Phonetic Causes of Sound Change: The Palatalization and Assibilation of Obstruents (Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics) 9780198845010, 0198845014

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Phonetic Causes of Sound Change

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OXFORD STUDIES IN DIACHRONIC AND HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS General Editors Adam Ledgeway and Ian Roberts, University of Cambridge Advisory editors Cynthia L. Allen, Australian National University; Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero, University of Manchester; Theresa Biberauer, University of Cambridge; Charlotte Galves, University of Campinas; Geoff Horrocks, University of Cambridge; Paul Kiparsky, Stanford University; Anthony Kroch, University of Pennsylvania; David Lightfoot, Georgetown University; Giuseppe Longobardi, University of York; George Walkden, University of Konstanz; David Willis, University of Cambridge      34 Verb Second in Medieval Romance Sam Wolfe 35 Referential Null Subjects in Early English Kristian A. Rusten 36 Word Order and Parameter Change in Romanian A Comparative Romance Perspective Alexandru Nicolae 37 Cycles in Language Change Edited by Miriam Bouzouita, Anne Breitbarth, Lieven Danckaert, and Elisabeth Witzenhausen 38 Palatal Sound Change in the Romance Languages Diachronic and Synchronic Perspectives André Zampaulo 39 Dative External Possessors in Early English Cynthia L. Allen 40 The History of Negation in the Languages of Europe and the Mediterranean Volume II: Patterns and Processes Anne Breitbarth, Christopher Lucas, and David Willis 41 Variation and Change in Gallo-Romance Grammar Edited by Sam Wolfe and Martin Maiden 42 Phonetic Causes of Sound Change The Palatalization and Assibilation of Obstruents Daniel Recasens For a complete list of titles published and in preparation for the series, see pp. 204–8

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Phonetic Causes of Sound Change The Palatalization and Assibilation of Obstruents DANIEL RECASENS

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Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP, United Kingdom Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries © Daniel Recasens 2020 The moral rights of the author have been asserted First Edition published in 2020 Impression: 1 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the address above You must not circulate this work in any other form and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press 198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data Data available Library of Congress Control Number: 2020941616 ISBN 978–0–19–884501–0 Printed and bound by CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials contained in any third party website referenced in this work.

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Contents Series preface Preface List of figures List of tables List of abbreviations

ix xi xiii xv xvii

1. Introduction 1.1 The phonetic causes of sound change 1.2 The reconstruction of the sound-change pathway 1.3 Implications for models of sound change in historical linguistics 1.4 Phonologization 1.5 Formal aspects

5 8 12

2. Velar softening 2.1 Velar stop production 2.2 Proposed interpretations of velar softening

13 14 16

3. Velar palatalization 3.1 General conditions on velar palatalization

22 23

3.1.1 Palatal stop phoneme 3.1.2 Palatalized velar stop 3.1.3 Palatalization before front vocalic segments 3.1.3.1 Non-Romance languages 3.1.3.2 Romance languages (third velar palatalization process) 3.1.3.3 Summary 3.1.4 Palatalization before a low vowel 3.1.4.1 Non-Romance languages 3.1.4.2 Romance languages 3.1.5 Progressive and word-final palatalization 3.1.5.1 Word-internal position 3.1.5.2 Word-final position

3.2 Closure fronting differences for (alveolo)palatal stop consonants 3.2.1 Frequency of occurrence of (alveolo)palatal stop types 3.2.2 Factors impinging on (alveolo)palatal stop closure location and variability 3.3 Exchanges between /t/ and /k/ 3.3.1 /k/ > /t/ and /t/ > /k/ 3.3.2 Dentoalveolar stop palatalization 3.3.3 Dialects with double palatalization

1 2 4

23 24 25 25 26 30 31 31 32 34 34 36

37 38 47 50 51 53 55

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 3.4 Velar palatalization and strengthening 3.4.1 Vowel context 3.4.1.1 The Old French case 3.4.1.2 Velar palatalization before /a/ (French dialects, Francoprovençal, Occitan) 3.4.1.3 Velar palatalization before /a/ (Raetoromance, N. Italy) 3.4.1.4 Articulatory motivation and back to Old French 3.4.2 Consonantal context 3.4.3 Word-/utterance-initial and word-medial positions 3.4.3.1 French 3.4.3.2 Romansh 3.4.3.3 N. Italy, Francoprovençal 3.4.3.4 Ladin, Friulian, N. Italy 3.4.3.5 Recapitulation 3.4.4 Word-/utterance-final position 3.4.5 Stress, syllable type, and consonant voicing 3.5 General summary

4. Velar assibilation 4.1 From palatal stop to affricate 4.2 Affrication as an intrinsic characteristic of (alveolo)palatal stops 4.2.1 Non-Romance languages 4.2.2 Romance languages

4.3 Palatoalveolar outcome 4.3.1 Palatal and palatalized velar stop phonemes 4.3.2 Assibilation before front vocalic segments 4.3.2.1 Non-Romance languages 4.3.2.2 Romance languages 4.3.3 Assibilation before a low vowel 4.3.4 Progressive and word-final assibilation 4.3.5 Summary 4.4 Alveolar outcome 4.4.1 Front velar and (alveolo)palatal sources 4.4.1.1 Bantu (front velar origin) 4.4.1.2 Bantu (palatal origin) 4.4.1.3 Ancient and Modern Greek 4.4.1.4 Slavic, Balto-Slavic 4.4.1.5 Old Frisian 4.4.1.6 Albanian, Armenian 4.4.1.7 Semitic 4.4.1.8 Indo-Aryan, Romani, Mongolic 4.4.1.9 Korean, Chinese, Vietnamese 4.4.1.10 Indigenous American 4.4.1.11 Romance 4.4.2 Low vowel context

