Political Hope: The Quest for Political Identity and Strategy in the Social Movements of North India's Untouchables, 1900-1970

Citation preview

Political Hope: The Quest for Political Identity and Strategy in the Social Movements of North India's Untouchables, 1900-1970 By

Mark Karl~uergensmeyer] A.B. (University of Illinpis) 1962 B.D. (Union Seminary) 1965 M.A. (University of California) 1969

DISSERTATION Submitted in partial satisfaction of the requirements for the degree of

DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY in Political Science in the

GRADUATE DIVISION of the

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY

Approved:

Committee in Charge

••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••••

3o c1-~_ I ~ 7J

@ COPYRIGHT 1974 Mark Juergensmeyer

'

iii ABSTRACT:

POLITICAL HOPE: SQIEDULED CASTE MOVEMENTS IN THE PUNJAB

Mark Juergensmeyer

The focus of this study is on the Ad Dharm movement -- a revolutionary religion of the Punjab Scheduled Castes (Untouchables) which rose to prominence from 1925 to 1935, and was restored, in a somewhat different incarnation, in 1970. In a larger sense, however, this study examines the social and political situation of the Punjab Scheduled Castes in this century, as a wa_y of understanding "the politics of the poor," and the way in which social movements are useful in strategies for change. There are three main sections. Following a review of the literature on social movements and on Scheduled Castes, the first main section analyzes the social contexts, in two chapters. The first chapter looks at the social ecology of the Punjab, and locates the Scheduled Castes among the dominant Sikh, Muslim, and Hindu religious COIIIIDWlities; the unique social characteristics of the Scheduled Caste coaaunity are examined to determine those elements of class consciousness and political identity which become the bases for social movements. The second chapter looks at the social context of the movements from a grassroots' perspective; utilizing the anthropologists' method of field research and the sociologists' sample survey, six local Scheduled Caste coaaunities (in three villages, a town, and two sections of a city) are studied in depth, to understand the role which social movements play in the lives of ordinary people. The second main section of the study contains, in four chapters, a description of the historical development of the Ad Dharm movement, based on old records and interviews. A biographical sketch is given

of Mangoo Ram, the Ad Dharm leader who had been associated with the Ghadar revolutionary party in California. The analysis of the Ad l)harm movement includes the origins and early leadership, the ideol-

ogy, organization and social vision, and an account of the external

relations -- how the Ad Dharm responded to other social forces, and attempted to affect change. The Ad Dharm' s relationship with

the Arya Sauj, the Congress, the British, and the Unionist Party

iv

a

re discussed; so, also, are the movementJ s relationships with

other Scheduled Caste movements -- Ambedkar' s Scheduled Caste Federation and neo-Buddhism, mass movement Christianity, the Sweeper movements -- and the appeals of the Radhasoami sect, and the urban middle class.

The study analyzes the Ad Dharm's demise,

and the cooptation of Scheduled Caste leadership into modern party politics.

The recent revival of Ad Dharm, in 1970, supported by

Scheduled Caste immigrants to Great Britain, is placed in the context of the new social and political forces in the Punjab postIndependence; the study of the new Ad !harm was enhanced by field research in England. The third main section of the study is devoted to analysis and evaluation, in two chapters. The first chapter attempts to set forth a theoretical framework for analyzing and comparing the political utility of social movements, using the rubrics of "political identity" and "strategy." Concepts from social philosophy are borrowed to develop -a political "construction of reality" of the poor. The framework of analysis, which is intended to be generally applicable to the politics of the poor, is then applied, in the last chJpter of the study, to the various Scheduled Caste movements in the Punjab.

Following the comparative evaluation of

the movements, aheomparison is also made between the effects of

government policy and thoeof social movements; the study concludes that the unique contribution of social movements is their social vision.

The study includes maps, tables, and the statistical results

of the study's survey. Among the appendices are included an extensive description of Punjab religious sects, and an English translation of a 1931 report of the Ad Dharm movement.

