Pierre-Esprit Radisson: The Collected Writings: The Port Nelson Relations, Miscellaneous Writings, and Related Documents 9780773596658

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Pierre-Esprit Radisson the collected writings volume 2 The Port Nelson Relations, Miscellaneous Writings, and Related Documents

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John Thornton, A New Mapp of the North Part of America from Hudson Straights Commonly call’d the Norwest Passage including Newfoundland New Scotland New England Virginia Maryland & Carolena, 1673. The first printed map to show the ­activity of the Hudson’s Bay Company, and almost certainly based on earlier sketches by Zachariah Gillam (Blathwayt Atlas, 2: 50). Library and Archives Canada/NMC 14045.

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Pierre-Esprit Radisson the collected writings volume 2

The Port Nelson Relations, Miscellaneous Writings, and Related Documents edited by germaine warkentin

McGill-Queen’s University Press Montreal & Kingston • London • Ithaca and The Champlain Society Toronto

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©  The Champlain Society 2014 isbn 978-0-7735-4437-6 (cloth) isbn 978-0-7735-9665-8 (ep d f ) Legal deposit fourth quarter 2014 Bibliothèque nationale du Québec  rinted in Canada on acid-free paper that is 100% ancient forest free P (100% post-consumer recycled), processed chlorine free McGill-Queen’s University Press acknowledges the support of the Canada Council for the Arts for our publishing program. We also acknowledge the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Canada Book Fund for our publishing activities.

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication Radisson, Pierre Esprit, approximately 1636–1710 [Works] Pierre-Esprit Radisson: the collected writings / edited by Germaine Warkentin. Includes bibliographical references and indexes. Contents: Volume 2. The Port Nelson relations, miscellaneous writings, and related documents. Issued in print and electronic formats. Volume 2 includes text in English and French. ISBN 978-0-7735-4437-6 (v. 2 : bound). – ISBN 978-0-7735-9665-8 (v. 2 : ep d f ) 1. Radisson, Pierre Esprit, approximately 1636–1710.  2. Hudson’s Bay Company. 3. New France – Discovery and exploration.  4. Hudson Bay Region – Discovery and exploration.  5. Canada – History – 1663–1713 (New France).  I. Warkentin, Germaine, 1933–, editor  II. Champlain Society, issuing body  III. Title.  IV. Title: Voyages.  V. Title: Port Nelson relations, miscellaneous writings, and related documents. fc3211.1.r33a3 2012

971.01

c2012-902617-4 c2014-903635-3

This book was typeset by Interscript in 10/13 Sabon.

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CONTENTS

Abbreviations vii Preface ix Textual Introduction xiii Illustrations xxv I  The Port Nelson Relations, 1682–84 Relation of Events at Port Nelson, 1682–83 2 Relation of Events at Port Nelson, 1684 98 II  Miscellaneous Writings, 1676?–83 Journal of the Most Notable Things Occurring after Our Departure from Point Comfort for Port Nelson in the Year 1673 [1676–78?] 164 Mémoire on the Northern Seacoast of North America [original untitled; 1676–78] 170 Letter to Claude Bernou [December 1677?] 182 Petition [to the Marquis de Seignelay? late 1683] 200

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III  Related Documents Médart Chouart Des Groseilliers: Letter Concerning the Events at Port Nelson, 1682–83 [late 1683 or early 1684] 206 Radisson vs. the Hudson’s Bay Company: Complaint in Chancery, May 1694 212 Radisson’s Narrative in Reference to the Answer of the Commissioners of France, 1697 221 Radisson’s Affidavit, Sworn before Sir Robert Geffery, 23 August 1697 228 Radisson’s Petition to Parliament, 1698 232 The Last Will and Testament of Pierre-Esprit Radisson, 17 June 1710 234 IV  Appendices Appendix A: The Abbé Bernou Debriefs Radisson: The Supposed “Petitions” of 1677 and 1681 239 Appendix B: “The History of Mr Radison’s Transactions”; William Yonge’s Letter, 1692 254 Addendum: Page References in Volume 1 to Pages in Volume 2 261 Works Consulted 263 Index 276

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A B B R E V I AT I O N S

ANFr ANOM ANQ BNFr BL CWA DCB HBC HBCA HNAI JR

Paris: Archives nationales de France Aix-en-Provence: Archives nationales de l’outre-mer Bibliothèque et Archives nationales du Québec Paris: Bibliothèque nationale de France London: British Library London: City of Westminster Archives Dictionary of Canadian Biography Hudson’s Bay Company Winnipeg: Archives of Manitoba: Hudson’s Bay Company Archives Handbook of North American Indians The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents: Travels and Ex­ plorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France 1610–1791. Ed. Reuben Gold Thwaites. 73 vols. Cleveland, 1896–1901. Repr., 73 vols. in 36. New York: Pageant Book Company 1959. LAC/BAC Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada / Bibliothèque et Archives Canada LMA London Metropolitan Archives ODNB Oxford Dictionary of National Biography OED Oxford English Dictionary PRDH Programme de recherche en démographie historique, Université de Montréal RHAF Revue d’Histoire de l’Amérique Française TNA London: The National Archives of the United Kingdom

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P R E FAC E

In volume 1 of Pierre-Esprit Radisson’s Collected Writings we saw the explorer in the familiar North American wilderness setting where readers have usually encountered him. But the Voyages concludes in London, with the legendary arrival at court in 1666 of Radisson and his brother-in-law Médard Chouart Des Groseilliers, after which, except for about five years on Hudson Bay and some months in the Caribbean, Radisson seemingly never left Europe. In 1666 the two explorers offered Charles II a golden opportunity for the English to enter the profitable fur trade of Canada, a trade that had been inaccessible to them because the route to the interior via the St Lawrence was controlled by the French. The founding of the Hudson’s Bay Company in 1670 looms large in the history of Canada, but it was a small operation compared with another great enterprise of the time, the East India Company. The HBC, however, would have a major effect on the territorial organization of North America, for it held control over an immense property. “Rupert’s Land,” as it came to be known, comprised all the land draining into Hudson Bay, ranging from as far north as Baffin Island, east to Labrador, west to the Rocky Mountains, and south to the northeastern corner of South Dakota. The charter of 2 May 1670 thus marked an event of geopolitical significance, because with a single stroke the HBC ­became one of the greatest landowners in the world, its territory encompassing 40 per cent of present-day Canada. This is not to say that its hegemony remained unchallenged, as the writings and documents collected in volume 2 amply testify. The founding of the HBC also reconfigured Radisson’s life, for it would situate him henceforth in a European context where he had to struggle for survival among rival monarchs, competing courtiers, and the changing political and economic world in which they operated. The writings collected in The Port Nelson Relations, Miscellaneous Writings, and Related Documents are all drawn from this period, the last four decades of Radisson’s long life. The most important of these, the two Port Nelson Relations of 1682–83 and 1684, certainly take us back to Canada, but they were written in a European geopolitical setting, and by a now-seasoned entrepreneur. Radisson and Des Groseilliers had worked for the HBC during its first five years, sharing their knowledge of the cold, distant Bay and the peoples who endured there. Radisson understood their way of life and habitat, and in particular he understood the bonds of ritual kinship that needed to be forged if Europeans were to enter into trade with

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them. But the brothers-in-law became disillusioned with the Company. No one knows precisely what happened; perhaps the partners in London simply thought that, since they had taken possession of the territory they had been given, they could now dispense with the men who had made that possible. In 1675 Radisson and Des Groseilliers left for France, where Radisson, as a man of his modest but decent birth (see 1: 20–6) would normally do, engaged in the search for a patron who could establish him in some useful position either by backing his efforts to remain in the fur trade or by finding him some minor position on the fringes of the court. In Paris he encountered the Abbé Claude Bernou (1: 5n.13), who had contacts among the great aristocrats of the D’Estrées family but chiefly wanted to exploit Radisson’s knowledge of North America; we learn much about their relationship in volume 2. But in the late 1670s the explorer who shone brightest at court was René-Robert Cavelier de  La Salle, and Radisson had to settle for a position roughly equivalent to midshipman in the marine, the French navy. One result of this episode was his 1677 letter to Bernou, a superb though little-known account of the bloody French attack on the Dutch at Tobago in which the great fortress of Sterreschans was blown sky high. Whatever Radisson acquired as booty in this Caribbean expedition (likely his motive for taking part) was lost when the French fleet was shipwrecked off the isle of Aves near Venezuela in 1678. Empty-handed, Radisson returned to France and tried again to enter the fur trade there or in England; not even Prince Rupert would extend a helping hand. Thus in 1682 Radisson and Des Groseilliers set out for Hudson Bay with the backing of investors in New France who were forming the Compagnie du Nord. They aimed to establish a post where the distant Nelson River flowed into the Bay; Groseilliers had visited the area 1673. That long winter Radisson (and he claims the achievement for himself) boldly outwitted challengers from New England as well as the HBC itself for the right to trade there, while managing at the same time to establish profitable trading relations with the local Cree. But on their return to France in late 1683 the two entrepreneurs discovered that their hoped-for patron, the great statesman Jean-Baptiste Colbert (1: 22, 60–9), had died, and that the English were assiduously using diplomatic channels to protest their activities in the Bay. Threatened by possible legal entan­ glements, and tempted by letters from the lawyer William Yonge acting on ­behalf of HBC men in England, Radisson left France secretly, accompanied by Gédeon Godet, a hanger-on of the English ambassador, and Godet’s daughter Charlotte, who would become Radisson’s second wife. Leaving Groseilliers behind – they seem never to have met again – Radisson rejoined the HBC and quickly returned to Port Nelson to tell the astonished French he had left there that the English were now in charge and that he was their emissary.

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preface xi

The two Port Nelson Relations in which Radisson explains his position to King James, to whom they are dedicated, are very different from the richly varying narratives of the Voyages. The Relations are tough, polished, and focused on persuading the king and Radisson’s enemies in the HBC (the men he had bested at Port Nelson) of what to him was the undoubted justice of his actions. Radisson no longer writes of the Native peoples with the detail and intimacy that he had shown in the Voyages. When they do appear in the narratives, it is to testify to his expert management of their social and ritual culture, a marketable skill, after all, for someone in Radisson’s position as the servant of whichever trading enterprise would engage him. In a narrative written or dictated late in life he was to dismiss the Natives he had known: “They would give themselves up this day to God if they had knowledge of him & tomorrow they would give themselves to the devill for a pipe of tobacco, & they would even deliver up their inheritance for the like things” (223). The tale of what happened at Port Nelson, and of the writing of the Relations, is told in full in the Introduction to volume 1 (73–86). Volume 2 presents the texts of the two Relations in both French and English, and includes Radisson’s other known writings, which are few but of great interest. Also included are the background documents that take us directly into the fundamentally European world where Radisson had to survive between 1675, when he and Des Groseilliers first left the HBC for French service, and 1710, when the old explorer died in London. After his return to England in 1685 Radisson attempted to find patrons at the English court as he had at that of Louis XIV, but without success. From 1685 to 1687 he served at Port Nelson as the HBC’s superintendent of trade, but then retired to London, which as far as we know he never left again. His first wife must have died, for he married again twice, first in 1685 to Gédeon Godet’s daughter Charlotte, and about a decade later to a woman named Elizabeth of whom nothing else is known. Claiming extreme poverty, he successfully sued the HBC in Chancery for his pension, but he settled in the prosperous and fashionable new area north of the Strand, living in lodgings in King Square Court, Soho (a detail recently discovered), in St James parish, and in Clare Court, Westminster. Between 1691 and 1695 the Poor Rate books of St Anne, Soho, show that in King Square Court (today Carlisle Street) Radisson, like others on the street, paid £18 rent; his poor rate was assessed at four shillings and sixpence (rising to six shillings in 1693). Soho was a prosperous area, with many titled folk and gentlemen; rents varied roughly between £15 and £80, less for the poor in the little alleys but much more for the very rich. These were the years Radisson was supporting his family on £50 a year and suing the HBC for the balance of his pension. In comfortable lodgings or not, he was clearly in straightened circumstances.

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This is the only solid information we have about Radisson’s daily economic situation from any period of his life. Clare Court too was a decent address; Radisson always had style; even in his boyhood days with the Mohawks he appreciated showy dress and a bold demeanour. It was there that he died, poor but perhaps not penniless, though he seemed “a decay’d gentleman” to the parish clerk who entered the record of his burial in 1710 at St Clement Danes. Characteristically, his will of 1710, included here, still fiercely asserted his old claim to the profits of the treasure of furs he and Des Groseilliers had amassed on the Bay in 1682–84, a claim rejected by the HBC but which, with his usual confidence in his own rights, Radisson refused to relinquish even on his death-bed. The whole arc of Radisson’s life has never been fully traced until now. For over two hundred years his Voyages, though the scribal manuscript had been owned by Samuel Pepys, lay unread in Oxford’s Bodleian Library. Similarly, two manuscripts of the Port Nelson Relations were kept discreetly in the hands of the secretary of the HBC, and the manuscripts he dedicated to James II were only rediscovered in 1996. Though the events at Port Nelson were known to early historians of the British presence in North America like John Oldmixon, Radisson’s role was kept well out of sight by the HBC during the negotiations between France and England that eventually led to the Treaty of Utrecht in 1713, when England’s territorial rights on the Bay were confirmed. After that, until the Voyages were rediscovered in 1885, the explorer was entirely forgotten. Yet there is nowhere else in the early history of Canada where we find mingled in the experience of one man the Jesuits and coureurs de bois of New France, the entrepreneurial Dutch of the Mohawk valley, the Iroquois, Hurons, Sioux, and Cree of the east and the interior, one French king and two English ones, besides a royal prince, a geographical abbé, an English earl (Marlborough), an admiring London lawyer, three wives of differing social stations, the canny investors of the HBC, and the noblemen of both France and England who ­listened to Radisson’s pleas but saw no advantage for themselves in aiding his career. Perhaps, using the techniques of counter-factual history, it would be an interesting experiment – one entirely in Radisson’s spirit of energetic inventiveness – to ask what might have happened if Colbert had lived, if the French had given Radisson some permanent appointment, or the English not abandoned him, if he had managed to attain that place on the fringes of the court that was promised him but never found, if his first wife, daughter of a rich merchant, had lived, or his third not apparently been so poor. Whatever the case, now at least we know who Radisson was, and what he did, and that would have pleased the proud old fellow mightily.

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T E X T UA L I N T R O D U C T I O N

For previous editions of Radisson’s writings, see 1: 105–7. g e n e r a l e d i to r i a l p ro c e d u r e

With three exceptions, the manuscripts dating from Radisson’s life after 1668, when the Voyages were composed, are scribal rather than autograph. Written in English or French, they are located in seven different archives. Not surprisingly they pose varying editorial problems, a situation further complicated by the different editorial traditions of English and French textual study. For example, the Voyages (volume 1) exist in a single scribal manuscript, but there are several different manuscripts of all or part of the two Relations of events at Port Nelson in 1682–83 and 1684. Nevertheless, analysing the differences between the versions gives us useful information about how Radisson produced the two narratives and how they might have been circulated. The textual scholar needs an authoritative text prepared for the documentary record and representing the manuscripts as exactly as possible, but the inquiring historian or student of literature needs a readable text for study or for use in the classroom. The goal of this edition is to make Radisson’s writings as accessible as possible, yet preserve their character as seventeenth-century texts in English and French. We do the explorer no favour either by completely modernizing him or by surrounding his own francophone English or fluent French with editorial obstacles. All the texts, whether French or English, scribal or autograph, share the same problems: sentences that need interpretative footnotes, inconsistent capitalization, unfamiliar words or spellings, erratic punctuation, and almost no paragraphing (historically a major obstacle for readers of Radisson). As the three autograph manuscripts show, Radisson himself used almost no punctuation. After much consultation of other carefully edited sixteenth- and seventeenth-century documents in both languages, the following procedures were adopted, as best suited both to the integrity of these early texts and to the needs of the modern reader.1 The texts in French of the two Port Nelson Relations are based, with ­permission, on the manuscript of Her Majesty the Queen, in the library at

1 Editorial note: all manuscripts are described in detail below.

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Windsor Castle (W). W represents the latest version reflecting Radisson’s own corrections. W has been closely compared with two manuscripts of the same texts (E.1/1 and E.1/2), located in the Hudson’s Bay Company archives in  Winnipeg, as well as with an early translation of the 1682–83 Relation (BL Add. 11626) and a manuscript in French of the 1684 Relation (S), Sloane Ms. 3527. In general, historical annotations appear in the notes to the English translations, variations between the manuscripts in the notes to the French text, and substantial differences are underlined in both texts. Notes to the English translation of the 1684 Relation also indicate variants from S because of their interest. In the French text of the 1684 Relation guillemets [«] have been inserted to distinguish J.-B. Chouart’s long recital of events during the winter of 1683–84. The manuscripts of the “Miscellaneous Writings” have been described as closely as possible. All are freshly transcribed, except the “Letter to Claude Bernou” and the “Petition to Seignelay[?],” where existing transcriptions have been thoroughly revised. The texts, whether in French or English, are reproduced without alterations to spelling or word order, and in the case of those in French, without the addition of modern accents. Abbreviation was common in the manuscripts of the period; except for nautical terms in the French texts, the abbreviations have been expanded, either silently where indicated or with the expansions in italics. Words inserted above the line are  indicated \thus/ and marginal additions are also noted. Erased words are not usually indicated, nor are accidentally repeated words and phrases. Words and letters editorially supplied to clarify the sense appear [thus]. As the three autograph manuscripts show, Radisson occasionally employed the archaic “c” (the modern “ç”) for “s.” These have been s­ ilently emended, as has his inconsistent spelling of “temps.” In general, unless otherwise indicated, capitalization and punctuation have been regularized or introduced by the editor, wherever possible using the manuscripts’ sparse practices as a directive. I/j and u/v have been normalized. Elided words have been separated and other elisions normalized using apostrophes. Page numbers in the original manuscripts have been indicated /thus/. Paragraphing is a special case; the Windsor manuscript of the two Port Nelson Relations is fairly well paragraphed; new paragraphs begin on a new line or are marked by blank spaces, and those indications have been followed here. No intervention has seemed necessary in the French text, though the English translation has some additional paragraph breaks. The texts collected in “Related Documents” and the Appendices are all scribal and frequently several times removed from any original. They have

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been treated on the same general principles, with any relevant issues mentioned in the headnotes, but are not described below. the manuscripts

The Port Nelson Relations, 1682–83 and 1684 There are two manuscripts containing both Relations: the first is Windsor Castle, library of Her Majesty the Queen (W). The second, in two parts, is in the archives of the Hudson’s Bay Company, Winnipeg, Manitoba (HBCA E.1/1 and E.1/2). In addition, there is an early (ca. 1684–1700?) translation into English of the Relation of 1682–83 in the British Library (BL Add. 11626), and a copy of the Relation of 1684 in French, also in the British Library, Sloane Ms. 3527 (S). Though not textually authoritative, these other copies provide insight into the history of the writing and copying of the two Relations. If we call Radisson’s now lost original draft “X,” then, based on comparison of the variants, E.1/1 and E.1/2 were copied from “X,” after which Radisson made a few corrections in E.1/1 (Fig. 2). BL Add. 11626, though a translation, contains occasional wording that does not appear in the other versions, but it is not clear where the copy on which it was based fits in the manuscript tradition. The Sloane manuscript (S) of the 1684 Relation was copied from “X” independently and slightly earlier than E. 1/2; it contains a number of passages that were strategically revised in E.1/2. Radisson may have begun writing “X” late in 1683 when, on his return to France, he discovered that he needed to defend his actions on Hudson Bay. The translation in BL Add. 11626 may have been made immediately, but if it was accompanied (as is possible) by a translation of the 1684 Relation, it would have been made later. As for the 1684 Relation, Radisson could have begun it on shipboard as he returned to England in October 1684. Whatever the case, the copying of E.1/1 and E.1/2 (a matched pair) and S must have been compressed between October 1684 and the copying of W, which was a presentation manuscript dedicated to James II, who succeeded to the throne on 6 February 1685. So close in time are the various manuscripts that there are even a few instances of agreement between E.1/2 and S, which suggests that the relationship between copies may be more complex than can be described on the basis of the available evidence. W was copied using the same “set” hand by two different scribes, probably concurrently, and the scribe who copied the 1684 Relation was more accurate

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than the one who copied that of 1682–83 (see Warkentin, “Radisson’s Voyages and their Manuscripts,” 213). (i)  Relations des Voyages du Sieur Pierre Esprit Radisson Escuyer au Nord de l’Amerique es années 1682, 1683, et 1684. Fait a Londre anno 1685 Location: Windsor Castle, Library of Her Majesty the Queen, Ms. I.I.B.6a. Date: Begun not long before James II’s accession on 6 February 1685; completed shortly thereafter since it was presented to the new monarch as Radisson’s “first act of homage.” Description: Bound volume of 87 leaves, collating 2o: (1) 1–412 56 6–712 8–112. Page size: 28.5 cm high, 17.2 cm wide. Modern pagination (1–164) begins after the dedicatory letter, on the first page of the 1682–83 Relation proper, and runs to the end of the 1684 Relation. The binding is brown finely crackled calf, probably late seventeenth century, with gold-stamped double rules on front and back boards and “rel de rad” stamped directly on the  spine. The front board bears a gold-stamped Garter badge (clearly ­imposed later than the original binding) with the initials WR, probably for William IV. Provenance: Early ownership after James II unknown, though, as noted above, the Garter badge may represent William IV, who established a new Royal Library in the 1830s after the donation of George III’s library to the British Museum. It is possible that the manuscript remained in royal ownership between 1685 and 1830, but more likely that it was “bought back,” or perhaps presented to the new library, freshly stamped with the monarch’s badge. It bears an early-nineteenth-century shelf mark: Z6/4/15–1. (ii) Relation du voiage du sieur Pierre Esprit Radisson Escuyer au nord de Lamerique és annees 1682 et 1683 Location: Winnipeg, Public Archives of Manitoba, HBCA, E.1/1. Date: Not before October 1684 (see above). The close relationship of E.1/1 and E.1/2 would suggest that both were copied from Radisson’s draft “X” after October 1684 but before the accession of James II in February 1685, by which time the presentation copy (W) must have been in preparation.

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Description: Bound volume of 72 leaves, collating 2o:1–612. Page size: 29 cm high, 18.3 cm wide. Leaves still conjugate (compare E.1/2 below). Foliated at an unknown date with a numbering stamp in use in the HBC archives at least between 1946 and 1974, but possibly much earlier. Stamped foliation agrees with manuscript foliation in original hand. Binding: probably mid- or late nineteenth century; very dark green morocco, gold-stamped in a coffered pattern with ­panels on spine also gold-stamped. Unusually, the edges of the paper were not trimmed in binding, so it is possible the manuscript remained unbound until the nineteenth century. Copied by two scribes, using the same regular late humanist cursive italic hand belonging to a different palaeographical tradition from that of the miscellaneous scripts of the company’s minutes and account books. There are small corrections in Radisson’s own italic hand on folios 30r, 38r, and 39r. Quires 1–4 were copied by scribe A, quires 5–6 by scribe B, who used a different paper stock and mistakenly duplicated some leaves when beginning.2 Comparison of the hands with letters by Gédeon Godet3 among the Preston Papers in the British Library suggests that Hand A was almost certainly his, though the letters represent a more cursive version of his hand in the manuscript.4 Godet was a member of Lord Preston’s5 household but left his service to go to England with Radisson in May 1684 (1: 91–2). Hand B is not quite identical to Hand A; I speculate that the copyist was Godet’s daughter Charlotte, who travelled with them and married Radisson in 1685. She may later have worked as a professional copyist (1: 92). Provenance: E.1/1 and E.1/2 were almost certainly intended for the London Committee of the HBC. Both came into the possession of Sir James Hayes, deputy governor 1676–84, for on 16 September 1685 an HBC subcommittee ordered the secretary to deliver to Sir Edward Dering of the London Committee “the two Journalls of Mr Radisons two last Expeditions to Port Nelson & he is ordered to desire Sr James Hayes to deliver up to the Committee, the Originalls of these Journalls which are in French, that they may remaine in the Secretaries office.”6 They have been held in the archives of the HBC ever since, and were 2 Ff.37v–48v are repeated on 49r–62r. 3 Gédeon Godet: see 1: 81, 90–2. 4 BL, Add. 63774, “Godet’s letters.” As examples, see especially ff.17r, 18r, 96r–v, 97r. 5 Viscount Preston; see 1: 15 and passim. 6 HBCA, A.1/8 44v. The word “Originalls” suggests that members of the London Committee were aware there existed other copies of the two Relations.

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first consulted by scholars in the late nineteenth century, when they were transcribed by the amateur botanist and archaeologist Robert Miller Christy (1861– 1928) and published in 1886 by the dominion archivist, Douglas Brymner, with facing-page English translations (now somewhat dated). (iii)  Relation du voyage de l’année 1684 Location: Winnipeg, Public Archives of Manitoba, HBCA, E.1/2. Date: Definitely later than 23 October 1684, when Radisson returned to England from his journey to Port Nelson in English service. Completed by January or February of 1685, when the copying of W must have begun. Description: Bound volume of 37 leaves, collating 2o: 14 2–312 48 χ1. Page size: 29.5 cm high; width indeterminate, as the individual leaves have been tipped-in and there are many stubs, though the quires as such have been sewn into the binding. Stamped foliation is erroneous, since it begins on modern flyleaf. Manuscript has been refoliated correctly in pencil, in bottom margin at centre. Binding: identical with E.1/1 (above). Copied in the same hand as the last two quires of E.1/1 (see above). There are no corrections in Radisson’s hand. Provenance: Same as E.1/1, above. (iv) BL Add. 11626. The Relation of a Voyage made by Peter Raddison Esquire to the North parts of America in the years 1682 & 1683. Location: London, the British Library. Date: Unknown, but unlikely earlier than the autumn of 1684. Description: Folio, 37 leaves, untrimmed but approximately 29.10 x 18.5. Leaves have been separated and tipped in, but the manuscript appears to be gathered in twos. Paginated in the same hand as the scribe’s, with modern foliation in pencil. Binding is library green cloth boards with green leather spine and marbled end-papers. Spine lettering in gold capitals, “Radisson’s Voyage to North America,” is “British Library” style, therefore post-1973. Written in an unidentified late-seventeenth-century cursive hand. Provenance: Unknown. Purchased by the (then) British Museum library from Thomas Rodd the younger, 8 July 1839.

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(v) Relation du voyage fait par le Sieur Pierre Esprit Radisson au Nort de Canada pour la Compagnie Royalle de la baye de hudson En L’anné 1684 Contenant le retablissement des Anglois Dans les habitations que les françois avoient dans le pais Pour la traitte du Castor Location: London: British Library, Sloane Ms. 3527. Date: Between October 1684 and perhaps January 1685. Comparison of the differences between Sloane and E.1/2 shows that it was copied independently from Radisson’s original, “X,” as a number of passages are differently phrased in E.1/2 and copied with that wording into the Windsor manuscript. The wordings in Sloane may represent Radisson’s first thoughts, since the phrasings in E.1/2 seem more cautious, and S must therefore be slightly earlier than E.1/2. Description: Bound volume of 38 leaves, collating 1–84 96. Page size: 22.4 cm high, 17.4 cm wide. A single watermark, a variant of the Strasbourg lily. Early foliation, possibly in original hand. The binding is half-bound nineteenth-­ century russet goat with russet calf spine and corners. Copyist unknown; the clear, rapid cursive is not Radisson’s, nor is it the copyist of either E.1/1 or E.1/2. An early hand (not the copyist’s) has reread the manuscript closely (possibly comparing it with the exemplar, X), cleaned up some letters in a darker ink, and added a few corrections. Provenance: This manuscript seems to have made its way to France almost immediately, and it likely had a companion copy (now missing) of the 1682–83 Relation. In October 1685 Abbé Claude Bernou wrote from Rome to Esprit Cabart de Villermont thanking him for offering to have Radisson’s two Relations copied and sent to him, though he noted that there was no need since they would keep until his return to Paris.7 Originally the manuscript was bound with Sloane Ms. 2742, which bears the bookplate of the bibliophile and administrator Nicolas Joseph Foucault, Marquis de Magny (1643–1721), who was close to Colbert and his son Seignelay.8 Many of Foucault’s books were sold in England when his library was dispersed, but Sir Hans Sloane (1660– 1753), whose great collection formed one of the foundations of the British Museum, could also have bought the volume when he was a student on the continent in his youth. 7 BNFr, Collection Dangeau, 22800, f.85r. 8 On Foucault’s ties to Colbert, see Gouhier, “Culture classique et histoire locale,” 163.

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textual introduction Miscellaneous Writings

(i)  Journal des choses les plus remarquables arivéé depuis nostre despart de la pointe Confort pour Port Nelson l’annéé 1673. Location: Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, Ms. Clairambault 848, pp. 335–[6]. Date: Possibly the fragment of an original log of 1673 from the barque Employ, but more likely a copy made between 1676 and 1678. The information may have been based on notes by Des Groseilliers, since Radisson did not participate in this voyage (165). Description: A single folio leaf, folded, 23.5 cm high and 17.3 cm wide. Entirely in Radisson’s hand except for a few brief interventions in the hand of Abbé Claude Bernou. Provenance: Papers of Radisson’s patron Abbé Claude Bernou, who left his collections to his executor, the genealogist and archivist Pierre de Clairambault (1651–1740). Clairambault was an associate of Louis XIV’s great minister Jean-Baptiste Colbert, and his collections became part of the slow consolidation of manuscripts and printed books after Colbert’s death that ultimately became France’s Bibliothèque nationale. Editorial note: This brief log has been treated in the same way as the longer “Mémoire on the Northern Seacoast of North America,” below. A mark resembling “e” that appears in a blotted form in the indications of latitude and longitude is the customary abbreviation for “et,” but here may also mean “à” and has been transcribed according to the context. Additions made by Abbé Bernou are bracketed and indicated by [B:]. (ii)  Mémoire on the Northern Seacoast of North America [original untitled; 1676–78?] Location: Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, Ms. Clairambault 848, pp. 339–44. Date: Uncertain, but probably 1676–78. Description: Three quarto leaves. Folio 1 (pp. 339–40) is a single leaf, tipped into the volume on its own tab; pp. 341–4 comprise a folded quarto leaf, tipped in separately on its own tab, with the leaves still conjugate. Folio 1 (pp. 339–40) is

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23.7 cm high and 17.8 cm wide; f.2 (341–2) is the same, but the fold in this pair was irregular, so f.3 (343–4) is only 17 cm wide. Provenance: Same as “Journal des choses les plus remarquables,” above. Editorial note: For Radisson’s use of the italic hand, see 1: 25–6. The transcription is often uncertain (and consequently so is the translation), since Radisson’s script is casual here and his spelling is often eccentric. Like some other writers of French in the seventeenth century, Radisson rarely indicates terminal “e,” “s,” and “t” clearly enough for a later reader, and the missing terminal letters have not been supplied [in square brackets] unless the reading seems awkward. Periods after numerals are not recorded since Radisson’s practice is inconsistent. The sparse punctuation has been occasionally supplemented, but sentence division is often uncertain. A very few crossed-out letters and words are not indicated. The few abbreviations have been expanded using italics, with the exception of ‘L.” for “lieux” = leagues, “lattd” for “latitude,” and compass ­directions: n, s, etc. The word “brasses” for “fathoms” was rendered incon­ sistently (b., br.) and where necessary is expanded. Additions made by Abbé Bernou are [bracketed, and indicated by B:]. Problematic words, and words and letters added to clarify the sense appear [thus]. A few very small interventions by Bernou are unreadable and have been ignored. (iii)  Letter to Claude Bernou, 1677 Location: Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, Ms. Clairambault 1016, ff.376, 377. Date: Dated in Bernou’s hand 1 January 1678; clearly written late in the preceding December, for after the attack on Tobago (12 December 1677) D’Estrées did not leave for Grenada until January. The date must be based on the mention of 1 January in the postscript preceding the letter proper. Description: Autograph letter, signed. A single folio sheet, folded in half, with the leaves still conjugate. Page size: 34.3 cm high, 22.5 cm wide. Watermark a crowned shield with angels supporting it on either side. The countermark is a series of indecipherable letters in a lozenge. There is no sign of docketing ­beyond Bernou’s hand, which entered the date 1 January 1678 near the top of f.376. Provenance: Addressee inferred from Bernou’s hand in the date and from its presence among his papers in the Clairambault collection (see “Journal des

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choses les plus remarquables,” above). There are no helpful signs of transmission on the document itself. Editorial note: Radisson’s handwriting in this manuscript is marginally more formal than in his other two autograph manuscripts but is still difficult to read  in many places. For basic principles, see “Mémoire on the Northern Seacoast of North America” (above). Here, sentence division tends to be indicated by a space in the text. There is no paragraphing after the first page, and both the French text and the translation have been paragraphed by the editor. The postscript inserted before the salutation has become almost unreadable, and Grace Lee Nute did not transcribe it when she included the letter as appendix 4 of Caesars of the Wilderness. As in other documents in his hand, Radisson rarely completes a word ending in terminal “e,” “s,” or “t” clearly enough for a later reader; the missing terminal letters are supplied only when the reading might be unclear. Expanded abbreviations appear in italics. As evidence in the scribal copy of the Voyages indicates, Radisson sometimes employs archaic “c” (the modern “ç”) for “s” and there are instances here which have been silently emended. In 1935 Nute was still able to infer some words where the manuscript’s paper has now deteriorated. Inferred or indecipherable words, and a few supplied for sense, are in [square brackets]. A very few crossed-out letters and words are unreadable and are not indicated. There is a noticeable change of ink or quill on f.376v, indicating that the letter may have been written in two stints. Radisson renders Binckes’s name as Binker, which is how he (who may have had a little Dutch, but not much) must have heard it. The French text represents an entirely fresh transcription of the manuscript but has been closely compared with that of Grace Lee Nute, which has some errors and omissions.9 (iv)  Petition [to the Marquis de Seignelay?] Locations: (a)  Boston: Massachusetts Archives, Collections on France, III, 107, “Lettre de M. Pierre Esprit de Radisson à M. le Marq. de Belroche.” A copy made c. 1844 by the American author and editor Benjamin Perley Poore (1820–87) who was transcribing records in France on behalf of the government of Massachusetts. His source was probably the Archives de la Marine, but the

9 See Nute, Caesars of the Wilderness, appendix 4, 303–14.

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original has not been located. Poore did not modernize the text. For the ­unknown Marquis de Belroche, see 201. Date: Late 1683. Description: A single sheet of paper, 30.79 cm high, 19.68 cm wide, written on both sides. If there was a second sheet containing the last three paragraphs that appear in the Margry copy (see below), it has been lost. Reprinted in [Poore], Collection de manuscrits contenant lettres, mémoires, et autres documents his­ toriques relatifs à la Nouvelle‑France (1884), I : 319. b)  Paris: Bibliothèque nationale, NAF 9284, ff.61r–62r. Part of a large body of materials on the French in Canada, and more specifically French rights to Hudson Bay, collected by and copied at an unknown date for archivist and historian Pierre Margry (1818–94), frequently with marginal comments by Margry. It contains Radisson’s letter, with three additional short paragraphs. The pen flourish at the end indicates the source copy went no further, and that it was unsigned. The text was modernized by Margry’s copyist. The addressee is not indicated, and the text is simply headed “[1683.4?] Affaire de la Baie de Hudson. Esprit de Radisson et Chouart des Groseliers decouvreurs.” There is a short marginal comment, probably in Margry’s hand, summarizing the contents. Nute used Margry’s text for appendix 6 (pp. 320–1) to her Caesars of the Wilderness. Date (of the original): Uncertain, but between October and December 1683. Provenance: Beyond what is above, nothing is known. Editorial note: The basis of the text is Poore’s copy, which may be closer to the original or even based on it. However, it has been emended by the addition of the last three brief paragraphs from Margry’s version, making the edition an eclectic one. Abbreviations have been silently expanded and capitals and punctuation normalized. Any interventions to clarify the sense are in [square brackets]. Otherwise Poore’s text poses few problems. Related Documents and Appendices These documents are chiefly copies made by the various institutions and secretariats concerned with Radisson’s affairs; sources, locations, and any details of editorial interest appear in the headnotes to each text. In the case of French

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texts, in general, editorial comments appear in the notes to the French text and historical notes in the English translation. An introductory note to the English translation gives background information and the source of the translation.

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Fig. 1: Detail of folio 30r of the Hudson’s Bay Company’s scribal manuscript of Radisson’s Relation of 1682–83 showing corrections in Radisson’s minute italic handwriting. Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, Ms. E.1/1, f.30.

Fig. 2: Port Nelson, 1682–87. GIS and Cartography Office, Department of Geography, University of Toronto.

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Fig. 3: Page from the manuscript of Radisson’s Relations of 1682–83 and 1684 later presented to James II, showing the inclusion of the corrections Radisson made in the ­earlier Hudson’s Bay Company manuscript (see Fig.1). Library of Windsor Castle, Ms. I.I.B.6a, page 55. Royal Collections, London.

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Fig. 4: A page from Radisson’s “Mémoire on the Northern Seacoast of North America,” showing the text in Radisson’s hand with emendations and marginalia in the hand of the Abbé Claude Bernou. Bibliothèque n ­ ationale de France, Clairambault 848, page 340.

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Fig. 5: First page of Radisson’s letter to Claude Bernou, dated in Bernou’s hand 1  Jan 1678 (probably the date he received it). An example of the more ­formal hand with which Radisson would write to his patron. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Clairambault 1016, f.376r.

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Fig. 6: Westminster Hall in the late seventeenth century, showing the west end, with the Court of King’s Bench on the left and on the right the Court of Chancery, where Radisson sued the Hudson’s Bay Company for his pension between 1694 and 1696. Note the fashionable beaver hats of the period. © Trustees of the British Museum.

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Fig. 7: Detail of a page from Abbé Claude Bernou’s manuscript recording information given him by Radisson. It shows the uncharacteristic (for Bernou) centring of the words “gloire immortelle” and “ialousees,” a sign that Bernou may have been using autograph notes by Radisson. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Clairambault 1016, f.390r.

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I the port nelson relations, 1682–84

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2

The Port Nelson Relations

/a/

R E L AT I O N S D E S VOYAG E S D U S I E U R PIERRE ESPRIT RADISSON escuyer

au n o r d d e l’ a m e r i q u e e s années 1682, 1683, et 1684. fa i t A LONDRE anno 1685. /b/ a u r oy

Sire Le voyage que j’entreprise estant au service de la France en l’année 1682, pour la traite du castor en la riviere et port de Nelson, et les choses qui se sont passées entre les officiers de la Compagnie Royalle de la Baye de Hudson et moy, pendant le sejour que j’y ay fait jusqu’ en l’année 1683, ayante esté raportées fort desadvantageusement pour moy, j’ay creu Sire qu’il estoit de mon devoir de donner une relation veritable de ce voyage, et d’y adjouter celle, de celluy que j’ay fait l’année derniere pour la Compagnie de la Baye d’Hudson, afin de desabuser tous ceux que mes ennemis ont pû prevenir de méchantes impressions de ma conduite pour la rendre suspecte à vôtre Majesté, par des  soubçons et de calomnies contre mon honneur et ma reputation. Je /bv/ prends la liberté Sire de presenter à vôtre Majesté ces deux relations comme

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Relation of Events at Port Nelson, 1682–83

3

/a/

R E L AT I O N S o f t h e VOYAG E S o f S I E U R PIERRE ESPRIT RADISSON escuyer1

in north america in the y e a rs 1 6 8 2 , 1 6 8 3 , a n d 1 6 8 4 p r e pa r e d 2 in LONDON in the year 1685 [The translation into English is by K. Janet Ritch] /b/ to the king

Sire The voyage that I undertook in the service of France in the year 1682 to engage in the beaver trade in the Nelson River and harbour, and the events that occured between the officers of the Royal Hudson’s Bay Company and myself during my stay there up to the year 1683 having been reported much to my disadvantage, I thought it my duty, sire, to give a true relation of this voyage, and to add to it that of the voyage that I made last year for the Hudson’s Bay Company, in order to disabuse all those whom my enemies have been able to influence with malicious impressions of my conduct in order to render it suspect to Your Majesty, circulating suspicions and slander concerning my honour and reputation. I /bv/ take the liberty, sire, of presenting these two relations to   1 Radisson calls himself “ecuyer,” that is, a court gentleman of low but respectable rank. The (very roughly) parallel English term is “equerry.” According to Pierre Goubert (The Ancien Régime, 154), ecuyer, along with chevalier, were the two terms that invariably indicated noble status. The use of titles was a lively issue in New France; on 10 April 1684 Louis XIV issued an arrêt or proclamation specifically forbidding the inhabitants of Canada to call themselves ecuyer when they had no right to do so (ANOM, AC B11, v. 11, 1684–85, f.29v–30r), and the intendant, Jacques De Meulles, followed it up with an order on 10 October 1684 restricting the use of titles of nobility (ANQ, Prévoté de Québec, cahier 1er, f.480). For Radisson’s appropriation of the title, see I: 75.  2 Fr. Fait, perhaps simply “Copied.” For the actual dates of writing, see Textual Introduction.

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The Port Nelson Relations

mon ­premier homage de bon et fidelle subject, par lesquelles vôtre Majesté verra la justice de mon procedé, tous les petits menagemens et les mannieres d’agir que j’observe avec les peuples sauvages, et que je me suis establi parmi eux sur un pied d’authorité et de credit, afin de pouvoir profiter avantageusement de la traite. J’espere Sire que ce que j’ay fait contre la compagnie de la baye de Hudson, quand mon honneur et mes propres interets m’y ont engagé, estant au service de la France, ne donnera pas à vôtre Majesté mauvaise opignion de mon zelle et de ma fidellité pour son service. Le dernier voyage que je viens de faire peut rendre temoinage en ma faveur de ce messme zelle à vôtre Majesté, m’estant acquité envers elle, la Compagnie de la Baye d’Hudson, et la nation, de tous les engagemens dans lesquels j’estois entré, et il ne tiendra point à moy Sire que je ne m’employe à l’advenir au service de vôtre Majesté avec une fidelité inviolable, et que je n’estende plus loin que je n’ay fait jusqu’a present mes descouvertes pour la gloire du regne de vôtre Majesté, le bien et l’advantage de ses peuples. Ce sont Sire les nouvelles asseurances que j’ose /cr/ donner à vôtre Majesté, afin de me rendre digne de meriter de sa bonté la continuation de sa royalle protection, en attendant l’occasion de pouvoir donner de nouveaux temoinages de l’attachment, que doit avoir pour le service de vôtre Majesté celuy qui demande en grace la permission de se dire avec toutte la soûmission et le respect dont il est capable. Sire De VÔTRE MAJESTÉ Le tres humble tres obeïssant et tres fidelle subject et serviteur P: E: Radisson

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5

Your Majesty as my first act of homage as a good and faithful subject; by which your Majesty will see the justice of my practices, all the little precautions and ways of acting that I observe among the wild people; and you will also see that I established myself among them upon an authoritative and credible footing, in order to be able to profit favourably from the trade. I hope, sire, that what I have done in opposition to the Hudson’s Bay Company, when my honour and my own interest were engaged in the service of France, will not give Your Majesty a low opinion of my zeal and fidelity to your3 service. The voyage I have just made4 may witness in my favour this same zeal towards Your Majesty, in which I discharged myself towards your Majesty, the Hudson’s Bay Company, and the nation of all the commitments into which I had entered. It is your decision, Sire, whether I am employed to serve Your Majesty in the future with inviolable fidelity, or whether I extend farther what I have discovered up to now for the glorious reign of Your Majesty, and the welfare and profit of your people. Sire, these are the new assurances of fidelity that I dare /cr/ present to Your Majesty, in order to render myself worthy to merit the continuation of your royal protection, out of your goodness, while awaiting the opportunity to be able to bear new witness to the attachment that one ought to have for the service of Your Majesty who gracefully asks permission to call himself with all the submission and respect of which he is capable,5 Sire Your Majesty’s very humble, obedient and faithful6 subject and servant P: E: Radisson   3 Here and several times below Radisson refers to the king courteously in the third person, e.g., “son service.”   4 That is, the voyage of 1684.  5 The terminology of Radisson’s address to the king is typical of such missives. For ­example, Claude-Charles Bacqueville de la Potherie’s “Letter VI” (c. 1702) deals with the events on Hudson Bay, and he writes, “To make one’s way into so remote a country through so many dangers, toils, and troubles, there to shine with splendour – that will assure you, Sir, that, when the King’s glory is at stake, one’s zeal overcomes any obstacles that may be encountered” (Tyrrell, ed., Documents relating to the Early History of Hudson’s Bay, 238).   6 Radisson’s repeated use of “fidelle” here is no accident; as a noun, “un fidèle” specifically signified a loyal follower. He is clearly seeking preferment.

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The Port Nelson Relations

/1/ RELATION du voiage du sieur Pierre Esprit Radisson Escuyer Au nord de l’Amerique és années 1682. et 1683. Je me sens obligé de me justifier avant toutes choses sur la legèreté dont on pourroit m’accuser, quand on verra que dans ce voiage j’ay agi contre les interets de l’Angleterre, et dans celuy de l’année 16841 contre ceux de la France, car si je n’avois pas à rendre de bonnes raisons de mon procedé la dessus,2 il y paroîtroit quelque caprice et beaucoup d’inconstance. Mais comme il y a quantité de personnes de marque et de probité, qui sçavent ce que le sieur Chouard Desgrosiliers mon beau-frère et moy avons fait en divers voyages, pour messieurs les interessez en la compagnie de la baye de Hudson pour le commerce de la traite du castor /2/ et les justes sujets de mescontentement, qui nous ont obligéz de nous retirer tous deux en France. Je ne dois pas aprehender que les engagements ou je suis dépuis entré contre les interets de la dite compagnie puissent m’atirer les reproches de legereté ou d’inconstance, car on sçait que mon beau-frère ni moy n’avons jamais manqué à quoy que ce soit qui ait peu de dépendre de nous, ayant plusieurs fois l’un et l’autre risqué nos vies, et fait humainement tout ce que des gens d’honneur, et de coeur, devoient faire pour le bien et l’avantage de la dite compagnie dépuis l’année 1665 jusques en 1674. Mais voyant qu’on rejettoit avec mépris tous nos advis pour en suivre d’autres qui tendoient visiblement à la ruine de l’étabilissement de la traite, et qu’on nous témoignoit en toutes occasions que nous étions regardez comme des gens inutiles dont on croyoit n’avoir plus besoin, et qui ne mériterent aucune reconnoissance, toutes ces manieres d’agir et ces mauvais traitements nous firent enfin prendre la reso-/3/lution de retourner en France, aprés y avoir pourtant long tems resisté car dans le fonds on sçait qu’à mon égard je devois avoir plus d’attachement pour le service d’Angleterre que celuy de France, m’étant marié à Londres dans un famille honnorable dont l’aliance m’avoit encore plus fortement engagé dans les interests de la nation. D’ailleur tous mes amis sçavent que j’amois tendrement ma femme, et que je leur temoignay un desplaisir sensible de me voir reduit à la necessité de l’abandonner.

  1 Both E.1/1 and BL Add. 11626 read (incorrectly) “1683”.   2 E.1/1: “rendre la dessus des bonnes raisons.”

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/1/ Relation of the Voyage of Sieur Pierre Esprit Radisson, Escuyer in North America in the Years 1682. and 1683. I feel obliged before all else to justify myself against the charge of fickleness of which I might be accused, because in this voyage it will be seen that I acted against the interests of England, and in that of the year 1684 I acted against those of France. For if I were not to justify my procedure in this matter, it would appear as some caprice and much inconstancy. But as there are many distinguished and honest people who know what my brother-in-law, the Sieur Chouart Des Groseilliers, and I have achieved on various voyages for the gentlemen with interests in the Hudson’s Bay Company’s beaver trade /2/ and [who also know] the just causes of discontent which obliged us both to withdraw to France, I ought not to fear that the commitments I have since assumed against the interests of the said company would attract the reproach of instability and inconstancy against me. For it is known that my brother-in-law and I have never failed in anything whatsoever which depended upon us, both of us having many times risked our lives and done everything humanly possible that men of honour and courage ought to do for the good and advantage of the said company, from the year 1665 up to 1674. But seeing that they scornfully rejected all our advice in order to follow that of others which clearly would ruin the establishing of the trade, and on every occasion they demonstrated that they regarded us as useless people who, in their view, they no longer needed and who merited no recognition, all these acts as well as the bad treatment [we received] made us resolve /3/ to return to France, though [only] after having resisted doing so for a long time.7 As for me, it was well known that I ought to be more attached to the service of England than to that of France, having married into an honourable family in London, an alliance which has committed me still more strongly to the national interests.8 Besides, all my friends know that I loved my wife tenderly, for I showed my obvious displeasure at finding myself reduced to the necessity of abandoning her.   7 Radisson makes no mention of the role of Father Charles Albanel in persuading them to return to French service (see 1: 61, 67).   8 The family of Sir John Kirke; see 1: 61–2.

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The Port Nelson Relations

J’èspere donc que ces considerations justifieront ma conduite sur les diferents partis que j’ay embrassés, et ce que je diray dans cette relation, de mon procedé à l’égard des Anglois en ce voyage dans la riviere et port de Nelson l’année mil683, me justifiera aussi contre ce qui en a été raporté à mon desadvantage, pour me rendre odieux à la nation. Car on verra qu’ayant eu le bonheur de faire et de soûtenir mon établissement contre ceux que je regardois lors come mes ennemis et de m’en rendre le maî-/4/tre en prevenant leur desseins, j’ay bien usé de l’advantage que j’ay eu sur eux, et s’ils me vouloient rendre justice ils avoüeroient qu’ils ont plus de sujet de se loüer de moy que de s’en plaindre, les ayant toûjour traitez fort honnétement, tant qu’ils sont voulû bien vivre avec moy. Il est vray que je me suis servi de toutes les ruses, que j’ay pû m’imaginer pour parvenir à mes desseins. Et comme je sçavois tout ce que ces messieurs tramoient contre moy. J’ay mieux aimé les prendre que d’en étre pris, saçhant fort bien que s’ils m’avoient prevenu j’aurois plus mal passé mon tems avec eux qu’ils n’ont fait avec moy. Je viens au recit de mon voyage ne croyant pas qu’il soit necessaire que je parle ici des campagnes qu j’ay faites depuis ma sortie d’Angleterre sur l’armée navale de France, aux expeditions de Guinée, de Tobago et autres occasions où je me suis rencontré auparavant mon engagement pour ce voyage. Dans les tems que mon beau-frère et moy étions mécontens de messieurs de la compagnie de la Baye de Hudson, nous fûmes plusieurs fois solicitez de la part de feu monsieur Colbert de retourner en France avec des /5/ grandes rassurances que nous y serions bien traitez. Nous resistames longtems sans vouloir entendre aucune des propositions qui nous étioient faites sur cela, mais voyant que nos affaires alloient toûjour de mal en pis dans la compagnie sans apparence que nous en deussions atendre aucun bon traitement, nous acceptames enfin le party qui nous étoit offert de 400 louis d’or argent comptant, d’acquiter nos debtes, et qu’on nous donneroit de l’employ. Nous passámes en France aprés ces conditions reglées au mois de dexembre 1674.3 Si tost nôtre arrivée à Paris nous allames nous presenter à feu monsieur Colbert. Il nous censura d’abord de ce que nous avions preferé le service d ­ ’Angleterre à celuy de France. Neanmoins aprés avoir entendu nos raisons et reconnu de quoy nous pouvions étre capables, par les choses que nous luy dîmes de nos

  3 Correctly, December 1675; E.1/1 repeats the error.

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9

I hope therefore that these considerations will justify my conduct with respect to the different courses of action I embraced. And what I will say in this relation about my actions regarding the English during this voyage to the Nelson River and harbour in the year 1683 will also justify me with respect to what has been reported to my disadvantage in order to render me odious to the nation. You will see that having had the good fortune to make and sustain my establishment9 against those whom, at that time, I regarded as my enemies, and to render myself master /4/ by anticipating their plans, I made good use of the advantage that I had over them. And if they wanted to render me justice, they would confess they have more cause to praise me than to complain of me, I who have always treated them very honestly, so much so that they were happy to live with me. It is true that I used all the ruses I could imagine to succeed in my plans. And, since I knew everything that these men were plotting against me, I preferred to catch them rather than to be caught by them, knowing full well that, if they anticipated me, I would pass my time with them worse than they did with me. I come now to the relation of my voyage, believing it unnecessary to speak here of the campaigns that I engaged in since my departure from England in the French navy, on expeditions to Guinea, Tobago,10 and other opportunities that I came across before my engagement in this voyage. At the time my brother-in-law and I were discontented with the gentlemen of  the Hudson’s Bay Company, we were often urged, on behalf of the late Monsieur Colbert,11 to return to France, and given /5/ great assurances that we would be well treated there. We resisted a long time, not wishing to listen to any of the propositions that were made to us. But seeing that our business with the company went always from bad to worse, and that there was no probability that we ought to expect any better treatment, we finally agreed to the offer that was made to us of 400 gold louis in cash to pay our debts, and that we would be given employment. After these conditions were settled, we crossed over to France in the month of December 1674.12 As soon as we arrived in Paris we went to introduce ourselves to the late Monsieur Colbert. At first he rebuked us for having preferred service in England to that in France. Yet having heard our reasons, and recognizing from information we gave him about our discoveries what we might be capable of achieving   9 Fort or factory, trading post. 10 For the voyage to Tobago, see Radisson’s “Letter to Claude Bernou” (182). No other “campaigns” engaged in by Radisson at this time are known. 11 Colbert: see 1: 22. 12 Correctly, December 1675; Radisson is often vague or inaccurate about dates.

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découvertes, dans les païs septentionaux de l’Amerique, et des habitudes que nous y avions contractées avec les sauvages, il nous assura de sa protection et du pardon du passé de la part du Roy avec un entier retablissement au mesme état que nous étions avant nôtre sortie de France à condition que nous employe­ rions /6/ nos soings et habitudes pour l’utilité et progrés du commerce des traites du castor dans les colonies françoises du Canada. Il nous confirma aussi la promesse qui nous avoit esté faites à Londres d’une gratification de 400 louis d’or qu’on acquiterait toutes nos debtes, et que nous aurions de l’employ. On nous fit expedier d’abord des lettres patentes de pardon et restablissement dans lesquelles monsieur Colbert vouleut qu’il fût fait mention de la condition sous laquelle le Roy nous les avoit accordées à sçavoir d’employer nos soings, et de nous servir de nos habitudes avec les sauvages pour lavancement et utilité du commerce de la traite du castor dans les colonies françoises. On nous fit payer comptant les 400 pistolles pour la gratification, et on satisfit à tout ce qui nous avoit esté promis d’ailleurs, à la reserve de l’employ, pour lequel on nous fit courir fort long tems inutilement. Mais je m’aperceus le premier dans la suitte de la cause de ce retardement, et que mon mariage en Angleterre me rendoit suspect parce que ma femme y estoit demeurée. Monsieur Colbert s’en explica un jour assez ouverte-/7/ment apres nous avoir remis plusieurs fois, sur divers pretextes en me disant qu’il falloit que je fisse passer ma femme en France, si je voulois qu’on eust une ­entiere confiance en moy. Je luy fis connoître que je n’en avois pas esté encores le maître, ma femme ayant un pere qui n’avoit pas voulu me permettre que je l’amenasse avec moy en France, et je promis que je ferois tout mon possible pour l’y attirer. Cepandant monsieur Colbert nous témoigna qu’il seroit bien aise que mon beau-frère et moy fissions un voyage en Canada pour voir avec le gouverneur ce qui se pourroit faire, nous assurant qu’il luy envoyeroit ses ordres en nôtre faveur.

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in the northern lands of America, and of the experience we had acquired there among the wild men, he assured us of his protection,13 and of a pardon for past actions on behalf of the king, along with full reinstatement to the same status14 that we occupied before our departure from France, upon the condition that we would bring to bear /6/ our attention and experience on the profit and ­advancement of the beaver trade in the French colonies of Canada. He also confirmed the promise that had been made to us in London of an allowance of 400 gold louis to pay all our debts, and that we would be given some employment.15 First of all, he had patent letters of pardon and reinstatement dispatched to us, in which Monsieur Colbert particularly mentioned the condition by which the king had granted them to us; that is to say to employ our efforts and use our experience with the wild men for the advancement and profit of the beaver trade in the French colonies. We were paid the 400 pistoles in cash as an allowance and, furthermore, were satisfied in all that had been promised to us, with the exception of employment, for which they made us wait fruitlessly for a very long time. But I realized the cause of this delay in what followed, for it was my marriage in England that rendered me suspect, because my wife had remained there. One day Monsieur Colbert explained his conduct in this matter very clearly, /7/ after having put us off many times on a variety of pretexts, telling me that I had to have my wife brought over to France if I wanted them to have complete confidence in me. I informed him that I was still not her master, my wife having a father who would not permit me to take her away with me to France. I promised that I would do everything possible to draw her there. In the meantime Monsieur Colbert revealed to us that he would be pleased if my brother-in-law and I would make a trip to Canada, to consult with the governor about what could be done, assuring us that he would send his orders to him in our favour. 13 Protection: in both French and English a weighted word; it assures Radisson and Des Groseilliers that, in the constant competition for favour at the court of Louis XIV, Colbert will treat them as members – however lowly – of his circle of loyal followers, and take care of their interests accordingly. 14 For the complex question of the respective social stations of Radisson (probably intended for a career as a low-level court servant) and Des Groseilliers (by instinct and choice an aggressive bourgeois or merchant and trader), see in general the Introduction to volume 1. 15 This promise had about the same weight as the later assumption by the men of the Hudson’s Bay Company that Radisson would eventually be given some sort of minor sinecure by the king. In both cases Radisson waited without result.

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Nous fismes ce voyage, mais estans arrivez à Quebek, la jalousie, et le credit de ceux qui avoient en ce tems la un pouvoir absolu sur les affaires du commerce en Canada, et dont les creatures estoient employées pour les nouvelles découvertes, firent que le sieur comte de Frontenac gouverneur ne se mit pas en devoir de faire ce qu’on nous avoit fait esperer de sa part, de sorte que m’estant rebuté, j’ay laissay mon beau-frère en Canada avec sa famille et je m’em retournay en France resolu de servir sur l’armée navalle. J’y ay passé les campagnes dont j’ay parlé cy dessus, jusqu’au naufra-/8/ges de l’Isle de’Ave, duquel m’estant heureusement sauvé. Je revins avec le reste de de l’armée à Brest au mois de Juillet, ayant perdu tout mon équipage dans ce malheureux naufrage. Monsieur le viceadmiral, et monsieur l’intendant escrivirent en cour en ma faveur, et sur les bons temoinages qu’ils rendirent de ma conduitte, on me fit donner de la part du Roy une gratification de 100 louis d’or pour me remettre en esquipage, et ces messieurs m’assurerent qu’ils esperoient dans peu de me faire donner le commandement d’une fregâte. Je ne creus pas que cela me deust si tost arriver, c’est pourquoy je me resolus de demander congé pour faire un voyage en Angleterre, sous pretexte d’y venir chercher ma femme, pour l’emmener avec moy en France. J’eus mon conjé de la cour la dessus, avec une autre gratification de 100 louis d’or pour mon voyage. On me recommenda de faire dilligence, sur tout d’emmener ma femme, aprés quoy, on m’assuroit positivement que j’aurois de l’employ. Je partis donc, et arrivé â Londres le 4e Juillet. Je fis connoistre à monsieur le chévalier Kirke mon beau-pere de quelle importance il m’estoit pour l’establisse-/9/ment de ma fortune en France que j’y fisse passer ma femme avec moy. Il n’y voulût pas consentir, mais il me pria d’escrire à mes amis en France au suject du’une pretention qu’il a contre les habitans du Canada, ce que j fis. Je voulus encores pendant mon sejour à Londres tàcher de pressentir moy meme, et par mes amis si messieurs de la compagnie ne seroient point en de meilleurs sentiments pour moy, et si je ne trouverois point quelque jour, pour pouvoir renoüer avec eux. Mes demarches furent inutiles, et je ne trouvay aucune disposition à pouvoir parvenir à ce que je souhaitois. Je m’en retournay donc en France, et j’arrivay à Brest le 12e Octobre 1679.

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We made this voyage, but having arrived in Quebec, jealousy and the authority of those who at that time had absolute power over the business of trade in Canada, and whose creatures16 were employed in new discoveries,17 brought it about that my lord Count Frontenac,18 the governor, had no mind to carry out what had been suggested we might hope from him. Having been rebuffed, I left my brother-in-law in Canada with his family and returned to France, resolved to serve in the navy. I participated in the campaigns of which I spoke above until the shipwreck /8/ on the Isle of Aves, from which I happily escaped. I returned with the rest of the army to Brest in July, having lost my entire outfit in that unfortunate shipwreck. Monsieur the vice-admiral and Monsieur the intendant19 wrote to court in my favour, and upon the good testimony that they gave of my conduct, they caused me to be given, on behalf of the king, an allowance of 100 gold louis in order to renew my equipment. These men assured me that they hoped shortly to have me assigned the command of a frigate. I doubted that would happen very quickly, so I resolved to ask leave to make a trip to England, on the pretext of seeking my wife and bringing her back with me to France. I took my leave from court with another allowance of 100 gold louis for my trip. They advised me to make haste, and above all to return with my wife, after which they positively assured me that I would have employment. I left promptly and arrived in London on 4 July. I informed Sir [John] Kirke, my father-in-law, of how important the establishing /9/ of my fortunes in France was to me, and that I wanted to bring my wife back with me. He would not consent, but asked me to write my friends in France about a claim that he had against the inhabitants of Canada, which I did. During my stay in London I also wanted to attempt, myself and through my friends, to find out whether the men of the [Hudson’s Bay] company had a more favourable attitude to me, and whether I might some day be able to renew friendship with them. The attempts I made were useless, and I found no one disposed to help me achieve my wish. I therefore returned to France and arrived at Brest on 12 October 1679. 16 That is, a hanger-on or dependent. 17 The fermier or holder of the monopoly on the fur trade was Jean Oudiette of the French Compagnie de la ferme. Adding to Radisson’s problems were the competition for influence among the men around Frontenac and, at the French court, the efforts of La Salle to get and maintain high-level support for his projects in America (see Introduction to volume 1). 18 Frontenac: see 1: 76. 19 Vice-Admiral Jean D’Estrées (185) and the intendant at Brest, Pierre de Chertemps de Seuil, Baron de Charon (187).

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Ayant fait entendre à monsieur le viceadmiral, et a monsieur l’intendant le peu de succés que je avois eu en mon voyage, et qu’il n’avoit pourtant pas tenu à moy, ils me donnerent ordre d’en aller rendre compte à monsieur le marquis de Seignelay, ce que je fis. Mais en luy aprenant que ma femme estoit encores demeurée en Angleterre, il me fit reproche, qu’il voyoit bien que j’avois toujour les sentiments anglois adjoutant en mesme tems /10/ que je me devois pas m’attendre qu’on se fiast en moy ni qu’on me donnast le moindre employ, tant que ma femme demeureroit en Angleterre. Il me promit pourtant qu’il parleroit de mes affaires à monsieur Colbert son pere, ce qu’il fit. Et l’estant allé voir il me parla de la mesme maniere qu’avoit fait monsieur le marquis de Seignelay sur le suject de ma femme et me donna ordre d’aller chez le sieur Belinzany son premier commis pour les affaires du commerce, qui me diroit ses intentions. Estant allé chez le sieur Belinzany, il me dit que monsieur de Colbert trou­ veroit bon que j’eusse conference avec le sieur de La Chesnaye marchand du Canada, qui fait tout le commerce de ce païs la, et qui estoit lors à Paris, afin de prendre avec luy des mesures pour le prevaloir de nos découvertes et habitudes dans le païs septentrionaux du Canada, pour avancer le commerce des traites du castor, et empécher autant qu’il seroit possible, celles que les estrangers y vouloient faire au prejudice des colonies francoises. Le dit sieur Belinzany me dit aussi que je ne pourrois faire mieux ma cour au prés de monsieur Colbert ni m’acquerir son amitié par aucun service /11/qui luy fût plus agreable, qu’en m’aplicant fortement a attirer toutes les nations des peuples sauvages de ces païs septentrionaux du costé des francois, et pour les détourner les estrangers, m’assurant d’une grande reconnoissance pour le service que je rendrois à l’estat en cette occasion, et que le sieur de La Chesnaye me donneroit en Canada toutes les choses necessaires pour l’execution des desseins, que nous pourrions resoudre ensemble la dessus. Suivant ces instructions j’allay chez le sieur de La Chesnaye. Nous conferames assez long tems ensemble, et aprés plusieurs questions sur l’estat des païs que j’avois frequentés, et luy avoir communiqué mes memoires, il me proposa

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I informed Monsieur the vice-admiral and Monsieur the intendant of the little success that I had on my journey, but that it had not been my fault, [and] they ordered me to go and render an account of it to Monsieur the Mar­quis de Seignelay,20 which I did. When I informed him that my wife was still residing in England, he reproached me, [saying] that he could see that I still had English sentiments, and adding at the same time /10/ that I ought not to expect they could trust me, nor that they would give me the slightest employment as long as my wife remained in England. Yet he promised me that he would speak of my business to Monsieur Colbert, his father, which he did. And when I saw [Monsieur Colbert] he spoke to me in the same way that Monsieur the Marquis de Seignelay had done on the subject of my wife. He commanded me to go to the house of the Sieur Belinzany,21 his primary deputy for the business of trade, who would tell me his plans. When I went to the home of the Sieur Belinzany, he told me that Monsieur Colbert thought I ought to confer with the Sieur de La Chesnaye, a Canadian merchant, who handles all the trade of that land22 and was at that time in Paris, in order to assess with him the advantage of our discoveries and experience in the northern land of Canada, to advance the business of the beaver trade and prevent as much as possible the foreigners from establishing themselves there to the detriment of the French colonies. The said Sieur Belinzany also told me that I could do no better in currying favour with Monsieur Colbert, nor in acquiring his friendship by rendering any service /11/ more agreeable to him, than by vigorously applying myself to attracting all the nations23 of the wild people of these northern lands to the French side, in order to turn them away from the foreigners. At the same time he assured me I would receive great recognition for the service I would render the state on this occasion, and that the Sieur de La Chesnaye would give me everything necessary in Canada for the fulfilment of the plans, which we could decide upon together. Following these instructions, I went to the Sieur de La Chesnaye’s home. We conversed quite a long time together, and after many questions on the state of the lands that I had frequented and after I communicated my mémoires24 to 20 Seignelay: see 1: 69. 21 Francesco Bellinzani, in the service of Colbert. He was pursued for bribery after Colbert’s death and died in prison in 1684 (Colbert, Lettres et instructions, 1: 369n). 22 Chesnaye: see 1: 76. 23 Radisson uses the term “nation” frequently, but it is never clear whether he means tribe, clan, or family. 24 I gave him my notes. Radisson was a diligent writer; he may have kept a diary, and memoires suggests he wrote more detailed notes. He several times says he has kept

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d’entreprendre l’establissement d’une traite pour le castor dans la grande baye où j’avois esté quelques années au paravant pour les Anglois. Nous fumes deux jours à concerter ensemble sur les moyens de faire cet establissement. Nous en demeurasmes enfin d’accord, et que je ferois un voyage en Angleterre pour tâcher d’en retirer ma femme, et prendre langue en mesme tems sur l’armement que la Compagnie de la Baye de Hudson pourroit faire pour ce païs la. Je fis \un/4 second voyage a Lon-/12/dres avec quelque reste d’esperance de meilleure disposition en ma faveur du costé de messieurs les interessez. Mais soit qu’on me regardast lors comme un serviteur tout á faite inutile ou comme un homme hors d’estat de pouvoir nuire, on me laissa partir sans m’avoir fait temoîgner la moindre marque de bonne volonté. Toute la satisfaction que j’eux en ce voyage, fût d’avoir esté favorablement receu de son altesse le Prince Rupert, qui me témoigna avoir du déplaisir de ce que mes services estoient si mal reconnus. Je pris le party de me consoler de cette disgrace, et m’en retournay en France croyant y rencontrer encores La Chesnaye, mais estant arrivé à Paris, je trouvay qu’il estoit party, et je ne balançay pas à me resoudre de le suivre en Canada pour executer ce que nous avions arrété ensemble à Paris. Je fus prendre conjé de Monsieur Colbert en luy communiquant mon dessein, qu’il approuva. Il me souhaita bon voyage, en m’encourageant de bien faire. J’allay voir les pere Jesuites de Paris, comme interessés avec La Chesnaye au commerce di castor, et ils me donnerent de l’argent pour mon voyage. J’allay m’embarquer à La Rochelle, et j’arrivay à Quebek le 25e septembre 1682 [1681].  /13/ Si tost mon arrivée je m’abouché avec le sieur La Chesnaye qui témoigna avoir beaucoup de joye de me voir, et apres quelque entretien sur ce que nous avions projeté à Paris, il me dit qu’il falloit y travailler incessament, et comme il avoit le secret de la cour, et qu’il en sçavoit les intentions pour nôtre conduite en cette entreprise, il me mena chez le gouverneur et m’obligea de luy demander sa protection, et les ordres dont nous avions besoin de sa part pour l’execution de nôtre dessein, mais monsieur le gouverneur nous parla comme s’il ne l’avoit pas approuvé, et cur cela, La Chesnaye luy demanda pour moy un congé pour repasser en Europe, par la Nouvelle Angleterre dans une barque du gouverneur de Laccadye qui estoit lors à Quebek preste à faire voile. Ces démarches de formalités estans faites, La Chesnaye et moy parlâmes d’affaires à fonds. Nous demeurasmes d’accord du voyage, et de toutes les conditions pour le reglement de nos interets. Il se chargea d’achéter les ­marchandises, et toutes les choses necessaires pour la traite, de me fournir un

  4 E.1/1: “ce voyage.”

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him, he proposed to undertake the establishment of a beaver trade in the great bay where I had been for the English a few years earlier. We spent two days consulting together on the means to establish this trade. We finally agreed that I would make a trip to England in an attempt to take my wife away, and at the same time find out what was happening with the ships that the Hudson’s Bay Company might be fitting out for that land. I made a second trip to Lon-/12/don, still hoping that the men concerned would be better disposed in my favour. But whether they regarded me then as a completely useless servant or as incapable of doing them harm, they allowed me to depart without giving me the least sign of good will. The only satisfaction that I had on this trip was that I was favourably received by his Highness Prince Rupert, who showed some displeasure that my services were so poorly recognized. I decided to console myself over this disgrace, and went back to France, believing I would find La Chesnaye still there. When I arrived in Paris and discovered that he had left, I did not hesitate to follow him to Canada in order to carry out what we had decided together in Paris. I went to take leave of Monsieur Colbert, communicating to him my plan, which he approved. He wished me a good voyage, encouraging me to do well. I went to see the Jesuit fathers in Paris because they had an interest with La Chesnaye in the beaver trade, and they gave me money for my voyage. I embarked at La Rochelle and arrived in Quebec on 25 September 1682 [correctly 1681]. /13/ As soon as I arrived I conferred with the Sieur La Chesnaye, who showed much joy at seeing me. After some discussion of what we had planned in Paris, he told me that we must set to work on our plans without delay. And as he understood the intricacies of the court and its intentions regarding our direction in this enterprise, he led me to the governor’s house and required me to ask him for his protection and for the orders we needed from him to execute our plan. But Monsieur the governor gave us the impression he had not approved it, and so La Chesnaye asked him to give me a pass to return to Europe by way of New England in a barque of the governor of Acadia which was at that time ready to set sail from Quebec.25 After these formal steps were taken La Chesnaye and I spoke in detail about business. We remained in agreement about the voyage and all the conditions for the arrangement of our interests. He took charge of buying the merchandise and all things necessary for trade, and of furnishing me with a boat, well letters of importance, and he wrote thorough reports to the HBC when trading on the Bay. He also made small corrections in E.1/1 and in his “Letter to Claude Bernou.” But his dating was weak; dates in fall 1682 should be 1681. 25 As his subsequent actions show, this was likely a subterfuge on Chesnaye’s part.

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bâtiment bien equipé et pourveu de bonnes vituailles. Il fit reglé que j’aurois le quart de la traite, en faveur de mes peines et soings, et des /14/ risques ausquels je m’allois exposer pour l’etablisement. Mon beau-frère Desgrosilliers qui estoit lors à Quebek fit de son costé un traité avec La Chénaye pour le mesme voyage à peu prés aux mesmes conditions que moy, et toutes ces choses estans reglées, le gouverneur fût prié de me permettre d’emmener avec moy trois hommes. Il sçavoit bien pourquoy, mais il ne trouvoit à propos5 de l’ignorer car il n’y a pas d’apparence qu’il s’imaginast que je m’en retournois en France, sans vouloir rien faire, sur ce que La Chesnaye et moy luy avions proposé, puis que je demandois ces trois hommes qu’il me permit d’emmener. L’un estoit mon neveu Jean Baptiste des Grosilers, sur lequel je faisois grand fonds, ayant frequenté toute sa vie les païs sauvages, et contracté de grandes habitudes avec eux pour les traites. Il avoir mis 500 livres de son fonds dans l’armement que devoit faire La Chesnaye pour nôtre voyage. Le second homme estoit Pierre Allemand que j’ammenois pour pilote, et le troisiesme Jean Baptiste Godefroy entendant parfaitement la langue sauvage, et que je connoissois capable des traites. Je partis donc de Quebek le 4e Novembre 1682 [1681], avec mes trois hommes sur la barque di gouverneur de l’Accadie ayant mes ordres de me ­trouver au printems suivant à l’Isle Percée à l’em-/15/boucheure du fleuve de S. Laurens, où La Chesnaye devoit m’envoyer un batiment muny, et esquipe suivant mes conventions6 pour l’execution de l’entreprise. Il me promit aussi qu’il m’envoyeroit des plus amples instructions par escrit pour ma conduite quand je ­serois sur les lieux. Nous arrivasmes à l’Accadie le vingt six du dit mois de Novembre 1682 [1681]. Nous y passames l’hyver, et je me rendis à l’Isle Percée au printems. Le batiment que j’attendois arriva, mais non pas tel qu’on me l’avoit fait esperer, car ce n’estoit qu’une veille barque d’environ 50 tonneaux avec douze hommes d’équipage, compris ceux qui estoient avec moy. Il y avoit assez de marchandises pour la traite, mais peu de vituailles, de sorte que si je n’eusse pas esté engagé si avant, que je l’estois dans l’entreprise, un tel bâtiment auroit esté capable de m’en rebuter. Mais l’arrivée du sieur Desgrosilieres mon beau-frère sur une barque d’environ 30 tonneaux avec 15 hommes d’esquipage m’encourageá. Nous ne voulúmes point l’un et l’autre abandonner nôtre entreprise, mais nous eusmes beaucoup de peine à resoudre nos gens qui estoient épouvantez de voir que nous allions les exposer à un voyage de 900 lieües en de si petits bâtiments dans des mers /16/ rudes où nous avions encores à craindre les glaces. Cependant nos équipages voyans que nous nous exposions nous mesme, et   5 E.1/1: “il trouvoit à propos.”   6 E.1/1: “nos conventions.”

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equipped and stocked with good food supplies. He arranged it so that I would have a quarter of the trade for the pains I had taken and the /14/ risks to which I was going to expose myself in establishing it. My brother-in-law Des Groseilliers, who was in Quebec at the time, for his part made a treaty with La Chesnaye for the same voyage, with nearly the same conditions as mine. When all these arrangements were made, the governor was entreated to permit me to take three men away with me. He knew perfectly well why, but he found it convenient to overlook it, because he could hardly imagine that I would return to France without carrying out what La Chesnaye and I had proposed to him, since I had asked for the three men he was permitting me to take away. One was my nephew Jean Baptiste Des Groseilliers,26 in whom I had great confidence, since all his life he had frequented the lands of the wild men and acquired great experience in trading with them. He had put 500 livres of his capital into the stores that La Chesnaye was supposed to be providing for our voyage. The second man was Pierre Allemand,27 whom I was taking as pilot, and the third Jean Baptiste Godefroy who understood perfectly the language of the wild men and whom I knew to be capable of trade. I left Quebec on 4 November 1682 [1681], with my three men, on the barque of the governor of Acadia, having been ordered to be at at Île Percée at the mouth /15/ of the St Lawrence River in the following spring, where La Chesnaye was supposed to send me a ship outfitted and equipped according to our agreement for carrying out the enterprise. He also promised that he would send me ample written instructions to direct me when I was in place. We arrived in Acadia on the 26th of the said month of November 1682 [1681]. We spent the winter there, and I went to Île Percée in the springtime. The ship that I was expecting arrived, but she was not such as they had led me to hope for, since she was only an old barque of about fifty tons with a crew of twelve men, including those who were with me. There was enough merchandise for the trade, but little food, so that if I had not been as committed as I was to the enterprise such a ship would certainly have discouraged me. But the arrival of the Sieur Des Groseilliers, my brother-in-law, on a barque of about thirty tons with a fifteen-man crew, gave me courage.28 Neither of us wanted to abandon our enterprise, but we had a great deal of trouble persuading our people, who were terrified when they realized that we were going to expose them to a voyage of 900 leagues in such little ships upon rough seas, /16/ where we still had ice to fear. Nevertheless, our crew, seeing that we were also exposing ourselves 26 Jean-Baptiste Chouart Des Groseilliers; evidently he had financial resources. See 1: 42. 27 Pierre Allemand (c. 1662–91), pilot, cartographer, explorer, fur trader (see DCB). 28 The ships were the St Pierre and the Ste Anne.

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qu’ils suivroient nôtre fortune, ils se resolurent à courir les mesmes risques que nous. Il fût arrété entre mon beau-frère et moy que nous ferions nôtre route le plus pres que nous pourrions, l’un de l’autre, pour pouvoir estre plus tost en estate de nous secourir en cas de besoing, et nous mismes à la voile partans de l’Isle Percée le 11e juillet 1682. Aprés dix neuf jours de navigation, et que nous eusmes passé le déstroit de terre neuve, l’équipage de la barque de mon beau-frère se revolta contre luy, ne voulant pas passer outre, craignant le rencontre des glaces, et de s’aller engager dans un païs inconnu, ou il pourroit manque de vivres pendant l’hyver. Nous apaisames les mutins par promesses et par ménaces. La veü d’un navire (par le 57e degré 30 minutes au nord sur la coste de Labrador) y contribüa, chacun songea â l’eviter. Nous étions en terre de luy, et il portoit au plus prés sur nous, come voulant nous reconnoistre. Mais n’estant pas en estate de nous deffendre je ne trouvay pas à propos que nous missions cap sur luy, mais faisant sa mesme route nous gaignasmes la coste où il n’y avoit rien à craindre. Il revira de bord deux /17/ heures avant la nuict, et nous le perdismes de veüe. Et comment y a quantité des glaces sur ces mers qui derrivent au sud, nous fimes havree pour éviter les dangers, et faire de l’eau, et prendre quelques autres rafrai­ chissements à la coste des sauvages nommés esquimos, les plus dangereux de tous ces peuples, quand on s’en laisse surprendre. Ils vindrent poutrant à nos bords, et traiterent avec nous quelque centaine de peaux de loups marins. Nous demeurasmes la deux jours pendant lesquels il y eut encore une mutinerie pour ne passer pas outre, mais j’apaisay les seditieux, et ayant remis en mer, j’advertis nos équipages de conserver l’eau et le bois que nous venions de faire, parce que nous avions resolu mon beau-frère et moy, que nous n’aborderions point à terre qu’à nôtre Port, a moins que nous ne fussions poursuivis. Les vents se trouvans favorables à notre navigation nous entràmes dans le détroit de Hudson que nous côtoyions du côté du nord. Il y avoit quantité de glaces sur lesquelles les gens de ma barque tuerent un ours d’une grosseur extra­ ordinaire. Ils mangerent de la chair de cet animal avec excés, dont ils furent tous malades à l’extremité, ayans des grandes douleurs de téte, et des dévoyements si violans que je ne creu pas qu’il en rechapât aucun. Je fus obligé /18/ de faire signal à mon beau-frère pour luy donner advis de cet accident afin de’estre secouru. L’orvietan et les sueurs tirerent, ces pauvres mal-heureux d’affaire, mais ils ont tous changé de peau, nous ayons apris dépuis par les sauvages que cette espece d’ours blancs a du venin dans le foye qui se communique à toute la chair, et cause de pareils accidents quand on en mange. Je m’aperceus que pendant ce desordre qui nous estoit arrivé proche Mile Island à la pointe de l’ouest. Nous avions derivé nord ouest par compas environ 8 lieües en six heures vers le cap Henry. Nous eûmes beaucoup de peine à

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and that they would be sharing our fortune, resolved to run the same risks as we did. It was agreed between my brother-in-law and me that we would sail as close to each other as possible, in order to be in a position to quickly assist one another in case of need. We set sail, leaving Île Percée on 11 July 1682. After nineteen days of sailing, and after we had passed the strait of Newfoundland, the crew on my brother-in-law’s barque mutinied against him, not wanting to go further, fearing an encounter with ice and afraid of entering an unknown land where food supplies might be lacking in winter. We calmed the mutineers with promises and threats. The sighting of a ship (at the 57th degree 30 minutes to the north on the coast of Labrador) contributed to the anxiety; everyone wanted to avoid her. We were landward of her, and she bore down upon us as closely as possible, as if wishing to reconnoitre us. But we were not in a condition to defend ourselves, so I did not find it advisable to steer for her, but taking the same course we reached the coast, where there was nothing to fear. Two /17/ hours before nightfall, she went about and we lost sight of her. And as there is a great deal of ice on these seas, where the current flows south, we cast anchor in a harbour to avoid this danger. We wanted to take in water and additional fresh meat on the coast of the wild men named Eskimos, the most dangerous of all these people if one allows oneself to be surprised by them. Yet they came on board our ships and traded about a hundred seal skins with us. We stayed there for two days, during which there was yet another mutiny to prevent us from going further, but I calmed the ones fomenting rebellion. Having put out again to sea, I warned our crew to conserve the water and wood that we had just taken on, because my brother-in-law and I had resolved to set foot on land only at our port, unless we were pursued. The winds favouring our course, we entered Hudson Strait, where we coasted along the north shore. There was a great deal of ice, on which the men of my barque killed a bear of extraordinary size. They ate so much of the flesh of this animal that they all became extremely ill, with severe headaches and diarrhea so violent that I did not think any would survive it. I was obliged /18/ to fire a warning signal for my brother-in-law, to advise him of this accident and to get help. Orvietan29 and sweating pulled these poor unfortunates through, but all their [old] skin had sloughed off. We learned later from the wild men that this kind of white bear has some poison in its liver which spreads all through its flesh and causes similar accidents when one eats it. I noticed that during this upset, which happened to us near Mile Island, on the west point, in six hours we had drifted northwest towards Cape Henry,30 29 A quack remedy of the period, promoted as an antidote to all kinds of poison. 30 Correctly, Mill Island south of the Foxe peninsula. Cape Henry is probably Cape Charles.