56 57 58 60 62 65 66 67 68 68 69 70 70 70 72

74

77 77 80 81 82 83 83 84 84 86 87 88 89 89 90 91 92 92 94 94 95 95 96 96 97 97 101

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 4.5 Phonetic motivation and factors triggering velar assibilation 4.5.1 Acoustic characteristics 4.5.1.1 Burst frequency 4.5.1.2 Burst prominence 4.5.1.3 Vowel transitions 4.5.2 Position 4.5.3 Stress 4.5.4 Other aspects and proposals 4.6 /t/ and /k/ affrication compared 4.6.1 Non-Romance languages 4.6.1.1 Dental and alveolar outcomes 4.6.1.2 Palatoalveolar and alveolopalatal outcomes 4.6.2 Romance languages 4.7 Base of articulation 4.7.1 Velars and /j/ 4.7.2 Velars and dentals 4.7.3 Labials 4.8 General summary

5. Labial softening 5.1 Absence of vocalic hardening 5.2 Stop sequences 5.2.1 Occlusivization and assibilation 5.2.1.1 Stop formation 5.2.1.2 Affrication 5.2.2 Fricativization 5.2.3 The Bantu languages

5.3 Fricative sequences 5.3.1 Occlusivization 5.3.2 Fricativization 5.3.3 The Bantu languages 5.4 Base of articulation 5.5 Nasal sequences 5.6 Summary

vii 105 105 105 109 114 115 118 118 120 121 121 122 123 126 127 128 129 129

133 138 139 141 141 146 151 153

157 157 159 164 164 165 167

6. Conclusion

171

References Index of language families, languages, and dialects General index

177 197 202

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Series preface Modern diachronic linguistics has important contacts with other subdisciplines, notably first-language acquisition, learnability theory, computational linguistics, sociolinguistics, and the traditional philological study of texts. It is now recognized in the wider field that diachronic linguistics can make a novel contribution to linguistic theory, to historical linguistics, and arguably to cognitive science more widely. This series provides a forum for work in both diachronic and historical linguistics, including work on change in grammar, sound, and meaning within and across languages; synchronic studies of languages in the past; and descriptive histories of one or more languages. It is intended to reflect and encourage the links between these subjects and fields such as those mentioned above. The goal of the series is to publish high-quality monographs and collections of papers in diachronic linguistics generally, i.e. studies focusing on change in linguistic structure, and/or changes in grammars, which are also intended to make a contribution to linguistic theory, by developing and adopting a current theoretical model, by raising wider questions concerning the nature of language change, or by developing theoretical connections with other areas of linguistics and cognitive science, as listed above. There is no bias towards a particular language or language family, or towards a particular theoretical framework; work in all theoretical frameworks, and work based on the descriptive tradition of language typology, as well as quantitatively based work using theoretical ideas, also feature in the series. Adam Ledgeway and Ian Roberts University of Cambridge

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Preface The present study attempts to shed some light on the phonetic causes of sound change and the intermediate stages of diachronic pathways by studying the palatalization and assibilation of velar stops (velar softening) and of labial stops and labiodental fricatives (labial softening). Illustrative examples may be the transformation of front /k/ and a palatalized labial into a front lingual affricate, as, for example, the change from Latin /ˈkεntʊ/ to Tuscan Italian [ˈtʃεnto] ‘one hundred’ and the dialectal variant [ˈtʃatɾə] of piatră ‘stone’ in Romanian dialects. It is argued that an intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop, i.e., [c] in both cases, needs to be postulated from which the affricate may arise. The stop in question is generated through a change in place of articulation from palatovelar to (alveolo)palatal in the velar-softening example ([ˈkεntʊ] > [ˈcεntʊ] > [ˈtʃεnto]), and through glide hardening in the labial-softening example ([ˈpjatɾə] > [ˈpcatɾə] > [ˈcatɾə] > [ˈtʃatɾə]). Therefore, two successive stages in the development from stop to affricate appear to be taking place which will be separately studied throughout the book, i.e., the genesis of an (alveolo)palatal stop articulation and the change of the (alveolo)palatal stop into an affricate. While there are several typological surveys of consonant palatalization available in the literature, none addresses monographically the specific issue of velars and labials. The study of the palatalization and assibilation of velars and labials offers many challenges. As to the velar-softening process, it has been recently claimed that it may proceed abruptly (/k/ > [tʃ]) and thus without going through the intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop stage (/k/ > [c] > [tʃ]), while, according to other proposals, only the latter development may hold. Another relevant research topic is the one-to-many correspondence between the input consonant (/k/) and several possible affricate outcomes (not only [tʃ], as in the example above, but also [ts] and affricates of other places of articulation), as well as those acoustic cues which contribute to the implementation of this sound change and those positional and contextual conditions in which the sound change of interest is most feasibly expected to occur. As for labial softening, which operates less frequently than velar softening in the world’s languages, a thorough analysis of the diverse pathways that may take place from the palatalized labial source to the affricate outcome will be carried out. The palatalization and assibilation of dentoalveolar stops will also be subject to analysis, though to a lesser extent, because it has already been studied cross-linguistically (Hall and Hamann, 2006), and its phonetic interpretation appears to be more straightforward than the palatalization and assibilation of velars and labials.