V

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My interest in studying social movements as vessels of political change began while I was a graduate student at Berkeley. The provocative seminars of Warren Ilchman, Chalmers Johnson, and John Gumperz were most helpful; happily, those three influential professors later agreed to serve as the dissertation committee for this study. Ideas develop through discussion and critique; and for that, I am grateful to my colleagues, Lonnie Hicks, Manoranjan Mohanty,

Emily Hodges Datta, Patrick O'Donnell and Richard Busacca. The richness of their ideas has immeasurably benefitted my own. I first became concerned about the situation of the Scheduled Castes (Untouchables) while teaching at Punjab University, India, from 1965 to 1967, under the auspices of the Presbyterian Frontier Intern program, and the World Student Chtistian Federation. Again, when I returned to do field research on the social movemeats of the Punjab Scheduled Castes in 1970-71, the support and stimulation of the academic community of Punjab University, Chandigarh, made the st:udy possible. I am especially grateful to Prof. S.B. Rangnekar, head of the Economics Department, who arranged for my housing, and served with warmth and insight as my academic field advisor. Prof. Vic tor d I Souza, head of the Sociology Department, helped me to design the sample survey; and I am fondly indebted to my Panjabi language tutors, Mr. Devinder Singh and Mr. Mohinder Singh, both of the

Panj abi. Department, for their friendship and assistance. Prof. and Mrs.

Eric Banerji, and Prof. Manoranjan Mohanty and Ms. Lata

Mohanty, of Delhi University, provided intellectull stimulus and the comforts of home. In each of the local field studies, certain individuals provi.ded hospitality, made arrangements, and too~ a major role in the study i. tself. In "Nalla, 11 it was Mohinder Singh; in "Bimla, 11 it was

Guprit Singh Dhillon; in

11

Allahpind, 11 it was Principal Ram Singh,

Prof. Paul Love, and Chaplain Maqbul Caleli, all of Baring College,

Bata1a; in Jandiala, it was Santokh Singh Sangha, Avtar Singh Nahar,

and Roy Bonney; in Valmiki Gate, Jullundur, it was Hari Kishan Nahar; and i.n Boota Mandi, it was Manohar Mahay. Their kindness will long be remembered.

vi

\

Certain other people played key roles in my historical

I

studies of the Ad Dharm and the other social movements. I am especially grateful to Baba Mangoo Ram, now at Garhshankar, !:hri Mangu Ram 'Jaspal,' of Birmingham, U.K., ~ri L.R. Balley of Jullundur, Shri Bhagwan Das of New Delhi, and Rev. Ernest Campbell of New Delhi. I appreciated their warm hospitality, as well as their interest in my study. The Center for Souch and Southeast Asia Studies al the University of California, Berkeley, has provided the necessary services to complete the research and typing of the manuecript. I am especially grateful for the hours of patient labor and professional skill provided by Patrick Peel, Clinton ~eeler, Surjit Singh Guraya, and Mary Barrett. A trip to South Asia, on behalf of the Center, allowed me to return to the Punjab in 1973, to update my field research. Prof. Eugene F. Ir.chick, Chairman of the Center, has been understanding and tolerant of my neglect of Center duties in the last hectic weeks of completing this dissertation.

My work at the Center

has been made more pleasant through the cheerful presence of Ms. Dora Austin-Doughty, Ms. Joan Platt, and Ms. Janet Hampton. Warren Ilchman, as dissertation advisor and former Center Chairman, has provided the intellectual challenge for this study; as a

colleague and friend, he has been gracious in his counsel, and

wise in his insight. I have learned much through the critical

perception of Sucheng Chan; she has provided for me a model of discipline and purposeful scholarship, which impelled me to give this study more care and concern than it might have had.

To her, and

to our little friend, Ms. Brandenburg, with whom we share a home, I

a1 so owe a deep appreciation for the fullness and the t to generalize the concept of caste, characterizing it as birth-ascribed status ranking, and finding in many other cultures the distinctions between caste and outcaste, pure and defiled. 73 Redfield's Great Tradition concept, to which the traditions of parochial and marginal coamunities, such as Scheduled Castes, are linked, is modified by McKim Marriott in Village India

74

to include two-way

interaction between the traditions, and considerably elaborated by Martin Orans in his study, The Santals: Tradition.