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nous retirer des glaces, et nous nous vismes plusieurs fois en danger d’y perir, mais Dieu nous fit la grace d’en sortir. Mon beau-frère qui n’oisoit forcer des voiles estoient demeuré derriere. J’arrivay avant luy le 26e Aoust sur la coste du  ouest de la baye de Hudson et nous nous rencontrasmes ensemble le 2e Sep­tembre à l’emboucheure de la riviere nommée par les sauvages KakiwaKiouay qui signifie en François, qui va qui vient. Estans entrés dan cette riviere, nos premiers soings feurent de choisir un poste pour mettre nos barques en seureté, et batir une maison. Nous avançasmes environ quelques 15 miles, et nous nous arrétasmes à un petit canal /19/ ou nous fimes entrer nos barques, trouvans le lieu assez propre pour y establir nôtre demeure. Je laissay mon beau-frère occupé à faire bâtir nôtre maison, et je partis le lendemain de nôtre arrivée pour aller dans les terres à la découverte des sauvages. Je m’embarquay dans ce dessein dans un canot avec mon neveu, et un autre homme de mon équipage tous trois armés de nos fusils et pistolets, et nous allames pendant huit jours environ 40 lieües au haut de la riviere sans faire rencontre dans les bois d’aucun sauvage, ni voir aucune marque fraische qui nous pust faire connoître que des hommes y eussent passé depuis peu. Nous jugions mesme par ce que nous trouvions quantité de bois coupé par les castors, qu’il y avoit peu d’habitans aux environs. En chemin faisant nous tuasmes quelques serfs. Mais le 8e jour de nôtre depart estans le soir cabanez sur une isle pour nous reposer et nôtre canot estant renversé sur le bord de l’eau, un sauvage qui pousuivoit un cerf apercevant notre canot, s’imagina qu’il y avoit la des gens de sa nation. C’est pourquoy il sifla pour nous advertir de prendre garde à la beste qui avoit passé sur une petite isle au dessus de nous. Mon neveu /20/ ayant veu le premier ce sauvage me le dit. Je courus au bord de l’eau, sans songer au cerf, et appelay le sauvage, le quel ayant esté long tems sans me vouloir repondre me dit en sa langue que j’entendois fort bien, qu’il ne m’entendoit pas, et se mit aussi tost à fuit au travers le bois.

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about eight leagues by the compass. We had a great deal of trouble getting out of the ice, and several times we thought ourselves in danger of perishing. But God graciously allowed us to escape. My brother-in-law, who dared not put on too much sail, had remained behind. I arrived before him on 26 August, on the west coast of Hudson Bay, and we met on 2 September31 at the mouth of the river that the wild men call Kakiwa-Kiouay, which means “he comes and goes” in our language.32 Entering this river, our first concern was to choose a place in which to put our barques for security, and to build a house. We went up the river about fifteen miles, and stopped at a little canal33 /19/ in which we moored our barques, finding the place suitable enough to establish our dwelling there. I left my brother-in-law occupied in supervising the building of our house and on the day following our arrival went inland to scout out the wild men. To this end, I embarked in a canoe with my nephew and another man of my crew, all three of us armed with our muskets and pistols. Advancing about forty leagues in eight days we went to the headwaters of the river without meeting a single wild man in the woods, or seeing any fresh sign which might tell us that men had passed through there recently. We even thought that because of the quantity of wood we were finding cut down by the beavers there were few inhabitants in the neighbourhood. While making our way, we killed some deer. But on the eighth day of our departure, when we were encamped in the evening on an island to sleep,34 and with our canoe turned over at the edge of the lake, a wild man who was chasing a deer noticed our canoe and thought that some people of his nation were there. So he whistled to warn us to watch out for the animal, which had moved onto a little island above us. My nephew /20/, who was first to see this wild man, told me. I ran to the water’s edge without thinking of the deer and called him, who after pausing for a long time without responding told me in his language, which I understood very well,35 that he did not understand and immediately took flight through the woods.

31 In fact, Benjamin Gillam’s ship, the Bachelor’s Delight, had arrived on 18 or 19 August; see 1: 75 and 83. 32 The Hayes River, which the French named Rivière Sainte-Thérèse. 33 Probably the narrow Ten Shilling Creek, though it is less than twenty-five kilometres from the mouth of the Hayes. 34 Probably Fox Island. 35 Presumably this was the Western Swampy Cree (n) dialect of the Western Woods Cree language (Scott Stephen, personal communication, 6 January 2011).

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La rencontre de ce sauvage me donna de la joye, et quelque esperance que nous ne serions pas long tems sans en voir d’autres. Nous fumes toutte la nuict sur nos gardes, et le landemain à la pointe du jour, je fis porter nôtre canot de l’autre costé de l’isle pour estre tout prest a nous en servir, en cas d’accident, et je fis faire un grand feu à 100 pas de la. Nous decouvrimes le matin à la pointe de l’isle neuf canots qui venoient vers nous. Estans aprochez à la voix je parlay, et demanday aux sauvages qui paroissoient dans les canots qu’ils estoient. Ils me repondirent en terms de bonne amitié. Je leur fis entendre le sujet qui m’avoit mené en leur païs, et qui j’estois. Aprés quoy un vieillard armé de sa lance, sa massüe, et son arc, l’estant levé tira une fleche de son carquois, dont ayant fait un signal de l’oriant à l’occident, et du septentrion au midy. Il la rompit en deux morceaux, et les jetta /21/ dans la riviere, puis s’addressant à ces compagnons il leur parla à peu prés ainsi. Jeunesse vous n’avez plus rien à craindre, le soleil nous est devenu favorable, nos ennemis nous craindront, puis que voicy l’homme que nous demandons dépuis que nos peres sont nais. Aprés quoy ils nagerent tous vers moy à terre, et sortirent de leurs canots. Je les fis aprocher de mon feu sans aucunes armes. Mon neveu, et l’autre homme qui estoit avec moy vindrent en mesme tems jusqu’à dix pas de nous, sans qu’ils en fussent épouvantez, quoy qu’ils les vissent bien armés. Je leur demanday qui estoit leur chef, en parlant à luy mesme sans le connoitre. Il baissa la teste, et un autre me dit tu luy parles. Alors je le pris par la main et l’ayant fait asseoir, je luy parlay selon le genie de ces peuples, auprés desquels il est necessaires pour le faire considerer de se vanter qu’on a du courage, qu’on est puissant, et en estat de les secourir, et proteger contre leurs ennemis. Il faut aussi leur temoigner, qu’on entre tout afait dans leurs interets, avoir de la complaisance pour eux, sur tout leur faire d’abord de presents, car c’est entre eux les grand lien de l’amitié. Je voulus donc à cette premiere entreveüe me faire connoitre, et le chef de ces sauvages estant assis, aupres de moy, je luy dis en sa langue, je connois toute la terre, tes amis seront mes amis, et je suis venu ici t’a por-/22/ter des armes pour destruire tes ennemis. Tu ne mourras pas de faim ni ta femme ni tes enfans, car je t’aporte de marchandises. Prend courage, je veux estre ton fils, et je t’ay amené un pere. Il est la bas à faire bâtir un fort, ou j’auy deux grands

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I was delighted by the encounter with this wild man, which gave me some hope that before long we would see others. We remained on guard all night and the next day at dawn I had our canoe carried from the other side of the island in order to be completely ready to use it in case of accident. I had a great fire made 100 paces away. In the morning we discovered nine canoes coming towards us off the point of the island. Having approached within voice range I spoke up and asked the wild men (who began to appear in their canoes) who they were.36 They responded to me in friendly terms. I acquainted them with the reason that had led me into their land, and who I was. Thereupon, an elder, armed with his spear, axe, and bow, stood up and drew an arrow from his quiver, with which he made a sign from the east to the west and from the north to the south, broke it into two pieces and threw them /21/ into the river. Then addressing his companions, he spoke to them more or less in this way: “Youth, you no longer have anything to fear. The sun has become favourable to us. Our enemies will fear us, because here you see the man for whom we have been asking since our fathers were born,” upon which they all paddled towards me on land and emerged from their canoes. I made them approach my fire without any weapons. At the same time, my nephew and the other man who was with me came within ten paces of us without frightening them, although they saw they were well armed. I asked them who their chief was, addressing the man himself without knowing it. He lowered his head and another told me: “You are speaking to him.” Then I took him by the hand and, having made him sit down, I spoke to him according to the mentality of these people to whom, in order to make oneself respected, it is necessary to boast that one has courage, that one is powerful and in a position to help them and protect them against their enemies. It is also necessary to attest to them that one is acting entirely in their interest and is obliging towards them. Above all, one must first make gifts to them, because among them that is the great bond of friendship. At this first interview I wanted to introduce myself to them. The chief of these wild men being seated beside me, I said to him in his language: “I know the whole land. Your friends will be my friends, and I have come here to bring you /22/ weapons to destroy your enemies. You will not die of hunger, neither your wife, nor your children, for I am bringing you merchandise. Take courage. I want to be your son, and I have brought you a father. He is down there having a fort built,

36 Scott Stephen believes these were the Penesewichewan Sepee (Hayes River) band of the West Main/Lowland/Muskego (Swampy) Cree (personal communication, 6 January 2011). The descendants of the latter are familiar to readers today in the novels of Joseph Boyden, especially the Giller Prize winner Through Black Spruce (2008).

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navires. Il faut que tu me donnes deux ou trois de tes canots afin que tes gens rendent visite à ton pere. Il me fit une longue harangue pour me remercier, et m’assurer que luy et tous ceux de sa nation mettroient leur vies pour mon service. Aprés quoy je donnay à chacun des sauvages du tabac, et des pipes, et m’estant aperceu qu’un d’entr’eux se servoit d’un petit morceau de fer aplaty pour hacher son tabac je luy demanday ce morceau de fer et je le jettay au feu. Ce qui les surprit tous, parce qu’en mesme tems, je fis semblant de pleurer et s’essuyer mes larmes, leur disant que j’avois de la douleur de voir mes freres si denüez, et dépourveus de toutes choses. Je les assuray qu’ils ne manqueroient plus de rien tant que je serois parmy eux, et en mesme tems j’otay mon poignard, que j’avois à mon costé, et le donnay à celuy à qui j’avois osté le morceau de fer. Je fis aussi aporter de mon canot quelques paquets de petits couteaux que je leur distribuay. Je les fis fumer, et leur donnay à manger et pendant qu’ils mangeoient, j’estalay devant eux les presents que j’avois aporter, entr’autres un fusil, de la poudre et du plomb, pour /23/ leur chef. Je luy dis en luy presentant que je le prenois pour mon pere. Il m’adopta pour son fils, en me couvrant de sa robe. Je luy donnay aussi ma couverture, que je luy dis de porter à sa femme de ma part, la voulant prendre pour ma mere. Il me remercia comme firent aussi les autres au nombre de 26 lesquels pour me marquer leur reconnoissance de mes presents, me jetterent tous leurs robes à mes pieds, et allerent à leurs canots chercher toute la pelleterie qu’ils y avoient, qu’ils m’aporterent aussy. Nous nous separasmes apres toute cette ceremonie. Ils me promirent qu’avant midy ils m’enverroient trois de leurs canots, à quoy ils ne manquerent pas. Ils y mirent mes castors, et nous nous en allasmes ensemble vers nôtre poste où j’avois laissé mon beau-frère. J’y arrivay le 12e Septembre au grand contentement de tous nos gens, leur ayant apris l’heureux succes de mon voyage par la rencontre des sauvages. Le mesme jour de mon arrivée de ce petit voyage un bruit de coups de canon nous donna la larme. Les sauvages qui estoient avec nous les entendirent, et je leur dis que ces coups de canon estoient tirés de nos vaisseaux, que nous avoins sur la grande riviere nommée Kawirinagaw à trois ou quatre lieües de distance de celle ou nous estions postes. Mais vou-/24/lant cependant m’éclaircir ce que ce pouvoit estre, je m’enbarquay dans un canot et j’allay jusqu’à l’embouchure de nôtre riviere, sans avoir rien descouvert. Je creus que nous nous estions tous trompez, et j’envoyay mon neveu avec un autre françois de mes gens, pour aller

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where I have two big ships. You must give me two or three of your canoes, so that your people may visit your father. He made a long speech to thank me and to assure me that he and all those of his nation would put their lives at my service, upon which I gave some tobacco and pipes to each one of the wild men. And having noticed that one of them used a small piece of flat iron to hack away at his tobacco, I asked him for this piece of iron and threw it into the fire. That surprised all of them, because at the same time, I feigned to cry and then wipe my tears away, telling them that I grieved to see my brothers so undone and bereft of all things. I assured them that they would no longer lack anything, as long as I was among them. And at the same time, I removed the dagger that I had at my side and gave it to the one whose piece of iron I had thrown away. I also had a few packages of small knives brought from my canoe which I distributed to them. I had them smoke and gave them something to eat. And while they were eating, I spread out before them the gifts that I had brought, among other things a musket, and some powder and lead for /23/ their chief. While making him the gifts I told him that I took him for my father. He adopted me for his son by covering me with his robe. I also gave him my blanket which I told him to carry to his wife for me, as I wished to take her for my mother.37 He thanked me and so did the others, to the number of twenty-six, and in order to show me their gratitude for my gifts they threw their robes at my feet and went to their canoes to look for all the skins they had, which they also brought to me. We separated after all this ceremony. They promised that before midday they would send three of their canoes to me, which they did not fail to do. They put my beaver in them and we went away together towards our post, where I had left my brother-in-law. I arrived there on 12 September to the great satisfaction of all our people, having informed them of the happy success of my journey, the ­result of the encounter with the wild men. On the same day of my return from this little trip, a noise of cannon fire raised the alarm. The wild men who were with us heard it, and I told them that these cannon shots were fired from our vessels, which we had on the great river named Kawirinagaw,38 three or four leagues away from the river where we were stationed. But wish-/24/ing nevertheless to clarify what could possibly be going on, I embarked in a canoe and went as far as the mouth of our river without having discovered anything. I believed that we had all been mistaken, and I sent my nephew with another Frenchman from my people to go with the 37 Radisson is adopted yet again; see 1: 29–31, 79, 267. See also below (149) where Radisson has metamorphosed from son to father. 38 The very powerful Nelson River.

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avec les sauvages vers les nations. Mais le soir mesme de leur départ estans passez vis a vis l’endroit d’où nous avions creu entendre tirer les coups de canon, ils les entendirent encores, et de trop prés; pour pouvoir doûter qu’il n’y eust pas la un navire. Ils retournerent donc sur leur pas pour m’en advertir, et sur leur advis je partis aussi tost pour aller encores moy mesmes à cette découverte avec trois hommes. Apres avoir fait le trajet perillieux de cette grande riviere de Kawirinagaw qui signifie en françois la meschante nous découvrismes le 16e, de grand matin une tente sur une isle. J’envoyé aussi tost un de mes gens pour decouvrir secretement ce que c’estoit. Il retourna vers moy en peu de tems m’advertir qu’on bâtissoit la une maison, et quil y avoit un navire. Sur cet advis je m’avancay le plus pres que je peus, ne voulant pas pourtant estre découvert, et je me postay avec mes hommes, comme dans une espece d’enbusquade pour tascher de surprendre quelqu’un de ceux qui estoient la, et le faire prisonnier afin de sçavoir /25/ quelles gens ils pouvoient estre. Je pris toutes les precautions possibles pour venir about de ce dessein, ayant passé toute la nuict assez proche du lieu où on bâtissoit la maison sans avoir veu sortir, ni peu entendre parler personne. Jusqu’au landemain à l’heure du disner, que je reconnus que c’estoient des anglois, et m’estant avancé vers leur poste encore plus prés que je n’avois fait pour le mieux reconnoître. Je me rémbarquay dans mon canot avec mes gens. Nous pareusmes à une portée de canon de la maison et nous nous arrétasmes, comme si nous eussions esté des sauvages, qui auroient esté surpris de voir la des hommes qui bâtissoient une maison. Ils ne furent pas long tems à nous decouvrir, et sitost qu’ils nous eurent veus, ils se mirent à crier vers nous comme nous invitans d’aller à eux, en prononceans quelques mots en langue sauvage qu’ils lisoient dans un livre. Mais voyans que nous n’avancions pas pour ce qu’ils nous disoient, ils vindrent eux mesmes vers nous le long du rivage, et s’estans arrétez vis à vis du lieu où nous estions, je leur parlay en langue du païs, et en françois, sans qu’ils m’entendissent. Mais enfin leur ayant demandé en anglois qui ils estoient, et ce qu’il pretendoient faire la, ils me répondirent qu’ils estoient anglois, venus la pour la traite du /26/ castor. Je leur demanday ensuite qui leur en avoit donné la permission, et s’ils avoient quelque commission, pour cela. Ils me disent qu’ils n’avoient point de commission et qu’ils estoient de la Nouvelle Angleterre. Je leur declaray que j’estois estably dans le païs avant eux pour la compagnie françoise, et avec des forces sufisantes pour les empecher de traiter à mon prejudice, que j’avois mon fort à 7 lieües de la,

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wild men towards their people. But the very evening of their departure, having passed opposite the place where we had thought we heard the cannon shots being fired, they heard them again, and too close by to doubt that a ship was there, so they retraced their steps in order to warn me of it. Upon their advice, I left immediately with three men to explore this discovery myself. After making the perilous crossing of the great river Kawirinagaw, which in French means “wicked,” we discovered a tent on an island39 in the early morning of the 16th. I immediately sent one of my men to discover secretly what was going on. In a short time he returned to warn me that they were building a house there, and that there was a ship.40 Upon this advice, I advanced as close as I could, yet without wishing to be discovered, and posted myself with my men as if in an ambush, to attempt to surprise one of them, make him a prisoner, and find out /25/ what kind of people they might be. I took all possible precautions to succeed in this plan, spending the whole night quite close to the place where they were building the house, without having seen anyone go out or hearing anyone speak, until the following day at dinner time when approaching even nearer to their post than previously in order to reconnoitre it better, I recognized that it was the English. I embarked again in my canoe with my men. We appeared to be within the house’s cannon range so we stopped, as if we were wild men surprised to see men building a house there. They were not long in discovering us, and as soon as they had seen us they began to shout, as if inviting us to go to them, pronouncing some words in the wild men’s tongue that they were reading from a book. But seeing that we did not approach even though they spoke to us, they came themselves towards us along the riverbank. When they stopped opposite the place where we were, I spoke to them in the language of the land and in French, but they did not understand me. But finally having asked them in English who they were and what they claimed to be doing there, they answered me that they were English, and had come there to engage in the beaver trade. /26/ Then I asked them who had given them permission, and if they had some commission to do that. They told me that they did not have any commission and that they were from New England. I declared to  them that I was established in the country before them for the French company,41 and with forces sufficient to prevent them from trading in a way prejudicial to me; that my fort was seven leagues away from there, but that the 39 Seal Island. 40 The New Englander Bachelor’s Delight, captained by Benjamin Gillam (see below). 41 La Compagnie du nord, being established at the same time by Chesnaye and others (see I: 76–7). Radisson and Des Groseilliers’ first expedition to Port Nelson was the company’s initial project.

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mais que le bruit de leur canon m’avoit obligé d’aller vers eux, croyant qu’un navire de France que j’attendois, et qui devoit arriver à une riviere plus nord que celle où ils estoient y fust entrée par quelque accident contre mes directions, que j’en avois deux autres arrivez dépuis peu de Canada commandez par mon frere, et que ainsi, je ne leur conseillois pas de demeurer la plus long tems, les advertissant qu’ils feroient mieux de se retirer, et de faire au plus viste embarquer dans leur bord tout ce qu’ils avoient à terre. J’avois fait aprocher en parlant mon canot assez prés de terre pour reconnoitre qui estoient ceux à qui je parlois, et ayant apris que c’estoient ceux à qui je parlois, et ayant apris que c’estoit le jeune Guilliem capitaine du vaisseau, j’en fus fort aise, car je le connoissois particullierement. Il n’eust pas plûtost apris qui j’estois /27/ qu’il m’invita à sortir de mon canot pour nous embrasser [et] je le fis. Il vint au devant de moy, et nous nous fimes l’un et l’autre beaucoup de caresses. Il me pria d’aller à son bord pour m’y regaler. Je ne vouleus point luy temoigner que je me defiois de luy, en le refusant, mais pour ma precaution, je fis decendre mes trois hommes de mon canot qui demeurerent à terre avec deux anglois pendant que j’allay à bord, avec le capitaine. Je trouvay encores dans le navire un homme de la Nouvelle Angleterre qui estoit de ma connoissance. Avant que je feusse monté dans le vaisseau le capitaine avoit fait arborer le pavillon d’Angleterre, et si tost que j’y fus entré, il fit tirer quelques coups de canon. Je l’advertis qu’il n’estoit pas necessaire, qu’il en fit tirer d’avantage de peur que nos gens n’en prissent jalousie, et qu’on n’allast luy faire quelque insulte. Il me proposa de negocier ensemble. Je luy promis que j’en parlerois à nos autres officiers, et que je ferois en sorte de les faire consentir qu’il passast l’hyver où il estoit, sans qu’il luy fust fait aucun tort, puis que la saison estoit desja trop avancée, pour qu’il peût se retirer. Je luy dis mesmes qu’il pouvoit continüer à bâtir sa maison sans se fortifier l’asseurant que je le garentirois de toute insulte du costé des sauvages, sur qui /28/ j’avois un pouvoir absolu. Et pour l’assurer que de mon costé il n’auroit aucun surprise à craindre je vouleus avant nous separer convenir avec luy du nombre d’hommes dont j’irois accompagné quand je l’yrois voir, l’advertissant que s’il me voyoit aller vers luy avec plus grand nombre que celuy dont nous estions d’accord, ce seroit une marque

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sound of their cannon had obliged me to come towards them, believing that a ship I was awaiting from France, and which was supposed to arrive at a river further north than the one where they where, had entered here against my ­orders by some accident. I said I had two other ships recently arrived from Canada, commanded by my brother; and therefore I advised them not to stay there much longer, warning them that it would be better for them to withdraw and to load on board everything they had on land as fast as possible. While speaking, I had brought my canoe very close to the land in order to reconnoitre who they were to whom I was speaking. And having recognized the ones I was speaking to and learned that the captain of the vessel was young Gillam,42 I was pleased, for in fact I knew him very well. No sooner had he learned who I was /27/ than he invited me to leave my canoe so we might greet each other, which I did. He came towards me and we both made many outward signs of affection to one another. He entreated me to go on board his ship in order for him to regale me with a feast. I did not want to let on that I distrusted him by refusing, but as a precaution I had my three men disembark from my canoe and remain on land with two Englishmen while I went on board with the captain. In the ship, I discovered yet another man from New England with whom I was acquainted.43 Before I had boarded the ship the captain had raised the English flag, and as soon as I entered he had cannon shots fired. I advised him that it was unnecessary for him to fire any more shots, for fear our men might become nervous and do him some injury. He proposed that we trade together. I promised him that I would speak about that to our other officers and would do so in such a way as to get their consent to his spending the winter where he was, without any harm being done to him, since the season was already too far advanced for him to withdraw. I even told him that he could continue to build his house as long as it was not fortified, assuring him that I would guarantee it would not be damaged by the wild men, over whom /28/ I had absolute power. And to assure him that he need fear no surprise on my part I wanted before parting to agree with him about the number of men by whom I would be accompanied when I came to see him, warning him that if he saw me arriving with a greater number than we had agreed upon it would be a sign that our other officers had 42 Benjamin Gillam, son of Zachariah and nephew of the captain (also Benjamin) who had taken Radisson and Des Groseilliers to England in 1665). Gillam Jr had been in London the previous spring and was well aware of the stirring of interest in the Port Nelson area among French and English (Rich, History of the Hudson’s Bay Company, 1: 135). See 1: 75. 43 John Outlaw: see 1: 41.

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que nos autres officiers n’auroient pas consenty à la proposition de de negocier ensemble. Je luy donnay encores advis de ne faire plus tirer de canon, et qu’il ne soufrit pas que ses gens sortissent hors de l’isle, de crainte qu’ils ne fussent rencontrez par les françois que j’avois dans le bois, afin qu’il ne me blamast pas du malheur qui luy pourroit arriver s’il ne suivoit mes advis. Je luy dis aussi que les sauvages m’avoient adverty que mon navire estoit arrivé au nord, et luy promis que dans quinze jours je retournerois vers luy pour luy en dire des nouvelles. Dequoy il fût bien aise, me priant de me souvenir de luy. Nous nous separâmes aprés tout cela, fort contents l’un de l’autre, luy tout à fait prevenu que j’avois les forces dont je m’estois vanté, et moy resolu de l’entretenir toûjours dans cette bonne opignon, ayant mes veües de l’obliger à se retirer, ou s’il s’opiniatroit à me vouloir troubler dans mes traites, d’attendre quelque occa-/29/sion favourable pour me saisir du navire, qui estoit de bonne prise n’ayant aucune commission de France, ni de Angleterre, pour la traite. Mais je ne voulois rien entreprendre à contre tems de crainte de manquer mon coup, sur tout je voulois eviter de reprendre du sang. M’estant embarquay avec mes gens dans mon canot nous descendismes vers le bas de la riviere, avec toute la dilligence que nous pûmes faire. Mais a peine eusmes nous fait trois lieües de l’isle où nous avions laissé le navire de la Nouvelle Angleterre, que nous en découvrimes un sous voile qui entroit. Nous nageames à terre au sud, et estans descendus de nôtre canot, pour attendre le navire qui venoit vers nous, je fis faire une forte fumée, et le navire estant arrivé vis a vis de nous il mouilla l’ancre, et demeura la toute la nuict, sans envoyer sa chaloupe à terre, que le landemain. Nous avions veillé toute la nuict pour observer ce qui se passeroit et ayans veu le matin desborder la chaloupe et qu’elle venoit vers nous. Je fis poster mes trois hommes armez à l’entrée du bois à quinze ou vingt pas de moy, et je m’advanceay seul sur le bord de l’eau. Le sieur Bridgar, que la compagnie envoyoit en qualité de gouverneur en ce païs la, estoit dans la chaloupe avec six matelots du navire com-/30/mandé par le sieur Guillem pere du capitaine du

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not consented to the proposal to trade. I again advised him to cease firing the cannons and not to permit his men to go off the island, for fear that they might be met by the Frenchmen whom I had in the woods, so that he would not blame me for any misfortune that would happen to him if he did not follow my advice. I also told him that the wild men had told me that my ship had arrived to the north, and promised him that I would return within a fortnight to give him news of her, with which he was very pleased, and e­ ntreated me to remember him. After all that we separated, both very satisfied with one another, he fully forewarned that I had the forces of which I had boasted, and I resolved to always maintain him in this good opinion. My aim was to oblige him to withdraw, or, if he was stubborn enough to trouble me as I traded, to await some favourable /29/ opportunity to seize his ship, which was a lawful prize,44 since it had no commission to trade from either France or England. But I did not wish to act at the wrong time for fear of missing my opportunity. Above all, I wanted to avoid bloodshed. I embarked in my canoe with my men and we descended towards the lower end of the river as quickly as we could. But scarcely had we gone three leagues from the island where we had left the ship from New England when we discovered another ship, which was entering under sail.45 We paddled to the south and landed, and disembarking from our canoe we awaited the ship, which was coming towards us, I had a very smoky fire built. When the ship arrived opposite us, she cast anchor and remained there the entire night without sending her shallop to land until the next day. We had watched all night in order to observe what would happen. In the morning, having seen the shallop push off and that she was coming towards us, I had my three armed men posted at the entrance to the wood, at fifteen or twenty paces from me, and I advanced alone to the water’s edge. Mr Bridgar, whom the company sent as governor of that land,46 was in the shallop with six sailors from the ship com-/30/manded by Mr Gillam,47 father of the captain of the 44 That is, a “prize” ship or cargo legally captured in war. Nations competed eagerly for such booty, and in France it required a royal mainlevée or replevin to restore the ship to its owner. See below for La Barre’s ill-advised return of his ship to Benjamin Gillam in Quebec in 1683. 45 The Prince Rupert. 46 John Bridgar: see 1: 74. His fury over what he deemed to be Radisson’s ill-treatment of him in 1682–83 was well-known in HBC circles; a decade later it appears to have influenced the London Committee’s repudiation of William Yonge’s plea that the company relieve Radisson’s financial situation. 47 Zachariah Gillam: see 1: 59.

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navire de la Nouvelle Angleterre que j’avois découvert le jour precedent, comme je l’apris dans la suite. Voyant donc venir la chaloupe vers moy, et qu’elle aprochoit de terre, d’abord qu’elle fust à la voix, je parlay un language façon de sauvage, qui ne signifioit rien, seulement pour embarracer ceux de la chaloupe, ou les obliger à parler, afin de les reconnoître, et sçavoir s’il n’y auroit point quelqu’un qui eust frequenté les sauvages, et sceust parler comme eux. Personne ne repondit rien. Mais la chaloupe s’estant échouée à dix ou douze pas de moy, et voyant un des matelots qui se mettoit à l’eau pour venir à terre, je luy presentay mes armes en luy deffendant d’avancer, et luy faisant entendre que personne de la chaloupe ne mettroit pied à terre que je ne sceusse qui ils estoient, et ayant bien reconnu par le navire et a l’air des matelots, qu’ils estoient anglois, je parlay en leur langue, et j’entendis que le matelot qui s’estoit mis à l’eau, et que j’empechois d’avancer, dit assez haut, gouverneur c’est anglois qu’on vous parle, et sur ce que je continuois à demander qu’ils estoient, qui commandoit le vaisseau, et ce qu’ils venoient chercher la, quel’qun repondit, qui est ce qui en à faire? nous sommes anglois. À quoy je repliquay et moy /31/ François, qui vous dis de vous retirer. Et ayant en mesme tems fait signe à mes gens de paroître, ils se presenterent sur le bord du bois. Ceux de la chaloupe qui croyoient aparament qu’il y en eust plus grand nombre voulurent bien me repondre honnétement, et me dire qu’ils estoient de Londres, que le navire apartenoit à la compagnie de la Baye de Hudson, et qu’il estoit commandé par le capitaine Guilliem. Je leur fis entendre de mon costé qui j’estois, qu’ils venoient trop tard, et que j’avois pris possession des ces lieux au nom de Roy de France. Il fût encores dit plusieurs choses qu’il seroit inutile de raporter icy. Les anglois soûtenans qu’ils avoient droit de venir la, et moy que non. Mais enfin le sieur Bridgar me faisant connoître qu’il seroit bien aise de mettre pied à terre avec trois de ses hommes, pour m’embrasser, je luy temoignay que j’en aurois aussi beaucoup de joye. Il mit donc pied à terre, et aprés nous estre saluer, il me demanda, si ce n’esttoit pas la riviere Kakiwakiouay. Je luy dis que non, et qu’elle estoit plus au sud, que celle où il estoit s’appelloit Kawirinagaw, ou la meschante. Il me demanda encore si ce n’estoit pas la, qu’un vaisseau anglois, commandé par le chevalier Thomas Button avoit autre fois hyverné. Je luy repondis que ouy, et luy montray le lieu au nord. Il m’invita ensuite d’aller à son bord. Mes gens qui ses-/32/toient avancer m’en détournoient particullierement mon neveu. Je me resolus poutant d’y aller aprés avoir pris deux ostages, qui demeurerent à terre avec mes gens, car je me defiois du capitaine Guillem, qui s’estoit déclaré mon ennemy à Londres, estant creature de ceux qui estoient cause que j’avois abandonné le service d’Angleterre. Je fis bien de

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ship from New England which I had discovered the previous day, as I learned in what followed. Seeing the shallop coming toward me and approaching land, as soon as it was within earshot, I spoke in a jargon that sounded like the wild men but did not mean anything, to confuse those in the shallop or to oblige them to speak, so I might recognize them and know if there was anyone there who had frequented the wild men and knew how to speak their language. No one replied. But the shallop went aground at ten or twelve paces from me, and I saw one of  the sailors entering the water and approaching the land. I presented arms, forbidding him to advance and making him understand that no one from the shallop might set foot on land until I knew who they were. And having definitely recognized from the ship and from the aspect of the sailors that they were English, I spoke in their language. I heard the sailor, who had entered the water and whom I prevented from advancing, say quite loudly: “Governor, it is English which they are speaking to you.” Whereupon I continued to ask who they were, who commanded the vessel, and what they were seeking there. Someone answered: “Who has a difficulty with this? We are English.” To which I replied: “And I /31/ am a Frenchman who tells you to withdraw.” And when at the same time I made a sign to my men to appear, they came forward at the edge of the wood. Those of the shallop, who apparently believed that there were more of us, decided to answer me courteously. They said they were from London, that the ship belonged to the Hudson’s Bay Company, and that it was commanded by Captain Gillam. For my part, I informed them who I was, that they came too late, and that I had taken possession of these places in the name of the king of France. Words were exchanged which it would be useless to report here, the English insisting that they had the right to go there, and I the contrary. In the end Mr Bridgar said that he would be very happy to set foot on land with three of his men in order to greet me cordially, and I said that I too would be delighted. So he landed, and after we had greeted each other he asked me if this was not the Kakiwa-Kiouay River.48 I said no, that was farther south, and this river was called Kawirinagaw or the Wicked One. Further, he asked me if this was not the place where an English vessel commanded by Sir Thomas Button had once wintered. I said yes, and showed him the place to the north. Next he invited me to go on board his ship. My men, who had /32/ drawn closer, argued against it, particularly my nephew. Nevertheless I resolved to go, but took two hostages who stayed on land with my men, for I distrusted Captain Gillam who had declared himself my enemy in London, being a creature of those who caused me to abandon the English service. I did well to take 48 The Hayes River.

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prendre mes precautions, car j’ay sceu dépuis, que sans cela, le sieur Guilliem m’auroit arrété. Tout se passa cependant fort bien. Nous dînames ensemble. Je parlay de mon establissement dans le païs, que j’avois quantité de françois dans le bois, avec les sauvages, que j’avois deux navires, que j’en attendois encores un autre, que je faisois batir un fort. Enfin je dis au sieur Bridgar tout ce que j’avois dit au jeune Guilliam capitaine du navire de la Nouvelle Angleterre, et encores au dela. Il le creut de bonne foy, et il me fit plaisir d’estre credule, car s’il eust voulu se donner la peine que je prenois d’aller avec eux 40 lieües7 au travers les bois, et d’y coucher sur la dure, pour faire mes découvertes, il auroit bien tost reconnu mon foible. J’avois raison de luy câcher, et de faire ce que je faisois, d’ailleurs n’ayant pas assez de gens pour en venir à force ouverte, il falloit user de ruses. Il est vray que j’avois un grand advantage d’avoir les sauvages a moy, ce qui me tenoit lieu de grandes forces, et /33/ c’estoit aussi surquoy je m’assurois le plus. Apres avoir esté assez long tems dans le navire je demanday qu’on me fit mettre à terre, et on me renvoya. Je fis les signaux à mes gens qui avoient mené les ostages dans le bois. Ils les ramenerent jusqu’au bord de l’eau, et je les r’envoyer à leur navire, ou j’avoue que je m’estois repenty plus d’une fois d’estre entré, car s’il y avoit de la temerité, et je fus heureux de me tirer d’affaire comme je fis. Avant sortir du vaisseau je promis au sieur Bridgar et au capitaine que dans 15 jours je retournerois le voir. Cependant ayant resolu d’estre asseuré de leurs demarches, je demeuray deux jours dans les bois à les observer, et ayant connu à peu prés leur dessein et qu’ils se mettoient en estat de bâtir un fort, je passay la riviere du costé du sud pour retourner trouver mon beau-frère, qui devoit estre en peine de moy. Mais m’estant rendu aupres de luy, il eust beaucoup de joye d’aprendre tout ce qui s’estoit passé, et la bonne disposition où j’avois mis nos affaires. Nous concertasmes ensemble sur les mesures que nous prendrions pour nous empécher d’estre surpris, et nous soûtenir le mieux que nous pourrions dans nôtre établissement pour la traite. Nous nous assurâmes des sauvages qui nous promirent de sacrifier leurs vies pour nous, et afin de les engager encore d’avantage dans nôtre party, je leur donnay mon /34/ neveu, et un autre françois pour aller avec eux dans les terres, en faire descendre les nations pour venir vers nous, et pour les y obliger j’envoyay des presens pour les chefs. Il arriva pendant mon voyage à la découverte des deux navires anglois un accident fort facheux pour nous. Nos gens avoient tué environ 60 cerfs, qui eust esté une grande provision pour nôtre hyver, mais ils furent tous entrainer par un débordement extraordinaire des eaux, causé par les pluyes, ce qui arrive assez souvent. La perte feut assurement considerable   7 E.1/1: “d’aller 40 lieües.”

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precautions, as I have since learned that if I had not, Mr Gillam would have stopped me. Yet all went very well. We dined together. I spoke of my establishment on land and told him that I had a large number of Frenchmen in the woods with the wild men, that I had two ships, that I was still waiting for another, and that I was having a fort built. Finally, I told Mr Bridgar everything that I had said to young Gillam, the ship’s captain from New England, and even more. He believed it in good faith and I was glad he was deceived, for if he had taken the trouble, as I had, to go forty leagues with them49 through the woods and sleep on the ground while I explored the place, he would very soon have recognized I was telling him a story. I was right to hide what I was doing from him. Furthermore, without enough people to back me up with open force, it was necessary to use deception. It is true that I possessed a great advantage with the wild men on my side; they gave the impression I had a large force, and /33/ this was what I depended on the most. Having been aboard the ship for some time, I asked that they would have me put on land, and they sent me back. I made signs to my men, who had taken the hostages into the woods. They led them back to the water’s edge and I sent them back to their ship, which I confess I more than once repented having boarded because it was reckless of me, and I was glad to have extricated myself from the affair as I did. Before leaving the vessel, I promised Mr Bridgar and the captain that I would return to see them in a fortnight. Yet resolving to be certain of the steps they were taking, I remained two days in the woods to observe them. And having figured out their plan, more or less, and that they were preparing to build a fort, I crossed the river from the south side in order to return to find my brother-in-law, who must have been worried about me. But when I arrived he was delighted to learn everything that had happened and about the good order in which I had arranged our affairs. We consulted together over the measures that we would take to prevent ourselves from being surprised and to support ourselves as best we could in our trading establishment. We were confident of the wild men who promised to sacrifice their lives for us. In order to commit them even more to our side, I gave them my /34/ nephew and another Frenchman to go inland with them and summon the nations to come down to us from there; and to oblige them to do so, I sent gifts for the chiefs. During my trip to reconnoitre the two English ships, a very frustrating accident happened to us. Our men had killed about sixty deer, which would have furnished great provision for our winter, but they were all carried away by an extraordinary flood of water caused by the rains, which happens quite frequently. Our loss was certainly considerable, for at that time we had 49 Presumably with the “large number of Frenchmen.” E.1/1: “d’aller 40 lieües.”

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pour nous, car nous n’avoins lors que 4 barils de porc, et deux barils de beuf, mais nos gens reparerent cela, ayans tué encores quelques cerfs et 4000 perdrix blanches, plus grosses que celles de ce païs. Les sauvages nous aporterent aussi des rafraichissemens de viandes boucanées, de divers endroits et fort éloignés. Dix jours aprés mon arrivée de la découverte des anglois, je pris cinq nouveaux hommes pour aller observer leur contenance, et ce qu’ils fesoient. J’avois preveu avant partir que nous serions obligez d’attendre quelques jours, le tems favorable pour traverser l’embouchure de la dangereuse riviere de Kawirinagaw, ce qui nous arriva, par ce que la saison commenceoit à estre rude. Mais apres avoir attendu, nous fimes heureusement ce trajet, quoy que /35/ pendant la nuict. Et nous nous rendismes 14 jours aprés nôtre depart, à la veüe du lieu où estoit le sieur Bridgar. Nous aperceûmes d’abord le navire eschoüé sur les vases à plus d’une mille de la maison qu’on bâtissoit. Nous estans aprochez du vaisseau à la voix. Nous apelasmes plusieurs fois sans que personne nous répondit, ce qui nous obligea d’aller vers terre ne sçachant que juger de ce silence. Mais enfin un homme nous apela, et nous fit signe de retourner, estans allez vers luy, et luy ayans demandé comment on se portoit, il repondit un peu mieux, mais que tout le monde estoit endormy. Je ne vouleus point les troubler dans leur repos, et m’en allay seul à la maison du gouverneur, que je trouvay sortant du lict. Aprés les complimens de bien venüe, je m’attachay à examiner l’estat de la maison, et j m’aperceus qu’il n’y avoit rien à craindre, et que j’y pouvois faire venir mes gens. Je les apelay, et nous y entrames tous ensemble. Je fis passer un de mes gens pour capitaine du vaisseau que je disois m’estre arrivé. Le sieur Bridgar le creut, et ce que je trouvay à propos de luy dire, tendant tousjours à empescher, qu’il n’eust aucune connoissance de l’interloper anglois. Nous tirasmes plusieurs coups de fusil en beuvant des santés sans que ceux /36/ du vaisseau en prissent la larme. Je jugeay par la qu’ils estoient mal sur leurs gardes, et qu’ils pouvoient aisement estre surpris. Je voulus voir leur estat et leur contenance. Ayant donc pris congé du sieur Bridgar, je m’en allay avec mes gens vers le vaisseau. Nous y emtrâmes sans que personne nous en disputast l’entrée. Le capitaine parut pourtant d’abord estonné des nous voir, mais je l’assuray en luy

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only four barrels of pork and two barrels of beef. But our men made up for that by killing some more deer and 4,000 white partridges, fatter than those of this land.50 The wild men also brought us some fresh food in the form of smoked meat from various places some distance away. Ten days after my return from discovering the English, I chose five new men to go and observe their behaviour, which they did. Before leaving, I had foreseen that we would be obliged to wait a few days for weather favourable for crossing the mouth of the dangerous Kawirinagaw, because the season was becoming severe. But after waiting we successfully made the crossing, although /35/ during the night. And fourteen days after our departure51 we came in sight of the place where Mr Bridgar was situated.52 We first noticed the ship stranded upon the mud more than one mile away from the house they were building. Approaching within voice range of the vessel, we called several times without anyone answering, so we went towards the land, not knowing what to think of this silence. But at last a man called out and signalled for us to return. When we went towards him and asked him how they were bearing up, he responded, “A little better,” but that everyone was asleep. I did not want to trouble them in their sleep and went away alone to the governor’s house, where I found him getting out of bed. After exchanging greetings I was keen to examine the state of the house, and observed that there was nothing to fear, and that I could summon my men. I called them, and we all went in together. I passed off one of my men as the captain of the vessel which I said had arrived for me. Mr Bridgar believed that, and whatever I found appropriate to tell him, my intent always being to prevent him from knowing about the English [i.e. New England] interloper. We fired several musket shots while drinking our health without those /36/ of the vessel being alarmed by them. That led me to believe they were poorly guarded and could easily be surprised. I resolved to investigate their condition and behaviour. Having thus taken leave of Mr Bridgar, I went with my men towards the vessel. We boarded without anyone disputing our right to enter. The captain nevertheless appeared astonished to see us at first, but I reassured him by telling 50 The profusion of white partridge (actually willow ptarmigan, Lagopus lagopus) was legendary among those who wintered on the Bay. “Fatter than those of this land”: fatter than those in England; the phrasing suggests that Radisson at this point was writing in England. 51 The time frame is puzzling here; these places are all too close together for such a journey to take two weeks. 52 Bridgar’s post on the north shore of the Nelson was the HBC’s first establishment in the area.

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disant que je n’estois pas la à dessein de luy nuire, au contraire pour luy offrir mes services et mes secours, en ce qu’il auroit besoing de moy, luy donnant des advis pour luy faire prendre des precautions qu’il ne prenoit pas, pour se tirer du danger où je le voyois, de se perdre luy mesmes, et le navire, comme il est arrivé dans la suite. Mais il receut fort mal mes conseils, en voulant me faire connoitre qu’il croyoit en sçavoir plus que moy. Cela pouvoit estre aussi, mais ailleurs que dans le païs des sauvages, où j’avois plus frequenté que luy. Il me pria pourtant de luy envoyer quelques raifraichissemens de tems en tems, pendant l’hyver, sur tout de l’huile, et de la chandelle dont il avoit besoin. Ce que je luy promis, et je m’en suis aussi fort bien acquité. Il me fit present d’une piece de beuf, et de quelques bisquits. Estant donc eclaircy sur tout ce que j’avois voulu scavoir, et que je n’avois rien à craindre pour mes traites /37/ de la part de ces messieurs en l’estat où je les voyois, je pris congé du capitaine pour aller voir ce qui se passoit du costé, où estoit l’interloper de la Nouvelle Angleterre. J’y arrivay le lendemain apres midy, et je trouvay qu’ils avoient mieux employé leur tems que les autres, ayans fait un fort bien flanqué, avec six pieces de canon8 en batterie. Je fis tirer un coup de fusil pour advertir ceux du fort de mon arrivée, et je debarquay avec mes gens sous un cotteau à couvert du canon. Le lieutenant sortit avec un autre homme tous deux bien armez, et ils vindrent pour nous reconnoître. Apres avoir sçeu qui j’estois, le lieutenant me felicita sur mon arrivée, et me demanda des nouvelles. Je luy dis que j’avois trouvé quoy qu’avec beaucoup de danger ce que j’estois allé chercher, et que je retournois vers eux pour les visiter ayant prise d’autre hommes que ceux qui m’avoient accompagné la premiere fois, que l’un de ceux qui estoit avec moy, estoit capitaine du vaisseau nouvellement arrivé, et les autres quatre canadiens. Le lieutenant me répondit fierement, qu’ils soient quarante diables s’ils veulent, nous avons bâty un fort, et nous ne craignons plus rien. Il m’invita pourtant d’aller dans son fort pour m’y regaler pourveu que je vouleusse y entrer seul. Ce que je refusay en luy faisant connoître qu’il auroit pû parler moins fierement estant allé la pour les /38/ voir de bonne amitié, et non pas pour leur faire la guerre. Je luy dis aussi que je voulois m’entretenir avec son capitaine, qui auroit assurement moins de châleur et plus de retenüe que luy. Il envoya sur cela advertir le capitaine lequel vint audevant de moy bien armé, et me dit en m’abordant que je ne devois pas prendre d’ombrage du fort qu’il avoit fait bâtir, que c’estoit sans consequa[n]ce pour moy, et que j’en serois toujours le maître, adjoûtant qu’il ne me craignoit pas tant que les anglois de Londres, et qu’il avoit fait bâtir ce fort pour se défendre contre les sauvages, et tous ceux qui voudroient l’attaquer.   8 W: after “canon” “le lieutenant sortie” crossed out.

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him that I was not there with any design to hurt him; on the contrary, I wanted to offer him my services and my aid in whatever he might need from me. I had advised him to take certain precautions he was neglecting, so as to escape from the danger which I saw him to be in, that of losing himself and the ship, as happened subsequently. But he received my advice with ill will, saying he believed he knew more about it than I did. That was also possible, but not in the lands of the wild men, which I had frequented more than he. However, he entreated me to send him some fresh meat from time to time over the winter, and above all oil and candles of which he had need, which I promised him to do, and fulfilled completely. He made me a gift of a piece of beef and some biscuits. Having found out everything that I wanted to know, and [believing] that I had nothing to fear for my trade /37/ from these gentlemen given the state in which I saw them, I took leave of the captain in order to go and see what was happening on the coast where the interloper from New England was. I arrived there the next day after midday and found that they had employed their time better than the others, having constructed a fort well flanked on either side with six cannon in a battery. I had a musket shot fired to warn those in the fort of my arrival, and disembarked with my men under a slope sheltered from their cannon. The lieutenant came out with another man to look us over, both well armed. After learning who I was, the lieutenant congratulated me upon my arrival and asked me for news. I told him that I had found what I had gone to look for, although with much danger, and that I was returning to visit them, having taken some other men than those who had accompanied me the first time; that one of those who was with me was the captain of the newly arrived vessel, and the other four were Canadians. The lieutenant answered me proudly that “they may be forty devils if they wish; we have built a fort and we are no longer afraid of anything.” Yet he invited me to go into his fort to have a good meal, provided that I would enter alone, which I refused to do, informing him that he could have spoken less haughtily, since I had gone there to see them /38/ as a good friend and not to make war upon them. I also told him that I wanted to converse with his captain who would certainly be less heated and more restrained than he was. Upon this he sent to notify the captain, who arrived well armed, and confronting me said that I ought not to take offence at the fort that he had built, that it was not prejudicial to me and that I would at any time be master of it,53 adding that he did not fear me as much as [he did] the English from London, and that he had had this fort built to defend himself against the wild men and all those who wanted to attack him.

53 The customary courtesy of host to guest: “my house is your house.”

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Je le remerciay de ses honnetez à mon égard, et l’assuray que je n’estois pas allé la pour luy temoîgner que j’eusse la moindre jalousie, de ce qu’il avoit fait bâtir son fort, mais au contraire pour luy offrir vingt de mes hommes pour luy aider à en bâtir un, ayant â luy donner advis que ceux dont il apprehendoit si fort l’arrivée estoient arrivéz [et] luy offrant mon service pour le défendre, et l’assurant que s’il suivoit mon conseil, je le garentirois de tout accident, estant bien informé des ordres qu’avoient les nouveaux venus, et de leur estat. Je luy dis encore qu’à l’egard du different qui estoit entre nous pour la traite, il estoit remis à la decision de nos deux Roys que par bon-heur pour luy son pere commandoit le vaisseau qui estoit arrivé qu’il avoit améné un gouverneur /39/ pour la compagnie angloise, auquel je pretendois empecher de prendre ce titre dans le païs ou j’estois estably pour la compagnie françoise, et que pour luy je voulois le faire passe pour françois, afin de le mettre à couvert de toute insulte. Aprés avoir dit tout cela au capitaine du fort, je l’obligeay de faire venire tous les gens ausquels je dis en sa presence qu’il ne faloit point qu’ils sortissent du fort, ni qu’ils tirassent de canon, qu’ils n’arborassent point leur pavillon, qu’ils couvrissent le devant, et le derriere de leur vaisseau, et qu’ils ne permissent à aucun anglois ni françois d’aprocher de leur fort par eau ou par terre, et qu’ils tirassent sur ceux de mes gens qui se presenteroient, sans mes ordres. Le capitaine me promit de faire observer tout ce que je venois de dire, et il en donna l’ordre en ma presence à ses gens, en me priant de luy donner le plûtôt que je pourrois deux de mes hommes, pour sauvegardes. Je luy apris la maladie de son pere capitaine du navire de la compagnie, dont il parût fort affligé, et me pria de luy donner les moyens qu’il peust le voir sans inconvenient pour luy. Je luy en dis la consequence, et la difficulté. Cependant comme j’avois mes raisons pour souhaiter que cette entreveüe du pere et du fils, se fist par mon moyen, je l’assuray que je ferois mon possible pour luy donner cette satisfaction, et que j’esperois d’en venir à bout s’il vouloit suivre mes advis. Il s’accorda à faire tout ce /40/ que je luy proposerois la dessus, et apres y avoir resvé, nous demeurames d’accord, qu’il viendroit avec moy deguisé en courur de bois, et que je le ferois passer pour françois. Cela estant ainsi resolu j’envoyay le lendemain des la pointe du jour, mes gens à la chasse. Ils retournerent à dix heures, et aporterent 30 à 40 perdrix, que je fis mettre dans mon canot, avec un baril d’huile, et de la chandele que j’avois promis au capitaine Guilliem pere. Je laissay un de mes hommes pour ostage dans le fort, et je m’embarquay avec le jeune Guilliem pour le mener voir son pere. Nous fumes obligez (la marée estant basse) de nous arréter à un mille du navire, et de mettre tous pied à terre, pour marcher vers le vaisseau avec nos provisions. Je laissay un de mes hommes à garder le canot, avec ordre de se tenir au large, et je postay en aprochant du vaisseau deux de mes gens les

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I thanked him for his courtesies towards me and assured him that I had not come to show him the least displeasure that he had built his fort but, on the contrary, to offer him twenty of my men to help him build one. I advised him that those he feared so much had arrived, and offered my service to defend him, assuring him that if he followed my advice, I would guarantee the fort from all harm, since I was fully informed of the orders that the newcomers had received, and of their capacity. I told him further that as for the dispute between us over the trade, it was a matter to be decided by our two kings; that, to his good fortune, his father commanded the vessel which had arrived, that he had brought a governor /39/ for the English company, whom I intended to prevent from adopting this title in the land where I was established for the French company; and that as for him, I wanted to pass him off as a Frenchman, in order to shelter him from any injury. After saying all that to the captain of the fort, I asked him to summon all the men, to whom I said in his presence that they should not go out of the fort or shoot off any cannon; that they should not hoist their flag; that they should cover the front and back of their vessel; that they not permit any Englishman or Frenchman to approach their fort by water or by land; and that they fire upon any of my people who would approach without my orders. The captain promised me that everything I just said would be observed, and he gave the order to his men in my presence, entreating me to give him two of my men as soon as I could as a safeguard. I informed him of the illness of his father, captain of the company’s ship, at which he appeared very afflicted and begged me to give him the means to enable him to see him without any risk to himself. I told him what would be the result, and how difficult it would be. Yet as I had my reasons for wishing this meeting between father and son to take place through my mediation, I assured him that I would do my best to give him this satisfaction, and that I hoped to manage it, if he would follow my advice. He agreed to do everything /40/ that I proposed. After pondering the situation, we agreed that he would come with me disguised as a coureur de bois, and that I would pass him off as a Frenchman. That being resolved, the following day at dawn I sent my men on a hunt. They returned at ten o’clock and brought back thirty or forty partridges that I had them place in my canoe with a barrel of oil and some candles that I had promised to Captain Gillam, the father. I left one of my men as a hostage in the fort and embarked with young Gillam to see his father. We were forced (the sea being low) to stop a mile from the ship, step out on the exposed foreshore and walk towards the vessel with our provisions. I left one of my men guarding the canoe, with an order to keep off-shore, and in approaching the vessel I posted two of my sturdiest men between the house that Mr Bridgar

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plus vigoreux, entre la maison que le sieur Bridgar fesoit bâtir, et le bord de l’eau, leur commandant de ne se point découvrir, et de laisser passer le gouverneur quand il iroit au vaisseau, mais qu’ils se faizissent de luy s’ils le voyoient revenir sans que je fusse sorty du navire. Aprés avoir pris ces precautions, j’allay avec un de mes hommes, et le jeune Guilliem deguisé à bord du vaisseau, où nous montâmes encores sans dificulté. Je presentay au capitaine Guil-/41/liem les refraichissements, que je luy avois promis, et qu’il m’avoit demandés, dont il me fit bien des remerciemens. Je fis ensuite entrer dans sa chambre mes deux hommes, dont l’un estoit sont fils qu’il ne reconnut point, et je dis à loreille du capitaine Guillem qu’il fit retirer deux de ses gens qui estoient au prés de luy, ayant un secret important à luy communiquer. Ce qu’ayant fait je luy apris que le secret que j’avois à luy dire, estoit l’arrivée de son fils, que j’avois emmené avec moy, m’en ayant prié avec des grandes instances. Et aprés luy avoir representé l’importance de garder le secret, et de n’en rien temoigner à cause des inconveniens, qu’il y avoit à craindre pour eux deux je fis advancer le fils, et le presentay à son pere, qui l’embrassa luy temoignant beaucoup de tendresse, et de joye, il luy dit pourtant qu’il l’exposoit à un grand danger. Ils eurent ensemble quelque entretien aprés lequel le pere me pria en m’embrassant de sauver mon nouveau françois. Je luy promise de faire mon devoir la dessus, et l’advertis à mesme tems, qu’il songeast à sauver son navire, et que rien ne seroit capable, de me faire rompre avec luy que la traite qu’il pourroit faire avec les sauvages. Il me repondit que le navire estoit à la compagnie, qu’a l’egard de la traite je n’avois aucun sujet de craindre de son coté, et que quand il n’auroit pas un castor, il ne s’en mettroit /42/ pas en peine estant assuré de ses gages. Je l’advertis qu’il ne souffrit pas que son monde s’écartât, sur tout qu’il n’allast point vers le fort de son fils, ce qu’il me promit. Pendant que nous estions dans cette conference (le gouverneur adverty de mon retour) vint au navire en toute diligence, et me dit en arrivant qu’il falloit que mon fort fust plus prés de luy, qu’il n’avoit creu, puis que j’estois revenû si promtement. Je luy dis en riant que je vollois, quand il estoit question de servir mes amis, et que scachant qu’il avoit des malades, et qu’ils manquoient de rafraîchissemens, je n’avois pas voulu perdre le tems pour luy en aporter, luy promettant que je luy en donnerois toutes les fois que nos chasseurs seroient heureux. Dans ce tems la, le jeune Guillem deguisé pensa estre decouvert par quelqu’un qui le regarda de trop prés, dequoy le pere et le fils parurent fort embarrassez. Je m’en formalisay, et fis connoître que je ne trouvois pas bon quon examinast ainsi mes gens. On m’en fit excuse, et la marée estant montée je pris congé pour me retirer. Le gouverneur et le capitaine partagerent entre eux mes rafraîchissements, et ayant fait le signal à mes deux hommes de se retirer de leur embuscade, je sortis du navire, et nous allâmes tous ensemble où nous

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was building and the water’s edge, commanding them not to let themselves be seen and to allow the governor to pass when he went to the vessel, but that they might seize him if they saw him returning without my having emerged from the ship. Having taken these precautions, I went to the vessel with one of my men and young Gillam, disguised, and we boarded again without difficulty. I presented the provisions to Captain Gillam /41/ that I had promised him and that he had asked of me, for which he thanked me profusely. Next, I had my two men enter the bedroom, of whom one was his son whom he did not recognize. I whispered into the ear of Captain Gillam that he should make the two men who were near him withdraw, since I had an important secret to communicate to him. That being done, I informed him that the secret that I had to tell him was the arrival of his son, whom I had brought with me, since he had begged to do so with great earnestness. Having represented to him the importance of keeping the secret and of not letting any trace of it show because of the risks to be feared for both of them, I had his son approach and presented him to his father, who embraced him, showing him much tenderness and joy. Nevertheless, he told him that he was exposing himself to great danger. They had some discussion between them, after which the father begged me, while embracing me, to rescue my new Frenchman. I promised him to do my duty in that matter and warned him at the same time that he should think about saving his ship, and that nothing would make me break with him except the trade that he might engage in with the wild men. He answered me that the ship belonged to the company, that with respect to the trade, I had no cause for fear from his side, and that if he had not got even one beaver, he would not worry about it /42/, being assured of his wages. I warned him not to allow his people to stray, above all not to go towards his son’s fort, which he promised me. While we were conferring together, the governor (advised of my return) came in haste to the ship and told me on his arrival that my fort must be closer to him than he had thought, since I had returned so soon. Laughing, I told him that I flew when it was a question of serving my friends, and that knowing he had some sick people, and that he was lacking fresh meat, I had not wanted to lose any time in bringing some to him, promising him that I would give him some whenever our hunters were lucky. Meanwhile, young Gillam, in disguise, believed himself to have been discovered by someone who had looked at him too closely, at which the father and son appeared to be very embarrassed. I took offence at that and let it be known that I did not like my men to be examined in this way. They excused themselves to me, and the tide having risen, I took leave to withdraw. The governor and the captain shared my fresh meat between them, and having made a signal to my two men to abandon their place

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avoins laissay nôtre canot. Nous nous y embarquâmes, et le jeune capitaine fust estonné /43/ de voir, qu’un petit bateau fait d’escorce d’arbre peust resister à tant de coups de glaces que nous receumes en nous en retournant. Nous arrivâmes le landemain au fort, et tres à propos pour nous, car si nous eussions tardé tant soit peu plus long tems, sur l’eau, nous aurions este surpris d’un foudre de vent de nor’ouest, et d’un furieux orage de neige qui nous auroient infailliblement fait perir. La tempéte continua deux jours, et nous empécha de partir, pour retourner à nôtre pretendu fort au haût de la riviere. Mais le tems estant venu au beau, je pris congé. Le lieutenant vouloit venir avec nous pour nous accompagner jusqu’à nôtre habitation, mais je le detournay de ce dessein, ayant mes raisons, par ce que je voulois cacher la route que nous devions tenir. Nous montames en partant du fort vers le haût de l’isle, mais le soir venu, nous retournâmes sur nos pas, et nous nous trouvâmes le lendemain en veüe de la mer, ou il falloit entrer pour passer la pointe, et gaigner la riviere où estoit nôtre habitation. Mais tout estoit tellement couvert de glaces qu’il n’y avoit aucune apparence de passer plus avant. Nous nous trouvâmes mesme si fort engagez de tous costez dans les glaces que nous ne pouvions nous en retirer ni avancer vers terre pour débarquer. Il falloit cependant passer au /44/ travers de les glaces ou perir. Nous démeurâmes en cet estat l’espace de quatre heures sans pouvoir avancer ni reculer, et en tres grand danger de nos vies. Nos habits estoient gellez sur nous, et nous ne nous remuyons qu’avec grande peine, mais enfin nous fimes tant des effort, que nous arrivâmes à terre nôtre canot estant tout brisé. Nous prîmes chacun nôtre bagage et nos armes, et nous marchâmes le long du rivage tirant du côté de nôtre habitation, sans avoir rien trouvé à manger pendant trois jour que des corbeaux et des oyseaux de proye, qui se retirent les derniers de les païs la. Il n’y avoit point d’autre gibier le long de cette coste, qui estoit toute couverte des glaces et de neiges. Nous arrivames enfin vis à vis nôtre habitation, qui estoit de l’autre costé de la riviere, sans esperance de la pouvoir passer, estant couverte de glaces, mais quatre de nos hommes risquerent de se mettre dans un bateau pour nous venir secourir. Ils penserent perir par les coups de glace. Nous fûmes aussi en grand danger, et nous passames cependant, nonobstant toutes ces difficultez du costé de nôtre habitation, ou nous eûmes sujet de rendre graces à Dieu de nous voir tous ensemble aprés avoir esté delivrés de si grands perils. /45/ Pendant toutes mes allées et venües mon beau-frère avoit mis nôtre habitation en bon ordre. Nous y estions en seureté, n’ayans rien à craindre du costé des sauvages qui estoient nos amis, et à l’esgard des nos voisins leur desordre, et le peu de soing qu’ils avoient de s’esclaircir de nôtre estat, nous mettoit à couvert de toute apprehension de leur part. Mais comme il pouvoit arriver que le gouverneur Bridgar auroit connoissance qu l’interloper de la Nouvelle Angleterre

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of ambush, I left the ship. We went all together to where we had left our canoe. We embarked, and the young captain was astonished /43/ to see that a little boat made of tree bark could resist as many blows from ice as we received while returning. We arrived the following day at the fort, which was very timely for us, because if we had delayed even a little longer on the water, we would have been surprised by a blast of wind from the northwest and a furious snowstorm which would inevitably have caused us to perish. The storm continued for two days and prevented us from leaving to return to our so-called fort higher up the river. But when the weather became fine, I left. The lieutenant wanted to come with us in order to accompany us to our house, but I diverted him from this plan, having my reasons, for I wanted to hide the route that we had to take. Leaving the fort, we went up towards the height of the island, but as evening fell we retraced our steps and found ourselves the following day in sight of the sea, where we had to make our way around the point and gain the river where our house was. But everything was so covered in ice that there was no likelihood we could go further. We even found ourselves so trapped on all sides in the ice that we could neither withdraw nor advance towards land to disembark. Yet it was necessary to traverse /44/ the ice or perish. We remained in this state for the space of four hours without being able to go forwards or backwards, and in very great danger of losing our lives. Our clothes were frozen upon us and we only moved with great difficulty. But finally we made a great effort to reach the land, our canoe being entirely torn apart. We each took our own baggage and weapons and walked along the shore in the direction of our house, without finding anything to eat for three days except the crows and birds of prey that were the last to migrate from those lands. There was no other game along this shore, which was completely covered by ice and snow. At last we arrived across from our house, which was on the other side of the river. We had no hope of being able to cross it, covered by ice as it was, but four of our men risked getting into a boat in order to come and help us. They thought they were going to die from the blows of the ice. We also were in great danger and yet, despite all these difficulties, we crossed to the side where our house was, where we had cause to render thanks to God for seeing ourselves all together after having been delivered from such great perils. /45/ During all my comings and goings my brother-in-law had put our house into good order. We were safe there, having nothing to fear from the wild men, who were our friends. As for our neighbours, their disorganization, and the little care they took to investigate our condition for themselves saved us from any fear of them. But I wanted to continue to take precautions because Governor Bridgar might find out that the interloper from New England was on the same

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estoit en la mesme riviere que luy, et qu’il decouvriroit à la fin tout le mistere que je luy avois câché jusques la, que mesme il pourroit aprendre que nous n’avions pas les forces dont je m’estois vanté, je voulus continuer à me precautionner, et je creus que le meilleur moyen estoit de m’assurer du navire de la Nouvelle Angleterre, en m’en rendant le maître, par ce que si le sieur Bridgar m’eust prevenu en cela, il eust esté trop fort, et je me voyois toutafaict hors d’estat de luy pouvoir resister, et de me soûtenir. Mais la question estoit de trouver les moyens de reussir dans l’execution de ce dessein où je voyois d ­e grandes difficultez, mais il faloit les vaincre ou succomber. C’est pourquoy je m’attachay tout entier à suivre cette entreprise, laissant à mon beau-frère le soin de nôtre habitation et de la traite. /46/ Voyant donc la riviere tout a fait prise j’envoyay de deux en deux jours pendant quínze jours, mes gens au travers le bois, pour aprendre en quel estat estoit le navire de la compagnie. On me r’apporta à la fin qu’il estoit demeuré echoué sur la coste, le ruisseau ou il devoit hyverner estant tout gellé, ce qu’il me fit juger qu’il devoit perir infalliblement. J’envoyay aussi au jeune capitaine Guilliem en l’isle deux de mes hommes qu’il m’avoit demandez pour luy servir de sauvgardes mais je fus adverty par mes gens qu’il vouloit jouer au fin avec moy, ayant (contre ce qu’il m’avoit promis, de ne recevoir personne en son fort, que ceux qui aurioient mes ordres) envoyé son bateau pour prendre deux des matelots du navire de la compagnie, que le sieur Bridgar avoit envoyez à la découverte du costé ou je luy avois dit que nous avions nos forts, et pour voir aussie s’ils ne trouveroient point des debris de leur navire. Mais ces deux hommes ayans veu ceux du fort s’emouvoir pour lancer leur bateau a l’eau. Ils creurent qu’on alloit braquer du canon, contr’eux comme je leur avois dit. Ils en prirent l’espouvante et s’enfuirent.9 Estans retournez vers le sieur Bridgar, ils luy raporterent qu’il yavoit un fort et un navire françois plus /47/ proche d’eux, que je ne leur avois dit, et sur cet advis, le dit sieur Bridgar envoya deux hommes pour passer du nord au sud, pour sçavoir s’il estoit vray que nous y eussions deux navires, outre celuy qui estoit à l’isle. Dequoy estant adverty par mes gens, j’envoyay par trois diferents endroits pour tâcher de prendre et me faire emmener les deux hommes que le  sieur Bridgar avoit envoyez à cette decouverte, ayant pourtant ordonné à mes gens de ne leur faire aucun mal. Mes gens reussirent dans leur queste, car ils trouverent ces deux pauvres hommes à environ cinq lieues de nos maisons presque morts de froid, et n’ayans rien à manger, de sorte qu’ils n’eurent pas grant peine à les prendre, n’ayans fait aucune resistance. Ils me les ammenerent   9 W: “s’enfuirent. Estans retournez”; full stop with following capital E, exceptional for this ms. New paragraph likely intended.

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river as himself, and eventually would discover everything I had hidden from him up to that point, and might even learn we did not have the forces I had boasted of. I thought that the best means was to secure the ship from New England by making myself the master of her, because if Mr Bridgar had anticipated me there, he would be too strong and I would be completely incapable of resisting him and sustaining my situation. But the question was to find the means to succeed in the execution of this plot, in which I saw great difficulties. But it was essential to conquer them or succumb. That is why I concentrated completely on this enterprise, leaving the care of our house and the trade to my brother-in-law. /46/ So, seeing the river completely frozen over, for a fortnight I sent my men through the woods every couple of days to learn what condition the company’s ship was in. They finally reported to me that she had remained stranded on the coast, the stream where it was supposed to winter being completely frozen, and I concluded that she must inevitably perish. I also sent two of my men to young Captain Gillam on the island; he had asked for them to serve him as protection. However, I was warned by my men that he wanted to try my cunning, having (contrary to his promise not to receive anyone in his fort except those under my orders) sent his boat to take two of the sailors from the company’s ship whom Mr Bridgar had sent to explore the coast where I had told him we had our forts, and also to see if they could find any debris from their ship. But these two men, having seen the men from the fort alerted to launch their boat into the water, believed that they were going to level the cannon at them, as I had told them. They took fright on that account and fled. They returned to Mr Bridgar and reported that there was a fort and a French ship closer /47/ than I had told them. Upon this advice the said Mr Bridgar sent two men to cross [the point] from north to south to find out if it was true that we had two ships there besides the one that was at the island. Being warned of this by my men, I sent [them] by three different routes to attempt to take the two men whom Mr Bridgar had sent to explore and have them brought back to me, but I ordered my men to cause them no harm. My men succeeded in their search, for they found these two miserable fellows at about five leagues from our houses, almost dead from the cold, without anything to eat, and in such a state that they had no trouble in taking them, for they put up no resistance. They brought them to me in our house, where being very well treated,

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à nôtre habitation, où les ayant bien traitez, ils ne temoignerent aucun chagrin d’estre entre mes mains. J’apris par eux les ordres que le sieur Bridgar leur avoit donnez pour cette découverte, ce qui m’obligea de me tenir encores plus sur mes gardes, et de prendre de nouvelles precautions pour empescher que le gouverneur Bridgar ne reconnut l’interloper de la Nouvelle Angleterre. Je’envoyay dans ce tems la des rafraisschissements au dit sieur Bridgar qui estoit en grande necessité, et me /48/ le vouloit dissimuler. Il me remercia par ses lettres, et m’assura qu’il ne me intéromproit point, et qu’il ne permettroit plus à aucun de ses gens d’aprocher des forts qu’il croyoit estre à nous. J’envoyay aussi visiter le jeune Guilliem pour observer ses démarches, et voir en quel estat il pouvoit estre pour m’en prevaloir. Les deux anglois que mes gens avoient emmenez me donnerent aussi advis que le navire de la compagnie estoit pery avec le capitaine, le lieutenant et quatre matelots, s’en estant sauvé 18 qui par bonheur estoient à terre. Cet avis m’obligea d’aller vers le sieur Bridgar voir quelle contenance il tenoit. Je luy fis porter environ cent perdrix, et luy donné aussi quelque poudre pour les chasse en luy offrant mon service, en tout ce qu’il auroit besoin de moy. Je luy demanday des nouvelles du navire. Il ne vouleut pas m’en advoüer la perte, et me dit qu’il estoit à quatre lieües plus bas. Je ne vouleus pas le presser davantage la dessus, et nous nous separâmes civilement. J’allay de la au fort de l’Isle pour voir aussi ce qui s’y passoit, et de tâcher de venir a bout du dessein que je m’estois proposé de prendre le navire, et le fort, ayant encore decouvert par quelques lettres interceptées que le jeune Guilliem /49/ me vouloit faire piece, et qu’il avoit resolu de me perdre. Estant arrivé au fort de l’isle je dissimulay au jeune Guillem la mauvaise nouvelle de la perte de son pere, et du navire de la compagnie, luy disant seulement, que son pere estoit toûjour malade, et qu’il n’avoit pas trouvé à propos de luy escrire de peur de le faire découvrir. Je le disposay en suite à venir voir notre abitation, ce qu’il me promit, et je m’en retournay sans avoir fait autre chose avec luy ce jour la, Huit jours aprés je retournay voir le sieur Bridgar auquel je dis qu’il ne prenoit pas assez de soing pour conserver ses gens et les faire subsister, que j’avois apris par deux de ses10 hommes qui estoient à mon fort, la perte du navire, et il en voulût bien demeurer d’accord. Je luy promis de l’assister, et de luy r­ envoyer

10 W: “gens” crossed out and replaced with “hommes”; E.1/1: “hommes” p ­ roviding evidence that W was copied directly from E.1/1.

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they showed no signs of distress at being in my hands. From them I learned about the orders that Mr Bridgar had given them for this exploration, which obliged me to hold myself even more on guard and to take new precautions to prevent Governor Bridgar from recognizing the interloper from New England. Meanwhile, I sent some fresh meat to Mr Bridgar, who was in great need but wished to conceal /48/ it from me. He thanked me in writing and assured me that he would not interrupt [my trade], and that he would no longer permit any of his men to approach the forts which he believed to be ours. I also sent men to visit young Gillam, to observe what he was doing and to see if he was capable of getting the better of me. The two Englishmen my men had brought to me informed me as well that the company’s ship had sunk, with the captain, the lieutenant and four sailors, eighteen having saved themselves who, fortunately, had been on land.54 This information obliged me to go to Mr Bridgar, to see how he was faring. I had about a hundred partridges taken to him and also gave him some powder for hunting them, while offering him my service to do anything he might have need of from me. I asked him for some news of the ship. He did not want to confess the loss of her to me and told me that she was four leagues farther downstream. I did not want to press him any further about that, and we separated politely. From there, I went to the island fort,55 both to see what was happening and to attempt to carry out the plan I had proposed to myself, to take the ship and the fort, having again discovered by some intercepted letters that young Gillam /49/ wanted to tear me in pieces, resolving to do away with me. Arriving at the island fort, I hid from young Gillam the bad news of the loss of his father and the company’s ship, telling him only that his father was still ill and that he had not found it appropriate to write to him, for fear of letting it [their relationship] be known. Next I arranged for him to come to see our house, which he promised to do, and I returned without having done anything else with him that day. Eight days later, I returned to see Mr Bridgar, and told him he was not taking enough care to preserve his people and ensure they would survive; I said I had learned of the loss of the ship from his two men who were in my fort; he was forced to see my point [about his men’s subsistence]. I promised to help him 54 Scott Stephen has been trying to identify those who perished; Captain Zachariah Gillam died along with the mate Samuel Cole. Others who died that season were Robert Taylor (boatswain), Henry Gun, John Kickson, and Daniell Wattell, but it is not clear if they were the four who went down with the Prince Rupert or whether they died later on land (Scott Stephen, personal communication, 6 January 2011). 55 Gillam’s fort on Seal Island.

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ses deux hommes, et ce qu’il me demanda, je luy fis aussi offre d’une de nos barques avec les provisions necessaires pour le mener au printems dans le fonds de la baye, ce qu’il ne voulût pas accepter. Je l’assuray que je luy rendrois tous les services que je pourrois, voulant bien en user ainsi honnetément avec luy pour l’amitié que j’ay toûjour conservée pour la nation. Car à l’egard du sieur Bridgar je n’avois point suject d’étre content de luy, ayant de bons advis qu’il parloit /50/ mal de moy en mon absence, et qu’il avoit dit hautement à ses gens qu’il ruineroit ma traite, quand il devroit donner six haches par castor aux sauvages et autant des autres marchandises à proportion. J’ay l’attestation de ce fait entre les mains. Je demeuray à ce voyage deux jour avec le sieur Bridgar, voulant lors travaillier sincerement pour luy donner secours, le voyant hors d’estate de me pouvoir nuire, et en m’en retournant à nôtre habitation je passay au fort du jeune Guilliem dans l’isle, où je voulois faire mon coup, car il estoit tems. Quand je fus arrivé au fort je dis au jeune Guilliem que son pere estoit toûjour indisposé, et qu’il me remettoit tout entre les mains. Et sur ce que je luy dis de l’estate de son pere, et de sa resolution, il me pressa fort de retourner, et de le mener avec moy déguisé, comme la premiere fois, pour le voir, mais je le detournay de ce dessein, et luy fis venir l’envie d’aller voir notre habitation, et en quel estate nous estions. Je sçavois qu’il avoit eu la pensée de le faire à mon insceu, c’est pourquoy je vouleus satisfaire sa curiosité. L’ayant donc disposé par mes raisons à faire ce voyage nous partismes le lendemain de grand matin ensemble. Il mena aussi son charpentier, et nous /51/ arrivâmes à nôtre habitation, le jeune Guilliem et son homme estans fort fatigues. Je ne vouleus point que le jeune Guilliem vît les deux anglois que nous avions à nôtre habitation. Je les fis cacher, et les disposay a partir le lendemain avec deux de mes gens pour s’en retourner au travers les bois a leur habitation, ayant promis au sieur Bridgar de luy renvoyer ses deux hommes. Je leur donnay aussi du tabac, des hardes, et plûsieurs autres choses, que le sieur Bridgar m’avoit demandées, et que je luy avois promises. Mais quand il falût partir la matin, un des deux anglois que je voulois renvoyer se jetta à mes pieds, et me pria instâment de ne le point rénvoyer. Je ne luy aurois pas accordé sans que mon beau-frère m’en pria, et que je consideray aussi que c’estoit une décharge pour le sieur Bridgar, qui manquoit de vivres. Je laissay donc aller l’autre anglois avec mes deux hommes, et leur ayant donné mes ordres pour partir, je fis sortit le jeune Guillem afin qu’il les vist, luy faisant entendre que je les envoyois à notre fort au haut de la riviere.

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and to send him back his two men, as he asked me. I also made him an offer of one of our barques with the necessary provisions to keep him until spring at the Bottom of the Bay,56 but he would not accept. I assured him I would render him all the service that I could, for I certainly wished to treat him courteously for the sake of the friendship I have always maintained for his nation. As for Mr Bridgar, I had no reason to be content with him, having learned from a good source that he spoke /50/ badly of me in my absence and that he had said openly to his men that he would ruin my trade, for he would give six hatchets for a beaver to the wild men and as much proportionately with the other merchandise. I have testimony as to this fact in my hands. On this trip, I remained two days with Mr Bridgar, desiring at that time to attempt sincerely to give him succour, seeing he was in no state to harm me. Returning to our house, I passed by the fort of young Gillam on the island, where I planned to make my attack, for the time had come. When I arrived at the fort, I said to young Gillam that his father was still indisposed and that he had put everything into my hands. And in view of what I told him of his father’s condition and his determination, he urged me strongly to return and to take him with me to see him, disguised as he was the first time. But I dissuaded him from this plan and induced him to go and see our house and how we were doing. I knew that he had been planning to do so without my knowledge, so I wanted to satisfy his curiosity. Having persuaded him to make the journey we set off together very early in the morning the following day. He also brought his carpenter, and by the time we /51/ arrived at our house, young Gillam and his man were very tired. I did not want young Gillam to see the two Englishmen we had at our house, so I hid them and arranged for them to leave the next day with two of my men to return through the woods to their place, since I had promised Mr Bridgar to send his two men back to him. I also gave them some tobacco, clothes and several other things that Mr Bridgar had asked of me and that I had promised him. But when the hour of departure arrived in the morning, one of the two Englishmen whom I intended to return threw himself at my feet and earnestly begged me not to send him back. I would not have agreed if my brother-in-law had not particularly requested me to, and if I had not thought it would relieve Mr Bridgar, who lacked provisions. I therefore allowed the other Englishman to go with my two men, and after giving them my orders for departure, I had young Gillam brought out so he could see them, and led him to think I was sending them to our fort higher up the river. 56 The HBC always referred to the southernmost area of James Bay, around Rupert River and Moose Fort, as the Bottom of the Bay (sometimes capitalized, sometimes not).