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Different sources of evidence will be taken into consideration for the investigation of the research issues sketched above: descriptive dialectal data expressed often in terms of phonetic transcription, as, for example, data from monographs on the Bantu languages and from several linguistic atlases of Romanian dialects in the case of the labial softening process; articulatory and acoustic data for consonant productions, and perceptual results from phoneme identification tests. The universal character of the claims being made derives from the fact that the dialectal material, and to some extent the experimental data as well, belong to a wide range of languages from not only Europe but also other continents. This research has been supported by projects FFI2013-40579-P and PGC2018096877-B-I00 of the Spanish Government, by the Academia programme of ICREA (Catalan Institute for Research and Advanced Studies), and by projects 2014SGR61 and 2017-SGR34 of the Catalan Government. First of all, I would like to thank Oxford University Press for publishing this book as part of the prestigious Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics series. I am also most grateful to Professor Rodney Sampson and three anonymous reviewers for their constructive comments on an earlier version of the manuscript, and to Louise Larchbourne, Julia Steer, and Vicki Sunter from Oxford University Press for highly competent editorial assistance. I also thank Bruce Connell and Cambridge University Press for granting permission to reproduce two figures from other publications, and Julie Kolgjini, Kikuo Maekawa, Fernando Sánchez Miret, Radek Skarnitzil, and Marzena Zygis for their help with specific aspects of the manuscript.

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List of figures 2.1. Sagittal tongue configurations for /k/ showing a front allophone before front vowels and a back allophone before low and back-rounded vowels

15

3.1. Frequency of occurrence of (alveolo)palatal stop closure locations for different languages, as identified by the bundles of crosses displayed at the bottom of the graph

43

3.2. Linguopalatal contact configurations for Czech /c/ according to twenty-seven speakers

44

3.3. Linguopalatal contact configurations for /k/ before /i/ and /a/ in Ibibio

45

3.4. Lingual contour and linguopalatal contact configuration data for /ɟ/ in Ngwo

45

3.5. EPG linguopalatal contact configurations for the allophone [c] of /k/ in the sequence /ka/ according to four Majorcan Catalan speakers

46

3.6. Linguopalatal contact configurations taken from Rousselot (1924–5) showing several realizations of the allophone [c] of front /k/ ranging from purely palatal to dentoalveolar and alveolar

48

3.7. Closure location for /k/ as a function of position and vowel context according to five speakers of Majorcan Catalan where /k/ is realized as [c] before a front vowel and /a/, and word-finally

49

4.1. Spectra for the acoustic burst of [c] next to /i/ and /a/ showing a 2500–3500 Hz frequency peak

106

4.2. Changes in burst peak frequency as a function of the distance in mm between the juncture between the teeth and the alveolar zone and maximal closure fronting for the (alveolo)palatal stop in [#cV], [VcV], and [Vc#] sequences with the vowels /i/ and /a/

108

4.3. (Left) (Alveolo)palatal stop duration and intensity values for twenty synthetic stimuli used for testing whether [c] was heard as /k/ or as /tʃ/. (Right) Percentages of affricate identification for [ci] and [ici] excerpts

112

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List of tables 3.1. Lexical variants from French, Francoprovençal, and Occitan dialects (also from Gallo) showing an (alveolo)palatal realization of front velar stops

29

3.2. Velar stop phonetic outcomes in the postvocalic word-final position in Romansh, Ladin, and dialects from N. Italy, grouped according to the present-day quality of the preceding vowel

36

3.3. Linguopalatal contact percentages and closure location data for (alveolo)palatal stop consonants in different languages and dialects

39

3.4. Exchanges between /k/ and /t/ in dialects where one of the two stops or the two of them may be realized as an (alveolo)palatal stop consonant

51

3.5. Low vowel raising after [c] in Raetoromance

63

4.1. Lexical forms from French, Francoprovençal, and Occitan exemplifying the transformation of the (alveolo)palatal stop allophone of front /k/ into a palatoalveolar affricate

79

4.2. Typology of velar stop softening outcomes in the Bantu languages

85

4.3. Summary of the velar softening outcomes for intervocalic /kj/ and /ki ke/ in the Romance languages

99

4.4. Summary of the velar-softening outcomes for intervocalic /gj/ and /gi ge/ in the Romance languages

100

4.5. Summary of velar softening outcomes for intervocalic /tj/ and /kj/ in the Romance languages

124

4.6. Summary of velar softening outcomes for /dj/ and /gj/ in the Romance languages

125

5.1. Glide hardening into an (alveolo)palatal stop in labial stop sequences

142

5.2. Phonetic outcomes for /pj/ and for /p/ before /i/ in several words in Transylvania and Moldova according to Rusu et al. (1992–2006) and Arvinte et al. (1987–2014), respectively

147

5.3. Glide hardening into a fricative in labial stop sequences

152

5.4. Typology of labial stop softening outcomes in the Bantu languages according to Guthrie, 1967–71 and Janson, 2007

154

5.5. Phonetic outcomes for labiodental fricative sequences which have undergone glide hardening

160

5.6. Phonetic outcomes for /fj vj/ and for /f v/ before /i/ in Romanian dialects

161

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  

5.7. Major phonetic outcomes for labial stop and labiodental fricative sequences in Romanian dialects

165

5.8. Phonetic outcomes for [mɟ] derived from /mj/ and /mi/

166

5.9. Possible phonetic developments for palatalized labial and labiodental consonants identified in Chapter 5

168

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List of abbreviations Alb. Arab. Bas. C. c. Cat. dim. E. Eng. EPG F1 F2 fem. Fr. Frank. Friul. Gal. Gaul. Germ. Gr. Icl. imperat. indicat. IE IPA It. loc. masc. MRI n. N. N. E. nom. N. W. Occ. pers. comm. part. pers. pl.