75

A Tribe in Search of a Great

Orans' theory of assimilation is called the "Rank

Concession Syndrome;" the central concept of the theory is "emulationsolidarity conflict" which may be stated simply as the guilt felt by groups which want to emulate another tradition, but fear losing their unique identity in the process.

Orans' thesis is no doubt correct

in uncovering the problem of identity, but confuses the issue with talk of dual traditions and assimilation when the term,caste, implies multiplicity of traditions and no possibility for assimilation. Other writings in recent social science focus on particular Scheduled Caste coanunities for insights into social change.

Bernard

Cohn has gotten a good deal of mileage out of his study of Qiamars in · 76 a U.P. village; and pauline Mahar's "Changing Religious Practices

25 of an Untouchable Caste,"

77

is one of many such articles emphasizing

aspects of change within the neighborhoods of the poor.

Recently, the social science literature has noticed that political involvement frequently attends the Scheduled Caste social changes.

Sidney Verba, Bishruddin Ahmed and Anil Bhatt, in Caste,

Race and Politics:

A Comparative Study of India and the United

States 78 bave done a composite survey, in comparing American Blacks with Scheduled Castes, a study which might hold claim for being the most comprehensive account of Scheduled Caste politics.

No one is

surprised at their discovery that the two groups have many political similarities; what is disappointing, however, is the thinness of their bases for coq,arison, and their preoccupation over sophisticated but questionable statistical data to illustrate models of political mobilization. Their primary theoretical model is a three-fold process beginning with "changes in social status," which lead to "new orientations," which in turn lead to "participation" in the political system.

The

middle factor in this process, "new orientations," is a set of five "alternative path models," including "general political involvement," "political knowledge," "the personal relevance of government," "group consciousness," and "identification with party."

Verba et al., then

attempt to marshal statistical data, which they have gathered from questionnaires, to show preferences among these five "paths" for the Blacks, the ''Harijans, "*and their dominant society counterparts, the

Whites and the upper castes. The breadth of Verba, Ah111ed and Bhatt's study is dazzling, especially since they have labored so diligently to provide ''hard data"

26

for their models. But it is partly the data which is troubling -who are these respondents that we can trust, and understand, their answers to questions regarding "seeing coD1DUnity conflict as involving

race or caste conflict," or "feeling they can contact elites for solving personal or coD1DUnity problems;" where are they from, and what are their political contexts?

Beneath the troublesome questions,

there is a deeper issue regarding the study's assumptions about politics -- that "political participation" always means participation in the political system; and that "political mobilization" into this system implies a previous torpor and ignorance about politics, an assumption which demands historical scrutiny, rather than a questionnaire. Perhaps the real difficulty with the team of Verba, Ahmed and Bhatt, is that they cast their nets too wide; too little is understood about the character of Scheduled Caste politics on a more parochial level to be able to make broad comparisons, even -- or especially -through complex data-gathering screens.

For that reason, I rather

feel more favorably inclined towards political studies of Scheduled Castes which begin with particular situations as their logic for generalization. Several such studies exist, recently doae.

One is Robert

Hardgrave's 'lbe Nadars of . Tamilnad,7 9 which is a political study in the sense that it displays the maneuvers of a semi- Untouchable

*

Verba, Ahmed and Bhatt insist on using the term, ''Harijan", for the Scheduled Castes, even though it is considered derogatory by many Scheduled Caste members, and is ordinarily used only in upper caste conversation.

