbents were of negligible status at Court. The situation changed dramatically during the reign of Philip IV (1621-65), who increased the political and religious significance of the Royal Sites as part of a wider reform package to reshape the Spanish Monarchy.35 The main instigator of this strategy was the Count-Duke of Olivares. In order to control the royal residences, he developed his connections with the Board of Works and Woodlands and increased his control over it by assuming governance of several other alcaidías, including the famous Buen Retiro Palace, after pushing for its construction, or by placing several of his clients at the head of important spaces, such as Aranjuez or El Pardo. This practice was continued by successive favourites of the king, such as Luis de Haro, the Marquis of Heliche and the Count of Monterrey. The interest of the king’s favourite in controlling the royal residences was clearly aimed at tying these more closely to the Court.36 The splendour of the residences reached a peak as a result of the construction projects to bring them up to date with current artistic trends. Furthermore, under Philip IV, the salaries of staff affiliated to the royal residences also increased to reflect their higher status. The further increase in the number of servants at the royal residences can be interpreted as a response to the additional challenges that the administration of the Spanish Monarchy, as formed in the time of Charles V, now faced under Philip IV, especially after the 1640s. Throughout his forty-four year reign, Philip IV tried to reshape the administrative machinery of the Monarchy, using the Royal Sites as an instrument, amongst others. The main cause of

33 Alicia Cámara Muñoz, ‘Obras en las Casas Reales en torno a Madrid durante el reinado de Felipe III, o como conservar el pasado’, Anales del Instituto de Estudios Madrileños, 25 (1988), pp. 129-38. 34 Explained in depth in Javier Pérez Gil, Los Reales Sitios vallisoletanos (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 2016). 35 As studied in Martínez Millán and Hortal Muñoz, La Corte de Felipe IV. 36 Studied in depth in José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘La unión de la Corte, la Casa y el territorio en la Monarquía Hispana de los siglos XVI y XVII: las guardas reales y los Sitios Reales’, Revista Escuela de Historia, 16:1 (2017).

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the decline of the system was that many of its subjects could no longer be integrated into the Royal Household, and so remained outside the protective umbrella that the monarch, as pater familias, had provided up until then. The way the Monarchy itself was constituted prevented it from successfully absorbing the various social groups in the different kingdoms in the way that the Household had done in the past. Thanks to the presence of the great Court patrons in charge of the Royal Sites and to their closer links with the Court, one of the few new ways of entering the Royal Household for those not yet part of it was through the Royal Sites.37 Similarly, since other means of granting favours had been exhausted, prominent figures already serving in the Royal Household were rewarded with various offices at the Royal Sites, allowing them to combine both posts on occasions and so strengthening the link between the Court and the Royal Sites. Great architects, sculptors and painters, such as Sebastián and Antonio de Herrera Barnuevo, Juan Gómez de Mora, Juan Bautista Crescenzi and Diego Velázquez, were beneficiaries of this policy. The Royal Sites in the environs of Madrid, which formerly only saw activity periodically when the royal family visited, now became dynamic centres that contributed to the increasing presence of the Court in society through the growing number of officials, the extension of administrative institutions, and the spread of Court culture over broader segments of society. We should also take into account that the Spanish royal institutions in the seventeenth century formed a diverse global network in Europe and overseas, making royal power both visible and effective. The institutions under royal control were not confined to the King’s Royal Sites in Castile, since the institutional network extended to other territories beyond the Iberian Peninsula that were intermittently under Spanish rule, such as the Kingdoms of Sicily, Valencia, Portugal or Sardinia, the Principality of Catalonia, the Viceroyalty of Peru and the ten southernmost provinces of the Habsburg Netherlands, all of them covered in this volume. The changes implemented by Philip II also changed the relationship between the central Court and the rest of the courts in the Spanish Monarchy. In the words of Lope de Vega, Madrid became an ‘archive of nations’ enabling non-Castilians who resided at Court to live as if they were in their kingdoms of origin, under their own jurisdictions.38 However, since the majority of non-Castilians who were active at the Court of Madrid no longer belonged

37 With respect to developments concerning the type of staff who lived at the Royal Sites in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, see José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘El personal de los Sitios Reales desde los últimos Habsburgos hasta los primeros Borbones: de la vida en la periferia a la integración en la Corte’ in Siti Reali in Spagna e in Italia. Tra Madrid e Napoli: aspetti e temi di una storia del territorio, ed. Lucio D’Alessandro, Félix Labrador Arroyo and Pasquale Rossi (Naples: Università Suor Orsola Benincasa, 2014), pp. 75-95. 38 All this is dealt with by Manuel Rivero Rodríguez in ‘Una monarquía de casas reales y cortes virreinales’, in Martínez Millán and Visceglia, La Monarquía de Felipe III, IV, pp. 31-60 and in

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to the upper aristocracy, and the various royal courts and households they had come from had ceased to welcome them, it became necessary to find new ways for the Crown’s generosity to trickle down to Spain’s vast holdings. The Crown’s viceroys and governors gradually started incorporating local elites into their own services, a process that was consolidated under Philip III. This led to the revival of a few viceregal courts and households, such as those located in Brussels, Sicily, Valencia and Portugal, as well as the building of new, larger courts in the Americas – in Lima and Mexico, for example – and the creation of the Maison Royale de Bruxelles in the Habsburg Netherlands.39 The result was that the Royal Sites in those places acquired more prestige than before. At the beginning of the reign of Philip IV, the importance of the secondary Courts increased further when the King’s favourite, Olivares, proposed increasing the power and social rank of the viceroys and governors and trying to ensure that they were, as far as possible, of royal blood.40 The first time that this occurred was when the Habsburg Netherlands reverted to the Spanish Monarchy after the death of Archduke Albert in 1621 and the natural decision was for Isabella Clara Eugenia to continue as governor (1621-33), although we may regard the first experiment in this respect as the appointment of Prince Emmanuel Philibert of Savoy as Viceroy of Sicily (1621-24). His premature death did not prevent this strategy from being continued over time. Other notable examples were those of the Cardinal-Infante as successor to Isabella Clara Eugenia in the Netherlands (1634-41) and the proposals of the Infante Charles of Austria as Viceroy of Portugal in 1631, or Don John of Austria the Younger for the Netherlands in 1643. Although, on the first occasion, Don John was not appointed, he ended up being the perfect model to successfully rebuild the ties with the kingdoms, since he became Viceroy of Naples (1646-48), Sicily (1648-51) and Catalonia (1653-56), Governor, this time, of the Netherlands (1656-59), Captain General of the Conquest of Portugal (1661-65) and Viceroy of Aragon (1669-75).41 In this way, the dynasty – not only the Hispanic branch, but also the Austrian one – took on a greater significance than previously in the government of the territories, with Archduke Leopold William becoming governor of the Spanish Netherlands (1647-56) at a Court renowned for its magnificence.42

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La edad de oro de los virreyes. El virreinato en la Monarquía Hispánica durante los siglos XVI y XVII (Madrid: Akal, 2011), chapter 4, ‘La Edad de Oro’, pp. 133-74. Since the Household of Burgundy had travelled to the central Court with Charles V, see José Eloy Hortal Muñoz and Koldo Trápaga Monchet, ‘The Royal Households in the Habsburg Netherlands after the Departure of the Household of Burgundy: From the Entourages of the Governors-General to the Maison Royale de Bruxelles’, Dutch Crossing, 39:1 (2015), pp. 3-25. Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, ‘“Ammirare il vostro dominio che fa ubbidirse dal passato”: Galerías de virreyes y majestad en los virreinatos italianos y americanos’, Anales del Museo de América, 25 (2017), pp. 27-49. Koldo Trápaga Monchet, La actividad política de don Juan [José] de Austria en el reinado de Felipe IV (1642-1665) (Madrid: Polifemo, 2018). René Vermeir, ‘Un austriaco en Flandes. El archiduque Leopoldo Guillermo, gobernador general de los Países Bajos meridionales’, in La Dinastía de los Austria. Las relaciones entre la

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Likewise, contacts were made with other dynasties for the Viceroyalty of Portugal, where negotiations were held with Poland for Casimir Vasa to be sent there as Viceroy, although, he was taken prisoner in France while journeying to Castile.43 It was subsequently decided, by decree of April 7, 1631, that the Infante Charles would go to Portugal, but he died before taking up the viceroy’s post, so that the Duchess of Mantua was chosen in 1634.44 What was being proposed therefore was a monarchy that was complex but united, governed by a network of associated lineages, in which the interests of the aristocracies in all the kingdoms were identified with those of the Crown. To carry out this proposal, Olivares would break one of the golden rules of the Monarchy until then – always to install viceroys and governors who were not native to the place – and he appointed native viceroys in Catalonia, Sicily and New Spain. In accordance with this new thinking, the viceregal palaces were reorganized as residences of the king, starting with the one in Palermo. Work was carried out at all of them, with improvements and extensions, and they were generally accorded greater importance and magnificence than in the past. Nevertheless, due to these changes, communications between the Royal Court and the Courts in the various kingdoms decreased in intensity. In fact, the common factor in many of the revolts of the 1640s was the absence of the king, with the focus of the protests being the viceroys, symbols of a system that justified the absence of the monarch. When communication with the king was improved, the revolts were quelled. In the second half of the reign of Philip IV, the viceroys ceased to be the alter ego of the monarch and became an office, thus giving rise to the institutionalization of viceregal rule. After that date, the territorial councils would take on the powers withdrawn from the viceroys, such as the possibility of granting honours, offices, grace and favours, as we shall see in the chapters referring to the Royal Chapels. The viceroys ceased therefore to take the place of the monarch and became subordinated to him, enforcing his orders. Finally, from the reign of Charles II, the European viceroyalties were ‘Americanized’ and an attempt was made to control them in the same way as those in Peru and New Spain; this was the case in Sardinia and Valencia. From then on, the Monarchy would have a new political identity, one quite distinct from the universal projects and so ceased to be a Universal or Catholic Monarchy – concepts that are analysed in the chapter by José Martínez Millán – and became the Monarchy of the Spains.45

Monarquía Católica y el Imperio, José Martínez Millán and Rubén González Cuerva, eds, 3 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2011), I, pp. 583-608. 43 Miguel Conde Pazos, La Monarquía Católica y los confines orientales de la Cristiandad. Relaciones entre la Casa de Austria y los Vasa de Polonia (unpublished doctoral thesis, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 2016), chapter 6, pp. 390-451. 44 Félix Labrador Arroyo, ‘Un proyecto de revitalización de la casa real de Portugal: el virreinato de la duquesa de Mantua’, Libros de la Corte, 4 (2012), pp. 111-19. 45 Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, ‘La cour du roi et les cours des vice-rois: la crise du gouvernement de la monarchie espagnole au XVIIe siècle’, Histoire, économie & société, 3 (2019), pp. 33-49.

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Unfortunately, the few studies made of the Royal Sites of the secondary courts are individual ones dealing with a few buildings studied from the perspective of the history of architecture or art, occasionally with spiritual aspects in the case of certain convents.46 As a result, there are few overall studies of the functions that the Royal Sites as a whole fulfilled in those kingdoms during the seventeenth century, apart from my own study of the Habsburg Netherlands,47 and a couple of other studies on Sicily or Naples.48 The main aim of this volume, therefore, is to increase our knowledge and understanding of these Royal Sites in the various kingdoms that comprised the Spanish Monarchy, chiefly on questions related to the spiritual tendencies and forms of piety that were developed at them when this system was at its peak, the seventeenth century, and the first half in particular. The Royal Sites are studied here as international geographies. The term ‘geography’ manifests our interest in the way the physicality of spaces and landscapes was acted upon and produced through cultural practices. This interlacing of physical and human agency is naturally wide-ranging and encompasses image-making, architectural, agricultural and administrative processes. The religious geographies in Habsburg territories were particularly complex, given that courtly forms of piety were coloured by local customs and traditions. The volume seeks to answer the following questions: how do Royal Sites, interpreted as international or religious geographies, challenge existing interpretations of the boundaries between confessional identities and political sympathies? Are there common religious practices amongst the Royal Sites in the different kingdoms and territories of the Spanish Monarchy? How do they help us to re-think the centre/periphery opposition of Habsburg power as kinetic and embodied spaces? Did the Holy See have the opportunity to use the Royal Sites to influence spiritual trends across the Spanish Monarchy as a whole?

46 These studies will be cited as appropriate in the course of the volume. 47 See José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘La importancia de la articulación del territorio y la ocupación de los espacios de poder en los territorios flamencos durante la Revuelta de los Países Bajos: Ouvrages de la Cour y Tour de Rolle’ in Territoires, lieux et espaces de la révolte. XIVe-XVIIIe siècles, ed. by Paloma Bravo and Juan Carlos D’Amico (Dijon: Presses Universitaires de Dijon, 2017), pp. 109-26; or ‘A Key Tool for a New Dynasty: The Use of Royal Sites in the Habsburg Netherlands by the Archdukes Albert and Isabella’, The Court Historian, 23:1 (2018), pp. 13-27. 48 As Gioacchino Lanza Tomasi et al, Dimore di Sicilia (Venice: Arsenale, 1998) and Antonio Ernesto Denunzio et al. eds, Dimore signorili a Napoli. Palazzo Zevallos Stigliano e il mecenatismo aristocratico dal XVI al XX secolo (Napoli: Fondazione Intesa San Paolo, 2013). Conversely, there are many studies on the Royal Sites of Naples of the eighteenth century, the most recent being the special issue 2 (2017) of the journal Cheiron, entitled The Europe of ‘decentralised courts’: Palaces and Royal Sites: the construction of the political image of the Bourbons of Italy and Spain, eds, Giuseppe Cirillo and Anna Grimaldi.

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Fig. 1.  Map of the castilian Royal Sites (c. 1600). Courtesy of María Luisa Walliser Martín.

Fig. 2.  Louis Meunier, The palace of La Zarzuela. c. 1665-68 stamp. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España.

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Part I

Royal Chapels

José Eloy Hortal Muñoz 

Royal Chapels Spirituality, Ceremonial and Integration of the Elites*

Historiography generally recognizes the Spanish Monarchy as a staunch defender of Catholicism in the Early Modern age, which meant that Catholicism had a fundamental role to play in shaping the Monarchy itself. This was expressed in a variety of ways, one of the most important undoubtedly being the Royal Chapel.1 The Royal Chapel served many purposes in the Early Modern monarchies.2 In the first place it was responsible for attending to the liturgical and devotional needs of the king –and by extension, the royal family and those residing at Court– as well as for setting the standards of behaviour to be followed there; the pulpit was indisputably the ideal platform from which to influence the royal will or the government of the Monarchy. Secondly, it was also responsible for propagating and supervising the spirituality espoused by the Sovereigns throughout their kingdoms. Thirdly, the Royal Chapel was one of the palace spaces that constructed the royal image through the rites and ceremonies performed there and displayed to the kingdom the grandeur of the monarch and the ruling dynasty, as well as their generosity and magnanimity. Finally, it was a space for the integration of the elites, where clientelist networks were formed that helped to reduce the distance between the person of the monarch and the locals, since the Chapel staff had to come from the elites of the kingdoms that were committed to the religious ideology being advocated.





* This chapter was funded as part of the projects ‘Del Patrimonio Dinástico al Patrimonio Nacional: los Sitios Reales’ (HAR2015-68946-C3-3-P); ‘Protection, Production and Environmental Change: The Roots of Modern Environmentalism in the Iberian Peninsula (XVI-XVIIIth centuries)’ (AZ 60/V/19); ‘Las raíces materiales e inmateriales del conservacionismo ambiental de la Península Ibérica (SIGLOS XV-XIX)’ (V-790); and ‘Madrid, Sociedad y Patrimonio: pasado y turismo cultural’ (H2019/HUM-5898). I would like to thank Janet and Anthony Dawson for the translation and revision of this chapter. 1 See José Martínez Millán, ‘La evaporación del concepto de “Monarquía católica”: La instauración de los Borbones’, in La Corte de los Borbones: Crisis del modelo cortesano, ed. by José Martínez Millán, Concepción Camarero Bullón and Marcelo Luzzi Traficante, 3 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2013), I, pp. 2143-96. 2 There is an abundant bibliography on the Royal Chapels. See the following in particular, David Baldwin, The Chapel Royal. Ancient & Modern (London: Duckworth, 1990); Claudine Billot, Les saintes chapelles royales et princières (Paris: Éditions du Patrimoine, 1998). José Eloy Hortal Muñoz • Universidad Rey Juan Carlos Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 37-55.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123280

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Consequently, giving space in the Chapel to the main ecclesiastical institutions led to three things: greater identification with and support for the monarch by the Church, the social and ideological integration of the elites, and, at the same time, the creation of a consensus that was to apply to the Monarchy as a whole.3 Initially, the court chapels were itinerant, like the travelling courts of the monarchs, but when the residence of the various courts was fixed, so too were the chapels, which settled within them. This tended to reinforce the two main meanings of Chapel, which came to refer both to the section of the Royal Household that attended to the spiritual needs of the monarch and his family, and also to the physical space where this activity took place. These included the chapels or churches at the main Royal Sites, such as the Alcázar in Madrid,4 or the Hofburg in Vienna, as well as those that were under royal patronage at Court, such as the convents of the Descalzas (Discalced Carmelites) and La Encarnación (Incarnation) in Madrid. Considerable progress has been made in recent years in understanding the importance of the main Royal Chapel of the Spanish Monarchy, not only in terms of its officers and musical, spiritual and ceremonial matters, but also political and social factors involved.5 Similarly, the work that has been carried out for more than a decade on the importance of the so-called ‘court clergy’ has also been applied to Royal Chapels. The 1998 study entitled I religiosi a corte. Teologia, politica e diplomacia in Antico Regime (The Court Clergy: Theology, Politics and Diplomancy in the Old Regime), directed by Flavio





3 José Martínez Millán and Henar Pizarro Llorente, ‘La capilla real: integración social y definición de la ortodoxia religiosa’, in La Monarquía de Felipe II : la Casa del rey, ed. by José Martínez Millán and Santiago Fernández Conti, 2 vols (Madrid : Fundación Mapfre Tavera, 2005), I, 517-44 (p. 524). 4 On the devotional spaces in this building, see Veronique Gérard, ‘Los sitios de devoción en el Alcázar de Madrid: capilla y oratorios’, Archivo Español del Arte, 57 (1983), pp. 275-84. 5 Luis Robledo Estaire, Tess Knighton, Cristina Bordas Ibáñez, and Juan José Carreras, Aspectos de la cultura musical en la Corte de Felipe II (Madrid: Ediciones Alpuerto, 2000); Juan José Carreras and Bernardo José García García, La Capilla Real de los Austrias. Música y ritual de corte en la Europa Moderna (Madrid: Fundación Carlos de Amberes, 2001); Luis Robledo Estaire and Henar Pizarro Llorente, ‘La capilla’, in La Monarquía de Felipe II, ed. by Martínez Millán and Fernández Conti, I, pp. 143-225; Rita Costa Gomes, ‘The Royal Chapel in Iberia: Models, Contacts and Influences’, The Medieval History Journal, 12, 1 (2009), pp. 77-111; David Nogales Rincón, La representación religiosa de la monarquía castellanoleonesa. La Capilla Real (1252-1504) (unpublished doctoral thesis, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2009). To these we can add studies such as those by Fernando Negredo del Cerro, Los Predicadores de Felipe IV. Corte, intrigas y religión en la España del Siglo de Oro (Madrid: Actas, 2006), those by Juan Antonio Sánchez Belén on the chaplains ‘La Capilla Real de Palacio en la crisis del Antiguo Régimen’, Cuadernos de historia moderna, 27 (2002), pp. 99-130 and ‘La Capilla Real de Palacio en tiempos de valimiento de Don Luis de Haro (1643-1661)’, in El mundo de un valido: Don Luis de Haro y su entorno, 1643-1661, ed. by Rafael Valladares (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2016), pp. 193-232; and Juan Carlos Saavedra Zapater, El primer reformismo borbónico en palacio: La Capilla Real (1700-1750) (Madrid: UNED, 2005).

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Rurale,6 noted possible lines of research in this area, which Benoist Pierre’s study on the French clergé de cour, published in 2013, would examine in greater depth.7 Also in 2013, Pierre, together with Alain Marchandisse and Mathieu Da Vinha, organized a colloquium in Versailles, entitled Les clergés de cour en Europe (fin xve siècle–xviiie siècle). Service religieux et service politique dans les systèmes curiaux (The Court Clergies in Europe (end of 15th century to 18th century). Religious and Political Service in the Curial Systems), the results of which will be published shortly. In 2014, a monograph was published in the journal Libros de la Corte, entitled La doble lealtad: entre el servicio al rey y la obligación a la iglesia (Dual Loyalty: Between Service to the King and Obligation to the Church), directed by José Martínez Millán and his team, which thoroughly explored court clergy and the political significance of its relationship with Rome.8 This publication was complemented by a new extra issue in the same journal in 2015, directed by José Martínez Millán and José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, entitled Espiritualidad e ideología política en los diferentes espacios cortesanos de la Monarquía Hispana (siglo XVII) (Spirituality and Political Ideology in the Various Courtly Spaces of the Spanish Monarchy (17th century).9 Finally, in 2019, a volume directed by Rafael Valladares was published, entitled La Iglesia en Palacio. Los eclesiásticos en las cortes Hispanas (siglos XVI-XVII) (The Church in the Palace: Ecclesiastics at the Hispanic Courts (16th-17th centuries).10 This was a compilation of the results of the seminar of the same name, Gli ecclesiastici a Corte. Il clero nelle corti ispaniche, ss. XVI-XVII, held in Rome in June 2017 and, at the same time, a reconstruction of part of that courtly clerical world. A good example of this is Professor Henar Pizarro Llorente’s study in this volume of the activity of Juan Bautista Vives and other Capuchins in the Spanish Netherlands. Thanks to these studies, we know that the way the main Royal Chapel in the Alcázar in Madrid was structured –like other departments in the Royal Household of the Hispanic monarchs– was determined by the way the Spanish Monarchy itself was organized; it started out, we should remember, as a conglomerate of kingdoms, each with its own Royal Household, that the various scions of the Austria dynasty had to take charge of, and all brought 6 Flavio Rurale, I religiosi a corte. Teología, política e diplomacia in Antico Regime (Fiesole: Bulzoni, 1998). 7 Benoist Pierre, La monarchie ecclésiale. Le clergé de cour en France à l’époque moderne (Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2013). 8 José Martínez Millán, Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, Gloria Alonso de la Higuera, Koldo Trápaga Monchet and Javier Revilla Canora, La doble lealtad: entre el servicio al rey y la obligación a la iglesia, Libros de la Corte, Special Issue 1 (2014). 9 José Martínez Millán and José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Espiritualidad e ideología política en los diferentes espacios cortesanos de la Monarquía Hispana (siglo XVII), Libros de la Corte, Special Issue 1 (2015). 10 Rafael Valladares, La Iglesia en Palacio. Los eclesiásticos en las cortes hispánicas (siglos XVIXVII) (Rome: Viella, 2019).

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together under the banner of the Household of Burgundy.11 In the case of the Chapels, both the Burgundian and the Castilian ones had to be assimilated. This caused numerous problems, mostly deriving from the similarity of the tasks that the leading officers in the two households carried out, namely the limosnero mayor (≈Grand Almoner) (Burgundy) and the capellán mayor (≈Head Chaplain) (Castile) and gave rise to conflicts between the two Chapels. To this mixture can also be added the Chapel of Aragon, whose functions in its site in the Aljafería Palace in Saragossa ceased to be relevant, and a number of customs from other courts, the Papal Court in particular, were incorporated. It should be remembered that there were Royal Chapels in other places belonging to the second and third circles of Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy, not just in Castile, which had chapels in Aranjuez, El Pardo, Seville, Cordoba and Granada, but all over the different territories of the Monarchy, for example the Coudenberg Palace in the Habsburg Netherlands, Paço da Ribeira in Portugal when that Kingdom was part of the Spanish Monarchy, the Royal Palace in Naples, the Royal Palaces of Palermo and Messina in Sicily, the Royal Palace of Lima in Peru, the Royal Palace in Mexico, the Royal Palace of the Aljafería in Aragon, the Grand Royal Palace of Barcelona in Catalonia, the Royal Palace of Valencia, the Royal Palace of Cagliari in Sardinia, and the more remote and less well-known Royal Chapel of Manila in the Philippine Islands. A further distinction can be made between those Royal Chapels origina­ ting in kingdoms that had their own Royal Household in the Middle Ages and continued to have one during the Habsburg period –such as Aragon, Sicily, Portugal, Naples and the Netherlands, the latter after the creation of the Maison Royale de Bruxelles – and those that arose as a result of service to the Viceroys or other delegated forms of power in the Spanish Monarchy –  such as Valencia, Catalonia, Mexico, Lima and Sardinia, among others. Some even enjoyed a higher status, Palermo in Sicily, for example, because, as Fabrizio D’Avenia points out in his chapter, the Chapel there was in fact a sort of miniature cathedral for the Spanish king-pope (as ecclesiastical patron and papal legate). There are relatively few studies focusing on all the Royal Chapels in the Spanish Monarchy in the Early Modern Age apart from the one that accompanied the main Court of the Habsburg monarchs.12 In this volume, however, we find studies related to the Royal Chapels in the Alcázar of Madrid,

11 For the evolution of the Household of Burgundy, see José Eloy Hortal Muñoz and Félix Labrador Arroyo, La Casa de Borgoña. La Casa del rey de España (Louvain: Leuven University Press, 2014). Part two of that book discusses the different sections of the Household, including the Royal Chapel, various aspects of which are discussed in the chapters by David Nogales Rincón, Tess Knighton, Paulino Capdepón Verdú and Esther Jiménez Pablo. 12 Most are centred on musical aspects, such as the one by Suzanne Clercx, ‘La chapelle royale de Bruxelles sous l’ancien régime’, Annuaire du Conservatoire de musique de Bruxelles, 65

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by José Martínez Millán, the Royal Palace of Palermo, by Fabrizio D’Avenia, the Grand Royal Palace of Barcelona, by Ignasi Fernández Terricabras, the Royal Palace of Valencia, by Emilio Callado Estela, and the Royal Palace of Lima, by Guillermo Nieva and Ana Mónica González, as well as refe­ rences to other chapels in the Royal Palace of Naples, the Ribeira in Lisbon, the Coudenberg in Brussels, and the Royal Chapel in Manila. This makes the present work one of the most complete of those carried out to date on the many Royal Chapels that existed in the Spanish Monarchy during the period, and allows us to carry out a comparative study and draw conclusions. The first and main one is that they all enjoyed a period of renewed splendour between the end of the sixteenth century and the middle of the seventeenth, coinciding with the increased status and importance of the various Courts of the Monarchy outside the one in Madrid at the same time. In all of them, the number of chaplains and other minor officers was either maintained or increased, while the main officeholders of the Chapel were obliged to reside at Court, so that they could officiate at the services and celebrations. This was the case of the Precentor in Palermo and the Capellán Mayor in Valencia. Similarly, buildings were renovated and made more magnificent, and funds were provided to spend on preaching and the incomes of members of the Chapel in order to lend prestige to the status and ceremonial of the viceroys and governors of each territory. Many of these new ceremonial requirements were not only concerned with the ordinary celebration of mass – in Valencia, for example, six hundred masses were held each year – but were particularly focussed on the kind of spirituality that the Papacy succeeded in introducing into the Royal Chapel of the Alcázar of Madrid, the main Royal Site of the Spanish Monarchy. The new ceremonies required more personnel to carry out the celebrations associated with Eucharistic Adoration and the Forty Hours devotion, as discussed in the chapter by Professor Martínez Millán. The spread of these ceremonies to other kingdoms via the Royal Sites is also considered in the conclusions. In this respect, the purpose of the Royal Chapels in other territories was to spread the dominant religious and spiritual ideology of the Chapel at the principal Royal Site to all corners of the Monarchy. Thus, they exercised a role as articulators of spiritual, religious and social values among the various communities linked to the Royal Sites, as the Council of Trent had required of parishes in every part of the realm.13 It should be borne in mind at this point

(1941), pp. 159-79 or Antonio Gallego y Burín, La Capilla Real de Granada (Madrid: CSIC, 1952). 13 There are numerous bibliographies on the Council of Trent, ranging from the classic by Hubert Jedin, A History of the Council of Trent: The Struggle for the Council, 2 vols (London: Nelson, 1957) to Alain Tallon, Le Concile de Trente (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 2000); Adriano Prosperi, Il Concilio di Trento: Una introduzione storica (Turin: Einaudi, 2001); John W. O’Malley, Trent and All That: Renaming Catholicism in the Early Modern Era (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 2009); and Wim François and Violet Soen, eds, The Council

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that, in the Middle Ages, the Royal Chapel had the status of parish church within the palace and in the immediate environs in all the territories of the Crown of Aragon, especially Catalonia and Valencia, as we discover in the corresponding chapters on these two territories. During the Early Modern period that concerns us here, however, the royal chaplains defended its status as a parish church tooth and nail, creating numerous jurisdictional conflicts with the local ecclesiastical authorities, especially the bishops. The constant aim of the Royal Chapel in all these conflicts was to ensure that they were settled by the monarch and his jurisdiction, not the ecclesiastical authorities. These conflicts with the bishops are indicative of a pervasive problem in the relations between the Spanish Monarchy and the Church as far as ecclesiastical jurisdiction was concerned; during the reign of Philip II, the problems were constant, but intensified in the first half of the seventeenth century.14 The deterioration in relations was mainly caused by the strategy of Olivares, royal favourite of Philip IV, which, as we have already mentioned, consisted of granting considerable powers to the viceroys; he had even contemplated granting them the title of regent, but eventually abandoned the idea. In cases such as this, the Church represented an obstacle. Faced with such conflicts, the response of the Church was to use spirituality and piety as weapons against the Monarchy to thwart the policy of Olivares. The problem became more acute in the viceregal courts, the best known case being the Tumult of Mexico in 1624, which arose from problems with the Archbishop of that city,15 although it was not the only one. The oldest of the examples dealt with in this volume dates back to the 1580s in Sicily when the Head Chaplain tried to claim jurisdiction over all the members of the Chapel, which led to confrontations between the Archbishop of Palermo and the judge of the Regia Monarchia. The conflict would tilt in favour of the ecclesiastical institutions, especially during the 1630s when Giannettino Doria was Archbishop of Palermo, because of his importance at Court. After him, little by little, the Head Chaplain managed to impose his own point of view. There were also jurisdictional confrontations in Barcelona between the Capellán Mayor and the local ecclesiastical authorities, particularly the bishop. The same occurred to a lesser extent in Lima, where, it should be recalled, the Royal Chapel was not founded until 1595. There were other conflicts in Royal Chapels not dealt with in this volume, although always hinging on local circumstances. In Naples, for example, the Cappellani Maggiori (Head Chaplains) had fewer problems, since his jurisdictional prerogatives, which dated from the foundation of the Royal of Trent: Reform and Controversy in Europe and Beyond (1545-1700), 3 vols (Göttingen, Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2018). 14 Analysed in José Martínez Millán, ‘La Monarquía Católica como entidad política’, in La Corte de Felipe IV (1621-1665). Reconfiguración de la Monarquía Católica, ed. by José Martínez Millán and Manuel Rivero, 3 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2017), III/1, pp. 267-317. 15 Angela Ballone, The 1624 Tumult of Mexico in Perspective (c. 1620-1650) (Leiden: Brill, 2017).

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Chapel in the Angevin period, were much more extensive than they were in other territories.16 These included issuing the royal exequatur, control over ecclesiastical benefices and royal patronage, the production and circulation of books, the prefecture of the University of Naples, and precedence in religious ceremonies.17 Until 1578, Cappellani Maggiori were also allowed to serve as bishops at the same time. After that date, the prohibition on combining offices triggered jurisdictional clashes with the Neapolitan bishops, which would only be resolved in the time of the Viceroy Count of Lemos (1610-16), specifically in 1610, when the Royal Chapel of Naples was restructured and the status of the Cappellano Maggiore was boosted by the addition to his office of a consultore (‘consultant’), a segretario (‘secretary’), a cancelliere (‘chancellor’/’registrar’), an avvocato (‘lawyer’) and a prosecutor, which reinforced his full jurisdiction in civil, criminal and mixed lay and ecclesiastical cases in the network of chapels and royal castles. In the Habsburg Netherlands, on the other hand, conflicts over jurisdiction between Capellanes Mayores and bishops were less severe for various reasons. In the first place, the diocesan structure in the Netherlands was weakened after the failed attempts to reform it at the beginning of Philip II’s reign by such powerful figures as Cardinal Granvelle and the Duke of Alba.18 In addition, the Household of Burgundy left the Netherlands with Charles V in 1515, as a result of which, in the sixteenth century, the royal households that were in the Netherlands belonged to the Governors General, and not to the territory.19 That is why the Capellanes Mayores did not begin to enjoy real influence until the cession of sovereignty of those territories to the Archdukes Albert and Isabella, and the subsequent creation of the Maison Royale de Bruxelles as the royal household of the territory. From that moment on, it was decided to appoint bishops as Capellán Mayor, the 16 Valeria Cocozza, ‘“Hombres de pecho y inteligencia en negocio de estado”: il cappellano maggiore di Napoli tra Cinque e Seicento’, Dimensioni e problemi delle ricerca storica, 2 (2015), 145-65 (pp. 147-52). 17 Valeria Cocozza, ‘Il cappellano maggiore di Napoli dentro e fuori il Palazzo: tempi, spazi e modi del cerimoniale (secoli XVI-XVII)’, in Capitali senza re nella Monarchia spagnola. Identità, relazioni, immagini (secc. XVI-XVII), ed. by Rossella Cancila, 2 vols (Palermo: Mediterranea, 2020), II, pp. 449-70. 18 There is an extensive bibliography on this process, see Hans Cools, ‘Bishops in the Netherlands on the Eve of the Catholic Renewal, 1515-59’, in Episcopal Reform and Politics in Early Modern Europe, ed. by Jennifer Mara Desilva (Kirksville: Truman State University Press, 2012), pp. 46-62, or Michel L. Dierickx, De oprcihting der nieuwe bisdommen in de Nerderlanden onder Filips II: 1559-1570 (Antwerp-Utrecht: Standaard Boekhandel, 1950), which remains the most complete reconstruction, and Michel L. Dierickxs, Documents inédits sur l’érection des nouveaux diocèses aux Pays-Bas (1521-1570), 3 vols (Brussels: Palais des Academies, 1960-62). 19 José Eloy Hortal Muñoz and Koldo Trápaga Monchet, ‘The Royal Households in the Habsburg Netherlands after the Departure of the Household of Burgundy: From the Entourages of the Governors-General to the Maison Royale de Bruxelles’, Dutch Crossing, 39:1 (2015), 3-25 (pp. 3-13).

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most important office in the Brussels household, as is pointed out in the ceremonial drawn up for that Court at the end of the seventeenth century: ‘The most senior post is the Capellán Mayor and, because of the grandeur of the Prince, he must be a bishop like the Bishop of Ephesus in the time of Their Highnesses’.20 Finally, it should be remembered that the ‘Prudent King’ retained the power to appoint bishops and abbots in those territories, a privilege that the Archdukes would inherit. As a final example, we can cite the lesser-known Royal Chapel of Manila in the Philippines. Founded by Governor Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera (1635-44) under the patronage of La Encarnación, its main function was to provide the soldiers of the Tercio de Manila (Spanish pike and shot infantry unit) with a temple where they could receive the Sacraments and be given a decent burial. Composed of a Capellán Mayor and seventeen chaplains, it had serious jurisdictional conflicts with Manila Cathedral from the moment it was established.21 The archbishops of Manila argued from the outset that there was no papal brief nor licence from the king authorizing the foundation and building of the Royal Chapel, and they continued to call for its removal throughout the seventeenth century.22 As we have seen, every Royal Chapel was headed by a figure equivalent to the Capellán Mayor, whose title and duties depended on the local situation. In the territories that followed the Castilian tradition, his title was the Capellán Mayor. This applied, of course, to the Royal Chapels in Madrid,23 Mexico, Lima and Brussels – to the Maison Royale de Bruxelles but not to the Household of Burgundy – and to Naples, which had the analogous title of Cappellano Maggiore. In Sicily, on the other hand, he had had the title of Head Chaplain, and in Catalonia and Valencia, he was called Rector. In most territories, to be appointed to this office represented the culmination of their cursus honorum as courtiers, except in cases where they went on to obtain a bishopric or archbishopric. To reach this office, the capellán mayor would have previously occupied a canonry or other ecclesiastical office in

20 José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, África Espíldora García and Pierre-François Pirlet, El ceremonial en la Corte de Bruselas del siglo XVII. Los manuscritos de Francisco Alonso Lozano (Brussels: Commission Royale d’Histoire, 2018), p. 154. 21 For the creation of the Chapel, see AGI, Filipinas (Philippines), 75, no. 1; 331, no. 7, fols 272v-273v; and 341, no. 6, fols 6r-7r; for the Governor and his clashes with the Church in the Philippines, see Nuria González Alonso, ‘Sebastián Hurtado de Corcuera: Gobernador de Panamá y de Filipinas’, Anales del Museo de América 20 (2012), 199-218 (pp. 206-08). 22 As we see in the letter and report: ‘Carta e informe del arzobispo Felipe Pardo contra la Capilla Real de la Encarnación en Filipinas en 1682’ (AGI, Filipinas,75, no. 8). 23 After 1610, this position would accumulate great power in the Chapel, since the offices of Capellán Mayor, Limosnero Mayor and Patriarch of the Indies would be concentrated in the hands of the same person, see Esther Jiménez Pablo, ‘Capellán mayor, limosnero mayor y patriarca de las Indias’, in La Corte de Felipe IV (1621-65). Reconfiguración de la Monarquía Católica, ed. by José Martínez Millán and José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, 2 tomes, 3 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2015), I, pp. 565-609.

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his own territory, or he may sometimes have been a chaplain or preacher in the Royal Chapel in Madrid, or in another territory. This was the case of the Rector of Valencia, Luis Alfonso de los Cameros, who was appointed to the post after serving in other ecclesiastical offices in Naples and Sicily. They would have all had considerable ecclesiastical incomes at their disposal for their maintenance and dignity, attached in most cases to particular benefices. Since the Middle Ages, the Rector of Barcelona, for example, had been the prior of the convent of Santa Eulalia. In Naples, they had the benefices of the royal abbeys of San Nicola di Perfoneto and San Nicola do Bacciano, while in Sicily, they received 650 scudi from the fiefs of Scopello and Accia. As for the election of the Chapel head, the final decision was always the monarch’s, but in most cases, the viceroys had the opportunity to send the names of candidates to Madrid, especially after their status increased in the first half of the seventeenth century. In Naples, for example, the viceroy informed the Council of Italy that the post was vacant and proposed a list of three candidates, and in Madrid, there was debate until the final choice was made.24 In Sicily, the practice of alternating between native-born and ‘foreign’ Precentori had to be observed and the same practice was found in Catalonia, Valencia and Lima. In Lima, there was supposed to be an order of precedence in favour of candidates native to America for vacant posts, although on many occasions the authorities favoured those who came from the Iberian Peninsula. One of the main privileges enjoyed by the heads of the Royal Chapels was to be able to choose their chaplains, whether directly or indirectly. The chaplains were without doubt the largest group of servants in the Royal Chapels, and also constituted the spiritual reservoir of the Monarchy, since they had to come from the elites of the kingdoms that were committed to the religious ideology that was being advocated.25 Likewise, they were responsible for determining the standard of behaviour to be followed in the various Courts. The Rector of Catalonia enjoyed the greatest influence when it came to choosing chaplains, since he could select them in the name of the monarch without the mediation of the viceroy, with the sole condition being that they be Mercedarian monks or secular clergy, a tradition that dated back to 1423. The Catalan rector could even appoint a vicar to represent him in the Chapel when he was absent.26 At the opposite end of the spectrum was the Royal Chapel of Lima, where they were directly appointed by the viceroy. As far

24 Cocozza, ‘“Hombres de pecho y inteligencia en negocio de estado”’, pp. 152-53. 25 For this office and the social status of its holders during the reign of Philip IV, see José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘La espiritualidad en Palacio: los capellanes de Felipe IV’, in La Corte en Europa: Política y Religión (s. XVI-XVIII), ed. by José Martínez Millán, Manuel Rivero Rodríguez and Gijs Versteegen (Madrid: Polifemo, 2012), I, pp. 257-304, and Sánchez Belén, ‘La Capilla Real de Palacio en tiempos de valimiento de Don Luis de Haro’. 26 Manuel Mariano Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, la mayor y más principal de los Reynos de la Corona de Aragón (Barcelona: Jaime Surià, 1698), p. 76.

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as the Royal Chapel in Madrid was concerned, after 1601, the proposals of the Councils of Aragon, Italy and the Military Orders could be taken into account when selecting the chaplains belonging to the Crown of Aragon, the Italian territories and the Military Orders, respectively, which led to quite a few confrontations between the Capellán Mayor and the members of the Councils when their choices of candidates did not coincide. The number of chaplains in each Royal Chapel varied according to local circumstances, but always keeping in mind that there was an increase in their number in the seventeenth century. In Madrid, for example, the number of chaplains varied during the reigns of Charles V and Philip II, but was fixed by the Constitutions of 1601 and 1623, especially article 21 of the latter. It was stipulated that there would be forty for the Crown of Castile, fourteen for the Military Orders, twelve for the Kingdoms of Naples, Sicily and Milan, and six for the Crown of Aragon. Altar and pew chaplains were left aside, as well as those who were supernumerary, who were known as Chaplains ad honorem and did not receive any remuneration until they were successfully admitted. In Sicily, from 1612, there would be twenty-one (divided into twelve canons, eight correndati (‘clerics attached to the choir’) and a chaplain). In Barcelona, there were twelve numerary chaplains, and an indefinite number of honorary chaplains who did not need to serve. In Valencia, there would be five chaplains until the number was modified in 1657 to four chaplains and a master of ceremonies. Finally, in Lima, there were five minor chaplains, increasing to seven in 1629, in Manila, seventeen, and in Brussels, a total of twenty-six (ten altar chaplains, four honorary chaplains with stipends, and twelve without). With respect to their origin and cursus honorum, a distinction should be made between those chaplains who had direct contact with the Chapel of the Alcázar of Madrid – either because they had served there and been sent back to their territories of origin, or vice versa, they served in their territories of origin and then were promoted to Madrid – and those who remained directly linked to their territories of origin. The first group included chaplains of the Royal Chapel in Madrid who were expressly appointed to spread the spiritual ideas of the Royal Chapel to other territories.27 This was the case of the chaplains in Aranjuez, who were appointed to serve there for eight years before returning to serve at the Royal Alcázar in Madrid. In Castile, they could receive one of the eight chaplaincies of the Reyes Nuevos (‘New Kings’) in Toledo, one of the chaplaincies of Queen Margaret of Austria-Styria at the church of Our Lady of San Llorente in Valladolid, as well as the famous chaplaincies at the royal monasteries of Las Descalzas and La Encarnación. It should also be pointed out that every chaplain at the secondary Royal Sites

27 All information and biographical data have been taken from Hortal Muñoz, ‘La espiritualidad en palacio’, and the Appendix in vol. II of Martínez Millán and Hortal Muñoz, La Corte de Felipe IV.

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of Castile was directly selected by the Board of Works and Woodlands, which monitored their activity.28 The chaplaincies in the different kingdoms serve as a useful barometer of the degree to which the other nations were integrated into the Royal Chapel. Although it was a time when this function of the Royal Household had entered into crisis, there were still certain strongholds and special circumstances that favoured the presence of non-Castilians in the Chapel and their subsequent return to their lands of origin. The revolts of the 1640s in Catalonia, Portugal, and Sicily undoubtedly enhanced the role of the Chapel as an integrator of those elites who had remained faithful to the Catholic monarch. The Italians had the greatest representation in terms of numbers because, as we saw, the Constitutions guaranteed that there would be twelve chaplains permanently registered in the three Crowns or Kingdoms of Naples, Milan and Sicily. The immense majority came from highly influential families in their territories of origin, and there were a few nobles, as well as others, who belonged to families that had figured prominently in the administration of the Italian territory. Because of their high social status, many of them obtained degrees and doctorates at Italian universities; after completing their studies, they occupied important ecclesiastical offices in Italy, as canons in cathedrals in those lands, before applying for admission to the Royal Chapel. Once they had finished their service and the monarch had decided that they should return home, they received substantial prebends as an incentive to spread the ideology marked out by the Royal Chapel in their places of origin. Thus, we find archbishops such as Blas Rosi in Messina in 1625, and several bishops in Naples and Sicily. The most significant from our point of view are undoubtedly those who were granted some important prebend at the Royal Sites, such as the chantry or precentory of Palermo for Fernando del Castillo (1655), Angelo de Grazia (1662) and Juan Quingles (1665). Filippo Barresi, chosen as Precentor in 1626, had been a preacher in the Royal Chapel in Madrid. Dr. Juan Pinelo de Aguilar, who received one of the chaplaincies in the Royal Chapel of Naples, could also be included in this group. With respect to the Crown of Aragon, the number of chaplains from that kingdom in Madrid was set at six, together with several chaplains from the Aragonese Order of Montesa. Their social status was not as high as that of the Italians, since the Aragonese preferred to enter other more important offices in the Madrid Chapel, such as the Sumiller de cortina y oratorio (‘Sommelier of the curtain and oratory’), or to hold important positions in the Royal Chapels in Catalonia or Valencia. Members of families of lower social rank, but of fundamental importance in the control of the territory, were also included. In this connection, it is also worth noting the large number of prominent people who came to Madrid as Chaplains of Aragon because

28 A first approach to the office in José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘Los capellanes de los Sitios Reales durante el reinado de Felipe IV’, Libros de la Corte, Monográfico 3 (2015), pp. 86-100.

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of their help in obtaining votes in the Cortes (regional parliament), as well as those who had helped in the revolt in Catalonia, and in the fight against the French. Practically all of them had university degrees and had served in important professions in the Church before being appointed as chaplains in their kingdoms, cathedral canons in particular, but also as deans and church canons, archpriests, beneficiaries and cathedral archivists, archdeacons and priors of convents. Most of the chaplains of Aragon died in Madrid while still in office, but others returned to their kingdom to occupy important positions, especially bishoprics, not only in Spanish territories but also in Sardinia, and even America. In terms of those lands that did not have their own chaplaincies, the largest national group was made up of Flemings, although the number of Flemish chaplains gradually declined from the reign of Charles V when the elites remained tied to their places of origin. The main core included those linked to the chaplaincies of the guards, both the Corps and the German guard,29 and those who served as chaplains and priests to the foreign commoners in Madrid. In this connection, we can highlight Jules Chifflet, who was from one of the most influential families in Besançon (Franche-Comté). His father was physician to the Spanish monarchs, and other members of his family held important offices in the Archdukes’ Household, especially in their Royal Chapel. This enabled Chifflet to become chaplain of Castile in the time of Philip IV, and to write a book, Aula Sacra Principium Belgii; sive Commentarius Historicus de Capellae Regiae, published in Antwerp in 1650, which was the basis for developing the ceremonial, protocol and spirituality of the Royal Chapel in Brussels, as well as justifying the existence of the Maison Royale de Bruxelles.30 There was also a significant contingent of Portuguese chaplains in the Royal Chapel of Madrid; on some occasions, they remained in Lisbon but had chaplaincies in both places at the same time.31 They were recognised as chaplains of the Crown of Portugal in the Castilian Household of the Spanish monarchs. A Portuguese chapel is known to have existed in the Royal Chapel in Madrid since at least 1584. Members of the chapel comprised a master of ceremonies, some chaplains and several singing chaplains, who did not form an independent section but were full members of the Chapel like the Aragonese or Italian chaplains, except that they were paid by the Council of Portugal.32 After Philip III’s Royal Progress to Lisbon in 1619, the Portuguese presence

29 José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Las Guardas Reales de los Austrias hispanos (Madrid: Polifemo, 2013), pp. 210-48 and 364-80. 30 For Chifflet, see Bernard de Meester de Ravenstein, Lettres de Philippe et de Jean-Jacques Chifflet sur les affaires des Pays-Bas (1627-1639) (Brussels: Palais des Académies, 1943), pp. 26-27. 31 For the Royal Chapel in Lisbon, see Félix Labrador Arroyo, La Casa Real en Portugal (1580-1621) (Madrid: Polifemo, 2010), pp. 85-132. 32 Labrador Arroyo, La Casa Real en Portugal, pp. 503-09.

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increased in Madrid, not only with chaplains, but also with ceremonial offices, such as the sumilleres de cortina and musicians of the Chapel. Also worth mentioning is the increased exchange of chaplains with America in the second half of the seventeenth century, as Nieva Ocampo and González Fasani show in their study in this volume. The Creoles had always pressed to consolidate their right to participate, not only in the government institutions of cities, provinces, courts and viceregal households in America, but also in other contexts, such as the Royal Chapel in Madrid. Although this phenomenon only started in the reign of Philip IV, the number of chaplains originating from the Indies in the reign of Charles II reached levels similar to those of the Aragonese and Italians.33 The second category of chaplains were those who spent their entire careers attached to ecclesiastical institutions in their territories of origin and whose cursus honorum would reach its peak when they entered the Royal Chapel of their territory although, in some cases, they could be promoted to a bishopric. While they all belonged to the social elites of the places where they served, they varied depending on the territory. The best defined cursus honorum is the one in Lima, since Viceroy García Hurtado de Mendoza, fourth Marquis of Cañete (1589-96), stipulated in the letter of foundation of the Royal Chapel in 1595 that all those who had been students or vice-rectors of the Colleges of San Felipe and San Marcos would have preference over other candidates. These colleges had been founded by Viceroy Cañete to train the descendants of the conquistadors and other distinguished families of the viceroyalty and were accordingly situated adjacent to the University. The college of Saint Martin of the Jesuits would also have its place in the Chapel, where there were places for young people from the best families in inland areas of the viceroyalty, as well as from Chile, Quito and New Spain. All the students at these colleges had, of course, to comply with the rules of limpieza de sangre (‘purity of blood’).34 Hence, there was a direct connection between the Colleges in Lima, the University and royal service, which meant that the offices of justice and government, as well as the Royal Chapel, were often completely monopolized by the children of the most important local families, shared, in some cases, with prominent members of the entourages of the viceroys who came from the Iberian Peninsula. In Valencia, on the other hand, Professor Callado Estela found that the chaplains were, by and large, the most prominent clergymen and university professors in the kingdom. Some of them would also have had contact with the Royal Chapel in Madrid, as in the case of Jaume Castell, who was a royal

33 Juan Antonio Sánchez Belén, ‘Eclesiásticos criollos en la capilla real de Palacio: una élite de poder en el reinado de Carlos II (1655-1700)’, Revista de Indias, 74:261 (2014), pp. 423-52. 34 For this topic, see José Martínez Millán, ‘Nobleza hispana, nobleza Cristiana. Los estatutos de limpieza de sangre’, in Nobleza hispana, nobleza cristiana: la Orden de San Juan, ed. by Manuel Rivero Rodríguez (Madrid: Polifemo, 2009), pp. 677-758.

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preacher, or José Lombardo, a musician. The same applied to other territories, such as Sicily or Catalonia, although, in the latter case, they had to be linked to the Mercedarians or be clerics, as mentioned previously. At the end of the sixteenth and beginning of the seventeenth century, there were a number of regulations and controls to ensure that members of the Royal Chapels from the kingdoms remained physically present in order to meet the ecclesiastical needs of the chapels and enhance their prestige and status. The main means of guaranteeing their presence was to increase the chaplains’ salary, which occurred in almost all the Royal Chapels, or by also assigning certain ecclesiastical benefices to the chaplaincies, which occurred in Valencia, for example, in the 1650s. In Lima, on the other hand, they were linked to income from real estate and ancestral houses, as well as to canonries in the ecclesiastical chapter of the Cathedral of Lima or others in the viceroyalty. The need for the Capellanes Mayores and chaplains to be physically present in the chapels was not only linked to the fact that they officiated at Mass every day, but also, and primarily, so that they would all be present at the major celebrations associated with the Forty Hours ceremonies and the adoration of the Blessed Sacrament that were being encouraged by the Pope. This also required a greater degree of institutionalization of the Chapels, more specifically, the drafting of regulatory documents that laid out in detail the structure and organization of each Royal Chapel, with the emoluments, salaries and functions of each of its different offices, as well as the set of ceremonies associated with palace life. In earlier studies,35 we noted that the codification and fixing of the Ordinances, Etiquettes and Ceremonial of the Spanish Monarchy was a long and complex process, since they were not only based on principles of aesthetic and social order, but also on moral and political order. For Charles V and Philip II, the task of setting up a Chapel etiquette and ceremonial that would properly represent the power of one of the most important monarchies of the time was a difficult one, firstly, because of the magnitude of the challenge and secondly, because of the sheer number of Royal Households at their disposal and the numerous influences that all came together in that space. As far as the Chapel was concerned, the Castilian influence did not decline and was most strongly felt in the shaping of religious ideology at Court, especially with

35 Among others, Félix Labrador Arroyo, ‘La formación de las Etiquetas Generales de Palacio en tiempos de Felipe IV: la Junta de Etiquetas, reformas y cambios en la Casa Real’, in Hortal Muñoz and Labrador Arroyo, La Casa de Borgoña, pp. 99-128; José Eloy Hortal Muñoz and Félix Labrador Arroyo, Etiquetas y Ordenanzas de Felipe IV (1621-1665), in Hortal Muñoz and Martínez Millán, La Reconfiguración de la Monarquía Católica, II, pp. 1-740; Hortal Muñoz et al., El ceremonial en la Corte de Bruselas; and José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Félix Labrador Arroyo, Jesús Bravo Lozano and África Espíldora García, La configuración de la imagen de la Monarquía Católica. El ceremonial de la Capilla Real de Manuel Ribeiro (Madrid: Iberoamericana Vervuert, 2020).

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respect to chaplains and preachers, and their role in the confessionalization process promoted by Philip II. The Burgundian influence, on the other hand, was more noticeable in the musical and ceremonial aspects of the Chapel, during the sixteenth century in particular. Until 1583, therefore, anything to do with ceremonial in the Royal Chapel in Madrid was entrusted to the sacristán mayor (head sacristan), an office that derived from the Household of Castile, or to the receptor (receiver) of the chapel if the sacristan was absent.36 After that, all ceremonial apparatus was assigned to a new post, the master of ceremonies, coinciding with the merging of the Capellán Mayor and Limosnero Mayor in the person of García de Loaysa. The occupant of this new position informed the monarch of all aspects related to ceremonial and liturgy: which offices were to be prayed the next day, whether the mass was to be sung or prayed, whether there was to be a sermon, what time the celebrations were to begin, which relics were to be venerated, whether they were to be celebrated with pontifical or ordinary solemnity, and anything else that concerned the liturgy and ceremony.37 This office already existed in Portugal and indeed it was after Philip II had visited the Portuguese Court, which is studied in the chapter by José Pedro Paiva, that he decided to establish it in Madrid as well. Much more important in this context was the Royal Progress to Portugal made by Philip III in 1619,38 where he met the Portuguese master of ceremonies of the Royal Chapel of Lisbon, Manuel Ribeiro. Impressed by the ceremonial richness in that chapel, Philip III decided to appoint Ribeiro himself as his master of ceremonies in Madrid. In addition to his tasks as master of ceremonies, Ribeiro also had to write a suitable protocol for the Royal Chapel in Madrid implementing the Roman ceremonial in the Alcázar of Madrid, as the 1623 Ordinances of the Chapel formally confirm.39 The gradual assimilation of Catholicism to justify the policy of the Spanish Monarchy would take it closer to Rome and would also be reflected in the Roman ceremonial adopted in the Alcázar of Madrid,40 but not only there. The office of master of ceremonies also existed in other Courts of the Spanish Monarchy outside of Lisbon and Madrid, and its functions were similarly related, not just to the organization of ceremonies where the Royal Chapel was present, including the courtly space, but also to the introduction

36 37 38 39

RAH, Jesuitas, 9/3678 (tome 105), no. 69, fol. 2r. RAH, Jesuitas, 9/3982. For this Progress, see Labrador Arroyo, La Casa Real en Portugal, pp. 319-46. This is discussed in detail in the introduction to Hortal Muñoz et al., La configuración de la imagen de la Monarquía Católica. 40 José Martínez Millán, ‘La crisis del “partido castellano” y la transformación de la Monarquía Hispana en el cambio de reinado de Felipe II a Felipe III’, Cuadernos de Historia Moderna, Annex II (2003), pp. 11-38, and Adelina Sarrión Mora, ‘Identificación de la dinastía con la confesión católica’, in La Monarquía de Felipe III, ed. by José Martínez Millán and Maria Antonietta Visceglia, 4 vols (Madrid: Fundación Mapfre, 2008), I, pp. 246-72.

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of the Roman ritual, as the ceremonial of the Court of Brussels drawn up by Francisco Alonso Lozano at the end of the seventeenth century clearly indicates: On the Master of Ceremonies of the Chapel He is to take care that the divine offices are celebrated with all honour and veneration, and to order the celebration of masses, especially Sung Mass, and vespers and the admonition in time for the end, so that there may be no confusion. He must also order who is to preach, and when. Likewise, he must take care of the ornaments, and all the ceremonies that must be celebrated on solemnities (…) and above all that the ceremonies be carried out according to rubric, breviary, missal, the pontificate and Roman ceremonies.41 The master of ceremonies of Naples, Jusepe Raneo, was very famous; he was in office from 1634-37, during which time he wrote the so-called Book of the Viceroys.42 This ceremonial is very interesting because it was influenced, not only by Rome, but by five other traditions: those of Castile, Burgundy, France, the Medici Court (of Florence and Modena) and the Farnese Court (of Parma). By virtue of this ceremonial, we know that the Capellano Maggiore played a major role in festive activities held inside the palace, since he was the only person in such circumstances who interacted with the viceroy in any way, being seated behind him throughout, and all organized by the master of ceremonies.43 Meanwhile, in the Royal Chapels of Valencia and Sicily, this post would emerge at the beginning of the seventeenth century. In the Sicilian chapel, it was decided to grant him sixty scudi, as it was the third most important position after the Succentor and the Chapel Master. The latter was responsible for the musical department of the chapel, which in Palermo was very important, with a Cappella musicorum composed of 30 members. In 1606, it was decided to 41 ‘Du maistre de ceremonie de la chapelle /Lequel doit avoir soin que les offices divines se celebrent avec tout honeur et veneration, ordonner celuy qui doit celebrer les meses et principalement la messe chante, et les vespres et les admoneter a temps a celle fin qu’il ne survienent quelques confusions. Il doit aussi ordonner celuy qui doit precher, et quand. Pareillem[en]t havoir soin des ornemens, et de tous les ceremonies lesquels se doivent faire dans les festes solemneles (…) et sur tout que les ceremonies soient faictes celon le rubricque, brevier, misal, le pontificat et ceremonies romaines’, Hortal Muñoz et al., El ceremonial de la Corte de Bruselas, p. 69. It is also referred to in Article Five, p. 192. 42 This book was edited and published by Antonio Paz y Meliá, ‘Etiquetas de la Corte de Nápoles’, Revue Hispanique, 27 (1912), pp. 1-284. Based on this, Diego Sola García, ‘En la corte de los virreyes. Maestros de ceremonias y virreinato en el Napoles del “Seicento”’, Tiempos Modernos, 31 (2015), pp. 244-70. In recent years, an interesting project has been carried out on the ceremonial of the Neapolitan court, called progetto cerimoniali (https:// www.progettocerimoniali.org/), which has resulted in four volumes on the subject. Several of the published ceremonials refer to the Chapel and the master of ceremonies. 43 For this palace and its ceremonial function, see Joan Lluis Palos Peñaroya, ‘Un escenario italiano para los gobernantes españoles. El nuevo palacio de los virreyes de Nápoles (15991653)’, Cuadernos de Historia Moderna, 30 (2005), pp. 125-50.

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appoint two more assistant masters of ceremonies, since the main one was in charge of all the viceroy’s public events, not just the religious ones. Proof of its importance is the fact that it was the only office that was allocated its own permanent space in the Palatine Chapel of Palermo: a bench with headboard close to the altar behind the canons. Finally, the last office of importance in the Royal Chapels was the royal preacher,44 although not in all of those in the Spanish Monarchy, since this particular office did not exist in Aragon or the kingdoms linked to it. So, in addition to Madrid, we find preachers in Peru, New Mexico, Portugal,45 and Brussels, owing to that mixture of Burgundian and Castilian offices in the Maison Royale de Bruxelles, created in the seventeenth century.46 Although we do not find the office of preacher in the Royal Chapels of other Courts, we do find members of the chapel who had previously served as preachers in Madrid, such as the Sicilian Filippo Barresi, the Valencian Jaume Castell, or Efisio Giuseppe Soto Real in Sardinia. On the basis of this, we can conclude that they also undertook preaching duties in their home territories. The chief virtue of this office was that it could pass on religious or political opinions directly to the king. This important position was reached after a difficult process in which the candidate, in addition to possessing oratorical skills, had to prove that his ideology was in accord with the dominant courtly faction so that he could transmit the spirituality considered most appropriate at each moment. The position first appeared in the late Middle Ages, but was relatively unimportant until the end of the sixteenth century, when courtly preaching began to enjoy a remarkable surge in popularity that would be especially evident throughout the seventeenth century. The numbers corroborate this, since little more than a dozen clerics were appointed during the reigns of Philip II and Philip III,47 but those that were had outstanding reputations and included such important figures as the Jesuit, Jerónimo de Florencia, and the Trinitarian, Hortensio Félix Paravicino. Under Philip IV, there was a considerable expansion in the number of preachers, which served to transfer the factional struggles to the arena of the sacred. Between 1621 and 1665, 150 ecclesiastics were appointed as His Majesty’s preachers in the Household of

44 For an in-depth study of the office, see Negredo del Cerro, Los Predicadores de Felipe IV. We also refer to this author’s chapter in Martínez Millán y Hortal Muñoz, La Reconfiguración de la Monarquía Católica, I, pp. 659-95. 45 António Camões Gouveia, ‘En la Corte de los Austria en Lisboa (1580-1640). Una aproximación al poder de los predicadores’, in La Iglesia en Palacio, ed. by Rafael Valladares, pp. 35-56. 46 According to the ceremonial of the Brussels Court (Hortal Muñoz et al., El ceremonial de la Corte de Bruselas, pp. 71 and 157), there would be between four and eight, divided between the Chapel and the Oratory. 47 A list of these can be found in Martínez Millán and Visceglia, La Monarquía de Felipe III, II, p. 771.

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Castile, the majority of them without emoluments. It thus became the Chapel office that increased the most during the reign of Philip IV, accommodating the various religious congregations, some with greater fortune than others. By virtue of this, it was the office that brought the convents and the Royal Chapel closer together, as described by Professors Nieva Ocampo and González Fasani in the case of Lima. In contrast to the rational, intellectual and formalistic spirituality promoted by Philip II during his reign, which was very much in line with Orders such as the Dominicans, the majority of the Viceroys of Peru made a determined commitment to include preachers from the Franciscan, Mercedarian and Augustinian convents of the viceroyalty in the Lima royal chapel. These preachers would be responsible for propagating the new radical spirituality that Rome wanted to impose, using the ‘Discalced’ movement in particular. In the case of Lima, moreover, several Recollect Franciscans, including Fray Juan de la Concepción and Fray Buenaventura de Salinas y Córdoba, became confessors of the Viceroy and the Vicereine,48 and thus influencing their spirituality. At the height of Philip IV’s reign, they all considered that the time had come to secure the universality of Catholicism and for the Church to conquer the world, although in a project under the direction of Rome and using peaceful means, such as the Congregation of Propaganda Fide. These aspects will be dealt with in Part II on the royal convents and monasteries. As Professor Rivero Rodríguez points out, despite the loss of influence of the Courts that made up the Monarchy at the end of the seventeenth century –  linked to the Viceroys and Governors losing their status as alter egos of the monarch and becoming mere officials– all the territories wished to maintain the Royal Chapel that they had built up at the beginning of the seventeenth century. As a result, they contributed to their financial maintenance, even in moments of economic decline, which began first in Barcelona, and then spread to Valencia, Palermo and Lima. Their interest shows that the Chapels served to enhance the prestige of the Courts through ceremonial and the integration of elites, favouring communication with the very heart of the Monarchy through clientelist networks and spirituality. The overriding purpose of it all was to make the absent monarch more present in his territories.

48 For the royal confessors in the Spanish Monarchy, see the outstanding work by Nicole Reinhardt, Voices of Conscience: Royal Confessors and Political Counsel in Seventeenth-Century Spain and France (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016). A specific work on the confessors of one of the Courts of the Monarchy can be found in Pierre-François Pirlet, Le confesseur du Prince dans les Pays-Bas espagnols (1598-1659) (Louvain: Leuven University Press, 2018).

royal chape ls

Fig. 1.  Domenico Fancelli and Bartolomé Ordóñez, Cenotaph of Catolics Kings (left) and of Joanna I of Castile and her husband (right) at the Royal Chapel in Granada, c. 1517-20. Image @ Wikimedia Commons.

Fig. 2.  Former mosque of the Aljaferia in Zaragoza, in Mariano Nougués Secall, Descripción e historia del castillo de la Aljafería sito extramuros de la ciudad de Zaragoza (Zaragoza: Antonio Gallifa, 1846), p. 13. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España.

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Spirituality at the Royal Chapel of the Alcázar of Madrid (16th–17th Centuries) The Triumph of Rome*

The Spanish Monarchy has passed into history with the sobriquet ‘Catholic Monarchy’, indicating that its identity and raison d’être were based more on the religious confession (Catholicism) espoused by its monarchs in the Early Modern period than by its political structure or social organization. Nevertheless, it should be remembered that other European monarchies also chose to espouse Catholicism and yet were not considered worthy of the same accolade.1 This contradiction leads us to wonder which particular attribute of the religious confession of the Spanish Monarchy earned it the epithet of ‘Catholic’. This chapter sets out to answer that question. Before doing so, I should like to draw attention to two points that are generally overlooked. The first is that the the Catholic Monarchy was primarily a political construct and not (only) a confessional one (as historians have repeatedly insisted), and second, that this term did not apply to the Spanish Monarchy during the whole of the Early Modern period, but only during the seventeenth century.

The Spanish Monarchy as a Monarchia Universalis The conglomerate of kingdoms and territories that sixteenth-century Europe recognized as the ‘Spanish Monarchy’ was organized around the old idea of the Monarchia Universalis. This project enabled the Crown of Castile to hold together all the kingdoms that its respective monarchs had gradually acquired through inheritance or conquest. That said, the concept of Monarchia Universalis that the Spanish monarchs adopted and used to justify their



* I wish to express my thanks to Anthony and Janet Gaynor Dawson for the translation and revision of the text. 1 The title ‘Catholic Monarchs’ that Pope Alexander VI (1492-1503) conferred on the joint sovereigns Ferdinand (1479-1516) and Isabella (1474-1504) in 1496 – which was a way of counterbalancing the title of ‘Most Christian King’ that previous pontiffs had granted the French king in the context of Christendom- should not be confused with the one assigned much later to the Spanish Monarchy. José Martínez Millán • Autonomous University of Madrid Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 57-74.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123281

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political actions was, because of its particular origins, quite different from the traditional one.2 Previous monarchies that had claimed to be ‘universal’ always served as models, but did not seek to justify their claims on the basis of history, which the Spanish Monarchy did by calling on medieval tradition (the Reconquest) or making use of privileges granted by pontiffs to carry out overseas expansion (the bulls of Alexander VI). The Spanish Monarchy did not present itself as an Empire, despite the fact that its monarch, Charles V, simultaneously held the Imperial dignity, but saw itself as a ‘universal kingdom’ with the potential to actually become one.3 In this respect, the power of the King of Spain was different from the Imperial model, although it took a similar form, but it was also different from the traditional universal monarchy. Two essential circumstances led to the Spanish Monarchy seizing on the idea of the universal monarchy: first the Empire’s loss of leadership as a political force in Europe meant that it had less power than the Spanish Monarchy, and second, the aspirations of Castile to acquire quasi-imperial powers by virtue of its own history and the privileges conferred by pontiffs to spread Christianity enabled it to subordinate religion to its own political advantage. The idea of Monarchia Universalis that the Spanish Monarchy adopted took shape during the regency of Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’ (1507-16) and the early years of the reign of his grandson, Charles V, and was the result of the confluence of various ideological currents, each apparently seeking the same objective, although their origins and rationales were, in fact, quite diverse. At any rate, the different currents underlying this singular power structure – which essentially consisted of subordinating the power of the pontiff to the political interests of the Spanish king – were bound up with the Christian religion and its medieval political organization (Christendom). Although this idea started to develop with Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’s expansion to the Italian peninsula, after he had conquered Naples and received the Pope’s request for protection from the numerous enemies that were hounding him,4 it took political shape after the Sack of Rome (6 May 1527). For several months, Rome was plundered by the Emperor’s army and the sacking only stopped at the end of August through fear of the plague. Throughout that time, Christendom was leaderless. The Pope, the Vicar of Christ on earth, who had surrendered to the Viceroy of Naples on June 7, fell silent.5 The Court of Charles V was slow to respond to all the unresolved



2 Franz Bosbach, Monarchia Universalis. Storia di un concetto cardine della politica europea (secoli XVI-XVIII) (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 1998), chaps. 3 and 4. 3 Rodolfo de Mattei, ‘Il mito della monarchia universale nel pensiero politico italiano del Seicento’, Revista di studi politici internazionali, 32 (1965), pp. 531-50; also by Rodolfo de Mattei, ‘Polemiche secentesche italiane sulla Monarchia Universale’, Archivio Storico Italiano, 110 (1952), pp. 145-65. 4 For the context, see José Martínez Millán, ed, La Corte de Carlos V, 5 vols (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 2000), I. 5 José Martínez Millán and Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, ‘La coronación imperial de Bolonia y el final de la “vía flamenca” (1526-1530)’, in Carlos V y la quiebra del humanismo político en

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questions raised by Christendom, which was now leaderless because the Pope was a prisoner. Given the unprecedented nature of this situation, the Emperor needed a solution that nobody knew how to formulate. It was time to remove the Flemish councillors, who had been his political advisers since his youth, and turn to the ‘Spaniards’ – in other words, the politicians who had absorbed the ideas of Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’ – and Mercurino Arborio di Gattinara, the only councillor to have accompanied Charles V to Castile from the Habsburg Netherlands, who was neither Flemish nor shared their ideas.6 Given the delicacy of the circumstances, what needed to be done had to be carried out with great care and caution and Gattinara presented a consensus solution. Meanwhile Alfonso de Valdés used the god Mercury as a mouthpiece for the role that the Emperor should play in this new situation: to impose order over the head of the Pope, in other words, to take up the political idea of the Monarchia Universalis.7 Valdés’ writings reflected less the opinion of a humanist friend of Erasmus than the humanist ideas that Gattinara supported, which were biased in favour of the Ghibellines; not for nothing did Valdés carry out his administrative functions in the offices of the Grand Chancellor.8 As far as Gattinara was concerned, the priority was to reassure the princes of Christendom by allaying their fears and justifying the sacking.9 With this in mind, he outlined an ingenious idea. He adopted as his own, the Italian point of view traditionally used by the Holy See to justify its temporal power, namely, to project an image of peace, one in which the Emperor’s journey to Italy would not present him as an invader or despot, but as a protector. This approach was later welcomed by those who, just a short time before, had defended the temporal power of the Church as the only way of maintaining



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Europa (1530-1558), ed. by José Martínez Millán, 4 vols (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 2001), I, pp. 131-50; Ana Vian Herrero, ‘La Europa del Saco de Roma y el diálogo de Lactancio y un Arcediano de Alfonso de Valdés’, in Los Valdés: Pensamiento y literatura, ed. by Miguel Ángel Pérez Priego (Cuenca: Instituto Juan Valdés-Ayuntamiento, 1997), 183-212 (pp. 191-93). Antonio Fontán and Jerzy Axer, Españoles y polacos en la corte de Carlos V (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1994) pp. 206-07. Alonso de Valdés, Diálogo de Mercurio y Carón, ed. by J. V. Ricapito (Madrid: Castalia, 1993), pp. 68-69, ‘You should know that as I saw the fury with which that army went along, thinking what was to happen, I went on so as to see everything, and from on high, as though from a watchtower, I was dying of laughter, seeing how Jesus Christ was taking revenge on those who continually reviled him. And I was watching those who used to sell being sold, and those who used to hold to ransom being held to ransom, and even bereft; those who used to rob being robbed, those who used to mistreat being mistreated, and finally, I was tingling with pleasure seeing the former paying the penalty that they so richly deserved’. Xavier Tubau, ‘Alfonso de Valdés y la política imperial del canciller Gattinara’, Studia Aurea Monográfica, 1 (2010), pp. 17-45; Rosa Navarro Durán, ‘El Príncipe y el Cristiano en los diálogos de Alfonso de Valdés’, in Los Valdés: Pensamiento y literatura, p. 154; also, Margherita Morreale, ‘“El diálogo de las cosas ocurridas en Roma” de Alfonso de Valdés. Apostillas formales’, Boletín de la Real Academia Española, 37 (1957), pp. 398-99. Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, Gattinara, Carlos V y el sueño del Imperio (Madrid: Sílex Ediciones, 2005), pp. 83-96.

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the balance in Italy and guaranteeing peace.10 At the same time, the Grand Chancellor also revived the Hispanic tradition – the thinking of Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’ – and made it his own: the priority was Milan. This may seem surprising, but as far as the Spanish courtiers were concerned, the Sacco was of secondary importance. The death of Charles III of Bourbon was at the forefront of discussions and the possible consequences it would have in Milan. Finally, efforts were made to link the Sacco to a new climate of hope and trust in the beginning of a process of regeneration of the Church.11 This was the message that Gattinara sought to convey through his secretary, Alfonso de Valdés, whom he authorized to disseminate the lively Diálogo entre Lactancio y un arcediano (Dialogue between Lactancio and an archdeacon) in defence of the Emperor as marking a time of renewal and hope.12 Using Erasmus’s Querella pacis, Valdés wrote a work setting out the rights and duties of the Pope in political matters, since the debate was precisely between the Emperor and the Pontiff. In essence, it was a question of what the papacy stood for. The Pope’s mission was to continue Christ’s work and embody the spirit of the Gospels, and yet he devoted himself to expanding his own temporal dominions. It was incumbent upon the Emperor, therefore, in accordance with the interpretation of the Monarchia Universalis to take on the task of reform and carry it out. In view of the passivity of the Pontiff, the Emperor now appeared as the Defender of the Faith and his responsibility was to put an end to Lutheranism and the Reformation. The peace to which the Emperor aspired was universal peace, and it had a defensive significance based on the political and military hegemony that he in fact already enjoyed.13 Up until 1555, Charles’s political practice as a ‘Universal Monarch’ was juxtaposed alongside his title of Emperor; it was after that date, when he divided his territories between his son Philip II, to whom he left the patrimonial kingdoms (the Monarchy), and his brother, Ferdinand (1555-64), to whom he left the Imperial dignity, that the Spanish Monarchy appeared, clearly exercising its political activity as a Monarchia Universalis. From 1561, Philip II exercised leadership in lineage affairs from Madrid and tried to steer the common policy of both the Spanish and Imperial branches in accordance with Catholic ideals, although subordinated to the political interests of his 10 Francesco Guicciardini, Historia de Italia donde se escriben todas las cosas sucedidas desde el año 1494 hasta el de 1532 (translated from the Italian by Philip IV, King of Spain) (Madrid: Librería de la Viuda de Hernando y Cª/ Colección Biblioteca Clásica, 1890), p. 290. 11 Antonio Rodríguez Villa, Memorias del saco de Roma: el relato histórico del asalto y saqueo de Roma en 1527 mediante los documentos de la época, ed. by Ana Vian Herrero (Madrid: Almuzara, 2011), pp. 186 and 254. 12 Ana Vian Herrero, El diálogo de Lactancio y un arcediano de Alfonso de Valdés, obra de circunstancias y diálogo literario (Toulouse: Presses Universitaires du Mirail, 1994), pp. 42-47; see also Vian Herrero, ‘La Europa del Saco de Roma’, pp. 204-06. 13 Juan Sánchez Montes, Franceses, protestantes, turcos. Los españoles ante la política internacional de Carlos V (Madrid: CSIC, 1951), pp. 42-47. It should be pointed out that Erasmism served to justify, but not to support, a new imperial policy.

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Monarchy. The political pre-eminence of the Spanish branch over the Empire and the rest of the European monarchies was justified from a pragmatic point of view: the Spanish Monarchy was the most powerful. During Philip II’s reign a power group – referred to as ‘Castilian’ – managed to occupy the main posts in the government of the Monarchy and impose a policy and religious ideology that reflected its beliefs. This group was comprised mainly of lawyers belonging to the Castilian elites. They ousted from power the social representatives of Castile and of the other kingdoms that formed the composite Monarchy, thus disrupting its harmony and the system of integration that Charles V had used to such good effect. Rome was not unaffected by this sense of unease, not least because the pontiffs, as temporal lords, had also found themselves similarly controlled and threatened by the Spanish monarchs. The major concerns of the papacy consisted, first of all, of the decisive influence that the Spanish monarchs were bringing to bear in the conclaves – particularly when pontiffs were being elected – which was channelled through the patronage network of cardinals that they had built up using their temporal power.14 The second concern was Philip II’s meddling in matters of ecclesiastical jurisdiction and religious reform through the recursos de fuerza (‘appeals to the ordinary courts of justice against rulings of the ecclesiastical court’).15

The Collapse of the Monarchia Universalis The rigid ideological control of society that Philip II established, and the formalistic interpretation of Catholic doctrine, linked to politics and imposed on his kingdoms, gave rise to profound disagreements. These arose not only in the social and political spheres, but also in the religious orders, with the appearance of groups of friars who aspired to religious radicalism and a more personal spirituality, known as the Discalced movement.16 This typically Hispanic

14 Ricardo de Hinojosa, Los despachos de la diplomacia pontificia en España (Madrid: B. A. De la Fuente, 1896), pp. 399-405. 15 Luciano Ildefonso Serrano Pineda, ‘El papa Pío IV y dos embajadores de Felipe II’, Cuadernos de Trabajo de la Escuela Española de Arqueología e Historia en Roma, 5 (1924), 1-65; Ignasi Fernández Terricabras, Felipe II y el clero secular. La aplicación del concilio de Trento (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 2000), pp. 361-81; José Martínez Millán, ‘Introducción’, in La Monarquía de Felipe III, ed. by José Martínez Millán and Maria Antonietta Visceglia, 4 vols (Madrid: Fundación Mapfre, 2008), I, pp. 25-301. 16 José García Oro, ‘Observantes, recoletos, descalzos. La Monarquía católica y el reformismo religioso del siglo XVI’, in Actas del Congreso Internacional Sanjuanista, ed. by Agustín García Simón (Ávila: Junta de Castilla y León, Consejería de Cultura y Turismo, 1993), II, pp. 69 onwards; José García Oro and María José Portela Silva, ‘Los frailes descalzos. La nueva reforma del Barroco’, Archivo Ibero-Americano, 60 (2000), pp. 511-86; Ángel Martínez Cuesta, ‘El movimiento recoleto de los siglos XVI y XVII’, Recollectio, 5 (1982), pp. 3-47. For the

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tendency was directly connected to the radical tendencies that arose in Italy during the sixteenth century – that of Saint Philip Neri, for example – which opposed the reformist spirit under the ‘control’ of the ‘Prudent King’.17 Thus, a situation came about in which political interests and religious tendencies overlapped to such an extent that the political demands of the kingdoms about good governance supported the spiritual tendencies defended by Rome – essentially that the pontiff should define religious orthodoxy – and rejected the one imposed by the Catholic King and his advisers. Furthermore, to ensure that the Church achieved autonomy as a religious institution free from the political powers that defended the faith, it was not enough simply to rid itself of Hispanic dominion in Italy and remove its influence from the Curia, it was also necessary to use the religious orders that had recently emerged – the Jesuits and the Discalced – to control the worldwide expansion of Christianity. To manage this expansion without relying on the political and military assistance of the Spanish Monarchy or other political powers, it was necessary to create an institution that could centralize and plan all activities in this area: the Sagrada Congregación de la Propaganda Fide (‘Sacred Congregation for the Propagation of the Faith’). The Congregation was set up after a lengthy gestation period that started in the final years of Philip II’s reign.18 In 1599, urged on by Cardinal Santori, the pontiff instituted a college of cardinals responsible for worldwide missions. This group bore the same name as the organization created twenty years later by Pope Gregory XV (1621-23).19 The importance of the Congregation is easy to understand if one bears in mind that the expansion of Christianity was now no longer carried out by the Spanish Monarchy, but by the Church itself.20 During Paul V’s papacy (1605-21), evangelization gathered fresh momentum, thanks to the Pope’s emphasis on diplomacy as one of the determining factors

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involvement of Philip II in suppressing the attempts at reform by the Augustinians, see Ángel Martínez Cuesta, ‘Reforma y anhelos de mayor perfección en el origen de la Recolección Agustina’, Recollectio, 11 (1988), pp. 81-272. Likewise, for the philosophy of life of the group aiming to introduce the Augustinian reform, see also Ángel Martínez Cuesta, ‘La forma de vivir en las Constituciones y en la vida cotidiana del siglo XVII’, Mayéutica, 15 (1989), p. 37. See my chapter ‘En busca de la ortodoxia: el inquisidor general don Diego de Espinosa’, in La Corte de Felipe II, ed. by José Martínez Millán (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1994), pp. 189228; Ignasi Fernández Terricabras, ‘La reforma de las órdenes religiosas en tiempos de Felipe II. Aproximación cronológica’, in Felipe II y el Mediterráneo, ed. by Ernest Belenguer Cebrià (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 1998), II, pp. 181-204; Juan Pujana, La reforma de los Trinitarios durante el reinado de Felipe II (Salamanca: Secretariado trinitario, 2006), pp. 25-30 and 54-60. Ángel Santos Hernández, ‘Orígenes históricos de la Sagrada Congregación “De Propaganda Fide”’, Revista española de derecho canónico, 28 (1972), pp. 509-21. Adriano Prosperi, Tribunalli della conciencia. Inquisitori, confessori, missionari (Turin: Einaudi, 1996), pp. 58 onwards. Maria Antonietta Visceglia, ‘La giusta statera de proporati. Sulla compositione e rappresentazione del Sacro Collegio nella prima metá del Seicento’, Roma moderna e contemporanea, 4 (1996), pp. 167-212.

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in the development of the missions. It was Pope Gregory XV who finally founded the Congregación de la Propaganda Fide on 6 January 1622.

The Transformation of the Catholic Church That being said, the triumph of radical spirituality at the Spanish court was not due solely to the efforts and preaching of the Discalced orders, but was a complex project supervised from Rome. The underlying objective of the Holy See was to destroy the control that the Catholic King had established in the Curia and thereby disrupt the Spanish political system, which used religion to justify itself. Although the pontiffs had been trying to break free of this influence in the second half of the sixteenth century, the time was not ripe until the papacy of Clement VIII (1592-1605).21 Indeed, from this papacy onwards, the Church managed to put a new stamp on religious production and the Catholic cultural model. To achieve this, the Holy See employed a twofold strategy. The first part of this strategy was aimed at preventing religious dissent in the form of alternative knowledge by using the Inquisition and the Index of Prohibited Books, and the second, at minimizing ideological deviation, for which Clement VIII encouraged spreading knowledge of the contents of the faith using orthodox ecclesiastical thinkers. The result was the emergence of a unitary system of studies that competed with the earlier (humanist) period. This system linked humanistic knowledge to the ‘new’ theological knowledge, then disseminated thanks to the activities of the new religious orders, especially the Jesuits and the Oratorians.22 Between 1580 and 1590, the major systematic works containing the renewed energy of the Church as an institution multiplied. Nevertheless, whereas the humanists had promoted knowledge that was independent of theology, the Counter-Reformation spirit displayed in the Church at the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth centuries favoured a theological retaliation that reduced the studia humanitatis to a mere grammatical and rhetorical function, a kind of auxiliary philosophy that served as a stock of arguments in defence of a narrowly and strictly bounded faith.23 From that point on, Rome took up its role as the one and only leader of the Catholic world, without allowing any particularist interference in the kingdoms, all of which led to prolific intellectual and creative activity. Some excellent studies have analysed the environment of the Roman Jesuits and the function of the Roman College as an intellectual Christian training centre in the first phase of 21 Maria Teresa Fattori, Clemente VIII e il sacro collegio (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann Verlag, 2004). 22 Alphonse Dupront, ‘D’un humanisme chrétien en Italie à la fin du XVIe siècle’, Revue historique, 175 (1975), pp. 296-307. 23 Eugenio Garin, L’educazione in Europa (1400-1600). Problemi e programmi (Bari: Laterza, 1957), pp. 194 and 212-18 for the education of the Jesuits.

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this process,24 as well as the significance of Jesuit instruction and the distinctive nature of the Ratio studiorum, which, after 1599, remained unchanged for two centuries as the law of the colleges of the Order and the model for training young men.25 Similarly, the practical application of this religiousness was transferred to social life through the Oratory of Saint Philip Neri.26 The Oratory differed from the Society of Jesus in that it lacked a doctrinal discipline and advocated a peaceful spirituality that had to be reflected in the personal example of its followers. Morality, whose existence was justified through its close connection with dogmatic theology, was separated from dogmatics and began to be taught as an independent discipline. Treatises of moral theology appeared in the form of a new literary genre to mould a new type of Christian.27 A complete programme of confession was produced for the penitent and the priest – the minister of Penance – who had to be able to judge the gravity of sins.28 In summary, the religious model that emerged from Rome consisted of establishing asceticism as the practice of virtues that enabled men to attain Christian perfection as well as salvation. Virtue, however, also involved an inner disposition of the soul, which was conveyed outwardly through actions that were in accordance with the mandates of the Church. In this system, the exercise of virtue became the main pillar of human fellowship. That said, the virtuous spirit had to show the outward signs so that it could be identified as such in the social sphere. Members of the Society of Jesus and the Discalced orders actively contributed to disseminating that model of the perfect Catholic – integrated into the Christian ethical framework and rooted in Catholic theology – that subordinated the whole of Christian life to the principles decreed by Rome. 24 Mario Fois, ‘Il Collegio Romano (SS. XV-XIX)’ and Frederick J. McGinnes, ‘The Collegio Romano, the Universo of Rome, and the decline and rise of rhetoric in the Cinquecento’, Roma Moderna e Contemporanea, 3 (1995), pp. 571-99 and 601-24. There are a number of traces typical of the Jesuit environment in Lorenzo M. Gilardi, ‘Autobiografie di Gesuiti in Italia (1540-1640). Storia e interpretazione’, Archivum Historicum Societatis Iesu, 64 (1995), pp. 3-38. 25 Gian Paolo Brizzi (ed.), La Ratio studiorum. Modelli culturali e pratiche educative dei Gesuiti in Italia (Rome: Bulzoni, 1981); Carmen Labrador Herráiz et al., La “Ratio Studiorum” de los Jesuitas (Madrid: UPCM, 1986); Giovanni Baffetti, Retorica e scienza. Cultura gesuítica e Seicento italiano (Bologna: Ed. Clueb, 1997). Also important for the topic is the joint work, Vincent J. Duminuco, ed., The Jesuit Ratio Studiorum, 400th Anniversary perspectives (New York: Fordham University Press, 2000). 26 The role of the Oratorians in the politics of Pope Aldobrandini (Clement VIII) has been studied by Vittorio Frajese, ‘Tendenze dell’ambiente oratoriano durante il pontificato di Clemente VIII. Prime considerationi e linee di ricerca’, Roma Moderna e Contemporanea, 3 (1995), pp. 57-80; Antonio Cistellini, San Filippo Neri. L’oratorio e la Congregatione oratoriana. Storia e spiritualità (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1989), I, pp. 55 onwards; Marco Impagliazzo, ‘I padri dell Oratorio nella Roma della Controriforma (1595-1605)’, Rivista di Storia e Letteratura religiosa, 25 (1989), pp. 285-307. 27 Eduardo Moore, La moral en el siglo XVI y primera mitad del XVII. Ensayo de síntesis histórica y estudio de algunos autores (Granada: Imp. de Francisco Román Camacho, 1956). 28 Louis Vereecke, ‘Le concile de Trente et l’enseignement de la Théologie morale’, Divinitas, 5 (1961), pp. 361-74.

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The Creation of the Political Concept of the Catholic Monarchy The transformation of the Spanish Monarchy (qua Monarchia Universalis) into the Catholic Monarchy took place during the reigns of Philip III and Philip IV and expressed in numerous writings that argued in favour of the Monarchy being subordinated to the power of the Church. The economic and military exhaustion of the Spanish Monarchy, which was too weary and depleted after the Thirty Years’ War to maintain its hegemony, was conducive to the application of this theoretical argument. Rome took this as an opportunity to urge the Monarchy to unite with the Empire, which was always obedient to Rome, setting up the (Habsburg) dynasty as the main pillar of its grandeur. To this end, the myth of Duke Rudolf was resurrected, the founder of the dynasty and the King of Romans (1273-91), who, when riding in the woods, had lent his horse to a priest who was taking the viaticum to a poor dying man. The priest prophesied that his descendants would one day succeed in forming a great empire as a result of his humble gesture before the Eucharist. From that point onwards, a new legitimizing discourse of the Monarchy was instituted, with the House of Austria at its centre, while the Castilian ideology of the ‘Visigoths’ and the military ventures of the Spanish Monarchy as the disseminator of Christianity were discarded. To seal this partnership of equals between the two branches of the dynasty, a transcendental purpose was applied, expressed in devotion to the Eucharist, the symbol of the Church. The grandeur of the dynasty was the result of the support that all its monarchs had given the Church. It was necessary therefore for the Spanish Monarchy to abandon those flights of fancy about universal power (Monarchia Universalis) that were embedded in Castilian culture and to use its strength jointly with the Empire (the Catholic Monarchy) in the defence of the Church of Rome.29 From the standpoint of political thought, the concept of Catholic Monarchy can be contrasted not only with the political ideas and practices put forward by Machiavelli, but also with the subordination of the authority of the Pope to that of the ‘universal monarch’.30 The first theorist to explain the power relations that should prevail in this new situation was Fray Juan de la Puente,

29 José Martínez Millán, El mito de Faetón o la imagen de la decadencia de la Monarquía Católica (Granada: Universidad, 2011), pp. 127-42. 30 Against the conduct that Machiavelli proposed for monarchs, Tratado de la Religión y virtudes que debe tener el Príncipe Christiano, para governar y conservar sus Estados. Contra lo que Nicolás Machiavelo, y los Políticos deste tiempo enseñan, written by Father Pedro de Ribadeneyra of the Society of Jesus. Dedicated to the Prince of Spain D. Philip III our Lord. 1601, BNE, 3/52449. In his book, the Jesuit showed that it was necessary to revere and defend the Church in order to obtain divine favour, and, conversely, the disastrous results that had been incurred by monarchs for every act of contempt shown towards the interests of Religion. See also Claudio Clemente, El machiavelismo degollado por la christiana sabiduria de España y de Austria. Discurso Christiano-politico a la catholica magestad de Philippo IV, rey de las Españas (Alcalá: Antonio Vázquez, 1637), BNE, 3/29384.