Albanian Arabic Basque central circa, approximately Catalan diminutive eastern English electropalatography first formant second formant feminine French Frankish Friulian Galician Gaulish German Greek Icelandic imperative indicative tense Indo-European International Phonetic Alphabet Italian locative masculine magnetic resonance imaging noun northern northeastern nominative northwestern Occitan personal communication participle person plural

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xviii Pol. Port. pres. Rom. Rus. S. sing. Sp. SP St. subj. S. W. Vietn. voc. W.

   Polish Portuguese present Romanian Russian southern singular Spanish static palatography Standard subjunctive southwestern Vietnamese vocative western

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1 Introduction Much attention has been paid to date to universal typological aspects regarding the palatalization and assibilation of velar, dentoalveolar, and labial stop consonants and, in particular, to whether the world’s languages have: (alveolo)palatal or palatalized stops in their sound inventories; allophonic processes converting palatalized velars, dentoalveolars, and labials into (alveolo)palatal stops or into front lingual affricates or fricatives. The degree to which these processes have operated historically has also been much investigated (see for example Carlton, 1991, for the Slavic languages). Three general surveys of consonant palatalization including not just velars and labials but also dentals and alveolars of different manners of articulation are worth mentioning. Bhat (1978) is a typological survey of palatalization patterns for dentoalveolar, velar, and labial consonants in different contextual environments and also as a function of stress. The number of cases studied is about a hundred, and a number of implicational generalizations about those patterns are presented, i.e., palatalization occurs most often before front vowels for velar stops and before high front vowels and glides for dentoalveolar stops. Kochetov (2011) analyses consonant palatalization in sixty-four languages and dialects belonging to seventeen language families and twenty-five genera. The issues under investigation are similar to Bhat’s: the frequency of application of palatalization as a function of the articulatory class of the target consonant and the triggering vocalic segment, and the typology of the consonantal outputs. Bateman (2007) is so far the most detailed and exhaustive database available. It is a typological study of the palatalization patterns in 117 languages from eighty-six genera, which differentiates between morphologically and phonologically conditioned changes. A gesturebased optimality account is presented that takes as the source for consonant palatalization the articulatory gestures of the target and triggering phonetic segments and the ways in which they interact in time and space at the production level. Based on data for Moldovan Romanian, other Romance languages, and Tswana, Bateman argues for an articulation-motivated account of labial softening which involves hardening of the palatal glide in sequences such as /pjV/. The present book covers a gap in the existing literature on palatalization and assibilation processes by analysing how they impinge on velar and labial obstruents (stops, fricatives) in the world’s languages. This is done by integrating evidence from dialectal variation and historical phonetics and phonology, as

Phonetic Causes of Sound Change: The Palatalization and Assibilation of Obstruents. Daniel Recasens, Oxford University Press (2020). © Daniel Recasens. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198845010.001.0001

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well as articulatory and acoustic data gathered at the phonetics laboratory. The goal of the study is to use this in-depth analysis of velar and labial palatalization and assibilation in order to: make stronger claims about the phonetic motivation of these sound changes and therefore the articulatory, aerodynamic, and acoustic factors which contribute to their inception; reconstruct the intermediate stages of the conversion process from palatalized velars or labials into lingual affricates and fricatives and other consonantal outcomes. In sum, this monograph differs from the three studies just mentioned in that it is not merely descriptive but also rooted on experimental work, and is concerned with the articulatory and acoustic causes of sound changes and with the reconstruction of their diachronic pathways. The book deals with a wide range of languages in which the palatalization and assibilation of velars and labials plays or has played a relevant role. Regarding velars, a wealth of descriptive data belongs not only to dialects of the Romance languages spoken mainly in France, Italy, and Switzerland, but also to nonRomance languages such as Slavic languages, Greek, and Albanian. Regarding labials, special attention is paid to Romanian and Greek dialects and to the Bantu languages, where the labial palatalization and assibilation processes are or have been especially productive. This study benefits from recent experimental production and acoustic research carried out by the author as well as from articulatory and acoustic data available in the phonetics literature. Some of the experimental data on velar palatalization and assibilation presented in the following chapters are a novelty in that they have been collected using more up-to-date recording and analysis techniques than those available during the first half of the twentieth century. Indeed, the spatiotemporal characteristics of linguistic sounds may be investigated with precision using speech-production research methods such as electropalatography and ultrasound, while the relative power of acoustic cues in sound change implementation may be evaluated efficiently by means of perceptual identification tests with natural or synthetic speech stimuli. A careful consideration of this phonetic material allows a more thorough understanding of the crucial diachronic developments than in earlier times and supports contemporary scholars in reconsidering certain claims about the phonetic causes of specific sound changes which have been made in the past. Moreover, a joint consideration of dialectal and experimental data should help to establish whether the change from one consonant to another may take place through only one evolutionary path, or more.