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Je demeuray un mois en repos traitant bien le jeune Guillem mon nouvel hoste, et avec toutes sortes de civilités, dont il abusa en plusieurs rencontres, car l’estant apparemment apercu que nous n’avions pas les forces /52/ que je luy avois dit, il s’émancipa de parler de moy hors de ma presence en termes menaceans, me traitant de pirate, et disant qu’il traiteroit malgré moy au printems avec les sauvages. Il eut encore la hardiesse de fraper un de mes hommes, et je ne vouleus pas faire semblant de le sçavoir. Mais ayant eu l’insolence un jour que nous discourions des privileges de la Nouvelle Angleterre, de parler contre le respect deú au meilleur de tous les Roys, je le traitay d’indigne chien de tenir de tels discours, et luy dis que pour moy qui avois eu l’honneur de manger du pain à son service, je prierois Dieu toute ma vie pour sa majesté. Il me repartit en me menàceant qu’il s’en alloit retourner à son fort, et que quand il y seroit je n’oserois luy parler comme je faisois. Je ne pouvois avoir de meilleure occasion pour commencer ce que j’avois resolu de faire. Je dis donc à ce jeune brutal que je l’avois amené de son fort, et que je l’y conduirois moy mesme quand il me plaîroit, mais non pas quand il voudroit. Il dit encore plûsieurs impertinences qui m’obligerent de le menacer que je le ferois mettre en lieu de seureté s’il n’estoit plus sage. Il me demanda s’il estoit donc prisonnier. Je luy dis que j’y adviserois, et que je voulois asseu-/53/-rer ma traite, puis qu’il m’avoit menacé de m’y interrompre. Je me retiray en suite pour luy donner le tems de s’instruire avec l’anglois, comme quoy son pere estoit pery avec le navire de la compagnie, et du mauvais estat où estoit le sieur Bridgar. Je laissay à  leur compagnie un françois qui entendoit anglois sans qu’ils le sceussent. Quand je feus sorty le jeune Guilliem solicita l’anglois de s’en fuir, et d’aller vers son maître, et de l’assurer de sa part qu’il luy livreroit six barils de poudre et d’autres provisions, s’il vouloit entreprendre de le tirer d’entre mes mains, l’anglois ne répondit rien, mais il ne m’advertit pas de la proposition qu’il luy avoit esté faite. Je l’apris par mon françois qui avoit tout entendu, et jugeay à qu’il estoit tems d’ágir pour ma seureté. Je dissimulay le soir tout ce que je sçavois de ce complot, mais allant me coûcher je demanday à nos gens si les fusées (que nous mettions la nuit autour de nôtre fort pour nous garentir de la proche de ceux qui nous auroient voûlu surprendre) estoient placées. À ce mot de fusées le jeune Guillem qui ne sçavoit ce que c’estoit, en prit l’epouvante, et vouloit s’enfuir, croyant qu’on avoit dessein de le faire perir. Je le fis retenir et le gueris se son /54/ aprehension. Mais le lendemain je luy fis un compliment auquel il ne s’attendoit pas, car je l’advertis que j’allois prendre son fort, et son navire. Il me repondit fierement, que quand

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I rested for a month, treating my new guest young Gillam well, and employing all kinds of courtesy, which he abused in many encounters. For when it became evident that we did not have the forces /52/ that I had told him we possessed, he thought himself free to speak about me in threatening terms when I was absent, calling me a pirate and saying that he would trade with the wild men in the spring in spite of me. He even had the boldness to strike one of my men, but I pretended not to know about it. But one day when we were discussing New England’s privileges, and he had the insolence to speak without the respect owed to the best of all kings,57 I treated him as an unworthy dog for speaking in such a way, and told him that as for me, who had had the honour of earning my bread in the king’s service, I would pray to God for His Majesty throughout my entire life. He retorted by threatening me that he was going to return to his fort, and that I would not dare to speak to him there as I was doing. I could not have had a better opportunity to carry out my resolution. So I said to this young brute that it was I who had taken him from his fort and that it was I who would conduct him there whenever it pleased me, not when he liked. He continued with his impertinences, and I was obliged to threaten him that I would have him placed in a secure place, if he no longer behaved himself. So he asked me if he was a prisoner. I told him that I would think about it, and that I wanted to secure /53/ my trade, since he had threatened to cut me out of it. Then I withdrew in order to give him time to learn from the English how his father had gone down with the company’s ship, and of the bad state that Mr Bridgar was in. I left a Frenchman in their company who, unknown to them, understood English. After I left, young Gillam urged the Englishman to flee to his master and assure him on his behalf that he [young Gillam] would deliver six barrels of powder to him, as well as other provisions, if he set about getting him out of my hands. The Englishman said nothing in response, but neither did he warn me about the proposition that had been made to him. I learned about it from my Frenchman, who had understood everything, and I judged that it was time to act for my own protection. In the evening I pretended to know nothing about this plot, but when going to bed I asked our men if the flares (that we used to set up around our fort at night to guard us from the approach of anyone intending to surprise us) were in place. At this mention of flares, young Gillam, who did not know what they were, was frightened and wanted to escape, thinking that we planned kill him. I had him restrained and dispelled his /54/ apprehension. But the following day, I paid him a courtesy he was not expecting, for I warned him that I was going to take his fort and his ship. He answered me proudly that even if I had one 57 Clearly the English king; as a proud New Englander, Gillam was evidently restless.

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j’aurois cent hommes je n’en pourois venir à bout, et que ses gens en auroient tué plus de 40 avant qu’ils fussent à la palissade. Cette fierté ne m’étonnoit pas, estant bien seur que je viendrois a bout de mon dessein. Voicy comment je me pris pour l’executer. J’avois compté que je devois avoir deux de mes gens dans ce fort pour ôtages, mais comme ils avoient assez de liberté d’en sortir un d’eux estoit retourné le soir a nôtre habitation sans mon ordre. J’en fus fâché, mais je voúlus dissimuler mon ressentiment, ayant mon entreprise en téte, pour laquelle je voulois me servir plustost de ruses, et d’addresses, que de force ouverte. Voyant donc la fierté avec laquelle ce jeune capitaine m’avoit repondu, en me disant que je ne pourrois prendre son fort avec 100 hommes, je luy demanday combien il y en avoit dedans. Il me répondit neuf. Je le priay d’en choisir un pareil nombre des miens, et ceux qu’il voudroit en me comptant, luy disant que je ne voulois pas un plus grand nombre de gens, pour luy rendre dans deux jours bon compte de son fort, et de son navire, ne voulant pas qu’il eust la honte de estre temoing de ce que j’allois faire. Il me nomma effecti-/55/vement ceux de mes hommes qu’il voulut et je n’en pris point d’autres. Je luy permis de m’accompagnier jusqu’au bord de l’eau, et je partis moy neuviesme pour cette expedition avec un anglois du sieur Bridgar pris pour temoin.11 Estans arrivez à un demie lieüe prés du fort j’y laissay l’anglois avec un françois, leur commandant de ne point partir qu’ils n’eussent mes ordres. J’ordonnay en mesme tems à deux de mes hommes d’aller droit au fort du costé du sud de l’isle, et j’allay me poster avec mes cinq autres hommes à la pointe de la mesme isle du costé du nord, pour découvrir ce que seroient ceux que j’avois envoyez vers le fort. Ils furent arretez par trois anglois armés, qui leur demanderent s’ils avoient des lettres de leur maître. Mes gens leurs repondirent suivant mes ­instructions, qu’il venoit avec moy, que s’estant trouvé fatigué nous estions demeuré derrierre, qu’ils avoient pris le devant pour aller chercher de l’eau de vie qu’ils s’offrirent de porter. Les anglois en voulurent prendre la commission, et mes deux hommes demeurerent dans le fort. Celuy qui estoit en ôtage avoit ordre de se saisir de la porte du corps de garde, un des nouveaux arrivez de la porte de la maison, et le troisiéme devoit entrer et sortir, de tems en tems pour pouvoir en cas que le dessein fust de couver embarrasser la porte avec des bûches pour empécher qu’elle ne fust fermée, et me donner lieu d’y entrer pour les secoûrir. Mais il ne ne fût pas besoing de tant de precautions /56/ car je feus entré dans le fort auparavant qu ceux qui le devoient garder s’en fussent

11 E.1/1: “avec un anglois du sieur Bridgar pris pour temoin” added in Radisson’s hand (Figs. 1 and 3).

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hundred men, I would not be able to carry it off, and that his men would have killed more than 40 of them before they arrived at the palisade. This bravado did not unsettle me, since I was very certain I would succeed in my plan. Here is how I went about executing it. I had counted on the fact that I was supposed to have two of my men in this fort as hostages, but because they were entirely free to go out, one of them had returned in the evening to our house without my ordering him to do so. I was angry about it, but resolved to hide my resentment, having my venture in mind, for which I wanted to employ cunning and skill rather than open force. So seeing the brazenness with which this young captain had responded to me, telling me that I could not take his fort even with 100 men, I asked him how many of them there were within. He answered, “Nine.” I asked him to choose an equal number of mine, and those that he would like, counting me, telling him that I had no need of a greater number of men, for within two days I could render him a good account of his fort and ship, not wishing him to suffer the shame of witnessing what I was going to do. In actual fact, he named /55/ those of my men he wanted and I took no others. I permitted him to accompany me to the water’s edge and left on this expedition, with myself as the ninth and an Englishman of Mr Bridgar taken along as a witness.58 Arriving half a league from the fort, I left the Englishman there with a Frenchman, commanding them not to leave without my orders. At the same time, I ordered two of my men to go straight to the fort on the south side of the island, and I went to position myself with my five other men at the point on the north side of the same island to discover what would happen to those I had sent towards the fort. They were stopped by three armed Englishmen, who asked them if they had letters from their master. My men answered them ­according to my instructions that he was coming with me, that their master having found himself exhausted we had remained behind, that they had gone ahead to look for some brandy that they had offered to carry. The Englishmen wanted to take on that task, and my two men remained in the fort. The one who was a hostage had been ordered to seize the door of the guardhouse, one of the newly arrived men the door of the house, and the third was supposed to go in and out from time to time in order, if the plan was discovered, to block the door with logs and prevent it from being closed, and to make room for me to enter and help them. But there was no need for so many precautions /56/ because I had entered the fort before those who were supposed to be guarding

58 E.1/1, f.30r: “avec un anglois du sieur Bridgar pris pour temoin” [with an Englishman of Mr. Bridgar’s taken along as witness] added in Radisson’s hand (Figs. 1 and 3).

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apperceus. Le lieutenant fût surpris de me voir, et me demanda où estoit son maître. L’heure estoit venüe qu’il falloit s’expliquer et agir. Je repondis donc au lieutenant qu’il n’estoit pas question de demander où estoit son maître, mais de me dire combien il avoit d’hommes, et de les faire appéler. Il satisfit à ce que je luy demanday, et mes gens étans rassembles, et entrés dans le fort, je dis à ceux qui y estoient le sujet pour lequel j’y estois, que je pretendois estre le maître, et qu’il n’estoit plus tems de raisonner. Je leur commanday de m’apporter les clefs du fort, et toutes leurs armes, et de me declarer s’ils avoient de poudres dans leurs coffres, et la quantité, voulant bien m’en rapporter à ce qu’ils me diroient. Ils ne firent aucune resistance. Ils m’apporterent leurs armes et à l’égard des poudres ils me dirent qu’ils n’en avoient point. Je pris possession du fort au nom du Roy de France, et me fis conduire apres cela au navire par le lieutenant pour en prendre aussi possession au mesme nom. Je le fis sans que personne y resistât, et pendant que je faisois toutes ces choses les gens du jeune Guillem en temoignerent plus de joye que de tristesse, murmurant contre luy pour les mauvais traitements qu’ils en avoient receus, et de ce qu’il avoit tué son marchand. Mais un écossois de l’équipage du jeune Guilliem voulant faire le zele se /57/ sauva, et coureut vers la maison du sieur Bridgar pour luy donner advis de ce qui se passoit. J’envoyay deux de mes hommes les plus legers pour courir aprés luy, mais ils ne pûrent le joindre estant party quatre heures devant eux, et il arriva à l’habitation du sieur Bridgar, le quel sur l’advis de l’écoissois, se resolut de me venir surprendre. J’avois cependant envoyé deux de mes gens advertir mon frere de ce qui s’estoit passé, et que l’écoissois s’estant sauvé j’aprehendois qu’il ne m’attirast quelque affaire du costé du sieur Bridgar, et que je ne me trouvasse embarrassé s’il ne m’envoyoit quatre hommes de secours, ayant plus d’anglois à garder que je n’avois de françois. Je ne feus pas trompé en ce que j’avois preveu. Sur la minuit un de nos chiens donna la larme à nôtre sentinelle qui m’advertit qu’elle entendoit du bruit abord du vaisseau. Je fis prendre les armes à mes gens, et enfermer les anglois dans les cabanes sous la garde de deux hommes, et je sortis moy cinquiesme pour aller au vaisseau. J’y trouvay de gens armez auquels je fis d’abord commandement de mettre bas les armes et de se rendre. Il y en eust quatre qui se rendirent, et quelques autres qui se sauverent à la faveur de la nuict. Mes gens vouloient tirer, mais je les empéchay, dequoy ils murmurerent contre moy. Je menay les prisonniers dans le fort et les interrogeay l’un apres l’autre. Je reconnus qu’ils estoient des gens du sieur Bridgar et qu’il /58/ avoit

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it had noticed me. The lieutenant was surprised to see me and asked where his master was. The hour had come when it was necessary to explain myself and act. So I answered the lieutenant that it was not a question of asking where his master was, but of telling me how many men he had, and to summon them. He answered my question, and when my men were assembled and had entered the fort, I told them the object of my presence there. I asserted that I was the master and that there was no more time for debate. I commanded them to bring me the keys to the fort and all their weapons, and to declare if they had any powder in their trunks, and the quantity, intending to tally up what they said to me. They did not resist me. They brought me their weapons, and as for the powder they told me that they did not have any. I took possession of the fort in the name of the king of France, and then had myself conducted to the ship by the lieutenant in order to take possession of her in his name as well. I did so without anyone resisting, and while I was doing all this young Gillam’s men displayed more joy than sorrow, murmuring against him because of the bad treatment that they had received and because he had killed his supercargo.59 But a Scotsman of young Gillam’s crew, wishing to make a show of zeal, escaped /57/ and ran towards Mr Bridgar’s house to warn him of what was happening. I sent two of my swiftest men to run after him, but they were not able to catch him, since he had left four hours before them. He arrived at the house of Mr Bridgar who, upon the advice of the Scotsman, decided to come and surprise me. In the meantime I had sent two of my men to warn my brother about what had happened, and, since the Scot had escaped, I feared that he would get me into trouble with Mr Bridgar, and that I would find myself inconvenienced if he did not send four men to help, having more Englishmen to guard than I had Frenchmen. I was not deceived in what I had foreseen. At midnight, one of our dogs sounded the alarm to our sentry, who warned me that he heard some noise aboard the vessel. I had my men take up their weapons and the Englishmen locked up in the huts, guarded by two men; and I went out, myself being the fifth, to the vessel. There I found some armed men, to whom I at once gave the command to put down their arms and surrender themselves. There were four who gave themselves up and some others who escaped under cover of night. My men wanted to fire, but I prevented them, at which they murmured against me. I led the prisoners into the fort and questioned them one after the other. I realized that they were Mr Bridgar’s men and that he /58/ had been in on the 59 Fr. marchand: in his “Narrative” of 1697 (225) Radisson refers to this person as the  ­supercargo (the officer on a trading ship responsible for the cargo and trading operations).

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esté de la partie, mais qu’il estoit demeuré à demie lieue pour attendre le succés de l’entreprise. Les dernier des prisonniers que j’interogeay fust l’écossois qui s’en estoit fuï quand je pris le fort. Et comme je sçavois qu’il estoit seul la cause que le sieur Bridgar s’estoit engagé à cette entreprise, je voulus m’en venger en luy faisant peur et je le fis attacher à un potteau, et luy dis que je voulois le faire pendre le lendemain. Je fis cependant fort bien traiter les autres prisonniers ses cammarades, et comme mon intention n’estoit pas de faire d’autre mal que la peur à l’écossois, je luy fis conseiller qu’il priast le lieutenant du fort de me demander sa vie, ce que il fit et il n’eût pas de peine à l’obtenir, estant pourtant luy mesme fort consterné, et ne sçachant ce que je voulois faire de luy. Les 4 hommes que j’avois demandé à mon beau-frère arriverent dans ces entrefaites et me trouvant assez fort par ce secours pour resister a tout ce que le sieur Bridgar auroit voulû entreprendre contre moy, je luy écrivis, et luy demanday par ma lettre s’il avoüoit l’action des ses gens que je tenois prisonnier, qui avoient rompu les deux portes, et la soute du navire pour en enlever les poudres. Il me fit une reponce fort ambigue, declamant contre moy, que je ne luy avois pas esté sincere luy ayant dissimulé ce mistere. /59/ Il me manda aussi qu’ayant de bonnes instructions pour prendre tous les vaisseaux qui venoient dans ces lieux pour la traite il se seroit joint avec moy pour prendre celuy la, mais que puisque la partie m’estoit tombée entre les mains, il en esperoit de moy par faveur quelque plûme, c’est le terme de sa lettre. Je renvoyay ses trois hommes avec du tabac, et quelques vivres, et je retins leurs armes en leur commandant de dire de ma part audit sieur Bridgar que si j’avois esté adverty qu’il eût voulu venir luy mesme à cette expedition, j’aurois pris mes mesures pour le recevoir avant qu’il eust eu le tems de se retirer, mais que je l’avois appris trop tard, et qu’au premier jour je l’irois visiter pour sçavoir quelle estoit son intention, sur nôtre maniere de vivre, et que puis qu’il vouloit ignorer en quelle qualité j’estois en ce païs la, j’irois luy apprendre. Je découvris avant le depart des gens que je r’envoyois au sieur Bridgar, que quelques anglois avoient caché de la poudre hors le fort. Je les interrogeay tous, pas un ne vouloit l’advoüer, mais enfin je leur fis confesser, et on en trouva cinq ou six livres qu’ils avoient cachée. Je travaillay apres cela à mettre le fort en  seureté. J’envoyay à mon frere 4 des anglois du fort, et je me disposay à ­descendre pour aller voir ce que faisoit le sieur Bridgar. Je me rendis à sa maison /60/ et j’y entray avant qu’il fust adverty de mon arrivée. Il en parust fort

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plan, but that he had remained half a league away to await the success of the enterprise. The last of the prisoners whom I questioned was the Scot who had fled when I took the fort. Because I knew he alone was the reason Mr Bridgar was involved in this undertaking, I wanted to avenge myself upon him by frightening him, and I had him tied to a stake. I told him that I would have him hanged the following day. Meanwhile, I made sure his comrades, the other prisoners, were very well treated. As my intention was not to do any other evil than cause fear to the Scotsman, I had him told that he should beg the lieutenant of the fort to ask me for his life, which he did. He had no trouble in obtaining it, yet was himself quite alarmed, not knowing what I intended to do with him. The four men for whom I had asked my brother-in-law arrived in the midst of all this, and finding myself, with this assistance, strong enough to resist everything that Mr Bridgar intended to undertake against me, I wrote a letter to him asking if he admitted responsibility for the actions of his men whom I held prisoner, and who had broken the two doors and the ship’s storeroom in order to make away with the powder. He made me a very ambiguous response, inveighing against me and saying that I had not been sincere in hiding this secret from him. /59/ He also informed me that, having clear instructions to apprehend all the vessels that came into these places to trade, he would have allied himself with me in order to take this one. But since the affair had fallen into my hands,60 he was hoping for some share in the spoil61 from me; that was the tenor of his letter. I sent his three men back with some tobacco and supplies and kept their weapons, ordering them to tell Mr Bridgar on my behalf that if I had been warned that he wanted to take part in this expedition himself, I would have made arrangements to receive him before he had time to withdraw, but that I had learned of it too late. I would go to visit him at the first opportunity to know what his intention was with respect to our actions; and since he intended to ignore my authority in that country, I would go about teaching it to him. Before the departure of the men I was sending back to Mr Bridgar I discovered that some of the Englishmen had hidden powder outside the fort. I questioned them all; not one wished to admit it, but finally I made them confess, and we found five or six pounds of it they had hidden. After that, I worked to make the fort secure. I sent four of the Englishmen from the fort to my brother [-in-law], and prepared to go down and see what Mr Bridgar was doing. I went to his house /60/ and entered it before he had been advised of my arrival. He 60 That is, Radisson had more or less won the game. 61 Fr. plûme (lit. feather or pen) applied metaphorically to the plunder; i.e., a feather off a chicken is one portion of the whole.

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surpris, mais je luy parlay d’une maniere à luy faire connoitre que je n’avois aucun dissein de luy nuire et je luy dis en suite que son procedé en ce qu’il venoit de faire luy ayant rendu tous les françois pour ennemis, je me trouvois fort embarrassé comment je pourrous l’assister. Je luy representay qu’il eût mieux fait de prendre le party de la douceur, en l’estat ou il estoit, et je luy dis que puis qu’il ne me tenoit pas sa parolle, je sçavois comment je devois agir avec luy. Mon intention n’estoit pas pourtant alors de rien faire au sieur Bridgar. Je voulois seulement l’intimider pour l’obliger de vivre honnétement avec moy, en le secourant de tems en tems de ce qu’il auroit besoin. Je voulus sur tout le mettre hors d’estat de songer à la traite, et le reduire à la necessité de se retirer au printems. Voyant donc que le sieur Bridgar paroissoit estonné de me voir accompagné de 12 hommes, et en estat de luy pouvoir faire piece, si j’en avois eu le dessein, je voulus le rassurer, en renvoyant six de mes hommes a mon beau-frère et n’en garday que six avec moy, dont j’en envoyay quatre à la chasse pour tâcher d’apporter quelques provisions au sieur Bridgar. Je receus dans ce tems la une lettre de mon beau-/61/frere qui me blâmoit de la maniere dont j’agissois avec des gens qui s’estoient mis en estat de me surprendre deux jours devant, me mandant que si je continuois, il alloit tout abandonner, que je ferois mieux de les desarmer pour nôtre seureté, et sur tout que je ne me chargeasse d’aucun d’eux. C’estoit aussi le sentiment des autres françois, que estoient tous irrités contre le sieur Bridgar. Ne voulant donc pas m’attirer la haine de mes gens, au lieu de quatre anglois que j’avois promis au sieur Bridgar de prendre avec moy, pour qu’il peust mieux faire vivre les autres, je n’en prise que deux dont j’en mis un au fort de l’isle, et menay l’autre à nôtre habitation. Je promis au sieur Bridgar avant me separer de luy qu’il ne manqueroit point de poudre ni de toutes les autres choses qui seroient en mon pouvoir, et luy ayant demandé combien il avoit des fusils de reste, et sceu de luy qu’il en avoit dix, dont il y en avoit huit de rompus. Je prise les huit fusils rompus et luy laissay le mien en bon estat, luy promettant de luy faire accomoder les siens. Il m’offrit un petit pistolet, en me disant qu’il voyoit bien que je le voulois desarmer. Je luy repondis que ce n’estoit pas le desarmer de luy oster de méchantes armes pour luy en donner de bonnes. Je luy offris mes pistolets qu’il ne vouleut pas accepter. Je le laissay en cet estat, et /62/ m’en allay à nôtre habitation rendre compte à mon beau-frère de ce que j’avois fait. Je partis quelque jours aprés pour aller au fort de l’isle voir si tout y estoit en bon estat, et aprés avoir pourveu a toutes choses je retournay à nôtre poste emmenant avec moy le lieutenant du fort de l’isle, auquel je donnay ma chambre, et toute liberté, le croyant plus sage que son capitaine, qu’on avoit

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seemed very surprised, but I spoke in such a way that he realized I did not intend to harm him. Next I told him that because what he had just done had turned all the French into his enemies, I found myself very perplexed as to how I could help him. I put it to him that he would have done better to adopt a policy of mildness in his current situation, and told him that since he did not keep his word to me, I knew how I should act towards him. Yet my intention was not to do anything to Mr Bridgar at the time. I only wanted to intimidate him so as to oblige him to live civilly with me, by helping him from time to time with whatever he might need. Above all, I wanted to put out of his mind any intention of trading, and to reduce him to the necessity of withdrawing in the spring. When I saw that Mr Bridgar was astonished to see me accompanied by twelve men, and with the capacity to cause him some harm had that been my intention, I sought to reassure him so I sent back six of my men to my brotherin-law, and only kept six of them with me, four of whom I sent hunting to bring Mr Bridgar some provisions. Meanwhile, I received a letter from my brother/61/in-law who found fault with me for the way I was acting with the men who had been deployed to surprise me only two days before. He sent me word that if I continued, he was going to abandon everything, that I would do better to disarm them for our security, and above all that I should not take on responsibility for any of them. That was also the feeling of the other Frenchmen, who were all exasperated with Mr Bridgar. So not wishing to attract the ill-will of my men, instead of the four Englishmen whom I had promised Mr Bridgar to take with me so that the others could more easily survive, I only took two of them, of whom I put one at the island fort and brought the other to our house. I promised Mr Bridgar before I left him that he would not lack for powder, or for anything else in my power. I asked him how many muskets he had remaining and learned that he had ten, of which eight were broken. I took the eight broken muskets and left him mine in good condition, promising to have his repaired for him. He offered me a little pistol, saying that he saw clearly that I wanted to disarm him. I answered him that it was not disarming him to take faulty weapons from him in order to give him good ones. I offered him my pistols, which he would not accept. I left him in this state and /62/ went off to our house to render an account to my brother-in-law of what I had done. I left a few days later to go to the island fort and see if everything there was in good order, and after providing for everything I returned to our post bringing the lieutenant of the island fort with me, to whom I gave my own chamber and complete freedom, believing him to be wiser than his captain, whom they had been obliged to lock up in my absence. He thanked me for my decency,

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esté obligé de resserer en mon absence. Il me remercia de mon honnéte et m’ayant prié qu’il se retirât avec son capitaine, je luy permis. J’eus cependant advis par un de nos gens que j’avois laissé à la garde du fort de l’isle, que le sieur Bridgar y estoit allé, contre la parolle qu’il m’avoit donnée accompagné de deux de ces hommes, et que nos gens leur ayant permis l’entrée dans le fort, ils avoient retenu le sieur Bridgar, et renvoyé les deux hommes, aprés leur avoir donné du pain et de l’eau de vie. Cet homme me rapportá aussi qu le sieur Bridgar témoignoit estre au desespoir de se voir arresté et qu’il faisoit le feurieux. Cet advis m’obligea de partir pour aller à ce fort, prevenir les surprises qu’on nous pourroit faire. Y estant arrivé je trouvay le sieur Bridgar en pitoyable estat ayant beu au dela de la raison. Celuy qui commandoit dans le fort avoit beaucoup de peine d’empecher qu’il ne mal /63/ tratât l’anglois qui avoit voulu demeurer avec nous. Il dit en ma presence mille choses contre moy, me menaçant de me tuer, si je ne luy faisois raison. Mais aprés avoir long tems souffrir, je fus obliger de le prier de se taire, et voulant sçavoir quel pouvoit estre son dessein, je luy demanday si quelques uns de ses gens devoient venir, parce qu j’avois veu des fumées en traverssant la riviere. Il me respondit qu’ouy et qu’il me feroit voir bien tost ce qu’il scavoit faire attendant 14 hommes qui luy devoient venire, outre les deux que mes gens avoient rénvoyez. Je luy repondis que je sçavois bien qu’il n’avoit pas tant de monde ayant laissé mourir plusieurs de ses gens de misere dont il devoit rendre compte, et que d’ailleurs je n’estois pas épouvanté de ses menaces. Personne ne parût cependant, et le landemain je disposay honnétement le sieur Bridgar à venir avec moy à nôtre habitation, à quoy il ne pust s’opposer. Je l’assuray que moy ni aucun de mes gens n’irions chez luy en son abscence, et que quand je l’aurois regalé chez moy huict ou quinze jours, il pourroit s’en retourner chez luy en toute liberté. Le sieur Bridgar demeura quinze jours à nôtre habitation sans s’y trop ennuyer et il paroissoit à son visage qu’il n’y avoit pas este maltraité. Mais ne luy pouvant /64/ pas luy tenir tousjour compagnie, le soing de nos affaires m’appelant au dehors, je le laissay avec mon beau-frère pour m’en aller au fort de l’isle, voir ce qui s’y passoit, et je dis en partant au sieur Bridgar qu’il pouvoit s’il vouloit se preparer à partir le landemain pour aller à son habitation, remedier à quelque desordre que ses gens y avoient fait pour avoir des vivres, et je luy promis que je le rencontrerois en chemin pour y aller avec luy. Aprés avoir fait mes affaires au fort de l’isle j’en partis de bonne heure pour arriver à l’habitation du sieur Bridgar avant luy, afin de l’empécher de mal traiter ses gens. Le mauvais tems m’obligea d’entrer dans la maison sans ­l’attendre. Si tôt que j’y fus entré ses hommes se jetterent à mes pieds, et me prierent d’avoir pitié d’eux. Je les blâmay de ce qu’ils s’avoient fait, et les exortay d’estre à l’advenir plus obeïssans à leur maître, leur prometant que je le

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and when he begged me to allow him to withdraw to his captain, I permitted him to do so. In the meantime, however, I was informed by one of our men whom I had left on guard at the island fort that Mr Bridgar had gone there accompanied by two of his men, breaking the word he had given me, and also that our men had permitted them to enter the fort, but they had detained Mr Bridgar and sent back the two men after having given them some bread and brandy. This man also reported to me that Mr Bridgar claimed to be in despair at finding himself arrested, and that he was furious. That news obliged me to set out to the fort to anticipate and prevent any attempts they might make on us. Arriving there, I found Mr Bridgar in a pitiful state, having drunk himself into a stupor. The man commanding the fort was having much difficulty preventing him from mis/63/-treating the Englishman who had wanted to stay with us. In my presence he uttered a thousand things against me, threatening to kill me if I did not explain myself. Having endured this for a long time, I was forced to bid him to be quiet. Desiring to know what his plan might be, I asked him if some of his men were expected, because I had seen some smoke while crossing the river. He answered in the affirmative and said that he would soon show me what he could do, anticipating the fourteen men who were supposed to be coming to him, except for the two my men had sent back. I answered that I knew perfectly well that he did not have so many men, having left many of his people to die in misery, for which he ought to take responsibility, and that furthermore, I was not frightened by his threats. In the meantime no one appeared, and the following day I civilly asked Mr Bridgar to come with me to our house, to which he could not object. I assured him that neither I nor any of my men would go to his place in his absence, and that after I had entertained him at mine for one or two weeks, he could return home completely free. Mr Bridgar remained for a fortnight in our house, without being too bored, and one could see from his face that he had not been mistreated among us. But because I was unable /64/ to keep him company all the time when concern for our affairs called me out, I left him with my brother-in-law while I went to the island fort and see what was happening there. As I left Mr Bridgar I said that if he wished he could prepare himself to set out the next day for his house and repair whatever disorder his men had created there in their search for supplies. I promised him that I would meet him on the way in order to go with him. Having settled my affairs at the island fort, I left early in order to arrive at Mr Bridgar’s place before him and so prevent him from mistreating his men. Bad weather forced me to enter the house without waiting for him. As soon as I entered his men threw themselves at my feet and begged me to have pity on them. I reprimanded them for what they had done and urged them to be more

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prierois de leur pardonner et qu’au printems je donnerois passage à ceux qui voudroient passer par France. Le sieur Bridgar arriva peu de tems apres moy. Je luy fis excuse de ce que j’estois entré dans sa maison avant luy, l’assurant que j’estois toûjours dans le sentiments de le servir, et de le secourir comme il s’en appercevroit quand il voudroit avoir recours a moy pour de la poudre et toutes les choses dont il pourroit avoir /65/ besoing. Ce qu je n’ay pas manqué de faire toutes les fois qu j’e nay esté solicité, ou que j’ay reconnu que le sieur Bridgar estoit dans le besoing. Je partis de l’habitation du sieur Bridgar pour retourner à la notre, et je passay au fort de l’isle, ou je mis un autre françois pour commander en la place de celluy que j’y avois laissé, voulant le faire travailler à nos barques, parce que le printems s’approchoit. Les anglois du fort de l’isle me firent des plaintes d’un de ceux du sieur Bridgar que j’y avois emmené pour vivre avec eux. Je fus obligé de le r’envoyer pour les satisfaire, mais je n’osay l’envoyer à nôtre habitation, nos françois s’y opposant parce que nous en avions desja trois. Arrivant a nôtre habitation j’appris que le capitaine anglois mal traitoit fort celluy de ses gens que je retenois avec luy et qui estoit son charpentier. Je fus moy mesme temoing, sans qu’il me vist, de ses emportements contre ce pauvre homme. J’en blâmay le capitaine et je r’envoyay au fort de l’isle le charpentier pour avoir soing du vaisseau, et le tenir en bon estat. Mon nepveu arriva dans ce tems la avec les françois qui estoient avec luy pour appeler les sauvages et deux jours apres il en arriva plusieurs qui nous apporterent des vivres. Ils /66/ furent surpris de voir les anglois que nous avions dans notre maison, et ils nous firent offre de 200 castors pour leur permetre d’aller détruire les autres, mais je leur témoignay que j’estois fort éloigné d’y consentir leur defendant au contraire de leur faire aucun mal. Et le sieur Bridgar estant arrivé en mesme tems à nôtre habitation avec un de ses gens, je l’advertis, qu’il ne devoit plus s’exposer, sans avoir quel qu’un des miens avec luy, et je le priay que pendant qu’il seroit chez moy il ne parlast point aux sauvages. Il le fit pourtant et je ne peus m’empécher de luy en temoigner mon ressentiment, ce qui luy fit precipiter son départ. Je l’accompagnay avec sept ou huit de mes gens de crainte que les sauvages qui esoient partis le jour precedent ne luy fissent quelque insulte. Je retournay le lendemain ayant apris qu’une troupe de sauvages nos anciens alliez devoit arriver, et je les trouvay effectivement arrivez dans le dessein de faire la guerre aux anglois, à la persuation des sauvages que j’avois veu l’autonne precedente, et avec lesquels j’avois renouvellé alliance.

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obedient to their master in future, promising them that I would entreat him to forgive them and that in the spring I would provide passage to France for those who wanted to go there. Mr Bridgar arrived a little after me. I made my excuses for having entered his house before him, assuring him that I still wished to serve him and help him, as he would see whenever he chose to call on me for powder or anything he might /65/ need, which I have not failed to do every time that I have been asked, or whenever I recognized that he was in need. I left Mr Bridgar’s house to return to ours, and passed by the island fort where I put another Frenchman in command in place of the one whom I had left there, preferring to have him work on our ships because the spring was approaching. The Englishmen of the island fort complained to me about one of Mr Bridgar’s men I had brought to live with them. I was forced to send him back in order to please them, but I did not dare send him to our house, as our Frenchmen objected because we already had three of them. Arriving at our house, I learned that the English captain was badly mistreating one of his men, his carpenter, whom I was detaining with him. I myself was a witness, though he did not see me, to his outbursts of anger against this poor man. I admonished the captain and sent the carpenter back to the island fort to look after the vessel and maintain her in good condition. In the meantime, my nephew arrived, with the Frenchmen who had gone with him to summon the wild men, and two days later many of them came bringing supplies. They /66/ were surprised to see the English whom we had in our house and offered us 200 beavers in exchange for allowing them to go and attack the others. But I told them that I had no intention of consenting to that, on the contrary, I forbade them from doing them any harm. Mr Bridgar having arrived at our house with one of his men around the same time, I warned him that he should no longer expose himself to danger without having one of my men with him. I entreated him not to speak with the wild men as long as he was with me. Yet he did just that, and I could not repress my displeasure, which made him hasten his departure. I accompanied him with seven or eight of my men, for fear that the wild men who had left the previous day would do him some injury. I returned the following day, having learned that a troop of wild men, our former allies,62 were supposed to arrive. I discovered that they had in fact arrived with the intention of waging war upon the English, persuaded by the wild men whom I had seen the previous autumn and with whom I had ­renewed our alliance. 62 Victor Lytwyn refers to these people as “Lowland Cree” (Lytwyn, Muskekowuck Athinuwick, 128). Radisson must have known them from the periods he spent at the Bottom of the Bay between 1670 and 1673.

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Je remerciay les sauvages de la bonne volonte qu ils /67/ nous temoignoient en voulant faire la guerre à nos ennemis, mais je leur fis connoitre en mesme tems que je n’avois pas dessein de leur faire du mal, et que les ayant mis hors d’estat de m’en faire j’estois content, qu’ainsi ils m’obligeroient de ne leur rien dire, m’ayant promis qu’ils s’en ïroient au printems, mais qu s’ils retournoient, je leur permettrois de les détruire. Les sauvages me firent beaucoup de plaintes des anglois du fonds de la baye, que je ne veux point ráporter icy, ne voulant parler que de ce qui me regarde. Mais je ne dois pas taire qu’entre les raisons qu’ils m’alleguerent pour m’obliger à consentir qu’ils fissent la guerre aux anglois, ils me dirent cecy, tu nous as faite faire des presens pour faire devenir tes ennemis les nôtres, et les nôtres les tiens, nous ne voulons pas estre menteurs. C’est une marque du fonds qu’on peut faire sur l’amitié de ces peuples quand ils l’ont une fois promise. Je leur repondis aussi que je les aimois comme mes freres les françois, et que j’en userois mieux avec eux que les anglois du fonds de la baye, et que si quelqu’un des miens leur faisoit le moindre tort je le tuerois moymesme, adjoutant que j’estois fâché de n’estre pas mieux fourny de mar-/68/chandises pour leur pouvoir donner plus de marques de mon amitié, que j’estois venu ce voyage au dépourveù, parce que je doûtois si je les rencontrerois,12 mais que je leur promettois, de revenir vers eux plus riche, et mieux fourny de tout ce qui leur seroit necessaire, et en estat de les aider à destruire leurs ennemis. Je les renvoyay aussis fort satisfaits de moy, les anglois estans surpris de voir avec quelle liberté et familiarité je vivois avec ces sauvages. Cecy se passa au commencement d’avril de l’année 1683, qui estoit tres beau. Je fis preparer mon neveu à partir avec trois autres pour aller porter de la viande et de l’eau de vie a nos françois, et aux anglois au fort de l’isle. Les glaces commencoient à devenir dangereuses et je prevoyois qu’il n’y avoit plus d’aparence de se pouvoir risquer à passer par dessus, aprés ce voyage. C’est pourquoy je dis à mon neveu qu’il feroit bien d’aller de la vers les sauvages, à qui il avoit promis de donner advis de l’estat où nous serions, et pour leur aprendre aussi comme quoy nous estions venus about de nos ennemis. Aprés le depart de mon neveu pour ce voyage, il nous arriva la nuict du 22 au 23me Avril un acci-/69/dent au quel nous pensions le moins, car ayant halé dans un petit ruisseau, le plus avant que nous avoins pû dans le bois, et où nous avions eu beaucoup de peine de les faire entrer déchargés, nous les croyions 12 In E.1/1 this passage is marked by interaction between Radisson and the scribe. The manuscript reads: “Amitié pour eux, que jestois allé \venu/ [insertion in Radisson’s hand] ce voyage au despourvéu par ce que je doutes\ois/ [insertion in Radisson’s hand].” The scribe of W does not accept allé \venu/ because it is nearly unreadable, but does accept “doutois.”

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I thanked the wild men for this proof of their good will /67/ towards us by wishing to wage war on our enemies, but at the same time I told them I had no intention of causing them [the English] any harm, and that I was content to render them incapable of causing me any; that if such was the case I would say nothing more to them, since they had promised me they would go away in the spring. But if they returned, I would permit them [the Natives] to destroy them. The wild men complained to me about the English at the Bottom of the Bay, so much that I do not want to record it here, wishing only to speak of what concerns me. But I ought not to suppress the fact that among the reasons they put forward to induce me to agree to their waging war upon the English, they said: “You made us give gifts in order to make your enemies become ours, and ours yours; we do not want to be liars.” That is a sign of the depth of friendship one can attain with these people, once they have promised it. I also replied to them that I loved them like my brothers the French, and that I would treat them better than the English at the Bottom of the Bay, and that if any one of my men were to do them the least wrong, I myself would kill him, adding that I was angry not to be better furnished with mer-/68/chandise so as to give them more marks of my friendship. I had come [on] this voyage without being prepared, because I doubted I would meet them,63 but I promised to come back to them richer and better provided with everything necessary to them and in a condition to help them destroy their enemies. I dismissed them fully satisfied with me, and the English were surprised to see the freedom and familiarity with which I lived among these wild men. That took place at the beginning of April in the year 1683, which was very beautiful. I prepared my nephew to depart with three others to carry meat and brandy to our Frenchmen and to the English at the island fort. The ice was just becoming dangerous and I could see that after this trip, it would no longer be possible to risk crossing it. Thus I told my nephew that he would do well to leave and go to the wild men, whom he had promised to inform about the condition we were in and also how we had succeeded with our enemies. After my nephew’s departure on this journey, an accident happened to us on the night of 22–23 April, /69/ which we were least expecting, because we had hauled our ships up a little stream as far as possible into the wood. We had much difficulty managing it even when they were unloaded. We thought they 63 In E.1/1 f.38r this passage is marked by interaction between Radisson and the scribe. E.1/1 reads (see translation above) “Amitié pour eux, que jestois allé \venu/ [insertion in Radisson’s hand] ce voyage au despourvéu par ce que je doutes\ois/ insertion in Radisson’s hand].”  The scribe of W doesn’t accept allé \venu/ because it is nearly unreadable, but does a­ ccept “doutois.”

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fort en seureté, à labry d’un côteau de dix brassées de hauteur où nos maisons estoient à une égale distance du bord de la riviere. Cependant sur les dix heures de nuict un bruit affreux nous nous reveilla tous, et nôtre sentinelle vint nous advertir que c’estoit un débaclement des glaces, et que l’eau enfloit d’une force extraordinaire. Nous courûmes au bord de l’eau. Nous vîmes ce que la sentinelle nous avoit dit, et en peu de tems des glaces de six a huit pieds d’épaisseur furent portées par les eaux jusques sur nôtre côteau. Mais le pìs fut que les glaces ayans boûché l’entrée de la riviere elles s’arreterent sur les batures et refoulerent avec une rapidité surprenant et entrerent avec tant d’impetuosité dans tous les ruisseaux qui se dégorgeoient dans la riviere qu’il estoit impossible que nos barques pûssent resister. Elles furent aussi brisées en pieces, et il ne resta rien que le fond13 qui estoit enfoncé dans les glaces et dans la vase, et si cela eust continué deux heures davan-/70/tage nous aurions esté obliges de monter sur des arbres pour sauver nos vies. Mais par bonheur le debordement cessa, la riviere s’estant deboûchée par l’escoulement des glaces. Nous aperceûmes trois jours aprés que les eaux furent baissées le desordre où restoient nos barques, et le bonheur que nous avions eu de faire un si grand voyage au travers les glaces sur ces mechants bâtimens, car l’une qui estoit la mienne, estoit toute pourrie, et celle de mon beau-frère point chevillée. Cet accident nous mit dans une grande consternation aprehendans qu’il en feust autant arrivé au navire de la Nouvelle Angleterre, les sauvages nous ayans dit que la riviere estoit plus dangereuse que la nôtre, et qu’ils ne croyoient pas que le vaisseau eust pû se sauver dans l’endroit où il estoit. Mais le sieur Bridgar m’ayant fait ci devant14 recit d’un pareil accident qui estoit arrivé dans la riviere de Kechechewan au fonds de la Baye, et qu’un vaisseau avoit esté sauvé par le soing qu’on avoit pris de faire couper les glaces tout autour, j’avois pris la mesme precaution et donnay ordre qu’on coupast les glaces autour de ce vaisseau, jusques soûs la quille. S’est une obliga/71/tion que j’ay au dit sieur Bridgar de m’avoir donne cet avis, car il sauva le vaisseau. Il fût seulement poussé par l’effort des glaces à la coste ou il demeura eschoüé avec peu de domage. Pendant que les eaux diminuoient nous tins mes conseil entre nous pour resoudre sur quel fonds de nos deux barques nous en pourrions bâtir une, et il fût enfin resolu que ce seroit sur la mienne, a quoy nous travaillâmes jour et nuict sans relâche, destinant cette barque pour le passage des anglois dans le fonds de la Baye ainsi que je l’avois offert au sieur Bridgar. Je descendis deux ou trois 13 E.1/1: “bas” corrected to “fond,” probably in Radisson’s hand. 14 E.1/1: “ci devant” marginal insertion in Radisson’s hand; copied as a marginal insertion by W; another sign W was probably copied from E.1/1.

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would be very safe in the shelter of a hill ten fathoms high, where our houses were the same distance from the river’s edge. Yet at the tenth hour of the night, a frightful noise woke us all up and our watchman came to warn us that the ice was breaking up and the water was welling up with extraordinary power. We ran to the water’s edge and saw what the watchman had told us; in very little time pieces of ice six to eight feet thick were washed up on our hill by the waters. But the worst was that the ice, having blocked the mouth of the river, piled up on the sandbanks and was driven back with surprising speed, pouring into all the brooks with such a torrent overflowing into the river that it was impossible for our ships to weather it. They were immediately broken to pieces and there remained nothing but the hulls64 which were thrust into the ice and mud. If this had continued for two more hours, /70/ we would have been forced to climb the trees to save our lives. But by good fortune, the flood stopped because as the ice broke up the river was unblocked. Three days after the waters abated, we surveyed the damaged condition of our ships and realized our good fortune in making such a long trip through the ice on those wretched vessels, since mine was completely rotten and my brother-­ in-law’s had never been properly put together with pegs.65 This accident dismayed us greatly, for we feared that the same thing had happened to the ship from New England, since the wild men had told us that the river there was more dangerous than ours, and they did not think the vessel could have been saved where she was lying. But because Mr Bridgar had earlier66 told me the story of a similar accident which had happened in the Kechechewan River67 at the Bottom of the Bay where a vessel had been saved by carefully cutting the ice all around it, I had taken the same precaution and given orders to cut the ice away from this vessel, up to the keel. I am obliged /71/ to Mr Bridgar for having given me this advice, because it saved the vessel. She was merely pushed up on the shore by the force of the ice, where she remained beached with little damage. While the water was going down, we took counsel among ourselves to consider which of the hulls from our two ships we could use to build another one, and it was finally decided to use mine. We worked relentlessly on her night and day, intending this ship for the passage of the English to the Bottom of the Bay, as I had proposed to Mr Bridgar. I went down to the river mouth two or three 64 E.1/1, f.39r: “bas” corrected to “fond,” probably in Radisson’s hand. 65 Fr.: chevillée: in English, “trunnelled”; the wooden pegs or tree-nails swell when wet to seal the ship. 66 E.1/1 f.39r: “cy devant” (earlier) marginal insertion in Radisson’s hand; copied as a marginal insertion by W. 67 The Albany River, flowing into James Bay at the south point of Akimiski Island.

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fois à l’emboucheure de la riviere pour voir qu’avoit fait le débordement des eaux et les glaces, et voir si je pourrois passer la pointe pour aller dans l’autre riviere où estoient le sieur Bridgar et le navire Anglois au fort de l’isle car il estoit impossible d’y aller au travers les bois qui estoient tous couverts d’eau. Je risquay à la fin de passe et je doublay heureusement la pointe dans un cannot d’escorce,15 quoy que parmy les glaces, qui nous obligerent en plusieurs endroits de porter nôtre canot par dessus. Estant entre dans la riviere je côtoyay du costé du sud et j’arrivay au fort de /72/ l’isle apres avoir couru bien des dangers. Je trouvay comme je viens de le dire le navire échoué sur la coste en assez mauvais estat, mais facile à remedier, ayant seulement le derriere brisé. Je donnay les ordres pour le faire reparer, et j’encourageay les anglois d’y t­ ravailler. Ce qu’ils firent, et avec plus de courage que les françois. Ayant donné ces ordres je pris le petit bateau du vaisseau pour descendre à l’habitation du sieur Bridgar, et voir en quel estat il estouit. Je trouvay qu’il avoit perdu quatre des ses hommes qui estoient morts de misere, outre deux qui s’estoient empoissonez quelque tems devant, pour avoir beu inconsiderement d’une liqueur, qu’ils avoient prise dans le coffre du chirugien, sans scavoir ce que c’estoit. Un autre des hommes du dit sieur Bridgar avoit eu le bras cassé d’un coup de fusil estant à la chasse. Voyant donc ce desordre je me fis passer en dilligence au costé du sud de la riviere pour aller à nos maisons, d’où je promis au sieur Bridgar que je luy envoyerois son chirugien anglois qui estoit avec nous, de l’eau de vie, du vinaigre et du linge, et des provisions autant que sa necessite où nous estions lors me pourroit permettre. Estant /73/ arrivé à terre je r’envoyay le bateau au fort de l’isle, avec ordre de dire à mes deux hommes que j’y avois laissé de ramener mon canot, et de s’en servir pour aller à la chasse. En revenant je m’en allay par terre avec un des anglois du sieur Bridgar que je menois avec moy afin de luy renvoyer avec le secours de rafraichissemens que je luy avois promis, quoy qu’il ne m’en temoignast guere de reconnoissance, continuant tousjours ses menaces, et se vantant qu’il attendoit des navires qui luy devoient arriver de bonne heure avec lesquels il pretendoit nous prendre tous. Cela ne m’espouvanta pas, et je continuay d’aller tousjours mon chemin, ne voyant plus le sieur Bridgar en estat de me pouvoir nuire. Mais comme il estoit impossible que pendant qu’il seroit sur les lieux, il ne me donnast de l’embarras, je disposay mes afaires pour pouvoir partir avec ce que nous avoins de pelleterie et renvoyer le sieur Bridgar aprés avoir asseuré nôtre traite.

15 BL Add. 11626 adds “though the ice was thirty feet thick.” Not in E.1/1 or W, but either in the source the BL translator was following or verbally transmitted.

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times to see what the overflow of water and ice had done and whether I could get around the point to enter the other river where Mr Bridgar and the English ship were at the island fort, because it was impossible to get there through the woods, which were completely covered in water. I finally risked the passage and happily passed beyond the point in a bark canoe, although we were forced to carry our canoe over the ice floes in many places.68 After entering the river I coasted along the south shore and arrived at the island fort, /72/ having run many risks. As I just said, I found the ship beached on the shore in rather poor condition, but it was easily remedied because she was only broken at the stern. I gave orders for her to be repaired and encouraged the English to work on her, which they did, and with more enthusiasm than the French. After giving these orders I took the ship’s boat to go down to Mr Bridgar’s house and see what state it was in. I discovered that he had lost four of his men who had died of hunger, besides two who had been poisoned some time before by having thoughtlessly drunk some liquor that they had taken from the ­surgeon’s chest without knowing what it was. The arm of another of the said Mr Bridgar’s men had been broken by a musket shot while hunting. Seeing this confusion, I promptly went across to the south shore of the river to our houses, from which I promised Mr Bridgar that I would send him his English surgeon,69 who was with us, along with some brandy, vinegar, cloth and as many provisions as the necessity we were in at that time would permit me to send. /73/ Arriving on land, I sent the boat back to the island fort with an order to tell my two men, whom I had left there, to bring back my canoe and use it to go hunting. Coming home, I went overland with one of Mr Bridgar’s Englishmen whom I was taking with me so as to send him back with the supply of fresh meat I had promised. But he was barely grateful to me for it, keeping up his threats and boasting that he was awaiting some ships which were supposed to arrive early for him, with which he claimed he would capture us all. That did not frighten me and I continued to keep to my plan, no longer regarding Mr Bridgar as capable of doing me any harm. But as it was impossible for him not to get in my way while he was around the place, I arranged my affairs so I could depart with the furs we possessed, and to send Mr Bridgar back after having secured our trade.

68 The journey around Marsh Point was extremely risky, and Radisson seems to have made it a number of times that spring. 69 John Calvert. He was among those whose later depositions gave a very harsh account of Radisson’s actions; see 1: 83.

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Je fis plusiers voyages au fort de l’isle pour faire reparer le vaisseau, et j’allay aussi diverses fois à l’habitation du sieur Bridgar, pour luy faire porter des ­rafraichissemens et l’assister de tout de qui estoit en /74/ mon pouvoir tant que luy que les gens. Ils peuvent en rendre temoignage et que sans moy ils auroient fort mal passé leur tems. Je courus plusieurs fois risque de perir en faisant ces voyages, car il y avoit tousjours des glaces, et le passage à l’emboucheure de la riviere ou nous estions pour doubler la point et entrer dans celle où estoient le sieur Bridgar, et le navire de la Nouvelle Angleterre, est tousjours tres dangereux. Je n’estendray point icy ma relation sur le recit des dangers ausquels je m’exposay, ni de toutes les fatigues que j’eus dans ces allées et venües pour nous preparer à partir quand la mer seroit ouverte. Mais je ne dois pas oublier qu’entre les honnétez que j’avois faites au dit sieur Bridgar, je luy avois donné de quoy faire radouber sa chaloup qui estoit toute en desordre, des cordages, et tout ce qui estoit necessaire pour qu’il s’en pust servir. Mais il en abusa, car contre la parole qu’il m’avoit donnée de n’aller point au fort de l’isle il entreprit d’y aller, dans sa chaloupe avec son monde. Et estant approché du fort à la portée du fusil soûs pretexte de demander de la poudre, le commandant ne voulant pas permettre qu’il approchast /75/ plus prés et l’obligea de moûlier au large. Il envoya son bâteau pour chercher le sieur Bridgar qui entra seul dans le fort quelque instance qu’il eust faite qu’un de ses gens l’y accompagnât. On fit dire aux autres qu’ils allassent du costé du nord de la riviere à terre, et de s’y cabanner, et on leur envoya des vivres. Le sieur Bridgar ayant passé la nuict dans le fort se retira le lendemain. J’avois veu le jour precedent la chaloupe allant à plaines voiles vers le fort où j’allois aussi moy mésmes par terre, avec un anglois, en qui je me confiois fort, n’ayant16 aucun autre de mes gens. J’eus du soupçon que le sieur Bridgar ne voulust entreprendre quelque coup de surprise, mais je m’assurois sur le bon ordre que j’avois mis pour la prevenir. Cependant j’apprehandois fort que mon soupçon ne fust veritable. Quand je fus arrivé prés du fort en voyant venir à moy le bâteau pour me prendre sans que le commandant m’eust fait les signaux, dont nous estions convenus, cela m’embarrassa extremement, et je me mis en estat d’un homme qui estoit effectivement dans la défiance. Un de nos françois qui conduisoit le bateau où il y avoit quatre an-/76/glois s’en aperceut et il me rassura en me criant que tout alloit bien, et me faisant le signal. Je le blâmay fort, et le commandent de m’avoir ainsi mis en peine pour avoir manqué à faire les signaux. J’appris en arrivant au fort que le sieur Bridgar y estoit allé, et ce que je viens de dire de la maniere dont il fut receu. On me dit encore, qu’il s’estoit entretenu en secret avec le charpentier du navire de la Nouvelle Angleterre 16 E.1/1: “j’aves beaucoup de confiance, n’ayant.”

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I made many trips to the island fort to have the vessel repaired, and I also went at various times to the house of Mr Bridgar to bring him fresh meat and to assist him with everything in /74/ my power, as much for his benefit as for the men. They may testify to it, and that without me they would have passed an uncomfortable time. Many times I risked death in making these voyages, because there was still ice, and the passage to the river mouth where we went to go around the point and enter the river where Mr Bridgar and the New England ship were was still very dangerous. I will not prolong my relation here to give an account of the dangers to which I exposed myself, nor all the exhausting trials that I endured during these comings and goings in order to prepare for departure when the sea would open up. But I ought not to forget that among the civilities I had paid Mr Bridgar, I had given him material with which to refit his shallop, which was in complete disarray, including ropes and all that was necessary for him to make use of her. But he abused my aid because breaking the word that he had given me not to go to the island fort, he undertook to go there in his shallop with his people. When he approached the fort within range of musket-fire on the pretext of asking for powder, the commander, who did not want to allow him to come /75/ any nearer, forced him to anchor in the open sea. He sent his boat to seek Mr Bridgar, who entered the fort alone even though he had insisted on one of his men accompanying him. The others were informed that they might go by land to the north shore of the river and there set up camp, and they were sent some provisions. Mr Bridgar, having spent the night in the fort, withdrew the next day. The previous day, I had seen the shallop, fully rigged, sailing towards the fort, to which I myself was also going by land with an Englishman whom I trusted a great deal, without any of my other men with me. I suspected that Mr Bridgar might undertake some kind of surprise attack, but I was confident of the good arrangements I had put in place to pre-empt it. Meanwhile however, I greatly feared that my suspicions were true. When I arrived near the fort I saw the [ship’s] boat coming to pick me up, but the commander had not made any of the signals we had agreed upon. It threw me into great confusion and I became very suspicious. One of our Frenchmen who was sailing the boat, in which there were four English-/76/men, noticed it and reassured me by shouting that everything was fine, and gave me the signal. I rebuked him and the commander vehemently for having caused me such worry by failing to make the signals. On my arrival at the fort I learned that Mr Bridgar had been there, as well as what I have just related about the manner in which he was received. Furthermore they told me that he had talked with the carpenter in secret, the one from the

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que j’avois engagé auparavant de bonne amitié de prendre party avec luy et de le servir, que cet entretien avoit obligé le gouverneur d’observer de prés le dit sieur Bridgar, et de se tenir sur les gardes, l’escossois luy ayant dit, d’ailleurs qu’il n’estoit pas allé la à bonne intention, de sorte que le commandant du fort le renvoya le matin, apres luy avoir fait donner des poids du lard et de la poudre. Je donnay mes ordres au fort et j’en partis pour aller trouver le sieur Bridgar. Estant arrivé chez luy, je luy fis reproche de ce qu’il m’avoit manqué à ce qu’il m’avoit promis, et je luy declaray qu’il n’y auroit plus de cartier s’il y retournoit davantage et que cependant il fist son compte /77/ qu’il partiroit pour s’en aller dans le fonds de la baye, aussitost que les glaces le pourroient permettre dans la barque qui nous restoit, en estant ainsi convenu avec nos françois, ­l’asseurant qu’il auroit de moy tout ce qui luy seroit necessaire pour ce voyage. Il parût consterné du compliment que je luy fis, et il me repondit en propres termes qu’il n’y avoit qu’une de ces trois choses qui pust l’obliger à abandonner la place, l’ordre de ses maistres, la force, ou la faim. Il me pria ensuitte que si le capitaine des sauvages de la riviere de Neusaverne venoit, il le pust voir par mon moyen, ce qu je luy promis. Aprés avoir ainsi disposé le sieur Bridgar à se preparer au depart, je continuay de l’assister, et ses gens de tout ce que je pouvois pour leur subsistance à travailler pour nous mettre en estat de partir. Je laissay le sieur Bridgar à sa maison, et je m’en allay aux nôtres où aprés avoir conferé avec mon beau-frère, nous resolûmes ensemble qu’il faloit brûler le fort de l’isle, et nous asseurer du dit sieur Bridgar pour retirer nos gens aupres de nous et nous decharger de la garde de ce fort /78/ et de l’embarras d’estre tousjours a prendre des precautions pour nous garentir des surprises du costé du sieur Bridgar. Les gens de nos deux équipages firent en ce tems la une cabale entr’eux pour s’oposer au dessein que nous avions de donner ma barque aux anglois pour leur passage. Il falut ceder d’abord par politique, sçachant bien qu’avec le tems nous viendrions à bout des mutins. C’estoit le maître de ma barque qui avoit susoité la mutinerie. La principalle raison qui m’obligea de faire semblant de ceder fût que je ne voulois pas que nos divisions vinssent à la connoissance des anglois, qui auroient pû s’en prevaloir. Nous en avions quatre parmy nous ausquels j’avois donné liberté sur leur parolle. Mais pour nous asseurer de ceux de la Nouvelle Angleterre, nous avions fait bâtir une loge dans une isle vis à vis nôtre maison, ou ils estoient separez de nous. Nous les envoyions viziter de tems en

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New England ship whom I had previously engaged, out of friendship, to join his party and work for him. They said this discussion had obliged the governor70 to observe the said Mr Bridgar closely, and to hold himself on guard, the Scotsman having told him moreover that he [Bridgar] had not gone there with good intentions, so much so that the commander of the fort had sent him back in the morning, after having given him some measures of lard and powder. I gave my orders at the fort and left to look for Mr Bridgar. When I arrived at his place I reproached him for having omitted to do what he had promised me, and declared there would no longer be any quarter for him if he returned there again. Nevertheless, he should take the opportunity to /77/ depart for the Bottom of the Bay as soon as the ice permitted it in the barque that remained to us, it being thus agreed upon with our Frenchmen, and I assured him I would give him everything necessary for this voyage. He appeared stunned by this courtesy and answered me in so many words that only one of three things could force him to abandon the place: an order from his masters, force, or famine. Then he entreated me that, if the captain of the wild men of the New Severn River71 arrived I would arrange for him to see him, which I promised. Having thus persuaded Mr Bridgar to prepare for departure, I continued to help him and his men with their subsistence in every way I could, as we prepared ourselves to leave. I left Mr Bridgar in his house and went away to ours where, having consulted with my brother-in-law, we decided together that we had to burn down the island fort and secure Mr Bridgar, in order to withdraw our men to our side of the river and free ourselves from the need to guard the fort /78/ and the burden of always having to take precautions to ward off surprises from Mr Bridgar’s side. Meanwhile, the men of our two crews plotted among themselves to oppose our plan to give my barque to the Englishmen for their passage. We had to yield at first for tactical reasons, knowing well that with time we would overcome the insubordinate ones. It was the master of my barque who had excited the mutiny. The main reason I was obliged to appear to yield was that I did not want our divisions to be known to the English, who could have taken advantage of them. Four of them were among us, to whom I had granted their freedom upon their word. But to make ourselves secure against the men from New England, we had a lodge built on an island opposite our house, where they were separated from us. We sent from time to time to 70 The sense indicates Radisson means Bridgar in his role as commander of the fort; E.1/1 also reads gouverneur. 71 That is, the Severn River, which enters Hudson Bay about 400 kilometres south of Port Nelson. The Native people concerned were the Washeo Sepee (Severn River) band of the Lowland (Muskego) Cree (Scott Stephen, personal communication, 6 January 2011).

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tems, pour observer ce qu’ils faisoient. Nous leur avions laissé un fusil pour le divertir, mais un jour ayant voulu se mettre en estat de faire insulte à mon ­neveu on leur osta leur dit fusil. Estant allé en suitte au fort de l’isle j’envoyay un /79/ bateau au sieur Bridgar, luy mandant que le capitaine sauvage qu’il m’avoit prié de luy faire voir estoit arrivé, et qu’il pouvoit venir avec un de ses hommes. Ce qu’il fit. Et sitost qu’il fut arrivé je luy fis entendre que pour assurer nôtre traite j’estois obligé de m’asseurer de luy, que je le mettrois entre les mains de mon neuveu, au quel j’avois commandé d’avoir grand soing de luy, et de luy faire toutes sortes de civilitez, luy donnant advis qu’aprés que j’aurois fait embarquer dans le vaisseau tout ce qui estoit dans le fort je descendrois pour le faire brûler. Je luy dis qu’il poûvoit envoyer avec moy son homme en sa maison porter les ordres qu’il luy plairoit, et je m’y en allay le jour mesme. Je declaray aux gens du sieur Bridgar que ne pouvant plus les assister si non de poudre, et estant sur le point de partir pour m’en retourner en Canada, il falloit que ceux qui voudroient demeurer se declarassent, offrant le passage à ceux qui voudroient l’accepter. Je leur demanday leurs noms qu’ils me donnerent tous à la reserve de deux. Je leur recommanday d’avoir soing de tout ce qui estoit dans la maison, et j’y laissay un françois pour y avoir l’oeil et aller à la chasse, les gens du sieur Bridgar n’y estans pas exercés. /80/ Aprés ces ordres donnez je partis de la maison du dit sieur Bridgar et me fis passer du costé du sud ou je trouvay deux de nos francois qui estoient à la chasse. Je les renvoyay avec le gibier qu’ils avoient au fort de l’isle ou ils estoient necessaires pour aider aux autres à faire descendre le navire et venir mouiller vis à vis de la maison du sieur Bridgar pour y faire embarquer ses effects, ce qui fut executé. Je vins a l’autre riviere par terre, et je trouvay à l’emboucheure des sauvages qui m’y attendoient avec impatience afin de regler comme nous ferions ensemble notre traite. Ils avoient vouleu obliger mon beau-frère de leur traiter les marchandises sur le mesme pied que faisoient les anglois au fonds de la baye, et ils esperoient mesmes plus de faveur de moy, mais c’eust esté le moyen de ruïner nôtre traite. C’est pourquoy je me resolus de tenir ferme en cette occasion, par ce que ce que nous resoudrions lors avec les sauvages pour nôtre commerce devoit estre une regle pour l’advenir. Les sauvages s’estans donc assemblez si tost apres mon arrivée, et ayans ­estalé en ma presence leurs presens de queües de castors, de langues, caribou boucanees de vessies, de graisses d’ours, d’orignaux et cerfs, un /81/ des sauvages prit la parole et s’addressant à mon beau-frère et à moy, nous parla ainsi:

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visit them, in order to observe what they were doing. We had left them a musket to amuse themselves, but one day when they sought to injure my nephew, we took the musket from them. Next I went to the island fort, and sent a /79/ boat to Mr Bridgar, telling him that the captain of the wild men had arrived whom he had entreated me to let him see, and that he could come with one of his men, which he did. As soon as he arrived, I explained to him that in order to ensure our trade, I was forced to secure him, and that I would put him into the hands of my nephew, to whom I had given the command to take great care of him and to treat him with every courtesy. I told him that after I had everything in the fort loaded onto the vessel, I would go down there to burn it to the ground.72 I said he could send his man with me to his house bearing whatever orders he pleased, and that I was going down that very day. I told Mr Bridgar’s men that since I was no longer able to help them except with powder, and being [myself] about to depart for Canada, those who wished to remain must declare themselves, and I offered passage for those who wished to accept it. I asked them their names, which all gave me with the exception of two. I ordered that they take care of everything that was in the house, and I left a Frenchman there to watch over it and to go hunting, Mr Bridgar’s men not being practised at it. /80/ After giving these orders, I left Mr Bridgar’s house and went over to the south shore, where I found two of our Frenchmen who were hunting. I sent them back to the island fort with their game, where they were needed to help the others bring down the ship and anchor opposite Mr Bridgar’s house, in order to have his effects loaded, which was done. I went by land to the other river, and found some wild men at the mouth who were waiting impatiently for me there to organize the way we would conduct our trade together. They had wanted to force my brother-in-law to trade the merchandise with them on the same footing as the English at the Bottom of the Bay, and they hoped for even more favour from me, but that would have been the way to ruin our trade. Thus I determined to stand firm on that occasion, because whatever we decided upon then for our trade with the wild men had to be a rule for the future.73 So as soon as the wild men had gathered together after my arrival, and spread out before me their gifts of beaver tails, tongues, cured caribou bladder, and bear, moose, and deer fat, one /81/ of the wild men began to speak, and addressing himself to my brother-in-law and me, he spoke to us in this way: 72 The burning of Bridgar’s fort was a sore subject with the English, who continued to make an issue of it in seeking reparations even after Radisson returned to HBC service. 73 For Radisson’s reasons for standing firm about the standard of trade, see 87 and n.80.

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« hommes qui pretendez nous donner la vie nous voulez vous faire mourir, vous sçavez ce que vaut le castor, et les peines que nous avons à le prendre. Vous vous dites nos freres, et vous ne voulez pas nous donner ce que ceux qui ne le sont pas nous donnent. Acceptez nos presens ou nous ne viendrons plus vous rendre visite, et nous ïrons vers les autres. » Je demeuray quelque tems sans rien dire au compliment de ce sauvage ce qui obligea un des siens de me presser de repondre. Et comme c’estoit un coup de partie pour nous, et qu’il falloit temoigner de la fermeté, je dis au sauvage qui me pressoit de parler, à qui veus tu, que je reponde? J’ay oüi un chein aboyer. Quand un homme parlera, il verra que je me sçay defendre, que nous aïmons nos freres et que nous meritons d’estre aimez, éstans veneus icy pour vous sauver la vie. Disant cela je me levay tirant mon poignard. Je pris par les cheveux le chef de les sauvages, qui m’avoit adopté pour son fils, et je luy demanday, qui es tû? Il me repondit ton pere, et bien luy dis je, si tu es mon pere, si tu m’aimes, et si tu es le chef parle pour moy. Tu es le maistre de mes marchandises. Ce chien qui vient de parler, que vient il faire icy? qu’il s’en aille vers les fre-/82/res, les anglois au fonds de la baye. Mais je me trompe, il n’a pas loing à aller pouvant les voir dans l’isle, voulant luy faire entendre que je m’estois rendu le maistre des anglois. Je sçay dis je en continuant de parler a mon pere sauvage ce que c’est que des bois d’abandonner sa femme de courir risque de mourir de faim, ou d’estre tué par ses ennemis. Vous evitez tous ces malheurs en venant vers nous, ainsi je vois bien qu’il vous est plus advantageux de traiter avec nous qu’avec les autres. Mais je veux pourtant prendre pitié de ce malheureux, et qu’il vive encores, quoy qu’il veuille aller vers nos ennemis. Je me fis aporter une lame d’epée, et je dis en la presentant à l’harangueur « tiens va t’en ver tes freres les anglois. Dis leur mon nom, et que je veux les aller prendre. » Il falloit que je parlasse ainsi, dans cette rencontre, ou nôtre traite estoit perdue, car quand on a une fois cedé aux sauvages jamais ils ne reviennent. Ayant dit tout ce que je voulois dire au sauvage je voulus me retirer avec mon beau-frère, mais nous fumes arretez tous deux par le chef qui nous encouragea, en nous disant que nous estions des hommes, que ne contraignons personne, que chacun avoit /83/ sa liberté, et que luy et sa nation voulloient demeurer unis avec nous, qu’il vouloit aller inviter les nations à nous venir voir, comme il, l’avoit desja fait par les presens que nous luy avions envoyez, nous priant

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“You men who claim to give us life, do you wish to cause our death? You know what the beaver is worth and the trouble we take to catch it. You call yourselves our brothers but you do not want to give us what those who are not our brothers offer us. Accept our gifts or we will no longer come to visit you, and we will go to the others.” For some time I did not respond to the courtesies of this wild man, which obliged one of his men to urge me to answer. As they were challenging us, and since it was necessary to show evidence of firmness, I said to the wild man who urged me to speak: “To whom do you wish me to respond? I heard a dog bark. When a man speaks, he will see that I know how to defend myself, that we love our brothers and that we deserve to be loved, having come here to save your lives.” Saying that I rose and drew my dagger. I took the chief of the wild men by the hair, who had adopted me as his son, and I asked him, “Who are you?” He answered, “Your father.” “Well good,” I said to him, “If you are my father, if you love me and if you are the chief, speak for me. You are the owner of my merchandise. This dog who has just spoken, what has he come here to do? Let him go away to his bro-/82/thers, the English, at the Bottom of the Bay. But I am mistaken. He does not have far to go, since he can see them on the island.” I wanted him to understand that I had made myself master of the English. “I know,” I said, continuing to speak to my wild father, “what the woods are, what it is to abandon one’s wife, to run the risk of dying of hunger, or to be killed by one’s enemies. You avoid all those misfortunes by coming to us, so I see clearly that it is more advantageous for you to trade with us than with the others. Nevertheless, I want to take pity upon this wretch so that he may yet live, even if he wishes to go to our enemies.” I had a sword blade brought to me, and said while presenting it to the speaker: “Take this. Go to your brothers, the English. Tell them my name and tell them that I intend to go and capture them.” It was necessary for me to speak like that in this encounter or our trade would be lost, because once one has yielded to the wild men, they will never come back. Having said everything that I wanted to say to the wild man, I sought to withdraw with my brother-in-law, but we were both stopped by the chief74 who encouraged us, telling us that we were men, that we did not coerce anyone, that each man had /83/ his freedom, and that he and his nation wanted to remain allied to us. He said that he wanted to invite the nations to come to see us just as he had already done, employing the gifts that we had sent to him, and he 74 Lytwyn (Muskekowuck Athinuwick, 128) believes this was Barbue, the “Bearded Chief,” who was related to Radisson’s adopted father, the chief of the Hayes River band (see below).

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d’accepter les siens, et de traiter à nôtre fantaizie. Sur cela le sauvage harangueur à qui je venois de donner l’epée, et qui estoit indigné dit qu’il tueroit les assenipoits s’ils descendoient vers nous, et moy luy repondis j’iray dans son païs manger de la sagamitée dans le test de la teste de ta grand mere. C’est une grande menace entre les sauvages, et la plus choquante qu’on leur puisse faire. A mesme tems je fis enlever les presens et je distribuay, trois brasses de tabac noir au sauvages qui vouloient estre de nos amis, disant par mespris à celuy qui nous estoit opposé, qu’il allast fumer au païs des loups serviers, du tabac de femme. J’invitay les autres au festin, aprés lequel les sauvages traiterent avec nous leurs castors, et nous les renvoyâmes tous fort contents de nous. Ayant fait mes affaires avec les sauvages je m’embarquay sans perdre de tems pour m’en retourner. Je trouvay le navire de la Nouvelle Angleterre mouillé vis à vis de la maison du sieur Bridgar comme j’en a-/84/vois donné l’ordre. J’allay ensuitte dans la maison ou je fis faire inventaire de tout ce qui s’y trouva. Je montay apres cela au fort de l’isle où j’avois mande à mon neveu de faire mettre le feu. Je l’y trouvay avec le sieur Bridgar qui avoit vouleu mettre luy mesme le premier le feu à ce fort, dont je feus bien aise. N’ayant plus rien à faire la, je descendis vers le navire où je trouvay qu’on avoit tout embarqué. J’avois donné ordre à mon neveu, en partant qu’il amenast le lendemain le sieur Bridgar à nos maisons, ou estant arrivé mon beau-frère qui ne le connoissoit pas si particullierement que moy le fit mettre avec le capitaine de la Nouvelle Angleterre et ses gens sur l’isle, dont le sieur Bridgar se plaignit a moy le lendemain, me priant de l’en retirer, en me disant qu’il ne pouvoit voir ces gens la de bon œil. Je luy promis, et je le fis en peu de jours aprés le ramenant avec ses gens qu’il trouva en fort bon estat dans le poste où je les avois mis à une pointe au nord de nôtre riviere. Et comme je n’avois pû encores vaincre l’opignátrete de nos gens sur le sujet de la barque, qu’ils ne vouloient pas consentir que je donnasse aux anglois, le sieur Bridgar me proposa qu’il auroit dessein de faire un pont /85/ sur la chaloupe, si je voulois l’assister de tout ce qui luy seroit necessaire pour cela, me disant que sa chaloupe estant bien raccomodée et pontée il risqueroit volontiers de s’y embarquer pour s’en aller au fonds de la baye plustost que d’accepter le passage pour France sur l’un de nos batîmens. Je luy promis ce qu’il me

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entreated us to accept his and to trade as we desired. Thereupon, the wild man who had harangued us, to whom I had just given the sword, and who was indignant, said that he would kill the Assenipoits if they came down towards us.75 I answered him that I would go into his land “to eat sagamite from the head of the head of your grandmother.”76 That was a great threat among the wild men, the most shocking that could be made to them. At the same time, I had the gifts taken up, and distributed three measures of black tobacco to the wild men who sought to be our friends, saying scornfully to the one who had opposed us that he was going to smoke women’s tobacco in the land of the profiteers.77 I invited the others to the feast, after which the wild men traded their beavers with us, and we sent them all away very content with us. Having done my business with the wild men, I embarked for the return ­without losing any time. I found the New England ship anchored opposite Mr Bridgar’s house, as I had /84/ordered. Next I went into the house, where I had an inventory drawn up of all that was found there. Afterwards, I went up to the island fort, which I had commanded my nephew to set on fire. I discovered him there with Mr Bridgar, who had himself wanted to be the first to set the fort burning, which pleased me very well. Having nothing more to do there, I descended to the ship, where I found that they had got everything on board. In setting off, I had ordered my nephew to bring Mr Bridgar to our houses the following day. As soon as he arrived, my brother-in-law, who did not know him as intimately as I did, had him placed on the island with the captain from New England and his men, about which Mr Bridgar complained to me the next day, begging me to get him away from there and saying that he had no good opinion of them. I promised him I would, and a few days later I brought him back to his men, whom he found to be in very good condition at the post where I had placed them upon a point to the north of our river. And since I had still not been able to overcome the obstinacy of our men on the subject of the barque, which they did not want me to give to the English, Mr Bridgar proposed a plan to lay a deck /85/ on the shallop, if I would help him with whatever he needed to do so, telling me that if his shallop was nicely repaired and the decks well laid, he would gladly risk embarking upon her to go to the Bottom of the Bay, rather than accepting passage to France on one of 75 Not the “Assinipoet” (Assiniboine) of the interior later contacted by Henry Kelsey but the Athapaskan-speaking Chipewyan north of the Seal River (north of Churchill), who had hostile relations with the Cree, whom they called zená, enemy (Smith, “Chipewyan,” HNAI 6: 2712). 76 See Voyage IV (1:257) where the same kind of repetition is used simply as an intensifier. 77 Profiteers: that is, the English.

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demanda la dessus, et demeuray avec luy en attendant que le navire que je ­faisois advancer fust arrivé. Quand il fut venu j’aperceus de la fumée à l’autre bord. Je me fis passer, et je trouvay que c’estoit mon pere le sauvage. Je luy temoignay ma joye de le voir, et l’invitay d’aller à bord, luy disant qu’y allant de ma part, il seroit bien receu par mon neveu, tellement qu’on tireroit un coup de canon à son arrivée, qu’on luy donneroit à manger, et qu’on luy feroit present de biscuits, et de deux brasses de tabac. Il me dit que je n’avois point d’esprit de croire que nos gens fissent tout cela sans l’entendre. J’escrivis avec du charbon, sur un morceau d’escorse qu’il porta à bord, et ayant veu qu’on avoit executé ponctuellement tout ce qu je luy avois dit, il en fut fort surpris, et dit que nous estions des diables. Ils appellent ainsi tous ceux qui font quelque chose qui les surprend. Je retournay /86/ a nos maisons, n’ayant plus rien a faire avec le sieur Bridgar. J’avois fait presentir le capitaine du navire qui estoit sur l’isle vis à vis de nous pour sçavoir de luy si, estant anglois, il voudroit me donner un escrit de sa main par lequel il consentiroit que je mise le sieur Bridgar en possession de son navire ou s’il aimeroit mieux que je le menasse à Quebek. Mais luy et ses gens me prierent avec des grandes instances de ne point les livrer au sieur Bridgar, esperans qu’ils auroient meilleure composition des françois que des anglois. J’advertis mon beau-frère de sa resolution, et comme quoy il vouloit s’abandonner entierement à nôtre volonté. Pendant que nous estions le plus occupés à mettre ordre à nôtre depart, je me trouvay obligé de travailler à l’accomodement d’une grande querelle entre la ­famille17 de mon pere adoptif et celle d’une autre nation. J’en eus d’abord connoissance par une jeune enfant fils de mon pere sauvage lequel jouant avec ses camarades qui s’aigrirent contre luy, un d’eux luy dit qu’il seroit tué avec toute sa famille pour vanger la mort de celuy que son pere avoit tué de la marthe, car les familles des sauvages sont distinguées par des noms d’a-/87/­ nimaux. Et comme la mort épouvante fort ces peuples cet enfant vint chez moy fondant en larmes et me dit aprés beaucoup de peine que je pris à le faire parler, la menace que son camarade luy avoit faite. Je craignis d’abord qu’il n’y eust quelque autre chose, et que les sauvages ne fussent venus aux mains entre’eux. Voulant donc m’interesser pour entretenir la paix parmy eux, j’envoyay promptement cherche le chef des sauvages mon pere adoptif. Estant venu à mon ordre, je luy dis le sujet de mon inquietude et ce que m’avoit dit son enfant. Je n’eus pas plus tost achevé de luy parler que s’apuyant contre un potteau, et mettant les mains sur son visage, il se mit à pleurer plus que son fils n’avoit. Et l’ayant interrogé, aprés qu’il eût un peu essuye ses larmes, il me dit qu’un sauvage 17 E.1/1: “querelle contre la famille.”