27

caste of Madras

in over a hundred

years of engagement and change,

including alignments ~ith political parties. According to Hardgrave, there are three stages in the Nadar's recent historical development: 1) in the first part of the nineteenth century they were provincial, a politics within the caste, among bickering sub-castes; 2) later that century and early in this one, they were more integrated among themselves, with a sense of unity vis-a-vis the other castes; 3) more recently, they have developed a differentiation of interests, urbanization and political diffusion creating crosscutting concerns, and a break of caste unity. In sumnary, Hardgrave shows the Nadars to have changed in their identity and purpose, outgrowing the earlier identity movements, for a more diffuse politics of the political system and the modern culture, Owen Lynch, in the Politics of Untouchability,BO

states

the same thesis, with considerably less subtlety or research than Hardgrave, in Lynch's study of the urban Agra Jatavs. In addition to illustrating the politicization of the Jatavs, Lynch wants to make another point, regarding the nature of c~ste as a concept in social change. Lynch secularizes Srinivas' notion of Sanskritization by showing that reference groups of identity, imitation and negation are not always caste groups -- they may be modern sectors or political parties, and a "caste" can maintain its integrit7·9"eh -inc: tb,ac.. ppocess of being involved in nontraditional styles of behavior. Caste is an "adaptive structlure." Somehow, however, the ability of the Untouchables to maintain thir integrity through adaptation seems to be a hollow achievement when the rest of society remains eager to remind them of their

28

identity, regardless of what they try to become. 81 Nonetheless, it is the implicit notion of political progress in both Hardgrave and Lynch

which I find most dis-

concerting. Ruth

Simmons, in a recent study of the Berwas, a 82 Scheduled Caste conmunity in Delhi, .... discovered that they had not gone through a processual change, but had pu~sued Sanskritization, Westernization, and political participation, all at the same time, in contra-distinction to the Hardgrave and Lynch models. Perhaps, if Simmons' study is the more typical case, Hardgrave and Lynch's subjects may have been unusual in their processu•l political development and their unity of purpose; perhaps, also, Hardgrave and Lynch's generalizations may have been based on too limited a study. My own study, perhaps of a type most *imilar to Hardgrave, Lynch and Simmons, 83

intends to look at the changing nature of

the political involvements of the whole of the Scheduled Castes in one region, the Punjab, within this century. It is hoped that this limitation will be narrow enough to gain a real understanding, yet broad enough to be a basis for generalization. The aatter of accepting a theoretical frame for this study is problematic. A recent report issued by the Indian

Council of

Social Science Research, '.'Studies on Politics of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled

Tribes," by Ghanshyam Shah, 84 complains that "more

often than not, empirical data are fitted into pre-conceived frameworks. 1185 Yet, the same study recognizes the importance of developing some sort of conceptual perspective appropriate to Scheduled

29

Caste politics: "To sum up, it may be said that there are some exploratory works on political aspects of these connnunities by anthropologists which may help in formulating hypotheses and designs for future research undertakings. It is now time that political scientists explore this area [Scheduled Caste politics] more systematically and with a view to explore typical political configurations and processes. 11 86 This study intends to explore some of those configurations with the hope of learning something from Scheduled Caste political experience which may

be of some wider interest.

However,

to keep from imposing a We~tern notion of a political system onto my observations, I have consciously set forth two biases: a) to avoid using terms such as "political development," or any other term which implies necessary progress or processual change; and b) to look for aspects of political behavior outside, as well as within, the electoral political system.

In sUDJDary, I believe my study has a two bodies of literature. As a

distinct niche within

study of social movements, it is

unique in analyzing the utility of those movements for a particular strattnn of society.

As a study of Scheduled Caste politics, this

study is unusual in its approach to political analysis, accepting social movements as vessels of political purpose and change.

30

FOOTNOTES

1.

Crane Brinton, The Anatomy of Revolution, New York: House, 1960.

Random

2.

Chalmers Johnson, Revolutionary Change, Boston: Little, Brown and Co., 1966. See also his Revolution and the Social System, Stanford: Hoover Institution of War, Revolution and Peace, 1964.

3.

Ted Gurr, Why Men Rebel, Princeton: 1970.

4.

Harry Eckstein, ed., Internal War, New York:

5.

Carl J. Friedrich, ed., Nomos VIII: Atherton Press, 1966.

6.

Harry Bienen, Violence and Social Change, Chicago: of Chicago Press, 1968.

7.