1.1 The phonetic causes of sound change Several aspects of sound change have attracted the attention of linguists since the nineteenth century. Data reported in the book show that the articulatory and

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.      

3

acoustic causes, historical developments, and phonetic outcomes of velar and labial softening may be diverse and conditioned by different factors, among which are numbered segmental context and word position. As to the phonetic motivation issue, articulatory evidence is of crucial importance for determining which vocal tract configurations of the input phonetic unit in different contextual and positional conditions approach most faithfully the output unit(s) in given sound-change processes. A relevant case is the extent to which differences in closure fronting for the (alveolo)palatal oral stop derived from a front velar may give rise to several lingual affricates differing in fronting, such as the palatoalveolar [tʃ] (English chin) and the alveolar [ts] (Old Frisian tsin). An articulatory rationale may also explain how constriction narrowing and an increase in airflow volume at closure offset and during the glide in the case of the sequence /pj/ may result in variants such as [pʃjen] (It. pieno) ‘full, masc. sing.’ and [psjøf] (It. piovere) ‘to rain’, which are available in localities of the Lombard dialect area in N. Italy. Given that changes in the articulatory and aerodynamic properties of consonants have acoustic consequences, a central research aspect of the present study is the relative contribution of these acoustic characteristics to the misidentification of one consonant as another. This issue requires the collection of extensive production and perception data in so far as different acoustic cues (e.g., frequency, duration, and intensity of the burst for stops) may contribute different degrees to a given sound change, and also since their relevance is heavily conditioned by segmental context, word and utterance position, and stress. As an illustration of the problem, experimental and descriptive evidence reveals that the replacement of the (alveolo)palatal stop [c] by [tʃ] may occur not only before front vocalic segments (e.g., [ci] > [tʃi], as in the case of English [tʃɪn] derived from ProtoGermanic *kinnuz) but also before /a/ (e.g., [ca] > [tʃa], as for Friulian [tʃaŋ] ‘dog’ derived from Latin /ˈkane/). While the former affrication process is heavily dependent on burst duration and intensity, triggered by an increase in constriction narrowing and airflow volume at the stop release, velar softening before /a/ is also determined by the salience of the acoustic vowel transitions between the stop release and the vowel steady-state period, which may be identified as palatal glides by listeners and even as part of the frication element of the affricate (e.g., Fassan Ladin [cjaf] ‘head’ < ; Elwert, 1943: 67). Also, while an increase in burst intensity may help more than an increase in burst duration in the identification of [c] as /tʃ/, the scenario is somewhat different word-finally, where the stop burst becomes especially long because of the so-called final lengthening effect and the (alveolo)palatal stop tends to be heard not only as an affricate but also as an (alveolo)palatal fricative (German ich-laut). Segmental composition is also crucial in the case of labial softening. Thus, while labial softening starts out through hardening of the dorsopalatal component of a palatalized labial consonant, the phonetic output of the hardening process

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happens to be closely determined by the manner of articulation and voicing status of the labial consonant itself. Thus, glide hardening results essentially in the formation of a stop after a stop and of a fricative after a fricative, as in [ˈsapca] ‘to know, 1st pers. subj.’ <  and [ˈrabɟa] ‘anger’ <  in Surmiran Raetoromance, and [fçer] for fier ‘iron’ and [vʝin] for vin ‘wine’ in Romanian dialects. Later on, other changes may follow such as, for example, the development of [pc] into [ptʃ] and the simplification of [ptʃ] into [tʃ]. Once the relative salience of the different acoustic characteristics of the input segment ([c] in our case) is well understood, the researcher will be tempted to associate the inception of a sound change (e.g., velar softening) with the arrangement of acoustic cues which may be responsible for the genesis of the new sound (e.g., [tʃ]) in the most appropriate circumstances. Thus, for example, since the replacement of [c] by [tʃ] involves an increase in burst prominence, it makes sense to hypothesize that this sound change is likely to start out in those contextual, positional, and prosodic conditions which favour an increase in burst intensity and duration.

1.2 The reconstruction of the sound-change pathway Descriptive data on the velar and labial softening processes operating in different dialectal scenarios suggest that the pathway connecting the input to the output consonants may differ from one dialect to another. The book attempts to reconstruct the chronological profile of their gradual evolution without, however, paying attention to the diffusion of the sound-change outcomes through the lexicon. It is especially interested in ascertaining the intermediate stages which may occur during these sound changes and also to make sense of the articulatory and perceptual factors which render them possible. A one- vs multiple-stage diachronic development may be exemplified with the historical changes undergone by front /k/ in Early Romance. Through the socalled ‘first velar palatalization process’, front velars, i.e., velars before a front vowel or glide, shifted to [tʃ] in E. Romania (Tuscan Italian [ˈtʃεnto] ‘one hundred’ from Latin /ˈkεntʊ/ ), and to [ts] in W. Romania, which later developed into [s] or [θ] depending on language and dialect (Catalan [sen], Spanish [θjen]). Two hypotheses have been proposed in order to account for this situation. According to one of them the two affricate outcomes are related to each other such that velar softening yielded [tʃ] in the first place and [tʃ] shifted to [ts] at a later date, i.e., [c] > [tʃ] > [ts]. The rationale underlying this proposal is that [c] > [tʃ] is a more natural sound change than [c] > [ts] for two complementary reasons: the outcome [tʃ] of velar softening is much more widely spread than [ts] in the world’s languages; [c] and [tʃ] exhibit a similar closure location, i.e., alveolopalatal for [c], palatoalveolar for [tʃ], while the place of articulation of the alveolar affricate [ts] is