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who published a book in 1612, dedicated ‘to the Most Glorious Philip Hermenegild, Our Lord, Emperor of the Spains, and Lord of the Greatest Monarchy that Mankind has Witnessed from the Creation to the Present Century’. In the dedication addressed ‘To the Kingdom together in the Cortes’, which he entitled ‘Explanation of the coat of arms which is at the head of this book’, he explained the content of the entire treatise: In the history that he wrote of the creation of the world, Moses says: That on the fourth day God made two great luminaries. This motto is at the top of the coat of arms. These two great luminaries are the Sun and the Moon, whose images we have placed on the two columns. […] the Sun is the symbol of spiritual authority, which resides in the Pope, and the Moon the symbol of the temporal power of the greatest of the Kings […] Continuing with this allegory, next to the Sun, I have placed the arms of the Roman Pontiff, head of the universal Church, and next to the Moon, the escutcheon of the King, Our Lord, Monarch of the Spanish Empire. Between the image of the Sun and the arms of the Church, there is this motto using the words of Moses and other words that have been added to explain the meaning of the emblem: The greater luminary so that it would preside over the city and the world. It will not be necessary to prove that the Latin word Urbs means Rome […] This motto is between the coat of arms of the King Our Lord and the image of the Moon: the lesser luminary so that it would obey the city and be the mistress of the world […] The two escutcheons are tied together and lean towards each other, symbolizing the love and unity that has always existed between these two Catholic Monarchies. The figure of the woman with solemn mien, and triumphant, on the right, represents Rome, the head of the Ecclesiastical Monarchy; the one who is at her side is Spain, the head of the Catholic Monarchy.31 Using this kind of approach, it was very easy to indicate the Monarchy’s raison d’être and how its monarchs should behave. Numerous writers (nearly all of them belonging to Discalced orders) developed the idea. Fray Juan de Santamaría, a Discalced Franciscan, wrote a treatise Tratado de República y policia christiana. Para Reynos y príncipes, y para los que en el gobierno tienen sus veces (Treatise on the Republic and Christian policy: For Kingdoms and princes, and those who have their turn in government) (1615), in which he pointed out that the most important aspect of a Catholic Prince’s rule was that: ‘kings should keep the Faith, and religion, preserve and increase it in all their Kingdoms and provinces, which will require obedience and respect for the Supreme Roman Pontiffs’. Likewise, he repeatedly recalled the devotion that the House of Austria had always professed for the Holy See, which is why he advised the Spanish monarch that he should be: ‘above all, subject to and

31 Fray Juan de la Puente, Tomo primero de la conueniencia de las dos Monarquías Católicas, la de la Iglesia Romana y la del Imperio Español y defensa de la precedencia de los Reyes Católicos de España a todos los Reyes del mundo (Madrid: Pedro Perret, 1612), fols 1v-2r.

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obedient to the Holy Roman Apostolic See and to the Vicar of Christ who rules in His place, with no other superior on Earth to whom Kings and all its peoples owe respect, submission and reverence’.32 For his part, Fernando Alvia de Castro, purveyor to the Royal Navy, wrote Verdadera Razón de Estado. Discurso Político (The True Reason of State: Political Discourse) (1616). The objective of his work was to show that the ‘Princes who fought solely for the Christian faith, its expansion and propagation, with true zeal, grace, obedience and in defence of the Holy Apostolic See, were the most fortunate in their affairs, enjoyed the greatest victories, with miraculous, sovereign assistance’.33 In their attempt to demonstrate the common origin of the two branches of the dynasty and to forget the Castilian political tradition, the treatise writers of the time reconstructed the legend of Rudolf and used it to demonstrate the devotion that the Spanish Habsburgs had always shown for the sacrament of the Eucharist. The chroniclers reinvented Rudolf’s encounter with the viaticum and applied it to Charles V, the first Spanish Habsburg. According to legend, one day Charles V was riding across the main square in Valladolid when he came across a priest carrying the viaticum and, dismounting from his horse, he humbly knelt in the mud in adoration of the Eucharist.34 Philip II later imitated his father’s gesture, according to the account by the Benedictine friar, Fray Juan de Salazar, in his 1619 work Política Española (Spanish Policy), which he dedicated to the Prince, the future Philip IV, when Salazar was Procurator of the Order and resident in Rome.35 The chronicler, José Pellicer y Tovar, in his book, La fama Austriaca (The Reputation of the Austrias) (1641), praised the exploits and piety of Emperor Ferdinand II (1619-37), who had always fought to defend the Catholic Church.36 Furthermore, in another of his works, he tried to establish a genealogical relationship between Prince Balthasar Charles, to whom the work was dedicated, and Adam, thereby suggesting a divine link with the House of Austria.37 The same ideas were expressed by Lázaro Díaz del Valle de la Puerta, ‘a servant of 32 Fray Juan de Santamaría, Tratado de República y policía christiana para Reyes y príncipes y para los que con el gobierno tienen sus veces. Compuesto por Fray Juan de Santa Maria, religioso descalço, de la provincia de San Joseph, de la Orden de nuestro glorioso Padre San Francisco (Barcelona: Sebastián de Cormellas, 1618), fols. 243r-244r (BNE, 2/41638). 33 Fernando Alvia de Castro, Verdadera Razón de Estado. Discurso político de Don Fernando Alvia de Castro, proveedor de la Real armada y exercito del mar Océano, y de la gente de guerra, y galeras del Reyno de Portugal, por el Rey Nuestro Señor. Dirigido a Don Antonio de Zúñiga, comendador de Ribera, del consejo de guerra de Su Magestad, y su capitan general del mismo Reyno de Portugal (Lisbon: Pedro Craesbeeck, 1616), fol. 27r-v (BNE, 2/49983). 34 Juan Varela, La muerte del Rey. El ceremonial funerario de la Monarquía Española (1500-1885) (Madrid: Turner, 1990), pp. 74-75. 35 Juan de Salazar, Política Española (1619), ed. by Miguel Herrero García (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y constitucionales, Colección Clásicos del Pensamiento Político y Constitucional Español, 1997), p. 70. 36 José Pellicer y Tovar, La fama Austriaca o historia panegírica de la exemplar vida, y hechos gloriosos de Ferdinando Segundo (Barcelona: Sebastian y Iayme Matevad, 1641), BNE, 2/55714. 37 José Pellicer y (Ossau) Tovar, Teatro genealógico o Corona Habsburgi-Austriaci-Hispana Historia de la Augustísima Casa de Austria (Madrid: 1636), BNE, MS. 3312 (II).

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His Majesty in his Royal Chapel’, and the author of the work Mapa de la muy Alta, católica y esclarecida sangre austríaca, genealogía de Su Majestad Católica y del Cesáreo Emperador Federico III (Map of the very High, Catholic and Illustrious bloodline of the Austrias, Genealogy of His Catholic Majesty and Imperial Emperor Frederick III).38 Another prominent apologist for the Habsburg dynasty was Francisco Jarque, a clergyman from the town of Potosí and a metropolitan judge.39 The purpose of his writings was to convince Philip IV that, even in times of great adversity, it was necessary to behave in accordance with Catholic ethics, since virtue never went unrewarded. Even during its worst moments, the House of Austria had always demonstrated its closeness to the sacramental Body of Christ, which was why the dynasty had never been conquered. Jarque reinforced the idea of the predestination of the Habsburg dynasty, since ‘God raised it up as a reward for its deep devotion to the Blessed Sacrament. From which it can be concluded that its Emperors in Germany and its Catholic Monarchs in Spain are, like David, in such positions through Divine Election’ and reiterating that it was God, ‘as absolute master of the universe, [who] with his mere consent, gives and takes away empires. David is the chosen one on the common land; Rudolf the chosen one in the forest’.40

The Triumph of Rome: The Establishment of Catholic Piety in the Royal Alcázar of Madrid Nonetheless, for this new ideological foundation of the Monarchy to be accepted by society, a series of easily assimilable external elements – formulated by Rome and consistent with Catholicism – had to be incorporated. To that end, what better than to introduce them into the Royal Palace so that they could be assimilated by the courtiers? The first element that demonstrated the influence of Rome on the Catholic Monarchy was the transfer of the ceremonies and etiquette used in the Papal Chapel to the Royal Chapel of the Alcázar in Madrid, the seat of the Spanish monarch. A number of recent studies have already explained the ceremonial 38 José Pellicer y (Ossau) Tovar, Mapa de la muy Alta, católica y esclarecida sangre austríaca, genealogía de Su Majestad Católica y del Cesáreo Emperador Federico III, por la augustísima casa de Austria desde el santo patriarca Adán por línea de varones (Madrid: 1653), BNE, MS. 1073. 39 Francisco Jarque, Sacra consolatoria del tiempo, en las guerras, y otras calamidades públicas de la Casa de Austria, y Católica Monarquía. Pronóstico de su restauración, y gloriosos adelantamientos (Valencia: Bernardo Nogués, 1642), BNE, 3/41474. 40 Jarque, Sacra consolatoria del tiempo, en las guerras, p. 145. The Capuchin Friar, Pablo de Granada, a preacher and guardian in the province of Andalusia, wrote to Philip IV along the same lines (Pablo de Granada, Causa y origen de las felicidades de España y casa de Austria. O advertencias para conseguirlas dibujadas en el Salmo “Exaudiat te Dominus in die tribulationis”. Que es el diez y nueve del profeta Rey (Madrid: Rodríguez, 1652), BNE, 2/55904.

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of the Royal Chapel;41 nevertheless, beyond providing a classification of its main members and an empirical analysis of its etiquette, the question that we should ask ourselves is what the overriding purpose of the new ordinance was, bearing in mind that, of all the departments in the Royal Household, the Royal Chapel was the one that had possessed the most complete set of regulations since medieval times, and yet it underwent a thorough transformation during the seventeenth century. The process of reforming the Chapel began in the final years of Philip III’s reign. The monarch, persuaded of the new way of thinking and piety that needed to be introduced, chose Manuel Ribeiro, chaplain and master of ceremonies of the Royal Chapel, as one of the principal agents to carry out the process.42 Ribeiro’s mission was to adapt the ceremonies and rituals of the Royal Chapel to the ones in the Pontiff ’s. He sought the assistance of certain prominent people in Rome who sent him the ceremonies that he requested so that he could compile the book of etiquettes. The process did not turn out to be easy, since an influential group of courtiers placed obstacles in the way of implementing such changes, no doubt because that faction was aware that what was at stake for the Monarchy was the subordination of the Monarchy’s religious-political ideology to Rome’s.43 Just in case there was any doubt, Ribeiro himself ingenuously justified the transformation of the Royal Chapel and the purpose of the work that he was doing as subordinating the etiquette and ceremonials of the Royal Chapel to the authority and interests of Rome. This declaration of intent explains Ribeiro’s insistence on the ordinances and etiquettes of the Papal Chapel being copied and sent, together with a description of the obligations of officers, and the etiquette to be followed at festivities and on feast days. Among the mass of folios, it is possible to discern the influences on his work, which were none other than those sent to him by Diego López de Franca from Rome. We now understand for example why certain offices increased in importance, such as the master of the chapel and the master of ceremonies, which were major posts in the Pope’s Chapel, and

41 See the studies collected in Juan José Carreras Ares, Bernardo José García García and Tess Knighton, eds, The Royal Chapel at the Time of the Habsburgs: Music and Court Ceremony in Early Modern Europe (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2005). 42 The ceremonial that he drew up was recently published in José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Félix Labrador Arroyo, Jesús Bravo Lozano and África Espíldora García, La configuración de la imagen de la Monarquía Católica. El ceremonial de la Capilla Real de Manuel Ribeiro (Madrid: Iberoamericana Vervuert, 2020). 43 ‘Copy and list of the vestments and colours that the Pope, cardinals, patriarchs, bishops and archbishops wear when they go to their churches and to attend divine offices, when they walk about town or are at home. This according to the ceremonials of the Archbishop of Corfi, the former master of the sacred rituals at the time of Leo X and of Paris Crasso Pisauren, also master at the time of Pius II and Clement VIII and other apostolic ceremonies observed nowadays in the Pope’s chapel’, AGP, RC, bundle 94.

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whose competences and obligations were meticulously spelled out, whereas before they had gone almost unnoticed.44 In accordance with the new political mission entrusted to the Monarchy, the Defence of the Eucharist, the second religious practice that was imposed was to establish Perpetual Eucharistic Adoration in the chapel of the Alcázar. This practice eliminated once and for all any aspiration to ‘universality’ in the activity of the Spanish Monarchy that could be seen as an ideological construction of autochthonous (Castilian) values (to the point of considering itself above the Empire), and placed the Monarchy on an equal political footing with the Empire, uniting the two in a common origin (the Habsburg dynasty) and a common mission (the defence of the Catholic Church) that was expressed in religious terms through devotion to the Sacrament of the Eucharist. The change in political ideology and the special relationship between the Habsburgs and the Eucharist was initiated in the Empire. The frequent reception of Communion by the Emperor and his Court eventually became a public symbol of celebrations on feast days. Emperor Ferdinand II obliged the whole Viennese court to attend the Corpus Christi procession, with himself at the head, going out of his way to display his Eucharistic piety as a symbol of Catholic confessional unity.45 In his book on the virtues of Ferdinand II, Father Lamormaini, for his part, described the constant worship of the Eucharist by the Emperor, who spent countless hours praying before the Blessed Sacrament.46 During the reign of Philip IV, the image of the Universal Monarchy, as well as the way it was put into practice, were in their death throes because of the Thirty Years War.47 In this context, on 10 March 1639, the request made by the Patriarch of the Indies, Alonso Pérez de Guzmán, to place the Blessed Sacrament in the Royal Chapel was granted. In 1640, Father Francisco Aguado

44 ‘Copy and brief list of the order that should be observed in the procession of the Blessed Sacrament in accordance with Roman ceremonials: For the procession to be celebrated with the devotion and solemnity that the Supreme Pontiffs Urban IV, Clement V, Martin V and Eugene IV decreed, it is ordained that the prelate should command the priests of the Churches to announce and proclaim to the people that to obtain the indulgences that the Supreme Pontiffs granted, it is necessary to fast in abstinence on this feast day, confess, take communion, offer alms and perform other works of Christian piety, on the eve of and during the procession of this Solemnity, attend with great devotion, and furthermore let it be known that no man should watch the procession from a window’, AGP, RC, bundle 94. 45 Paul Kléber Monod, The Power of Kings: Monarchy and Religion in Europe 1589-1715 (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1999), p. 88; Jeroen Duindam, Vienna e Versailles. Le corti di due grandi dinastie rivali (1550-1780) (Rome: Donzelli, 2004), pp. 188-200. 46 William Lamormaini, Ferdinandi II. Romanorum Imperatoris virtutes (Vienna: Gelbhaar, 1638), p. 34. The spiritual radicalism of the imperial family has been studied by Robert Bireley, Religion and Politics in the Age of the Counterreformation: Emperor Ferdinand II, William Lamormaini S. J., and the Formation of Imperial Policy (Chapel Hill: University of North Caroline Press, 1981), pp. 79 and ff; also by Robert Bireley, ‘Ferdinand II: Founder of the Habsburg Monarchy’, in Crown, Church and Estates: Central European Politics in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, ed. by Robert John W. Evans and Thomas V. Thomas (London: MacMillan, 1991), p. 233. 47 To put the problem into context, see my book La imagen de Faetón.

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published his work, Sumo Sacramento de la Fe, Thesoro Christiano (Supreme Sacrament of Faith: Christian Treasury), dedicated to Philip IV, in which he stated that the Eucharist was the most important of the sacraments. The dedication went on to remind the monarch of the devotion that the House of Austria had always professed for this sacrament and, at the same time, Aguado took the opportunity to advise him that, in circumstances of war such as those that the Monarchy was experiencing in the middle of the seventeenth century, it was best to have God on one’s side.48 The fact that the first time Prince Balthasar Charles was seen in public was on the occasion of the entry of the Blessed Sacrament into the Royal Chapel on 10 March 1639 cannot be considered an insignificant detail. In the biographies of the most exemplary kings and emperors that Father Aguado wrote for the same book, he deliberately highlighted the main characteristics of Pietas Austriaca, such as providentialism, extreme Eucharistic fervour, the frequency of the Sacraments, conformity of the human will to divine will, and reverence for the Church. Inevitably, the first biography included was that of Duke Rudolf, the founder of the House of Austria, which Philip IV and his son were to interpret as reflections of themselves. The Jesuit stressed Rudolf ’s piety, pointing out that ‘Amid so much noise of weapons there was no lack of piety and devotion; he had a singular devotion to the Blessed Sacrament and was therefore deserving of the grandeur of his family and the Empire for himself ’. At the same time, he recalled the episode when Rudolf dismounted from his horse to worship the viaticum in an attempt to move the hearts of the Spanish monarch and the prince. By that time, Father Nieremberg had become one of the most influential Jesuits at the Spanish court, and his writings included the new religious ideology that Rome was trying to introduce.49 One of his most famous works was Causa y remedio de los males públicos (Cause and Remedy of Public Evils), which was published in 1642, at a time when the whole Court was starting to question the government of the Count-Duke of Olivares. It was precisely for that reason that Father Nieremberg dedicated his work to the favourite in an attempt to remedy the disasters and territorial losses that the Monarchy was suffering. He reminded Olivares about the scant respect his governance was showing the Church, which was why God was punishing him with the rebellion in Catalonia and the loss of Portugal.50 As far as Father Nieremberg was concerned, a Christian Prince should be seen to be God-fearing, but not

48 Father Francisco Aguado S. I., Sumo sacramento de la Fe. Tesoro del nombre christiano. A la S. C. R. Magestad del Rey N. S. D. Philipe IV el Grande (Madrid: Francisco Martínez, 1640), fols 5v-6r. 49 Father Juan Eusebio Nieremberg, Obras Escogidas (Estudio preliminar y Edición de Eduardo Zepeda Henríquez) (Madrid: Atlas, 1957), pp. XVI-XVII. BAE (Biblioteca de Autores Españoles). 50 Father Juan Eusebio Nieremberg, Causa y remedio de los males públicos. Dedicado al Excelentissimo Señor don Gaspar de Guzmán Conde Duque (Madrid: María de Quiñones, 1642), p. 36, BNE, 3/67902.

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only that, it demanded a change of attitude on the part of the monarch and his ministers, with displays of extreme piety and devotion, especially at that critical moment that the Catholic Monarchy was passing through. By contrast, he emphasized that the principal virtue of Rudolf I was his reverence for the Church, as well as his submission to the dictates of Rome. Nieremberg constantly stressed the piety of the Habsburg Emperors, who might come into conflict with the Pontiff on Italian soil but did not hesitate to submit to the Pontiffs in general. The introduction of the Forty Hours’ Devotion into the Royal Chapel of the Alcázar was the culmination of the victory of Rome and its radical spirituality over the Monarchy. This religious practice had arisen in Italy during the first half of the sixteenth century and was later adopted by Philip IV.51 The monarch himself did not hesitate to practise the ‘Forty Hours’, since he believed that the sacrament of the Eucharist would restore the dynasty’s glory.52 It would be a way of putting an end to the ‘warlike’ image of the Monarchy. In his book on the Blessed Sacrament, the chaplain, Vicente Tortoretti, claimed that: Your Majesty fights more in a day with the point of your pen than others in years with the sword. And because you have many enemies and much to attend to, it is necessary for this weapon [the Body of Christ] to have the temper to wound and to endure; you can cope with everything, even though it is a swan’s quill.53 From that point on, the frequent palace celebrations in honour of the Sacred Form involved the attendance of the main religious orders. Thus, in March 1639, the Jesuit, Father Sebastián González, in Madrid, informed Father Rafael Pereyra in Seville of the involvement of the regular clergy at the Feasts of Corpus Christi.54 In 1640, Father Aguado brought out his work, Sumo Sacramento de la Fe, Thesoro Christiano, dedicated to Philip IV, in which he stated that the Eucharist was the most important sacrament.

51 Bulla de la Santidad de Inocencio X en que concede a la Real Capilla de S. M. perpetuamente para el culto y veneración del Santísimo Sacramento en dicha Real Capilla, 1646, AGP, RC, box 2, file 5, fol. 2. 52 From Madrid and February 21, 1640, Sebastián González to Father Rafael Pereyra, of the Society of Jesus, in Seville, in Father de Gayangos y Arce, Cartas de algunos PP. de la Compañía de Jesús sobre los sucesos de la Monarquía entre los años de 1634 y 1648. Tome III (1638-1640), in Memorial Histórico Español: colección de documentos, opúsculos y antigüedades, que publica La Real Academia de la Historia (Madrid: Imprenta Nacional, 1862), XV, p. 414. 53 Vicente Tortoretti, Maximiliano Socorrido y fragmento Eucharisticos recogidos en la colocación del Sanctissimo en la capilla real del rei nuestro Señor don Filipe IV. El Grande. Por D. Vicente Tortoretti su humilde Capellán, 1639, fol. 18v, BNE, 3/33006. 54 In Madrid, 7 March 1639, Father Sebastián González to Father Rafael Pereyra of the Society of Jesus, in Seville, in Gayangos y Arce, Cartas de algunos PP. de la Compañía de Jesús (16381640), p. 190.

S p i r i tua l ity at t h e Royal Ch ap e l o f t he A lcázar o f Mad ri d

Conclusion After the defeat of the Catholic Monarchy in the Thirty Years’ War, the political construct known as the Catholic Monarchy no longer made sense. The leaders of the Monarchy themselves realized the uselessness of the idea. Consequently, the Spanish court was persuaded to undergo a political and administrative restructuring in accordance with principles that were in the interests of the Spanish Monarchy itself. Nevertheless, society had assimilated the new religiousness and continued to practise it. This bifurcation of (political and religious) structures that took place in the Spanish Monarchy at the end of the seventeenth century led to a great deal of confusion. While, from a religious standpoint, Spanish society – which included Spanish American society – fully accepted and carried on practising the ‘Roman Catholicism’ that had been introduced at the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Catholic Monarchy as a concept no longer made sense from a political point of view. This could be observed at the signing of the Peace of the Pyrenees (1659), which took place without the Pontiff being involved or consulted, and was very badly received in Rome, as Philip IV’s ambassador, Luis de Guzmán Ponce de León remarked.55 Furthermore, the Spanish monarch’s alliance with the Emperor to defend the Eucharist (Church), which was at the political heart of the Catholic Monarchy, was no longer regarded even by the Emperor as the symbol of a political construction based on Catholicism, as was demonstrated by the agreement he reached with Louis XIV, King of France (1643-1715) in 1668 to share the Monarchy’s territories if there was no succession.56 Even the pontiffs were trying to set themselves up as a political power without the influence of the major Monarchies, including, of course, the Catholic Monarchy.57 It made sense, therefore, that books on the origin and constitution of the Spanish Monarchy that were written at the end of the seventeenth century, such as the one by Pedro Portocarrero y Guzmán,58 no longer made reference either to those principles or to Duke Rudolf, but sought its origins in the Visigoths, and at the same time praised the political work of Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’.

55 AGS, Estado, bundle 3033, letter from Don Luis de Guzmán Ponce de León, Rome, on 29 February 1660. 56 Jean Bérenger, ‘Une tentative de rapprochement entre la France et l’Empereur: le traité de partage secret de la succession d’Espagne du 19 janvier 1668’, Revue d’Histoire Diplomatique, (1965), pp. 291-314. 57 José Martínez Millán, ‘La reconfiguración de la Monarquía Católica (siglos XVII al XVIII)’, in ¿Decadencia o reconfiguración? las monarquías de España y Portugal en el cambio de siglo (1640-1724), ed. by José Martínez Millán, Félix Labrador Arroyo and Filipa M. Valido-Viegas de Paula-Soares (Madrid: Polifemo, 2017), pp. 7-62. 58 Pedro Portocarrero y Guzmán, Teatro Monárquico de España (1700), ed. and preliminary study by Carmen Sanz Ayanz (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, 1998).

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Fig. 1.1 Anonymous, View of the Alcázar Real in Madrid and the Segovia old bridge surroundings Museo Soumaya [Public domain, Public domain or CC BY-SA 4.0 (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0)], Image @ Wikimedia Commons.

Fig. 1.2  Claudio Coello, The adoration of the Sacred Form, 1690. Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Patrimonio Nacional. Image © Paul M.R. Maeyaert, via Wikimedia Commons.

Fabrizio D’Av enia  

The Display of Royal Ecclesiastical Power The Palatine Chapel of Palermo (1586-1713)*

The Cathedral of the Spanish King-Pope Among the Italian domains of the Spanish Monarchy, the Kingdom of Sicily was unique in having a particular religious institutional system that allowed the king to exercise very wide prerogatives over the Church in Sicily.1 The backbone of this system was the controversial papal privilege of the Apostolica Legazia (‘Apostolic Legacy’) or Monarchia Sicula (‘Sicilian Monarchy’), which conferred the title of papal legates on Sicilian sovereigns. The privilege was granted at the time of Norman rule (1098) and later ‘rediscovered’, at the instigation of Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’, in the early sixteenth century. The ecclesiastical power of the Apostolic Legacy was exercised through the jurisdiction of a court called the Regia Monarchia (‘Royal Monarchy’) which served as a powerful ‘weapon in the hands of the monarch to counter papal claims to a right to interfere in religious life and in the Church in Sicily’.2 This judicial authority was strengthened by Philip II and his viceroys in Sicily, Juan de Vega, Lord of Grajal (1547-57), and Marcantonio Colonna, Prince of Paliano (1577-84), in the second half of the sixteenth century, after which it was almost always entrusted to a Spanish prelate with expertise in law. The name of the court itself, Regia Monarchia, ‘indicated that both spiritual and temporal powers were centralized in the sacred person of the King, as opposed to a diarchy’.3 The defence of the Apostolic Legacy by the Spanish Monarchy was always very strong against a Holy See ‘convinced that it [the Apostolic



* The English text was revised by Catherine Page, Janet and Anthony Dawson. 1 For the contents and a complete bibliography of this introduction, see also Fabrizio D’Avenia, La Chiesa del re. Monarchia e Papato nella Sicilia spagnola (secc. XVI–XVII) (Rome: Carocci, 2015). 2 Francesco Benigno, ‘Integration and Conflict in Spanish Sicily’, in Spain in Italy: Politics, Society, and Religion 1500-1700, ed. by Thomas J. Dandelet and John A. Marino (Leiden: Brill, 2006), p. 28. 3 Gaetano Catalano, Studi sulla Legazia Apostolica di Sicilia (Reggio Calabria: Parallelo 38, 1973), p. 59. Fabrizio D’Avenia • University of Palermo Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 75-97.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123282

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Legacy] was a schismatic phenomenon and just as dangerous to the primacy of Rome as Gallicanism’.4 In addition, the Spanish kings enjoyed considerable ecclesiastical patro­ nage over the most prestigious benefices in Sicily, patronage that the papacy had formally relinquished to King Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’ in 1487.5 These benefices comprised all nine bishoprics, two quasi-bishoprics, and about thirty abbeys and priories, appointment to which was regulated by the privilege of ‘Alternative’, in other words, alternating between a naturale (‘Sicilian’) and a forestiero (‘foreigner’). Granted by Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’ in 1503, this Alternative was not often respected, much to the detriment of the Sicilian ecclesiastics, and to the advantage mainly of members of the royal family, and ministers and servants of the Spanish Monarchy.6 In Palermo in 1487, moreover, Spanish control over Sicily, as well as that exercised by the Holy Office, extended to the wider field of religious ideas, moral behaviour, and political loyalty. Finally, from the beginning of the sixteenth century, a Commissariat and Court of the Holy Crusade operated in Sicily overseeing the sale of the Bull of the Crusade. This bull granted several indulgences, canonical dispensations, absolution from censures and ecclesiastical penalties, including those reserved to the Apostolic See.7 The situation in the other Italian domains of the Spanish Monarchy was very different: Naples, Milan, and Sardinia did not enjoy privileges like the Apostolic Legacy, while Naples was also formally a papal fief. Furthermore, royal patronage was much more limited in Naples and Milan, comprising twenty-four out of 131 dioceses in Naples, as established by the Treaty of Barcelona in 1529, and only one in nine in Milan. Finally, the Roman Inquisition had jurisdiction in Naples and Milan, where repeated attempts to introduce the Spanish Inquisition had failed following riots or loud protests from local authorities in Naples in 1510 and 1547, and in Milan in 1563. The same opposition prevented the introduction of the Bull of the Holy Crusade during the seventeenth century.8 More akin to Sicily was the case of Sardinia, where all

4 Catalano, Studi sulla Legazia Apostolica, p. 67. 5 Similar concessions were granted to Ferdinand and Isabella in Granada (1486), in the New World (1508), and to Charles V in Castile and Aragon (1523): H. E. Rawlings, ‘The Secularisation of Castilian Episcopal Office Under the Habsburgs, c. 1516-1700’, Journal of Ecclesiastical History, 38/1 (1987), 53-79 (p. 55); Ignasi Fernández Terricabras, Felipe II y el clero secular. La aplicación del concilio de Trento (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 2000), pp. 174-77. 6 In 1626 Philip III granted the same privilege to the Kingdom of Aragon, except for the Bishopric of Saragossa: Maximiliano Barrio Gozalo, El Real Patronato y los obispos españoles del Antiguo Régimen (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Políticos y Constitucionales, 2004), p. 45. 7 Raffaele Manduca, La Sicilia, la Chiesa, la storia. Storiografia e vita religiosa in età moderna (Caltanissetta-Rome: Salvatore Sciascia Editore, 2012), pp. 135-59. 8 Massimo Carlo Giannini, ‘Religione, fiscalità e politica: i tentativi d’introdurre la bolla della crociata nel Regno di Napoli nel XVII secolo’, in I linguaggi del potere nell’età barocca, I: Politica e religione, ed. by Francesca Cantù (Rome: Viella, 2009), pp. 319-56.

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seven bishoprics had been subject to royal patronage since 1531, but without the privilege of Alternative, and after 1678, three of these, albeit the poorest ones, were reserved for Sardinian prelates.9 Furthermore, the Spanish Holy Office had jurisdiction there too, from 1492, and the Holy Crusade from the following century onwards. Together, the Apostolic Legacy (with the court of the Regia Monarchia), Royal Patronage, the Inquisition and the Holy Crusade formed a set of institutionalized ecclesiastical prerogatives and powers. Although they very frequently came into jurisdictional conflict with each other, they were nevertheless much more like those enjoyed by the Spanish sovereigns in Castile, Aragon, and America. It was no coincidence that, in an anonymous text of 1632, it was stated that ‘in Spain, the Indies and Sicily no bishop takes office […] of the dignities of the Royal Patronage except the prelate whom his Majesty presents and appoints’.10 In Von Pastor’s opinion, ‘the theory of the Monarchia Sicula constitutes a counterpart of the Spanish patronage in America’, both of which were expressions of those Spanish ‘Caesaro-papistic pretensions’ that Pope Urban VIII (1623-44) fought against.11 Indeed, the Spanish sovereign in Sicily had been turning into a King-Pope comparable only to the Roman ‘sovereign pontiff ’ – to use Paolo Prodi’s famous definition – and heavily influencing diplomatic relations between the two courts,12 which were characterized by renewed Roman universalism between the pontificates of Clement VIII and Urban VIII (1592-1644).13 In this context, the traditional labels attached to the pontificates of Paul V and Urban VIII as pro-Spanish or pro-French, respectively, according to the decisions they made, are less applicable; meanwhile, the actual influence that Philip II himself was supposed to have exercised over the Apostolic See is also now being seriously questioned. At his death, Rome ‘was less a Spanish Avignon than a Sisyphean Hill’.14

9 Sara Caredda, ‘Vescovi regi e linguaggio del potere nella Sardegna spagnola. La committenza artistica di Diego Fernández de Angulo (1632-1700)’, Dimensioni e problemi della ricerca storica, 2 (2015), 73-97 (pp. 73-76). 10 AGS, SP, bundle 1510, n.d. [1632], fol. 2r. 11 Ludwig Von Pastor, The History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages, 40 vols (London: Kegan Paul/Trench and Trubner, 1899-1953), XXIX (1938), pp. 185-89. 12 Paolo Prodi, The Papal Prince: One Body and Two Souls: The Papal Monarchy in Early Modern Europe, trans. by Susan Haskins (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1987; Italian orig. ed., 1982). 13 Maria Antonietta Visceglia, ‘The International Policy of the Papacy. Critical Approaches to the Concepts of Universalism and “Italianità”. Peace and War’, in Papato e politica internazionale nella prima età moderna, ed. by Maria Antonietta Visceglia (Rome: Viella, 2013), 17-62 (in particular, pp. 50-57); Roma papale e Spagna. Diplomatici, nobili e religiosi tra due corti (Rome: Bulzoni, 2010), pp. 40-41; Maria Teresa Fattori, Clemente VIII e il Sacro Collegio, 1592-1605. Meccanismi istituzionali e accentramento di governo, Päpste und Papsttum, 33 (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 2004), pp. 307-12, 329-31. 14 Miles Pattenden, ‘Rome as a “Spanish Avignon”? The Spanish Faction and the Monarchy of Philip II’, in The Spanish Presence in Sixteenth-Century Italy: Images of Iberia, ed. by Miles

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Any study of the Palatine Chapel in Palermo, therefore, should take into account the two contexts of Spanish Caesaropapism in Sicily, namely a Church established by Habsburg rulers with the monarch at its head, and international relationships between the Spanish Monarchy, France, and the Holy See. This chapel, situated right at the heart of the Royal Palace –seat of both the Viceroy and the tribunals of the Kingdom– was actually a sort of miniature cathedral for the Spanish king-pope (as ecclesiastical patron and papal legate), and the fact that it was dedicated to Saint Peter clearly evoked the papal Basilica of the same name in Rome.15 Furthemore, the twelfth-century golden mosaics of its iconographic apparatus made its royal sacredness shine even more.16

Writing the History of the Palatine Chapel The Regiae et imperialis capellae collegiatae Sancti Petri sacri et regii palatii Panormitani notitia can be considered the first history of the Palatine Chapel in Palermo.17 It was written by the Sicilian Abbot, Rocco Pirri, between 1634 – the last information available was about that year – and 1651, when he died. From 1607, Pirri was canon of the same Chapel and its treasurer, at least from 1618.18 In 1642 he was appointed Regius Historiographus (‘Royal Historiographer’) of the Kingdom of Sicily in recognition of the publication of the first three parts of his Sicilia Sacra (‘Sacred Sicily’) (1630-38), a multi-volume ecclesiastical history of Sicilian bishoprics and abbeys.19 He probably began to write the Notitia because of the very recent jurisdictional conflicts that had erupted in 1633 between the Archbishop of Palermo, Cardinal Giannettino Doria (1609-42), and the Court of the Regia Monarchia. It was no coincidence that in April 1634 the Viceroy of Sicily, the Duke of Alcalá (1632-35), wrote to the Consejo de Italia (‘Council of Italy’) about the need for the Chapel to be organized and protected.20

15 16 17 18 19

20

Pattenden and Piers Baker-Bates (Farnham/Burlington: Ashgate, 2015), 65-84 (p. 73) overturns the thesis of Thomas James Dandelet, Spanish Rome (1500-1700) (New Heaven/ London: Yale University Press, 2001). Lina Scalisi, Il controllo del sacro. Poteri e istituzioni concorrenti nella Palermo del Cinque e Seicento (Rome: Viella, 2004), p. 121. Beat Brenk, ed., La Cappella Palatina a Palermo/The Cappella Palatina in Palermo, Mirabilia Italiae, 17, 4 vols (Modena: Franco Cosimo Panini, 2010). Notitia. AGS, SP, book 778, fol. 81, consulta (‘learned opinion’) of the Council of Italy (9 November 1606); book 776, fol. 9, learned opinion of the Council of Italy (23 July 1618). The rest of the work was published between 1644 and 1649. The appointment as royal historiographer is in AGS, SP, book 976, fols 75-79 (Saragossa, 3 October 1642). On Rocco Pirri, see Francesco Giunta, ‘Introduction’ to Rocco Pirri, Sicilia Sacra disquisitionibus, et notitiis illustrata, 2 vols (Panormi: Haeredes Petri Coppulae, 1733; repr.: Sala Bolognese: Arnaldo Forni Editore, 1987), I, pp. v-xiii. AHN, Estado, bundle 2183, learned opinion of the Council of Italy (7 October 1636), where one of Viceroy Alcalá’s letters was summarized (7 September 1634).

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Pirri did not manage to publish the manuscript of the Notitia, which remained preserved in the same Chapel for a long time and was only printed for the first time in 1716, in Palermo, when the House of Savoy ruled Sicily (1713-20). On that occasion, a supplementum (‘addition’) that continued the history of the Chapel until 1716 was added to Pirri’s text. The author of the extension was Antonino Mongitore, famous scholar and Canon of Palermo Cathedral.21 Another edition of Pirri – Mongitore’s work was printed in Leiden a few years later, in 1723, this time when the island was under Austrian Habsburg rule (1720-34).22 Both editions clearly followed the jurisdictional approach pursued by Victor Amadeus II of Savoy and Charles VI of Habsburg as kings of Sicily, both of whom had been involved in a bitter dispute with the Holy See regarding, once again, the privilege of Apostolic Legacy.23 Pirri himself had dedicated the first edition of his Sicilia Sacra (1630) to Philip IV ‘so that the Sicilian Church, which has developed with renewed reverence, can recognize its Legate’.24 From the dates of both the manuscript and published editions of Pirri’s Notitia it emerges that the Palatine Chapel was one of the main issues asso­ ciated with the defence of royal ecclesiastical jurisdiction and precedence in Sicily, as well as the reason for all the conflicts between its members and the episcopal authorities that arose as a result. Closely linked to the latter issue was the funding of the Chapel, which had to be sufficient to maintain its personnel and the worship officiated in it in a way that celebrated the royal piety with appropriate dignity. This requirement explains the large sums of money that monarchs lavished on the Royal Chapel (see Table I). Both these issues, jurisdiction and funding, characterized the different stages in the history of the Palatine Chapel from as early as its reform in the 1580s. It was no coincidence that in the years leading up to it, between 1577 and 1581, there had been negotiations between the Spanish Monarchy and the Holy See to resolve a dispute about the Monarchia Sicula, as well as other jurisdictional issues that also applied to other Italian domains of the 21 Notitia, pp. [i-iii]. 22 The Notitia was also inserted in the last edition of Pirri’s Sicilia Sacra, amended and expanded by the Palermitan Canon, Antonino Mongitore, and the Benedictine, Vito Maria Amico from Catania. 23 The so-called controversia liparitana (‘Controversy of Lipari’ (1711-28), Lipari being a small Sicilian island in the Aeolian archipelago) was fought using violence, excommunications, arrests and expulsions of a hundred clerics, including the Sicilian Bishops of Messina, Catania, and Agrigento. The two latter bishops imposed interdicts on their dioceses before leaving the island: D’Avenia, La Chiesa del re, pp. 155-58. 24 ‘Ut Sicula ecclesia, quae novo cultu iam in lucem hominum prodit, Legatum agnoscat suum’: Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, p. vi. On the Apostolic Legacy and the Court of the Regia Monarchia, see Daniele Palermo, ‘Nel gioco delle giurisdizioni: il Tribunale della Regia Monarchia di Sicilia nel XVII secolo’, Mediterranea-ricerche storiche, 50 (2020), pp. 697-716; D’Avenia, La Chiesa del re, pp. 26-30, 124-40; Maria Teresa Napoli, La Regia Monarchia di Sicilia. ‘Ponere falcem in alienam messem’ (Naples: Jovene, 2012); Salvatore Vacca, ed., La Legazia Apostolica. Chiesa, potere e società in Sicilia in età medievale e moderna (Caltanissetta-Rome: Salvatore Sciascia Editore, 2000); Salvatore Fodale, L’Apostolica Legazia e altri studi su Stato e Chiesa (Messina: Sicania, 1991).

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Habsburg Monarchy.25 Furthermore, in the wake of these (failed) negotiations, Viceroy Colonna established a law systematically confirming the powers and procedures at the Court of the Regia Monarchia.26

Reorganization of Human and Financial Resources The incentive for royal intervention was motivated by the poor condition in which the prelate, Francesco del Pozzo, had found the Chapel during his Royal Visitation between 1580 and 1583.27 Indeed, there were just a few canons solo nomine (‘in name only’), in other words, probably without wages, who had to take part in a mere four processions from the Chapel during the whole liturgical year,28 while a single chaplain, whose function as precentor was the care of souls, was left to celebrate divine worship. Consequently, del Pozzo had written to Philip II in 1582 to recover the ancient status of the Chapel and suggested that the Viceroy, Marcantonio Colonna, should appoint new canons with specific prebends relating to worship, namely, the celebration of some ordinary masses and canonical hours. Colonna also called for the obligation of residence to be imposed on the precentor and for a stable source of funding to be provided to finance the ministers and worship in the Chapel.29 In the 1580s, Viceroy Colonna and his successors also arranged for some important restoration work and the renovation of sacred furnishings, such as altars, tabernacles, platforms, and pews, as well as wooden paintings and reliquaries.30 Of course, these improvements were perfectly aligned with the ‘tendencies’ of Tridentine piety.31 The chapel was on the first floor of the Royal Palace. Two stone stairways were built to connect the Royal Chapel with the second floor (used by the viceroy and vicereine to descend to the Chapel) and the ‘lower church’ on the ground 25 Cf. Gaetano Catalano, Controversie giurisdizionali tra Chiesa e Stato nell’età di Gregorio XIII e Filippo II (Palermo: Accademia di Scienze Lettere e Arti di Palermo, 1955). 26 Giuseppe Cesino Foglietta, ed., Pragmaticarum Regni Siciliae, 3 vols (Panormi: Apud Joseph Gramignani, 1700), III, pp. 47-53. 27 The Royal Visitation was another ecclesiastical prerogative deriving from the privilege of Apostolic Legacy, allowing all ecclesiastical benefices under royal patronage to be visited by a prelate appointed by the king: D’Avenia, La Chiesa del re, pp. 34, 143-55. On del Pozzo’s visitation of the Palatine Chapel, see Maria Giulia Aurigemma, ‘Palinsesto Palatina. Le arti, le trasformazioni, gli usi e i restauri da Federico II ai Savoia’, in La Cappella Palatina a Palermo/The Cappella Palatina in Palermo, III, 203-72 (pp. 208-09). 28 They were celebrated on the following feast days: Saint Peter and Paul ( June 29), Chair of Saint Peter (February 22), Saint Peter-in-Chains (August 1), and Ascension Day. 29 Luigi Garofalo, Tabularium Regiae ac Imperialis Capellae Collegiatae Divi Petri in Regio Palatio Panormitano Ferdinandi II Regni utriusque Siciliae Regis iussu editum ac notis illustratum (Panormi: Regia Typographia, 1835), pp. 212-14, Viceroy Colonna’s learned opinion to King Philip II (Palermo, 11 May 1584). 30 For the long list of relics preserved inside the Chapel, see Notitia, pp. 38-42. 31 John W. O’Malley, Trent: What Happened at the Council (Cambridge MA/London: The Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2013), pp. 147-48, 261, 243-44, 273.

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floor beneath the Royal Chapel (in effect, the crypt). Thereafter, on public and official occasions, the viceregal couple and their retinue would solemnly make their way up and down them. All these efforts were designed to adapt the Chapel ‘to the dignity required and the new worship requirements, and to transform the palace into the seat of a court and a vicereine’.32 As a consequence of del Pozzo’s and Colonna’s suggestions, in December 1586, Philip II established a new endowment of 3,500 scudi, which was almost ten times the previous one (393 scudi).33 He also confirmed the residential obligation for the precentor, as well as the latter’s fiefs and incomes, which had, at that time, risen to about 240 Sicilian scudi. The sum was charged on ecclesiastical spoils and the revenues of vacant sees, as well as financial penalties, and assigned to eight canons, six correndati (‘clerics’), four deacons, one succentor, one master of the school, one organist, and one sacristan with his assistant. The new endowment was then split by the Viceroy, Alba de Liste (1585-92), into three categories: canons and clerics’ wages (1,125 scudi), musical staff comprising nine people (1,841 scudi), and worship (534 scudi) for church maintenance, wax and oil, and the renewal of liturgical vestments.34 As Pirri explains, when the Chapel was founded, the correndati, literally, ‘given to the choir’, referred to those clerics with the title of royal chaplain or canon who attended royal religious services. They were, according to Pirri, equivalent to the chaplains of honour in the Spanish Royal Chapel, or to the chaplains de cantu (‘singing’), that is, those correndati who took part in singing divine worship.35 Some more detailed information on the organization of the

32 Aurigemma, ‘Palinsesto Palatina’, pp. 208-12 (quotation on p. 208). 33 Notitia, pp. 16-17; AGS, SP, book 776, fols 95r-97r, learned opinion of the Council of Italy (15 September 1620); Antonino Giuffrida, La finanza pubblica nella Sicilia del ’500 (Caltanissetta/Roma: Salvatore Sciascia editore, 1999), pp. 277-83; Fabrizio D’Avenia, ‘Il mercato degli onori: i titoli di don nella Sicilia spagnola’, Mediterranea-ricerche storiche, 7 (2006), 267-88 (pp. 272-73). 34 Garofalo, Tabularium Regiae, pp. 215-18, decree of King Philip II (Madrid, 12 December 1586) and Viceroy Alba de Liste’s response (Palermo, 3 July 1587). The musical staff comprised one master of chapel, one organist, two sopranos, two double bass players, one contralto, and two tenors. For the highly detailed reorganization of Palatine celebrations, the distribution of personnel tasks as well as responsibility for making such appointments, which were arranged by Alba de Liste the following November, see Scalisi, Il controllo del sacro, p. 122. 35 Since 1623, the chaplains of the Spanish Royal Chapel were limited to 72, twelve of whom were from Italian domains (Milan, Naples, and Sicily). They were divided into three categories: de banco, de número, and de honor [according to pew, number, and honour]. For the entry requirements to the Spanish Royal Chapel and the duties, salaries, benefices, and pensions of its chaplains, see Rubén Mayoral López, ‘La Capilla Real’, in La Monarquía de Felipe III, ed. by José Martínez Millán and Maria Antonietta Visceglia, 4 vols (Madrid: Fundación Mapfre, 2008), I, 349-458 (pp. 381-402); José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘La espiritualidad en palacio. Los capellanes de Felipe IV’, in La Corte en Europa: Política y Religión (siglos XVI-XVIII), ed. by José Martínez Millán, Manuel Rivero Rodriguez and Gijs Versteegen, 3 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2012), I, pp. 257-304. For the Spanish Royal Chapel, see also Fernando Negredo del Cerro, ‘La Capilla de palacio a principios del siglo XVII. Otras formas de poder en el Alcázar madrileño’, Studia Historica. Historia moderna, 28 (2006), pp. 63-86.

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Chapel was included in a brief summary of 1606, which collected together data on ecclesiastical benefices registered during another Royal Visitation. First of all, the precentor, who was the principal dignity of the Chapel, enjoyed a revenue of 700 scudi – minus fifty scudi for royal taxes – which amounted to the total income from the two fiefs of Scopello and de Accia, or del Ciantro, in other words, the Precentor’s fief.36 As in Philip II’s decree in 1586, the eight canons were divided into three categories –two major, four minor, and two inferior (mayores, menores, inferiores) in descending order of rank.37 A stipend of one hundred, seventy-five, and fifty Sicilian scudi respectively was assigned to individuals belonging to each group. The other wages were established as fifteen scudi for the treasurer, forty scudi for each correndado, forty-five for the succentor, as well as for the master of the school (both posts being vacant at the time),38 twenty-five for deacons, who assisted the choir and sang the gospels and epistles, thirty-five for the organist and the sacristan, twenty-five for the sacristan’s assistant, fifteen for four acolytes, who were also provided with one outfit of clothing every year, and thirty for two assistants to the master of ceremonies. It is important to note that from 1591, all appointments to ecclesiastical benefices tied to the Palatine Chapel in Palermo were the exclusive prerogative of the king, whereas until that time, they had sometimes been made by the viceroy, as was the case in 1584 when it was said that Colonna had appointed some new canons.39 In this way, the Palatine Chapel became fully integrated into the royal patronage system of ecclesiastical benefices with the corresponding royal right of presentation to the Holy See (a de facto appointment, therefore). This system also included the holders of many minor benefices, such as the Palatine canons and clerics, as well as the precentor and canons of Palermo Cathedral.40 Within the viceroy’s discretion, there remained only the treasurer (who was, however, always chosen from among the canons), and the lower positions: the sacristan and his assistant, the acolytes, the organist as well as the musicians and those assisting the master of ceremonies. In fact, all these 36 Francesca Burgarella, ‘L’Archivio della Cappella Palatina di Palermo’, Quaderni della Scuola di Archivistica, Paleografia e Diplomatica dell’Archivio di Stato di Palermo-Studi e Strumenti, 4 (2001-02), 51-103 (p. 55). In 1681, the outgoings increased to 100 scudi and consisted of giving wax and candles to the clerics, payment of a chaplain’s salary, and oil for two lamps burning before the Blessed Sacrament and another one before the Virgin Mary, probably the picture in the lower chapel (see below); AHN, Estado, book 521-d, Relación de provisiones ecclesiásticas del Real Patronato en el Reyno de Sicilia (18 January 1681), fol. 33v. 37 Garofalo, Tabularium Regiae, p. 216, Decree of the Congregation of Rites (Rome, 23 October 1584). 38 The responsibility of the former was chori dispositio in diebus non canonicalibus (‘the arrangement of the choir on non-canonical days’), whereas the task of the latter was pueros docere (‘to teach boys’); Notitia, p. 22. 39 AGS, SP, bundle 1319, Reasumpto breve de las rentas de los obispados, abadías y los demás beneficios del Real Patronazgo de su Magestad que ha hallado y procurado descubrir el arcediano Phelipe Iordi, visitador general de todo el Reyno en la visita que començó a los nueve de hebrero 1604 y acavó en dos de junio de 1606; Notitia, p. 21. 40 AHN, Estado, book 521-d, Relación, fols 63-81. For the chapter of Palermo Cathedral, see Scalisi, Il controllo del sacro, pp. 115-21.

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posts were appointed directly, without consulting the Spanish King first.41 By contrast, after 1598, the chaplain of the Chapel was elected by the canons and had a salary of fifty scudi.42 The chaplain was in charge of administering the sacraments, the real role of the ministry of the Chapel, which had been set up to function as a parish church since its foundation in 1132.43 In 1606, total salaries amounted to 1,260 scudi, which was not much more than twenty years earlier.44 However, a proper investment policy was about to be implemented. In August 1612, Philip III expanded the Chapel staff by increasing the number of canons to twelve, as at its foundation, the correndati to eight, and the deacons to six. Together with this, the king increased the financial endowment to the chapel by 1,000 scudi: 895 scudi for salaries and 105 scudi for worship officiated at the privileged altar dedicated to Saint Mary of the Graces in the lower chapel,45 a privilege that dated from Gregory XIII’s bull of 1584. In 1608 Pirri himself, as treasurer and canon, had the altar embellished with a picture of the same name and other ornamentation, once again faithful to the canons of Tridentine devotion.46 From that time on, every Friday and Saturday ‘women flock [there] with great devotion’.47 Philip III also ordered that one mass ‘for the souls of the Most Serene kings who were my predecessors’ had to be celebrated every week at that same altar and established that a lamp be lit before it (twelve lamps on Saturday afternoons) and that the canons, at the end of compline, should sing the Litany of Our Lady and the Salve Regina, in front of it, as well as the prayer: that is normally said imploring Our Lord to give us, me and my Children, and the whole Royal House health in order to serve him, as well as good and successful government of that which His Divine Majesty has entrusted me, and that the same prayer has to be said in all Masses to be celebrated in the Chapel above.48 This ‘mobilisation of the faith’ of their subjects, as Geoffrey Parker wrote with regard to Philip II, was very typical of the Catholic monarchs and could not be found wanting in the religious site par excellence in the Royal Palace.49 41 AGS, SP, bundle 1319, Reasumpto breve; Notitia, p. 21. 42 Although the treasurer and chaplain were canons of the Chapel, they were not counted as such in the total for ‘Canons, Clerics and Others’ in Table 1, which is why their numbers are placed in brackets in Table 1. 43 Francesco Michele Stabile, ‘Palermo’, in Storia delle Chiese, di Sicilia, ed. by Gaetano Zito, 579-663 (p. 589); Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, II, p. 1367r. 44 In Table 1 the chaplain’s salary is not counted in the total, because it was paid by the Tribunale del Real Patrimonio (the most important financial organ of the Kingdom); Notitia, p. 21. 45 Notitia, pp. 18-19, 31-32. 46 Robert Bireley, The Refashioning of Catholicism, 1450-1700: A Reassessment of the Counter Reformation (Houndmills/London: MacMillan, 1999), pp. 109-11. 47 ‘Magna devotione mulieres confugiunt’: Garofalo, Tabularium Regiae, p. 212, privilege of Gregory XIII (Rome, 5 April 1584); Notitia, pp. 16, 18. 48 Garofalo, Tabularium Regiae, pp. 221-22, Royal Charter of Philip III (Madrid, 20 August 1612). 49 Geoffrey Parker, Felipe II. La biografía definitiva (Barcelona: Planeta, 2013), pp. 218-22; see also Angelantonio Spagnoletti, Filippo II (Rome: Salerno Editrice, 2018), pp. 141-45.

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fa br i zi o d’ave n i a Table 1:  The Palatine Chapel of Palermo: Positions, Wages, and Worship Expenses (in scudi)

POSITIONS

1586-1606

1612-34

1638-41 1668-98

DIGNITY

Precentor

1

650

1

700

750

750

CANONS AND CLERICS

Major canons

2

200

4

500

600

825

Minor canons

4

300

4

400

500

690

Inferior canons

2

100

4

300

400

553

Succentor

1

45

1

60

70

96.25

Master of the School

1

45

1

60

70

96.25

Treasurer

(1)

15*

(1) 15

15

15

Correndati

6

240

8

400

480

640

Deacons

4

100

6

180

240

330

Sacristan

1

35

1

45

45

62

Sacristan’s assistant

1

25

1

30

30

42

Chaplain

(1)

(50)

(1) (50)

(50)

(50)

Acolytes

4

60*

6

150

90

Organist

1

35

Organ tuner OTHERS

Assistants to Master of Ceremonies

2

60*

Farmer

150

1

55

55

72

1

7.5

7.5

10

2

60

60

180

1

Falteri

30

2

15

15

15

43

2,277.5

2,737.5

3,746.5

779

779

892

* not in 1586 Total Wages of Canons, Clerics, and Others Worship

29

1,260 534

Musicians

1,841

1,841

1,841

1,841

TOTAL

3,635

4,897.5

5,357.5

6,479.5

Revenues for Masses and Stipends to Clerics

420

760

Pensions allocated to the Bishopric of Catania

30

300

t h e d i s p l ay o f royal eccle si ast i cal pow e r

As the table clearly shows, the wages of the Chapel clerics in 1634 amounted to almost twice as much as in 1606. This was obvious proof that, in the King’s eyes, the Palatine Chapel was worthy of material resources, and that greater investment would result in increased prestige for the Crown. The same policy was also followed by Philip IV, who increased the clerics’ salaries between 1638 and 1641, and by Charles II (1665-1700), who raised them in 1668. The overall amount in this latter year was three times that established in 1606.50 In the same context of investment in the royal dignity of the Chapel, the expenditure on worship was progressively raised as well. The first increase took place between 1586 and 1620, when it rose by 42 per cent in all, from 534 to 916.5 scudi; the latter amount remained the same in 1634. The increase had become necessary since visitors and viceroys were finding that nothing was enough to meet the requirements for decorum in the Royal Collegiate Church. In addition to their salaries, the thirty-eight Chapel clerics (precentor, canons, and clerics in Table 1, minus organist and organ tuner) had other income, which consisted, in 1606, of 460 scudi for stipends and Mass for the Chapel founders, which was raised around 1634, to 760 scudi (twenty each) including daily stipends, and financial rights arising from fishing rights, royal anniversaries, and legacies.51 Finally, in 1668 a further 300 scudi were mandated for the Bishopric of Catania to be earmarked for pensions to the same canons and clerics of the Chapel.52 Under the heading of worship, new or increased salaries were provided as follows:53 the number of acolytes, who were responsible for helping in services required for processions and their embellishment, was increased from four to six, and their wages rose to a total of 150 scudi (including their outfit of clothing); fifteen scudi for two falteri, who noted down the names of the canons and correndati absent from the choir, a further ten scudi was for the organist, the master responsible for maintaining and tuning the organ, and seven and a half for the person who pumped the bellows. Finally, there were sixty scudi for a new position of master of ceremonies, ‘who [was] needed in all Collegiate Churches and serve[d] as third [major] person after the [succentor and the] master of the school’. This position does not actually appear ever to have been specifically established for the Palatine Chapel, although after 1606, two assistants to the master of ceremonies were provided. The reason might be that the master of ceremonies was in the direct service of the Viceroy

50 This increase was not affected by the approximately 6 per cent devaluation of the silver scudo, between the end of sixteenth century and the end of the following one: Orazio Cancila, ‘Note sulle monete d’argento in Sicilia nei secc. XVI-XVII e sulla “rivoluzione dei prezzi”’, Economia e storia, 4 (1966), 508-19 (pp. 514-15). 51 Notitia, p. 22. 52 Notitia, pp. 29, 32; Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, I, p. 563; Garofalo, Tabularium Regiae, pp. 237-40, the Kingdom’s execution of papal bulls promulgated in Rome, 22 April 1665 (Palermo, 31 August 1666). 53 In Table 1, these amounts are included in the salaries.

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for all public events (not only religious ones) and thus was not attached to a specific church or chapel.54 In the Palatine Chapel, he was the only person to whom a specific place was assigned: a pew with its own headboard near the altar behind the canons.55 New allocations of funds were also established for the Blessed Sacrament procession (probably during the feast of Corpus Domini, another devotion fostered by Trent and afterwards),56 for extra wax to be used in royal anniversary celebrations (forty scudi in all), and for the maintenance of the ancient burial place of King William II (1166-89), located in the lower chapel mentioned previously (one hundred scudi). All these expenses were approved in 1620 by the Council of Italy, which also recommended that the viceroy attended to the repair of the Chapel and make provision for its ornamentation.57 The only item that was left unchanged during the seventeenth century was the 1,841 scudi for the Cappella Musicorum (‘Musicians’ Chapel’), which consisted, in 1634, of thirty musicians, headed by a master or his lieutenant.58 In 1714, they would be reduced to sixteen, but the same endowment was maintained for salaries. At that time, they were made up as follows: master of the chapel, organist, first and second sopranos, contraltos, basses, and tenors, three violinists, as well as archlute, violetta (‘viola’), and viola grossa (‘cello’) players.59 Finally, in the 1640s, there was a new campaign of renovation and construction. In addition to new silver furnishings, a specific Viceroy’s Chapel was built in the northern nave, which was painted by Pietro Novelli with scenes from the lives of Saint Francis and Saint Anthony. The Chapel no longer exists, although the paintings have been preserved, as has the internal balcony of the church, which was built in the northern wall of the central nave in the same period.60 It is worth mentioning that, at the same time, this investment of financial resources in the ‘sacred display’ of royal dignity also affected the Royal Chapel in Naples, whose costs increased from 1297 in 1591 to 6,213 Neapolitan ducati in 1610, by which time a new Royal Chapel seems to have been built. Furthermore,

54 Since 1614, a salary of 220 scudi was assigned to the master of ceremonies, paid out of the revenues from vacant sees, as the Chapel staff were: Notitia, pp. 19, 37-38. The only instance of a master of ceremonies that I have been able to find so far is that of Pedro Hezquerra de Rozas, nephew of a regent of the Council of Italy. In 1662, he was also proposed, albeit without success, as precentor by the Viceroy, the Count of Ayala (1659-62). Hezquerra had already been chaplain in the Royal Chapel in Naples: AHN, Estado, bundle 2178, learned opinion of the Council of Italy (Madrid, 16 December 1665). 55 Enrico Mazzarese Fardella, Laura Fatta Del Bosco, and Costanza Barile Piaggia, eds, Ceremoniale de’ Signori viceré (1584-1668) (Palermo: Società Siciliana per la Storia Patria, 1976), p. 78. 56 Bireley, The Refashioning of Catholicism, pp. 107-09. 57 AGS, SP, book 776, fols 95r-97r, learned opinion of the Council of Italy (15 September 1620). 58 Notitia, p. 22. 59 Notitia, pp. 35-38. 60 Aurigemma, ‘Palinsesto Palatina’, pp. 215-16, who also mentions two maps of the Palatine Chapel dated 1754, which are preserved in its archive, pp. 217-18.

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although, in the same year, the Viceroy of Naples, Count of Lemos (1608-16) ‘suggested a reform that would save the royal treasury about 1500 ducati a year’, the costs increased further, to 8,000 ducati in 1612. The personnel at that time consisted of thirteen people: the Precentor or Dean of the Chapel, one master of the chapel, one senior sacristan with two assistants, two deacons, and six chaplains ‘who celebrated daily masses in honour of Philip III’.61 This increase in the number of staff attached to the Royal Chapels of Sicily and Naples, as well as the one in Madrid, was, without a doubt, the result of the new needs created by the ceremonial impetus associated with the Blessed Sacrament and the Forty Hours,62 as well, of course, as the increased importance of the viceregal courts of the Spanish Monarchy in the first decades of the seventeenth century.63

Jurisdictional Conflicts Predictably, the reorganization of the Palatine Chapel at the beginning of the 1580s led to jurisdictional conflict. This concerned the exemption of its canons and clerics from the jurisdiction of the Head Chaplain of the Kingdom of Sicily (not to be confused with the Precentor of the Palatine Chapel), as well as the Archbishop of Palermo. Indeed, between 1584 and 1585, the Head Chaplain attempted to re-establish original and exclusive jurisdiction of his office over the Palatine Chapel. This jurisdiction formally dated back to its foundation in 1132, although it was only consecrated in 1140 and the first Head Chaplain was appointed by King Roger II (1130-54) in 1148. At that time, his role appeared to be that of the king’s personal chaplain and confessor, responsible for the celebration of divine worship in the mentioned Chapel. The Church of Saint Peter’s dependence on the Head Chaplain’s jurisdiction, however, was not formally established, so that, in 1206, he received the title of prelate of a casale (small town) and its church as his own see; until that time, in fact, he had not been appointed to any church. The casale was Santa Lucia, a long way from Palermo in the territory around the city of Milazzo, in north-eastern Sicily. From 1458, the Head Chaplain assumed the title of abbot, whose spiritual and temporal jurisdiction in the first half of the following century extended to the clergy of the whole territory of Santa Lucia. In the

61 Sabina de Cavi, Architecture and Royal Presence. Domenico and Giulio Cesare Fontana in Spanish Naples (1592-1627) (Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2009), 236-45 (quotation on p. 243); Domenico Antonio D’Alessandro, ‘Giovanni de Macque e i musici della Real Cappella napoletana. Nuovi documenti, precisazioni biografiche e una fonte musicale ritrovata’, in La musica del Principe. Studi e prospettive per Carlo Gesualdo, ed. by Luisa Curinga (Lucca: Libreria Musicale Italiana, 2008), 21-156 (p. 57). 62 See the chapter by Martínez Millán in this volume. 63 Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, ‘Una monarquía de casas reales y cortes virreinales’, in Martínez Millán and Visceglia, La monarquía de Felipe III, IV, pp. 31-60.

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Braccio Ecclesiastico (Ecclesiastical Chamber) of the Sicilian Parliament, the abbot of Santa Lucia had a seat behind the bishops.64 At the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Holy See granted him the episcopal insignia, as ordinary prelate, and his prerogatives were equivalent to those enjoyed by Head Chaplains in the Habsburg Netherlands, Spain, and Naples.65 From the 1580s, the abbot had the obligation of residence, as the bishops had after the Council of Trent.66 It is likely that this strengthening of the abbot’s power led to the recovery of theHead Chaplain’s office in the Royal Chapel of Saint Peter, which was his ancient prerogative. After receiving approval for his authority from the Viceroy, and hence the Palatine canons, as ordinary judge of the same Royal Chapel, he established his court, officials, and lieutenant. The agreement with the canons quickly came to an end because they later changed their mind, recused him and placed themselves under the jurisdiction of the Judge of the Regia Monarchia, as had previously been the case between 1579 and 1581.67 Indeed, in October 1585, the same judge defended the canons in a lawsuit with the Chapter of the Cathedral of Palermo over liturgical precedence, ordering that both should walk at the same pace in processions.68 Just a few months before, Cesare Marullo, Archbishop of Palermo, had caused an incident with much wider repercussions. He had demanded that both canons and correndati of the chapel should be subordinate to him in public processions, and even tried to subject the same Royal Chapel of Saint Peter to episcopal visitation.69 He went as far as suspending them from celebrating mass outside the Chapel and from administering the sacrament of penance, although he had already approved them as confessors. On that occasion, not only did Pope Gregory XIII (1572-85) intervene by granting the latter privilege to the altar of Saint Mary of Graces (April 1584), but also the Roman Congregation of Rites decreed that they should not be prevented from celebrating mass and hearing confession (October 1584).70 A few years later, in 1589, the Head Chaplain again attempted to subject Palatine canons to his jurisdiction, but on that occasion he was even prevented from doing so by Manuel Quero Turillo, the Judge of the Regia Monarchia, who, the following year, subjected the Royal Chapel to a visitation and

64 Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, II, p. 1351r. 65 Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, II, p. 1350r. 66 Giovan Giuseppe Mellusi, ‘Messina-Lipari-Santa Lucia del Mela’, in Storia delle Chiese di Sicilia, 463-525 (pp. 491, 496). For the Trent debate on the obligation of residence, see O’ Malley, Trent. What Happened at the Council, pp. 100, 112-13, 116-18, 146, 179-81, 199-200, 217-19. 67 Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, II, pp. 1346v-1351v (quotations on pp. 1348v-1349r, and 1350r). 68 On earlier controversies between the two chapters, see Scalisi, Il controllo del sacro, p. 123. 69 Marullo’s claims can be explained by the fact that, from 1582 onwards, the role of collating benefices for Palatine canons and clerics had being granted by the Archbishop of Palermo: Notitia, p. 21. 70 Garofalo, Tabularium Regiae, p. 214

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published its statutes.71 The Head Chaplain´s failed attempts to subordinate the Chapel showed that, apart from the permanent exercise of jurisdiction over the territory of Santa Lucia, his prerogatives were of an occasional nature, that is, limited in time and space to ceremonies that took place in the viceroy’s presence and the sacred places where they were celebrated, respectively. Only occasionally did these sacred places take on the dignity of a Royal Chapel, as was explicitly stated by Rodrigo de Mendoza, the Viceroy Duke of the Infantado (1651-55) in 1655.72 Nevertheless, the controversy between Palatine and Cathedral Chapters over liturgical precedence lasted at least until the 1630s, despite reaching a partial agreement in 1593.73 In 1613, on the occasion of the solemn procession of thanksgiving for the capture of seven Turkish galleys during the famous Battle of Cape Corvo, Archbishop Doria had placed the canons and precentor of the Palatine Chapel in a position of equality with their counterparts in the cathedral, which met with great opposition from the latter and was not respected.74 From 1634, the Royal Palatine Chapter stopped joining the procession for the Feast of the Assumption of Mary (15 August). On that occasion, the casus belli was Cardinal Doria’s opposition to the Palatine canons’ use of the same liturgical vestments and insignia as his own Cathedral Chapter, namely, the mozzetta (short cape), rochet, and mazza or clava honorifica (‘ceremonial mace’). These had been granted to the Chapter of Palermo Cathedral by Paul V in June 1610 at the request of Doria himself, who had taken possession of the diocese a few months earlier.75 In June 1633, however, Pope Urban VIII granted the 71 Notitia, p. 21. Another royal visitation took place in 1599 (p. 18). 72 Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, II, p. 1350r: ‘any Church or place, where His Excellency [the Viceroy] holds public celebrations, is considered the Royal Chapel; and [the Viceroy] agrees that Your Lordship [the High Chaplain] should enjoy all preeminence as well as prerogatives that therefore belong to him)’: Viceroy Infantado’s chirograph, 1 September 1655. The actual jurisdiction of the High Chaplain and/or ministers of the Palatine Chapel over the clergy and soldiers operating in the main Sicilian cities in castles, forts, military hospitals, churches and other Royal Chapels (such as those of Messina and Catania), requires further investigation: Burgarella, ‘L’Archivio della Cappella Palatina di Palermo’, pp. 98-99. The Head Chaplain’s ceremonial and jurisdictional prerogatives in Naples were much wider than in Palermo (including officiating all religious ceremonies in Royal Chapel, granting the royal exequatur, control over the ecclesiastical benefices of royal patronage, as well as book production and circulation, prefecture of the University of Naples and precedence in religious ceremonies), and were less disputed by other secular and ecclesiastical authorities in the kingdom: Valeria Cocozza, ‘“Hombres de pecho y inteligencia en negocio de estado”: il cappellano maggiore di Napoli tra Cinque e Seicento’, Dimensioni e problemi delle ricerca storica, 2 (2015), 145-65 (pp. 147-52), and ‘Il cappellano maggiore di Napoli dentro e fuori il Palazzo: tempi, spazi e modi del cerimoniale (secoli XVI-XVII)’, in Capitali senza re nella Monarchia spagnola. Identità, relazioni, immagini (secc. XVI-XVIII), ed. by Rossella Cancila, Quaderni di Mediterranea-ricerche storiche, 36, 2 vols (Palermo: Associazione Mediterranea, 2020), II, pp. 449-69. 73 Scalisi, Il controllo del sacro, p. 124. 74 Notitia, p. 19. 75 Notitia, pp. 21-22; Pirri, Sicilia Sacra, I, pp. 223-24.

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same privilege to the precentor and canons of the Palatine Chapel. It was no coincidence that the event had been celebrated with a solemn mass presided over by the Judge of the Regia Monarchia, Pedro de Neyla, in the presence of the Viceroy, the Duke of Alcalá,76 which badly affected Cardinal Doria’s jurisdictional territorialism. The lawsuit over precedence between the two Chapters was, however, only the superficial expression of a deeper conflict, which once again concerned jurisdiction over the canons of the Palatine Chapel. Another controversy had broken out during the summer of 1633, when Archbishop Doria, with the Viceroy’s permission, had arrested a priest accused of producing and selling poisoned water, a crime that had caused many victims in the city.77 It was discovered soon after that the prisoner was a canon in the Palatine Chapel by the name of Antonio Rossi.78 Consequently, the Viceroy asked Doria to refer the accused to the Judge of the Regia Monarchia, Pedro de Neyla, who, as President of this court, was the judge of first instance responsible for cases involving exempted clerics and was claiming jurisdiction over Rossi. However, once again, Doria displayed a very possessive attitude towards his jurisdiction, – as he often did in a number of conflicts that arose in the course of his term as Archbishop, both with the Court of the Regia Monarchia and the Spanish Holy Office – and only decided to release Rossi after the Viceroy had repeatedly insisted on it.79 Doria did not, however, hand him over to his rival, Neyla, with whom he had a very poor relationship and made Rossi embark overnight for Naples after threatening him, saying that if he arrested the canon again, he would let him die in prison. Doria justified his behaviour to the King and Viceroy on the basis of a list of jurisdictional precedents, so-called actos positivos (positive proceedings) that had been used by the Episcopal Court of Palermo since the 1580s. In Doria’s opinion, they included some well-known cases, in which offenders belonging to the same Palatine Chapel had been tortured on the rack. Even the Palatine Precentor, don Agostino Basilio, had been imprisoned in episcopal prisons more than once, and for lengthy periods. On another occasion, the Viceroy, the Duke of Feria (1602-06) had handed 76 Notitia, pp. 25-28. Since then Palatine correndati and deacons of the Chapel have worn the vestment of the former canons, that is to say, the black amice. 77 Giovanna Fiume, Mariti e pidocchi. Storia di un processo e di un aceto miracoloso (Rome: XL edizioni, 2008), pp. 168-71. 78 In 1606 he was Palatine deacon and had been appointed as canon in 1619, when he was holding the position of master of the school in the same Palatine Chapel (AGS, SP, book 776, fol. 54r-v, learned opinion of the Council of Italy (Madrid, 14 September 1619); book 777, fols 57r-58v, learned opinion of the Council of Italy (Valladolid, 18 July 1603). 79 Fabrizio D’Avenia, ‘Political Appointment and Tridentine Reforms: Giannettino Doria, Cardinal Archbishop of Palermo (1608-1642)’, in The Council of Trent: Reform and Controversy in Europe and Beyond (1545-1700), ed. by Wim François and Violet Soen, 4 vols (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2018), II, 297-320 (pp. 309-14); D’Avenia, La Chiesa del re, pp. 132-42.

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over a correndato, found by secular justice officials at a woman’s house and in possession of weapons, to the Archbishop of Palermo. Doria himself, with Neyla’s help even, had tried another canon who had been accused of rape. In conclusion, as Doria declared, there had been no real consequences when the judges of the Regia Monarchia had tried to inhibit the judicial initiative of the Archbishop of Palermo. In Neyla’s view, the issue was clearly very different: canons and other ministers of the Palatine Chapel had always been tried by the High Chaplain, the Palatine precentor, or, from 1579 onwards, by the Judge of the Regia Monarchia after appearing before the court of ordinary jurisdiction.80 Such jurisdiction covered not only crimes committed within the Palatine Chapel as an exempt place, but also civil and criminal cases in which its members were involved as defendants. More generally, Neyla claimed that jurisdiction over the Chapel was based on the privilege of Apostolic authority granted at the time of its foundation, which was similar to that enjoyed by rulers of other Royal Chapels in Spain, Portugal, and Naples. Furthermore, on eight occasions between 1582 and 1615, the Judge of the Regia Monarchia had disputed claims made by the Archbishop of Palermo of abuses of Palatine jurisdiction to the effect that he [the Archbishop] had never been allowed to visit the Palatine Chapel. Neyla challenged the most recent cases in particular, which occurred when Cardinal Doria was simultaneously Archbishop and President of the Kingdom (interim Viceroy), and held the interim office of Judge of the Regia Monarchia, because it was vacant at that time. The Viceroy, the Duke of Alcalá, though convinced of the exemption status of the Palatine Chapel, did everything to prevent the controversy from escalating, particularly because he was concerned about the possible reaction of Doria who was ‘a man with a very personal attitude towards these issues’.81 In May 1634, Philip IV himself recommended his representative in Sicily to get things settled in order to prevent a rupture. The silence in the documentation about the conclusion of the controversy suggests that the Cardinal’s will prevailed. And in fact, a few months later, as we have already seen, Doria did not miss the opportunity to assert his superiority over the Palatine Chapter once again, by effectively excluding it from one of the most important religious processions in the city. Not surprisingly, after his death in 1642, there were no further significant jurisdictional conflicts between the archbishop of Palermo and the canons of the Palatine Chapel. This confirms how much the idea of precedence of one ecclesiastical jurisdiction over

80 D’Avenia, La Chiesa del re, p. 26. 81 AGS, SP, bundle 1510, Competencia entre el Cardenal D’oria y juez de la Monarchia sobre quien ha de conocer de un canonigo Don Antonio Rossi de la Capilla de S. Pedro del Palacio de Palermo que se halló culpado en el delicto del agua avenenada. Adviertese que ay un libro con la scri[p]tura embió el Cardenal allegando en su favor.

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another depended mainly on the prestige, skills, and political ties of those who presided over each jurisdiction.

Palatine Careers and Royal Piety Nevertheless, the controversies between the High Chaplains, judges of the Regia Monarchia and the Archbishops of Palermo concerning jurisdiction over the Palatine canons never had a definitive outcome. This was probably why, little by little, the figure of the precentor gained in importance. In 1634, Pirri described him as the first dignity of the Church, presiding over all, and responsible for the cure of souls.82 Sometimes he played a leading role in liturgical celebrations in the viceroy’s presence, the so-called ‘Royal Chapels’, as happened in 1604 and 1606 for the Imposition of Ashes, and in 1644 for Candlemas celebrations (2 February).83 On the other hand, solemn mass in the Palatine Chapel was normally celebrated by the Judge of the Regia Monarchia, while the viceroy was seated on the throne against the west wall or near the altar.84 Between 1589 and 1713, nine precentors were appointed, six of whom were Sicilians, one Calabrian and two Spaniards, although one of the latter had been born in Palermo. A position such as this in their cursus honorum was the pinnacle of a career that had begun, in most cases, as chaplain, preacher or minister at the Spanish Royal Court in Madrid, and continued as canon in Sicily (Table 2).85

82 Notitia, p. 22. 83 Ceremoniale de’ Signori viceré, pp. 40, 43, 163; Aurigemma, ‘Palinsesto Palatina’, pp. 214-15 reports many more examples and quotations from the same Ceremoniale, which are related to both the Viceroy and Vicereine’s active participation in sacred rites celebrated inside the Chapel. For the interpretation of the Viceroy’s ceremonial in Sicily, see Francesco Benigno, ‘Leggere il cerimoniale nella Sicilia spagnola’, Mediterranea-ricerche storiche, 12 (2008), pp. 133-48, and L’isola dei viceré. Potere e conflitto nella Sicilia spagnola (sec. XVI– XVIII) (Palermo: Palermo University Press, 2017), pp. 83-103; Nicoletta Bazzano, Palermo fastosissima. Cerimonie cittadine in età spagnola (Palermo: Palermo University Press, 2016). For Naples, see also Dinko Fabris, ‘La Capilla Real en las etiquetas de la corte virreinal de Nápoles durante el siglo XVII’, in La Capilla Real de los Austrias. Música y ritual de corte en la Europa moderna, ed. by Juan José Carreras Ares and Bernardo José García García (Madrid: Fundación Carlos de Amberes, 2001), pp. 235-50. 84 Examples of such occasions were when Saint Rosalia’s relics were brought to the Royal Palace during the famous plague (March 1624), on the occasion of the Viceroy, the Marquis of Távara’s (1627-40) novendial (April 1627), the Forty Hours celebration (February 1631), and the Octave of the Immaculate Conception (December 1641): Ceremoniale de’ Signori viceré, pp. 82-83, 113, 124, 159. 85 José Eloy Hortal, ‘Religión, política y sociedad: el personal religioso de los Sitios Reales en los territorios de la Monarquía Hispana durante el siglo XVII’, in La Iglesia en Palacio. Los eclesiásticos en las cortes hispánicas (siglos XVI–XVII), ed. by Rafael Valladares (Rome: Viella,

t h e d i s p l ay o f royal eccle si ast i cal pow e r Table 2:  Precentors of the Palatine Chapel of Palermo and their Previous Offices (1589-1713)

1

Gerolamo Pitigliano

Sic

1589

rc

2

Guglielmo Cantabene

Sic

1592-98

can (Palermo)

3

Agostino Basilio

Cal

1599-1626

Minister at the Hospital of the Italians (Madrid)

4

Filippo Barresi, std

Sic

1626-34

Preacher at Royal Court (Madrid)

5

Luis A. de los Cameros

Spa

1635-45

Master of ceremonies to the Viceroy, Vicar-General in Monreale

6

Antonino Collurafi, std

Sic

1646-55†

Royal historiographer, Count Palatine

7

Fernando del Castillo

Sic

1655-62†

Oratorian priest, rc

8

Angelo de Grazia

Sic

1662-65†

rc, can (Palermo)

9

Juan Quingles, uid

Spa

1666-1713†

rc, can and treasurer (Agrigento)

std = Sacre Teologiae Doctor; uid = Utriusque Iuris Doctor Sic = Sicilian; Cal = Calabrian; Spa = Spaniard rc = Royal Chaplain; can = Canon (Cathedral of)

The only exception to this was the career of Luis Alfonso de los Cameros. Before being appointed Precentor in 1636, he had held the positions of Master of Ceremonies to the Viceroy Alcalá, and Vicar General in the vacant diocese of Monreale. It was no coincidence that he was appointed principal Palatine dignity in the immediate aftermath of the lawsuit with Cardinal Doria. Indeed, in September 1634, Viceroy Alcalá had recommended Cameros to the Council of Italy for this position precisely because he was an expert in civil and criminal law and had given great satisfaction as Vicar-General of Monreale. He had also successfully held other offices in Sicily and Naples, and the Viceroy judged him to be completely suited to that Chapel, which at that moment needed to be organized and protected.86 Shortly afterwards, Cameros was also appointed as Judge of the Regia Monarchia (1635-39) and inevitably became involved in harsh jurisdictional disputes with Archbishop Doria, to such a point that he was forced to leave Sicily. When he returned, he was also appointed as Inquisitor in the Sicilian Tribunal of the Holy Office, thus reinforcing his position as Precentor. He renounced the latter in 1645,

2019), 75-91 (p. 87). Other Palatine clerics, from chaplain to canon (see Table I), frequently spent their entire careers on the same staff, like the previously mentioned Antonio Rossi. 86 AHN, Estado, bundle 2183, learned opinion of the Council of Italy (7 April 1636).

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when he was again appointed as Judge of the Regia Monarchia, a position that he held until 1653.87 His successor as Precentor was the Sicilian, Antonino Collurafi (1646-55), a famous Royal Historiographer (like Pirri) and already Professor of Rhetoric in Venice. In the opinion of the Council of Italy, however, he spent most of his time writing works of history, which was the reason why he neglected the dignity of Precentor.88 As a result, the same Council in 1655 reaffirmed the Precentor’s prerogatives and then also insisted on the consequent obligation of residence to which Collurafi was bound.89 As the Council pointed out again in 1665, prelates who were candidates for this position would have had the virtues, authority, age and financial resources that are required for governing an ecclesiastical chapter. Due to that, the Council has always considered […] this Dignity as free choice, in order to allow Your Majesty to appoint who he wants, without adhering to the alternative.90 The fact that the Council stressed that this privilege did not apply to the dignity of Palatine Precentor confirmed the importance of this position in the eyes of the Spanish Crown. Indeed, this exemption had already been granted to the two richest Sicilian archbishoprics of Monreale and Palermo, which were of greater political weight because they were closer to the viceregal court, and had been excluded from the Alternative in 1540 and 1655 respectively.91 The last precentor of the Palatine Chapel in the seventeenth century was the Spaniard Juan Quingles, appointed in 1666. Although he was born in Sicily, he was by origin a Spaniard on his father’s side, as established by law. His father Francisco was in fact a Catalan and had moved to Sicily, where he

87 His brilliant career would continue as Bishop of Patti (1654-56), then Inquisitor again (1657), Archbishop of Monreale (1656-68) and finally Archbishop of Valencia (1668-76). He had a key role during the revolt in Palermo in 1647: Daniele Palermo, ‘Sicilia 1647. Voci, esempi, modelli di rivolta’, Quaderni of Mediterranea-ricerche storiche, 9 (Palermo: Associazione Mediterranea, 2009), pp. 55-86, and ‘Sicilia in crisi: rivolte e conflitti nel 1647’, in La corte de Felipe IV (1621-1665): Reconfiguracion de la Monarquia catolica (Madrid: Polifemo, 2018), IV, Cortes virreinales y Gobernaciones italianas, ed. by José Martínez Millán, Rubén González Cuerva and Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, 4 vols., III, pp. 1603-55. See as well the chapter by Callado Estela in this volume. 88 The reference is very likely to his Le tumultuazioni della plebe di Palermo (Palermo: no publisher, 1651, repr. Palermo: La bottega di Hefesto, 1985) on the famous revolt of 1647. On this work, see Palermo, Sicilia 1647, pp. 69-85, 113-15, 322-24. On Collurafi, see Gino Benzoni, ‘Collurafi, Antonino’, Dizionario Biografico degli Italiani, 27 (1982), pp. 91-94, and Lina Scalisi, ‘Il “Dapifero” di Antonio Collurafi. Storia di un’opera perduta’, Mediterranea-ricerche storiche, 40 (2017), pp. 295-314. 89 AHN, Estado, bundle 2183, learned opinion of the Council of Italy (6 November 1655). 90 AHN, Estado, bundle 2183, learned opinion of the Council of Italy (16 December 1665). 91 To compensate Sicilian ecclesiastics for this exclusion, they were given the appointment of the Bishoprics of Patti and Mazara, which were, by contrast, the smallest in the Kingdom: AHN, Estado, bundle 2169 learned opinion of the Council of Italy (Madrid, 22 November 1694); see also D’Avenia, La Chiesa del re, pp. 74-75.

t h e d i s p l ay o f royal eccle si ast i cal pow e r

was Secretary to Viceroy Sermoneta (1663-67). In 1691, Precentor Quingles was appointed Judge of the Regia Monarchia, holding this post until 1695. As in the case of Luis Alfonso de los Cameros, this was clearly a way to give greater prestige and jurisdictional power, in other words, political weight, to the principal (and only) dignity of the Palatine Chapel. Indeed, the solution for counteracting negative effects arising from overlapping and competing jurisdictions was to concentrate more powers in the same person. In 1685, when Viceroy Benavides (1678-87) was giving instructions for the regulation of the music in the Palatine Chapel, he deliberately stressed that jurisdictional rivalries could threaten divine worship. He wrote that the decorum and light of such worship should be achieved: with greater advantage than that practised in the Cathedral of this City [Palermo] and the other main Churches, where order and rule is observed by the faithful flock with so much devotion; for this reason, the attention needed in the Royal Chapel is of greater weight because of the quality of such a majestic temple […] for the greater service of God and performance of His Majesty’s Royal piety.92 The grandeur of Royal Piety officiated within the Palatine Chapel was therefore close to the King’s and Viceroy’s hearts and was the reason for such an enormous investment in the Palatine Chapel in terms of human, financial and jurisdictional resources since the end of the sixteenth century. Like the Royal Chapel in the Alcázar of Madrid and the new Royal Palace in Naples, the Palatine Chapel was also situated inside the main part of the Royal Palace and could therefore be described, physically and metaphorically, as ‘the heart of the large body and machine of such a sumptuous building’.93

92 Garofalo, Tabularium Regiae, pp. 244-45, Regulae a Musicis observandae in Regia Capella ab Eminentia Sua transmissae Judici Regiae Monarchiae (Palermo, 13 November 1685). 93 Manuel Ribeiro, Breve descripción de la Real Capilla de Madrid y de las ceremonias que en ella se exerçen (1640). The manuscript is quoted in Antonio Álvarez-Ossorio Alvariño, ‘Ceremonial de la Majestad y protesta aristocrática. La Capilla Real en la corte de Carlos II’, in La Capilla Real de los Austrias, pp. 345-46; Sabina de Cavi, Architecture and Royal Presence, p. 241; Aurigemma, ‘Palinsesto Palatina’, p. 211.

95

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Fig. 2.1.  Jean Andrieu, View of the Royal Palace in Palermo, c. 1862-76 photography. Courtesy of Rijskmuseum, Amsterdam (http://hdl.handle.net/10934/RM0001. COLLECT.262697).

t h e d i s p l ay o f royal eccle si ast i cal pow e r

Fig. 2.2.  Giovanni Vicenzo Casale, Front of the Royal Chapel of the Viceroyal Palace of Naples. 1575 engraving. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España.

97

Ignasi F ernánde z Te rricabras 

No King for a Palace Royal Palaces and Chapels in Barcelona in the Seventeenth Century*

The Spanish Monarchy was, as we say, a composite monarchy, formed by the joining of numerous territories under the sceptre of a single monarch. He was king of all and each of those kingdoms, as if in theory he ruled them separately. For that reason, he kept royal palaces and symbols of his power in each. But since Philip II established the Court permanently in Madrid in 1561 and abandoned the itinerant nature of the past, the royal palaces distributed around the realms lost their main attribute: to serve as homes for the King and his family. Nevertheless, they maintained important symbolic roles. Some became residences of the viceroys, who were transformed into the Alter Nos of the absent king.1 Others remaining empty, were both silent witnesses to a distant monarch and at the same time symbols of a power, which his subjects sensed as closer and more demanding each day. For this reason, the royal palaces were kept up, sometimes even embellished, pointlessly waiting for the day when they would once again accommodate the monarch and regain their former splendour. The Crown of Aragon was also in itself a composite monarchy, made up of five kingdoms: the three easternmost territories of the Iberian Peninsula (Aragon, Catalonia, and Valencia) and two Mediterranean archipelagos (Majorca and Sardinia).2 Each of these kingdoms retained its own laws and





* The reader will have noticed that the title of this article is a humble tribute to the work of professors John Elliott and Jonathan Brown, A palace for a King. The Buen Retiro and the Court of Philippe IV (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2004). 1 On the definition of the Spanish Monarchy as a ‘Viceroyal Monarchy’, see Pedro Cardim and Joan-Lluís Palos (eds), El mundo de los virreyes en las monarquías de España y Portugal (Madrid: Iberoamericana-Vervuert, 2012), and Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, La edad de oro de los virreyes. El virreinato en la Monarquía Hispánica durante los siglos XVI y XVII (Madrid: Akal, 2011). 2 Actually, Catalonia was not known as a Kingdom, but a ‘Principality’, although it had all the political characteristics of one more Kingdom. On these political language problems, see Cristian Palomo Reina, ‘Identitat i vocabulari polítics a Catalunya durant la Guerra de Successió’ (unpublished doctoral tesis, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2018) and Cristian Palomo Reina, ‘Noves perspectives per a una qüestió no resolta: per què Catalunya fou un principat i no un regne’, Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 50-1 (2020), pp. 323-52. Ignasi Fernández Terricabras • Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 99-115.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123283

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i gn a s i f e r n án d e z t e r r i c ab r as

institutions, and among them were borders and customs.3 From the point of view of the Monarchy, two characteristics stood out in the Crown of Aragon that clearly distinguished it from the Crown of Castile. First, it never had a clearly defined capital of the whole Crown, but a single capital for each kingdom. So, the king kept several royal palaces, and often possessed more than one in each kingdom. Second, the monarch’s power was offset by that of the regional institutions. The king could not impose neither new laws nor new taxes without the consent of the Cortes [regional parliament] of each territory, which embodied the political essence of the kingdom. In the Crown of Aragon, Catalonia was a strategically important territory due to its proximity to France, the traditional enemy, and due to its status as a fundamental stage on the ‘Spanish Road’: many of the money and soldiers directed to the Netherlands or Italy left the Iberian Peninsula through the port of Barcelona.4 However, the king’s advisers considered Catalonia a distrustful and haughty territory, always prone to put constitutional obstacles to the monarch’s decisions. Catalonia had experienced its times of splendor during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when it had financed and led the expansion of the Crown to the south (conquest of Valencia) and the east (conquest of the Balearic Islands, Sardinia and Sicily). The Catalan consulates throughout the Mediterranean offered to the prosperous merchants of Barcelona a network of contacts and businesses. Between 1311 and 1391 the King of Aragon was even the sovereign of Athens and Neopatria, in the heart of the Byzantine Empire. But the crisis of the second half of the fourteenth century hit the Catalan economy and demography hard, which would take practically two centuries to recover. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, that splendor, proudly reminded by Catalan historians, was only a memory for a Catalan society divided into factions and ravaged by banditry. The Catalan nobility, impoverished compared to the Castilian, did not benefit from the imperial Spanish policy and the once flourishing Barcelona trade was far from the main mercantile routes, those of the Atlantic Ocean. In Catalonia, since 1359, the Catalan Cortes had created a permanent commission, called Diputació del General or Generalitat, which was in charge of collecting the taxes that the Cortes granted to the king. But it also had to monitor that the monarch’s officers scrupulously respected the Catalan laws that limited the exercise of the royal power. The Generalitat was made up of three deputies and three advisers, one for each estate with representation in Cortes : the clergy, the nobility and the ruling classes of the main cities, including the capital, Barcelona. Thus, the Generalitat often complained



3 John H. Elliott, ‘Conferència inaugural. Catalunya dins d’una Europa de monarquies compostes’, Pedralbes. Revista d’Història Moderna, 13 (1993), pp. 11-23. 4 Geoffrey Parker, The Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road, 1567-1659 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008, 2nd edition).

no k i ng fo r a palace

against possible excesses of the court of judges appointed by the king, the Real Audiencia [Royal Audience], and of the Viceroy, who incarnated the authority of the monarch in Catalonia when he was not present. Both authorities, the King and the Generalitat, each had its own network of officers throughout the territory, what often led to conflicts of jurisdiction.5 The truth is that the king’s relations with his kingdom had been cooling over the years. While Charles V visited Catalonia eight times during his reign, Philip II did so only on three occasions. Philip III only visited the Principality once, in 1599, and his son, Philip IV, twice, in 1626 and 1632;6 those two were the only royal visits to Catalonia in the seventeenth century. The disastrous development of the Cortes of 1632, in which the King and the Catalan ruling classes ended up openly at odds, led, among other causes, to the Catalan revolution of 1640. Then, in the complex context of the Thirty Years’ War, the Viceroy was assassinated, and the Catalan institutions accepted the sovereignty of Louis XIII of France (1610-43).7 It was not until 1652 that the troops of Philippe IV managed to regain dominance over Barcelona. Since then, the tension remained latent, in an environment of mutual suspicion. Finally, Charles II, the last king of the Habsburg dynasty, never visited the Crown of Aragon. Perhaps for that reason, by the seventeenth century, the large network of royal palaces in Catalonia, a vestige of the medieval splendour of the counts of Barcelona, was greatly reduced: the castle of Perpignan, known as the Palace of the Kings of Majorca, became part of the military citadel; the so-called King’s Castle, in Tarragona, was also a military installation; the small royal palace housed inside the Santes Creus monastery was used by the monks as a kitchen and refectory; the Palace of Valldaura, in the Collserola mountains, which used to serve as a royal hunting pavilion, was in ruins, as was the Bellesguard tower near Barcelona,…8 But some royal palaces still remained: the two Suda castles in Tortosa and in Lérida, the small unfinished royal palace within the Poblet monastery,9 the royal palaces of Vilafranca del Penedès and Piera,… This network of Royal Sites that were totally inactive by the seventeenth century is little known. Thus, in this presentation, we will focus on the most important palaces, those of Barcelona.