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our ships. I promised him what he asked of me, and remained with him while we waited for the ship to arrive that I had arranged for. When she arrived I noticed some smoke on the other shore. I went across and found that it was my father, the wild man. I expressed my joy at seeing him and invited him to come on board, telling him that when he goes to my place on my behalf, he will be so well received by my nephew that they will shoot off a cannon upon his arrival, offer him something to eat and make him a gift of biscuits and two fathoms of tobacco. He told me that I ought not to think our men would do all that without hearing [an order]. I wrote with some charcoal on a piece of bark that he carried on board. When he saw that they had executed everything that I had told him in a timely fashion, he was very surprised at it, and said that we were devils. That is what they call all those who do something that surprises them. I returned /86/ to our houses, having nothing left to do with respect to Mr Bridgar. I had tried to sound out in advance the captain of the ship, who was on the island opposite us, to learn from him if, being English, he could give me something written in his hand showing he agreed to my placing Mr Bridgar in possession of his ship, or whether he would prefer me to take him to Quebec. But he and his men begged me insistently not to surrender them to Mr Bridgar, hoping that they would have better terms with the French than with the English. I told my brother-in-law of his decision, and that the captain desired to submit entirely to our wishes. While we were so busy in preparing for our departure, I found myself obliged to mediate the reconciliation of a great quarrel between my adoptive father’s family and one from another nation. I was made aware of it by a young child, the son of my father among the wild men, who was playing with his comrades when they turned against him. One of them told him that he would be killed with his whole family in order to avenge the death of the man of the Marten [clan] whom his father had killed. The wild men’s families are distinguished by animal /87/ names. And as death frightens these people greatly, this child came to my home weeping bitterly, and after I made great efforts to get him to speak, told me about the threat that his comrade had made to him. At first I feared that there was something else and that the wild men had come to blows among themselves. Wanting to keep the peace among them, I promptly sent for the chief of the wild men, my adoptive father. When he came at my command I told him the cause of my concern and what his child had said to me. I had hardly finished speaking to him when, leaning against a pole and putting his hands over his face, he began to weep more than his son had. After I questioned him and he had wiped away his tears a little, he told me that because a wild man of

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d’un’autre famille, ayant voulu luy enlever sa femme qu’il aimoit fort, il l’avoit tué, et que les nations qui vouloient prendre la vengeance de la mort de ce sauvage l’ayans poursuivy, il avoit abandonné, et s’en estoit fuï, et que c’estoit ce qui l’avoit fait trouver a ma rencontre l’autonne precedante, qu’il aprehendoit tousjours le ressentiment de les ennemis, et qu’ils ne vinissent le tuer. Je luy dis qu’il n’avoit rien à craindre, les françois estans ses peres et moy son fils, que nô-/88/tre Roy, qui m’avoit envoyé la, le couvroit de sa main voulant qu’ils vécussent tous en paix, que j’estois la pour l’establir, que je voulois le faire ou mourir, que j’apellerois toutes les nations pour me faire connoître, et qu’il verroit mon coeur. Aprés luy avoir dit cela je fis tirer de nôtre magasin un fusil, deux grandes chaudieres, trois just au corps, quatres lames d’èpées, quatre tranches, six gratoirs, six douzaines de couteaux, dix haches, dix brasses de tabac, deux couvertes pour femme, trois bonnests, de la poudre, et du plomb, et je dis au sauvage mon pere adoptif en presence de ses alliez qui estoient ­venus, voicy qui fermera la playe et essuyera les pleurs, et qui fera vivre les hommes. Je veux que mes freres l’entr’aiment, que deux hommes d’entre vous s’embarquerent incessamment pour inviter la famille des marthes au festin d’union, et luy faire accepter mes presens. Si elle les refuse, et qu’elle veuille du sang, il est raisonnable que je donne ma vie pour mon pere, que j’aime comme tous les autres sauvages nos allies, plus que moy mesme, qu’ainsi j’estois pret d’exposer ma teste à recevoir le coup en cas que mes presens ne pussent satisfai-/89/re, mais que j’incitterous tous ses françois mes freres à aporter des fusils pour m’aider à faire la guerre à cette famille. Les sauvages partirent pour aller vers la famille ennemie de mon pere adoptif leur faire la proposition d’accepter les presens, et les inviter de ma part au festin d’union. Je restay si peu de tems dans le païs apres cela, que je ne peus achever de terminer cette afaire. Je diray en son lieu ce que j’en ay apris à mon dernier voyage [m’en estant enquis].18 Ce diferant estant comme terminé, on m’advertit que le sieur Bridgar contre la parolle qu’il m’avoit donnée qu’il n’apeller point les sauvages n’avoit pas laissé d’en apeller quelques uns qui estoient passés auprés de luy ausquels il avoit tâché de faire entendre que nous estions des meschans, leur disant qu’il nous viendroit tuer, qu’il traiteroit avec eux bien plus advantageusement que nous, et qu’il leur donneroit six haches pour castor, et un fusil pour cinq. J’en

18 W: copied and then struck out; not struck out in E.1/1; translated in BL Add. 11626.

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another family had wanted to carry off his wife, whom he loved greatly, he had killed him; and that because the nations who sought vengeance for the death of this wild man had pursued him, he had given up and fled. That was what had caused him to stumble upon me the preceding autumn. He always dreaded the resentment of his enemies and was sure they would come to kill him. I told him that he had nothing to fear, since the French were his fathers and I was his son; that our /88/ king, who had sent me there, was covering him with his hand78 while wishing them all to live in peace; that I was there to establish it [and] that I wished to make peace or die; that I would call all the nations to make myself known; and that he would see my good intentions. Having told him that, I brought out of our storehouse: a musket, two large cauldrons, three jackets, four sword blades, four small knives, six scrapers, six dozen knives, ten axes, ten fathoms of tobacco, two blankets for women, three caps, [and] some gunpowder and shot. And I said to the wild man, my adoptive father, in the presence of his allies, who had arrived: “Behold the one who will close up the wound and wipe away the tears, and who will make men live. I want my brothers to love each other; I want two of you to embark without delay to invite the family of the Martens to the feast of union and induce them to accept my gifts. If the family refuses and wishes blood, it is reasonable for me to give my life for my father whom I love like all the other wild men, our allies, more than myself.” I said that I was ready as well to risk my head to receive the blow in case my gifts were not satisfac-/89/tory, but that I would incite all these Frenchmen, my brothers, to carry muskets to help me wage war upon this family. The wild men left to go to the family who were enemies of my adoptive father, to offer them the gifts and invite them on my behalf to the feast of union. I had so little time left in the country that I could not bring this affair to a conclusion. I will relate in its proper place what I learned about what happened [when I returned] on my last voyage [when I enquired about it].79 This altercation brought to an end, as it were, I was advised that Mr Bridgar, contrary to the word he gave promising me not to summon the wild men, had not failed to attract a few who were passing nearby and whom he had attempted to convince that we were wicked. He told them he would come to kill us, that he would trade much more profitably with them than we did, and that he would give them six axes for each beaver, and one musket for five.80 I 78 That is, protecting him; the usage occurs in reverse in the legal phrase mainlevée (­replevin) when a prize ship is freed. 79 W: “m’en estant enquis” is struck out, but not in E.1/1. 80 For a detailed account of the “standard of trade” at a slightly later period, see Ray and Freeman, Give Us Good Measure, especially Table I, 64–5. As Bridgar well knew (he

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fis reproche au dit sieur Bridgar, et j’en tensay aussi rudement les sauvages qui me promirent qu’ils n’iroient plus vers luy, et que je n’avois rien à craindre. Voulant me disposer à partir je traversay encores /90/ la mechante riviere pour aller brûler la maison du sieur Bridgar où il n’y avoit plus rien, ayant retiré et fait embarquer ce qui y estoit dans le navire de la Nouvelle Angleterre aprés en avoir fait l’inventaire. J’avois avec moy trois anglois, et un françois, me fiant plus aux anglois qui m’aimoient, parce que je les traitois bien qu’à mes propres gens. [Et] ce que je fis en cette occasion est une marque de la confiance que j’avois aux anglois, car si je m’en estois tant soit peu defié, je ne me serois pas exposé avec trois anglois, et un seul des mes hommes, pour aller faire brûler, comme je fis, la maison du sieur Bridgar a unze lieües des nos maisons. Nous nous courûmes grand risque de perir en retournant, et de ma vie je ne me suis veu en tel danger, ayant esté surpris d’un rude coup de vent, aprés les battures, les brumes estans épaisses que nous ne pouvions nous reconnoitre. Estant retourné à nôtre habitation je trouvay que nos gens avoient fait monter le navire vis à vis nos maisons et voyans que le tems commençoit à se mettre au beau je donnay mes ordres à mon neveu pour continuer la traite apres nôtre depart en attendant nôtre retour. Je luy laissay sept hommes qu’il devoit commander /91/ avec l’entiere disposition de toutes choses. Cela fait je fis embarquer nos pelleteries, et advancer le navire jusqu’à l’emboucheure de la riviere pour mettre en mer au premier bon vent. C’estoit l’endroit où j’avois laissé le sieur Bridgar. Je le trouvay pret à faire voile, sa chaloupe estant bien equipée de toutes choses qu je luy avois fournies. Mais aprés avoir fait quelques voyages de l’une à l’autre riviere, la veüe des glaces luy fit aprehender de s’exposer d’aller dans ce petit bâtiment au fonds de la baye, de sorte que nous disposans a partir le 20e Juillet, et ayant fait apeller le sieur Bridgar pour venir prendre ses provisions, il me dit qu’il se croiroit temeraire de se risquer dans sa chaloupe pour le voyage qu’il avoit à faire, et me pria de luy donner passage dans nos vaisseaux, ayant bien toujours creu que je voudrois le forcer de s’embarquer

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r­ eproached the said Mr Bridgar for that, and rebuked the wild men severely for it; they promised me that they would no longer go to him and that I had nothing to fear. Wishing to organize my departure, I again crossed /90/ the wicked river to go and burn Mr Bridgar’s house, in which there was nothing left, because whatever was there had been removed and loaded into the ship from New England, and an inventory made of it. I had three Englishmen and one Frenchman with me, for I trusted the English more, who loved me because I treated them as well as my own men.81 What I did on that occasion is a mark of the confidence that I had in the English, because if I had mistrusted them ever so little, I would not have exposed myself to danger with three Englishmen and only one of my men in going eleven leagues from our houses to burn down Mr Bridgar’s house, as I did. We ran a great risk of perishing as we came back, and I have never in my life been in such danger, because we were surprised by a rough gale passing the sandbars, with the fog so thick we could not reconnoitre. When we returned to our house, I found our men had had our ship brought up opposite our houses, and seeing that the weather was becoming fair, I ordered my nephew to continue to trade after our departure while he awaited our return. I left him seven men82 whom he was to command /91/ with full power over everything. That done, I had the furs loaded and had the ship brought up to the mouth of the river in order to set to sea at the first good wind. I had left Mr Bridgar there, and found him ready to set sail, his shallop having been well equipped with everything with which I had provided him. But having made several trips from one river to the other, the sight of the ice made him fear risking a journey in this little ship to the Bottom of the Bay, so much that when we were preparing to leave on 20 July and had summoned Mr Bridgar to come and take his provisions, he told me he thought it was foolhardy to risk the trip he had to make in the shallop, and begged me to give him passage in our vessels. He knew perfectly well I would rather have forced him to embark for had served at Albany from 1679 to 1681), his offer was outrageous. At Albany in 1700 the standard was six to ten beaver for one gun, depending on its length, and one beaver for two hatchets. 81 That Radisson treated the English crew kindly was roundly denied in depositions they later made before the London Committee; see 1: 83. 82 Including Chouart, Radisson brought eight Frenchmen back with him in 1684; see Letters Outward 1680–87, 147n. The only ones who served out their four-year ­contracts were Chouart and Elie Grimard; both were “denizened” (naturalized as Englishmen) along with Radisson in 1688 (TNA, C66/3300 m. 21, letters patent of James II, 5 January 1687/8).

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pour France. Je luy dis qu’il seroit le bien venu et que je ne pretendois le forcer à rien si non d’abandonner la place. Il fut arresté qu’il s’embarqueroit avec mon beau-frère sur la barque. Il eust bien mieux aimé estre dans le vaisseau, mais il estoit juste que le capitaine y demeurast, et nous ne pouvions pas sans imprudence y mettre le sieur Bridgar ayans desja plus d’anglois à garder que n’avions de françois. /92/ Le 27e du dit mois de juillet nous levasmes l’ancre et passames heureusement les battures. Mais le lendemain n’estans encores qu’a huict ou neuf lieues du port nous fumes obligez d’entrer dans les glaces, et comme nous faisions tout nôtre possible pour ne nous pas escarter les uns des autres, la barque ayant reviré de bord pour venir jetter les grapins sur la mesme glace où nous estions amarrés, se creva. Il fallut aussi tost y envoyer du secours, et desbarquer, ce qu’il y avoit dedans sur la glace pour la carener, ce que nous fimes avec beaucoupe de peine. Nous demeurames dans ce danger au millieu des glaces jusqu’au 24 aoust. Nous visitans les uns les autres avec tout liberté, nous tenans pourtant sur nos gardes, car l’anglois que nous avions pris au commencement de l’hyver sur les neiges se souvenant des bons traitemens qu’il avoit receus de moy m’avoit donné advis d’un complot formé parmy les anglois qui estoient dans la barque, désgorger les françois et qu’ils n’attendoient que l’occasion. Cet advis nous obligea de les observer de plus pres. Nous les enfermions la nuict soûs clef, et le jour ils avoient plaine liberté. Quand nous fûmes vers le sud au dessous du 56 degre le dit sieur Bridgar me pria de luy donner la barque /93/ pour passer au fonds de la baye avec ses gens. Je luy promis d’en parler à mon beau-frère, qui ne s’en estoit pas éloigné. Il n’y avoit que le maistre et quelques opiniatres que s’y estoient opposés mais enfin j’y fis consentir tout le monde, et nous abandonâmes la barque au dit sieur Bridgar, aprés l’avoir deschargée, et il m’en donna son receu. C’estoit de bonne foy que j’avois ménagé cela pour le dit sieur Bridgar, et je croyois qu’il s’en ïroit sur la barque, car il sçait bien que je luy avois offerte. Mais ayant sollicité l’anglois de ses gens qui s’estoit donné à nous, et au quel nous avions beaucoup de confiance, de me demander son congé pour le laisser aller avec le dit sieur Bridgar, nous jugeames d’abord, et nous ne nous trompions pas, que s’estois à son instigation que ce matelot avoit fait cette démarche, et nous eumes quelque soupçon que le sieur Bridgar pouvoit avoir dessein de nous prevenir, en retournant avant nous au port de Nelson pour y surprendre nos gens, à quoy le matelot anglois qui scavoit nos afaires luy eust pû beaucoup servir. Ayant donc raisonné

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France. I told him that he would be welcome and that I was not forcing him to do anything, except abandon the place. It was settled that he would go on board the barque with my brother-in-law. He would have preferred to be on the ship, but it was proper that the captain should remain there, and we could not let Mr Bridgar stay there without being imprudent, since we already had more Englishmen to guard than we had Frenchmen. /92/ On the 27th of the said month of July, we raised anchor and happily crossed the sandbanks. But the following day, still only eight or nine leagues from the harbour, we were forced to enter the ice. And while we were doing everything possible to avoid being separated from one another, the barque broke apart, having tacked to throw out its grappling irons onto the same ice floe where we were anchored. We had to send help immediately and unload everything she contained onto the ice in order to careen83 her, which we did with much effort. We remained in this danger in the middle of the ice until 24 August. Visiting one another without difficulty, we nevertheless kept our guard, because the Englishman whom we had captured on the snow at the beginning of the winter, remembering the good treatment that he had received from me, had warned me of a plot, hatched among the English on the barque, to cut the throats of the French and [that they] were only awaiting the opportunity. This warning obliged us to observe them more closely. At night, we locked them up and ­during the day they were completely free. When we were below 56 degrees to the south, the said Mr Bridgar entreated me to give him the barque /93/ to go to the Bottom of the Bay with his men. I promised him to discuss it with my brother-in-law, who was not much against it. Only the master and some stubborn men were opposed, but at last I got everyone to agree and we abandoned the barque84 to Mr Bridgar after unloading it, and he gave me his receipt for it. In good faith I had arranged that for Mr Bridgar, and I believed that he would depart on the barque, because he knows well that I had offered it to him. But having urged85 the Englishman among his people who had been handed over to us, and in whom we had a good deal of confidence, to ask me for leave to go with the said Mr Bridgar, we realized immediately (and we were not mistaken) that it was at his instigation that the sailor had taken this step. And we suspected that Mr Bridgar had a plan to pre-empt us by returning before us to Port Nelson to surprise our men there, during which [time] the English sailor who knew our affairs could have been of great service to him. After we deliberated about his proposal among 83 careen: to turn a ship over on one side for cleaning, caulking, or repairing. 84 The Ste Anne. 85 The implied subject is Bridgar.

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entre nous sur sa proposition nous resolûmes de retenir le dit sieur Bridgar et de l’amener avec /94/ nous à Quebek. Nous le fismes descendre de la barque, et nous luy dîmes nôtre resolution, qui le mit en de grands emportemens particullierement contre moy qui n’en fûs pas plus émeu. Nous le fimes donc passer dans nôtre vaisseau, et nous fimes dire à ses gens qu’ils n’avoient qu’à continuer leur route sans luy, et qu’il venoit avec nous, aprés quoy nous levasmes nos grapins de dessus la glace voyant la mer ourverte au ouest, et passage pour y gaigner. Nous estions a environ 120 lieües du fonds de la baye quand nous nous separâmes de la barque qui pouvoit y arriver en huict jours suivant la disposition, et il y avoit des vivres pour plus d’un mois, sçavoir un barril d’avoine mondée, 42 pieces de boeuf doubles, huict ou dix oyes sallées, deux pieces de lard, un barril où il y avoit au 100 livres de poudre, plein de biscuits, huit à dix livres de poudre,19 et cinquante livres de plomb. Je donnay encores à l’insceu de mon beau-frère deux cornets pleines de poudre, et une bouteille d’eau de vie, outre un barril qu’ils avoient beu la veille de nôtre separation. J’obligeay un des ­matelots de la Nouvelle Angleterre d’entrer dans la barque pour /95/ fortifier ­l’esquipage qui estoit foible. Plusieurs estans malades. Estans sorti des glaces avec un vent favorable, nous arrivâmes bientot dans le détroit, où (par le peu de soing et l’ignorance des nos maîtres et matelots françois) les anglois n’ayans pas de liberté pendant la nuict, un orage de vent et de neige nous jetta dans une baye d’où nous ne pouvions nous relever. Nous donnâmes à la coste sans voir aucune aparence de nous pouvoir sauver. Mais dans le tems que nous attendions à tous momens de perir, Dieu nous fit encores la grace de nous delivrer de ce danger en trouvant entre les rochés où nous estions un havre le plus favorable du monde, dans lequel 50 navires aurioent pû demeurer en seureté sans cables ni ancres, dans la plus rude tempete. Nous y demeurâmes deux jours, et aprés avoir fait quelque peu d’eau nous mîmes à la voile, et eusmes assez bon tems jusque’a Quebek, où nous arrivâmes sur la fin d’Octobre. Sitost nôtre arrivée nous alasmes rendre compte à monsieur de La Barre gouverneur du Canada de ce que nous avions fait. Il trouva à propos de fair ren-/96/dre le vaisseau aux marchands de la Nouvelle Angleterre, en les faisant advertir de n’en envoyer plus au lieu d’où celuy la venoit. Le sieur Bridgar s’embarqua dessus avec le jeune Guillem pour passer à la Nouvelle Angleterre,

19 “un barril où il avoit au 100 livres de poudre” in E.1/1 but not in BL Add. 11626; ­possibly an example of eye-skip on the translator’s part.

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ourselves, we resolved to detain Mr Bridgar and take him with us /94/ to Quebec. We made him get out of the barque and told him our decision, which sent him into great outbursts of anger, particularly against me, who was, however, not much moved by them. We made him come over into our vessel and informed his men that they had only to continue their route without him, and that he was coming with us, after which we raised our grappling hooks from the ice, seeing the open sea to the west and a passage to reach it. We were at about 120 leagues from the Bottom of the Bay when we detached ourselves from the barque, which would arrive there in eight days, according to the arrangement. There were food supplies for more than a month; that is to say, a barrel of husked oats, forty-two double pieces of beef, eight or ten salted geese, two pieces of lard, a barrel full of biscuits which had originally held 100 pounds of powder, and eight to ten pounds of powder in addition to fifty pounds of shot. Unbeknownst to my brother-in-law, I also gave two horns full of powder and a bottle of brandy besides the barrel that they had drunk the night before our separation. I forced one of the sailors from New England86 to go on the barque in order to /95/ strengthen the crew, who were weak; many of them were ill. Having escaped the ice by means of a favourable wind, we soon arrived in the strait,87 where (through the carelessness and ignorance of our masters and French sailors, since the English had no freedom during the night) a storm of wind and snow threw us into a bay, from which we could not get out. We were driven on the coast without seeing any likelihood of saving ourselves. Just when we were expecting to die at any moment, God again had the grace to deliver us from this danger. We found a harbour between the rocks we had encountered, one of the most favourable in the world, in which fifty ships could have rested securely without cables or anchors in the most severe storm. We remained there for two days, and after taking on some water, we set sail and had fairly good weather all the way to Quebec, where we arrived at the end of October. As soon as we arrived, we went to render an account to Monsieur de La Barre,88 the governor of Canada, concerning what we had done. He found it appropriate to return /96/ the vessel to the merchants of New England, while warning them not to send any more of them to the place from which she came.89 Mr Bridgar went on board with young Gillam in order to 86 John Outlaw, who brought the ship safely to Quebec. 87 Hudson Strait. The fortunate harbour is not identifiable. 88 La Barre: see 1: 75. 89 The ship arrived on 20 October 1683. For La Barre’s ill-advised mainlevée (release) of Gillam’s ship on 25 October, see Ordonnances, Commissions, etc. 1639–1706, 2: 56. La

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contre mon sentiment, car je luy conseillois de bonne amitié de s’embarquer sur les vaisseaux de France qui estoient prets à partir. Je luy predis ce qui luy est arrivé, qu’il attendroit long tems à la Nouvelle Angleterre. Nous nous separames assez bons amis, et il me pourroit rendre temoignage que je luy fis connoître dés lors mon attachment pour l’Angleterre, et que j’estois encores dans les sentimens de faire de bon coeur pour le service du Roy, et de la nation, ce que je venois de faire pour la France. Huict ou dix jours aprés mon arrivée monsieur de La Barre gouverneur m’envoya chercher pour me communiquer une lettre qu’il avoit receüe de monsieur Colbert par une fregate qui avoit aporté des troupes, par la quelle il luy mandoit que ceux qui estoient partis l’année precedente pour aller descouvrir dans les païs septentrionaux de l’Amerique /97/ pouvans estre arrivez ou arriver bien tost. Il souhaitoit qu’on luy en envoyast un pour rendre compte à la cour de ce qu’ils auroient fait, et des establissemens qu’on pourroit faire en ce païs la. Et le dit sieur de La Barre aprés m’avoir communiqué la ditte lettre medit qu’il falloit partir incessamant pour satisfaire monsieur Colbert de la dessus, et de laisser20 mes afaires aux soings de sieur de La Chesnaye, quoy que je ne fusse pas satissfait de luy, en ayant usé fort mal honnetement avec moy. Mais faisant reflection que je pouvois bien faire ma cour auprés du principal ministre de France, en negligeant mes propres interets pour sa satisfaction, je pris un congé de monsieur de La Barre, et m’embarquay pour France avec mon beau-frère le 11e Novembre 1683 sur la fregate qui avoit porté les troupes. Nous arrivâmes a la Rochelle les 18e Decembre où nous aprîmes la mort de monsieur Colbert. Cette nouvelle fût facheuse pour moy ayant lors de grandes esperances du costé de ce ministre. Elle ne me detourna pas pourtant de ma resolution d’aller en cour pour y rendre compte de ma conduite et de mes ­actions. J’arrivay21 à Paris avec mon beau-frère le 15e Janvier ou j’apris qu’il avoit este faite de grandes plaintes contre moy /98/ au conseil de France, par milord vicomte de Preston envoyé extraordinaire du Roy en la dite cour, au nom de sa Majesté, toûchant ce qui s’estoit passé en la riviere et port de Nelson, et qu’on m’accusoit d’y avoir cruellement mal-traité les Anglois, volé, pillé et ­brûlé leur

20 E.1/1: “ladessus. Je mi resolus sans peine et de laisser.” 21 E.1/1: “japris la mort de monsieur Colbert, mais je né laissé pas devenir a Paris pour me presenter a la cour et rendre compte de mes actions. J’arrivay”. Also, “Cette nouvelle… ce minister” not in BL Add. 11626.

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make their way to New England, against my better judgment, since I advised him as a good friend to embark upon the French vessels which were ready to leave. I predicted to him what in fact happened: that he would wait [for passage] a long time in New England. We separated fairly good friends, and he can bear witness to the fact that I informed him at that time of my attachment to England and that I was still heartily favourable to doing in the service of the English king and the nation what I had just done for France. Eight or ten days after my arrival governor Monsieur de La Barre sent for me in order to communicate to me a letter that he had received from Monsieur Colbert by a frigate which had brought some troops. In it he was requested that if those who had left the preceding year to make discoveries in the northern lands of America /97/ had arrived or were about to do so, he desired that one of them would be sent to him to give an account to the court of what they had done and of the establishments that might be made in that land. The said Sieur de La Barre, having communicated the said letter to me, told me that it was necessary to depart without delay in order to satisfy Monsieur Colbert on this subject, and that I should leave my affairs in the care of the Sieur de La Chesnaye, although I was unhappy with him for having used me very dishonestly. But reflecting that I was well able to pay my respects90 to the principal minister of France while disregarding my own interests to satisfy him, I took leave of Monsieur de La Barre and embarked for France with my brother-inlaw on 11 November 1683 in the frigate which had carried the troops. We arrived at La Rochelle on 18 December, when we learned of the death of Monsieur Colbert.91 This news was troubling for me, because at the time I harboured great hopes of this minister.92 Nevertheless, it did not deter me from my resolution to go to the court and render there an account of my conduct and actions. I arrived in Paris with my brother-in-law on 15 January, where I learned that serious complaints had been made against me /98/ in the French council by my lord Preston, viscount and envoy extraordinary of the [English] king at the said court, in the name of His Majesty, touching what had happened in the river and at Port Nelson. They accused me of having cruelly mistreated the English, stolen from them, and pillaged and burned their dwelling, for which my lord Barre was roundly reproved by Seignelay for not treating the ship as a prize of war because his action would give the English an excuse to claim legitimate rights in Hudson Bay. See Seignelay to La Barre, 10 April 1684, ANOM, AN, Col., C11A, 6, f.242v. 90 faire ma cour: literally “to pay court.” 91 Colbert died on 6 September 1683. 92 “This news … minister” is in neither E1/1 nor BL; its presence here suggests it was a late addition to W.

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habitation, dont milord Preston demandoit reparation, mesmes qu’il fust fait un châtiment exemplaire des coupables pour la satisfaction de sa Majesté. Cet advis ne m’empecha pas de me presenter devant monsieur le marquis de Seignelay, et de luy aprendre tout ce qui s’estoit passé entre les anglois et moy pendant mon voyage. Il ne trouva rien à redire dans toute ma conduite dont je luy fis un recit veritable, et bien loing qu’elle ait esté blamée en la cour de France, je puis dire sans me flatter, qu’on m’y a donné des aplaudissemens. Je ne veux pas dire que je les aye meritez, mais seulement que j’ai tâché en toutes mes démarches de faire mon devoir en honnete homme, et que je ne crois pas m’en estre escarté. Je laisse à juger sur ce qui est contenu en cette relation, que je proteste fidelle et sincere. Si j’ay merité les accusations qui ont donne lieu aux plaintes faites contre moy à la cour de France, je /99/ ne crois pas devoir dire autre chose pour ma justification qui se trouvera toute entiere dans la relation du voyage qu j’ay fait, par ordre de sa Majesté l’année derniere 1684 pour la Compagnie Royalle de la Baye de Hudson, dont le succés, et le retour advantageux, ont détruit à la confusion de mes ennemis toutes les mauvaises impressions qu’ils avoient vouleu donner de ma conduite.

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Preston demanded reparation along with punishment as an example for the guilty and to satisfy His Majesty.93 This information did not prevent me from presenting myself before Monsieur the Marquis de Seignelay and informing him of everything that had happened between the English and myself during my voyage. He found nothing to censure in my entire conduct, of which I made a true account to him. Far from being blamed in the court of France, I can say without boasting that they applauded me there. I do not claim that I merited this, but only that in all my proceedings I attempted to do my duty as an honest man, from which I do not believe I diverged. I leave to be judged what is contained in this relation, which I protest to be faithful and sincere. If I merited the accusations which gave rise to the complaints made against me at the court of France, I /99/ do not believe it necessary to say anything else for my justification than what will be found complete in the relation of the voyage which I made by order of His Majesty, last year in 168494 for the Royal Hudson’s Bay Company, the success and profitable returns of which have, to the confusion of my enemies, destroyed all the unpleasant impressions that they desired to give of my conduct.

93 Information about events at Port Nelson had begun to circulate in London and Paris early in the fall of 1683. In the Archives nationales d’outre-mer (ANOM), the Hudson’s Bay Company Archives, and the British Library (Preston Papers), there is a mass of documentation testifying to Preston’s initial efforts to persuade Louis XIV to act against the two explorers. It also documents Louis’ (and Seignelay’s) reluctance to do so, which would upset the delicate balance of relations between England and France, and James Hayes’s and William Yonge’s activities in enticing Radisson back to English service (see 1: 80–1, and 256). 94 Covered in the second Port Nelson Relation, 98–161

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/100/ RELATION DU VOYAGE DE L’ANNÉE 1684 J’ay estendu la relation du mon voyage des années 1682 et 1683 dans la baye d’Hudson au nord du Canada, jusqu’à mon arrivée en la ville de Paris, où on disposoit toutes choses pour l’équipement des vaisseaux avec lesquels je devois faire mon retour au nord du Canada pendant que je negociois à la cour la ­remise du quatriesme castor que le Roy tres chrestien prenoit pour le droit de coûtume, lequel m’avoit esté promis en consideration de mes découvertes, voyages, et services, et duquel j’esperois profiter au pardessus de mes interets particulliers, pendant les premieres années de cet établissement. C’estoit en ce mesme tems que milord vicomte de Preston envoyé1 extra-/101/ordinaire du Roy en la cour de France continuoit par ses instances de me poursuivre sur les choses dont j’estois accusé par les memoires de messieurs de la Compagnie Royalle de la Baye de Hudson. Mes ennemis avoient pris soin de publier les crimes énormes dont j’estois chargé, et mes amis prenoient celluy, de m’en entretenir, en me donnant advis de ce qui se passoit. Quand enfin ne pouvant soûfrir qu’on imposast plus long tems à ma conduite je me creus obligé de ­desabuser les uns et les autres. Je me resolus donc de parler afin de faire connoître comme les choses ­s’estoient passées. Pour cet effect je fis choix de personnes qui me faisoient l’honneur de m’aimer, et ce fût dans les entretiens que j’eus avec elles sur ce suject, que mon cœur peu porté à la dissimulation, leur avoüa en differentes occasions le déplaisir que j’avois d’avoir esté obligé d’abandonner le service d’Angleterre à cause des mauvais traitemens que j’en avois receu, et que je ne serois pas fasché d’y rentrer, estant plus en estat que je ne l’avois esté de rendre service au Roy et à la nation, si on estoit dispose à me rendre justice et à re/102/connoître mes services. Je parlay aussi plusieurs fois de l’estat au quel

  1 E.1/2: escuyer.

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/100/ RELATION OF THE VOYAGE IN THE YEAR 1684 [The translation into English is by K. Janet Ritch] I have set forth the relation of my voyage into Hudson Bay to the north of Canada covering the years 1682 and 1683, up to my arrival in the city of Paris, where everything was at hand for provisioning the vessels in which I was supposed to return to the Canadian north. During this time, I negotiated at court for the return of every fourth beaver which the Most Christian King took according to customary law, and which had been promised to me in consideration of my discoveries, voyages, and services, and from which I hoped to profit above my specific interests in the early years of this trading establishment.1 It was at that time that my lord Viscount Preston,2 special /101/ envoy3 of the king at the court of France, proceeded to prosecute me in court for the actions I was accused of in the submissions of the gentlemen of the Royal Hudson’s Bay Company. My enemies had taken care to publish the enormous crimes with which I was charged, and my friends countered by supporting me and keeping me advised of what was happening. When I finally could no longer bear what had for so long been falsely imputed to my conduct, I was obliged to disabuse them all [of their misconceptions]. I therefore resolved to speak out in order to explain what had happened. To this end, I chose some persons who did me the honour of being dear friends, and it was in discussions with them on this subject that my heart, little accustomed to dissimulation, confessed to them on various occasions the displeasure I felt at having been forced to abandon the service of England because of the poor treatment that I had received, and that I would not be reluctant to return to it, since I was now in a better position to render service to the king and the nation than I had been, provided they were disposed to give me justice and re/102/cognize my services. I also spoke on numerous occasions of the situation   1 This unaddressed claim on the French must have motivated Radisson’s drive to ensure that the English treated him fairly when he brought a good cargo of skins back from Port Nelson in 1684. However, that claim too went unaddressed; see “Radisson’s Will” (234).   2 Viscount Preston: see 1: 15.   3 E.1/2: escuyer (equerry).

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j’avois laissé mon neveu fils du sieur Desgrosillers mon beau-frere, avec d’autres françois proche le port de Nelson, qu’ils y estoient seuls maîtres de la traite du castor, qu’elle y devoit estre considerable, et qu’il dépendoit de moy d’en faire profiter messieurs les anglois. Toutes ces choses ayans esté raportées par un des mes particulliers amis à des personnes qui sont dans les interets de la nation, on jugea bien qu’un homme qui parloit de cette maniere, et qui ne faisoit pas dificulté de dire les sentimens dans lesquels il estoit, pouvoit estre facilement ramené, en luy rendant justice, dans un party qu’il n’avoit abandonné que par mécontentement. Je fus prié d’avoir quelques conferences avec ces mesmes personnes. J’en fis sans repugnances la premiere démarche et sur le raport qui fut fait à Milord Preston des choses que nous avions traitées dans ces intreveües, et de ce dont je pouvois estre capable, je fus exorté de sa parte de rentrer dans mes premiers engagements avec messieurs les anglois, m’asseurant que si je pouvois executer ce que j’avois proposé je recevrois en Angleterre de sa Majeste, de son /103/ Altesse Royale, de la Compagnie de la Baye d’Hudson, et de la nation, toute sorte de bon traitement, et une entiere satisfaction. Qu’au surplus je ne devois pas me mettre en peine de ce qui regardoit mes interets, ce ministre voulant luy mesme se charger du soing de me les conserver, et de me procurer d’autres advantages, apres que je me serois mis en estat de rendre service au roy son maître. On me representa encore que son Altesse Royale honnorant la Compagnie de la Baye de Hudson de sa protection, elle passeroit jusques à moy si j’employois mon credit, mes soins, et les habitudes, que j’avois dans le païs du nord pour l’utilité et advantage des affaires de cette Compagnie, ausquelles son Altesse Royalle prenoit grande part.

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in which I had left my nephew,4 the son of my brother-in-law the Sieur Des Groseilliers, [who was] with other Frenchmen close to Port Nelson. I said that they were the sole masters of the beaver trade, that it ought to be considerable, and that it rested with me to make it possible for the English to profit from it. All this was reported by one of my particular friends to persons who had the interests of the [English] nation in view.5 They could see that a man who spoke this way and who had no difficulty uttering his views could be easily brought round, if he was rendered justice, to an allegiance that he had abandoned only out of disillusion. I was entreated to meet several times with these very people. I was not reluctant to make the first overture in that direction, and upon the report that was made to my lord Preston of the matters which we had discussed in those meetings, and of my capabilities, this person urged me to return to my earlier commitments to the English gentlemen. I was assured that if I could carry out what I had proposed, I would receive, from His Majesty, His /103/ Royal Highness, the Hudson’s Bay Company, and the nation every kind of good treatment, as well as full satisfaction Moreover, I was told that I need not worry about my own interests, since the minister himself6 wished to take care of them for me, as well as obtaining other advantages for me, as a result of which I would be in a condition to render service to the king, his master.7 They put it to me further that since his Royal Highness honoured the Hudson’s Bay Company with his protection, it would extend to me if I employed my credit, my good offices, and my expert knowledge of the northern part of the country to the use and commercial advantage of that company, in which his Royal Highness plays a great role.

  4 Jean-Baptiste Chouart Des Groseilliers (known as Chouart to distinguish him from his father): see 1: 42, and 19.   5 The particular friend was surely Gédeon Godet, aide to Viscount Preston, who left France with Radisson and whose daughter Radisson later married: see 1: 81, 91–2.   6 Presumably the Marquis de Seignelay: see 1: 69.   7 The mysterious advantages are unnamed; the important point is that Seignelay appears to be offering Radisson a chance to be of use to Louis XIV, not Charles II. As Preston quickly learned, Louis was extremely anxious not to quarrel with the English at this point. The many letters exchanged between the parties to the ultimate agreement show that the aim was to reinforce the position of James, Duke of York, heir to the English throne, who was a Catholic. He was governor of the HBC from 1683 to his accession in 1685.

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En ce mesme tems je receus à Paris des lettres du Sieur escuyer Yonge l’un des interessés en la Compagnie de la Baye de Hudson, par lesquelles il me solicitoit de sa parte et au nom de sa Compagnie de retourner en Angleterre, me donnant des asseurances d’une bonne reception, et que j’aurois lieu d’estre content du coste de mes interets particulliers aussi bien que des advantages qu’on me feroit. /104/ Ces lettres jointes à ce que Milord Preston continuoit ses instances contre moy aupres du Roy Tres Chrestien acheverent de me determiner et je me rendis enfin de moy mesme et par le conseil d’un de mes amis à toutes ces solicitations, resolu de passer en Angleterre pour toûjours, et de m’engager si fortement au service de sa Majesté et aux interets de la nation, qu’aucune autre consideration ne fust jamais capable de m’en détacher. Il n’y eut que milord Preston, quelques uns de ses domestiques, et ce mien amy, qui m’avoit conseillé de venir en Angleterre, qui sceussent mon dessein. Je pris soin de sauver les aparances du soupçon par le danger où je m’exposois, et jusqu’a la veille de mon depart j’eus des conferences avec les ministres de la cour de France, et les personnes qui y ont le departement de la marine, et du commerce, sur des propositions d’armement et équipement de vaisseaux pour le mesme voyage que je venois de faire et faisoit l’entretient des deux nations.2 Le jour de mon depart fut fixe au 24e avril 1684 /105/ mais afin que ceux avec lesquels j’estois obligé de conferer journellement par ordre des ministres de France, ne se doûtassent de rien discontinuant de me voir, je leur dis que j’estois obligé de faire un petit voyage à la campagne pour des affaires de ­famille, et je me servis utillement de ce tems la pour me rendre à Londre ou j’arrivay le 10me du mois de May. Au moment de mon arrivée j’eus l’honneur d’aller voir Messieurs l’ecuyer Yonge et le chevallier Hayes, interessés en la Compagnie de la Baye de Hudson, lesquels me firent une bonne reception, en me temoignant la joye qu’ils avoient de mon retour, et en me donnant des asseurances, que j’aurois de leur part et de celle de leur Compagnie, toute sorte de satisfaction. Je m’expliquay ensuite

  2 S: vaisseaux destiné pour un second voyage qu’on me voulait obliger de faire sur le meme [p–é?] du precedent lequel faisoit lors l’entretien des deux nations.

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At the same time I received letters at Paris from the Honourable Mr Yonge,8 one of the investors in the Hudson’s Bay Company, in which he invited me on his own behalf and in the name of his company to return to England, assuring me of a warm reception and that I would be satisfied with respect to my ­private interests as well as with the advantages with which they would p ­ rovide me. /104/ These letters, combined with the fact that Lord Preston continued to pursue legal action against me before the Most Christian King, succeeded in determining my course of action, and I resolved at last for myself, in consultation with one of my friends, and in response to all these entreaties to cross over into England forever, and to commit myself so steadfastly to His Majesty’s service and the nation’s interests that no other consideration would ever be able to disengage me. Only Lord Preston, some of his servants, and the friend who had advised me to go to England knew of my plans. I was careful to avoid creating the appearance of suspicion, given the danger to which I was exposing myself. Up until the evening before my departure I consulted with the ministers of the French court and the people in charge of the departments of the navy and of trade about proposals for the arming and provisioning of vessels for the return ­voyage and which would bring about understanding between the two nations.9 The day of my departure was set for 24 April 1684, /105/ but so that those with whom I was in daily consultation by order of the French ministers did not suspect anything when I failed to appear, I told them I was obliged to make a short trip to the countryside on family business,10 and I made good use of that time to get to London, where I arrived on the 10th of May. As soon as I arrived, I had the honour of meeting the Honourable Mr Yonge and Sir [James] Hayes,11 [men] with a financial interest in the Hudson’s Bay Company. They received me well, expressing the joy they felt at my return, and reassuring me that I would receive full satisfaction from them and their company.  8 Radisson gives William Yonge a double-barrelled honorific, “Sieur escuyer Yonge,” which is untranslatable in English. Yonge was the son of a knight, and was a well-­ connected lawyer, but was never himself knighted: see 1: 5 and 254.   9 S: vessels intended for a second voyage that they wanted to force me to make on the same footing as the previous one, which at that time brought about understanding between the two nations. 10 As far as we know, Radisson’s immediate family had been Parisian (see 1: 23–6), but the excuse needed to be credible; perhaps he was exploiting his connection with relatives of his brother-in-law Des Groseilliers in Charly-sur-Marne. 11 Sir James Hayes: see 1: 5.

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avec eux sur le service que je pretendois rendre à sa Majesté, à la Compagnie, et à la nation, en establissant la traite du castor et en faisant3 profiter les inte­ resses de 15 ou 20 mil castors que j’esperois trouver par dela entre les mains des gens4 que j’y avois laissés, ce qui ne leur couteroit que l’interets que j’avois en la chose, et la juste satisfaction qui estoit deüe aux /106/ francois qui en avoient fait la traite. Ces messieurs recevrent agreablement ma proposition, et me voulant donner des marques de leur satisfaction ils me firent l’honneur de me presenter à sa Majesté et a son Altesse Royalle, à qui je fis les actes de ma soumission, l’offre de mes tres humbles services, une protestation sincere que je fairois mon devoir, et qu’au peril mesme de ma vie j’employerois tous mes soins pour l’advantage des afairs de la compagnie, et que je chercherois toutes les occasions de donner des marques de mon zelle et d’une fidelité inviolable. Sa Majesté5 et son Altesse Royalle me firent6 la grace de m’honnorer des témoinages de leur satisfaction sur mon retour, et de me donner des asseurances7 de leur protection. Apres cella j’eus plusieurs conferances, en corps d’assemblée et en particullier avec messieurs les interessez en la Compagnie de la Baye de Hudson, dans lesquelles je leur fis connoitre de quelle maniere il estoit necessaire de s’y prendre pour établir advantageusement la traite du castor au païs du nord, les moyens de la bien soûtenir, et d’y ruïner* en peu de tems les traites des étrangers. Que pour cet effect je commencerois par les rendre maîtres du fort et de l’habitation des françois, aussi bien que de toutes /107/ les pelleteries qu’ils auroient traitées dépuis mon départ, aux conditions que mes interets seroient à couvert et que mon neveu, que j’avois laissé commandant dans le fort, et les autres françois, seroient payes de ce qui leur seroit legitimement deú. Ces messieurs parurent contents de ce que je leur disois, et ils creurent avec justice qu’ils pouvoient avoir une entiere confiance en moy. C’est pour cela qu’ayant resolu de me charger de leurs ordres pour aller, avec leurs vaissaux equipez et munis de toutes choses, faire cet établissement en mettant en execution mes projets, ils me les donnerent avec pouvoir de regler en mon ame et conscience les pretentions de mon neveu et des autres françois, m’assurant qu’ils les satisfairoient sur l’estat que je leur en presenterois.

  3 S: du castor en Canada et en faisant.   4 S: les mains des francois.   5 S: fidelité inviolable pour le service du Roy de quoy sa majeste.   6 S: Royale parurent contents et me firent.   7 S: marques.

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Next I explained to them the service that I proposed to render His Majesty, the company, and the nation by establishing the beaver trade and producing profit for those with a financial interest from the 15,000 or 20,000 beavers that I hoped would be [safely] in possession of the men12 I had left behind [on the Bay]. This would only cost them the stake that I had in the affair and the just satisfaction due the /106/ French who had traded for them.13 These gentlemen received my proposal agreeably, and wishing to give me some token of their satisfaction, they did me the honour of presenting me to His Majesty and His Royal Highness, before whom I swore obedience, offering my very humble services and a sincere declaration that I would do my duty. I also declared that, at the very risk of my life, I would employ all my efforts for the benefit of the company’s affairs, and that I would seek out every opportunity to give evidence of my zeal and inviolable fidelity. His Majesty and His Royal Highness did me14 the favour of honouring me with proof of their satisfaction at my return and gave me assurances of their protection. After that I had many discussions with the assembled group15 and in private with those investing in the Hudson’s Bay Company, in which I informed them of the manner in which it was necessary to go about advantageously establishing the beaver trade in the north country, sustaining it properly, and ruining as fast as possible the trade of the foreigners. I told them that to this end I would begin by making them masters of the fort and the French habitation as well as all /107/ the furs that they would have acquired through trading since my ­departure, on the condition that my interests would be protected and that my  nephew, whom I had left behind in command of the fort, and the other Frenchmen would be paid whatever was legitimately owed to them. The gentlemen men seemed content with what I told them, and rightly believed that they might have complete confidence in me. On this basis I resolved to take responsibility for carrying out their orders to go, in their ships, equipped and furnished with everything, to set up this trading establishment and put my plans into execution. They gave me power to settle, in all honesty, the claims of my nephew and the other Frenchmen, assuring me that they would satisfy them according to the account I would present to them. 12 S: the hands of the French. 13 Radisson’s effort to maintain his rights to the profit from his haul of beaver at Port Nelson persisted from 1684 until he was on his deathbed in 1710; see “Radisson’s Will” (234–6). 14 S: Royal [Highness] appeared content and did me. 15 It is unclear whether Radisson means his supporters in the HBC or the whole London Committee.

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J’acceptay cette commission avec la plus grande joye du monde, et je pressay avec tant de diligence les choses necessaires à mon départ, qu’a moins de huit jours je fus en estate de m’embarquer. Ce fut mesme sans aucune precaution à l’esgard de mes interets, car je ne voulus point faire de composition avec ces messieurs. Et je leur dis que puis qu’ils avoient de la confiance en moy, je voulois aussi de ma part en user genereusement avec eux et remettre toutes choses au succés de mon voyage, et à mon retour, dans /108/ l’esperance que j’avois qu’ils repondroient à mon honneté, et qu’aprés leur avoir donné des marques de ma sincereté, en executant les choses ausquelles je m’engageois pour leur service, ils me rendroient toute la justice que j’avois lieu d’esperer des gens d’honneur et de probité. Les vaisseaux destinez pour la baye de Hudson et à l’execution de mon dessein estans prets à faire voile, et moy tout disposé à m’embarquer, je pris congé de messieurs de la compagnie en leur donnant des nouvelles asseurances du bon succés de mon voyage, si Dieu me faisoit la grace de me garantir des dangers ausquels je m’allois exposer. Dequoy ils parurent si contens que monsieur le chevallier Hayes n’osant se flatter de l’advantage que je leur promettois qu’ils tireroient des 15 ou 20 mil castors que j’esperois trouver entre les mains des françois, me dit en m’embrassant que la compagnie seroit satisfaite s’il y en avoit seulement cinq mille. L’évenement a justifié ce que j’avois avancé, et les messieurs n’ont point esté trompés dans les esperances que je leur avois données. Je partis du port de Gravesend les 17 du mesme mois /109/ de May dans le navire nommé L’Heureux Retour, en compagnie de deux autres que ces messieurs envoyoient aussi au port de Nelson pour le mesme suject. Les vents nous ayans esté favorables, nous arrivames en peu de jours sur les costes du oüest de la baye de Button, sans qu’il nous fut arrivé aucune chose qui merite d’estre remarqué. Mais les vents et les courants nous ayant fait derriver au sud du port de Nelson environ quarante lieües et les glaces ayant separé le vaisseau dans lequel j’estois des deux autres dans le détroit de Hudson, je commancay à douter de la reüssite de mon entreprise par l’apprehension que j’avois que ces deux vaisseaux estans arrivés plus tost que les nôtres les hommes qui étoient dedans ne se hazardassent à faire quelque demarche qui auroit tout gâté. Dans cette inquietude et connoissant la necessité qu’ils y avoit que j’arrivasse le premier, je me resolus de m’embarquer dans une chaloupe que nous avions portée pour estre employée à ce qui seroit necessaire. Je la demanday au capitaine qui la fit équiper et quoy qu’a8 vingt lieües du port de Nelson, je me mis dessus avec sept hommes, et aprés quarante huit heures de fatigue sans avoir pû prendre aucune repos a cause des dangers qu’il y avoit, nous nous trouvas-/110/mes par le   8 E.1/2, S: quoy que plus de.

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I accepted this commission with the greatest joy in the world and pressed forward diligently [assembling] the things necessary for my departure, so that within eight days I was prepared to embark. I did not even take precautions with respect to my own interests, for I did not wish to negotiate with these gentlemen. I told them that since they had confidence in me, for my part I also wished to treat them generously and commit everything to the success of my voyage and my return, in /108/ the hope that they would respond to my honesty, and that after I had given them proof of my sincerity by carrying out the objectives for which I was engaged in their service, they would render me all the justice that I had occasion to hope for from men of honour and integrity. When the ships intended for Hudson Bay and for the execution of my plan were ready to set sail, and I was fully prepared to embark, I took leave of the gentlemen of the company, giving them renewed assurances as to the happy outcome of my voyage, if God gave me the grace to preserve me from the dangers to which I was going to be exposed. At this they appeared so content that Sir James Hayes was not deluded about the benefit I was promising them: that is, that they would extract some 15,000 or 20,000 beavers which I hoped to find in the hands of the Frenchmen. He told me while bidding me farewell that the company would be satisfied if there were only five thousand. The outcome justified what I had proposed, and the gentlemen were not deceived in the hope I had given them. I set off from the port of Gravesend on the 17th of the same month /109/ of May in the ship L’Heureux Retour, along with two others whom these gentlemen were also sending to Port Nelson for the same purpose. Since the winds were favourable, we arrived in a very few days on the west coast of Button Bay without anything notable happening. But since the winds and the currents caused us to drift about forty leagues to the south of Port Nelson and the ice had separated the vessel I was on from the two others in Hudson Strait, I began to doubt the success of my enterprise, fearing that the two ships would arrive before ours and the men in them would risk taking some step which would ruin everything. In this anxiety, and knowing how necessary it was for me to arrive first, I resolved to embark in a shallop that we had brought along to be used in case of necessity. I requested it from the captain, who had it outfitted. Although we were twenty leagues from Port Nelson I boarded it with seven men. After forty-eight hours of weary labour, without being able to rest on account of the danger we were in, we found ourselves /110/ broadside to the

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travers de la riviere9 ce qu’ayant reconnu, nous abordâmes enfin la terre à la pointe du nort de la riviere, où je descendis avec un anglois qui parloit bon françois du quel je me voulus faire accompagner afin qu’il fust le témoin de tout ce que je faisois. Aprés avoir descendu à terre, je connus à de certaines marques que mon ­neveu, ayant entendu le bruit de canon des vaisseaux anglois, estoit venu à l’endroit où nous estions pour sçavoir si son pere ou moy estions arrivés, et qu’il s’en estoit retourné aprés avoir reconnu que les navires estoient anglois. Ces mesmes marques me donnerent aussi à connoitre qu’il m’avoit laissé plus loing celles que je luy avois données lors que je l’avois estably pour gouverneur en mon abcence, lesquelles me devoient aprendre son estat et le lieu où il estoit avec son monde. Mais je ne trouvay pas apropos d’aller jusqu’a cet endroit la, que je n’eusse apris au vray l’estat des anglois qui estoient arrivés dans le païs depuis que j’en estois party. Je resolus donc de m’embarquer de nouveau dans la chaloupe pour en aller apprendre des nouvelles. J’encourageay pour cet effect les sept hommes qui estoient /111/ avec moy, lesquels firent tant de dilligence que malgré le vent contraire, et la marée, nous arrivames en fort peu de tems a l’emboucheure de cette grande et éfroyable riviere du port de Nelson, ou j’avois souhaité de me voir avec tant de impatience que je n’avois point songé un moment aux dangers ou nous nous exposions. Cette joye fut bien tost suivie d’un autre, car je vis à l’ancre en ce mesme endroit deux navires dont l’un avoit les glorieux pavillion de sa Majesté arboré sur son grand mast, et que je reconnus pour estre celuy que commandoit le capitaine Outlaw lors que celuy dans lequel j’estois passé avoit esté separé des deux autres. À mesme tems je fis aprocher la chaloupe et j’apperceus le nouveau gouverneur avec tous ses gens en armes sur le tillac, qui nous demanderent d’ou estoit la chaloupe et qui nous estions. Sur cela je me fis connoitre, et j entray dans ce navire ou j’apris que celluy qui estoit à costé estoit une fregate angloise qui avoit hiverné au port de Nelson avec ce gouverneur lequel port ils avoient abandonné dans la crainte d’y estre insultés par les françois et les sauvages. Mais qu’ayans esté rencontres par le capitaine Outlaw au sortir de la baye, ils es-/112/toient revenus ayant l’apris que j’estois au service d’Angleterre et que je venois dans le païs pour y retablir touttes choses à l’advantage de la nation.

  9 S: de la riviere de Hayes.

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river.16 When we recognized that, we finally reached land at a point to the north of the river, where I disembarked with an Englishman who spoke good French and whom I wanted to take with me as a witness to everything I was doing. After arriving on land I ascertained by certain signs that my nephew, upon hearing the noise of the cannons from the English ships, had come to the place we had arranged to find out whether his father or I had arrived, and that he had returned when he realized that the ships were English. These same signs also led me to believe that he had left [someplace] further away those [signs] I had given to him when I made him governor in my absence. They were supposed to inform me of his condition and the place where he and his people were located. But I did not think it appropriate to go that far before I had truly ascertained the situation of the Englishmen who had arrived in the country since my departure.17 I therefore decided to embark in the shallop again in order to go see what news there was. Accordingly, I encouraged the seven men who were /111/ with me, and they made such haste that, in spite of the contrary wind and the tide, we arrived in a short time at the mouth of the great and fearful river at Port Nelson, where I had wished to be so impatiently that I did not for a moment dream of the dangers to which we were exposing ourselves. This joy was soon followed by another, for I saw two ships anchored in this same place. One had the glorious flags of His Majesty hoisted upon its main mast, and I recognized it as [the ship] Captain Outlaw18 commanded when the one in which I sailed had been separated from the other two. At the same time, I made the shallop approach, and glimpsed the new governor19 on the upper deck with all his people in arms, who asked us where the shallop was from and who we were. With that I made myself known and boarded the ship, where I learned that the one along side was an English frigate which had wintered at Port Nelson with the governor; they had abandoned the port for fear of being injured by the French and the wild men, but that meeting with Captain Outlaw at the exit of the bay, they had /112/ returned when they learned that I was in the English service and that I was coming into the country to put everything on a new footing, for the benefit of the nation.

16 S: of the Hayes River. 17 The Englishmen of John Abraham’s party who had arrived after Radisson’s departure and wintered over, establishing themselves on the north shore of the Nelson, presumably at Port Nelson itself. 18 John Outlaw: see 1: 41. 19 John Abraham: see 1: 81.

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Mon premier soing fut aprés cella de me faire instruire de ce qui s’estoit passé entre les anglois et les françois dépuis mon départ et leur arrivée, et par ce que les anglois me dirent, je jugeay qu’il estoit apropos de risquer toutes choses pour tâcher de joindre au plus tost mon neveu et les gens que je luy avois laissé, afin de tacher de les gaigner par la douceur, ou de les surprendre par finesse, auparavant qu’ils sçeussent à quel dessein je venois, car cela estoit d’une extreme conséquence. Ainsi sans attendre l’arrivée du navire dans lequel j’estois venu je resolus de m’embarquer sur la mesme chaloupe, qui fut nommée La Petite Adventure, ce que je ne fis pourtant pas le mesme jour parce que le Gouverneur trouva à propos de remettre la partie au lendemain et de me donner d’autres hommes à la place des sept que10 j’avois amenés lesquels se  trouvoient fatigués. Je m’embarquay le lendemain de bon matin avec le Capitaine Gayer mais le vent s’estant trouvé contraire je me fis mettre à la coste avec le Capitaine Gayer et l’anglois qui parloit francois, et aprés avoir renvoyé la chaloupe avec les autres hommes, je resolus d’aller par /113/ terre jusqu’au lieu où je devois trouver les marques de mon neveu qui me devoient faire connoitre le lieu où ils estoient. Nous marchâmes ensuitte tous trois jusqu’au landemain matin. Qu’estans arrivés au lieu où j’avois dit à mon neveu de me laisser des marques et les ayans levés, j’apris que luy et ses gens avoient quitté nos anciennes maisons, et s’en estoient batis une dans une isle au dessus du rapide de la riviere Hayes. Apres cella nous continüames nôtre routte jusques vis à vis des maisons qui avoient esté abandonnées, d’ou j’esperois que nous decouvririons quelque chose ou du moins que nous nous ferions voir ou entendre en tirant quelque coups de fusil et faisant de la fumée. En quoy mon attente ne fut point tout a fait vaine, car aprés avoir resté quelque tems en cet endroit nous aperceumes dix canots de sauvages qui descendoient la riviere. Je creus d’abord qu’il y pourroit avoir quelque françois avec eux, que mon neveu auroit pû envoyer pour decouvrir qui estoient les gens nouvellement arrivés. Ce qui m’obligea de dire au capitaine Gayer que j’allois descendre au bord de la riviere pour leur parler, que je le priois de m’attendre sur la hauteur sans aucune aprehension, et que dans peu il /114/ pourroit rendre des temoinages de ma fidelité pour le service de la compagnie. Je fus dans ce mesme moment à la rencontre des sauvages et du bord de la riviere, je leur fis les signaux accoutumés à fin de les obliger à venir vers moy. Mais n’estant apperceu qu’ils ne se mettoient point en dévoir de le faire, je leur pàrlay en leur langue pour me faire connoitre. Ce qui fit qu’ils approcherent du

10 S: des ceux que.

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My first concern after that was to find out what had happened between the English and the French since my departure and their arrival. From what the English told me, I thought it was advisable to risk everything in an attempt to join my nephew and the men that I had left with him as soon as possible, for it was of the utmost importance to attempt to win them over with mildness or surprise them with cunning before they knew what plan I had in mind. So without awaiting the arrival of the ship in which I had arrived, I decided to board the same shallop, which was named the La Petite Adventure. Yet I did not do so the same day because the governor considered it advisable to put it off until the next day and gave me some men to replace the seven whom I had brought, who were exhausted. I went aboard early the next morning with Captain Geyer,20 but since the wind was against us, I got them to set me on shore with Captain Geyer and the Englishman who spoke French. And after sending the shallop away with the other men, I determined to go overland /113/ to the place where I was supposed to find my nephew’s signs which were to inform me of their location. The three of us walked until the following morning. When we arrived at the place where I had told my nephew to leave me some signs and had picked them up, I learned that he and his men had left our former houses and had built themselves another one on an island above the rapids on the Hayes River.21 After that we continued our route until we arrived at some houses that had been abandoned, where I was hoping to discover something, or at least see or hear what we could find out by shooting off [our] muskets and making some smoke. In that my expectation was not entirely futile, for after we had spent some time here we spotted ten canoes of wild men who were going down the river. At first I thought that there might be some Frenchmen with them, whom my nephew might have sent to discover who the new arrivals were, which obliged me to tell Captain Geyer that I was going to go down to the edge of the river to speak to them. I entreated him to wait for me on the height without worrying, and said that in a little while he /114/ would be able to give evidence of my fidelity to the company’s service. Meanwhile, I went to meet the wild men and made the accustomed signals to them from the side of the river in order to get them to come towards me. But when I perceived that they did not intend to do so, I spoke to them in their language to make myself known. That made them approach the riverbank. 20 George Geyer: see 1: 17. 21 Presumably the “Old French Houses” marked on Tyrrell’s map of 1931 (Documents relating to the Early History of Hudson’s Bay, unpaginated foldout map). The new house built by Chouart above the rapids was on Rainbow Island.

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bord et ne me connoissant point, ils me demanderent à voir les marques que j’avois. Ce qu’ayant fait ils temoignerent11 par des cris d’alegresse et de postures12 de divertissement la joye qu’ils avoient de mon arrivée. J’appris en suitte d’eux que mon neveu et les autres françois estoient au dessus du rapide éloignés13 de quatre lieües du lieu où j’estois, et qu’ils leur avoient dit que mon beau-frere Desgrosillers devoit aussi venir avec moy. Ce qui m’obligea de leur dire qu’il estoit arrivé et qu’ils le verroient dans quelques jours. Ensuitte je leur dis que nous les avions toûjours aimez comme nos freres, et que je leur voulois donner des marques de mon amitié, dequoy ils me remercierent, et me prierent de n’estre pas en colere de ce que par conseil ils avoient esté traiter avec des anglois et de ce que /115/ je les trouvois allant à la rencontre de leur capitaine, qui estoit allé aux travers des bois avec 20 hommes aux navires anglois pour avoir de la poudre et des fusils, à quoy la faim qu’ils avoient endurée dépuis un mois en m’attendant les avoit contraints, mais que púis que j’estois arrivé ils ne passoierent pas plus outre, et que leur chef qu’ils alloient advertir de ma venüe m’endiroit davantage. Cependant j’avois à faire de quelqu’un d’entre eux pour faire advertir mon neveu de mon arrivée.14 Je leur demanday à tous s’ils aimoient le fils de Desgrosilliers et s’ils n’avoit point de parents parmy eux. Sur quoy il y en eut un qui me dit c’est mon fils, et je suis pret à faire ce que tu voudras et dans ce moment s’estant debarqué je luy fis mettre son castor à terre, et aprés avoir appellé le capitaine Gayer je parlay en ces termes à ce sauvage en la presence des autres. J’ay fait la paix pour l’amour de vous avec les anglois, vous, eux, et moy, ne devons estre desormais qu’un. Embrasse ce capitaine, et moy, en signe de paix. C’est ton nouveau frere, et celuy de ton fils, va-t-en incessament luy porter cette nouvelle et les marques de la paix. Dis luy qu’il me vienne voir en ce lieu pendant que les sauvages de ta compagnie iront m’attendre à l­’em-/116/ bouchure de la riviere. Ce sauvage ne manqua point d’aller advertir son fils mon neveu de mon arrivée, et de luy porter la nouvelle de la paix entre les francois et les anglois, pendant que nous attendions sa descente vers le lieu où nous estions avec impatience, ce qui n’arriva neanmoins que le lendemain sur les neuf heures du matin. Je vis dabord paroitre mon neveu dans un canot avec trois autres françois, accompagné de l’autre canot sauvage que j’avois envoyé et qui s’estoient advancês pour m’advertir de l’arrivée de mon neveu. Je promis à ce sauvage et 11 S: marques que j’avois lesquelles leur ayant montrées ils termoignerent. 12 S: des cris et des postures. 13 S: du rapide de la riviere éloignez. 14 S: neveu que j’étois dans le païs.

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When they did not recognize me, they asked to see the marks [of identification] that I had. Once that was done, they expressed the joy that my arrival gave them by cries of happiness and some lively postures. Next I learned that my nephew and the other Frenchmen were above the rapids four leagues away22 from where I was and that they had told them my brother-in-law Des Groseilliers was also supposed to come with me, so I had to tell them that he had arrived and they would see him in a few days. Then I told them that we had always loved them as our brothers, and that I wanted to give them some sign of my friendship. They thanked me for this and begged me not to be angry that after consulting [among themselves] they had gone to trade with the English; and that /115/ I found them en route to meet their captain who had gone through the woods with twenty men in the English boats to get some powder and muskets. The hunger they had endured waiting for me over the past month had forced them to do so. But since I had arrived, they would not continue, and their chief (whom they were going to inform of my arrival) would tell me more about it. Meanwhile, I had to get one of them to inform my nephew of my arrival. I asked all of them if they loved the son of Des Groseilliers and if they had not become his [adoptive] parents. Upon which, one of them told me: “He is my son, and I am ready to do what you want.” And just as he was getting out of his canoe, I had him place his beaver [skin] on the ground. And having called Captain Geyer, I spoke in these terms to this wild man in the presence of the others: “I made peace with the English for love of you. From now on, you and I with them, we should be but one. Greet this captain and me as a sign of peace. He is your new brother and that of your son. Go without delay and bear him [young Des Groseilliers] this news, and the signs of peace. Tell him that he should come to see me here while the wild men of your company go and wait for me at the /116/ mouth of the river.” This wild man did not fail to go and inform his adopted son, my nephew, of my arrival, and to carry news of the peace between the French and English to him, while we impatiently awaited his descent to the place where we were. However this did not happen until the next day at nine in the morning. First I saw my nephew appear in a canoe with three other Frenchmen, accompanied by the canoe of the other wild man whom I had sent, and which came in advance in order to inform me of the arrival of my nephew. I promised this wild

22 S: removed from the rapids of the river.

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à son camarade chacun un capot de leur redonnay leurs castors avec ordre de m’aller attendre avec les autres à l’emboucheure de la riviere. Aprés cela le capitaine Gayer, l’anglois qui parloit françois, et moy passames dans l’eau jusqu’a demy jambe pour aborder une petit isle où mon neveu avec ses gens devoit prendre terre. Il y estoit arrivé devant nous et il vint à notre rencontre me salüer, fort surpris de l’union que j’avois faite avec messieurs les anglois. Nous passames ensuite tous ensemble dans son canot jusqu’a nos anciennes maisons, où je fis entrer les anglois et les françois, et pendant qu’ils s’entre-/117/tenoient de leurs fatigues communes je parlay en particullier à mon neveu en ces termes: Il vous souvient sans doute d’avoir entendu raconter à vôtre pere les peines et les fatigues que nous avons eües en servant la France pendant plusieurs années. Vous avez aussi apris de luy que la recompence que nous avions sujet d’en esperer fut une noire ingratitude, tant du costé de la cour que de celle de la compagnie de Canada, et que cela nous ayant reduits à la necessité de chercher à servir ailleurs, l’Angleterre nous receut avec des temoignages de joye et de satisfaction. Vous sçavés aussi les motifs qui ont obligé vôtre pere et moy aprés treize années de service de quitter les anglois, la necessité de subscister et les refus que faisoient les mal intentionnés de la Compagnie de la Baye de Hudson des nous satisfaire, ont donné lieu à notre separation, et à l’establissement que nous avons fait et dont je vous ay laissé en possession en partant pour France. Mais vous ignorés sans doute que le prince qui regne en Angleterre ait desadvoué le procedé de la compagnie à notre égard, et qu’il nous ait fait rappeller à son service pour y recevoir /118/ les effects de sa royalle protection, et une entiere satisfaction des nos mécontentemens. J’ay laissé vôtre pere en Angleterre plus heureux que nous, en ce-qu’il est asseuré de sa subsistence et qu’il commance à gouter du repos, pendant que je suis venu vous apprendre que nous somme maintenant anglois, et que nous avons preferé les bontés du roy clement et débonnaire en suivant nos inclinations qui est de servir en gens de coeur et d’honneur, aux offres que celuy de France nous faisoit faire par ses ministres, afin de nous obliger à travallier indirectement pour la gloire.

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man and his comrade each a heavy coat and gave them back their beavers with an order to go and wait for me with the others at the mouth of the river. After that Captain Geyer, the Englishman who spoke French, and I crossed in water up to our knees over to a little island where my nephew and his men were supposed to land. He had arrived there before us and came to greet me at our encounter, very surprised at the alliance that I had made with the English. Then we all crossed together in his canoe over to our former houses, which I made the English and the French enter. And while they were conversing /117/ about their shared hardships, I spoke in private to my nephew in these terms: “You will undoubtedly remember having heard your father talk about the troubles and difficulties that we have experienced serving France for many years. You have also learned from him that the recompense for it we had expected turned out to be black ingratitude, as much from the court as from the company of Canada, and that when we were reduced to the necessity of ­seeking to serve elsewhere, England received us with expressions of joy and satisfaction. “You also know that the motives which obliged your father and me to quit the English after thirteen years of service,23 the necessity of survival, and the refusals to satisfy us of those in the Hudson’s Bay Company who were our enemies, gave rise to our separation and to the establishment that we have created, and which I left in your hands when I departed for France. But you surely do not know that the prince who rules in England has repudiated the company’s proceedings with respect to us, and has had us recalled to his service in order to receive /118/ the effects of his royal protection, and full satisfaction for our discontents. I left your father in England happier than we are;24 he is assured of his maintenance and he is beginning to enjoy some rest, while I have come to inform you that we are now English, and that we have preferred the bounty of this mild and good-natured king by following our desire, which is, to serve as courageous and honourable men in response to the proposals that the prince of France25 was putting to us through his ministers in order to oblige us to work indirectly for glory.26 23 “Thirteen” is inaccurate; at this point Radisson and Des Groseilliers had served the English at most from 1667 to 1675. 24 Radisson may have thought Des Groseilliers would follow him to England, but he probably left France for Quebec with La Salle’s fleet some time in late July; BL, Add. 63760, f.102, Preston to Sunderland, 17 June 1684. 25 King Charles II of England ... King Louis XIV of France. 26 The implication is that behind the French/English rhetoric over conflicting claims to Hudson Bay was the intention of both parties (amply demonstrated in letters of the

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J’ay receu ordre avant partir de Londres de prendre soing de vous, et de vous obliger à servir la nation angloise. Vous estes jeune et en estat de travailler utillement à vôtre fortune. Si vous etes resolu de suivre mes sentimens, je ne vous abandonneray point. Vous recevrés le mesme traitement que moy, et je participeray mesme au depens de mes interets à vôtre contentement. J’auray soing aussi de ceux qui sont restez sur ma parolle en ces lieux avec vous, et je n’obmet­ tray rien de tout ce qui pût contribuer à vôtre advancement. Vous estes de mon sang,15 je /119/ sçay que vous avés du courage et de la resolution. Determinés vous promtement et faites moy voir par la reponse que j’attends que vous estes digne des bontés du prince clement que je sers, mais n’oubliés pas sur toutes choses les injures que les francois ont faites à celluy qui vous a donné la vie et que vous estes en mon pouvoir. Quand mon neveu eut entendu tout ce que je venois de luy dire, il me protesta qu’il n’avoit point d’autres sentimens que les miens, et qu’il fairoit tout ce que je souhaiterois de luy, mais qu’il me prioit d’avoir soin de sa mere, à quoy je repondis que je n’avois pas oublié qu’elle estoit ma sœur, et que la confiance qu’il me temoignoit avoir en cette occasion, estoit un double engagement qui m’obligeroit d’avoir soin d’elle et de luy. De quoy ayant esté satisfait il me remit le pouvoir de commandement que je luy avois laissé, et l’ayant embrassé je luy dis qu’il parut dans l’assemblée des anglois et françois aussi content qu’il le devoit estre, et de laisser le reste à ma conduit. Aprés quoy nous rentrames dans la maison ou je commanday un des françois, d’aller incessament avertir ses camarades que tout alloit bien qu’ils devoient prendre une entiere confiance en moy, et obeir à mes ordres /120/ quoy faisant ils ne manqueroient de rien. J’ordonnay aussi à ce mesme françois d’advertir les sauvages de descendre et16 de travailler incessament avec ces camarades, à rapporter des castors, qu’ils avoient cachez dans les bois à la maison nouvellement bâtie, et afin de le pouvoir faire avec plus de dilligence je luy dis de doubler l’ordinaire de leur subscistance. Ensuitte je dis à mon neveu de passer du costé du nord17 avec le françois, qui luy servoit d’interprette, et d’aller par terre au rendez-vous que j’avois donné aux sauvages les jours precedents, pendant que je me rendrois par eau au mesme

15 S: Je vous aime vous estes de mon sang. 16 S: descendre vers moy, et de. 17 S: passer la riviere du nord avec.

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“Before leaving London, I received orders to take care of you, and to require you to serve the English nation. You are young and in condition to work productively for your advancement. If you decide to follow my advice, I will not abandon you. You will receive the same treatment as me, and I will even contribute to your satisfaction at the expense of my own interests. I will also take care of those who stayed here with you, and to whom I gave my word, and I will not overlook anything that might contribute to your advancement. You are of my blood.27 I /119/ know that you have courage and resolution. Make up your mind quickly and let me see by the response which I anticipate that you are worthy of the bounty of the mild prince whom I serve. But above all do not forget the injuries of the French to the one who gave you life, and that you are in my power.” When my nephew had heard all that I had just said to him, he protested to me that he had no other thoughts than my own, and that he would do all that I would wish of him, but he begged me to look after his mother. To which I responded that I had not forgotten that she was my sister, and that the confidence he expressed towards me on this occasion involved a double commitment to look after both her and him.28 Whereupon, being satisfied, he handed the power of command, which I had left to him, back to me. And having embraced him, I told him that he should appear content among the English and French, as he ought to be, and to leave the rest to my management. Whereupon we went back into the house, where I commanded one of the Frenchmen to go without delay and advise his comrades that everything was going well, and that they ought to have complete confidence in me and obey my orders. /120/ By doing so, they would lack nothing. I also ordered the same Frenchman to instruct the wild men to descend, and immediately set to work with these comrades to bring the beavers that they had hidden in the woods to the newly built house. And to encourage them to do so with greater speed, I told him to double the usual portion for their maintenance. Next I told my nephew to cross from the north shore29 with the Frenchman who served as his interpreter and go overland to the rendezvous that I had ­arranged days before with the wild men, while I would go to the same period) to resolve the issue without conflict. Radisson saw himself, probably rightly, as an agent of this diplomatic contrivance. 27 S: I love you; you are of my blood. 28 Chouart later complained bitterly to his mother of Radisson’s treatment of him: see 1:84-6. 29 S: to cross the northern river with.

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rendezvous avec le capitaine Gayer et les deux autres hommes qui me restoient. Avec lesquels m’estant embarqué dans le canot de mon neveu, je descendis la riviere jusqu’à l’emboucheure, ou je trouvay les sauvages qui m’attendoient avec impatience, lequels ayant esté joints le lendemain par trente autres canots de sauvages, que j’avois fait advertir de descendre, et par leur capitaine qui estoit venu vers moy par terre. Nous fumes tous ensemble dans les canots sauvages à bord des vaisseaux qui estoient eschoués su la riviere de Nelson. Ce fut en cet endroit que le chef des sauvages me parla /121/ de beaucoup des choses, et qu’aprés avoir receu de mes mains un des presents destinés pour les chefs de ces nations, il me dit que luy et ses peuples parleroient de mon nom à toutes les nations, pour les inviter de venir vers moy fumer au calumet d’union. Mais il blama fortement le gouverneur anglois de luy avoir dit que mon frere avoit esté fait mourir, que j’estois prisonier et qu’il estoit venu pour détruire le reste des françois. Ce chef des sauvages adjoutoit au blâme la plainte et disoit hautement que celuy la éstoit indigne de son amitié et de celle de leurs anciens freres, qui commancoient à s’establir parmy eux en leur disant des mensonges. Le murmure et l’emportement avoit aussi part à son indignation. Il profera par plusieurs fois des injures contre le gouverneur, qui tachoit de se justifier des choses qu’il avoit advancées par imprudence contre la verité, mais le chef sauvage ne vouloit entendre rien de sa part ni de celle des autres anglois, tout luy estoit dévenu suspect. Cependant j’apaisay ce differant par l’authorité que j’ay sur l’esprit de ces nations, et ayant faict embrasser le chef sauvage et le gouverneur apres les avoir moy mesme embrassés tous deux, donnant a entendre au /122/ sauvage qu c’estoit en signe de paix je luy dis aussi que je voulois faire le festin de cette mesme paix et que j’avois donné ordre que l’on fit à manger. En pareilles18 occasions les sauvages ont accoutumé de faire preceder le festin d’une harangue, qui consiste à reconnoitre pour leurs freres, ceux avec lesquels ils font la paix, et a loüer leurs forces. Apres avoir instruit le chef sauvage de l’experience, force et valeur de la nation angloise, il s’acquita avec beaucoup de jugement, de cette action, et il fut aplaudy des nôtres, et des siens.

18 E.1/2, S: En de pareilles.

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rendezvous by water with Captain Geyer and the two other men who remained with me. With them I embarked in my nephew’s canoe and went down the river to the mouth, where I found the wild men, who were waiting for me impatiently. They had been joined the following day by thirty other canoes of wild men whom I had instructed to come down, and by the captain who had come to me by land. We all went together in the wild men’s canoes towards the ships which were beached along the Nelson River. It was in this place that the chief of the wild men spoke to me /121/ of many things. And after having received from my hands one of the gifts intended for the chiefs of these nations,30 he told me that he and his people would speak of me to all the nations in order to invite them to come to me and smoke the calumet of union. But he severely criticized the English governor for having told him that my brother had been put to death, that I was a prisoner, and that he had come to destroy the rest of the French. The chief of the wild men added complaint to blame, saying loudly that he [the governor] was unworthy of his friendship and of that of their former brothers who were beginning to establish themselves among them, because he told them lies. And he also expressed his indignation with angry mutterings. On several occasions he insulted the governor, who attempted to justify himself for the things that he had foolishly asserted against the truth, but the chief of the wild men did not want to hear anything from him or from the other Englishmen; everything had become suspect to him. Yet I calmed this dispute with the authority that I have over the minds of these nations. When I had gotten the chief of the wild men and the governor to embrace, and after I had embraced them both myself, giving the wild man to believe /122/ that it was a sign of peace, I also told him that I wanted to make a feast for this same peace, and that I had given an order that everyone would be served something to eat. On similar occasions the wild men are accustomed to precede the feast with a speech which would identify for their brothers those with whom they are making the peace, and praise their strengths. After the chief had been informed about the experience, strength, and value of the English nation, he carried out this task with much good judgment, and was applauded by our people and his.

30 Radisson uses the word “nation” in its ordinary modern sense when referring to France or England, but when applied to Aboriginal people it is not clear whether he means family, clan, or tribe, terms that are themselves debated by ethnographers working in the area today.

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Je luy dis ensuite en la presence de ses peuples que les françois n’estoient point de bons hommes de mer, qu’ils apprehendoient les glaces au travers des quelles il falloit passer pour leur venir aporter des marchandises d’ailleurs que leurs vaisseaux estoient foibles, et incapables de resister dans les mers du nord. Mais que pour les anglois ils estoient robustes, hardis et entreprenans, qu’ils avoient la connoissance de toutes les mers, et des grands et forts vaisseaux qui leur apporteroient des marchandises en tous tems, et sans discontinuation. De quoy ayans temoigné estre satisfaits, le chef sauvage vint19 dîner avec nous pendant que ses peuples mangerent ensemble, ce que je leur avois fait donner. /123/ Le repas estant fini il fut question de commancer la traite. Et comme j’avois formé le dessain d’abolir la coutume que les anglois avoient introduite dépuis que j’avois quité leur service, qui estoit de faire de presens aux sauvages pour les attirer dans leur party, ce qui estoit directement oposé à ce que j’avois pratiqué, car au lieu de donner de presens je m’en faisois faire, je dis donc au chef des sauvages à la presence de ceux de sa nation qu’il me fit les presens que je recevois d’ordinaire en pareille occasion. Sur cela ils parlerent entre eux, et ensuitte ils me presenterent soixante peaux de castor en me disant de les accepter en signe de nôtre ancienne amitié, et de considerer qu’ils estoient pauvres, et bien éloignés de leur païs, qu’ils avoient juné plusieurs fois en venant, et qu’ils seroient obligés de juner en s’en retournant, que les françois de Canada leur faisoient des presens pour les obliger d’ouvrir leurs paquets, et que les anglois du fond de la baye donnoient à toutes les nations trois haches pour un castor. Ils adjoutoient à cela que le castor estoit difficile à tuer et que leur misere estoit digne de pitié. Je leur repondis que j’avois compassion de leur estat, et que je ferois tout ce qui estoit en mon pouvoir pour les soulager, mais qu’il estoit bien plus raisonnable qu’ils me fissent des presens que /124/ moy a eux tant à cause que je venois d’un païs bien plus loin que leur, pour leur apporter de marchandises, que parce que je leur espargnois la peine d’aller à Quebec, et

19 S: De quoy ce chef ayant temoigne etre satisfait il vint.

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Then I told him in the presence of his people that the French were not good seamen,31 that they dreaded the ice through which they had to pass in order to come and bring them merchandise, and moreover that their vessels were feeble and incapable of holding up in the northern seas. But as for the English, they were robust, bold, and enterprising; they had knowledge of all the seas and big, strong vessels which would bring them merchandise at any time, and without ceasing. Having made known his satisfaction with that, the chief came to dine with us while his people ate together that which I had arranged to be given to them. /123/ The meal having ended, it was time to begin trading. I had formed the design of abolishing the custom that the English had introduced since I left their service, which was to offer presents to the wild men in order to attract them to their side. [It] was completely opposed to what I had practised, for instead of my giving gifts, they offered them to me.32 I therefore said to the chief of the wild men in the presence of those of his nation that he should offer the gifts that I normally received on such an occasion. Whereupon they spoke among themselves, and then presented me with sixty beaver skins, telling me to accept them as a sign of our old friendship, and to consider that they were poor and far removed from their country, that they had fasted several times while coming, and that they would be obliged to fast when going back.33 They said that the Frenchmen of Canada made gifts to them in order to oblige them to open their bundles, and that the English from the Bottom of the Bay were giving three hatchets for one beaver to all the nations. To that, they added that the beaver was difficult to kill and that their poverty was worthy of pity. I answered them that I had compassion for their condition and that I would do everything in my power to relieve them, but that it was much more reasonable that they should give gifts to me than /124/ I to them, because I came from a land much farther away than theirs in order to bring them merchandise and because I spared them the trouble of going to Quebec. 31 This was true of the French navy, if not of their fishing fleet. For Colbert’s attempt, beginning in 1661, to build the French Marine into a cohesive and disciplined service, staffed by well-born men, structured hierarchically, and based on strict discipline, see La Roncière, Histoire de la Marine Française, 5: 345–64. The English of course had a long tradition of seamanship and shipbuilding. 32 Radisson’s long experience with Aboriginal peoples had taught him the ritual function of such gifts, whereas to the Englishmen gifts seemed a purely material inducement to trade. 33 For the ritual function of the Aboriginal plea “we are poor, we are hungry,” see BlackRogers, “‘Starving’ and Survival in the Subarctic Fur Trade.”