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more anterior that that for [c]. The other view holds that the two outcomes [tʃ] and [ts] have been derived from [c] independently of each other in E. and W. Romania, i.e., [c] > [tʃ] and [c] > [ts], which implies that the (alveolo)palatal stop occlusion was more posterior when yielding [tʃ] than when giving rise to [ts]. Labial softening offers more complex phonetic developments. For instance, the road from palatalized /p/ to [tʃ] may be achieved through the stages /pj/ > [pc] > [c] > [tʃ] and /pj/ > [pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ]. Data from several Romanian dialects (see Section 5.2.1.2) suggest that the two pathways are possible. On the one hand, /pj/ > [pc] > [c] > [tɕ] would have operated in dialects showing the realizations [pc] and [tɕ] depending on speaker and lexical item, or else [c] and [tɕ], but not [ptɕ]. On the other hand, the pathway /pj/ > [pc] > [ptɕ] > [tɕ] would have occurred in dialects with [pc], [ptɕ], and [tɕ], or just [ptɕ] and [tɕ]. In sum, the study of sound change may be confronted with the presence of multiple pathways for a given input linguistic sound (e.g., /pj/ > [pc] > [c] > [tʃ] and /pj/ > [pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ]) and with a number of outputs for a single intermediate phonetic realization (e.g., [c] > [tʃ], [ts], [tɕ], [tç]). Given this variable scenario, which may be generated through different articulatory and perceptual mechanisms, a way to find out whether there is one pathway or another can be ascertained only by carrying out a comparative analysis of considerable descriptive dialectal material. This is precisely the approach taken in this book, namely, to reconstruct the diachronic development of a number of sound changes by applying the comparative method to synchronic and diachronic data for as many languages as possible.

1.3 Implications for models of sound change in historical linguistics The data provided in the book will be evaluated with respect to theories of sound change. It ought to be kept in mind in this respect that the models which have been proposed so far handle changes in vowel quality better than they do changes in place and manner of articulation affecting consonants, which are of primary concern to the present investigation. A relevant issue is the extent to which sound changes proceed gradually or categorically. Labov (1994) and others have shown that changes in vowel quality may operate gradually throughout the vowel space and that specific allophonic realizations of the vowel that changes may lead the process. Thus, for example, it is expected that higher and fronter, [æ]-like realizations of /a/ in palatal or given dentoalveolar consonant contexts take the lead in the case of the sound change /a/ > [æ], while retracted, [ɑ]-like productions of /a/ before dark /l/ or labiovelars open up the replacement of /a/ by [ɔ]. As for consonants, gradualness could account for lenitions. Thus, stops may shift to approximants and drop through

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incremental openings at constriction location (i.e., /t/ > [ð] > [ð̞] > zero). Different degrees of opening for an approximant such as [ð] may occur, depending on the surrounding segments and rate of speech, as shown by acoustic data for Spanish (Hualde et al., 2010). Changes in consonant place of articulation look more categorical. An abrupt change involving /k/ before a front vocalic segment as input and [tʃ] as output, and thus without intermediate articulatory stages, has been proposed in the literature (see Chapter 2). Presumable categorical changes of this sort do not involve an articulatory approximation of the consonant source towards the phonetic output but a misperception of the former by the latter due to perceptual similarity, thus conforming to the ‘CHANGE’ condition proposed by the Evolutionary Phonology model (Blevins, 2004). The book contends that velar softening is however essentially gradual because it operates through (alveolo)palatal stop realizations ([c] or [ɟ]), whose articulatory inplementation is intermediate between the front velar source and the palatoalveolar affricate outcome. This type of sound change fits into the Neogrammarian model in that it is articulatorily motivated and contextually determined, and proceeds mechanically (not under the speaker’s control), and in a gradual fashion (by imperceptible increments) (Hale, 2003). The anomaly of the velar palatalization and assibilation case results in part from the fact that, differently from labials and apicals and laminals, (alveolo)palatal consonants are produced with the body of the tongue, which moves more slowly than the lips and the tongue tip or blade. Related to this, a genuine characteristic of (alveolo)palatal stops is their extreme variability in closure location as a function of speaker and other factors within the same speaking community (i.e., closure may occur at the hard palate, the alveolopalatal zone, or even the postalveolar zone), at least in languages where those stops are allophones of velar phonemes and therefore have no phonemic status. In these circumstances, alveolopalatal and even alveolar realizations of the allophone [c] of /k/ may sound ambiguous and perhaps closer to /t/ and eventually to /tʃ/ than to /k/ and therefore to a phonological unit which differs from the one intended by the speaker. Thus, it is possible that during the substitution of Proto-Germanic *kinnuz with Old English chin listeners could judge realizations of the (alveolo)palatal stop of [cɪn] as belonging to the phoneme /t/ and that, under special aerodynamic conditions causing the stop to become affricated, they could hear [cɪn] as a variant of the underlying form /tʃɪn/. This sound-change mechanism is referred to as ‘CHANCE’ within the Evolutionary Phonology framework. Section 3.3 adduces a considerable number of confusions of this sort taken mostly from dialectal material of the Romance languages. It should be clarified that this situation differs from that involving the so-called ‘CHOICE’ mechanism of Evolutionary Phonology, which would apply whenever the speaker produces several unambiguous phonetic variants for a given underlying phonological representation and the listener selects as prototypical a variant which differs from the prototypical variant of the speaker. Returning to the