Hannah Arendt, On Revolution, New York:

8.

Barrington Moore, .J r., The Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy, Boston: Beacon Press, 1966. See also Lawrence Stone's critical review of Moore's optimism regarding revolution, in the New York Review of Books, August 24, 1967.

9.

For my own effort to suggest a more positive approach to the analysis of revolutionary movements, see Mark Juergensmeyer, "Governments in Embryo: An Organizational Approach to the Study of Revolutionary Change," in Journal of Contemporary Revolution, Vol. IV, no. 2, Spring 1972, pp. 70-80.

10.

Bryan Wilson, Religious Sects: McGraw-Hill, 1970.

11.

Leon Festinger, H. W. Riecken, s. Schacter, When Prophecy Fails, Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1956.

12.

E. J. Hobsbawm, Primitive Rebels: Studies in Archaic Forms of Social Movement in the 19th and 20th Centuries, New York: Norton, 1958.

13.

Vittorio Lanternari, The Religions of the Oppressed, New York: Mentor, 1965.

14.

Hobsbawm, op, cit., p. 11. According to Hobsbawm, Fiore "distinguished between the reign of justice or law, which is essentially the equitable regulation of social relations in an imperfect society, and the reign of freedom, which is the perfect society." (p. 11).

Princton University Press, Macmillan Co., 1964.

Revolution, New York: University

Viking Press, 1963.

A Sociological Study. New York:

31

15.

Norman Cohn, The Pursuit of the Millennium, New York: 1961.

Harper's,

16.

Peter M. Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound: A Study of 'Cargo' Cults in Melanesia, London: MacGibbon & Kee, 1957.

17.

Sylvia Thrupp, ed., Millenial Dreams in Action, The Hague: Mouton & Co., 1962. Includes articles by S. 'Dlrupp, R. Ribeiro, van der Kroef, J. Guiart, M. Eliade, G. Shepperson, N. Cohn, H. Kaminsky, J.R. Strayer, E. Tuveson and D. Weinstein.

18.

Ibid.

19.

Ibid.

20.

Worsley, op, cit.; see also the articles on Melanesia, Indonesia and Brazil in Thrupp, op. cit.

21.

Weston Le Barre's Peyote Cult, New York: Schocken Books, 1959, and J. s. Slotkin's The Peyote Religion: A Study of IndianWhite Relations, Glencoe: The Free Press, 1956, are two of the more interesting of these Native American studies, and contain good bibliographies of the Native American Church and earlier American Indian responses to the white man.

22.

Cohn, op. cit.

23.

Stephen Fuchs, Rebellious Prophets, Bombay: House, 1965.

24.

Barrington Moore, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy. Boston: Beacon, 1966.

25.

L. Natarajan, Peasant Uprisings in India (1850-1900). Bombay: People's Publishing House, 1953.

Asia Publishing

s.

26.

B. Chaudhuri, Civil Disturbances During the British Rule in India (1765-1857). Calcutta: The World Press, 1955; and Civil Rebellion in the Indian Mutinies, Calcutta: The World Press, 1957.

27.

Mehmet Beqiraj, Peasantry in Revolution, Ithaca:

Cornell Uni-

versity Center for International Studies, 1966.

28.

A. R. Desai, Social Background of Indian Nationalism, Bombay: Oxford University Press, 1948.

29.

Marcus Franda, Radical Politics in West Bengal, Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1971.

30.

Mohan Ram, Split Within a Split, Delhi: Vikas Publications, 1969; Maoism in India, Delhi: Vikas Publications, 1971.

~

32

31.

Kathleen Gough and Hari Sharma, eds., Imperialism and Revolution in South Asia, New York: Monthly Review Press, 1973.

32.

For example, Manoranjan Mohanty' s ''Maoist Strategy in India," unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Political Science, University of California, Berkeley, 1971.

33.

See this interesting series of exchanges concerning the revolutionary potential of the Indian peasantry in Pacific Affairs: Kathleen Gough, ''Peasant Resistance and Revolt in South India," Pacific Affairs, vol. 41, no. 4, Winter 1968;

s.