5 On the Catalan legal framework, see Víctor Ferro, El Dret Públic Català. Les Institucions a Catalunya fins al Decret de Nova Planta (Vic: Eumo, 1987). 6 Alfredo Chamorro Esteban, Barcelona y el Rey. Las visitas reales de Fernando el Católico a Felipe V (Barcelona: La Tempestad, 2017). 7 John H. Elliott, The Revolt of the Catalans (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1984). 8 Anna M. Adroer i Tasis, Palaus Reials de Catalunya (Barcelona: Ed. 62, 2003). There may have been other palaces that are unknown to us. For example, Aguirre, mentions the existence of a royal palace in Berga in 1414; Domingo de Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo y su quarto nuevo de la Excelentísima Ciudad de Barcelona y de los Officios de sus Alcaydes o Concerjes (Vienna: Wosffgango Schwendimann, 1725), p. 114. 9 It appears that Philip IV planned on finishing it, though he never did (Agustí Altisent, Història de Poblet (L’Espluga de Francoli: Abadía de Poblet, 1974), p. 333).

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The Royal Palaces of Barcelona The history of Barcelona’s royal palaces can be followed thanks to a book written by Domingo de Aguirre, former law professor of the University of Barcelona and member of the Spanish Council that Emperor Charles VI (1711-40) maintained in Vienna with his exiled supporters following the Treaty of Utrecht.10 Aguirre was writing about his home, because up to the siege of 1714, he had been alcaide and conserje [governor and caretaker] of the Viceroy’s Palace (the ‘New Palace’), with the right to live there. The work was already written in 1700 but, paradoxically, he didn’t have it printed until 1725, when he was in exile in Vienna. By then, following the Nueva Planta Decree, Catalonia’s institutional system had been radically transformed and, as Aguirre said, with the natural and civil order subverted, ‘offices have died, instead of officials’.11 Aguirre, steeped in an exile’s mindset, published his treatise so that when the palace was recovered, there would be a record of its history and its rights. The Grand Royal Palace

Aguirre’s first concern was to point out that ‘the city of Barcelona is a Court’, that it was the Court of past princes, beginning with Hercules’ nephew Hispan, the mythical founder of the dynasty, and that it continued being so following the union of Aragon and Catalonia.12 According to Aguirre, the first counts of Barcelona lived in the palace situated in the Square of the King. The palaces of Valldaura and Bellesguard were located outside the city and were just places of recreation, not permanent residences. As of the fourteenth century, the Barcelona royal residence received the title of Palacio Mayor [Grand Palace], to distinguish it from the Minor Palace, which we will speak of later. Aguirre spend several pages emphasizing how the Grand Royal Palace had been favoured by God with various miracles and had become a ‘paradise on earth’,13 ‘a Heaven, with such celestial presences’,14 as the Virgin and numerous saints who had visited it. In 1486, Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’ allowed the first inquisitors sent to Barcelona to stay in the Grand Palace.15 The settlement of the Inquisition in 10 Pere Molas Ribalta, ‘Magistrats catalans a la Itàlia española’, Pedralbes. Revista d’Història Moderna, 18:2 (1998), pp. 213-20; Agustí Alcoberro, L’exili austriacista (1713-1747) (Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 2002). On Aguirre as judge of the Royal Audience, see Miquel Àngel Martínez Rodríguez, Els magistrats de la Reial Audiencia a la segona meitat del segle XVII (Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 2006). 11 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, prologue. The copy held by the BNE can be consulted at http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000050606&page=1 [accessed March 7, 2018]. 12 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 20. 13 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 37. 14 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, dedication. 15 In his seal of approval of Manuel Mariano Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, la mayor y más principal de los Reynos de la Corona de Aragón (Barcelona: Jaime Surià, 1698), Aguirre says

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the same seat of the royal power is part of a deliberate and active ‘policy of presence’ in the heart of the Catalan society that the Holy Office will develop throughout its existence.16 Aguirre insists that the Inquisition did not acquire ownership of the building, that it always belonged to the king. Although the Grand Palace became the seat of the Holy Office, it maintained its ties to the throne: the Royal Audience and the Tribunal del Maestre Racional [Court of the Master Bookkeeper] in charge of royal finances in Catalonia, met there; it housed the Royal Chapel and the Royal Archives, which ‘are the Main Archives of the Crown of Aragon and one of the most important in the whole world’.17 In fact, the 1542 Monzón Cortes ordered the construction of two halls in the Grand Palace for meetings of the Royal Audience. The job was finished in 1547, but as the judges of the Court were still not using the space, the order was repeated by the Cortes that year, and was finally obeyed. Another of Aguirre’s concerns was to make clear that although the King did not live there, it was still a royal palace, as ‘it is sufficient that [the residence] be established or intended for that purpose’.18 It is for that reason that all the residences located in different towns and kingdoms were considered Royal Sites if they belonged to the Crown and their purpose was to accommodate the Prince. Stewardship of the Grand Palace was entrusted to a obrero [master of works] and a guarda or castellano [guardian or castellan]. The master of works’ job was to defend the palace from ‘the ravages of Time’, inform the king of necessary works and repairs, and oversee their implementation. Meanwhile, the guardian defended the palace from ‘the ravages of men’.19 When the King was in residence, the guardian would be called the castellan. Also, if it was necessary to carry out any construction work in the palace, an ‘expert in architecture’ was named, who would be the maestro mayor [main master] overseeing the project.20 Thanks to Aguirre’s skilled research in the royal archives, we can trace the list of grand palace masters of works in the early modern age.21 In 1419, King Alfonso V ‘the Magnanimous’ (1416-58) had entrusted merchant Jaime Salas and his heirs with the post so that with his salary he could recover amounts he had given to the King. Among his successors was Dr. Juan Pascual, a royal judge, who was confirmed in the post by the Tribunal de Greuges [Complaints’ it was in 1487. The King also arranged for the Aljafería royal palace, in Saragossa, to be used as Inquisition headquarters ( José Ignacio Gómez Zorraquino, Patronazgo y clientelismo. Instituciones y ministros reales en el Aragón de los siglos XVI y XVII (Saragossa: Universidad de Zaragoza, 2016), p. 162). 16 Doris Moreno, ‘Creure i viure a la Barcelona Moderna a través de les fonts inquisitorials’, Pedralbes. Revista d’Història Moderna, 39 (2019), pp. 219-61. 17 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 41. 18 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 45. This is a leitmotif throughout the book. Just once does Aguirre admit that offices in a palace where the monarch is not residing ‘always lack the honor that emanates from the Royal presence’, p. 238. 19 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 97. 20 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 104. 21 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, pp. 106-11.

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Tribunal] in the Cortes of Barcelona in 1503 and by King Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’ in 1510. In two wills, dated 1535 and 1539, Pascual named as his heir his nephew Lorenzo Calça, who in 1548 gave the job to the historian Francisco Calça, knight and ciutadà [citizen] of Barcelona.22 He, in turn, passed it on to Don Enrique Blanes i de Centelles and to the administrators of Barcelona’s Santa Creu General Hospital. A lawsuit between these two parties was settled in 1604 and the hospital administrators handed over their rights to Enrique Blanes in exchange for 1,000 Barcelona pounds. In his own will, in 1614, Blanes bequeathed the office of master of works to the hospital administrators, who served as such for the rest of the seventeenth century. Starting in the fifteenth century, master of works’ salary came from revenues from various royal officials in Barcelona who were supposed to transfer part of their earnings to them. However periodically, the master bookkeeper had to remind them of their obligation to pay. In the seventeenth century, hospital administrators had to continually demand the revenues assigned by the King in 1419. There was a particularly fierce and expensive lawsuit with the Barcelona sots-veguer [jurisdictional royal official], in 1658, which they won only in 1661. From those monies, they took the equivalent of the master of works’ salary (61 pounds and 10 salaries) and with the rest, paid for work carried out in the palace. Fed up with having to litigate against the royal officials for such slim proceeds, hospital administrators stopped carrying out their duties as masters of works in the Grand Palace. Then the Barcelona inquisitors, who, as occupiers of the palace were the ones who required the refurbishment and maintenance undertaken there, began imposing ecclesiastical penalties against royal officials who did not pay what they owed to the Obrero Mayor [chief master of works]. The officials complained about such an unheard-of procedure: jurisdiction over Royal heritage Sites corresponded to the master bookkeeper. The King, after being consulted, determined in 1677 that the royal properties prosecutor go to the Master Bookkeeper’s Tribunal to get payment from the royal officials or their guarantors. A proceeding was commenced in that court. The royal officials argued that they needed to pay the master of works only if there was any money left over from their income after they had covered their salaries, the administrative costs of the justice system and the rights owed to the master bookkeeper. Sentence wasn’t passed until 1678, ordering the officials to pay the income owed to the palace master of works. Aguirre’s history coincides, except for some dates, with a 1677 report written during an inspection by the Council of Aragon’s regent, Lorenzo Mateu y Sanz, of all royal officials in Catalonia. The Council of the Inquisition took advantage of the opportunity to point out that the Royal Archive, located just beneath the inquisitors’ rooms, was nearly in ruins and that hospital administrators were not raising enough rents to pay for repairs. The Council

22 Xavier Baró Queralt, La historiografía catalana en el segle del barroc, 1585-1709 (Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, 2009).

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proposed that the offices of Palace chief master of works and Inquisition prosecutor be combined. The proposal’s language was dramatic: thanks to the hospital’s neglect, ‘Your Majesty’s rights are being usurped, the office of Chief Master of Works forgotten and almost abandoned … and Your Majesty’s Royal Palace is in imminent need of the said repairs’. The problem dragged on. Mateu y Sanz believed that responsibility lay with the master bookkeeper but that arrears should not be requested of the General Hospital, partly because it could not pay them and also because it would undermine the hospital’s important beneficent function. The Council of Aragon, meanwhile, argued that the Diputació del General should pay for the palace repairs. The decision was finally made by the King, to which we referred above.23 The post of guardian or caretaker of the palace had existed at least since the end of the thirteenth century. That of castellan, exclusively for when the King was in residence, was created by King Martín I ‘the Humane’ (1396-1410) in 1404. The guardian governed the palace and required the master of works and the batlle general of Catalonia, who was responsible for the economic and judicial affairs of the king’s patrimony there, to carry out necessary maintenance and construction. But from the moment when Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’ assigned the palace to the Inquisition, the services –and post– of guardian and castellan ended because it was understood that the inquisitors, as occupants of the palace, were themselves responsible for protecting it against ‘the ravages of men’.24 So master of works was the only office retained. The New Palace

As the Grand Palace was already occupied by the Inquisition and the Royal Audience, the Cortes in 1547 ordered another palace built to serve as the viceroy’s residence. Houses adjacent to the Great Hall of the Grand Royal Palace were purchased for this purpose. As the work was not yet completed in 1553, the Cortes, meeting that year in Monzón, reiterated the order, and the work was completed in 1557. Aguirre insists, with great self-interest, that strictly speaking this was not the case of building a new palace, but rather, of expanding the Grand Royal Palace which, as of 1557, was divided into two ‘quarters’. The same honours and obligations would apply to the Quarto Nuevo [New Quarters], intended for the viceroy, as to the Quarto Viejo [Old Quarters], where the Inquisition remained. It did not lose its condition of royal palace by sometimes being called the ‘New Palace’, since it hadn’t been built for the person who was viceroy but for the post, and hence, for the King. Nor was the fact that the costs of the construction had been paid by the Diputació del General an impediment to considering the palace a royal one,

23 ACA, Council of Aragon, bundle 227, num. 2. 24 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 119.

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for ‘buildings do not belong to those who pay, but to whom they are given and offered’.25 Kingdoms, according to Aguirre, were obligated to build and maintain the public works needed by their princes to exercise their jurisdiction. The presence of the Diputació’s crest above the door represented only its obligation to maintain and conserve the building. The definitive proof of the building’s status was the fact that the New Palace enjoyed legal immunity. However, although the New Palace belonged to the Crown, the Diputació was responsible for repairs, as well as any work undertaken in the halls used by the Royal Audience in the Old Quarter. For this reason, the Diputació established in 1557 the post of conserje [caretaker] for the stewardship and conservation of the New Palace, to protect it always from the ravages of time, and from the ravages of men when the Viceroy was not in residence. The caretaker was responsible for opening and closing the doors, for maintaining and cleaning the New Palace as well as the Old Palace halls occupied by the Royal Audience and the notaries, and for ‘watering the orange trees and keeping the orchard clean’.26 He had to live in the palace and was paid 50 pounds a year. In 1575 the salary was increased to 80 pounds, but his duties were expanded to include the custody of the city’s Royal Prisons. As of 1578, the caretaker’s salary was set at 85 pounds a year. This post was among those that could be bought and sold.27 It’s clear that for Aguirre, his title of guardian of the Royal Palace was one of the most worthy and noble posts available, as Adam himself had been named Guardian of Paradise and the ancient Romans had termed the job ‘Curator’ of the Imperial Palace of the Roman Caesars.28 Such nobility arose from the importance of the mission, the custody of the regal residence, regardless, as the author repeated, of whether the king actually lived there. Hence, the caretaker had to be a nobleman, while the main master was a carpenter, who, under the caretaker’s orders, was in charge of ‘personal, humble and mechanical tasks’.29 It was the same, Aguirre said, in the case of the main postmaster or the master of the Royal Stables, where people of lofty status supervised those carrying out very humble tasks. The caretaker did not lose his nobility by opening and closing doors. On the contrary, it afforded him greater honour, as he was custodian of the keys. In fact, the importance of his job did not lie ‘in the act of closing and opening doors, nor in the other services, but in the care of ordering them to be carried out’.30

25 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 66. 26 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 124. 27 Domingo de Aguirre wrote a treatise on posts that could be sold, Domingo de Aguirre, Tractatus de tacita onerum (Vienna: Wolffgangi Schendimman, 1721). In the modified second edition (1723), a more specific text was also included: Super officiis venalibus Generalitatis Cathalonia. Both can be consulted on Google Books. On this work see Ferro, El Dret Públic Català, p. 264. 28 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, pp. 128-33. 29 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 159. 30 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 247.

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The caretaker or guardian of the New Palace was required to live there in the absence of the King or Viceroy. When the Viceroy was in residence, the Diputació was required to pay him for the rent of a house and moving costs. This had been the case in 1632, when the Viceroy don Enrique de Aragón Folch, Duke of Cardona (1630-32, 1633-38, 1640) lived in the New Palace while Philip IV was living in the duke’s palace. The Diputació paid seventeen pounds to the caretaker, Jaume Riera, so he and his family could rent a house.31 In 1663, there was a legal battle between the caretaker and the Diputació, whose members ordered him to leave the palace, even though the Viceroy was not living there. In the first instance, the Diputació ruled in favour of the deputies, ignoring, according to Aguirre, that the official did not live in the palace because he was permitted to do so by the deputies, but because of his own titles. The sentence was revoked in 1664 and the guardian’s rights were upheld. The final sentence came in 1667, recognising the deputies’ rights to grant residency in the palace to whomever they wanted but stating that then they had to pay for a suitable and decent home for the caretaker. But when the ruling was about to be implemented, there was an appeal by the caretaker, which was approved in 1669, because he had not been given a lodging that could be considered ‘suitable or decent’.32 The case was then abandoned, following six years of litigation. However, Aguirre also mentions a ruling during a visit by the Diputació officials in 1681, when he was ordered to stop renting out his rooms and to live there himself, or he would be deprived of two thirds of his salary.33 The Minor Royal Palace

As mentioned earlier, as well as the Grand Royal Palace, there was a Minor Royal Palace, which was a house located on the Baixada dels Lleons (today known as Ataülf street). In 1367, King Peter IV ‘the Ceremonius’ (1319-87) had decided to build a more comfortable palace than the one already in the city. To that effect, he bought the castle that had belonged to the Knights Templar as well as several neighbouring houses and lots. Here the palace was built and was assigned to Queen Leonor of Sicily (1349-75).34 It was therefore known as the Queen’s Palace, or Minor Palace, although the whole royal family lived there since 1378, leaving the Grand Palace as the seat of royal offices. The Minor Palace had a large garden or orchard, irrigated by water from its own fountain, and in medieval times it housed lions and other wild animals that served as attractions. King Martín I went back to living in the Grand Palace. King John II (1458-79) granted the Minor Palace to the nobleman Galcerán de Requesens, 31 Chamorro Esteban, Barcelona y el Rey, p. 26. 32 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 261. 33 Concerning these visits, Ricard Torra Prat, Anticorrupció i pactisme. La Visita del General de Catalunya (1431-1714) (Catarroja: Afers, 2020). 34 Joan Fuguet Sans, ‘La casa del Palau del Temple, de Barcelona’, Locus Amoenus, 7 (2004), pp. 99-109.

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who was governor-general of Catalonia (1453-54), so it became known also as the Governor’s Palace.35 In the seventeenth century it became the property of the marquis of los Velez, who was a member of the Requesens family. In 1856 it was demolished after being more than two centuries uninhabited.36 All that remain is the old chapel. The master of works of the Grand Palace held the same office in the Minor Palace. However, each palace had a different guardian, amongst other reasons because the post required living on site. The Palace of the Sea

The truth is that in the seventeenth century most viceroys found the palace assigned to them uncomfortable and preferred living in other houses in the city. For this same reason, the Consell Criminal de la Real Audiència [criminal division of the Royal Audience], over which the Viceroy presided, did not meet in the New Palace, while the civil division met in the Grand Palace. But Aguirre goes on insisting: ‘it is sufficient that it be intended for this purpose’ in order to be considered a royal palace.37 A new palace was built for the viceroys between 1663 and 1668 by transfor­ ming an arsenal and some wheat warehouses located in front of the city’s Gate of the Sea, in what is today known as Square of the Palace. One of the most important Catalan architects, the Carmelite Fray Josep de la Concepció, was in charge of construction and worked on the site until 1688.38 The Viceroy also appointed a caretaker for this palace, with a monthly salary of 15 escuts in 1700.39

The Royal Chapel The Chapel of Saint Mary was built in the Gothic style in the early fourteenth century as an addition to the Grand Royal Palace. In 1601, after a papal bull from Clement VIII, it was also named after Saint Agatha, because relics of this Sicilian martyr were preserved there.40 35 Adroer i Tasis, Palaus Reials de Catalunya, pp. 67-92. 36 Carles Bonet Costa, ‘Conseqüències de l’enderrocament del Palau Reial Menor de Barcelona’ (unpublished BA Thesis, Universitat Oberta de Catalunya, Barcelona, 2012). http://openaccess.uoc.edu/webapps/o2/bitstream/10609/14787/6/cbonetcTFC%20 0612memoria.pdf [Accessed 2019-05-02]. 37 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 65. 38 Adroer i Tasis, Palaus Reials de Catalunya, p. 169; Carme Narváez Cases, El Tracista Fra Josep de la Concepció (Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, 2004). 39 Aguirre, Tratado histórico legal del Real Palacio Antiguo, p. 135. 40 Eduard Riu Barrera, Albert Torra and Alfred Pastor, La Capilla de Santa Águeda del Palacio Real Mayor de Barcelona (Barcelona: Generalitat de Catalunya, 1999). What little we know about the Catalonian Royal Chapel can be compared with our knowledge of the Valencian Royal Chapel, studied by Emilio Callado Estela in this book. I am grateful to him for having shared with me his unpublished work.

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In 1346, Peter IV of Aragon had provided the Chapel with six priests who held religious services there. In 1380, the rector of the Royal Chapel became archpriest (since 1403, with the right to episcopal insignia) and the six presbyters became canons. There were also several chaplains called porcioneros.41 However, Martín I, who took Sainte-Chapelle in Paris as his model, wanted to establish a monastery in the chapel. In 1408 he enticed a community of Celestine monks from France, but the project came to nothing following the King’s death in 1410. Finally, in 1423, the archbishop of Saragossa, commissioned by King Alfonso ‘the Magnanimous’, donated the Royal Chapel to the prior of Barcelona’s Merced convent. The donation was confirmed the following year both by the same king and by Pope Martin V (1417-31),42 as well as by a court ruling in 1429 following a legal dispute between the general of the Mercedarians and the prior of the Barcelona convent.43 The reason for the presence of Mercedarians was because in 1218, according to the hagiographies of the time, the Virgin Mary had appeared at the Grand Palace before King James I of Aragon (1213-76), entrusting him with the founding of the order with the help of Saint Peter Nolasco and Saint Raymond of Penyafort. By the end of the fifteenth century, in addition to being able to appoint the royal chaplains, the King could appoint four other ecclesiastical benefices, as well as one in the chapel of the Minor Palace.44 We do not know if the benefices survived to the seventeenth century. Until the Royal Chapel ceased being a place of worship in 1835, the Mer­ cedarian friars were in charge of it. The Chapel and its subsidiary buildings were annexed to the Saint Eulalia convent, in Barcelona. The prior of Saint Eulalia, who held the title of rector of the Royal Chapel, answered exclusively to the King. Consequently, he was empowered to name chaplains, be they regular Mercedarians or secular priests, and to exercise jurisdiction over them.45 He could also name a vicar who would represent him in the Royal Chapel; one such case, for example, was the Mercedarian Antoni Font, named vicar in 1644 and made to live on the chapel’s premises.46 The prestige of the Royal Chapel was enhanced by a great number of relics. Among them, at the end of the seventeenth century, according to the Mercedarian Manuel Mariano Ribera, were a hair of the Virgin, a thorn from Christ’s crown of thorns, the body of Saint Marine, two pieces from the Cross and one from the lance that pierced Jesus’ chest, as well as small relics of Saint 41 Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, pp. 32-37. 42 Riu Barrera, Torra and Pastor, La Capilla de Santa Águeda. About the Mercedarians, Bruce Taylor, Structures of Reform. The Mercedarian Order in the Spanish Golden Age (Leiden: Brill, 2000). 43 Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, p. 74. Some of these privileges are in ACA, Religious and Military Orders, ‘Monacales-Hacienda’, vol. 280, pp. 168, 170-79, 231-33. 44 José María Madurell Marimón, ‘Patronatos reales eclesiásticos en los Reinos de Aragón’, Hispania Sacra, 13 (1960), pp. 413-21. 45 Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, p. 76. 46 Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, p. 223

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George, Saint Peter, Saint Paul, Saint Sylvester and other saints. But the most venerated of the relics were those of Saint Agatha: a bone and the bloodied rock on which her severed breasts had been placed when she was martyred.47 For that reason, the Chapel was home to a confraternity of Saint Agatha, founded by Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’ in 1501 and confirmed by Charles V in 1523. The situation with Barcelona’s Royal Chapel at the end of the seventeenth century is well known to us thanks to a lawsuit in 1696 when the parish priest of the neighbouring church of Saint James, Joan Coma i Sors, appeared before the bishop of Barcelona to report that the Mercedarians had taken the viaticum and administered the unction of the sick to Inquisitor Lucas Fajardo de Valladares. The parish priest claimed that the Grand Palace fell under his ecclesiastical jurisdiction and that therefore it was he who should administer last rites to the people living inside the palace. The Mercedarian convent prior said the matter was not under the jurisdiction of the bishop but rather of the batlle general, who was sole judge of lawsuits involving the king’s patrimony. Following the established procedure in litigation between ecclesiastical and civil jurisdictions, the chancellor of the Royal Audience was commissioned to resolve the case. At least two treatises were published about this dispute. The more important of the two was by Manuel Mariano Ribera, former prior of Barcelona’s convent of La Merced, and therefore former rector of the chapel. The other treatise, shorter but with similar arguments, was by the lawyer Pere d’Amigant i de Ferrer. Ribera argued that only the King could make decisions concerning the Royal Chapel.48 The book was dedicated to Charles II, ‘King of Spains’, because, as Salvador Feliu, prior at the time of the convent of Saint Eulalia, said in his permission to publish the book, it was a matter of defending ‘Your Majesty’s Royalties regarding the Distinctions and Privileges of your Royal Chapel’.49 Ribera scoured the ‘Royal Archives that Your Majesty maintains in Barcelona’,50 to compile numerous examples from the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries that proved, in the first place, that the Chapel was the parish for the whole palace and its grounds, and secondly, that the bishop of Barcelona had no jurisdiction over it, as the King held all temporal and spiritual powers as if he were a bishop. There was no obstacle to this affirmation, because the figure of the King ‘is not considered merely that of a layman’ and because it is proven that popes can cede ecclesiastical jurisdiction to monarchs.51 Ribera carefully distinguished between ecclesiastics who had the honorary title of 47 Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, p. 59. 48 Ribera (1652-1736) held several important posts in his order, among them chronicler. His best known work is Centuria Primera del Real y Militar Instituto de la Inclita religión de Nuestra Señora de la Merced (Barcelona: Pablo Campins, 1726), which is on Google books. Many of his writings, drafts and notes can be found in several bundles in the ACA, Religious and Military Orders, Mercedarians, bundles 320-45. 49 Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, dedication. 50 Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, p. 91. 51 Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, p. 102.

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‘chaplains of the Royal Chapel’, who were under ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and those who were resident royal chaplains, over whom only the king had authority, both in temporal and in spiritual matters.52 Like Aguirre, Ribera especially insisted that the absence of the monarchs in no way reduced the Chapel’s rights and privileges: Just as the absence of the Monarchs from said Royal Palace does not make the Palace not Royal, nor does it take away its immunity (…) Although the Monarchs may be absent from said palace, the Parochial Rights are granted by the Monarchy, and while the Monarchy is a permanent institution, the Parochial Rights are equally permanent.53 In the same way, all those who live in the Royals Palaces ‘who are considered by His Majesty’s family as domestics and inhabitants of the Royal Household, even though they may live there with their own income and servants’, were subject to the parish jurisdiction of the Royal Chapel.54 Ribera furnished three examples of deceased persons whose funerals were held in Saint Agatha: a bailiff of the Inquisition in 1629, the Inquisitor Jerónimo Francisco de Otero in 1634 and a prosecutor of the Inquisition in 1696. And if there were no reports of baptisms or weddings it was, he said, because so few members of the Inquisition who lived in the Grand Palace were married.55 The treaty by Pere d’Amigant,56 probably dated 1699, picked up Ribera’s arguments and cited him several times.57 Amigant left historical matters aside and instead focused on the juridical question of showing that the Royal Chapel was a parish with ecclesiastical jurisdiction over the complex of royal palaces and that the appropriate jurisdiction in case of litigation was the batlle general, not the bishop. Amigant offered many examples and references to argue that parish jurisdiction exemption was a prerogative that canon law granted to Royal Chapels in all of Europe’s monarchies. The Saint Agatha chapel in particular bore all the external signs of a parish: a baptismal font, bells, and reserves of Holy Sacrament. There the sacraments of marriage and communion were 52 Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, pp. 108-09. 53 Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, pp. 237-38. 54 Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, p. 241. 55 Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, pp. 247-49. 56 Amigant was a civil judge on the Royal Audience of Catalonia; Martínez Rodríguez, Els magistrats de la Reial Audiencia, pp. 279-80. 57 Pere Amigant i de Ferrer, Reflexiones reales, históricas, religiosas por el Procurador Fiscal Patrimonial en defensa de la Real Capilla de Su Majestad en la ciudad de Barcelona, que lo es del antiguo palacio de los Serenísimos Señores Reyes Godos, y después de Aragón y Condes de Barcelona y de largos años, por pontificia y real munificencia, está administrada con calidades y exercicio de retor y verdadero paroco por el Prior del Convento de la Real Militar Orden de la Virgen de la Merced, nuestra indefectible tutelar, sobre la paroquialidad de esta Real Capilla y competencia de jurisdicción entre la Curia Eclesiástica de Barcelona y el Real Consejo de la Baylía General de este Principado, suscitada con motivo del viático que administró el Prior de la Merced al difunto V. P. inquisidor don Lucas Faxardo de Valladares (Barcelona, s. ed., s. a., 1699?).

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administered, and the dead were buried. The rector was allowed to appoint a vicar and did not have to pay rights to any other parish priest, he had jurisdiction over a clearly defined district… Amigant cites Aguirre’s work, which must have been circulating in manuscript form, in order to insist that chapels and royal palaces must retain their prerogative even if the king were absent. Barcelona inquisitors had been granted the right to live at the palace, but they had absolutely no property rights there. By the same token, a parish does not cease to be a parish because it lacks parishioners living within its limits. Like Ribera, Amigant believed there was no obstacle to considering the King as a judge of spiritual matters.

Conclusion Anyone familiar with the historiography of the Royal Sites in the Crown of Castile will have noticed the emptiness behind the florid writings of Domingo de Aguirre, Manuel Mariano Ribera or Pere d’Amigant. Beyond their grandiloquent affirmations regarding the nobility and dignity of the Royal Palaces and the Royal Chapel, the picture they draw is quite poor. In the seventeenth century, most of the old royal palaces of Catalonia had been transformed and put to other uses. Those that remained were empty and uncomfortable buildings, run by a few caretakers and royal chaplains, second-rate figures forced to plead in the courts to assert their rights, which they identified with the rights of the King whose patrimony they guarded. This can be partly explained by the absence of the king since 1632. Even during the monarchs’ last visits to Catalonia, they did not stay at the Grand Royal Palace, which was regarded as uncomfortable and not suitable for housing the Sovereign and his most immediate entourage. In 1599, Philip III stayed at the home of the marquis of Aytona. In 1626 and 1632, Philip IV stayed with the duke of Cardona, whose palace was outfitted with a gallery so the King could walk over to the nearby Saint Francis church to follow the services. In 1632 the duke of Cardona went to live in the New Palace while the King took over the duke’s house and royal family lived in neighboring houses. Nor did the viceroys usually live in the New Palace, which had been built specifically for them in the sixteenth century; rather, they stayed in the palace that the duke of Sesa (who was also Admiral of Naples) had in the city.58 Aguirre’s and Ribera’s constant insistence that the king’s absence did not affect the condition of the Royal Palaces is precisely proof of how the sovereign’s distance affected the dignity of the buildings. The persistence of a speech of presence of the royal dignity by the existence of the palaces and the chapel explains, almost psychoanalytically, the need to fill the gap created by the absence of His Majesty. But we must also keep in mind the weakened 58 Chamorro Esteban, Barcelona y el Rey, pp. 160 and 253-63.

no k i ng fo r a palace

authority of the king and his patrimony within the institutional framework of the Crown of Aragon, in which the monarch had to share power with local authorities, beginning with the Diputació. However, the palaces retained their symbolic function. In Barcelona, because the inquisitors lived in the Royal Palace and the Royal Audience met there. Elsewhere, because it embodied the authority of the king. See what happened in Vilafranca del Penedés, where the Babau family owned and maintained the palace on behalf of the King. According to the letter that César de Babau wrote to Philippe IV in 1638, the palace had been assaulted by some men ‘moved by their hatreds and grudges’ due to the excesses of the king’s troops lodged in the houses of the city’s inhabitants. Only the intervention of some friars prevented them from setting fire to the palace, but they removed the royal coat of arms from the door. Nevertheless, Babau had to ask the batlle general to act ex officio against the assailants because he lacked the money to file a lawsuit against them.59 On the other hand, in the bloody revolt of Barcelona in 1640, when the Viceroy and a judge of the Royal Audience were assassinated and the houses of the main royal officers were burned, it does not appear that the royal palaces were damaged, perhaps for being the seat of the Inquisition.60 This situation would change at the dawn of the eighteenth century: Barcelona would once again be Court for a few years, first with the arrival of Philip V (1700-46), and then with the Archduke Charles of Austria. But it would be a mirage: the War of Succession, the siege of Barcelona in 1714, and the Nueva Planta Decree would mark the end of the old institutional framework that had justified the survival of Barcelona’s royal palaces. The old Grand Palace would continue housing the Inquisition, which even built an inquisitorial prison in the Palace itself.61 The New Palace would be given in 1718 to the Benedictine nuns in compensation for the loss of the monastery they had near the city walls during the military siege.62 The palace in the Square of the Palace ceased being the Viceroy’s palace and became the Palace of the Captain General, henceforth on the highest military authority in Catalonia. As Aguirre had said, it wasn’t the officials who had died, but, rather, the offices.

59 ACA, Generalitat, Correspondence of the Viceroy Count of Santa Coloma, Letter 2214. 60 Antoni Simón i Tarrés, 1640 (Barcelona: Rafael Dalmau, 2019), pp. 208-21. On the Inquisition, see p. 216. 61 Until then the Inquisition used the city’s prisons ( Joan Bada, ‘El Tribunal de la Inquisición en Barcelona. ¿Un tribunal peculiar?’. Revista de la Inquisición, 2 (1992), pp. 109-20). 62 Irene Brugués, ‘Els monestirs de benedictines de Barcelona al tombant dels segles XVII-XVIII a través dels seus arxius’ in L’Església a Catalunya durant la Guerra de Successió, ed. by Coloma Boada and Irene Brugués (Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, 2015), p. 190.

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Fig. 3.1.  Unknown author, Photography of the Grand Royal Palace. Plaça del Rei in Barcelona, northwest side during a period of excavation before the restoration of the Palace, c. 1940. Courtesy of Museo de Historia de la Ciudad de Barcelona.

no k i ng fo r a palace

Fig. 3.2.  Ignasi Fernández Terricabras, Photography of the Plaça del Rei in Barcelona nowadays, flanked by three royal buildings: on the right, the Royal Chapel of Saint Agatha (14th century); in the background, the Grand Royal Palace (14th century); on the left, the New Palace (16th century). Own photography.

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Changes and Continuity in the Royal Chapel of Valencia during the Seventeenth Century*

The importance of the Spanish Monarchy’s role in the history of the Royal Chapel during the reign of the Habsburgs is well-known and a number of recent publications have supplemented our knowledge.1 Nevertheless, there is still much that remains problematic; for example, there is the key issue of the specific geographic locations involved, which has been almost completely ignored. The same can be said of the period during which the Royal Chapel was administered by the Crown of Aragon (thirteenth to eighteenth centuries), despite the fact that during the sixteenth and seventeenth century its monarchs established the political, economic and cultural foundation of the whole kingdom.2 During their reigns the imperative for the maintenance of a sacred place was motivated primarily to reflect the greater glory of the royal family. This imperative continued after Aragon was linked with Castile under Isabella and Ferdinand, the Catholic Kings. Some of the effects of this policy in the early Catalan history is known, beginning with the contemporary account provided by the Mercedarian priest Manuel Mariano Ribera,3 and there are also various other sources, though these tend to be of variable scope and quality.4



* This work is part of the research project La Catedral Barroca. Iglesia, sociedad y cultura en la Valencia del siglo XVII, financed by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiviness (HAR2016-74907-R). Translated by Ramiro Bestilleiro Rey. 1 For example, Juan José Carreras Ares, Bernardo José García García and Tess Knighton (eds), The Royal Chapel at the time of the Habsburgs: Music and Court Ceremony in Early Modern Europe (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2005). 2 Joan Reglà Campistol, ‘La Corona de Aragón dentro de la Monarquía Hispánica de los Habsburgo’, VIIIº Congreso de Historia de la Corona de Aragón: la Corona de Aragón en el siglo XVII (Valencia: Archivo de la Corona de Aragón, 1973), pp. 131-64; Gregorio Colás Latorre, La Corona de Aragón en la Edad Moderna (Madrid: Arcos Libros, 1998); Ernest Belenguer Cebriá, La Corona de Aragón en la Monarquía Hispánica. Del apogeo del siglo XV a la crisis del siglo XVII (Barcelona: Península, 2001); and Ernest Belenguer Cebriá and Felipe Garín (eds), La corona de Aragón. Siglos XII-XVIII (Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 2006). 3 Manuel Mariano Ribera, Real Capilla de Barcelona, la mayor y más principal de los Reynos de la Corona de Aragón (Barcelona: Jaime Surià, 1698). See the chapter by Ignasi Fernández Terricabras in this volume. 4 Josep María Madurell Marimón, ‘El Palau Reial major de Barcelona. Recull de notes històriques’, Homenatge a Antoni Rubió i Lluch (Barcelona: s.e, 1936), II, pp. 491-518, and Emilio Callado Estela • Cardinal Herrera University Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 117-135.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123284

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This is not the case with regard to Valencia, where the subject has barely attracted the attention of contemporary historians – and even this has been largely from an art history perspective or incidental to researchers about the palace complex and its location.5 Special mention should, however, be made here of the monograph on the subject by José María Cueco Adrián.6 The full history of this Royal Chapel, therefore, waits to be written in the detail that it merits and this is the intention of the present chapter. The decisive stage in its multi-secular evolution occurred in the seventeenth century. At that point, little remained of the original thirteenth-century holy enclosure which had been built in the grounds of the Royal Palace of Valencia. It was Peter ‘the Ceremonious’ who consolidated and enlarged it a hundred years later. Due to the new political and religious environment of the time, combined with the lack of financial patronage, the original chapel had fallen into major disrepair as interest from its custodians waned. A reconstitution was required and with the acquiescence of the Holy See and by virtue of the right of patronage, the Crown committed itself to this undertaking. But even though there were changes, these were not enough to prevent it falling into ruins and time seemed to have run out to save this venerable institution.

Origins of the Royal Chapel of Valencia The Kingdom of Valencia, located on the eastern coast of the Iberian Peninsula, was incorporated into the Crown of Aragon following the Christian conquest of the territory by James I between 1232-45. It retained a legal and institutional framework and its own Court in the capital city Valencia, which was also at





ID., ‘Las antiguas dependencias del Palacio Real Mayor de Barcelona’, Analecta Sacra Tarraconensia, 14 (1941), pp. 129-54; José María March, La Real Capilla del Palau en la ciudad de Barcelona (Barcelona: Imprenta Revista Ibérica, 1955); Agustín Durán I Sanpere, Barcelona i la seva història I. La formació d’una gran ciutat (Barcelona: Curial edicions, 1972), pp. 262-68; Anna M. Adroer Tasis, ‘Algunes notes sobre la Capella del Palau Major de Barcelona’, Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 19 (1989), pp. 385-97; Josefa Mutgé Vives, ‘Pedro el Ceremonioso (1336-1387) y la Capilla Real de Barcelona’, in Política, urbanismo y vida ciudadana en la Barcelona del siglo XIV (Barcelona: CSIC. Institución Milá y Fontanals, 2004), pp. 371-83. 5 José Mariano Ortiz, Informe histórico, cronológico, palatino legal, que presenta a vuestra majestad (Madrid: Imprenta y librería de A. de Sotos, 1782); and more recently Luis Arciniega García, ‘Construcciones, usos y visiones del Palacio Real de Valencia bajo los Austrias’, Ars Longa, 14-15 (2005-2006), pp. 129-64, and ID., ‘Construcción, usos y visiones del Palacio del Real de Valencia bajo los Borbones’, Archivo de Arte Valenciano, 85 (2005), pp. 21-39; Josep V. Boira Maiques, El Palau Reial de València, Els plànols de Manuel Cavallero (1802) (Valencia: Ayuntamiento de Valencia, 2006); and Mercedes Gómez-Ferrer, El Real de Valencia (1238-1810). Historia arquitectónica de un palacio desaparecido (Valencia: Institució Alfons el Magnànim, 2012). 6 Which is an appendix to his unpublished El Real de Valencia. Notas para su estudio (Sagunto: Ayuntamiento de Valencia, 1968). Preserved in the records held by the ARV, access to which was granted by its director Ferrán Torres Faus.

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the head of the new ecclesiastical organisation of the region once the old dioceses had been restored.7 In the same city, around 1238, the monarch founded a simple chapel in the royal palace of the previous Muslim rulers.8 Located outside of the city walls next to the River Turia and ‘in front of a tower, in the most pleasant part of the meadow to enjoy the best air and views of the town’, almost nothing has survived from this period.9 We can speculate that it must have been materially adapted to reflect the architectural ambience of its location. We also know of the immediate financial endowment made by the Crown (a house and three acres of land) from the first chaplain Juan Monzó.10 At that time, the reservation of the Blessed Sacrament was also initiated, along with the observation of two of the most important religious celebrations of the liturgical calendar: Maundy Thursday and Good Friday. Similarly, other pre-eminences, exemptions and privileges began to appear over time.11 That said, the key decision to establish this holy enclosure, dedicated to Our Lady of the Angels, would not actually take place until the middle of the next century when King Peter IV ‘the Ceremonius’ introduced new regulation: Reales ordenanças de casa y corte o leyes para el gobierno de los palacios, casas reales y sitios.12 These were first applied to the Royal Chapel in Barcelona which, in turn, provided the template for the Valencian chapel because the same spiritual needs were required by the royal family during their frequent stays in Valencia.13 In 1346, therefore, the financial endowment of the Royal Chapel was raised to 3,520 sueldos.14 As in Barcelona, it came from censos [income from

7 Enric Guinot Rodríguez, Els límits del Regne. El procés de formació territorial del País Valencià medieval (1238-1500) (Valencia: Alfons el Magnànim, 1995), and Robert Ignatius Burns, El Reino de Valencia en el siglo XIII. Iglesia y sociedad (Valencia: Del Cenia al Segura, 1982). 8 See the seminal works: Gaspar Escolano, Década primera de la Historia de la insigne y coronada ciudad y reyno de Valencia (Valencia: P. P. Mey, 1619), I, chapter XVIII, colum 1025; Pasqual Esclapés de Guilló, Resumen historial de la fundación i antigüedad de la ciudad de Valencia (Valencia: Antonio Bordazar de Artazù, 1738), p. 157; Vicente Boix, Historia de la ciudad y reino de Valencia (Valencia: Imprenta de Benito Monfort, s. d.), I, p. 430; José Teixidor y Trilles, Antigüedades de Valencia (Valencia: Librería de Pedro Aguilar, 1895), I, pp. 86-88;… 9 Ortiz, Informe histórico, p. 8. 10 Cueco Adrián, El Real de Valencia, p. 303. 11 Ortiz, Informe histórico, p. 7. 12 Included in them are the Ordinacions de la Real Capilla (Ortiz, Informe histórico, doc. 3). On the subject: Próspero de Bofarull y Mascaró, Ordenamiento de Corte de Pedro IV (Barcelona: CODOIN, 1850), V; Olivetta Schena, Le leggi palatine di Pietro IV d’ Aragona (Cagliari: Istituto di Studi sui Rapporti Italo-Iberici, 1983); and Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, ‘Las otras Casas Reales: Aragón y Portugal’, in José Martínez Millán and Santiago Fernández Conti (dirs.), La Monarquía de Felipe II: la Casa del rey, 2 vols (Madrid: Fundación Mapfre-Tavera, 2005), I, pp. 802-10. 13 Manuel Carboneres, ‘Entrada del rey D. Pedro IV en Valencia’, in Nomenclator de las puertas, calles y plazas de Valencia (Valencia: Edición facsímil de la de El Avisador, Librería ParísValencia, 1980). 14 Mutgé Vives, ‘Pedro el Ceremonioso’, p. 377

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ecclesiastical credits and loans]. Up to 66 different censos can be accounted for, in various types, statuses and numbers. Five presbyteral chaplaincies – and not twelve as in Barcelona – were added to the single one that already existed, with one of them, called mayor or rectoría, having a superior rank to the others.15 Once appointed, the post holders did not receive any further ecclesiastical benefice as such appointments were lifelong and were always chosen by the Crown, exercising their right of patronage. The basis of these rights in the territories of the Crown of Aragon originated in at least the previous century when the Holy See granted the monarchy the authority to choose the rectors of churches constructed or endowed by the kings, or in places conquered from the Muslims.16 In this way, the exclusive dedication of these clergymen was assured and, thereby also, the daily celebration of divine worship and community prayers at canonical hours, day or night. The rector would receive an annual remuneration of around 500 sueldos; the remaining chaplains would receive 400 (once again as in Barcelona); and the two sacristans charged with helping them, received 210. A further 600 was for the provision of consumables and liturgical ornaments.17 Table I:  Ecclesiastical benefices instituted by Peter IV in the Royal Chapel of Valencia (1346).

CHAPLAINCY

ENDOWMENT (in sueldos)

Mayor / Rectory

500

Chaplaincy I

400

Chaplaincy II

400

Chaplaincy III

400

Chaplaincy IV

400

Chaplaincy V

400

Sacristan I

210

Sacristan II

210

Source: Compiled by the author

15 Ortiz, Informe histórico, doc. 4. The original document in the records held by the ACA, Reg. 881, f. 26. 16 Johannes Vincke, Documenta selecta mutuas civitatis Arago-Cathalaunicae et ecclesie relationes illustrantia (Barcelona: Biblioteca Balmes, 1936), n. 6, p. 4. See also: Burns, El Reino de Valencia. For Castile, see, among others: José Manuel Nieto Soria, ‘Algunas consideraciones sobre el patronato castellano-leonés en los siglos XIII y XIV’, Anuario de Estudios Medievales, 15 (1985), p. 211, and ‘La Capilla Real castellano-leonesa en el siglo XV: constituciones, nombramientos y quitaciones’, Archivos Leoneses, XLIII-85/86 (1989), pp. 22 onwards. 17 Ortiz, Informe histórico, doc. 4.

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However, this regeneration of the Royal Chapel would soon be hampered by the war with Castile, during which it was significantly damaged by the troops.18 Such circumstances, further aggravated by plague and famine, made it impossible for the funds allocated by the Crown to be materialized.19 As a result, even more censos had to be allocated for its benefit, as well as income from grazing rents and carriage tolls on the capital’s market gardens. Such turmoil also explains why two additional new chaplaincies, at the behest of Queen Consort Mary of Navarre, were never realized.20 Nonetheless, during the following decades the sovereigns consolidated their virtual complete jurisdiction over this institution – from the selection and appointment of personnel, to licenses to preach and the establishment of festivals– against which Rome could do nothing other than acquiesce. For example, in 1400, King Martín I ‘the Humane’, denied bishops, proctors and other ecclesiastical judges, any authority over the palatine chaplains.21 The reactive responses of the diocesan leaders, such as Bishop Hugo de Lupiá, could have little effect. Though they demanded that the bishopric should have authority over the presentations, congregations and investitures of these clerics, these still remained under the jurisdiction of the bailiff or lieutenantgeneral on behalf of the Crown. A notable concession was achieved by King Alfonso V ‘the Magnanimous’ in 1421, when the Holy See agreed that the Royal Chapel of Valencia could enjoy identical rights and privileges as the rest of the parishes of the capital, in effect becoming independent from the Church of Saint Stephen inside the city walls. From then on, its clergy could take their own place in every procession and religious parade.22 This positive trend would be reinforced when the Royal Palace of Valencia became the seat of the Court and its monumental spaces were seen as representatives of the power of the new Habsburg dynasty. The Habsburgs thus conferred upon their Chapel a significant importance. During the various updates and restorations required over years, this space remained on the ground floor of the enclosure.23 The Royal Chapel was fundamentally for the use of the royal family, but they were increasingly absent from the kingdom as a consequence of the centralization of the Court initiated by Kings Isabella and Ferdinand at the end of the fifteenth century. The Chapel

18 Joan B. Ballester, Identidad de la imagen del Santíssimo Christo de San Salvador de Valencia (Valencia: J. Vilagrasa, 1672), p. 550. 19 Teixidor y Trilles, Antigüedades de Valencia, I, p. 87. 20 Cueco Adrián, El Real de Valencia, p. 308. In the Queen’s last will she instituted two more benefices for the Royal Chapel in Barcelona, and a further two in Saragossa, Mutgé Vives, ‘Pedro el Ceremonioso’, p. 376. 21 Ortiz, Informe histórico, doc. 9. 22 Cueco Adrián, El Real de Valencia, pp. 314-18. 23 At that time, it had direct access from the Royal Palace Llano del Real. It was not until 1570 that a side entrance was opened from what was called the Patio de los Leones [Patio of the Lions], see Arciniega García, ‘Construcciones, usos y visiones (…) bajo los Austrias’, p. 130.

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was also attended by their representatives in the territory, the Viceroys first and foremost as well as the subordinate staff at the service of the place –in all, totalling around a hundred individuals. That said, it was also available for the faithful in general, who, even if they could not attend the daily Mass in memory of the deceased monarchs, could attend the extraordinary celebrations that continued to swell the palatine religious calendar, such as the Feast of the Immaculate Conception.24 Inevitably, the chaplains were not always able to keep up with all these ceremonies, much to the consternation of the congregation. This failure was denounced in 1553 by Bernardino de Cárdenas y Pacheco, Duke of Maqueda, viceroy of Valencia (1552-58), for whom the clerics’ dereliction in their duties warranted the seizure of salaries received for a year and a half, a measure which the interested parties censured, promising that they would fulfil their duty as was customary and long establish.25 To avoid a repetition of such episodes, in 1580 the Crown approved a new regulation, drafted by the then Viceroy, Manrique de Lara, Duke of Nájera (1578-81), that stipulated the level of service expected for the Royal Chapel of Valencia.26 The regulation made it clear what duties were expected from the rector, the chaplains and the sacristans. The rector and chaplains were reminded that their necessary service should be constant and continuous; in particular, the daily Eucharist was to be given punctually at ten o’clock. A strict weekly shift would prevent the breach of this precept. Even greater exigency was required from these clerics during the Feast of Saint John the Baptist, the co-patron, along with Our Lady of the Angels, of the Palatine Chapel.27 For their part, the sacristans were to be responsible for the provision of communion wafers, wine and candles for the divine service, as well as the maintenance of linens, altar cloths and vestments, and the cleaning of the enclosure. Special attention had to be paid to the latter, given the ground level location and in an area that had considerable foot traffic – not to mention the proximity of the River Turia, whose periodic autumn floods all too often left the compound under water, ruining furniture and ornaments.28 Perhaps these difficulties were behind the gradual relocation of religious functions within the Royal Palace itself. In fact, this had already begun in the middle of the sixteenth century to what became known as the Upper Chapel, to differentiate it from the original which became known as the Lower Chapel. It was a small room on the upper floor, with a connecting door to the Salón

24 Ortiz, Informe histórico, fol. 20. 25 ARV, RC, 340, fol. 171v. 26 ARV, Bailía, book 293, fols 383-84. Edited in part in Colección de reales cédulas, órdenes y providencias dadas para el gobierno del Real Patrimonio del Reyno de Valencia, formada por acuerdo de la Real Junta Patrimonial y aprobada por su magestad (S.l: D. Monfort, 1806), pp. 130-34. 27 ARV, Bailía, book 293, fol. 383v. 28 ARV, Mestre Racional, book 9225, s.f.

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de los Alabarderos [Hall of the Halberdiers], and which the Viceroys used for private prayer under the protection of Saint Catherine.29 This space then became open to members of the Royal Audience who met in adjoining rooms and was consequently very popular during the feast of its patron saint and also during Holy Week.30

Seventeenth Century Reformations Even with these changes, the full relocation of the Royal Chapel had not taken place, the reasons for which were not solely due to physical practicalities. The expulsion of the moriscos, at the beginning of the new century, adversely affected the Valencian economy as a whole and devalued the income assigned to the Chapel, significantly complicating its viability.31 This situation was not helped by the way the serving clergy relaxed their attentions; they were often absent but still saw their prebends accumulate, just at the decisive moment of the implementation of the Tridentine Reform of the Church in the region.32 By 1641, this worsening situation had reached the point that the new viceroy, Antonio Juan de la Cerda y Enríquez, Duke of Medinaceli (1641-42), petitioned Philip IV, denouncing the indecency in which the Blessed Sacrament was kept there. The appearance of the Chapel had worsened considerably since the last visit to Valencia by the monarch in the previous decade,33 and the adoration of the Blessed Sacrament implemented in Valencia, as well as at the Royal Chapel of the Alcazar in Madrid,34 deserved a more adequate space. Hence, his predecessors in the viceroyalty – the Duke of Feria in particular (in the wake of the extremely serious floods that occurred during his term between 1615-18)35 – had transferred Jesus in the Blessed Sacrament to the oratory on the first floor in order to better preserve it, even without the minimum ecclesiastical service due to the lack of benefice assigned there. The nobleman’s proposal was to do so as soon as possible after the institution

29 RAH, Salazar y Castro, 45, fol. 81v. 30 Arciniega García, ‘Construcciones, usos y visiones (…) bajo los Austrias’, p. 130. 31 James Casey, El Reino de Valencia en el siglo XVII (Madrid: Siglo XXI, 1984), and Emilia Salvador Esteban, ‘La cuestión de los censales y la expulsión de los moriscos valencianos’, Estudis, 24 (1998), pp. 127-46. 32 For more on this topic see Emilio Callado Estela, Iglesia, poder y sociedad en el siglo XVII. El arzobispo de Valencia fray Isidoro Aliaga (Valencia: Biblioteca Valenciana, 2000); Antonio Benlloch Poveda, ‘Sínodos valentinos y contrarreforma durante el siglo XVII’, in Confrontación de la Teología y la Cultura (Valencia: Facultad de Teología, 1984), pp. 201-09; and Miguel Navarro Sorní, ‘San Juan de Ribera y la aplicación de la reforma tridentina en Valencia’, in Ecclesia semper reformanda. Teología y reforma de la Iglesia en el IVº centenario de la muerte de san Juan de Ribera (Valencia: Facultad de Teología, 2012), pp. 80-104. 33 AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 3. 34 See José Martínez Millán’s chapter in this volume. 35 ACA, Consejo de Aragón, bundle 738, doc. 9/7.

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of a new chaplaincy, which could be housed in the palace itself in the company of a sacristan. The King did not object to the idea. On the contrary, different means to implement and finance it began to be studied. In this regard, he sought the advice of Melchor Sisternes, himself a Valencian. A long-time jurist and, at the time, magistrate of the Council of Aragon, he was also a man known for his close family ties to the local religious world.36 For Sisternes, the only solution was to dissolve the existing prebends in the Chapel of Our Lady of the Angels and allocate their income to a new one instituted in the Chapel of Saint Catherine. Nonetheless, there were several drawbacks that hampered this project, according to Don Melchor himself. First, the incomes they received were so little that, even by amalgamating them, nothing of note would be achieved. Another important factor, and perhaps more significant, were the customs of the times which meant that the old chaplaincies could not cease to exist until the death of their incumbents or the will to engage with them in arduous negotiations. Finally, there was the problem of physically preparing the space for its new function. In view of all this, the rest of the Council of Aragon ruled, concluding that It would serve Your Majesty to command the preparation [of the oratory of Saint Catherine], with all decency and decorum, even if it means expense to the Royal Treasury; and while the consolidation of the chaplaincies into one is not effected, the shortfall could to be met from Your Majesty’s Treasury.37 Not even the approval of Philip IV to the proposals hitherto raised managed to put the outlook for the Royal Chapel of Valencia back on track. This can be clearly seen in the dispatch circulated at the beginning of 1657 by Viceroy Luis Guillermo de Moncada, Duke of Montalto (1652-59), shortly before leaving the charge of viceroy. Dismayed by the unfortunate state of preservation of the Blessed Sacrament, he requested permission from the monarch for its immediate withdrawal from the palace grounds.38 Along with his petition, the Viceroy provided an extensive report in which he blamed the decline in the Chapel’s economic endowment, which was incompatible not just with the magnificence, pomp and ornaments of the first sacred place in the capital but also with the founding aims of 36 Doctor of Law, before taking up his role on the Council of Aragon, he was an advisor to the Governorship of Valencia on criminal cases, prosecutor for the High Court, court judge and judge in civil and magistrate cases. He also served as an examiner of Laws and Canons of the University of Valencia. Laura Gómez Orts, ‘Administrar y juzgar desde la Cancillería de un reino. La gestión del regente valenciano Melchor Sisternes de Oblites (1629-1632)’, in Campo y campesinos en la España Moderna. Culturas políticas en el mundo hispano 1567-1579, ed. by María José Pérez Álvarez, Laureano M. Rubio Pérez and Alfredo Martín García (León: Fundación Española de Historia Moderna, 2012), pp. 1567-79. 37 AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 3. 38 ACA, Consejo de Aragón, bundle 738, docs  9/7 and 9/8.

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the institution itself. In this sense, the chaplains could be excused for their absence and for not fulfilling the obligations inherent in their prebends to complete other ecclesiastical offices at a decent salary. Such was the case of the last rector, Doctor Juan Bautista Alreus, who concurrently occupied both the head chaplaincy as well as one of the remaining five.39 Both were now vacant, as were the rest, except for the one held by Jacinto Hernández, master of ceremonies of the Royal Chapel.40 Once this had met the same fate as the others, the time to decide the future of the institution would have arrived.41 Of course, the Duke of Montalto advocated continuity, provided that major changes were undertaken. The plan these changes were based on (aside from the physical location of the enclosure) focused specifically on the improvement of the rents and other incomes. It proposed that the Crown retrieve the patronage of seven ecclesiastical benefices instituted in different temples in the Valencian capital. Two of them –dedicated to Saint James and to Saint Lucy respectively, and located in the cathedral– would be added to the Palatine Chapel. The others –two in the church of Saint John of the Hospital, both dedicated to Saint Barbara; one in the Order of Calatrava; and two more from the convents of Saint Christopher and Our Lady of Saidia, the latter under the title of the Our Lady of Grace– would simply be suppressed, and their endowments incorporated into that of the Royal Chapel.42 Table II:  Ecclesiastical benefices of royal patronage instituted in the city of Valencia (1657).

TITLE

LOCATION

FOUNDER

HOLDER

Saint James

Cathedral

King James I, C. 13th

Jaime Teruel

Saint Lucy

Cathedral

Canon Octavio Malferit, C. 13th

Saint Barbara

Church of San Juan del Hospital

Empress Theresa of Greece, DNK

José Palacios

254

Saint Barbara

Church of San Juan del Hospital

Princess Constance, 1419

Miguel Sesse

155

-

ANNUAL RENT (in reales and dineros) 221 233.10

39 From 1636 in fact, when he took on the second title from Josep Estevan following his death (AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 2). 40 ARV, Bailía, book 302, fol. 104. 41 ACA, Consejo de Aragón, bundle 738, docs 9/7 and 9/8. 42 ACA, Consejo de Aragón, bundle 738, doc. 9/5.

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TITLE

Our Lady of Grace

-

LOCATION

FOUNDER

HOLDER

Church of Calatrava

Don Fernando Díaz, 1329

Félix Sorolla

Convent of Nuestra Señora de Saidia

Don Pedro de Xerea, 1401

Convent of San Cristóbal

King John II of Aragon, C. 15th

-

José Felipe

ANNUAL RENT (in reales and dineros) 492.3 275

100

Source: Compiled by the author

The royal chaplaincies proper, meanwhile, would be reduced to four and compelled by turns to celebrate daily Mass for the king. First; a main rectory, with an annual income of 250 valencian pounds along with one of the pre­ viously cited benefices from the cathedral. This would have to be awarded to a doctor in theology or canons, to advise the viceroys on matters of morality that could present themselves when governing, as well as give instruction on faith and Christian doctrine to all those residing in the palace complex. Second; the senior sacristan would receive 150 pounds and a room on the premises. Third; the master of ceremonies would receive equal remuneration, as well as another of the assigned cathedral prebends. This last salary was also awarded to the fourth title, called the Real Audiencia [Royal Audience], which would have the added obligation to officiate on court days, weekdays in the Upper Chapel, and Saturday and Sunday in the Lower. These four would be attended to by just one sacristan, from the minor orders, receiving 100 pounds for his service and lodgings at the palace.43 The Council of Aragon, in its consideration of this reorganization, suggested to the Crown that an economic supplement of 5,500 valencian reales should be made in the form of a pension charged to the archbishopric of Valencia, with prior authorization from the Holy See.44 The request was granted and in February of that same year Philip IV wrote to Pope Alexander VII (1655-67) announcing the measures in this respect to be presented by his ambassador, Diego de Aragón, Duke of Terranova: Most Holy Father. I write to my ambassador to your court to make representation to Your Holiness, in my name, of the necessity to unify the titles of six chaplaincies and two sacristans of the Royal Palace of

43 ACA, Consejo de Aragón, bundle 738, docs 9/7 and 9/8. 44 AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 6.

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Valencia, and to add two benefices from that holy church, and to reduce them to four presviteratus so that, with their formation and, if it serves Your Beatitude, the reservation of a pension of five hundred ducats from that archbishopric for when it falls vacant, the Blessed Sacrament can remain in that Palace with the propriety and veneration that it is due. I beseech Your Beatitude, if it serves, to give my ambassador complete faith and credit, and grant me the kindness of conceding this proposal on my behalf, which I will hold in great favour of Your Beatitude.45 Table III:  Reforms to the Royal Chapel of Valencia by Philip IV

CHAPLAINCY

BENEFICES ATTACHED

ENDOWMENTS ATTACHED FROM DISSOLVED BENEFICES

ANNUAL RENT (in reales)

Rectory / Mayor

Saint Lucy. Cathedral

Saint Barbara. Church of San Juan del Hospital Saint Barbara. Church of San Juan del Hospital Benefice Church of Calatrava

2,500

Senior Sacristan

Rectory Royal Chapel

Benefice I Royal Chapel Benefice II Royal Chapel Benefice III Royal Chapel

1,500

Master of Ceremonies

Saint James. Cathedral

Our Lady of Grace Convent of Nuestra Señora de Saidia Benefice Convent of San Cristóbal

1,500

Royal Audience

Benefice IV Royal Benefice V Royal Chapel Chapel

Sacristan

-

-

1,500 500

Source: Compiled by the author

Although the instructions for the aforementioned were dated March 1657, there was further inevitable delay; the changes in the Spanish delegation (with Luis Guzmán Ponce de León replacing the Duke of Terranova), the political 45 RAH, Salazar y Castro, 45, fol. 85v.

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tensions with Rome along with the extraordinary case of the Immaculate Conception at that time, all meant that the issue of the Royal Chapel of Valencia was pushed into the background.46 Until 1661, things did not look likely to change. On 15 February, after his latest audience with Pope Alexander VII, the new ambassador informed the King of the state of the matter, promising a quick and happy outcome.47 Ponce was wrong in his predictions. There were problems, although not with the Ordinary Diocesan, but with Martín López de Hontiveros, the former Bishop of Calahorra.48 The difficulty arose in the amount of pension requested from the Mitre, which exceeded by 491 reales the total amount allocated to the chaplaincies, and threatened to undermine the efforts that had been made in the previous months.49 The Council of Aragon was not so much concerned with the amount at stake as it was with the fact that the Pope, reluctant to make new economic concessions to the Monarchy, would approve this burden on the archbishopric. Hence the express order to Ponce de León to obtain, as soon as possible and under the conditions indicated, the corresponding papal bull. Unfortunately, the costs arising from its expedition would further complicate the negotiation. The coffers of the embassy were not so replete as to cover the great expense, according to the testimony of his secretary, Nicolás Antonio.50 For more than half a year this long-awaited papal document was delayed, before it finally saw the light of day on 3 March 1662, with the established terms but with the discrepancy in the amount of pension falling on the Valencian episcopal shoulders in favour of the Crown.51 Philip IV acknowledged receipt of the bull and gave it to the Viceroy of Valencia, Manuel de los Cobos y Luna, Marquis of Camarasa (1659-63), who had succeeded the originator of the reforms, the Duke of Montalto.52 The nobleman was to prepare, as soon as possible, a shortlist of three candidates for each of the prebends to be allocated.53 Before doing so, however, Don Manuel warned the sovereign of some noteworthy obstacles. The much-debated pension of 5,500 reales could not take effect until the archbishopric became vacant, but at the time it was occupied by López de Hontiveros, the incumbent prelate since 1659. Also, some of the old 46 All of these aspects are discussed in Emilio Callado Estela, El embajador de María don Luis Crespí de Borja (Valencia: Alfons el Magnànim, 2018). 47 ACA, Consejo de Aragón, bundle 752, doc. 14/3. 48 For more on this prelate see Emilio Callado Estela, ‘El arzobispo de Valencia Don Martín López de Hontiveros’, in La Catedral Barroca. Iglesia, sociedad y cultura en la Valencia del siglo XVII (Valencia: Alfons el Magnànim, 2018), pp. 33-56. 49 AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 6. 50 AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 10. 51 A copy of this bull, sent to Madrid weeks later, is kept in AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 16. Also in RAH, Salazar y Castro, 45, fols 89v-94. 52 AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 12. 53 AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 11.

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chaplaincies of the Royal Palace already had incumbents, one of them being Jacinto Hernández, the master of ceremonies. Similarly, some of the other royal patronages discontinued by the recent papal bull were also occupied: at Saint James’ in the cathedral, the church of Calatrava and also the two at San Juan del Hospital. In addition, the title of one of the latter – dedicated to Saint Barbara and founded in the fourteenth century by Princess Constance of Aragon, queen consort of Sicily (1361-63) – was erroneously attributed to the Crown when, in fact, it pertained to the Archbishop of Valencia. An agreement of cession would be needed to avert any likely legal action.54 Philip IV clearly took note of the considerations of his viceroy, entrusting him to speak with the prelate urgently to raise the issue and ask him, for reasons as pious as the relocation of the Palace Chapel, and the annexation of the aforementioned problematic prebend to it.55 At the end of October 1662, López de Hontiveros acquiesced to royal wishes, although he did suggest to the sovereign the possibility of another ecclesiastical benefice of greater value, and under his guardianship, which could be added to the new royal chaplaincies. Poised to request the corresponding amendments from the Holy See, the Archbishop recalled the existence of another prebend originally not considered by the Duke of Montalto, the former Viceroy. It was instituted in the hermitage of San Miguel de Lliria, of royal patronage, and which could also be joined to the Chapel.56 It was finally decided to proceed in this way, and the implementation of Pope Alexander VII’s bull was delayed even further.57 Meanwhile, the religious service at the Palace of Valencia continued below minimum, with the much-mentioned Jacinto Hernández taking on the responsibilities almost alone. Hence, the Viceroy, the Marquis de Camarasa, would have to shuffle in the ratification of the prebend of the master of ceremonies, a role which Hernández had exercised well and for a considerable time, as well as provisioning for the rectory, the senior sacristan and the chaplaincy of the Royal Audience.58 His proposal was accompanied by the list of candidates for the vacant benefices that Philip IV had requested months previously.59 For Rector or Head Chaplain, he proposed three clergymen that were well known in the Valencian capital for their work teaching at the University. In order, they were: Juan Bautista Meseguer, Juan Bautista Bravo and Juan García, doctors of Philosophy, Canons and Law respectively. Francisco Colomer, beneficiary in the parish of San Juan del Mercado, Francisco Pastor, prosecutor for the Royal Audience, or Miguel Simates, vicar at the church of San Esteban, could

54 55 56 57

AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 18. AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 11. AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 11. AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 12. The authorization of the Archbishop in AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 23. 58 AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 11. 59 With minor differences –and only in the order of the candidates– to the one presented by the Council of Aragon (AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 26).

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become the new senior sacristan. For the final palace chaplaincy, three other clerics were nominated: Pau Bellot, Juan de la Sierra and Jaume Fabra.60 Table IV:  Viceroy’s shortlist of candidates for the Royal Chapel of Valencia (1662).

CHAPLAINCY

CANDIDATE

ACADEMIC TRAINING

APPOINTMENTS HELD

I – Juan Bautista Meseguer

Bachelor and Master in Arts Bachelor and Doctor of Theology

Examiner, Faculty of Theology Professor of Philosophy

II – Juan Bautista Bravo

Bachelor and Doctor of Canons

Lawyer Advisor to the Royal Audience Professor of Canons and Law with honorific

III – Juan García

Bachelor and Doctor of Canons Bachelor and Doctor of Law

Examiner, Faculty of Canons and Law University Lecturer and Professor of Canons with honorific

Rector or Chaplain Mayor

I – Francisco Colomer Senior Sacristan

Master of Ceremonies Royal Audience

II – Francisco Pastor

-

Doctor (?)

Beneficiary of the Parish of San Juan del Mercado Public Prosecutor for the Royal Audience

III – Miguel Simates

-

Vicar, Parish of San Esteban

Jacinto Hernández

-

Beneficiary of the Hermitage of San Miguel

I – Pau Bellot

-

Lecturer of Grammar in Vila-real

II – Juan de la Sierra

-

–

III – Jaume Fabra

-

Beneficiary of the Parish of San Andrés

Source: Compiled by the author

60 In addition to these, there were other applicants to these vacancies, see Relación de los memoriales que se han presentado pidiendo las capellanías de el Real Palacio de Valencia (AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 13).

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Everything suggests that the candidates presented by the Viceroy as first choice were awarded the corresponding prebend. In addition, these would be adjusted in the future to their new configuration, appending the pensions of the benefices attached to them –by merger or dissolution– as they become vacant. The name and condition of all candidates, indicates us that being member of the Royal Chapel of Valencia was still really relevant at the moment, as all of them belonged to the most relevant clergymen and university professors of Valencia; so, they were members of the elites of the kingdom. The same happened with their successors in the charges – as we can see in the table below – having some of them as well close contact with the Royal Chapel in Madrid; for example, Jaume Castell was royal preacher and José Lombardo was musician at it.61 Table V:  Title holders of the chaplaincy & senior sacristan in the Royal Chapel of Valencia (1662-c. 18th)

CHAPLAINCY

HOLDER

TERM

Rector / Mayor

Juan Bautista Meseguer

1662-65

Jaume Castell

1665-73

Isidoro Castell

1673-92

Gaspar Tahuenga

1692-1705

Francisco Colomer

1662-68

José Lombardo

1668-?

Francisco Pastor

?-1697

Paulino Blanch

1697-1707

Senior Sacristan

Source: Compiled by the author

Nonetheless, any hope that this would be the end of the Chapel’s problems would soon be dashed. As early as 1665 there were rumblings. With Archbishop López de Hontiveros still at the head of the diocese, the archbishopric was slow to make good on the 5,500 reales charged to the Mitre in favour of the

61 Juan Bautista Meseguer was the rector until he resigned to take up a canonry in Valencia Cathedral in 1665 (AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 2). He was replaced by Jaume Castell, Master in Arts, Doctor in Theology and royal preacher (AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 25). He held the post until 1673, and upon his death he was succeeded by his brother, Isidoro Castell, also Master in Arts and Doctor in Theology (AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 28). Francisco Colomer, for his part, was senior sacristan until he died in 1668. He was succeeded by the cathedral musician José Lombardo until 1682, when he took up a special commission at the Royal Chapel in Madrid (AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 27). This was until, at a date unknown, it passed to Francisco Pastor, who died in 1697 and was succeeded by Paulino Blanch, a beneficiary of the cathedral (AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 33).

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palace chaplaincies. The latter felt compelled to complain to the monarch about their economic hardship and their hopes placed on receiving the next episcopal stipend.62 Indeed, the change of prelate two years later, with the appointment of Ignacio Spínola y Guzmán, partially resolved the economic future of the Royal Chapel.63 New religious celebrations could even be incorporated into its liturgical cycle, among them the Sweet Name of Mary and the Patronage of the Virgin.64 However, all was still not well. In 1679 the rector, Isidoro Castell; the senior sacristan, Francisco Pastor; the master of ceremonies, Jaime Peris; and the chaplain of the Royal Audience, Antonio Lombart, united their voices before Queen Regent Marianne of Austria (1665-75). Their aim was to bring to her attention the difficulties of meeting their duties to the prebends in the palace along with those due to the benefices granted by the Crown in other parishes and churches of the capital. The interested parties again used well-known arguments: all the said chaplains have their benefices in different parishes of the city of Valencia; and because of the constant occupation they have and must have in the Palace, they do not attend their parishes, so they lose their income and even the alms collected during Mass because they are not there to say Mass in their church. While Your Majesty […] allows the head chaplain and master of ceremonies to serve in their churches, experience has shown that it is not possible because of the great distance from this Palace to the cathedral where they have their benefices; and the senior sacristan and chaplain of the Audiencia have their benefices in other churches, as does the master of ceremonies, having not yet vacated the position appointed to him in the cathedral.65 The solution lay, according to them, in a new appeal to the Holy See. Only in this way could they obtain a special grace which would make it possible to fulfil their obligations in the Palace Chapel and to receive all the emoluments derived from other ecclesiastical duties granted by the Crown.66 The petition was endorsed by the Viceroy of Valencia Gonzaga Orsini, Count of Paredes (1669-75), in order, as he himself would declare to the sovereign, to maintain the decency that corresponds to its status and to assist continually and punctually the worship and service of the Royal Chapel. It is not known if there were any proceedings in Rome in this regard. At least Queen Marianne of Austria made no decision until she heard the opinion 62 AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 33. 63 See above. 64 The first had already been approved in late 1662 with sung mass and music (ARV, Mestre Racional, book 13, fol. 14v). In February 1672, the second was also similarly sung and accompanied by music (Ortiz, Informe histórico, fol. 14r-14v). 65 ACA, Consejo de Aragón, bundle 805, doc. 5/11. 66 ACA, Consejo de Aragón, bundle 805, doc. 5/11.

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of the clergy of the affected churches, as well as the new Archbishop, Luis Alfonso de los Cameros.67 What is known is that all the stakeholders, from the chaplains to the Council of Aragon to the Viceroy, agreed to ask the Holy See to renew the indulgences that, over the previous decades, had conferred greater lustre to this sacred place during the celebrations of its patron saints; Our Lady of the Angels in the Lower Chapel, as well as Saint Catherine and Saint James in the Upper Chapel – two locations within the palace grounds that had been kept more or less intact by Pope Alexander VII’s bull. The Spanish ambassador to Rome, the Duke of Medinaceli, would request such ratification for both in 1693.68 Table VI:  Indulgences granted by the Holy See to the Royal Chapel of Valencia (17th century).

Lower or Our Lady of the Angels Chapel

Upper or St. Catherine’s Chapel

Pontiff

Date

Pontiff

Date

Paul V

18-VIII-1608

Urban VIII

8-XI-1623

Urban VIII

8-XI-1623

Urban VIII

20-XI-1635

Innocent X

5-II-1652

Innocent X

5-II-1652

Clement X

15-V-1671

Source: Compiled by the author

Epilogue Thus, the tumultuous beginning of the eighteenth century would bring new challenges for Valencia’s Palace Chapel. The final touches to the latest reforms were still to be finished, but, from 1707, the Spanish War of Succession would interrupt its completion.69 First, there was the uncertainty as to who would take charge of nominating the vacancies: Philip V or Archduke Charles of Austria, future Emperor Charles VI. Second, was the militancy of the chaplains on opposing sides. The first would leave in limbo the position of rector, left vacant with the death of the oratorian priest Gaspar Tahuenga, and which was coveted by both claimants to the Spanish throne. The second resulted in Paulino Blanch, a known supporter of the Austrian pretender, fleeing from his post as senior sacristan.70

67 ACA, Consejo de Aragón, bundle 805, doc. 5/10. For more about this Valencian prelate, see footnote above. 68 AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 9402, m. 32. 69 Carme Pérez Aparicio, Canvi dinàstic i Guerra de Successió. La fi del Regne de València (Valencia: 3 i 4 edicions, 2008). 70 AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 39.

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As a result, once the conflict was over, the Monarchy would consider the suppression of these benefices. Now established in Madrid and with the Nueva Planta decrees, the new Bourbon Crown wanted to put an end to the many obstacles that had been a source of irritation over the centuries. The Council of Castile strongly advised the monarch not to make any changes with regards to the Chapel, not only due to the negligible economic benefits it would bring to the royal treasury, but also because of the damage it could do to the image of royal patronage: it is offered to remind the Chamber that, of its dissolution, not only will it bring with it no benefit to the royal heritage, it will actually do harm to the royal patronage; these chaplaincies are instituted by papal bulls and are appointed by His Majesty and are removable ad nutum, their income coming directly from different lords, and from what is apportioned to them by the archbishop, without the said chaplains receiving more than 17 pounds from royal patronage.71 In the end, Philip V opted for not changing anything with regards to the Chapel of the Royal Palace of Valencia. He, however, decided to transfer its management, ‘as with the other royal households of Castile’, directly to the Board of Works and Woodlands [Junta de Obras y Bosques], which exercised his jurisdiction by proxy.72 This board was, henceforth, concerned with all matters relating to it, overseeing its sharp decline as the century advanced. It appointed vacancies from the dozens of aspirants to its ecclesiastical prebends, and it defended royal rights and privileges over it from attempted expropriation by chaplains and archbishops in turn. It even sought ways to clean up its accounts among the properties of the expelled Jesuits.73 However, it was another conflict, the Spanish War of Independence against the French in the early nineteenth century, during which the palace itself was demolished,74 that was to definitively seal the Palace Chapel’s fate and expunge its very existence.

71 AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 42. 72 AHN, Consejos Suprimidos, bundle 19402, m. 42. 73 Ortiz, Informe histórico. 74 Gómez Ferrer, El Real de Valencia, pp. 223 onwards.

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Fig. 4.1.  Detail of the Royal Palace of Valencia at Tomás Serrano, Fiestas seculares, con que la coronada ciudad de Valencia celebró el feliz cumplimiento del tercer siglo de la canonización de su esclarecido hijo, y ángel protector S. Vicente Ferrer (Valencia: Imprenta de la Viuda de Joseph de Orga, 1762), c. 1738 engraving. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España.

Fig. 4.2.  Carlos Francia, Naumachia y Parte de la Ciudad, Vista del Colegio de S. Pio V at Tomás Serrano, Fiestas seculares, con que la coronada ciudad de Valencia celebró el feliz cumplimiento del tercer siglo de la canonización de su esclarecido hijo, y ángel protector S. Vicente Ferrer (Valencia: Imprenta de la Viuda de Joseph de Orga, 1762), 1755 engraving. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España.

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Guill er m o Ni eva Ocam po and Ana Mónica Gonzál ez Fasani 

Lima and the Ecclesiastical Entourage of the Viceroys (1600-50) The Royal Chapel*

The political history of the Viceroyalty of Peru, that belonged to the Kingdom of Castile, has benefited in the last couple of decades from the studies carried out by Pilar Latasa, Eduardo Torres Arancivia, Alejandra Osorio, Arrigo Amadori and Margarita Suárez, who, in addition to the traditional institutionalist analysis of the careers of the royal officers, have included the analysis of the entourage of the Viceroy’s household, in other words, the Court, paying attention to its composition, function and dynamics, both symbolic and real.1 None of these, however, has properly addressed the ecclesiastical environment of the Lima Court, which is today considered to have been a central component in the system of government of the time, particularly in the case of the Catholic monarchies.2 This is remarkable, considering that the same



* We wish to express our thanks to Anthony and Janet Gaynor Dawson for the translation of the text. 1 Pilar Latasa, Administración virreinal en el Perú: gobierno del marqués de Montesclaros (1607-1615) (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Ramón Areces, 1997); Eduardo Torres Arancibia, Corte de Virreyes: el entorno del poder en el Perú del siglo XVII (Lima: Instituto Riva-Agüero-PUCP, 2006); Alejandra Osorio, Inventing Lima: Baroque Modernity in Peru’s South Sea Metropolis (New York: Macmillan, 2008); Arrigo Amadori, Negociando la obediencia: gestión y reforma de los virreinatos americanos en tiempo del conde-duque de Olivares (Madrid: Universidad de Sevilla/CSIC/Diputación de Sevilla, 2013); Margarita Suárez (ed.), Parientes, criados y allegados: los vínculos personales en el mundo virreinal peruano (Lima: PUCP, 2017). 2 That ecclesiastical environment that Benoist Pierre calls ‘clergé de cour’, or ‘court clergy’, ‘referred mainly to the members of the Chapel. We, for our part, define it as the set of ecclesiastics who made up the curia regis in order to fill, receive or withdraw from a post or mission, frequently validated by an office, a commission and/or a dignity, and being exercised either in the framework of the Chapel or of the Council and/or its administrative extensions […] The advantage of this notion of ‘court clergy’ is that it is all-embracing and systematic: it does not define the ecclesiastics in the royal entourage only by their relationship to the King (the ‘king’s prelates’) and thus by the interplay of favours, gifts and quid pro quos, nor only by type of activity […] but by the polymorphous nature of their service and the institutional and sociocultural system within which it was inscribed. Furthermore, the notion makes it possible to study the centre without neglecting the Guillermo Nieva Ocampo • University of Salta Ana Mónica González Fasani • National University of the South, Bahía Blanca Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 137-163.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123285

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authors repeatedly draw attention in their research to the leading roles played by confessors, preachers and other clerics in the service of the family of the Viceroy of the period, whether as counsellors, directors of conscience or political agents.3 The Chapel, in fact, was one of the most important spaces in the context of the government of the Viceroyalty. This was one of the departments of the Royal Household and at the very heart of domestic service in the context of the Court. In the Spanish case, its characteristics, powers and obligations had been shaped over almost two centuries from the reign of John II (1406-54) to that of Philip II.4 In this brief account we should like to focus not only on the reasons why it was founded and its constitutional aspects but also on its integrative nature, since it was used by the Viceroys to reward servants and relatives and to connect and negotiate with members of the local elites, while at the same time it became a space for the advancement of its members who enjoyed the protection of the King’s lieutenants. Furthermore, the preachers and, occasionally, the confessors of the Viceroy’s family served to create a link between the Chapel and the ecclesiastical corporations of Lima, especially the Recollect Convents, responsible for promoting and disseminating a new spirituality of withdrawal and retreat. Earthquakes, theft and fires, especially the fire in 1821, have led to the irretrievable loss of documentation concerning the Viceroy’s household in Lima, so that it is impossible to reconstruct the complete archives of the officers of the household. Using substitute documentation of a similar kind, from, in particular, the Archivo General de Indias [General Archive of the Indies], the Archivo Histórico Nacional [National Historical Archive], and other bibliographical and document collections, our aim is to reconstruct the major characteristics of this ecclesiastical community and its members during the first half of the seventeenth century.





periphery’, Benoist Pierre, La monarchie ecclésiale. Le clergé de cour en France à l’époque moderne (Paris : Champ Vallon, 2013), pp. 8-9. 3 An overview of the history of Peru in the seventeenth century in Arrigo Amadori, ‘Dinámicas de poder entre Lima y Madrid durante el reinado de Felipe IV: entre el reformismo y la integración de la élite local en la Monarquía Hispánica’, in José Martínez Millán, Rubén González Cuerva, Manuel Rivero Rodríguez (dirs.), La Corte de Felipe IV (1621-1665): reconfiguración de la Monarquía católica (Madrid: Polifemo, 2018), IV:4, pp. 1957-2034. 4 David Nogales Rincón, La representación religiosa de la monarquía castellano-leonesa: la Capilla Real (1252-1504) (unpublished doctoral thesis, Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 2009); Juan José Carreras Ares and Bernardo José García García (dirs.), La Capilla Real de los Austrias. Música y ritual de corte en la Europa moderna (Madrid: Fundación Carlos de Amberes, 2001); Henar Pizarro Llorente, ‘La capilla real, espacio de la lucha faccional’, in José Martínez Millán and Santiago Fernández Conti (dirs.), La Monarquía de Felipe II: la Casa del rey, 2 vols (Madrid: Fundación Mapfre-Tavera, 2005), I, pp. 143-51.

lima and the ecclesiastical entourage of the viceroys (1600-50)

The City, the Palace and the Royal Chapel The Royal Chapel connects us with the world of the churches and convents that adorned the urban landscape of Lima, ‘the City of the Kings’. During the seventeenth century this enclave played a central role within the framework of the Spanish Monarchy, becoming a reference point for other Latin American cities which adopted its design.5 By 1630 the population of the City of the Kings was numerous, around 40,000 inhabitants. An intense social, political and cultural activity had built up around the Court, with the rich variety and individualism typical of a multi-ethnic environment. Fifty per cent of that population consisted of negroes and mulattos, 40 per cent were Spaniards and 4 per cent of the remainder were Indians and mestizos.6 The skyline of the big city proudly displayed its bell towers and domes, including those of some twenty-nine convents.7 What is more, the religious environment did not wane with the passage of time; on the contrary, it had stimulated competition among the guilds and brotherhoods to found convents and ever increase the height of the churches.8 The capital of the Kingdom of Peru was assimilated symbolically into the Habsburg Monarchy by means of political and religious observances that, as in other corners of the Empire, conveyed an ordered, hierarchical image of political and religious power and society and simultaneously helped shape its identity in the Hispanic world.9 Within this context, the clergy in the immediate environment of the Viceroy occupied a prominent position, especially his Dean of the Chapel.10 The ceremonial order followed at the funeral solemnities to commemorate the death of Queen Margaret of Austria-Styria (1599-1611) in 1612 provides a good example:

5 María Dolores Crespo Rodríguez, Arquitectura doméstica en la Ciudad de los Reyes (1535-1750) (Sevilla: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 2006). 6 On the situation of the city of Lima in the seventeenth century, see: Juan Günther Doerin and Guillermo Lohmann Villena, Lima (Madrid: Editorial Mapfre, 1992); María Antonia Durán Montero, Lima en el siglo XVII. Arquitectura, urbanismo y vida cotidiana (Sevilla: Diputación Provincial, 1994). 7 Juan Bromley, Las viejas calles de Lima (Lima: Municipalidad Metropolitana de Lima, 2005). 8 Pedro Hurtado Valdez, ‘Entre torres y balcones: la imagen de Lima virreinal’, Areté Documenta, 20 (2005), pp. 53-72. 9 Alejandra Osorio, ‘La entrada del virrey y el ejercicio de poder en la Lima del siglo XVII’, Historia Mexicana, 55:3 (2006), pp. 767-831. 10 ‘In any ceremonial that had the figure of the King at its centre, attending a service at his side conferred a prestige that was enhanced even further by the presence of the cream of the Court, which accounts for the great attention to detail with which all the constitutions and general regulations stipulated the exact positioning of each and every member within the Chapel’, Fernando Negredo del Cerro, ‘La Capilla de palacio a principios del siglo XVII. Otras formas de poder en el Alcázar madrileño’, Studia Historica. Historia moderna, 28 (2006), p. 73.

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At three o’clock in the afternoon, the Archbishop and the religious were already in the Cathedral in the following order: [the monastery / convent of] Santo Domingo [Saint Dominic], San Francisco [Saint Francis], San Agustín [Saint Augustine], Nuestra Señora de la Merced [Our Lady of Mercy], and the Compañía de Jesús [Society of Jesus] / At four in the afternoon, those who were to accompany His Excellency were already gathered in the palace, and at that very hour they started to file out (in the order that had been given to his Royal Chamberlain and Captain of the Guard, Don Francisco Messía y Sandoval) / Waiting in the street were the feudatory encomenderos [settlers with encomiendas: colonial grants of land and Indian labour] from that city and from others in the kingdom; the ministers of the Real Audiencia [Royal High Court of Appeals]; / the Colegio de San Martín [College of Saint Martin]; the colegio Real de San Felipe [Royal College of Saint Philip], the rector and staff of the Real Universidad de San Marcos [Royal University of Saint Mark], the city council, with the treasurer and agent, judicial officers of the caja real [Royal Treasury] of Lima. / They were followed by the Kings of Arms, then the chancellor and registrar from the Real Audiencia; the Corps of Halberdiers of the Guard of His Excellency. The three accountants of the contaduría mayor [Audit Board of the Accounts], in single file. [The members of] the Real Audiencia were in pairs / Then the Viceroy on his own, with Don Juan Gaitán, the gentleman of his chamber. In a line behind His Excellency were Don Rodrigo de Mendoza y Castilla, his nephew; the learned doctor, Don Diego Núñez de Avendaño, Dean of the Royal Chapel; Don Lope de Torres y de Guzmán, Master of the Horse, and Don Nicolás de Mendoza, a Knight of the Order of Santiago [Saint Jacques]’.11 At the same time there was another space, organized around the Viceroy and the Vicereine and their respective households and retinues, which acted, among other things, as a space where patronage and the languages of service, obedience and honour converged. This space served to neutralize the effects of royal absenteeism, strengthen links with the Crown and to contribute to the governability of the Viceroyalty.12 Of all the physical spaces of the city, the one that best displayed the grandeur of the Crown and the King’s lieutenant in the territory was the Royal Palace, situated on one side of the main square. Bernabé Cobo y Peralta, author of

11 Relacion delas exequias q el ex.mo s.r D. Iuan de mendoça y luna Marques de Montesclaros, virrei del Piru hizo enla muerte dela Reina Nuestra S. Doña Margarita (Lima: Pedro de Merchán y Calderón, 1613), p. 64. 12 For an analysis of the symbolic presence of the monarch in Lima and the shaping of the city as a Baroque centre of the Viceroyalty, see Alejandra Osorio, El Rey en Lima. El simulacro real y el ejercicio del poder en la Lima del XVII (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 2004) and ID., Inventing Lima.

lima and the ecclesiastical entourage of the viceroys (1600-50)

Historia del Nuevo mundo, written around 1650 and also author of the Historia de la Fundación de Lima composed in 1653, describes it as follows: On the fourth and final side that slopes down to the river, on the northern side, are the royal houses, the Palace and the home of the Viceroys. It is the largest and most sumptuous palace in the kingdom, because of its magnificent position and because of what all the Viceroys have done, adding to its lustre with many costly buildings, because there is hardly a single Viceroy who has not extended it with some noteworthy chamber or room with which it has attained the majesty that it represents. It is a double-fronted building of uniform height, with ample rooftops and roof terraces. Apart from the rooms and apartments where the Viceroy lives with his family, there are the docks [for the accused] and the courtrooms of the Real Audiencia, the Real Acuerdo [≈State Council of the Viceroy] Chamber and the Criminal Chamber, all expensively adorned. The court jail, which was finished and received [its first] prisoners in the year 1621, is very capacious, well constructed, with its inner courtyard, galleries and a fountain in the middle and a large chapel with a door to the street. The tribunal de los contadores mayores [Court of Chancery], the tribunal for recruiting royal officers, with the house of the real hacienda [Royal Exchequer], the Royal Chapel and the sala de armas [armoury]. It has two large inner courtyards, with galleries running round it and a large, well-designed garden, with all the offices that the ideal, finished household should possess for the dwelling place of such a great lord. Overlooking the square is a beautiful gallery with galleried belvedere that extends to the centre of the façade, where the main entrance is, richly ornamented in stone and brick, commissioned by the Viceroy, Don Luis de Velasco (1596-1604). The other half of this side of the square has large windows, also a work commissioned by Don Luis de Velasco. Apart from the door that leads onto the square, there are another three on each of its sides. The other façade, opposite to the one on the square, looks down over the river and provides a most pleasant view’.13 Cobo himself said the following about the Palace Chapel: In the royal houses of the Palace, where the Viceroys live, and between its two outer courtyards is the Royal Chapel. This is a church of moderate size, of two blocks that form a right angle, each with a door to each of the two courtyards. In one block, facing the altar is the Viceroy’s gallery; in the other, the oidores [judges of the Audiencia] hear Mass every day before entering the Audiencia and the Lenten Sermons are preached to them on the holy days of obligation.14 13 Bernabé Cobo, Historia de la fundación de Lima, ed. and preliminary study by M. González de la Rosa (Lima: Imprenta Liberal, 1882), p. 104. 14 Cobo, Historia, p. 371.