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quant à la difference de la traite des anglois du fond de la baye avec la nôtre je luy dis que chacun estoit le maitre de ce qui luy appartenoit et en liberté d’en disposer selon sa volunté, qu’il m’importoit fort peu de traiter avec eux, lors que j’avois pour amis toutes les autres nations, que ceux la estoient les maitres de mes marchandises, qui s’en rapportoient à ma generosité, qu’il y avoit trente années que j’estois leur frere et que je serois à l’advenir leur pere s’ils continuoient a m’aimer. Mais que s’ils estoient dans d’autres sentimens, j’estois bien aise de les advertir que je ferois appeller toutes les nations d’allentour pour les charger de mes marchandises, que l’advantage qu’elles recevroient par ce secours les rendroit puissantes, et les mettroit en estat de disputer les pasage à tous les sauvages qui habitoient dans les terres, que par ce moyen ils seroient reduits eux mesme à mener une vie languisante, et à voir mourir leurs femmes et leurs enfants par la guerre, ou la disete, dequoy leurs alliés quoy que ­puissants ne les pourroient pas garentir, parceque j’estois adverty qu’ils /125/ n’avoient ni coûteaux ni fusils. Ce discours obligea les sauvages de se soûmettre à tout ce que je voudrois, de maniere que les voyans disposés à la traite je leur dis que comme ils avoient un extreme besoin de coûteaux et de fusils, je leur donnerois dix coûteaux pour un castor, quoy que le maître de la terre, le roy mon souverain m’eust donné ordre de n’en donner que cinq, et qu’a l’esgard des fusils je leur en donnerois un pour douze castors et ils alloient accepter ma proposition, quand le gouverneur par crainte, ou imprudence, leur dit que nous ne leur demandions que dépuis sept, jusques â dix castors pour chaque fusil. Ce qui fut cause qu’il fallut les leur donner à ce prix la. La traite ce fit en suite avec toute sorte de tranquilité, et de bonne amitié, aprés quoy ses peuples prirent congé de nous, fort satisfaits ­sellon toutes les apparences, tant en general qu’en particullier de nôtre procedé, en temoinage de quoy ils nous promirent de revenir.20 Mais mon neveu ayant21 apris d’un chef des nations voisines qui estoit avec eux, qu’ils ne reviendroient point, il tira a part le chef sauvage des terres et luy dit qu’il avoit esté adverty qu’il ne nous amoit pas /126/ et qu’il ne reviendroit plus. De quoy ce chef parut fort surpris en demandant qui luy avoit aprise cela. Mon neveu luy dit c’est le sauvage apellé La Graise d’Ours. Ce qu’ayant entendu il fit en mesme tems ranger en armes tout son monde, parlant aux uns et aux autres afin d’obliger celluy qui estoit accusé de se declarer avec la fermeté d’un homme de courage, sans quoy on ne luy pouvoit rien faire, mais La Graisse de Ours ne vouleut rien repondre. 20 S: procedé et les chef aussi bien que les autres sauvages nous promirent de revenir en te moignage de leur satisfaction. 21 S: Mais au moment qu’ils alloient partir mon neveu ayant.

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And as for the difference between the English trade from the Bottom of the Bay and ours, I told him that each individual was the master of what belonged to him and was free to dispose of it as he wished, and that trading with them mattered very little to me when I had all the other nations for friends. I also told him that the people there were the masters of my merchandise, who were in agreement with my generosity, that for thirty years I had been their brother,34 and that I would be their father in the future if they continued to love me. But if they had other sentiments I had no difficulty in warning them that I would summon all the surrounding nations and supply them with all my merchandise, that the benefit those others would receive from this aid would make them powerful and would make it possible for them to challenge the comings and goings of all the wild men who were living in the land. By this means they themselves would waste away and see their women and children die in war or  famine, from which their allies, although powerful, would not be able to save them, because I had been advised that they /125/ had neither knives nor muskets. This speech forced the wild men to submit themselves to all my wishes, so that seeing they were disposed to trade, I told them that since they had a great need for knives and muskets, I would give them ten knives for one beaver, although the master of the land, my sovereign king, had commanded me to only give five, and that with respect to muskets, I would give them one for a dozen beavers. They were about to accept my proposition when the governor, either through fear or foolhardiness, told them that we were only asking for between seven and ten beavers for each musket. That was why we had to give them to them at that price. The trading took place subsequently in complete tranquility and good friendship. Afterwards, these people took leave of us, very satisfied to all appearances, in general and in particular, with our procedure, as proof of which, they promised us that they would come back. But because my nephew had learned from a chief of neighbouring nations who was among them that they would not come back, he took the Native chief of the land aside and told him that he had been advised that he did not love us /126/ and that he would return no more. Whereupon this chief appeared to be very surprised, asking who had told him that. My nephew told him it was the wild man called Bear Grease (La Graise d’Ours). As soon as he heard that, he drew up all his people in arms, and spoke to one and another of them in order to oblige the one who was accused to declare himself with the steadfastness of a courageous man, without which he could do nothing. But Bear Grease would give no response. 34 That is, c. 1652–53.

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La jalousie qui regne aussie bien parmi les nations sauvages que22 parmi les chrestiens avoit donné lieu à ses raports ausquels mon neveu avoit adjouté foy parce qu’il sçavoit que la conduite du gouverneur envers eux leur avoit donné autant de mécontentement contre nous tous, quelle avoit causé de perte à la compagnie. Le genie de ces peuples estant qu’on ne doit jamais demander que ce qui est juste, c’est à dire ce qu’on souhaite avoir pour chaque chose qu’on traite et que lors qu’on ce retracte on n’est pas homme. Cela fait voir qu’il n’y a proprement que les gens qui ont la connoissance des moeurs et des coutumes de ces nations qui soient capables de traiter avec elles, à quoy la fermeté et la resolution sont aussi extrement necessaires. Je m’en servis en-/127/core en cette occasion afin d’apaiser ce petit differant entre les sauvages. Et leur reconcilliation fut cause23 que leur chef me protesta de nouveau en m’appelant Téte de Porc Espy, qui est le nom qu’ils m’ont donné parmy eux, qu’il viendroit tous­ jours vers moy pour traiter, et qu’au lieu que je ne l’avois veu qu’avec cent hommes de sa jeunesse il ameneroit avec luy treize nations differantes, et qu’il ne manquoit point dans son païs ni hommes ni castors pour mon service. Aprés quoy ils nous quitterent et nous nous disposames à partir pour aller prendre possession de la maison de mon neveu de la maniere que j’en estois convenu avec luy. Pour cet effect je partis avec le gouverneur, le capitaine Gayer, et une partie de nos gens24 pour aller par terre jusqu’au lieu où nous avions laissé un de nos canots sur la riviere de Hayes, pendant que l’autre partie alloit par mer avec la chaloupe l’adventure, faire le tour de la pointe. Nous eumes le plaisir de considerer à notre aise la beauté du païs, et de ses rivages, dont le gouverneur est charmé par la difference qu’il y avoit des lieux qu’il avoit veu sur la riviere de Nelson. Nous nous embarquâmes ensuitte dans le canot jusqu à l’endroit où les françois avoient bâty leur nouvelle maison /128/ où nous trouvames ceux qui y estoient restés, si avancés dans le travail que je leur avois ordonné de faire que, quoy que fort inquiets de n’avoir point eu de nouvelles de mon neveu leur commandant, ni de moy, ils avoient entierement transporté tous les castors des bois dans la maison, et ponctuellement executé mes autres ordres. M’estant donc veu maistre de toutes choses sans avoir esté obligé d’en ­venir à aucune extremité, et tous les françois estans dans des dispositions de

22 S: parmi ces nations que. 23 S: et je fis leur reconciliati on laquelle fut cause. 24 S: Gayer et nos gens.

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The jealousy which rules just as much among the wild nations as among Christians had given rise to his statements, to which my nephew had given credence because he knew that the conduct of the governor towards them had created so much discontent against us all that it had occasioned a loss for the company. The mentality of these people is such that one ought only to ask what is just, that is to say what one wishes to have for each item of trade, for if one retracts this, one is not a man. It shows that properly only men with a knowledge of the habits and customs of these nations are capable of trading with them, for which firmness and determination are also extremely necessary. I made use of [these qualities] /127/ yet again on this occasion in order to quell this little disagreement between the wild men. And their reconciliation was the reason35 for their chief declaring to me again that he would always come to me for trading, calling me Porcupine Head (Téte de Porc Espy), which is the name they gave me among them. He also declared that instead of our seeing him with only 100 men of his youth, he would lead thirteen different nations with him, and that neither men nor beaver were lacking in his country to serve me. After that, they left us and we prepared to depart to take possession of my nephew’s house in the way that he and I had agreed upon. To this end, I set off with the governor, Captain Geyer and some of our men to cross overland to the spot where we had left one of our canoes on the Hayes River, while the other group of men went by sea with the shallop [La Petite] Adventure, to go around the point. We had the pleasure of considering at our leisure the beauty of the countryside and its shores, which charmed the governor by the difference there was from the places he had seen on the Nelson River.36 We then embarked in the canoe up to the place where the French had built their new house /128/ where we found those who had remained there so advanced in the work that I had ordered them to carry out that they had fully transferred all the beaver from the woods into the house and meticulously ­executed my other commands, even though they were greatly worried by the absence of news concerning my nephew their commander, or of me. So seeing myself master of the situation without having to resort to any extreme measures, and that all the Frenchmen were disposed to continue their 35 S: and I brought about their reconciliation, which was the reason. 36 Canoeists regularly travel the Hayes River; it is indeed more attractive than the noble but terrifying Nelson, the power of which is exploited today at numerous dams and generating stations. In 1684 the HBC abandoned the idea of establishing a post on the Nelson and built the first of three York forts across Marsh Point on the Hayes. That post played a major role in the history of western Canadian trading and immigration and remained active until 1957.

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me continüer leurs obeïssances, je fis faire inventaire de tout ce qui estoit dans la maison et je trouvay dans 239 paquets de castors le nombre de 12000 peaux, et encore de marchandises pour en traiter jusqu’a sept ou huit mil, ce qui me donna beaucoup de satisfaction. En suitte je dis à mon neveu de commander de ma part à ces mesme françois de descendre les castors jusqu’au lieu où ils ­devoient estre embarqués pour les transporter en suitte au navire. Ce qui fut executé avec tant de dilligence qu’en six jours huit ou dix hommes firent, malgré les difficultés qui empechoient qu’on ne pust aller en ce lieu que par des canots à cause de la rapidité et du peu d’eau qu’il y avoit dans la riviere, ce que d’autres auroient eu de la paine à faire /129/ en six mois sans aucune exageration. Mon neveu avoit en mon abscence choisi le lieu, où il avoit bâty une nouvelle maison qui estoit pour ainsi dire inaccessible, afin de se garantir des entreprises qu’on auroit peu faire contre luy, et c’estoit cela mesme qui empechoit la liberté d’aller, et d’y venir facilement. Les sauvages avec lesquels nous avions fait la traite n’ayant point fait tant de dilligence dans leur route que nous pour s’en retourner en leur païs. Ayans sçeu que j’estois dans nos maisons25 ils m’y vindrent voir pour me demander du tabac parce que je ne leur en avois point donné de celuy qui estoit dans le navire à cause qu’il n’estoit pas bon (m’estant excusé sur ce qu’il estoit à fonds de calle). Je leur fis present de celuy que mon neveu avoit de reste, dont ils furent satisfaits. Mais je fus surpris de voir sur le sable en me promenant au tour de la maison avec le gouverneur, quantite de bouts d’un autre tabac qui avoit esté sellon les apparences ainsi jetté par indignation. Je repassois dans mon esprit ce qui pouvoit avoir donné lieu à cella, quand ce grand chef et capitaine des sauvages me vint dire que quelque jeunesse de sa bande, ïritée encore par le souvenir de ce que les anglois leur avoient dit, que mon frere /130/ Desgrosilliers estoit mort, que j’estois prisonnier, et qu’ils estoient venus pour faire perir tous les autres françois, aussi bien que des coups de canon qu’ils avoient tiré a balle dans les bois le jour que j’estois arrivé, avoient ainsi jetté ce tabac qui venoit des anglois par mespris, n’en voulant point fumer. Il m’asseura aussi que cette jeunesse avoit méchant dessein sur les anglois, qu’il m’en advertissoit afin de les empecher de sortir de la maison. Le gouverneur, qui avoit peine à croire que ce tabac jetté sur le table fust le presage de quelqu’entreprise facheuse, en fut néanmoins convaincu par les discours du sauvage.

25 S: notre habitation.

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obedience, I had an inventory drawn up of all that was in the house and found 239 bundles of beaver, 12,000 skins37 and, still remaining, up to 7,000 or 8,000 items of merchandise for trading, which gave me much satisfaction. I then told my nephew to order these same Frenchmen on my behalf to bring down the beaver to the place where they were to be loaded in order to transport them afterwards to the boat. That was executed with such industry that in six days eight or ten men did what others would have had trouble doing /129/ in six months, without exaggeration, and in spite of the difficulties which hindered them from going into this place except by canoe because of the swiftness and low level of the water in the river. My nephew had chosen the spot in my absence,38 where he had built a new house which was, so to speak, inaccessible, in order to safeguard himself against attempts that might have been made against him. It was the very thing [i.e., its inaccessibility] that made it difficult to come and go easily. The wild men with whom we had traded had not made as much speed as we had in their route homeward into their country. Since they knew that I was at our houses, they came to see me in order to ask me for some tobacco, because I had not given any to them from what was in the boat, because it was not good (I apologized that it had been in the bottom of the hold). I made a gift to them of that which remained to my nephew, with which they were satisfied. But I was surprised to see on the sand, when I was walking around the house with the governor, a large quantity of ends from another kind of tobacco. They had apparently been thrown down this way in anger. I went over in my mind what could have caused that to happen, when the great chief and captain of the wild men came to tell me that some of the youths from his band had scornfully thrown away this tobacco which came from the English, refusing to smoke it.39 They were still irritated by the memory of what the English had said to them – that my brother /130/ Des Groseilliers had died, that I was a prisoner, and that they had come to kill all the other Frenchmen – as well as by the cannon shots that they had fired into the woods on the day of my arrival. He also assured me that these youths had a wicked design on the English, which he was warning me about in order to prevent them from leaving the house. The governor, who had trouble believing that the tobacco thrown onto the sand was the sign of some threatening venture, was nevertheless convinced of it by the wild man’s speech. 37 These must be the furs on which Radisson’s later claims against the HBC were based. 38 Rainbow Island. 39 Tobacco traded by the English before 1685 would have been Virginia tobacco; the Natives much preferred the richer Brazil tobacco traded by the French; see Mancke, A Company of Businessmen, 43–4.

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Je le priay de venir avec moy dans la maison, et de n’en point sortir non plus que les autres anglois de quelque tems, les asseurant neanmoiens qu’ils n’avoient rien à craindre et que tous les françois et moy peririons plutost que de souffrir qu’on leur fit la moindre insulte. Aprés quoy j’ordinnay à mon neveu de faire incessament embarquer tous les sauvages continuer leur route jusqu’a leur païs, ce qui fut fait. Ainsi nous fûmes delivrés de toute sorte d’aprehension et libres de travailler à nos afaires. Cependant je ne sçavois assés admirer la constance de /131/ mon neveu et des ses gens en ce qu’ils travailloient eux mesme à se desaisir d’un bien en faveur des anglois leurs anciens ennemis, sur lequel ils avoient de justes pretentions, sans avoir d’autres asseurances de leur satisfaction que la confiance qu’ils avoient en mes paroles. D’ailleurs je ne pouvois m’empecher de faire éclater la joye que j’avois d’avoir reüssi à mon entreprise, et de voir qu’en commençant à donner de marques de mon zele pour le service de la compagnie angloise, je la faisois profiter d’un advantage trés considerable, qui luy donneroit pour l’advenir des asseurances de ma fidelité et l’obligeroit d’avoir soing de mes ­interets, en me donnant ce qui m’appartient legitimement et en m’acquitant envers mon neveu et les autres françois de ce que je leur avois promis et qu’un long et penible travail leur avoit acquis. Aprés cella c’est a dire pendant les trois jours que nous restames dans cette maison je voulus m’informer exactement de mon neveu et en presence de messieurs les anglois, ce qui s’estoit passé entre eux depuis que j’estois party du païs, et sçavoir comment et de quelle maniere il y avoit eu deux anglois tués, sur quoy mon neveu, ayant pris la parolle il me parla en ces termes. /132/ [«] Quelques jours aprés vôtre depart en l’année 1683, le 27 Juillet, quantité de coups de canon que nous entendîmes, tirer du costé de la grand riviere, nous firent connoitre qu’il y avoit quelque navire anglois qui estoient arrivés. En effect ayant envoyé trois des mes hommes pour le sçavoir, et tacher de découvrir leur dessein, j’appris d’eux à leur retour, que c’estoit deux navires anglois et qu’ils avoient fait rencontre de trois hommes, de cette nation, à une lieüe de ces vaisseaux, mais qu’ils ne s’estoient point parlez, s’estant contentés de se salüer les uns les autres.

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I begged him [the governor] to come with me into the house, [instructing him] and the other Englishmen not to leave it for some time, nevertheless assuring them that they had nothing to fear and that all the French and I would perish rather than allow the youths to cause them the least injury. After that I ordered my nephew to get all the wild men to embark without delay and continue on their journey to their country, which was done. Thus we were delivered from all this apprehension, and freed to get on with our business. Meanwhile, I could not have admired more the perseverance of /131/ my nephew and his men, working to dispossess themselves of an asset [the furs] to the benefit of the English, their former enemies, [a benefit] to which they had some just claims, yet without any other assurances of their own satisfaction than the confidence that they had in my words. Moreover, I could not prevent myself from giving free rein to my joy in the success of my undertaking. I saw that in beginning to give proof of my zeal in the service of the English company, I was making certain it would profit from a very considerable advantage, which would assure my fidelity for the future and oblige it to take care of my interests by giving me what legitimately belongs to me40 and by settling my debt to my nephew and the other Frenchmen for what I had promised to them and what they had acquired through long and difficult labour. Afterwards, that is to say during the three days that remained to us in this house, I sought to be informed by my nephew and in the presence of the English gentlemen of precisely what had happened between them since I had left the country, and to know how and in what way two Englishmen were killed. Upon which my nephew took the floor and spoke to me in these terms.41 /132/ “A few days after your departure on 27 July 1683, a barrage of cannon fire which we heard shot off from the side of the great river42 informed us that an English ship had arrived. Indeed, when I sent three of my men to reconnoitre the situation and attempt to discover their plan, I learned from them upon their return that two English ships had arrived43 and that they had met three men of that nation at a league from these vessels, but that they had not engaged in conversation, being satisfied to greet one other. 40 That is, the profit from the furs Radisson was bringing back to England on his return in 1684. 41 There now begins a long account that purports to be in the words of Jean-Baptiste Chouart. Though its similarity in style to Radisson’s own narrative suggests that the older man may have drawn it up, it is sufficiently detailed that it must be based on Chouart’s diary, or at least his log of events during Radisson’s absence. 42 The Nelson River. 43 The Diligence and the George.

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[«] Mais comme mon principal dessein estoit de decouvrir celluy des anglois et que mes hommes n’en avoit rien fait, j’en renvoyay trois autres pour s’instruire de ce qui se passoit. Ces trois derniers estant arrivés à la pointe qui est entre les deux rivieres de Nelson, et de Hayes, ils firent rencontre de quatorze ou quinze sauvages chargés de marchandises, ausquels ayant demandé d’où ils estoient, et d’où ils venoient, ils avoient repondu que leur nation habitoit le long de la riviere apelée New Savern, qui estoit au sud de cette de Hayes, et qu’ ils venoient de traiter avec leurs freres qui estoient establis au fond de la baye. Aprés quoy mes hommes leur /133/ avoient aussi dit, quy ils estoient, et où ils habitoient, en les priant de venir fumer avec eux du tabac le plus estimé en ce païs la, à quoy ils avoient volontiers consenty, en faisant paroître beaucoup de chagrin de n’avoir pas sceu plutost que nous estions establis proche d’eux, ­temoignant qu’ils auroient esté bien aise d’avoir traité avec nous. [«] Dans ces entretiens ils arriverent26 ensemble à nôtre maison à la reserve toute fois d’un d’entre eux lequel ayant pretesté d’avoir oublié quelque chose dit27 a ses camarades qu’ils l’allassent attendre à l’habitation des francois, où il arriva deux jours aprés pour estre le temoing de la bonne reception que j’avois fait à ses freres, dont je le rendis aussi participant en luy donnant du tabac. Mais ce scelerat28 avoit eu un tout autre dessein que celuy d’aller chercher ce qu’ils suposoit avoir perdu. Je compris29 en l’entendant parler avec les autres sauvages, qu’il avoit esté trouver les anglois et qu’il esté chargé de leur part de faire quelque méchante action, en quoy je ne fus pas trompé car ce mal’heureux m’ayant veu tout seul et sans armes il’m’avoit prit par la main30 et en me disant que je ne valois rien parce que je n’aimois point les an-/134/glois et que je ne luy avois pas payé par presens la possession du païs que j’habitois, à luy qui estoit le chef de toutes les nations, et l’amy des anglois du fonds de la baye. Il laissa tomber sa robe qui le couvroit, et demeurant tout nud, me porta un coup

26 S: En continuant de s’entretenir de plusieurs choses touchant la traitte arriverent. 27 S: chose etoit retourné sur ses pieds disant. 28 S: Mais je descouvres que ce sauvage. 29 S: ce qu’il avoit perdu ayant compris. 30 S: quelque entreprise sur nous. En effect ce scelerat n’ayant veu seul et hors de deffiance se mit en devoir de executer son mechant dessein. Il me prit.

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“But since my main plan was to find out about those English and my men had done nothing, I sent back three others to learn what was happening. When these latter three arrived at the point which lies between the two rivers, the Nelson and Hayes, they were met by fourteen or fifteen wild men, loaded down with trade goods. When they had asked them where they were from and whence they came, the wild men answered that their nation lived along the river named New Severn44 which lay to the south of the Hayes, and that they had just been trading with their brothers who were settled at the Bottom of the Bay. Upon which my men /133/ also told them [the New Severn men] who they were and where they lived, entreating them to come and smoke some tobacco with them which was the most esteemed in that land. They had willingly agreed to that, making a show of much distress at not having known sooner that we were settled near them, and insisting that they would have been very happy to have traded with us. “In these discussions, they arrived45 at our house together, with the exception of one of them who on the pretext of having forgotten something said46 to his comrades that they should go and wait for him at the Frenchmen’s habitation. He arrived there two days later to witness the good reception that I had given to his brothers, in which I also included him by giving him some tobacco. But this scoundrel47 had devised a plan quite different from that of going to seek what he had supposedly lost. Overhearing him speak to the other wild men, I realized that he had gone to find the English and that he had been charged with performing some wicked action on their behalf. In this I was not deceived, since this wretch, having seen me all alone and without any weapons, had taken me by the hand48 and told me that I was worthless because I did not love the Eng-/134/lish and had not paid him with gifts49 for the possession of the land which I was inhabiting, he who was the chief of all the nations and the friend of the English at the Bottom of the Bay. He let fall the robe which was covering him, and stood there completely naked while he took a stab at me

44 The Severn River, originally named New Severn by Thomas James. 45 S: While continuing to discuss many things touching the trade there arrived. 46 S: something, had retraced his steps saying. 47 S: But I discovered that this wild man. 48 S: some venture against us. Indeed, this scoundrel had seen me alone and without distrust and set himself to the duty of executing his wicked plan. He took me. 49 This must be Chouart’s own phrasing, because Radisson never invokes the concept that a present is some kind of payment.

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de son poignard que je paray heureusement avec la main, où je receus une legere blesseure qui ne m’empecha pas de le saisir par un collier qu’il avoit au col, et de le jetter à terre. Ce que m’ayant donné le loisir de prendre mon epée et de me reconnoitre, je vis que les autres sauvages avoient aussi le poignard à la main, à la reserve d’un qui se cria ne tues pas les françois, car leur mort seroit vengée par les nations d’en haut sur toutes nos familles. [«] Le movement que j’avois fait pour prendre mon epée ne m’avoit point empeché de tenir le pied sur la gorge de mon ennemy, et soit que cette posture ou mon epée eut epouvanté les autres conjurés, il n’y en eut point qui m’osassent aprocher. Au contraire ils sortirent tous de la maison ayans tousjours le poignard à la main. Ce que31 quelques françois qui estoient proche de nous ayans aperceu, ils coururent en furie droit à la maison où estans arrivés les sauvages jetterent /135/ leurs poignards à terre en nous disant que les anglois avoient promis à leur chef un baril de poudre et d’autres marchandises pour tuer tous les françois. Mais que leur chef estant mort, car ils croyoient en effect qu’il le fut et nous n’avoions plus rien à craindre, parce qu’ils estoient des hommes de courage, aborrant les mechantes actions. Mais mes gens ayans veu que j’estois blessé vouloient faire main basse32 sur les sauvages. Ce que j’empechay voulant33 par cette generosité et en donnant la vie à leur chef donner des marques de mon courage, et que je n’aprehendois ni les anglois ni eux. Aprés quoy ils se retirerent et nous resolumes de nous tenir mieux sur nos gardes à l’advenir.34 [«] Quelques jours aprés les sauvages nos alliés et bons amis advertis par la fumée des nos feux, qui estoient nos signaux ordinaires, arriverent à nôtre maison. Selon leur coutume lequels n’ayant apris mon adventure sans nous rien dire, coururent apres les autres, et les ayans35 joints ils les inviterent au festin pour sçavoir d’eux la verité des choses. Dont ayans esté informés,36 mon beaufrere adopté dit au chef qui m’avoit voulu assassiner ainsi que cela m’este rapor-/136/té, ‘tu n’es point un homme puis qu’avec quinze des tiens tu n’as peu venir about de tuer un seul homme,’ à quoy l’autre repondit fierement et avec imprudence, ‘il est vray, mais si je l’ay manqué cette autonne avec quinze hommes, il n’eschapera point ce printems à moy seul.’ ‘Il faut donc’ repliqua

31 S: maison armez de leur poignards ce que. 32 S: blessé se mettoient en etat de faire main basse. 33 S: empechay le desordre voulant. 34 S: l’avenir et de faire venire a notre secours les sauvages de notre alliance. 35 S: dire marcherent sur les pas des autres \sauvages/ [inserted in a second hand] et les ayants. 36 S: de quoy ayant ete informer un d’entre eux quit etait mon beaufrere.

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with his dagger. I fortunately parried it with my hand but I received a light wound; yet this did not prevent me from seizing him by a necklace that he had on his neck and throwing him to the ground. That gave me enough time to take up my sword and reconnoitre. I saw that the other wild men also had daggers in their hands, with the exception of one who was screaming ‘Don’t kill the Frenchmen, because their deaths would be avenged upon our families by the nations to the north.’50 “The movement that I had made in taking out my sword had not prevented me from putting my foot on the throat of my enemy. And either this posture or my sword frightened the other conspirators, for not one of them dared approach me. On the contrary, they all left the house with their daggers still in their hands. When some Frenchmen who were near us noticed this, in fury they ran straight to the house. Arriving [outside], the wild men threw /135/ down their daggers, telling us that the English had promised their chief a barrel of powder and other merchandise for killing all the Frenchmen, but that their chief had died, for indeed they believed that he was dead and that we no longer had anything to fear because they were courageous men who detested wicked acts. But when my people saw I was wounded they wanted to finish off the wild men, which I prevented, wishing,51 by this act of generosity and by giving life to their leader, to give evidence of my courage, and of the fact that I feared neither the English nor them. After that, they withdrew, and we resolved to keep a better guard on ourselves in future.52 “A few days later, the wild men who were our allies and good friends, alerted by the smoke from our fires (which were our normal signals), arrived at our house. According to their customs they had learned about my adventure, though not from us. They ran after the others, and having caught up with them,53 they invited them to a feast so that they would know the truth of the matter from them. When he was informed of this my adopted brother-in-law said to the chief who had wanted to assassinate me, as I report-/136/ed, ‘You are not a man, because with fifteen of your people, you could not succeed in killing a single man.’ To which the other responded proudly and foolishly, ‘It is true, but if I missed him this fall with fifteen men, he will not escape me alone this 50 Probably the Chipewyan or Northern Indians beyond the Seal River, to whom the Cree were known as “zenà, enemy” (Smith, “Chipewyan,” HNAI 6: 271–2). There is no evidence that the French had more than a passing acquaintance with them at this date. 51 S: prevented the confusion, wishing. 52 S: in future, and summon the wild men of our alliance to our aid. 53 S: saying nothing, trod in the steps of the other \wild men/ [inserted in a different hand] and having joined them.

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mon beau-frere adopté, ‘que tu me fasses mourir le premier, car sans cela j’empecheray ton mechant dessein.’ Sur quoy en estans venus aux mains le chef sauvage37 receut un coup de bayonnette dans l’estomac, et un coup de hâche sur sa teste, dont il tomba mort sur la place. Et à l’esgard des autres ils ne ­recevrent aucun mauvais traitement et on les laissa partir avec toute sorte de liberté en leur disans que s’ils estoient dans les dessein de vanger la mort de leur chef, ils n’avoient qu’a parler et qu’on leur declareroit la guerre. [«] Aprés cette expedition, ces mesmes sauvages se partagerent38 en deux corps et sans nous communiquer leur dessein ils descendirent au lieu où les anglois faisoient leur establissement, les attaquerent, et en tuerent quelques uns. Dequoy ils me vindrent ensuite informer, en me disant qu’ils avoient tué un grand nombre de mes ennemis, pour me venger de /137/ la conjuration qu’ils avoient faite contre moy et mes freres, et qu’ils estoient prets de sacrifier leur vies pour mon service. En reconnoissance de quoy je les remerciay et leurs fis un festin les priant de n’en tuer pas davantage et d’attendre le retour de mon pere et de mon oncle qui se vangeroient sur les anglois de l’insulte qu’ils m’avoient fait faire, pendant que de leur part ils chercheroient à chatier les sauvages, amis des anglois39 de leur perfidie. [«] Nous estions cependant toûjours dans la deffiance, et nous aprehendions d’estre surpris à l’endroit où nous estions, tant de la part des anglois que de celle des sauvages leurs amis. C’est pourquoy nous resolumes de nous venir establir au lieu où nous sommes presentement, qui est comme vous voyez d’assez difficile accez pour tous ceux qui n’ont point esté élevez comme nous parmi les sauvages. Nous y bâtimes cette maison en peu de jours avec l’assistance des sauvages, et pour plus grande seureté nous obligeames plusieurs d’entre eux de passer l’hyver40 avec nous à condition de les nourrir, ce qui fut cause que nous junâmes partie de l’esté.41 /138/ [«] Pendant l’hyver il ne se passa rien d’extraordinaire, si ce n’est que les sauvages firent plusieurs jonglerice42 pour sçavoir de leur manitou, qui est un esprit familier parmy eux, si mon pere et mon oncle reviendroient au printems. Lequel leur repondit qu’ils n’y manqueroient pas, et qu’ils apporteroient avec eux toutes sortes de marchandises et dequoy se vanger de leurs ennemis. 37 S: le chef a qui j’avois donné la vie recut. 38 S: sauvages nos allies se partagerent. 39 S: faire sans leur ravir la gloire qu’ils avoient meritée en chatiant les anglois et les ­sauvages leurs amis. 40 S: “l’hiver” inserted in another hand. 41 S: partie de l’éte, ayant presque consumé toutes nos provisions. 42 E.1/2: jonglerice, S: jongleries.

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spring.’ ‘So you have to make me die first,’ responded my adopted brother-inlaw, ‘because if not, I will prevent your wicked plan.’ Upon which they came to blows and the savage chief54 received a bayonet stab in the stomach and the blow of an axe on his head, from which he fell down dead on the spot. As for the others, they received no ill treatment and we allowed them to depart at liberty, telling them that if they planned to avenge the death of their chief, they had only to speak and we would declare war upon them. “After dispatching this business, these same wild men divided themselves55 into two groups and without communicating their plan to us, went down to the place where the English were making their settlement, attacked them, and killed some of them. Then they came to tell me of this, saying they had killed a great number of my enemies to avenge on my behalf /137/ the conspiracy that they had made against me and my brothers, and that they were ready to sacrifice their lives to serve me. In recognition of which I thanked them and made a feast for them, begging them not to kill any more and to await the return of my father and uncle, who would be avenged upon the English for the injury that they had done to me, while on their part they would seek to punish the wild men who were friends of the English for their perfidy.56 “Yet we were still suspicious, and feared being surprised where we were both by the English and their friends the wild men. That is why we resolved to come and establish ourselves in the place we are now, which is accessible, as you see, with some difficulty for those who were not raised as we were among the wild men.57 We built this house in only a few days with their assistance, and for greater security we obliged several of them to spend the winter with us on the condition that we fed them, which is why we were fasting for part of the summer.58 /138/ “During the winter, nothing extraordinary happened, except that the wild men engaged in some jugglery to find out from their manitou (which is a familiar spirit among them) whether my father and uncle would come back in the spring. Their manitou answered them that they would not fail to come back and that they would bring with them all kinds of merchandise and goods with which to avenge themselves upon their enemies. 54 S: the chief, whose life I had restored, received. 55 S: wild men, our allies, divided themselves. 56 S: done without stealing the glory from them that they had merited by punishing the English and the wild men, their friends. 57 That is, the house on Rainbow Island, which was beyond the rapids and thus difficult of access for the inexperienced. 58 S: part of the summer, having almost completely consumed all our provisions.

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[«] Au commencement d’Avril 1684 des sauvages du costé du sud arriverent à nôtre nouvelle habitation pour traiter des fusils, mais comme nous n’en avions point ils allerent aux anglois lesquels, à ce que j’ay apris dans la suitte, leur firent de presens, et leur promirent beaucoup d’autres choses s’ils vouloient entreprendre de me tüer, avec celuy de mes hommes que vous voyés encore blessé et qui parle naturellement la langue du païs. Ces sauvages encouragés par l’esperance du gain, accepterent la proposition et promirent de l’executer. Pour cet effect ils trouverent moyen de gaigner un des sauvages qui estoit parmi nous, lequel leur servoit d’espion et les advertissoit de tout ce que nous faisions. Cependant ils n’osoient nous attaquer à force ouverte parce qu’ils nous aprehendoient, et ce fut la raison pour laquelle /139/ ils ont userent autrement, et voyez43 comment. [«] Le françois que vous voyez blessé estant allé par mes ordres avec un de ses camarades à l’endroit où les sauvages nos amis faisoient boucan des cerfs qu’ils avoient tüés pour leur dire de m’en aporter, tomba en poursuivant un cerf sur le canon de son fusil et le faussa, de maniere qu’il n’en pouvoit tirer sans au prealable l’avoir44 redressé. Ce qu’ayant fait, aprés estre arrivé au lieu où les sauvages estoient, il voulut en faire l’epreuve en tirant au blanc à quelque distance de leurs cabanes. Mais pendant qu’il se disposoit à cella, un des sauvages qui avoient promis aux anglois et sa perte et la mienne, et qui estoient inconnu avec plusieurs des ses camarades parmi les autres, luy tira un coup de fusil et luy persa l’espaule d’une balle. Aussi tost il cria qu’on l’avoit tué et que c’estoit aux hommes qui aimoient les françois à vanger sa mort. Ce que les sauvages qui nous estoient amis ayant entendu ils sortirent de leurs cabanes et poursuivirent le coupable sans que ses adherans osassent se declarer. Mais cella fut inutille car il se sauva dans les bois aprés avoir jetté son fusil et pris en la place son arc et son carquois./140/ [«] Ce procedé surprit extremement les sauvages de nôtre alliance, et les obligea d’en jurer en leur manniere la vangence tant contre cette nation sauvage que contre les anglois. Mais n’ayant point assez de fusils pour une entreprise de cette conséquence ils resoleurent45 d’attendre que mon pere et mon oncle fussent venus. Cependant ils envoyerent solliciter toutes les nations qui avoient juré amitié a mon pere et à mon oncle de descendre pour faire la guerre aux anglois et aux sauvages du costé du sud, leur remontrant qu’ils estoient obligés de prendre nôtre party puis qu’ils avoient autres fois prix nos presens

43 S: voicy. 44 S: sans aupar avant l’avoir. 45 S: pour cette entreprise, ils resolurent.

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“At the beginning of April 1684, some wild men from the south coast arrived at our new habitation to trade for muskets, but since we had none they went to the English who, according to what I learned subsequently, gave them gifts and promised them many other things if they would undertake to kill me along with one of my men, whom you see still wounded and who speaks the language of the country fluently. The wild men, encouraged by the hope of gain, accepted the proposal and promised to carry it out. To this end, they found a way to win over one of the wild men who was among us, who served them as a spy and informed them of everything that we were doing. However, they did not dare to attack us with open force because they feared us. This was the reason /139/ they used other means, and you shall see how. “According to my orders the Frenchman whom you see wounded went with one of his comrades to the place where our wild friends were smoking the deer that they had killed, to tell them to bring some of it to me. While chasing a deer, this Frenchman fell upon the barrel of his musket and bent it in such a way that he could not fire from it without first having straightened it out. Having done that, once he arrived where the wild men were he wanted to test it by shooting blanks at some distance from their lodges. But while he was getting ready to do that, one of the wild men who had promised the English to kill both him and me, and who had not been recognized with several of his comrades among the others, shot him, piercing his shoulder with a musket-ball. Immediately he cried out that they had killed him and that it was up to the men who loved the French to avenge his death. When the wild men who were our friends heard that, they came out of their lodges and pursued the guilty one while his comrades dared not declare themselves. But that was useless, because he got away in the woods after having thrown down his musket and taken up his bow and arrows in its place. /140/ “These events surprised the wild men in our alliance considerably and obliged them to take an oath of vengeance according to their custom, as much against this wild nation as against the English. But not having enough muskets for such an important venture, they resolved to await the return of my father and uncle. In the meantime, they sent messages urging all the nations who had sworn an oath of friendship with my father and uncle to come down and make war upon the English and the wild men of the south shore, reiterating that they were compelled to take our side since they had formerly accepted our gifts as a

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en signe de paix et de bonne amitié. Qu’au reste nous estions toûjour des hommes de courage et leurs freres. [«] Aussi tost que ces nations eurent receu advis de l’estat auquel nous ­estions elles se resolurent de nous secourir de toutes leurs forces, et en attendant le retour de mon pere ou de mon oncle, de nous envoyer en ostage, et pour marque de leur courage deux de leurs jeunes enfants. Un des chefs des plus considerables fut deputé pour me les amener.46 Je les receus comme je le devois. C’estoit le pere47 adopté de mon oncle et un des meilleures amis des françois du quel je trouvay à propos de me servir /141/ pour menager une entreveüe avec les anglois, afin de sçavoir quelle pouvoit estre enfin leur resolution. [«] Pour cela je deputay ce chef sauvage vers les anglois pour les persuader de souffrir que je les visitasse, et àfin de prendre leur parolle, qu’il ne me seroit point fait d’insulte ni chez eux ni le long de la route, dequoy ce chef demeureroit garand. Les anglois accepterent la proposition, et je leur fis visité avec un de mes françois qui aportoit les presens que j’avois envie de leur faire à la maniere sauvage, et qui en receut aussi d’eux pour48 moy selon la coutume. [«] Nous ne traitames rien dans cette entreveüe touchant nos affaires parce que je reconus que les anglois attribuoint directement ce qui nous avoit esté fait, et ce qui avoit esté fait contre eux aux sauvages. Tout l’advantage que je receus de cette démarche fut de faire traiter par des sauvages mes amis des fusils, dont il me manquoit, quoy qu’ils me coutassent cher par la gratification que j’estois obligé de faire à ceux que j’employois à cella. Mais il estoit important que j’en eusse afin d’empecher les sauvages qui deffendoient49 des terres pour en trai-/142/ter, de passer jusques aux anglois. [«] La fin de cette visite fut que je promis à la solicitation du gouverneur des anglois de les visiter encore une fois avec mon chef.50 Aprés quoy nous nous retirâmes à nôtre maison, où je fus adverty par quelques sauvages mecontents, de n’aller plus voir les anglois parce qu’ils avoient resolu ou de m’arreter prisonnier, ou de me faire tuer. Ce que mon chef ayant aussy apris, il me dit qu’il ne vouloit plus estre garand de la parolle d’une nation qui n’en avoit point. Ce qui fut cause que nous restames chez nous un peu mieux qu’auparavant sur nos gardes.51 46 S: considerables d’entre ces nations fut deputé pour les conduire. 47 S: Ce chef estoit le pere. 48 S: en receut de leur part pour. 49 E.1/2: deffendoient, S: descendoient. Either could be the case: the Natives were defending their trade territories, or they were “coming down” from the interior to the Bay. 50 W: “neveu” crossed out here. 51 S: Ce qui nous obligea de rester chez nous faisants une garde fort exacte.

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sign of peace and good friendship. Moreover, we were still courageous men and their brothers. “As soon as these nations received information about what was happening to us, they decided to help us with all their strength and, while awaiting the return of my father or uncle, to send us as hostages and, as a mark of their resolution, two of their young children. One of the most esteemed chiefs was delegated to bring them to me. I received them as I ought. It was my uncle’s adopted father and one of the best friends of the French, whom I found was suitable /141/ to deal cautiously with the English so as to find out what in fact their decision might be. “To that end, I sent the wild chief to the English to persuade them to allow me to visit them, and to make them swear that no harm would be done to me either among them or on the way, for which this chief served as a guarantee. The English accepted the proposal, and I had one of my Frenchmen visit them bearing the gifts I had a mind to give them in the manner of the wild men, and who also received some for me according to the custom. “At this meeting we did not touch on any of our business because I realized that the English attributed what had been done to us, and against them, directly to the wild men. The only advantage I gained from this step was to have some muskets traded by the wild men, our friends, which I was lacking, although they cost me dearly because of the bonus I was obliged to give those I had employed to do it. But it was important for me to have some in order to prevent the wild men who protected the lands from going over to the English to trade for them. /142/ “The outcome of this visit was that, at the prompting of the English governor, I promised to visit them again with my chief. Afterwards, we retired to our house, where I was warned by some discontented wild men not to go and see the English any more, because they had decided either to make me their prisoner or to have me killed. When my chief also heard that, he told me that he no longer wished to stand as guarantor for the word of a nation which did not keep theirs. That was the reason that we stayed on our guard at home a little more carefully than before.

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[«] Dans ce mesme tems la riviere de Hayes estant devenue libre, plusieurs detachmens des nations qui nous estoient amies52 arrivoient pour nous secourir. Les Asenipoetes seuls faisoient plus de 400 hommes. Ils estoient des descendans des grands Cristionaux de l’ancienne connoissance de mon oncle, et tous prets à faire la guerre aux anglois. Mais je ne trouvay point apropos de les y interessés directement ni indirectement, parce que je me voulois tenir sur la deffencive en attendant le retour de mon pere ou de mon oncle et que d’ailleurs je sçavois que plusieurs autres nations /143/ qui amoient les françois plus particullierement que celle cy voleroient à nôtre secours au moindre signal. [«] Cependant le chef des Asenipoetes ne voulut point nous quitter. Il se ­campa au tour de nôtre maison, resolu d’attendre mon oncle53 dont il parloit incessament faisant esclater la joye qu’il auroit de le voire par mile postures differentes, et il repettoit souvent qu’il vouloit faire voir qu’il avoit esté digne des presens que le gouverneur de Canada luy avoit faits autres fois en donnant des marques de son zelle pour le service des françois. [«] La necessité des vivres qui arriva dans leur camp empecha en partie ­l’effect de cette loüable resolution, et obligea le chef des Asenipoetes de renvoyer en son païs 40 canots dans lesquels il fit embarquer 200 de ses hommes les plus foibles et les moins resolus. Et il en resta avec luy un pareil nombre des plus robustes, et de ceux qui estoient faits à la fatigue et a la faim, les ayant determinés à se passer de certains petits fruits qui commenceoient à murir pour leur subscistance, afin d’attendre la lune dans laquelle l’esprit des autres sauvages /144/ avoit predit l’arrivée de mon oncle, ce qu’ils croyoient infallible parce que leur coûtume superstitieuse est d’adjouter foy à tout ce que leur manitoû à predit. [«] Ils demeurerent en cet estat jusqu’a la fin du premier quartier de la lune dans la quelle il avoit esté predit que mon oncle arriveroit, mais ne voyant nulle apparance à cella ils54 creurent leur manitou menteur et resolurent entre eux55 de se joindre avec nous et de se partager en deux corps pour aller attaquer les anglois et les sauvages du sud, et qu’en cas qu’ils manquassent leur coup, ils hiverneroient pour brûler pendant l’hiver les navires anglois, afin de’en avoir au printems meilleur marché. Ce qui contribua beaucoup56 à cette deliberation 52 S: alliées. 53 E.1/2, S: resolu d’attendre jusqu’a l’extremite le retour de mon oncle dont. 54 S: dans la quelle leur oracle les avoit assurez que mon oncle arriveroit, mais le tems etant expiré ils. 55 S: et il fut arreté entre eux. 56 S: et les sauvages du sud, resolus en cas que l’entreprise n’eut point de succéz qu’ils en attandoient de passer l’hyver avec nous pour bruler les navires anglois afin de leur oter

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“At the same time, since the Hayes River had been opened up, several detachments of the nations who were allied with us came to our aid. The Assiniboines59 alone made up more than 400 men. They were descendants of the great Cristinos, old acquaintances of my uncle,60 and all ready to wage war upon the English. But I did not think it appropriate to involve them directly or indirectly, because I wanted to remain on the defensive while awaiting the return of my father or uncle. Furthermore, I knew that several other nations /143/ who loved the French more particularly [than this one] would fly to our aid at the slightest signal. “Meanwhile, the chief of the Assiniboines did not want to leave us. He camped out around our house, determined to await my uncle of whom he spoke endlessly, giving free expression, in a thousand different postures, to the joy he would feel at seeing him. He kept repeating that he wished to show he had been worthy of the gifts that the governor of Canada had formerly given him, by testifying to his zeal in serving the French. “The need for provisions that occurred at their camp impeded in part the outcome of this praiseworthy resolution, and obliged the chief of the Assiniboines to send forty canoes back to his country, in which he embarked 200 of his weakest and least determined men. There remained with him an equal number of the hardiest men and those who were inured to exhaustion and hunger. The latter resolved to be content with some small fruits, which were beginning to ripen, for their subsistence, in order to await the moon in which the spirit of the other wild men /144/ had predicted the arrival of my uncle. They believed the prediction to be infallible, because their superstitious custom is to lend credence to everything that their manitou has forecast. “They remained in this situation until the end of the first quarter of the moon in which it had been predicted that my uncle would arrive. But when they saw he did not appear, they believed their manitou to be a liar and resolved among themselves to join us, and to divide into two groups in order to go and attack the English and the wild men of the south. And if they failed in their attempt, they would spend the winter in order to burn the English ships then and make better trades in the spring. What contributed greatly61 to this 59 Chouart may mean the Assiniboine from around the Lake of the Woods area, also ­mentioned in Voyage IV (1: 285 and n.190); however, those would have been Siouan-­ speaking. 60 The West Main (Muskego or Swampy) Cree that Radisson would have dealt with ­routinely during his several periods of HBC service on the Bay in 1670–73. 61 S: and the wild men of the south, resolved that in case the enterprise was not successful, they would wait and spend the winter with us in order to burn the English ships and

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fut un advis qui leur fut donné que les anglois avoient fait dessein de venir chercher les françois pour les tuer.57 [«] Une telle imprudence58 de la part des anglois estoit capable de produire des mechants effects, le genie des sauvages estant de m’attendre jamais l’ennemy, mais au contraire de l’aller chercher. Le chef des Asenipoetes sur ces advis se disposoit59 à marcher contre les anglois avec partie de son monde, quand dix ou douze person-/145/nes furent veües du costé du nord de la riviere de Hayes, cherchans de ces mesmes petits fruits60 dont les sauvages vivoient dépuis quelque tems. Ils creurent que c’estoit l’avangarde des anglois, et des sauvages du sud qu’ils suposoient les avoir joints. [«] A mesme tems il fit prendre l’arc et la fléche à tous ses hommes, et nous ayant fait apeller il les rengea en bataille, et leur dit61 ‘mon dessein est de passer la riviere avec deux des plus courageux d’entre vous pour aller attaquer l’ennemy, et de vous disposer de maniere que vous soyés en estat de me secourir ou de me recevoir, pendant que les françois fairont le corps de reserve et que nos femmes chargeront dans leurs canots tous leurs effects et qu’elles bruleront leur habitation en cas que la necessité le veuille. Mais auparavant que d’entreprendre cette expedition, je souhaite que vous fassiez élection d’un chef pour vous commander en mon absence, ou en cas de mort.’ Ce qu’ayant este fait dans le mesme moment, ce brave chef nous dit de nous camper sur le bord du bois avec nos fusils pour en empecher la proche à l’ennemy, et ensuite il fit marcher ses hommes sur le bord de l’eau afin qu’ils fussent en estat de la passer pour le soutenir, ou de le recevoir /146/ sellon la necessité. Aprés quoy ayant passé la riviere avec deux hommes des plus hardis de sa troupe lesquels ­s’estoient graissés dépuis des pieds jusqu’a la tête aussi bien que luy, ayant chacun62 seulement deux poignards pour armes, ils resolurent d’aller63 droit au chef des anglois, luy presenter une pipe de tabac pour marque d’union, et que s’il la refusoit ils tacheroient de le tuer et de se faire passage au travers de ses

le moyen de se defendre au printems et [“et” prob. in second hand] de faire leur retour, ce qui contribua beaucoup. 57 S: les francois pour les attaquer en quoy ils vouloient les prevenir. 58 S: Ces menaces, de la part. 59 S: Dans ce dessein le chef des Asenipoetes se disposoit. 60 S: mesmes fruits. 61 S: Qui venoit nous attaquer, ce qui l’oblige de faire prendre a tous les hommes l’arc et la fleche. Apres quoy il les rangea en bataille et leur fit ce discours en notre presence. 62 S: jusque qu’a la tête ayant chacun. 63 S: armes. Leur dessein etoit d’aller.

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decision was a warning that had been given to them that the English had planned to seek out the French in order to kill them.62 “Such carelessness63 on the part of the English was likely to produce some disagreeable effects, since the mentality of the wild men was never to await the enemy, but on the contrary to go and seek him out. With this in mind the chief of the Assiniboines was preparing to march against the English with part of his men when ten to twelve people /145/ were seen on the north shore of the Hayes River looking for these same small fruits upon which the wild men had been living for some time. They thought that it was the vanguard of the English and the wild men that they assumed to have joined them. “Immediately he had all his men take up their bows and arrows, and when he had summoned us he organized them in battle formation and said to them:64 ‘My plan is to cross the river with two of the bravest among you in order to go and attack the enemy, and to arrange you in such a way that you will be able either to aid me or receive me,65 while the French will make up the reserve. Our women will load up their canoes with all their things and will burn their habitation if necessity requires it. But before engaging in this undertaking, I wish you to elect a chief to command you in my absence, or in case of my death.’ At the same time as this was done, this brave chief told us to camp along the edge of the woods with our muskets in order to prevent the approach of the enemy. Next, he had his men march to the shore so that they would be in a position to cross it in order to support him, or to receive him, /146/ according to whatever was required. After that he crossed the river with two of the boldest men from his company who, like him, had greased themselves from head to toe, each man having only two daggers for weapons. They resolved to go straight to the leader of the English and present him with a tobacco pipe as a sign of unity. If he refused it, they would attempt to kill him and using their daggers make their

remove their means of defending themselves in the springtime, and to cause their return, which contributed greatly. 62 S: the French to attack them, concerning which they wanted to warn them. 63 S: These threats, on the part. 64 S: who came to attack us, which obliged him to require all the men to take up the bow and arrow. After which he ranged them in battle order and made them this speech in our presence. 65 That is, to provide support if he has to retreat.

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hommes avec leurs poignards jusqu’au lieu ou ils pourroient passer la riviere pour estre soûtenus de leurs hommes. [«] Mais aprés avoir marché jusqu’a l’endroit ou estoient les personnes qu’ils avoient veües ils reconnurent que c’estoient des femmes ausquelles ayant parlé ils revindrent sur leurs pas, en nous disant qu’il n’y avoit rien à craindre, et que c’estoit une fauce alarme. Ce procedé de leur part64 nous donna des preuves de leur courage et de leur amitié, et nous avions une telle confiance en leurs secours que nous n’aprehendions aucune chose65 de la part des anglois, ni de celle des sauvages du sud. Quand66 Dieu qui est l’autheur de toutes choses et qui en dispose selon son bon plaisir à fait la grace à mon oncle d’arriver en /147/ ce pais pour arreter la cours de ces desordres et67 travailler à nôtre reconcillations. Cet ouvrage tant desiré de part et d’autre estant achevé, il ne tiendra point à moy68 qu’il ne soit perdurable. Vivons69 desormais come freres en bonne union et sans jalousie. Car pour moy je suis resolu quoy qu’il puisse arriver, de sacrifier ma vie pour la gloire du Roy de la grande Bretagne, pour l’interest de la nation, et l’adventage de la compagnie angloise de la baye de Hudson. [»]70 J’ai trouvay à propos de rapporter le recit que mon neveu nous fit de ce qui s’estoit passé entre les anglois, luy, et les sauvages leurs amis,71 parce que cela fait voir le veritable estat dans lequel estoient les deux partis, lors de mon arrivée. Le besoing que les anglais avoient d’estre secourus, et la necessité que les françois avoient de vivres et de marchandises, et sur toutes choses de fusils, ce qui ne leur pouvoit venir que par mon moyen. Mais il est tems de reprendre le soin de nos affaires et de continuer à rendre compte de ma conduite. /148/ Nos gens travailloient toûjours avec une grande aplication à transporter des castors une demie lieüe au travers des bois, car c’estoit le chemin qu’il falloit faire de la maison jusqu’au lieu où on les embarquoit dans des canots, qui se dechargeoient au lieu où estoient les chaloupes, et celles cy les portoient à la

64 S: ce procédé genereux de. 65 S: en sorte que la confiance que nous avions mise en leur secours nous avoit mis en etat de ne rien craindre. 66 S: sud, et nous etions en cet etat, quand. 67 S: desordres qui pouvoient arriver et. 68 S: “a moy” inserted above the line in the second hand. 69 S: ne soit permanent vivons. 70 S: de la baye d’Hudson et d’obeir en toutes choses a mon oncle. 71 S: alliez.

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way through his men to the place where they could cross the river and be supported by their men. “But after having marched up to the place where they had seen the people they realized that they were women, and having spoken to them, they retraced their steps and told us that there was nothing to fear and that it was a false alarm. This behaviour on their part66 gave us proof of their courage and friendship. And we had such confidence in their help that we feared nothing from the English or from the wild men of the south. At this point God, who is the author of all things and who disposes of them according to his good pleasure, gave my uncle the grace to arrive in /147/ this country to put a stop to this disorder and67 work towards reconciliation. Since this work, so desired by everyone, has been accomplished, it will not be my responsibility whether it lasts or not. Let us live henceforth as brothers in a good union and without jealousy. As for me, I am resolved, whatever happens, to sacrifice my life for the glory of the king of Great Britain, for the benefit of the nation and the profit of the English company of Hudson Bay.”68 I found it proper to report the account that my nephew gave us concerning what had happened between him, the English, and their friends69 the wild men because it shows the true condition in which the two parties found themselves at the time of my arrival: the need of the English for help and of the French for provisions and merchandise, above all muskets, which could only be delivered to them through me. But it is time to attend again to our business, and to continue the account of my own conduct. /148/ Our men kept on working, with great application, to transport beaver half a league through the woods, which was the path they had to take from the house up to the place where they were loaded onto the canoes, which [in turn] were unloaded where the shallops were. The latter carried them to the small frigate,

66 S: this generous behaviour on. 67 S: disorders which could occur. 68 S: of Hudson Bay and to obey my uncle in everything. 69 S: allies.

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petite fregatte, qui ensuite les apportoit aux navires.72 J’estois toûjours present au travail, afin d’animer tous nos gens lesquels ne se donnerent point de relache que tout ne fust fait, et cella contre l’esperance des capitaines de nos navires ausquels on avoit fait à croire que cela traineroit de long, mais estans dessendu vers eux je les asseuray que s’ils estoient prèts ils pourroient lever l’ancre le lendemain. Les choses ainsi disposées il ne s’agissoit plus que d’executer un ordre secret que la compagnie m’avoit donné en s’en rapportant neanmoins à ma prudence. C’estoit de retenir à son service mon neveu, et quelques autres françois, et sur tout celuy qui parloit naturellement sauvage, qui estoit le blessé, et de les obliger à rester73 dans le païs en mon absence. Ce que je n’osois me promettre, cependant je me resolus d’en faire la proposition à mon neveu croyant qu’apres l’avoir gaigne, je viendrois fa-/149/cillement â bout des autres. Je fis assembler pour cet effect cinq ou six sauvages des plus considerables du païs avec le gouverneur et en leur presence je luy dis que pour la gloire du roy, et l’advantage de la compagnie, il estoit necessaire qu’il restat dans le païs, à quoy il repugna fort d’abord.74 Mais le gouverneur l’ayant asseuré qu’il le traiteroit comme son propre neveu et qu’il partageroit l’authorité qu’il avoit avec luy, il fut esbranlé de maniere que luy ayant réproché75 qu’il manquoit au serement d’obeïssance qu’il m’avoit jurée, il se determina en nous asseurant, qu’il estoit pret76 de faire ce qu’on souhaiteroit de luy. A quoy contribua beaucoup le discours que les sauvages luy firent en luy disant que je le laissois parmy eux pour recevoir en mon absence les marques de l’amitié qu’ils m’avoient jurée et qu’ils le regarderoient toûjour comme le neveu de celuy qui avoit aporté la paix aux nations, et fait l’union des anglois, et des françois, en les rendant par le mesme moyen les freres des uns et des autres. Ce derniere succes dans mes affaires me fut une preuve de l’authorité que j’avois sur les françois et sur les sauvages, car mon neveu n’eut pas plutost declare qu’il se soûmetoit à faire ce que je voudrois que tous les autres françois /150/ s’offirent à l’envy de rester dans le païs quoy que mon dessein fust de n’en laisser que deux.77 72 S: ou etoient les chaloupes, et celles cy les portoient a la petite fregatte qui s’en dechargeoit aux navires. 73 S: le blessé pour rester. 74 S: repugna d’abord. 75 S: luy et moy de ma part luy ayant reproché. 76 S: jurée ces raisons l’obligerent a se determiner et il m’assura qu’il estoit pret. 77 S: deux, et les sauvages de leur part eclatterent en cris de joye de maniere que je songeay plus apres cela qu’a mettre fin a toutes choses.

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which then brought them to the ships. I was always present at the work in order to animate all our men, who gave themselves no respite until everything was done, which was contrary to the expectations of our ships’ captains, who had been convinced it would drag out for some time. But I went down to them and assured them that if they were ready, they could raise anchor the following day. Having dealt with these matters, it only remained to execute a secret order that the company had given me, relying naturally upon my prudence. The order was to retain my nephew and some other Frenchmen in the company’s service, and above all the man who spoke the language of the wild men fluently, who was wounded; and to require them to remain in the country in my absence. Yet I did not dare set my hopes on this. Nevertheless, I resolved to propose it to my nephew, thinking that after I had won him over, I would easily /149/ succeed with the others. To this end, I assembled five or six of the most eminent wild men of the country with the governor, and in their presence I told him that for the glory of the king and the benefit of the company it was necessary for him to remain in the country. At first he was strongly resistant.70 But the governor having assured him that he would treat him like his own nephew and that he would share with him the authority he enjoyed, he was upset at the manner in which he was reproached71 for falling short in the oath of obedience that he had sworn to me. Reassuring us, he decided that he was ready72 to do what we would require of him. The speech that the wild men made to him contributed a great deal to this, by informing him that I was leaving him among them in order to receive, in my absence, the marks of esteem that they had sworn to me, and that they would always regard him as the nephew of him who had brought peace to the nations and effected the union between the English and the French by making them by the same means brothers of one another. This final success in my business was proof to me of the authority that I had over the French and the wild men, for my nephew had no sooner declared that he would submit to doing what I wanted than all the other Frenchmen /150/ offered to remain in the country, although my plan was to leave only two.73

70 S: was reluctant at first. 71 S: and for my part, I reproached him. 72 S: sworn, these reasons obliged him to make up his mind, and he assured me that he was ready. 73 S: two, and the wild men, for their part, burst into cries of joy in such a way that, after that, I no longer thought of anything but putting an end to everything.

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Tous nos castors s’estans trouvés embarqués, je me resolus aprés avoir mis toutes choses dans un estat tranquile et asseuré de faire mon retour en Angleterre où ma presence estoit absolument necessaire pour faire connoitre a messieurs de la compagnie de quelle maniere il en falloit agir pour profiter advantageusement de l’establissement solide que je venois de faire, et les choses quil estoient indispensables78 d’avoir dans le païs pour faciliter la traite des sauvages, et les empecher d’en faire aucune avec les etrangers, c’est à dire avec les françois du Canada. Je fus donc pour la derniere fois avec mon neveu à l’habitation de nos françois afin d’y laisser quelques anglois et je trouvay quantité de sauvages arrivés pour me venir visiter lesquels firent apeler mon neveu et moy dans une de leurs cabanes ou un venerable viellard prenant la parole me parla en ces termes. Teste de porc espy ton coeur est bon et tu as grand courage d’avoir fait la paix avec les anglois pour l’amour de nous. Voicy nous sommes venus vers toy, vieux et jeunes, femmes filles et petits enfans, pour t’en re-/151/mercier, et te reconnoitre pour nôtre pere. Nous voulons estre tes enfans, et adopter pour nôtre fils ton neveu, qu tu aimes tant et afin de te donner une marque esternelle de l’obligations que nous t’avons, nous ne pleurons plus desormais, si ce n’est la memoire de ceux dont tu releves le nom. Aprés quoy ayant dit à un des jeunes de parler il tomba comme en pamoison et l’autre parla de cette maniere. Hommes et femmes, jeunesse, et enfans mesme ceux qui sont à la mamelle, reconnoissés celuy cy pour vôtre pere. Il est meilleur que le soleil qui vous eschaufe et vous trouverés en luy toûjour un protecteur qui vous assistera en vos necessités, et vous consolera dans vos afflictions. Hommes reconnoissés qu’il vous donne de fusils pendant le cours de l’année pour vous deffendre contre vos ennemis, et pour tüer de bettes qui vous nourrissent vous et vos familles. Femmes considerés qu’il vous donne des haches, et des coûteaux avec lesquels vous bannissés la faim de vôtre païs. Filles et enfans ne craignes plus rien puis que celuy qui est vôtre pere, vous aime toûjour et qu’il vous donne de tems en tems tout ce qui est necessaire pour avoir vôtre subscistence. Nous tous ensemble ne pleurons /152/ plus, mais au contraire témoignons par des cris nôtre alegresse, de ce que nous avons veu l’homme de courage. Et en mesme tems, ils se mirent à crier de toute leur force pleurant amerement79 et disant nous avons perdu nos peres. Mais voicy celuy que nous adoptons pour nôtre pere. Nous avons perdu nos enfans, voicy le neveu de nôtre pere sera nôtre fils. Il reste avec nous et il aura soin de ses meres. Aprés cette pitoyable musique ils 78 E.1/2, S: estoient d’une necessité indispensables. 79 S: pleurant amerement pour la derniére fois.

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When we found all our beaver loaded and I had gotten everything into a calm and secure state, I resolved to return to England where my presence was absolutely necessary to inform the gentlemen of the company that it was essential to proceed in order to profit advantageously from the strong establishment that I had just created, and about the things that were indispensable to have in the country to facilitate trade with the wild men and prevent them from trading with foreigners; that is to say, the Frenchmen of Canada. So I went with my nephew to the habitation of our Frenchmen for the last time, in order to leave some Englishmen there. I found a large number of wild men who had arrived to visit with me and who summoned my nephew and me into one of their lodges where a venerable old man began to speak to me in these terms: “Porcupine Head, your heart is good and you have great courage to have made peace with the English out of love for us. Look at us who have come to you, old and young, women, girls, and grandchildren, to thank /151/ you for it, and to recognize you for our father.74 We wish to be your children, and to adopt your nephew, whom you love so much, for our son, and in order to give you an eternal sign of the obligations we have towards you, we will weep no more, unless it is in memory of those whose name you bear.” After that, telling one of the young people to speak, he fell down as if in a swoon, and the other spoke in this way: “Men and women, young people and children, even those who are still at the breast, recognize this man here for your father. He is better than the sun that warms you, and you will always find in him a protector who will assist you in your necessities and console you in your afflictions. Men, recognize that he is giving you guns throughout the year so you may defend yourselves against your enemies and kill the animals who nourish you and your families. Women, consider that he is giving you the hatchets and knives with which you banish famine from your land. Girls and children, do not fear anything any longer, since the one who is your father always loves you, and gives you from time to time everything that is necessary for your survival. All of us will no longer weep, /152/ but on the contrary, let us show our joy with cries because we have seen the man of courage.” And at the same time, they began to cry out with all their strength, weeping bitterly75 and saying “we have lost our fathers, but behold the man we adopt for our father. We have lost our children; behold, the nephew of our father will be our son. He remains with us and will look after our mothers.” After this piteous music they came one after the other to 74 In the logic of the ritual, Radisson has passed from being an adopted son to become a father himself. 75 S: bitterly weeping for the last time.

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vindrent les uns aprés les autres reconnoitre nôtre adoption par des presens, et nous couvrirent des robes blanches de castor, nous donnant quantité des queües de castor quelques vessies plaines de moüelles de cerf plusieurs langues de ce mesme annimal boucannées, ce qui est le plus exquis pour le manger parmy eux. Ils nous presenterent aussi deux grandes chaudieres plaines de viande boucannée et bouillie, de laquelle nous mangeames tous ensemble, c’est à dire eux, les anglois et nous et c’est ce qui appelé festin parmy ces nations. Aprés cella je leur dis adieu et ayant fait charger dans la maison ce qui devoit estre embarquer dans les vaisseaux, je descendis à l’emboucheure de la riviere ou le capitaine Gayer travailloit à faire batir /153/ un fort au mesme endroit où l’année precedante le sieur Bridgar avoit fait constuire sa chaloupe. C’estoit la situation la plus advantageuse qu’il eust peu trouver et je reconnus qu’il faisoit toute la diligence possible, mais il avoit des hommes qui par leur delicatesse estoient incapables de repondre à sa vigilance. Je fais cette observation parce que je tiens pour maxime qu’on ne doit employer que des hommes robustes entendus et capables de servir, et que ceux qui sont d’une complexion foible ou qui se flattent d’avoir de la protection et de la faveur doivent estre congediés. Ensuitte nous passames à l’endroit ou estoient les navires parce que mon dessein estoit d’obliger par ma presence les capitaines de rendre leurs vaisseaux prets à faire voile. Mais je ne fus pas plus tost arrivé qu’un sauvage me vint advertir que mon pere adopté, que je n’avois peu voir à cause qu’il estoit à la guerre, m’attendoit au lieu où le capitaine Gayer faisoit bâtir le fort dont je viens de parler. C’est pourquoy je resolus d’y aller et je fis mesme esperer au sauvage que je renvoyay pour en donner advis à mon pere que le gouverneur viendroit avec moy pour luy fai-/154/re des amitiés et le protejer en mon absence. C’estoit du consentement de ce gouverneur et sur sa parolle que je luy avois dit cela. Cependant il me manqua de parolle80 et je fus pour la premiere fois trouvé menteur parmy les sauvages, ce qui estoit d’une dangereuse conséquence, car ces nations ont en abomination ce vice. Neanmoins il ne m’arriva rien de facheus et je n’en receus81 pas mesme un reproche. Quand je fus arrivé au rendezvous, on me dit que mon pere adopté en estoit party, ce qui fut cause que j’envoyay un sauvage apres luy pour l’advertir que j’estois venu pour le voir. Ce sauvage l’ayant rencontré, l’obligea à revenir quoy que fort triste d’une nouvelle qu’il avoit aprise en chemin, qui estoit que le chef de la nation qui habite le haut de la riviere de Newsavern nommé le Barbû et

80 S: Neanmoins il ne voulut point venir. 81 S: Il ne m’arriva pourtant rien de facheux dans cette entreveue et je n’en receut pas mesme.

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acknowledge our adoption with gifts, and covered us with white robes of beaver, giving us a large number of beaver tails, some bladders full of deer marrow, and several smoked tongues of the same animal, which among them is the most exquisite to eat. They also presented two huge cauldrons to us full of meat, both smoked and boiled, from which we ate all together; that is to  say, they, we, and the English. And that is what is called a feast among these nations. After that, I bid them adieu, and packed up in the house what was to be put on the vessels. I descended to the mouth of the river where Captain Geyer was working to build a fort /153/ in the same place where, the preceding year, Mr Bridgar had his shallop constructed.76 It was the most advantageous site he could find, and I realized that he was making all possible haste, but that he had men who because of their delicacy were incapable of responding to his vigilance. I make this observation because I hold it for a principle that one ought to employ only robust men, competent and capable of serving, and that those who are of a feeble constitution, or who profess to have protection and favour ought to be let go.77 Next we went across to the place where the ships were, because my plan was to force the captains by my presence into preparing the vessels to set sail. But I had no sooner arrived than a wild man came to tell that my adopted father, whom I had not been able to see because he was at war, was waiting for me where Captain Geyer was having the fort I just mentioned built. That is why I decided to go there, and I even raised the expectations of the wild man, whom I sent back to inform my father that the governor would come with me to pay /154/ his regards to him and protect him in my absence. It was with the consent of this governor and upon his word that I had told him that. Yet he broke his word to me78 and for the first time, I was seen as a liar among the wild men, which would have had dangerous consequences, because these nations regard that vice as an abomination. Nothing troublesome came of it, nevertheless, and I received in return not even a word of reproach. When I arrived at the rendezvous they told me that my adopted father had left, so I sent a wild man after him to say I had come to see him. When this wild man met him, he obliged him to come back, although he was very sad because of news that he had heard on the road, which was that the chief of the nation which inhabits the upper New Severn River, called the Barbue, and one of his 76 Location uncertain but probably near the site of old York Fort. For Bridgar, see 1:74 and the Relation of 1682–83. 77 A suggestive passage, considering Radisson’s difficulties with other men serving the HBC. 78 S: Nevertheless, he did not want to come.

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un de ses fils qui estoient ses parentes avoient esté tües en allant insulter ceux d’entre les sauvages qui s’estoient mis en devoir de soutenir le françois qui avoit esté blessé par un sauvage gaigné par les anglois. Aprés qu’il m’eust embrassé, et apris les circonstances de cette afaire et les suites qu’elle pouvoit avoir, ­j’escri-/155/vis au gouverneur de se rendre au lieu où nous estions afin d’empecher82 la continuation de ces desordres en vertu du traité de paix et d’union que j’avois faite en la presence des sauvages entre les françois et les anglois. Le gouverneur estant arrivé je luy presentay mon pere adopté et luy dis que comme estoit le chef qui commandoit a la nation qui habitoit au lieu où on batissoit le fort. Je luy avoir fait faire quelques presens83 par le capitaine Gayer, et qu’il estoit aussi a propos qu’il luy en fu parce que je luy en avois promis l’année precedante que je ne luy avois point donné ce que le gouverneur trouva fort mauvais et il s’irrita mesme contre ce chef sans aucun subjet, si ce n’est qu’il estoit mon pere adopté et que j’ay apris despuis qu’il estoit faché de ce que lorsque j’estois arrivé je n’avois pas donné à un simple sauvage qui luy servoit d’espion, qui estoit fils de ce chef appelé Barbûe de presens,84 ce qui estoit une extravagance horrible, car outre que85 ce gouverneur m’estoit inferieur, je ­n’estois point obligé en arrivant de connoitre son favory et je n’ay jamais fait des presens86 qu’aux chefs /156/ de ces nations. D’ailleurs n’estoit point à ce gouverneur à censurer ma conduite. Je’avois des ordres sans dependance qui me mettoit endroit de me ressentir de l’outrage qu’ils m’avoit faite. Mais s’agissant du service de mon Roy et de celuy de la compagnie je passay le tout sous silence à joindre que87 j’avois dit mes sentimens ouvertement à un homme qui aprés mon depart devoit commander sur tous ceux qui restoient dans le païs. Cela luy auroit peu atirer du mespris. Je me contentay donc de luy faire connoitre les inconveniences qui pouvoient arriver de l’indifference qu’il affectoit d’avoir pour les chefs des nations sauvages et je l’exhortay mesme de changer sur l’heure conduit à l’esgard de mon pere adopté, non pas par cette consideration, mais parce qu’il estoit comme je l’ay dit chef de la nation qui habitoit à l’endroit où nous nous pretendions establir.88 Ce qu’il me promet de faire aprés quoy je me rendis abord de nos navires. 82 S: etions pour le faire connoitre afin qu’il pût apres mon depart empecher. 83 E.1/2, S: quelques petits presens. 84 S: donné aucun present à un simple sauvage qui luy servoit d’espion, qui estoit fils de ce chef appelé Barbûe. 85 S: “outre que” struck out; but not in E.1/2. 86 S: “presens” inserted above the line by the second hand. 87 E.1/2: silence (blank) j’avois. 88 S: endroit ou l’on bâtissoit le fort, ce quil.

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sons, who were [my adopted father’s] relatives, had been killed. [They were] on their way to make trouble for the wild men who had decided to support the Frenchman who had been wounded by a wild man won over by the English. After he greeted me and I learned the circumstances of this affair and the consequences it could have, I wrote /155/ to tell the governor to come where we were so as to put a stop to79 further disturbances by virtue of the treaty of peace and unity that I had made between the French and English in the presence of the wild men. When the governor arrived, I introduced my adopted father to him and told him that he was the chief who commanded the nation inhabiting the land where they were building the fort. I had asked Captain Geyer to make some gifts80 to him. It was also desirable that he give some gifts because I had promised him some the preceding year that I had not [in fact] given, which the governor thought was very bad. And he even became irritated with this chief for no reason except that he was my adopted father. I learned subsequently that he was angry because when I arrived I had not given any gifts to a common wild man who served him as a spy and was a son of the chief called Barbue. This was a horrible extravagance, because, besides the fact that this governor was inferior to me, I was not obliged upon arrival to recognize his favourite, and I never gave gifts81 except to the chiefs /156/ of these nations. Furthermore, it was not the duty of this governor to censure my conduct. I had orders independently which gave me the right to resent the injury he had done me. But since it concerned my service to the king and to the company, I passed it all over in silence. And to add to that I had expressed my thoughts openly to a man who was supposed to command all those who remained in the land after my departure. That could have drawn scorn down upon him. So I  contented myself with telling him the unpleasant consequences that could arise from the indifference he showed towards the chiefs of the savage nations, and I even urged him to immediately change his comportment with respect to my adopted father, not on this account but because he was, as I said, chief of the nation which inhabited the place where we were claiming to establish ­ourselves.82 He promised me that he would do that, upon which I boarded our ships.

79 S: in order to inform him so that, after my departure, he could put a stop to. 80 E.1/2, S: quelques petits presens (some small gifts). 81 S: “presens” (presents) inserted above the line by the second hand. 82 S: place where they were building the fort, which he.

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Mon neveu qui estoit resté au fort avec le gouverneur ayant apris que les navires estoient prets à partir, ce rendit (au pres de moy avec les françois /157/ que j’avois resolu de laisser en Canada) pour me dire adieu. Et ce fut à la compagnie de ce governeur qu’ils firent la routte pendant laquelle à ce que j’ay apris de mon neveu il leur temoigna plus d’amitié qu’il n’avoit encore fait les asseurant qu’il ne manqueroient jamais de rien et qu’à ma consideration ils recevroient les mesmes traitemens que luy. La conduite que mon neveu et l’autres françois avoient tenüe ne leur donnoit point suject de douter de la sincerité de ces protestations. Ils ne croyoient point non plus qu’on deust avoir aucun soupçon de mefiance sur eux. Mon neveu et son interprette avoient esté solicités de rester dans le pais pour le service de la compagnie, et ils y avoient consenty sans murmure parce que je m’estois chargé du soing de leurs interets en Angleterre. Cella c’estoit passé en la presence et par les persuations du gouverneur. Cependant voicy un changement surprenant qui arrive par le caprice, l’inconstance et la mechante conduit de ce méme gouverneur. Je me disposays a partir avec les autres françois quand le gouverneur estant allé à bord de la petite fregatte fit faire un signal pour tenir conseil de guerre. Sur ce-/158/la, les capitaines des vaisseaux et moy nous rengeames àbord, où mon neveu nous suivit restant sur la dunette pendant que les officiers et moy estions dans la chambre où ce gouverneur nous demanda dabord si nous avions quelques raisons valables pour empecher qu’il ne renvoyast dans les vaissaux tous les françois qui estoient dans le païs. À quoy tous les autres n’ayant rien dit, je fus obligé de parler en ces termes: A mon depart d’Angleterre je receus un ordre verbal de la compagnie, et en particullier du sieur James Hayes de laisser dans le païs où nous sommes autant des françois que je trouverois apropos pour le bien et l’advantage de la compagnie. J’ay sur cela resolu d’engager mon neveu et son interprette d’y rester et j’en fuis venu about par mes soins du consentement du gouverneur qui démande aujour d’huy qu’ils soient renvoyés comme des gens qui aparament luy sont devenus suspects en bien faisant. J’ay toûjour creu et je le crois encore que leur presence en ce païs estoit utille et mesme necessaire à la compagnie, et qu’il estoit difficile de ce pouvoir passer d’eux parce qu’ils sont connus de toutes /159/ les nations. C’est aussi sur eux que j’ay fondé la seureté des marchandises qui sont restées à l’habitation des françois parce que sans leur assistance, ou leur presence, elles seront exposées au pillage. Cependant je ne pretends point

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When my nephew, who had stayed at the fort with the governor, learned that the ships were ready to depart, he came (to me with the French /157/ whom I had decided to leave in Canada) in order to say goodbye. They came in company with this governor, during which, according to what I learned from my nephew, he showed more friendship towards them than he had done up to that point, assuring them that they would never lack for anything and that, out of consideration for me, they would receive the same treatment as he. The treatment that my nephew and the other Frenchmen had received gave them no cause to doubt the sincerity of these assertions. Neither did they believe that anyone should distrust them even slightly. My nephew and his interpreter83 had been requested to remain in the country in the service of the company and they had consented to that without any complaint because I had undertaken to look after their interests in England. That had taken place in the presence of the governor and with his assurances. Yet observe this surprising reversal, which happened through the fickleness, inconstancy, and spiteful conduct of this same governor. I was preparing myself for departure with the other Frenchmen when the governor boarded the small frigate and had a signal made for a council of war to be held, whereupon /158/ the ships’ captains and I lined up on board. My nephew followed us and remained on the poop deck, while the officers and myself were in the cabin. Here the governor asked us first if we had any valid reasons for preventing him from sending back on the ships all the Frenchmen who were in the land. Since none of the others had anything to say, I was obliged to speak in these terms: “Upon my departure from England, I received a verbal order from the company, and especially from Sir James Hayes, to leave in the land where we are situated as many Frenchmen as I thought suitable for the well-being and benefit of the company. Consequently, I resolved to commit my nephew and his interpreter to remain here. Through my efforts, I ended up getting the consent of the governor, who today requests that they be sent back, as men who have apparently become suspicious to him [even though?] doing well. I always believed, and I still do, that their presence in this country was useful and even necessary to the company, and that it was difficult to do without them, because they are known to all /159/ the nations. I also counted on them for the security of the merchandise which remained in the French habitation, because without their help or their presence it would be exposed to plundering. Nevertheless, I 83 As a French speaker born in the country and accustomed to the wilds, Chouart spoke some Aboriginal languages, but he would not have spoken English and needed an interpreter if he was dealing with HBC men.