A. Shah, "Class and Agrarian Change: Some cooments on Peasant Resistance and Revolution in India" (a response to Kathleen Gough), Pacific Affairs, vol. 42, no. 3, Fall, 1969. ICathlee.n Gough, "Class and Agrarian Change: Some Cooments on Peasant Resistance and Revolution in India" (rejoinder to s. A. Shah), Pacific Affairs, vol. 42, no. 3, Fall, 1969. 34.

Two new works illumine the Gandhian movement as a social movement: Judith M. Brown, Gandhi's Rise to Power, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1972; and, Geoffrey Ostergaard and Melville Cowell, The Gentle Anarchists: A Study of the Leaders of the Sarvodaya Movement for Non-Violent Revolution in India, Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1971.

35.

Rudolf Heberle, Social Movements, New York: Crofts, Inc., 1951.

36.

R.H. Turner and L. M. Killian, Collective Behavior, Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1957.

37.

Neil J. Smelser, Theory of Collective Behavior, New York: Free Press, 1962.

38.

Anthony Wallace, "Revitilization Movements," American Anthropologist, vol. 58, 1956, pp. 264-281. Wallace describes the resurgence of social movements as a psycho-social process of "mazeway resynthesis."

39.

Smelser, op. cit., p. 356.

40.

Ibid., p. 359.

41.

Smelser includes several options for a social movement as the results of "social control," including withering away as a result of "political effectiveness" (repression), or becoming a cult, church, sect, or other institutionally-approved form of collective existence.

Appleton-Century-

The

33

42.

Eleanor Zelliot, "Bibliography on Untouchability," in J. Michael Mahar, ed., The Untouchables in Contemporary India, Tucson: The University of Arizona Press, 1972.

43.

Denzil Ibbetson, A Glossary of the Tribes and Castes of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province, Lahore: Civil and Military Gazette Press, 1911.

44.

W. Crooke, Natives of Northern India, London: stable and Co., Ltd., 1907.

45.

Herbert Risley, The People of India, London: Thacker and Co., 1905. See also M.A. Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, 2 vols., London: Trubner and Co., 1872.

46.

George Briggs, The Chamars, Calcutta: Associated Press, and London: Oxford University Press, 1920.

47.

Abbe J. A. Dubois, Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies, reprinted by Oxford: The Clarendon Press, 1959 (originally published in 1815).

48.

Stephen Fuchs, The Children of Kari, Vienna:

49.

J. F. Burditt, Work Among the Depressed Classes and the Masses, Bombay: Education Society's Steam Press, 1893.

50.

W. J. Noble, Flood Tide in India, London:

51.

w. s.

Hunt, India's Outcastes: Missionary Society, 1924.

52.

J. Waskom Pickett, Christian Mass Movements in India; A Study With Recoamendations, New York: The Abingdon Press, 1933.

53.

Lajpat Rai, '"lbe Depressed Classes," in The Indian Review, May 1909, and in 1913; On the Upliftment of the Depressed Classes, Lahore, 1914.

54.

See the articles by Lajpat Rai mentioned above, and Sir Ramakrishna Gopal Bhandarkar, "The Depressed Classes," in The Indian Review, vol. 14, 1913.

55.

Indian Social Reformer, published by the Indian Social Conference, Bombay, founded in 1890.

56.

See also the articles in Gandhi's earlier journal, Young India, published from 1919-1932 in Ahmedabad. A Gandhian organization of sympathetic upper caste liberals, entitled "Servants of the Untouchables Society" published such pamphlets as Uplift of Harijans, and As an Untouchable Feels Untouchability. 1932.

Archibald Con-

Verlag Herold, 1950.

Corgate Press, 1937.

A New Era, London:

Church

34

57. Mohinder Singh, 'Die Depressed Classes, Bombay: Hind Kitabs Ltd., 1947. (Singh's Lucknow University Ph.D. thesis under R. Mukerjee.) 58.