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Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa, for his part, recalls that: In the church, the brocade seat [where the Viceroy sits] represents Majesty on a large carpet in the centre of the High Chapel, and along the sides of the High Chapel sit those from the Chancery on their high-backed chairs and the city council on benches, with the senior servants of the Household, and the Dean of the Royal Chapel who comes to give him confession, and the Deacon of the Altar descends, accompanied by the verger and ministers to give him the Gospels to kiss and cense him like the King, and offer him the sign of peace – and as he represents the King, many people from Kingdom attend, so further increasing the grandeur of the city.15 Apart from a place of worship, the Royal Chapel was also made up of all the clerics who provided the monarch with liturgical and spiritual services.16 In the case of Lima, it had been founded in 1595, on the orders of Viceroy García Hurtado de Mendoza (1589-96), the fourth Marquis of Cañete, so that he, his servants and the oidores could attend Mass daily.17 It was situated in the Viceroy’s palace, in the western courtyard where the Royal Treasuries were.18 The Chapel was staffed by a Dean or Head Chaplain [Capellán Mayor] and five minor chaplains. The Marquis of Cañete had instituted a stipend of 800 pesos for the Dean of the Chapel and 500 for the minor chaplains, income that had been fixed for different distributions of revenue over time. As with other revenue-collecting corporations in the city, the Chapel was also sustained thanks to the canons that proceeded from the ground rents charged on real estate and ancestral homes. Margarita Suárez points out that in the city of Lima, apart from a share in the propios y rentas [income from municipal property and revenues] of the city council of Lima, the chaplains of the royal chapel also had a share of some ground-rent taxes levied on the stately homes of the new district of Saint Lazarus. Two thirds of the revenues went to the City Council and the remaining third to the chaplains.19

15 Antonio Vázquez de Espinosa, Compendio y descripción de las Indias Occidentales, manuscript transcribed by Carles Upson Clark (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1948 [16081630]), pp. 399-401. 16 Negredo del Cerro, ‘La capilla de palacio a principios del siglo XVII’; Sara Granda Lorenzo, ‘La Capilla Real: la presencia del capellán real en la élite del poder político’, Libros de la Corte, 3 (2011), pp. 21-35; Rubén Mayoral López, ‘La Capilla Real’, in La Monarquía de Felipe III, dir. by José Martínez Millán and Maria Antonietta Visceglia, 4 vols (Madrid: Fundación Mapfre, 2008), I, pp. 349-458; José Martínez Millán, ‘La dinastía Habsburgo en la historiografía española de los siglos XIX y XX’, Libros de la Corte, 7:5 (2013), pp. 33-58. 17 AGI, Patronato, bundle 191, R. 26. 18 After the wars between the conquistadors, it was the Marquis of Cañete who initiated the transformation of the city into the capital of the Viceroyalty, see José Beingolea del Carpio and Carlos Díaz Mantilla, ‘Lima, 1535-1866: Cultura material e ideología urbana’, Tiempos de América, 5-6 (2000), pp. 97-120. 19 Margarita Suárez, Desafíos transatlánticos. Mercaderes, banqueros y el estado en el Perú virreinal, 1600-1700 (Lima: Institut français d’études andines, 2001), p. 31.

lima and the ecclesiastical entourage of the viceroys (1600-50)

Offices associated with the Chapel were appointed by the Viceroy. Cañete had stipulated in the founding charter that, in order to guarantee the advancement of the Saint Philip alumni, these and the vice-rectors should be preferred as chaplains over other candidates: ‘if there is a member of the college or vice rector priest with the requisite attributes, no provision can be made for any person from outside the said college’.20 A few years before the Royal Chapel, Viceroy Hurtado de Mendoza had founded the Royal College of Saint Philip and Saint Mark [San Felipe y San Marcos] for the purpose of providing the descendants of conquistadors and other members of distinguished families with an education.21 The chronicler, Cristóbal Suárez de Figueroa, maintains that ‘great benefits resulted from building this college because of the many educated and virtuous men who graduate from there’.22 In a letter sent to the Viceroy in 1594, the King congratulated him on a job well done and for having completed other buildings that had been started much earlier: ‘for you know how important it is to prepare the way for the youth of that land, who are wont to be so loose-living and immorally brought up, to be instructed in letras [knowledge] and virtue, with the land itself raising individuals who will reap the honours, for the benefit of the said land’.23 The Royal College of Saint Philip and Saint Mark of Lima was adjacent to the University. Canon Law, Artes [Metaphysics and Physics] and Theology were taught there, and eighteen alumni and four servants were admitted to the college: Firstly, in the name of His Majesty, I hereby found this Royal College of Saint Philip and Saint Mark, and it should have and continue to have this name and dedication, which is the will and intention of His Majesty that it should be for the sons, grandsons and descendants of conquistadors and settlers of this kingdom and people who have served and shown their worth in it and who, in addition, are poor.24

20 AGI, Patronato, bundle 191, R. 26. 21 However, the chronicler Bartolomé Cobo affirmed that it had been founded in 1575 by Viceroy Francisco de Toledo with an income of one thousand pesos. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Royal College of Saint Philip prided itself on receiving only the noblest, privileged and worthy of the viceroyalty, and the rectors of Saint Philip boasted of being a Colegio Mayor like those of Valladolid or Salamanca (Alexandre Coello de la Rosa, ‘Pureza, prestigio y letras en Lima colonial. El conflicto entre el colegio de San Martín y el colegio real de San Felipe y San Marcos (1590-1615)’, in Nikolaus Böttcher, Bernd Hausberger and Max S. Hering Torres, El peso de la sangre. limpios, mestizos y nobles en el mundo hispánico (Mexico: El Colegio de México: 2011) pp. 137-68). 22 Cristóbal Suárez de Figueroa, Hechos de don Martín Hurtado de Mendoça quarto marques de Cañete. A don Francisco de Roxas y Sandoval, duque de Lerma, marqués de Denia (Madrid: Imprenta Real, 1613), p. 184. 23 Suárez de Figueroa, Hechos de don Martín Hurtado de Mendoça, p.184. 24 Fundación y Ordenanzas del Colegio Real de esta Ciudad de los Reyes, in Pedro Marañón, ‘Constituciones del Colegio Real San Felipe y San Marcos de Lima’, Estudios de Historia Social y Económica de América, 15 ( July-December 1997), pp. 419-34.

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Before the College of Saint Philip, the Jesuits had opened another one in Lima, the College of Saint Martin [San Martín], which had been completed when Father Baltasar de Piñas was its director. Father José de Acosta started it in 1576, intending it to be for young men who came from the interior and even from Chile, Quito and the New Kingdom to study at the Saint Paul’s College in Lima. Even at that time, 250 students attended the college which had been set up in a nearby house and entrusted to the care of a layman, a function that would later be carried out by a priest. With the arrival in Lima of Viceroy Martín Enríquez de Almansa (1581-83), the idea took hold of founding it as a Colegio Mayor – where entry requirements were more rigo­ rous, especially with regard to purity of blood.25 The story goes that Father Acosta, accompanied by the popular Father Juan Gómez and the most senior oidor of the Royal Audience, the Licentiate Cristóbal Ramírez de Cartagena, went from door to door begging for alms so that the building work could commence.26 This was how a site next to the Society [of Jesus] came to be purchased where accommodation for twenty-four students was built. The College was named Saint Martin as a tribute to its patron, the Viceroy. The dispensation authorizing its opening is dated 11 August 1582 and it remained dependent on the College of Saint Paul until 1588, when its own rector was appointed. To be admitted to the College it was necessary to be able to read and write, to have an penchant for learning and to be a legitimate son born in wedlock. It was modelled along the lines of the Jesuit colleges of Alcalá and Salamanca, which is why its students could not be younger than 12 or older than twenty-four. And the students who live in retreat there should wear the ordinary normal clothes that the other students of the colleges already mentioned wear, and live cloistered lives in the order under whatever rules and constitutions that, with my approbation are laid down […] It is not possible to express in a few words the great utility to the commonwealth that this college has provided because of the plentiful supply of learned and virtuous men emerging from it, whose example and doctrine contribute to the common good throughout the kingdom, which, it can be assumed, comes from the recollection, and the care with which they are brought up and taught in the continuous exercise of virtue and learning.27

25 Rubén Vargas Ugarte, Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en el Perú (Burgos: Imprenta de Aldecoa, 1963). 26 Historia General de la Compañía de Jesús en la Provincia del Perú: crónica anónima de 1600 que trata del establecimiento y misiones de la Compañía de Jesús en los países de habla española en la América meridional, ed. by Francisco Mateos S. J. (Madrid: CSIC Instituto Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, 1944). About the educational project of Jesuits see Alexandre Coello de la Rosa, ´Repensando el proyecto jesuítico en el Alto Perú: Diego Martínez, SJ, misionero y jesuita en Charcas colonial (1600-1606)´, Indiana, 25 (2008), pp. 51-76. 27 Cobo, Historia, pp. 293-96.

lima and the ecclesiastical entourage of the viceroys (1600-50)

Both educational institutions insisted on limpieza de sangre [purity of blood], a rule that assimilated them to their Spanish counterparts.28 Ultimately, this question made it possible for alumni of the colleges in the general area of the Spanish Monarchy to monopolize courtly offices of government and justice and for the sons of distinguished local families to ratify their privileged status and use it to gain entry into royal service.29

The Chaplains The link between the Lima colleges, the University and royal service seems to have been a growing phenomenon in the Peruvian court: The University of Lima is one of the foremost in Christendom. It is most distinguished because apart from having among its members oidores, alcaldes de el claustro y corte30 and royal prosecutors, dignitaries, canons, aldermen and prelates of the Religions, its academic body comprises more than ninety doctors and masters, more than sixty of whom are ordinarily in attendance in Lima. Brilliant lawyers and reputed eminences are to be seen on its governing body because the examinations are extremely rigorous. The religious come to listen to the professors of their particular order and, since there are few secular students, to pursue their studies in the colleges: the Royal College of Saint Philip and Saint Mark, founded by Viceroy Francisco de Toledo (1569-81) for the sons, grandsons and descendants of the conquistadors; they wear purple robes, with a blue beca [a sash or stole worn so that it forms a V on the chest] and a crown embroidered in silk and gold thread on the part of the chest above the V of the beca. They study canon law and laws. The Royal College of Saint Martin was founded by Viceroy Martín Enríquez, and brown robes and red becas are worn. They number one hundred and eighty alumni, theologians, jurists and grammarians, and are under the supervision of the religious of the Society of Jesus […]

28 ‘By the same token, those who were to be received in the said college as alumni or servants are to be of good life and habits and sons of honourable parents and poor, and are not to be descended from base people, nor from vile men punished by the Holy Office, nor should they be sons of mulattos or sambos [of mixed indigenous and African ancestry] and are to be examined for this by the Rector of the university, making a verbal report on the matter and receiving the reports that they had made and taken to him’, Cobo, Historia, pp. 296-98. See as well Alexandre Coello de la Rosa, ‘Pureza, prestigio y Letras en Lima colonial. El conflicto entre el Colegio de San Martín y el Colegio Real de San Felipe y San Marcos (1590-1615)’ in Böttcher, Hausberger and Hering, El peso de la sangre, pp. 137-68. 29 Rubén Lugilde Yepes, ‘La limpieza de sangre a través de las informaciones del Colegio mayor de San Bartolomé (s. XVI)’, Salamanca, 31-32 (1993), pp. 63-94; Antonio Domínguez Ortiz, La clase social de los conversos en Castilla en la Edad Moderna, facsimile edition (Granada: Universidad, 1991). 30 They had judicial authority within the confines of the university.

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This college and all the others have produced individuals for important, honourable posts, both ecclesiastical and secular. And everything that the University does is learned, brilliant and ostentatious, with each degree, which costs more than three thousand pesos, being of the highest worth. This University has produced archbishops, bishops, oidores, alcaldes de corte [judges of the palace court], inquisitors and a large number of dignitaries and canons, and every day, many other excellent people of repute to fill positions in governing bodies and preeminent offices.31 The careers of the chaplains do nothing to disprove this observation. A brief review of the lives of a handful of ecclesiastics who served in the Royal Chapel during the first half of the seventeenth century clearly bears this out. Andrés García de Zurita was originally from Seville, the son of hidalgos [nobles]. He lived in the monastery of Our Lady of Mercy of Seville, where he studied Artes and when he went to America he was awarded a vicariate in the city of Loja. He was a priest vicar, the Rector of the College in the same city and Visitor of the Diocese of Quito. According to witnesses, he arrived in Lima around 1590 where he completed his theological studies at the Royal College of Saint Philip, later becoming its Rector. The King had granted him a benefice with cure of souls in Cuzco Cathedral.32 In 1612, the Archbishop of Cuzco required his presence urgently, which is why García de Zurita relinquished the benefice, on the orders of Viceroy Marquis of Montesclaros (1606-16), so that he could continue to serve in the College and the Royal Chapel.33 He had, in turn, sought royal favour to occupy the post of canon responsible for the Scriptures in the Cathedral, which he obtained in 1613.34 Several years later, in 1641, he is to be found as the maestrescuela [schoolmaster or teacher to the clergy] of Lima Cathedral and, as of November 1646, its Dean.35 He crowned his career as Bishop of Huamanga in 1647, then, of Trujillo, where he died in 1652.36 His service as Dean of the Chapel during the Viceroyalty of the Marquis of Mancera (1639-48) would have made it possible for him to rise to the highest ranks of the city council and Bishopric in Peru.37

31 Diego de Córdoba Salinas, Crónica Franciscana de las Provincias del Perú, ed. por Lino Canedo (Washington, D. C: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1957 [1651]), pp. 483-84. 32 AGI, Lima, 218, N.3 1608. 33 AGI, Lima, 220, N.5 1613. 34 AGI, Indiferente, 192, N.15. 35 José Manuel Bermúdez, Anales de la catedral de Lima 1534-1824 (Lima: Imprenta del Estado, 1903). 36 Gil González Dávila, Teatro eclesiástico de la primitiva Iglesia de las Indias Occidentales…, Tomo Segundo (Madrid: Díaz de la Carrera impresor, 1655), p. 20; Antonio de Alcedo, Diccionario geográfico-histórico de las Indias Occidentales o América: es a saber: de los Reynos del Perú, Nueva España, Tierra-Firme, Chile y Nuevo Reyno de Granada (Madrid: Imprenta de Manuel González, 1789), p. 204. 37 ‘Consultas y pareceres dados a S.M. en asuntos de gobierno de Indias’, I, at AHN, Codices, L.752.

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Sebastián de Loyola, priest and alumnus of the College of Saint Philip and Mark, studied canon law at the University. He was great-grandson of Captain Asencio de Salinas Loyola, one of the first conquistadors of the New Kingdom of Granada. Furthermore, his maternal grandfather had been an oidor of the Audiencia of Panama.38 He was made chaplain of the royal chapel by the Viceroy Prince of Squillace (1614-21) in 1618.39 In response to a petition he made the same year, he was received as a half-prebendary canon of the Cathedral. In 1621, he was promoted to full prebendary canon. In 1646, he was appointed canon and in 1658, he was made a chantry priest. He died the following year.40 According to the witnesses consulted for the reports provided in the years 1602 and 1618, he was a cleric who led an exemplary life. In 1649, the Marquis of Mancera proposed Martín de Velasco y Molina for the Bishopric of Trujillo. ‘The first post that he held was as chaplain to the Royal Audience in that city’, according to a report presented to the King by the Chamber of the Indies in 1654.41 Indeed, he was appointed royal chaplain by the Royal Audience in the absence of the Prince of Squillace, in 1621. He was a member of a distinguished family of the Indies,42 thanks to which he was student at the Royal College of San Martin at Lima. He obtained the degrees of Bachelor and Licentiate in Arts from the University, where he also gained his Masters and Doctorate in Theology. He became a counsellor at the University and Professor of Philosophy and also the Prime Professor from 1644.43 Thanks to his gifts and his work in the Royal Chapel, he obtained a canonry (sinecure) in the church of Trujillo in 1623, which he held until 1629, also performing the duties of Episcopal Visitor. In addition, he was an administrator of tithes between 1634 and 1639, then Dean of Arequipa, from 1639, and provisor [Ecclesiastical judge and the Bishop’s vicar-general] of the same Bishopric from 1641. From November 1644, he was provisor of the Bishopric of Lima and canon penitentiary of that church. From 1647, he was a chantry priest and then, from 1651, Synodal judge of the Archbishopric, and from 31 August 1654 Bishop of La Paz in Bolivia.44 Similarly, Diego de Avendaño y Zúñiga, Dean of the Chapel from 1612 until 1640, was also a scion of a distinguished family of the Indies. His father, Diego Núñez de Avendaño, had been an oidor and president of the Royal

38 AGI, Lima, 214, N. 4. 39 AGI, Lima, 224, N.14. See also, Carmen Martínez Martín, ‘La estirpe de Ana Vélez de Loyola entre los siglos XVI y XVII. De la aventura americana a la vida social logroñesa’, Berceo, 148 (2005), pp. 125-52. 40 Bermúdez, Anales de la catedral de Lima. 41 AGI, Indiferente, 194, N.15. 42 AGI, Lima, 231, N. 12, 1636. 43 The cátedra de prima [Chair of Prime] was more prestigious than the cátedra de vísperas [Chair of Vespers], since the position was much better paid, and all classes were given in the morning. 44 AGI, Indiferente, 194, N.15.

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Audience of Lima until 1606, and his brother was Captain Pedro de Avendaño.45 In the case of Diego de Avendaño, the fact that he belonged to the chapel enabled one of his nephews, Melchor de Avendaño, to benefit from his uncle’s important position and for the King to consent to his appointment to the Lima Cathedral Chapter in 1655 as a half-prebendary canon. He concluded his career as a chantry priest.46 The licentiate Don Gonzalo Astete de Ulloa, who was Dean of the Royal Chapel, was a native of Seville; the grandson on his father’s side of the licentiate Martín Martínez de Campo, who, after a long career of service, was the chief magistrate of Malaga in the province of Andalusia at the time of his death.47 He [Gonzalo Astete de Ulloa] had sailed to the Indies in 1624 with the Archbishop of Lima, Don Gonzalo de Campo, a relative of his. Don Gonzalo Astete de Ulloa was also related to the licentiate Alonso Maldonado de Torres, a member of the Council of the Indies.48 He settled first of all in Potosí, where he assisted the chief magistrate Bartolomé Astete de Ulloa, another relative of his, and was later ordained a priest in Charcas. In Lima, he studied canon law at the University of Saint Mark and graduated in 1635. The Viceroy Count of Chinchón (1629-39) gave him a post of royal chaplain in which he served for five years until the position of Dean of the Chapel felt vacant due to the death of Doctor Diego de Avendaño y Zúñiga and the Marquis of Mancera favoured him by appointing him to it. Juan de Valverde y Mercado was the third son of Captain Francisco de Valverde y Mercado, who had been Captain General and President of the Royal Audience of Panama, and of María de Solórzano y Pereyra, the sister of Juan de Solórzano y Pereyra, Councillor of the Indies.49 As of 1624, he acted as chaplain of the Royal Chapel and was replaced in 1630 by Fernando Contreras, treasurer to the Count of Chinchón, when the King promoted him to a canonry (sinecure) in the Cathedral of Charcas.50 Francisco Félix de Guzmán was a presbyter, or secular priest, in 1610, and the legitimate son of Fernando de Guzmán, a familiar of the Holy Office in the New Kingdom of Granada, and of Doña Luisa de Ayala, whose family were among the earliest settlers in Lima. He himself points out: Since my childhood I have busied myself with studying philosophy and law at the university of this city [Lima]. I have been a priest for eight years; for some of those years I have served and continue to serve Your Highness 45 Felipe Alberto Barreda, Manuel Pardo Ribadeneira: regente de la Real Audiencia del Cuzco (Lima: Editorial Lumen, 1954), pp. 65-67. 46 AGI, Lima, 23; Bermúdez, Anales de la catedral de Lima. 47 AGI, Lima, 235, N. 11. 48 AGI, Contratación, 5389, N.47. 49 Instituto Salazar y Castro, Estudios genealógicos, heráldicos y nobiliarios en honor de Vicente de Cadenas y Vincent… (Madrid: Hidalguía, 1972), 2, p. 361. 50 Diario de Lima, 1629-1639, ed. by Juan Antonio Suardo and Rubén Vargas Ugarte (Lima: Universidad Católica de Perú, 1936), 1 and 2, p. 258.

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as a chaplain in the Royal Chapel in all of which I have attempted to make virtue a priority, by giving a good account of my person and because I am hoping that His Majesty will be gracious enough to offer me a prebend in one of the principal churches of this kingdom; I beg and beseech you to have this information sent to you.51 At last example, we would like to pay attention to Miguel Davalle Ozores y Pacheco, a graduate and secular priest, was born in the town of Salvatierra, in the diocese of Tuy, in the Kingdom of Galicia. He studied canon law at the Royal University of Mexico and graduated with a Bachelor’s degree, later acting as Major Sacristan of Mexico City Cathedral and Chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Mexico.52 He was chaplain to the Count of Salvatierra, Viceroy of New Spain (1642-47), and accompanied him when he moved on to Peru (1647-55). Once in Lima, he applied for the post of curate of the parish church of Saint Anne and was awarded it, with the obligation to teach Christian doctrine to the blacks in the parish. By decree of 30 September 1648, the Count of Salvatierra appointed him chaplain of the Royal Chapel of Lima, with a stipend of five hundred assayed pesos per year, to replace Francisco de Olivares who had died. In the year 1629, the number of priests in the chapel was increased to seven, who said some six hundred masses a year. The measure was taken by the Count of Chinchón to benefit the licentiate Fernando Contreras. Contreras had accompanied the Viceroy to Lima, as his servant and steward. He later obtained the Chair of Prime at the University of Saint Mark and post of master of works of the Cathedral for Contreras, with a stipend of 800 pesos, due to the influence of the Viceroy.53 The stipends assigned to the chaplains were good enough, as long as they were paid, which was not always the case. This partly explains why the chaplains, without neglecting their existing obligations, would send the King petitions via the Royal Audience of Lima, for him to grant them other ecclesiastical benefices, generally a canonry (sinecure) in the ecclesiastical chapter of Lima or some other one in Peru. Once the process was set in motion, statements were taken from a large number of people of recognized prestige who could give information about

51 AGI, Lima, 219, N. 5. 52 AGI, Lima, 247, N. 14. 53 Juan Bromley, ‘La ciudad de Lima en el año 1630’, Revista Histórica, 24 (1959), pp. 268-317. Contreras directed the work on the portals of the Cathedral between 1630 and 1637. Enrique Marco Dorta, Fuentes para la historia del arte hispanoamericano: estudios y documentos (Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos, 1951), 1, p. 66; Antonio San Cristóbal, La Catedral de Lima: estudios y documentos (Lima: Museo de Arte Religioso de la Catedral de Lima, 1996), pp. 229-34; Rafael Ramos Sosa, ‘El cabildo catedral de Lima: los gustos artísticos de una élite intelectual (1600-1630)’, in Elites urbanas en Hispanoamérica: de la conquista a la independencia, ed. by Manuela Cristina García Bernal, Luis Navarro García and Julián B. Ruiz Rivera (Seville: Universidad de Sevilla, 2005), pp. 397-400.

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the petitioner’s record. These witnesses would answer questions relating to the quality of both the applicant himself and his family and also questions about his career and achievements. The testimony would end with a statement along the following lines: ‘Juan de Solórzano y Pereyra, the oidor for receiving information concerning the Bachiller x […] am of the opinion that he is worthy and deserving of any favour that Your Majesty might grant him’.54 Another of the formulas found was: ‘I declare that I regard him as worthy and well-deserving of any dignity or canonry (sinecure) that Your Majesty should see fit to offer’.55 Being a canon meant belonging to a highly structured, hierarchical corporation of clergymen, which acted as a significant corporative counterweight to episcopal authority. They met daily for prayer and to sing the canonical hours in the mother church of the diocese.56 When a Bishop’s see fell vacant, it was the chapter body that exercised the maximum authority of the diocesan clergy in the vacant see:57 Whereas the archbishop was one individual, the chapter was a body of priests that was not always cohesive, whose members carried out the diocesan tasks of government and administration delegated by the ordinary.58 In about 1620, the net income of the archdiocese amounted to 146,056.17 pesos of nine reals. According to the Bull of Erection, it had to be shared out in quarters.59 One quarter for the Archbishop, 36,504 pesos. 4 maravedis and a quarter; another identical quarter for the dean and chapter; and nine shares had to be made from the other two quarters (for the King, the fabrica ecclesiae, the hospitals and so on). According to Castañeda Delgado, the distribution of the chapter’s quarter, when broken down, generated the following results:

54 AGI, Lima, 224, N. 14. 55 AGI, Lima, 218, N. 3. 56 Óscar Mazín Gómez, El cabildo catedral de Valladolid de Michoacán (Michoacán: El Colegio de Michoacán, 1997), p. 133. 57 Rubén Vargas Ugarte, Historia de la Compañía de Jesús (Burgos: Imprenta de Aldecoa, 1963), I, p. 166. 58 Alexandre Coello de la Rosa, ‘El cabildo catedralicio y los jueces adjuntos en Lima colonial (1601-1611)’, Colonial Latin American Review, 20:3 (2011), pp. 331-61. See also Masaki Sato, ´El cabildo eclesiástico de Lima bajo la “Unión de Armas”, 1639-1648’, Historica, 39:2 (2015), pp. 89-115. 59 AGI, Indiferente, 3018, ‘Relación dada por el Contador de la Iglesia Catedral de los Reyes, Pbro. Lic. Diego de Cordova, sobre el valor de las rentas decimales y su distribución’. Cited by Paulino Castañeda Delgado, ‘Don Gonzalo del Campo, canónigo de Sevilla y Arzobispo de Lima’, in Primeras Jornadas de Andalucía y América (Seville: Universidad de La Rábida, 1981), II, 53-78 (pp. 63-67).

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Chapter’s quarter: 36,514 pesos. 4 maravedis: - Dean. 2,117 pesos, 8 tom., 9 grams of eight reals60 - Dignities. Four at 1,835 pesos. 2. Total: 7,342 pesos, S, 2, 8 - Canons. Ten at 1,411 pesos. 8/10. Total: 14,119,8 - Prebendaries. Six at 988,3,6 pesos. Total: 5,930, S, 3,3 - Half-Prebendaries. Six at 494,1,8 112. Total: 2,965, S, 1,7 - Steward of fabrica ecclesiae 705,8,10 - Secretary to the chapter 225,8,3 - Chaplains. Six at 282,3,7. Total, 1,694, S, 3,9 - Verger 225,8,3 - Acolytes. Six 169,3,10. Total, 1,016, S, 5,5 - Dog-catcher 169,3,10 The prebends, then, did not amount too much, hence the interest of the members of the chapter in multiplying their income and of the Archbishops in reclaiming the doctrines (officially known as Reductions) that were in the hands of the regular clergy of Lima. In fact, with the doctrines, the regular clergy had conquered large areas of land free of missions and also had control of estates and their corresponding resources which the bishops had been trying to take over and control since the end of the sixteenth century.61 In short, the Viceroyal Chapel served as a space for the promotion of servants arriving in Lima with the Viceroys, who together with the office of chaplain, very soon obtained a canonry (sinecure) or cathedral office, which could sometimes lead to the adjudication of a bishop’s mitre in the Viceroyalty of Peru. A practice that remained unchanged throughout the century, even when not encouraged by the Crown.62 On the other hand, the Chapel was also a space for integrating and congregating students from the local elites who frequently started their ecclesiastical careers in this palace department.

60 About the value of currency, see Elena García Guerra, ‘Moneda en España en los siglos XVIXVIII’, in Alfredo Alvar et alii, La economía en la España moderna (Madrid: Istmo, 2006), 201-40 (pp. 212-13). By 1630, in Lima, a young slave cost around 500 reales of eight and a mule between 60 and 20 reales, depending on age, training,… 61 Hans-Jürgen Priem, ‘La conquista espiritual’, in Historia de América Andina, ed. by Manuel Burga (Ecuador: Universidad Andina Simón Bolívar, 1999), 2, 355-400 (pp. 373-92); Paulino Castañeda Delgado and Juan Marchena Fernández, ‘Las órdenes religiosas en América’, Anuario de Estudios Americanos, 37 (1980), pp. 125-58. 62 Margarita Suárez, ‘Beneméritos, criados y allegados durante el gobierno del conde de Castellar: ¿el fin de la administración de los parientes?’, in Suárez, Parientes, criados y allegados, pp. 69-96; ‘Imperio, virreyes y arzobispos en el Perú del siglo XVII: historia de un conflicto’, in Alicia Mayer and José de la Puente Brunke (eds), Iglesia y Sociedad en la Nueva España y el Perú (Lima: Analecta, 2015), pp. 213-26.

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Little by little, in fact, the Chapel became a space where the Peruvian clergy could be controlled by the Viceroys and their entourages. The feeling of procrastination experienced by the first settlers or their descendants, the so-called merits, at the beginning of the seventeenth century led them to request appointments in high ecclesiastical and secular positions. Many of these Creoles had chosen to enter ecclesiastical life and from it they also requested offices and dignities. According to José de la Puente Brunke, the Creoles fought to be considered before the peninsular in the provision of offices and ecclesiastical benefits.63 It is in this context that the so-called prelación [priority] principle should be understood in favor of native candidates from the place or region where the position was vacant. The Crown recognized and confirmed the right of priority, but in practice, the authorities in the Indies acted differently and favored the newly arrived peninsular. The reality marked a course different from the legal norms. In this sense, it was really relevant the work of Juan Ortiz de Cervantes. He was from Lima, and studied at the University of Saint Mark, where he obtained the degrees of Bachelor and Doctor of Canons, to be recognized as a lawyer by the Royal Audience. He was accredited by the Council of Cuzco as attorney general of the encomenderos, traveling to the Royal Court where he presented successive memorials.64 He defended the right of the Creoles not only because of distributive justice and the common good, but also based on the advantage that the knowledge that they had in the uses and customs of the indigenous population and also the love for the land in which were born.

Confessors, Preachers and Convents In addition to the chaplains, the ecclesiastical entourage of the Viceroys was made up of preachers and confessors who, just as they did in Madrid, provided the Court with a link to the world of the convents in the city. These clergymen were not secular clergy but members of religious orders and often Discalceates or Recollects, who had made their appearance, precisely, in the first two decades of the seventeenth century.65

63 José de la Puente Brunke, ‘Los criollos y la provisión de beneficios eclesiásticos y oficios seculares en el Virreinato del Perú (siglo XVII)’, in Mayer and ID., Iglesia y Sociedad en la Nueva España, pp. 227-47. 64 Including the relevant Información a favor del derecho que tienen los nacidos en las Indias de ser preferidos en las prelacías, dignidades, canonjías y otros beneficios eclesiásticos y oficios seculares (Madrid: Viuda de Alonso Martín, 1620). 65 For preachers and royal confessors in Spain in the seventeenth century, see Fernando Negredo del Cerro, Los predicadores de Felipe IV. Corte, intrigas y religión en la España del Siglo de Oro (Madrid: Actas, 2006); Isabelle Poutrin, ‘Los confesores de los Reyes de España: carrera y función (s. XVI-XVII)’, in Religión y poder en la Edad Moderna, ed. by Antonio Luis Cortes Peña, José Luis Beltrán and Eliseo Serrano Martín (Granada: Universidad, 2005),

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Once the orders had established their main convents during the sixteenth century, they sought to have another devoted exclusively to prayer, retreat and penance, where the spiritual masters of the province could live. The first of them was founded by the Franciscans, ‘under the protection of Our Lady of the Angels, an eighth of a league away from the city to the North, on the other side of the district of Saint Lazarus, in 1596’.66 The prime mover behind the foundation of the convent of the Franciscan Recollects was Archbishop Toribio de Mogrovejo. In a letter dated 25 May 1592, he had written to the King recommending Fray Gabriel de la Soledad, a discalced friar, who was making his way to Castile to ‘implore Your Majesty to grant a licence to found some Discalced convents in this land [Peru] because of the many fruits that they are expected to bear among the people and the native-born, as well as other persons, seeing them lead a life of so much penance and turned away from worldly possessions’. Nonetheless, the Bishop encountered serious difficulties in obtaining permission for the new foundation, above all because of the misgivings that the Discalced had aroused at the Court of Philip II. Because of this, it was initially decided to do without the Royal Licence. At the request of the Commissioner General, Fray Antonio Ortiz, letters patent were issued on 10 May 1592, authorizing the foundation of a Recollect convent in this city of Lima.67 It was confirmed shortly afterwards by the Archbishop of Lima, although it was not approved and ratified by Philip III until 1617. Following the example of Franciscan recollection, the Mercedarians established their Recollect of Belén [Bethlehem] in 1606, the Dominicans the Recollect of the Venturosa María Magdalena [Blessed Mary Magdalene] in 1611, and the Augustinians, that of Nuestra Señora de Guía [Our Lady of Guidance] in 1619.68 Fray Diego de Córdoba y Salinas points out that, in the mid-seventeenth century, the city of Lima had the following convents and monasteries: Three of Nuestro Padre Santo Domingo [Our Father Saint Dominic], with their college of Santo Tomás de la Santísima Trinidad [Saint Thomas of the

pp. 67-81; María Amparo López Arandia, ‘El confesionario regio en la monarquía hispánica del siglo XVII’, Obradoiro de historia moderna, 19 (2010), pp. 249-78. 66 Cobo, Historia, p. 321. 67 Jorge Bernales Ballesteros, ‘El primer convento recoleto en Lima’, Boletín del Instituto RivaAgüero, 7 (1966-68), pp. 80-155. 68 The Recollect was founded by Fray Juan de Lorenzana and observed strict rules and customs from the very beginning. It adjoined the Recoleta de Belén, and between the two convents there was the vegetable garden of the Venturosa, the name by which this Dominican convent was known. It was linked to the Great Convent of El Rosario [The Rosary] by the street called la Amargura [Bitterness], famous for its tableaux of the Passion of Christ that would be taken out in Holy Week, processing from convent to convent. In 1656, this recollection had a small church, almost a chapel, where Our Lady of the Rosary was venerated ( José de Mugaburu, Diario de Lima (Lima: Concejo Provincial de Lima, 1935), p. 138).

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Most Holy Trinity]; another three of our Seraphic Order; three of Saint Augustin; two of the Orden Real de Nuestra Señora de la Merced [Royal Order of Our Lady of Mercy]. Three of the Society of Jesus, with the Residencia de Santiago del Cercado [Residence of Santiago del Cercado]. One of San Juan de Dios [Saint John of God]; and a hermitage of San Francisco de Paula [Saint Francis of Paola] and another of Nuestra Señora de Monserrate [Our Lady of Montserrat], of monks of San Benito [Saint Benedict] […] in which more than a thousand religious distributed among their houses and monasteries serve God.69 As for the confessors, we can pay attention to Fray Juan de la Concepción, who was one of the Franciscan Recollects who served at the viceregal court. This friar was born around 1560 in Santillana of parents who had been made nobles by letters patent. He studied at the University of Alcalá, where he attained a Bachelor’s degree in Theology.70 He applied to Philip II for a benefice in the Indies and was granted the chantry of the diocese of Manila in 1584.71 When he arrived in Mexico, about 1590, he made his way to Court, where he obtained a curacy in Acapulco from the Viceroy, the Marquis of Salinas (1590-95). Four years later he returned to Mexico, now a rich man. He obtained the post of tutor to the Viceroy’s son, and was then incorporated into the Royal Chapel. He moved with the Marquis to Peru, when the latter was posted there. In Lima, he acted as Dean of the Chapel to Viceroy Salinas and even as provisor and vicar to Bishop Mogrovejo. According to Diego de Salinas, the Viceroy ‘gave him a capacious, reputable dwelling where he was served with every comfort and ostentation by Spanish lackeys and pages’.72 The chronicler says, in an obvious comparison with Saint Paul’s conversion on the road to Damascus, that around 1597, after an accident when he fell off his mule, he started to reflect on the dangers of life and ‘the secure life of religion’. A couple of years later he decided to take the Franciscan habit in the recently inaugurated recollect convent of Our Lady of the Angels, where he changed his name to Fray Juan de la Concepción. He lived in that house for

69 Córdoba Salinas, Crónica Franciscana, p. 489. Cobo completes the information by saying that ‘There are twenty convents in all that have been founded in this city, including the hospital of the Brothers of Saint John of God, currently with two thousand one hundred and thirty monks and nuns. Six of these [convents] are Monasteries for Nuns, and there would have been many more had not his Majesty forbidden any more to be founded. There are one thousand and ten nuns and another thousand female servants and slaves of the nuns, with some young lay women who were brought up in the convents, meaning that more than two thousand women live cloistered in these six Monasteries; in the fourteen convents for Monks, there are one thousand one hundred and twenty-six, not including the lay brothers, servants and slaves, who number more than five hundred’, Cobo, Historia, p. 256. 70 Córdoba Salinas, Crónica Franciscana, pp. 415-19. 71 AGI, Indiferente,740, N. 242. 72 Córdoba Salinas, Crónica Franciscana, p. 416.

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thirty-nine years under their austere regime of penance, charitable service and prayer. He eventually became the novice master and guardian.73 The venerable Father Fray Juan de la Concepción practised continual prayer, so that whatever [time] was not occupied in doing good to his neighbour and serving the Order, he spent in mental prayer […] He would continue this [praying] in the choir and always on his knees, where he used to go at eleven o’clock at night and in preparation for matins, he would take discipline and not leave until four o’clock struck, he himself ringing the bell at dawn […] Once these exercises were over, he would conclude with more discipline and then he would retire to his cell. He would have little rest, for at five he would once again be in the choir for prime […] And he would be so absorbed and such was his introspection that in matters of business, carrying out his obligations, in the squares and in the streets, he was in constant prayer […] because all times and every hour were to be equally devoted to prayer.74 On the insistence of the Count of Chinchón, he accepted the post of confessor to the Vicereine –he was also her almoner– as well as the spiritual direction of her son.75 When he died, in 1640, the whole city and Court turned out for his funeral. His reputation for holiness and the need for intercession for a city in which earthquakes were exacerbating fear and guilt among the population,76 caused complications during his funeral rites. they kept touching his rosaries and carried off strips of his habit as precious relics. And as a result, he was left naked and so, for decency’s sake, he was covered with a mantle and had a guard of friars so that it could not be taken off him […] The pallbearers were the Count of Chinchón, the Archbishop and the prelates of the Religions, while everyone wished to approach the bier, in order to find enjoyment in this consolation, confessing with tears in their eyes that in him they had lost a father and a protector.77 For these religious and their superiors, it was critically important to enjoy the favour of the Viceroy, who could become a beneficiary of the convent or the province. The Viceroys were particularly important to the friars for one issue; because they were vice-patrons acting in the name of the King and controlled

73 Córdoba Salinas, Crónica Franciscana, pp. 420-25. 74 Córdoba Salinas, Crónica Franciscana, p. 426. 75 Córdoba Salinas, Crónica Franciscana, p. 428. See Juan Bromley, ‘La ciudad de Lima en el año 1630’, Revista Histórica, 24 (1959), 268-317 [p. 289]; José Luis Múzquiz de Miguel, El conde de Chinchón, virrey del Perú (Seville: Escuela de Estudios Hispano-Americanos de la Universidad de Sevilla, 1945), p. 33. 76 Bernard Lavallé, ‘Miedos terrenales, angustias escatológicas y pánicos en tiempos de terremotos en el Perú a comienzos del siglo XVII’, e-Spania [electronic journal consulted 21 October 2017]. URL: http://e-spania.revues.org/20822; DOI: 10.4000/e-spania.20822. 77 Córdoba Salinas, Crónica Franciscana, p. 428.

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the provision of doctrines. They could, among other things, block actions by the archbishops to deprive the religious of that economic missionary space. This matter had been a repeated source of friction between whichever prelate was appointed and the friars.78 Other relevant confessor was Fray Miguel de Aguirre who, like Fray Juan de la Concepción, belonged to the Recollects, but this time, the Augustinian Recollects.79 He had been born in the city of Chuquisaca in about 1598, ‘the son of rich, noble parents, who were Don Miguel Aguirre, Alguacil mayor [Chief Constable or Chief Bailiff of the Holy Office], and Senior Accountant of the Court of Chancery, as well as of the Crusade, and his legitimate Wife Doña María de Flores]’. He studied Grammar and Philosophy at the College of Saint Martin of Lima, and in 1619 he decided to take vows in the convent of the Augustinians in Lima. Because Religion provided him with the opportunity to read Artes [Metaphysics and Physics] in the College of Saint Ildefonsus and afterwards, because of his degrees, to lecture in Theology at the Convent of Chuquisaca; finally, he held the Chair of Prime at [the convent of] Lima; which was followed in a few years by his Jubilación [Emeritus], Presentatura [≈pre-Master’s] and a Master’s.80 The University of Lima honoured him with the degree of Doctor and the Chair of Theology; the Holy Tribunal with the titles of Qualificator and Consultor of the secret Boards; and a number of bishops appointed him Synodal Examiner of their bishoprics.81 He was the prior of the Convent of la Plata round 1637, the prior of the Convent of Lima and then the Vicar Provincial. During his time as prior in Lima, he had restored the convent chancel, which was the Royal Chapel, where the oidores of the Royal Audience were traditionally buried.82 It was at this time that he met the Viceroy, the Marquis of Mancera, who made him his confessor. As his agent, he served the Viceroy in various ways, including accompanying him on the expedition to repopulate Valdivia. His brother, Fernando de Aguirre, a commissioned Captain of the Horse and judge ordinary on the Lima city council, had asked the King to give Fray Miguel a bishopric in 1642, and the 78 Paulino Castañeda Delgado, ‘Don Gonzalo del Campo, canónigo de Sevilla y Arzobispo de Lima’, in Primeras Jornadas de Andalucía y América (Seville: Universidad de La Rábida, 1981), II, 53-78 [pp. 67-68]. 79 Gabriel Guarda OSB, La sociedad en el Chile austral. Antes de la colonización alemana, 16451845 (Santiago: Editorial Andrés Bello, 1979), p. 84. 80 Presentatura was the attribute of a Presentado, a title that some religious orders awarded to a theologian who had completed his course of readings and lectures and was awaiting the degree of Master. Presentado also referred to a cleric who had been proposed for a dignity, office or benefice through the use of the right of patronage. 81 Pedro de San Francisco de Asís, Historia general de los religiosos descalzos del Orden de los hermitaños del gran Padre, y doctor de la iglesia San Agustín, de la congregación de España, y de las Indias (Saragossa: Imprenta de Francisco Moreno, 1726), IV, pp. 67-73. 82 Information from Miguel de Aguirre, 1642 (AGI, Lima, 235).

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Viceroy did the same in 1644, although it was not granted. This may have been the reason why he accompanied Mancera to Castile when the latter left the Viceroyalty, remaining in Madrid as the Procurator of his province. In 1660, he finally entered the Madrid convent of the Augustinian Recollects of Our Lady of Copacabana, where he died four years later. Fray Miguel de Aguirre’s intellectual training found expression in the many services he performed for Viceroy Mancera, whether as an apologist or as a drafter of arbitrios.83 His memorial about the Dutch attack on Valdivia, in which he warns of the danger to the American towns and their resources, certainly warrants the description of arbitrio.84 Another renowned example of confessor was the Franciscan Fray Buenaventura de Salinas y Córdoba, another scion of a distinguished family of the Indies and a member of the ecclesiastical entourage of the Viceroys.85 Indeed, he had been a page to the Marquis of Salinas, Chief Secretary in the government of the Marquis of Montesclaros, and preacher to Squillace, Guadalcazar (1622-29) and Chinchón.86 From 1635, he had to deal with the Bishop of Cuzco’s requests to have him expelled from the Viceroyalty owing to a number of sermons that he had preached in the Bishop’s presence, a situa­ tion that was resolved when the superiors decided to send him to Madrid in 1636 as procurator of the cause in favour of Francis Solano’s canonization that the Lima Franciscans were promoting. He was in Italy for the same reason and also to take part in the General Chapter of his order. In 1644, he moved to New Spain as General Commissioner of the Franciscans, where he also acted as preacher of the chapel to the Count of Salvatierra. He died in 1653. The figure of Buenaventura de Salinas y Córdoba links us directly to the phenomenon of the arbitrios in the first half of the seventeenth century, which were promoted by many religious, sons of distinguished families, who took advantage of their families’ wealth, the protection of the religious order and the contacts provided by service at Court in order to disseminate their political ideas.87 Indeed, Carlos Gálvez Peña studied the memorials written by Fray

83 Arbitrios: In this case, outlandish, utopian plans that tended to be critical of the Monarchy’s handling of affairs in the Viceroyalty. 84 Miguel de Aguirre, Población de Valdivia, motivos y medios de aquella fundación defensas del reino del Perú para resistir las invasiones enemigas en mar y tierra pazes pedidas por los indios rebeldes de Chile aceptadas y capituladas por el governador y estado (Lima: Jorge López de Herrera, 1647). 85 Merits from fray Buenaventura de Salinas y Córdoba in AGI, Indiferente, 193, N. 123. 86 Warren Cook, ‘Fray Buenaventura de Salinas y Córdova. Su vida y obra’, in Memorial de las historias del Nuevo Mundo Pirú, Buenaventura de Salinas (Lima: Universidad Nacional Mayor de San Marcos, 1957), pp. XXXII and XXXIV. 87 According to Fernando Negredo, ‘The royal preacher is a privileged agent for communicating opinions, of whatever calibre, to the King as he is protected by his status as a man of God, a status that legitimizes opinions that, at times, are more than a little audacious […] he makes himself known via his evangelical work, on the one hand to the King, and on the other, to the members of the Court. From the latter, he may reap praise and fame that might benefit him through an increase in the sale of books, the prestige of his Order and an

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Buenaventura during his stay in Madrid, in about 1639, and maintains that the friar argued in favour of reforming the Monarchy so that Peru might be better integrated. Central elements of this reform included the abolition of forced Indian labour in Huancavélica –a cause of their ill-treatment and possibly their eventual extinction– and the granting in perpetuity of encomiendas since this reform would create the conditions for generating wealth, since once the Indians were protected on the encomienda, agricultural development would provide income for the distinguished elite (their social rank), responsible for maintaining the delicate balance between loyalty to the Crown and the economic autonomy of the Kingdom. This, however, was a reformed encomienda, under the supervision of the friars.88 Finally, he asked the King to distribute benefices, offices, and prelacies in Peru to those who were born there for the same reasons. The Creoles would see this complaint largely resolved in the second half of the seventeenth century, when they were granted numerous government posts in the Indies –in cities, provinces and Audiences– and were even integrated into the Royal Court in Madrid, as is borne out by the increased number of chaplains appointed to the Royal Chapel of Charles II where those from the Indies were similar in numbers to the Aragonese and Italians.89 Until then, this phenomenon had been found only to a limited extent.90 Like many religious of his time, especially those belonging to the discalced orders or Recollect convents, Buenaventura de Salinas considered that the reign of Philip IV had arisen in order to bring about the universality of Catholicism and the conquest of the globe by the Church; an equation that was the product of a particular set of characteristics that the sovereign also had to possess.91 In a funeral sermon in honour of Prince Balthasar Charles,

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increase in the income for the convent where he habitually preaches […] Being recognized by the monarch becomes the perfect springboard to begin to form part of the ecclesiastical bureaucracy at the service of the Crown’. Negredo del Cerro, Los predicadores de Felipe IV, pp. 39 and 41. Carlos M. Gálvez Peña, ‘El carro de Ezequiel: La monarquía hispana de fray Buenaventura de Salinas y Córdova’, Histórica, 32:1 (2008), 39-75 [pp. 55-56]. Juan Antonio Sánchez Belén, ‘Eclesiásticos criollos en la capilla real de Palacio: una élite de poder en el reinado de Carlos II (1655-1700)’, Revista de Indias, 74:261 (2014), pp. 423-52. Fray Baltasar de Bustamante, a Franciscan and native of Lima, main preacher of the convent of Saint Francis, compiled a list in 1640 of the services performed by Peruvian Creoles for the Crown, which he sent to the King. In the document, he points out that three friars from different branches of the Franciscan family in the Kingdom of Peru had been royal preachers in Madrid: Fray Baltasar de los Ángeles, Fray Mauro de Santa Fe and Fray Pedro de Tébar. Fray Baltasar de Bustamante, ‘Primicias del Perú en Santidad, Letras, Armas, Gobierno y Nobleza’, in Franciscan Beginnings in Colonial Peru, Antonine Tibesar (Washington, D.C.: Academy of American Franciscan History, 1953), p. 129. For the spirituality promoted by the discalced or Recollect Friars at Court during the seventeenth century, see Esther Jiménez Pablo, ‘La espiritualidad en la Capilla Real de los Austrias como guía de la ortodoxia religiosa de la monarquía’, in José Eloy Hortal Muñoz

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delivered in Mexico in 1647 in the presence of the Viceroy, the Count of Salvatierra, the following was read out: So what shall we say of the love and compassion that our prince and lord had for his vassals? It was so excessive and obvious that they learned of it in Rome, where letters written to ambassadors were seen and read; these stated that, when, at the last devaluation of the moneda de vellón [copper coin], which caused such damage to trade, he refused, even though he was called, to come out and hear the announcement and, his heart of a lamb torn apart beneath the purple, he shut himself away feeling sorrow because of the calamities his kingdoms were suffering he secretly gave assistance to the poorest, who were lost at that time, yet at the same time having the courage and claws of a lion for enemies of the Catholic faith.92 The two attributes that the ruler needed to show to preserve the Monarchy were compassion for his vassals, particularly the poor, and a stiff resolve towards the enemy, and these qualities had to go hand in hand with piety. This opinion was shared by the brother of Fray Buenaventura, Fray Diego de Salinas y Córdoba, who pointed out with reference to the Viceroy, the Count of Salvatierra, that ‘he governs piously, religiously, indefatigably and happily in the service of both majesties’.93 Furthermore, as Fernando de Herrera of the Order of Preachers said to the IV Count of Alba de Liste when delivering a panegyric oration in 1556, it was better to stand firm and grow in virtue, which was, at the same time, what ensured the happiness of the nation. Because as the friar told the Viceroy: ‘There is no work as hard as sinning (Most Excellent Lord). There is no work as hard as sinning, whatever sinners may say, if they eventually managed to understand, how much more it will cost them to lose their way than to be saved’.94

Conclusion The ecclesiastical entourage of the Peruvian Viceroys, like their counterparts in New Spain, Naples, Sicily, Catalonia or Valencia, was made up of the clergymen

and Félix Labrador Arroyo (dirs.), La Casa de Borgoña. La Casa del rey de España (Louvain: Leuven University Press, 2014), pp. 255-77. 92 Quoted in Adrián Herrera Fuentes, ‘Exequias distantes: la oración fúnebre del padre Salinas y Córdoba en honor de don Baltasar Carlos de Austria’ in El sermón novohispano como texto de cultura, ed. by Blanca López de Mariscal and Nancy Joe Dyer (New York: IDEA/IGAS, 2012), 87-106 [p. 99]. 93 Córdoba Salinas, Crónica Franciscana, p. 487. 94 Sermones varios que dixo en el Perú el MRPM Fr. Hernando de Herrera, del Orden de Predicadores, Calificador del Santo Oficio, Doctor, y Catedrático de la Universidad de San Marcos de los Reyes (Barcelona: Antonio Lacavaller, 1675), 224-43 [p. 227].

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who served in the Royal Chapel and of selected confessors and preachers. It is clear that the Chapel was, from the outset, a central mechanism in the system for promoting and integrating the descendants of the viceroyalty’s elites; by the grace and favour of the Viceroys, they found in the Chapel a coveted space where their social and intellectual qualities were recognized, and a platform for advancement and promotion in the ecclesiastical hierarchy of that vast Viceroyalty. As we have seen, this system of promotion progressively linked the colleges of royal foundation with the Royal Chapel, the ecclesiastical chapter in Lima and the rest of the episcopal sees and ecclesiastical chapters in the Viceroyalty. Hence, the royal service by distinguished families of the Indies, which in this case began in the confines of the colleges, helped the Viceroys to win over many Creole families and to turn their heirs into agents of royal power –as well as of their own– within the framework of the various diocesan jurisdictions that were being created in the first half of the seventeenth century. According to the law, one of the ‘essential conditions’ to be presented for ecclesiastical benefit was to be a native of the kingdoms of Castile or the Indies. Solórzano y Pereira clearly defended the fact that, in the ecclesiastical positions, those born in the Indies and, even, those from the same place where the benefits were served, were preferred, with equal merit. At the same time, those clergymen who had accompanied the Viceroys to Peru as their criados and members of their chapels were also able to be integrated into the ecclesiastical environment in Peru by obtaining some diocesan benefice. In this respect, Pilar Latasa has pointed out that the physical environment of the Royal Chapel frequently served as a setting for weddings between male or female servants of the Viceroys and members of the local elites. At these ceremonies, the Viceroy and Vicereine accompanied the bride and groom or acted as witnesses.95 In short, one of the synergistic effects of the Royal Chapel in the first half of the seventeenth century was the early consolidation of courtly society in Lima, whose members had succeeded that conquering, warlike elite that had characterized the previous period.96 From everything that has been said, equally important was the fact that the ecclesiastical entourage guaranteed the Viceroys of Peru the celebration of masses, liturgical celebrations and particular offices, with a variety of mechanisms that demonstrated the Catholic orthodoxy of the rulers and, especially, the exceptional nature of the person of the Viceroy. Indeed, the 95 Pilar Latasa, ‘Poder y favor en la corte virreinal del Perú: los criados del marqués de Montesclaros (1607-1615)’, Histórica, 36 (2012), pp. 49-84. 96 Pilar Latasa, ‘Transformaciones de una elite: el nuevo modelo de nobleza de letras en el Perú (1590-1621)’, in Elites urbanas en Hispanoamérica (De la conquista a la independencia), ed. by Luis Navarro García (Seville: Secretariado de publicaciones de la Universidad de Sevilla, 2005), pp. 413-33.

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testimony of Vázquez de Espinosa, cited above, emphasizes the use that the King’s representative made of a special gallery in the Chapel.97 Likewise, the chronicler emphasizes the ceremonial order, typical of the palace etiquette of the Habsburgs, in which the space and benches were arranged in strict order of rank of the prelates with respect to the altar, a metaphor of the corporate social order, which had to parallel the heavenly order, ‘On Earth, as it is in Heaven’.98 It was from that courtly space, the Chapel, which has been defined as the ‘heart of the palace’, that this notion of metaphorical order emanated.

97 Although he does not mention the use of ‘la cortina’ [the curtain], a device that was particularly linked to the sacral nature of Spanish monarchs, which had already been banned in the Indies in 1571, and would be permanently banned, except in the case of the Viceroys of Sicily, in 1697. See Jorge Fernández-Santos Ortiz-Iribas, ‘Ostensio regis: la “Real Cortina” como espacio y manifestación del poder soberano de los Austrias españoles’, Potestas, 4 (2011), pp. 167-209. 98 Various aspects of the ceremonial use of the Chapel, the rituals carried out in it and its function can be seen in Jesús Bravo Lozano, ‘La capilla real de Felipe IV: ceremonial de exaltación en un espacio integrador’, Libros de la corte, 11 (2015), pp. 27-50.

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Fig. 5.1. Anonymous, View of the Mayor Square in Lima with the Royal Palace on the left, 1680, private collection of the marquise of Almunia. Image @ Wikimedia Commons.

Fig. 5.2.  Plan of some squares of the ‘City of the Kings’ and its suburb. On the left the Royal Palace, the Cathedral and the Episcopal Palace, 1611, AGI, MP-PERU_Chile, 6, fol. 2v-3r. Image courtesy of the Archivo General de Indias (Seville).

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Fig. 5.3.  Basilica and Convent of St. Francis in Lima, Peru. 2015. Image @ Wikimedia Commons.

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Part II

Royal Palaces, Convents and Monasteries

José Eloy Hortal Muñoz 

Royal Palaces, Convents and Monasteries The Presence of the Sovereign, Integration of the Realms and Kingdoms and Religious Practices*

It would be overly simplistic to regard the Royal Chapels as the only driving force behind spiritual trends. Religious and political figures connected to the royal residences, convents, and monasteries created a plurality of voices among the body of religious ambassadors, and one of the aims of this study is to re-examine their role in relation to the institutions they were affiliated to. As we have already pointed out, the Spanish Monarchy was a monarchy of courts, and those belonging to peripheral kingdoms did not want to renounce their status in spite of the continuing absence of the monarch. Indeed, specific treatises were written on this issue, including those by Aguirre for Barcelona, Pirri for Sicily, and Soto del Real for Sardinia, which are discussed in this volume. Thanks to these treatises, we know that those courts had a series of common characteristics, the outstanding one being the presence of a Royal Palace where the viceroy or governor was accommodated, together with their entourages and other administrative bodies of the Monarchy, thus attesting the symbolic presence of the monarch despite his physical absence.1 The Royal Chapels, of course, were located in these palaces too, as we have already pointed out, but there were also other types of institution or agency, such as the kingdom’s archives, the Royal Courts of Justice and other judicial institutions – as in Valencia, Barcelona or Palermo – and even the seat of the Inquisition in the kingdom, as for example in the Aljafería in Saragossa, and the Grand Palace





* This chapter was funded as part of the following projects: ‘Del Patrimonio Dinástico al Patrimonio Nacional: los Sitios Reales’ (HAR2015-68946-C3-3-P); ‘Protection, production and environmental change: the roots of Modern Environmentalism in the Iberian Peninsula (XVI-XVIIIth centuries)’ (AZ 60/V/19); ‘Las raíces materiales e inmateriales del conservacionismo ambiental de la Península Ibérica (SIGLOS XV-XIX)’ (V-790); and ‘Madrid, Sociedad y Patrimonio: pasado y turismo cultural’ (H2019/HUM-5898). I would like to thank Janet and Anthony Dawson for the translation and revision of this chapter. 1 In this regard, see the various, very interesting contributions by Rossella Cancila, ed., Capitali senza re nella Monarchia spagnola. Identità, relazioni, immagini (secc. XVI-XVII), 2 vols (Palermo: Mediterranea, 2020). José Eloy Hortal Muñoz • Universidad Rey Juan Carlos Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 167-184.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123286

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in Barcelona.2 In specific circumstances and ceremonies, the royal standard was flown at these palaces as if the monarch were in residence. This was done at the Royal Palace in Valencia to celebrate the accession to the throne of a new monarch, or at the Alcázares in Seville when the Viceroys of Peru or New Spain spent the night there just before departing for America.3 At all these palaces, there was the expectation that the monarch could come to reside there at some point. This did indeed happen in the seventeenth century in Valencia, Barcelona and Lisbon, but not in the territories that lay outside the Iberian Peninsula, as Philip II was the last Spanish Habsburg monarch to leave the Peninsula. One of the main functions of the palaces, therefore, was to symbolize the presence of an absent king, because it should be borne in mind that the Court included those places where the monarch was present, both physically and metaphorically; as a result of Royal Sites, this situation took on special significance in early modern European monarchies.4 These buildings had been constructed, in the main, in the Middle Ages and belonged to different dynasties before the Habsburg period. These residences were key, therefore, to demonstrating dynastic continuity in a way that would reinforce the legitimacy of the Habsburg dynasty in these territories. José Pedro Paiva gives an example of such continuity in his chapter when he points out that during Philip II’s journey from Santarem to Lisbon, he stopped at Almeirim, a town where the Avís dynasty had a small palace, where the monarch prayed in its Royal Chapel and sprinkled holy water on the tomb of his predecessor, King Henry (1578-80), who had been buried there the previous year. The royal palaces therefore were fundamental for dynastic continuity and as spaces to represent the Monarchy.5 Distinctive features included the celebrations held in palace state rooms of festivities associated with devotions specific to previous dynasties, as well as portrait galleries with collections of portraits of the dynasties on permanent exhibition. Here, however, a distinction should be made between those galleries that existed prior to the mid-seventeenth century, which were normally individual representations of sovereigns and viceroys, and those that were on display from that time on. After a period of splendour in the first half of the seventeenth century, these palaces declined



2 For a general reflection on these palaces in the various territories that made up the Kingdom of Aragon, see Juan Francisco Pardo Molero, ‘Las capitales de la Corona de Aragón, o cómo ser cabeza de un reino con un rey ausente’, in Cancila, Capitali senza re, I, 5-28 (pp. 14-18). 3 The reference for the Alcázares of Seville and its representative function continues to be Ana Marín Hidalgo, El Alcázar de Sevilla bajo los Austrias, 2 vols (Seville: Guadalquivir s. l. ediciones, 1992). 4 For the spatial dimension of the Court and the role of the Royal Sites in these matters, see my study, ‘Courtly and Ceremonial Spaces in Spanish Royal Sites: An Evolution from the Renaissance to the Baroque’ in Power and Ceremonial. Rituals and Ceremonies of Courts and Representative Bodies from the Late Medieval to the Modern Era, ed. by Anna Kalinowska and Jonathan Spangler (London: Bloomsbury, forthcoming). 5 These issues have been worked on intensively for several decades, in particular following the publication of Marie-France Auzépy and Joël Cornette, eds, Palais et pouvoir. De Constantinople à Versailles (Saint-Denis: Presses Universitaires de Vincennes, 2003).

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in importance in the second half of the century, although they continued to be used by the various governors and viceroys. In this connection, several of them added a portrait gallery of the viceroys after the revolts of the 1640s with the idea of demonstrating the institutionalization of the office rather than to project an erroneous idea of dynastic continuity.6 The first viceroy to do this was the Count of Oñate in Naples (1648-53) in 1648 and it was then applied to all the palaces in the Monarchy, including Valencia and Sardinia, as Inmaculada Rodríguez Moya and Nicoletta Bazzano point out in their chapters. This need for continuity led to renovations and maintenance in buildings that could scarcely cover the new needs for space that the court system gene­ rated in the Renaissance, especially the Baroque period. From the end of the sixteenth century in fact, courtly festivities were gradually moved indoors, so that they took place inside the royal palaces and in full view of the courtiers, but out of sight of the common people.7 Hence, a large part of the ceremonies of the Monarchy, whether religious, political, or for courtly entertainment, came to be held within the boundaries of the Royal Sites, which reinforced the concealment of the monarch.8 Viceroys and governors in the secondary courts of the Monarchy also had to address the same needs and accordingly carried out a series of extensions to the main Royal Sites in those territories to eliminate the irregularities typical of medieval buildings, as in Brussels, Valencia, Naples and, to a lesser extent, Sardinia, and to introduce improvements to the viceregal palaces built in the sixteenth century, as in the case of Lima and Mexico. Similarly, and as would happen in other European capitals, new secondary Royal Sites were built to complement the main one – in Barcelona and Cagliari, for example – while existing secondary Royal Sites, such as Tervuren and Vilvoorde in the Ne­ therlands, were refurbished.9 The main construction programmes were carried







6 Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, ‘“Ammirare il vostro dominio che fa ubbidirse dal passato”: Galerías de virreyes y majestad en los virreinatos italianos y americanos’, Anales del Museo de América, 25 (2017), pp. 27-49; Diana Carrió Invernizzi, ‘Las galerías de retratos de virreyes de la Monarquía Hispánica, entre Italia y América (siglos XVI-XVII)’ in À la place du roi : vice-rois, gouverneurs et ambassadeurs dans les monarchies française et espagnole (XVIe–XVIIIe siècles), ed. by Daniel Aznar, Guillaume Hanotin and Niels F. May (Madrid, Casa Velázquez, 2014), pp. 113-34. 7 Robert Alewyn, L’Univers du baroque, les fêtes baroques (Geneva: Gonthier, 1964). For the adaptation of the palaces of the time to this new concept, see Hugh M. Baillie, ‘Etiquette and the planning of state apartments in baroque palaces’, Archaeologia or miscellaneous tracts relating to antiquity, 101 (1967), pp. 167-99. 8 Examined for the Spanish Monarchy in detail in Hortal Muñoz, ‘Courtly and Ceremonial Spaces in Spanish Royal Sites’. 9 The process was studied in Krista de Jonge, “‘t Hof van Brabant’ als symbool van de Spaanse hofhouding in de Lage Landen”, Bulletin KNOB, 98:5-6 (1999), pp. 183-97; and ‘Building Policy and Urbanisation during the Reign of the Archdukes: The Court and its Architects’, in Albert & Isabella, 1598-1621 Essays, ed. by Luc Duerloo and Werner Thomas (Louvain: Brepols, 1998), pp. 191-219. Also, in José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘A Key Tool for a New Dynasty: The Use of Royal Sites in the Habsburg Netherlands by the Archdukes Albert and Isabella’, The Court Historian, 23:1 (2018), pp. 13-26.

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out when the monarch himself visited these courts: Valencia, in 1599, 1604, 1632 and 1645; Barcelona, in 1599, 1626 and 1632; and Lisbon, in 1581-83 and 1619. The concealment of the rulers did not prevent them from continuing to appear in public in the cities on various occasions, although to a lesser extent than in the past. From the reign of Philip IV, the primary purpose of such appearances was to display the magnificence, piety and devotion of the King and the Habsburg family. To do so, it was necessary to modify the structure of cities and create the capitals of the Baroque age, with their monuments and planned urban spaces;10 indeed, many of the urban reforms that were carried out were justified precisely as spaces for celebrations, and specific festive itineraries were created.11 These itineraries would almost always end at the Royal Palace, or in an open space in front of it, where the Cathedral was also usually located, as in the case of Valencia or Sardinia. As a result, some of the alterations carried out in the Royal Palaces were designed to open them up more to the city and for them to be represented in the city’s annual festive and liturgical calendar by participating in festivals intended to honour local saints, for example – such as the canonization of Saint Francis Borgia in Valencia – and for advocations typical of the Spanish Monarchy as a whole, such as the Immaculate Conception.12 They were, of course, also the places where jousts, tournaments, bullfights, juegos de cañas (a chivalric contest fought with cane javelins) took place,13 and other types of festive celebrations to commemorate special occasions, such as the visit of the monarch or other prominent figures, such as Emmanuel Philibert of Savoy to Cagliari in 1621. During visits, or after they had settled in the place, monarchs, viceroys and governors often showed themselves to the people on the Palace balconies overlooking the square. It is interesting to note that the Hall that gave onto this balcony was also connected

10 In recent years, there has been a good deal of research into the impact of the Court’s presence on the city, although on most occasions, only the capitals of the composite monarchies have been studied, and less so those of the various kingdoms that comprised them. On this topic, see the special issue of Studies in European Urban History (1100-1800), 35 (2015), directed by Louis Courbon and Denis Menjot, entitled La cour et la villa dans l’Europe du Moyen âge et des Temps Modernes, or Boris Bove, Murielle Gaude-Ferragu and Cédric Michon, eds, Paris, ville de cour (XIIIe–XVIIIe siècle) (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2017). John P. Spielman was a pioneer in this field with his The City and the Crown: Vienna and the Imperial Court, 1600-1740 (West Lafayette: Purdue University Press, 1993). 11 The festive itinerary followed in Madrid is described in Alicia Cámara Muñoz, ‘El poder de la imagen y la imagen del poder. La fiesta en Madrid en el Renacimiento’, in Madrid en el Renacimiento (Exhibition Catalogue), various authors (Alcalá de Henares: CAM, 1986), pp. 68-69. 12 See Víctor Mínguez and Inmaculada Rodríguez, eds, La piedad de la Casa de Austria. Arte, dinastía y devoción (Gijón: Trea, 2018), in particular the studies by Pablo González Tornel, ‘Lope, Calderón y la Inmaculada Concepción de María. La fabricación de una heroína en la España del siglo XVII’, pp. 151-70, and José Javier Ruiz Ibáñez, ‘Inmaculismo e hispanofilias en el siglo XVII’, pp. 171-84. 13 For the various courtly festivals seen by an observer of the time, see José Deleito y Piñuela, El rey se divierte (Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 2019).

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to the Royal Chapel of the Palace, a common feature in most European palaces in the sixteenth century, including those in France, Burgundy, the Coudenberg Palace in Brussels, the Alcázar in Madrid and the Llano del Real in Valencia, as Inmaculada Rodríguez Moya points out in her chapter. These routes within the cities also served to welcome new viceroys and governors of the Courts, as Nicoletta Bazzano shows in her chapter on Sardinia.14 The specific itinerary to individual Courts depended on the traditions of each, but generally included an overnight stay in one of the royal convents outside the capital, as in the case of the Monastery of San Miguel de los Reyes in Valencia. Afterwards, they would leave from the port or point of entry to the city to the place where they would swear to uphold the laws and customs of the kingdom, as in the case of the Blijde Inkomst or Joyeuse Entrée (Triumphal Entry) in the Netherlands,15 or the fueros (‘regional charters’) in the various kingdoms of medieval Aragon.16 The journey would end with the Viceroy or Governor moving into the Royal Palace with his entourage. Likewise, a route would be established for the Viceroys and Governors to proceed from the Royal Palace to the main churches, convents and monasteries in each city in order to be present at or take part in ceremonies taking place in them, especially those concerning local festivities and the Dynasty. The convents and monasteries of the Courts that could be considered Royal Sites had a fundamental role to play in these ceremonies by virtue of their connection with the reigning dynasty, which had borne the cost of their construction and endowment and supported their economic and spiritual needs at all times, and a central role also in the spirituality and piety that was developed in the various territories, as well as in the overall relationship between the Spanish Monarchy and the Papacy. This volume pays particular attention to several institutions, such as the Royal Convents of Las Descalzas, La Encarnación and Santa Isabel in Madrid, in the study by Víctor Mínguez Cornelles; the convent of the Capuchins of Tervuren in the Netherlands, by Henar Pizarro Llorente; the convent of Christ and that of Madre de Deus, as well as the monasteries of Saint Vincent, Penhalonga and Pena in Portugal, by José Pedro Paiva; the Royal Convent of Saint Dominic and the Royal Monasteries of San Miguel de los Reyes and the Santísima Trinidad in Valencia, by Inmaculada Rodríguez Moya; and the monastery of Clarisas de Oristano and the convents of Saint Dominic and of the Mercedarians at the church 14 See also Carlos Mora Casado, ‘El acompañamiento en las entradas públicas de los virreyes de Cerdeña en la ciudad de Cáller (1682)’, in Cancila, Capitali senza re, II, pp. 427-48. 15 These were the triumphal entries that the Duke of Burgundy had to make in the various cities of the territory of the Netherlands, called Joyeuses Entrées in French-speaking territories, and Blijde Inkomst in Flemish-speaking ones. There are numerous studies on specific entries. For a general approach, see Elodie Lecuppre-Desjardin, La ville des cérémonies. Essai sur la communication politique dans les anciens Pays-Bas bourguignons (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004). 16 Each kingdom had its own formula. For a general approach, see Eliseo Serrano Martín, ‘No demandamos sino el modo. Los juramentos reales en Aragón en la Edad Moderna’, Pedralbes, 28 (2008), pp. 435-64.

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of the Madonna della Bonaria, Cagliari, by Nicoletta Bazzano. Many other cases are discussed in lesser detail, such as the Franciscan convents in Lima or the Royal Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial. These studies, like those on the Royal Chapels, allow us to draw a series of overall conclusions. The first of these is to highlight the indisputable political and spiritual importance of these places when it came to shaping the ideological framework that defined the Spanish Monarchy during the more than two centuries of its period of splendour. In the course of those two centuries, it would be known at different times as the Hispanic Monarchy, the Monarchia Universalis, the Catholic Monarchy and the Monarchy of the Spains, as José Martínez Millán explains in his chapter, and we also discuss in the conclusions. The union of politics and religion was already present in the Middle Ages throughout Europe. One of its main expressions was the palace-convent with royal quarters in convents that were built in the Christian kingdoms of the Iberian Peninsula.17 The custom became established in kingdoms such as Castile, where the few royal palaces known from medieval times were later converted into royal convents, as in the case of Santa María la Real de Las Huelgas in Burgos and Santa María la Real in Tordesillas. The latter is especially interesting from the point of view of dynastic continuity, since in the sixteenth century, when it had already become the Royal Monastery of Santa Clara, it was attached to the Court of Joanna I of Castile (1504-55) for almost half a century when the queen was confined to a palace in the town. Several cases can also be found in Aragon, such as the monasteries of Santes Creus or Poblet, as well as the Poor Clares of the Santísima Trinidad, or San Miguel de los Reyes in Valencia. The tradition continued in the Spanish Monarchy during the Early Modern period, with such examples as Aceca, the monasteries of Las Descalzas, La Encarnación or the Hieronymites in Madrid – which eventually became the Buen Retiro Palace – or the Capuchin convent of Tervuren, as well, of course, as the best example of all, the Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial.18 The last convent of royal foundation to have royal quarters was the Salesas Reales. This convent, founded by Queen Barbara of Bragança (1746-58) in Madrid in the mid-eighteenth century, also served as a Royal Pantheon, since it was the place where both she and her husband, Ferdinand VI (1746-59), were buried.19 In effect, another of the main functions of these convent-palaces was that of royal pantheon, reinforcing the link between these places and the 17 For this topic, see Fernando Chueca Goitia, Casas reales en monasterios y conventos españoles (Bilbao: Xarait ediciones, 1982). 18 There is an extensive bibliography on this monumental Royal Site, although the following work remains a reference, Agustín Bustamante García, La octava maravilla del mundo. Estudio histórico sobre El Escorial de Felipe II (Madrid: Alpuerto, 1994). 19 There are still many questions to be worked on regarding this convent, although we can recommend María Paz Aguiló Alonso, Amelia López-Yarto Elizalde and María Luisa Tárraga Baldó, ‘La Reina Bárbara de Braganza y la fundación del Monasterio de las Salesas Reales de Madrid’, in La mujer en el arte español: actas de las VIII Jornadas de Arte Departamento de Historia del Arte “Diego Velázquez” (Madrid: CSIC, 1997), pp. 229-38.

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reigning dynasty. The Habsburgs learned how to take full advantage of this to demonstrate dynastic continuity, just as they did with the royal palaces. In the Middle Ages, each of the kingdoms on the Iberian Peninsula had its own pantheons. In Castile, we find the Monastery of Las Huelgas, the Pantheon of San Isidoro de León, the Carthusian of Miraflores and the Royal Chapels of Granada and Seville; in Navarre, the Benedictine monastery of Leire; in the Crown of Aragon, there were the Cistercian monasteries of Poblet and Santes Creus in Catalonia, and in Valencia the Hieronymite Monastery of San Miguel de los Reyes and the Poor Clares of the Santísima Trinidad; finally, in Portugal, the Monastery of Batalha. After the arrival of the Habsburgs at the head of the Spanish Monarchy and the accumulation of all these diverse territories in their possession, it became necessary to look for a pantheon that could accommodate the new dynasty, although the Royal Chapel of Granada was maintained for that purpose during the reign of Charles V. The Habsburgs had already established funerary monuments and complexes for other branches of the family –the Hofkirche in Innsbruck commissioned by Maximilian I (1508-19), or the Royal Monastery of Brou in Bourg-en-Bresse commissioned by Margaret of Austria, for example–,20 but a specific pantheon for the Spanish Habsburg branch had not yet been established. Philip II was the driving force behind the construction of the Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial. Among the many functions that this building was designed to fulfil, one of the main ones was to serve as the burial place of the members of the dynasty, starting with Charles V. Because of this, and as a direct consequence of building the Monastery, the ceremonial linked to the royal funerals of the Spanish Monarchy underwent a series of important modifications.21 More specifically, once the bodies of the royal family that were scattered across the territory of Spain had been brought to the mountains around Madrid, which took place between 1573 and 1586, Philip II established the basic elements of a funeral ceremony that was to endure for nearly three centuries.22 It was slightly modified as Philip IV lay dying so that the viaticum could be taken to the monarch in public; the Blessed Sacrament left the Royal Chapel on 14 September 1665, surrounded by the principal officers of the Court, then stopped between two rows of guards who lowered their weapons to the ground as the viaticum passed, confirming the link between the Spanish Habsburg dynasty and the Blessed Sacrament.23

20 For an overview of the Royal Pantheons of the different Habsburg branches, see Briggita Lauro, Die Grabstätten der Habsburger. Kunstdenkmäler einer europäischen Dynastie (Vienna: Christian Brandstätter Verlag, 2007). 21 On this issue, the fundamental reference work is still Javier Varela, La muerte del Rey. El ceremonial funerario de la Monarquía Española (1500-1885) (Madrid: Turner, 1990). 22 Although the definitive Royal Pantheon that can be admired today was not built until the reign of Philip IV, see Agustín Bustamante García, ‘El Panteón del Escorial. Papeletas para su historia’, Anuario del departamento de Historia y Teoría del Arte UAM, 4 (1992), pp. 161-215. 23 Varela, La muerte del Rey, p. 74.

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At the same time, it became necessary to ensure that there were suitable spaces at Court for the funerary honours of the royal family, and to design a ceremonial etiquette and an artistic model for them. The preferred funeral settings for mourning were the royal convents of Madrid, specifically the churches of the Monastery of the Descalzas Reales, the Monastery of the Encarnación and the Convent of Los Jerónimos, as detailed in the chapter by Mínguez Cornelles. Also worthy of mention is the fact that whenever a king or queen died, a replica of the funeral ceremony held in Madrid was performed at each and every one of the other Courts of the Monarchy, in which all the various royal spaces that we have already described played a part. This further strengthened the ties between the king and the absent Monarchy. Of course, these replicas were not only performed for deaths, but also for other key life events, namely births and marriages.24 Philip II’s interest in erecting pantheons to serve as resting places for the members of his dynasty did not stop at El Escorial. A few years later, during his stay in Portugal, the monarch planned the construction of a new pantheon there, with a view to using it as a means of integrating that kingdom into the Spanish Monarchy as a whole. In 1582, therefore, as Paiva recounts in his chapter, he levied new taxes to finance the work and decided that the place of burial of kings and princes would be the choir and main chapel of the old medieval monastery of Saint Vincent of the Religious Order of the Canons of Saint Augustine. It was a powerful symbolic image because the first king of Portugal, Afonso Henriques (1139-85) had ordered it to be built, and it helped to legitimize the new dynasty by suggesting that it perpetuated a legacy that dated back to the first king of Portugal. Similarly, the dedication of the complex to the patron saint of Lisbon, Saint Vincent, a martyr saint from Huesca, also linked the building to the Monastery of El Escorial, since San Lorenzo (Saint Lawrence) was also a martyr saint from Huesca. The influence of the crowning achievement of Philip II did not stop there, since the facade of San Vicente is clearly reminiscent of the facade of the Monastery of San Lorenzo after Juan de Herrera became involved in the design of the project. To close the circle of dynastic continuity, Philip II (I of Portugal) (1581-98) decided to move the bodies of his predecessors, King Sebastian I (1557-78) and King Henry, to the Hieronymites’ Monastery in Belém. This too had clear political implications since they were buried in the Chapel that had been prepared in 1572 by Catherine of Austria, –Queen Consort of Portugal (1525-57), Regent of the Kingdom (1557-62), and the aunt of Philip II himself– as the pantheon for Manuel I (1495-1521) and his children. After Philip II, this dynastic continuity linked to pantheons in convents or royal monasteries endured until the Bourbon kings. In this context, the tomb that was built in Sardinia for the king of Sicily, Martin I ‘the Younger’ (1390-1409), is worthy of mention. Originally, he was to be buried in Poblet, but as he died during the successful conquest of Sardinia, it was decided, in 24 For these matters, see the monumental work by José Jaime García Bernal, El fasto público en la España de los Austrias (Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, 2006).

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the fifteenth century, to inter him in the cathedral of Cagliari. He remained there until it was decided to build him his own pantheon in the 1670s and 1680s, a magnificent work by the Milanese sculptor Giulio Aprile. Once again, there was a distinct political dimension to it, as Nicoletta Bazzano explains in her chapter, since the decision to build it was taken after the assassination of Viceroy Camarasa (1665-68), signalling to the population the dynastic continuity between the Habsburgs and the kings of Aragon. Many of these buildings used as royal pantheons were, as we have seen, entrusted to the care of the monks of the Hieronymite order, as in the case of the Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial, San Miguel de los Reyes in Valencia and the Monastery of the Hieronymite Order in Belém, since the nature of their work was based on prayer and isolation. By virtue of this, the support of the Habsburg kings for the Order would not be restricted only to the pantheons; witness the importance of the Monastery of the Hieronymites in Madrid in dynastic rituals such as the swearing in of hereditary princes,25 Charles V’s withdrawal to the Monastery of Yuste after his abdication in 1556, and Philip II’s visits to and support for the Monasteries of Penhalonga and Pena in Sintra (Portugal). The origin of the Hieronymite Order in the Iberian Peninsula was largely associated with the hermit phenomenon, which was well established by the fourteenth century, and explains why Hieronymite monasteries were typically located in remote places. For this reason, they had to rely from the outset on strong support from the ruling dynasties in the Christian kingdoms, especially the Castilian Trastámaras.26 The first Habsburg monarchs, Charles V and Philip II, continued this support, since the type of religious devotion that prevailed in their Courts was based on an intellectual spirituality very much in line with the principles of the Hieronymites, especially from 1530.27 Other orders that embraced this spirituality, such as the Dominicans, also enjoyed the support of the monarchs, not only in the Iberian Peninsula, but in places like Sardinia, where the kings made substantial donations to support the Royal Convent of Saint Dominic of Cagliari, which was founded in 1254. These orders were fundamental to the process of confessionalization being promoted by Philip II across his territories.28 This political and ideological revolution, based on the implementation of a rigid system of social beliefs, 25 As can be seen from the Juramento que hacen los Señores Príncipes de Asturias, sacado de las apuntaciones hechas en el que se ejecutó del Príncipe Baltasar el año de 1635 (AGP, RC, caja (box) 1/3, n. d.), Cf. José Eloy Hortal Muñoz and Félix Labrador Arroyo, Etiquetas y Ordenanzas de Felipe IV (1621-1665), in La Corte de Felipe IV (1621-65). Reconfiguración de la Monarquía Católica, ed. by José Martínez Millán and José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, 2 tomes, 3 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2015), tome II, 1-740 (pp. 537-39). 26 José Antonio Ruiz Hernando, Los monasterios jerónimos españoles (Segovia: Caja Segovia, 1997). 27 José Martínez Millán, ‘Corrientes espirituales y facciones políticas en el servicio del emperador Carlos V’, in The World of Emperor Charles V, ed. by Wim Blockmans and Nicolette Mout (Amsterdam: Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, 2004), pp. 103-26. 28 For a study of this process, see José Martínez Millán and Carlos Javier de Carlos Morales, eds, Felipe II (1527-1598). La configuración de la monarquía hispánica (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León, 1998), pp. 99-213.

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continued until a few years before the death of the monarch. To achieve this purpose, it was necessary to reform and centralize the administration by fostering the organization of its constituent institutions, and also to structure the ecclesiastical estate along strict lines and ensure that it was controlled by the Crown, which involved the pursuit of religious reform to avoid heresy in its possessions.29 This project caused numerous political conflicts in a number of territories of the Monarchy, such as the Habsburg Netherlands,30 and led to a fierce battle with Rome, which considered its jurisdiction universal and was not willing to give up any part of it without a fight. Both powers, of course, were attempting to implement the agreements of the Council of Trent, but disagreed as to who should be in charge of operations. In order to have allies in this battle, Philip II needed the support of the religious orders, which is why, during his reign, he was strongly in favour of being able to appoint the main positions in these orders in his territories himself. He also accorded special importance to some of the royal convents and monasteries, which further strengthened the link between the courtly world and the world of worship, turning those places into theatres of the Habsburg Counter-Reformation. In this respect, one of the main contributions of these convents, especially in Madrid, was that they became great reliquaries. The three female religious convents in Madrid that Mínguez Cornelles studies in his chapter, and of course the Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial, accumulated the main collections of Christian relics,31 since Philip II spared no resources in this pursuit, often facing opposition from the Lutherans who firmly rejected this custom. During the Middle Ages, the custom of collecting relics already existed in the various Christian kingdoms, but once the Council of Trent was over, Philip implemented a full-scale plan to acquire as many relics as possible, combining the medieval Iberian tradition with the Habsburg one. This programme was continued by his son, Philip III, turning the reliquaries, such as those in Las Descalzas, La Encarnación and the Monastery of El Escorial, into veritable Wunderkammers (cabinets of curiosities), which proved to be such a draw that they attracted all the servants of the Monarchy, as well as visitors from other kingdoms, in pious adoration.32 29 Ignasi Fernández Terricabras, Felipe II y el clero secular: La aplicación del Concilio de Trento (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 2000). 30 José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘L’influence de la Confessionnalisation dans les premiers moments de la révolte des Pays-Bas: Les luttes entre factions’, Journal of Early Modern Christianity, 3:2 (2016), pp. 271-92. 31 Charles Freeman, Holy Bones, Holy Dust: How Relics Shaped the History of Medieval Europe (New Haven-London: Yale University Press, 2011). 32 Benito Mediavilla Martín and José Rodríguez Díez, Las reliquias del Real Monasterio de El Escorial: documentación hagiográfica (San Lorenzo de El Escorial: Ediciones Escurialenses, 2005); María Leticia Sánchez Hernández, ed., El Relicario del Real Monasterio de la Encarnación de Madrid (Madrid: Patrimonio Nacional, 2016); Victoria Bosch Moreno, ‘“Para

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This enthusiasm for relics would not be limited to Castile alone. Relics formed a major part of the spirituality and piety associated with these monasteries and convents in all the kingdoms that comprised the Monarchy, as various chapters of this book demonstrate. In the kingdom of Aragon, for example, the tradition had been very important since the times of Martín I, ‘The Humane’, with such famous relics as those of Saint Agatha in the Royal Chapel of Palermo of the same name, or the numerous relics in the Royal Chapels of Barcelona and Valencia, or the convents of Cagliari. In Portugal, the boost given by Philip II to collections of relics in the Royal Convents and the Royal Chapel of Paço da Ribeira served to create closer links with the neighbouring kingdom, with such notable events as the donation of one of Saint Theresa’s hands to the Convent of the Discalced Carmelites, founded by Cardinal Albert in Lisbon.33 The royal convents were also instrumental in another phenomenon that proliferated in the late sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries in the various courts of the Spanish Monarchy, namely the emergence of confraternities and brotherhoods linked to these religious environments. Although, like the reliquaries, some of these confraternities had been founded in the late Middle Ages – the Brotherhood of Saint Agatha, for example, founded by Ferdinand the Catholic in the Royal Chapel of Barcelona in 1501 – these Foundations became very important following the Council of Trent, by promoting solidarity and piety, based on a certain type of spirituality, in the different groups, whether merchants, courtiers, or different national groups.34 In Madrid, many confraternities emerged specifically to help in the process of integrating the various nations in the capital; this was the case of San Andrés de los Flamencos.35 Along with the various hospitals that were founded in quick succession over the years – those of San Pedro de los Italianos (1598) and San Andrés de los Flamencos (1605), among others – these institutions helped integrate the different nations into the life of the Court and also promoted interaction between individual members, by having a meeting point, typically located in the chapel of some church. They also developed a significant social welfare system by taking care of widows, orphans, burials, and so on, when one of their members died, and by granting loans to those

que el pueblo vea y goce de este santo tesoro”. Una aproximación al relicario de las Descalzas Reales de Madrid durante los siglos XVI y XVII’, in Mínguez and Rodríguez, La piedad de la Casa de Austria, pp. 185-202. 33 For this major figure, see Luc Duerloo, Dynasty and Piety: Archduke Albert (1598-1621) and Habsburg Political Culture in an Age of Religious Wars (Farnham: Ashgate, 2012). 34 On this phenomenon in the Spanish Monarchy, see Inmaculada Arias de Saavedra Alías and Miguel Luis López Guadalupe Muñoz, ‘Las cofradías españolas en la Edad Moderna desde una óptica social. Tres décadas de avance historiográfico’, Cuadernos de estudios del siglo XVIII, 27 (2017), pp. 11-50. 35 Florentina Vidal Galache and Benicia Vidal Galache, Fundación Carlos de Amberes: historia del Hospital de San Andrés de los Flamencos, 1594-1994 (Madrid: Nerea, 1996).

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who were in need. Their funds came from the subscriptions of individual members, as well as from fines, and donations from notables of the Court. Certainly, the most important were those linked to the Royal Household, especially the Royal Guards, on account of their mix of nationalities. Examples include the Brotherhood and Confraternity of Nuestra Señora del Remedio and La Encarnación of the Spanish Guard, founded in 1582 when the Guard was stationed in Lisbon,36 that of San Andrés de los Flamencos of the bodyguard of Archeros (infantry soldiers who carried a long-bladed polearm), which was already in operation in 1605,37 and that of San Jorge of the German Guard, founded between 1606 and 1608.38 The Real Hermandad de Criados de los Reyes (The Royal Brotherhood of Servants to Kings), which was linked to the Royal Household as a whole, was established in Valladolid in 1604, and only members of the Royal Household were permitted to join it.39 Since its patroness was the Virgin Mary, also under the advocation of the Mystery of the Incarnation of the Son of God, this meant that after a series of vicissitudes, its home eventually became the Royal Convent of La Encarnación in Madrid. Outside Castile, the initial impetus of the confraternities spread and reached every corner of the Monarchy, from Lisbon, where the Confraternity of the Misericórdia (Mercy) would enjoy royal favour, to Peru, where rivalry between the various guild confraternities that were formed would lead to the creation of convents. The territory where they would figure most prominently however was undoubtedly the Habsburg Netherlands, given the framework of spiritual and religious confrontation with the Calvinists in those lands. As a result, there would be a number of initiatives, both in the Dutch Republic, such as the one described by Pizarro Llorente in her chapter, or the activities of Propaganda Fide,40 and in the Habsburg Netherlands. The Archdukes would be important in this respect, starting with Archduke Albert, who set up the Brotherhood and Confraternity of Saint Ildefonsus that he himself had founded in Lisbon in 1588 in Brussels.41

36 See José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Las guardas reales de los Austrias hispanos (Madrid: Polifemo, 2013), pp. 312-14. 37 Hortal Muñoz, Las guardas reales, pp. 238-42. 38 Hortal Muñoz, Las guardas reales, pp. 377-78. 39 For a study, see Rafael Sánchez Domingo, ‘La Real Hermandad de Criados de los Reyes de la Casa de Felipe III’, in Evolución y Estructura de la Casa Real de Castilla, ed. by Andrés Gambra Gutiérrez and Félix Labrador Arroyo, 2 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2010), I, pp. 263-95. 40 For a bibliography on Propaganda Fide, see Henar Pizarro Llorente’s chapter in this volume. For the Spanish Netherlands in particular, see Esther Jiménez Pablo and José Martínez Millán, ‘Propaganda Fide frente a la hegemonía hispana: apoyos en las cortes de Madrid y de Bruselas a la creación de la congregación de cardenales’, Philostrato. Revista de Historia y Arte, Número Extraordinario. Las instituciones de los antiguos Países Bajos (siglos XVI–XVII) (2018), pp. 195-236. 41 Analyzed in José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘La espiritualidad castellana en las diferentes Cortes de la Monarquía: La Hermandad y Cofradía de San Ildefonso de Lisboa, Madrid y Bruselas’, Anales del Cincuentenario/Annales du Cinquantenaires, 5 (2011-12), pp. 191-218.

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Archduke Albert, who was Viceroy of Portugal, as well as Grand Inquisitor of the Portuguese Inquisition and Prior of Crato (1583-93), was the prime mover behind the establishment of this confraternity, with its seat in the Royal Convent of Saint Francis in Lisbon, on July 1, 1588. It formed part of the implementation of confessionalization in Portugal, a process started by his uncle, Philip II.42 As we can see, the date of its foundation is prior to that of the King’s Household, so that it can be considered a pioneer. The constituent members of the Confraternity were drawn from many sectors: men and women of any nationality could join. In the course of its existence, it had members who were Castilian, Portuguese, Flemish, German, Polish and Italian, which gives us a clear idea of the international nature of the Courts of the Spanish Monarchy. Its members could also be of any social status, ranging from gentlemen of the Chamber, sumilleres de Corps, chief stewards, or chaplains and lord almoners, to sweepers, grooms of the salsery and kitchen porters. The only condition, according to Section 18 of the Constitutions, was that its members always had to be domestic staff of the royal, viceregal, or governor’s household at each Court. The confraternity was founded under the patronage of Saint Ildefonsus,43 a saint who was unquestionably Castilian, since he had been Archbishop of Toledo, a position with which Archduke Albert himself would be linked in 1593. Since Saint Ildefonsus came from a noble Visigothic family, Archduke Albert’s choice as patron of the confraternity strengthened the ties with the type of Castilian Catholicism that Philip II had advocated, which was linked to the Visigoths and so different from that pursued by Rome, which preferred to associate the Spanish Monarchy with its Habsburg past.44 In 1593, this confraternity left with Albert for Madrid, only to settle permanently in Brussels in 1595, when the Archduke went there, first as governor (1595-98) and then as sovereign (1598-1621). One of Isabella Clara Eugenia’s first acts as sovereign (1598-1621), specifically on 1 May 1599, was to become a sister and protector of the confraternity. In 1603, it was attached to a chapel in the parish church of Saint James on Coudenberg, very close to the Palace, where it gradually increased in magnificence, reaching an apogee, after Albert’s death, when Isabella Clara Eugenia commissioned Rubens to paint the so-called Triptych of Saint Ildefonso (1630-31), in which a posthumous portrait of Albert appears on the left panel and another of Isabella on the right.45

42 Documentation on this topic in AEA, AEB, regs 6914-16. 43 For this saint and his iconography, see Juan Carmona Muela, Iconografía de los santos (Madrid: Akal/Istmo, 2003), pp. 200-04. An explanatory booklet about this by Carlos Ros, San Ildefonso de Toledo, el capellán de la Virgen (Barcelona: Centre de Pastoral Litúrgica, 2006). 44 A process explained in José Martínez Millán and Esther Jiménez Pablo, ‘La Casa de Austria. una justificación político-religiosa’, in La dinastía de los Austria: las relaciones entre la Monarquía Católica y el Imperio, ed. by José Martínez Millán and Rubén González Cuerva, 3 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2011), I, pp. 9-58. 45 For this triptych, see Christopher Brown, ‘Rubens y los Archiduques’, in El Arte en la Corte de los Archiduques Alberto de Austria e Isabel Clara Eugenia (1598-1633). Un Reino Imaginado,

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This magnificence enabled the type of spirituality proposed by Archduke Albert to enter the Brussels Court and remain at its very heart until the eighteenth century, since the leading Brussels courtiers of the period joined the Confraternity as members, and all the governors-general of the Spanish Netherlands, including those of royal blood and even sovereign princes, as protectors. Thus, the annual celebrations of Saint Ildefonso’s Day every 23 January became an increasingly important event, even if, by tradition, it would not attain the same importance as other religious festivals in Brussels. Among these Brussels festivals, the Sacrament of the Miracle, which lasted several days in July, is particularly noteworthy.46 The creation in 1626 of the Confraternity of the Blessed Sacrament or the Forty Hours47 by the papal envoy and Capuchin friar, Giacinto di Casale Monferrato, was associated with this celebration. This confraternity, which was based in the Royal Monastery of Tervuren, had the express approval and support of Isabella Clara Eugenia, and included several of the most prominent families in the Netherlands, who would hold an annual procession. Their spiritual precepts were very close to what Rome required, of course. Both confraternities – together with the Confraternity of Saint Roch, which was founded in the Church of Coudenberg and would be linked to one of the same name in Rome in 1650 –48 constituted the principal confraternities of the Court in the Spanish Netherlands. The Foundations of the Archdukes are a perfect illustration of the Habsburg link with the so-called Pietas Austriaca, which had taken shape over time and reached a peak in the seventeenth century. This particular Christian devotion of the House of Austria, analysed by Martínez Millán and Mínguez Cornelles in their chapters, was an amalgam of Marian, hagiographic and theological devotions, including the unwavering defence of Catholic mysteries, such as the Eucharist and the Immaculate Conception. It gave rise to a sacred conception of politics that conferred messianic significance on the members of the dynasty. One of the central developments of this Pietas Austriaca was the foundation of a series of royal convents sponsored by religious orders different from those promoted in the times of Charles V and Philip II, a process arising from the rejection of confessionalization. The political-religious system imposed ed. by Alejandro Vergara (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para las Conmemoraciones de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 1999), p. 105; and Cordula Van Wyhe, ‘Death and Immortality in Rubens’ Ildefonso Altarpiece’, in Leichabdankung und Trauerarbeit im Zeitalter des Barock, Daphnis. Zeitschrift für Mittlere Deutsche Literatur, ed. by Anselm Steiger and others, 38 (2009), pp. 217-76. 46 For this festival and its origin, see Luc Dequeker, Het Sacrament van Mirakel. Jodenhaat in de Middeleeuwen (Louvain: Davidfonds, 2000). 47 Documentation about this confraternity in AEA, AEB, regs 6922-23. Its foundation and importance are analysed in Joris Snaet, ‘La archiduquesa Isabel y el monasterio de los capuchinos de Tervuren’, in Isabel Clara Eugenia. Soberanía femenina en las cortes de Madrid y Bruselas, ed. by Cordula Van Wyhe (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Europa Hispánica, 2011), pp. 361 onwards. 48 Documentation about this can be found in AEA, AEB, regs 6917-21.