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m’oposer au dessein que le gouverneur a de faire executer la proposition qu’il vient de nous faire. Il est libre de faire ce qu’il voudra, mais il ne me faira point souscrire à ses resolutions, tant que je verray qu’elles seront directement opo­ sees a celles de la compagnie, à mes instructions, et à mon experience. Au contraire je protesteray devant Dieu et devant les hommes contre toute ce qu’il faira parce qu’aprés ce qu’il nous a dit il est incapable de produire rien d’advan­ tageux pour ses maîtres, et cet en vain qu’on luy donneroit des bons conseils, car il n’a pas l’esprit de les concevoir. Qu’il fasse encore un coup ce qu’il voudra je ne m’opose à rien. Cette declaration auroit fait sans doute quelque impression sur un esprit non prevenu d’une qualité imaginaire de gouverneur. Mais celuy cy tout au contraire se fortifia dans sa resolution et me pria de dire à mon neveu de s’embarquer89 avec les autres françois sans considerer qu’il n’avoit point assez de tems pour aller /160/ chercher ses hardes, ni plusieurs obligations qui luy sont deües en Canada, qui estoient restées à la maison des françois, et que je luy fis abandonner pour obeïr, quoy que je fusse en estat de luy faire raison, et cela dans l’esperance que la compagnie la luy fairoit toute entiere. Le conseil alloit finir aprés cella, mais le gouverneur aprehendent de n’estre point obeï des françois voulut donner un ordre aux capitaines de se saisir de tous, et de les embarquer. Il eut mesme l’insolence de me mettre le premier dans la liste comme si j’estoit soubçonné ou coupable de quelque chose. De quoy le capitaine Bond s’estant aperceu il luy dit qu’il ne se chargeroit point de son ordre que je n’en fusse excepté, parce qu’il n’avoit rien reconnu en moy que beaucoup d’attachement pour le service de ses maîtres, qu’on devoit à mes soins l’establissement que nous avions fait, et les advantages qui en revenoient à la compagnie. Cela obligea le gouverneur de faire un autre liste, et ainsi finit un conseil de guerre tenu contre les interets de90 ceux qui avoient donné pouvoir de l’assembler. Beaucoup de personnes91 qui auront la connoissan-/161/ce des nations sauvages du nord, et du prejudice que la conduite92 de cet imprudant gouverneur aura sans contredit cause à la compagnie, atribueront son procedé au défaut d’experience93 où à quelque haine particulliere qu’il pouvoit avoir contre les françois. Quoy qu’ils en soit je ne suis point de ce sentiment la, et je crois que sa timidité et son manque de courage ont donné lieu à tout ce qu’il a fait par 89 S: de dire au francois de s’embarquer. 90 S: “les interets de” added at bottom in second hand. 91 S: les personnes. 92 S: des sauvages du nord pourront juger du prejudice que la conduite. 93 S: beaucoup atribueront son procedé a son peu d’experience.

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do not claim to oppose the governor’s plan to execute the proposal that he has just made to us. He is free to do what he wants, but he will not make me subscribe to his decisions as long as I see that they are directly opposed to those of the company, my instructions, and my experience. On the contrary, I will protest before God and before man against all that he does, because after what he has told us, he is incapable of producing any profit for his masters. And it is in vain that good advice is given him, for he does not have the intelligence to conceive of it. Let him do again what he wishes, I am opposed to nothing.” Without a doubt, this declaration would have made some impression upon a mind which was not informed by a governor’s imaginative capacity. But the latter, entirely to the contrary, grew stronger in his resolution and entreated me to tell my nephew to embark84 with the other Frenchmen, without considering that there was not enough time [for him] to go /160/ and seek his clothing, or several bonds that are owed to him in Canada and had remained in the French house, which I made him abandon in order to obey [my orders], although I was making the best of a bad job in the hope that the company would make it up to him. The council was about to finish after that, but the governor, fearing that he would not be obeyed by the French, resolved to order the captains to seize them all and put them on board. He even had the insolence to put me first in the list, as though I were suspect or guilty of something. When Captain Bond perceived that, he said that he would not fulfil his order unless I was exempted, since he had never seen anything in me but a great attachment for the service of his masters and because they owed to my efforts the establishment that we had built and the profits that came of it to the company. That obliged the governor to make another list. And so finished a council of war held against the interests of85 those who had been given the authority to summon it. Many who are acquainted /161/ with these wild northern nations and with the disservice that the conduct86 of this impudent governor would unquestionably cause to the company, will attribute his behaviour to lack of experience or to some special prejudice he might have against the French. Whatever it may be, I am not of that opinion, and I believe that his timidity and his lack of courage gave rise to everything he did, through the fear that he had that the French

84 S: to tell the Frenchman to embark. 85 S: “les interets de” (the interests of) added at bottom in second hand. 86 S: of the northern wild men will be able to judge the disservice that the conduct.

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l’aprehension qu’il a eu que les françois n’entreprissent quelque chose contre luy. Et ce qui me confirma dans cette pensé est la precaution qu’il a eu d’empecher que les françois ne parlassent à personne depuis le jour du conseil, car il les fit observer du moment que nous en fumes sortis, et je reconnus mesme qu’il n’auroit point manqué de faire mettre aux fers mon neveu s’il en avoit eu le moindre pretexte. Mais connoissant son mechant dessein je luy fis entendre aussi bien qu’a tous les autres françois que nous allions en Angleterre et qu’il ne failloit point sortir du vaisseau parce que nous estions à tout moments prets à partir. Quoy que ce changement surprit mon neveu et son interprette, neamoins ils n’en parurent pas /162/ mecontens surtout quand je les eus asseurés aussi bien que les autres françois, qu’ils recevroient toute sorte de bon traitement en Angleterre, et qu’il ne leur seroit fait aucun tort en leurs personnes ni en leurs pretentions. Je les quittay en suitte dans le navire, et m’estant embarqué dans la fregate nous fumes eschoüer à deux lieües de l’endroit où ils estoient à l’ancre pour prendre quelques effects qui estoient restés à terre, avec plus de dilligence que nous n’aurions pû faire avec les vaisseaux. Ce qu’ayant fait heureusement nous vismes rejoindre les navires au lieu où ils estoient à l’ancre dans l’un desquels mon neveu et les autres françois estoient restés pendant ce tems la sans avoir fait la moindre démarche, quoy qu’ils fussent en estat de tout entreprendre parce qu’ils pouvoient facillement se rendre maistres des deux navires et les brûler, n’y ayant pour tout que deux hommes et un garçon de chambre dans chacun. Aprés quoy ils pouvoient aussi sans danger passer à terre du costé du sud avec les canots sauvages, qui estoient au bord du costé du nord, et ­ensuitte se rendre maîtres de leur maison et de /163/ leurs marchandises qui n’estoient gardées que par deux hommes. Mais pour en venir la il falloit douter de tout ce que je leur avois dit et estre aussi mal intentionnés pour le service de la compagnie que l’estoit le gouverneur et c’est de quoy ils n’estoient point capables ni les uns ni les autres aprés s’estre soumis, et avoir pretté le serement de fidelité comme ils avoient fait. Enfin aprés avoir souffert en mon honneur et en ma probité beaucoup de choses de la part du gouverneur et bien de fatigues, d’incommodités de paines et de soins en ma personne pour venir a bout de mon dessein, ayant heureusement reüssi, et tout ce qui devoit estre embarqué dans les navires estant à bord nous fimes voile le 4me Septembre 1684 et arrivames aux dunnes sans qu’il nous arrivast aucune chose qui merite d’estre rapporté le 23me Octobre de la mesme année.

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might undertake something against him. What confirmed me in this view is the precaution that he took to prevent the Frenchmen from speaking to anyone from the day of the council onward, for he had them watched from the moment that we came out of it. I realized that he would not even have failed to have my nephew put in irons if he had found the least pretext for it. But knowing his wicked design, I gave him to understand, as well as all the other Frenchmen, that we were going to England and that they must not leave the vessel, because we were ready to depart at any moment. Although this change surprised my nephew and his interpreter, they did not appear to be /162/ upset by it, above all when I had reassured them, as well as the other Frenchmen, that they would receive every kind of good treatment in England, and that no wrong would be done to them in their person or in their claims. Then I left them in the ship and embarked in the frigate. We beached two leagues from the place where they were anchored to take some effects that had remained on land more speedily than we could have done with the vessels. Having successfully accomplished that, we came to rejoin the ships at the spot where they were anchored, in one of which my nephew and the other Frenchmen had stayed during that time, without having made any move, although they were in a position to do whatever they liked and could easily have made themselves the masters of the two ships and burned them. In all, there were only two men and a cabin boy in each. Afterwards, they could have crossed safely to the south shore in the wild men’s canoes which were on the northern shore, and then made themselves masters of their house and /163/ their merchandise, which was guarded only by two men. But to do that, they would have had to mistrust everything I had said to them and to be as ill disposed to the service of the company as the governor was. None of them was capable of that, having submitted themselves and taken the oath of fidelity as they had done. Finally, after having suffered much offence to my honour and integrity from the governor, much hardship, the inconvenience of personal trouble and care in order to accomplish my design, I had succeeded happily. And when everything that was supposed to be embarked upon the ships was on board, we set sail on the 4 September 1684 and arrived at the Downs on the 23 October in the same year, without anything happening to us which is worth reporting.

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L’impatience que j’avois d’aprendre à messieurs de la compagnie l’heureux retour de leurs vaisseaux et que94 je m’estois acquité pour le service du roy et leur propre interet, de tous les engagemens dans lesquels j’estois entré, m’obligea de monter /164/ à cheval de mesme jour pour me rendre à Londre où j’arrivay à l’heure de minuict. Ce qui ne m’empecha point de faire advertir de toutes choses le sieur95 escuyer Yong l’un des interessés en cette compagnie, lequel m’estant venu prendre à mon logis le lendemain matin me fit l’honneur de me presenter à Sa Majesté, et à Son Altesse Royalle, à qui je rendis conte de ce que j’avois fait. Et en temoignage de la satisfaction de mon zele et de ma ­fidelité a leur service, ces grands princes96 donnerent ordre au sieur escuyer Yonge de dire à sa compagnie d’avoir soing de moy, et de reconnoitre mes services tant à l’esgard de mes interets que du costé de la recompence que j’avois justement meritée.97 Ensuite de cela je me retiray et quelques jours aprés croyant recevoir de la part des interessés en la compagnie une aprobation generale, je fus surpris d’aprendre que l’honneur que j’avois eu de faire la reverence au roy et à Son Altesse Royalle, avoit offencé quelques membres de cette compagnie lesquels continuent encore d’oposer aux resolutions qu’il est necessaire de prendre pour la gloire de Sa Majesté et l’advantage de la compagnie, et de la nation.98 fin99

94 S: l’heureux succez de mon voyage et nostre retour et que. 95 S: que je ne fisse advertir le sieur. 96 S: rendis compte de tout ce que j’avois fait, et j’eus la consolation de recevoir des marques de la satisfaction de ces grands princes lesquels en temoinage. 97 S: de mes interets et de reconnoitre mes services. W: “justement” inserted in margin. 98 S: Quelques jours apres je fus au committi de la Compagnie de la Baye de Hudson pour y rendre compte de ma conduitte esperant de recevoir une aprobation generale de mon procedé comme des premieres de la juste satisfaction et de la recompense qui m’est deüe, mais au lieu de cela je trouvay le plus part des membres de ce committee offencez de ce que j’abois eu l’honneur de faire la reverence au Roy et a son Altess Royalle et ces memes personnes conntinuent encore dans le mauvais dessein qu’ils ont de me nuire, et sous pretexte deme refuser la Justice qui mest deü ils s’opposent aussy aux resolutions solides et utiles quil est necessaire de prendre pour la gloire de sa majesté l’avantage de la nation et leur propre interet. Fin. 99 E.1/2: “fin” absent.

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My impatience to tell the gentlemen of the company about the happy return of their ships, and that87 I had discharged all the commitments into which I had entered in the service of the king and their own interests, caused me to ride /164/ horseback that same day in order to get to London, where I arrived at midnight. The late hour did not prevent me from informing the honourable Mr Yonge, one of the investors in the company, of everything. The next morning, he came to collect me at my lodgings and did me the honour of presenting me to His Majesty and to his Royal Highness, to whom I rendered an account of what I had done. And as a sign of satisfaction with my zeal and fidelity in their service, these great princes88 ordered the honourable Mr Yonge to tell his company to take care of me, and to recognize my services as much with respect to my interests as to the reward that I had rightly earned.89 After that, I withdrew and some days later, believing that I would receive general approval from those with investments in the company, I was surprised to learn that the honour I had enjoyed in paying my respects to the king and His Royal Highness had offended some members of this company, who still continue to oppose the decisions that must be made for the glory of His Majesty and the profit of the company and nation.90 END.91

87 S: the happy success of my voyage and our return and that. 88 S: rendered an account of all that I had done, and I had the consolation of receiving evidence of the satisfaction of these great princes, who as a sign. 89 S: for my interests and to recognize my services. W: “justement” inserted in margin. 90 S: Some days later, I went to the committee of the Hudson’s Bay Company to render an account of my conduct, hoping to receive general approval for my actions, like the first ones, of the just satisfaction and reward which was owed to me, but instead I found the majority of the members of the committee offended by the fact that I had had the honour of paying my respects to the King and to his Royal Highness. And these same people still continue in the evil designs that they have to harm me; and upon the pretext of refusing me the justice that is my due, they also opposed the firm and useful decisions it is necessary to make for the glory of His Majesty, the profit of the nation and their own interest. End. 91 E.1/2: “end” is absent.

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II miscellaneous writings, 1676?–83

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Journal des choses les plus remarquables arivéé depuis nostre despart de la pointe Confort pour Port Nelson l’annéé 1673 [1676–78?] Introductory note: Possibly the fragment of an original log of 1673 from the barque Employ but more likely a copy made between 1676 and 1678. The information may have been based on notes made by Des Groseilliers, since Radisson did not participate in this voyage (165). Textual notes appear in the French version, those identifying locations, etc., in the English translation. Editorial procedure: see “Mémoire on the Northern Seacoast of North America, 1676–78.”

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Journal of the Most Notable Things Occurring after Our Departure from Point Comfort for Port Nelson in the Year 1673 [1676–78?] Introductory note: Source: BN Clair. 848, pp. 335–[6]. Possibly the fragment of an original log of 1673 from the barque Employ but more likely a copy made between 1676 and 1678. For Bernou’s interest in hydrography and his acquaintance with Radisson during the decade 1675–85, see Introduction (volume 1) and appendix A. The document is in Radisson’s hand, but the text, in French, may have originated with Des Groseilliers, whose presence among the Englishmen on the Employ’s 1673 trip to Port Nelson was mentioned by Thomas Gorst.1 Alternatively, Radisson may have translated an English fragment into French for Bernou, who knew no English (Bernou has inserted a few comments, which are marked [B:]).2 We have no information on Radisson’s activities that summer, but he was on the Bay, probably working out of the post at Rupert River. He cannot, however, have been on the voyage north himself. In a deposition of 20 May 1687, William Bond, who was a gunner on the Employ, stated that the ship arrived at Port Nelson in September and stayed for fifteen days before returning to Rupert River in October3 (the log, however, states that it arrived 23–24 August). Whatever the case, the Employ could not have returned to Rupert River in time for Radisson to board Zachariah Gillam’s ship for London, whose arrival was reported on 9 October 1673. He did travel with Gillam, because on 23 October the London Committee sent for him to come up to London.4 Unless evidence to the contrary turns up, Radisson is unlikely to have originated this little text. He probably copied it for Bernou, who was deeply interested in hydrography; see the “Mémoire on the Northern Seacoast of North America, 1676–88.” Textual notes appear in the French version, those identifying locations, etc., in the English translation. Editorial procedure: see Textual Introduction, xiv, xx. The translation is by the editor.

  1 According to Thomas Gorst, it was Des Groseilliers who participated in the Employ’s trip to Port Nelson; see the précis of Gorst’s journal given by Oldmixon (1708), in Tyrrell, ed., Documents relating to the Early History of Hudson Bay, 384.   2 Bernou himself said he knew no English; see BNFr, Fr 7497, f.216v, Bernou to Renaudot, 24 April 1685. Knowledge of English was rare in France; see 1: 11.   3 William Bond, deposition, dated 20 May 1687, TNA, CO 134/1, f.111.   4 HBCA, A.1/1, ff.19v, 20r. And see Minutes, 1671–1674, 48–9.

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/335/ Journal des choses les plus remarquables arivéé depuis notre despart de la pointe Confort pour Port Nelson l’annéé 1673. Le 18. Juliet estions a l’ancre a la dite pointe en lattd de 52d 36m. Le 20. Arivé a l’isle de Charleston 8 lieues n. à de la pointe Confort, [B: James y a hyverné]. Le 21. La course n. à latt.d 52d 36m Sonde depuis 37 a 19 brase[s] sable dure. Le 22. 53d à 7m en vieu des glace[s] et d’une grande ilse sonde 35 a 28 vaze. Le 23. La course ouest, et norte caus[e] des glace lattd 53d 26m veu du terre plate et petit arbres a 4 brase[s]. Les glaces a 6 lieux au large. Fort espossé sable graveleux. Fort beau temp[s]. 24. Bonne observation 53d 35m sonde 4 brasses jusqua 12. 25. Grand vent n. est latt. 53d 33m. Grande merre. Sonde 25 brasses jusque 12 vaze et jusq’qua 4 sable. 26. Course n. ouest latt. 53d 43m. Ancré a 2 brasses ¾. Mere base eschoué, le courent vint n.e. et retourne du s.w. Sauvage[s?] vien[ent?] abort et la flot ­monter 9 pieds. 27. Avance 20 L. n.w. Ancré a 7 brasses. 28. Bonne observation latt. n à 54d 12m. Glace a tous costés. Avancames 8 L. a l’ancre a 4 ½ brasses. 29. Bon vent latt. 54d 28m. La nuict a l’ancre proche un isle a 3 brasses ¼. Terre basse. Allans comme les glaces le permet. Fond depuis 3 brasses jusqu 7. L’on voit 5 sauvages a terre. 30. Forcée de [echonne?1] a 9 pieds par les glaces. Ancre rompu, 3 sauvages vismes abort. 31. Nous fume[s] a terre latt. 54d 48m qui est le sud du Cap H. M. Terre basse et le cap fait vue isle de sable qui joint a la terre ferme. 1. D’oust et 2me et 3me. Levame[s] l’ancre matin a midi [par?] le travers du cap. 10 brase[s] d’eau sable rouge et noire et [B: word scratched out \jaune/,] distance 3 L., la cost n.n. est sur le conpas et de [?] 5 brasse[s] jusqua 10. L’on voit la terre et doublé le cap. La coste va w.n.w. \oust norouest/2 sur conpas. latt. 55d 12m estans a 5 L. no. du dite cap. 4.me Grand vent le matin, observation 55d 10m. 5. Latt no. 55d 14m. Cantite de bature dangereusse.

  1 Possibly a variant of chômer, here meaning to lie nine feet off the shore because of the ice; see also entry for 9 August. Nicot. Thresor de la langue francoyse (1606). gives “­cessare, ferieri,” to stop, take a holiday.   2 Written above “w n.w.” in Radisson’s hand.

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/335/ 18 July. We were at anchor at the said point,5 lat. 52d 36m. 20. Arrived at Charlton Island 8 leagues north of Point Comfort [B: \James wintered here/].6 21. Course northward from lat. 52d 36m. Depth from 37 to 19 fathoms; hard sand. 22. 53d 7m in sight of ice floes and a large island,7 depth 35 to 28, mud. 23. Course west and north because of the ice, latt. 53d 26m; in sight of flat land and small trees at 4 fathoms. Ice for 6 leagues off shore. Very exposed gravelly sand. Very fine weather. 24. Good observation 53d 35m. Depth 4 fathoms up to 12. 25. Strong NE wind lat. 53d 33m. Very high tide. Depth 25 fathoms to 12, mud and up to 4 of sand. 26. Course NW lat. 53d 43m. Anchored at 2 ¾ fathoms. The sea low, [the ship] grounded. The current runs NE and returns due SW. Wild men came aboard, and tide rose 9 feet. 27. Proceeded 20 leagues NW. Anchored at 7 fathoms. 28. Good observation lat. 54d 12m. Ice on all sides. Advanced 8 leagues. Anchored at 4 ½ fathoms. 29. Good wind. Lat. 54d 28m. Anchored at night near an island, 3 ¼ fathoms. Low land. Going forward as the ice permits. Bottom at 3 to 7 fathoms. Saw 5 wild men on shore. 30. Forced by the ice to [lie off shore?] 9 feet. Broken anchor. 3 wild men came aboard. 31. We landed lat. 54d 48m which is south of Cape Henrietta Maria. Land is low and from the cape saw an island of sand joined to the solid land. 1. August, and 2nd and 3rd. Raised anchor in the morning towards midday to traverse the cape. 10 fathoms of water, red and black [B: \yellow/] sand, distance 3 leagues, the coast NNE by the compass and 5 to 10 fathoms. Saw the land and doubled the cape. The coast runs NWW /west northwest/8 by the compass. Lat. 55d 12m, at 5 leagues north of the said cape. 4th. Strong wind in the morning, observation 55d 10m. 5. Lat. 55d 14m. A number of dangerous sandbanks.   5 Point Comfort: today, Pointe de la Fougère Rouge in Quebec.  6 The Welsh mariner Thomas James (1592/3–1635) spent an arduous winter with ­companions on Charlton Island in 1631–32 and wrote about it in The Strange and Dangerous Voyage of Captain Thomas James (1633).   7 Akimiski Island, near the western shore of James Bay.   8 Insertion in Radisson’s hand.

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6. 7. 8. Parmi les glases latt. 55d 25m. La flux porte a terre, a haut mere 2 brasse[s]. L’ebe nous revenne au large a 5 brasse[s] ½ tient fort les grapins sur les glaces. 9. A l’ancre 2 brase[s] et demie. A basse mere a [––?] le flot mont 9 pied, ½ L. [eschoué?] . 10. Observation avec l’astrolabe latt. no. 55d 30m, la coste court nowest. 11. Dans les glace[s] le flux et reflux fort mediocre, fumes a terre cantité de gibines. 15. 16. Drivé avec les glace[s]. 17. Par le travers d’une riviere le flot ne marche que 8 pied. Vient du no est et retourn[e] du sauoruest en 2 heur. Va 1. mil. 18. Latt. 55d 35m [––?3] aborder terre avec le bateau de 2 L. 19. 20. Favourable. Peu de glace latt. 56d 10m a 65 L. du Cap. 21. Latt. 56d 45m. Une grand isle terre base peu de bois, la fond vaze. 22. Latt. 57d 05m. Variation 20d vers le ouest, la maréé [dessant?] porte est no. est a. L. par heure. /[336]/ 23. 24. Apres avoir drivé et esté a l’ancre pandans dans les bruimes4 nous nous trouvames 2 L. dans la riviere. Le premier cantite de flots mont plus de 6 pieds en une heure, et pareillant le premier cantite de l’ebbe dessant ansi vite. La riviere est situéé e. no e. et dues saurouest. La pleine lune ou la change [B: \la nouvelle /] estant norouest fait plaine merre, profoundeur 5 brase[s] jusque 2½. du costé du sud, calme passame[s] du costé du nort 7 brase[s] et fum[es] bien 5 L. avant mont[er?] [B: dans la riviere].

  3 Almost unreadable but may be “ne pouv[ait].”   4 As is frequently the case with a series of minims, the distinction between n and m varies; this is clearly “brumes” or, as Radisson writes it here and elsewhere, “bruimes.”

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6. 7. 8. Amidst the ice floes lat. 55d 25m. The current runs towards the land, at high tide 2 fathoms. The low tide returned us to the open sea at 5 ½ fathoms and the grapnels held tight on the ice. 9. At anchor 2 fathoms and a half. Low tide at [––?]. The tide rose 9 feet. [beached at ?] ½ league. 10. Observation with the astrolabe lat. north 55d 30m; the coast runs northwest. 11. Among the ice floes the rise and fall fairly moderate. On land there was a quantity of [game?] 15. 16. Drifting with the ice. 17. At the crossing of a river the tide rises no more than 8 feet. It comes from the northeast and returns to the southwest in 2 hours. [Travelled?] 1 thousand [feet?]. 18. Lat. 55d 35m [––?] approached land with the boat, about 2 leagues. 19. 20. Favourable. Little ice lat. 56d 10m at 65 leagues from the cape. 21. Lat. 56d 45m. A large island,9 low land and few woods, the bottom muddy. 22. Lat. 57d 05m. Variation 20 degrees towards the west, the tide [descends?] towards the east-northeast one league an hour. /[336]/ 23. 24. After having drifted [forward] and anchoring during the fog, we found ourselves 2 leagues into the river.10 The first level of the tide rises more than 6 feet in an hour and parallels the first level of the ebb lowering just as quickly. The river is situated east northeast and due southwest. The full moon or the change \B: the new [moon]/ being northwest produces a level tide, depth 5 fathoms to 2 ½. From the coast on the south we passed to the coast on the north 7 fathoms and were a good 5 leagues before going up \B: the river/.

  9 There are no large islands in this area; possibly a misinterpretation of the lowlands along the western coast of Hudson Bay. 10 The Nelson River, which is wide at its entry into Hudson Bay.

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Mémoire on the Northern Seacoast of North America [original untitled; 1676–78] /339/ J’ay treuvée que dans les lacqs de l’Amerique Septentrionale les vents vieyne plus du costé de l’ouest que d’aucun autre costé. Toutefois1 [B: les vens d’est sont plus constans que ceux d’ouest qui toutefois souflent] les 3 partis de l’annéé qui est le printemps l’esté et l’hotonne et particulierement les 2 premieres ou raremen le vent est autre que depuis le norouest au sudest. L’hotonne nous y avons des grand coups de vent d’est nordest qui durent 2, 4, a 8 jours comme pareillent en [hiver?]. Et en cette derniere saison le vent de nort norouest soufle par bourasque et tres fort. S’il tourne vers le nort nortdest il [B: se calmit] bientost [B: mais en hyver pourtant les vens d’est souflent aussi souvent que ceux de l’est mais (continued in margin) ils sont plus doux les vens de sud [e]t sont rares et sont tres chauds et plus que ceux de sud]. Le temps y est beau d’ordinaire, quelques brumes le printemps a cause de la foute des neges et la grand [hardieur?] du soliel qui les fait fondre presque a veie d’oeil, meme dans le plus nort ou j’ai esté. Dans le fleuve St. Laurent les vents sont comme la riviere est situéé nortest et sauouest mais celuy d’avall est le plus coutumié comme dans les lacqs excepté que celuy da moy donne plus de pluie et de bruimes.

  1 Seven words of Radisson’s struck out and replaced by Bernou; the obliterated words appear to be: “Toutfois [il –– pres? sy constant quoyque] les 3 partis.”

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Mémoire on the Northern Seacoast of North America [original untitled; 1676–78?] Introductory note: Source: BN Clair. 848, pp. 339–44. The experience of coastal waters evident in this Mémoire may have been acquired by Radisson from HBC seafarers such as Captain Zachariah Gillam and in person on the voyage Radisson made in these waters on the Wivenhoe pink (Captain William Stannard) between May 1669 and January 1670. Almost nothing is known of this voyage, and Rich believes that the Wivenhoe reached the Hudson Strait but not the Bay itself.1 However, on such a wandering journey, there would have been ample opportunity for Radisson to observe the conditions he writes about. He also includes information from his experiences of 1670–73 at Port Nelson and on the Bay; for example, he was present on the Wivenhoe when it travelled to the Bay in June 1670 and was almost wrecked on Mansel Island, and he refers to this event in the Mémoire. The editor is grateful to Jeremy Young of Victoria, British Columbia, independent marine consultant and ship’s captain, for reading Radisson’s Mémoire from the standpoint of his special knowledge of Arctic waters. Textual notes are in the French text, historical notes are in the English translation. Editorial procedure: see xiv, xx. The translation is by the editor. /339/ I found that in the lakes of North America the winds come more from a westerly direction than any other. Nevertheless [B: the east winds are more constant than those from the west which, however, blow] the three seasons of the year – that is, spring, summer and autumn, and particularly the first two, when the wind is rarely other than from the northwest to the southwest. In the autumn there we have great blasts of wind from the east northeast which last two, four, eight days, and the same in the winter. And in this last season the wind from north northwest blows like a squall, and very strongly. If it turns towards the north-northeast [B: it calms] soon [B: but in winter, however, the east winds also blow as often as those from the east but (continued in margin) they are softer. The winds from the south are rare and are very hot and more (frequent?) than those from the south]. The weather there is ordinarily fine; [there are] some fogs in the spring because of the melting of the snow and the great [strength?] of the sun which makes it melt almost in the wink of an eye, even in the far north where I have been. On the St Lawrence River the winds, like

 1 Rich, History of the Hudson’s Bay Company, 1: 65.

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Au degorgement du fleuve St. Laurent les maréés baissante porter plus dehors par les passages du Cap Breton et Campsiau, quel [B; -les] n’y entrent estant forcés du fluve et a la force des maréé qui entre dans cette baye par le nort entre la terre ferme de Labrador et l’Isle de Terre Neuve [B: et] ne resort[B: -ent] presque point. [B: Hors] des passage le long de la coste le courent porte contremire2 du vers le Cap de Sable a Canso qu’il est rescontré par l’Isle de Sable et des Banqs pareils a 15,18, et 20 L. le long de la dite coste de l’Acadie. Au Cap de Sable il y’a fors grand ras3 de maréé a cause que 2 courants ce rescoulrent l’un venant du nort et l’autre de la grand [B: merre] qui est au sus et entre de force dedans la baye Francoisse /340/ son anbouchure estan quelque 25 L. depuis le Cap de Sable jusque du mons [deduits?] ou les banqs de Sable recomence et continues jusqu’a Cap de la Floride. Le courent venent du sud et plus vous y allér moins le courent [B : (in margin): c’est dans la baye de la floride a cause que la pointe de floride y fait calme] a de force le longe des coste[s] de la Nouvelle Angleterre et Virginie [B: et floride], et [––?plus] vous allé au sud vous treuvés [B: au moins de profondeur que vers la nouvelle angleterre] la sonde au large et vers le cap [B : de floride] les batures fort dangereusse caussés par le fort courent qui sort du Mexique. Les bruimes commencer vers le Virginie et sont plus [––?] et coutumiere plus vous vené ver le nort. Lors que j’ay esté au nort du Terre Neuve apres avoir passé son destroit [B : (in margin) entre Terreneuve et Labrador] le flot vint tres fort du nortdest et entre fort rudemen dans les bayes de Labrador, et estan rescontré par cette coste qui est fort profonde il glisse vers le sud. Et plus vers le nort vous allé plus le courent en vient car estant par les 61d. En une nuict nous drivame au sud par estime 20 L. Il est vray que s’est la marque sertaine d’un grand banq de glace qui sort par les destroits du nort qui pousse la maréé devant soy. Le courant n’estant pas toujours sy grand. Entrant dans le destroit d’[H]udson le costé du nort le courent porter dedans jusqua 80 L. [B  : (in margin) environ le 300 degres du longitude] et fait le

 2 Probably contre-marée: undertow, counter-tide.  3 ras suggests shaving, and thus risk.

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the river, are situated northeast and southwest but that downstream is entirely normal, as in the lakes except that in my view they produce more rain and fog. At the mouth of the St Lawrence River the retreating tides flow chiefly outwards through the straits of Cape Breton and Canso, which not entering them are compelled by the river and by the force of the tide that enters in that bay from the north between the land of Labrador and the island of Newfoundland, and hardly get out again at all. [B: Outside] the passage along the coast the current flows in a contrary direction towards Cape Sable to Canso, and again meets with Sable Island and the Banks, similarly at fifteen, eighteen, and twenty leagues along the said coast of Acadia. At Cape Sable there is a great tidal wave because of two currents that turn back [on each other?], one coming from the north and the other from the great [B: sea] to the south, and between the force inside the French bay /340/ its mouth being some twenty-five leagues from Cape Sable up to the mountains that descend to where the sandbanks begin again and continue to Cape Florida.2 The current runs from the south, and the farther you go the current [B: (in margin) it is in the bay of Florida because the point of Florida makes it calm there] has less force along the coast of New England and Virginia [B: and Florida], and the farther south you go you find [B: at least the same depth as towards New England] the sounding-lead has plenty of room and towards the cape [B: of Florida] the reefs are very dangerous because of the strong current that comes from Mexico. The fogs begin towards Virginia and are very [––?] and usually greater as you go towards the north. When I was north of Newfoundland, after passing through the strait [B. in margin: between Newfoundland and Labrador] the tide came very strongly from the northeast and entered very roughly into the bays of Labrador, and encountering this coast, which is very deep, it slips towards the south. And the more towards the north you go the current comes from there because you are at nearly 61 degrees. In one night we drove south by reckoning twenty leagues. Truly, it is the certain sign of a great iceberg which leaves the straits to the north that it pushes the tide before it. The current is not always so strong. Entering Hudson Strait, along the northern coast the current runs within up to eighty leagues [B: (in margin) about 300 degrees of longitude3] and does the   2 The Sable Island and outer banks running south from the island to North Carolina, the notorious “graveyard of the Atlantic.” “Floride” in the seventeenth century included not only the cape itself but a considerable area to the north, running right up to “Virginie,” which was also broadly conceived.   3 In 1634, by decree of Louis XIII, all French maps had to use the island of Ferro (Hierro, 18° 29' west of Greenwich) in the Canaries for their prime meridian. Bernou

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contraire du costé du sud mais non pas sy av [B: -ant au large a la mer n’allant que le long de la coste].4 Lors que vous esté passé ces 80 L. l’espasse de 30 o[u] 40 L. vous treuvé un courant fous portant tantost d’un costé tantost a l’autre. Je me suis vis 3 navires ensemble et a la voix [B: portee de la] et [B: en] 4 heurs entre presque hors [d––?] l’un et l’autre chacun son bort il fesoit fort calme et des glace grand cantité et pouvoie l’aussi les transpor /341/ de maréé. Mais du depuis j’ay remarqué que nous entre endroit il y’a un banq de pierre noire et molle ou n’y a que 15 a 20 brasse d’eau et partout alieurs 250, 200 et qui passé le dit banq le courent vient du ouest et tres fort et la flot a peu de force. Le vent est toujour quand il vient est ou ouest la hauteur des terres ou plutost des roches des 2 costes du destroit Canse cela car s’il vient d’allieurs il n’y dure long temps. La coste du sud est fort apiq et haute. Celle du nort [B: est encor plus haute mais la pente moins escarpee]5 et n’est pas sy apiq tout d’un coup et ne sont que grand baye et l’isle le long de la coste du nort et fors [pres?] de celle du sud excepté une fort grande baye large et profonde ou la plus part des glace ce gestent6 qui sortent de la baye d’[H]udson [B : (in margin) mais eygalment de celle de Baffins qui est au nort du Cap Digg qui l’on tourne pour entrer dans la baye d’Hudson]. Et a mon advise s’est ce qui cause que le courent porte au ouest du costé du nort en l’autre du destroit et fait le contraire au celuy du sud. Car quand il y auroit quelque petit passage la cantité d’eau qui y est portéé ou jesté par le flot de la mere [B: venant du Nort] et par le degorgemen du celle de la baye ce la ne seroit sufizant. Il faut de necessité quel sorte par quelque autre costé qui est par le sud. La coste estant sy droit et l’eau sy profounde que mon navire ayant esté forcé par les glace voulant tenir le costé du sud il fut pousse par son drive sur les roche ou nous desirames eschouez. 2 L. heur et sond le

  4 Bernou filled out the “ant” in “avant,” an indication of how attentively he corrected the text. And see “gestent,” below.   5 Bernou scratched out three words of Radisson, now indecipherable.   6 Bernou fills out the “ent” of “gestent.”

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contrary along the southern coast, but not so much before [B: the open sea, not going only along the coast]. When you have passed these eighty leagues the distance of thirty or forty leagues you find a fierce current flowing sometimes from one side, sometimes from the other. I myself have seen three ships together and within hailing distance [B: the distance the voice carries] and [B: in] four hours almost separated from each other, each one [making her own way?]. It was very calm and [there was] a great quantity of ice and [which could also be transported?] /341/ by the tide. But since then I have noted that [where] we enter the strait there is a bank of stone, black and soft, where there are only fifteen to twenty fathoms of water and on all sides everywhere else 250, 200, and when the said bank is passed the current comes from the west, and very strongly, and the waves have little force. The wind is steady when it comes from the east or west [or from?] the height of the land or rather of the rocks of the two coasts of Canso Strait. This is because if the wind comes from elsewhere it does not last a long time. The south coast is very steep and high. That to the north [B: is still higher but the slope is less abrupt] and is not suddenly so steep, and there is only[a] great bay and the island along the north coast, save that near it on the south the exception is a very great bay, wide and deep,4 where the largest part of the ice floes are created which issue from Hudson Bay [B. in margin: but equally with that of Baffin’s, which is to the north of Cape Digg,5 which one goes around to enter Hudson Bay]. And in my view this is what causes the current to bear to the west of the north side and the other from the strait, and does the contrary with that of the south. For when it has some little passage the quantity of water which is carried or tossed there by the waves of the sea [B: coming from the north] and by the discharge of that from the bay would not be sufficient. It is necessary that it issue by some other direction to the south. The coast is so narrow and the water so deep that my ship, forced by the ice floes and wishing to hold to the south coast, was pushed by its driving force on the rocks we wanted to avoid [by two leagues?].6 [By good luck?] and sounding in the middle we may have had at hand Nicolas Sanson’s 1656 map “Le Canada, ou La Nouvelle France” on which longitude is noted by hundreds of degrees (Conrad Heidenreich, personal communication, 30 December 2010). The entry to Hudson Strait is roughly at 300 degrees by that system.   4 The currents flow from Roe’s Welcome Sound, which lies between Port Nelson and Southampton Island (Conrad Heidenreich, personal communication, 30 December 2010).   5 The Digges Islands are just off the Ungava peninsula near its northernmost point.   6 This is almost certainly a reference to the accident that befell the Wivenhoe at Mansel (Mansfield) Island in the summer of 1670 shortly after it and the Rupert separated, with

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milieu nous trouvames 150 brasse de profondeur. La coste [B: de Labrador] de firme Terre Neuve jusqua au destroit est fort subgette au bruimes et pareillent dans le destroit mais non pas sy continuelle. Tous courants antrant ou sortant jeste au sud. Je ne le sait que par trop de mauvaize experience la merre monte /342/ de 3 brasse et demie en l’ambouchures [B: du destroit] ou environ. Elle ne monte pas du tout sy haut a l’antrer de la baye et sont faict bien 2 brasse a l’entré de la baye le courant vient du nort et entrer isles de Manfeld et la costé de l’est de la baye il porte ou nort ausi [pour] entra au destroit. Mais passé l’isle [B: au sud] toute marée vous porter sur la coste de l’est jusquu Cap Jonne qui est par les 54d ½ ou environ comme l’antréé du destroit est par 63d 30m. Toute cette coste est plaine d’ils. Au dite cape le flot n’y mont que 2 bras. Le flot est plus rude que l’ebe toutefois ne monte que 5 heur et l’ebe dure 7 ou peu. S’est faut ce sont toute terre ou roches fort hautes jusque au fond de la baye toutefois en diminuan peu a peu [B: allant au sud] quand le vent soufle depuis le ouest au nort norouest il s’est treuvé que les maréé ont monte jusqua 6 brasse plus que son ordinaire. Son ordinaire n’estant que 7 a 8 pieds. [B: La mer dans] La costé de la baye du ouest n’est pas profonde n’y les terre haute [B : in margin: a cause de] la grande cantité de riviere qui ce descharge et au meme qua[n] tité de sable de roche principalement le printemps a la dessant des glaces. Depuis le fond de la baye qui est a 50d jusq’au Cape Henrietta Maria qui est vis a vis le Cape Jonne, la coste est nort et sud terre fort basse de plus en plus [B: allant au nort] jusque au 59d du moines lelong des coste de la merre. Passé la Cap H. M. la coste va ouest norouest et est fort dangereux a cause des banqs de sable et particulierement aux environs du degorgemen des rivieres.

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found it was 150 fathoms deep. The coast [B: of Labrador] of the mainland of Newfoundland up to the strait is much subject to fogs, and the same in the strait but not so continually. All the currents entering or leaving flow to the south. I know by much hard experience that the sea rises /342/ from three fathoms and a half or so in the mouths of the rivers [B: of the strait]. It does not rise nearly that high at the entry of the bay. And this is because a good two fathoms at the entry to the bay the current comes from the north and [enters?] the isles of Manfeld,7 and the coast east of the bay runs north also, to enter the strait. But after passing the isle [B: to the south] every tide carries you on the coast to the east as far as Cape Jones, which is 54 ½ degrees or thereabouts [just as?] the entry of the strait is 63 degrees 30 minutes. All this coast is full of islands.8 At the said cape the tide does not rise higher than two fathoms. The tide is rougher than the ebb, nevertheless it does not rise for more than five hours, and the ebb lasts seven or a little less. This is because it is all land or very high rocks at the bottom of the bay, nevertheless diminishing bit by bit [B: going to the south] when the wind blows to the west or the northwest [and] one finds that the tides have risen up to six fathoms more than usual. The usual is only seven to eight feet. [B: the sea in] the west coast of the bay is not deep and the land not so high [B: because of] the great quantity of river that discharges and the same quantity of sand and rock principally [in] the springtime at the descent of the ice floes. From the bottom of the bay which is at 50 degrees9 as far as Cape Henrietta Maria, which is across from Cape Jones,10 the land on the coast to the north and the south is increasingly low [B: trending to the north] up to 59 degrees, at least along the coast of the sea. the Rupert heading south to the Bottom of the Bay and the Wivenhoe heading for Port Nelson. See LMA, CLC/495/MS01757, “Extract of Mr. Thomas Gorst’s Journal in the Voyage to Hudson’s Bay Begun the 31 day of May 1670,” and the transcription in Nute, Caesars of the Wilderness, appendix 2, 286–92.   7 Mansel Island, off the Ungava peninsula. Named as early as 1613 by Sir Thomas Button for his uncle-in-law Sir Robert Mansell, but in Nicolas Sanson’s map of 1656 already referred to as “Mansfeild Island” [sic] – a practice that continued into the nineteenth century. There are a number of islands at the western end of Hudson Strait, of which Mansel (or Mansfield) Island is one.  8 In Voyage IV, discussing the journey to James Bay, Radisson had written of the east coast of the bay, “we went from isle to isle all that summer” (1: 287).   9 A rough estimate; Pointe de la Fougère Rouge (at Rupert River) is 51° 39' 20" North. 10 Cape Jones, on the east side of Hudson Bay at the mouth of the Great Whale River, today known as Kuujjuarapik, Quebec; Cape Henrietta Maria on the west side marks the transition from the east shore of James Bay to Hudson Bay proper.

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Lorsque le vent est a l’est le flux mont beaucoup dans cette Baye de Buton [B: (in margin) quoyque non tant que dans le fond de la baye]. Le Port Nelson estant vers le milieu par les 57d 40m. Le ter[ra]in est si plat que lorsque vous est a terre a la marque [B : (in margin:) ou a l’endroit ou [d’ord–?] arrive la] en haute maréé l’ebbe n’estant qu’a demi. Vous ne voiez plus la merre tant elle est loine [B: et tant] \343\ [B: (in margin) le fond de la mer est plat]. Le courant venant du nort norouest lorsque vous passéz du Port Nelson [––?] cape de terre qui avance fort vers le destroit d’udson [B : (in margin) dans le nort-walles dont il est le cap le plus au sud] et s’apelle nit au signes et lorsque vous l’avez doublé la flot vient du nort sortant du Baffin Baye. Les [derniers?] glaces que l’on treuve dans la Baye de Buton sorte du milieu entre le Port Nelson et le Cap au Signe que d’aucune croient une grand ils. Un voyageur y estans entré jusqu’au 66d. Je n’esté su celle costé [B: de Sout Walles] que par les 59d ou elle commance a devenir haut. Sortant du d’estroit d’udson du costé du sud de l’Isle de Resolution qui fait vers des entréz dudit destroit allam[e]s guigner le Cap Farewelle [B: farwel] qui est par les 59 et l’isle par les 62 et 63. Nous trouv[ames?] un peu plus au nort que ne faudroit a cause de la mare et des glaces qui sort du destroit du Danid. Un  voyage sortan par le nort d’Angletaire apres avoir pasé les Isles d’Orgrané ­estan par les 62 et 63d nous trouvame les merre fort rude et profonde ce qui nous fit croire une maréé d’autre disoient que ci la [prouvions?] des bruimes fort episse que nous avoins continuellemen et estan a quelque

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Past Cape Henrietta Maria the coast runs west northwest and is very dangerous because of the sandbanks and particularly around the mouths of the rivers. When the wind is from the east the tide rises a great deal in Button Bay11 [B: in margin) although not as much as in the bottom of the bay]. Port Nelson is towards the middle, at 57 degrees 40 minutes.12 The terrain is so flat that when you are on land, at the mark [B: (in margin) or in the place where ––? rises there] at high tide the ebb is only half. You cannot see the sea any more, it is so far away. /343/ [B: (in margin) the shore of the sea is flat] The current runs from the north northwest when you pass Port Nelson [and you have] a cape of land which runs very strongly towards Hudson Strait [B: (in margin) in North-Wales of which it is the farthest south cape] and calls itself the Swan’s Nest,13 and when you have doubled it the flood runs from the north coming from Baffin Bay. The ice floes one finds in Button Bay issue from the middle between Port Nelson and the Swan’s Nest which no one believes is a large island. One traveller has gone up there far as 66 degrees. I have not been farther on this coast [B: of South Wales] than 59 degrees where [the land] begins to rise up. Leaving Hudson Strait [to the] south of Resolution Island14 which runs towards the entry of the said strait, we meet with Cape Farewell15 [B: farwel] which is at 59 [degrees] and the island at 62 and 63. We find ourselves a little too far to the north because of the sea and the ice which issues from Denmark Strait.16 Coming out past the north of England after having passed the Orkney Islands which are at 62 and 63 degrees we found the sea very rough and deep. 11 Button Bay, north of Churchill, Manitoba. Named after himself by Sir Thomas Button (c. 1575–1634), who wintered at Port Nelson in 1612. 12 Port Nelson was named by Button after his ship’s master, who died and was buried there. The actual coordinates are 57o 3’ 16” North, 92o 35’ 53” West. Port Nelson and the estuaries of the Nelson and Hayes rivers provide the setting of most of the events in Radisson’s Relations of 1682–83 and 1684. 13 On Thomas James’s map of his voyage of 1631–32, the southern tip of the combined Southampton and Coats islands is called Cary’s Swans Nest; in French, “nid au cygnes” (Conrad Heidenreich, personal communication, 30 December 2010). See “The Platt of Sayling for the Discoverye of a Passage into the South Sea 1633 1632,” in James’s The Strange and Dangerous Voyage of Captain Thomas James (1633). A cape at the southeastern corner of Coats Island is still called Cary’s Swans Nest. 14 Resolution Island: off the southern tip of Baffin Island in Nunavut. 15 Cape Farewell, today known as Uummannarsuaq, is at the southern tip of Greenland. 16 The Strait of Denmark, running between Greenland and Iceland.

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150 L. du Cape Farewell nous fumes denatez detour mas et ne pumes aller outre pour ce voyage [B: on a plus de difficulté a aller au destroit hudson quá en revenir d’autant qu’au retour on a souvent l’y vens de norouest et l’y courans favourables mais il faut prendre garde de tomber sur les costes de Labrador les marees y portant toujours et brisant furieusement outre que les vens de nordest y estant les plus [ord—?] et les plus [alizes?] ou de plus de duree y poussent aussy. \344\ Monsieur R. dit encor[e] que le long de la coste de Labrador a 15 ou 20 L de la coste il faut qu’il y ait des bancs car il ny a que de 30 a 80 brasses de profondeur et que apres les avoir passé venant de la mer on trouve 200 et 240 brasses du moins.]

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This made us think [it was] a tide; others said [it was?] the [sequence?] of very thick fogs that we experience continually. When we were some 150 leagues from Cape Farewell we were [untangling the mast?] and could not go farther on this voyage.17 [Continued in the hand of the Abbé Bernou: One has more difficulty in getting to Hudson Strait than in returning as much as on the return one often has the wind from the northwest and favourable currents, but it is necessary to be careful not to fall on the coasts of Labrador; the tides always run towards there and break furiously, besides the winds from the northeast are the most [like tradewinds?] or more in duration and force as well. /344/ Monsieur R. said furthermore that along the coast of Labrador for fifteen or twenty leagues of the coast there must be banks because there are only thirty to eighty fathoms of depth and that having passed them coming from the sea one finds 200 and 240 fathoms at least.]

17 A speculative translation of a difficult passage.

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Letter to Claude Bernou [December 1677?] /376r/ J’oublois a vous dire que nous n’avons pas eu en hommes [---?] que l’on a ­delibare [descrivre?] une parties des prisonniers a [la -----?] que l’on met y en 2 compaignie et un ingenier pour construire un fort et que l’on abort 3 vesseaux de guerre a la premiere de januaire avec les ordre de la Conte.1 [in the hand of Claude Bernou:] De la Grenade le 1 Janvier 16782 Monsieur L’honneur que vous m’avé fait me commandant de vous escrire les particularitez de nostre voiage me fait prendre la hardiesse de vous adresser ces lignes souetan du mellieurs de mon coeur estre capable de vous en faire une naration plus polie pour vous en donner le récit dans un mellieur stil. Vostre bonté me pardonnera comme elle a esté a me rendre tous les bons offices que j’use peu prétendre d’un pere. Con­tinué cette charité en y invittant ceux qui s’aproche

  1 Apparently a postscript, these lines are entered at the upper edge of the page. Not transcribed by Nute, the passage has deteriorated badly and is extremely difficult to read.   2 Vice-Admiral D’Estrées did not in fact leave for Grenada until January (Marley, Wars of the Americas, 1: 186). The two islands are only 130 kilometres apart, but a date of 1 January is nevertheless unlikely.

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Letter to Claude Bernou, [December, 1677?] Introductory note: Source: BN Clair. 1016, ff 376, 377. For the dating of this letter and editorial procedure, see the Textual Introduction, xxii. Radisson’s handwriting in this letter is illustrated in volume 1: 25. The translation is by Grace Lee Nute but has been heavily revised to accord with the fresh transcription of the French text; British/Canadian spellings have been substituted for American ones, and numbers under 100 have been written out. In the translation, place names are given in their modern version unless the early version used by Radisson is very different and a note is required. Historical material appears in the notes to the translation, textual annotations in the notes to the French text. /376r/ I forgot to tell you that we have not had [––?] men [––?] to discuss [or describe?] a party of prisoners that were sent here in two companies with a [military] engineer to construct a fort and that disembarked from the three warships on the first of January by order of the count.1 [In the hand of Claude Bernou] Grenada, 1 January 16782] Monsieur, The honour that you did me by commanding me to write you the details of our voyage makes me so bold as to address you these lines, wishing with all my heart that I were able to give you a more polished account so that my narrative would have a better style.3 Your goodness will pardon me as it formerly did in rendering me all the kind offices I would have expected from a father. [May you] continue this charity by supporting [in the same way] those who [must]

  1 A very speculative translation of a passage much damaged by time.   2 Vice-Admiral D’Estrées did not in fact leave for Grenada until January (Marley, Wars of the Americas 1: 186). The two islands are only 130 kilometres apart but a date of 1 January is nevertheless unlikely.  3 Both at the beginning and at the end of his letter Radisson employs the standard ­honorific devices used by a “féal” or loyal follower in communicating with his patron. These include the age-old assertion that the letter or work could have been written in a better style. In rhetorical terminology this is called “the artifice of affected humility.”

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des pouvoirs. Dieu en sera vos récompance et obligera le plus sansible de tous les hommes a recognoistre vos favoeurs. Le 27 septembre nous avons quité Brest d’ou j’us l’honneur de vous escrire la liste des vessaux qui composse cette escadre. Le mauvais temps nous contregnit de rentre le lendemain. Le 3 octobre nous mime a la voille lovoiant jusque au 10 sur les cost de France. Le vent estant venu favorable sans discontinuer, nous a fait voir le 18 l’isle de Porto Santo et le lande­main celle de Madera. Sans ancrer avons poursuivy nostre route au S. Sw. Le 20 monsieur le vice admiral a ressolu d’anvoier un brulot a la Martini­que pour faire partir insesamen les navire de Roy qui y estois pour nous venir atendre en veüe de la Barbada et nous cepandant aller a l’entreprize du Cap de Vert habitée par les holandois pour le trafique des negros et cuires de boeuf. Nous avons passé l’isle Gomera le 22 en suite celle de Parma distance de l’autre 10 ou 12 L. Sur la soirante avons veu celle de Fero. Tout ses isles a babort excepté celle de Madera qui nous demeroit a stribort ainsi que Porto Santo. Nous estions soubs le tropique le 26 ou l’on a batizé ceux qui ny avois passé. Le vent continuant bon mais plus fort que l’ordinaire le 28, le signal nous ­estant donné d’aler recognoistre un navire qui s’est trouvé anglois alant en Guinée. Apres le salut ordinaire da la mere forcant de voille avons ratrapé nostre flote. Le 29 par la hauteur de 16d 30m le vent tres fort plusieurs poissons vollans au tours de nos vesseaux quelques uns tombe dedans. Le dernier du mois sur les 5 heurs du soir en veü du Cap Vert et le premiere decembre avons doublé y celuy cap avec un petit vent de norouest. Le courant nous porte au S. au dedans dudit cap. A quelque 7 L. de la il y a une petite isle nommée Gorée et celle dont il est question nous avons aproché avec pavilion

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approach the ones in power.4 God will be your recompense and will oblige the most understanding of all men to recognize your services. On 27 September we left Brest, where I had the honour to send you the list of the vessels that compose our squadron.5 Bad weather forced us to return the next day. On 3 October we set sail tacking about until the 10th on the coast of France. The wind becoming favourable and continuing so, we were able to catch sight of the island of Porto Santo on the 18th, and on the next day that of Madeira. Without anchoring we continued our route south southwest. On the 20th monsieur the vice-admiral6 decided to send a fireship to Martinique to order the immediate departure thence of royal vessels at that place to Barbados, there to await us whilst we went on to carry out our plan for Cape Verde, which is inhabited by the Dutch, who traffic there in Negroes and cattle hides. We passed the island of Gomera on the 22nd and that of Las Palmas soon after, a distance of ten or twelve leagues. Towards evening we caught sight of the island of Ferro.7 All these islands lay to port except that of Madeira, which as well as that of Porto Santo was on our starboard side. We were at the tropic on the 26th, where those were baptized who had not passed it before.8 The wind continuing fair but stronger than usual on the 28th the signal was given for us to reconnoitre a vessel which proved to be an English ship on its way to Guinea. After the usual salute of the sea, crowding on sail we caught up with our squadron. On the 29th at latitude 16 degrees 30 minutes the wind being very strong some of the many flying fish about our vessels fell on board. The last of the month about five o’clock in the evening we came in sight of Cape Verde and on 1 December we doubled it by means of a little wind from the northwest. The current bore us south of the said cape. About seven leagues from there is a little island named Gorée.9 This island, [the possession of] which   4 A difficult passage to translate; “en y invittant” refers delicately to the many ways a patron might support a follower. By “les pouvoirs” is meant Colbert, his son the Marquis de Seignelay, and ultimately Louis XIV.   5 Radisson’s letter has not been located. The ships D’Estrées took to the second seige of Tobago are listed in Marley, Wars of the Americas, 1: 185–6.   6 Jean II D’Estrées. See 1: 71n.171.   7 El Hierro, in the Canaries.   8 The tropic of Cancer; seamen who had not crossed it before were shaved and ducked in the sea. Radisson does not mention being “baptized” himself; had he crossed the Tropic on another occasion, perhaps accidentally with Stannard on the Wivenhoe in 1669? (See 1: 65–6).   9 Gorée is a small island two kilometres off Dakar, Senegal. There is an account of the battle in La Roncière, Histoire de la Marine Française, 5: 659–60.

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d’holand excepté 2 qui portois celuy d’angleterre. C’est une isle d’environ un lieu de tour. Il y avoit 2 fort l’un sur le plus haut qui commandoit celuy de bas qui est sur la pointe du nort ou est la dessante. Elle est tre forte a des hommes qui la saurois defendre. Il miren leur pavilion sur leurs 2 forts et ma pansée est qu’il recognuren bien nostre finte par le signal qu’ils firen. Nous rangame le plus proche que nous pume ou \nous/ voiant \les/3 enemis. Nous tireren quels coups de canon. Voisy la blancheur des lis arborée partout. Voyans qu’ils ne s’étoit point mépris continuèren a tire[r] sans tue[r] personne. Nous mouillame l’ancre a la porté du canon sans tir[er] un seul coup. Le landemain conseil fut pris que 5 de nos vesseaux aprocherois le plus pres que /376v/ faire le poura les ayant soumisée a le rendre ou autremen point de cartier. Leurs responses fut qu’ils avois juré fidelité a leurs prince et qu’ils le voulois defandre. Mais peu de temps apres ils envoieren leur chirugien a bort qui tesmoignoit par sa posture la crinte de ses confraires. Il demandoi[t] un peu de temps a advisser. L’on le renvoie sans responce. L’on fait arme[r] toutes les chaloupes de quelques 500 hommes pour la dessante qui se rende abort de l’amiral, et les vesseaux destinés pour l’aproche se mete soubs voile et vont se ranger a leurs poste ordonné. J’avois fait demander a monsieur le conte d’Estrée de me permetre la desante par monsieur de Chambly en calité de volontaire quoy qu’a Brest il m’avoit fait la grace que de parler fort a mon advantage et plus que je ne merite a monsieur l’intendant qui m’ordonna la poste et la ration des gardes de la marine. Sa responce fut par le mesme mien bien faiteur qu’il me reservoit pour des choses plus considerable. Je ne fais que soueter l’honneur de ses commandement et me rendre digne de les excequter. Ce ne sera pas par manque de coeur ny de \bonne/ vollonté. Je gardé le bort qui estoit l’un qui avoit recu le commandement. Ils com­mance la baterie du fort d’anhaut ce qui nous fit voir qu’il avois abandonné celuy d’enbas quoy que le pavilion y restat. Nous numes pas tiré 300 coups de canon qu’ils ameneren et arboreren pavilion blanq, un coup ayan donné dans leur magazin a poudre leurs fit crindre q’un autre coup ne leurs fut pas sy favorable

  3 Note that Radisson inserts corrections twice here and another place further on; he clearly cared about what he was saying. He also inserted one or two corrections in HBCA, E.1/1, a scribal manuscript of the first Port Nelson Relation; see Textual Introduction and Fig. 1.

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is in question, we approached under a Dutch flag, with the exception of two vessels which carried that of England. It is an island about a league in circumference. There were two forts, the higher one commanding the lower, which is on the northern tip where the landing place is. It is very strong for men who know how to defend it. [The Dutch] displayed their flag on their two forts and I believe they recognized our ruse by the signal that they gave. We came up as close as we could /376v/ to see the enemy. Then our enemies fired some shots. Behold at once the lilies on their white fields, raised everywhere.10 Seeing that they were not mistaken they continued to fire, but without killing any one. We anchored a cannon shot away without firing a single shot. Next day council was taken [with the result ] that five of our vessels were to approach as closely as possible and summon the enemy to yield or else no quarter would be given. Their reply was that they had sworn fidelity to their ruler and that they intended to defend him. But a little time afterwards they sent their surgeon on board, who by his attitude showed the fears of his associates. He asked a little time for counsel. We sent him back without reply. We armed all the shallops with about 500 men for the landing and these came on board the flagship. The vessels planned for the approach got under sail and went to their appointed places. Through Monsieur de Chambly11 I had requested Count D’Estrées to permit me to take part in the landing in the capacity of volunteer, although at Brest he [Chambly] had the kindness to speak strongly in my favour – and more than I deserved – to monsieur the intendant,12 who ordered I should have the position and rations of the marine guards.13 His reply, sent via my same good benefactor, was that he had more important duties for me. I could do nothing but honour these commands and try to be worthy of executing them. I shall not lack enthusiasm and good will. I guarded the side [of the ship] where the command had been issued. The upper fort battery opened fire, which made us realize that the lower fort had been abandoned, although the flag still flew there. We had not fired three hundred rounds when they ran up a white flag, a shot having entered their powder magazine, which made them fear that another shot might not be so favourable to them and that

10 The French standard, replacing the false Dutch and English flags. 11 Jacques de Chambly (d. 1687). Much of his career was spent in New France but in September 1677 he was appointed military commander in the West Indies. He was named governor of Grenada in April 1679 (see René Baudry’s biography in DCB 1: 185). 12 The intendant at the important naval arsenal at Brest was Pierre de Chertemps de Seuil, Baron de Charon (1636–1717/18). I am grateful to John Dickinson for this information. 13 Marine guard: an officer in training; effectively a midshipman.

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et qu’il n’aurois point de cartier. Fit sortir le gouverneur du fort et s’envenir s’embarquer sur un basteau pour venir a bort a porter les clefs et ne point atendre la dessante et voyant que l’on tiroit toujour a cause qu’il ny avoit personne pour abatre le pavilion d’holande qui estoit au fort d’enbas. Avant de partir il y envoya un homme pour l’abatre. Nostre bateau et quelques autre y furen ausy tost et trouveren le canon encloué, les poudre jesté dans la siterne et les canons des montés. Monsieur le conte donna ausy tost ses ordre. Quelque heurs apres l’on en fut prendre possesion en ordre, trouveren 40 pièces de ca­ non, 130 hommes bien fait et bien armés. Au fort de bas il y avoit 29 pièces de canon, 2 de 30 livres de bal, 24 [de]18, [un?] 3 les autres onze. A celuy d’en haut quelque 60 negros autan de beste a corne, 5000 livres et la valeur de 200,000 escus de marchandize. S’est la croyance du publique4 avant que d’entre­prendre aucune chose l’on envoya a Rufix ville des negros pour les assurer que nous ne venions que pour destruire nous enemis et qu’a vers eux nous voulions conserve une inviolable amitié. La responce de ce prince more fut autant obligente qu’on la pouvois soueter et quantité de ces gens nous aporter des petite commoditez. L’action estant fait ayant pris ce qui le pouvoit prendre, brulé et demoly les forts, avons fait voille nostre flote ocmanté de deux petit batiments de 4 pièces de canon chaqun. Nous avions cent et tant de prisonniers. Pour le gouver­neur sa demande luy fut octroyé d’avoir la liberté de s’en aler a un fort holandois a vingt lieux de la en terre ferme avec 10 ou 12 des siens \et qu’il ne serviroit de 18 mois. Je l’aurois oblige de servir au plutost/5 dans un petit bateau. Sur l’isle l’on construit 5 chaloupes que l’on atiré pour les autres excequtions. Le 12 estions en veue de St Jago et la nuict d’ensuivant celle de Fugo qui gestoit force feu. De la avons directé nostre route ouest n’ayant aucune hauteur a elever pour la Barbade. Le premier de septembre veüe de ladit isle y avons envoié un bateau et le fils du gouverneur anglois de St Cristofe. Quelques gens

  4 At this point a much lighter ink begins – a second stint?   5 Radisson’s interlineated comment does not fit the sentence structure but there is a clear mark of insertion (#) at the end of the previous line.

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there would be no quarter. The governor of the fort14 set out and embarked on a boat to come on board bearing the keys, not wanting to await our attack and seeing that we kept on firing because there was no one to pull down the Dutch flag still flying on the lower fort. Before leaving he sent a man to pull down that flag. Our boat and some others went there immediately and found the cannon spiked, the powder thrown into the cistern, and the cannons dismounted. Monsieur the count immediately gave his orders. Some hours after we had taken possession in due order we found forty cannons [and] 130 men well supplied and armed. At the lower fort there were twenty-nine cannons, two of thirty pounds, twenty-four of eighteen, and three of eleven [pounds].15 At the upper fort there were some sixty Negroes, as many horned cattle, 5,000 pounds and the value of 200,000 écus of merchandise. It was the general belief that before undertaking anything else we should send to Rufix,16 the town of the Negroes, to assure them that we were coming only to destroy our enemies and that towards them we should preserve an inviolable friendship. The reply of this Moorish ruler17 was as agreeable as one could wish and many people brought us small articles. The deed having been done, having taken what we could, burned and demolished the forts, we set sail with a fleet augmented with two small vessels of four cannons apiece. We had 100 or more prisoners. As for the governor, his request was granted to be at liberty to go to a Dutch fort twenty leagues distant inland, accompanied by ten or twelve of his men in a little boat, and of not having to serve for eighteen months. I would have made him serve sooner.18 On the island five shallops were constructed in preparation for other activities. The twelfth we were in sight of St Jago19 and the following night in view of  Fugo,20 which belched forth flames. From there we directed our course ­westward, having no land to raise before reaching Barbados. On 1 September with the said island in sight we sent a boat there with the son of the English

14 Pieter Hoppensack (Delcourt, La turbulante histoire de Gorée, 12). 15 I am grateful to John Dickinson for information about the ordnance, here and below. 16 Rufisque, in Senegal. 17 Moorish, that is, black. 18 This rather obscure sentence suggests that the governor was instructed to keep out of the way for eighteen months; Radisson’s comment depends on whether his “au plutost” means “sooner” or “rather [more].” 19 Santiago, Cape Verde. 20 Fogo, Cape Verde, an active volcano that had erupted in 1675 and was still giving off flames.

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armés vinrent les recevoir au bort de l’eau pavoisan leur pavilion et voyant que nous ne fesions pas le semblable tireren leurs espée sur les nostre. L’on leurs en de­manda la cause, /377r/ ils diren que nous ne leurs rendions le salut. Ny a [fit?] que cela pour accorder la differant, il sera bien tost fait. Ils arestre par belle paroles et par finesses 3 jours pour avoir le temps d’avertir ceux de Tabago. L’on peut juger de leurs volonté pour la France. Le 6 avons veu Tabago et le 7 avons mouilié a 3 L. du fort. Des le soir mesme l’on a dispossé 500 hommes pour s’asurer de la dessente qui n’a point este [disputé?]. Le dit 300 hommes ont suivy. L’on recu la nouvelle par un petit batimen arivé a cette isle. Il y avoir quelque jours venü de Martinique qui en passant par devant le havre avoit veu 2 navires de guerre 2 flutes et 2 autre batiment et une kache Engloisse qui a eu 400 et que pour venir advertir. A la veu de nos vesseaux les enemis avois mis un pavillion sur une hauteur a 1/2 L. de leur fort qui avoir donné signal de combien il voiet de voil. Il ne nous en manqoit plus que 2, 2 nous ayant joins a la Barbade. Le lendemain de nostre arivé avec le brulot que l’on avoit depeché vers Madera pour les advertire, il avois bien 200 hommes des troupes des isles et 200 de plus qui sont arivé dans les 2 autre. Apres l’action qui commance par la marche des troupes [de] mon­ sieur le conte de Blenay vice roy de ces lieux commandoit conjointment avec le conte d’Estrée l’on fut campe[r] a une lieue du bort de l’eau, en destachant quelque 50 hommes pour aler des le soir recognoistre la posture des enemis. Quelque Francois se vienne rendre qui tous diversement font leurs ra­port. Nous revenons le soir au camp ayant veu le fort et le enemis fort afferer a le fortifier. Des qu’il euren cognoisance de nostre desante il quit­eren la hauteur, 5 ou 6 hommes qui pouvoient estre enportant leurs pavilion. Nous n’y trouvames que le baston. L’on fit quelque prisonnier qui confirme la resolutions que leurs compatriotes ont de le bien deffandre. L’on fait marche a la pointe du jour et l’on campe sur la hauteur en veu du fort, demeurant 3 jour sans rien entreprendre faisant venir provision, muni­tions et 2 mortiers qui furen en estat de jouer. Le 12 par un dimanche l’enemy n’avoit

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governor of St Christopher.21 Some armed men came to receive them at the water’s edge, decked in their flags, and seeing that we did not do likewise drew their swords on our men. We asked the cause /377r/ and they said that we did not return their salute. There was nothing more to resolve the difference; [it could be quickly done?]. We were kept there by fine words and cunning for three days, so that time might be gained for warning Tobago.22 One may judge from that of their sentiment towards France. On the 6th we saw Tobago and on the 7th anchored three leagues from the fort.23 In the evening of the same day we made ready 500 men to be sure of the landing, which was not disputed. On the 8th 300 men followed. The [people of Tobago] had received the news through a little vessel that left Martinique some days earlier, which passing before the harbour had seen two ships of war, two flutes, two other craft, and an English ketch, and had received 400 écus for coming to warn them. When they caught sight of our vessels the enemy placed a flag on a height a half league from their fort, which signalled how many sail they could see. We lacked now only two, two having joined us at Barbados. The day after our arrival, with the fireship that had been sent from the vicinity of Madeira to warn them, there were fully 200 colonial troops and 200 more who had been secured from the two vessels that had arrived. After the action, which commenced by a march of the troops of Monsieur the Count of Blenay,24 viceroy of these places, commanding jointly with the Count D’Estrées, camp was made a league from the edge of the water while some fifty men were sent to reconnoitre the enemy’s position. Some Frenchmen came, each with different reports. We returned that evening to the camp having seen the fort and the enemy greatly agitated and fortifying it. As soon as they learned of our landing they left the height, five or six men carrying off their flag. We found there only the bastion. We took several prisoners, who confirmed their compatriots’ resolution to defend the fort25 at all costs. We marched at daybreak and made camp on the height in view of the fort. Three days were passed doing nothing but bringing up provisions, munitions, and two mortars which were in working condition. The 12th, a Sunday, the 21 The island of Saint Christopher (Saint-Christophe), commonly known in English as St Kitts. 22 Tobago is not a large island, but it had strategic importance, guarding Trinidad, the coast of Venezuela, and the delta of the Orinoco River. 23 The troops disembarked at Palmyt Bay so as to attack the fortress from the land side. 24 Charles de Courbon, Comte de Blénac (1622–96), governor general of the French possessions in the Caribbean, whom D’Estrées had brought to Martinique to assume his position in the first of what would become his three administrations. 25 The fortress of Sterreschans.

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poinct tiré quoy qu’il nous vieu partout. Nous promener 2 jour avant leurs prize. L’on avoir envoyé 2 trompeste les sommer. Binker qui commandoit [etait] fort sivile dans son procedé. Voiant que l’on commandoit au Francois de sortire [il] les asura de sa protection les faisant souvenir du passé ce qui les fit crier vive  le prince d’Orange. Il pouvois estre 60 hommes. Ils les assura que sy il ­estoit obligé de capituler il periroit ou [ils] serois compris les premier mais qu’il avoit un avis a donne a monsieur le vice amiral qui estoit de ne point perdre de temps et que dans 4 jour la moitié de ses troupe perirois de fatigue et le mauvais climat de l’isle, la pluie estant continuelle presque sur nostre dos. Que cela le facheroit q’un fils de marechale de France [vit?] une segonde disgrace qu’a reste. Il luy estoit bien obligé de l’honneur de sa visite que sy le bonheur des armes luy en vouloit encore les Francois ne serois pas sy maltresté que l’autre fois et qu’ils ne manquerois pas de chemize, qu’il avoit de tout en abondance pour les regaller. Les trompetes de retour l’on se disposse sur le midy. Les bombe estant prete et l’impatience Francois de voir des curieux fit que plus de 500 hommes parurent ensemble. Les enemis comman­ceren a tirer quelque coups de canon sans effect. La curiausité passerent a plussieur. 1 1/2 heures apres l’on leurs envoye une bombe qui n’a la jusqu’a [le] fort. Ils firen des grans saluts avec leurs chapeaux par bravade. Il le pairont bientost. L’on tire une carcase qui tombe au dela et dans l’eau d’un marest. S’etoit l’heur du diner. Binker nous voulut faire raison, faisant préparer son mortier et ­buvant a la santé de son prince avec tous ses offi[ciers]. Nostre troisième coup la bombe tomba estant directez par un pouvoir divin au milieu de leur fort persant

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enemy did not fire, though we could be seen everywhere. We passed two days without taking them. Two trumpeters were sent to summon them to surrender. Binckes,26 who was in command, was very civil in his actions. Seeing that he was ordered in French to leave, he assured them of his protection, recalling to them the past,27 which made them cry out, “Long live the Prince of Orange.” There were perhaps sixty men. He assured them that if he were obliged to capitulate, he would die where he was first taken, but that he had some advice to give to monsieur the vice-admiral, which was not to lose time and that within four days half of his troops would perish of fatigue and the bad climate of the island. The rain would be constant, almost on our very backs. That it would upset him [D’Estrées] being the son of a marshal of France, to endure a second disgrace; that he [Binckes] was much obliged for the honour of his visit; that if success in arms should crown his efforts, the French would not be mistreated as on the other occasion and that they should not lack for shirts; and that he had everything in abundance with which to regale them. The trumpeters sounded their return about midday. The bombs being ready and the French impatient to see what was to happen, some 500 men assembled. The enemy commenced to shoot some cannon without result [at which] some people’s curiosity ceased.28 An hour and a half later we sent them a bomb which did not quite reach the fort. They made elaborate salutes with their hats in bravado. They will soon be repaid. A carcass29 was shot which fell beyond in the water of the swamp. It was the hour for dinner. Binckes wished to give us satisfaction and was preparing his mortar and drinking to the health of his prince along with all his officers. Our third blow struck; the bomb fell, directed by a divine power,30 in the midst of their fort, p ­ enetrated 26 Jacob Binckes (1637–77), a courageous Dutch captain who had fought in the Dutch‑­ English wars; he was among those who sailed up the Thames in 1667 to burn or capture the ships of the English navy. He also recaptured Albany in America in 1673, though the Dutch retained their old fort for only a year. He arrived on Tobago in 1676 to set up a colony and plague the French in the West Indies as much as possible. Radisson gives a brief but memorable account of his courtly demeanour and his teasing of the French, whom he had beaten so thoroughly when they first besieged Tobago ten months earlier. 27 That is, the first siege of Tobago, 3 March 1677, where D’Estrées, himself wounded, was forced to retreat ignominiously. 28 That is, they sought cover. 29 A shell with flames shooting through various orifices; fired from a mortar to set fire to its objective. 30 Not by a divine power but by D’Estrées’ chief gunner Landouillette, who boasted that he would hit the fort with his third shot, and did (Marley, Wars of the Americas, 1: 186).

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3 plancher et la voute de brique ou estoit leurs poudre. S’etoit un effroyable dessert. Ils n’avois jamais esté servy d’un telle fruit. 22000 livres de poudre fit sur ces mizera­bles un furieux effect. Pres de 300 hommes, les moderés dize 200 hommes et quelque uns dize 4 a 500 hommes, y ont pery. 2000 grenades et tous les canons prenant feu, l’aire paroissoit un goufre d’enfer a 1/4 L. Ce n’est que bras teste jambe et corp en pièces, des monstre vivant que l’on voit remuer. Le feu ayant grillié quantité de ces mizerable. La fumée disipée l’on ne voit plus ce fort. Le reste eschapée du naufrage qui pouvioent marcher fuire ce spectacle d’horeur le long du bort de l’eau crignant la fureur Francois par le point de cartier comme ont leur[s] / 377v/ avoir dit. Mais ils eprouve que le Francois victorieux est clemen plus que nation du monde et s’est le marque de gloire pour ses peoples qui ont l’honneur d’ estre noz subgets du plus clemen et du plus invinsible et heureux Roy du monde que dieu benise de plusieur milliers de victoire. Ce sont mes voeux pour une gloire imortelle que je luy souete. J’espere qu’il me continura ses bontez par bontes de vous autres noble ames mes patrons. Je vit tombe la bombe et eus l’honneur de crier le premier viv le Roy. L’on desent prontemen au mieux que le chemin le pouvoit permetre en bataile a la bort. Ce[ux] qui ne pouvois fuire crier la vie bon Francais. L’on les assure de toute benignitéz. A la vue d’un traitemen sy doux plusieurs prene courage et vont avertire leurs camarade de cette clemence [de] France qui ussent sy moderemen des victoires. Plus de 300 reviennent 2 heurs apres. Sy le Francois est bon il est charitable. L’on les plain, l’on les soulage. L’on voit un pere Jesuite et un pere blanq courir aux agonisants leur faisant crier Jesus Maria dont plusieur proferois le saint nom du profond du coeur. Je leurs servy a quelque uns d’interprete pour leur faire entendre ce que ces peres leur diso[it?]. Monsieur le vice admiral ayant donné ses ordres les soldats pilaire le reste du debris autant que le feu le pouvoit per­mette. Quelque grenade priren feu qui

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three stories and the brick roof of their powder magazine. It was a terrible dessert. They had never been served such fruit before.31 Twenty‑two thousand pounds of powder made awful havoc with those wretches. Close to 300 of them perished. The more moderate say 200 were killed and some claim 400– 500.32 Two thousand grenades and all the cannons taking fire the air seemed like the abyss of hell for a quarter of a league. [We could see] nothing but arms, heads, legs, huge [numbers of] bodies flying about. The flames roasted many of these wretches. When the smoke cleared away there was no longer a fort to be seen. The remainder who escaped the wreckage and could walk fled this scene of horror along the edge of the water, fearing the fury of the French, who they had heard would give no quarter. /377v/ But they learned that the French as victors are the most clement people in the world and that it is a mark of glory for these people who have the honour to be the subjects of the most merciful, the most invincible, and the happiest king of the world, whom may God bless with numberless victories. These are my wishes for immortal glory that I desire for him. I hope that he will continue his kindness to me through the goodwill of you noble souls, my patrons. I saw the bomb fall and had the honour of being the first to cry “Long live the king!” We went down to the shore in battle array as quickly as the road would permit. Those who could not flee cried, “Our lives, good Frenchmen!” They were assured of clemency. Seeing such mild treatment many of them took courage and went to tell their companions of this French mercy, exercised so moderately in victory. More than 300 returned two hours later. If the Frenchman is good, he is charitable. We commiserated with them, they were comforted. A Jesuit and a White Father33 were seen to run to those in anguish, crying to them the names of Jesus and Mary, and several of them uttered the holy name from the depth of their hearts. I assisted them by interpreting to several, helping them understand what the reverend fathers were saying.34 Monsieur the vice-admiral having given his orders, the soldiers pillaged the ruins as much as the fire would permit. Some grenades took fire and killed one 31 The most cold-blooded example of Radisson’s delight in turning a phrase whatever the situation. 32 According to Marley, Wars of the Americas, 1: 186, the Dutch garrison had been ­reduced to 500 men by wounds and disease before the battle began. 33 A “père blanc,” that is, a Dominican, identifiable by his white robe. 34 Radisson learned languages rapidly, and he may well have picked up some Dutch at Fort Orange in 1654. He is thought to have been the Frenchman Father Poncet said was ransomed by the Dutch and served as interpreter (JR 40: 143–5, and see 1: 163n.224).