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Old English case, it is as if Old English speakers would sometimes say [kɪn] and sometimes [tɪn] instead of the ambiguous form [cɪn], and listeners ended up choosing [tɪn] as the representative variant from which [tʃɪn] would be generated at a later date. As previously mentioned, certain consonant changes have been explained by the listener-based model of sound change and thus attributed to acoustic equivalence, not to articulatory approximation. According to this view, though the input and output sounds exhibit articulatory similarity of some sort, they are still endowed with remarkable articulatory differences, so that what causes the sound change to happen are essentially the similar acoustic cues. The acousticequivalence hypothesis has been proposed for the identification of palatalized labial stops with dentoalveolar stops and of front or palatalized velars with dentoalveolar stops and front lingual affricates (Ohala, 1989, 1993, Guion, 1996, 1998, Blevins, 2004: 138). Throughout the book, the predictions of this model are questioned with regard to velar softening under the belief that the input (velar) and output (front lingual affricate) phonetic variants are approximated through intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop realizations. In support of this approach is the fact that, in contrast with front velars, (alveolo)palatal stops are often affricated even when unaspirated owing to their articulatory and aerodynamic characteristics. The articulatory motivation of velar softening was demonstrated with palatographic data as early as the beginning of the twentieth century by Rousselot and colleagues, and since then with dialectal data collected and analysed by other Romance linguists. Likewise, as sketched in Section 1.1, the transformation of a palatalized labial in sequences such as /pj/ into other single consonants or consonantal sequences involves glide hardening and proceeds most often through one or more intermediate stages, as traditionally acknowledged by scholars working on Romanian, where the process turns out to be highly productive (see also Bateman, 2010). Attention to articulatory detail proves crucial in eliciting whether the similarity of acoustic cues between two sounds which intervene as input and output segmental units of a sound change may be largely caused by gradual articulatory variations. It is worth considering other comparable cases. While the replacement of strongly dark /l/ by [w] may be associated with spectral similarity and thus the existence of a low second formant frequency of about 1000 Hz or less for the two consonants (Ohala, 1974), there are good signs that the sound change in question is triggered by articulatory proximity instead and consequently proceeds gradually, not abruptly. An articulatory-acoustic study (Lin et al., 2014) has shown indeed that the reason why /l/ vocalization occurs before a labial or velar rather than before an alveolar (i.e., in elf and milk but not in spilled) may be articulatory: the aperture at the primary alveolar constriction location for /l/ is greater in labial and velar contexts than in alveolar contexts, and these weaker constrictions are more /w/-like in that they are associated with lower F2 frequency values and a

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shorter distance between F1 and F2. Other sound changes are primarily dependent on modifications in the acoustic spectrum and therefore conform to the predictions of the acoustic equivalence hypothesis. This is so for changes in vowel quality that may occur when a vowel becomes nasalized, as for /ĩ/ > [ε͂] in the case of the French word [vε͂] ‘wine’ < ī (Beddor, 1983). The motivation for other sound changes involving more than one pathway is more uncertain. Thus, the replacement of clear /l/ by [j] in syllable-initial consonant clusters in several Romance languages appears to have proceeded not abruptly but gradually through the intermediate laterals [ʎ] or [lj], e.g., /kl/ > [kʎ] > [kj] in the Ribagorçan dialect of Catalan where co-occurring variants like [kʎaw] and [kjaw] ‘key’ <  may be found. In non-Romance languages lacking such intermediate forms, however, the change of interest appears to depend on a common acoustic property, i.e., the relatively high second-formant (F2) frequency for both clear [l] and the glide [j]. This appears to have been the case in several Tai languages, and also in Albanian, where /plak/ ‘old man’ has yielded [pjak] and [pcak], [cak], but not [pʎak].

1.4 Phonologization Another research topic of relevance in the present investigation is the conditions under which allophones acquire phonemic status through a sound-change process. At the first glance the behaviour of (alveolo)palatal stops appears to be exceptional in this respect. This exceptional behaviour follows from the fact that (alveolo)palatal stops are relatively frequent phonetic realizations and a consistent stage into palatalization processes in spite of being infrequent in phonological inventories. Even though the present study does not deal with the phonologization issue in detail, the topic is certainly relevant with regard to the phonological status of the phonetic outcomes of velar palatalization and assibilation. (Alveolo)palatal stops arise typically through a coarticulation mechanism by which adjacent vocalic segments cause velars and dentoalveolars to become (alveolo)palatal by fronting or backing their closure locations, respectively (Section 3.1). There is a clear mismatch between this common phonetic realization and the categorization of (alveolo)palatal stop consonants as independent phonological units in consonant inventory systems. Data from the UPSID database reported by Maddieson (1984: 32) reveal indeed the presence of a much smaller number of languages with (alveolo)palatal stops (fifty-nine, which corresponds to 18.6% of the total number of world’s languages under consideration) than with velar stops (315: 99.4%), labial stops (314: 99.1%), and dental or alveolar stops (316: 99.7%). Likewise, according to the PHOIBLE database (Moran and McCloy, 2014), the percentages of occurrences of voiceless and voiced