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by Philip II created numerous divisions, both in Hispanic society and with other European political powers. In the field of international relations, the disagreements resulted in the numerous wars that Philip II was embroiled in throughout his reign, whereas in the religious arena, it manifested itself in the emergence of a radical spirituality known as the Discalced movement. Thus, one of the unintended consequences was that the elites of the kingdoms that had been excluded from the central government of the Monarchy by the ‘Castilian lawyers’ who had promoted confessionalization adopted the ‘Discalced’ spirituality, which dissented from the religious expression imposed by Philip II. At the same time, these same Discalced Orders would receive express support from the Papacy in its struggle against the Caesaropapism of the Spanish monarchs.49 Oddly enough, Philip II’s daughter, Isabella Clara Eugenia, was among the dissenters, gradually assimilating this religious ideology during the last two decades of her father’s life. It became clearly apparent during her stay in the Spanish Netherlands,50 and reached a peak in the period of her regency, when she was a widow (1621-33). During this period, she seems to have acted more like a Catholic receiving counsel directly from Rome than a ruler of the Spanish Monarchy. Various religious orders benefited from her religious outlook, particularly the Jesuits, the Franciscans, the Discalced Carmelites and, during the last years of her life, the Capuchins, as Pizarro Llorente shows in her chapter. Royal patronage of women’s convents of reformed spirituality was not peculiar to Isabella Clara Eugenia, but was a feature of all the branches of Habsburg women in general, and at all the Courts where they were, such as the Empress Mary in Vienna and Anne of Austria in Paris with Val-de-Grace.51 In the case of Castile, this tradition began with the foundation of the Royal Convent of the Descalzas in Madrid by Princess Joanna, and was cemented with the foundation of the Royal Convent of La Encarnación by Margaret of Austria-Styria. Strangely enough, Philip II himself also promoted some foundations of convents like these in Castile and Portugal, as Paiva describes in his chapter. Thus, the first Portuguese male convent of Discalced Carmelites in honour of Saint Philip was founded in October 1581, thanks to the patronage of the

49 José Martínez Millán, ‘La formación de la Monarquía Católica de Felipe III’, in La Monarquía de Felipe III, ed. by José Martínez Millán and Maria Antonietta Visceglia, 4 vols (Madrid: Fundación Mapfre, 2008), I, pp. 123-87. 50 Studied in José Martínez Millán, ‘Isabel Clara Eugenia: ¿una infanta castellana?’, in Docta y Sabia Atenea. Studia in honorem Lía Schwartz, ed. by Sagrario López Poza, Nieves Pena Sueiro, Mariano de la Campa, Isabel Pérez Cuenca, Susan Byrne and Almudena Vidorreta (A Coruña: Universidade da Coruña, Servizo de Publicacións, 2019), pp. 491-544. 51 This activity is described in the various works contained in Anne J. Cruz and Maria Galli Stampino, eds, Early Modern Habsburg Women: Transnational Contexts Cultural Conflicts, Dynastic Continuities (Farnham: Ashgate, 2013); and Leticia Sánchez Hernández ed., Mujeres en la Corte de los Austrias. Una red social, cultural, religiosa y política (Madrid: Polifemo, 2019).

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monarch. Similarly, the first female convent of Discalced Carmelites founded in Lisbon was built in 1585 and known as the ‘Albertas’, in honour of the support given in founding it by the Viceroy Archduke Albert. The support of the monarch helped create a trickle-down effect on the Portuguese nobility – Duarte de Castelo Branco, António de Castro or Pedro de Alcáçova Carneiro, for example – who followed suit by deciding to found convents of these orders in their own lands. In other words, the spirituality that emerged from those royal convents was not confined exclusively to the entourage of the sovereigns and their courtiers, but permeated all layers of society. This trickle-down effect on the nobility with regard to royal palaces, convents, and monasteries also applied to such aspects as the accumulation of relics, the construction of family pantheons and architecture.52 Consequently, the nobility built and developed architectural complexes that emulated the overall design and concept of the Royal Sites, beginning, at the end of Philip II’s reign, with well-known examples, such as the Huerta de la Ribera in Valladolid, which belonged first to the Duke of Lerma and then to the monarch,53 and the Buenavista Palace in Toledo, built by Cardinal Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas.54 The most notable examples of this effect in Castile were undoubtedly the convent of San Blas for Dominican nuns attached to the Ducal Palace of Lerma, which belonged to the Duke of Lerma,55 and the Palace-Monastery of Loeches,56 which Olivares built for his retirement. This was a convent of Dominican nuns adjoining a pantheon for the Olivares house, attached to a palace, whose models were the Monastery of Yuste, the Royal Quarter of Los Jerónimos in Madrid, San Lorenzo de El Escorial and, on the façade of the convent church, the Convent of La Encarnación in Madrid. After the death of Olivares, the complex passed into the hands of his nephew, Luis Méndez de Haro, the new favourite of Philip IV.

52 These aspects are covered in my chapter in press, ‘Reality or myth? The “domestication” of the nobility through the codification of space and ceremonial: Royal Sites and Palaces during the reigns of Philip III and Philip IV of Spain (1598-1665)’ in Court Residences as Places of exchange in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe 1400-1700, ed. by Krista De Jonge and Stephan Hoppe (Turnhout: Brepols, forthcoming). 53 Javier Pérez Gil, ‘Jardines y parques de la Huerta de Felipe III en Valladolid’, in Cuartas Jornadas sobre “El Bosque” de Béjar y las villas de recreo en el Renacimiento, ed. by Urbano Domínguez Garrido and José Muñoz Domínguez (Béjar: Grupo Cultural “San Gil”, 2002), pp. 179-98. 54 Cloe Cavero de Carondelet, ‘Proyectos compartidos. Las fundaciones religiosas del Cardenal Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas en el valimiento del duque de Lerma’, in Apariencia y Razón. Las artes y la arquitectura en el reinado de Felipe III, ed. by Bernardo García García and Ángel Rodríguez Rebollo (Madrid: Doce Calles, 2020), pp. 67-92. 55 Luis Cervera Vera, El conjunto palacial de la villa de Lerma (Valencia: Castalia, 1967), as well as other works by the same author; Lisa A. Banner, The Religious Patronage of the Duke of Lerma, 1598-1621 (Farnham: Ashgate, 2009), pp. 109-68. 56 The best study on this complex is by Pedro Ponce de León Hernández, La arquitectura del Palacio-Monasterio de Loeches: El sueño olvidado del Conde Duque de Olivares. La emulación de un Real Retiro (Saragossa: Pórtico, 2016).

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The nobility of other kingdoms observed a similar desire to emulate the king starting with Portugal, as shown by José Pedro Paiva, where the most influential Royal Site was the Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial, in places such as the Convent of the Carthusian Monastery of Evora, which Archbishop Teotónio de Bragança had built in 1586, the Church of Nossa Senhora da Conceição in Leiria, promoted by Bishop Pedro de Castilho in 1588, and Cristóbal de Moura’s patronage of the main chapel of the Benedictine Monastery in Lisbon with the intention of making it his own family pantheon. In other places such as the Spanish Netherlands, we can highlight the remodelling plan that Karel van Croÿ, fourth Duke of Aerschot and first Duke of Croÿ, undertook in his domains so as to create a small network with three main hubs in the environs of Brussels comprising his city residence, a suburban village in Sint-Joost-ten-Node, and the most rural place of retreat, the castle at Heverlee (near Leuven). The castle was linked to the Benedictine convent of which the Croÿ family were patrons, and which today houses the Heverlee Campus library.57 Finally, it should be noted that all the factors that we have seen linked to the royal palaces, convents and monasteries were associated with great artistic and architectural programmes developed by the Habsburg monarchs, their viceroys and governors in the various kingdoms of the Monarchy. These factors have already been thoroughly studied by art historians, as can be seen in the various works contained in this volume. There is no question that the purpose of these artistic programmes was to ensure that the requirements for devotion, piety and spirituality that the Habsburg monarchs and the rest of the members of the dynasty were seeking to achieve were implemented effectively. In short, palaces, convents and royal residences played a fundamental role in the political and religious framework of the Spanish Monarchy in the Early Modern age, especially during the late sixteenth century and the first half of the seventeenth. Their contribution helped ensure the survival of a common project, which, at the same time, also endeavoured to take local characteristics into consideration.

57 Sanne Maekelberg, ‘Intercambios entre la arquitectura de los Países Bajos y España durante el gobierno de los Archiduques. La impronta de la alta nobleza’, in García García and Rodríguez Rebollo, Apariencia y Razón, pp. 171-86.

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Fig. 1.  Jan Brueghel the Younger, Palace of Coudenberg, ca. 1627, Madrid, Prado Museum This work is in the public domain in its country of origin and other countries and areas where the copyright term is the author’s life plus 100 years or less. Source: https://www.museodelprado.es/imagen/alta_resolucion/P01451.jpg

Fig. 2.  Main facade of the Convent of the Immaculate Conception of Loeches nowadays. 2010 photography. Image @ José Luis Cernadas Iglesias, via Wikimedia Commons.

Víctor Mínguez Corn ell es 

Court Spaces and Dynastic Piety at the Royal Convents of Madrid (16th-17th Centuries)* 1

Political Dimension It is not possible to gauge the significance of the religious and ceremonial practices deployed within the intramural spaces of Madrid’s royal convents of las Descalzas [the Discalced] and la Encarnación [the Incarnation] – as well as the convent of Santa Isabel [Elisabeth], whose original appearance has today been effaced – from their foundation and on throughout the Golden Age period, without addressing these convents’ political dimension. It is likewise impossible to address this issue without consideration of the relationship of these female monastic foundations to two decisive historical facts: Philip II’s choice of the villa (a small town granted certain official privileges) of Madrid and its Royal Alcázar as a permanent residence for the Court; and the hegemony of the Habsburg empire in the sixteenth century over the other European monarchies – principally France, England and Poland – within the configuration of the Catholic world. It is only from this dual perspective – a new imperial capital and a twin-headed dynastic political project (Madrid-Vienna) with an until then unheard-of ambition – that we can understand the ritual life conducted in these convents and the sense of piety developed in them during the final decades of the sixteenth century and throughout the seventeenth century. Solely in this way can we effectively interpret the patronage, collecting, iconography and festivals that filled their enclosed spaces, converting them into official stages for the greatest political power in existence at that time. Throughout the 1500s – and under the rule of the Valois, Tudor, Aviz, Trastámara and Habsburg dynasties – France, England, Portugal and the Spanish Monarchy became modern kingdoms governed by princes imbued with the new renaissance political theory. Feudal Europe gave way to a new organic reality defined by its monarchs’s preeminence, and the unifying and centralising policies they enacted over the subsequent centuries. The medieval itinerant courts met their demise for eminently practical reasons:



* Translated by Jeremy Roe. Víctor Mínguez Cornelles • University Jaume I, Castellón Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 185-206.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123287

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the new kingdoms demanded a wide ranging of administrative apparatus that precluded the constant movement of its chancelleries. Philip II chose Madrid as the residence for his Court in 1561, when it was only a small villa of ten thousand inhabitants,1 thereby abandoning Toledo, which had become expensive, uncomfortable, difficult to supply and hostile, as well as suffering from cold and drought.2 However, it would not be Europe’s only fixed Habsburg court. In 1531 Mary of Hungary, in accordance with the instructions of her brother Charles V, had installed the seat of government in the Low Countries at Brussels. She chose for this purpose the castle-palace of Coudenberg, the traditional residence of the Dukes of Brabant; from this same palace the Low Countries would later be governed by the Archdukes Albert and Isabella of Austria (1599-1621), and the Archduke Leopold William of Austria (1647-56) and Don John of Austria, ‘the younger’ (1656-59).3 Likewise the cities and palaces of Prague and Vienna were the habitual court seats of the Habsburg Emperors of the central-European branch of the House of Austria. Yet, the decision of Philip II had a much greater significance than the conjoined relevance of the other family capitals, due to the scope of his political project, which as it was defined – the Spanish Monarchy, Monarchia Universalis or Catholic Monarchy – far surpassed the other realms of the Habsburg universe. Furthermore, the need for a stable court became all the more necessary for the ‘Prudent King’, more so than for other European princes and monarchs: for Philip II the difficulties of keeping the complex organisational system of his chancellery, archives, secretaries, councils and other imperial structures running smoothly became a spectacular challenge, due to the universality of his dominions. Finally, we should not forget that, as Manuel Rivero has recently noted, a stable court was an inevitable structure in order to unite the many diverse, scattered and poorly communicated territories and to provide them with a distinctive identity.4 The predilection for Madrid over other possible peninsular options – Granada, Segovia, Toledo, Valladolid, Seville (all Castilian), or even subsequently Lisbon – was due to a range of factors – the good climate, the water and flour supply, its favourable central location in the peninsula – but no lesser reason was the existence of a network of royal palaces and residences in rural settings close to the villa, such as El Pardo, Aranjuez, Valsaín, and later, the Royal Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial (1563-84). These palace settings,



1 Víctor Mínguez, Inmaculada Rodríguez Moya, Juan Chiva and Pablo González Tornel, La fiesta barroca. La corte del rey (1555-1808) (Castellón: Universitat Jaume I, 2016). 2 Alfredo Alvar Ezquerra, ‘La elección de la Corte. La política en los siglos XVI y XVII’, in Madrid, de la Prehistoria a la Comunidad Autónoma, ed. by Antonio Fernández García (Madrid: Comunidad de Madrid, 2008), pp. 139-65. 3 Pierre Anagnostopoulos and Jean Houssiau, Antiguo palacio del Coudenberg (Brussels: Ministry of the Region Brussels-Capital, 2010). 4 Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, La monarquía de los Austrias. Historia del Imperio español (Madrid: Alianza, 2017), pp. 115-20.

Court Spaces and Dynastic Piety at the Royal Convents of Madrid

which included the villa’s Royal Alcázar, provided a series of new courtly stages upon which the monarch’s private life and political practice unfolded. And once the villa became a Court, and in parallel to the development and growth of its network of palaces, an additional network of royal religious foundations within the urban centre was also established, which in this case were both male and female religious houses; this latter process may be compared to developments in other European court cities during the sixteenth century, such as Lisbon and Paris. In medieval Castile there were two clear precedents for the royal patronage of the foundation of female convents: Santa María la Real de Las Huelgas (Burgos) founded by Alfonso VIII, king of Castile (1158-1214), and Eleanor of England (1170-1214) in 1187, and Santa María la Real de Tordesillas established by Peter I ‘the Cruel’, king of Castile (1350-69), in 1363.5 The latter is of special interest as by the sixteenth century, having become the Monastery of Saint Clara, it became linked to the female court of the queen Joanna I of Castile (1504-55) during the almost half-century that she resided in the nearby palace located in the villa of Tordesillas (1509-55). The Clarissine monastery was originally a royal palace, and although Queen Joanna neither founded it, nor resided there, she did visit and support it for various reasons, including the fact that until 1525 it housed the remains of her husband Philip I ‘the Fair’, king of Castile (1504-06).6 Just four years after the death of Queen Joanna of Castile, on 15 August 1559 and prior even to the conversion of the villa of Madrid into the Court, Joanna of Austria, sister of Philip II, founded the monastery of Las Descalzas Reales,7 the first of Madrid’s female monastic foundations promoted by the Habsburg monarchy. In parallel, between 1556-64, Philip II ordered the building of an annex to the Alcázar, which would become the armoury – a space of great symbolic value, since it strengthened his warrior king image – and the stables.8 As in Italian renaissance cities, from the outset the Spanish Monarchy’s architectural patronage and collecting of artworks were shaped by propagandistic strategies that proved to be highly effective. In addition to the female monasteries founded by the Monarchy within its capital city, the second circumstance that must be taken into account to understand their political and cultural relevance at the Court of Madrid is





5 Peter I ‘the Cruel’ used it as a palace together with his lover María de Padilla, but in his will, signed in 1362, he bequeathed it to his daughter the infanta Beatrice, ordering that she convert it into a convent of the order of Saint Clare. The infanta fulfilled her father’s wishes the following year having obtained the licence from the bishop of Palencia, as Tordesillas formed part of his diocese. 6 Miguel Ángel Zalama, Vida cotidiana y arte en el Palacio de la reina Juana I en Tordesillas (Valladolid: Universidad de Valladolid, 2000), pp. 141-57. 7 Ana García Sanz (ed.), Las Descalzas Reales. Orígenes de una comunidad religiosa en el siglo XVI (Madrid: Fundación Caja Madrid). 8 It survived the fire of 1734 but was finally demolished in 1894, when work began on the crypt of the Cathedral of the Almudena.

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the extraordinary power wielded by the House of Austria at that time. The sixteenth century was the Habsburg century.9 This dynasty had first made its mark on European history five hundred years earlier, when in the year 1020 Werner, Bishop of Strasbourg, and his brother Radbot built the white tower of Habichtsburg on the river Reuss.10 At the beginning of the thirteenth century, Duke Rudolf of Habsburg’s support for the Hohenstaufen emperor Frederick II (1220-50) signalled the family’s grander ambitions. However, the dynasty did not attain its supreme power until the year 1440, when Frederick III of Habsburg (1440-93) became its first member to be crowned Holy Roman Emperor. And this was just the beginning. In 1508 his son Maximilian I would be elected Emperor; in 1520, his great grandson Charles; and in 1558 the latter’s brother would attain the imperial throne. From 1555 to 1598, Philip II – son of the Emperor Charles – ruled as king of Spain, Naples, Sicily and Sardinia, Duke of Milan, sovereign of the Habsburg Netherlands, Duke of Burgundy, and from 1580 as King of Portugal, besides being the owner of the immense American territories conquered by Castile and Portugal, and of multiple enclaves across the four continents and three oceans: governing the first global empire Philip thereby attained the status of Universal Monarch. Furthermore, as Dukes of Burgundy, Maximilian I, Charles V and Philip II were sovereigns of the Order of the Golden Fleece, Europe’s most prestigious chivalric, court institution. This immense family empire was possible thanks to numerous diplomatic successes, dynastic alliances, military triumphs and geographical explorations, but also to an astute use of the art of representation and communication, which was founded on the language of Renaissance artistic forms and iconography, and the deployment of munificence, clientelism, collecting and monumental patronage. In this sense the restoration and construction of royal palaces and the patronage of monastic foundations provided ideal settings for the staging of Habsburg power at the new Court of Madrid; some of these served more ludic purposes, while others more spiritual ones, but all became sites of festive and ceremonial spectacle.11 However, it should be noted that the royal patronage of female convents of the reforming orders at the Court was not a Hispanic development, but a broader Habsburg one; at the other European courts of the House of Austria patronage was also granted to the foundation of enclosed convents, for example by Mary of Austria in Vienna, Isabella

9 Víctor Mínguez and Inmaculada Rodríguez, El tiempo de los Habsburgo. La construcción de un linaje imperial en el Renacimiento (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2020). 10 In Swiss canton of Aargau: Andrew Wheatcroft, Los Habsburgo. La personificación del imperio (Barcelona: Planeta, 1996), pp. 42-44. See also Heinz-Dieter Heimann, Die Habsburger. Dynastie und Kaiserreiche (München: C.H. Beck, 2001). 11 María Leticia Sánchez Hernández, Patronato regio y órdenes religiosas femeninas en el Madrid de los Austrias: Descalzas Reales, Encarnación y Santa Isabel (Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, 1997).

Court Spaces and Dynastic Piety at the Royal Convents of Madrid

Clara Eugenia in Brussels and Anne of Austria in Paris – the latter founded the Abbey of Val-de-Grâce. The Monastery of las Descalzas Reales was founded, as mentioned above, by Joanna of Austria – daughter of Charles V, widow of the prince and heir to the throne of Portugal, and regent of Spain in the absence of her brother king Philip II. The site for its foundation was the historic noble palace, at the core of the former suburb of Saint Martin, in which Joanna had been born, as her mother the Empress Isabella had been residing there when she gave birth. In 1555 the palace was bought by the infanta and she began to transform it into a convent. In 1559 the first Colettine or discalced Clarissine nuns, originally from the Convent of Santa Clara in Gandía, took up residence at the convent. The monastic complex was completed with chambers prepared as a royal residence, a charitable hospital and school for orphaned children. The Royal Monastery of Santa Isabel was founded as a residence for Recollect Augustinian nuns by Philip II’s preacher Alonso de Orozco in 1589 in the house of a benefactress. Following the death of both the convent’s founder and benefactress, the nuns requested protection from the Queen Margaret of Austria-Styria, who granted them royal patronage and then in 1610 had the convent transferred to the palace confiscated from the king’s secretary Antonio Pérez in the street of Santa Isabel. The transformation of the palace into a convent was concluded during the reign of Philip IV, but the building was later destroyed by fire at the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War. Finally, the Royal Convent of la Encarnación was founded by Philip III and Margaret of Austria – Styria in 1611 very close to the Alcázar, following the court’s return from the period of its residence in Valladolid (1601-06); that same year the expulsion of the Moriscos [Moorish] was enacted following a decree made by the monarch, and the Queen wanted to honour this pious measure by founding the monastery. Its creation was effectively instigated by the Queen, who presented it to Recollect Augustinian nuns from Palencia and Valladolid; they were given provisional residence in Madrid until the building work was concluded in 1616.12 Las Descalzas and la Encarnación were configured from the outset as settings for the projection of Habsburg power, and wholly suited to the ritualized practice of Pietas Austriaca, the particular Christian devotion of the House of Austria, which was an amalgam of Marian, hagiographic and theological devotions – including the unquestionable defence of Catholic mysteries such as the Eucharist and the Immaculate Conception – that gave rise to a sacred conception of politics capable of bestowing a messianic significance on the

12 Ana García Sanz and María Leticia Sánchez Hernández, Monasterios de las Descalzas Reales y de la Encarnación (Madrid: Patrimonio Nacional, 2009); María Leticia Sánchez Hernández, El monasterio de la Encarnación de Madrid: un modelo de vida religiosa en el siglo XVII (Salamanca: Escurialenses, 1986).

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members of this dynasty.13 While la Encarnación never became a royal residence like las Descalzas – to which a number of renowned female members of the House of Austria retired –14 this was due to its close proximity to the Royal Alcázar. Indeed, the convent was essentially an extension of the Alcázar, being linked to it by a private passage from the Treasury, whereby it was more closely connected to the life of the palace from where the empire was governed. And just as in the Hieronymite monasteries of Yuste, El Escorial, and Madrid, la Encarnación was equipped with a royal chamber, and with a tribune in its church that permitted the monarch to discretely assist the religious rites. The Habsburg faith encountered in the two monasteries of las Descalzas and la Encarnación ideal spaces for its entwined spiritual and courtly practice.

Courtly and Pious Worlds United Effectively, in both monasteries there was a complete symbiosis of the courtly and pious worlds, ceremony and devotion in equal measure imbued all the monastic spaces: churches, reliquaries, cloisters. There were some spaces that were obviously specific to the nuns such as their cells, although the various Habsburg women that took vows should not be overlooked, nor the fact that the king himself could visit the prioress in her cell should she fall ill. Meanwhile, in parts of the convent palace-practices predominated, although these too were frequented by the nuns. The latter were the eminently palatine chambers, where the presence of members of the Habsburg family or Castilian nobility, whether as residents or visitors, prompted the use of ritual etiquette, yet without departing from the buildings’ specific religious purpose. These chambers were especially notable at las Descalzas, which was the residence of the Empress Mary of Austria (1555-76), her daughter Margaret of Austria, Ana Dorotea de Austria – natural daughter of the Emperor Rudolf II (15761612) – and of Margarita de la Cruz – natural daughter of don John of Austria. The nuns of la Encarnación also included members of the Habsburg line, such as Anne Margaret of Austria, natural daughter of Philip IV. In the case of las Descalzas it is the main stairway that is worthy of note along with the Salon de Reyes (King’s Salon) – both spaces originally formed part of the historic noble palace – and also the modified Cuarto Real (Royal Chamber). The stairway is still adorned with its original lavish decorative

13 Anne Coreth, Pietas Austriaca. Österreichische Frömmigkeit im Barock (Vienna: Verlag für Geschichte und Politik, 1954); Víctor Mínguez and Inmaculada Rodríguez (eds), La piedad de la Casa de Austria. Arte, dinastía y devoción (Gijón: Trea, 2018). 14 María de los Ángeles Toajas, ‘Palacios ocultos: las Descalzas Reales de Madrid’, in Felix Austria. Lazos familiares, cultura política y mecenazgo artístico entre las cortes de los Habsburgo, ed. by Bernardo J. García García (Madrid: Fundación Carlos de Amberes, 2016), pp. 327-74; Magdalena S. Sánchez, ‘Where palace and convent met: the Descalzas Reales in Madrid’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 46 (2015), 1, pp. 53-82.

Court Spaces and Dynastic Piety at the Royal Convents of Madrid

programme consisting of seventeenth-century murals – perhaps the work of Ximénez Donoso and Matías de Torres – representing the polemical devotion of the seven archangels, and a trompe l’oeil portrait of the family of Philip IV – painted by Antonio de Pereda prior to 1661 – which perfectly symbolizes the fusion between political representation and private devotion characteristic of both monasteries.15 In La Encarnación the principal courtly space was the no longer extant Sala Real (Royal Hall), located between the convent’s enclosed space and the corridor connecting it with the Alcázar; it was in this room that the royal family had seats reserved for them, and the walls were decorated with pious paintings and dynastic portraits.16 The first art historian to examine these two monasteries was Elías Tormo at the beginning of the twentieth century, and he devoted four volumes – published over the course of thirty years – to the study of las Descalzas Reales.17 Tormo rapidly perceived, and it is reflected in his studies, the connection between the political practice and representation, on the one hand, and the spiritual life pursued at las Descalzas, on the other; the monastery was conceived not only as a royal foundation, but also as a site of the active presence of the Habsburg monarchy, through its use as a residence, the taking of religious vows, portrait galleries, and the courtly use of its spaces. Indeed, in his first book Tormo dedicated a section to the biographies of three princesses that lived at the Monastery – doña Joanna, doña Mary and doña Margaret – and in the second book he addressed the series of thirty-three royal and hagio­ graphical portraits.18 Many researchers, following in the footsteps of Elías Tormo, – above all in recent decades – have continued the study of these two monasteries. The most recent and most important contribution has been made by Fernando Checa, curator of the recent exhibition, 2019-21, at the Royal Palace of Madrid The two courts. Women of the House of Austria in the royal monasteries of las Descalzas and la Encarnación. Amongst many other contributions – such as addressing an important part of the heritage of these two enclosed convents

15 Miguel Morán Turina, ‘La escalera del Monasterio de las Descalzas Reales de Madrid’, in Pinturas murales de la escalera principal: Monasterio de las Descalzas Reales de Madrid (Madrid: Patrimonio Nacional, 2010), pp. 11-37. 16 Fernando Checa Cremades, ‘“Aquí está Dios”. El Real Monasterio de la Encarnación de Madrid, teatro de la Contrarreforma habsbúrgica’, in Mínguez and Rodríguez, La piedad de la Casa de Austria, 87-122 (pp. 93 y 94). 17 En las Descalzas Reales de Madrid. Estudios históricos, iconográficos y artísticos (Madrid: Junta de Iconografía Nacional, 1917); En las Descalzas Reales de Madrid. Treinta y tres retratos (Madrid: Junta de Iconografía Nacional, 1944); En las Descalzas Reales. Los tapices. La Apoteosis Eucarística de Rubens (Madrid: Junta de Iconografía Nacional, 1945); and En las Descalzas Reales de Madrid. Estudios históricos, iconográficos y artísticos (Madrid: Junta de Iconografía Nacional, 1946-47). 18 Víctor Mínguez, ‘Elias Tormo iconógrafo. De las series de los reyes de España (1917) a las Descalzas Reales (1917-1947)’, in Elías Tormo, Apóstol de la Historia del Arte en España, dir. by Luis Arciniega García (Valencia: Institució Alfons el Magnànim, 2016), pp. 207-17.

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that has until now remained unstudied – Checa has further established the significance that these convents had, specifically that of La Encarnación. He has examined how they served as theatres of the Habsburg Counter-reformation for the Madrid court, and he has defined La Encarnación as ‘the best example of counter-reformation religious ideas and aesthetic forms at the court of the Spanish Monarchy’. Drawing on Luis Muñoz’s Vida de la venerable M. Mariana de S. Joseph, fundadora de la Recolección de las Monjas Agustinas, priora del Real Convento de la Encarnación (Madrid, 1645), Checa has reconstructed aspects of life at the monastery during the reign of Philip IV, and showed how its building, artworks, liturgy and intellectual world were integrated into the court’s religious, political and cultural universe.19 With regard to Las Descalzas it should be recalled that its founder, the infanta Joanna of Austria, was a significant protectress of the Society of Jesus at the Court and she joined the Society under a male pseudonym, and furthermore, her first project – in accordance with the Society’s superior, Francisco de Borja – was to create a monastery for a female branch of the Jesuits.20 Perhaps the clearest testimony to the counter-reformation significance of these Madrid convents was their configuration as grandiose reliquaries. From their foundation, the three female religious houses, as well as the Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial founded by Philip II, were depositories for the major collections of relics that were formed by the Spanish Habsburgs during the age of schismatic reform and religious war that they lived through. As a dynasty that had for centuries legitimized its authority through its founding member’s displays of piety to the Eucharist administered as the viaticum, they naturally identified with the extensive cult of relics that had spread during the Middle Ages across the social strata of European Christianity.21 It should be recalled that relics were then not only a testimony, dating back to the origins of Christianity, of the faithful’s devotion to saints and martyrs – including Christ himself – but also that the thaumaturgic powers associated with relics granted them an indubitable attraction, and they in turn bestowed on their fortunate owners – churches, convents, cities, nobles, or kings – a far from negligible economic and symbolic power.22 And conscious of their political relevance the Habsburgs had no scruples about symbolically appropriating the most relevant relics, thereby engaging with a specifically Iberian tradition. The worship of the supposed remains of the apostle Saint James [Santiago] in Compostela was a defining phenomenon for the configuration of the Crown

19 Checa Cremades, ‘Aquí está Dios’, pp. 87-122. 20 Esther Jiménez Pablo, La forja de una identidad. La compañía de Jesús (1540-1640) (Madrid: Polifemo, 2014); Noelia García Pérez (ed.), The making of Juana de Austria: gender, art and patronage in Early Modern Iberia (Abingdon: Routledge, 2019). 21 Charles Freeman, Holy Bones, Holy Dust. How Relics Shaped the History of Medieval Europe (New Haven-London: Yale University Press, 2011). 22 María Concepción Porras Gil, ‘Sagrados fragmentos’, in Mínguez and Rodríguez, La piedad de la Casa de Austria, pp. 227-46.

Court Spaces and Dynastic Piety at the Royal Convents of Madrid

of Castile. Likewise the monarchs of the House of Aragon had developed an ambitious strategy that enabled them to form an extensive reliquary thanks to the patronage of Martín I ‘the Humane’, which included, amongst other treasures, singular pieces such as the Holy Grail, the body of Saint Louis of Toulouse and the arm of Saint George.23 Following the model of Sainte-Chapelle in Paris, built to house the relic collection of Louis IX of France (1461-83), they sought a suitable space for the Aragonese royal collection. Finally, they decided upon the Cathedral of Valencia, which had been remodelled in the mid-fifteenth century as a guarantee on the loan granted by the city to Alfonso V of Aragon, ‘the Magnanimous’, in order to finance the military campaign that would result in his conquest of the Kingdom of Naples.24 The cult of relics was one of the factors that led to the start of the Protestant Reformation, which gave rise to so many problems for the Emperor Charles V, to the extent of impeding his political project for Europe being governed by a single king and faith. Martin Luther’s Disputatio pro declaratione virtutis indulgentiarum [Disputation on the Power of Indulgences] – otherwise known as the Ninety-five Theses that he supposedly nailed to the church door at the Palace of Wittenberg on 31 October 1517 – was above all an indictment against the sale of indulgences, but at the same time it may obviously be subliminally deduced as an attack on the morbid cult of relics, and a savage critique of the trade in these objects that many had created within the Church. Curiously, Luther’s protector before the Emperor, Frederick III, Elector of Saxony (1486-1525), possessed one of the most famous reliquaries of his day. The chapel at his castle – which in 1503 became the chapel of the University of Wittenberg, and thereby, according to tradition, became the chosen place for Luther’s gesture of rebellion – in 1520 contained nineteen thousand relics, including a thorn from Jesus’s crown and one of Saint Anne’s thumbs.25 The swift publication of Luther’s theses disseminated his views across Europe and Pope Leo X (1513-21) condemned then in 1520, and the following year he went on to excommunicate the Augustinian monk and theologian. Lutheran hostility towards relics was countered by the Council of Trent, which in its twenty-fifth session defended their worship in the face of protestant animosity, although this was underwritten by a procedural undertaking through which the authenticity of each relic had to be approved by a bull from the Holy See. For such purposes in 1593 Pope Clement VIII formed a congregation for indulgences.

23 Alberto Torra Pérez, ‘Reyes, santos y reliquias. Aspectos de la sacralidad de la monarquía catalano-aragonesa’, in El poder real de la Corona de Aragón (siglos XV-XVI) (Saragossa: Departamento de Educación y Cultura, 1996), 3, pp. 493-517. 24 Victoria Bosch, ‘Religiosidad regia: entre reliquias y herejes’, in El linaje del Rey Monje. La configuración cultural e iconográfica de la Corona Aragonensis (1164-1516), ed. by Víctor Mínguez (Castellón: Universitat Jaume I, 2018), pp. 125-44. 25 María Leticia Sánchez Hernández (ed.), El Relicario del Real Monasterio de la Encarnación de Madrid (Madrid: Patrimonio Nacional, 2016), pp. 25 y 26.

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It was precisely after the Council of Trent that the principal reliquaries linked to the Spanish Monarchy were established. The four aforementioned royal locations, the Habsburg monasteries of El Escorial, Santa Isabel, La Encarnación and Las Descalzas Reales, were thus converted into sacred wunderkammers. They each contained a specific room that was open to only a few privileged individuals, but the sacred objects these contained could be contemplated by all other devotees through barred windows.26 At El Escorial it was naturally Philip II, as patron of the monastery, who was behind the formation of the reliquary, for which the monarch went on to collect seven thousand relics arranged in two cabinets dedicated to the Annunciation and Saint Jerome, which were painted by Federico Zuccaro.27 The reliquary of Santa Isabel was fodder for the flames in 1936. The reliquary of La Encarnación was instigated by Margaret of Austria – Styria and Philip III. It was located behind the church’s main altar and housed up to seven hundred little phials set out on glass fronted shelves around the altar; the majority came from Queen Margaret’s oratory in Madrid’s Alcázar.28 Many other such receptacles were sent as gifts by other Habsburg family members – such as the queen’s sister, Mary Maddalena of Austria, Grand Duchess of Tuscany (1609-21) – members of the religious orders – Franciscans from the Holy Land or Jesuits from Japan – and members of the nobility and clergy. The reliquary of Las Descalzas Reales was located behind the church’s main altar, and the relics were theatrically set out on the altar’s tiled steps.29 It was Anne of Austria, Philip II’s wife, and the Empress Mary, who above all contributed to it, and amongst the multitude of relics it contained of special note is the body of Saint Victor, which was considered to possess thaumaturgic properties. Indeed, this was demonstrated through the healing of Philip III as a child.30 At each of these four monasteries the display of these phials of sacred remains within the rooms intended for their private exhibition provided distinguished visitors with an experience of ritual piety, and fostered a deep sense of conviction at finding themselves before the real presence of heavenly intercessors. Such an experience proved to be essential for a dynasty that had made universal evangelisation an essential element of its statecraft. 26 Sánchez Hernández, El Relicario del Real Monasterio de la Encarnación, pp. 29-30. 27 Rosemarie Mulcahy, ‘El arte religioso y su función en la Corte de Felipe II’, in Felipe II. Un monarca y su época. Un príncipe del Renacimiento, ed. by Fernando Checa Cremades (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la conmemoración de los centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 1998), pp. 159-83. See also Benito Mediavilla Martín and José Rodríguez Díez, Las reliquias del Real Monasterio de El Escorial: documentación hagiográfica (San Lorenzo de El Escorial: Ediciones Escurialenses, 2005). 28 Sánchez Hernández, El Relicario del Real Monasterio de la Encarnación, pp. 32-41. 29 Tormo, En las Descalzas Reales de Madrid. Estudios históricos (1917); Victoria Bosch Moreno, ‘“Para que el pueblo vea y goce de este santo tesoro”. Una aproximación al relicario de las Descalzas Reales de Madrid durante los siglos XVI y XVII’, in Mínguez and Rodríguez, La piedad de la Casa de Austria, pp. 185-202. 30 Sánchez Hernández, El Relicario del Real Monasterio de la Encarnación, p. 30.

Court Spaces and Dynastic Piety at the Royal Convents of Madrid

The Relevance of the Dynasty: the Funeral Ceremonial As well as these sacred remains, Madrid’s royal monasteries also conserved the mortal remains of members of the ruling dynasty in order to honour their deaths and establish a family pantheon that would demonstrate the grandeur of their lineage to the world. It was at the Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial that this task was finally undertaken. In the mid-sixteenth century there were effectively two issues to be resolved in order to fully celebrate the dynasty’s magnificence, and with Philip II’s establishment of the Court in Madrid, the time was ripe to address them, they were: the building of a family pantheon and the adoption of a funerary ceremony for future deaths. At that time, the Habsburgs had already promoted various monumental tomb complexes, – for example the Emperor Maximilian I at Innsbruck’s Hofkirche, and Margaret of Austria’s Royal Monastery of Brou at Bourg-enBresse – but there was no specific pantheon for the Spanish branch of the Habsburg. Naturally, there was for the members of each of the Iberian feudal kingdoms – the kings of Navarre in the Benedictine Monastery of Leire, those of León in the Collegiate Church of San Isidoro; those of Castile in the Monastery of las Huelgas, Toledo Cathedral and the Royal Chapel of Seville Cathedral; those of Portugal in the Monastery of Batalha; and those of the Crown of Aragon in the Cistercian monasteries of Poblet and Santes Creus-; but the Spanish Habsburg dynasty required a specific royal pantheon, and although this was not the initial reason for the foundation of the Monastery of El Escorial, it soon became its principal function. As a result, a specific ceremonial practice was required for the funeral cortèges used to transfer the deceased from the Court or their place of death to el Escorial. Various decades later, Vienna’s Capuchin Church, located near the Imperial palace of Hofburg, would go on to house the crypt of the central-European branch of the Habsburgs including numerous emperors of the Holy Germanic Roman Empire.31 With a building to house the royal cadavers located near the new imperial capital completed, and Philip II installed in both Madrid’s Royal Alcázar and the neighbouring residences created in the villa’s environs, it became necessary to create further spaces at Court that were suitable for the celebration of the funerary honours for the death of every member of the royal family, and likewise to establish a ceremonial etiquette and decorative programme for these events.32 The preferred settings for these acts of mourning were Madrid’s royal convents, and in particular the churches of the Monastery of 31 It was proposed by the Empress Anne of Tyrol (1612-18) as a crypt for her remains and those of her husband Emperor Mathias I (1612-19). Construction began in 1622 and was completed under the Emperor Ferdinand II, being consecrated in 1632. 32 Víctor Mínguez, ‘El ceremonial de la muerte en dos conventos reales’, in Las dos Cortes. Mujeres de la Casa de Austria en los monasterios reales de las Descalzas y la Encarnación, ed. by Fernando Checa Cremades (Madrid: Patrimonio Nacional, 2020), pp. 282-89.

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las Descalzas Reales, the Monastery of la Encarnación and the Convent of Los Jerónimos, which the Catholic Monarchs had used as a royal residence. It should also be noted that Las Descalzas Reales was also an intramuros pantheon for the House of Austria, as buried there were the Archduchess Joanna and the Empress Mary, daughters of Charles V, as well as other female members of the family; the funerary chapel of the convent’s founder was also a singular feature with its sculpture of Joanna at prayer rendered in white marble by Pompeo Leoni.33 Likewise, La Encarnación would later house the tomb of Anne Margaret of Austria, the aforementioned natural daughter of Philip IV, whose black marble and jasper tomb dates from 1672. The first major public – and global – display of Habsburg grief had been the imperial exequies held for Charles V in 1558, which were celebrated in a range of European and American cities; they marked a major landmark in the creation of early modern festivals. Those held in Brussels achieved a major artistic projection due to the publication of an account of the ceremonies illustrated with engravings made by the brothers Jan and Lucas van Doetechum: La magnifique et sumptueuse pompe funèbre du tres grand et tres victorieus Charles Cinquième (Antwerp, 1559). It was printed and distributed by Plantin, both in book and scroll format, with some examples being illuminated, and it was published in various languages – French, Spanish, Flemish, Italian and German-.34 The impact of this publication on the other European courts was essential for the development of the funerary honours held for later monarchs; for example, the exequies held for Charles at the Court in Valladolid, celebrated in the convent church of Saint Benedict, recorded by Juan Calvete de Estrella in his account El túmulo Imperial adornado de Historias y Letreros y Epitaphios en prosa y verso latino (Valladolid, 1559); or those that took place in the Viceregal court of Mexico, held in the Chapel of Saint Joseph of the Natives in the convent of Saint Francis and were described by Francisco Cervantes de Salazar in Tvmvlo Imperial de la gran ciudad de Mexico (Mexico, 1560). Both of these events likewise provided landmarks for Hispanic funerary art on both sides of the Atlantic, with regard to both the architectonic design of their catafalques and the complexity of their iconographic programmes. With regard to funerary protocol this was designed, as was logical, on the basis of the two principle cultural models of etiquette that the Hispanic Habsburgs drew on, Castile and Burgundy, and elements of both were adapted. The Trastámara etiquette required the cadaver to be robed in a religious habit, a custom followed by the Catholic Monarchs, Charles V and his successors – with the odd exception: Philip I ‘the Fair’ and don John of 33 Juan Luis Blanco Mozo, ‘El sepulcro de la emperatriz María en las Descalzas Reales: ensayo de interpretación’, Reales Sitios, 203 (2015), pp. 6-27. 34 María Adelaida Allo Manero, ‘Exequias del Emperador Carlos V en la Monarquía Hispana’, in Carlos V y las Artes. Promoción artística y familia imperial, ed. by María José Redondo Cantera and Miguel Ángel Zalama (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y León y Universidad, 2000), pp. 261-81.

Court Spaces and Dynastic Piety at the Royal Convents of Madrid

Austria were embalmed in accordance with Flemish tradition. Regulations and proclamations had imposed black mourning clothes in Castile from the end of the fifteenth-century, and this was obligatory if the deceased was the king.35 The funerals had two key moments, the burial of the cadaver, and the official exequies, and they were conducted separately in order to allow time for the organisation of the latter. While the former consisted of the display of the deceased’s mortal remains, a novena and finally the burial, the second celebration demanded major preparations: a church had to be chosen and decorated; a catafalque created; emblems, paintings and epigraphs, providing the ideological content of this mortuary spectacle, had also to be prepared; and the ceremony itself organized and celebrated. And this not only took place at the Court: replicas of exequies held in Madrid later took place in all the important cities of the kingdoms and viceroyalties of the empire over the following months. Initially, the Church of Saint Dominic was used for the exequies at the Madrid court. Later the Church of the Royal Convent of Los Jerónimos became the chosen space for major funerary honours of the sixteenth century, such as those of Maximilian II of Austria (1577), Sebastian of Portugal (1578) and Anne of Austria (1581),36 and likewise for the baptism and oath swearing ceremonies held for the princes. During the seventeenth century the Hieronymite convent was still used for a number of relevant mourning celebrations, such as the 1644 exequies of Isabella of Bourbon, first wife to Philip IV. However, while Los Jerónimos had the advantage of being incorporated into the Buen Retiro palace, Las Descalzas and La Encarnación, on the other hand, were much closer to the Royal Alcázar, the principal ceremonial palace of the Spanish Monarchy during the Golden Age era. It was La Encarnación that was located closest to the Alcázar, and during the seventeenth century it became the setting for such notable royal exequies as those of Philip IV (1665) and Mary Louise of Orléans (1689). These two funerary celebrations marked the full maturity of Spanish Habsburg funerary ceremony, and they were also disseminated through two magnificent illustrated exequy books accompanied by a singular series of engravings. The essential element of Habsburg funerary ceremonial was the catafalque or túmulo, the ephemeral structure built to house the monarch’s – empty – tomb. It was located in the centre of the chosen church, in front of the main altar. Around it a decorative funeral setting was created with mourning drapes, lights, heraldic shields and emblems, the religious rituals themselves were celebrated with the Court in attendance.37 In the Spanish Monarchy,

35 Juan Varela, La muerte del Rey. El ceremonial funerario de la Monarquía Española (1500-1885) (Madrid: Turner, 1990), pp. 18-35. 36 Varela, La muerte del rey, pp. 54 and 55. 37 Juan Pérez de Guzmán y Gallo, ‘Las etiquetas de la muerte en la Casa Real de España durante los Austrias’, Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, 65 (1914), pp. 475-79.

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the shift from the medieval illuminated funerary structures to the modern architecturally designed tomb occurred during the reign of Charles V, with the classical catafalques Pedro Machuca designed in Granada for the exequies of the Empress Isabella of Portugal in 1539 and Mary Manuela, Princess of Portugal, in 1549. However, it was the honours specifically held for the emperor, especially the aforementioned ones held in Brussels, which fully established a clear conceptual model: a catafalque, in a pyramidal form adorned with lights, housed the simulacrum of the cadaver, which was metaphorically replaced with the symbols of power: the crown, sceptre, golden fleece, orb and sword. Over the years that followed the symbolic language of renaissance culture – emblematics and allegory – embellished and developed the castrum doloris, being deployed on the catafalque, in the church’s nave, as well as on its façade. Joanna of Austria, who died in 1573, had made it known that she wished to be buried in Las Descalzas Reales, and for this purpose the church’s presbytery was prepared with a funerary chapel dominated by Leoni’s sculpted portrait, which subsequently served as the model for the cenotaphs of Charles V and Philip II created by this same sculptor for the basilica of the Monastery of El Escorial – subsequently Joanna’s body would be transferred to El Escorial in accordance with Philip II’s wishes. Las Descalzas honoured its founder with exequies that were described by the Chronicler King of Arms Juan de España in two manuscripts.38 For this purpose, an austere ephemeral monument was created: the church was draped with black cloths and a square catafalque sustained by classical columns and completed by a crowned pyramid was installed; both the catafalque and the decorative cloths were adorned with numerous heraldic shields and lights.39 The first of various series of funerary emblems created in Madrid and published in print relate to a Jesuit festival account that was indirectly linked to Las Descalzas Reales, as it was held in honour of the Empress Mary of Austria, who was residing in the convent and one of the major promoters of the Society of Jesus. The first Jesuit fathers had arrived at the Court in Valladolid in 1545 and from the outset they had the support of key members of the Castilian nobility, as well as the imperial family, as was the case of the princess Joanna, a secret member of the Society, and who, as has been discussed, was the founder

38 Relación de la muerte de doña Juana de Austria y de Portugal, infanta de España y princesa de Portugal, y de cómo la trasladaron a enterrar en Madrid (RAH, K-53, fols 96v-97v) and Relación de las honras fúnebres de doña Juana, princesa de Portugal, las cuales mandó celebrar el rey Felipe II, su hermano, en la iglesia del monasterio de las Descalzas Reales, de Madrid (RAH, K-53, fols 101-04). 39 Victoria Bosch Moreno, ‘Funeral ceremonies in the Descalzas reales chuch during the second half of sixteenth century’s’, in Court, nobles and festivals. Studies on the Early Modern visual culture, ed. by Oskar J. Rojewski and Miroslawa Sobczynska-Szczepanska (Katowice: University of Silesia, 2019), pp. 141-54.

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of Las Descalzas Reales.40 The Empress Mary of Austria died at Las Descalzas on 26 February 1603, and priests from the Society’s Madrid College designed a series of emblems for the funerary honours that were held in their college church. The series were compiled in the anonymous chronicle Libro de las honras que hizo el Colegio de la Compañía de Jesús de Madrid, a la M. C. de la Emperatriz doña María de Austria (Madrid, 1603). Given that the occasion was the death of a Habsburg Empress all the church’s decoration and the catafalque were transformed into an apotheosis of the empire, whereby the iconographic motif of the double-headed eagle of the House of Austria was a recurring element.41 Thirty-six emblems were reproduced as prints in the funerary account, and the pictura of fifteen of them showed the Habsburg eagle, frequently combined with the Jesuit anagram: I.H.S. But it was the monastery of La Encarnación that would substitute the Convent of Los Jerónimos as the primary funerary stage during the reign of Charles II, due to the queen regent Marianne of Austria’s devotion to this monastery.42 Pedro Rodríguez de Monforte, chronicler of the exequies of Philip IV, informs us that initially this celebration was planned to be held once more at the Royal Convent of Los Jerónimos, but the queen stipulated that it be held at the Monastery of la Encarnación due to her fears for the health of the young heir Charles II being heightened by the approaching winter. As was stated above, these exequies, and the later ones held for Mary Louise of Orléans, constitute the height of the funerary ritual of the Spanish branch of the House of Austria. They were conceived as a total work of art in which the ceremony integrated the ephemeral art, architecture, iconography and the subsequent publication of the funerary account, and represent the apogee of the symbolic court culture; on these occasions the church of la Encarnación became a golden age mourning theatre par excellence. The relevance of Philip IV’s exequies was due to several understandable reasons. It was devoted to the ‘Planet King’, who had governed the global empire for more than forty years. Furthermore, the ceremony took place in 1665, which was the artistic zenith of Habsburg Spain, yet also a moment of evident decline of Spanish hegemony in Europe following the treaties of Westphalia and the Pyrenees, which imposed a need to heighten the illusionistic effects of baroque festival culture so as to conjure up an otherworldly impression intended to dissemble the encroaching political reality. However, these exequies are also a significant cultural landmark as they gave rise to a splendid account written by the aforementioned Pedro Rodríguez de Monforte, which was published under the title Descripcion de las honras qve se hicieron a la catholica 40 Jiménez Pablo, La forja de una identidad, pp. 71-72. 41 Jorge Sebastián Lozano, ‘Emblemas para una emperatriz muerta. Las honras madrileñas de la Compañía por María de Austria’, in Imagen y Cultura. La interpretación de las imágenes como historia cultural, ed. by Rafael García Mahíques and Vicent F. Zuriaga (Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 2008), II, pp. 1453-62. 42 Varela, La muerte del rey, p. 109.

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Magd. de Don Phelippe quarto (Madrid, 1666).43 The extensive circulation of this book, illustrated with magnificent prints by the court engraver Pedro de Villafranca Malagón, meant that its emblems served as inspiration for a later series of Hispanic emblems.44 Philip IV died on Thursday 17 September 1665. His corpse, having been embalmed, was displayed in the palace all day Friday, and on Saturday it was transferred by a solemn cortège to the Royal Monastery of el Escorial, where it was buried in the pantheon. Don Baltasar Barroso de Ribera, Marquis of Malpica and Superintendent of Royal Works, was designated as steward for the exequies to be held at the monastery of La Encarnación. The walls of the atrium were clad in black and silver velvet, and five epitaphs hung from the columns. Sixteen emblems were also displayed in the atrium, and another twenty-five in the church itself. All of these were reproduced as prints in the account of the exequies, and they constitute the most interesting emblematic series produced at the Hispanic court.45 The catafalque was placed at the crossing, although arranged slightly closer to the presbytery so the smoke from the lights would not bother the royal family. It was created by the painter and architect Sebastián Herrera Barnuevo, Senior Master of Works of the Royal Residences. Eight columns of the composite order, painted as black and white jasper with gold bands, rose from on an octagonal platform. The columns surrounded the tomb, which was supported by the royal insignias and an epitaph and also covered in a lavish cloth. The decorative frieze consisted of skull and crossbones motifs, and each of the four façades displayed a royal shield supported by lions. Pyramids of lights were arranged at the juncture of the lower columns and on the balustrade. On the second storey, constructed on a smaller scale and also octagonal in form, niches of gilded fruit alternated with allegories of the virtues – the three theological virtues, as well as Justice. A dome, adorned with black standards, trophies and a crowned orb, concluded the ephemeral structure, which was illuminated by one thousand seven hundred lights. Antonio Bonet Correa astutely related it with the Spanish baroque baldaquin-altarpieces.46 The twelve emblems located at the entrance to the church transmitted a triple message: the exaltation of Philip IV – Habsburg devotions and

43 Steven N. Orso, Art and Death at the Spanish Habsburg Court. The Royal Exequies for Philip IV (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1989). In his study Orso published the preparatory sketches by Herrera Barnuevo conserved in AHN. 44 A good example is provided by the exequies staged for the king Philip V in Pamplona’s cathedral by the city government in August 1746, the emblems are exceptionally conserved in the municipal archive. See José Javier Azanza López and José Luis Molins Mugueta, Exequias reales del Regimiento pamplonés en la Edad Moderna (Pamplona: Ayuntamiento, 2005). 45 María Adelaida Allo Manero, ‘Iconografía funeraria de las exequias de Felipe IV en España e Hispanoamérica’, Cuadernos de Investigación. Historia, VII (1981), pp. 73-96. 46 Antonio Bonet Correa, ‘El túmulo de Felipe IV, de Herrera Barnuevo y los retablosbaldaquinos del barroco español’, Archivo Español de Arte, 136 (1961), pp. 285-96.

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political virtues – the death of the monarch – predominated by the solar metaphor – and praise for his successor Charles II – transmitting a message of political stability at a key and dramatic moment for the monarchy-.47 These three messages could be summarised as two ideological concerns: the baroque mediation on death and dynastic apotheosis. The church’s single nave and its main chapel were decorated with black velvet wall hangings with gilded borders. Two alternating series of shields were hung above these, the first represented the crowned arms of the kingdoms that formed part of the Spanish Monarchy in 1665, while the second depicted images of death wearing a golden crown. At a lower level nearer the floor were hung twelve emblems on each side of the nave, which underscored the aforementioned messages in the atrium. Finally, a final larger series located above the door showed seven allegories of the virtues – Hope, Faith, Justice, Charity, Strength, Prudence and Religion – accompanied by a winged and crowned heart. The court funeral held for Mary Louise of Orléans in the Monastery of la Encarnación resulted in one of the most beautiful books of Spanish exequies as it was embellished with numerous engravings, including ten prints collating forty emblems, and these prints were signed with the anagram F.I.P.R., which identifies them as being by the Painter to the King, Francisco Ignacio Ruiz de la Iglesia.48 The account was written by Juan de Vera Tassis y Villarroel, Fiscal de Comedias (attorney responsible for plays and their censorship) at the Buen Retiro palace.49 The queen had died on 12 February 1689 at the age of twenty-six, and the king commissioned Don Íñigo Melchor Fernández de Velasco, Constable of Castile and High Steward, with the organisation of the exequies, which were to be held on 22 and 23 March. The first step taken by the Constable was to issue an ‘order that the most renowned Architects and Painters in Madrid should produce sketches for the site intended for the catafalque, for which more than one design may be submitted’.50 Madrid’s artists made a significant response, and a range of key figures took part in the competition, such as Claudio Coello, Juan Fernández de Laredo, Josep Caudí, Vicente de Benavides, Manuel Redondo, Bartolomé Pérez, or José de Churriguera; it was the latter’s design that was chosen. The production of the catafalque and the ephemeral decoration of the church of La Encarnación was undertaken by

47 Víctor Mínguez, La invención de Carlos II. Apoteosis simbólica de la Casa de Austria (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Europa Hispánica, 2013). 48 María Adelaida Allo Manero, ‘Antonio Palomino y las exequias reales de Mª Luisa de Orleáns’, in Paisajes emblemáticos: la construcción de la imagen simbólica en Europa y América, ed. by César Chaparro, José Julio García Arranz, José Roso and Jesús Ureña (Mérida: Editora Regional de Extremadura, 2008), II, pp. 457-76. 49 It was published under the title Noticias historiales de la enfermedad, mverte, y exs[chk]equias de la esclarecida reyna de las Españas Doña Maria Lvisa de Orleans, Borbon Stvart y Avstria, nvestra señora (Madrid: Francisco Pérez, 1690). 50 Tassis y Villarroel, Noticias historiales, p. 140.

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one hundred and fifty individuals, including architects, carpenters, painters, sculptors, joiners, carvers and wood-turners. Under the Constable’s direct supervision, the catafalque was produced in three weeks. It was raised at the centre of the crossing and was painted to appear as black and white marble, with gold mouldings and silver figures. Churriguera placed the funerary monument on a square plinth. It displayed a striking dynamism, combining estipites, arches, balustrades, flying buttresses, broken cornices in an innovative structure that sheltered the royal tomb and its insignias of power. Twelve pyramids of lights illuminated the catafalque. The principal symbolic elements were: the allegory of time displayed on the catafalque’s four façades, which included the queen’s date of birth and death; skeletons holding lights and royal shields; and a spectacular crowning canopy, upon which a further skeleton threatened a fleur-de-lis that crowned an orb. With regard to the church, presbytery, crossing and nave they were clad in black velvet and damask adorned with gold. On these cloths were hung the coat of arms of the Spanish Monarchy, France, England and Orléans, lights, skulls and numerous emblems. The twenty emblems that adorned the atrium and the church’s portico were the work of the exequies’ chronicler himself, Vera Tassis. The numerous other emblems hung inside the church were undertaken by a range of individuals whose names were not listed in the funeral account, although today the involvement of the painter Antonio Palomino in the design of twelve of these is accepted, as is the contribution made by the erudite courtier Gaspar Agustín de Lara with the composition of a further fifteen emblems.51 There are scarcely any emblems that laud the virtues of the deceased queen, nor that refer to the grief felt by the monarch and his kingdom. In clear contrast to the catafalque’s discourse, dominated by clocks and skeletons, the significance of almost all the emblems revolves around Mary Louise of Orléans’s triumph over death and her subsequent heavenly coronation through eloquent motifs such as, a fleur-de-lis rising to heaven, a crowned and enthroned fleur-de-lis, a tree that breaks through the clouds, and a sun with the fleur-de-lis accompanied by numerous skeletons that vainly seek to shoot arrows at the heraldic motif.

Art Patronage and Devotion Contemporary visitors’ fascination with the monasteries of La Encarnación and Las Descalzas Reales during their visits to these conventual spaces is due to the fact that the spiritual and counter-reformation life that was lived within their walls during the Golden Age era continues, on the whole, to be intact, thanks to the survival of the two female communities and their remarkable artistic heritage. And this is likewise due to the traces of the patronage 51 Allo Manero, ‘Antonio Palomino y las exequias reales de Mª Luisa de Orleáns’, pp. 457-76.

Court Spaces and Dynastic Piety at the Royal Convents of Madrid

deployed by the House of Austria, as well as its members’ concept of both these religious foundations as part of an essential courtly visualisation of the dynasty’s political project; and this becomes more apparent at each step taken through the convents. It is noted, for example, as one contemplates the diverse artworks that reveal the Spanish Habsburgs’ particular religious devotions, such as the cult of the seven Archangels, Saint Ursula, and the Eleven Thousand Virgins or the Virgin of the Miracle. Regrettably, it is not possible to actually perceive how these monasteries functioned as ritual theatres for the religious celebrations that the Monarchy celebrated during the seventeenth century, such as the aforementioned exequies held in their churches, as well as many other ceremonies. Nonetheless, the presence of the Habsburgs impregnates both buildings. In this sense, the reliquary chamber located in the room where the Empress Isabella resided and gave birth to the monastery’s founder, in conjunction with the presence of King Charles II and his step-brother and valido (first minister) don John of Austria ‘the younger’, praying in the Royal Window that formed part of the mural paintings of the Chapel of the Miracle at Las Descalzas – decorated by Francisco Rizi and Dionosio Mantuano-52 are succinct examples, amongst many others, that survive within these enclosed spaces. They reveal the potent intersection of politics and religion in Madrid’s royal female religious houses during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The Spanish Habsburgs political backing for peninsular counter-reformation spirituality would soon find its recompense. On 12 March 1622 four Spanish saints were canonized in the basilica of Saint Peter’s in Rome by the Pontiff Gregory XV: Isidro Labrador (devotion to whom was popular in Madrid), Theresa of Jesus (the Carmelite reformer), Ignatius of Loyola (the founder of the Society of Jesus) and Francis Xavier (a Jesuit evangelist renowned for his Asian mission) – along with a fifth, Italian, saint, Philip Neri (the founder of the Congregation of the Oratory); in other words, the protector-saint of the villa in which the Habsburgs had established their Court; the Carmelite Saint who was a model for mother Mariana de San José, the Augustinian reformer and first prioress of La Encarnación; and the Jesuit saints whose Society had inspired Joanna of Austria to establish las Descalzas and to which the infanta secretly took vows. The spirituality of the Habsburg court in Madrid took material form in the urban centre’s female monastic foundations amongst other settings, but on that specific day it also triumphed in Rome,53 whereby the Spanish Monarchy itself was likewise celebrated.

52 Elvira González Asenjo, Don Juan José de Austria y las artes 1629-1679 (Madrid: Fundación de Apoyo a la Historia del Arte Hispánico, 2005), pp. 574-605. 53 Pablo González Tornel, Roma hispánica. Cultura festiva española en la capital del Barroco (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Europa Hispánica, 2017), pp. 209-19.

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Fig. 6.1.  Main façade of the Monasterio de las Descalzas Reales in Madrid, 2011. Image © Luis García, via Wikimedia Commons.

Fig. 6.2.  North-east façade of the Real Monasterio de la Encarnación in Madrid, 2011. Image © Luis García, via Wikimedia Commons.

Court Spaces and Dynastic Piety at the Royal Convents of Madrid

Fig. 6.3.  Pedro Perret, Eighth Design, Elevation of the altarpiece in the main chapel of the Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial (Antwerp: S. N., 1589). 1589 burin stamp. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España.

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Fig. 6.4.  First page of the book about the death of Mary Louise of Orléans, José Pérez de Montoro, Al rey N. Señor en la muerte de la reyna N. Señora, que goza de Dios (S.L.: S.N., 1689). 1689. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España.

H enar Pizarro Llor ente 

The Influence of Rome on Spirituality in the Royal Convents of the Habsburg Netherlands The Foundation of the Capuchin Convent at Tervuren (1621-33)*

The Spanish Monarchy consisted of several territorial units, which prior to their integration into the Monarchy each enjoyed their own political systems, their own rulers, and hence their own princely courts. For the Low Countries, one of the most relevant territories as origin of the ruling dynasty and the principal royal household of the whole Monarchy, the Household of Burgundy,1 these institutions were derived from the Burgundians, one of the most prominent courts of the fifteenth century, but the region’s absorption by the Spanish Monarchy entailed their transfer to the Spanish Court. Since then, the Habsburg Netherlands were ruled by regents and governors-general, who had both the right and obligation to set up their own Courts in Brussels at the Palace of Coudenberg –their traditional residence and main Royal Site at the Netherlands.2 Under the dukes of Burgundy, the Low Countries had multiple court residences and convents founded for the sovereigns, and this pattern was continued by Charles V when he took over as sovereign, as well as his successors. The strategic importance of the Habsburg Netherlands was recognized in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries by both Spanish and foreign statesmen. No doubt, it was as well a strategic enclave for the Papacy, because of its geographical proximity to England, France, and the border of the Holy Roman Empire. Papal interest in exercising political influence in the Habsburg Netherlands became clear when it established a permanent nunciature there

* This study was carried out as part of a larger research project, ‘De reinos a naciones. La transformación del sistema cortesano) (s. XVIII-XIX)’ (HAR2015-68946-C3-P). I would like to thank Elisabeth Bolorinos Allard for her translation of this paper. 1 José Eloy Hortal Muñoz and Félix Labrador Arroyo (dirs.), La Casa de Borgoña. La Casa del rey de España (Louvain: Leuven University Press, 2014). 2 Studied for the sixteenth century in José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Los asuntos de Flandes. Las relaciones entre las Cortes de la Monarquía Hispánica y de los Países Bajos durante el siglo XVI (Saarbrücken: Editorial Académica Española, 2011). Henar Pizarro Llorente • Comillas Pontifical University Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 207-226.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123288

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in 1594;3 efforts that were going to be reinforced when Archdukes Albert and Isabella received from Philip II the sovereignty of the Habsburg Netherlands in 1598, that lasted until Albert’s death in 1621.4 Indeed, as various studies have shown, Albert and Isabella’s loyalty to Roman Catholicism was a key principle of their government. This was widely manifested in countless political displays of piety and religiosity,5 as well as in their active establishment of monasteries and convents that having a unique administrative structure that qualifying them as Royal Sites.6 At this point, we must not forget the full programme developed by the Archdukes Albert and Isabella for the Royal Sites of the Habsburg Netherlands, and the ways in which they used them to give structure and cohesion to their territories.7 They did not build new places, but rather renovated the existing ones – as the royal palaces of Coudenberg, Mariemont or Vilvoorde – beign the only exception certain religious buildings. In this regard, the Archdukes funded the construction of new churches and convents that have been already studied, like the Basilica of Our Lady of Scherpenheuvel,8 or the Convent of the Discalced Carmelite nuns at Brussels.9 At the same time, they promoted worship and pilgrimages at existing sites (like Our Lady of Laeken), whith the idea of expand their religious and spiritual program, known as Pietas Albertina and derived from the Pietas Austriaca.10 From this patronage various religious orders were benefited, particularly the Jesuits, Franciscans, Discalced Carmelites and Capuchins. The Capuchin order was chosen for the royal monastery of Tervuren, founded ceremo­ niously by Isabella Clara Eugenia in 1626 after Albert’s death. This chapter



3 René Vermeir, ‘La nunciatura de Flandes en las primeras décadas de su existencia (1594/61634)’, in Centros de poder italianos en la Monarquía hispánica (siglos XV-XVIII), dir. by José Martínez Millán and Manuel Rivero Rodríguez (Madrid: Polifemo, 2010), I, pp. 331-50; ID., ‘La infanta Isabel Clara Eugenia y la corte pontificia’, in Cordula Van Wyhe (dir.), Isabel Clara Eugenia. Soberanía femenina en las cortes de Madrid y Bruselas (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Europa Hispánica, 2011), pp. 339-41. 4 Werner Thomas and Luc Duerloo (eds), Albert and Isabella, 1598-1621: Essays (Louvain: Brepols, 1998). 5 In some cases they caused shock and confusion to ambassadors such as Sir Thomas Edmondes (Luc Duerloo, ‘Matrimonio, poder y política: la infanta y el archiduque Alberto’, in Van Wyhe, Isabel Clara Eugenia. Soberanía femenina, pp. 167-68). 6 José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘La integración de los sitios reales en el sistema de corte durante el reinado de Felipe IV’, Libros de la corte, 8 (2014), pp. 27-47. 7 Explained in detail at Jose Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘A Key Tool for a New Dynasty: The Use of Royal Sites in the Habsburg Netherlands by the Archdukes Albert and Isabella’, The Court Historian, 23:1 (2018), pp. 13-26. 8 Luc Duerloo and Marc Wingens, Scherpenheuvel: het Jeruzalem van de Lage Landen (Louvain: Davidfonds, 2002). 9 Cordula Van Wyhe, ‘Piety and Politics in the Royal Convent of Dicalced carmelite nuns in Brussels, 1607-1646’, Revue d’histoire ecclésiastique, 100 (2005), pp. 457-87. 10 Luc Duerloo, ‘Pietas Albertina. Dynastieke vroomheid en herbouw van het vorstelijk gezag’, BMGN-Low Countries Historical Review, 112 (1997), pp. 1-18.

The I n f lu e n ce o f Ro m e o n Sp i r i t ual i t y i n t he Royal Co nve nt s

examines the foundation of the Tervuren convent with a broader scope, as the Archduchess’s Isabella initiative in appointing this particular Franciscan order should be examined both in light of the missional objectives of the nascent Propaganda Fide, as well as the political interests of the Habsburg dynasty in the context of the Thirty Years’ War.11

Juan Bautista Vives as a Key Connector On 17 March 1618, Juan Bautista Vives was appointed as ambassador to the Archdukes Albert and Isabella before the Holy See. His biographies have largely treated this appointment as a mere anecdote that is not linked to the key events in his career, and only briefly noted his previous ties to the Habsburg Netherlands through his friendship with the Carmelite monk Jerónimo Gracián de la Madre de Dios. However, his relationship with the religious community of the Archdukes in the years prior to this appointment and until his death in 1632 was very strong. His role was mainly to represent the archduchess after Albert of Austria’s death on 13 July 1621. Vives’ multifaceted role in the Court made him a key figure in establishing deeply rooted ties between the Monarchy and the Roman Curia, transforming him into a defender and evangelist for Catholicism and a combatant against religious heresy. However, his main focus was to promote the principles underlying the foundation of the dicastery of Propaganda Fide in 1622, and from this point onwards he directed all of his efforts towards this cause, eventually creating a training centre for missionaries in 1627 when he established the Colegio Urbaniano [Urbanian College] for this purpose.12 As has been noted, over the course of his career, Juan Bautista Vives devoted himself primarily to establishing institutions to propagate the Catholic faith. As a result, his actions are key to understanding the development of Catholic missionary activities in the first decades of the seventeenth century. Likewise, his place within the Papal Curia, the importance of the posts he held and the significance of the initiatives, policies, and institutions he founded, make him a reference point for research in this field. However, examining Vives as a historical figure involves the study of the complex web of interpersonal

11 For a particularly compelling study on this subject, see Eutimio Sastre Santos, cmf, ‘La fundación de Propaganda Fide (1622) en el contexto de la Guerra de los Treinta Años (16181648)’, Commentarium Pro Religiosis et Missionariis, 83 (2011), pp. 231-61. 12 A bibliographical survey on this subject can be found in Giovanni Pizzorusso, ‘Milano, Roma e il mondo di Propaganda Fide’, in Milano, l’ambrosiana e la conocenza dei nuovi mondi (secoli XVII-XVIII), dir. by Michelle Catto and Gianvittorio Signorotto (Milano: Biblioteca Ambrosiana-Bulzoni Editore, 2015); Giuseppe G. Piras, La congregazione e il Collegio di Propaganda Fide di J.B. Vives, G. Leonardi e M. De Funes (Roma: Università Gregoriana, 1976); ID., Martin de Funes, S.I. (1560-1611) e gli inizi delle riduzioni dei gesuiti nel Paraguay (Roma: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1998), is also worth noting.

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relationships, conflicting interests, political confrontations,…, at which Vives found himself at the centre. These he skilfully navigated and his actions remain to be analysed from a historical perspective. Upon arriving in Rome in 1584, he gained access to the Papal Curia thanks to his close ties to the Borja family and Cardinal Pedro Deza. His abilities as a legal expert began to be noticed there by Pope Sixtus V (1585-90), who granted him his first ecclesiastical favours and appointed him as a participant and writer of the Apostolic Letter, as well as Supernumerary Privy Chamberlain, and his successor Gregory XIV (1590-91), who gave him the distinguished title of Apostolic Crucifer. Even though he should have been ordained as a priest in order to receive this title, he was not ordained until 1609. His progression within the Papal administration gave him growing prestige under the next Pope as well. Clement VIII made him Apostolic Pronotary and Countersigner for the Signature of Grace and Justice on 3 December 1604.13 In the final years of the reign of Philip II, the reorganisation of a ‘Papist’ political group around the Prince created a favourable environment for the changes taking place in the relationship between the Spanish Monarchy and the Holy See. In this way, the Papacy obtained the support of the peripheral elites and the nobility that had been displaced by the ‘Castilianist’ group. As political and religious interests converged, the rise of the Pope’s influence over the definition of dogmatic orthodoxy aided him in his objective of undermining the Spanish monarchs’ attempts of subordination in order to achieve Spanish hegemony. Likewise, his approach to preventing the King from gaining control over the Trent decrees and his intervention in the formation of religious orders was intended to foster and protect a process of spiritual reform that was inherently radical. The Recollect and Discalced movements, which differed from the brand of reformism propagated by Philip II, found the support they needed to gain a presence in the Spanish court through the members of the aforementioned ‘papist’ faction as well as through some of the members of the royal family, most notably Queen Margaret of Austria – Styria, as well as the Archdukes Albert and Isabella Clara Eugenia.14

13 Ramón Robres Lluch, ‘Vives y Marja, Juan Bautista’, in Diccionario de Historia Eclesiástica de España, dir. by Quintín Aldea Vaquero, Tomás Marín Martínez and José Vives Gatelle (Madrid: CSIC, 1975), IV, pp. 2780-81; Ventura Pascual y Beltrán, Játiva biográfica. Renovación tipográfica (Valencia: Renovación tipográfica, 1931), II, pp. 214-17; Juan de Unzalu, ‘Monseñor Juan Bautista Vives y Marjá. Fundador del Colegio Urbano de Propaganda FIDE’, El Siglo de las Misiones, 30 (1943), pp. 151-53. In terms of the importance of these roles, see Irene Fosi, ‘El gobierno de la justicia en los estados pontificios durante la Edad Moderna’, Studia Historica. Historia Moderna, 30 (2008), 63-84 (pp. 71-72). 14 José Martínez Millán, ‘La crisis del “partido castellano” y la transformación de la Monarquía hispana en el cambio del reinado de Felipe II a Felipe III’, Cuadernos de Historia Moderna. Anejos, 2 (2003), pp. 11-38; ID., ‘La transformación del paradigma “católico hispano” en el “católico romano”: la monarquía católica de Felipe II’, in Homenaje a Antonio Domínguez Ortiz, dir. by José Luis Castellano and Miguel Luis López-Guadalupe (Granada: Universidad, 2008), II, pp. 521-56; José Martínez Millán and Maria Antonietta Visceglia

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Vives’ career was defined by his attempt to carry forward Jean Vendeville’s project, who was a professor at the University of Louvain and the Bishop of Tournai. Despite his failures, Vives continued to direct his greatest efforts towards creating an institution for training missionaries.15 Later on, his work as an agent and diplomat allowed him to maintain widespread and often apparently contradictory social and political ties. As a representative of the Spanish Monarchy in Rome, his most significant role was as an agent of the Spanish Inquisition between 1605 and 1628. We may assume that his work for the Inquisition was unrelated to his desire to develop missionary activities. However, his place as a member of the Holy See was directly related to it, considering the fact that he regarded the persecution of heretics, particularly those who acted in secret, as one of his priorities in the defence of the Catholic faith and one that was necessary in order to spread it.16 His ability to act from within the Papal administration meant that his services were consistently in demand and his influence was steadily increasing. His policies, both in the open and behind closed doors, reveal a complex, multifaceted individual continues to be enigmatic. However, within the web of relationships surrounding Vives, attention has been drawn to his closeness to Jerónimo Gracián de la Madre de Dios, who arrived in Rome at that time, after a period of imprisonment in Algeria and began working in the service of Cardinal Deza.17 Vives had a very close and intense relationship with the Discalced Carmelites, particularly with the Spaniards who joined the nascent Italian community. The missionary fervour of the Carmelites and the focus of its superiors on missionary activities, contributed to its rapid growth. In the Habsburg Netherlands, as mentioned previously, Jerónimo Gracián dedicated his Estímulo de la Propagación de la fe [‘Motivation for Spreading the Faith’] to Vives. Gracián arrived in the Netherlands in 1606. He distinguished himself by his strong opposition to Lerma and to the Archdukes’ policy of ‘pacifism’, which he expressed clearly in his reports to the Inquisitor General, Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas with whom he had studied in Alcalá de Henares. Likewise,

(dirs.), La Monarquía de Felipe III, 4 vols (Madrid: Fundación Mapfre, 2008), I, pp. 25-41 and 187-97; Esther Jiménez Pablo, ‘La influencia de la espiritualidad recoleta en la Corte: fundación y progreso del Real Monasterio de la Encarnación’, in La Corte en Europa: Política y Religión (siglos XVI-XVIII), ed. by José Martínez Millán, Manuel Rivero Rodriguez and Gijs Versteegen, 3 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2012), I, pp. 669-94. 15 For a study of the relationship between these factions in the university and the appointment of the representative of the Archdukes in Rome, see Bruno Boute, Academic interest and Catholic Confessionalisation: The Louvain privileges of Nomination to ecclesiastical Benefices (Leiden-Boston: Brill, 2010), pp. 215-16 and 498. 16 Henar Pizarro Llorente, ‘Entre Madrid y Roma: El agente de la Inquisición española Juan Bautista Vives’, Dimensioni e problemi de la ricerca storica, 2 (2017), pp. 273-300. 17 Cristóbal Marquéz, O. Carm., Excelencia, vida y trabajos del P. Fr. Jerónimo Gracián de la Madre de Dios, ed. by Pablo María Garrido and Henar Pizarro Llorente (Madrid: Ediciones Carmelitas, 2012); Jerónimo Gracián de la Madre de Dios. Nuevas perspectivas, ed. by Henar Pizarro Llorente and Óscar I. Aparicio Ahedo (Burgos: Monte Carmelo, 2015).

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Gracián expressed his views either directly to the Pope or through the Papal ambassador or Carmelite Fray Tomás de Jesus.18 As a result, Isabella Clara Eugenia grew increasingly discontent with Lerma, as after his downfall she admitted to Anne of Jesus that she was relieved that he no longer could influence Philip III’s decisions. In the same way, despite his continuous displays of servitude to Lerma as well as to the Inquisitor General in earlier years, Vives was aware that neither was particularly fond of him. Although he did not understand why, the Cardinal-Duke’s fall from power and the Inquisitor General’s death in December 1618 made him fear that he would be cut off from the royal court in Madrid, and as a result, maintaining his relationship with the Archdukes became a primary objective for Vives in his commitment to defending and spreading Catholicism and to obtain funding for this purpose.19 Following the death of Albert of Austria it was from the platform of the Royal Discalced order that Isabella Clara Eugenia and Sister Margarita de la Cruz became his greatest champions.20 Vives himself presented his actions in the Habsburg Netherlands to the Council of Inquisition in May 1612.21 He reported that his informers had participated in the new initiatives that were taking place in the Dutch Republic and highlighted his connection to a new religious brotherhood that had been created to both spread the faith in the Dutch territories and to support Catholics under persecution. In this respect, he noted that his informers had asked for his support in conveying the gravity of the situation to the Pope. They discouraged him from turning to Philip III or Archduke Albert, but Vives felt that it was necessary for the Pope to be aware of recent events and their potential negative consequences and for this information to reach the King so that he might intervene indirectly.22 Albert of Austria supported the creation of an organisation for the defence of the faith in 1620. This initiative was put forward by a financial counsellor from the Court of Vienna, Mathias Ardoldin of Clareinstein, with the objective of obtaining funding from a variety of sources to sustain Emperor

18 Werner Thomas, ‘Jerónimo Gracián de la Madre de Dios, la corte de Bruselas y la política religiosa en los Países Bajos meridionales, 1609-1614’, in Agentes e identidades en movimiento. España y los Países Bajos. Siglos XVI-XVIII, ed. by René Vermeir, Maurits Ebben and Raymond Fagel (Madrid: Sílex, 2011), pp. 289-312; Esther Jiménez Pablo, ‘El movimiento descalzo en Flandes a principios del siglo XVII: ¿obediencia a Roma o fidelidad a España’, in Ibídem, pp. 313-27; César Manrique Figueroa, ‘Los impresores bruselenses y su producción dirigida al mercado hispano, siglos XVI-XVII. El caso de la imprenta del Águila de Oro de Rutger Velpius, Hubert Anthoine-Velpius y la imprenta de los Mommaert’, Erebea. Revista de Humanidades y Ciencias, 2 (2012), 205-26 (pp. 218-20). 19 AHN, Inquisición, book 1075, fols 153r, 162r, 178r-v and 307r-308r. 20 AHN, Inquisición, book 1075, fols 295, 298r and 419r. 21 AHN, Inquisición, book 1075, fol. 106. 22 He suggested taking an indirect approach through the Queen of France and the King of Poland. Published edict based on the information provided by the informers, at AHN, Inquisición, book 1075, fols 107-10.

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Ferdinand II’s military ventures to defend Catholicism against Protestants and Turks. It was also aimed at maintaining the Emperor’s leadership at a time when a political alliance was being formed between the courts of Vienna and Brussels, having no offensive aims despite the fact that it was forged in order to provide soldiers, but rather to defend the territories and maintain peace for the inhabitants of the different kingdoms. Archduke Albert granted the aforementioned requests for aid and the response to the requests was positive. In this aspect, the period during which the project was developed was very significant, because it began a few months before the Battle of White Mountain and concluded a few months after the creation of the Propaganda Fide, given the fact that the Emperor submitted his request to Rome for its creation in March 1622.23 Although this crusading spirit was far from the impulse behind the new dicastery, the Archduke’s blessing upon this fraternal political initiative that linked him to the Emperor was essential, given the fact that after his death it was maintained by Isabella Clara Eugenia who tried to integrate it alongside the policies coming out of the Madrid court. As we have noted, this social project veered away from the original goal of Propaganda Fide, particularly in terms of the conceptual changes that accompanied its creation. The notion of the participation of soldiers as defenders of the faith in unity with dynastic interests was abandoned in favour of the pacifist aims of missionaries. Likewise, Propaganda’s actions were to revolve around Rome and all key decisions would be made there. This cosmopolitanism reveals the organisation’s ties to the Holy See as well as its central role in the conversion of non-Catholics and the training of missionaries. In this way, the spirit of Ecclesia triumphans was imposed and promoted by Gregory XV himself as well as by clerics such as the Discalced Carmelite Domingo de Jesús Ruzola.24 In this sense, Isabella Clara Eugenia maintained close ties to the organisation, mainly through Vives himself but also through his relationship with de Jesús Ruzola, whom she had met in Valencia in 1586. In the same way, the collaboration between Vives and the Carmelite cleric dates back to that time, before Vives left his native city for Rome. In 1621 they crossed paths again in the Brussels Court. Domingo de Jesús Ruzola’s significant actions in the Battle of White Mountain had increased his pious reputation and solidified the Archdukes’ protection over him. However, despite their support and against their wishes, Ruzola aligned himself with the new King, Philip IV, and Olivares

23 The Ambassador Alonso de la Cueva, marquis of Bedmar, informed Philip III of the excellent progress of this initiative, which was promoted in Antwerp by the Jesuit Carolus Scribani and the Syndic Jan de Gaverelle (Alexandre Pasture, La restauration religieuse aux Pays-Bas Catholiques sous les archiducs Albert et Isabelle (1596-1633) (Louvain: Trois Rois, 1925), pp. 9-10; Victor Brants, ‘La société de défense de la foi sous Albert et Isabelle’, Analectes pour servir a l’Histoire ecclésiastique de la Belgique, 36 (1910), pp. 169-86). 24 Sastre Santos, ‘La fundación de Propaganda Fide’, pp. 259-60; Pizzorusso, ‘Milano, Roma e il mondo’, pp. 76-77.

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in their desire not to prolong the truce with the United Provinces. Ruzola was considered one of the key champions of Propaganda Fide and he took on the complex task of guaranteeing its financial viability. He was appointed collector of the organisation and devoted himself to this task during his travels and diplomatic visits whilst also mediating the tensions that developed between the dicastery and the Discalced Carmelites in the Habsburg Netherlands and England.25 These territories, alongside Bohemia, were the Pope’s main focus in his campaign to ‘re-Catholicise’ Europe, a campaign that was accompanied by the Holy See and Propaganda Fide centralised policies in Rome. Strategic geographical planning and training and sending out missionaries were the next key goals but other issues also took precedence, such as the transfer of power over the Electorate of the Palatinate to Maximilian of Bavaria (1597-1651) as well as arranging the marriage between Princess Mary Anne of Austria, Philip IV’s sister, to Charles, Prince of Wales and future Charles I of England (1625-49). These issues will be examined in light of the creation of the Capuchin Monastery in Tervuren.26

The Alignment of Interests The Archdukes’ endeavours to restore Catholicism in the Habsburg Netherlands were accompanied by their expansion of various religious institutions there, although, as previously noted, they favoured the Discalced Carmelites and particularly any individuals who had had direct contact with Theresa of Ávila, such as Jerónimo Gracián, Anne of Jesus and Anne of San Bartolomé. The influence of Thomas of Jesus, who had been a Provincial Superior of the Discalced Carmelites, turned Isabella Clara Eugenia into one of the key advocates of the canonisation of Theresa in 1622.27 After creating Propaganda Fide, the protagonism of missionary activity was reserved for the orders that had demonstrated their obedience to the Pope

25 For a discussion on this subject, see Silvano Giordano, Domenico di Gesu Maria Ruzola (1559-1630). Un carmelitano scalzo tra política e reforma nella Chiesa posttridentina (Roma: Teresianum, 1991), pp. 55, 143, 197-200 and 229-39. 26 Regarding the support of various members of the royal family for the creation of Propaganda Fide, see Esther Jiménez Pablo, ‘The Church in Spain, the Holy See and the First Propaganda Fide Missionaries in the Indies’, in The Papacy and the local Churches, dir. by Pèter Tusor and Matteo Sanfilippo (Viterbo: Sette Città, 2014), pp. 287-302; ID. and José Martínez Millán, ‘Propaganda Fide frente a la hegemonía hispana: apoyos en las cortes de Madrid y de Bruselas a la creación de la congregación de cardenales’, Philostrato. Revista de Historia y Arte, Número Extraordinario. Las instituciones de los antiguos Países Bajos (siglos XVI-XVII) (2018), pp. 195-236. 27 Vermeir, ‘La infanta Isabel Clara Eugenia y la corte pontificia’, p. 344. As well, see Silvano Giordano, ‘Tomás de Jesús y Teresa de Ávila. Evolución de un proyecto’, introductory study to Tomás de Jesús, Suma y compendio de los grados de la oración (Madrid: Ediciones Carmelitas, 2011), pp. 9-50.

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and those demonstrating an inclination towards evangelism. The primary beneficiaries of this policy were the Italian Discalced Carmelites and the Capuchins, among others. It is true that the process was conditioned by significant tensions between different orders as well as within the brotherhoods themselves, as demonstrated by the dicastery’s calls for pacific collaboration and its attempts to coordinate projects. On the other hand, the brotherhood’s mandates were administered and enforced through Papal Nuncios, as a result of the organisation’s centralised administration in Rome.28 After the death of Archduke Albert in 1621, Isabella Clara Eugenia joined the Third Order of Saint Francis. This was not the only immediately consequence of the Archduke’s death which also meant that the Habsburg Netherlands returned to the control of the Spanish Monarchy and that the archduchess became the Governor-General (1621-33). Despite all this, the Pope reiterated his desire to maintain a Nuncio in Brussels, and this gained attention in light of the competition that arose from the creation of Propaganda Fide a few months later. The brotherhood was entrusted with administrating the missions in the Dutch, British, and Scandinavian territories. This included supervising the creation of schools in the Netherlands by clerics who were native to those areas. The Nuncio Giovanni Francesco Guidi di Bagno (1621-27) was particularly interested in keeping the Pope informed about international affairs, military operations and international (and any other) events that might affect the Court in Brussels and the Archduchess. The relationship between the two was courteous, despite their substantial differences on certain issues, such as maintaining the truce with the Northern Provinces and the transfer of the Palatinate. The differences between the political approach defended by the Pope and lsabella Clara Eugenia’s position caused tension with the Nuncio, who maintained a close relationship with the sovereign and received her support on various occasions for those issues which the monarch had usually relied on Juan Bautista Vives – such as indulgences, exemptions, favours, support for sponsors…29 The rise of Urban VIII to the Papacy in 1623 and his notable Francophilia soon dampened Vives’ high hopes for his reign after receiving the results of the conclave. Although Vives knew that the new Pope held him in esteem, relations between Rome and Madrid were profoundly unsettled by this event, which evidently also had a decisive impact on the relationship between Madrid and Brussels. Guidi de Bagno’s appointment as Nuncio in Paris in 1627 and his replacement by Fabio de Lagonissa, Bishop of Conza, laid bare the Papacy’s intentions because the new Nuncio had been at the centre of a 28 Compendio di Storia della Sacra Congregazione per l’evangelizzazione dei popoli o “de Propaganda Fide”, 1622-1972. 350 anni al servicio delle missioni (Roma, Pontificia Universitá Urbaniana, 1974), pp. 35-36. 29 Vermeir, ‘La infanta Isabel Clara Eugenia y la corte pontificia’, pp. 341-43. Essential the work by Bernard de Meester, Correspondance du nonce Giovanni Francesco Guidi di Bagno (16211627) (Bruxelles-Rome: Analecta Vaticano-Belgica, 1938).