A representative sampling of Dr. Ambedkar's writings would include the following: B. R. Ambedkar, Who Were the Shudras?, Bombay: Thacker, 1946. - - - - ~ ' What Congress Bombay: Thacker, 1945.

&

Gandhi. Have Done to the Untouchables,

----, Annhilation of Caste, Amritsar: ----Thoughts, 1936. , 'Die Untouchables, New Delhi:

Amrit, 1948. Ambedkar School of

59.

Eleanor Zelliot, "Buddhism and Politics in Maharashtra," in Donald Smith, ed., South Asian Politics and Religion, Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1966. See also her article, "Gandhi and Ambedkar--A Study in Leadership," in Mahar, op. cit.; ''Learning the Use of Political Means: 'Die Mahars of Maharashtra," in Rajni Kothari, ed., Caste in Indian Politics, New Delhi: Allied Publishers, 1970; her book-length biography of Dr. Ambedkar is forthcoming.

60.

Adele Fiske, "Scheduled Caste Buddhist Organizations," in Mahar, op. cit.

61.

Census of India, 1961, Social Mobility Among the Sweepers, and Social Mobility Movements Among Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes of India, are excellent examples of census studies.

62.

Government of India, Report of the Backward Classes Coamission, (3 vols.), (Kalelkar Commission Report}, New Delhi: Government of India Press, 1956.

63.

Department of Social Welfare, Government of India, Report of the Coanittee on Untouchability 1 Economic and Educational Development of the Scheduled Caste.s and Connected Documents, L. Elayaperumal, Chairman, New Delhi: Government of India, 1969.

64.

Department of Social Welfare, Punjab Government, 'Die Report of the Evaluation Committee on Welfare, Regarding the Welfare of Scheduled Castes, Backward Classes and Denotified Tribes in Punjab State, Brish Bhan, Chariman, Chandigarh : 'Die Secretary to Government, Punjab, Welfare Department, 1966.

65.

Annual Reports, Conmission of Scheduled Castes and Tribes, New Delhi: Government of India, 1951 to the present.

66.

See especially T. K. Ooamen's "Strategy For Special Change: A Study of Untouchability," in Economic and Political Weekly. vol. III, June 22, 1968, pp. 933-36; and a rejoinder in the January 25, 1969, issue. Ooamen would prefer class, rather than caste,

35

as a basis for welfare benefits. See also Subhash Oiandra Mehta, "Persistance of the Caste System: Vested Interest in Backwardness," in Quest, vol. 36, January, 1963. 67.

The best snomary statement of government policy is Lelah Dushkin's "Scheduled Caste Politics," in Mahar, op. cit.

68.

Marc Galanter, '"lhe Abolition of Disabilities--Untouchability and the Law," in Mahar, op. cit. The article is almost a hundred pages long, and has over 300 footnotes.

69.

J. Michael Mahar, "Agents of Iharma in a North Indian Village," in Mahar, op. cit.

70.

Harold Isaacs, India's Ex-Untouchables, New York: 1964; originally a series in The New Yorker.

71.

M. N. Srinivas~ B.eligion ·and Society among the Coorgs of South India, Oxford University Press, 1952. See also M. N. Srinivas, Social Oiange in Modern India, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1966; "A Note on Sanskritization and Westernization," Far Eastern Quarterly, Vol. XV, August, 1956; Caste in Modern India. and Other Essays, Bombay: Asia Publishing House, 1962.

72.

James Silverberg, ed., Social Mobility in the Caste System in India, The Hague: Comparative Studies in Society and History, Supplement 3, Mouton, 1968.

73.

Gerald D. Berreman, "Caste as Social Process," in Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, vol. 23, no. 4, Winter, 1967; "Caste in Cross-Cultural Perspective," in George deVos and H. Wagatsuma, eds., Jap.an's Invisible Race: Caste in Culture and Personality, Berkeley: University of California Press, 1966; "The Study of Caste Ranking in India," in Southwestern Journal of Anthropology, vol. 21, no. 2, 1965.

74.

McKim Marriott, ed., Village India, Oiicago: Qiicago Press, 1955.