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tua 1 ou 2 des nostres a ce que l’on ma dit estant proche de monsieur le conte qui estoit venu des premier sur le lieu. Tous les jours il se vient rendre des Holandois et mesme des Francois qui font raport de leurs infortune. Ils on recu la liberté ex­septé un nommé Laforest leurs capitaine qui est au fort et d’un coquin qui fut erré au fort le jour avant la prize leurs disant que les Francois avois une machine que l’on recevroit carcase. Estonné de ce qui ne pouvoient imaginer ce que s’etoit les enemis luy firent demande [les] qu’il avoit de quiter sa patrie. Il fit responce qu’il mouroit de faim. Comment cela peut il estre ay[ant?] ton sac plein de pain. Il se remit dans les troupe mais les Holandois le montruer. Je vous ay dit de l’avertisemen qu’ils avois eu le soir mesme de nostre arivée. Il firen en diligence partire une grand flute chargée d’eau de vie, de toile et autre chosse pour aler a Corosole et de la à la Nouvelle Espaigne. Nous trouvames 2 baterie au desoubs du fort qui deffendoit le port, la premiere de 9 pièces de bal le 2nd de 5 de 18. Et le costé du fort qui regardoit la merre de 16 pièces de 12 livres.6 Les 4 bastions du fort qui estoit en estoille etois garnis de 3 pièces chaqun de 8 livres de balle et triple palisade et le co[ste?] qui regardoit le bois ou de celuy il y avoit une manier de rampart defendu de 3 pièces de 18 livres. Tous les hommes qui estois dedans bien armés d’armes offensive et defensive de toute les main. Dans le port il y avoit un des navire du roy le Presieux que l’holandois esperoit envoier a Corosole. Ils ny avois mis que 36 pièces de canon. Un de leurs navires nomé le Defenseur monté de 48 dont 22 estois de fonte. Le seule navire qui leurs resta de location dernier en terre estoit il eschoué. S’etoit leur amiral. De plus une flute de 12 pièces et un petit veseau qu’ils avois m[is] a St. Domingue sur les Francois de 6 a 8 pièces. Pour l’autre plus petit un nomé Rasmus fameus corcerre le sauva dedans ou plustost s’etoit mis dans un bateau crignant que le Francais ne le poursuivit \dans le plus

  6 Words from “de 12 livres” to “3 pièces” omitted by Nute.

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or two of our men, according to what I was told, being near to the count, who had been among the first on the ground. Every day some Dutch came to give themselves up, and even some Frenchmen,35 telling of their misfortunes. They received their liberty except for a man named Laforest, their captain, who was at the fort, and a rascal who had deserted to the fort the day before the conquest, telling them that the French had a machine which could catch carcasses. Astonished at what they could not imagine, the enemy asked him why he abandoned his country. He replied that he was dying of hunger. “How can that be? Your sack is full of bread.” He lost himself among the troops, but the Dutch pointed him out. I have written you of the warning that they had the very evening of our arrival. They hastened to send off a large flute loaded with rum, cloth, and other things, for Curaçao and from there to New Spain. We found two batteries below the fort that defended the port,36 the former with nine eighteen-pounders, the second with five eighteen-pounders. To seaward of the fort there were sixteen twelve-pounders. The four bastions of the fort, which was star‑shaped,37 were furnished with three eight-pounders and a triple palisade; the one that looked out over the woods had a sort of rampart defended by three guns of eighteen pounds each. All the men within it were armed with offensive and defensive weapons in every hand. In the port there was one of the king’s ships, the Presieux, which the Dutch hoped to send to Curaçao, but had sent only thirty-six cannons. One of their ships named the Defenseur was mounted with forty-eight [guns], of which twenty-two were cast iron. The only remaining ship usable for [going] ashore was wrecked; it was their flagship.38 In addition there was a flute of twelve guns and a little vessel which they had sent to Santo Domingo against the French, of six or eight guns. As for the other smaller vessel, a famous corsair called Rasmus39 saved himself in it, or rather, he put himself in a boat fearing that the French would follow him in the large one and by this stratagem got himself ashore,

35 Three hundred French deserters from Marie-Galant who sided with the Dutch on Tobago in hopes of escaping the punishment that awaited them (La Roncière, Histoire de la Marine Française, 5: 653, 660). 36 Klip Bay. 37 The European star-shaped fort designed to resist cannon fire and developed to its highest form by the great military engineer Sébastien Le Prestre, Seigneur de Vauban (1633– 1707). Fort Prince of Wales at Churchill, Manitoba, is a Canadian example. 38 The Terrible. 39 Jan Erasmus Reyning (1640–97), a noted Dutch pirate, privateer, and sometime naval officer; he escaped in a small boat to Curaçao after the French assault.

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grand/ et par ce stratageme le sauva a terre ou il avoit envoié le jour preseden quelque vivre et munition et armes. L’on la cherché en vain. L’on a fait embarquer tout le canon exsepté 12 pièces que l’on a fait crever requerant trop de temps a les faire ambarquer. Le tout et[ant]7 embarqué et le reste destruit et donnant ordre de raporter les 2 pièces de canon que l’on avoir mis a terre au lieu du debarquement. Nous avons fait voile a la Grenade d’ou vostre tres humble serv[iteur] vous escrit et vous prie que sy vous le trouvé digne de la faire metre au net pour la faire l[ire] a ses nobles amis a qui je suis comme a vous tres humble et oblige serviteur P. E. Radisson Monsieur de Cambly vous salue et se porte bien grace adieu. Dieu vous continue en santé Exquzé la presipitation qui n’est de ma cognoissance que veritable de ce que jay veu.

  7 In the following passage several line-end words fall into the gutter of the binding and must be inferred.

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where he had sent the preceding day some provisions, arms, and ammunition. We sought for him in vain. We embarked all the cannon except twelve guns, which we destroyed as requiring too much time to put on board. With everything embarked and the rest destroyed we gave orders to bring on board the two cannons where we had debarked. We set sail for Grenada, from which place your very humble servant is writing you and begging you, if you have found in this letter anything worthy, to make a fair copy to be read to your noble friends,40 to whom I am as to you the very obedient, humble servant, P. E. Radisson Monsieur de Chambly greets you. He is well, thanks be to God. May God keep you in good health. Excuse my haste. I have written, as far as I know, only what I have seen.

40 Like Radisson’s protestations about the inadequacy of his style at the beginning of the letter, this is standard phrasing in a letter conveying news sent by a loyal follower to his patron.

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Petition [to the Marquis de Seignelay? late 1683] Introductory note: The textual origins of this fragment are ambiguous and the addressee is uncertain; for discussion, see the Textual Introduction and the intro­ductory note to the translated document. Lettre de Monsieur Pierre Esprit de Radisson à Monsieur le Marquis de Belroche1 à Paris, 1683 Monsieur Radisson vous supplie de representer s’il vous plaist à monseigneur le marquis de Seignelay qu’il ya neuf ans qu’aubeissant au commandement de monseigneur Colbert, je quitté 200 livres sterlings de pantion et l’entretient de ma famille chez le chevalier Kirke mon beaupère qui a presque abandonné sa fille ma femme dans la croisance qu’elle avoit embrassé la religion catholique, et dont je suis absent depuis sy long tems; que sa grandeur nous avoit fait promettre employ à nostre arrivée que par ses ordres d’avoir fait un voiage en Canada ou d’avoir consommés plus de 4000 livres et obligé ma femme de s’en retourner chez son perre, s’estant sauvée de son paÿs à son insue manque de

  1 For Belroche, see 201.

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Petition [to the Marquis de Seignelay? late 1683] Introductory note: Source: see Textual Introduction, xxii–iii. The person to whom Radisson addressed his plea for help has proved difficult to identify. Only Benjamin Poore’s copy mentions Belroche (or Belleroche), and no trace of such a person has been found in the circle of the Marquis de Seignelay.1 However, “Marquis de Belleroche” was a secondary title of Joseph-Alexandre de Nagu, Marquis de Varennes, Baron de Marzé et de Belleroche (1645–1724). Nagu was a soldier; he rose to brigadier by 1678 and was made a maréchal de camp in 1693.2 The gossipy Duc de Saint-Simon regarded him as a fool, who, despite his court connections, merited nothing but oblivion.3 Possibly this is the person whose influence with Colbert’s son Seignelay Radisson was seeking. However, the letter may never have been sent and it is possible that the original, if located, might prove to be a draft. The translation, somewhat revised, is that of Grace Lee Nute (Caesars of the Wilderness, 321). Letter of M. Pierre Esprit de Radisson to M. the Marquis de Belroche. At Paris, 1683 Monsieur Radisson begs you to represent, if you please, to my lord the Marquis of Seignelay, that in obedience to the order of my lord Colbert nine years ago I left a pension of two hundred pounds sterling and the support of my family in the home of Sir [John] Kirke, my father‑in‑law, who almost disowned my wife, his daughter, in the be­lief that she had become a Catholic and from whom I had been absent a long time; that his lordship4 had promised us employment upon our arrival; that by his orders we made a trip to Canada, where we used up more than 4,000 livres;5 that my wife was obliged to return to her father’s home, having run away from her country without his knowledge and without

  1 Seignelay: see 1: 69n.165.  2 Expilly, Dictionnaire géographique, 1678.  3 Saint-Simon, Memoires, 2: 214, 1024.  4 sa grandeur: i.e., the powerful Colbert.   5 Nute translates this as £200 sterling, but both texts read 2,000 livres, which would yield roughly £1,845 sterling according to the exchange rates given by McCusker, Money and Exchange in Europe and America, 1600–1775, 87 and Table 2.23, Exchange Rates, London on Paris, 88–91.

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substance; que depuis sous monsieur le maréchal d’Estrées j’avois fait la campaigne de Guinée [et] Tabacco et perdu plus de 2000 livres au naufrage de l’Isle d’Aves. Qu’ à mon retour sa grandeur m’avoit fait donner 1000 livres pour faire revenir ma famille; que sans crainte j’avois passé en Angleterre ou le pere de ma femme s’etoit auposé à ma volonté, voulant deseriter sa fille d’un bien considerable sy elle me suivoit, ne m’ayant voulu laisser voir mon enfant; que depuis ce temps là je n’en avois vecu que de ça ma femme m’avoit envoié jusqu’ à la derniere de ses bagues, et avoit esté contraint de vendre le portrait du roy d’Angleterre que luy-mesme m’avoit fait present, comme la chaine d’or qu’il avoit mis au col. Que le dernier voiage que mon frere et moy venions de faire estoit une preuve de notre zèlle, fidelité et experience. [From here on, the text is that of Margry’s copy] Que je supplie sa majesté d’avoir pitié de ma famille pour prouver ma fidélité à Dieu et ay celle, le priant le reste de mes jours qu’il la comble des ses bénédictions. Monsieur le maréchal d’Estrées peut je m’assure rendre bon temoinage de ce que je vous représente et vous serait obligé de mon bonheur et du salut de ma famille qui priera Dieu pour vous. Depuis neuf ans j’ai constamment refusé les offres etrangères et celles de mon beau père.

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resources;6 that since that time I have participated in the Guinea and Tobago campaign under Monsieur the Marshal D’Estrées, losing more than 2,000 livres in a shipwreck on the island of Aves;7 that on my return his lordship had 1,000 livres given me to bring my family here; that without fear I went to England, where the father of my wife opposed my design, threatening to disinherit his daughter of a large patrimony if she followed me and not allowing me to see my child; that since that time I have lived only on what my wife has sent me, even to the last of her jewels, and I have been obliged to sell the portrait of the king of England which he himself presented to me, as well as the gold chain that he hung about my neck. That the last trip that my brother and I have just made was a proof of our zeal, fidelity, and experience. That I beg His Majesty to have pity on my family in order that I may prove my fidelity to God and to him, begging Him the remainder of my days that He will crown him8 with all good things. Monsieur the Marshal D’Estrées can testify, I feel sure, that what I tell you is the truth, and you will be rewarded by my happiness and the well‑being of my family, who will pray to God for you. For nine years I have consistently refused foreign offers and those of my ­father‑in‑law ...

  6 Radisson’s first wife is not known to have left England with him. On the other hand, he may be referring to theit apparent elopement in 1672.   7 The Isle d’Aves, off the shore of Venezuela; for D’Estrées’ bungling loss of his fleet, as well as Radisson’s loss of his equipment and probably his booty from the attack on Tobago, see 1: 73. He may also have lost some trade goods, since French naval officers in the period often embarked with items for trading, the profits of which supplemented their very irregularly paid salaries. (I am grateful to John Dickinson for the point about trade goods.)   8 Begging God that He will crown the king with all good things.

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Médard Chouart Des Groseilliers: Letter Concerning the Events at Port Nelson, 1682–83 [late 1683 or early 1684] Introductory note: the source is ANOM, C11, v. 6, 203r–204v. Addressed to an unnamed aristocrat. Hand unidentified but possibly that of a professional clerk. The letter does not read like an unfinished draft and may simply have lost its final page. “P,” a less complete copy made by Benjamin Perley Poore, was published in Sulte, Collection de manuscrits, 1: 314–16. From a few differences in wording and omissions (indicated here in the footnotes by “P”), it appears that Poore’s copy was taken from a different text, now unknown. Editorial procedure: Abbreviations are expanded in italics and insertions above the line enclosed \thus/. Capital letters are normalized and light punctuation inserted. Paragraphs are marked in the manuscript, though not always clearly, using blank spaces. /203r/ Monseigneur Je suis obligé de dire la verité pour ce qui regarde ma conqueste et celIe de mon frere, qui est la mesme chose, courant tous les deux le mesme hazard dans les pais Sauvages. J’ay eté obligé de faire mon devoir comme fidelle francois en ce qui concerne mon establissement et touchant la prise d’un vaisseau qui n’avoit nulle commission lequel s’est jetté entre mes mains. Voyant qu’il n’en pouvoit echaper et en agit fort honnestement avec moy, mais ayant appris qu’il y avoit encore un aultre vaisseau, il a eté obligé de se deffier de nous. Il s’est amorcé de luy mesme par la visite qu’il m’a rendue dans mon fort, accompagné de quelques autres mais ayant une parfaicte connoissance de la malice de cette nation, je connus bien qu’il ne venoit a autre dessein que pour me sonder et l’ayant ­regallé l’espace de 13 jours ou trois semaines voulant s’en aller librement je l’ay arresté hardement et conduict dans une chambre et mesme declare /203v/ que je les arrestois prisonniers, tant pour la sureté de ma vie que de la sienne mesme et aussitost mon frere se prepara et se mit en campagne pour aller prendre son fort et son vaisseau. Ce qui fut executé dans un moment sans repandre une goutte de sang, quoyqu’ils fussent armez jusques aux dents. Ce que mon frere sachant, il les a pris par son adresse en peu de temps et m’envoya dans l’instant tous les prisonniers qui m’ont donne beaucoup de peine a les garder ayant pris plus de canon[s] que d’hommes. Tous leur dessein et leur entretien n’estoit que de trouver le moyen de nous tailler en pieces. Tous leurs couteaux etant affilez et pointus comme des lancettes. Et c’est a tort de m’accuser comme ils font leur autre vaisseau qui est alle a la drive n’y

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Médard Chouart Des Groseilliers: Letter Concerning the Events at Port Nelson, 1682–83 [late 1683 or early 1684] Introductory note: Addressed to an unnamed aristocrat, this letter presents a somewhat different version of the events at Port Nelson, one in which Des Groseilliers plays the leading role, as we see him in Noël Jérémie’s later account.1 It is the only text by Des Groseilliers that we possess. It shows him as definitely the leader of the group of French from Canada, and more aware of the territorial implications of the partners’ actions than Radisson. It also shows that Radisson was not alone in arranging the facts to suit his own purposes. Editorial procedure: see the French text. There are a few omissions in the later copy made by Benjamin Poore. The translation is a revised version of Grace Lee Nute’s in Caesars of the Wilderness, 325–5. /203r/ My Lord, I am obliged to tell you the facts regarding my conquest and that of my brother, which is the same thing, both of us running the same risks in the country of the wild people. I was forced to do my duty as a loyal Frenchman in that which concerned my establishment and the seizure of a vessel with no papers that fell into my hands. Seeing that [the master] could not escape, he acted very well by me; but having learned that there was yet another vessel, he felt obliged to oppose us. He accepted our bait and paid us a visit, accompanied by some of his men. But knowing full well the tricks of that nation, I realized that he came for no other purpose than to spy out our situation. Having entertained him for thirteen days or three weeks, he was about to depart, when I stopped him boldly. Leading him into a chamber, I myself announced /203v/ that they were my prisoners, as much for my safety as for theirs. My brother immediately got ready for an expedition to take his fort and his vessel. That was accomplished in very little time without the spilling of a drop of blood, though they were armed to the teeth. Knowing that fact, my brother took them by his skill in a short time and sent me the prisoners immediately. They gave me much trouble to guard, having more cannons than men, all their idea and talk being merely to find a way to tear us to pieces. They sharpened their knives till the points were like needles. And it is wrong to accuse me, as they have done, of the loss of their vessel, which had drifted

  1 See Jérémie, “Relation du Détroit et de la Baie de Hudson,” 14–17.

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eté transporté que par les glaces, ce qui n’est pas difficile a croire puisque les glaces ont brisé les deux miens, et du debris de l’un j’en ay remonté l’autre. Ils me sont demandé a acheter et prié de le renvoyer dans les fonds de la baye de l’est ou je les avois postez auparavant ou il y a huict ou dix ans que je les ay quittez. \Ce que jay faict/ et je leur ay donné du temps assez pour venir dans la riviere d’ou ils pretendoient me chasser, puisque je /204r/ suis estably et pris possession du lieu et mes maisons et magazins faits et mesme garnison dans la place dont mon fils est le commandant. Joint que leur fort est a pres de deux cens lieues de la \ou je les ay postez/ leurs pretentions sont vaines. Nous avons Pentagoit, fort de l’Acadie, qui appartient aux François et a douze ou 15 lieues de nous au surouast il y a habitation angloise qui s’appelle Pémécuide, et entre eux et nous, il y a une baye nommée St Georges qui appartient a la France1 \dans laquelle baye de St. Georges il y a de tres belle nature et grande eau et l’anglois conte j’y en prendre [—] qu’il manquera [––] n’est qu a [––] lieus de  nous./2 Monsieur de Biencourt, estant habitué au Mont Desert, proche Pentagouët, a envoyé pendant plusieurs années son brigantin en traitte dans le lieu mesme ou les Anglois sont postez a present, qui est la ville de Baston, Nouvelle Angleterre, qui n’est qu’a trente ou 40 lieues de la colonie des Francois, dont Monsieur de Biencourt estoit commandant, ou ils n’avoient point droit de s’aller mettre puisque ce lieu appartient a la France. Le Roy d’Angleterre a envoye Winthrop, 1er Gouverneur de la Nouvelle Angleterre de laquelle il a pris possession ou il y a a present une grande ville3 et 200 navires, et la France a bien droit de disputer ce terrain qui vaut beaucoup mieux que l’autre cy dessus qu’ils demandent. Nous avons eu autresfois une habitation a la coste de l’Amerique entre le cap de Virginie et de la Floride, qui s’appeloit Le Port Royal, et les Anglois y sont habitez a present et le nomment a /204v/ present Caraline, et un autre attenant le cap de Fer. Cependant, ils n’ont pas eu droit de s’en emparer. Il est vray que les Espagnols nous ont chassé. J’espere qu’on ne me blasmera point d’avoir change le nom du Port Nelleson pour le nommer la Riviere Bourbon. Lorsque je m’en suis emparé personne ne s’y est opposé et je suis avant les autres plus de 15 jours, et etant estably et ne songeant qu’a mon repos d’hyver. L’Anglois est venu4 et entré dans le port. Nous luy avons fait commandement de s’en retirer, ce qu’il auroit mieux fait, parce que les glaces n’auroient pas envoyé son

  1 “qui appartient a la France” omitted by P.   2 Inserted in the margin and difficult to read because letters are lost in the gutter.   3 P: un grande ville bastie en bois.   4 P: L’Anglois y est venu.

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away and was lost only by the ice. That is not hard to believe, since the ice broke our two vessels in pieces, and from the remains of one I repaired the other. They asked to buy it of me in order to send it to the Bottom of the Bay, to the east, where I had established them formerly. I left that place and them eight or ten years ago. I did what they asked and gave them time enough to take possession themselves of the river from which they now claim they have a right to chase me. I /204r/ was settled there and had taken possession of the place, and my dwellings and warehouses were built and even the garrison was in place, of which my son was the commandant. In addition, their fort2 is almost 200 leagues from that place where I was established. Their claim is preposterous. We hold Pentagouet, a fort in Acadia, which belongs to the French, and a dozen or fifteen leagues from us to the southwest is an English settlement called Pemequid, and between them and us is a bay called St. George Bay that belongs to France, \where there is very fine country and good water/.3 Monsieur de Biencourt4 lived on Mount Desert, near Pentagouet, and for several years sent his boat to trade in that place where the English are settled today, which is called Boston in New England. It is not thirty or forty leagues from the French colony, where Monsieur Biencourt commanded, to the place where the English have no right to be, for it belongs to France. The king of England sent Winthrop,5 the first governor of New England, to the place and he took possession. At present there is a big city there, and 200 ships. France has a good right to claim it and it is worth infinitely more than this place that the English are now demanding. Formerly we had a habitation on the American coast between the Virginia cape and the Florida one. It was called Port Royal. At present the English are settled there and now call it /204v/ Caraline. There is another settlement near Cape Fear. However, they had no right to take possession there. It is true that the Spanish drove us out. I hope that I shall not be blamed for changing the name of Port Nelson to Rivière Bourbon. When I took possession of it there was no one there to dispute it and I was there fifteen days ahead of all the others; I was already established and thinking only of my plans for the winter. The English arrived and entered the port. We ordered them to withdraw and it would have been much better for them if they had done so, for the ice then   2 That is, the English establishments at the Bottom of the Bay.   3 This insertion in the margin is almost unreadable; see the French text for an attempt.   4 Charles de Biencourt de Saint-Just (1591/2–1623/4), vice‑admiral of Acadia. He traded actively in the area but is not known to have resided at Mount Desert.   5 John Winthrop (1588–1649), Puritan leader and governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony.

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vaisseau5 a la drive. Il nous a laisse15 a 16 hommes a terre ausquels je puis justement dire leur avoir sauvé la vie les ayant assistez de poudres armes et vivres sans compter ceux qui sont venus. Je rendre a moy suivant leur declaration que jay par ecrit et signée d’eux, et6 il est certain que les deux vaisseaux ne nous ont montré aucune commission et celui qui est allé a la drive est le mesme qui avoit pris le pere Albanel Jesuite et les mesmes officiers sans aucun sujet n’avoit point d’autres armes que son breviere. Ils l’ont garde 18 mois dont7 le Roy d’Angleterre a eté mecontent dans la prise de ce bon pere. Il n’y a que Dieu qu’en puisse pretendre des dommages et interests, parce qu’il alloit pour la conversion des ames. Il est vray que les Anglois ont este deux ou trois fois dans la riviere du Port Nelleson pour y traitter mais ils n’y ont pourtant faict aucune habitation n’y traite dont il ne faut pas s’etonner parceque nos françois sont hyvernent et esté dans cette riviere et lacs et ou l’Anglois pretend avoir droit. Nous n’en sommes eloignez que de deux lieues au travers les terres et la riviere ou nous sommes nous a eté donnée par les sauvages pour la commodite de leur negoce.8

  5 P: son navire.   6 “les ayant assistez ... signée d’eux” omitted in P.   7 “n’avoit point d’autres armes ... 18 mois dont” omitted in P.   8 “mais ils n’y ont pourtant ... pour la commodite de leur negoce” omitted in P.

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would not have destroyed their ship. That left us fifteen or sixteen men on shore, of whom I may truthfully say that I saved their lives, having given them powder, arms, and provisions. That does not include the men who came to give themselves up to me by their own volition, which I have in writing, signed by them. It is certain that the two vessels showed us no commissions and the vessel that drifted away was the one that took Father Albanel, the Jesuit priest. The same officers were on it. They took him without cause. He was unarmed except for his breviary. They kept him eighteen months. The king of England was displeased at the seizure of the good father. Only God can claim the damages and benefits, for he went there to convert souls. It is true that Englishmen have been in the river of Port Nelson two or three times to trade. However, they have built no habitation nor traded, which is not surprising because our Frenchmen have wintered in that river and in the lakes, and where the English claim to have a right.6 We were distant only two leagues across country; and the river where we were located has been ceded to us by the Indians, so that they may have a convenient place for trading with us.

  6 Des Groseilliers was in fact one of the earliest to go to Port Nelson on behalf of the English, during the voyage of the Employ in 1673 (165). However, he did not winter there.

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Radisson vs. the Hudson’s Bay Company: Complaint in Chancery, May 1694 Introductory note: the source is TNA C6/303/9, the full text of the complaint that Radisson made in initiating his suit in Chancery. A shorter version is enrolled in TNA, C33/286, the class of records reporting decrees and orders; the text there is briefer (the wording suggests a résumé), but the court’s final judgment concludes the record. The HBC’s reply to Radisson’s complaint is printed in Nute, “Two Documents from Radisson’s Suit against the Company,” 45–9, which also prints this document, though with minor errors of transcription. Unlike the affidavit of 1697, the text exhibits none of Radisson’s verbal characteristics, such as the use of proverbs, and it uses the word “beaver,” which does not appear elsewhere in his writings, so it was probably written by someone else, likely the lawyer William Yonge1 or his son-in-law Thomas Goodall, who was also a lawyer and later worked on the case. The “Garth” who signed the description of Radisson as a pauper would have been either a court officer or the counsel assigned to Radisson by the court. Chancery (Fig. 6) was a court of equity, not of common law; its function was to apply broader rules of conscience and fair dealing than were available in other courts, which it could overrule if necessary. Because Radisson appealed as a pauper, his court costs would have been waived and counsel made available to him. This does not necessarily mean he was literally a pauper, however, but simply that he was unable to afford a court case; the decision may have been a strategic one, since Radisson always had a good legal adviser in Yonge, his old friend and patron. He made his plea in Chancery because, as the complaint states, he had no material evidence to offer in his own support; the records of the Hudson’s Bay Company were not accessible to him, and without the documents he could not seek a remedy in a common law court. Radisson’s case stretched out over three years, for the HBC attempted to delay court action as long as possible. It was finally decided more or less in Radisson’s favour in the summer of 1697; he received his arrears and a commitment to pay his pension, but not the proceeds of the sale of the beaver skins. Even at that he had to obtain a bond in October 1697 to ensure that the company would honour the verdict. Nute follows the complex case in detail in chapter 22, “In Chancery,” Caesars of the Wilderness, 258–69. Editorial procedure: The text has been very lightly edited, chiefly by identifying sentence units, regularizing capitalization, and inserting punctuation.

  1 William Yonge: see 1: 5n.12 and 254.

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22° die May 16942 Pawper [signed] Garth3 To the Right honourable Sir John Somers Knight Lord Keeper of the Great Seale of England. Humbly complaineing sheweth unto your Lordshipp your Orator4 Peir Esprit Radisson a native of the kingdome of France \But now of London and a subject of England/5 that your Orator being brought up and haveing spent a great part of his time in and about Cannada in the West Indies6 and thereby become a master of the languages and manners of the people in that part of the continent for some hundred of leagues and by their constant observacion of your Orator’s faithfulnesse and generall good successe in all his acctions the Indians there put great confidence in and had a very great opinion of your Orators conduct soe that your Orator was thereby enabled to undertake and succeed in any thing he attempted. And on or about the yeare one thousand six hundred sixty and two your Orator and his brother (who was likewise there with him) intending to goe into France to give the French King an accompt of their discoverys there did goe into New England in their way to France. And their ­discoursing with Collonell Nicoll (who was then Governour of New Yorke) and severall other Englishmen of great esteeme there your Orator and his said brother made knowne to them their design of goeing to the French king and to informe him of the great discoverys they had made in the said parts of the West Indies and of the easinesse of setling factorys there (which would prove very advantageous to him). Whereupon the said Collonell Nicolls and the other persons there (haveing some wild notion before of that part of the world) hearing your Orator talke soe distinctly and give such particular accompts of the places persons languages and commoditys thereof did at length prevaile on your Orator and his said brother to quitt their designe of goeing into France and instead thereof to come for England where they assured your Orator and his brother that they would be as well and kindly receaved by King Charles the second as by the French king and would be employed on the same errand or businesse of setling factorys and makeing new discoverys in the West Indies as   2 This is probably the day the full complaint was formally copied for the records, since the enrolment of the shorter version and judgment in C33/286 is dated 16 May.  3 Pawper: that is, “in statu pauperis,” meaning the complainant could not afford court costs.   4 Orator: that is, he who utters his complaint to the court.   5 In a different hand, not identified.   6 West Indies: not the islands of the Caribbean as we know them today but the “Indes Occidentales,” the term the French used when writing about the New World in general.

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they could expect if they had gone into France and would be certaine of very great rewards in case they succeeded in their enterprizes. And thereupon your Orator and his said brother came from thence in the yeare one thousand six hundred sixty and five with very many letters to diverse of the lords of the Privy Counsell and others persons of quality from the said Collonell Nicolls and other giveing an accompt of your Orators great knowledge and experience in that part of the world and of his abilitys of settling factorys there and how they had dissuaded him by large promises to quitt his intended voyage to France and to come for England to offer his and his said brothers service to King Charles the second. Whereupon severall of the lords of his said Majesties Privy Councell did carry your Orator and his said brother to the said King Charles the second who was pleased to command your Orator to give him an accompt of the manners languages situacion and of the severall parts of that country7 and his said late majestie was soe well pleased with the relacion given him by your Orator thereof and of the ease and advantage of setling or establishing factorys there that his said late majestie did thereupon by his letters patents grant a charter to Prince Rupert the late Duke of Albermarle and to severall others and Incorporated them by the name of Governour and Company of Adventurers of England tradeing into Hudsons bay. And very soone after the company was made they fitted out two English shipps with all sorts of stores conveniencys and proper merchandizes for that country and entrusted them with your Orator and his brother in order to make new discoverys and to settle a factory or factorys in Hudsons Bay that in a short time your Orator and his brother therewith setled severall factorys for the said company in Hudsons bay and by your Orators and his said brothers management and knowledge there was soone a familiarity without any jealousy between the companys servants and factors there and the Indians till at length there was considerable traffick and Intercourse between them. And by that meanes the companys servants and factors there became soone to understand the language and manners of the people soe that there was the lesse need or occasion for your Orators or his brothers stay there and thereupon your Orator and his brother returned to London. And when your Orator and his brother went to the said late King to  give his Majestie an accompt of their successes in the late expedicion his Majestie was so well satisfyed with what they had done and the good that was like to come to the said company and this nation thereby that his Majestie was gratiously pleased to give to each of us a gold chaine and medall8 as a token of   7 For Radisson’s writing of the Voyages, see 1: 62–5.   8 Radisson’s medal was actually ordered and paid for by Sir James Hayes; see HBCA, A.1/1/f.23.

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his favour and particularly recommended us to the company to be well rewarded. And in persuance of such recommendacion and the companys sence of the great good done to them thereby they promised to your orator and his said brother one hundred pounds a yeare each which the company for three or four yeares paid till they found that the trade of the said factorys was a very flourishing one capable to be mannaged and carryed on onely by the servants and factors of the company that were then on the place without any imediate assistance from your Orator or his brother. And then the company was pleased to reject your Orator and his said brother and would continue the payment of the said one hundred pounds a yeare noe longer. Whereupon your Orator and his brother being strangers here and haveing nothing to subsist themselves with9 they resolved to goe into France. And accordingly your Orator and his brother in the yeare One thousand six hundred seaventy and four10 went into France and being there and considering the hard and undeserved usage of the company towards them your Orator and his brother did engage severall persons in France to undertake a voyage towards Hudsons bay in order to setle factorys there for the French kings subjects. And in persuance of such engagement your Orator and his brother with severall other Frenchmen in the yeare one thousand six hundred eighty and two did with severall French shipps undertake the voyage and by your Orators auncient acquaintance with the Indians and by their good opinion of him he soone made himselfe master of Port Nelson the best and chiefest factory belonging to the company in the bay and dispossessed the servants and factors of the company and placed and put French men in their steads but offered noe violence or wrong to any of the Englishmen there but on the contrary tooke particular care of them the winter after they were dispossessed and gave them powder and gunns to kill venison. And in the spring (their owne shipp being lost) your Orator gave them a shipp and provisions to come for England but before their comeing away from thence the Indians offered your Orator great rewards in case he would deliver them up to the said Indians to destroy them which your Orator would not be persuaded to bearing always a great and natural love to Englishmen. And soone after your Orator his said brother and the other Frenchmen soe placed drove a great trade with the neighbouring Indians and after haveing setled a fixed and safe method of trade between the said French men and the Indians and out of the power of England to be cutt off or destroyed your Orator did returne into France in the yeare one thousand six hundred eighty and three without his brother (who   9 Not so; in England, Radisson was receiving a pension of £200 from Sir John Kirke, his father-in-law (201). 10 Correctly, 1675.

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dyed sometime before in the bay)11 leaving his nephew to command in cheif in his absence and went to Paris to give an accompt of his successe in this voyage to the French king. But your Orator was not long att Paris but he received a letter from a worthy member of the said company directed to him from London and written by the desire of the said company or a comittee thereof expostulating the companys bad and ungratefull usage of him and his brother and of the great losse and damage the Company susteined thereby and earnestly desireing and praying him to come over into England and restore the said factory of Port Nelson againe which your Orator had taken from the said company adding that he should make his owne condicions and be infinitely gratifyed and rewarded by the company as soon as they should be reestablished in the possession of Port Nelson. Whereupon relying on the word of the worthy member after severall letters \to him/ to the same purpose your Orator came secretly over from France in the Yeare one thousand six hundred eighty and four into England and imediately on his arriveall att London the company carressed your Orator to a very great degree and gave him two originall shares in the stock of the company for his life and likewise fifty pounds a yeare for his life as an encouragement to undertake the voyage and likewise the comittee or severall of the members appointed by the comittee did make promises and assureances to your Orator of very great rewards att his return in case he succeeded. But before your Orator undertooke the voyage severall of the company presented your Orator to the said late King and to the then Duke of Yorke (who was governour of the company) who received your Orator very kindly and directed him to goe on with the voyage assureing him that the company should bounteously reward him att his return. And very soone thereafter your Orator undertooke the expedicion with severall ships and other conveniencys therein sett out by the company to whose sole conduct and mannagement the whole concerne was entruste. And att your Orators arriveall at Port Nelson he removed all the French he had left to trade there and delivered the peaceable possession of that factory to a governour appointed by the company to receive the same and in lesse than seaven moneths time from his departure from England your Orator returned in the companys shipps bringing here with him all the Frenchmen and twelve thousand beaver skins which the French gott by

11 Radisson knew quite well that he had not returned alone to France; Des Groseilliers accompanied him, at which time the elder man wrote the letter included in “Related Documents” (206). In June 1684 he returned to New France in one of the ships of La Salle’s fleet and is thought to have died there about 1695; see 1: 86.

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tradeing there while the factory was in their possession12 and which your orator shipped on his owne proper accompt and for his owne use. Which your Orator may very reasonably clayme as his owne in regard the company had no  title thereto they being the produce of the French commoditys that were brought from France when your Orator sett out from thence in order to setle the French factorys there (a fourth part of which your Orator was to have to his owne use by agreement made between him and the French before they left France) and your Orator being the only person that seised them therefore the same ought to belong to him.13 Neverthelesse the Company tooke them into their owne warehouse and after sold them for seaven thousand pounds sterling and they have not since paid the same or any part thereof to your Orator tho’ he has often desired the same of them. As soone as your Orator arrived att London which was in October one thousand six hundred eighty and four the company was pleased to expresse the great obligacions they lay under of rewarding your Orator for his mighty service for them and the said late King and Duke of Yorke did particularly recommend your Orator to the company to be rewarded according as he deserved and the King was pleased to order your Orator to be made a denizen which was accordingly done as by letters patents thereof under the Great Seale14 does appeare. And thereupon the company did give your Orator one hundred guineas and likewise by the companys or the comittees order (as is usuall in such cases) there is an order entered in their books for the allowance of fifty pounds a yeare to your Orator out of the joint stock untill the said late King should give unto your Orator an employment or place of greater advantage. And in the yeare one thousand six hundred eighty and five the company was pleased to order your Orator to take another voyage to the bay to be their superintendant there in order to the well government of the factorys there as to the tradeing part thereof which your Orator performed 12 This was Radisson’s view of his right to the profits of the twelve thousand beaver skins; the French had provided the merchandise that had been traded for them, and according to the original agreement with the French he was to have received the standard quart (one quarter) of their value on the European market. In his opinion the arrangement had nothing to do with the HBC. 13 This is a full statement of the rationale behind Radisson’s insistent claim, right up to his death, that the skins had been traded for goods bought and paid for by the French, with whom it had been agreed he was to have the proceeds. 14 denizen: in modern terms, naturalized; TNA, C66/3300 m. 21, letter patent of James II, 5 January 1687/8. Besides Radisson, Jean-Baptiste Chouart Des Groseilliers, and Elie Grimard, a number of other people were denizened on the same occasion, which rather robs Radisson’s claim of its lustre.

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with all the faithfulness and diligence as that great trust required dureing the time he stayed there which was two yeares and upwards. But by your Orators exactnesse and justice in the service there and by not permitting others to wrong or defraud the company in the way of trade there arose an Enmity between your Orator and the cheife governour15 there in as much as the governour ordered your Orator to be secured on board one of the company’s shipps there and kept a close prisoner which was accordingly done and your Orator brought home a prisoner here in October one thousand six hundred eighty and seaven without committing the least fault or declining or refuseing to serve the company or doeing any injury to any person or wronging the company of the value of a farthing. And the governour who soe ordered your Orators committment had soe much power with the then comittee (who were all or most new men) to implant in them an ill opinion of your Orator as thereupon the company have refused to pay your Orator the said last fifty pounds a yeare for these four yeares past. And yet they well know that the same ought to be paid till your Orator had or hath an employment or place given him of as great or greater value which your Orator never yett had and which the company well knowes. And the company refuses likewise to pay the first fifty pounds a yeare or to lett your Orator have an accompt of the said twelve thousand beaver Skins or any part thereof which they knowe was sold by them for seaven thousand pounds and doe say that he shall have the two originall shares noe longer all which is very unjust and ungratefull in them especially seeing your Orator can with safety and without boasting say and which the company well knowes that if it had not been for your Orator and his conduct and mannagement there never had been any Hudsons bay company or the company possessed of the said factorys which has brought them in from the time of their first possessing to this time above two hundred thousand pounds sterling. And they have noe manner of pretence for their not paying the said arreares but that the same became due by one of their orders which they can repeal or make void when they please which is very unconsciouable in them for that the company well knowes that your Orator would not have undertaken the said voyage had it not been for the promises of great rewards made to him by them in case of his successe and the company was not onely bound in honour but in justice too to give your Orator the said fifty pounds a yeare or more. And therefore hopes ‘tis not in their power to repeale the same and the same is the more dishonourable in them for that they know there is a price sett on your Orators head in France (where he cannot goe) for the services he has done for the company. For as much as your Orator has no remedy att Law to recover the said arreares for the 15 Governor George Geyer; see 1: 7n.17.

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last fifty pounds a yeare and to compell the company to pay your Orator the said fifty pounds a yeare and the first fifty pounds a yeare for the time to come or to have any benefitt of his two originall shares, for that he has nothing to shew under the seale of the company for the same but his title or demands thereto is and are onely by entrys made in the companys bookes for that purpose which bookes are in and under their owne power and government and not to be come att by your Orator, and for that your Orator has no remedy att law for to call them to an accompt for the said twelve thousand beaver skins for that he cannot prove the delivery thereof or of their comeing to the said companys accompt, for that the witnesses who could prove the same are either in the Bay in the companys service soe as there is no possibility to have them att any tryall at law for the same. But your Orators releife is onely in this court which will compell the said company to answer all and singular the premisses and particularly to sett forth what promises of rewards were att any time or times and when made unto your Orator by the said company or the comittee or by any and what members of the company, and by whose Order and what letters were writt in persuance thereof and by whom, and to sett forth particularly all the orders verbatim that have been made from the first erecting of the company of or any ways concerning your Orator and the names of such gentlemen as were of the comittee att the time when such orders were made and may sett forth whether they have not stop’d the said last fifty pounds a yeare for four or how many yeares, and for what reason and whether your Orator did any thing amiss or faulty or decline the companys service or did any way wrong the company if soe wherein particularly, and whether your Orator was not alwayes willing to serve the company and whether there were not severall letters writt by any and what members of the company to your Orator in France to entreate him to come over to serve the company if soe by whose order or desire were such letters writt, whether it was not by the companys or the comittees order or at least whether it was not the generall desire of all or most of the individuall members of the company that your Orator should come out of France to serve the company, and whether it was not in persuance of such letters that your Orator came over into England to offer his service to the company. And that the company may be decreed to pay unto your Orator the said arreares and likewise both the fifty pounds a yeare for the time to come as they shall become due and to accompt with your Orator for the said twelve thousand beaver skins and be decreed to give unto your Orator such a writeing or title under the common seale (or as is usuall) for the \said/ annuitys and for the said two originall shares and that the company may produce all their bookes wherein any entrys are made concerning your Orator, soe as may appeare to this court the justice and reasonablenesse of your Orators demands and your

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Orator have such further releife therein as to your Lordshipp shall seeme meete to that end, may it please your Lordshipp to grant a supoena and distringas16 to be directed to and issue against the Govenour and Company of Adventurers of England tradeing into Hudsons Bay requireing the said company to appeare in this court to answer the premises and to abide the judgement of the court concerning the same as to your Lordshipp shall seem agreeable to equity. And your Orator shall pray &c [signed] Turner

Ric: Turner17

16 Supoena: a subpoena to ensure the HBC would appear in court to answer the c­ omplaint; and “distringas”: in legal terminology, “you shall distrain” [seize]. Radisson is unlikely to be asking the court to seize the books of the HBC, but the goal is certainly to get the company to answer the complaint in court. Thanks to Tim Stretton who clarified the meaning of these terms. 17 Evidently an officer of the court.

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Radisson’s Narrative in Reference to the Answer of the Commissioners of France, 1697 Introductory note: The source is HBCA, A.9/3, f.21v-24r, which appears to be the most complete text. The version used by Nute (TNA, CO 134/3, ff.44r-48v) does not number the points that respond to the French questions, and it refers to but does not include the related copy of Callière’s “directions” mentioned in the text and appended to the HBCA copy.1 Both texts are annotated “Left with the English Comisoners the 15/5 June 1699.” The “Narrative” is almost certainly the one requested by the London Committee on 17 August 1697 (HBCA A.1/19, Minutes, f.34v–35r) and to which Radisson swore an affidavit before Sir Robert Geffery (228); that, too, is annotated “Left with the English Commissioners 5 June 1699.” The list of questions to which Radisson is responding has not been located, but the questions can be inferred from the point-form organization of the HBCA text. Though no original has been found, the occasional appearance of Radisson’s habitual proverbs and sayings suggests he almost certainly p ­ repared the text himself. Editorial procedure: Lightly edited: chiefly the insertion of periods, occasional apostrophes, and regularization of capitals. Abbreviations (except “&”) have been expanded, insertions are marked \thus/, and, as elsewhere, any interventions to clarify the sense appear [thus]. /21v/ [Marginal annotation, in a different hand:] Mr. Radisson’s reply to the French comissioners answer left with the English comissioners the 5th June 1699 The narative of Mr Peter Esprit Radisson in reference to the answer of the commissoners of France to the right & title of the Hudson Bay Company. It cannot be made appeare that the French were the first discoverers of Hudson Bay, or that they ever made any settlement but since 1682 and that without any order commission or pass or that they sett up any trade there save onley that the savages came from the bot­tom of the said Bay to Tadousac. If that may be admitted, then suppose England traded first to France, doth it therefore belong to France. The first acts of hostility were done by the French, conse­quently the English were there first.2

  1 For Louis-Hector de Callière, see 1: 69n.168.   2 The rather compressed reasoning seems to be that if the English had not been there first, the French would have had no one to fight with.

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2. The French are in the right not to insist on the voyages for that they never made any but since 1682 by sea. Those which they made in Can­ ada & Newfoundland are not disputed, nor those to the coasts of Labradore which are 3 or 400 leagues distant from the Bay. However it is very observable that they should allow the English went thither to seeke a passage into the South Sea; they having moreover wintered, trade, built houses and lost severall ships there, which must indis­putably give them the right thereof, they having put up the armes of the kings of England from time to time. Their charts and mapps will confute the French.3 3. It cannot be denyed but that altho a settlement hath been inter­rupted yet it is a better title then where none bath been & it is often found that persons are punished with the same punishments that they designed for others and there is a greate difference between publick colonies and a particular4 one. 4. If the French would maintaine their rights to Carolina, New Eng­land & the Netherlands &c they must \then/ have been the first who tooke the same from the king of Spaine whose patent or grant from the pope of all America (at the first discovery) had noe limitation or bounds. 5. If the old authors give noe limits to Canada to the north, it is evident that it being above 1000 leagues (according to their report) in the lakes of the west5 the proximity thereof to the English colonies upon the coasts of America, which are much nearer may give matter of disputeing the right of possession or usurpation, and if the kings of France could give letters of corporation or charters of New France & the Bay, & particularly that in the yeare 1628 they ought also to have obliged the French who received Canada by capitulation of the /22r/ Eng­lish to pay what was agreed on, which they never did contrary to the honour and good faith of nations. But Messrs Kirke6 who delivered the same up by order of the king of England had noe concerne or right in the Bay in question and it can be proved that whilest the said Kirkes possessed Canada other English men sailed into the Bay and con­tinued the capture & possession as others had done.

  3 For Radisson’s interest in maps, see 1: 15, 86.   4 TNA copy: private.   5 That is, 1,000 leagues from New France to the Great Lakes. It is not evident what “old authors” Radisson was referring to since knowledge of the extent of the Great Lakes was relatively recent.   6 For the Kirke brothers, see 1: 61–2.

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7. The 5th answer serves for the 6th and to this 7th paragraph the first would be sufficient. However we answar that men travill with the language very easily.7 But as to those one hundred & twenty leagues mentioned in the French answer, they must be reckoned above two hundred & fifty leagues by reason of the forests, falls, boggs & rapid streams which put them in danger of drowning & are allmost unpassable to the savage, who can hardly come and goe8 in one summer.9 And then at that time the savages would not have permitted the French if they had been able to prevent it. And as to their acknowledging the soveraignty, they have no more then a propriety for the presents they have need of. They10 would give themselves up this day to God if they had knowledge of him & tomorrow they would give themselves to the devill for a pipe of tobacco, & they would even deliver up their inheritance for the like things.11 And they received at each place where the English have been settled their pres­ents for takeing possession. Whosoever hath known those savage na­tions doth understand the same thing. 8. The English doe not give out any thing that is false neither doe they equivocate. Desgroziliers & Radison were neither of them pilotts or marriners but were entertained in service by the English, the French haveing refused them for such reasons as makes the right of the English appeare.12 The two above named after such signall services done for Canada itselfe, which was almost ruined13 were unjustly pil­laged and deprived of their livelyhood & were forced to seek their liveings elsewhere, not being under any engagement to any person. If the first was an inhabitant the other was a freeman but he would not en­gage in the service of the English untill the returne of a vessell sent to Kebec to know if they would doe them justice.14 If Zachary Gilham did not arrive at the bottom  7 Men who speak the Native languages easily can travel in their territory with less difficulty.   8 TNA copy: goe and come.   9 Radisson appears to be referring here to the difficult route north from Tadoussac rather than the seemingly easier western route from Lake Superior via the Albany River; see 1: 56 and appendix B. 10 TNA copy: need of would give. 11 This seems to be the elderly Radisson’s obiter dictum on the Natives (see xi). 12 The very answer of the French makes the English right more evident. 13 That is, they were almost ruined. 14 Radisson seems to have slipped from referring to Des Groseilliers père to his son JeanBaptiste Chouart, the interpreter mentioned in the next sentence. Chouart is an “inhabitant” because he was born in New France. Radisson is the man whose service is “free,” that is, available to whoever will pay him. As for the vessel, after the partners arrived in

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of the Bay before 166315 he built the said Fort Charles upon the ruins of a house which had been built there above sixty yeares before by the English,16 and the said Desgrosillieres served them only as interpreter amongst the savages. 9. The French haveing never had any Fort or House it will be very difficult to prove that ever they were there. \King/ Charles the second might very well grant charters of letters of possession to his subjects who had built severall above 60 or 70 years before. /22v/ 10. One is often caught in the snare prepared for others. The Civill warrs of England did not hinder the English, noe more then the French to attempt upon all Europe, but the engagements which France had with King Charles the second ought not to have been greater then those which they ought to have with King William both being obliged to maintaine the right of their crowne & of their Subjects. And the ship pretended is yet to build and the master and pilot to be borne, which they alledge was in the Bay in the yeare 1675.17 11. A merchant called La Chaineie18 of Kebec being at Paris in 1681 did secretly (for feare it should be knowne by the English) by himselfe pro­pose to the said Radisson to undertake a voyage to Hudson Bay, and to imbarke at Kebec to hinder all suspition, the said Radisson seeing himself discountenanced & out of favour wth the marquis de Seignelay19 for having demanded something of the rights of Sir John Kirke for the surrender of Canada to the French in 1632,20 he undertooke to goe thither & came privately into England to informe himselfe in what state & condition the English company was, and then he went over to Kebec where the governour the marquis de Frontenac21 refused him a pass and forbid him expressly from undertakeing such a voyage, for that such designes would disturbe the union between the two kings, & that it was the right of the English. Whereupon the said merchant desired that Mr Radison would goe back into France, to which the governour agreed. But the said Paris in the winter of 1684, Louis XIV delayed by requesting further information from Quebec before making a decision on the issue; see BL, Preston Papers, Add. 63760, f.22r and passim, and 1: 80. 15 A reference to Radisson and Des Groseilliers’ abortive voyage, funded by Boston merchants, in 1663 (see 1: 59 and n.132). 16 Probably the house built by Henry Hudson’s carpenter in 1610–11 (see 1: 286n.198). 17 That is, which the French allege they had sent to the Bay in 1675. 18 For Radisson’s trading venture with Chesnaye, see the Relation of 1682–83 and 1: 76–7. 19 Seignelay: see 1: 69n.165. 20 See the early pages of the Relation of 1682–83. 21 Frontenac: see 1: 76n.184.

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Radisson was sent by the said merchant to winter at Accadie with order to be at the mouth of the river of St Lawrence in the spring of the yeare 1682 whither the said merchant sent him a very bad barke ill manned and worse furnished with neces­saries, laden with sorry refuge goods22 that had been for the most part of them in the warehouse above twenty years, which barke was accom­ panied by another barke much worse then the first, freighted by three merchants without any order or pass who joyned & came to an agreement with the said merchant above-named, which the said Radisson can shew under their hand. And the said Desgrosilliers was on board and if the two brothers were /23r/ pardoned for having served strangers, the fault of having abused them was thereby acknowl­edged & they shewed themselves faithfull subjects by giveing up their fortunes to the promisses made by the Jesuite Albenel who made two voyages for that purpose into the Bay and afterwards [was] brought to England. The said Radisson can produce the letter which the said Jesuite left in the Bay and was delivered to him by the savages, and the said Radisson doth desire that the contradiction of these two last articles may be examined. 12. The day before the arrivall of the two French barkes before mentioned they being off of Port Nelson they went into one of the branches to the southward of the said Port23 devided by a neck of land of about halfe a mile from the branch to the northward where the English from New England had put in, and eight or ten dayes afterwards the captaine having killed his supracargo24 and caused severall guns to be fired at his being buried the said Radisson did thereby discover him, and went to visit him, and the next day they parted good freinds. Radisson coming back to the River on the south where he had built two small houses one called the St Ann & the other the St Peter, being the names of their two barkes, he saw a ship coming in with English coulours belonging to the Hudson Bay Company, haveing a governour on board with a commission to settle there. The said Radisson went on board alone & told them that he had been there a yeare with three hundred Frenchmen and three ships, perswading them to goe to some other place, but the season would not permitt it being the end of September. About six or seaven weeks afterward the ship was destroyed & lost by the ice, by reason they durst not come into a river for feare of the French & there remained eighteen men on shoare all winter 22 refuge goods: “refuge” in both manuscripts. No obvious meaning in either English or French. Possibly idiomatic for goods that have been kept aside (probably too long) for some unspecified reason. 23 The Hayes River estuary, divided by Marsh Point from the Nelson River. 24 An officer who superintended a ship’s cargo and the commercial transactions it entailed, sometimes acting as a factor for the cargo’s owner; for the incident see 58–9.

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with a small quantity of provisions. Radisson invited the captaine from New England to his house where he came & afterward he tooke his fort and his ship which he with the men belonging to him carried to Kebec, and gave the other men a barke built of the materialls of the two barkes brought from Kebec to carry them to the bottom of the Bay except the companys governour Mr John Bridgar25 whom he carried to Kebec in 1683 leaveing 8 Frenchmen in the said river. They went to Monsieur de la Barr who was then governour of Canada who caused them to restore the English ship and made offer of satisfaction for the damages were done which being to little the English would not accept and returned all of them to New England. 13. The French will always endeavor to disguise the truth of the matter which occation’d the said Radisson to returne to England which shall be proved to their shame and that he doth not deserve those ill names that are given him. /23v/ If the English doe not give him all his due he expects the whole by the justice of his cause. 14. It may be that in 1687 Messrs de Barrillon and Bonrepos26 after the complaints of the company might make complaints againe against the company but King James maintained his subjects then in their rights and noe less is hoped from King William. 15. If the French had not surprized the English at the Bottom of the Bay the same French would all have perished with famine, and if the losses are compared, that of the French is but a chimera or an imagi­nation in comparison of that of the English which is but to greate to be onely pretended as may be seen by the inventory made at that time, when the said Radisson received the eight Frenchmen who came to him in the very moment that they could subsist no longer. 16. This is an answer to the 16 article and consequently to the rest. We defy the French to shew any commission given for makeing any company for a settlement in any part of the Bay but since 1683 onely which was given by Monsieur de la Barr then Governour of Canada. And we certainely say that he gave noe pass till 1684 which was to five or six merchants of Kebec thinking to maintaine the post which Desgro­siliers & Radison had made, because they wintered there in 1682. Mr Baily the English Governour went with Radison in 1669 to Port Nelson in the ship Rupert, captain Newland commander, carrying Eng­lish colours out, 25 For Bridgar see 1: 74, and Relation of 1682–83. 26 Paul Barillon d’Amoncourt, the Marquis de Branges (1630–91), the French ambassador to England (1677–88); François d’Usson, Sieur de Bonrepas, special envoy appointed with Barillon in 1687 to negotiate the disputed issues in London.

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and were driven thence onely by a terrible storme in which they thought to have lost their lives and ship.27 In 1672 Monsieur Desgrosiliers was there under English coulors in the ship called the Employment28who likewise tooke possession thereof for the English being then in theire service. [Marginal annotation, in the same hand as the text] Translation of Monsieur Callieres direction to Mr. Radison for restoreing Port Nelson, whereof mention is made in Mr. Radison’s affidavitt made before Sir Robert Geffery: folio (35). To put an end to the differences which are between the two nations of the French & English touching the factory or settlement made by messieures De Grosiliers and Radison in Hudson Bay, and to avoid the efusion of blood that may happen between the said \two/ nations, for the preservation of that place, the expedient which appeares most reasonable & advantageous for the English company will be, that the said messieures De Grosiliers and Radison returrne to theire said factory or habitation furnished with a passport of the English companyes importing that they shall withdraw the French which are in garrison there with all the effects belonging to them in /24r/ the space of eighteen months to be accounted from the day of their departure by reason they cannot goe to & come from the said place in one yeare, because of the ice that stops the mouth of the entry & forces them to winter. In consideration of which passport the said gentlemen shall restore to the English company the factory or habitation by them setled in the said country to be thence-forwards enjoyed by the English company without molestacion. As to the indemnity pretended by  the English that came to the said place, though after the said messieures Desgroseliers and Radisson were established there with some effects, seized upon them and brought to Quebecq, of which inventory was taken that may bee accomodated in bringing back the said inventory, & restoreing the same effects or the value to the English proprietors.

27 In 1670 Charles Bayly sailed for Port Nelson with Radisson in the Wivenhoe (Captain Robert Newland); Bayly laid claim to the area in the name of the crown, but the journey had to be abandoned and they returned to Rupert River. 28 The barque Employ. The correct date of Des Groseilliers’ visit is 1673.

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Radisson’s Affidavit, sworn before Sir Robert Geffery, 23 August 1697 Introductory note: The source is TNA, CO 134/3, ff.42r–43v. This affidavit and the related “Narrative” (221) were requested by the London Committee of the HBC on 17 August 1697 (HBCA, A.1/19, Minutes, f.34v–35r ). Radisson would likely have dictated the affidavit, unlike the “Narrative,” which shows more of his verbal characteristics and was probably written down. Editorial procedure: Lightly edited: chiefly the insertion of periods, occasional apostrophes, and regularization of capitals. Abbreviations (except “&”) have been silently expanded, insertions are marked \thus/, and, as elsewhere, any interventions to clarify the sense appear [thus]. /42r/ [Margin: the copy of Mr Radison’s affidavitt made before Sir Robert Jefferys1 the 23d August 1697. Left with the English commissioners the 5th June 1699] The Copy of Mr. Radisson’s Affidavitt Peter Espritt Radisson of the parish of St. James2 in the county of Middlesex esquire aged 61 years or there abouts3 maketh oath that he came into England in the [year] 1665 and in the yeare 1672 married one of the daughters of Sir John Kirke4 and [in] the yeare 16695 this deponant with his brother­-in‑law Madard Ch[ouart] Sieur de Groizliere were designed for a voyage in the service of the English to Hudson Bay which they undertooke. This deponant goeing on board the ship Eagle then command’d by one Captain William Stanard was hindered being disabled at sea by bad weather so could not compleat the said intended voyage; but the said De Groziliere proceeded in another English ship called the Nonsuch and arrived in the bottome of Hudson Bay in a certaine river there which Captain Zachary Gilham commander of the said ship (as the said Gro­ziliere told this deponant) was named Rupert’s River in honor of his

  1 Sir Robert Jeffrey (Geffery) (1622?–1704) was a prominent London merchant and freeman of the Ironmongers’ Company; he must have been a justice of the peace.   2 No documentary evidence specifically connects Radisson with the parish of St James in this period, though it is possible he lived there; see 1: 88.   3 This would place Radisson’s birth in 1636; see 1: 24.   4 Sir John Kirke: see 1: 61 and n.142.   5 Radisson is referring to the events of 1668; he also misdates the voyage of the Wivenhoe and of his and Des Groseilliers’ departure for France (see below).

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highness Prince Rupert who was cheifly interested6 in that expedi­tion. And that the said Captain Gilham then also built a fort there which he called Charles Fort in honour of his then majestie King Charles the second. And this deponant also saith that in the yeare 16687 he, this deponant, went from England in order to another voyage to Port Nelson in Hudson Bay in an English ship called the Waveno then commanded by the said Captain Stan­ard. But this deponant was /42v/ then alsoe obstructed and could not accom­plish his intended voyage that yeare alsoe but returned into England & at his returne found the said Degroziliere safely arrived with the said Gilham in England. And in the yeare 16698 this deponant went in the said ship the Waveno then commanded by one Captain Newland and arrived at Port Nelson and went on shoar there with the English (which was the first time that he this Deponent or any other French to his knowledge or that he ever heard of went to that place). And then the English left some goods there to trade with and from thence the said ship went to the bottom of the bay where he wintered with the said Grosilliere who went thither that yeare in the ship Rupert then commanded by the said Zachary Gilham and the place where they wintered was in Rupert’s River [xxxxxxxx]9 at Charles Fort. And in the yeare 167010 the said de Groziliere was sent in an English barke commanded & navigated by English men from the Bottom of the Bay to Port Nelson, & there the English left them some goods to trade with the Indians. And this deponant alsoe saith that there was noe French in any of the said ships or barke during the said voyages save this deponant and the said de Grozilier and a French surgeon. And this deponant alsoe saith that he ­continued in England till the yeare 167311 and there arising some differances ­between the Hudson Bay Company of England and this deponant he, this deponant, went into France. And in the yeare 1682 there were two barks fitted   6 That is, was a major investor.   7 Correctly, 1669; see Nute, Caesars of the Wilderness, 122 and n.43.   8 Correctly, 1670. The Wivenhoe left England again on 31 May 1670 and arrived in the vicinity of Rupert’s River on 31 August. See LMA, CLC/495/MS01757, “Extract of Mr. Thomas Gorst’s Journal in the Voyage to Hudson’s Bay begun the 31 day of May 1670,” and transcription in Nute, Caesars of the Wilderness, appendix 2, 289.   9 The elision in square brackets is so marked in TNA, CO 134/3; not noted in Nute’s transcription. 10 Correctly, 1673. 11 1675, not 1673; Radisson and Des Groseilliers left to serve the French late in 1675 (1:  67). Recorded payments to Radisson between 19 November 1673 and 12 April 1675 indicate that he spent this period in England, not on the Bay; see Minutes 1671– 1674, 206.

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out at Canada cheifly at the expense of one Monsieur La Chaney [Chesnaye] of Quebeck one whereof was commanded by this deponant and the other by this deponant’s said brother Desgrosiliere who sailed from Canada to Hudson Bay and arrived in Hayes River there & that yeare this deponant with the other French with him took Port Nel­son and an English vessall which came from New England commanded by one Benjamin Gilham. And the said Zachary Gilham was in the river of Port Nelson with a ship of the English company to trade there but was cast away having first landed several goods there and put on shoar one Mr John Bridgar12 whome the English company had sent as their governour to that place /43r/ whome this deponant carried the next yeare to Canada and disposed of several of the other English some to New England and others to the bottom of the bay. And this de­ponant then gave the name of Bourbon to the said Port Nelson and the name of St Thereze to the river called Hayes River but before that time this deponant well knew that the English called the said place Port Nelson. And this deponant alsoe saith that in the yeare 1683 he came from Canada to Paris by the order of Monsieur Colbert13 who soon after dyed. And this deponant being at Paris was there informed that the Lord Preston14 ambassador of the king of England had given in a memorialle to the ministers of His Most Christian Majesty’s court against the action of this de­ponant at Port Nelson. And after this \deponant/ had been severall times with the Marquis de Seignlay and Monsieur Calliere15 (now one of the plenipotentiaries for His Most Christian Majesty at the treaty of peace) on the ­occasion aforesaid. And this deponant then found that the French had quitted all pretention to Hudson Bay and thereupon he this de­ponant at Paris in the month of Aprill in the yeare 1684 in the chamber of the said Monsieur Calliere he, this deponant, with his owne proper hand but by the special direction of the said Monsieur Calliere did write the paper here unto annexed16 be­gining with these words (viz)17 “Pour terminer les differends qui sont enter les deux 12 For Bridgar see 1: 74, and Relation of 1682–83. 13 Colbert: see 1: 22n.58. 14 Viscount Preston; see 1: 15n.41. 15 Louis-Hector de Callière: see 1: 69n.168. 16 The annexed document would have remained with the original of which this is a copy. That original has not been found. However, a scribal copy is attached to Radisson’s “Narrative” of 1697. 17 “To end the differences existing between the two nations, French and English on the subject of the habitation built by sieurs Des Groseilliers and Radisson on Hudson Bay” etc. and ending “and restoring the same effects or the value to the English proprietors”; for the full text, see Radisson’s “Narrative” (221). The English long complained of

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nationes Francois et Anglois au susjest de 1’habitation fait par les sieurs Degroziliere et Radisson dans le baie de Hudson” etc. and ending with these words “en raportan le dit inventorie en quendrant a ces proprietares Anglois le mesme effect in valeur” all which the said Monsieur Calliere dictated to this deponant from whose mouth this deponant accordingly writt the same. And this deponant alsoe saith that the said Monsieur Calliere then acted in the said affaire by the direction of the said Marquis de Seignlay then superintendent of the sea ports or maritime affairs in France. And thereupon this de­ponant was commanded by the said Monsieur Calliere to address himself to the said Lord Preston to obtaine a pass from the English Hudson Bay Company to goe to Port Nelson to withdraw the French from thence and to restore the /43v/ same to the English who he said should be satis­fied for the wrong and damages done them by this deponant. And this deponant knoweth that there was one thousand livers18 offered by the sieur La Chaney to the said Benjamin Gilham. And this deponant alsoe saith that after his arrival in England he went in one of the Hudson Bay Company’s ships to Port Nelson and withdrew the French that were there from that place and the said place was then putt into the pos­session of the English Hudson Bay Company. And the French that were there were brought into England and were there soe kindly treated and entertained that severall of them entered into the said company’s service and continued therein for about foure yeares. Peter Espritt Radisson Jurat apud London vigesimo tertio die Augusto Anno Domini 1697 coram me Robert Jeffery19

Radisson’s burning of the habitation at Port Nelson; on 9 July 1697 an HBC memo­ rial to the commissioners alleged damages for this and other alleged depredations of £154,514.19.8 (TNA: CO 134/3, no. 7). 18 That is, “livres.” 19 Sworn at London the twenty-third day of August in the year of the Lord 1697, before me Robert Jeffery.

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Radisson’s Petition to Parliament, 1698 Introductory note: the source is HBCA, A. 9/4, f.46v/47v. This is the company’s copy of the petition; no original is known. A briefer version of the petition, omitting much pleading about his service to the company and his poverty, was presented to the House of Commons on 11 March 1697/98. The House ordered that the petition be referred to committee, but nothing further was heard of it (see 1: 98). See the Journal of the House of Commons, 12 (1697–98): 153–4. Editorial procedure: Abbreviations have been expanded except for such forms as & (and) and &c (etc.); fossil thorn (ye=the) has been normalized. Terminal punctuation has been inserted and capitalization normalized. [in left margin:] A Coppy of Peter Esprit Radisons Peticion to the Parliament presented the 11th March 1697/8. To the Honorable the Knights Citizens & Burgesses in Parliament Assembled: The Humble Peticion of Peter Esprit Raddison Humbly sheweth: That your petitioner is a native of France who with a brother of his (since deceased) spent many years of their youths among the Indians in and about Hudson’s Bay, by reason whereof they become absolute masters of the trade & language of the said Indians in those parts of America. That about the yeare 1666 King Charles the second sent your petitioner & his said brother with two ships on purpose to settle English colonies & factorys in the said bay which they effected soe well to the said king’s sat­isfaction that he gave each of them a gold chain & medall, as a marke of his royall favour & recomended them to the Company of Ad­venturers of England tradeing into Hudson’s Bay to be well gratified & rewarded by them for their services aforesaid. That since the death of your petitioner’s brother the said company have set­ tled on your petitioner six actions1 in the joint stock of the said company and one hundred pounds per annum dureing your petitioner’s life. That your petitioner is now 62 yeares of age2 (being growne old in the company’s service) & hath not received any benefitt of the said six shares in the company’s stock for more than 7 yeares last past & hath had nothing but the   1 Actions: company shares (obs.). Yonge’s letter speaks of only two shares (257).   2 This would mean that Radisson, by his own account, was born in 1636 (see 1: 24).

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said 100£ per annum to maintaine himselfe & four small children all borne in England. That dureing the late reign’s a price was set upon your petitioner’s head by the French & severall attempts were made upon him to assassi­nate him & that for noe other reason but for quiting his owne coun­try & serveing the company. That your petitioner dares not returne to his native country for the reasons aforesaid & seing all his subsistance depends on the said company & is shortly to determine with3 the life of your petitioner and his four small children must consequently fall to be maintain’d by the alm’s of the parish altho the company hath had many thousand pounds effects by his procurement & some that he conceives he had himselfe a good tytle to.4 Your petitioner therefore most humbly prays that this honorable house will comiserate the condition of your petitioner’s said children and whereas he hath now the said six actions & 100£ per annum only for his life, that you will vouchsafe to insert a provisoe in the bill depending5 to grant the said annuity to be paid quarterly, & the dividends of the said ac­tions as often as any shall become due to your petitioner & his heires for ever, dureing the joint stock of the said company and your petitioner shall for ever pray &c. Peter Esprit Radison

  3 The status of the company is shortly to be determined.   4 For Radisson’s claim to the profits of furs he had brought to the company in 1684, see his will (234) and 1: 99–100.   5 The bill for renewal of the charter of the HBC; see Rich, History of the Hudson’s Bay Company, vol. 1, chapter 29, “The Charter Fails: The Company Condemned, 1697.”

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The Last Will and Testament of Pierre-Esprit Radisson, 17 June 1710 Introductory note: The source is the probate copy of the will, TNA: PROB 11/516, sig. 167. The signed original would have had the interlineations mentioned below by the copyist. In 1967 Maurice Hodgson, in “The Exploration Journal as Literature,” 4, reproduced what he described as the signature of Radisson on his will of 17 June 1710. The signature seems to be Radisson’s, though the letters were formed by a failing hand. However, unlike the other images in his article, Hodgson gave no source for the signature and it has proved impossible to trace the original, either through references in Hodgson’s papers or in the collections of archdeacons’ and consistory records – today brought together in the London Metropolitan Archives – where original wills can sometimes be found. It would be useful to find the original, because it might have attached to it an inventory upon decease (a probate inventory) which would tell us what Radisson’s possessions were at the time of his death. The will was proved in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, indicating that as a London resident Radisson’s estate at death was valued at more than £10. The form and dispositions are unexceptional for the period apart from Radisson’s dying ­attempt to assert his long-standing claim against the Hudson’s Bay Company. Editorial procedure: Capitalization has been modernized and light punctuation added. [margin: Testamentum Petri Radisson] In the name of God Amen. I Peter Radisson of Clare Court in the Liberty of the City of West­minster1 being at present sickly in body but of perfect sense and memory and being mindfull of my mortallity, with hearty sorrow for my sins recommending my soul to Almighty God and trusting for salvation through the meritts of my blessed Saviour, as touching my worldly estate and substance doe make this my last will and testament in manner following: videlicet. Imprimis I do give and devise unto my trusty and beloved freind James Heanes of the City of London, winecooper, and to my beloved and dear wife Elizabeth Radisson all my reall and personall estate and other my goods and chattles and worldly sub­stance whatsoever and I doe make and ordain them executors of this my last will and testament. And whereas I did at the desire of His late Majestie   1 In retirement Radisson rented lodgings in various parishes in the still-developing west end of London, all part of the city of Westminster. Clare Court, just off the Strand, lies today beneath the buildings of the London School of Economics. See 1: 97–9 and 1: Fig. 3.

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The Last Will and Testament of Pierre-Esprit Radisson

235

King Charles the second and His late Majestie King James the second when Duke of York and those imployed by them quitt the interest and service of the present French king and imbrace the service of their said majesties and that of the English nation and by my means severall colonys in America formerly in possession of the French were reduced unto the Obedience of the late King Charles the second and the same continue now in the possession of Her present Majesty and her subjects to the great advantage of the English nation and in particular of the Society or Company of Hudson’s Bay, a great part of which transactions is in the memory of His Grace the Duke of Marlborrough2 to whose care I have been recomended by the late King James before the Revolution. And whereas in regard to my services the said late King Charles the second ordered the said Company of Hudson’s Bay (to whose benefitt the same did more particularly re­dound) to pay me a yearly pension and other gratuities to which order the said company did chearfully condescend with publick acknowl­ edgments of the benefitt they had by my means. And whereas besides what is due on account of the said Pension there is now above Eighteen hundred pounds due to me for other demands I justly have to the said Company3 I doe hereby devise and my will is that my said executrix and executor shall have and recover the same and the full benefitt thereof and shall also have and recover all other debts and demands to me due from any other persons whatsoever. And my will is that out of the said debts my said executor and executrix do pay and satisfy all my just debts and the residue to apply and dispose of for the support and advancement of my said dear wife and my three small daughters on her begotten and now living, my former wifes’ children being by me according to my ability advanced and preferred to severall trades. And I do revoke all former and other wills and devises by me made for or concerning the premisses.4 And now have to this my last will and testament putt my hand and seal this seventeenth day of June 1710 seventeen hundred and ten. Peter Radisson. Signed sealed and pub­lished by the said Peter Radison as his last will and testament this 17th day of June 1710 the words besides what is due and the word for being first interlined Per Champourrain Julian Bromley her mark. Probatum fuit huiusmodi testamentum apud London coram venerabili viro Georgio Paul legum dottore surrogato venerabilis et egregii viri domini Richardi Raines militis legum etiam doctoris Curia Praerogativa Cantuariensis   2 See 1: 5n.11.   3 For Radisson’s persistent claim against the value of the furs he brought from Canada in 1684, see 1: 93. Insofar as such a comparison is possible, £1,800 in 1710 would be the equivalent of approximately £137,900 today.   4 That is, concerning the dispositions above.

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magistri custodis sive commissarii legitime constituti vicesimo primo die mensis junii anno domini millesimo septiugentesimo decimo juramento Elizabetha Radisson relicta dicti defunti et unius executor in dicto testamento nominata cui commissa fuit administratio omnium et singulorum bonorum jurium et creditorum dicti defunti de bene et fideliter administrando eadem ad Santa dei Evangelia jurat [signed: Paulus]5

  5 The will was “probated in like manner at London before the worshipful George Paul, Doctor of the Laws, surrogate of the worshipful and distinguished Sir Richard Raines, knight, also Doctor of Laws, lawfully constituted Master Keeper or Commissary of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, on the first day of the month of June in the year of Our Lord one thousand seven hundred ten, by the oath of Elizabeth Radisson, widow of the said deceased and one of the executors named in said will, to whom administration was granted of all and singular the goods, rights and credits of the said deceased for the good and faithful administering of the same, sworn on the day of the Holy Evangelist. [signed Paul].” [I am grateful to Stephan Edwards for his informed translation of the probate section of the will.]

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IV appendices

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appendix a

THE ABBÉ BERNOU DEBRIEFS RADISSON: THE SUPPOSED “PETITIONS” OF 1677 AND 1681 Sources: BNFr Clairambault 1016, ff.389r–391r; ff.647r–650v. Editorial procedure: Because of the nature of the argument, the texts quoted in this appendix have been subjected to minimal editing; i/j and u/v have been normalized and abbreviations expanded and underlined (except for ordinal numbers), but capitalization remains as in the manuscripts, and no punctuation has been added except for apostrophes where needed. There are few accents in the originals, and none have been added. Insertions above the line are indicated \thus/. One or two words have had to be inferred thus [ ] where the edge of the paper is worn. Radisson rarely punctuates; Claude Bernou’s script is lightly but erratically punctuated. Note that BN Clair. 1016 is foliated, but Clair. 848 is paginated. Translations (in the footnotes) are by the editor and are purposely literal. An earlier version of this discussion appears as “Radisson Édité par l’Abbé Bernou: Les Prétendues ‘Pétitions de 1677 et 1681,’” in Andreas Motsch and Grégoire Holtz, eds., Éditer la nouvelle france (Quebec: Les Presses de l’Université Laval 2011). Reprinted in part and as revised, by permission. In her dual biography of Radisson and Des Groseilliers, Caesars of the Wilderness (1943), Grace Lee Nute’s basic sources of information were Radisson’s four Voyages and two Relations. She also drew on her discoveries of the 1930s in Paris’s Bibliothèque Nationale to include as appendices three shorter pieces whose authorship she credited to Radisson. All three belong to the massive volume of exploration materials known as BN Clairambault 1016, which contains many documents in the hand of Radisson’s sometime patron, the Abbé Claude Bernou.1 On the basis of the manuscript evidence below, Nute’s assumptions about the authorship of this material must now be rejected.2

  1 For Bernou, see 1: 5n.13, and 164–99, above.  2 This means that E.E. Rich’s account of Radisson’s “memorandum on the French fur trade in its widest implications” (Rich, The History of the Hudson’s Bay Company, 1: 120–2), which is based on Nute’s appendices, must also be rejected.

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240 Appendices

Nevertheless, the documents themselves are of considerable interest. Not only do they tell us the kind of information Radisson may have been interested in beyond that apparent in his known writings, they also demonstrate Bernou’s concerted attempt to extract information about New France from Radisson after he and Des Groseilliers, late in 1675, left the service of the HBC and returned to France in search of preferment. It would be good to know Bernou himself a little better than we do, for as demonstrated below he edited or redrafted at least two now lost documents in Radisson’s hand, and he clearly interviewed the explorer extensively. However, Bernou’s life is no better documented than Radisson’s, though his maps and the extensive material he collected offer significant insights into French geographical and geopolitical thinking about North America during the period. As analysis shows, the texts Nute compiled into socalled works of Radisson are in fact attempts by Bernou to put his own thoughts in order, based on what he was learning from the explorer. Nute transcribed the first of the three documents she discovered as appendix 3 of Caesars of the Wilderness, “Radisson’s Petition of 1677[?]” (293–302), in  a version which she constructed out of two separate texts, Clair. 1016, ff.649r–650v and ff.390r–391r. The second, appendix 4 (303–14), is a letter from Radisson in Grenada that Nute concluded (correctly in my view) was addressed to Bernou; it is dated in Bernou’s hand 1 January 1678 (Clair. 1016, ff.376r–377v). The third document, appendix 5 (Nute 315–19), which Nute titled “Radisson’s Petition of 1681[?],” is a mémoire on the geography of North America. In her version the text (Clair. 1016, ff.647r–648v) is headed “Esprit de Radisson / Mémoire de Radisson sur les découvertes et Commerce de l’Amérique Septentrionale.” The letter of 1678 (Nute’s appendix 4) was signed by Radisson in the same hand as the letter’s text, and is clearly holograph; it has therefore been edited above among Radisson’s writings (182 and Fig. 5). However, ultimate responsibility for the two so-called petitions (Nute appendices 3 and 5), indeed their very coherence as documents, can only be inferred from internal evidence since both are entirely in the hand of the Abbé Bernou. Close study shows that they comprise draft writings of Bernou himself in which he attempts to absorb and organize information that Radisson has given him, both orally and in writing. The key documents in making possible this analysis have been found more recently. Nute’s discovery of the 1677[8] letter from Grenada made available an extended example of Radisson’s handwriting, thus enabling us to identify in another of Bernou’s collections (BN Clair. 848) the two short documents edited in this volume as “Journal des choses les plus remarquables” and “Mémoire on the Northern Seacoast of North America.” They confirm that Radisson was as capable of reporting on the coasts and tides of North America

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appendix a: the abbé bernou debriefs radisson 241

as on the Mohawk, Ojibwe, Cree, and Sioux. Of the two, the most significant in unravelling the claims of Nute’s two appendices is the Mémoire, which is in Radisson’s hand and is written in the first person but contains detailed and attentive interpolations in the hand of Bernou. It shows how eager Bernou was to take what he could learn from his various informants and deploy it for his own purposes. The documents in Clair. 1016 that Nute attributed to Radisson and that she titled the “Petition of 1677[?]” and the “Petition of 1681[?]” are, however, entirely in the hand of Claude Bernou. Furthermore, in the case of the “Petition of 1677[?],” Nute conflated two possibly related but physically distinct pieces of manuscript without stopping to analyse their material and textual relationship. And in what she termed the “Petition of 1681[?]” Nute was misled by the heading on a copy of the document made in the nineteenth century for Pierre Margry, who was searching the archives eagerly for materials both on Hudson Bay and on La Salle. Margry’s copy is in the hand of a scribe, with marginal comments by Margry. It is headed “Esprit de Radisson / Mémoire [“de Radisson” in hand of Margry] sur les découvertes et commerc[e]s de l’amérique septentrionale.”3 The heading in Bernou’s version is simply “A Memoire sur les découvertes et commerce de Lamerique Septentrionale.” It is possible of course that Margry was copying an attributed version, but no such document has been located. Much of the information in the Mémoire certainly came from Radisson, but, like the two documents combined into one by Nute, this text also appears to have emerged not from his own hand but from the interplay between information supplied by Radisson and the evolving geopolitical ideas of Bernou. the supposed petition of

1 6 7 7 [ ? ] , pa rt 1

The documents Nute brought together in what she terms the “Petition of 1677[?]” constitute folios 389r–391r and 647r–650v of Clair. 1016, but she arranged the two sections of manuscript in reverse order. Materially, however, the two documents appear simply to be separate elements in the same or a ­related project. Though their watermarks are too much obscured to yield useful information, the paper they are written on varies in format, for example ff.389r-v constitute half a folio sheet, whereas 390r-v and 649r-v are each half a quarto sheet. The leaves may once have been filed together, but when Clair. 1016 was bound up they were separated. Thus, in default of other information, they have to be treated simply in the order they occur in the manuscript.   3 BNFr, NAF 9284, 50r–53r.

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242 Appendices

Confusingly, this means we must first examine the material Nute added to her proposed petition (ff.389r–391r), rather than the material she used to begin it (ff.647r–650v). The miscellaneous character of 389r–391r is not initially obvious. Folio 389r contains an almost uncorrected text beginning, “La Nouvelle france est un pays d’une si grande estendue si beau, si fertile et si bien scitué qu’il semble que dieu l’ait reservé pour la france, laquelle depuis qu’elle est soumise toute entiere a un seul prince et qu’elle est delivrée des guerres intestines et civiles qui la desoloient regorge tellement de peuple, qu’elle a besoin d’un semblable pays pour la soulager et augmenter sa puissance” (f.389r).4 The lengthy text continues for eleven lines on the verso of the leaf, ending with the words: “le voyage est court et facile on ny voit pas perir la moitie de ceux qui y vont habitent comme il est arrivé dans les colonies que l’on a establies dans les pays chauts dans les Indes orientales ou occidentales et le climat conserve dans ceux qui l’habitent cette \vigeur et cette/ humeur martiale et guerriere que l’on perd peu a peu dans les regions voisines de la ligne equinoctiale” (f.389v).5 The description of New France and its opportunities is almost entirely geopolitical in character; the text stresses the historic and contemporary situation of France in Europe and the ills of religious conflict and overpopulation it suffers from, and contrasts with them the vast territory, commercial potential, and fortunate ­climate offered by New France. As the text continues on f.389v, a half-line is drawn followed by four lines listing, very specifically, the products (wheat, peas, corn, furs, and lumber) of Acadia. After another half-line separator, a title is awkwardly inserted, “Memoire pour l’etablissement des Colonies de la N. france” and there is a marginal note, “Commencement.” Then follows a version of the original “La nouvelle france est un pays d’une si grande estendue,” but with many interlineations and textual differences from the preceding version, so much so that it appears to be an earlier draft from which, possibly at several removes, the

  4 New France is a country of such great size, so beautiful, so fertile and so well situated that it seems that God has reserved it for France, which since it was brought wholly under a single prince and delivered from the domestic and civil wars that ravaged it overflows with so many people that it needs a similar country to relieve and augment its power.   5 The voyage is short and easy; one does not see half of those who go to live there perishing, as happens in the colonies established in the hot countries of the East or West Indies, and the climate preserves among those who live there \vigor and that/ martial and warlike humour which is lost little by little in the regions near the equator.