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conflict with Philip IV the previous year. Vives’ negative view of the Nuncio and the difficult relationship between Isabella Clara Eugenia and Lagonissa, that had been tense to begin with, evolved into an open opposition from 1628 onwards. Complaints made by Vives himself, as well as those of the Spanish ambassador in Rome and Cardinal Gaspar de Borja, as well as the Sovereign’s response temporarily concealed the conflict, but tensions continued and were manifested on various occasions until the end of Isabella Clara Eugenia’s government in 1633.30 As a result, the construction of the Capuchin monastery at Tervuren between 1626 and 1627 is highly significant, because it coincided with the Nuncio’s replacement and the clear decline of relations with the Papacy. As mentioned previously, the monastery was the Archduchess’ final endowment and she was personally involved in its construction. It is true that its categorisation as a Royal Site from the beginning gave this building, which was adjacent to the palace, greater importance. The Archduchess ordered the construction of a quarter for her own religious practices within the garden of the convent. It was built in response to a petition from the Capuchins in Brussels, and its siting alongside the royal residence was the express wish of Isabella, as was its initial purpose as a hermitage for her own personal use.31 This shows that there was a clear link between the project and the Archduchess’ own religiosity. The radicalism of the Capuchins, which originated as a branch of the Franciscans and their principles of poverty, piety, and a life of contemplation, gained them social prestige as well as the support of the Pope. They arrived in the Habsburg Netherlands from Italy through the governor-general Alexander Farnese (1578-92). They acquired certain prestige as preachers in urban areas, particularly in the Italian community of Antwerp. Regardless, their most dramatic expansion took place thanks to the Archdukes Albert and Isabella, who protected and endorsed all of the order’s activities over the course of their reign. The Capuchin Giacinto Casale Monferrato arrived in Brussels in August 1623 and served as the Pope’s itinerant ambassador in the German Provinces between 1621 and 1626. Under his leadership a brotherhood of the Forty Hours of the Passion was established, with the endorsement of the Archduchess herself, which received the sanction of the Pope. Its members came from the most prominent royal families and

30 As René Vermeir notes, Isabella Clara Eugenia did not change her view on seeking a truce or peace with the United Provinces, against the wishes of the Papacy, and did not agree with the Papacy on the convenience of going to war against England on the pretense of defending the faith. The general suspicion was that all of these plans were ultimately designed to weaken the Spanish Monarchy and to favor the interests of France (‘La infanta Isabel Clara Eugenia y la corte pontificia’, pp. 345-53). Likewise, Lucienne Van Meerbeeck, Correspondance du nonce Fabio de Lagonissa, archevêque de Conza (1627-1634) (Bruxelles-Rome: Analecta VaticanoBelgica, 1966). 31 Joris Snaet, ‘La archiduquesa Isabel y el monasterio de los capuchinos de Tervuren’, in Van Wyhe, Isabel Clara Eugenia. Soberanía femenina, pp. 359-60.

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participated in an annual procession organised by notable Capuchins like Karel van Arenberg and Filips van Brussel. The order’s widespread popular support and its explicit blessing from the Archdukes and the nobility, which culminated with their presence in Tervuren, guaranteed them the financial support they needed but it caused their expansion and influence to clash with the interests of other institutions that had previously been in positions of influence within the Brussels Court, particularly the Recollect Franciscans and the Discalced Carmelites.32 Likewise, Tervuren’s importance indicates that to some extent it was an order tailor-made for the Archduchess herself, meeting a series of requisites that would have been difficult at any another time or place. The growth of the Capuchins coincided with the Archduchess’s own desire to live a religious lifestyle that was based on her deepest spiritual values. Her desire for meditation and isolation coincided with the moments in her life where she experienced the greatest loss and grief, such as after the death of her father, when she went to the convent of Las Descalzas Reales to live in mourning. Likewise, after she was widowed she took on the Franciscan Tertiary habit. Access to the Archduchess was radically restricted, making it extremely difficult to bring any issue before her and as a result her closest servants and members of her household gained a great deal of political significance despite the restrictions in place for male servants.33 However, this was not a novel experience, as hermitages had been built for the same purpose by the Archduchess in 1607 adjacent to Coudenberg palace in the convent of the Discalced Carmelites in Brussels, and the Marlage Discalced Carmelite complex was also very similar to the Tervuren model, where hermitages were built around a chapel to Saint Joseph around the theme of the desert.34 In this sense, studies on this subject have noted a change in Isabella Clara Eugenia’s spirituality around 1626, when Tervuren was founded. The personal relationship that the Archduchess had maintained with Theresa of Ávila’s closest collaborators ended that year with the death of Anne of San Bartolomé. Evidently this did not mean that the Archduchess stopped supporting the various foundations that she had sponsored in previous years, but it did bring an end to her relationship with nuns who had had a direct relationship with Saint Theresa. It was true that the territories under the control of the Archdukes formed part of the Italian branch of the Order, but the abundance of Spaniards in its ranks in the early years of its existence, as well as the role played by Theresa of Ávila’s fellow nuns, meant that the

32 Snaet, ‘La archiduquesa Isabel’, pp. 361-62. 33 Regarding its adoption as a model for Saint Isabella of Hungary, see Birgit Houben, ‘Intimidad y política: Isabel y sus damas de honor (1621-1633)’, in Van Wyhe, Isabel Clara Eugenia. Soberanía femenina, pp. 315-17. 34 Snaet, ‘La archiduquesa Isabel’, p. 368.

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presence of the Discalced Carmelites in the Netherlands was essentially Spanish, though under an Italian banner. The construction of the monastery at Tervuren undoubtedly met the strict conditions established by the Capuchin order for its institutions. The first guard or rector of the monastery was Karel van Arenberg but he was not in the role for long. From September 1626 onwards, the post was held by Pilips van Brussel, who had distinguished himself as an emissary for Isabella Clara Eugenia in various missions to the Dutch Republic, Madrid, and Bavaria. However, the role returned to Karel van Arenberg who prolonged his term until 1630. Through these official’s activities, Isabella Clara Eugenia was able to align the interests of the Courts of Madrid, Brussels and Vienna with the decrees of the Papacy. In this sense, she maintained the Papal policies that had been developed in earlier years. Lerma’s fall from grace and the growing influence of Baltasar de Zúñiga brought about a change in political strategy that transformed the Dutch territories into a focal point for Spanish policies because the defence of dynastic interests was concentrated there.35 However, this alignment of interests that the Archduchess was trying to achieve was made increasingly difficult by the differences between the interests of the Court of Madrid and Pope Urban VIII’s policies during the Thirty Years War. In this sense, Tervuren seemed to provide a middle way for Isabella Clara Eugenia.

The Capuchins at Tervuren and the Princess Mary’s Marriage The Capuchins intensified their diplomatic activities in the various European courts over the course of the first half of the seventeenth century. Their mission as the Pope’s special envoys to European kings and princes had special significance in the context of the Spanish Monarchy, because the Pope was attempting to obtain financial aid from the King for the Emperor to fund his military campaigns in the Empire. Both Charles V and Philip II had been opposed to the activities of the Capuchin order in their territories for various reasons, so they were not able to establish themselves in the Madrid Court until 1609. As in the Dutch territories, their activities were tied to the Italian community that resided there.36 As a result, on 12 November 1609, the General

35 Rubén González Cuerva, ‘Italia y la Casa de Austria en los prolegómenos de la Guerra de los Treinta Años’, in Martínez Millán and Rivero Rodríguez, Centros de poder italianos, I, pp. 419-22; Magdalena S. Sánchez, ‘A House Divided: Spain, Austria, and the Bohemian and Hungarian Successions’, Sixteenth Century Journal, XXV/4 (1994), pp. 887-903. 36 Valentí Serra de Manresa, ‘Oposición del rey Felipe II a la implantación y expansión de los franciscanos capuchinos’ in Felipe II y el Mediterráneo, ed. by Ernest Belenguer Cebrià (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 1998), II, pp. 205-18; Tarsicio de Azcona, ‘Protohistoria de los capuchinos en España (1578-1582)’, Collectanea Franciscana, 68 (1998), pp. 63-145; ID., ‘Los franciscanos

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Vicar, Lorenzo de Brindisi, attended their symbolic inauguration at the Italian Hospital. He was invited under the suggestion of Baltasar de Zúñiga and as an envoy of the Duke of Bavaria and the Pope to Philip III to request the King’s aid for the Catholic League. From this point onwards, the Capuchins secured Queen Margaret of Austria’s protection and kept a marked distance from the policies of the Duke of Lerma, which were focused on the mission that Brindisi brought to Madrid in 1619 to communicate his grievances about Viceroy Osuna in Naples (1616-20) to Philip III. However, the Capuchins of Tervuren had particular significance in the arrangement of the marriage between the son of Emperor Ferdinand II and Princess Mary of Austria. Isabella Clara Eugenia and Sister Margarita de la Cruz had had their eye on the Austrian Princess for a number of years, but their interest greatly increased in light of the crucial issue of the royal marriage.37 The beginning of Gregory XV’s reign as Pope reinvigorated the negotiations for the marriage between Princess Mary and the Prince of Wales, because the Pope saw in this potential union the chance of progressing the cause of Catholicism in England.38 Regardless, the Pope’s different attitude from his predecessor went against Olivares’ intentions. In December 1621, the Capuchin monk Giaccinto Casale Monferrato, who served as extraordinary ambassador to Ferdinand II and acted as a Papal delegate, made a trip to Castile to ask Philip IV for more aid for the conflict in the Empire and his blessing on Maximilian of Bavaria in his role as elector, despite the fact that the decision to appoint him had already been made.39 Casale requested that one of his monastic brothers, Diego de Quiroga, be present with him in Madrid. He used to inform him of the negotiations that were taking place. Likewise, Quiroga travelled from Munich to Vienna to inform Casale about new development. As Casale was unable to state clearly what his objective was, he left Philip IV’s court in May 1622 but he left Quiroga in charge of continuing his attempts to create a league between the Catholic Princes, which embedded him in the network of Capuchin diplomats that were acting under Casale’s orders in

capuchinos en la Península Ibérica en los siglos XVI-XVII’, in El franciscanismo en la Península Ibérica. Balance y perspectivas. I Congreso Internacional, ed. by María del Mar Graña Cid (Barcelona: Asociación Hispánica de estudios Franciscanos, 2005), pp. 297-318; Buenaventura de Carrocera, ‘San Lorenzo de Brindisi, España y los capuchinos españoles’, Naturaleza y Gracia, 7 (1960), 133-95 (pp. 137-38 and 166-70). 37 Mercedes Gaibrois de Ballesteros, Las jornadas de María de Hungría (1606-1646) (Madrid: Centro de Intercambio intelectual Germano-Español, 1925), p. 4; Fray Arturo Álvarez, ‘Curioso epistolario en torno a la infanta sor Margarita de la Cruz’, Hispania Sacra, 24 (1971), 187-234 (pp. 205 and 214-15). 38 For the general context, see Valentina Caldari and Sarah Wolfson (dirs.), Stuart Marriage Diplomacy. Dynastic Politics in their European Context, 1604-1630 (London: Boydell and Brewer, 2018). 39 Pavel Marek, ‘La diplomacia española y la Papal en la corte imperial de Fernando II’, Estudios de Historia. Historia Moderna, 30 (2008), 109-43 (pp. 119-20).

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their negotiations with various French and German sovereigns.40 His links with Casale increased his importance within the leadership of the order and led to his inclusion in the group that was negotiating the marriage between Princess Mary and the Prince of Wales. In this aspect, Quiroga became one of Olivares’ most faithful collaborators.41 There was no question that Quiroga was the sort of man that Olivares liked, with his wide-ranging international contacts and singular ambiguity. Likewise, his ties to Juan Bautista Vives guaranteed an understanding between the two men, as Quiroga had taken responsibility for giving impulse to the establishment of the Capuchin order in Toledo under the protection of the prelate Bernardo de Sandoval y Rojas. He was elected Superior of the Province of Valencia in 1615 and held this post until 1618, when he attended the General Chapter held in Rome the same year. Likewise, he participated in the meetings convened by Pope Paul V to plan the evangelisation of the Congo. However, for various reasons, the project failed in 1623.42 In this aspect we must remember that the King of Congo’s determination to act independently from Lisbon in his relationship with the Pope led him to appoint Vives as his new permanent ambassador to the Holy See and he remained in that post for the rest of his life.43 The attempt to marry Princess Mary to the Prince of Wales also failed; the Prince of Wales married Henrietta Marie of France instead in 1625, a year after conversations about her marriage to the Emperor’s son had commenced. Francisco de Moncada, Marquis of Aytona, was serving as ambassador in Vienna in June 1623. His contact with Isabella Clara Eugenia dated back to the previous year, when he visited her to present Philip IV’s condolences to his aunt over the death of Archduke Albert. A close student of Olivares, he knew how to win the Archduchess’s trust as well as that of the influential Capuchin Filips van Brussel, who was responsible for various missions connecting Munich,

40 Father Lawrence A. H. Cuthbert, The capuchins. A contribution to the history of the counterreformation, (London: Sheed and Ward, 1928), II, pp. 298-304; Buenaventura de Carrocera, ‘El padre Diego de Quiroga, diplomático y confesor de reyes (1574-1649)’, Estudios franciscanos, 50 (1949), 71-100 (pp. 77-79). 41 See Ambrosio de Valencia, Reseña histórica de la provincia capuchina de Andalucía y varones ilustres en ciencia y virtud que han florecido en ella desde su fundación hasta el presente (Sevilla: Impr. De la Divina Pastora, 1906), pp. 225-27, 266-67, 278-79 and 286; Melchor de Pobladura, Los frailes menores capuchinos en Castilla (Madrid: El Mensajero Seráfico, 1946), pp. 32-33 and 37; Buenaventura de Carrocera, La provincia de frailes menores capuchinos de Castilla (Madrid: El Mensajero Seráfico, 1949), pp. 87-91, 116-17 and 121-23; ID., ‘El padre Diego de Quiroga’, pp. 74 and 76). 42 For a discussion of this subject, see, Melchor de Pobladura, ‘Génesis del movimiento misional en las provincias capuchinas de España (1618-1650)’, Estudios Franciscanos, 50 (1949), 209-30 and 353-85 (pp. 210-16); Buenaventura de Carrocera, ‘Dos relaciones inéditas sobre la misión capuchina del Congo’, Collectanea. Francescana, 16 (1946), 102-24 (specially p. 109). 43 José Luis Cortés López, ‘Felipe II, III y IV, reyes de Angola y protectores del reino del Congo (1580-1640)’, Studia histórica. Historia Moderna, 9 (1991), 223-46 (pp. 237-38).

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Brussels, and Madrid.44 The death of Archduke Charles, son of Ferdinand II, postponed the re-establishment of the dynastic alliance until Philip IV gave his word to the Emperor that his daughter would marry his son Ferdinand at the end of 1625; news of the wedding were made public on 7 June 1626.45 Despite the lack of clarity surrounding every aspect of this union, Isabella Clara Eugenia’s joy at its celebration was clearly expressed to Philip IV.46 All these events coincided with the foundation of Tervuren, where Isabella Clara Eugenia frequently resided between 1627 and 1628.47 The negotiations leading up to the marriage between Mary of Austria and the Archduke Ferdinand dragged on and the capitulations were not signed until September 1628. The discreet marriage ceremony, which was hurried because of political pressure, took place in the King’s chambers on 25 April 1629 in the presence of a small number of guests, including the new confessor to Mary of Austria, the Capuchin Diego de Quiroga, who assumed the role on 15 August 1628.48 As a Capuchin he was likely to be a controversial choice, because the relationship between the Duke of Bavaria and the order was well known.49 The case of Queen Margaret of Austria-Styria served as an example to the Madrid court; she defended her choice of maintaining the Jesuit Richard Haller with the support of the Empress Mary and her daughter Margaret, who were nuns in the Convent of Las Descalzas Reales.50 In this sense, the Spanish princesses’

44 BNE, MS. 2356, fols 26 and 28; Jesús Gutiérrez, ‘Don Francisco de Moncada, el hombre y el embajador. Selección de textos inéditos’, Boletín de la biblioteca de Menéndez Pelayo, 56 (1980), 3-72 (pp. 6-9, 16-17, 19 and 50-51). About the relationship between Filips van Brussel and Olivares, see René Vermeir, En estado de guerra. Felipe IV y Flandes, 1629-1648 (Córdoba: Universidad de Córdoba, 2006), pp. 38, 50 and 86. 45 Noticias de Madrid, 1621-1627, ed. by Ángel González Palencia (Madrid: Artes Gráficas Municipales, 1942), p. 126. 46 BNE, MS. 2358, fols 34r-35v; Henry Lonchay (ed.), Correspondance de la Cour d’Espagne sur les affaires des Pays-Bas au XVIIe siècle (Bruxelles: Librairie Kiessling et Cie, P. Imbreghts successeur, 1927), II, p. 270. 47 De Meester, Lettres de Philippe et de Jean-Jacques Chiffet, pp. 45 and 76. 48 For a discussion of the factors influencing the choice of Quiroga, see Henar Pizarro Llorente, ‘La elección de confesor de la infanta María de Austria en 1628’, in La dinastía de los Austrias: las relaciones de la Monarquía Católica y el Imperio, ed. by José Martínez Millán and Rubén González Cuerva (Madrid: Polifemo, 2011), II, pp. 759-99. 49 AGS, Estado, bundle K-1442, f. 83. 50 Undoubtedly, the women of the Habsburg Dynasty were the greatest defendors of the alignment between the policies of the Empire and those of the Holy See. Robert Bireley, The jesuits and the Thirty Years War. King, courts, and confessors (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003), p. 19; Esther Jiménez Pablo, ‘Los jesuitas en la Corte de Margarita de Austria: Ricardo Haller y Fernando de Mendoza’, in Las relaciones discretas entre las monarquías hispana y portuguesa. Las Casas de las Reinas (siglos XV-XIX), ed. by José Martínez Millán and Maria Paula Marçal Lourenço (Madrid: Polifemo 2009), II, p. 1081; Rubén González Cueva, ‘Cruzada y dinastía: las mujeres de la Casa Austria ante la Larga Guerra de Hungría’, in Martínez Millán and Marçal Lourenço, Las relaciones discretas, II, pp. 1149-86.

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custom of choosing a Franciscan confessor was invoked, as it had been by Isabella Clara Eugenia since her arrival in the Habsburg Netherlands51.

Propaganda Fide’s Intervention Isabella Clara Eugenia had followed with great interest all aspects of the ma­ rriage that would re-establish the ties between the two royal families. She had high hopes that the alliance with the Emperor would be good for Spain’s rule in the Flemish territories. Both the Marquis of Aytona and the Capuchin Filips van Brussel kept her perfectly informed on all developments concerning the marriage.52 She shared her anxieties with her cousin Sister Margarita de la Cruz, and the Austrian ambassador himself took the news to the Convent of Las Descalzas Reales.53 Likewise, Quiroga’s role as the Queen of Hungary’s confessor meant that Olivares had an excellent informer who occupied one of the highest-ranking posts in the imperial court.54 When they were preparing to embark on their journey to Vienna in 1630, Quiroga received very precise instructions from Olivares about his objective, which was to strengthen the alliance and union of the dynasty for current interests, as well as to maintain the Catholic League active, without allowing the Duke of Bavaria to pursue only his own interests. Clearly, Olivares hoped that Quiroga would make use of his extensive knowledge and good relations with the Duke of Bavaria.55 On the other hand, before Quiroga’s arrival in Vienna, his monastic brother Valerius Magno, who had also formed part of Father Casale’s network many years earlier, had distinguished himself by his opposition to Lamormaini. In this sense, it is worth noting that Urban VIII’s rise to the papacy had brought an end to Father Casale’s diplomatic activities, as well as the Pope’s Capuchin brother’s entry into the College of Cardinals. The new Cardinal of Saint Onuphrius forced Casale to abandon politics. Although he tried to resume his activities in 1626, his untimely death the following year brought an

51 For a discussion of this topic, see Cordula Van Wyhe, ‘Court and Convent: The infanta Isabella and Her Franciscan confesor Andrés de Soto’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 35:2 (2004), pp. 411-45, which highlights Isabella Clara Eugenia’s desire to bring Court and convent closer together, as well as to use piety to construct her political image. In addition, see Margaret Chistian, ‘Elizabeth’s preachers and the gouvernment of women: defining and correcting a queen’, Sixteenth Century Journal, 24 (1993), pp. 561-76. 52 BNE, MS. 2360, fols 15-19. 53 Álvarez, ‘Curioso epistolario’, pp. 223-27, 229-30 and 232-34. 54 The same attempt was made with Mary’s sister and the Queen of France, Anne. She was encouraged to keep her Franciscan confessor, Francisco de Arribas, to ensure a ‘Spanish party’, but he was ultimately expelled from the Court ( Jules Mathorez, ‘Notes sur l’infiltration des espagnols en France aux XVII et XVIII siècles’, Bulletin hispanique, 33 (1932), 27-51 (pp. 30-32). 55 These instructions can be found in Roland Cueto, ‘Crisis, conciencia y confesores en la Guerra de los Treinta Años’, Cuadernos de Investigación Histórica, 16-17 (1995), pp. 254-57.

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end to his career.56 The root of the conflict between Valerius Magno and the Jesuit Lamormaini was the re-establishment of Catholicism in the Kingdom of Bohemia in 1627, the impact of which was felt in Rome. Filips van Brussels joined them, sent by Isabella Clara Eugenia to create an anti-Dutch league in Munich, which was one of Olivares’ tasks for Quiroga. Clearly, Quiroga as well as Olivares could count on the Capuchin’s help in promoting the initiative, given the fact that he was a close servant of Isabella Clara Eugenia and a distinguished member of Tervuren.57 On the other hand, this situation should not be read as a conflict between religious institutions; an opposition between Capuchins and Jesuits and viceversa, because due to their actions, Magno and Quiroga also came into conflict with other members within their Order. Likewise, the actions of Lamormaini, another confessor, roused criticism from other Jesuits who resided in Vienna, as well as from the Papal Nuncio, resulting in their relationship becoming particularly tense. Clearly, the independence of the aforementioned Capuchins bothered Urban VIII, because it disrupted Rome’s central authority in decision-making processes.58 In this context, Vives’ actions favoured Isabella Clara Eugenia and the Capuchins at Tervuren. It is true that the Council of Inquisition’s failure to respond to his financial requests led him to ask both Isabella Clara Eugenia and Sister Margarita de la Cruz for help from the Royal Discalced Order in mid-1624, which contrasted with the careful treatment that Urban VIII offered him, who appointed him as Domestic Prelate that same year. The Spanish Holy See’s re-orientation according to Olivares’ orders led Vives to request to be relieved from his role as an agent for the Spanish Inquisition in 1625.59 Vives clearly wanted to centre his efforts on his role in developing the Propaganda Fide. He acquired the Ferratini palace, which he later donated to the organisation to be used as its headquarters. In 1627, the Propaganda established an Urbanian College that was founded on the principles of a lay missionary

56 Regarding the political and diplomatic impact of Urban VIII’s rise to the papacy, see José Martínez Millán, ‘El triunfo de Roma. Las relaciones entre el papado y la Monarquía católica durante el siglo XVII’, in ID. and Rivero Rodríguez, Centros de poder italianos, I, pp. 565-67. 57 Philippe Hildebrand, ‘Capucins-diplomates au service de l’Archiduchesse Isabelle, gouvernante des Pays-Bas. Philippe et Seraphin de Bruxelles’, Revue d’Historie Ecclésiastique, 35 (1939), pp. 479-508. In addition to being described as Isabella Clara Eugenia’s collaborator, some authors describe Quiroga as one of Olivares’ ‘men’ (Vermeir, En Estado de guerra, pp. 38, 50, 86 and 184; Miguel Ángel Echevarría Bacigalupe, La diplomacia secreta en Flandes, 1598-1643 (Leioa: Servicio Editorial Universidad del País Vasco, 1984), pp. 252-53; Vincenzo Criscuolo, ‘Tre diplomatici cappuccini al “kurfürstentag” di Regensburg del 1636-1637: Valeriano Magni, Francesco Rozdrazewski e Diego de Quiroga’, Laurentianum, 45 (2004), pp. 59-107). 58 Regarding the use of Propaganda Fide for this purpose, see, Hildebrand, ‘Capucinsdiplomates au service’, pp. 484-90 and 497-501; Luis Suárez Fernández, ‘España frente a Francia en tiempos de Felipe IV: la embajada del marqués de Mirabel’, Boletín de la Real Academia de la Historia, 202 (2005), 415-72 (pp. 425-27, 444-47). 59 AHN, Inquisición, book 1075, fol. 506.

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clergy, which had clear Borromean roots. It became an international centre for educating lay clergy, particular those who would return to the cultures they came from to initiate missionary activities.60 For Vives, this combined his life objective and the cause that he had remained faithful to in a shifting political environment: the defence and spread of the Catholic faith. However, Vives tried to favour Isabella Clara Eugenia’s desire to maintain her political presence through the capuchins at Tervuren, especially through Filips van Brussel, the First Guard. In this way, in June 1628 he used all his influence to obtain the simple title of missionary for himself, based on the express desires of the Archduchess, which permitted him to carry out a series of activities that would help her to carry out her policies. Vives’ actions were successful despite explicit opposition from the financial administrator of the Capuchin Order.61 In fact, the Cardinal protector, who was a prefect of Propaganda Fide, supported a plan to send Capuchin missionaries to Holland and intervened to establish alliances that would ensure the achievement of a lasting peace. Regardless, the pro-Spanish attitude of many within the organisation, like Seraph van Brussel, did not please the order, which watched their movements and actions with suspicion. Propaganda Fide was founded on the notion that missionaries should concern themselves solely with religious matters, and not intervene in political issues under the pretext of serving Catholicism. In addition, although being recognised as missionaries had its advantages, it also had its inconveniences. Their freedom of movement began to be restricted and the Dicastery emphasised the missionaries’ judicial dependence on their regular superiors and the fact that there were unable to act in any way without their consent. This level of control was intensified at the beginning of the next decade.62 Likewise, various factors contributed to an increasingly tense relationship with the Nuncio, Fabio de Lagonissa, as the highest administrator of the policies of the Propaganda Fide that same year, leading Isabella Clara Eugenia to petition the Pope, through Philip IV, to replace him with a different, less aggressive diplomat, although the Pope did not respond to this request.63 It is true that Rome’s central authority reached its height under the pontificate of Urban VIII, which also coincided with a paradigmatic shift in

60 Unzala, ‘Monseñor Juan Bautista Vives’, p. 152. 61 Van Meerbeeck, Correspondance du nonce Fabio de Lagonissa, p. 110. 62 Hildebrand, ‘Capucins-diplomates au service de l’Archiduchesse Isabelle’, pp. 488-501. About the existing problems at the sine of the Order of the Capuchins, as well as between the different religious orders and the new-born congregation of Propaganda Fide, see Bernard Dompnier, ‘Tensions et conflits autour des missions chez les capucins du XVIIe siécle’, Cheiron. Religione, conflittualità e cultura. Il clero regulare nell’Europa d’antico regime, dir. by Massimo Carlo Giannini (Rome: Bulzoni, 2006), pp. 159-84; Giovanni Pizzorusso, ‘La Congregazione de Propaganda Fide e gli ordini religiosi: conflittualitá nel mondo delle missioni del XVII secolo’, in Ibídem, pp. 197-240. 63 Van Meerbeeck, Correspondance du nonce Fabio de Lagonissa, p. XXII.

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the definition of the Spanish Monarchy, which indeed became the ‘Catholic Monarchy’. This identity was developed by Philip III and Philip IV. As various studies have shown, the King had to submit to the Catholic ethos and champion the radical religious model practiced by the Discalced orders that originated in Rome. Although these religious practices were reflected in the establishment of certain rites and expansion of other practices of piety, in the political arena the aforementioned shift required the Spanish Monarchy to abandon its aspirations for independent universal (imperial) aspirations and ally itself with Empire on an equal plane. Both branches of the Habsburg family would place their common origins in the service of a shared objective: defending the Catholic faith. As a result, the expansion of various practices and the focus on missionary activity championed by the Discalced orders revealed the dominance of the agenda of Rome, while the doctrine of ‘austrohispanism’ claimed that the problems the Spanish Monarchy faced could be solved through greater dynastic unity, which would give rise to a new Catholic empire ruled by the Spanish branch alongside the Austrian branch, which would achieve lasting peace in Europe.64 The evolution of political and military events in the Dutch territories, as well as the Thirty Years War and the Pope’s response to both, eventually generated deep tensions between the Holy See and the Madrid court that would become starkly evident a few years later. Cardinal Borja’s protest to Pope Urban VIII that he was harming the Spanish Monarchy, as well as Olivares’ determination to replace Isabella Clara Eugenia as ruler of the Flemish territories, show the definitive failure of the attempt to achieve an alignment of interests.65 Thus, the international relevance that the Royal Convent of Tervuren had during those years decreased, and after Isabella’s death in 1633, became a much less influential site.

64 For a discussion of this subject, see Martínez Millán, ‘La transformación del paradigma’, II, pp. 521-56; ID., ‘La formación de la Monarquía Católica de Felipe III’, in Martínez Millán and Visceglia, La Monarquía de Felipe III, I, pp. 118-94; ID., ‘La evaporación del concepto “Monarquía Católica”: la instauración de los Borbones’, in La Corte de los Borbones: Crisis del modelo cortesano, ed. by José Martínez Millán, Concepción Camarero Bullón and Marcelo Luzzi Traficante (Madrid: Polifemo, 2013), III, pp. 2143-96; and ID., ‘El reinado de Felipe IV como decadencia de la Monarquía hispana’, in José Martínez Millán and José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, La Corte de Felipe IV (1621-65). Reconfiguración de la Monarquía Católica, 2 t., 3 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2015), I, pp. 3-56. 65 Maria Antonietta Visceglia, ‘“Congiurarono nella degradazione del papa per via di un concilio”: la protesta del Cardinale Gaspare Borgia contro la política papale nella guerra dei trent’anni’, Roma Moderna e Contemporánea, 11 (2003), 167-93 (pp. 173-74 and 182-84).

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Fig. 7.1.  Jan Brueghel the Elder, The Archdukes hunting at Tervueren, ca. 1611, Madrid, Prado Museum, Public domein via Wikimedia Commons (https://commons. wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Jan_Brueghel_de_Oude_-_De_aartshertogen_jacht.jpg)

Fig. 7.2.  Lucas Van Uden, View of the Capuchin Convent at Tervuren, c. 1628-73 engraving. Courtesy of Rijskmuseum, Amsterdam (https://www.rijksmuseum.nl/ nl/collectie/RP-P-OB-12.892).

José Pedro Paiva 

The Presiding Religious Influence of an Absent King Philip II as King of Portugal (1580-98), Royal Palaces, Convents and Monasteries*

It is well known that Philip II was regarded by many of his contemporaries as a pious king who persecuted heretics and enemies of the Holy See, a kind of a ‘defender of the afflicted Christianity’,1 at a time of confessionalisation, when Catholicism in Europe was threatened by both Protestants and Muslim Ottomans. Since 1580 considerable evidence exists of the importance Philip II paid to religious affairs and to the clergy particularly in the context of the integration of the Portuguese realm into the powerful Spanish Monarchy. Portugal was the last kingdom to be integrated in the conglomerate of kingdoms and territories ruled by the Spanish Habsburgs. With very similar languages, cultural background, religious convictions and landscapes, the borders between Portugal and Castile in the Iberian Peninsula dated back from the twelfth century, but they were overall a political frontier. Though, especially due to the Portuguese overseas empire – with possessions in Asia, Africa and South America – its trading routes, the excelence of the Lisbon harbour and its privileged location in the Atlantic coast, Portugal was very attractive for the Habsburg building of a ‘Universal Kingdom’ (Monarchia Universalis), as Martinez Millán defined it on this volume. From his own convictions and for spiritual reasons, Philip II considered Catholicism of crucial importance. Further, for pragmatic political purposes he needed the support of high-ranking Portuguese clerics to reinforce his qualification as a potential candidate for the vacant crown subsequent to the death in January 1580 of his Portuguese uncle King Henry (1578-80). In 1581, trying to justify the union of the kingdoms of Castile and Portugal, one of his Portuguese supporters said the Iberian union was the result of ‘God’s will’.2 * My thanks to Cordula van Wyhe for her work on the English revision of the original manuscript. 1 Fernando Bouza Álvarez, D. Filipe I (Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores, 2005), pp. 11 and 31. 2 Pedro Cardim, Portugal unido y separado. Felipe II, la unión de territorios y el debate sobre la condición política del Reino de Portugal (Valladolid: Ediciones Universidad, 2014), pp. 97-100. José Pedro Paiva • University of Coimbra Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 227-242.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123289

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The Beginning of the Journey: the Attraction of the Clergy Philip II moved to the border of Portugal, to Badajoz, in March 1580 and his troops invaded the neighbouring kingdom in July. Some members of the Spanish Council of State accompanied him along with Mateo Vázquez and the Dominican Diego de Chaves who was the King’s confessor. Both were important figures in these years when the ‘Castilian party’ assumed an important role in the King’s court.3 He started his journey to Portugal, towards Elvas, in December 1580. At the outset he was escorted by some Portuguese clerics, examples being Jorge de Ataíde (former Bishop of Viseu and then his head chaplain) and Gaspar do Casal (Bishop of Coimbra).4 The former soon joined the Philippine faction and became a trustworthy agent of the Spanish crown until the end of his life (d. 1611).5 In Elvas, the King’s entourage was welcomed by the local bishop António Mendes de Carvalho, himself dressed pontifically, who had waited for the King in front of the Cathedral.6 There, Philip II knelt and was sprinkled with holy water by the head chaplain Jorge de Ataíde, while all the clergy sang a Te Deum laudamus. After the King entered the cathedral in front of the main altar, he was blessed by the Bishop and he then prayed.7 These were gestures that deliberately echoed local traditions and simultaneously showed the monarch to the public –and all in a significant sacred environment. These were scenes that demonstrated a perfect harmony with the entire community –and all the more important because of it. Philip II stayed in Elvas until late February where he received visits from the Archbishop of Évora (Teotónio de Bragança) and the Bishops of Coimbra (Gaspar do Casal), Portalegre (André de Noronha) and Leiria (António Pinheiro).8 The favourable behaviour of the Archbishop was particularly

3 José Martínez Millán and Carlos J. de Morales, Felipe II (1527-1598). La configuración de la monarquia hispana (Salamanca: Junta de Castilla y León, 1998), p. 205. 4 Isidro Velázquez, La entrada que en el reino de Portugal hizo la SCRM de Dom Phillipe, invictissimo rey de las Españas, segundo deste nombre, primero de Portugal assi como su real presencia, como con el exercito de su felice campo (Madrid: Manuel de Lyra, 1583), fol. 69v. 5 On Jorge de Ataíde loyalty to Philip II see José Pedro Paiva, ‘Bishops and politics: The Portuguese episcopacy during the dynastic crisis of 1580’, E-Journal of Portuguese History, 4:2 (2006). As soon as 1580, a papal brief authorized Jorge de Ataíde to judge all the ecclesiastics (regulars and seculars) that took the side of Anthony of Portugal, the prior of Crato, who was the main opponent to Philip II in the Portuguese crown succession, see Félix Labrador Arroyo, La casa real portuguesa de Felipe II y Felipe III: la articulacion del reino a través de la integracion de las elites de poder (1580-1621) (Madrid: Polifemo, 2009), p. 65. 6 This bishop helped the border towns of Campo Maior and Elvas to surrender to Philip II, even without fighting, see José Maria de Queirós Veloso, O interregno dos governadores e o breve reinado de D. António (Lisbon: Academia Portuguesa da História, 1953), pp. 159-60. 7 Velázquez, La entrada, fol. 71r-71v. 8 Velázquez, La entrada, fol. 72v.

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significant since he came from Catherine of Bragança’s family, another contender to the Portuguese crown that by that time had conceded to the King of the Spanish Monarchy. Casal died some months after this visit, so he did not have time to be rewarded by the new King. Yet Noronha was promoted soon afterwards to the Castilian diocese of Plasencia (September 1581),9 and António Pinheiro was immediately charged, together with Cristóbal de Moura, with the responsibility of ensuring that the mercês [favours] would be shown to those Portuguese who were loyal to the new dynasty.10 Pinheiro also played a central role in the general assembly, congregating the three different social estates (nobility, clergy and the third estate, in Portugal named as Cortes). This was held at Tomar some months later when Philip II was legitimized as King of Portugal.11 The new monarchy tried to control the episcopacy by favouring those clerics and the various families that supported and served him in the succession process.12 It should be noted that prior to 1580, Portuguese bishops were not a united group promoting Philip II’s candidacy. During the dynastic crisis and despite never strongly opposing Philip II (that is, except for John of Portugal, the Bishop of Guarda, a supporter of Anthony, the Prior of Crato) they were also not enthusiastic supporters of the Spanish King. They only changed their position after difficult negotiations, undertaken by Cristóbal de Moura and Pedro Girón, Duke of Osuna, who assured them that the Castilian monarch would preserve all the privileges that the Portuguese Church had enjoyed before 1580. According to Fernando Bouza, this episcopate position underwent a transformation between late 1578 and 1581.13 In practical terms, the Portuguese episcopate did not have a unique and consensual position. Different bishops played different roles and at different times. The trend was that the number of prelates who supported Philip II increased, despite the fact that until May/June 1579 the majority were on Catherine of Bragança’s side. Their priorities were the following: the preservation of Catholicism in Portugal; the maintenance of the privileges of the Portuguese Church and clergy; the awareness that it was impossible to resist the power of Philip II and the necessity of avoiding a war.14 But despite any misgivings, after the King assumed the Crown in Tomar, in April 1581, the episcopate did not oppose him. On the contrary, the relationship between

9 ASV, Archivio Concistoriale, Acta Camerarii, vol. 11, fol. 311r. 10 Bouza Álvarez, D. Filipe I, p. 159. 11 Velázquez, La entrada, fol. 90r. 12 José Pedro Paiva, Os bispos de Portugal e do império (1495-1777) (Coimbra: Imprensa da Universidade de Coimbra, 2006), pp. 359-62. 13 Fernando Bouza Álvarez, Portugal en la Monarquía Hispánica (1580-1640): Felipe II, las Cortes de Tomar y la génesis del Portugal católico (Madrid: Universidad Complutense de Madrid, PhD dissertation, 1987), II, pp. 558-69 and 579-90. 14 José Pedro Paiva, ‘Bishops and politics’.

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the new monarch and the prelates became one of cooperation and in time Philip II received from them both local help and strong support.15 The majority of the lower-ranking clergy however did not follow the bishops’ supportive stance. In general, they were recruited from non-noble classes and they instinctively opposed any solution where a foreign king would wear the Portuguese crown. Most of them tended to adhere to Anthony, the Prior of Crato.16 Amongst the regular clergy there were also strong opponents among Carmelites, Franciscans, Dominicans, Benedictines, or Regular Canons of Saint Augustine (in Portugal usually referred as Crúzios). An important faction of Jesuits, for instance, supported the side of Catherine of Bragança.17 This compelled Philip II, as early as 1579, to write to the General of the Company of Jesus appealing to him to keep the Jesuits outside the dispute.18 Between 1580-82, many regular preachers from very different religious orders used their pulpits to attack Philip II. In Lisbon, one of them during a sermon preached that anyone who died defending Portugal from the usurping Spanish King would go ‘directly to heaven’.19 Some bishops however tried to suppress these attacks. For example, in December 1579, António Pinheiro, Bishop of Leiria, ensured that he would punish a friar who in Santarém had preached ‘shamelessly’ against Philip II.20 Moreover the Archbishop of Braga, the Dominican Bartholomeu dos Mártires, preaching a sermon in May 1580, forbade any political references that could give rise to ‘scandals’.21 As Federico Palomo elaborated, it was this contentious context that explains Philip II’s care in ‘reforming’ some of these religious orders after he succeeded to the Portuguese crown. At the Crúzios of Coimbra for instance, he promoted the change of leadership by convening a general chapter of the order so that he could put one of his own supporters in charge, namely Friar Pedro de Assunção, as visitor and general vicar. To reform the Benedictines in 1588 he appointed two visitors from the convent of Valladolid, Álvaro de Salazar and Sebastián de Villoslada. In the case of the Dominicans, he used to his own advantage the experience and loyalty of the famous Luis de Granada, who had lived in Portugal since 1550.22 Moreover, amongst the Lisbon Dominicans he profited from the residence of his own confessor,

15 Federico Palomo, ‘Para el sosiego y quietud del reino. En torno a Felipe II y el poder eclesiástico en el Portugal de finales del siglo XVI’, Hispania. Revista Española de Historia, LXIV/1, 216 (2004), 63-94 (p. 78). 16 Vitorino Magalhães Godinho, Ensaios. II Sobre História de Portugal (Lisbon: Editora Sá da Costa, 1978), pp. 383-84 and João Francisco Marques, A parenética portuguesa e a dominação filipina (Porto: Instituto Nacional de Investigação Científica, 1986), pp. 42-43. 17 Bouza Álvarez, D. Filipe I, pp. 117-18. 18 Palomo, ‘Para el sosiego’, pp. 72-73. 19 Marques, A parenética portuguesa, p. 47. 20 AGS, Estado, bundle 405, fols 19r-20r. 21 Marques, A parenética portuguesa, p. 323. 22 Palomo, ‘Para el sosiego’, pp. 72-74.

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Diego de Chaves. By 1582 there was a Board convened comprising Chaves, Rodrigo Vázquez de Arce and Antonio de Eraso.23 These measures seemed to succeed. Indeed, Philip II’s funeral in 1598, held at the Monastery of the Hieronymite Order in Lisbon, was attended by hundreds of regular ordinary members from many different religious orders.24

Royal Palaces, Convents and Dynasty: the Relevance of Ceremonial and Spirituality To overcome the kind of opposition he was facing, Philip II also mastered the intricate language of ceremonials, where the Royal Sites and convents of Portugal had a great relevance, overlapping with spiritual matters. He was often seen in public, together with high ranking clerics, performing acts that were designed to show him as a pious and Catholic King, always ready to defend the Church and Catholicism. There are many examples that can be quoted. On the 1st March 1581, he started his journey from Elvas to Tomar. On the way, he stopped at several convents and monasteries to hear the mass, as was the case in Campo Maior, a small village close to Elvas, where he visited the local Franciscan monastery.25 In Portalegre, a city in the province of Alentejo, in the border with Castile, he was welcomed in the Cathedral by the Bishop André de Noronha in whose house he subsequently stayed.26 This prelate was one of his earliest supporters and some months before, in August 1580, he fervently congratulated the new King on the ‘subjection of Lisbon to the service of his Majesty’.27 Philip II arrived in Tomar in the middle of March and the Cortes, during which he would be acclaimed King of Portugal, started on the 16 April 1581. Once more, the Portuguese episcopate attended. A special role was given to the three Archbishops of the Kingdom to perform during the ritual of the King’s solemn oath in the Convent of Christ (the headquarters of the Order of Christ). First, the head chaplain Jorge de Ataíde put a missal and a cross on a special seat in front of Philip II. Then the three Archbishops, Bartholomeu dos Mártires (Braga), Jorge de Almeida (Lisbon) and Teotónio de Bragança (Evora) rose from their places and then knelt in front of the King, presenting him the cross and the missal opened at the Gospels. Then Philip II stood up took off the glove of his right hand and the cap off his head and made the oath. After this, religious ceremonials were held at the main chapel, towards

23 Martínez Millán and De Carlos Morales, Felipe II, pp. 206-07. 24 Relação das exequias d’el Rey Dom Filippe nosso senhor, primeiro deste nome dos reys de Portugal, com alguns sermões que neste reyno se fizeram (Lisbon: Pedro Crasbeck, 1600), fol. 8r. 25 Velázquez, La entrada, fol. 79v. 26 Velázquez, La entrada, fol. 81v. 27 AGS, Estado, bundle 418, letter 152.

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which all the bishops moved singing a Te Deum laudamus, together with the choir of the Royal Chapel, accompanied by organ music.28 The King lived in Tomar for around two months and he was particularly impressed by the Convent of Christ, a foundation that had been significantly improved by his grandfather Manuel I, King of Portugal (r. 1495-1521). Today this is a world heritage site. Under Philip II it became a Royal Site and regained pre-eminence, not only as the place where the monarch of the new dynasty was recognized by the representatives of the Portuguese realm, but also as a symbolic link between Manuel I and Philip II. The decoration of the main room (and in particular its tapestry) followed suggestions made by the King.29 This was where the oath ceremony was held. The Monarch promoted many other great works in the building and offered valuable gifts to the convent, confirming his munificence by lavishing his funds on religious art.30 One of these gifts was a splendid gold cross that on its base includes the armorial of the Spanish Monarchy together with the Portuguese coat of arms and the inscription ‘Philippus Rex MDLXXXIII’.31 He also promoted and sponsored the completion of the great cloister, a new sacristy completed in 1589 and a huge aqueduct. These works were supervised by the Italian architect Filippo Terzi.32 When Philip II died, João Aranha, Professor of Theology at Coimbra University, praised him in a sermon and, somewhat exaggerating, compared the Convent of Christ to the Monastery of El Escorial.33 Another preacher, the royal chaplain Francisco Fernandes Galvão, also stressed how the King was always ready to promote the divine cult with his munificence, citing the Escorial and the huge number of gifts he gave to monasteries, convents and churches.34 After two months in Tomar, Philip II started on a journey to Lisbon, a town that he could not immediately enter because it was contaminated with plague. On the way he passed through Santarém, where he was received in the first days of June 1581. There, in the context of his solemn entrance into 28 Velázquez, La entrada, fol. 91v. and Antonio de Escobar, Recopilacion de la felicíssima jornada que la catholica real magestad del rey don Phelipe nuestro señor hizo en la conquista del reyno de Portugal ansi en las cosas de la guerra como despues en la paz antes que bolviesse a Castella siendo capitan general el excelentíssimo don Fernandalvarez de Toledo duque de Alba (Valencia: Casa de la viuda de Pedro de Huete, 1586), fols 100v-102r. 29 Ana Paula Torres Megiani, O rei ausente. Festa e cultura política nas visitas dos Filipes a Portugal (1581 e 1619) (Sao Paulo: Alameda, 2004), p. 90. 30 Agustín Bustamente García, ‘Noticias sobre Felipe II y las artes’, in Felipe II (1527-1598): Europa y la monarquia católica, ed. by José Martinéz Millán, 4 vols (Madrid: Parteluz, 1998), IV, p. 25. 31 Nuno Vassalo e Silva, ‘A cruz de Felipe I’, Oceanos, 13 (1993), pp. 108-11. 32 The best study for this is Ernesto José Nazaré Alves Jana, O Convento de Cristo em Tomar e as obras no período Filipino, 3 vols (unpublished master thesis, Faculdade de Letras da Universidade de Lisbon, 1990). See also Miguel Soromenho, A arquitectura do ciclo filipino ([s.l.]: Fubu Editores, SA, 2009), p. 36 and Carlos Margaça Veiga, A herança filipina em Portugal (Lisbon: Edição do Clube do Coleccionador dos Correios, 2005), pp. 120-21. 33 Relação das exequias, fol. 61v. 34 Relação das exequias, fol. 37v.

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town, he paid a special visit to a relic of the miracle of Holy Sacrament. This gesture was interpreted as a symbolic demonstration of his superiority over Anthony, the Prior of Crato, who one year earlier had been acclaimed King of Portugal at exactly the same place.35 This was all seen as a kind of a miracle/ mystery similar to the one represented in the Holy Sacrament, as Philip II became King of Portugal. Though perhaps this interpretation is plausible it is also possible to see his success as a result of his spirituality that was sustained by his deep attraction to relics and their powers. His worship of relics is widely acknowledged as indeed are the huge sums of money he spent buying relics for Royal Sites, churches and even his relatives.36 His attraction to relics significantly increased after the Council of Trent (1545-63) and Philip II’s example was followed by his courtiers – all of whom made notable impact in Portugal. Juan de Borja, former ambassador of the Spanish Monarchy in Lisbon, joined him in Portugal in 1582, as a member of Empress Mary’s (the King’s sister’s) court. He was involved in the preparation of the Jesuit church of Saint Roch, so that it could become his family pantheon – and to it he offered an amazing collection of 245 relics. At the time the Jesuit confessor of Juan de Borja commented that the relics of his master were no less important than the ones Philip II kept at the Monastery of El Escorial. The reception of these relics gave occasion to great ceremonials as would again be the case for another collection of relics received in 1595 at the Saint Cross Monastery in Coimbra.37 This enthusiasm for relics was very significant and intensified the political ties between Castile and Portugal. In 1591, for example, the Archbishop of Evora Teotónio de Bragança received the monarch’s support to transfer to Evora Cathedral the relics of Saint Mancio, who was the supposed first bishop of the region. These were relics that had been previously kept at a Castilian monastery.38 After Santarém, the King’s retinue proceeded towards Lisbon with a stop in Almeirim, a village where the former dynasty of Avis had a small palace. There Philip II prayed at the royal chapel and, in a gesture full of political meaning,

35 Torres Megiani, O rei ausente, p. 145. 36 Almudena Pérez de Tudela, ‘Algunos regalos diplomáticos devocionales para Felipe II y su familia’, in La Corte en Europa: Política y Religión (siglos XVI-XVIII), ed. by José Martínez Millán, Manuel Rivero Rodriguez and Gijs Versteegen, 3 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2012), III, 1795-49 (p. 1795 and pp. 1815-28). 37 José Adriano de Freitas Carvalho, ‘Os recebimentos de relíquias em S. Roque (Lisbon 1588) e em Santa Cruz (Coimbra 1595). Relíquias e espiritualidade. E alguma ideologia’, Via Spiritus-Revista de História da Espiritualidade e do sentimento religioso, 8 (2001), 95-155 (pp. 122-23). The collection offered by Juan de Borja was particularly highlighted by the italian Gianbattista Confalonieri, secretary of the papal collector in Portugal Fabio Biondo, in 1593, see Por terras de Portugal no século XVI. Bartolomé de Villalba y Estaña e Gianbattista Confalonieri (Lisbon: Comissão Nacional para as Comemorações dos Descobrimentos Portugueses, 2002), p. 186. 38 Palomo, ‘Para el sosiego’, p. 83.

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sprinkled the grave of his antecessor King Henry with holy water – he had been buried in Almeirim the previous year.39 Before Lisbon, still mixing devotion with politics, Philip II visited the lands of the family of Jorge de Ataíde, his head chaplain, at Castanheira do Ribatejo, and he heard the mass at the now ruined Franciscan Convent of Saint Anthony.40 This was also the pantheon of the family of the Earl of Castanheira; the Earl himself, António de Ataíde, was father of the royal chaplain. Here Jorge de Ataíde sponsored magnificent works and it was here where would also be buried in 1611.41 While waiting to enter Lisbon, on the 26 June, Philip II visited the Hieronymites Monastery, in Belém. The King’s sympathy for the friars of Saint Jerome was fully acknowledged in the important role he gave them at the Escorial.42 In a letter to his daughters, he explained that he heard the mass at the Monastery, visited it and noticed that it had ‘good things’, referring to the precious pieces of religious art and architecture he had seen.43 In the following years, he offered two lamps of German manufacture to the Monastery, both copies from originals existing in Escorial,44 and he ordered the construction of an artificial pond in the main cloister.45 Finally, on the 29th June 1581, Philip II made his triumphal entrance into Lisbon. Despite claims made by some early seventeenth century histories that give the impression he was received without enthusiasm by the majority of the population,46 the ritual was magnificent.47 In the streets travelled by the King’s entourage there were panels exhibited depicting the triumph of religion over idolatry,48 and one of them emphasized that the King ordered the evangelisation of Asia.49 At the Cathedral’s main door several other panels depicted the King as protector of Catholicism. One of these deserves special

39 Velázquez, La entrada, fol. 110v. 40 Fernando Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas meninas. Portugal na correspondência de D. Filipe I para suas filhas (1581-1583) (Lisbon: Publicações D. Quixote, 1999), p. 71. 41 Biblioteca Municipal de Viseu, Leonardo de Sousa, Memorias historicas e chronologicas dos bispos de Viseu, 3 vols (1767), II, fol. 410. 42 See Gustavo Sanchez, ‘La música en el Escorial y la Orden de San Jerónimo durante el reinado de Felipe II’, in Martínez Millán, Rivero Rodríguez and Versteegen, La Corte en Europa, I, 165-226 (especially pp. 166-67). 43 Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas, p. 76. 44 Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas, p. 76. 45 Margaça Veiga, A herança filipina, p. 116. The lake was destroyed in the nineteenth century. 46 Pero Roiz Soares, Memorial, ed. by M. Lopes de Almeida (Coimbra: Acta Universitatis Conimbrigensis, 1952). 47 Laura Fernández González, ‘Negotiating terms. King Philip I of Portugal and the ceremonial entry of 1581 into Lisbon’, in Festival Culture in the World of the Spanish Habsburgs, ed. by Fernando Checa Cremades and Laura Fernández González (Farnham: Ashgate, 2015), pp. 87-114. 48 Torres Megiani, O rei ausente, p. 148. 49 Afonso Guerreiro, Das festas que se fizeram na cidade de Lisbon, na entrada del Rey D. Philippe primeiro de Portugal (Lisbon: Francisco Correa, 1581), not numbered [fol. 22r.].

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attention; in this a Pope is depicted before whom is a king holding a sword; on his feet, lying down, are two men holding hammers with which they are attempting to demolish the Church walls. This symbolises all the heresies. At the bottom of the panel a Latin legend reads: ‘Powerful King, the congregation of the perverse heretics is bitten and overturned by the Pope helped by the power of your empire’.50 Some months later, Philip II, together with his nephew Archduke Albert – who some years later would become Viceroy of Portugal as well as Grand Inquisitor of the Portuguese Inquisition and Prior of Crato (1583-93) – attended an Inquisition Auto-da-fe in Lisbon and he revealed no signs of uneasiness or pity when commenting on what he had seen, especially when referring to some heretics that were burnt at the stake.51 The Dominican Manuel Coelho in the sermon he preached after the Monarch’s death, repeated Philip II’s worthy status as a champion of Catholicism and an opponent of heretics.52 Philip II paid this visit to the Cathedral not only because it was traditional, but also so that he could express his gratitude to the Lord for the privileges received in becoming King of Portugal.53 It also enabled him to reinforce the ties with the Portuguese Church, and also to honour some clerics that supported him in the conquest of his new kingdom. The Archbishop Jorge de Almeida welcomed him with a relic of the Holy Cross to kiss, a scene that was performed at the cathedral door, towards which the King moved under a canopy. After he was sprinkled with holy water by the Archbishop, they all entered the Cathedral in procession while a choir formed by a multitude of clerics sang the Latin litany Elegit Deus et praelegit eum et in tabernaculo suo habitare fecit eum. Inside the cathedral in front of the main altar, Philip II first prayed and then knelt to receive a blessing from Jorge de Almeida. Afterwards, the Archbishop kissed the King’s hand, a gesture followed by all the clerics. Finally, within this religious context some representatives of local political power begged the King to be merciful to all the Portuguese that had previously contested his claim and had instead promoted Anthony, the Prior of Crato. Prudently (and characteristically) the King responded that he would take care of the situation according to what would be possible.54 Philip II stayed in Lisbon until February 1583. During these eighteen months there were many signs of his continuous care over religious concerns. These included attention to his own personal religious behaviour, the improvement of religious spaces, especially the Royal Sites, and the distribution of favours and the protection of ecclesiastics. He also sought to fuse politics with religion. Fernando Bouza stressed that in order to build up his image of as pious King,

50 Guerreiro, Das festas, not numbered [chapter XXX]. 51 Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas, p. 138. 52 Relação das exequias, fol. 12r. 53 Guerreiro, Das festas, not numbered [chapter XXVII]. 54 Guerreiro, Das festas, not numbered [chapter XXXI].

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Philip II enjoyed being seen praying in public. Accordingly, it was usual that when moving around a town he stopped to pray publically and often in front of churches.55 One of the sites Philip II visited regularly, particularly in the first months after his arrival in Lisbon, was the Madre de Deus Convent for Franciscan nuns, founded in 1508 by Queen Leonor, sister of Manuel I. In August 1581 he went there twice, together with his nephew Archduke Albert and Jorge de Ataíde. The King attended the mass in the church, which he considered ‘beautiful’, and after that he went to another male Franciscan convent located close by where lunch was served.56 He was also attracted by processions. In August 1581, he saw two and he commented that, in some details, they were better than those in Spain. One year later, together with his sister the Empress Mary, he was surprised by a huge procession at the parish of Saint Julian and explained that he was given a ‘paper’ with all ‘the unusual things’ that gave details regarding the procession, enabling him to understand everything with which he was not familiar.57 In October 1581, Philip II travelled to Sintra, a small village c. 30 km North of Lisbon, and visited the Monasteries of Penhalonga and Pena, founded by Manuel I, both of the order of Saint Jerome. Commenting on the visit to his daughters, he referred to their beautiful fountains, gardens and the significant number of relics they possessed, though they did not have so many saints as the Madre de Deus Convent in Lisbon.58 The King’s familiarity with – and devotion to, relics – was truly remarkable, and he favoured that most of them were kept in royal convents and chapels, as the one of the Paço da Ribeira. Indeed, on the 23d October 1581, Philip II wrote a letter to his daughters saying that he was especially happy because the works in the new Royal Chapel were finally ready and he could attend his daily mass there without leaving his Palace.59 The new Royal Chapel at the Paço da Ribeira replaced the former one dedicated to Saint Tome, ordered by Manuel I and was built in a different area.60 When he arrived in Portugal, Philip II followed an architectural program which from 1580 was worked on by the architects Juan de Herrera and Filippo Terzi. One of its most iconic achievements was the Royal Palace in Lisbon with its impressive turret rebuilt on the same spot as the former royal palace.61 Philip II’s overriding aim here was to achieve a sense of integral dignity and majesty through these royal constructions.62 Those that he commissioned in 55 Bouza Álvarez, D. Filipe I, p. 207. 56 Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas, pp. 87 and 93. 57 Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas, pp. 94-95 and 161-62. 58 Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas, pp. 98 and 101. 59 Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas, p. 103. 60 Nuno Senos, O paço da Ribeira 1501-1581 (Lisbon: Notícias Editorial, 2002), p. 161. 61 Soromenho, A arquitectura, p. 11. 62 As Luis Cabrera de Córdoba, Felipe Segundo. Rey de España, 4 vols (Madrid: [s. n.], 18761877), II, p. 394 and Bustamente García, ‘Noticias sobre Felipe II’, pp. 25-38, pointed out.

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Lisbon certainly followed this pattern. The King preferred the use of stone, because its inherent endurance would moreover keep his memory alive for centuries. The Royal Chapel, probably the most important of the Royal Sites, was integrated in the complex of the Royal Palace. It has an entrance facing both the Tagus River and a garden. It had tribunes from which the King, without leaving his royal chambers, could attend religious ceremonies.63 Its splendour is no surprise given that in 1580 Philip II had been advised that he should give the Royal Chapel the ‘order, pomp and dignity’ it deserves because the Portuguese appreciated the ‘divine cult’. This pomp, apart with the architectonic changes, was linked to the increase of the number and quality of singers, program that was fulfilled.64 In July 1581, Philip II ordered Hernando de Cabezón, organist at the Royal Chapel in Madrid, to come to Lisbon and in 1582 the royal chaplains celebrated the holy mass three times daily (matins, lauds and vespers).65 The service was given by a huge number of chaplains; according to the first Regiment of the Portuguese Royal Chapel, determined by Philip II in 1592, there should normally have only been 30 of them, yet Labrador Arroyo identified more than 90 between 1581 and 1598.66 The Royal Chapel staff also included the Head Chaplain, Jorge de Ataíde, the Dean, initially Afonso de Castelo Branco (until his promotion to the bishopric of Algarve – after which he was replaced by Manuel de Seabra), and four preachers of the Royal Chapel. Their sermons were primarily of spiritual content, but of course some also had political purposes.67 One of the preachers was the Dominican Luis de Granada who (despite his great age) is on record as having been particularly appreciated by Philip II for his sermon of March 1582.68 The Royal Chapel was a key institution by which the King could not only control the ecclesiastic elite but also promote his favourites.69 An example of this was the astonishing career of Dean Manuel de Seabra. He was Bishop of Ceuta before 1580 and represented Philip II during the Portuguese dynastic crisis.70 He organized the transport of the supposed body of King Sebastian who died during the battle of Ksar El Kibir in 1578, leaving the kingdom of Portugal without an heir, and brought it to Lisbon. These important services were rewarded with the appointment as Dean of the Royal Chapel on June 1583. In 1585 Seabra became general commissioner of the Bull of the Crusade and subsequently president of a very important council created to advise the 63 Senos, O paço da Ribeira, pp. 160-61. 64 Labrador Arroyo, La casa real, I, p. 61. 65 Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas, pp. 84 and 115. 66 Labrador Arroyo, La casa real, I, pp. 300-03. 67 Labrador Arroyo, La casa real, I, pp. 305-06. 68 Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas, pp. 131-32. 69 Labrador Arroyo, La casa real, I, pp. 291-92. 70 See a letter he wrote in November 1581 to Philip II (AGS, Estado, bundle 418, not numbered).

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King on religious matters named Mesa da Consciência e Ordens. Finally, in 1593, he was appointed Bishop of Miranda.71 Another of Philip II’s great concerns was the erection of a Royal Pantheon in Lisbon. In 1582 he imposed special interest rates to finance the works and declared that the burial of kings and princes should take place in the choir and main chapel. The location was the old Monastery of Saint Vincent of the Religious Order of the Canons of Saint Augustine. The existing building date back from the time of the first King of Portugal, Afonso Henriques (1139-85), who, before the decisive battle against the Muslims (1147), promised that he would build a new church. This reconstruction thus had a strong symbolic meaning. It legitimised the new dynasty, suggesting that Philip II was perpetuating a legacy that dated back to the first King of Portugal.72 The choice of Saint Vincent was also deliberate for another reason; he had been born in Huesca in the Kingdom of Aragon and was martyred in Valencia by the Roman Emperor Diocletian (284-305). He thus was not only the patron of Lisbon, but also significantly originated from one of the kingdoms that formed the Spanish Monarchy. All without forgetting that Saint Lawrence was from the same city, Huesca, that Vincent; so these two saints linked at the same time the royal pantheons of the Spanish Monarchy (Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial) and Portugal (Monastery of São Vicente de Fora in Lisbon). The foundation stone of Saint Vincent Church was laid on August 1582 during a ceremony presided over by Archduke Albert – the King himself being ill.73 Juan de Herrera – architect of the Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial – executed the architectural drawings though Filippo Terzi was the director of the works until 1597.74 The building was finally consecrated in 1629. The influences of El Escorial can be readily seen in the façade of the Church of Saint Vincent and this aesthetic can also be recognised in subsequent similar buildings such as in the Monastery of Desterro [Exile] in Lisbon and the new Cathedral of Goa in India. Even in monasteries and churches promoted just by the bishops this Escorial influence is also noticeable. This is the case of the Convent da Cartuxa in Evora, ordered by the Archbishop Teotónio de Bragança in 1586,75 and also in the Church of Nossa Senhora da Conceição, at Leiria, ordered in 1588 by Bishop Pedro de Castilho, one of Philip II’s great followers.76

71 José de Castro, Bragança e Miranda (Bispado), 2 vols (Porto: Tipografia Porto Medico, 1946-47), I, p. 273 and Paiva, Os bispos de Portugal, p. 376 72 Margaça Veiga, A herança filipina, pp. 111-12. 73 Soromenho, A arquitectura, p. 14. 74 Jorge Segurado, ‘Juan de Herrera em Portugal’, in As relações artísticas entre Portugal e Espanha na Época dos Descobrimentos, ed. by Pedro Dias (Coimbra: Livraria Minerva, 1987), pp. 99-111. 75 Bustamente García, ‘Noticias sobre Felipe II’, p. 32. 76 Soromenho, A arquitectura, p. 69.

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Such desires for family pantheons were also indulged by some members of the nobility who also had strong ties with Philip II, as in the case of Cristóbal de Moura. In 1598 he was the patron of the main chapel of the Benedictine Monastery in Lisbon with the intention that it should become his own family pantheon.77 One can also see other examples of Philip II’s religiosity, most of them developed at the Royal Sites. For example, during Christmas Eve in 1581 he attended the Midnight Mass at the Royal Chapel – a very long liturgy pro­ bably full of Christmas carols and lasting until 3 am, as he commented to his daughters.78 Similarly, he took part in Easter celebrations in 1582 at the Royal Chapel. During the whole week he attended the rituals from his tribune except when the Holy Sacrament was covered and uncovered. On these occasions, in reverence to the sacred body of Christ, he descended to the Royal Chapel. He also registered how impressed he was by the processions of penitents who inflicted lashes on themselves, most of these occurring during daylight and not at night as was usual in Spain. He made particular note of one organized by the distinguished confraternity of the Misericórdia [Mercy] of Lisbon, which in Portugal was under the King’s protection. This was held at night and included a visit to the Royal Chapel from where the King watched from a window.79 Finally, the monarch himself joined the procession of the Corpus Christi in June 1582. This was the most important procession in Portugal during Early Modern period and in Lisbon the King played his part during the final sequence.80 He was amazed by the women dancers and singers some of them being slaves.81 Philip II also promoted the reform and even new foundations of religious orders as was the case of the Discalced Carmelites. Their first male Portuguese convent was founded in October 1581 and was dedicated to Saint Philip due to the patronage it received from the King, who had very good relations with Jerónimo Gracián, their provincial leader. This religious order was brought to Portugal by six Spanish friars under the direction of Ambrosio Mariano de San Benito, who was also very much appreciated by Philip II.82 After this initial successful foundation a group of nobles were inspired to establish new houses in different villages, these in particular were instigated by Duarte de

Margaça Veiga, A herança filipina, p. 130. Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas, p. 113. Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas, pp. 141-42. A very interesting description of the one celebrated in 1593 could be find in Por terras de Portugal no século XVI, pp. 204-06. 81 Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas, p. 154. 82 Luis Javier Fernández Frontela, ‘El carmelo descalzo del carisma a la institucionalización’, in A reforma teresiana em Portugal, Congresso Internacional (Marco de Canaveses: Edições Carmelo, 2017), 97-124 (p. 121) and Belchior de Santa Ana, Chronica de Carmelitas Descalços, particular do reyno de Portugal e provincia de Sam Felippe, 2 vols (Lisbon: Henrique de Oliveira, 1657), I, p. 125. 77 78 79 80

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Castelo Branco, António de Castro, Earl of Monsanto, or Pedro de Alcáçova Carneiro, all loyal supporters of Philip II.83 Such foundations also had their own political purposes, as they sought to weaken the influence of the supporters of Anthony, the Prior of Crato, among the Carmelite Portuguese branch of the order – who were particularly noticeable in the convent of Lisbon. Of particular relevance mention that, in 1585, the first female convent of the Discalced Carmelites in Lisbon was erected. It was known as the Albertas, because of the patronage it received from Archduke Albert, who was going to support as well the same religion when he was appointed as sovereign of the Habsburg Netherlands years after. Two years later, the convent in Lisbon received a very import relic: one of the hands of Theresa of Ávila or Theresa of Jesus.84 As well, even after he had left Portugal in 1583, Philip II kept supporting the preservation of existing monasteries, an example being the Dominican one of Batalha in the center of Portugal.85 He still even promoted the foundation of new ones, as in the case of the convent for Franciscans in Coimbra.86 On the other hand, before leaving Lisbon, Philip II established further rituals. One was the transfer of the corpses of his two predecessors, Sebastian and Henry, to the Monastery of the Hieronymites monks in Belém.87 Yet again there were clear political implications in this decision. First, the chapel where the two bodies were to be buried was prepared in 1572 to be pantheon of Manuel I and his sons, by Queen Catherine, sister of Charles V, wife of John III of Portugal, and aunt of Philip II.88 This gesture ostensibly demonstrated the continuity in the governance of the realm and was to ameliorate any idea of a rupture created by the existence of a new King who had not been born in Portugal. Thus Philip II, especially in the case of Sebastian, wanted to make clear that he was indeed dead and buried, never to return to liberate Portugal from the domain of a foreign king – an idea that fed the so-called Sebastianism. Philip II left Lisbon on the 11 February 1583. From the preceding November onwards, every Sunday he had paid visits to different convents and monaste­ ries in town as a form of farewell.89 On 31st January he was present at the ceremony when Archduke Albert took office as Viceroy. Also present were some of the high ranking clerics who would preserve important roles, such as the Archbishop of Lisbon Jorge de Almeida and the Head Chaplain Jorge de

83 Carlos Margaça Veiga, ‘A Ordem dos Carmelitas Descalços: moldagem à realidade portuguesa’, in A reforma teresiana em Portugal, 127-38 (p. 132). 84 Margaça Veiga, A herança filipina, p. 89. 85 Relação das exequias, fol. 61v. 86 Bouza Álvarez, D. Filipe I, p. 30. 87 Bouza Álvarez, D. Filipe I, p. 194; Amélia Polónia, D. Henrique (Lisbon: Círculo de Leitores, 2005), p. 249. 88 Ana Isabel Buescu, Na corte dos reis de Portugal. Saberes, ritos e memórias. Estudos sobre o século XVI (Lisbon: Colibri, 2010), pp. 250-55. 89 Bouza Álvarez, Cartas para duas infantas, p. 176.

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Ataíde,90 or Afonso de Castelo Branco, Bishop of Algarve, who preached at the Lisbon Cortes, on January 1583.91 It was him who had received the corpse of King Sebastian when it reached Algarve a few months earlier.92 The key positions in the Royal Chapel, bishoprics, councils and tribunals were thereby controlled by loyal followers of the new monarchy. Meanwhile, Archduke Albert was given extended powers including those of visiting churches, reforming religious orders, and punishing any regular clerics who had been loyal to Anthony, the Prior of Crato.93

Epilogue The time of a realm with an absent King was about to begin. From then on communication with the ecclesiastic elite would be made mainly through written correspondence such as the one sent by Philip II in February 1588 to Afonso Castelo Branco and the Portuguese bishops, ordering them to celebrate masses in the Portuguese cathedrals for protection of the Invincible Fleet.94 The shadow of Philip II’s spirituality nevertheless remained in Portugal even though he no longer lived there. One of the invisible threads that maintained this spirituality were the permanent important Royal Sites, which connected in some ways with the one in Castile. A good example of this can be seen in the proliferation of paintings of Philip II’s preferred saint – Saint Lawrence. One such was acquired in the 1590s by the Jesuit church of Saint Roch in Lisbon. This is by the royal painter Fernando Gomes – of Spanish origin – and depicts Jesus among the martyrs amongst whom is Saint Lawrence and shows the grill on which he was martyred.95 It is a remarkable trace of the presiding religious influence of the absent King.

90 Francisco Caeiro, O arquiduque Alberto de Aústria vice-rei e inquisidor-mor de Portugal, cardeal legado do papa, governador e depois soberano dos Países-Baixos, História e Arte (Lisbon: Edição do autor, 1961), pp. 92-93. 91 Joaquim Veríssimo Serrão, História de Portugal (Lisbon: Verbo, 1990), IV, pp. 22-23. 92 João Baptista da Silva Lopes, Memórias para a história eclesiástica do bispado do Algarve (Lisbon: Academia Real das Sciencias de Lisbon, 1848), p. 356. 93 Caeiro, O arquiduque Alberto, pp. 92-93 and Palomo, ‘Para el sosiego’, p. 71. 94 Palomo, ‘Para el sosiego”, p. 86. 95 Margaça Veiga, A herança filipina, pp. 86-87.

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Fig. 8.1.  Louis Meunier, View of the Royal Palace of Lisbon. c. 1665-68 stamp. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España.

Fig. 8.2.  Church and Convent of Saint Vincent, Lisbon. 2017. Image @ Wikimedia Commons.

In maculada Rodríguez Moya 

The Spaces of Monarchy in the Kingdom of Valencia Political and Religious Practices (16th-17th Centuries)* 1

The Kingdom of Valencia, which formed part of the Crown of Aragon, was created in the wake of the Christian conquest of the territories of al-Andalus in the thirteenth century, and it assimilated the earlier Islamic taifa of Valencia. Following the dynastic union of the crowns of Castile and Aragon under the Emperor Charles V, the kingdom maintained its fueros [regional charter] and institutions and it was governed by viceroys and deputies. As a kingdom within the Habsburg composite monarchy, the ruling monarch had to swear an oath that he would uphold the fueros at the Cortes in Valencia, which meant that a royal palace had to be upkept and a range of festivities organized to mark the periodic royal visits. During the seventeenth century, the kingdom underwent a serious demographic crisis due to the expulsion of the Jews (1492) and then the Moriscos (1609) who resided in the kingdom. There were also sustained attacks along the coast from Turkish and Algerians assailants. Furthermore, the city’s political influence waned as royal power became entrenched at the Court. This chapter analyses the political and festive spaces used by the Spanish crown in Valencia, especially the Royal Sites, from the sixteenth century up until the eighteenth century, by which time the city ceased to have any major significance. Particular attention is focused on how sites used for celebrations served to represent the monarchy’s political identity as well as celebrate religious festivals.

Valencia and its Court As capital of one of the various kingdoms that formed the Crown of Aragon, the city of Valencia served as a royal residence and extension of the Court. Alfonso V, ‘the Magnanimous’, took the first steps in making the city a distinctive element of his Court by founding the Archive of the Kingdom of Aragon there



* Translated by Jeremy Roe. Inmaculada Rodríguez Moya • University Jaume I in Castellón Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 243-265.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123290

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and appointing his wife, Queen Mary of Castile (1401-58), Governor-General of the Crown of Aragon and General Lieutenant of Valencia; she resided in the city until her death and during the king’s absence governed the Kingdom of Valencia from there.1 The city’s location between Castile and Naples also helped ensure that the king’s Aragonese subjects were not as conscious of the king’s distance from them.2 With the union of the realms introduced by the House of Austria, and then Madrid being made the capital of the Spanish Habsburg empire, Valencia’s status naturally changed. It should be recalled that one of the challenges of composite monarchies, such as that of the Spanish crown, was how to effectively govern the diverse provinces in the king’s absence, while maintaining their loyalty. Therefore, the practice of representing the king’s presence across his kingdoms and provinces became a fundamental concern.3 For the Spanish Monarchy, this took also the form of conserving the municipal charters, or fueros. To ensure these privileges of the various kingdoms were upheld; oaths were sworn to this effect in person by the crown prince and the king during formal visits, or else at the periodic meeting of the regional administrative bodies, or Cortes. Royal entries provided a way of compensating for the king’s absence, and the iconography that formed part of these festive spectacles was exploited to remind the local population of the legitimacy of their monarch’s authority and how they in turn upheld the local fueros. Thereby, the Spanish Monarchy became characterized by a network of ancestral palaces across its diverse kingdoms and provinces, which, thanks to constant requests from viceroys, and despite the high cost involved, were conserved in good condition and considered as Royal Sites. However, there were other elements of a symbolic nature that also nurtured the bond between the realms and their monarch, including the display of the royal coat of arms in the most important buildings, the sacrality of the royal standard, the design of portrait galleries as spaces evoking the monarch’s authority, and the staging of political and religious festivities that celebrated the king’s life and deeds.4







1 As Theresa Earenfight demonstrated in The King’s other body: María of Castile and the Crown of Aragon (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), the fact that Mary served as the king’s General Lieutenant in his territories and had authority comparable to that of the king was both rare and surprising. Perhaps the only explanation for this is the king’s lengthy absence in Naples, as well as their marriage, although this had become a purely political tie due to their not having had any children, in addition to the king’s infidelities. 2 Josep Martí Ferrando, ‘La corte virreinal valenciana del Duque de Calabria’, Reales Sitios, 158 (2003), p. 16. 3 Xavier Gil Pujol, ‘Una cultura cortesana provincial. Patria, comunicación y lenguaje en la Monarquía Hispánica de los Austrias’, in Monarquía, Imperio y pueblos en la España Moderna, ed. by Pablo Fernández Albadalejo (Alicante: Caja de Ahorros del Mediterráneo, Universidad de Alicante, 1997), pp. 225-57. 4 On political and religious festivals in the kingdom of Valencia, see Víctor Mínguez, Pablo González Tornel and Inmaculada Rodríguez Moya, La fiesta barroca. El Reino de Valencia (1599-1802) (Castellón: Universitat Jaume I, Consell Social, 2010).

the s pac e s o f m o n arc h y i n t h e k i ngd o m o f  vale nci a

Although the monarchs of the House of Austria solely resided in their Valencian palace for short periods of time, or during brief visits, they never ceased to support its Court or Household. Likewise, the city as corporate entity hosted celebrations for significant political and personal events linked to the Spanish crown, and on the whole these took place at sites traditionally used to receive members of the royal family. Two key sites were above all used on these occasions: Valencia’s Palacio Real [Royal Palace] and the Monastery of San Miguel de los Reyes. However, other spaces also served for formal displays of the monarch’s royal authority: the Monastery of La Santísima Trinidad and the Royal Convent of Saint Dominic [Santo Domingo]. Arciniega has convincingly argued that the use of classical architecture, either in the restoration of these buildings, or else in the ongoing building projects undertaken to better equip them for their patrons’ changing needs and tastes, was intended to foreground their regal status.5 On occasions this use of a classical lexicon was employed to forge ties with the monarch at critical moments, while at other times, it reflected the city’s wish to be recognized as the capital of a kingdom within a monarchy comprising many courts. What is clear is that the creation of an architecture inscribed with royalty became linked to the fact that during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries Valencia was one of the most active courts in the Crown of Aragon, and even in the peninsula as a whole,6 and it witnessed moments of great cultural and artistic splendour.7 Over the course of these two centuries, the Valencian viceregal court emulated the most refined courtly tastes and fashions as a way of signalling its pre-eminence. Religious and devotional practices were another facet of early modern culture that helped forge political cohesion: a confessional monarchy such as the Spanish one ensured that heresy did not take root, and this was above all thanks to the role of the Inquisition and the widespread dissemination of the various devotional cults worshipped by the House of Habsburg. As is discussed below, these festivals functioned as one of the main elements in ensuring political cohesion and religious orthodoxy. In the Kingdom of Valencia in particular, the events of the Christian Conquest and the subsequent expulsion of the Moriscos, as well as the continued attacks along the coast by Turkish and Algerian forces, heightened a number of devotional practices.





5 Luis Arciniega García, ‘Arquitectura a gusto de su majestad en los monasterios de San Miguel de los Reyes y Santo Domingo (s. XVI y XVII)’, in Historia de la ciudad. II. Territorio, sociedad y patrimonio Una visión arquitectónica de la historia de la ciudad de Valencia (Valencia: CTAV, Ayuntamiento de Valencia, Universitat de València, 2002), p. 199. 6 Carlos José Hernando Sánchez, ‘La corte y las cortes de la monarquía’, in Las tierras y los hombres del rey: Felipe II, un monarca y su época (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 1998), p. 77. 7 Especially with the Dukes of Calabria and Lerma, see Teresa Ferrer Valls, ‘Corte virreinal, humanismo y cultura nobiliaria en la Valencia del siglo XVI’, in Reino y ciudad. Valencia en su historia, ed. by Luis Miguel Enciso Recio and José Miguel Sánchez González (Madrid: Fundación Caja Madrid, 2007), pp. 185-200.

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The king raised altars to a number of Valencian saints, and these went on to form a predominant feature in the kingdom’s cycle of religious festivals. The cult of the sacrament, along with legends of communion hosts being stolen by pirates, likewise fostered religious sentiments. Furthermore, the Council of Trent was likewise steadfastly implemented in Valencia thanks to the Patriarch Juan de Ribera, and this intensified the local devotion to the Eucharist. Following his death, there was a profound spiritual crisis, and the official religiosity he had represented was replaced by an increasing belief in miracles through the influence of Father Francisco Jerónimo Simón. Needless to say, questions over the orthodoxy of Simón’s ideas resulted in the persecution of forms of worship considered heretical.

The Splendour and Appeal of Valencia’s Royal Palace Valencia’s Royal Palace, also known as the Real, belonged to a network of palaces established by the Aragonese monarchs for their itinerant court.8 They were located in the kingdom’s principal cities: the Grand Royal Palace of Barcelona, the Suda in Lerida, the Aljafería in Saragossa, Bellver Castle and the Palace of the Kings in Palma of Majorca, Valencia’s Real and the Italian palaces in Palermo and Naples. Naturally, the Aragonese palaces were provided with specific, administrative, ceremonial, and private spaces in order to function effectively as royal residences. Following the accession of future emperor Charles V to the throne of the Spanish Monarchy, the role played by Valencia’s Real was diminished due to the Union of the Crowns and the Monarchy’s numerous other royal palaces. From the sixteenth century onwards, the Real became the seat of the viceregal government, yet this did not lead to its royal status being eroded, given that Charles V, as well as Philip II and Philip III, all resided in the palace for short periods over the course of their reigns. With the viceroys as residents in the palace, and in particular during royal visits, an increased number of courtiers had to be accommodated and likewise court ceremony became more complex, and this gave rise to an ongoing process of restoration work, in addition to new rooms and other features being added to the palace. Changes in architectural taste also led to a number of additional renovations. The period of greatest architectural and artistic splendour at the viceregal court was undoubtedly during the rule of the Duke of Calabria, Don Ferdinand of Aragon. He served as viceroy from 1526, the same year he was betrothed to Germaine of Foix, who served as Vicereine and General Lieutenant of Valencia from 1523 until 1550.



8 See Inés Cabrera Sendra, ‘Un palacio para cada reino: las residencias reales’, in El linaje del Rey Monje. La configuración cultural e iconográfica de la Corona Aragonensis (1164-1516), ed. by Víctor Mínguez (Castellón: Universitat Jaume I, 2018), pp. 177-209, as well as Fernández Terricabras’ chapter in this volumen.

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The extensive history of Valencia’s Real, began in 1238 with the city’s conquest and only ended in 1810 with the demolition of the palace complex. The palace was originally an almunia, a rural Arabic residence intended for leisurely pursuits, which belonged to the Muslim king of Valencia, and was located outside the city walls on the far side of the Turia river. Following the conquest of the city by James I of Aragon it was converted into a Christian palace, although traces of its Islamic origins were conserved in certain rooms. The Aragonese monarchs extended the almunia over the course of various phases of building, thereby developing it into a true palace. It consisted of two parts the Real vell and the Real nou [the old Real and the new Real] and served as the official Valencian residence of the Aragonese monarchs, and they frequently spent long periods of time there. The palace complex was also the seat of the Royal Audience from 1361 onwards and the kingdom’s archive from 1419. The monarchs Peter IV, ‘the Ceremonious’, and Alfonso V, ‘the Magnanimous’, undertook the most extensive embellishment and rebuilding programmes.9 Alfonso V’s wife, Queen Mary of Castile, along with the Infante Don John, also made notable contributions to the palace’s improvement during the monarch’s lengthy absence. The queen converted both the palace and the city into a genuine courtly residence, for example by redesigning the Llano del Real, the open space in front of the building, into a site for the king to meet city representatives when ceremonial entries were staged, and it also served as the principal location for the diverse events staged as part of the festive celebrations.10 Mary of Castile also undertook the building of the Royal Monastery of the Holy Trinity of Valencia, which was again located on the left bank of the River Turia and near to the Real; from 1444 onwards a community of Poor Clares resided at the monastery. The queen commissioned the construction of a series of apartments in order to undertake retreats at the convent, which she would eventually choose as her burial place. Between 1431 and 1463 the Chapel of the Kings was also built at the nearby Convent of Saint Dominic, which was connected to the Real by one of five bridges crossing the river. The convent had been founded in 1239 outside the city walls, at the end of a watercourse that over time had become populated by stonemasons’ workshops. In 1598, by which time the city had expanded significantly, a new façade was created for the convent that was constructed around the convent’s entrance and enclosed the space between the church and

9 Amadeo Serra Desfilis, ‘Historia de dos palacios y una ciudad: Valencia, 1238-1460’, Anales de Historia del Arte, 23, Special Issue 2 (2013), pp. 333-67 and Mercedes Gómez-Ferrer, ‘La reforma del Real Vell de Valencia en época de Alfonso el Magnánimo. Recuerdo del palacio desde Sicilia’, Lexicon, 8 (2009), pp. 7-22. 10 Rafael Narbona Vizcaíno, ‘Las fiestas reales en Valencia entre la Edad Media y la Edad Moderna (Siglos XIV-XVII)’, Pedralbes: Revista d’història moderna, 13-2 (1993), pp. 463-72 and above all Luis Arciniega García, ‘Construcciones, usos y visiones del Palacio Real de Valencia bajo los Austrias’, in Ars Longa, nº 14-15 (2005-2006), pp. 129-64.

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its two chapels.11 The façade was designed by the royal architect Francisco de Mora as part of the preparations that were made for the 1599 royal wedding, and Philip II granted his approval just prior to his death. The Chapel of the Kings, with its marvellous rib vaulting built by the architect Francisco Baldomar, was intended as a dynastic pantheon for Alfonso V and Mary of Castile, although in the end neither of them was buried there. In 1535 Charles V ceded the chapel to Doña Mencía de Mendoza, Marchioness of Cenete and Countess of Nassau, one of the most important nobles in the Spanish Monarchy; she commissioned the construction of a tomb for her parents, the Marquesses of Cenete, and later she would arrange for her own burial there.12 The Plaza dels Predicadors [Preachers’ Square], in front of the convent was also one of the principal sites of public festivities in early modern Valencia. Following the initial restoration and extension work that went on from the thirteenth to the fifteenth centuries,13 it was during the sixteenth century that the palace was clearly articulated in the form of two architectural elements: the Real vell and the Real nou.14 The former was arranged around a small patio and contained the monarch’s chambers and a number of official rooms. The latter was organized around two patios: a smaller one, known as the patio chico, was the location for the queen’s chambers, while a second bigger patio, the patio grande, led to the building’s principal ceremonial chambers. As in many other royal Aragonese residences, Valencia’s Real had two chapels, each with their own chaplains, organists and musicians.15 The upper chapel, located in the queen’s chambers, was dedicated to Saint Catherine, while the lower chapel in the Real vell was dedicated to the Virgin Mary, as well as the Saints John the Baptist and John the Evangelist, although its dedication to them was subsequently changed to that of Our Lady of the Angels. In the lower chapel mass was held every day in honour of the deceased Aragonese kings, and it could be entered from the aforementioned Llano, which enhances its use as a public space.16 Over time the chapel of Saint Catherine, which was where the festivals stipulated by the liturgical calendar were celebrated, became a religious space reserved for the elite. It consisted of a nave divided into four rib-vaulted sections that led to a rood screen, behind which was an octagonal chancel, whose geometry was enhanced by its vaulting. The queen 11 Arciniega García, ‘Arquitectura a gusto de su majestad’, p. 187. 12 Noelia García Pérez, ‘Modelos de enterramiento, modelos de patronazgo: La Capilla de los Tres Reyes del Convento de Santo Domingo de Valencia y los marqueses de Zenete’, Imafronte, 19-20 (2008), pp. 63-74. 13 Mercedes Gómez-Ferrer, ‘Intervenciones de reconstrucción y restauración en El Palacio Real de Valencia durante el siglo XV’, in Actas del Sexto Congreso Nacional de Historia de la Construcción, ed. by Santiago Huerta Fernández et al. (Madrid: Instituto Juan de Herrera, 2009), pp. 629-37. 14 Mercedes Gómez-Ferrer, El Real de Valencia (1238-1810). Historia arquitectónica de un palacio desaparecido (Valencia: Institució Alfons el Magnànim, 2012). 15 For the Royal Chapel of Valencia, see the chapter by Callado Estela in this book. 16 Arciniega García, ‘Construcción, usos y visiones’, p. 130.

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also had a concealed balcony that allowed her to attend the ritual ceremonies from her chamber.17 The ceremonial use of the chapel encroached on the queen’s privacy, and Mary of Castile eventually decided to build a more modest oratory in her chambers, and she provided her private oratory with altarpieces and other devotional objects. In addition to the Real’s patios and ceremonial rooms, its aforementioned Llano served as a very important space for public ceremonies. It consisted of an open space with an irregular plan that led from the palace’s entrance to the river. Jousts, tourneys and bull-running were held there, as well as the ceremonial presentations of the monarch and his family, and also the viceroys; on these occasions members of the royal family would make an appearance on the palace balconies. Throughout the sixteenth century and up until the second half of the seventeenth century, when the kings no longer visited Valencia, the Llano served as a site for a range of public festivities. The viceroys used it to hold bull fights, masques and equestrian displays, which were staged to celebrate visits, victories, births, birthdays and weddings. A second festive space was provided by the magnificent gardens, kitchen gardens and menagerie; from the time of Alfonso ‘the Magnanimous’ and until the time of the Dukes of Calabria, an immense effort was made to ensure that these areas was maintained, as well as the gardens, which were the object of continued praise over the centuries from visitors, chroniclers and writers. The roofs too played a key role in the festivities held at Valencia’s Real. They were often used to display standards and flags, and there are many reports of them being lit up with torches on joyous occasions such as the king’s arrival, a prince’s birth or a military victory. Fireworks were also launched from the roofs and the numerous towers. The entrances, although modest in architectural terms, provided a support for the iconographic programmes that were created from the end of the sixteenth century and throughout the seventeenth on the occasions of the arrival of the king. For example, painted cloths were hung in the main entrance, which was slightly set back and faced the rambla, being located between the Torre de los Pajes [Tower of the Pages] and the Torre de los Ángeles [Tower of the Angels]. One of the most relevant rooms in terms of the representation of royalty was the Cambra dels Àngels [Chamber of the Angels], which was located in the Real nou, in the wing of the king’s apartments that looked onto the rambla. The king usually occupied this chamber and its importance was indicated by the design of the palace’s principal entrance, as well as the construction of a tower in 1441. From the sixteenth century onwards, a flag would be raised on this tower to signal the king’s presence prior to the celebration of a triumphal entry, as well as to mark other festive events such as victories, births or royal weddings. A number of depictions of the Real enable us to identify this chamber thanks to a shield painted on the façade in 1719. It was 17 Gómez-Ferrer, El Real de Valencia, p. 124.

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a large chamber spanned by rib vaults each comprising five keystones. The four main arches sprang from corbels in the form of angels bearing shields depicting the royal arms. The vaults were painted with four pairs of angels facing one another and each bore the arms of Aragon. It was in this chamber that the principal political rituals were staged, such as the opening of the king’s letters, the meeting of the Consejo Patrimonial [Finance Council], and royal receptions. From their balcony the monarchs would acknowledge the homage paid to them from those in attendance below in the Llano. In this chamber the portrait of the current king would be displayed beneath a canopy, along with an ancestral portrait series.18 Another of the Real’s ceremonial chambers was the Sala Mayor, or Grand Hall. It consisted of an extensive room located between the Torre de los Ángeles and Torre de la Reina [the Queen’s tower], in the palace’s southern wing. Manuel Caballero’s 1802 plan of the Real lists it as the portrait gallery. Also on the west side, between the patio grande and patio chico, or the queen’s patio, another important room was created, the Sala de Festejos [Hall of feasts]. It was used for ceremonies and festivals, and it was repeatedly used for celebrations during the viceroyalty of the Dukes of Calabria, above all due to its proximity to the Chapel of Saint Catherine, which aided the organization of a number of sacred festivities. The link established between the Sala de Festejos and the chapel became a common feature in European palaces, such as those in France, Burgundy, and also at the Palace of Coudenberg, in Brussels, and the Alcázar in Madrid. As Luis Arciniega has noted, the creation of this new room highlights a clear parallel between the Real and the Alcázar in Madrid, where the Sala de Comedias or Saraos [a room dedicated to theatrical performances] was installed close to the Royal Chapel.19 From 1578 onwards the Sala de Festejos was known as the Sala de los Alabarderos [Halberdiers’ Hall]. At the intersection of this room with the Sala Mayor, was the Sala del Dosel or del Estrado (named after the canopy and dais it contained). During the seventeenth century the latter room began to be called the Sala de Comedias, and as its name suggests plays were staged there. Therefore, rooms of the palace’s southern wing and the corridor between the patio grande and patio chico were converted into the monarchs’ principal ritual and official space through the organization of the ceremonial that governed the life of the court elite. Meanwhile the Llano continued to serve as the main space for public festivities.20 During the seventeenth century, despite the economic crisis, Valencia’s royal palace underwent an important transformation with regard to its external appearance. The façade was redesigned in order to ensure the palace conformed with the contemporaneous remodelling of the façades of other

18 Arciniega García, ‘Construcción, usos y visiones’, p. 131. 19 Arciniega García, ‘Construcción, usos y visiones’, p. 131. 20 Arciniega García, ‘Construcción, usos y visiones’, p. 133.

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royal residences, for which the compositional leitmotif was a rhythmic symmetrical configuration of architectural elements that effaced the irregularities and lack of geometry in various buildings.21 For example, reforms were made at Valsaín, Aranjuez and Madrid’s Alcázar by royal architects such as Juan Gómez de Mora. Drawing on the earlier practice of building wooden galleries along the façade facing the Llano, the renovation of the Real’s façade included the construction of an arched stone gallery with fenestrated balconies, so that the kings and viceroys could enjoy the festivities held in the Llano and be observed by the populace below. The chapel of Saint Catherine was also redesigned, and the final traces of the medieval building were effaced. In 1638 the king’s architect, Jerónimo de Villanueva, was commissioned to oversee the building of the gallery. In 1645 he went on to undertake the renovation of the stairway, which was transformed from being an open Gothic staircase, as was customary in Aragonese palaces, into one with several flights of stairs arranged around a stairwell. Evidently, both designs had to be approved at the Madrid court. Villanueva had been the architect of other royal buildings in the city of Valencia, such as the General Hospital, the Temple, the House of Moncada and the College of Saint George.