75.

Martin Orans, The Santal: A Tribe in Search of a Great Tradition, Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1965.

76.

Bernards. Cohn, The Camara of Senapur: A Study of the Qianging Status of a Depressed Caste, Ph.D. dissertation, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Cornell University, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Microfilms, 1954.

John Day Co.,

University of

_____ ,Village India: Studies in the Little COD1Dunity. edited by McKim Marriott, Qiicago: University of Cllicago Press, 1955, also Asia Publishing House, Bombay, 1961.

3n

_____, Traditional India: Structure and Q)

::> 1M

0

•

Q)

~

CU

u

CD

:2~

• cu

CU 00

00 CU

> -.-4

QS u 1-1 C

~!

> (J < ... Q)

tJ

•

::>u -.-4 •IM OIM

Z
tJ

0

30

rsl47

27

1.5

25

98 89

1.0

107

1.1 1.0 .5

98 57

52 48

48 25 38

.9

50

19

.7 .7

14

.5

18

.5 .5

2.0 1.0 1.5 2.0

28 31.5 32 25.5 22.5

39% 40% 32% 29%

9.5 17 2 2

32% 61% 7% 7%

19

30.5 32 .5 35 25 1 1

40% 44% 49% 34%

7.5

5.5

35% 53% 22% 27%

8 5.5

45% 30%

10.5 4

18 40 11 6.5

3.5 14 10.5 14 1

65% 18% 10% 5% 22% 17% 22%

.5 3

3.5 3.5 3

15% 20% 20% 15%

complete statement of the questions, see the Questionnaire Form, in an accompanying Appendix.

579

APPENDIX (contd.) CIQ

~

Q)

.c

J C: 0

C:

.u CIQ

.u

8,

8,

31.

'M

-pf

IQ Q)

0

00

Q)

i:ii::

cu

•

CJ •

Q)

> -pf .u

al

'M

a

Cl)

0

CD

• 'M 0 'M

.u

•

~

....

~~ :z:


0. 0. . CJ

&'°

Q)

::>•-rf .u

a

'M

i:ii::

'M

0

Cl)

0

CIQ

• 'M 0 'M

.u

•

z0

CU

CJ

.... J.,c

Z


13

8.5

u.c. 's)

75%

19 80 43 33.5 60.5 22.5 37.S 18.S 7

Rebirth: 89 believe in rebirth this life is punishment next life will be better

C:

(not asked to

28

45

.u

95% 52% 35% 65% 28% 40% 20% 8%

15 75% 8.5 45% 6.5 35% 14 75% 4.5 25% 6.S 35% 9 48% 32% 6 27

3S 25 19

12.s 47% 3.S 15% 4 17%

39% 29% 24%

Object of voting: 85 support party policies support leaders support local candidate

S8.5 21.s 15

70% 25% 19%

67.

Corruption of all politicians 90

69.5

77%

26

20

78%

74.

Need for new political system 40

28

70%

18

7

40%

75.

Awareness of assistance

s.c.

77

38

SO%

18

13.S

75%

76.

Awareness of

s.c.

63

41.5

68%

14

11

77%

77.

Awareness of s.c. restraints: 88 elected positions government jobs education military factories

16 16 16

88% 88% 88% 22% 22%

64.

27 14.5 3

9.S

54% 12% 35%

government offices

18 60 71 59 36 21

68% 80% 67% 40% 24%

s

5

580

APPENDIX (contd.) co

CQ

-,:, 4J

M QJ

§

....0.0 E-4

C 0

C 0

co

QJ

&

-,:, C Q) 0

0

z

....4J

cu C .... Q) :, -,:,

Cl.)

....

1M

0

4J

co

Q)

Q)

00 t1S

•

Q)

.....

u > ~ Q) Cl.) 4J

-5

~ QJ

4J

• CD

~a.... • 1M 0 1M

~~ Z


1M 0 •

Q)

~

QJ

u

CQ

0

Cd

zu

•

Q)

.....>

u ::>

~a.... 4J

• 1M 0 1M

Z