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appendix a: the abbé bernou debriefs radisson 243

cleaner copy on f.389r was begun. The text, however, is still concerned with the same larger issues as the other version. This new section terminates at the bottom of the page with the words “il ya part tout quantite d’autres rivieres et de \beau[?]/ lacs mais particulierement 5 ou 6 dont le moindre a 50 lieus de long et le plus grand 150, la terre y peut produire tout ce que produit la france mais elle la surpasse en deux choses c’est a scavoir en foururres et en poissons de mer et d’eau douce en quoy il ny a point de pays au monde qui l’esgale.” It ends with Bernou’s characteristic mark of insertion (#) (389v). The text maintains the same level of generalization as before. The mark of insertion suggests that the material on the following folio (390r) was meant to be absorbed into the argument at this point. However, it resembles the little section on Acadia in being much more specific in content. It is also less coherent in exposition and displays a number of Bernou’s marginalia and corrections in his own text, indicated here in italics. ... la pesche de la morue qui augmenteroit les barques et matelots tous les francois le devenant, qui se nourriront du pays la Compagnie et autres envoyant des vaisseaux et marchandises qui n’avroient que Charger des baleines dans le golfe et c’este da labredor ou aussy vaches marines \cuirs, huiles dans/ \(in margin) [––?] et eau/ dont de l’huyle dans la riviere St laurens, loups marins partout dont peaux et huiles truittes saumones admirables costes de labredor et de terreneuve plaisance dont mangé en france excellens caviar ou eufs des sturgeons infinis maquereaux saumons et esturgeons \infinis/ trop gras mais bons par un moyen qu’on scait mettre sous la presse, anguilles, petites morues frayans au bord que l’on ne prend que depuis un an Le bar jusquá 2 pieds que les anglois salent et autres pesches que l’on peut trouver. [f.390r]6

  6 The cod fishery which will increase the ships and sailors, [which] all the French will become, who subsist in the country of the Company and others sending vessels and merchandise who have only to take on board the whales in the gulf and those of Labrador where there are also sea cows \leather oils/ \(in margin) [––?] and water/ of which there are some that produce oil in the St. Lawrence river, sea-perch everywhere for skins and oil, trout, admirable salmon [on the] coasts of Labrador and [at] Plaisance in Newfoundland for eating in France excellent caviar or sturgeons eggs infinite mackerels salmon and sturgeons \infinite/ too fat but good by a method one knows put into a press, eels, little codfish spawning at the edge that are not taken until a year has passed the bar up to two feet [long] that the English salt and other fish that can be found.

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244 Appendices

As well as being much less coherent, this particular text departs significantly from the geopolitical point of view taken in “La Nouvelle france est un pays ...” to focus, in a cascade of examples, on the specific products of New France: salt, wood for shipbuilding, flax, skins, game, wine (Fig. 7): la terre produit de tout vin [bled?] fruits gibier & poissons infinis partout mines de Charbon de terre sans fouir au cap breton et ailleurs mines de bon fer partout, de plomb esprouves dont le transport feroit facile par les moyens qu’on scait, de Cuivre dont on a veu plusieurs pieces et eschantillons, quelques pierres pretieuses dont on [avoir?] l’essay et turquoises qu’on a veu a des sauvages, et d’or mesme. gloire immortelle jalousees Les anglois 300 vaisseaux les mines se puisent non les productions ­avantages \bois fer &c/ communs par tout, moyens de faire la pesche et enrichir la compagnie comparaison des anglois demandes et offres de MonsieurRadisson passage par la chine par terre ou mer. [f.390r]7 The text then breaks off in mid-line; what began as a connected piece of exposition has turned into the rapid sketch-notes of a discussion with Monsieur Radisson, who has made unspecified proposals and offered – who knows what? – in return. Two intriguing features of this passage are, first, the words centred dramatically on the page: “gloire immortelle” and “jalousees”; and second, the conclusion, “passage par la chine par terre ou mer.” It would seem that the text is trying to represent two ideas at the same time: the possibility of glory, of which others (such as the English) will be jealous, and the continuing geographical fantasy of a passage to China. The unusual centring of “gloire immortelle” and  “jalousies” is uncharacteristic of Bernou’s habitual layout of his manuscripts, which are invariably tightly written, closely spaced, full of marginalia   7 The land produces much wine [corn?] fruit, game and infinite fish everywhere coal mines without digging in Cape Breton and elsewhere mines of good iron everywhere, of lead tested for which the transport would be easy by means one [i.e., I] knows of, of copper of which one has seen many pieces and samples, some precious stones which have been tested and turquoises that have been seen among the wild men, and likewise gold. immortal glory jealousies The English 300 vessels the mines which yield useful products \[ironwood?]etc./ common everywhere, means to fish and enrich the company comparison [with?] the English requests and proposals of Monsieur Radisson passage to China by land or sea.

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appendix a: the abbé bernou debriefs radisson 245

and interlineations, and (beyond the occasional diagram) devoid of graphic effects. The note-like character of the passage above might suggest that Bernou was taking dictation from Radisson, but from the centring of these words it is more likely that he was copying a written original – probably also in note form – that was laid out with the words centred in that way. A reasonable conclusion is that Bernou’s notes are based not on a discussion with Radisson but on some pre-existing sketch by the explorer in which the words are centred, a sketch like the Mémoire on the seacoast but focused on the products of New France and the renown they might bring to the mother country. On f.390v the text then returns to the geopolitical perspective of the earlier pages, using geographical terms that are found nowhere in Radisson’s other writings: the words “pour mieux expliquer” are struck out, and the text continues, “pour ce qui regarde \les richesses de/ la terre il faut remarquer que l’on peut diviser La nouvelle france en orientale et occidentale La 1ere Comprend tous les pays qui sont au deca du meridien de monreal et la 2e tous ceux qui sont au dela ou a L’ouest du mesme meridien” (f.390v). Many of the products of the land mentioned in the preceding sketch-notes (including those of Acadia) are here assimilated to a systematic overview of the potential of New France for settlement, employing the same larger perspective as before. The text is continuous and fairly coherent but has numerous corrections, and midway it breaks down, as before, into sketch-notes that indicate the author is trying to assimilate specific information (mines, furs) to a broader g­ eographical perspective: a les gard de la Nouvelle france occidentale on la peut considerer en deux manieres les parties septentrionales sont les plus riches du monde en pelleteries parmy lesquelles il y en a plusieurs qui ne sont pas comprises dans la concession de la Compagnie au moins jusqua present comme les peaux d’ours de loups de martres [word crossed out] d’hermines de Renards parmy lesquelles il y en a de noires tres fines et tres pretieuses comme aussy de castors noirs &c il y a enfin quantité de mines de fer \parler des mines de Cuivre et autres que l’on croit y estre et que l’on decouvrirait a loisir/ quel l’on croit excellent et qui seroit une grande richesse pour le pays dans les parties [“A qui regardent” crossed out] de la Nouvelle france occidentale qui regardent le sudouest et le sud ont aussi quantité de belles forets mais on n’y trouveroit pas la mesme facilite pour le transport que dans l’orientale ... [390v–91r]8   8 With respect to western New France one can consider it in two ways the north parts are the richest in the world in furs among which there are many which are not included in

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246 Appendices

At the end of this passage there appears a triple mark of insertion (###) but no text follows, though folio 391r has only a few lines at the top. This is the point at which Nute brought together the two sections of manuscript. Confusing as it is to explain, she took a section of material appearing later in the manuscript collection (Clair.1016: 649v–650v, see below), used it to begin a text to which she gave the title “Petition of 1677[?],” and absorbed into it at the end the material just described above. Of course it is always possible that this may have been their original order and that during the binding of Clair. 1016 the two sections of manuscript were accidentally reversed, but Nute did not argue that was the case, and, as we shall now see, their contents suggest quite otherwise. the supposed

“ p e t i t i o n o f 1 6 7 7 [ ? ] ,” pa rt 2

Nute began her version of what she terms the “Petition of 1677[?]” with ff.649r–650v of Clair. 1016. (The leaves that immediately precede it, ff.647r– 648v, she would employ as “Radisson’s Petition of 1681[?],” for which see below.) The mention on f.649v of the founding, “il y a pres de 3 ans,” of a new company to trade in furs makes it possible to date the text roughly to the first half of 1677; the reference is to the Domaine de l’Occident, usually known as the Compagnie de la ferme, the royal trading monopoly established in December 1674.9 Radisson is known to have been in Canada in October 1676 attending a meeting to fix the price of beaver;10 he then returned to France. By September 1677, his projects frustrated, he had departed with Admiral D’Estrées’ expedition to the Caribbean. It is probably the opening lines that persuaded Nute that the material in fact constituted a petition, for there is a faint, unfinished

the concession of the Company at least up to the present such as the skins of bears, of wolves, of martins, of ermines, of foxes among which there are very fine black [ones] and very precious as also black beavers etc. there are in short a quantity of iron mines \ to speak of mines of copper and others that one believes are there and one can discover at leisure/ which one [i.e., I] believe are excellent which would be a great enrichment for the country in the parts [to those considering it] of western New France considering the south-west and south also have a quantity of beautiful forests but the transport is not as easy as in the eastern part.   9 For the complex origins and sixty-year history of this enterprise, see Johnson, “The King’s Domain.” 10 Nute, Caesars of the Wilderness 169, citing ANFr Col. Collection Moreau-St. Méry, v. 2–1, ff.32–43.

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appendix a: the abbé bernou debriefs radisson 247

heading which appears to read “Le Roi,” and the text begins in the formal third person customary in such documents:11 Radisson ayant acquis une particuliere connoissance de la plus grande partie deL’amerique septentrionale tant par les voyages qu’il a faits dans toutes les terres comprises dans la nouvelle france que par le sejour quil a fait [“parmy les anglois — ?” crossed out] au Nort et au Sud du mesme pays parmy les anglois, les quels il a quitté pour obeir aus ordres qu’il en a recus [ two words crossed out] et satisfaire a l’inclination qu’il a toujours eu de servir sa patrie prend la liberté de Representer que la Nouvelle france est un pays d’une si grande estendue, si beau, si fertile et si bien scitué qu’il semble que dieu l’ait reservé pour augmenter la puissance de la france et loger une partie du peuple dont e lle est tellement remplie qu’il se repand de tous Costes et principalement dans les estats voisins ou l’on voit que les francois se vont establir tous les jours [word crossed out] \ne pouvant/ pas trouver de l’employ dans leur patrie. [f.649r]12 The phrasing certainly suggests that the text was intended to be presented as a petition over Radisson’s name; Bernou is thought to have prepared such petitions for those who needed them13 and it is possible Radisson had commissioned one from him. But again we encounter a text in draft form, and the petitioner’s stance is quickly lost sight of. There are a few corrections in the first three-quarters of f.649r and it was then struck through, an indication that it had been recopied somewhere else. The remainder of the text, from “Cependant il est arriué ...,” is continuous but with many interlineations, corrections, and marginal insertions. It ends on f.650v with the words “A Cependent [several 11 The petition of 1698 was published as appendix 3 of Nute, Caesars of the Wilderness, and its textual features are not controversial. 12 Radisson, having acquired a particular knowledge of the greater part of North America as much by the voyages he has made in all the lands comprising New France as by his sojourn to the north and the south of the same country among the English, whom he has quitted to obey the orders that he has received and to satisfy the inclination he has always to serve his native country: Takes the liberty to point out that New France is a country of such a great extent, so beautiful, so fertile and so well situated that it seems that God has reserved it to augment the power of France and to house a part of the people of which it is so full that it spills out to every coast and principally to the neighbouring states, where one can see that the French would [go to settle] every day, not finding employment in their native land. 13 See, for example, Nute, Caesars of the Wilderness, 162–5.

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248 Appendices

words crossed out] les francois ne profitent pas comme ils devroient de toutes les pesches qui seules servirent capables d’enrichir.” At this point the text ends and is followed in Clair. 1016 by another, unrelated, document. Draft or not, these pages constitute a document more fully developed than the portion described above that Nute appended to it, which is doubtless why she employed it to begin her text. The subject is the riches and accessibility of New France, but here a specific account of those riches – agriculture, fishing, and the fur trade – is presented systematically, and within a firm geopolitical and historical perspective. If the power God has blessedly given France is praised, the disorders caused by war in Old France, and the cultural resistance of the French to exploit new opportunities, are deplored and contrasted with the overflowing resources and healthful climate of New France. With the skill of a practised politique, the writer praises the role played by the king and his ministers; “cette Colonie ne fait que L’anguir depuis son etablissement jusqu’a ce que S.M, apres avoir donné la paix a l’ancienne france en a fait ressentir les douceurs a la nouvelle en subjugant les Iroquois depuis ce temps la par les soins [three words crossed out] \de son ministre/ les habitans y ont multiplie a veue d’œil et jusqu’au nombre [word crossed out] de 8 a 10 m ames” (649r-v).14 But he points out that the colony still languishes because of its dependence on the fur trade: the eight to ten thousand souls15 ont toujours suivy les mesmes brisees et se sont attachés uniquement aus Castors de telle sorte que les profits de ce commerce diminuant tous les jours par le grand nombre et l’avidité de ceux qui s’en mesloient ils ont este contrains de se respandre au loin d’aller au devant des sauvages de les aller Chercher Jusques dans leurs habitations de les achepter plus cher tous les jours a l’envy les uns des autres et den faire par ce moyen connoistre aus sauvages \le prix et/ la veritable valeur [“de telle sorte” crossed out] tellement que comme ce desordre alloit a la ruine [word crossed out] de ce Commerce et mesme a la destruction entiere des castors et de la Chasse, on fut obligé il \y a pres de 3/ ans de faire une compagnie pour le commerce des pelleteries laquelle connoissant la quantité que l’on devoit et pouvoit debiter raisonnablement a reglé la traitte des Castors a la verité mais n’a pu 14 This colony did nothing but languish since its establishment until His Majesty, after having brought peace to old France made it experience pleasure afresh in subjugating the Iroquois since this time by the care \of his minister/ the inhabitants have multiplied there visibly and to the number of 8 to 10 thousand souls. 15 This was a fairly accurate estimate. According to Statistics Canada, the census of New France in 1679 yielded a population of 9,400.

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appendix a: the abbé bernou debriefs radisson 249

toutefois remedier aus necessités de la Colonie, qui languira toujours \ [in margin] au lieu de s’augmenter/ et dont les plaintes recommenceront tous les ans sans qu’on en puisse trouver d’autre cause que la petitesse du commerce du Castor et l’aveuglement et la foiblesse des habitans et c’est ce que je crois pouvoir prouver [word crossed out] demonstrativement. [649v]16 The slippage from “Radisson ... prend la liberté” to “c’est ce que je crois pouvoir prouver demonstrativement” cannot be overlooked, and it is emphasized by the frequent use of the first person from then on. Who is it, then, who is speaking here, Radisson as petitioner, or the Abbé Bernou? There are only two features of the manuscript material to guide us. The first is that all these pages, whether discursively consistent or in note form, were written in the hand of Bernou himself, unlike the Mémoire on the seacoast in Clair. 848 (see above) where Radisson is clearly the author and Bernou the editor/commentator. The second is the nature of the argument itself. The document is rich in the kind of detail on New France and its resources that Radisson, “ayant acquis une particuliere connoissance,” was well equipped to provide, but it uses that information to propose a developed geographical and economic policy. There are only a few such passages in the writings we can securely attribute to Radisson where he discusses, on this scale, the opportunities for France in the Americas. One example is in the third of his 1668 Voyages: I tooke notice of their cottages and of the journeys of our navigation, for because that the countrey was so pleasant, so beautifull and fruitfull that it 16 Have always followed in the same tracks and are entirely attached to the beaver, so much that the profits of this commerce diminish every day because of the great number and the greed of those who are involved in it they have been constrained to spread out far from leading the wild men to go in search of them as far as their habitations to buy more dearly every day according to the fancy of one or another and by this means to inform the wild men \the price and/ the true value [“of that kind” crossed out] such that as this disorder has led to the ruin of the commerce and also the entire destruction of the beaver and the hunt it was necessary \nearly 3/ years ago to found a company for the commerce in furs which being acquainted with the quantity that ought and could be charged reasonably has regulated the trade in beaver in a realistic way but could not however remedy the needs of the colony which languishes always \instead of growing/ and about which the complaints begin again every year without anyone being able to find any other cause than the small size of the beaver trade and the blindness and weakness of the inhabitants and it is this that I believe I can prove conclusively.

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250 Appendices

grieved me to see that the world could not discover such inticeing countrys to live in. This I say because that the Europians fight for a rock in the sea against one another, or for a sterill land, and horrid country that the people sent here or there by the changement of the aire ingenders sicknesse and dies therof. Contrarywise those kingdoms, are so delicious and under so temperat a climat, plentifull of all things, the earth bringing foorth its fruit twise a yeare, the people live long and lusty, and wise in their way. What conquest would that bee att litle or no cost, what laborinth of pleasure should millions of people have, instead that millions complaine of misery and poverty? (1: 223–4). The passage is an appealing one, with its sorrow over the wars in Europe and its genuine interest in the Natives, “wise in their way.” However, it is vaguely idealistic rather than oriented towards the development of policy. As events throughout his life showed, Radisson had little grasp of the hard-nosed political imperatives that men like Bernou understood implicitly, nor could his geographical learning match Bernou’s. It seems reasonable to conclude that the Abbé Bernou either interviewed Radisson or asked him to set down in rough notes (the “Journal des choses les plus remarquables” in Clair. 848 is an example) what he knew about New France. Bernou then built what he was learning from the explorer into a draft argument of his own about the need to support colonization. the supposed

“ p e t i t i o n o f 1 6 8 1 [ ? ] ,” b n f r c l a i r . 1016, 647r-648v

The document to which Nute gave the title above comprises four leaves in Bernou’s hand and dateable later than the texts discussed above, though physically bound into Clair. 1016 just before them. The document opens with a reference to La Salle’s building of the barque Le Griffon above Niagara in 1679 and his planned journey of exploration through the Great Lakes and down the Mississippi. “Monsieur de la Sale ... s’est embarqué a l’entree du lac Erié dans un barque de 50 ou 60 tonneaux, pour aller au bout du lac des Iinois et de la [par?] la grande riviere Massisipi vers le golfe de Mexique” (347r).17 By this time Radisson had returned dejectedly to France, having lost everything

17 Monsieur de La Salle has embarked at the entry to Lake Erie in a barque of 50 or 60 tons, to travel to the end of the lake of the Illinois [Lake Michigan] and from there [by?] the great river Mississippi towards the gulf of Mexico.

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appendix a: the abbé bernou debriefs radisson 251

when D’Estrées’ ships were forced on the rocks at the Isle of Aves in the Caribbean. The text of the document is continuous, but with occasional corrections. It adopts the stance not of a petition but of a mémoire, referring to Radisson simply as an informant: “le pays des Nadoüessiou ches lesquels le Sieur Radisson a fait quelques voyages” (f.647v) and “la baye de hudson dans lequel le Sieur Radisson a fréquenté” (f.648r).18 This is the text of a geographer, its purpose to name the routes by which trade could gain access to the central part of North America: “on les peut pousser vers le Sud ou sudouest vers L’ouest et vers le Nord” (f.647r).19 For the south, information from La Salle will be the source, but for the west and north it is clearly Radisson: La decouverte des pays qui sont du Costé du couchant se peut faire par 2 endroits differens, le 1re par [words crossed out] terre allant, depuis Monreal par le Chemin que prennent les Outaoiéacs jusques au saut Ste Marie qui est la decharge du lac Superieur et de la allant au bout du même lac, d’ou [word crossed out] l’on pourroit aller chercher la mer occidentale ou de Californie a travers le pays des Nadoüessiou ches lesquels le Sieur Radisson a fait quelques voyages, et a appris des sauvages qu’il y avoit un tres grand lac dans leur pays qui s’etendoit vers le sudouest jus­ques aupres de la mer dans laquelle ils luy ont dit qu’il se degorge, ce qui est d’autant plus vraisemblable que dans tout le rest de L’amerique la partie orientale est incomparablement plus large que l’occidentale et qu’aussy tost que l’on est arrive au lieu ou les eaux courent vers le Couchant on se trouve fort près de la mer Cette même decouverte se peut faire en partie par mer en s’établissant dans la baye d’hudson, d’ou il ny a pas loin par terre pour arriver ches les Nadouessiou d’ou l’on continueroit la route vers la \mer du/ couchant de la maniere qu’il a esté dit cy devant. [f. 647v–648r]20 18 The country of the Nadoüessiou (Sioux) to which the Sieur Radisson has made some voyages ... Hudson Bay which the Sieur Radisson has frequented. 19 One can thrust towards the south or southwest towards the west and towards the north. 20 The discovery of the countries which are in the direction of the sunset can be made by 2 different routes, the first going by land, from Montreal by the route the Odawa take up to the Sault Ste. Marie at the outflow of Lake Superior and from there going to the end of the same lake from which it is possible to go in search of the western sea or California across the country of the Nadoüessiou (Sioux), among whom Sieur Radisson has made some journeys, and has learned from the wild men that there is a very big lake in their country which stretches towards the south-west close to the sea into which they

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252 Appendices

Radisson had obviously gone over the advantages of a sea route to Hudson Bay with Bernou, but they must have discussed an inland route more fully. In Clair. 1016 (ff.374r–375v) there is a four-page history of the French occupation of North America, in Bernou’s hand. It climaxes with a defence of French rights in Hudson Bay specifically mentioning the experiences there of Radisson and Des Groseilliers, and a marginal addition notes (without citing its source) the view Radisson had already expressed in his fourth Voyage that the journey from the interior to the Bay was not very long.21 The Mémoire of 1681 proposes the establishment of a settlement on the west coast of Hudson Bay where Sieur Radisson had often been and which if nothing else could provide a staging point in the search for the Northwest Passage. Bernou had clearly never visited the inhospitable estuary of the wicked Nelson River, “Kawirinagaw ou la meschante” as Radisson would describe it in 1684 (28). The strategy of the document is to outline the main routes into the interior and to show how those routes could be used for commerce. The example is the fur trade: “si les françois ce faisoient seuls \dans toute l’Europe/ le debit [word crossed out] des fourrures, l’outres, et Castors qui en viennent, ce qui arriveroit indubitablement si l’on pouvoit, comme on le peut mesme sans [word crossed out] \esclat/ exclure les anglois de ce commerce” (f.648v). Having made themselves masters of the colonies on the St Lawrence, the French were now in a position to dominate the interior by peopling the shores of Lake Ontario and Lake Erie and finally bringing the Iroquois to heel. Nute’s “Petition of 1681[?],” it appears, is far from being a petition. “L’Amérique septentrionale,” as it perhaps should be called, is a Mémoire devised to forward the colonization plans of Bernou and his associates, and it does so by basing its argument not only on current information sent by La Salle but on a continued “debriefing” of Radisson. Such debriefings are not unusual in exploration writing, and there is actually an example from another exploration in Clair. 1016 itself, f.396r–397r, where in a neat institutional cursive, with numbered questions on the left and answers on the right, the winds and currents of the interior of North America are summarized (neither questioner nor respondent are named). say it discharges, which is more likely for in all the rest of America the eastern part is incomparably larger than the western and as soon as one arrives at the place where the water runs towards the sunset one finds oneself very near the sea. The same discovery can be made in part by sea by establishing oneself on Hudson Bay, where it is not far by land to reach the home of the Nadoüessiou from which one would continue the route towards \the sea of/ the sunset in the manner described before. 21 BNFr, Clair. 1016, f.375v; for the marginal insert, see 375r.

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appendix a: the abbé bernou debriefs radisson 253 conclusions

The physical evidence of the manuscripts of Nute’s so-called “petitions,” combined with their narrative stance and the nature of Bernou’s involvement, shows that they constitute a series of drafts by Bernou himself, almost certainly based on interviews with Radisson in which he tried to extract as much information as he could from the explorer about New France and its prospects. He then summarized the material in his own words and in terms of his own geopolitical vision. In both cases the notes appear to have been heavily rewritten as Bernou worked to turn the material into usable form. Radisson’s contribution was obviously of great importance, but he was not the author of these texts.

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appendix b

“ T H E H I S T O RY O F M R R A D I S O N ’ S T R A N SAC T I O N S ” W I L L I A M YO N G E ’ S L E T T E R , 1 6 9 2 Introductory note: William Yonge (1631–1709) was the son of minor nobility in Devon, and a London solicitor and investor. He was involved in the affairs of the London Committee of the HBC for nearly forty years, holding stock in trust for the earl of Marlborough on several occasions, and acting on his behalf, which might have been the reason for this letter. Yonge played an important role in the explorer’s career, acting as a go-between when the company enticed Radisson back to English service in 1684, and urging his claims at every point over the next decade. Thus in writing this “Caracter” (as he terms it) Yonge could draw not only on what Radisson had told him, but on events in which he participated himself. However, given his legal training, Yonge was well equipped to argue both sides of a case. In 1687 he had prepared the company’s case against the French for the bi-national committee that met in London to resolve their differences over the Bay. In that adversarial document Radisson appears neither as a naturalized Englishman nor a Frenchman, but as an Italian or an Avignonese Papal subject, and his role is dismissed as that of an interpreter or a pirate.1 Whatever the nature of Yonge’s relationship with Radisson, he appears to have been drawn to the old explorer: he supported Radisson when he finally took the HBC to court for his pension during the Chancery case of 1694–97 (see 1: 95–6), and his will forgives Radisson a debt of £53 (1: 97). The committee’s response to Yonge’s letter was brutally dismissive; it appears to draw its facts from information provided (in documents now lost) by John Bridgar, Radisson’s adversary at Port Nelson in 1682–83.2 By 1697, however, Radisson had won his case in Chancery, and it is Yonge’s letter – as much a legal brief as a “Caracter” – that stands as the first attempt at a history of Radisson’s life by someone other than the explorer himself.

  1 See Rich, History of the Hudson’s Bay Company 1: 223–4.   2 The committee’s response (PAM HBCA A6/2, ff.68r–71r) is printed in full in Nute, Caesars of the Wilderness, 336–43.

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appendix b: william yonge’s letter 255

Editorial procedure: Source: PAM HBCA A6/2, ff.66r–67v. An HBC secretary or scrivener copied Yonge’s original letter into a company letter-book, and as was common in the period the original must have been discarded. The many routine scribal abbreviations are silently expanded, except for & (= and); £ almost invariably appears above the line, but has been lowered. Capitalization and punctuation are modernized. /66r/ Coppy of William Young Esquire his Letter to the Committee Dated the 20th December 1692 Gentellmen, I am verry sory your benevolence to Mr Radison moves soe slowley, dureing his great necessity, since he was soe kindly recommended to you by our late governor the earle of Marlebrough. I presume the onely reason is, because the majority of the present committee are strangers to him & his former concernes with the Company. I hold myself obleiged, therefore to doe him right, by giving you his caracter,3 in as few words as I am able. Mr Radison was borne a French man, he was educated from a child in Canada & spent all his youthfull yeares in hunting & commercing with the Indians in the countries adjacent to Hudsons Bay, by reason whereof, he became absolute masters of theire language, theire customs & methods of trade. Mr Radison being at New England about 27 or 28 yeares past, mett there with Collonel Nichols the governor of New Yorke, & was by him persuaded to goe for England & proffer his service to King Charles the second, in order to make a settlement of an English factory in that Bay. Att his arrivall here the said King, giveing creditt to his reasons for that undertakeing, granted to Prince Rupert, the Duke of Albemarle, & others, (the same charter wee doe still claim by), thereby constituting them the proprietors of the said Bay. Under which authority he, the said Radison, went imediately, & made an English settlement there, according to his promise. Att his returne to England, & the said factory being settled, the King publickly acknowledged his great service to the nation, & presented him a meddall with a gold chaine to weare, in token of his favour.4 Some years after when the Company denied him maintenance & rejected his service, he went to Canada againe, the place of his education, /66v/ and as he

  3 In the seventeenth century the “Character,” meaning a short biographical sketch or ­delineation of an individual’s qualities, was a well-known minor genre.   4 The medal was actually purchased by Sir James Hayes; see 1: 87 and n.209.

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tould the Company before he went, he was compelled to doe, haveing no other place of abode. Being at Canada & wanting maintenance, he was easely persuaded to joyne with his countreymen the French, & to conduct an expedition into the Bay, which for the present seemed to the prejudice of our Company, though it hath since redounded much to their advantage. When he was arrived in the Bay, he was soe well knowne to all the Indian captaines, with whose assistance & intelligence, joyned with his owne courage & conduct, he easeily destroyed our companies factory, as also he did a New England factory planted above us, in the Port Nelson River. This New England factory being settled above us, would have been a /66v/ thorne in our sides, & would have intercepted our trade with the Indians, nor could wee have easeley (if att all or justly) removed them, they being settled in that river, before our settlement there made.5 Dureing that winter Mr Radison used violence to none of the English, but sustained them with victuals, & gave them powder and shott, when theire ship was cast away, & they were destitu[t]e of booth, & when the Indians offered him a great present, to suffer them to destroy all the English, he utterly refused it, & gave them a shipp to carry them away. After this Mr Radison settled the French factory much higher in the same river (above the fall) where, considering his alliances with the Indians, it was out of the power of New England or old England to destroy them & imediately went himselfe to France. Mr Young that yeare being a member of the Hudsons Bay Comittee, with leave obtained from Sir James Hayes (then theire Deputy Governour) did write 3 or foure insinuating letters to the said Mr Radison then at Paris, acknowledging the Companies former severities to him, and to allure him to returne againe into the Companies service did make him large promises that he should bee extreamely well received & rewarded by the Company. After the exchange of 3 or 4 letters, Mr Radison unexpectedly arrived at London as much to the surprise of his correspondent Mr Young, as the rest of the Committee, for he durst not write a word of his intention least his letters should have been intercepted, which he said would have cost him his life. Att his arrival, the Companies ships were ready to depart for the Bay, soe that he had butt just time to kisse the kings hand at Windsor, and likewise the  Duke of Yorkes, who was then governour of the Company. They booth   5 In reporting this adventure Radisson early on insisted he had arrived before the New Englanders, but in the face of the evidence he was clearly not able to maintain that for very long (see 1: 83 and n.199).

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appendix b: william yonge’s letter 257

recommended him to the Companies care and kindness, by their comands, to Sir James Hayes, then the Deputy Governor, & also directed that he should bee made an English man, least by any casualty he should fall into the hands of the French, which in his absence was performed.6 Before he went in the Companies shipps to the Bay, the Company gave him two original actions7 in the Companies stock & and £50 per annum subsistence money, with large promises of future rewards, if he should performe what he undertooke, & doe them any considerable service: & then he went away with the Companies servants. Arriveing at Port Nelson, he imediately put the Companies agents into the entire possesion of that River, he brought away all the French into England, and all the beaver & other furs which the French had traded & gave them to the Company without demanding any share for them selves.8 Though some men are of oppinion, since they were the product of theire owne labours, they had a right to it all, which was sold for seaven thousand pounds. /67r/ Att this time he was kindly welcomed to England by the king, who againe recommended him to the Company as a person much deserving theire kindness, & then the Comittee presented him with 100 guneys,9 and entered an order in theire bookes, that he should have £50 per annum more added to his former £50, till the king should give him a place, & then the last £50 to cease & determine.10 He never had any place given to him. Yet Sir Edward Dering11 when Deputy Governor, had power to influence the Comittee, to take away the said £50 againe, & he hath not received it the space of two yeares & halfe last past, soe   6 Radisson was in fact not “denizened” or naturalized until 1687; see 1: 84.   7 Action: a share in a joint-stock company (obs.).   8 This was not the case; as the second Port Nelson Relation and subsequent documents right up to his will demonstrate. From the beginning Radisson viewed the furs as his.   9 Guneys = guineas; a gold coin, in 1684 still worth approximately one pound, but later 21 shillings. 10 The total of £100 a year would have provided Radisson with a respectable income, roughly that of a retired naval officer or minor court official (see 1: 98). The assumption – typical in such social circles – was that the king would find him a permanent sinecure or “place” around or near the court to make up the £50 the HBC was temporarily ­adding to his income (see 1: 93 and n.229). 11 A lesser member of the well-known Kentish family of Derings, several of whom were named Edward. This Edward Dering was a knight, not a baronet like the better-known Edward Dering. He joined the London Committee in 1683 and served as deputy governor from 1685 to 1692. He knew Radisson’s history very well, as he was one of the few

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that he hath at present but £50 per annum to mainttaine him selfe, & wife & 4 or 5 childeren and servants,12 and of which £50 £24 goeth for house rent. I did omitt to acquaint you in its propper place that when he was apointed to bee your cheife trader, to barter your goods with the Indians at Port Nelson, & was sent theither onely for that purpose, some of your servants there, tempted him to combine with them to cheate the Company of theire beaver, and because hee did refuse soe to doe, they tooke an ocasion to quarrel with him, & his nephew, beating & wounding them, & dureing the time of trade, which may well be presumed to bee done on purpose, to give them an oportunity to act those villanies without his power of observation, which he had refused to act in consort with them. Thus gentelmen I have given you the history of Mr Radisons transactions in the fewest words I could possible. If there bee any errors (besides my scrawling hand which I cannot helpe) I begg your pardon. God is my witnes there is none to my knowledg. Therefore I doe humbly & heartily desier you to continue & pay him the £100 per annum & the arrears from the time that any part of it was stopt, for the reasons following: 1st  Because all persons that know his story (that ever I met with) except Sir Edward Dering, thinke it most just & reasonable. 2  Because he had noe place given him in lew of the £50 per annum stopt from him: & that is his great losse, for it cannot bee imagined, that any place given to him by the king could bee worth so little as £50 per annum. 3  Because of his great fidelity to the Company, who in more then twenty years service, was never taxed for defrauding them to the vallew of a skin, notwithstanding his many temptations. 4  Because he did never capitulate13 with the Company but thankefully accepted what they were pleased to give him. 5  Because he hath been extreamly affronted & misused by your servants in the Bay, & made a prisoner on the water in the time of trade, [and] that for noe other reason [than] because he would not confederate with them, to cheate the Company of theire goods. 6  Because the Company have received from Port Nelson since he delivered them that factory, furrs neare the vallew of £100000: which wiser men then HBC members consulted when Radisson was encouraged to return to English service in 1683 (Nute, Caesars of the Wilderness, 213n.3). 12 The Radisson family’s need for servants was not unusual in a labour-­intensive pre-­ industrial home; even those closest to poverty might have a bedraggled little kitchenmaid. For Radisson’s actual rent in 1692, see xi. 13 Now obsolete in the sense used here: to parley or negotiate.

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appendix b: william yonge’s letter 259

/67v/ my selfe, beleive had all been lost, & theire whole interest in the Bay (I meane as to the Companies present posession) if he had not come over to the Companies service when invited. 7  Because the 2 originall actions & the £100 per annum revert to the Company againe at his death & what reward is that considering his services, for a man who hath crost the seas between England & America 24 times, & is growne old in the service of the Company. 8  Because it is impossible he can maintaine a wife & servants & 4 or 5 childeren with £26 per Annum in London with meate & drinke & clothes. 9  Because his debts are soe great, through necessity, not ill management, that he must be forced to shift for him selfe, & leave his wife great with child & 4 or 5 childeren more on the parrish, if you releive him not.14 10  Because he cannot sell any of his 2 actions to sustaine his great necessities because they are onely for his life. 11  Because King Charles who gave us our charter, gave him also a token of his favour in the medal and gold chaine, & gave soe many kind recomendations to the Company. 12  Because the French have sett a price upon his head on pretence that he is a traytor to his countrey: soe also that if he goes home, he must bee chopt to peices, & if he stayes in England, he must starve, without your favourable asistance.15 13  Lastly gentelmen, give me leave to remember you, what I should not have done but to serve Mr Radisson, viz: that as he was the imediate author of the Companies present prosperity, soe I myself was the first mover that induced him to it, & without me he had never come back to their service. Nay, when I wrote to invite him, the Committee ridiculed me for the attempt, But when it succeeded to theire admiration, I had the honour to have the thankes of the Committee, & some friends moved that I should bee presented with a gratuity for my good service, But I utterly refused any, as knowing I did nothing but my duty, yet if your thinke I deserved any, I humbly desier you will give it to Mr Radison, in his greate & pressing necesity, & I begg it as heartily as I would begg a morsell of bread for myselfe, if I were ready to starve, and will ever ­acknowledg it as the greatest as well as the justest kindnesse you can doe to Your most obedient servant William Yonge

14 For Radisson’s probable tendency to extravagance, see 1: 100; compare also his lack of financial shrewdness with Chesnaye (1: 77). 15 For the threat of French action against Radisson, see 1: 84–5.

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ADDENDUM: R E F E R E N C E S I N VO L U M E 1 T O PA G E S I N VO L U M E 2 1: 4, caprice and much inconstancy 1: 51, avantageusement de la traite 1: 72, many of these wretches 1: 72, would have a better style 1: 72, obedient, humble servant 1: 74, servant P: E: Radisson 1: 76, honour and reputation 1: 78, are now demanding 1: 80, worse than they did with me 1: 82, neither knives nor [muskets] 1: 95, natural love to Englishmen 1: 97, right of the English appeare 1: 97, inheritance for the like things 1: 102, any Hudsons bay company

2: 6 2: 4 2: 195 2: 183 2: 199 2: 5 2: 3 2: 209 2: 9 2: 123 2: 215 2: 223 2: 223 2: 218

ERRATA I: 73, line 11: for 4,000 read 2,000. I: 356, for Vellermont read Villermont.

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W O R K S C O N S U LT E D

The secondary sources in both French and English that treat the Aboriginal world and the French in North America are very rich. Consequently, only works directly cited, or from which essential background information has been drawn, are listed. With a few exceptions, standard dictionaries, biographical collections, and atlases are not listed. manuscripts

Aix-en-Provence: Archives nationales de l’outre-mer: ANFr Col.: C11A, C11B Boston: Massachusetts Archives: Collections on France Massachusetts Historical Society: Prince Society Papers Massachusetts Judicial Archives: Suffolk Country Court Files New-England Historic Genealogical Society: John Ward Dean Correspondence Chicago: Newberry Library, Ayer Collection Duluth: University of Minnesota Duluth, Special Collections: Papers (personal) of Grace Lee Nute Haverford, Penn.: Haverford College Archives: Biographical records (Gideon Scull) La Rochelle: Archives de la Charente-Maritime: 3E: selected notarial records 1651–84 London: British Library: Preston Papers; Sloane 3527; Add. 11626 City of Westminster Archives Centre: Parish records of St Anne Soho, St James, St Martin in the Fields Lambeth Palace Library: Archbishop of Canterbury’s Faculty Office Muniment Book 1660–09 London Metropolitan Archives: Former Guildhall Library Mss. The National Archives of the United Kingdom: PROB: Probate records; C: Court of Chancery; CO: Colonial Office Records; SP: State Papers Domestic The Royal Society: Register Book 1668–75 Los Angeles: Huntington Library: Mss. E 9612, EL 9611, EL 9824 New Haven, Conn.: Yale University, Beinecke Rare Book and Manuscript Library: Osborn Collection Ottawa: Library and Archives Canada / Bibliothèque et Archives Canada: microfilm resources Oxford: Bodleian Library: Rawlinson Mss. All Souls College, Codrington Library: Ms. 160 Paris: Archives nationales de France: O: Maison du roi (and see Aix-en-Provence)

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works consulted

Bibliothèque nationale de France: Mss. Clairambault, Français, Nouvelle acquisitions françaises Quebec: Archives nationales de Québec: Greffe Audouart; Greffe Duquet St Paul: Minnesota Historical Society: Papers (academic) of Grace Lee Nute Washington: Georgetown University Library; Papers of John Gilmary Shea Windsor: Library of HM the Queen: Ms. I.I.B.6a Winnipeg: Archives of Manitoba: Hudson’s Bay Company Archives: A: Governor and Committee (London Office) Records; E: Private Records complete editions

[Adams] The Explorations of Pierre Esprit Radisson, from the Original Manuscript in the Bodleian Library and the British Museum. Ed. Arthur T. Adams, modernized by Loren Kallsen. Minneapolis: Ross and Haines 1961. [Scull] Voyages of Peter Esprit Radisson. Ed. Gideon Scull. Boston: Prince Society 1885. s e c o n da ry s o u r c e s

Audisio, Gabriel, et Isabelle Rambaud. Lire le français d’hier: Manuel de paléographie moderne XVe–XVIIIe siècle. 4th ed. Paris: Armand Colin 2008. Baraga, Frederic. A Dictionary of the Otchipwe Language Explained in English. Cincinnati, 1853. Bély, Lucien. La France au XVIIe siècle: Puissance de l’État, contrôle de la société. Paris: Presses Universitaires de France 2009. Bérubé, Jean-Sébastien. “Fils d’Iroquois” (2009) and “Mission à Onondaga” (2010). http://www.yozone.fr/spip.php?article9252. Black-Rogers, Mary. “‘Starving’ and Survival in the Subartic Fur Trade: A Case for Contextual Semantics.” In Bruce G. Trigger, Toby Morantz, and Louise Dechêne, eds., “Le Castor Fait Tout”: Selected Papers of the North American Fur Trade Conference, 1985. Montreal: Lake St. Louis Historical Society 1987. 618–49. Blathwayt, William. The Blathwayt Atlas: A Collection of Forty-Eight Manuscript and Printed Maps of the Seventeenth Century Relating to the British Overseas Empire in  That Era, Brought Together about 1683 for the Use of the Lords of Trade and Plantations. Facsimile, ed. Jeannette D. Black. Providence, R.I.: Brown University Press 1970–75. Boisvert. See Radisson Borins, Edward H. La Compagnie du nord, 1682–1700. MA thesis, Department of History, McGill University, 1968. Bosher, John F. “The Imperial Environment of French Trade with Canada, 1660–1685.” English Historical Review, 108, no. 426 (1993): 51–81.

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– “The Franco-Catholic Danger, 1660-1715.” History, 79 (1994): 5–30. Boucher, Pierre. Histoire Veritable et naturelle des moeurs & productions du pays de la Nouvelle France, vulgairement dit Le Canada. Paris, 1664. Bourgoin, J. La Defence du Grand Chastelet Contre ceux qui proposent de l’abatre. [Paris?], 1636. [The only extant copy is part of BNFr: Fr.18599, f.145ff.] Bowen, H.V. Elites, Enterprise, and the Making of the British Overseas Empire 1688– 1775. London: Macmillan 1996. [Boyle]. Correspondence of Robert Boyle. Ed. by Michael Hunter, Antonio Clericuzio, and Lawrence M. Principe. 6 vols. London: Pickering and Chatto 2001. Bradley, James. Evolution of the Onondaga Iroquois: Accommodating Change 1500– 1655. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press 1987. – Before Albany: An Archaeology of Native‑Dutch Relations in the Capital Region, 1600–1664. Albany, NY: University of the State of New York, State Education Department 2007. Brandão, José Antonio. “Your fyre shall burn no more”: Iroquois Policy towards New France and Its Native Allies to 1701. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1997. Brebner, J.B. The Explorers of North America 1492–1806. London: A. and C. Black 1933. Brodhead, John Romeyn. History of the State of New York. (First Period 1609–1664). New York, 1853. Bruyas, Jacques, SJ Radical Words of the Mohawk Language, with Their Derivatives. Albany, N.Y., 1863. [Brymner] See Radisson. Calloway, Colin G. One Vast Winter Count: The Native American West before Lewis and Clark. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 2003. Campbell, Henry C. Exploration of Lake Superior: The Voyages of Radisson and Groseilliers. In Parkman Club Publications, no. 2. Milwaukee, Wis., 14 January 1896. – “Père René Ménard.” Parkman Club Publications, no. 11. Milwaukee, Wis., 10 February 1897. Campeau, Lucien SJ ed. Monumenta novae Franciae, vol. 9, Pour la salut des Hurons (1657–1661). Rome: Institutum Historicum Soc. Iesu and Montreal: Les Éditions Bellarmin 2003. – Gannentaha: First Jesuit Mission to the Iroquois 1653–1665. Trans. William Lonc, SJ, and George Topp, SJ. Early Jesuit Missions in Canada, vol. 4 (2001). Cantwell, Anne-Marie, and Diana di Zerega Wall. “Landscapes and Other Objects: Creating Dutch New Netherland.” New York History, 89, no. 4 (2008): 315–45. Carruthers, Bruce. City of Capital: Politics and Markets in the English Financial Revolution. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press 1996. Champlain, Samuel de. The Works of Samuel de Champlain. Ed. H.P. Biggar. 6 vols. Toronto: Champlain Society 1922–36.

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– Samuel de Champlain before 1604: Des Sauvages and Other Documents related to the Period. Edited by Conrad E. Heidenreich and K. Janet Ritch. Toronto: Champlain Society 2010. Charlevoix, Pierre-François-Xavier de. History and General Description of New France (1744). Trans. John Gilmary Shea (1866). New York, 1900. Child, Philip, “Pierre Esprit Radisson and the Race of Coureurs de bois.” University of Toronto Quarterly, 9.4 (1940): 407–27. Chute, Janet. The Legacy of Shingwaukonse: A Century of Native Leadership. Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1998. Clapinson, Mary. “Rawlinson, Richard (1690–1755).” Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford: Oxford University Press 2004. Clark, Joshua. Onondaga, or, Reminiscences of Earlier and Later Times. 2 vols. 1849. Codignola, Luca. “Laurens Van Heemskerk’s Pretended Expeditions to the Arctic 1668– 1672.” International History Review, 12, no. 3 (1990): 514–27. Cohen, Thomas V., and Germaine Warkentin, eds. “Things Not Easily Believed: Introducing the Early Modern Relation.” A special issue of Renaissance and Reformation, 34.1-2. (2011). Colbert, Jean-Baptiste. Lettres, instructions et mémoires. Ed. Pierre Clement. 10 vols. Paris, 1861–82. Coté, Jean. Donnés in Huronia. Trans. William Lonc, SJ, and George Topp, SJ Vol. 5, Early Jesuit Missions in Canada. Halifax, 2001. Davis, Natalie Zemon. The Gift in Sixteenth Century France. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 2000. Debien, Gabriel. “Engagés pour le Canada au XVIIe siècle vus de La Rochelle.” Revue d’histoire de l’Amérique française, 6, no. 2 (1952): 177–233; and 6, no. 4: 374–407. Dechêne, Louise. Habitants and Merchants in Seventeenth Century Montreal. Trans. Liana Vardi. Montreal and Kingston, Ont.: McGill-Queen’s University Press 1992. Defoe, Daniel. A Review of the Affairs of France. In Defoe’s Review, ed. John McVeagh. Vol. 2, 1705, Pt. One: February–July 1705. London: Pickering and Chatto 2004. Delafosse, M. “La Rochelle et le Canada au XVIIe siècle.” Revue d’histoire de l’Amé­rique française, 4, no. 4 (1950–51): 469–511. Delâge, Denys. Le pays renversé: amérindiens et européens en Amérique du nord-est 1600–1664. [Montreal]: Boréal 1985. Delanglez, Jean. Life and Voyages of Louis Jolliet (1645–1700). Chicago: Institute of Jesuit History 1948. Delcourt, Jean. La turbulente histoire de Gorée. Dakar: Éditions Clairafrique 1982. Dent, Julian. “The Roles of Clientèles in the Financial Elite of France under Cardinal Mazarin.” In John F. Bosher, ed., French Government and Society 1500–1850: Essays in Memory of Alfred Cobban. London: Athlone Press 1973. 41–69.

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Dickason, Olive P. Canada’s First Nations: A History of Founding Peoples from Earliest Times. 3rd ed. Toronto: Oxford University Press 2002. Dickinson, John A. “Annaotaha et Dollard vus de l’autre côté de palisade.” Revue d’his­ toire de l’Amérique française, 35, no. 2 (1981): 163–78. Dionne, N-E. “Chouart et Radisson.” Royal Society of Canada, Proceedings and Transactions, 11 (1893): 115–35; and 12 (1894): 29–48. – Chouart et Radisson: odysée de deux canadiens-français au XVIIe siècle. Quebec: Laflamme and Proulx 1910. Doxtator, Deborah. “Inclusive and Exclusive Perceptions of Difference: Native and EuroBased Concepts of Time, History, Change.” In Germaine Warkentin and Carolyn Podruchny, eds., Decentring the Renaissance: Canada and Europe in Multidisciplinary Perspective, 1500–1700. Toronto: University of Toronto Press 2001. 33–47. Du Creux, François. The History of Canada or New France. Trans. and intro. by Percy J. Robinson, notes by James B. Conacher. Toronto: Champlain Society 1952. Dupâquier, Jacques. Histoire de la population française. Vol. 2, De la Renaissance à 1789. 2nd ed. corr. Quadrige/PUF 1995. Earle, Peter. The Making of the English Middle Class: Business, Society and Family Life in London, 1660–1730. London, 1989. – A City Full of People: Men and Women of London 1650–1750. London: Methuen 1994. Eccles, W.J. Frontenac: The Courtier Governor. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart 1959. – Canada under Louis XIV, 1603–1701. Toronto: McClelland and Stewart 1964. – France in America. Rev. ed. Markham, Ont.: Fitzhenry and Whiteside 1990. Elias, Norbert. The Court Society. Trans. Edmund Jephcott. Oxford: Oxford University Press 1983. Ellis, Christopher J., and Neal Ferris, eds. The Archaeology of Southern Ontario to A.D. 1650. Occasional publications of the London Chapter, Ontario Archaeological Society. London, Ont., 1990. Expilly, Jean-Joseph. Dictionnaire géographique, historique et politique des Gaules et de la France. Amsterdam, 1768. Fenton, William N. The Great Law and the Longhouse: A Political History of the Iroquois Confederacy. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press 1998. Ferris, Neal. The Archaeology of Native-lived Colonialism: Challenging History in the Great Lakes. Phoenix: University of Arizona Press 2009. Fournier, Martin. Pierre-Esprit Radisson, aventurier et commerçant. Sillery, Que.: Septentrion 2001. Furetière, Antoine. Dictionnaire Universel. Rotterdam, 1690. Gale, Edward C. “The Radisson Manuscript.” Minnesota History, 7 (1926): 340–42. Gauci, Perry. The Politics of Trade: The Overseas Merchant in State and Society 1660– 1720. Oxford: Oxford University Press 2001.

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George, M. Dorothy. London Life in the Eighteenth Century (1930). New York: Harper Torchbooks 1964. Given, Brian J. A Most Pernicious Thing: Gun Trading and Native Warfare in the Early Contact Period. Ottawa: Carleton University Press 1994. Goubert, Pierre. The Ancien Régime: French Society 1600–1750 (1969). Trans. Steve Cox. New York: Harper Torchbooks 1973. Gouhier, Pierre. “Culture classique et histoire locale: l’apport de N-J Foucault à la recherche historique,” Littératures classiques 30 (spring 1997), 159–72. Griffin, James, ed. Lake Superior Copper and the Indians: Miscellaneous Studies of Great Lakes Prehistory. Ann Arbour: University of Michigan Press 1961. Guyart, Marie (Mère Marie de l’Incarnation). Correspondance. Ed. Dom Guy Oury. Solesmes, France: Abbaye Sainte-Pierre 1971. Hall, Robert L. An Archaeology of the Soul: North American Indian Belief and Ritual. Urbana and Chicago: University of Illinois Press 1997. Hallowell, A. Irving. “Ojibwa Ontology, Behavior and World View.” In Stanley Diamond, ed., Culture in History: Essays in Honor of Paul Radin. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press 1960. Hamelin Louis-Edmond. “Régionyme Radissonie.” Onomastica Canadiana, 76 (1994): 41–9. Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 6. Subarctic. Ed. June Helm. Washington: Smithsonian Institution 1981. Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 15: Northeast. Ed. Bruce G. Trigger. Washington: Smithsonian Institution 1978. Hatton, Edward. A New View of London. 2 vols. London, 1708. Havard, Gilles. Empire et métissages: Indiens et Français dans le Pays d’en Haut 1660– 1715. Quebec: Septentrion and Paris: Presses de l’Université Paris-Sorbonne 2003. Heawood, Edward. Watermarks, Mainly of the 17th and 18th Centuries. Hilversum, Holland: Paper Publications Society 1950. Heidenreich, Conrad E. “Seventeenth-Century Maps of the Great Lakes: An Overview and Procedures for Analysis.” Archivaria, 6 (summer 1978): 83–112. – “An Analysis of the 17th Century Map ‘Novvelle France.’” Cartographica, 25, no. 3 (1988): 67–111. – “History of the St. Lawrence – Great Lakes Area to AD 1650.” In Ellis and Ferris, The Archaeology of Southern Ontario to A.D. 1650 (1990, above). – “Early French Exploration in the Continental Interior.” In John Logan Allen, ed., North American Exploration, vol. 2, A Continent Defined. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press 1997. 65–148. – “The Changing Role of Natives in the Exploration of Canada: Cartier (1534) to Mackenzie (1793).” Terrae Incognitae 37 (2005), 28–40. Heidenreich and Ritch: See Samuel de Champlain Before 1604.

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Hilliker, Robert. “Telling the Transnational Self: Shifting Identities in the Voyages of Pierre‑Esprit Radisson.” Equinoxes: A Graduate Journal of French and Francophone Studies, spring/summer 2004, http://www.brown.edu/Research/Equinoxes/journal/ issue3/eqx3_hilliker.html. Historical Atlas of Canada, vol. 1, From the Beginning to 1800. Ed. R. Cole Harris. Cartographer: Geoffrey J. Matthews. Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1987. Historical Statistics of the United States: Earliest Times to the Present. Eds.-in-Chief Susan B. Carter et al. New York: Cambridge University Press 2006. Holmes, Richard. Marlborough, England’s Fragile Genius. London: Harper Press 2008. Hudson’s Bay Company. Minutes of the Hudson’s Bay Company 1671–1674. Ed. E.E. Rich. Toronto: Champlain Society 1942. [HBC Minutes 1671–1674]. – Minutes of the Hudson’s Bay Company 1679–1684. First Part, 1679–82. Ed. E.E. Rich. Toronto: Champlain Society 1945. [HBC Minutes 1679–84. First Part 1679–82] – Minutes of the Hudson’s Bay Company 1679–1684. Second Part, 1682–84. Ed. E.E. Rich. Toronto: Champlain Society 1946. [HBC Minutes 1679–84. Second Part 1682–84] – Copy-Book of Letters Outward &c Begins 29th May 1680, Ends 5 July, 1687. Ed. E.E. Rich and A.M. Johnson. Toronto: Champlain Society 1948. [HBC Letters Outward 1680–87] – Hudson’s Bay Copy Booke of Letters Commissions Instructions Outward 1688– 1696. Ed. E.E. Rich and A.M. Johnson. London: Hudson’s Bay Record Society 1957. [HBC Letters Outward 1688–96] Hume, Robert D. “The Economics of Culture in London, 1660–1740.” Huntington Library Quarterly, 69 no. 4 (2006): 487–533. Huppert, George. Les Bourgeois Gentilshommes: An Essay on the Definition of Elites in Renaissance France. Chicago: University of Chicago Press 1977. – Public Schools in Renaissance France. Chicago: University of Illinois Press 1984. Innis, Harold. A. The Fur Trade in Canada. Rev. ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press 1956. Jacobs, Jaap. New Netherland: A Dutch Colony in Seventeenth‑Century America. Leiden and Boston: Brill 2005. James, Thomas. The Strange and Dangerous Voyage of Captain Thomas James. London, 1633. Jameson, J. Franklin, ed. Narratives of New Netherland 1609–1664. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons 1909; repr. Barnes and Noble 1959. Jérémie, Noël. “Relation du Détroit et de la Baie d’Hudson.” In Recueil d’arrests et autres pieces pour l’établissement de la Compagnie d’Occident. Amsterdam, 1720. The Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents. Travels and Explorations of the Jesuit Missionaries in New France 1610–1791. Ed. Reuben Gold Thwaites. 73 vols. Cleveland, 1896–1901. Repr. 73 vols. in 36. New York: Pageant Book Company 1959.

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Johnson, Mary Agnes. “The King’s Domain: The Domain of the West in New France, 1675-1733,” M.A. thesis, University of Western Ontario, 1961. Kellogg, Louise Phelps. Early Narratives of the Northwest 1634–1699. Original Narratives of Early American History, vol. 18. New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons 1914. – The French Régime in Wisconsin and the Northwest. Madison: State Historical Society of Wisconsin 1925. Kinietz, W. Vernon. Chippewa Village: The Story of Katikitegon. Bloomfield, Mo.: Cranbrook Institute of Science, no. 25, 1947. Lafitau, Joseph-François, SJ. Customs of the American Indians Compared with the Customs of Primitive Times. Ed. William N. Fenton and Elizabeth L. Moore. 2 vols. Toronto: Champlain Society 1974, 1977. Lahontan, Louis Armand de Lom d’Arce, Baron. Oeuvres Complets. Ed. Réal Ouellet with Alain Beaulieu. Montreal: Les Presses de l’Université de Montréal 1990. Landes, Ruth. Ojibwa Religion and the Midéwewin. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press 1968. La Roncière, Charles de. Histoire de la Marine Française. Vol. 5, La guerre de trent ans; Colbert. Paris: Librarie Plon 1920. Lindert, Peter H., and Jeffrey G. Williamson. “Revising England’s Social Tables 1688– 1812.” Explorations in Economic History, 19 (1982): 385–408. London Gazette. London, 1666– Lytwyn, Victor P. The Fur Trade of the Little North: Indians, Pedlars and Englishmen East of Lake Winnipeg, 1760–1821. Winnipeg: Rupert’s Land Research Centre 1986. – Muskekowuck Athinuwick: Original People of the Great Swampy Land. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press 2002. Macray, W.D., ed. Catalogi codicum manuscriptorum Bibliothecae Bodleianae partis quintae fasciculus 1–5 ... Ricardi Rawlinson ... codicum classes [A-E] complectens. Oxford, 1862–1900. Malaher, David. “Port Nelson and the Hudson Bay Railway,” Manitoba History, 8 (autumn 1984). http://www.mhs.mb.ca/docs/mb_history/08/hudsonbayrailway.shtml Mancke, Elizabeth. A Company of Businessmen: The Hudson’s Bay Company and LongDistance Trade, 1670–1730. Winnipeg: Rupert’s Land Research Centre 1988. Marley, David F. Wars of the Americas: A Chronology of Armed Conflict in the Western Hemisphere, 1492 to the present. 2 vols. Santa Barbara, Calif.: ABC-CLIO 2008. McCullough, A.B. Money and Exchange in Canada to 1900. Toronto: Dundurn Press 1984. McCusker, John J. Money and Exchange in Europe and America, 1600–1775: A Handbook. Chapel Hill, NC: Published for the Institute of Early American History and Culture, Williamsburg, Va., by the University of North Carolina Press 1978. Merwick, Donna. Possessing Albany, 1630–1710: The Dutch and English Experiences. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press 1990.

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INDEX

Illustrations and maps appear in parentheses: (ill.) or (m.). Notes are indicated by the abbreviation “n.” or “nn.” but are not indexed if they appear on the same page as an already indexed reference. A slash indicates single references to page numbers of facing French/English texts, e.g., 66/67, but sequential references to those texts are conflated as “74–5.” Aboriginals. See First Nations Abraham, John (“the governor”), 108– 11, 118/119, 122–9, 138/139, 146/147, 150–9 Acadia, 16–19, 173, 208/209, 225, 242, 243, 245 Akimiski Island, 70/71, 166/167 Albanel, Charles, 7n., 210/211, 225 Albany (HBC post), 88/89 Albany (N.Y.), 193n. See also Fort Orange Albany River (Kechechewan River), 70/71, 223n. Albemarle, Duke of, 214, 255 Allemand, Pierre, 18/19 Assiniboines, 83n, 140–3 Bacqueville, Claude-Charles Le Roy de la Potherie, 5n. Baffin Bay, 174/175, 178/179 Baffin Island, ix, 179n. Barbados, 184/185, 188–91 Barbue, 81n., 148–53 Barillon d’Amoncourt, Paul, Marquis de Branges, 226 Bayly, Charles, 226–7 Bear Grease (La Graise d’Ours), 122/123 Bellinzani, Francesco, 14/15 Belroche, Marquis de. See de Nagu

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Bernou, Claude (Abbé), x, xxvii(ill.), xix– xi, xxx, 170, 173n., 174n., 181; comments on Radisson’s manuscripts, 166–71, 172n., 239–53; interest in hydrography, 165; notes on debriefing Radisson 239–53; Radisson’s letter to, xiv, xxi, xxviii, 9, 17, 165, 181–99. See also New France, resources Biencourt de Saint-Just, Charles de, 208/209 Binckes, Jacob (“Binker”), xxii, 192/193 Blathwayt Atlas, ii(m.) Blénac. See de Courbon Bond, Capt. William, 156/157, 165 Bonrepas. See d’Usson Boston, 208/209, 224n. Bottom of the Bay, 52/53, 67n., 68–71, 76–9, 80–3, 88–91, 120–3, 130/131, 175–9, 208/209, 221, 223–4, 226, 228–9, 230 Boyden, Joseph, 25n. Branges. See Barillon Brest, 12/13, 184–7 Bridgar, John (“the governor”), 2–97, 150/151, 226, 230, 254; arrested and detained by Radisson, 64–7; at the Seal Point fort, 58–61, 64/65, 74–7; deceived by Radisson, 36–9, 42–5, 46– 9, 60/61, 225; Gillam’s presence kept

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278

index

secret from, 42–5, 46–9, 50/51; parts cordially from Radisson at Quebec, 94/95; provisions and aid offered by Radisson, 40–5, 50–3, 62/63, 66/67, 72–7, 82–5, 89n., 215, 256; return passage from Port Nelson, 88–95, 215, 230 Brymner, Douglas, xviii Buade, Louis, Comte de Frontenac, 12/13, 224 Button, Sir Thomas, xxv(m.), 34/35, 177n., 179n. Button Bay, 106/107, 178/179 Calvert, John (“surgeon”), 72/73, 186/187 Cancer, Tropic of, 184/185 Canso and Canso Strait, 172/173, 174/175 Cape Breton, 172/173, 244 Cape Digg. See Digges Islands Cape Farewell, 178/179, 180/181 Cape Fear, 208/209 Cape Florida, 172/173. See also Florida Cape Henrietta Maria, 166/167, 176/177 Cape Henry (probably Cape Charles), 20/21 Cape Jones, 176/177 Cape Sable, 172/173 Cape Verde, 184/185, 189nn. Carolinas (Carolena), ii(m.), 173n., 208/209, 222 Cary’s Swans Nest. See Swan’s Nest Cavelier de La Salle, René-Robert, x, 13n., 115n., 216n., 241, 250–2 Chambly, Jacques de, 186/187, 198/199 Chancery, court of, xi, xxix(ill.), 212–20, 254 Charles II, King of England (often simply “the king” or “his Majesty”), ix, 98/99, 100–5, 114/115, 152/153, 160/161,

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202/203, 210/211, 213–14, 216–17, 224, 229, 232, 235, 255–7, 259 Charlton Island, 166/167 Charon. See de Chertemps Chesnaye, Charles Aubert de la, 14–19, 29n., 94/95, 224–5, 230, 231, 259n. Chipewyan, 82/83, 132/133 Chouart, Jean-Baptiste, Des Groseilliers (often referred to as “my nephew”), xiv, 88/89, 100/101, 116/117, 217n., 223n.; Abraham’s suspicions of, 154– 9; account of events at Port Nelson during winter of, 1683–84, 128–45; adoption by Native peoples, 148/149; alliance with Native peoples against the English, 140/141; attacked by Native, 130–3; commandant of garrison, 208/209; “denizened,” 217n.; English, does not speak, 154/155; house on Rainbow Island, 126/127, 134/135; relationship with Radisson, 18/19, 114–17; speaks of gifts as “payment,” 130/131 Chouart, Médard, Sieur Des Groseilliers (“my brother” or “my brother-in-law”), ix–xi, xx, xxv(m.), 6–13, 18–23, 26/27, 29n., 30/31, 36/37, 46–9, 52/53, 58–65, 70/71, 76–85, 90–5, 100/101, 103n., 113n., 114/115, 126/127, 164, 165, 206/207, 210/211, 215, 223n., 224n., 227n., 228n., 229, 230n., 239–40, 252; aid offered to Englishmen at Port Nelson, 210/211; death of, presumed, 216n., 232; on English claims to French possessions, 208–11; on Gillam’s loss of fort and ship, 206–9; letter concerning events at Port Nelson, 206–11; possible source of “Journal of the Most Notable Things,” 164/65 Churchill, Manitoba, 83n., 179n., 197n.

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index 279

Clare Court, Westminster, xi, xii, 234 Coats Island, 179n. Colbert, Jean-Baptiste (“Monsieur Colbert”), x, xii, xix, xx, 8–11, 14–17, 94/95, 121n., 185n., 200–3, 224, 230 Colbert, Jean-Baptiste-Antoine, Marquis de Seignelay (referred to as “Seignelay”), xiv, xix, xxii, 14/15, 95n., 96/97, 100/101, 185n., 200/201, 224 Cole, Samuel, 51n. Compagnie de la ferme, 13n., 246 Compagnie du nord, x, 28/29 Courbon, Charles de, Comte de Blénac, 190/191 Cree (“Cristinos”), x, xii, 133n., 140/141; Hudson Bay Lowland Cree, specific bands, 23n., 25n., 67n., 77n., 81n., 241 Dakar, Senegal, 185n. de Callière, Louis-Hector, 221, 227, 230–1 de Chertemps de Seuil, Pierre, Baron de Charon (“the Intendant”), 12–15, 186–7 De Meulles, Jacques, 3n. de Nagu, Joseph-Alexandre, Marquis de Varennes, Baron de Marzé et de Belleroche (Belroche?), xxii–iii, 200–1 Denmark, Strait of, 178/179 Dering, Sir Edward, xvii, 257–8 Des Groseilliers (father and son). See Chouart D’Estrées, Jean II, Comte D’Estrées, x (family), xxi, 13n., 14/15, 183n., 185n., 186/187, 190–3, 202/203, 246 Dickinson, John, 187n., 189n., 203n. Digges Islands (“Cape Digg”), 174/175 Domaine de l’Occident. See Compagnie de la ferme

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d’Usson François, Sieur de Bonrepas, 226 Dutch, siege of Gorée (island), 184–9; siege of Tobago, 190–9, 202/203 East India Company, ix ecuyer, rank of, 3n., 102/103 Edwards, Stephen, 236n. El Hierro (Ferro), 173n., 184/185 Eskimos. See Inuit Ferro. See El Hierro First Nations: adoption, 26/27, 80/81, 84–7, 112/113, 122/123, 132–45, 148–53; hostile view of English at Port Nelson, 118/119, 124–9; manitou, 134/135, 140/141; ritual and ­custom, role of, 24–7, 68/69, 80/81, 84–7, 118/119; tobacco, role of, xi, 26/27, 53/54, 60/61, 82–7, 126/127, 130/131, 142/143, 223. See also spe­ cific nations Florida (“Floride”), 172/173, 207, 208 Fogo (Fugu) volcano, 188/189 Fort Charles, 224, 229 Fort Orange, 195n. Fort Prince of Wales, 197n. Foucault. See Magny Freeman, Donald, 87n. Frontenac. See Buade Geffery (Jeffrey), Sir Robert, 221, 226, 227, 235 Geyer, George, 110–15, 118/119, 124/125, 150–3, 218 Gillam, Benjamin (“Young Gillam”), 23n., 29n., 30–3, 36/37, 42–5, 48–55, 58/59, 92/93, 206–9, 225–6, 230–1; Des Groseillers on Gillam’s loss of fort and ship, 206–9; detained by Radisson, 66/67; his ship given mainlevée by La

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280

index

Barre, 33, 93–5; lacks commission at Port Nelson, 22/23, 28/29, 31n., 32/33, 206–9, 225, 230; meets father at HBC ship in disguise, 40–7; at Seal Island, “the island fort,” xxv(m.), 28–33, 40–3, 50–3, 62–9, 72–9, 82/83; tricked by Radisson, 32/33, 36/37, 52–5 Gillam, Zachariah (father), ii(m.), 31n., 32–7, 42–5, 51, 53, 165, 171, 223–4, 228–31 Godefroy, Jean Baptiste, 18/19 Godet, Charlotte, x–xii, xvii, 101n. Godet, Gédeon, x, xvii, 101n. Gomera (island), 184/185 Goodall, Thomas, 212 Gorée (island), siege of, 184–9 Gorst, Thomas, 165, 175–7n., 229n. Goubert, Pierre, 3n. Graham, Richard, Viscount Preston, xvii, 94–103, 115n., 224n., 230 Great Whale River, 177n. Grenada, xxi, 182/183, 187n., 198/199, 240 Grimard, Elie, 89n., 217n. Groseilliers. See Chouart Gun, Henry, 51n. Hayes, Sir James, xvii, 97n., 102–7, 154/155, 214n., 255n., 257 Hayes River (Rivière Sainte-Thérèse; Kakiwa-Kiouay), 22/23, 25n., 34/35, 81n., 108–11, 124/125, 130/131, 140– 3, 179n., 225n., 230 Heanes, James, 234 Heidenreich, Conrad, 173n., 175n., 179n. Hodgson, Maurice, 234 Hoppensack, Pieter, 188/189 Hudson Bay, ix, x, xv, xxiii, 5n., 22/23, 77n., 95n., 99/100, 106/107, 115n.,

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144/145, 168/169, 174/175, 177n., 221, 224, 227–31, 241, 251, 252 Hudson Strait, 20/21, 92/93, 106/107, 170–9 Hudson’s Bay Company (“the company”), ii(m.), ix–xii, xiv–xv, xxv(ill.), xvii, xxix(ill.), 2–13, 16/17, 32–5, 39n., 42–5, 48–51, 54/55, 79n., 96– 107, 110/111, 114/115, 124/125, 127n., 128/129, 141n., 144–61, 171, 214–20, 221–6, 228–35, 240, 254–9; affidavit requested from Radisson, 228–31; charter, and founding of, ix, 214, 233n.; French and English claims to Hudson Bay, 221–7, 230– 1, 229–31; London Committee (often simply “the company” or “the gentlemen of the company”), xvii, 11n., 32n., 89n., 105n., 165, 214, 216, 218–19, 221, 228–9, 254–9; sued in Chancery by Radisson, xi, xxix(ill.), 212–20, 254 Île Percée, 18–21 Inuit (“Eskimos”), 20/21 Iroquois, xii, 248, 252 Isle of Aves, x, 12/13, 202/203, 251 James, Thomas, 131n., 166/167, 179n. James Bay, 53n., 71n., 167n., 177nn. See also Bottom of the Bay James II, King of England, earlier Duke of York (often simply “his royal highness,” “the king,” or “his Majesty”), xi, xii, xv, xvi, xxvi(ill.), 2–5, 89n., 94–7, 100/101, 104/105, 160/161, 216, 217, 226, 235 Jeffrey. See Geffery Jérémie, Noël, 207 Jesuits, xii, 16/17, 194/195, 210/211, 225

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index 281

Kechechewan River (Albany River), 70/71, 223n. Kelsey, Henry, 83n. Kickson, John, 51n. Kirke, Sir John, 6/7, 12/13, 200/201, 202/203, 215n., 222, 224, 228 Klip Bay, 197n. Kuujjuarapik, 177n. La Barre, Joseph-Antoine Le Febvre de, 33n., 92–5, 226 Labrador, ix, 20/21, 172/173, 176/177, 180/181, 222, 243 Lake Erie, 250, 252 Lake Ontario, 252 Lake Superior, 223n., 251/251n. Landouillette, gunner, 193n. La Rochelle, 16/17, 94/95 La Roncière, Charles de, 121n., 185n., 197n. La Salle, René-Robert, Cavelier de. See Cavelier de La Salle, René-Robert Las Palmas (island), 184/185 Le Prestre, Sébastien, Seigneur de Vauban, 197n. Louis XIII, King of France, 173n. Louis XIV, King of France (“the Most Christian King”), xi, xx, 3n., 10/11, 34/35, 58/59, 97n., 101n., 102/103, 114/115, 185n., 194/195, 213, 224n. Lytwyn, Victor, 67n., 81n. Madeira (island), 184/185, 190/191 Magny, Nicolas Joseph Foucault, Marquis de, xix mainlevée (replevin), 33n., 87n., 93/95n. Mansel (Mansfield) Island, 171, 175n., 177n. Mansell, Sir Robert, 177n. Margry, Pierre, xxiii, 202, 241

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Marie-Galant, 197n Marlborough, John Churchill, Earl (later Duke) of, xii, 235, 254, 255 Marsh Point, xxv(m.), 72/73, 124/125, 225 Martinique, 184/185, 190/191 Massachusetts Bay Colony, 209n. McCusker, John J., 201n. Mile (Mill) Island, 20/21 Mississippi River, 250 Montreal, 251 Moose Fort, 53n. Mount Desert, 208/209 Nadoüessiou (Sioux), xii, 241, 251, 252 Nelson River (Kawirinagaw, “ou la meschante”), x, xxv(m.), 2/3, 8/9, 26–9, 34/35, 38/39, 94/95, 108/109, 118/119, 123–5, 128–31, 168/169, 179n., 210/211, 225n., 252, 256 New England, ii(m.), x, 16/17, 28/29, 30– 41, 46–51, 54/55, 70/71, 74–7, 82/83, 88/89, 92–5, 172/73, 208/09, 213, 222, 225–6, 230, 255–6 Newfoundland, ii(m.), 20/21, 172/173, 176/177, 222, 243 New France, resources: agriculture, 244; fishery, 243–4; fur trade, passim; mining, 244–6n.; old France compared with New France, 242, 247–8; opportunities for France, 249–50, 252–3; population of New France, 248 Newland, Captain Robert, 226, 227, 229 New Scotland, ii(m.) Nicholls, Richard (Colonel), 213, 214, 255 North-Wales, 178/179 Northwest Passage, ii(m.), 252 Nute, Grace Lee, xxii, xxiii, 177n., 182/183, 196, 201, 207, 212, 221, 229nn., 239–42, 246–8, 250, 252–3

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282

index

Odawa, 251 Oldmixon, John, xii, 165n. Orkney Islands, 178/179 Oudiette, Jean, 13n. Outlaw, John, 30/31, 92/93, 108/109 Palmyt Bay, 191n. partridge, white (willowy ptarmigan), 38/39 Paul, George, 235, 236n. Pemequid, 208/209 Pentagouet, 208/209 Pepys, Samuel, xii Point Comfort, 165–6 Pointe de la Fougère, 177n. Poncet, Joseph, S.J., 195n. Poore, Benjamin Perley, xxii–iii, 201, 206, 207 Port Nelson, xxv(m.), x, 2–97, 98–161, 175n., 178/179, 179n. (naming of), 206–11, 215, 216, 225, 227, 229–31, 254, 256–8 Port Royal, 208/209 Porto Santo (island), 184/185 Prerogative Court of Canterbury, 234–6 Preston, Viscount. See Graham, Richard, Viscount Preston Radisson, Elizabeth, xii, 234 Radisson, Pierre-Esprit: adoption by Native peoples, 26/27, 122/123, 138/139, 150–3; affidavit requested by HBC, 227, 228–31; bond as security against HBC obtained, 212; Caribbean expedition, and sieges of Gorée and Tobago, x, xxi, 8/9, 183– 99, 201n., 202/203, 246; Chancery suit against HBC, xi, xxix(ill.), 212– 20, 254, 256–7; “denizened,” 89n., 217, 257; depositions against, 73n.,

26344_Warkentin.indb 282

89n., 165; language skills, 194/195, 213; limited resources, 200/201, 232– 3, 255–9; losses in trade, 12/13, 200– 3, 201n., 203n.; marriages and family, x, xi, 6/7, 10–15, 200–3, 228, 234, 257–9; named Porcupine Head (Tête de Porc Espy), 124/125, 148/149; patronage difficulties in France, x–xii, 94/5; pension, xi, xxix (ill.), 200/201, 212, 215, 233, 235, 254; petition to parliament against HBC, 232–3; Preston’s complaints to Louis XIV against, 94–7, 98–103, 230n.; price on his head in France, 218, 233, 259; reconciles parties to a Native quarrel, 84–7; relations with England, x–xii, 4/5, 8–11, 14/15, 54/55, 94/95, 98– 103, 114/115, 148/149, 213–14, 216, 226, 229, 231, 255–6, 259; rewards promised by HBC, 100–7, 214–17, 232, 257; share of beaver trade, denied to, 232–3, 235, 257–8; share of profit denied, 104/105, 217–19, 223; social station, x–xii, 3/4, 11nn.; as superintendent at Port Nelson for HBC, 217–18; voyage of the Wivenhoe in 1669–70, 171, 174–5, 185n., 228; Voyages, ix, xi, xxii, 177n., 239, 249– 50, 252. See also Colbert, JeanBaptiste; Colbert, Jean-­BaptisteAntoine; de Nagu, Joseph-Alexandre; “standard of trade”; Yonge, William Rainbow Island (Chouart’s house on), xxv(m.), 111n., 126/127, 134/135 Raines, Sir Richard, 235/236n. Ray, Arthur J., 87n. replevin. See mainlevée Resolution Island, 178/179 Reyning, Jan Erasmus, 196–9

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index 283

Rich, E.E., 31n., 171, 233n., 239n., 254n. Roe’s Welcome Sound, 175n. Rufisque (Rufix), Senegal, 188/189 Rupert, Prince, Count Palatine of the Rhine and 1st Earl of Cumberland, x, 16/17, 214, 229, 255 Rupert River, 53n, 165, 177n., 227n. Rupert’s Land, ix Sable Island, 172/173 Saint-Simon, Duc de, 201 Sanson, Nicholas, 173n., 177n. Santiago (St Jago), 188/189 Sault Ste Marie, 251 Seal Island and fort. See Gillam, Benjamin Seal River, 83n., 133n. Seignelay. See Colbert, Jean-BaptisteAntoine, Marquis de Seignelay Severn River, 76/77, 130/131, 150/151 ships: Bachelor’s Delight, 23n., 28/29, 70–3, 82/83, 88–9, 92–3; Defenseur, 196/197; Eagle [Eaglet], 228; Employ, xx, 164/165, 211n., 227; La Petite Adventure, 110/111, 124/125; Le Griffon, 250; L’Heureux Retour, 106/107; Le Presieux, 196/197; Nonsuch, 228; Prince Rupert, (“the Rupert”), 32/33, 38–41, 50/51, 72–5, 175n., 226–7, 229; St Pierre, 19n., 68– 73, 225; Ste Anne, 19n., 68–73, 90–3, 225; Wivenhoe, 170/171, 174–7, 185n., 228, 229 Sioux. See Nadoüessiou Sloane, Sir Hans, xix Somers, Sir John, 213 Southampton Island, 175n., 179n. St Clement Danes, xi St George Bay, 208/209 St James, parish of, xi, 228, 233

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St Kitts (St Christopher) island, 190/191 St Lawrence River, ix, 18/19, 170/173, 225, 243, 252 “standard of trade,” 72/73, 79n., 86–9, 122/123, 246, 248/249 Stephen, Scott, 23n., 25n., 51n., 77n. Sterreschans, fortress of, 190–5 Stretton, Tim, 220n. supercargo, 58/59, 225 Swan’s Nest (Cary’s Swan’s Nest), 178/179 Tadoussac, 221, 223n. Taylor, Robert, 51n. Ten Shilling Creek, xxv(m.), 23n. tobacco, xi, 26/27, 52/53, 60/61, 82–7, 126/127, 130/131, 142/143, 223 Tobago, siege of, x, xxi, 8/9, 185n., 190– 7, 201n., 202/203 Ungava peninsula, 175n., 177n. Utrecht, Treaty of, xii Vauban. See Le Prestre Villermont, Esprit Cabart de, xix Virginia, ii(m.), 127n., 172/173, 208/209 Wattell, Daniell, 51n. West Indies, 187n., 193n., 213, 213n. (defined), 242 William IV, King of England, xvi Winthrop John, 208/209 Yonge, William, 33n., 97n., 102/103, 160/161, 212, 254–9 York Factory, present day, xxv(m.), 36n., 97n. York Fort, old, xxv(m.), 36n., 125n., 150/151 Young, Jeremy, Captain, 171

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