The Monastery of San Miguel de los Reyes: a Pantheon to Dethroned Kings In 1536 Doña Germaine of Foix (1488-1536), wife of Ferdinand of Aragon, the Duke of Calabria, stipulated in her will that a sum of money was to be spent on converting the old, and all but abandoned, fourteenth-century Cistercian Monastery of Sant Bernat de Rascanay, also known as the Monastery of Saint Bernat de la Huerta, into a Hieronymite monastery where she was to be buried. The monastery was located on the outskirts of Valencia and was at that time an obligatory stopping-off point for illustrious people prior to making their entry into Valencia.22 With the bequest of the vicereine’s property and income, the monastery’s chapel was provided with all the necessary adornments. The following year, the Duke of Calabria initiated the procedures to implement his wife’s dying wishes, and he would later choose it as the site for his own burial, a gesture which was perhaps prompted by Charles V’s refusal to allow him to be buried in the pantheon of the aforementioned Convent of Saint Dominic. It should be recalled that when Mencía of Mendoza’s future spouse granted her a chapel in 1535, this was made on the basis that she adhered to the Emperor’s express wish that the chapel must be solely for her, her

21 Gómez-Ferrer, El Real de Valencia, p. 179. 22 Luis Arciniega García, El monasterio de San Miguel de los Reyes (Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 2001), I, p. 48.

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parents, and her descendants. The emperor stood by his decision even after their marriage in 1541. For various reasons, building work was not begun until 1546, but the monastery’s construction immediately became one of the most important artistic projects undertaken in renaissance Valencia. As would later be the case at the Royal Monastery of El Escorial, the design of this new Hieronymite monastery in Valencia encompassed a number of functions: pantheon, commemorative church and a treasury for its founders’ property, including their library, relics and the artworks they bequeathed. The Duke of Calabria not only intended to bury his wife Doña Germaine at the monastery, but also his parents, as well as his siblings, who had been born in exile.23 This decision seemingly justifies the choice of name, Monastery of Saint Michael of the Kings [San Miguel de los Reyes], which may also invoke the particular Neapolitan devotion to the Three Magi or Wise Men, who the Neapolitan monarchs considered to be their ancestors. The monastery’s full name reflected the dukes’ special devotion to the Archangel Saint Michael. Arciniega rightly identified the monastery’s significance as a pantheon to the dethroned Royal House of Naples and as a refuge for the property that had been saved in their flight from Naples.24 Indeed, immediately after receiving papal approval, the bodies of Doña Germaine and one of the Duke’s sisters, who also supplied the monastery with liturgical ornaments and objects, were transferred there for burial. From the very outset the monastery’s function as a dynastic pantheon was not to the Emperor Charles V’s liking. Perhaps with the intention of alleviating this situation, the Duke named Charles V as sole heir to his property, but in his final will he devised a way of separating the monastery from the property to be inherited by the Emperor, thereby paving the way to its future consolidation. Furthermore, the Duke’s own funerary exequies took place in 1550 in the monastery itself; the cost of these celebrations came to the considerable sum of 6,500 pounds.25 The Duke of Calabria had requested Charles V to allow his senior architect or Maestro Mayor, Alonso de Covarrubias (1488-1570), to draw up the plans for the monastery’s renovation in collaboration with the master builder, Juan de Vidanya, who served under him. Covarrubias’s designs for this building, which incorporated a range of elements alluding to the Duke’s status, introduced the high renaissance architectural practice into Valencia,26 and between 1546 and 1552 it prompted an intense phase of renovating the city’s historic buildings. Although the monastery was not built in complete accordance with Covarrubias’s plans, due to its design undergoing transformations as different 23 The parents of Don Ferdinand of Aragon, Don Frederick III and doña Isabella del Balzo, were the king and queen of Naples and died in exile. Doña Germaine de Foix was Queen of Aragon through her marriage to Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’, King of Aragon. 24 Arciniega García, ‘Arquitectura a gusto de su majestad’, p. 193. 25 Arciniega García, El monasterio de San Miguel de los Reyes, I, p. 63. 26 Arciniega García, El monasterio de San Miguel de los Reyes, I, p. 116.

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architects became involved, the principal features of his architectural style were clearly apparent: the symmetry of the overall design, the church’s axial layout, the imperial stairway and the monumental façade flanked by towers.27 The original northern Cistercian cloister and its rooms were incorporated into the new design and a southern cloister and a stairway was built connected to it. The old church was extended both in terms of height and length, and a crossing and a raised upper choir was constructed. Naturally, the church’s architectural adornment was modified and an Albertian system was introduced by adding balconies and galleries, and by configuring the church as the centrepiece to the monastery complex. In the original design the Chapel of the Kings, a square space with an octagonal vault, had been placed in the east gallery of the southern cloister as a dynastic pantheon, but following various changes to the plans it was built on the west side. The Duke’s library was also eventually constructed above this chapel. The design of the church’s richly decorated façade comprised a niche flanked by two towers. In 1598 Francisco de Mora sent his designs for this latter element. The chosen iconography was the Three Magi and the Star, and the seventeenth-century workmanship bestowed a greater expressiveness and enhanced contrast of light and shadow than the austere decorative style that was developed at El Escorial. Apartments were also built to accommodate the dukes and other illustrious visitors, and these were later used by various monarchs. The reforms undertaken by Covarrubias, Vidanya and the other architects involved, created a monastic complex and a series of spaces that not only replaced the monastery’s medieval appearance with a renaissance classical vocabulary, but also reinforced the building’s role as a dynastic commemorative monument. However, the initial effort to complete the building was hampered fo­ llowing the Duke’s death in 1550, as the Emperor Charles V sought to hinder the construction work by taking possession of Doña Germaine’s legacy, and his son, Philip II, showed little interest in the project. Furthermore, the debts left by the Duke also interrupted progress, and it was not until the 1570s that serious building work got under way again. It was during this decade that the Hieronymite friars decided to incorporate a change to the designs and after 1578 a more plateresque design was implemented, which led to the southern cloister imitating the cloister of the Evangelists at El Escorial. Undoubtedly, in this case the new architectural choices were intended to laud and appeal to the king.28 Philip himself was able to see the latest building work in 1586 on his return from the Cortes held at Monzón, when he slept in the monastery’s apartments. From then on, the monastery became an obligatory stop for grandees prior to their entry into the city. Building work also slowed in the final decade of the sixteenth century, although an effort was made to provide the church with altarpieces. Then,

27 Arciniega García, ‘Arquitectura a gusto de su majestad’, I, p. 193. 28 Arciniega García, ‘Arquitectura a gusto de su majestad’, I, p. 195.

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during the first half of the seventeenth century, there was a renewed drive to conclude the building work, and this was above all focused on the completion of church. It was also in the first third of the seventeenth century that the cenotaphs attributed to Juan Miguel Orliens were built for the monastery’s founders. Their arrangement on either side of the presbytery evoked the royal tombs at El Escorial. Finally, in 1645 the Church was consecrated, the Holy Sacrament was transferred there, and the monastery’s founders were interred in the crypt. The idea of converting the Monastery of Saint Michael of the Kings into a pantheon of the Kings of Naples and the Dukes of Calabria is also reflected in the artworks installed in the church: the main altarpiece was dedicated to the three Kings’ origins along with a series of family portraits, both sculptures and paintings, which were left to the monastery at the death of Ferdinand of Aragon.29 The Duke and Duchess of Calabria, Don Ferdinand and Doña Mencía, also commissioned a pair of portraits painted on paper from Juan de Juanes, which were to be displayed in the prior’s cell in the monastery. According to David Gimilio, drawing on this precedent, Apolinario Larrago painted another double portrait of the dukes that was hung in the same cell. In addition, the Museo de Bellas Artes de Valencia conserves a series of portraits of Kings of Naples, which entered the museum following the monastery’s expropriation. It has been attributed to either Gregorio Bausá, who also painted the altarpiece of the Adoration of the Magi on the main altar, or to Antonio Bisquer. Gimilio rightly interprets this series as both a show of homage by the Hieronymite monks to their patron and his family, and an act of self-glorification for the monastery itself.30

Royal and Religious Festivals: The Use of Royal Sites and Urban Spaces to Forge Political Identity Over the course of the city of Valencia’s long and notable history, there were various spaces that traditionally served as sites for ceremonies and royal festivals, and these continued to be used to mark the visits made by the Habsburg monarchs. The route taken by the Corpus Christi celebration was the preferred itinerary for both political and religious procession. What is today the Plaza de la Virgen [Square of the Virgin] was its point of departure, which was the site of the city three principal authorities: the cathedral, Casa de la Ciudad [City Hall] and Palace of the Generalitat. Aside from this route there were other key sites where specific celebrations were held, such as the commemorations of Saint Vincent Ferrer, which took place in the open space in front of the

29 Arciniega García, ‘Arquitectura a gusto de su majestad’, II, p. 25. 30 David Gimilio Sanz, ‘La galería de retratos de la Casa Real de Aragón en Nápoles’, Potestas, 9 (2016), pp. 167-95.

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Convent of Saint Dominic. The royal visits likewise transferred celebrations to unequivocally royal space, the llano and the palace itself. However, a number of spaces within the city were also used for royal celebrations. For example, bullfighting and juegos de cañas [a chivalric contest fought with cane javelins] were staged in the market square, for which an arena was built with a royal gallery. The main room in the city’s Lounge was used as majestic setting for the most elaborate saraos [receptions accompanied by music and dancing], for which the nobility wore their finest clothes, and homage was paid to the monarch and his family with banquets and gifts. The use of these royal, civic and religious spaces by the Crown was intended to highlight its idea of a confessional monarchy and reinforce royal authority over the city. However, during religious celebrations the city’s spaces, streets and squares were also converted into sites for the display of a deep counter-reformation religiosity and street altars were set up along the route of the processions. During the early modern period festivals, and the spaces they were staged in, served to project an image of the composite monarchy as free from heresy. Needless to say, the Real was also a key setting for numerous royal celebrations throughout its lengthy history: the wedding of the Infanta Isabella (1376-1424), sister of Martin ‘the Humane’, to Don Jaime de Urgell, infant of Aragon, in June 1407; the wedding of Prince Alfonso to Mary of Castile in June 1415; the 1479 royal entry of King Ferdinand II of Aragon (1452-1516); and the royal entry of the Catholic Monarchs together in November 1481. On each occasion numerous reforms, extensions were undertaken as well as embellishments of the building’s decoration. However, it would be above all in the sixteenth century, with the appointment of Germaine of Foix and the Duke of Calabria as viceroys, that the Real would undergo a true transformation in order to accommodate almost two hundred and twenty servants and to host the diverse festive, musical and theatrical celebrations that were held at their Court, which was renowned for its great splendour.31 Until her wedding to Ferdinand of Aragon, Doña Germaine of Foix had resided as Vicereine, along with her second husband Johan, Duke of Brandenburg-Ansbach (1493-1525), in the Archbishop’s palace. She and Ferdinand made their entry into Valencia as viceroys on 28 November 1526 with an elaborate celebration, and from then on, they took up residence in the Real. The Duke of Calabria has been considered one of the most educated men of his day, with a particular sensibility for music and literature, and one of the most brilliant cultural eras of Valencian history is attributed to his patronage and influence. Following the death of Germaine of Foix, the Duke married again in 1541, this time to Doña Mencía of Mendoza, who also added to the decorative embellishment of Valencia’s Royal Palace, thanks to her rich dowry of Flemish tapestries, guadamecíes [painted and gilded leather wall hangings],

31 Martí Ferrando, ‘La corte virreinal valenciana el Duque de Calabria’, pp. 16-31.

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furnitures and paintings.32 Worthy of particular note is the impressive co­ llection of more than two hundred paintings which she contributed to the Real, which included a gallery of portraits that were displayed in the library she had built. It consisted of sixty-five effigies, similar to the Habsburg series displayed in the Netherlandish Palaces of Mechelen and Turnhout. Needless to say, aside from the library Mencía also encouraged further improvements to the palace, such as the construction of a stairway that led directly from her apartments to the magnificent royal gardens and the building of more chambers for her household.33 In addition to the reforms undertaken over the long period of these viceroys’ appointment, mention must also be made of the royal visits that led to a series of minor reforms, as well as the ephemeral splendour that was staged at the palace, which was enriched by the portable decorative elements that the king’s court with it. For example, in May 1528 the Emperor Charles V visited the city to swear to uphold the Valencian fueros and he resided in the palace for two weeks. As a result, a number of important reforms were made, and the palace rooms were also adapted to the needs of the monarch’s court. For example, the palace was hung with tapestries and a number of daises were installed for receptions. The swearing of the fueros took place in the Cathedral of Valencia, which thereby renewed the pact between the king and his kingdom, although on this occasion changes were made to the economic subsidy usually provided in exchange for upholding the fueros, which led to the Emperor’s oath to protect the latter being postponed. However, once this was completed the festivities that were held lasted for days, with walks, excursions to the Albufera, autos-de-fé, jousts, and a procession of the Blessed Sacrament.34 In December 1542 the Emperor returned accompanied by his son Philip II, to whom fealty was to be sworn as crown prince, which also gave rise to the Real undergoing numerous reforms and adaptations to prepare it for the planned festivities and receptions; in particular the plan of the Llano was regularized for the celebrations of a more public nature. For example, on the feast of the Immaculate Conception the prince and other gentlemen of the court played at the sortija [a contest in which participants displayed their horsemanship and use of the arms by lancing a hanging ring, a sortija]. Philip II made another visit to Valencia in 1564 in order to preside over the Cortes and swear to uphold the kingdom’s fueros, and on this occasion the Llano was the setting for a game of alcancías [a display of knightly prowess in which participants launched ceramic vessels filled with ashes or flowers 32 Juana Hidalgo Ogáyar, ‘Doña Mencía de Mendoza y su residencia en el Palacio Real de Valencia’, Archivo Español de Arte, 99 (2011), pp. 50-90. 33 Mercedes Gómez-Ferrer, ‘Le mécénat féminin à la cour d’Espagne au XVIe siècle: Isabelle du Portugal, Jeanne d’Autriche et le palais royal de Valence’, in Bâtir au féminin? Traditions et stratégies en Europe et dans l’Empire ottoman, ed. by Sabine Frommel and Juliette Dumas (Paris: Picard, 2013), pp. 71-78. 34 Martí Ferrando, ‘La corte virreinal valenciana el Duque de Calabria’, pp. 23-25.

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and used their shields to protect themselves]. Philip II’s final visit to Valencia was in 1586 and it was made in the company of his children Philip (III) and Isabella Clara Eugenia. It resulted in one of the most elaborate celebrations of the sixteenth century, with the city’s spaces once more being adapted to fête the king. As was customary, the monarch and his children spent two nights prior to their triumphal entry into the city in their apartments at Saint Michael of the Kings. Their stay provided a motive to undertake a major reform of the patio of the old palace, the Real vell. An entrance leading directly from the Llano was created and this gave greater access to other rooms and effaced many of the remaining Gothic elements. Thereby, the palace was better integrated into the city. In addition, at each end of the Real’s bridge impressive triumphal arches were built for the royal entry, and these were connected to one another by temporary galleries installed on either side. One can imagine the monarch being impressed by both the ephemeral and permanent additions made to the palace, which reinforced the link between the royal residence and the city. Needless to say, the king’s visit provided an opportunity to visit all the city’s convents and attend the religious celebrations held in the Cathedral during their stay, such as the feast of Saint Vincent Martyr and Candlemas. Of particular note, amongst these celebrations was the staging of victories from Philip II’s reign: Saint Quentin, the conquest of Peñón de los Vélez and the battle of Lepanto. Undoubtedly the most important event hosted by this palace was the double wedding of Philip III and Margaret of Austria-Styria and Isabella Clara Eugenia and the Archduke Albert of Austria. Since 1592, and prior to being granted the title of Duke of Lerma, Don Francisco de Sandoval y Rojas served as the Viceroy of Valencia and he resided in the Real. Following the death of the Duke of Calabria the Real had fallen into disrepair, but during this period the then Marquis of Denia showed great interest in converting the palace into a residence worthy of hosting the king and his court. For this purpose, the viceroy added a wooden passage to the front of the palace that linked the Torre de los Ángeles to the Torre de la Reina, which was at that time known as the Torre Quemada [Burnt Tower]. The Sala de los Ángeles [Salon of the Angels] was remodelled and a doorway was incoporated into the aforementioned passageway. The upper chapel was also redecorated, and ornaments and a sculpture were provided for the Maundy Thursday celebrations, and likewise changes were made to the Sala de los Saraos and other reception rooms. Don Francisco de Sandoval pursued these projects with great interest and used all his influence to ensure that the wedding of the king’s children was held in Valencia. Once the latter was confirmed in 1598, he began to prepare the visit, renewing the rooms’ decoration and undertaking a comprehensive restoration of the palace’s façade to make sure it was fitting for the illustrious guests. The forthcoming visit led to the involvement of the royal architect, Francisco de Mora, who made a series of designs for the king’s new bed chamber, which was to be installed in the chamber of the Torre Quemada,

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which thus placed the king and queen’s bed chambers closer to one another.35 In the seventeenth century, the viceroys also used these chambers as part of their residence, thereby replacing their old chambers in the Real vell. A series of original fresco paintings were created for the royal chambers and the chapel by the painter Vicente Requena. The white walls of the Sala de los Alabarderos were also restored and the Sala de los Saraos was repainted too. Another change made in the final decade of the sixteenth century was the substitution of the Real’s wooden bridge for a stone one. In good time for the royal wedding a new entrance for the Real was built, which involved demolishing part of the outer wall, and this served to highlight the new bridge’s prominence and appearance. The monarchs stayed for several months, from mid-February to early March 1599. The king arrived by sea from Denia, where the Duke had organized a reception and a series of festivities that lasted various days. After the wedding, the monarch spent the spring and summer months between Valencia and Denia, which was the seat of the Marquisate of Don Francisco de Sandoval. We have an extensive knowledge of the range of festivities held in Valencia for the royal couple thanks to a range of literary accounts, including a poetic description by Gaspar de Aguilar and more detailed chronicles by Juan Esquerdo and Felipe Gauna.36 The king entered Valencia on 19 February 1599, and Margaret arrived to make her triumphal entry nearly two months later. The monarch had spent the previous night in Catarroja, a village a few kilometres outside of Valencia, where he was welcomed by the city authorities in the Church of Saint Vincent, the ceremonial hand-kissing was performed, and the king’s retinue was decided upon. A canopy protected the king while he rode on horseback along the route from the Saint Vincent city gate to the cathedral, where he attended the Te deum Service and then returned to the city. By nightfall he arrived at the Real, where a pyrotechnic display of a ‘castle of fire’ was staged. The palace, the new bridge and the whole city were lit up by thousands of torches. The various ephemeral arches created for the event celebrated Philip III’s illustrious ancestry through references to figures from classical antiquity and the monarch’s ancestors from the kingdom of Aragon and the House of Austria. As a Christian monarch, during his stay Philip III attended the religious celebrations stipulated by the liturgical calendar, such as those that took

35 Arciniega García, ‘Construcción, usos y visiones’, p. 150. 36 Gaspar Aguilar, Fiestas nupciales que la ciudad y reino de Valencia han hecho al casamiento del rey don Felipe III (Valencia: Imprenta de Manuel Pau, 1910); Juan Esquerdo, Tratado copioso y verdadero, de la determinacio del gran Monarcha Phelipe II. para el casamiento del III. co[n] la Serenissima Margarita de Austria: y entradas de sus Magestades y Grandes por su orden en esta ciudad de Valencia: con las libreas, galas y fiestas q[ue] se hizieron (Valencia: Casa de Juan Grysostomo Garriz, 1599); and Felipe de Gauna, Relación de las fiestas celebradas en Valencia con motivo del casamiento de Felipe III (Valencia: Acción Bibliográfica Valenciana, 1926-1927), cap. LXIX, pp. 827-39.

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place in the Cathedral for the start of Lent. On the 28 February the monarch swore to uphold the Fueros in the Cathedral, for which a dais was installed in the crossing. It was adorned with carpets and an elaborate canopy was hung above it, and there was a throne and a kneeler for the hand-kissing ceremony. While waiting for the queen, the monarch was entertained with visits to the city’s various monasteries, devotional rituals, and diverse chivalric pursuits, masques, saraos, tourneys,… On Maundy Thursday the monarch fulfilled his ritual duty of washing the feet of thirteen paupers: after the mass held in the Royal Chapel he completed this display of humility in the adjoining Sala de los Alabarderos.37 The whole court later undertook a nocturnal procession that passed in front of the most important religious buildings, before returning to the palace. With regard to Queen Margaret of Austria-Styria, she was greeted at Vinaroz, a small port in the north of the kingdom, having arrived there from Genoa. On her way to Valencia, she visited the convents under royal patronage, such as the Monastery of Our Lady of the Puig. She stayed in Sagunto, 14 kilometres from Valencia, until 17 April, and once Easter week was over her residence was transferred to the Monastery of Saint Michael of the Kings, where she went to welcome the king. Having spent the night there the following day, she made her triumphal entry. The wedding ceremony was held in the Cathedral and officiated by the Patriarch Don Juan de Ribera. The wedding was concluded with a magnificent banquet in the Real’s main salon. In the palace everything had been made ready for the celebrations that were to be held, especially in the main rooms. For example, during carnival saraos, masques and banquets took place in the palace and various residences of members of the nobility serving in the king’s retinue. The palace’s Sala Grande was decorated for the occasion with the tapestry series The Conquest of Tunis, which had been made by Willem van Pannemaker using cartoons by Jan Cornelisz Vermeyen and Pieter Coecke van Aelst. A magnificent canopy bearing the royal arms at its centre was installed. It was supported by a figure representing Fortune richly adorned with pearls, diamonds and precious stones. Thereby, the monarchs could eat beneath Fortune’s protection.38 It was probably what was known as the Dosel de la Virtud [Canopy of Virtue], and it is listed with the throne that accompanied it in inventories from the reign of Philip II up until that of Charles II.39 The same decorative programme comprising the tapestries of The Conquest of Tunis and the canopy was used subsequently to decorate one of the rooms in the Convent of Los Jerónimos for the Queen’s entry into Madrid, which confirms the idea of the Spanish 37 The ritual washing of the feet of the thirteen paupers, as well as the meal and alms provided for them on Maundy Thursday was definitively established in the Etiquetas Generales de Palacio [General Palace Etiquettes] in 1651. 38 Gauna, Relación de las fiestas, II, pp. 493-94. 39 Dolores María del Mar Mármol Marín, Joyas en las colecciones reales de Isabel la Católica a Felipe II (Madrid: Fundación Universitaria Española, 2001), p. 302.

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court as still maintaining an itinerant dimension, given that elaborate tapestries could be transferred to wherever court ceremonies were to be held.40 Returning to Valencia, Aguilar’s poem places great emphasis on the wealth of the decoration displayed in the palace and the impression that Philip III’s itinerant court had upon all those in his service.41 For both the king and the queen’s entries, the entrance to the Real was decorated with painted wall hangings that reproduced ephemeral arches. For the queen, Juan de Sariñena painted a triumphal arch with the depictions of four goddesses: Pallas, Diana, Juno and Venus, in addition to two scenes from the life of Charles V, his coronation and his victory over the Turks. The Real’s Llano was the setting for a range of festivities, for which a range of stages were set up: games of alcancía on the Monday after the nuptials and a chivalric tourney on the Tuesday. The Market Square was also enclosed with a gallery for the monarch, and bullfights and juegos de cañas were held there, as well as jousts. From the seventeenth century onwards, royal visits were less frequent and shorter. In 1604, during Christmas, Philip III returned to Valencia in order to preside over the Cortes. He was accompanied by the Princes of Savoy and all of them stayed at the Convent of Saint Dominic, where the Cortes were held. Other festivities also took place, as well as the customary hand-kissing ceremony, musical celebrations, masses, and, of course, fireworks were launched over the Llano. In 1632 Philip IV visited Valencia, along with his brothers, Infante Charles (1607-32) and the Cardinal-Infante Don Ferdinand (1609-41). For this occasion, the king’s harbinger and senior architect, Juan Gómez de Mora, designed an arena for a masque that was held in the Llano, and this space was also used to set off fireworks on a number of nights. In 1645 the monarch would return to preside once more over the Cortes, along with his son Balthasar Charles. Given that the visit had been announced two years before, a series of improvements and reforms were made, and these resulted in the construction of a new staircase in the Main Patio of the Real nou thereby substituting the Gothic one that until then had not been replaced. The king’s visit was not celebrated in great style, as it was raining when he arrived hardly any torchlight processions were held or fireworks launched. This was the last visit of a Habsburg monarch to the city of Valencia; during the seventeenth century, religious festivals were more numerous than political ones. The second half of the century was much less resplendent for Valencia’s Real. The scarce duration of the viceroys’ appointments, which lasted only two or three years, meant that it was not possible to establish an extensive court. Yet, despite the fact that Philip IV would not visit Valencia again, and 40 Jenaro Alenda y Mira, Relaciones de solemnidades y fiestas públicas de España (Madrid: Pedro Roca. Sucesores de Rivadeneyra, 1903), p. 130. 41 ‘Everyone at the palace was astounded / so many noble attendants, / so many laden tables, so many dishes, / so many gallant young men, to whom it befalls / to adore the portraits of the ladies, / so many gilded curtains, such pomp, / so many drums, so many trumpets’, in Aguilar, Fiestas nupciales, p. 68.

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Charles II never travelled to his Valencian kingdom, the Real did not suffer a complete decline. Viceroys of the second half of the seventeenth century such as Luis Guillermo de Moncada, Duke of Montalto, Gaspar Felipe de Guzmán y Mexía, Marquis of Leganés (1666-67), and Carlos Homo Dei Moura, Marquis of Castel Rodrigo (1691-96), undertook a range of reforms, such as repairs to the Sala de los Alabarderos and the restoration of the Chapel of Saint Catherine following the severe damage it suffered due to flooding in 1651. Due to short duration of their appointments the viceroys would even live there without their wives. There were only two exceptions to this, the viceroyalty of the Duke of Montalto and that of Gonzaga Orsini, Count of Paredes. The former’s period of office is of special interest, as he brought an extensive Court with him and luxurious furnishings from Sicily, carriages, paintings, tapestries, and in addition he made significant changes to the palace’s rooms, enlarging and embellishing them.42 Nor did the king’s absence from the city lead to the festive use of public spaces being abandoned. The Llano del Real was, for example, one of the sites where an oath was sworn during the festival of the exaltation of the throne. As was customary in the cities of the Spanish Monarchy, the proclamation of a new king took place in the form of a procession, led by the Royal Ensign Real bearing the royal standard, which had to be raised on three stages to proclaim the king. In Valencia these three spaces were the Llano del Real, the square in front of the cathedral, and the Market Square. The palace balconies were also used by the viceroy to announce the start of the most important celebrations held in Valencia, the centenary of her reconquest. The royal palace was likewise incorporated into funerary celebrations, given that one of the three official announcements that official exequies were to commence was made from there, the others being made from the Archbishop’s palace and the Market Square. On the day prior to the funerary celebration, a mourning retinue made its way to the palace in order to formally invite the viceroy to attend the mass that was to take place the following day. For example, this protocol was followed for Philip IV’s exequies.43 The city of Valencia, as a royal city, also became a setting for the principal Habsburg devotions.44 Not only were the festivities stipulated by the liturgical calendar held, along with exceptional religious celebrations, and on occasions these were imposed by the Monarchy in the face of resistance from the Valencian population.45

42 Gómez-Ferrer, El Real de Valencia, p. 195. 43 Antonio Lázaro de Velasco, Fvnesto Geroglifico Enigma del maior dolor que en representaciones mudas manifestó la mui noble, antigua, leal, insigne, y coronada Ciudad de Valencia; en las onrras de su Rey Felipe el Grande 4o en Castilla y 3o en Aragon (Valencia: Geronimo Vilagrasa, 1666). 44 See Mínguez and Rodríguez, La piedad de la Casa de Austria. 45 An example of this is provided by the declaration of the sanctity of the Saints John of Matha and Felix of Valois, see Víctor Mínguez, ‘La declaración de antigua santidad de san Juan de

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Tridentine Catholicism, sacred imagery and baroque festival culture thereby also played a key role in the process of integrating the Kingdom of Valencia into the Habsburg monarchy’s composite structure, and the viceroy’s initiatives and vigilance were likewise highly influential in this process. In Valencia, the festivities related to the devotion of Corpus Christi and the Immaculate Conception, as well as the revered saints of the Spanish Monarchy, such as Saint Theresa of Jesus, Saint Francis Xavier, Saint John of Matha and Saint Felix of Valois. In regard to this, considerable impact was had by Saint Juan de Ribera with his staunch defence of the Catholic Reformation and his patronage of the cult of the Eucharist,46 which was above all promoted through his foundation of the Royal College Seminary of the Corpus Christi of Valencia in 1587. The festivities held in the city to commemorate his beatification ‘literally’ converted him into a staunch defender of Catholicism. The centenary of the canonization of Saint Vincent Ferrer, the Valencian saint par excellence, took place in 1455 and its feast day became one of the most spectacular festivities of the early modern period. The saint’s importance for the city was signalled by his being omnipresent in all royal entries, and the ephemeral decorations would link the monarch’s genealogy to depictions of him.47 In 1600 the city was presented with a relic of this saint and a solemn procession was organized from the house where the saint had been born to the cathedral. There the Patriarch Juan de Ribera held a sombre service and preached the sermon, following which the city was illuminated by torchlight processions and fireworks, while other festivities and poetry recitals took place. The estemeed relic, which the patriarch had obtained for his college, was put on display for a number of days in the Casa de la Ciudad [City Hall], watched over by monks, so that the people could make show their devotion to it accordingly. The seventeenth century was especially plentiful in terms of the beatification and canonization of Valencian saints, which gave rise to a series of pious urban festivals: Saint Vincent Martyr, Saint Raymond of Penyafort, Saint Louis Beltrán, Saint Ignatius of Loyola, Saint Thomas of Villanueva, Saint Francis Borgia and Saint Peter Pascual. Mention should also be made of the Venerable Father Francisco Jerónimo Simón, who was the object of intense devotion, and solemn honours were held for him throughout the kingdom in 1612. Simón’s followers, also known as Simonistas, even caused a number of disturbances in the city, such as when they sought to include a statue of the venerable father in the façade of the Convent of Saint Dominic while it

Mata y san Félix de Valois. Celebrando santos inciertos. Valencia, 1668’, in Fernando Quiles (ed.), A la luz de Roma. Santos y santidad en el Barroco iberoamericano, forthcoming. 46 Emilio Callado Estela (ed.), El patriarca Ribera y su tiempo. Religión, cultura y política en la Edad Moderna (Valencia: Institución Alfonso el Magnánimo, 2012). 47 Mínguez et al., La fiesta barroca. El reino de Valencia, pp. 56 onwards.

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was under construction. His failed beatification became a source of conflict between wide sectors of Valencian society during the seventeenth century. Spectacular festivities were likewise held for the transfer of the sculpted image of the Virgen de los Desamparados [Our Lady of the Forsaken] to its new chapel in 1667, which was organized by the Viceroy, the Marquis of Leganés, on the orders of Queen Marianne and Charles II. And during one day of the celebrations an act of devotion to Charles II was held and the statue’s new chapel was decorated with emblems alluding to the king’s virtues. Ephemeral altars, the city’s Rocas [wooden devotional sculptures] and triumphal ca­ rriages were all adorned and made their way through their city in processions, which included the participation of the Viceroy and all the city authorities, which thereby disseminated an unequivocal spirit of Tridentine devotion to the saints, while forging a sacralized and cohesive image of the city. The Llano del Real was also used as a setting for tourneys, such as for example the magnificent nocturnal tourney held by the Valencian nobility for the canonization of Saint Francis Borgia in 1671, of which engravings record the emblematic devices borne by the knights who participated.48 In addition, the palace when lit by torchlight took on a spectacular appearance, and from its terraces the customary fireworks were launched. Undoubtedly, it was the series of papal approvals for the worship of the Immaculate Conception in 1622 and 1662 that gave rise to a great many devotional rites and festivities, above all due to the special link between this devotion and the Spanish Monarchy.49 Torchlight processions, castles of fire, an encamisadas [displays of martial prowess], races with lances in the Llano, octavarios [eight-day religious celebrations] and, above all, magnificent processions in which triumphal carriages and the city’s Rocas followed the route used for the Corpus celebrations, all mobilized a wholly novel display of symbolic complexity and artistic wealth.50 The viceroy, the Marquis of Camarasa, played a seminal role in the 1662 celebrations, and organized a solemn mass and sermon in the Convent of Saint Francis, a literary competition, a competition of lancers in the Market Square and the performance of a play.51

48 Benito Sapena, Obseqvioso elogio, plavsible jvbilo, que en festejo militar, dispvso el afecto con el regozijo á la felize Canonizacion del glorioso San Francisco de Borja, á cuya celebridad dedicó la Nobleza Valenciana vn luzido Torneo sustentado en 25. de Octubre del presente año 71. en el espacioso Campo del llano del Real (Valencia: por Benito Macé, año 1671). 49 Juan Nicolas Creuhades, Solenes y grandiosas festas qve la noble y leal Civdad de Valencia ha hecho por el nuevo Decreto que la Santidad de Gregorio XV ha concedido en fauor de la inmaculada Concepcion de María Madre de Dios y Señora nuestra, sin pecado original concebida (Valencia: Pedro Patricio Mey, 1623); and Juan Bautista de Valda, Solenes fiestas, qve celebro Valencia, a la Inmaculada Concepcion de la Virgen María. Por el svpremo decreto de N.S.S. Pontifice Alexandro VII (Valencia: Geronimo Vilagrasa, 1663). 50 Pilar Pedraza, Barroco efímero en Valencia (Valencia: Ayuntamiento, 1982). 51 Fracisco de la Torre y Sebil, Luzes de la Aurora, días del Sol, en las fiestas de la que es sol de los días, y Aurora de las Luzes, María Santissima […] (Valencia: Gerónimo Villagrasa, 1665).

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Valencia as a city unequivocally demonstrated its devotion to the Immaculate Conception and in both 1622 and 1662, when it swore its devotion to Mary’s Immaculate Conception. Even though the arrival of the Bourbons led to changes in the Kingdom of Valencia’s political status this did not result in demotion of either the Real’s or the city’s royal status, which only happened with the demolition of the palace complex in 1810. In 1714 the announcement of a visit to be made by Queen Elizabeth Farnese (1714-46) prompted a review and report on the palace, which was undertaken by Father Tomás Vicente Tosca, architect and theologian, and this gave rise to a series of repairs being made. As it turned out, the queen did not visit the city and it was Philip V who benefited from the improvements made to the palace during his brief visit in May 1719.52 The parallel drawn by Luis Arciniega between the Real and the Buen Retiro palace, is fundamental to understand the Real’s relevance over the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, when its glorious years as royal residence of the Aragonese monarchs had come to an end. The Buen Retiro was conceived as a royal residence and stage upon which to represent the king’s power, while the Valencian palace was transformed ‘into a residence of delegated power, and it served only sporadically as the residence of the king himself; instead its principal function was to evoke the presence and power of the absent king’.53 Both palaces disappeared in the first decade of the nineteenth century, thereby leaving just recollections of their past glory as royal palaces and settings for the political and religious festivals of the Spanish Monarchy.

52 Mercedes Gómez-Ferrer and Joaquín Bérchez, ‘El Real de Valencia en sus imágenes arquitectónicas’, Reales Sitios, 158 (2003), p. 38. 53 Arciniega García, ‘Construcciones, usos y visiones’, p. 159.

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Fig. 9.1.  Illustration drawn by Antonio Rodríguez and engraved by Pedro Vicente Rodríguez, View of the Royal Palace of Valencia, c. 1807. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España.

Fig. 9.2.  George Vivian, Surroundings of Valencia with the Convent of San Miguel de los Reyes Valencia in the background. c. 1833-37 drawing. Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España.

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Power, Politics and Religion The Viceregal Court and the Royal Convents in the Kingdom of Sardinia (15th-17th Centuries)*

The Spaces of the Court of Cagliari Many similarities existed between the capitals of the Spanish Monarchy where the king was not physically present. They shared a common urban layout characterized by the Royal Palace, which housed the Viceroy and his Court, and which was also the place where the law courts and Crown offices were located. In fact, in the absence of the king and his ministers who assisted him in the task of governing, it was the presence of the king’s main representative and the realm’s leading judicial bodies that distinguished the capital from the other cities of the same domain.1 The passage of time was also marked in a similar way in the various capitals: the viceroy’s installation ceremonies were held from time to time, all of them more or less alike, given that, however different the formulas may have been, there was always a triumphal procession that culminated in the viceroy swearing an oath to respect the laws and customs of the kingdom in keeping with the Aragonese Monarchy’s policy of governing through separate pacts; the liturgical calendar also marked out the feast days to be celebrated solemnly, while jubilees or occasions of mourning involving the royal family were honoured in similar fashion and simultaneously in every city. And yet, the similarities of spaces and times did not mean that there weren’t profound differences between the Habsburg capitals, from Naples, Europe’s largest city in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, to Majorca, heart of the homonymous ‘hidden kingdom’ which coincided with the Balearic islands.2 Each of the Habsburg capitals had its own characteristics that depended on



* I would like to thank Fabrizio Tola for accepting to discuss this paper with me and Fred Sengmueller for his translation. 1 Marino Berengo, L’Europa delle città. Il volto della società urbana extraeuropea tra Medioevo e di Età moderna (Turin: Einaudi, 1999), pp. 26-38. 2 The expression has been borrowed from the title of Ernest Belenguer Cebriá’s beautiful book, Un reino escondido: Mallorca de Carlos V a Felipe II (Madrid: Sociedad para la Conmemoración de los Centenarios de Felipe II y Carlos V, 2000). Nicoletta Bazzano • University of Cagliari Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 267-282.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123291

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a number of factors ranging from the city’s or the Kingdom’s own particular history, to historical details behind the urban layout, the political situation at the time and economic trends. Cagliari was the capital of the Kingdom of Sardinia, a little known island, exotic in the eyes of all the Catholic King’s other subjects, so that it had even earned the epithet of the ‘Indias por acá’ [the Indies of here].3 Moreover, in comparison with the other capitals, it was a small town: in the first parliament of Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’, celebrated between 1481 and 1485, for the purpose of distributing the donative, 848 households were counted, equivalent to slightly more than 5,000 persons; at the beginning of the seventeenth century a new fiscal census counted 1,967 households for a total of 12,000 persons, a figure that would nearly double by the end of the century. Thus, Cagliari had a tiny number of inhabitants compared to the other capitals of the Monarchy,4 while the entire population of Sardinia during the Spanish period amounting to roughly 300,000. A small capital city in a thinly populated island kingdom, useful in the Habsburg Mediterranean as a defensive bastion of the Catalan coasts against the raids of the Barbary corsairs and Ottoman Turks, Cagliari certainly did not have large resources to invest in public urban building projects. In addition, the small area on which the Castle was built, the town’s most important neighbourhood, set aside for public offices and noble residences – a conscious choice made at the time of the Aragonese conquest (1326) – meant renovation was difficult in the sense of the kind of visual upgrading of the urban landscape that was being tried out in many other capitals of the Spanish Monarchy between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Nonetheless, Sardinia’s most important city managed to retain its pre-eminent position on the island effectively struggling against its rival Sassari, which challenged its primacy by cultivating a pleasant appearance. The Epitome de Cerdeña y Caller su corte, is a description of the city as it appeared in the second half of the seventeenth century written by the Piarist Efisio Giuseppe Soto Real, pseudonym of Efisio Giuseppe Siotto, a native of the Sardinian town of Nuraminis.5 A prolific writer, he founded the Piaris School of Tempio in Sardinia after having given a good account of himself in various





3 The comparison between the indian and the inhabitants of Sardinia is made, for example, in AHN, Inquisición, bundle 766, fol. 75, Luis de Cotes to the General Inquisitor, Castellaragonese, 18 October 1546, in Giancarlo Sorgia, ‘Due lettere inedite sulle condizioni del clero e dei fedeli in Sardegna nella prima metà del secolo XVI’, in Atti del Convegno di Studi religiosi sardi (Padova: Cedam, 1963), pp. 97-106. 4 The calculation is based on the assumption that every household comprised 6 persons: cfr. Francesco Corridore, Storia documentata della popolazione di Sardegna (1479-1901) (Turin: Carlo Clausen, 1902). Less generous estimates by Paolo Malanima, L’economia italiana. Dalla crescita medievale alla crescita contemporanea (Bologna, Il Mulino, 2002): he believes that Cagliari had 10,000 inhabitants at the beginning of the seventeenth century and 20,000 thousand at the beginning of the nineteenth. In any case, Palermo in the sixteenth century had 50,000 inhabitants, Milan 100,000, Naples 150,000 and the population of these towns is thought to have increased and even doubled during the course of the seventeenth century. 5 Pietro Martini, Biografia sarda (Cagliari: reale stamperia, 1838), III, pp. 154-61; Pasquale Tola, Dizionario degli uomini illustri di Sardegna (Turin: Tipografia Chirio e Mina, 1857), I, pp. 225-27.

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Piarist institutes, especially in Nursia. Between the second half of the 1660s and the early 1670s, Soto Real was removed from Sardinia to Madrid after being accused of having taken part in the conspiracy against the viceroy, Manuel de los Cobos, Marquis of Camarasa (1665-68).6 In Madrid, however, Soto Real continued his work as a priest and preacher and obtained considerable success before going on to become a writer and publishing, among other works, the Epitome de Cerdeña y Caller su corte in 1672 which is a brief descriptive account of the Kingdom of Sardinia and of Cagliari, its most important city, seat of the viceregal court. The success of this booklet and the ‘repeated requests by several Gentlemen and Ministers’,7 resulted in a second edition of the work appearing in 1678 with a dedication to don Pedro de Aragón Folc, duke of Cardona.8 The Epitome contains a first section which deals with the history of Sardinia that begins from the mythical landing of Sardus, son of Libyan Hercules, who gave the island its current name. The text goes on to provide a geopolitical tour a brief description of the six provinces into which the island was divided – Cagliari, Arborea, Barbagia, Gallura, Sassari and Logudoro – and of its various royal cities – Cagliari, Sassari, Oristano, Iglesias, Alghero, Castellaragonese and Bosa – and a list of the religious dignitaries, all appointed by the King. This is followed by a list of the Sardinian nobility, which also includes the sovereign himself since ‘His Majesty is not just King of Sardinia and as such possesses all rights in every part of the Kingdom and surrounding islands, but in Sardinia itself he is the marquis of Oristano, count of Goceano: a title that His majesty includes among his privileges’.9 The work concludes with a praise of the city of Cagliari arranged in alphabetical order: a list from A to Z of the various saints who lived or were born there, as well as another list, also in alphabetical order, of all the city’s honorific titles and which was gleaned from classical and modern authors. An important part of the text is reserved for the city of Cagliari, the island’s main port and seat of the Court.10 The description of the city’s layout is extremely concise: Cagliari is a fortified town endowed with twelve bastions and towers and fortresses ‘of a very sturdy and beautiful construction’.11 The second half of the seventeenth century marked the conclusion of the long process of reinforcing the city’s bastions which had begun in the first half of the sixteenth century and had consumed most of the kingdom’s resources, as well as the energies of a considerable work force under the direction of

6 Cfr. infra. 7 The first edition was lost, Efisio Giuseppe Soto Real, Epitome de Cerdeña y Caller su corte (s.l. [Madrid]: 1678), p. 1r. 8 On this figure and his importance as a patron see Diana Carrió Invernizzi, El gobierno de las imágenes. Ceremonial y mecenazgo en la Italia española de la segunda mitad del siglo XVII (Madrid: Iberoamericana, 2008). 9 Soto Real, Epitome de Cerdeña y Caller su corte, fol. 17v. 10 Soto Real, Epitome de Cerdeña y Caller su corte, fol. 11v. 11 Soto Real, Epitome de Cerdeña y Caller su corte, fol. 13v.

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military architects renowned in Europe such as Rocco Capellino and the members of the Paleari Fratino family.12 Furthermore – as Soto Real pointed out – the city Cagliari enjoyed political importance because of the presence of the Viceroy and the Kingdom’s leading law courts. It was the location of the tribunals – the Reale Udienza which was divided into two sections, civil and criminal; the court of the royal Procurator and the Vicariate – but not of the Tribunal of the Inquisition which had been moved to Sassari in 1563, of the nobility and of the most important military commands, as well of as numerous religious and educational institutions. Besides the Cathedral, there were three collegiate churches. In addition to the university, the city was also host to four colleges destined for scholastic training: one belonging to the Cathedral, one to the City, one to the Society of Jesus and one to the Piarists. The Society of Jesus could also boast of four houses, each with its own rector. Various religious monuments contributed to embellishing the urban landscape: the Basilica of Saint Saturnino; the elevated sanctuary on the site of the prison of Saint Efisio; and the crypt inside the cathedral containing the bones of ‘Cagliari’s countless saints’,13 martyrs whose remains had been discovered in the city’s surroundings during the early seventeenth century. The city was also the headquarters of the consulates of other nations: French; Florentine; Genoese, who congregated in the church of Saint Catherine; Sicilians who worshiped in the church of Saint Rosalia. Significantly, Soto Real does not devote much attention to the Royal Palace, the seat of the Court. In describing it he says that the main hall was

12 Dionigi Scano, Forma Kalaris (Cagliari: Società ed. italiana, 1934); Maddalena Rigoldi, Lo sviluppo urbano di Cagliari: da piazzaforte a città moderna, in Studi sardi, 18 (1962-63), pp. 570603; Antonio Romagnino, Cagliari-Castello: passato e presente di un centro storico (Milan: Electa, 1982); Massimo Rassu, Baluardi di pietra. Storia delle fortificazioni di Cagliari (Cagliari: Aipsa, 2003). Particular aspects of the fortification works are covered in Sabrina Cisci, ‘Cagliari Bastione di San Rémy. Indagini archeologiche presso il complesso monumentale Passeggiata Coperta-Porta dei Due Leoni’, ArcheoArte, 1 (2010), pp. 117-43; Andrea Pirinu, ‘Forma e progetto della piazzaforte di Cagliari nel periodo 1552-1578. L’arrivo degli specialisti Rocco Capellino e i Paleari Fratino’, in Identità e frontiere. Politica, economia e società nel Mediterraneo (secc. XIV-XVIII), ed. by Lluis Guía Marin, Gianfranco Tore and Maria Grazia Rosamaria Mele (Milan: Franco Angeli, 2005), pp. 200-17; ID., ‘La piazzaforte di Cagliari nel Cinquecento. Il disegno della tenaglia di San Pancrazio. Comparazioni stilistiche/costruttive’, Theologica & Historica. Annali della Pontificia Facoltà teologica della Sardegna, 22 (2013), pp. 395-416. 13 Soto Real, Epitome de Cerdeña y Caller su corte, fol. 15r. About this question, see Anna Saiu Deidda, ‘Il Santuario dei Martiri a Cagliari. Le testimonianze di S. Esquirrro e J.F. Carmona’, in Annali della Facoltà di Magistero dell’Università degli Studi di Cagliari, 10 (1980), pp. 111-52; ID., ‘Una nuova lettura del Santuario dei Martiri nel duomo cagliaritano sulla base di alcune considerazioni di Giovanni Spano’, Studi sardi, 25 (1978-80), pp. 95-107; Donatella Mureddu, Donatella Salvi and Grete Stefani, Sancti innumerabiles. Scavi nella Cagliari del Seicento: testimonianze e verifiche (Cagliari: S’Alvure, 1988); Antioco Piseddu, L’arcivescovo Francesco Desquivel e la ricerca delle reliquie dei martiri cagliaritani nel secolo XVII (Cagliari: Edizioni della Torre, 1997).

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hung with the portraits of all the viceroys, beginning with the Infante don Alfonso just like the great hall of the archbishop’s palace was decorated with portraits of all the archbishops of Cagliari, from Saint Clement, pope and martyr, the city’s first archbishop. Soto Real’s silence about the Royal Palace, the centre of courtly life, is justified by the building’s general simplicity and the tumultuous events it had undergone over the centuries. In fact, the building which served as the venue for the Court had been chosen between 1326 and 1327 by the Infante Alfonso, later King Alfonso IV ‘the Kind’ (1327-36), following the Aragonese military victory over the Pisans. Alfonso, who had initially camped outside the walls of Cagliari, after his enemies had been defeated and put to flight, decided to take up residence in the Castello di Castro, the fortified part of the town. He installed himself right in the Castle complex overlooking the main square where the cathedral and the buildings of the archbishop’s curia were situated, and where between 1330 and 1332 the town council had been authorized to build its own meeting place. From that moment on, the palace became the main seat of the Sovereign and his Lieutenant. Property of the curia, over the course of time, it had to undergo a number of alterations in order to suit the needs of government: during the course of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries the interior spaces were redesigned in keeping with the requirements of a more centralized administration. However, it turned out to be extremely difficult to enlarge the building harmoniously since its location on the edge of a cliff meant there was little space on the sides for expansion. Thus, the palace grew haphazardly, every time it became necessary to add a new space until it comprised more than forty rooms.14 Its size, however, wasn’t matched by its magnificence as the tiny resources available for upkeep made it difficult to maintain. Luis Guillermo de Moncada, Duke of Montalto, upon arriving in Cagliari in 1644 to take up the post of viceroy (1644-49), complained about the building assigned to him which was almost in a state of ruin and he ordered the immediate repair of the floors that were without covering, of the roofs full of cobwebs and the rooms that had no doors or keys.15 Even worse was that Moncada had come 14 Bruno Anatra, Il palazzo nella storia, la storia nel palazzo, in Il Palazzo regio di Cagliari (Sassari: Ilisso, 2000), pp. 7-21. 15 ACA, Consejo de Aragón, bundle 1337, cit. in Francesco Manconi and Carlo Pillai, ‘Feste cagliaritane e cerimonie di palazzo’, in Il Palazzo regio di Cagliari, 171-83 (p. 171); on the state of the palace upon the arrival of viceroy Moncada and on his disappointment see Ida Mauro and Valeria Manfrè, ‘Le “obras superfluas” di Luigi Guglielmo Moncada. La rappresentazione del potere vicereale a Cagliari nella “crisi” degli anni Quaranta del Seicento’, in Cagliari and Valencia in the Baroque Age. Essays on Art, History and Literature, ed. by Alessandra Pasolini and Rafaella Pilo (Valencia: Albatros, 2016), pp. 183-213; on Moncada see Rafaella Pilo, Luigi Guglielmo Moncada e il governo della Sicilia (1635-1639): gli esordi della carriera di un ministro della Monarquía Católica (Caltanissetta: Sciascia, 2008); Lina Scalisi and Rita Loredana Foti, ‘Il governo dei Moncada’ in La Sicilia dei Moncada. Le corti, l’arte e la cultura nei secoli XVIXVII, ed. by Lina Scalisi (Catania: Domenico Sanfilippo Editore, 2008), pp. 43-54.

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to Cagliari with a numerous household which appeared to be impossible to lodge in the narrow spaces allotted to it. But the problems besetting the royal residence were not resolved by the viceroy or by his successors: every time works were undertaken they were only done partially and were never able to solve, once and for all, the critical issues, some of them very serious, that had resulted from a history ad hoc additions – tottering roofs, crooked stairways, collapsing beams, worn out tapestries, humidity, bad smells… For that matter, most of the ceremonies celebrated for the greater glory of the Crown and its Viceroy did not take place inside the palace, which had been conceived as a private residence and administrative centre, but – like in all the capitals of Europe during this period – in the open air, so as to allow the presence of crowds of onlookers who would ensure the success of the festivities and endorse their propaganda value. While the documentary evidence on this is fragmentary, possibly due to the lack of a literary tradition that had deep roots elsewhere, the ceremonies involving the Viceroy, the island nobility, the great officers and the people of Cagliari were held in the square in front of the palace and the Cathedral: but this wasn’t a regularly shaped square, nor even a very large one, but only an asymmetrical widening arranged on several levels – the true square itself and the little square annexed to it, in front of the Cathedral – and characterized by the presence of noble residences with their facades.16 It was here that the ceremonies took place that marked public life in Cagliari, where the festivities celebrated throughout the Monarchy were reproduced again on the municipal stage and which defined the square, much more so than did the Viceroy’s residence, as being the authentic royal space in which to represent and display monarchical power. When festive occasions were celebrated, the square was reached by a long procession that wound its way through the streets, either starting from the dock, then moving along the via Barcellona and, thus, away from the sea, before it climbed up to the Gate of the Dogana [Customs], or alternately, starting from the church of the Vergine di Bonaria, entering the city through the Gate of the Leoni [Lions], then taking the main street that debouched into the area in front of the Cathedral and the Royal Palace. The dock was the starting point for the processions celebrated in 1618 and which marked the transfer to the specially built crypt of relics that had been found in the necropolis of Saint Lucifero on the outskirts of the city. The festivities went on for a whole week, during the daytime with processions that involved all the members of Cagliari’s society – the Viceroy, the civic authorities, the confraternities, royal judges and citizens, nobleman, religious orders, officials, the clergy… – and at night with magnificent fireworks. The

16 Marcello Schirru, ‘Piazza Palazzo e la Plaçuela. Estetica ed evoluzione dello spazio urbano rappresentativo nel borgo cagliaritano del Castello’, in Analisi, rappresentazione e simulazione del paesaggio urbano. Le piazze di Cagliari, ed. by Paola Casu and Claudia Pisu (Orthacesus (Cagliari): Sanshi editore, 2011), pp. 23-36.

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celebration culminated in a tournament which was held right on the square, on a tablada specially created for the occasion, in front of two raised platforms which accommodated the Viceroy with his family, ladies and knights.17 The same route through the city was taken the following year when Duke Emanuele Filiberto of Savoy made a stop in Cagliari on his way to take up the post of viceroy of Sicily (1621-24): the ladies who looked out from their balconies to pay homage to him were later invited to the palace for a sarao [feast] where he danced with the Vicereine.18 A splendid tournament was later celebrated in 1652 to mark the capture of Barcelona: on that day Cagliari’s young noblemen had the opportunity to show their loyalty to the Crown by taking to the streets with banners specially designed for the occasion with fantastic imagery representing motifs of the sovereign’s military glory and mutual friendship among the Monarchy’s various territories.19

To the Greater Glory of the Monarchy The Epitome de Cerdeña y Caller su corte, which contains only the odd mention of the Royal Palace, does speak about the sepulchre of Martin I ‘the Younger’, King of Sicily (1390-1409) which was built between the 1670s and 1680s by the Milanese sculptor Giulio Aprile.20 As early as the mid seventeenth century, the Viceroy Moncada had already expressed the wish to raise a funeral monument

17 Seraffin Esquirro, Santuario de Caller, y uerdadera historia de la inuencion de los cuerpos santos hallados en la dicha ciudad, y su Arcobispado, en la catholica y siempre fidelissima ciudad de Caller (Cagliari: emprenta del doctor Antonio Galcerin, por Iuan Polla, 1624); Sergio Bullegas, L’effimero barocco. Festa e spettacolo nella Sardegna del 17. secolo (Cagliari: Cuec, 1995); Alessandra Pasolini, ‘Cagliari cabeça del Regno di Sardegna: i pubblici festeggiamenti per la traslazione dei corpi santi nel Santuario dei martiri (1618)’, in Capitali senza re nella Monarchia spagnola. Identità, relazioni, immagini (secc. XVI-XVII), dir. by Rossella Cancila, 2 vols (Palermo: Mediterranea, 2020), II, pp. 427-48. 18 Relación de lo que se hizo en el recivimiento y hospedaje del Serenisimo Señor Principe Filiberto Generalissimo de la mar en la Ciudad de Caller y Reyno de Cerdeña, in Manconi and Pillai, Feste cagliaritane e cerimonie di palazzo, pp. 181-83. 19 RAH, Salazar y Castro, U 11, fols 280-91, Copia de carta que un Amigo escrive à otro. Dando raçon de las Fiestas que se han hecho, en la Ciudad de Caller Reyno de Cerdeña, por la felicissima nueba, de la Reducion del Ciudad de Barcelona; Sara Caredda, ‘Un agente de la Corona hispánica en Cerdeña: Pedro Martínez Rubio (1614-1667) y la relación de las fiestas calaritanas por la rendición de Barcelona (1652)’, in Las relaciones de sucesos en los cambios políticos y sociales de la Edad moderna, ed. by Jorge García López and Sònia Bodas Cabarrocas (Barcelona: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, Servei de Publicacions, 2015), pp. 259-69. 20 Giorgio Cavallo, ‘Un artista lombardo in Sardegna. Giulio Aprile. Maestro di quadro e di architettura. Scultore, marmista e architetto’, in Studi in onore di Mons. Antioco Piseddu (Cagliari: Zonza, 2002), pp. 135-88; ID., ‘Ingegneri, architetti, marmorari e scultori liguri e lombardi nella Sardegna tra il 17. e il 18. secolo’, in Storia della Cagliari multiculturale tra Mediterraneo ed Europa (Cagliari: AM&D, 2008), pp. 39-55; ID., ‘I maestri della Cattedrale di Cagliari dal medioevo al barocco’, in Artisti dei laghi, 1 (2011), pp. 859-86.

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suitable for housing the relics of the King which were then in the Cagliari cathedral; however the sepulchre was only built some decades later.21 In fact, in the second half of the seventeenth century, in all likelihood orders were given by Fernando Joaquín Fajardo de Zúñiga Requesens, marquis of Los Vélez and Viceroy of Sardinia (1673-75), to mobilize vast resources for the building of a cenotaph to the Aragonese sovereign who had died in Cagliari probably of malaria on June 25, 1409. Martin landed in Sardinia for the purpose of continuing his conquest of the island and to fight against the Judicate of Arborea. After his victory at the battle of Sanluri, forty kilometres from Cagliari, Martin died upon re-entering the city and as Jerónimo Zurita relates in his Anales ‘he was buried in that city amongst a great multitude of banners and tombs of noblemen and knights who had died in past wars for the conquest and defence of that kingdom’.22 Probably the tomb in Cagliari was intended to be only temporary, but Martin ‘the Humane’, who may have wished to transport the remains to the Monastery of Poblet, died shortly thereafter without carrying out his plan.23 Thus Martin ‘the Younger’s relics long remained in the cathedral in a chapel located to the right of the presbytery where every year on All Soul’s Day a mass was celebrated: the only tribute to the young king who had died in Sardinia after winning a battle that finally won the island for the Crown of Aragon. In 1669 during difficult restoration work of the area of the church presbytery, the tomb was moved and Martin ‘the Younger’s remains were temporarily placed, still inside the Cathedral, in the chapel of the Nativity where they would stay until the new sepulchre was commissioned which would later occupy the entire front of the left transept.24 The monumental work was executed in Genoa and was later sent, starting in June 1676 to Cagliari, where in the autumn of the same year it began to be put up, though not without some controversy between royal officials and the archbishop of Cagliari Pietro de Vico who was irritated by the tomb’s magnificence which covered an entire wall. In 1677 the viceroy Francisco de Benavides, count of Santisteban (1675-78), gave another commission to Giulio Aprile for two statues of Justice and Faith

21 ACA, Consejo de Aragón, bundle 1097, s.fo., Louis William of Moncada to Philip IV, Cagliari, 24 November 1648, Cfr. in Sara Caredda, ‘La committenza artistica dei viceré valenzani nella Sardegna del Seicento’, in Cagliari and Valencia in the Baroque Age, 165-81 (p. 181). 22 Jerónimo Zurita, Anales de la Corona de Aragón (Saragossa: Institucion Fernando el Católico-CSIC, 1978), X, p. 918; Dionigi Scano, ‘Morte e sepoltura di Don Martino d’Aragona Re di Sicilia’, in Mediterranea, 3 (1929), pp. 3-19; Alberto Boscolo, La politica italiana di Martino il Vecchio re d’Aragona (Padova: Cedam, 1962), pp. 125-60. 23 Several Sardinian scholars, like Giovanni Spano, Guida della città e dintorni di Cagliari (Cagliari: Timon, 1861, p. 46) disagree, and believe that Martin’s body was moved to the royal mausoleum in Poblet. 24 Lucia Siddi, ‘Le sedi istituzionali nel Regno di Sardegna all’indomani del compromesso di Caspe: la riscoperta di tre importanti testimonianze’, in El compromiso de Caspe (1412), cambios dinásticos y constitucionalismo en la Corona de Aragón, ed. by María Isabel Falcón Pérez, 2 vols (Saragossa: Ibercaja-Diputación General de Aragón, 2013), II, pp. 796-804.

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which were intended for the great lateral niches. In 1680, during the interim mandate of Melchor Sisternes de Oblite (1678-80), work began on the floor of the transept and commissions were given for the altar and railing, the latter no longer existing. The transfer of the remains did not occur in the manner the Viceroy Antonio López de Ayala Velasco, count of Fuensalida (1682-85), had hoped for. Instead of a solemn public ceremony, the bishop Antonio Díez de Aux ordered that the move had to take place at night and privately. It was only on the following All Souls’ Day that a catafalque was raised in front of the tomb, lined with black cloth, adorned with the arms of Aragon, the crown and the sceptre in silver and lit up by 24 torches, just as had been done for centuries in celebrations honouring the dead sovereign.25 The monument which was built in a style common in late seventeenth century funeral architecture is truly imposing: made of polychromatic marble and geometric inlay, the composition is divided into different levels, all richly decorated with white marble statues: four warriors in armour and coats of arms (each of which was probably intended to symbolize one of the kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon: the finishing touches were never completed), weeping cupids, angels bearing escutcheons, heads of cherubim and caryatids. The sarcophagus rises up in the centre of the space over which opens a dark niche containing the statue of Martin ‘the Younger’ who is portrayed in seventeenth century garb, with a gorget, a short cape and in his train two statues of Faith and Justice in two distinct niches. Looming over the whole composition is the triumphant figure of Death wearing costly fabrics and wielding a scythe. Certainly, the richly adorned sepulchre corresponds to late baroque taste; however, there is more behind the sumptuous trimmings than just conformity to the dominant artistic style. The enormous resources lavished on the magnificent tomb corresponded to the important political investment it was intended to represent. On the one hand, the tomb met the need for propaganda to deal with internal conditions on the island. At the end of the 1660s centuries old factional rivalries had ended up involving even the Viceroy marquis of Camarasa, who was assassinated under the windows of the viceroyal palace.26 The Court of Madrid interpreted this event with all 25 Giorgio Cavallo, La cattedrale di Cagliari (Rotary Club Cagliari Est: Monastir, 2005), pp. 52-56 and pp. 117-18. 26 Francesco Manconi, ‘Don Agustìn de Castelvì, “padre della patria” sarda o nobilebandolero?’, in Banditismi mediterranei. Secoli XVI-XVII, ed. by Francesco Manconi (Rome: Carocci, 2003), pp. 107-46; ID., ‘Reivindicaciones estamentales, crisis política y ruptura pactista en los Parlamentos sardos de los virreyes Lemos y Camarasa’, in Corts i Parlaments de la Corona d’Aragó. Unes institucions emblemàtiques en una monarquia composta, ed. by Remedios Ferrero Micó and Lluis Guia Marín (Valencia: Universidad de Valencia, 2008), pp. 493-500; Javier Revilla Canora, ‘El asesinato del virrey Marqués de Camarasa y el pregón general del Duque de San Germán (1668-1669)’, in De la tierra al cielo. Líneas recientes de investigación en historia moderna, ed. by Eliseo Serrano (Madrid: Institución Fernando el Católico, 2013), pp. 575-84; ID., “‘Tan gran maldad no ha de hallar clemencia ni en mi piedad”. El asesinato del marqués de Camarasa, virrey de Cerdeña (1668)’, Revista Digital

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its after effects as an act of rebellion to be put down by sending out a new viceroy and holding a trial for the guilty parties. The raising of a monument to the memory of Martin ‘the Younger’, one of the leading figures in the conquest of Sardinia and one of the generals who had led the family heads that had later established themselves on the island and were now a visible part of its ruling elite, was thus intended to recall the Sardinians back to their obedience to the Crown. Thus, the wound inflicted by the murder of the Viceroy would be healed and the kingdom invited to respect the pact made centuries earlier at the time of the Aragonese conquest.27 But it may also be possible to interpret the construction of the magnificent tomb during the troubled 1660s as both an invitation and, at the same time, as a warning to remain loyal to the Monarchy. In 1674 a rebellion broke out in Messina in which the role played by France gave the conflict an international character. The French presence in Messina threatened not only Sicily but also, and especially, the kingdom of Naples. Given this state of affairs, it was inadmissible that in Sardinia, where an uprising had only recently been put down and which lay at the strategic heart of the Mediterranean, the fire of rebellion should be allowed to reignite.28 The creation of a funeral monument to one of the conquerors, who had brought with him, as members of his army, many of the heads of the leading Sardinian families, was intended to be a reminder of the centuries’ old bond and common roots between the Monarch and the island’s elites. Evoking ties that recalled common origins was an argument that had already been expressed in the early seventeenth century, when economic difficulties related to participation in the Thirty Years War had begun to be felt and had led the Crown to request an extraordinary donative.29 From that moment on, the feeling among Sardinia’s leading noble families that they shared with the Monarchy the same ancient Catalan, Aragonese and Valencian roots became an integral and substantial ingredient in the rhetoric deployed by the sovereigns of the House of Habsburg: a physical representation of which was the monumental tomb of Martin ‘the Younger’ raised at a difficult time when the Crown needed to be sure it could count on all its forces.

Escuela de Historia, 12 (2013); ID., ‘Del púlpito al destierro: las élites religiosas sardas en torno al asesinato del virrey Camarasa’, in Tiempos Modernos, 36 (2018), 169-90. 27 Sara Caredda, ‘Propaganda y mitificación del príncipe: el mausoleo de Martín el Joven de Aragón’, in Las artes y la arquitectura del poder, ed. by Víctor Mínguez Cornelles (Castellón: Universitat Jaume I- Servei de Comunicació i Publicacions, 2013), pp. 2211-24. 28 Luis Ribot, La Monarquía de España y la guerra de Mesina (1674-1678) (Madrid: Actas Editorial, 2002); Francesco Benigno, ‘Lotta politica e sbocco rivoluzionario: riflessioni sul caso di Messina (1674-78)’, Storica, 13 (1999), pp. 7-56; Salvatore Barbagallo, La guerra di Messina 1674-1678. “Chi protegge li ribelli d’altri principi, invita i propri a’ ribellarsi” (Naples: Guida, 2017). 29 ASC, Antico Archivio Regio, Parlamenti, reg. 168, fols 28-38v, Proposición a los tres estamentos de Sardeña por don Lluis Blasco del Consejo del Rey nuestro Señor en el Supremo de Aragón, embiado por su Magestad al negocio que contiene [Cagliari, 1626]; Il Parlamento straordinario del viceré Gerolamo Pimentel marchese di Bayona (1626), edited by Gianfranco Tore in Acta Curiarum Regni Sardiniae, 24 vols (Cagliari: Consiglio Regionale della Sardegna, 1998), XVI.

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Royal Monasteries between Oristano and Cagliari Efisio Soto Real in his Epitome de Cerdeña y Caller su corte, goes to some length in describing the dense network of monasteries that characterize Cagliari. All the major religious orders had a house in the city: the Scolopians, the Dominicans, whose house was founded in Saint Dominic’s own lifetime; the Friars Minor Conventual; the Friars Minor Observant, also endowed with a novitiate house; the Friars of Saint Peter of Alcantara; the Capuchins who had two houses; the Augustinians who had a convent outside the town and in which, according to popular legend, Saint Augustine had once lived; the calced Carmelites endowed with their novitiate house, the calced Mercedarians30; the calced Trinitarians with their novitiate; the Minims of Saint Francis of Paola; or the Benedictines. Soto Real makes no mention, however, of women’s convents in the city. Some women’s monasteries in Cagliari could boast of their noble origins. The Clarissan convent of Saint Margaret of Stampace dated its foundation to the period before the Aragonese victory over the Pisans. Nevertheless, in spite of the subsidies it obtained from the Crown, in spite of the close relationship between the Clarissans and Queen Leonor of Sicily, wife of Peter IV ‘the Ceremonious’ of Aragon, and whose personal Court included two Clarissans, the order never enjoyed official royal recognition.31 Similarly, while the convent of Saint Lucy in Castello, founded in 1539 by the viceroy Antonio de Cardona y Enríquez (1534-49) and his wife María de Requesens, included among its members ladies from the aristocracy and urban elite, it never received any formal recognition apart from the occasional alms thrown its way by the Crown.32 On the other hand, the title of Royal Site was bestowed on the Clarissan Monastery of Oristano, heir to an earlier Franciscan community dating back to the mid-thirteenth century. A fervent devotee, the king of Arborea Peter III of Bas Serra (1336-47) refounded the monastery in 1343 and gave it its first

30 Soto Real, Epitome de Cerdeña y Caller su corte: Cfr. infra. 31 Maria Giuseppina Meloni, Simonetta Sitzia, Andrea Pala and Marcello Schirru, ‘I monasteri delle clarisse a Cagliari e a Oristano (secoli XVI-XVII). Fondazione, ruolo sociale, patrimonio artistico’, in Clarisas y dominicas. Modelos de implantación, filiación, promoción y devoción en la Península Ibérica, Cerdeña, Nápoles y Sicilia, ed. by Gemma Colesanti, Blanca Garí and Núria Jornet-Benito (Florence: Firenze University Press, 2017), pp. 95-126; on the sovereigns of Aragon’s preference for mendicant orders see Maria Giuseppina Meloni, ‘Ordini religiosi e politica regia nella Sardegna catalano-aragonese della prima metà del XIV secolo’, Anuario de estudios medievales, 24 (1994), pp. 831-55. 32 Maria Giuseppina Meloni, ‘La fondazione del monastero di Santa Lucia a Cagliari tra dinamiche socio-politiche e religiose (prima metà del XVI secolo)’, in Il monachesimo femminile nel Mezzogiorno peninsulare e insulare (XI-XVI secolo). Fondazioni, ordini, reti, committenza, ed. by Gemma Colesanti, Maria Giuseppina Meloni, Stefania Paone and Patrizia Sardina (Cagliari: CNR-Istituto di Storia dell’Europa Mediterranea, 2018), pp. 51-89. On the viceroy and his wife, accused of witchcraft and later absolved by the Court of the Inquisition, see Giuseppe Tore, ‘Dare udienza ai sudditi, controllare i viceré. La visita generale di Pietro Vaguer nella Sardegna di Carlo V (1542-1546)’, in Guía Marín, Mele and Tore, Identità e frontiere, pp. 243-92.

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endowment, and it was here, after his death that his widow Queen Costance of Saluzzo (1336-47) took refuge.33 In 1368, Mariano IV, King of Arborea (1347-75) and Peter III’s brother, after a reign of twenty years granted a perpetual legacy to the convent of 260 lire a year on the condition that the sisters pray for the royal family who retained the right to visit at certain times of the year and that thirteen noviates should be taken in, perpetually endowed and to be chosen by the sovereign and his descendents. The Crown, under the terms of this patronage, would appoint priests to follow the convent’s life and would orient its liturgical celebrations, issuing instructions in this regard: this attention that had begun with the sovereigns of the Judicate and had continued with the Aragonese; finally reached Charles V who conferred the royal title on the convent. In Cagliari only two male convents could boast of royal patronage. The first was the Dominican convent named after Saint Dominic and founded in 1254 by the friar Nicolò Fortiguerra da Siena. Like the Sardinian Franciscan convents present in the city, in 1329 the convent of Saint Dominic was detached from the Tuscan province and united with that of Aragon and Catalonia: a formal transition that meant severing ties with the Pisan convents and replacing the Tuscan friars with brothers whose origins were in the peninsular kingdoms of the Crown of Aragon. In 1418 the convent managed to obtain royal patronage conferred by Alfonso V ‘the Magnanimous’ who also donated a sizeable piece of land, so that the friars could enlarge their building. Royal protection was confirmed in 1533, when Charles V had the imperial arms put up on the front of the portico, and then again in 1598 when Philip II donated the sum of 1,500 gold ducats which were spent to complete the cloister.34 The second convent that enjoyed royal patronage was the house of the Mercedarians at the church of the Madonna della Bonaria. The church building had been constructed between 1324 and 1325, in order to provide a parish for the camp that had sprung up on the hill. It was dubbed Bonayre because of its healthy air and it was from here that the Infante Alfonso of Aragon besieged Cagliari, a centre of the Pisans’ territorial power. At the time of its founding the Infante Alfonso, in the name of his father James II ‘the Just’, King of Aragon (1291-1327), endowed it with lands and a sizeable revenue, while also providing for a priest to be appointed who would serve Mass, a certain Guillermo Jordá. After Cagliari was taken in 1326, the church of Bonaria, which was far from the city centre, was abandoned, though it continued to enjoy the right to receive the revenue it had been granted. On October 17, 1335 king Alfonso IV ‘the Kind’ donated the church to the Mercedarians with the intention of settling a religious order on the island that was particularly close to the Crown. His early death prevented the donation from taking immediate

33 Luca Demontis, ‘Costanza di Saluzzo regina-giudicessa d’Arborea e fondatrice del monastero di Santa Chiara di Oristano (1343)’, Antonianum, 93 (2018), pp. 31-64. 34 Federico Maria Giammusso, ‘Il convento di San Domenico a Cagliari. Note e documenti’, Infolio, 29 (2012), pp. 39-43.

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effect; it was, however, brought to fruition by king Peter IV who ordered that after Guillermo Jordá died, a group of friars should settle there. Strong opposition by the archbishop of Cagliari to the church being donated to the Mercedarian Order led to renewed confirmation by the Sovereign in 1339; but it wasn’t until 1397 that the Mercedarians began to occupy the sacred building; continued friction with the archbishop of Cagliari resulted in a further act by sovereign, King Martin, who on September 26 1402 placed the prior and the convent under special royal protection. This did not put an end to the claims of the archbishops of Cagliari with regard to the church and its dependencies, also because, in spite of royal protection, the friars were having great trouble collecting the moneys due to them from the Crown since the prolonged war to conquer Sardinia was complicating administrative procedures in the kingdom. It was only in 1420, after the conflict had ended, that the question of the Mercedarian establishment could be raised again, thanks also in part to the Cagliaritans’ devotion to a small wooden statue of the Madonna shown holding in her arm the Child and which was called the Madonna of the Miracle. The sanctuary outside the walls became a reference gathering place for a variously composed group of Catalan and Aragonese merchants, ship owners and craftsmen who had moved to Cagliari and who were prospering from maritime business.35 It is no coincidence that the oldest of the ex voto present in the church was tiny ivory ship that had been donated between the end of the fourteenth and beginning of the fifteenth century by a pilgrim on his way to the Holy Land and which was endowed with miraculous properties: in spite of being located inside the church it always pointed with its bow in the direction of the winds blowing off the gulf of Cagliari. Many people from Cagliari and elsewhere came to the sanctuary to consult it before undertaking a sea journey and also to ask for the protection of the Virgin. The Madonna di Bonaria thus became one of the many Marian faces seafarers addressed their prayers to.36 Veneration of the statue of the Madonna, the work of a fourteenth century Catalan artist, and which was believed to be miraculous because it had bled after being stabbed by a soldier angry over a gambling loss,37 gave way in the late fifteenth century to a cult around another image of 35 Marco Tangheroni, ‘Il “Regnum Sardiniae et Corsicae” nell’espansione mediterranea della Corona d’Aragona. Aspetti economici’, in La Corona d’Aragona in Italia, ed. by Maria Giuseppina Meloni and Olivetta Schena, 5 vols (Sassari: Carlo Delfino, 1993-97), I, pp. 49-88; Sergio Tognetti, ‘Il ruolo della Sardegna nel commercio italiano del Mediterraneo del Quattrocento. Alcune considerazioni sulla base di fonti toscane’, in Archivio storico italiano, 163 (2005), pp. 87-131. 36 Roberto Porrà, Il culto della Madonna di Bonaria di Cagliari. Note storiche sull’origine sarda del toponimo argentino Buenos Aires (Cagliari: Arkadia, 2011); Maria Giuseppina Meloni, ‘I santuari del mare nel Mediterraneo catalano-aragonese e spagnolo (secoli XV-XVI)’, in I santuari e il mare, ed. by Immacolata Aulisa (Bari: Edipuglia, 2014), pp. 195-205. 37 María Ángela Franco Mata, ‘Influencia catalana en el arte sardo del siglo XIV’, in La Corona d’Aragona in Italia, V, pp. 233-48; Andrea Pala, ‘La statua della Madonna del Miracolo nel Santuario di Bonaria a Cagliari’, Theologica et Historica, 22 (2013), pp. 363-86.

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the Madonna with Child, which according to legend had arrived miraculously from the sea inside a chest. Of high artistic value, probably from Naples, the statue of the Virgin wearing magnificent clothes in imitation of damask, may have been the work of an artist who had trained on the Iberian Peninsula at the end of the fifteenth century and it may have been commissioned by the Mercedarians themselves, or possibly it arrived in Sardinia as a result of a shipwreck.38 Whatever the case, a legend arose about the miraculous arrival which attests to the link between the sanctuary and the Mediterranean. In the sixteenth century not only had the cult of the Madonna di Bonaria spread through a large part of the Mediterranean but thanks to royal protection, the sanctuary became the first place many travellers visited after arriving in the Kingdom of Sardinia: bishops and viceroys stopped here before making their solemn entry into the city,39 and so did visitors sent out by the Sovereign before they undertook their tour of inspections. Thus, during the Spanish age the sanctuary became one of the many signs of the ties binding Cagliari to the Crown: it was no coincidence that a burin engraving done at the end of the sixteenth century on the order of the rector of the sanctuary Antioco Brondo, the Virgin is prominent in the centre of the page and at her sides Saint Cecile, titular of the cathedral of Cagliari and Eulalia, patroness of Barcelona. Standing out among the many figures framing the image and which almost in the manner of a comic strip tell the story of the Order of the Mercedarians are the portraits of two sovereigns: Alfonso ‘the Kind’, who founded the church in 1325, and Peter ‘the Ceremonious’, generous donor of the church complex to the Mercedarians in perpetual memory to the predecessors of the House of Habsburg.40 A remote island, poor in resources when compared to many other Kingdoms in the Monarchy, the Kingdom of Sardinia, thus, participated in the shared cultural and religious identity of the Habsburg Crown: this explains why the heart of Cagliari was the site for places of royal power, of the catholic faith, of public celebrations, visible manifestations of the subjects’ homage to the reigning dynasty.

38 Renata Serra, ‘Per il “maestro della Madonna di Bonaria”’, Studi sardi, 21 (1968-70), pp. 65-72; Maria Grazia Scano Naitza, ‘Percorsi della scultura lignea in estofado de oro dal tardo Quattrocento alla fine del Seicento in Sardegna’, in Estofado de oro. La statuaria lignea nella Sardegna spagnola (Cagliari: Janus, 2001), 21-55 (pp. 23-25); ID., ‘L’apporto campano nella statuaria lignea della Sardegna spagnola’, in La scultura meridionale in età moderna nei suoi rapporti con la circolazione mediterranea, ed. by Letizia Gaeta, 2 vols (Galatina: Mario Congedo Editore, 2007), II, 123-71 (pp. 123-25); Maria Passeroni, ‘La Madonna di Bonaria: storia degli studi, aspetti stilistici, tecnici, iconografici’, in I segni della devozione. Sant’Efisio e la Madonna di Bonaria: filologia e culto del restauro dei due simulacri più venerati della Sardegna, ed. by ID. and Patricia Olivo (Cagliari: Grafiche del Parteolla, 2010), pp. 23-38. 39 Fabrizio Tola, ‘“Esta illustre y magnifica Ciutat de Caller”: cerimonie di accoglienza dell’arcivescovo nella Cagliari del XVII secolo’, in Capitali senza re nella Monarchia spagnola. 40 Maria Giuseppina Meloni, Il santuario della Madonna di Bonaria. Origine e diffusione di un culto (Rome: Viella, 2011).

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Fig. 10.1.  Hendrik Van Cleve, View of the harbour of Cagliari, 1585 engraving. Courtesy of Rijskmuseum, Amsterdam (http://hdl.handle.net/10934/RM0001.collect.95995).

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Fig. 10.2.  View of Cagliari with the Royal Palace, 2017. Image @ Wikimedia Commons.

Fig. 10.3.  Sepulchre of Martin I ‘the Younger’ at Cagliari Cathedral, 2008. Image @ Wikimedia Commons.

José Eloy Hortal Muñoz 

Royal Sites as Key Elements of the Political and Religious Relationship between the Spanish Monarchy and the Holy See The Permeation of the Spirituality of Rome*

The question of spirituality is crucial to the study of Early Modern times. This is true not only in the field of religion, which is where most research so far has focussed, but also in politics, where it is closely bound up with the factional groups that supported the dominant spiritual trends. Likewise, spirituality is crucial for studying the justification of power, the pre-eminence of ecclesiastical and temporal institutions and, in the case of the Spanish Monarchy, its relationship with the Holy See, if we bear in mind that, in the first half of the seventeenth century, it was referred to as the ‘Catholic Monarchy’. As Professor Martínez Millán points out in his chapter, the formulation of the concept of the Catholic Monarchy in reference to the Spanish Monarchy was the result of a long process that evolved over the course of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in which the papacy played an especially important role. The concept originated in the reign of Philip II, took firmer shape during the reign of Philip III, reached the peak of its development, practice and maturity in the reign of Philip IV, and was finally drained of political content in the course of the reign of Charles II.1 Two further things should also be





* This chapter has been funded as part of the projects ‘Del Patrimonio Dinástico al Patrimonio Nacional: los Sitios Reales’ (HAR2015-68946-C3-3-P); ‘Protection, production and environmental change: the roots of Modern Environmentalism in the Iberian Peninsula (XVI-XVIIIth centuries)’ (AZ 60/V/19); ‘Las raíces materiales e inmateriales del conservacionismo ambiental de la Península Ibérica (SIGLOS XV-XIX)’ (V-790); and ‘Madrid, Sociedad y Patrimonio: pasado y turismo cultural’ (H2019/HUM-5898). I would like to thank Janet and Anthony Dawson for the translation and revision of this chapter. 1 In addition to his chapter in this book, see the following studies by José Martínez Millán, ‘El triunfo de Roma. Las relaciones entre el papado y la Monarquía católica durante el siglo XVII’, in Centros de poder italianos en la Monarquía hispánica (siglos XV-XVIII), ed. by José Martínez Millán and Manuel Rivero Rodríguez (Madrid: Polifemo, 2010), I, pp. 549-681, and ‘La evaporación del concepto “Monarquía Católica”: La instauración de los Borbones’, in La Corte de los Borbones: Crisis del modelo cortesano, ed. by José Martínez Millán, Concepción Camarero Bullón and Marcelo Luzzi Traficante (Madrid: Polifemo, 2013), III, pp. 2143-96; see also the sections referring to the spirituality of the Monarchy and the Chapel José Eloy Hortal Muñoz • Universidad Rey Juan Carlos Politics and Piety at the Royal Sites of the Spanish Monarchy in the Seventeenth Century, ed. by José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Habsburg Worlds 5 (Turnhout, 2021), pp. 283-296.

© FHG

DOI 10.1484/M.HW-EB.5.123292

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noted: this concept was not only a confessional construct, but a political one, and it can only be applied during the seventeenth century, not the Early Modern age as a whole.2 In line with the Spanish Monarchy’s vision to propagate and defend the Christian faith worldwide, the reign of Charles V can be characterized as caesaropapist, since the monarch was also the emperor. While the monarch, Charles V, also ended up occupying the imperial throne, the Spanish Monarchy did not describe itself as an Empire, but as a ‘universal Kingdom’ that was actually capable of becoming one.3 After the abdication of Charles V and the division of his Empire into two different branches, the Monarchy found that it did not have the ideological support to continue fulfilling this task within Christendom. The theologians of Philip II, therefore, revived the old medieval idea of the Monarchia Universalis,4 but not with the idea that it should put itself forward as an Empire based on the four universal kingdoms doctrine and tradition, but as a universal kingdom. Although the Spanish monarch did not hold the imperial title, he sought to act as head of secular power on the basis of two main factors: the decline of the Empire as a pan-European political force, and the Spanish Monarchy’s own aspirations to exercise such power, due to its status as the leading military power. Consequently, Philip II’s reign was characterized by the subordination of the Papacy to the political interests of the Spanish monarch, especially from the early 1580s when the actions of the Monarchy – annexing Portugal, dispatching the Armada against England, supporting the Catholic League against France and planning the conquest of China – pointed in that direction.5 This is the context in which the confessionalization of the Spanish Monarchy was situated. This situation changed radically after Clement VIII acceded to the papal throne in 1592. He sought to free himself from that yoke by employing a number of policies, which included making political use of the Jesuits, supporting the



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in José Martínez Millán and José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, eds, La Corte de Felipe IV (1621-65). Reconfiguración de la Monarquía Católica, 2 tomes, 3 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2015), I. José Martínez Millán, ‘La gestación de la Monarquía Católica en la Europa del siglo XVII’, in Moment maquiavel·lià o macabeu? Providencialisme i secularització a l’Europa moderna (segles XVI-XIX), ed. by Xavier Torres (Girona: Universidad, 2018), pp. 53-70. Rodolfo de Mattei, ‘Polemiche secentesche italiane sulla Monarchia Universale’, Archivio Storico Italiano, 110 (1952), pp. 145-65; and Rodolfo de Mattei, ‘Il mito della monarchia universale nel pensiero politico italiano del Seicento’, Rivista di studi politici internazionali, 32 (1965), pp. 531-50. Also, Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, Gattinara, Carlos V y el sueño del Imperio (Madrid: Sílex Ediciones, 2005). For the formulation of this concept and the bibliography on it, Franz Bosbach, Monarchia Universalis. Storia di un concetto cardine della politica europea (secoli XVI-XVIII) (Milan: Vita e Pensiero, 1998). For this conquest and the context, see José Martínez Millán, ‘La crisis del “partido castellano” y la transformación de la Monarquía hispana en el cambio del reinado de Felipe II a Felipe III’, Cuadernos de Historia Moderna. Anejos, 2 (2003), pp. 11-38.

Royal Sites as Key Elements of the Political and Religious Relationship

Discalced Reform, and his action on bishops and dioceses. From a political point of view, the Pontiff exploited the chaotic situation prevailing in France to gain freedom of action with respect to the Spanish Monarchy, by granting Henry IV, the first Bourbon king of France (1589-1610), the absolution he requested, significantly increasing the papal diplomatic presence in the Spanish Netherlands, and even creating the nunciature of Flanders in 1594, in order to influence the decisions of Spanish ministers in northern Europe.6 At the same time, he encouraged the reconstruction of a like-minded courtly faction in Madrid around the heir, Prince Philip (III), and his favourite, the future Duke of Lerma, as well as women from the royal family who have already appeared in this volume, such as the Empress Mary and Isabella Clara Eugenia.7 With regard to the Chapel, the help received from the Head Chaplain, García de Loaysa (1584-1598), and his successors, Alonso de Carvajal (1598-1608), Diego de Guzmán y Benavides (1608-26) and Alonso Pérez de Guzmán (1626-70), was invaluable for shaping the spirituality that emerged.8 Finally, the Papacy promoted the peaceful expansion of Christia­ nity through the Congregation of Propaganda Fide, thereby eliminating the Spanish Monarchy’s justification as a Monarchia Universalis, since military force was no longer necessary for the task.9 From then on, Rome assumed the role as sole leader of the Catholic world, without brooking particularist interference from the kingdoms. The transformation of the Monarchy from Monarchia Universalis to Catholic Monarchy took place during the reigns of Philip III and Philip IV and was expressed in numerous writings arguing in favour of the subordination of the Monarchy to the power of the Church.10 The economic and military exhaustion of the Monarchy due to the Thirty Years’ War favoured the application of this theory given that it was clearly physically impossible to maintain its hegemony. Rome took advantage of this state of affairs to encourage the Spanish Monarchy to unite with the Empire, which was always obedient to Rome, setting up the (Habsburg) Dynasty as the main pillar of its grandeur. To this

6 Mark Greengrass, France in the Age of Henri IV: The Struggle for Stability (London: Longman, 1984); Michael Wolfe, The Conversion of the Henri IV (Harvard: Harvard University Press, 1993); and José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, ‘La lucha contra la Monarchia Universalis de Felipe II: la modificación de la política de la Santa Sede en Flandes y Francia con respecto a la Monarquía Hispana a finales del siglo XVI’, Hispania, 71:237 (2011), pp. 65-86. 7 See the introduction by José Martínez Millán and Maria Antonietta Visceglia, eds, La Monarquía de Felipe III, 4 vols (Madrid: Fundación Mapfre, 2008), I, pp. 25-302. 8 For more about these figures and their role in the Chapel, see the introduction to José Eloy Hortal Muñoz, Félix Labrador Arroyo, Jesús Bravo Lozano and África Espíldora García, La configuración de la imagen de la Monarquía Católica. El ceremonial de la Capilla Real de Manuel Ribeiro (Madrid: Iberoamericana Vervuert, 2020). 9 Josef Metzler, ed., Sacrae Congregationis de Propaganda Fide Memoria Rerum. 350 Years in the Service of the Missions, 1622-1972, vol. I/1. I/2. II, III/1, III/2 (Rome: Herder, 1971-76). 10 For this, see Maria Antonietta Visceglia, Roma papale e Spagna. Diplomatici, nobili e religiosi tra due corti (Rome: Bulzoni, 2010).

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end, the myth of Duke Rudolf, founder of the dynasty, was resurrected; in the middle of the forest, Rudolf had lent his horse to a priest who was taking the viaticum to a poor dying man.11 This moment marked a new legitimizing discourse for the Monarchy, one that centred on the two main Habsburg branches. To seal this alliance of equality between the two, they were given a transcendent purpose, which was devotion to the Eucharist, the symbol of the Church, thereby stressing the point that the grandeur of the dynasty was the fruit of the combined efforts of all its monarchs in defence of the Church. To maintain this grandeur, therefore, it looked like the Spanish Monarchy would have to abandon its military adventures as a means of spreading Christianity, together with its aspirations to universal power (Monarchia Universalis) based on the Castilian ideology of the ‘Visigoths’, and join forces instead with the Empire (the Catholic Monarchy) in defence of the Church of Rome.12 So that society would adopt this new ideological justification of the Monarchy, a series of ritual and spiritual elements, prescribed, of course by Rome, would have to be incorporated. The most effective solution for spreading these elements to all corners of the Monarchy was to implement them first in the Chapel of the Alcázar in Madrid, where they could be assimilated by the courtiers, who would then pass them on using the various brokers and clients in their factional networks. The first manifestation of the interference of Rome in the spiritual affairs of the Catholic Monarchy was the transfer of the ceremonies and etiquettes of the Papal Chapel to the Royal Chapel of the Alcázar in Madrid, the very heart of the Monarchy. As the Portuguese master of ceremonies, Manuel Ribeiro, pointed out, Philip III brought him from Lisbon in 1619 to: serve in this [chapel] in Madrid in the same office and to ensure that the Roman and Apostolic ceremonies were carried out impeccably and to eliminate the unjustified uses and customs found in the ceremonies, so that its chapel would be a paragon of perfection among all the Churches in Spain.13 The second was aligned with the new political mission that was being entrusted to the Monarchy (defence of the Eucharist), namely, establishing the Blessed Sacrament in perpetuity in the Chapel of the Alcázar. With this religious practice, all previous aspirations to universality that the Spanish Monarchy had been entertaining were finally snuffed out.14 11 On this question with respect to the Spanish Monarchy, see Víctor Mínguez and Inmaculada Rodríguez Moya, eds, La piedad de la Casa de Austria. Arte, dinastía y devoción (Gijón: Trea, 2018). 12 José Martínez Millán, El mito de Faetón o la imagen de la decadencia de la Monarquía Católica (Granada: Universidad, 2011), pp. 127-42. 13 AGP, RC, box 93. 14 José Martínez Millán and Esther Jiménez Pablo, ‘La Casa de Austria: una justificación político-religiosa’, in La dinastía de los Austria: las relaciones entre la Monarquía Católica y el

Royal Sites as Key Elements of the Political and Religious Relationship

The efforts of the Patriarch of the Indies and Head Chaplain, Alonso Pérez de Guzmán, were fundamental in this pursuit. It is astonishing that there are still no definitive studies of this historical figure who wielded such influence during practically the entire reign of Philip IV and part of the reign of Charles II, since Pérez de Guzman exercised considerable patronage from his position as supreme head of the Chapel, while accumulating a great number of posts and dignities.15 To this should be added the authority conferred by having a strong family network of power and influence, since he was the brother of the Duke of Medina Sidonia. It is not unreasonable to suppose that his appointment was influenced by his cousin, the Count-Duke of Olivares, and yet he managed to survive the latter’s fall from grace. Once he was in charge of the Chapel, he made numerous attempts to have the Blessed Sacrament installed in the Chapel of the Alcázar, attested by a memorandum sent to the monarch on 14 July 1635. In it, the Patriarch clearly sets out the arguments of the court faction aligned with the Papacy to justify this spiritual and religious practice: I have found myself on many occasions resolved to propose and plead with Your Majesty the Blessed Sacrament be placed in the Chapel, compelled by the devotion of so many virtuous people as there are in the palace, who have desired it, and have long persuaded me of it, and especially by that [devotion] which Your Majesty (God save you) and your glorious parents have always professed for this admirable sacrament, and those of the House of Austria acknowledging its stages and increasing grandeur. But never before did I think I could have executed it with greater hope than on this occasion, when the enemy has affronted it [the House of Austria] by entering Flanders at the town of Tirlemont [Tienen] with such sacrilegious disregard and contempt worthy of the sentiment made by the Catholic zeal of Your Majesty, to whom I propose and beg, obliged by it and the devotion referred to, that [Your Majesty] should order the Most Blessed Sacrament to be brought and placed in his Royal Chapel, so that such a Catholic King and defender of our religion, by this action, may make reparation to Our Lord for the contempt with which the heretics intended to offend him, hoping in his infinite goodness, that through it and the continuous prayers keeping him in mind that will be made at all

Imperio, ed. by José Martínez Millán and Rubén González Cuerva, 3 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2011), I, pp. 9-58; and Antonio Álvarez-Ossorio Alvariño, ‘Virtud coronada: Carlos II y la piedad de la Casa de Austria’, in Política, religión e Inquisición en la España Moderna, homenaje a Joaquín Pérez Villanueva, ed. by Pablo Fernández Albaladejo, Virgilio Pinto Crespo and José Martínez Millán (Madrid: Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 1996), pp. 29-57. 15 Some approaches to this historical figure in Luisa Isabel Álvarez de Toledo, Alonso Pérez de Guzmán. General de la Invencible (Cádiz: Universidad, 1994), and Esther Jiménez Pablo, ‘Capellán mayor, limosnero mayor y patriarca de las Indias’, in Martínez Millán and Hortal Muñoz, La Corte de Felipe IV, I, 565-609 (pp. 599-603).

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times, that it [i.e. this action] will give Your Majesty and your Monarchy tranquillity, peace and increase, and his glorious weapons progress.16 The memorandum, in effect, shows us how the Patriarch uses a military defeat in the Thirty Years’ War, and more specifically in the Netherlands (the capture of Tirlemont, or Tienen, by the Dutch), to justify the need to accept the defence that the Blessed Sacrament would provide for the goods and interests of the Monarchy. After years of wrangling, the monarch finally agreed to place the Blessed Sacrament in the Royal Chapel on 10 March 1639. This date would become even more important when it was decided that the occasion was propitious for Prince Balthasar Charles to be seen in public for the first time. The introduction of this ceremony in the Chapel of the Alcázar in Madrid marked the culmination of the ceremonial that Manuel Ribeiro had been preparing for it. The triumph of Roman spirituality was completed by the implementation of the Forty Hours devotion in the Chapel of the Alcázar.17 This liturgical practice, which had arisen in opposition to Charles V and his Monarchy, was taken up by Philip IV,18 who nonetheless failed either to detect the antiHispanic sentiment in this celebration or to realize that it meant spiritual submission to Rome. At the same time, the introduction of this prayer in the Alcázar of Madrid led to a sharp rise in the number of personnel in the Royal Chapel. Despite the fact that the reign of Philip IV has always been characterized by a lack of money and retrenchment of the Royal Households, there was a notable increase in the number of members of various offices in the Royal Chapel, especially of sommeliers of the curtain and the oratory, chaplains and preachers. Indeed, even the Ordinances of 1623 were ignored, so that the ceremonial needs that such devotion entailed could be met. It should be noted that both celebrations would continue, even so, to exhibit the same pageantry that the Corpus Christi processions had always displayed in the Monarchy, especially in such important cities as Toledo and Madrid.19 After the changes that took place in the Royal Chapel, Corpus

16 AGP, RC, box 72, file 13. 17 Attention was drawn to this by Pablo L. Rodríguez, ‘Música, devoción y esparcimiento en la capilla del Alcázar Real (siglo XVII): los villancicos y tonos al Santísimo Sacramento para Cuarenta Horas’, Revista Portuguesa de Musicología, 8-9 (1997-98), pp. 31-45, but it is developed further in José Martínez Millán and Esther Jiménez Pablo, ‘La transformación ideológica de la Monarquía y su reflejo en la capilla real’, in Martínez Millán and Hortal Muñoz, La Corte de Felipe IV, I, pp. 700-64. 18 Bulla de la Santidad de Inocencio X en que concede a la Real Capilla de S. M. perpetuamente para el culto y veneración del Santísimo Sacramento en dicha Real Capilla, 1646 (AGP, RC, box 2, file 5, fol. 2). 19 There is an extensive bibliography on this topic, including Javier Portús Pérez and José Antonio Sebastián, La antigua procesión del Corpus Christi en Madrid (Madrid: Centro de Estudios y Actividades Culturales, 1993), and María José del Rio Barredo, Madrid, Urbs

Royal Sites as Key Elements of the Political and Religious Relationship

Christi would become the annual celebration of the triumph of the Church of Rome, which was identified with the Catholic orb, and this, in turn, with the glory of the Habsburg dynasty.20 Finally, it should be pointed out that, following defeat in the Thirty Years’ War and in the war with France, the image of the ‘warmongering’ monarchy ended, and the political construct known as the Catholic Monarchy became meaningless. When Philip IV and his ministers realized that this idea had no further political value, it was decided to restructure the Monarchy politically and administratively according to the principles that were of interest to the Spanish Monarchy itself, by returning to previous ideas.21 As a result, the reign of Charles II was characterized by the attempt of the Spanish Monarchy to put its own interests – with a pronounced spirituality and theologico-political rationale – before those of the Holy See. This promoted eminently Hispanic cults such as the Immaculate Conception, which also spread to America after the dispatch sent by King Philip IV on 6 March 1662,22 although maintaining the link between the Spanish Habsburgs and the Blessed Sacrament. This political construct then gradually shifted away from the name ‘Catholic Monarchy’ to become what we might call the ‘Monarchy of the Spains’. This, broadly speaking, traces the evolution of the political construct known as the Spanish Monarchy in its religious and spiritual relations with Rome, and the key role played in this process by the Castilian Royal Sites, such as the Royal Chapel of the Alcázar in Madrid, and Royal Convents, such as Las Descalzas and La Encarnación, that we have examined in this volume. But what role did the Royal Sites in other kingdoms of the Monarchy play in this struggle with the Papacy? Did the religious, spiritual and political ideas flow outwards from the Castilian Royal Sites to permeate the rest of the Monarchy or was it the other way round? Did the Papacy use the Royal Sites in other kingdoms to seek to influence the Madrid Court? Of course, we must take into account the special characteristics of each territory, but what is clear, as we have been able to verify in this volume, is that two places played a fundamental role in this struggle: Valencia and the Spanish Netherlands.

Regia. La capital ceremonial de la Monarquía Católica (Madrid: Marcial Pons, 2000), chapter VI ‘Corpus Christi. La Cabeza del Cuerpo Político’. 20 José Jaime García Bernal, El fasto público en la España de los Austrias (Seville: Universidad, 2006), pp. 283-86. 21 Martínez Millán, ‘La evaporación del concepto de “Monarquía católica”’, pp. 2179-296. 22 Estrella Ruíz-Gálvez Prieto, ‘El asunto de la Inmaculada en el reinado de Felipe IV. Devoción dinástica, negocio de Estado y cuestión de reputación’, in La Corte de Felipe IV (1621-1665): reconfiguración de la Monarquía católica. Espiritualidad, literatura y teatro, ed. by José Martínez Millán and Manuel Rivero Rodríguez, 4 vols (Madrid: Polifemo, 2017), III, pp. 1745-1826.

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The Spirituality of the Kingdoms versus the Spirituality of Castile As we have already pointed out, installing the Blessed Sacrament in the Chapel of the Alcázar of Madrid in 1639 and introducing the Forty Hours devotion at the same time represented the triumph of Rome’s version of spirituality in the Spanish capital. There had been previous attempts to promote this spirituality in Madrid by linking the Convent of La Encarnación to the Blessed Sacrament, although with limited success. Nevertheless, this type of spirituality had already had a successful following previously in other kingdoms of the Monarchy. Indeed, Fabrizio d’Avenia points out in his chapter that the Council of Italy approved an increase in the funds set aside for the celebration of the procession of the Blessed Sacrament in Sicily as early as 1620. The same tradition, according to the studies of Emilio Callado Estela and Inmaculada Rodríguez Moya, was also very important in the kingdom of Valencia, since processions linked to the Blessed Sacrament had been held there since the Middle Ages, some of which Charles V was able to enjoy during his stay in Valencia. This link became even closer during the reign of Philip III, thanks to the Patriarch Juan de Ribera, and especially, the Viceroy Duke of Feria (1615-18), who decided to move the Blessed Sacrament to the oratory on the first floor of the Chapel of the Royal Palace in Valencia after serious flooding in the vicinity in those years. The Duke of Feria also tried to dignify this space by fighting for the appointment of a specific chaplain and sacristan to be in charge of the oratory, offices that had to be accompanied by some ecclesiastical benefice. He was not initially successful, and the actual triumph of this spirituality did not occur until a few years later. As Henar Pizarro Llorente describes in her chapter, it was the Infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia who gave a significant boost to the spirituality advocated by Rome during her period of service as Governor-General following the death of her husband, Archduke Albert. This all began when the Capuchin friar, Giacinto di Casale Monferrato, arrived in Brussels in August 1623 and organized a Forty Hours procession. This friar served the Pope directly, since he acted as an itinerant ambassador of the Holy See in the Germanic Provinces between 1621 and 1626, and it was patently obvious that he was associated with the spirituality advocated by Rome. As early as 1622, he had tried to establish another Confraternity of the Forty Hours in Cologne. At first, the open rivalry between the Recollect Franciscans, which Isabella Clara Eugenia had clearly supported in previous years, and the Capuchins led to the failure of this first attempt to promote such a procession, and Casale had to leave Brussels. The death of Isabella Clara Eugenia’s powerful Franciscan confessor, Andrés de Soto, in 1625, however, made the rise of the Capuchins

Royal Sites as Key Elements of the Political and Religious Relationship

possible.23 This Order suited Isabella Clara Eugenia’s precise needs at that time, since it advocated retreat and recollection and built hermitages and oratories to withdraw to in order to meditate, which was conducive to the restricted access to her person that the Infanta sought; its maximum expression was the foundation of the Monastery of Tervuren.24 Thanks to this, the Infanta committed herself to the Forty Hours procession, and asked Karel van Arenberg, first prior of the Monastery of Tervuren, to organize the procession together with other notable Capuchins, such as Casale and Filips van Brussel. The procession marked the spiritual high point of the annual calendar of the Confraternity that Casale eventually succeeded in founding, with Isabella Clara Eugenia as its patroness. The Infanta’s support for this Confraternity took the form of a wonderful masterpiece, the painting that the Governor commissioned from Rubens in 1626, the cartoons of which were used as patterns for the tapestries depicting The Apotheosis of the Eucharist, now in Las Descalzas.25 Only members of the most illustrious families in the Netherlands, such as the Aerschots, Arenbergs, Spinolas, Egmonts, Épinoys,…26 were admitted to the brotherhood, which is why this spirituality spread and took root in the various areas of the Spanish Netherlands. The new Governor-General of Flanders, the Cardinal-Infante (1634-41), continued holding the procession of the Blessed Sacrament in Flanders after Isabella Clara Eugenia, since victory in the Battle of Nördlingen in 1634 was attributed to the Eucharist’s protection.27 Without doubt, the spirituality espoused by this Confraternity contrasts sharply with the spirituality previously promoted by Archduke Albert in his Confraternity of Saint Ildephonsus, which is why it is sometimes surprising to find that, up until a few years ago, the historiography of the Archdukes always portrayed them as a well-balanced couple with shared ideas, beliefs

23 All the Infanta’s confessors in Flanders were Recollects, Pierre-François Pirlet, Le confesseur du Prince dans les Pays-Bas espagnols (1598-1659) (Louvain: Leuven University Press, 2018). 24 Birgit Houben, ‘Intimidad y política: Isabel y sus damas de honor (1621-1633)’, in Isabel Clara Eugenia. Soberanía femenina en las cortes de Madrid y Bruselas, ed. by Cordula Van Wyhe (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Europa Hispánica, 2011), pp. 312-36. 25 For these tapestries, see Elías Tormo, En las Descalzas Reales. Los tapices. La Apoteosis Eucarística de Rubens (Madrid: Junta de Iconografía Nacional, 1945); and Alejandro Vergara and Anne T. Woollett, eds, Spectacular Rubens: The Triumph of the Eucharist, Exhibition catalogue (Los Angeles and Madrid: Getty Publications and Museo Nacional del Prado, 2014). 26 Joris Snaet, ‘La archiduquesa Isabel y el monasterio de los capuchinos de Tervuren’, in Van Wyhe, Isabel Clara Eugenia. Soberanía femenina, pp. 360-61. 27 Letter from Father Francisco de Vilches to Father Rafael Pereyra on 3 October 1634 (Pascual de Gayangos, ed., Cartas de algunos padres de la Compañía de Jesús sobre los sucesos de la Monarquía entre los años de 1634 y 1648, vol. I (1634-36), in Memorial Histórico Español: Colección de documentos, opúsculos y antigüedades, que publica la Real Academia de la Historia (Madrid: Imprenta Nacional, 1861), XIII, pp. 101-03).

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and projects in common, when the forms of spirituality that each endorsed were so obviously different. In the last years of her life, Isabella Clara Eugenia behaved almost more like a defender of the precepts of the Papacy than as a leader of the Spanish Monarchy, while Albert, on the other hand, was always a firm defender of royal patronage. The examples of Flanders and Valencia clearly show us that the spiritua­ lity that the Papacy promoted was initially more popular in the peripheral kingdoms than in Castile. Most of the treatise writers in the Spanish Monarchy who wrote about these issues were not in fact Castilians, but people from peripheral kingdoms who dedicated their works to the viceroys and governors of those peripheral kingdoms, such as the Burgundian Claude Clement (whose treatise was dedicated to the Duke of Medinaceli, Viceroy of Valencia), the Aragonese Baltasar Gracián (to the Duke of Nochera, Viceroy of Aragon (1639-40) and Navarre (1640-42), the Aragonese José Pellicer Ossau (to Antonio de Ataíde, Governor of Portugal (1631-33), and Francisco Jarque of Potosí in America (to Fernando de Borja, count of Mayalde and Viceroy of Aragon (1621-32) and Valencia (1635-40). Similarly, the vast majority of the nobles who were held up as examples of piety came from kingdoms with links to the kingdom of Aragon, such as the Duke of Gandía or the Count of Villanueva.28 This question again shows the trickle-down effect on the nobility initiated by the monarch through art, architecture or expressions of piety. In this particular instance, we see that many nobles contributed to the objective of installing the Blessed Sacrament in the Chapel of the Alcázar in Madrid and, once this had been accomplished, they did the same in their own Chapels and pushed for it to be installed in the rest of the churches in the kingdoms, including those at other Royal Sites. A case in point was the Duke of Medinaceli, who asked permission, on 10 March 1639, to perform this ceremony in his own Chapel,29 and then pressed, in 1641, to have the conditions of the Blessed Sacrament in the Royal Chapel of Valencia improved when he was viceroy in that kingdom, as described by Callado Estela. The support of the nobles for the precepts of the Papacy also included supporting the endowment of convents in their own territories of religious Orders whose principles and spirituality coincided with Vatican interests. Orders such as the Jesuits, Carmelites and Capuchins acquired great prominence in the plans of the Papacy, even though not all of them had immediate opportunities to influence the Monarchy. The Oratorians of the Oratory of St. Philip Neri were a case in point. Their importance to the Papacy arose less from the political impetus of their followers than from the basis of their

28 Esther Jiménez Pablo, ‘La ideología religiosa de la Compañía de Jesús en el reinado de Felipe IV’, in Martínez Millán and Rivero Rodríguez, La Corte de Felipe IV, III, p. 1627. 29 Jiménez Pablo, ‘La ideología religiosa de la Compañía de Jesús’, pp. 1609-10.

Royal Sites as Key Elements of the Political and Religious Relationship

spirituality,30 which went counter to the underlying principles of the idea of Monarchia Universalis proposed by Philip II, since they advocated prayer to the Blessed Sacrament and the Forty Hours devotion among other things.31 This made it difficult for them to become established in the Iberian Peninsula and they would not in fact do so directly in Madrid, but via the kingdom of Valencia.32 The first congregation of Oratorians in the Iberian Peninsula was founded in 1645 in Valencia, although they had been practising their first spiritual exercises since 1643, in the Church of San Juan del Hospital in the same city. It should be remembered that two of the ecclesiastical benefices tied to the chaplaincies of the Royal Chapel of Valencia came from that church. The driving force behind the new congregation was Luis Crespí y Borja, and among the founders, we also find Juan García, who was a candidate for the post of Rector of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, although he was not successful at that time. Years later, however, the Oratorian Gaspar Tahuenga, became Rector of an institution that was completely committed to these new religious ideas. From Valencia, the Oratorians gathered sufficient momentum to settle in Madrid. The first foundation dates from 1646, although it was not consolidated until 1653. In this case, its origins were linked to the initiative of one of the Fathers of the Hospital de los Italianos in Madrid, Juan Bautista Ferraro. Some of the Fathers were chaplains of the Royal Chapel in Madrid, which is how they managed to extend their influence to the Chapel of the Alcázar itself, and once they returned to their Italian territories of origin, they were instrumental in helping to expand the Order there. The expansion was successful in several places; some years later, for example, Oratorians were in charge of the Royal Chapel in Palermo. The rise of the Oratorians went in parallel with the appearance in Madrid of the Schools of Christ, a religious movement that pursued the ideal of spiritual perfection.33 Their radical spirituality soon succeeded in influencing various members of the high clergy and the Court, forming a large power 30 For this Order, see Antonio Cistellini, San Filippo Neri. L’Oratorio e la Congregazione oratoriana. Storia e spiritualità, 3 vols (Brescia: Morcelliana, 1989). 31 José Martínez Millán, ‘La ideología religiosa de la Monarquía Católica’, in Martínez Millán and Rivero Rodríguez, La Corte de Felipe IV, III, pp. 1535-58. 32 Emilio Callado Estela, ‘Una familia valenciana en el gobierno de la Monarquía Católica: los Crespí de Valldaura y Brizuela’, in ¿Decadencia o Reconfiguración? Las Monarquías de España y Portugal en el cambio de siglo (1640-1724), ed. by José Martínez Millán, Félix Labrador Arroyo and Filipa Maria Valido-Viegas de Paula-Soares (Madrid: Polifemo, 2017), pp. 89-114. 33 There is an extensive bibliography on the Schools of Christ, including Fermín Labarga, La Santa Escuela de Cristo (Madrid: Biblioteca de Autores Cristianos, 2013). They were also linked to Valencia, as explained in Amparo Felipo Orts, ‘La espiritualidad de don Miguel y don Gerardo de Cervelló. Entre el oratorio de San Felipe Neri y la Escuela de Cristo de Valencia’, Saitabi: revista de la Facultat de Geografia i Història 58 (2008), pp. 197-217; and

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group during the final years of Philip IV’s reign and the Regency of Marianne of Austria; three of the six members of her Regency Board were connected to this spiritual movement. In America, juridical treatises, especially the one written by Juan de Solórzano y Pereira, remained constant in the royal defence of the spiritual affairs of the monarch as vice-patron,34 but were unable to stop the expansion of the Roman model of Catholicism promoted by the Society of Jesus and the Discalced Orders in the Indies through the Congregation of Propaganda Fide. Their breakthrough led to the foundation of the first School of Christ in Lima in 1660, where they had to compete with the hegemony of the Recollect Franciscans, who had been the greatest founders of convents there.35 They had the invaluable support of Fray Juan de Almoguera of the Order of the Holy Trinity, who was the preacher of the Royal Chapel in Madrid from 12 July 1657 until the king granted him the bishopric of Arequipa in Peru at the end of 1658. He later became Archbishop of Lima and was touted as a possible viceroy of Peru during the various periods when the post was vacant. He died in America in 1676 and was one of those who first inspired the Schools of Christ.36 We may conclude, therefore, that the Royal Sites of the various kingdoms that made up the Spanish Monarchy did play a fundamental role in the religious and spiritual approach of the monarchy as a whole, since this approach, expressed in the different ways that we have observed in this volume, spread outwards from the Sites and permeated the entire population, trickling down from the monarch to the nobles and leading figures in those kingdoms, who subsequently transmitted the spirituality to the populations living in the territories of which they were lords. We have seen that the penetration of these ideas was a two-way process: from the centre (Castile) to the kingdoms on the periphery, and vice versa. This adds richness to the current debate about the way the composite monarchies of the time were organized, of which the Spanish Monarchy is a prime example. The traditional argument has been that the policy followed by all the composite monarchies was one of centralization, in which ideas spread outwards

Emilio Callado Estela, ‘Origen, progreso y primeras tribulaciones del oratorio de San Felipe Neri en España. El caso valenciano’, Libros de la Corte, Special Issue 3 (2015), pp. 51-72. 34 Óscar Mazín Gómez, Gestores de la Real Justicia: Procuradores y Agentes de las catedrales hispanas nuevas en la Corte de Madrid (Mexico: El Colegio de México, 2007), p. 13. 35 For the religious situation in the viceroyalty of Peru during the seventeenth century, see the chapter by Nieva Ocampo and Gonzalez Fasani in this volume, and Juan Jiménez Castillo, La reconfiguración política de los reinos de las indias: la transfiguración del poder virreinal en el Perú (1674-1689) (unpublished doctoral thesis, Universidad Autónoma de Madrid, 2019), pp. 1195-1314. 36 José María Ortiz Juárez, Biografía de fray Juan de Almoguera, el obispo del libro: Córdoba 1605Lima 1676 (Cordoba: Ediciones Escudero, 1976).

Royal Sites as Key Elements of the Political and Religious Relationship

from the centre to all the territories.37 It should be borne in mind, however, that all these monarchies always considered the particular characteristics of each territory, so that influence could just as easily flow from the periphery to the centre as vice versa. Similarly, the present volume has also shown that the various Royal Sites helped to establish the symbolic presence of the absent monarch and his dynasty by ensuring continuity with the dynasties that had reigned in those places in the past, and served, at the same time, as a channel for transmitting the religious and political ideas that were to be promoted in every corner of a global Empire.

37 Ronald W. Batchelder and Herman Freudenberger, ‘On the Rational Origins of the Modern Centralized State’, Explorations in Economic History, 20 (1983), pp. 1-13; Edgar Kiser and April Linton, ‘Determinants of the Growth of the State: War and Taxation in Early Modern France and England’, Social Forces, 80 (2001), pp. 411-48.

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Fig. 1.  Cover of Miguel de Luna, Constituciones de la congregación, y escuela de nuestro señor Iesu Christo (Zaragoza: Miguel Luna, 1659). Courtesy of Biblioteca Nacional de España.

Notes on the Contributors

José Eloy Hortal Muñoz is Associate Professor of Early Modern History at the University Rey Juan Carlos in Madrid. His main research interests are the political history of the Habsburg Netherlands in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, the Courts of Brussels and Madrid in both these centuries, the Royal Households of the Spanish Habsburgs and, lastly, the Royal Sites and the religious practices associated with them. His major works include the monographs Las guardas reales de los Austrias hispanos (Madrid, 2013); Los asuntos de Flandes. Las relaciones entre las Cortes de la Monarquía Hispánica y de los Países Bajos durante el siglo XVI (Saarbrücken, 2011); and (with G. Versteegen) Las ideas políticas y sociales en la Edad Moderna (Madrid, 2016). He has also co-edited (with J. Martínez Millán) La Corte de Felipe IV (1621-1665). Reconfiguración de la Monarquía Católica (Madrid, 2015); (with R. Vermeir and D. Raeymaekers) A Constellation of Courts: The Households of Habsburg Europe, 1555-1665 (Louvain, 2014); (with F. Labrador Arroyo) La Casa de Borgoña: la Casa del rey de España (Louvain, 2014); and, lastly, (with A. Espíldora García and P.-F. Pirlet), El ceremonial en la Corte de Bruselas del siglo XVII. Los manuscritos de Francisco Alonso Lozano (Brussels, 2018), which was awarded the Henry Pirenne Prize in 2019. José Martínez Millán is Full Professor at the Autonomous University of Madrid (Spain), where he founded the University Institute ‘La Corte en Europa’ (The Court in Europe). His lines of research are the Court and Royal Households of the Spanish Monarchy, as well as the Inquisition and issues concerning spirituality. His numerous works (both individual and co-directed) include La Corte de Felipe II (Madrid, 1994); La Corte de Carlos V (Madrid, 2000), 5 vols: (with S. Fernández Conti), La Monarquía de Felipe II: La Casa Real (Madrid, 2005), 2 vols; (with M. A. Visceglia), La Monarquía de Felipe III (Madrid, 2008), 4 vols; (with J. E. Hortal Muñoz and M. Rivero Rodríguez), La Monarquía de Felipe IV (Madrid, 2015-2018), 11 vols. Fabrizio D’Avenia is Associate Professor of the History of Christianity and Churches at the University of Palermo (Italy). In 2018 he was Directeur d’Études Associés (DEA) at the Fondation Maison des Sciences de l’Homme and visiting professor at Sorbonne University. He is member of the Laboratorio de Estudios Judeoconversos (LEJ) of the University of Córdoba (Spain). His research interests are related to ecclesiastical jurisdiction in connection with royal patronage and Tridentine reform, New Christians in the Spanish Monarchy, and the Order of Saint John. He is the author of Nobiltà allo specchio: Ordine

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di Malta e mobilità sociale nella Sicilia moderna (Palermo, 2009) and La Chiesa del re: Monarchia e Papato nella Sicilia spagnola (secc. XVI-XVII) (Rome, 2015). His several articles include ‘From Spain to Sicily after the Expulsion: Conversos between Economic Network and the Aristocratic Elite’, Journal of Early Modern History, 22/6 (2018). Ignasi Fernández Terricabras is Associate Professor of Early Modern History at the Autonomous University of Barcelona (Spain). He obtained his PhD in History at the University of Toulouse-Le Mirail (France) in 1999. His research focuses on Confessionalization, the Catholic Reformation and the political and religious history of the Spanish Monarchy during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. He has authored Felipe II y el clero secular: La aplicación del Concilio de Trento (Madrid, 1999). He recently edited, with Michel Boeglin and David Kahn, Reforma y disidencia religiosa: La recepción de las doctrinas reformadas en la Península Ibérica en el siglo XVI (Madrid, 2018). He currently coordinates the research group Manuscrits. Emilio Callado Estela is Full Professor of Early Modern History at the Cardinal Herrera University (Spain). He directs the research group “Iglesia y sociedad en la Valencia Moderna”, financed since 2008 by the Government of Spain. His studies have focused primarily on the religious and social history of the Church during the seventeenth century. Among other things, he is the author of: Sin pecado concebida: Valencia y la Inmaculada en el siglo XVII (Valencia, 2012); Mujeres en el claustro: El convento de Santa María Magdalena de Valencia (Valencia, 2014); El Paraíso que no fue: El convento de Nuestra Señora de Belén de Valencia (Valencia, 2015); El embajador de María don Luis Crespí de Borja (Madrid, 2018); El cabildo de la catedral de Valencia en el siglo XVII: Crisis y conflicto (Valencia, 2019) and Vergel de perfectísimas flores: El convento de Corpus Christi de Carcaixent (Valencia, 2020). Guillermo Nieva Ocampo is currently a researcher at CONICET (National Council of Scientific and Technical Research) and Associate Professor of Medieval History and Modern History of Spain at the National University of Salta (Argentina). His research interests focus on the history of the regular clergy of Castile in the late Middle Ages and Early Modern times, as well as the history of women’s monasticism and clergy in general in the former governorship of Tucuman (Viceroyalty of Peru) in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. He has published five books and numerous articles in scientific journals and has coordinated and collaborated on books devoted to late medieval and modern Castilian history, and also the history of Tucumán. He is currently director of a research project on political agents of the Spanish Monarchy between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries, and also collaborating in two European research projects on the transformation of the government of the Spanish Monarchy in those centuries.

n ot e s o n t he co nt ri b u to rs

Ana Mónica Gonzalez Fasani is Assistant Professor of History at the Universidad Nacional del Sur, Bahía Blanca, Argentina. She is a researcher in the project, ‘La transformación de las cortes virreinales a gobiernos nacionales’, under the direction of Manuel Rivero (IULCE/UAM), and co-director of the research project, ‘Los Otros en dimensión histórico-política: Poder, territorio, identidad y alteridad entre el Virreinato del Río de la Plata y las primeras décadas de vida independiente’ (Universidad Nacional del Sur). She is the author of Mujeres del Infinito: las carmelitas descalzas en la Córdoba colonial (Bahía Blanca, 2019), as well as La antigua gobernación del Tucumán de la conquista a la independencia: Política, Sociedad y Cultura (Salta, 2020), in collaboration with Guillermo Nieva Ocampo and Alejandro Nicolás Chiliguay. Víctor Mínguez Cornelles is Full Professor of Art History at the University Jaume I in Castellón (Spain). His research is focused on Images of Power, and his main line of research is the process of visual construction of the Battle of Lepanto (1571) and the Battle of Vienna (1683) as cultural images. Among his most recent publications are La invención de Carlos II: Apoteosis simbólica de la casa de Austria (Madrid, 2013) and Infierno y gloria en el mar: Los Habsburgo y el imaginario simbólico de Lepanto (Castellón, 2017); with Inmaculada Rodríguez Moya, The Seven Ancient Wonders in the Early Modern World (Abingdon-New York, 2017), El retrato del poder (Castellón, 2019) and El tiempo de los Habsburgo: La construcción artística de un linaje imperial en el Renacimiento (Madrid, 2020). Henar Pizarro Llorente is Associate Professor in the Department of International Relations of the Comillas Pontifical University (Spain), as well as member of the University Research Institute ‘The Court in Europe’ (IULCE). Similarly, she is series editor of the ‘Texts for a Millennium’ collection, promoted by the Order of Carmel. She has participated in various R&D projects and is the co-author of several collective works that study the Courts of Charles V, Philip II, Philip III and Philip IV. Her research lines have focused on the Spanish Inquisition and more recently on the Royal Household of Queen Elizabeth of Bourbon. She has authored Un gran patrón en la Corte de Felipe II: Gaspar de Quiroga (Madrid, 2004) and also co-edited (with J. Martínez Millán and E. Jiménez Pablo) Los Jesuítas: Religión, Política y Educación (siglos XVI-XVIII), 3 vols (Madrid, 2012). José Pedro Paiva is Full Professor of History at the University of Coimbra (Portugal) and a researcher at the Centre for the History of Society and Culture (CHSC). He was visiting professor at the University of São Paulo (Brazil), fellow of the John Carter Brown Library (USA) and of the Nederlandse Organisatie voor Wetenschappelijk Onderzoek (Netherlands Organization for Scientific Research), and former Dean of the Faculty of Arts and Humanities of the University of Coimbra. His research focuses on Religious History, the Inquisition, the Portuguese Seaborne Empire, the Iberian Union (1580-1640),

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Early Modern Witchcraft and Welfare and Poor Relief. Among the books he has authored, the most noteworthy are Os bispos de Portugal e do império 1495-1777 (Coimbra, 2006), Baluartes da fé e da disciplina: O enlace entre a Inquisição e os bispos em Portugal (1536-1750) (Coimbra, 2010) and, with Giuseppe Marcocci, História da Inquisição Portuguesa (1536-1821) (Lisbon, 2013). He is currently the PI of the international research project ReligionAJE: Religion, Ecclesiastical Administration and Justice in the Portuguese Seaborne Empire (1514-1750) and co-editor of the Global History of Portugal. Inmaculada Rodriguez Moya is Full Professor in the History of Art and Vice-Rector of Students and Social Commitment at the University Jaume I in Castellón (Spain). Her research has followed four lines of investigation: The Iconography of Power, Colonial Art, Emblem Studies and the History of Urbanism. She was/is the PI of two research projects awarded by the Ministry of Science and Innovation, Spain, on the Seven Wonders of the World and the Architecture of Power (2013-15) and the Mythical Image of Spanish Kings (2019-21). She has authored El retrato en México: 1781-1867: Héroes, emperadores y ciudadanos para una nueva nación (Sevilla, 2006) and co-authored (with Víctor Mínguez Cornelles) El Tiempo de los Habsburgo: La configuración iconográfica de un linaje en el Renacimiento (Madrid, 2020) and The Seven Ancient Wonders in the Early Modern World (Abingdon-New York, 2017). Nicoletta Bazzano is Associate Professor of Early Modern History in the Department of Letters, Languages and Cultural Heritage of University of Cagliari (Italy). Her main research interests are: the political and institutional history of Early Modern Sicily and Early Modern Sardinia; aristocratic networks in the Spanish Monarchy; political symbols in Early Modern Europe; and ceremonial in Renaissance and Baroque Mediterranean cities. She is currently studying the parliament of the Kingdom of Sardinia in the age of the Austrias mayores (the Greater Austrias), and the political and cultural biography of Giovanna d’Aragona (1502-77). Her most important publications are Marco Antonio Colonna (Rome, 2003); Donna Italia. L’allegoria della Penisola dall’antichità ai giorni nostri (Costabissara-Vi, 2011); and Palermo fastosissima: Cerimonie cittadine in età spagnola (Palermo, 2016).

Index of Names

Acosta, Father José de, Jesuit friar and director of the College of San Martín in Lima, 144 Adam, first man created by God, 67, 106 Aelst, Pieter Coecke van, painter, 259 Aguado, Father Francisco, priest and theologian, 70-72 Aguilar, Gaspar de, writer, 258, 260 Aguirre, Domingo de, law professor of the University of Barcelona and member of the Spanish Council of the Emperor Charles VI, 102 and n. 15, 103 and n. 18, 104-108, 111-113, 167 Aguirre, Fernando de, commissioned Captain of the Horse and judge ordinary on the Lima city council, 156 Aguirre, Fray Miguel de, Franciscan recollect friar and confessor of the viceroy in Lima, 156-157 Aguirre, Miguel, chief constable or chief bailiff of the Holy Office, contador mayor of the Court of Chancery, as well as the Crusade, in Chuquisaca, 156 Albert of Austria, archduke, cardinal, governor-general and sovereign of the Habsburg Netherlands, 19-20, 30, 43, 177-180, 182, 186, 208-210, 212-213, 215-216, 220, 235-236, 238, 240-241, 257, 290-292 Alcáçova Carneiro, Pedro de, noble, 182, 240

Alexander VI, pope of Rome, 57 n. 1, 58 Alexander VII, pope of Rome, 126, 128-129, 133 Almeida, Jorge de, archbishop of Lisbon, 231, 235, 240 Afonso Henriques, king of Portugal, 174, 238 Alfonso ‘the Kind’, see Alfonso IV Alfonso IV, king of Aragon, 271, 278, 280 Alfonso V, king of Aragon, 103, 108, 121, 193, 243, 247-249, 255, 278 Alfonso VIII, king of Castile, 187 Alfonso ‘the Magnanimous’, see Alfonso V Almoguera, Fray Juan de, preacher of the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 294 Alreus, Doctor Juan Bautista, rector of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 125 Álvarez de Toledo, Fernando, governor-general of the Habsburg Netherlands, 43, 232 n. 28 Álvarez de Toledo y Figueroa, Francisco, viceroy of Peru, 143 n. 21, 145, 147 Álvarez de Toledo y Leiva, Pedro de, viceroy of Peru, 146, 148, 156-157 Alvia de Castro, Fernando, purveyor to the Royal Navy, 67 Amico, Vito Maria, Benedictine friar, 79 n. 22 Amigant i de Ferrer, Pere d’, civil judge on the Royal Audience of Catalonia, 110, 111 and n. 56, 112

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Ángeles, Baltasar de, Franciscan friar and preacher in the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 158 n. 90 Anne of Tyrol, empress and wife of Emperor Mathias I, 195 n. 31 Ana Dorotea of Austria, natural daughter of the Emperor Rudolf II, 190 Anne Margaret of Austria, natural daughter of Philip IV, 190, 196 Anne of Austria, queen consort of the Spanish Monarchy and wife of Philip II, 194, 197 Anne of Austria, queen consort of France and wife of Louis XIII, 181, 189, 222 n. 54 Anthony of Portugal, prior of Crato, 228 n. 5, 229-230, 233, 235, 240-241 Antonio, Nicolás, secretary of the Spanish embassy in Rome, 128 Aprile, Giulio, sculptor, 175, 273-274 Aragón, Diego de, ambassador, 126-127 Aragón Folch, Enrique de, viceroy of Catalonia, 107, 112 Aragón Folch, Pedro de, viceroy of Naples, 269 Aranha, João, professor of theology, 232 Arenberg, Karel van, Capuchin friar, 217-218, 291 Arribas, Francisco de, Franciscan confessor to the queen of France, Anne of Austria, 222 n. 54 Assunção, Pedro de, friar of the regular canons of Saint Augustine, 230 Ardoldin of Clareinstein, Mathias, financial counsellor in Vienna, 212 Astete de Ulloa, Bartolomé, chief magistrate of Potosí, 148

Astete de Ulloa, Gonzalo, chaplain and dean of the Royal Chapel in Lima, 148 Ataíde, António de, noble, 234 Ataíde, António de, governor of Portugal, 292 Ataíde, Jorge de, bishop of Viseu, head chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Lisbon, 228 and n. 5, 231, 234, 236-237, 240 Avendaño, Melchor de, halfprebendary canon at the Cathedral in Lima, 148 Avendaño, Pedro de, captain, 148 Avendaño y Zúñiga, Diego de, dean of the Royal Chapel in Lima, 147-148 Ayala, Luisa de, mother of the chaplain Francisco Félix de Guzmán, 148 Ayala Fonseca y Toledo, Fernando Antonio de, viceroy of Sicily, 86 n. 54 Babau, César de, owner and caretaker of the Royal Palace of Vilafranca del Penedés, 113 Baldomar, Francisco, architect, 248 Balthasar Charles of Austria, prince of Asturias, son of Philip IV and Isabel of Bourbon, 67, 71, 158, 260, 288 Barberini, Antonio Marcello, cardinal, 222 Barresi, Filippo, precentor of the Royal Chapel of Palermo, 47, 53, 93 Barroso de Ribera, Don Baltasar, superintendent of the royal works, 200 Basilio, Agostino, precentor of the Royal Chapel of Palermo, 90, 93 Bausá, Gregorio, painter, 254 Beatrice of Trastámara, infanta of Castile, 187 n. 5

i nd e x o f name s

Bellot, Pau, lecturer of grammar in Vila-real and chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 130 Benavides, Vicente de, painter, 201 Benavides Dávila y Corella, Francisco de, viceroy of Sardinia and Sicily, 95, 274 Biondo, Fabio, papal collector in Portugal, 233 n. 37 Bishop of Ephesus, see Rye, François de Bisquer, Antonio, painter, 254 Blanch, Paulino, senior sacristan of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 131 and n. 61, 133 Blanes i de Centelles, Enrique, master of works of the Grand Royal Palace of Barcelona, 104 Borja y Aragón, Fernando de, viceroy of Aragon and Valencia, 292 Borja, Gaspar de, cardinal, 216, 225 Borja, Juan de, ambassador, 233 and n. 37 Borja y Aragón, Francisco de, viceroy of Peru, 147, 157 Borja-Centelles y DoriaColonna, Francisco Carlos de, noble, 292 Barbara of Bragança, queen consort of the Spanish Monarchy and wife of Ferdinand VI, 172 Bragança, Teotónio de, archbishop of Évora, 183, 228, 231, 233, 238 Bravo, Juan Bautista, professor at the university of Valencia, 129-130 Brindisi, Lorenzo de, general vicar of the Capuchins, 219 Brondo, Antioco, rector of the sanctuary of the Madonna di Bonaria in Sardinia, 280 Brussel, Filips van, Capuchin friar, 217-218, 220, 221 n. 44, 222-224, 291

Brussel, Seraph van, Capuchin friar, 224 Bustamante, Fray Baltasar de, Franciscan friar and main preacher of the convent of Saint Francis in Lima, 158 n. 90 Caballero, Manuel, architect, 250 Cabezón, Hernando de, organist at the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 237 Calça, Francisco, master of works of the Grand Royal Palace of Barcelona, 104 Calça, Lorenzo, master of works of the Grand Royal Palace of Barcelona, 104 Calvete de Estrella, Juan, writer, 196 Cameros, Luis Alfonso de los, precentor of the Royal Chapel in Palermo and archbishop of Valencia, 45, 93, 95, 133 Campo, Gonzalo de, archbishop of Lima, 148 Cantabene, Guglielmo, precentor of the Royal Chapel in Palermo, 93 Cárdenas y Pacheco, Bernardino de, viceroy of Valencia, 122 Cardinal-Infante, see Ferdinand of Austria Cardinal of Saint Onuphrius, see Barberini, Antonio Marcello Cardona y Enríquez, Antonio de, viceroy of Sardinia, 277 Carrafa, Francisco María, viceroy of Aragon and Navarre, 292 Carvajal, Alonso de, head chaplain and lord almoner of the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 285 Casal, Gaspar do, bishop of Coimbra, 228-229 Casale Monferrato, Giacinto di, Capuchin friar, 180, 216, 219-220, 222, 290-291

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in d e x o f n am e s

Casimir Vasa, prince of Poland, 31 Castell, Isidoro, rector of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 131-132 Castell, Jaume, rector of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 49, 53, 131 and n. 61 Castelo Branco, Afonso de, bishop of Algarve and Coimbra, dean of the Royal Chapel in Lisbon, 237, 241 Castelo Branco, Duarte de, diplomat, 182, 239 Castillo, Fernando del, precentor of the Royal Chapel in Palermo, 47, 93 Castilho, Pedro de, bishop of Leiria, 183, 238 Castro, António de, noble, 182, 240 Catherine of Austria, sister of Charles V, queen consort of Portugal and wife of John III of Portugal, 174, 240 Catherine of Portugal, princess of Portugal and duchess consort of Bragança, 229-230 Caudí, Josep, painter, 201 Cerda y Enríquez, Antonio Juan de la, viceroy of Valencia, 123, 133, 292 Cervantes de Salazar, Francisco, writer, 196 Charles I, king of England, 214, 219-220 Charles II, king of the Spanish Monarchy, 31, 49, 85, 101, 110, 158, 199, 201, 203, 259, 261, 263, 283, 287, 289 Charles III of Bourbon, general, 60 Charles V, Emperor, king of the Spanish Monarchy, 13, 26-28, 30 n. 39, 43, 46, 48, 50, 58-61, 67, 76, n. 5, 101, 110, 173, 175, 180, 186, 188-189, 193, 196, 198, 207, 218, 240,

246, 248, 251-253, 256, 260, 278279, 284, 288, 290 Charles VI, archduke of Austria and Emperor, 79, 102, 113, 133 Charles of Austria, infante of the Spanish Monarchy and brother of Philip IV, 30-31, 260 Charles of Austria, archduke and son of the Emperor Ferdinand II, 221 Chaves, Diego de, king’s confessor, 228, 231 Chifflet, Jules, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 48 Churriguera, José de, painter, 201-202 Clement, Claude, religious writer, 292 Clement V, pope of Rome, 70 n. 44 Clement VIII, pope of Rome, 63, 64 n. 26, 69 n. 43, 77, 108, 193, 210, 284 Clement X, pope of Rome, 133 Cobo y Peralta, Bernabé, writer, 140-141, 143 n. 21, 154 n. 69 Cobos y Luna, Manuel de los, viceroy of Valencia and Sardinia, 128-129, 175, 263, 269, 275 Coelho, Manuel, friar and preacher, 235 Coello, Claudio, painter, 201 Collurafi, Antonino, precentor of the Royal Chapel in Palermo, 93-94 Colomer, Francisco, beneficiary in the parish of San Juan del Mercado and senior sacristan of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 129130, 131 and n. 61 Colonna, Marcantonio, viceroy of Sicily, 75, 80-82 Coma i Sons, Joan, parish priest of the church of Saint James in Barcelona, 110

i nd e x o f name s

Concepció, Fray Josep de la, architect, 108 Concepción, Fray Juan de la, Franciscan recollect friar, chronicler and dean of the Royal Chapel in Lima, 54, 154-156 Confalonieri, Gianbattista, secretary to the papal collector in Portugal, 233 n. 37 Constable of Bourbon, see Charles III of Bourbon, Constable of Castile, see Fernández de Velasco, Don Íñigo Melchor, Constance of Aragon and Navarre, princess of Aragon, queen consort of Sicily and wife of Frederick III, 125, 129 Constance of Saluzzo, queen consort of Peter III of Bas Serra, king of Arborea, 278 Contreras, Fernando, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Lima, 148, 149 and n. 53 Córdoba y Salinas, Diego de, writer, 153-154 Archbishop of Corfu, see Marcello, Cristóbal Count of Alba de Liste, IV, see Enríquez de Guzmán, Enrique Count of Alba de Liste, V, see Enríquez de Guzmán, Diego Count of Ayala, see Ayala Fonseca y Toledo, Fernando Antonio de Count of Chinchón, see Fernández de Cabrera y Bobadilla, Luis Jerónimo Count of Fuensalida, see López de Ayala Velasco, Antonio Count of Lemos, see Fernández de Castro y Andrade, Pedro Count of Mayalde, see Borja y Aragón, Fernando de

Count of Monterrey, see Zúñiga Acebedo Fonseca y Ulloa, Manuel de Count of Oñate, see Vélez Ladrón de Guevara y Tassis, Íñigo Count of Paredes, see Orsini, Gonzaga Count of Salvatierra, see Sarmiento de Sotomayor, García Count of Santisteban, see Benavides Dávila y Corella, Francisco de Count of Villanueva, see Valterra Blanes, Vicente Count-Duke of Olivares, see Guzmán y Pimentel, Gaspar de Countess of Nassau, see Mendoza, Doña Mencía de Covarrubias, Alonso de, architect, 252-253 Crasso, Paris, archbishop of Bologna, bishop of Pisauria, master of ceremonies of the Papal chapel, 69 n. 43 Crescenzi, Juan Bautista, royal architect, 29 Crespí y Borja, Luis, noble, 293 Croÿ, Karel van, noble, 183 Cueva, Alonso de la, ambassador, 213 n. 23 Cyrus II, king of Persia, 22 n. 11 David, king of Israel, 68 Davalle Ozores y Pacheco, Miguel, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Lima, 149 Deza, Pedro, cardinal, 210-211 Díaz, Fernando, founder of the ecclesiastical benefice of Saint Barbara in the Church of Calatrava in Valencia, 126 Díaz del Valle de la Puerta, Lázaro, member of the Royal Chapel in Madrid and writer, 67

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Díez de Aux, Antonio, archbishop of Cagliari, 275 Diocletian, emperor of Rome, 238 Doetechum, Jan, engraver, 196 Doetechum, Lucas, engraver, 196 Donoso, Ximénez, painter, 191 Doria, Giannettino, archbishop of Palermo, 42, 78, 89-91, 93 Duke of Aerschot and Croÿ, see Croÿ, Karel van Duke of Alba, see Álvarez de Toledo, Fernando Duke of Alcalá, see Enríquez de Ribera y Téllez-Girón, Fernando Duke of Cardona, VI, see Aragón Folch, Enrique de Duke of Cardona, IX, see Aragón Folch, Pedro de Duke of Feria, I, see Suárez de Figueroa y Córdoba, Gómez Duke of Feria, II, see Suárez de Figueroa y Córdoba, Lorenzo Duke of Gandía, see BorjaCentelles y Doria-Colonna, Francisco Carlos de Duke of the Infantado, see Mendoza, Rodrigo de Duke of Lerma, see Sandoval y Rojas, Francisco de Duke of Maqueda, see Cárdenas y Pacheco, Bernardino de Duke of Medinaceli, see Cerda y Enríquez, Antonio Juan de la Duke of Medina Sidonia, see Pérez de Guzmán, Gaspar Alonso Duke of Montalto, see Moncada, Luis Guillermo de Duke of Nájera, see Lara y Girón, Manrique de Duke of Nochera, see Carrafa, Francisco María Duke of Osuna, II, see Girón, Pedro

Duke of Osuna, III, see TéllezGirón y Velasco, Pedro Duke of Sermoneta, see Gaetano, Francesco Duke of Terranova, see Aragón, Diego de Dyck, Antoon van, painter, 19 Earl of Castanheira, see Ataíde, António de Earl of Monsanto, see Castro, António de Edmonde, Thomas, ambassador, 208 n. 5 Eleanor of England, queen consort of Castile and wife of Alfonso VIII, 187 Elisabeth Farnese, queen consort of the Spanish Monarchy and wife of Philip V, 264 Emmanuel Philibert of Savoy, prince of Savoy and viceroy of Sicily, 30, 170, 260, 273 Enríquez de Almansa, Martín, viceroy of Peru, 144-145 Enríquez de Guzmán, Diego, viceroy of Sicily, 81 and n. 34 Enríquez de Guzmán, Enrique, high steward of Queen Anne of Austria, 159 Enríquez Pimentel y Guzmán, Enrique, viceroy of Sicily, 92 n. 84 Enríquez de Ribera y TéllezGirón, Fernando, viceroy of Sicily, 78, 90-91, 93 Erasmus of Rotterdam, philosopher, 59-60 Eraso, Antonio de, secretary to the king, 231 España, Juan de, chronicler king of arms, 198 Esquerdo, Juan, writer, 258 Estevan, Josep, rector of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 125 n. 39 Eugene IV, pope of Rome, 70 n. 44

i nd e x o f name s

Fabra, Jaume, beneficiary of the parish of San Andrés in Valencia, 130 Fajardo de Valladares, Lucas, inquisitor, 110 Fajardo de Zúñiga Requesens, Fernando Joaquín, viceroy of Sardinia, 108, 274 Farnese, Alexander, duke of Parma and governor-general of the Habsburg Netherlands, 216 Felipe, José, holder of the ecclesiastical benefice of the convent of Saint Christopher in Valencia, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 126 Feliú, Salvador, rector of the Royal Chapel in Barcelona, 110 Ferdinand ‘the Catholic’, see Ferdinand II, king of Aragon, Ferdinand I, Emperor, king of Hungary, 60 Ferdinand II, Emperor, 67, 70, 195 n. 31, 213, 219, 221 Ferdinand II, king of Aragon, 13, 24, 57 n. 1, 58-60, 73, 75, 76 and n. 5, 102, 104-105, 110, 117, 121, 177, 196, 252 n. 23, 254-255, 268 Ferdinand VI, king of the Spanish Monarchy, 172 Ferdinand of Aragon, duke of Calabria, 245 n. 7, 246, 249-251, 252 and n. 23, 253-255, 257 Ferdinand of Austria, cardinal and infante of the Spanish Monarchy and brother of Philip IV, 25, 30, 260, 291 Ferdinand of Austria, archduke and son of emperor Ferdinand II, 221 Fernandes Galvão, Francisco, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Lisbon, 232 Fernández de Cabrera y Bobadilla, Luis Jerónimo, viceroy of Peru, 148-149, 155, 157

Fernández de Castro y Andrade, Pedro, viceroy of Naples, 43, 87 Fernández de Córdoba, Diego, viceroy of Peru, 157 Fernández de Laredo, Juan, painter, 201 Fernández de Velasco, Don Íñigo Melchor, high steward in the Royal Household in Madrid, 201 Ferraro, Juan Bautista, chaplain of the Hospital of the Italians in Madrid, 293 Florencia, Jerónimo de, jesuit and preacher in the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 53 Flores, María de, mother of Aguirre, Fray Miguel de, 156 Font, Antoni, vicar of the rector of the Royal Chapel in Barcelona, 109 Fortiguerra da Siena, Nicolò, Dominican friar, 278 Francisco de Otero, Jerónimo, inquisitor, 111 Frederick II, emperor, 188 Frederick III, emperor, 68, 188 Frederick III, elector of Saxony, 193 Frederick III, king of Naples, 252 n. 23 Gaetano, Francesco, viceroy of Sicily, 95 Gaitán, Juan, gentleman of the chamber of the viceroy of Peru, 140 García, Juan, professor at the university of Valencia, 129-130, 293 García de Zurita, Andrés, chaplain and dean of the Royal Chapel in Lima, 146 Gattinara, Mercurino Arborio di, councillor, 59-60

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in d e x o f n am e s

Gauna, Felipe, chronicler, 258 Gaverelle, Jan de, syndic of Antwerp, 213 n. 23 Germaine of Foix, vicereine of Valencia and wife of Ferdinand II of Aragon, 246, 249-251, 252 and n. 23, 253, 255 Girón, Pedro, diplomat, 229 Gomes, Fernando, painter, 241 Gómez, Father Juan, Jesuit friar, 144 Gómez de Mora, Juan, royal architect, 29, 251, 260 González, Father Sebastián, Jesuit friar, 72 Gracián, Baltasar, religious writer, 292 Gracián de la Madre de Dios, Jerónimo, Carmelite friar, 209, 211-212, 214, 239 Granada, Luis de, Dominican friar, 230, 237 Granada, Pablo de, Capuchin friar, preacher and guardian in the province of Andalusia, 68 n. 40 Cardinal Granvelle, see Perrenot de Granvelle, Antoine Grazia, Angelo de, precentor of the Royal Chapel in Palermo, 47, 93 Gregory XIII, pope of Rome, 83, 88 Gregory XIV, pope of Rome, 210 Gregory XV, pope of Rome, 62-63, 213, 219, 263 n. 49 Guidi di Bagno, Giovanni Francesco, nuncio in the Habsburg Netherlands, 215 Guzmán, Fernando de, familiar of the Holy Office in the New Kingdom of Granada, 148 Guzmán, Francisco Félix de, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Lima, 148 Guzmán y Benavides, Diego de, head chaplain, lord almoner and

patriarch of the Indies of the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 285 Guzmán y Mexía, Gaspar Felipe de, viceroy of Valencia, 261, 263 Guzmán y Pimentel, Gaspar de, count-duke of Olivares, valido [favourite] of Philip IV, king of the Spanish Monarchy, 28, 30-31, 42, 71, 182, 213, 219-220, 221 n. 44, 222, 223 and n. 57, 225, 286 Guzmán Ponce de León, Luis de, ambassador, 73, 127-128 Haller, Richard, confessor of the queen Margaret of Austria-Styria, 221 Haro y Guzmán, Gaspar de, marquis of Heliche, 28 Henrietta Marie of France, queen consort of England and wife of Charles I, 220 Henry I, king of Portugal, 168, 174, 227, 234, 240 Henry IV, king of France, 285 Hercules, demigod of the Romans, 102, 269 Hernández, Jacinto, master of ceremonies of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 125, 129-130 Herrera, Fernando de, friar of the order of preachers, 159 Herrera, Juan de, royal architect, 174, 236, 238 Herrera Barnuevo, Antonio, royal architect, 29 Herrera Barnuevo, Sebastián, royal architect, 29, 200 and n. 43 Hezquerra de Rozas, Pedro, master of ceremonies of the Royal Chapel in Palermo, 86 n. 54 Hispan, nephew of Hercules, 102 Hurtado de Corcuera, Sebastián, governor of the Philippine Islands, 44

i nd e x o f name s

Hurtado de Mendoza, García, viceroy of Peru, 49, 142 and n. 18, 143 Innocent X, pope of Rome, 133 Isabella I, queen of Castile, 24, 57 n. 1, 76 n. 5, 117, 121, 196, 255 Isabella of Aragon, infanta of Aragon and sister of Martín I, 255 Isabella del Balzo, queen consort of Naples and wife of Frederick III, 252 n. 23 Isabella of Bourbon, queen consort of the Spanish Monarchy and wife of Philip IV, 197 Isabella Clara Eugenia, archduchess, infanta, governorgeneral and sovereign of the Habsburg Netherlands, 19 and n. 1, 20, 30, 43, 178-181, 186, 188, 208-210, 212-215, 216 and n. 30, 217-221, 222 and n. 51, 223 and n. 57, 224-225, 257, 285, 290, 291 and n. 23, 292 Isabella ‘the Catholic’, see Isabella I Isabella of Portugal, empress and wife of Charles V, 189, 198, 203 James I, king of Aragon, 109, 118, 125, 247 James II, king of Aragon, 278 James ‘the Just’, see James II Jarque, Francisco, clergyman and metropolitan judge from the town of Potosí, 68, 292 Jesus, Anne of, Carmelite nun, 212, 214 Jesus, Fray Thomas of, Carmelite friar, 212, 214 Jesús Ruzola, Domingo de, Carmelite friar, 213-214 Joanna I, queen of Castile, Aragon and Navarre, 172, 187

Joanna of Austria, princess of Portugal and sister of Philip II, king of the Spanish Monarchy, 20, 181, 187, 189, 191-192, 196, 198 and n. 38, 203 João Manuel, portuguese Crown Prince, 20 Johan, duke of BrandenburgAnsbach, 255 John of Aragon, infante of Aragon, 247 John of Portugal, bishop of Guarda, 229 John II, king of Aragon, 107, 126 John II, king of Castile, 138 John III, king of Portugal, 240 John of Austria the Younger, natural son of Philip IV, king of the Spanish Monarchy, governor-general of the Habsburg Netherlands, 30, 186, 203 John [Juan] of Austria, natural son of Charles V, governorgeneral of the Habsburg Netherlands, 190, 196 John Joseph [Juan José] of Austria, see John of Austria the Younger, Jordá, Guillermo, Mercedarian priest, 278-279 Jordaens, Jacob, painter, 19 Juanes, Juan de, painter, 254 Lagonissa, Fabio de, bishop of Conza and nuncio in the Habsburg Netherlands, 215-216, 224 Lamormaini, Wilhelm Germain, emperor Ferdinand II’s confessor and theologian, 70, 222, 223 Lara, Gaspar Agustín de, writer, 202 Lara y Girón, Manrique de, viceroy of Valencia, 122 Larrago, Apolinario, painter, 254 Leo X, pope of Rome, 69 n. 43, 193 Leoni, Pompeo, sculptor, 196, 198

309

31 0

in d e x o f n am e s

Leonor of Sicily, queen consort of Aragon and wife of Peter IV, 107, 277 Leonor of Viseu, queen consort of Portugal and wife of John II, 236 Leopold William of Habsburg, archduke, governor-general of the Habsburg Netherlands, 30, 186 Loaysa, García de, head chaplain and lord almoner of the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 51, 285 Lombardo, José, senior sacristan of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 50, 131 and n. 61 Lombart, Antonio, chaplain of the Royal Audience in Valencia, 132 López de Ayala Velasco, Antonio, viceroy of Sardinia, 275 López de Franca, Diego, ambassador, 69 López de Hontiveros, Martín, bishop of Calahorra, 128-129, 131 Lord of Grajal, see Vega, Juan de Lorenzana, Fray Juan de, founder of the Recollect convent in Lima, 153 n. 68 Louis IX, king of France, 193 Louis XIII, king of France, 101 Louis XIV, king of France, 73 Loyola, Sebastián de, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Lima, 147 Lozano, Francisco Alonso, aid of the oratory of the Royal Chapel in Brussels, writer, 52 Lupiá, Hugo de, bishop of Valencia, 121 Luther, Martin, friar and theologian, 193 Machiavelli, Niccolò, diplomat and philosopher, 65 and n. 30 Machuca, Pedro, sculptor, 198 Magno, Valerius, Capuchin friar, 222-223

Maldonado de Torres, Alonso, member of the Council of Indies, 148 Malferit, Octavio, canon of the Cathedral of Valencia, 125 Mantuano, Dionisio, painter, 203 Manuel I, king of Portugal, 174, 232, 236, 240 Marcello, Cristoforo, archbishop of Corfu, liturgist, 69, n. 43 Marchionness of Cenete, see Mendoza, Doña Mencía de Margaret of Austria, regent of the Habsburg Netherlands and sister of emperor Maximilian I, 173, 195 Margaret of Austria, archduchess, daughter of the emperors Maximilian II and Mary of Austria, 190-191, 221 Margaret of Austria-Styria, queen consort of the Spanish Monarchy and wife of Philip III, 46, 139, 181, 189, 194, 210, 219, 221, 257-259 Margaret of Saboy, duchess of Mantua and vicereine of Portugal, 31 Margarita de la Cruz, natural daughter of don John of Austria, natural son of Charles V, 190, 212, 219, 222-223 Marianne of Austria, regent of the Spanish Monarchy and wife of Philip IV, 20, 132, 199, 263, 294 Mariano IV, king of Arborea, 278 Marquis of Aytona, see Moncada, Francisco de Marquis of Bedmar, see Cueva, Alonso de la Marquis of Camarasa, see Cobos y Luna, Manuel de los Marquis of Cañete, see Hurtado de Mendoza, García Marquis of Castel Rodrigo, see Moura, Carlos Homo Dei

i nd e x o f name s

Marquis of Denia, see Sandoval y Rojas, Francisco de Marquis of Guadalcázar, see Fernández de Córdoba, Diego Marquis of Heliche, see Haro y Guzmán, Gaspar de Marquis of Leganés, see Guzmán y Mexía, Gaspar Felipe de Marquis of Malpica, see Barroso de Ribera, Don Baltasar Marquis of Mancera, see Álvarez de Toledo y Leiva, Pedro de Marquis of Montesclaros, see Mendoza y Luna, Juan de Marquis of Salinas, see Velasco y Castilla, Luis de Marquis of Távara, see Enríquez Pimentel y Guzmán, Enrique Marquis of Los Vélez, see Fajardo de Zúñiga Requesens, Fernando Joaquín Martín I, king of Aragon, 105, 107108, 121, 177, 193, 255, 274 Martin I, king of Sicily, 273, 274 and n. 23, 275-276, 279 Martin V, pope of Rome, 70 n. 44, 109 Martin ‘the Humane’, see Martín I, king of Aragon Martin ‘the Younger’, see Martín I, king of Sicily Martínez de Campo, Martín, chief magistrate of Malaga in the province of Andalusia, 148 Mártires, Bartholomeu dos, archbishop of Braga, 230-231 Marullo, Cesare, archbishop of Palermo, 88 Mary of Austria, empress and sister of Philip II, 181, 188, 190-191, 194, 196, 198-199, 221, 233, 236, 285 Mary of Castile, queen consort of Aragon, Governor-General of the Crown of Aragon, General Lieutenant of Valencia and wife

of Alfonso V, 244 and n. 1, 247249, 255 Mary of Hungary, queen consort of Hungary, governor-general of the Habsburg Netherlands and sister of Charles V, 186 Mary Anne of Austria, empress and wife of Ferdinand III, sister of Philip IV king of the Spanish Monarchy, queen consort of Hungary, 214, 218-222 Mary Louise of Orléans, queen consort of the Spanish Monarchy and wife of Charles II, 197, 199, 201-202 Mary Maddalena of Austria, archduchess and grand duchess of Tuscany, 194 Mary Manuela of Portugal, princess of the Spanish Monarchy and wife of Prince Philip (II), 198 Mary of Navarre, queen consort of Aragon and wife of Peter IV, 121 Mateu y Sanz, Lorenzo, regent of the Council of Aragon, 104-105 Mathias I, emperor, 195 n. 31 Maximilian I, emperor, 173, 188, 195 Maximilian I, duke and elector of Bavaria, 214, 219, 221-222 Maximilian II, emperor, 197 Mendes de Carvalho, António, bishop of Elvas, 228 Méndez de Haro, Luis de, valido [favourite] of Philip IV, king of the Spanish Monarchy, 28, 182 Mendoza, Doña Mencía de, noble, 248, 251, 254-256 Mendoza, Nicolás de, knight of Saint Jacques, 140 Mendoza, Rodrigo de, viceroy of Sicily, 89 Mendoza y Castilla, Rodrigo de, nephew of the viceroy of Peru, 140

311

31 2

in d e x o f n am e s

Mendoza y Luna, Juan de, viceroy of Peru, 140, 146, 157 Meseguer, Juan Bautista, professor at the university of Valencia and rector of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 129-130, 131 and n. 61 Messía y Sandoval, Francisco, chamberlain and captain of the guard of the viceroy in Peru, 140 Mogrovejo, Toribio de, archbishop of Lima, 153-154 Moncada, Francisco de, ambassador, 220, 222 Moncada, Luis Guillermo de, viceroy of Sardinia and Valencia, 124-125, 128-129, 261, 271 and n. 15, 273 Mongitore, Antonino, scholar and canon of Palermo cathedral, 79 and n. 22 Monzó, Juan, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 119 Moses, prophet, 66 Moura, Carlos Homo Dei, viceroy of Valencia, 261 Moura, Cristóbal de, diplomat, 183, 229, 239 Mora, Francisco de, royal architect, 248, 253, 257 Moretus, Plantin, printer, 196 Muñoz, Luis, writer, 192 Neyla, Pedro de, judge of the Regia Monarchia in Sicily, 90-91 Nieremberg, Father Juan Eusebio, priest and theologian, 71-72 Noronha, André de, bishop of Portalegre, 228-229, 231 Novelli, Pietro, painter, 86 Núñez de Avendaño, Diego, oidor and president of the Royal Audience of Lima, 140, 147 Olivares, Francisco de, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Lima, 149

Orliens, Juan Miguel, sculptor, 254 Orozco, Alonso de, preacher at the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 189 Orsini, Gonzaga, viceroy of Valencia, 132, 261 Ortiz, Antonio, commissioner general of the Recollects in Peru, 153 Ortiz de Cervantes, Juan, attorney general of the encomenderos in Peru, 152 Padilla, María de, lover of Peter I, king of Castile, 187 n. 5 Palacios, José, holder of the ecclesiastical benefice of Saint Barbara in the Church of San Juan del Hospital in Valencia, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 125 Palomino, Antonio, painter, 202 Pannemaker, Willem van, arrasworker, 259 Paravicino, Hortensio Félix, trinitarian and preacher in the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 53 Pascual, Juan, master of works of the Grand Royal Palace of Barcelona, 103-104 Pastor, Francisco, prosecutor for the Royal Audience and senior sacristan of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 129-130, 131 and n. 61, 132 Paul V, pope of Rome, 62, 89, 133, 220 Pellicer Ossau, José, religious writer, 292 Pellicer y Tovar, José, chronicler, 67 Pereda, Antonio de, painter, 191 Pereyra, Father Rafael, Jesuit friar, 72 Pérez, Antonio, secretary, 189 Pérez, Bartolomé, painter, 201 Pérez de Guzmán, Alonso, head chaplain, lord almoner and patriarch of the Indies of the

i nd e x o f name s

Royal Chapel in Madrid, 70, 285, 287-288 Pérez de Guzmán, Gaspar Alonso, noble, 287 Peris, Jaime, master of ceremonies of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 132 Perrenot de Granvelle, Antoine, cardinal, 43 Peter I, king of Castile, 15, 187 and n. 5 Peter III of Bas Serra, king of Arborea, 277-278 Peter IV, king of Aragon, 107, 109, 118-120, 247, 277, 279-280 Peter ‘the Ceremonious’, see Peter IV Peter ‘the Cruel’, see Peter I Philip I, king of the Spanish Monarchy, duke of Burgundy and archduke, 187, 196 Philip II, king of the Spanish Monarchy, 26-29, 42-44, 46, 50-51, 53-54, 60-61, 62 and n. 16, 67, 75, 81-83, 99, 101, 138, 153-154, 168, 173177, 179-182, 185-189, 192, 194-195, 198, 208, 210, 218, 227, 228 and n. 5, 229-231, 232 and n. 28, 233-241, 246, 248, 253, 256-257, 259, 278, 283-284, 293 Philip III, king of the Spanish Monarchy, 28, 30, 48, 51, 53, 65-66, 69, 76 n. 6, 83, 87, 101, 112, 153, 176, 189, 194, 212, 213 n. 23, 219, 225, 246, 257, 258 and n. 36, 260, 283, 285-286, 290 Philip IV, king of the Spanish Monarchy, 13, 20, 25, 28, 30-31, 42, 48-49, 53-54, 65, 67-68, 70-73, 7980, 85, 91, 101 and n. 9, 107, 112-113, 123-124, 126-129, 158, 170, 173 and n. 22, 182, 189-192, 196-197, 199200, 213-214, 216, 219-221, 224-225, 260-261, 283, 285, 287-289, 294 Philip V, king of the Spanish Monarchy, 113, 133-134, 200 n. 44, 264

Philip ‘the Fair’, see Philip I Pinelo de Aguilar, Juan, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Naples, 47 Pinheiro, António, bishop of Leiria, 228-230 Piñas, Father Baltasar de, Jesuit friar and director of the College of San Martín in Lima, 144 Pirri, Rocco, abbot, 78-79, 81, 83, 92, 94, 167 Pitigliano, Gerolamo, precentor of the Royal Chapel of Palermo, 93 Pius II, pope of Rome, p. 69, n. 43 Planet King, see Philip IV Portocarrero y Guzmán, Pedro, head chaplain, lord almoner and patriarch of the Indies of the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 73 Pozzo, Francesco del, prelate, 80-81 Prince of Paliano, see Colonna, Marcantonio Prince of Squillace, see Borja y Aragón, Francisco de Prudent King, see Philip II Puente, Fray Juan de la, friar and theologian, 65 Quero Turillo, Manuel, judge of the Regia Monarchia in Sicily, 88 Quingles, Francisco, secretary to the viceroy of Sicily, 94 Quingles, Juan, precentor of the Royal Chapel in Palermo, 47, 93-95 Quiroga, Diego de, Capuchin friar, 219-220, 221 and n. 48, 222, 223 and n. 57 Radbot of Habsburg, count of Klettgau, 188 Ramírez de Cartagena, Cristóbal, senior oidor of the Royal Audience in Lima, 144 Raneo, Jusepe, master of ceremonies of the Royal Chapel in Naples, 52

313

314

in d e x o f n am e s

Redondo, Manuel, painter, 201 Requena, Vicente, painter, 258 Requesens, Galcerán de, governorgeneral of Catalonia, 107 Requesens, María de, wife of Antonio de Cardona y Enríquez, viceroy of Sardinia, 277 Ribeiro, Manuel, chaplain and master of ceremonies of the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 51, 69, 286, 288 Ribera, Juan de, archbishop and patriarch of Valencia, 246, 259, 262, 290 Ribera, Manuel Mariano, rector of the Royal Chapel in Barcelona, 109, 110 and n. 48, 111-112, 117 Riera, Jaume, caretaker or guardian of the New Palace of Barcelona, 107 Rizi, Francisco, painter, 203 Rocco, Capellino, architect, 270 Rodríguez de Monforte, Pedro, chronicler, 199 Roger II, king of Sicily, 87 Rosi, Blas, archbishop of Messina, 47 Rossi, Antonio, canon in the Royal Chapel in Palermo, 90, 91 n. 81, 93 n. 85 Rubens, Pieter Paul, painter, 19, 179, 291 Rudolf I, duke of Habsburg and king of Romans, 14, 65, 67-68, 71-73, 188, 286 Rudolf II, emperor, 190 Ruiz de la Iglesia, Francisco Ignacio, painter to the king, 201 Rye, François de, archbishop of Besançon, 44 Saint Agatha, martyr and saint, 108, 110-111, 177 Saint Anthony of Padua, Franciscan friar and saint, 86 Saint Augustine, father of the church and saint, 277

Saint Anne, mother of the Virgin and saint, 193 Saint Barbara, martyr and saint, 125, 127, 129 Saint Catherine, martyr and saint, 123-124, 133, 248, 250-251, 261, 270 Saint Cecile, martyr and saint, 280 Saint Clement, pope and saint, 271 Saint Dominic of the Calzada, hermit and saint, 278 Saint Eulalia, martyr and saint, 109, 280 Saint Felix of Valois, friar and saint, 261 n. 45, 262 Saint Francis of Assisi, friar and saint, 86, 215 Saint Francis Borgia [San Francisco de Borja], noble and saint, 170, 192, 262, 263 and n. 48 Saint Francis of Paola, hermit and saint, 277 Saint Francis Solano, friar and saint, 157 Saint Francis Xavier [San Francisco Javier], missionary and saint, 203, 262 Saint George, soldier and saint, 110, 193, 251 Saint Ignatius of Loyola [San Ignacio de Loyola], soldier and saint, 203, 262 Saint Ildefonsus, bishop and saint, 178-180, 291 Saint Isabella of Hungary, queen of Hungary and saint, 217 n. 33 Saint Isidro Labrador, farmer and saint, 203 Saint James [Santiago], apostle and saint, 125, 127, 129, 133, 192 Saint Jerome, hermit and saint, 194, 234, 236

i nd e x o f name s

Saint John ‘the Baptist’, preacher and saint, 122, 248 Saint John ‘the Evangelist’, theologian and saint, 248 Saint John of Matha, friar and saint, 261 n. 45, 262 Saint Joseph, carpenter and saint, 217 Saint Julian, martyr and saint, 236 Saint Lawrence, martyr and saint, 238, 241 Saint Louis Beltrán, friar and saint, 262 Saint Louis of Toulouse, bishop and saint, 193 Saint Lucifero, bishop and saint, 272 Saint Lucy, martyr and saint, 125, 127, 277 Saint Mancio, bishop and saint, 233 Saint Marine, monk and saint, 109 Saint Martin, bishop and saint, 189 Saint Mary of the Graces, advocation of the Virgin Mary, 83, 88 Saint Michael, archangel, 252 Saint Paul, soldier and saint, 80 n. 28, 110, 154 Saint Peter, apostle and saint, 80 n. 28, 110, 203 Saint Peter of Alcántara, monk and saint, 277 Saint Peter Nolasco, cleric and saint, 109 Saint Peter Pascual, bishop, theologian and saint, 262 Saint Philip, apostle and saint, 181, 239 Saint Philip Neri, priest and saint, 62, 64, 203, 292 Saint Raymond of Penyafort, cleric and saint, 109, 262 Saint Rosalia, noble and saint, 92 n. 84, 270

Saint Sylvester, pope and saint, 110 Saint Theresa of Jesus, nun and saint, 177, 203, 214, 217, 240, 262 Saint Thomas of Villanueva, friar and saint, 262 Saint Tome or Thomas, apostle and saint, 236 Saint Ursula, martyr and saint, 203 Saint Vincent, cleric, martyr and saint, 174, 238, 257-258, 262 Saint Vincent Ferrer, friar and saint, 254, 262 Saint Victor, soldier and saint, 194 Salas, Jaime, master of works of the Grand Royal Palace of Barcelona, 103 Salazar, Álvaro de, Benedictine friar, 230 Salazar, Fray Juan de, friar and theologian, 67 Salinas y Córdoba, Fray Buenaventura de, Franciscan friar and confessor to the viceroy of Peru, 54, 157-159 Salinas y Córdoba, Diego de, Franciscan friar, 159 Salinas Loyola, Asencio de, soldier and conqueror of the New Kingdom of Granada, 147 San Bartolomé, Anne of, carmelite nun, 214, 217 San Benito, Ambrosio Mariano de, Carmelite friar, 239 San José, Mariana de, nun, 192, 203 Sandoval y Rojas, Bernardo de, grand inquisitor, 182, 211, 220 Sandoval y Rojas, Francisco de, I duke of Lerma, valido [favourite] of Philip III, king of the Spanish Monarchy, 28, 182, 211-212, 219, 245 n. 7, 257-258, 285 Santa Fé, Mauro de, Franciscan friar and preacher in the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 158 n. 90

315

316

in d e x o f n am e s

Santamaría, Fray Juan de, friar and theologian, 66 Santori, Cardinal, see Santorio, Giulio Antonio Santorio, Giulio Antonio, bishop of Palestrina and cardinal, 62 Sardus, son of libyan Hercules, 269 Sariñena, Juan de, painter, 260 Sarmiento de Sotomayor, García, viceroy of Mexico and Peru, 149, 157, 159 Scribani, Carolus, Jesuit friar, 213 n. 23 Seabra, Manuel de, bishop of Ceuta and dean of the Royal Chapel in Lisbon, 237 Sebastian I of Portugal, king of Portugal, 174, 197, 237, 240-241 Sesse, Miguel, holder of the ecclesiastical benefice of Saint Barbara in the Church of San Juan del Hospital in Valencia, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 125 Sierra, Juan de la, candidate to a chaplaincy of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 130 Simates, Miguel, vicar at the church of San Esteban in Valencia, 129-130 Simón, Father Francisco Jerónimo, priest in Valencia, 246, 262 Sisternes de Oblites y Centoll, Melchor, member of the Council of Aragon, regent of the chancery of Sardinia and interim viceroy of Sardinia, 124, 275 Sixtus V, pope of Rome, 210 Soledad, Fray Gabriel de la, Discalced friar, 153 Solórzano y Pereyra, Juan de, councillor of Indies, 148, 150, 160, 294 Solórzano y Pereyra, María de, sister of Solórzano y Pereyra, Juan de, 148

Siotto, Efisio Giuseppe, preacher at the Royal Chapel in Madrid, writer, 53, 167, 268-271, 277 Sorolla, Félix, holder of the ecclesiastical benefice of Saint Barbara in the Church of Calatrava in Valencia, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 126 Soto, Andrés de, confessor to the infanta Isabella Clara Eugenia, 290 Soto Real, Efisio Giuseppe, see Siotto, Efisio Giuseppe Spínola y Guzmán, Ignacio, archbishop of Valencia, 132 Suárez de Figueroa, Cristóbal, chronicler, 143 Suárez de Figueroa y Córdoba, Gómez, viceroy of Valencia, 123, 290 Suárez de Figueroa y Córdoba, Lorenzo, viceroy of Sicily, 90 Tahuenga, Gaspar, rector of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 131, 133, 293 Tassis y Villarroel, Juan de Vera, attorney responsible for plays and their censorship at the Buen Retiro Palace, 201-202 Tébar, Pedro de, friar and preacher in the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 158 n. 90 Téllez-Girón y Velasco, Pedro, viceroy of Naples, 219 Teruel, Jaime, holder of the ecclesiastical benefice of Saint James in the Cathedral of Valencia, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Valencia, 125 Terzi, Filippo, architect, 232, 236, 238 Theresa of Greece, empress, 125 Toledo, Juan Bautista de, royal architect, 27

i nd e x o f name s

Torres, Matías de, painter, 191 Torres y de Guzmán, Lope de, master of the horse of the viceroy of Peru, 140 Tortoreti y Neapolis, Vicente, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Madrid, 72 Tosca, Father Tomás Vicente, architect and theologian, 264 Urban IV, pope of Rome, 70, n. 44 Urban VIII, pope of Rome, 77, 89, 133, 215, 218, 222, 223 and n. 56, 225 Urgell, Don Jaime de, infante of Aragon, 255 Valdés, Alfonso de, writer and secretary, 59-60 Valterra Blanes, Vicente, noble, 292 Valverde y Mercado, Francisco de, captain general and president of the Royal Audience of Panama, 147-148 Valverde y Mercado, Juan de, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Lima, 148 Vázquez de Arce, Rodrigo, ambassador, 231 Vázquez de Espinosa, Antonio, writer, 142, 161 Vázquez de Leça, Mateo, secretary to the king, 228 Vega, Juan de, viceroy of Sicily, 75 Vega Carpio, Lope de, writer, 29 Velasco y Castilla, Luis de, viceroy of Mexico and Peru, 141, 154, 157 Velasco y Molina, Martín de, chaplain of the Royal Chapel in Lima, 147 Velázquez, Diego, royal painter, 29

Vélez Ladrón de Guevara y Tassis, Íñigo, viceroy of Naples, 169 Vendeville, Jean, professor at the University of Douai and bishop of Tournai, 211 Vermeyen, Jan Cornelisz, painter, 259 Vico, Pietro de, archbishop of Cagliari, 274 Vidanya, Juan de, master builder, 252-253 Villafranca Malagón, Pedro de, engraver, 200 Villanueva, Jerónimo de, royal architect, 251 Villoslada, Sebastián de, Benedictine friar, 230 Virgin Mary, mother of God, 109, 178, 248 Victor Amadeus II, king of Savoy and Sicily, 79 Vives, Juan Bautista, prelate and ambassador, 39, 209-213, 215-216, 220, 224 Werner of Habsburg, bishop of Strasbourg, 188 William II, king of Naples and Sicily, 86 Xerea, Don Pedro de, founder of the ecclesiastical benefice of Our Lady of Grace in the convent of Nuestra Señora de la Zaidía in Valencia, 126 Zuccaro, Federico, painter, 194 Zúñiga, Baltasar de, ambassador, 218-219 Zúñiga Acebedo Fonseca y Ulloa, Manuel de, count of Monterrey, 28 Zurita, Jerónimo, writer, 274

317

Index of Places

Acapulco, 154 Accia, 45, 82 Agrigento, 79 n. 23, 93 Alcalá de Henares, 144, 154, 211 Alghero, 269 Almeirim, 168, 233-234 Antwerp, 19, 48, 213 n. 23, 216 Arequipa, 147, 294 Athens, 100 Badajoz, 228 Barcelona, 42, 46, 54, 99, 100, 102, 104, 110, 112-113, 119-120, 167-170, 177, 273 Belém, 174, 234, 240 Bosa, 269 Braga, 230-231 Brussels, 20, 44, 46, 48, 51, 53, 178180, 186, 189, 196, 198, 207, 213, 215-218, 221, 250, 290 Burgos, 172, 187 Cagliari, 169-170, 175, 267, 268 and n. 4, 269-274, 277-282 Campo Maior, 228 n. 6, 231 Castanheira do Ribatejo, 234 Castellaragonese, 269 Catania, 79 n. 23, 89 n. 72 Catarroja, 258 Ceuta, 237 Cologne, 290 Charcas, 148 Chuquisaca, 156 Coimbra, 228, 232-233, 240 Cuzco, 146, 152, 157 Damascus, 154 Denia, 258

Elvas, 228 and n. 6, 231 Évora, 183, 228, 231, 233, 238 Gandía, 189 Genoa, 259, 274 Goa, 238 Granada, 186, 198 Guarda, 229 Habichtsburg, 188 Huamanga, 146 Huancavélica, 158 Huesca, 174, 238 Iglesias, 269 Ksar El Kebir [Alcácer Quibir], 237 La Paz, 147 La Plata, 156 Leiria, 183, 228, 230, 238 Lérida, 101 Lerma, 182 Leuven, 183 Lima, 30, 42, 44-46, 49-50, 54, 137140, 142, 144-149, 151-154, 156, 158 n. 90, 160, 172, 294 Lisbon, 48, 51, 168, 170, 174, 178, 182183, 186, 220, 230-241, 286 Loeches, 182 Loja, 146 Madrid, 24, 26, 28-29, 38, 44-49, 51, 53, 72, 87, 93, 99, 134, 152, 156-158, 172-177, 179, 185-189, 192, 195, 198199, 201, 203, 212-213, 215, 218-219, 221, 225, 237, 244, 250-251, 259, 269, 275, 286, 288-290, 293

3 20

in d e x o f p l ac e s

Malaga, 148 Majorca, 267 Manila, 44, 46, 154 Mazara, 94 n. 91 Mechelen, 256 Messina, 47, 79 n. 23, 89 n. 72, 276 Mexico, 30, 42, 44, 149, 154, 159, 196 Milan, 60, 268 n. 4 Milazzo, 87 Miranda, 238 Monreale, 93, 94 and n. 87 Monzón, 102, 105, 253 Munich, 219-220, 223 Naples, 42, 44, 89 n. 72, 252, 267, 268 n. 4, 280 Nördlingen, 291 Nuraminis, 268 Nursia, 269 Oristano, 269, 277 Palencia, 189 Palermo, 31, 41-42, 47, 52-54, 75, 7879, 82, 87, 93-95, 167, 177, 268 n. 4 Panama, 147-148 Patti, 94 n. 87 and 91 Paris, 187, 193, 215 Peñón de los Vélez, 257 Perpignan, 101 Plasencia, 229 Poblet, 101, 174 Portalegre, 228, 231 Potosí, 68, 148, 292 Prague, 186 Quito, 146 Rome, 39, 51-52, 54, 57-58, 61, 63-69, 71-72, 78, 121, 128, 133, 159, 176, 179-180, 203, 207, 210-211, 213-216, 220, 223-225, 283, 285-286, 288-289

Sagunto, 259 Salamanca, 143 n. 21, 144 Salvatierra, 149 Sanluri, 274 Santa Lucia, 87, 89 Santarém, 168, 230, 232-233 Santiago de Compostela, 192 Santillana del Mar, 154 Saragossa, 40, 103 n. 15, 109, 121 n. 23 Sassari, 269-270 Scopello, 45, 82 Segovia, 186 Seville, 72, 146, 148, 186 Sintra, 236 Tarragona, 101 Tervuren, 207-208, 214, 217-219, 221, 223-224 Tienen [Tirlemont], 287-288 Toledo, 46, 179, 182, 186, 195, 220, 288 Tomar, 229, 231-232 Tordesillas, 187 and n. 5 Tortosa, 101 Trujillo, 146-147 Turnhout, 256 Valdivia, 156-157 Valencia, 30, 41, 46, 49-50, 54, 117-119, 121-123, 167-168, 170-171, 177, 193, 213, 243-246, 248-252, 254-262, 264, 289, 292-293 Valladolid, 28, 46, 67, 143 n. 21, 178, 186, 189, 196, 198, 230 Venice, 94 Versailles, 39 Vienna, 38, 102, 186, 188, 213, 218-220, 222-223 Vinaroz, 259 Viseu, 228 Wittenberg, 193

Index of Royal Sites

Abbey of San Nicola di Perfoneto, Naples, 45 Abbey of San Nicola do Bacciano, Naples, 45 Abbey of Val-de-Grâce, Paris, 181, 189 Aljafería, Saragossa, 40, 55, 103 n. 15, 167, 246 Archive of the Kingdom of Aragon, Valencia, 243, 247 Basilica of Our Lady of Scherpenheuvel, 208 Bellesguard Tower, Barcelona, 101-102 Bellver Castle, Majorca, 246 Capuchin Church, Vienna, 195 Clarissan Monastery of Oristano, 171, 277 Collegiate Church of San Isidoro, León, 172, 195 Grand Royal Palace, Barcelona, 40-41, 102-105, 107-115, 167, 246 Hofburg, Vienna, 38, 195 Hofkirche (Court Church), Innsbruck, 173, 195 King’s Castle, The, Tarragona, 101 Madre de Deus Convent, Lisbon, 171, 236 Minor Royal Palace, Barcelona, 102, 107-109 New Royal Palace, Barcelona, 102, 105-108, 112-113, 115

Palace of the Kings, Majorca, 246 Palace of Mechelen, 256 Palace of the Sea, Barcelona, 108 Royal Alcázar of Madrid, 24, 27, 38-41, 46, 51, 57, 68, 70, 72, 95, 131, 171, 185, 187, 189-191, 195, 197, 250-251, 286-290, 292-294 Royal Alcázar of Toledo, 27 Royal Alcázares of Córdoba, 40 Royal Alcázares of Seville, 40, 168 and n. 3 Royal Carthusian of Miraflores, 173 Royal Castle of Perpignan (known as the Palace of the Kings of Majorca), 101 Royal Chapel of Granada, 40, 173 Royal Chapel of Manila, 40-41, 44 Royal Chapel of Seville, 40, 173, 195 Royal College of Saint Philip and Saint Mark, Lima, 49, 140, 143 and n. 21, 144-149, 152 Royal College of Saint Martin, 49, 140, 144-145, 147, 156 Royal Convent of Christ, Tomar, 171, 232 Royal Convent of La Encarnación, Madrid, 28, 38, 46, 171-172, 174, 176, 178, 181-182, 185, 189-192, 194, 196-197, 199-204, 289, 290 Royal Convent of Las Descalzas, Madrid, 38, 46, 171-172, 174, 176, 181, 185, 187, 189-192, 194, 196-199, 202-204, 221-222, 289, 291 Royal Convent and Royal Quarter of Los Jerónimos, Madrid, 172, 174-175, 182, 190, 196-197, 199, 259

3 22

in d e x o f royal s i t e s

Royal Convent of Saint Dominic, Cagliari, 171, 175, 278 Royal Convent of Saint Dominic [Santo Domingo], Valencia, 171, 245, 247, 251, 255, 260, 262 Royal Convent of Saint Francis, Lisbon, 179 Royal Convent of Tervuren, 169, 171-172, 180, 207-209, 214, 216, 221, 225-226, 291 Royal Convent of the Discalced Carmelites, Brussels, 208, 217 Royal Convent of the Discalced Carmelites, Lisbon, 177 Royal Convent of the Mercedarians at the church of the Madonna della Bonaria, Cagliari, 171, 278, 280 Royal Convent of the Salesas Reales, Madrid, 172 Royal Monastery of Brou, Bourgen-Bresse, 173, 195 Royal Monastery of Leire, 173, 195 Royal Monastery of Our Lady of Laeken, Brussels, 208 Royal Monastery of Pena, Sintra, 171, 175, 236 Royal Monastery of Penhalonga, Sintra, 171, 175, 236 Royal Monastery of Poblet, 101, 173174, 195, 274 and n. 23 Royal Monastery of San Lorenzo de El Escorial, Madrid, 25, 27, 172176, 182-183, 186, 190, 192, 194-195, 198, 200, 205, 232-234, 238, 252-254 Royal Monastery of San Miguel de los Reyes, Valencia, 171-173, 175, 245, 251-252, 254, 257, 259 Royal Monastery of Santa Clara de Tordesillas, Valladolid, 187 Royal Monastery of Santa Isabel, Madrid, 171, 185, 189, 194 Royal Monastery of Santa Maria da Vitória, Batalha, 173, 195, 240 Royal Monastery of Santes Creus, 101, 172, 173, 195

Royal Monastery of São Vicente de Fora of the Religious Order of the Canons of Saint Augustine, Lisbon, 171, 174, 238, 242 Royal Monastery of the Hieronymite monks in Belém, Lisbon, 174-175, 231 Royal Monastery of the Poor Clares of the Santísima Trinidad, Valencia, 171-173, 245, 247 Royal Monastery of Yuste, Cáceres, 175, 182, 190 Royal Palace of Aceca, 172 Royal Palace of Almeirim, 168, 233 Royal Palace of Aranjuez, Madrid, 25, 27-28, 40, 46, 186, 251 Royal Palace of Berga, 101 n. 8 Royal Palace of the Buen Retiro, Madrid, 25, 28, 197, 201, 264 Royal Palace of Cagliari, 40, 169, 270, 272-273, 282 Royal Palace of Casa de Campo, Madrid, 27 Royal Palace of Coudenberg, Brussels, 40-41, 169, 171, 184, 186, 207-208, 217, 250 Royal Palace of El Pardo, Madrid, 25, 27-28, 40, 186 Royal Palace of the Huerta de la Ribera, Valladolid, 182 Royal Palace of Lima, 40-41, 139-142, 162, 169 Royal Palace of Mariemont, 208 Royal Palace of Messina, 40 Royal Palace of Mexico, 40, 169 Royal Palace of Naples, 40-41, 95, 169, 246 Royal Palace of Palermo, 40-41, 95, 246, 293 Royal Palace of Piera, 101 Royal Palace of Ribeira, Lisbon, 4041, 177, 236-237, 239, 242 Royal Palace of Tervuren, 226 Royal Palace of Valencia [Llano del Real], 40-41, 118, 121 n. 23, 126, 129,

i nd e x o f royal si t e s

131, 133-135, 168-169, 171, 245-251, 255-261, 263-265, 290, 292-293 Royal Palace of Valldaura, 101-102 Royal Palace of Valsaín, Segovia, 25, 27, 186, 251 Royal Palace of Vilafranca del Penedès, 101, 113 Royal Palace of Vilvoorde, 169, 208 Royal Palace of La Zarzuela, Madrid, 25

Royal Sepulchre of Martin I ‘the Younger’, Cagliari, 174, 273, 282 Santa María la Real de Las Huelgas, Burgos, 172-173, 187, 195 Santa María la Real de Tordesillas, Valladolid, 172, 187 Suda Castle, Lerida, 101, 246 Suda Castle, Tortosa, 101

323