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alveolopalatal stops in the world’s languages (14%, 13%) is much lower than those for velars (94%, 64%), labials (87%, 71%), and dentoalveolars (74%, 54%). What is the justification for this apparent mismatch? As pointed out in Section 3.2, we suggest that the answer lies in the articulatory constraints involved in the production of (alveolo)palatal stops and, more specifically, in the fact that it may be relatively hard to make a full and firm tongue-dorsum closure at the hard palate or, to a lesser extent, a successful laminodorsal closure at the alveolopalatal zone. Consequently, the closure location for [c] and [ɟ] may be not well-defined, unstable, and highly variable which, in its turn, may cause the stops in question to be acoustically variable and hard to identify. Articulatory and acoustic indeterminacy and variability are prone to triggering changes in place and/or manner of articulation. Thus, (alveolo)palatal stop realizations differing in fronting are often heard as /k/ or as /t/ (Sections 3.2 and 3.3), and may be categorized as front-lingual affricates and fricatives whenever they exhibit a relatively long burst or an incomplete closure, respectively (Chapter 4 and Section 4.5.2). Affrication may also serve to enhance the contrast with other stop consonants, which in addition is marked by differences in burst spectral frequency and the F2 vowel transitions (Flemming, 2002). Now the question arises of when the phonologization of an allophone occurs (Kiparsky 1995, Janda, 2003, Bermúdez-Otero, 2007). The point has been made in this respect that when two allophones are phonetically distinct enough they may be learned as distinct categories, even if they are in complementary distribution, provided that an unintended articulatory change (e.g., velar fronting in the case of [c]) is reinterpreted by listeners as the new intended target. Otherwise, the phonologization process will take place when the conditioning environment is lost and the relationship between the phoneme source and one of its allophones ceases to exist. An example of the latter event may be the phonologization in Early Romance of [ɲ] and [ʎ], which did not have phonemic status in Latin, and were judged to be sufficiently distinctive phonetically from the major allophones, [n] and [l], of /n/ and /l/ to become different phonemes, presumably once they started showing up in non-predictable contextual and positional conditions. Thus, for example, [ʎ] must have been an allophone of /l/ while the palatalization trigger [j] was available in productions such as pa[ʎj]a of [ˈpale̯a] ‘straw’ <  but ceased to be so once the glide was absorbed by the lateral and the lexical variant pa[ʎ]a (from which present-day Catalan [ˈpaʎə] and Spanish [ˈpaxa] derive) was created. In parallel to the Early Romance case just discussed, data presented in the present study indicate that the phonologization of the velar allophone(s) [c] (and [ɟ]) is not likely to take place while the contextual front vocoid triggering its presence is still available, i.e., the phonologization process operates when the conditioning environment is lost. Moreover, even before phonologization occurs, the stop may change into a front lingual affricate such as [tʃ] (see Table 4.1 of this

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book) and, thus, into a sound which is definitely more distinct from [k] than [c] and generally happens to have phonemic status in the language. Let us focus on two Romance dialectal domains, i.e., Italy and Raetoromance, in order to exemplify this. Regarding Italy, [c] has achieved phonemic status in S. Italy (Ledgeway, 2016) but not in other parts of the Italian peninsula where, in parallel to French dialects and Majorcan Catalan, [c] is an allophone of /k/ in specific contextual and positional environments. The phonologization process in S. Italy is based partly on the fact that the sequence [kj] derived from the syllableonset clusters /kl/ and /pl/ shifted quite systematically to [c] irrespective of the following vowel and, therefore, could show up not only before the palatal glide but before low and back rounded vowels as well. Consequently, we find [ˈcama] for [ˈkjama] ‘(s)he calls’ < , [ˈcovə], [ˈcɔvu] ‘nail’ <  and [ˈcovə], [ˈcovi] ‘it rains’ < *ˈplɔvit (Jaberg and Jud, 1928–60, maps 80, 230, 366). Regarding the forms starting with /kl/ in Latin, the stage [kj]/[c] occurs in C. Italy ([ˈkjama]/ [ˈcama], [ˈkjɔdo]/[ˈcɔdo]; Tuscany, Umbria, Marche, Lazio) while the affricate stage has been reached in dialects from N. Italy ([ˈtʃama], [tʃot]/[tʃɔt]). Also in Romansh and some Friulian dialects, and in earlier times in Ladin, the (alveolo)palatal stop is not in allophonic distribution with /k/ in so far as it may occur not only before front vocoids but also before low and back rounded vowels, and coexists with the phonemes /tʃ/, /k/, and /t/ (Haiman and Benincà, 1992). In addition to velar palatalization before /a/, which took place in the Middle Ages (Section 3.1.3.2), [c] (and [ɟ]) may show up before a mid back vowel issued historically from /aw/ through monopthongization or from /a/ before a nasal. Illustrative examples taken from the Surmiran dialect are [ˈcowɾa] ‘goat’ < , [ˈcɔma] ‘leg’ < , and also [cot] ‘warm’ < , where /l/ was replaced by [w] after deletion of the following unstressed vowel (see Lutta, 1923, and Section 3.4.1.3). For both the velar and labial stop sources, the present investigation will deal with the phonologization issue by focusing on the fine-grained phonetic realizations of (alveolo)palatal stops and on the contextual and positional conditions under which those realizations occur. Attention will be paid to whether the realizations in question take place irrespective of the contextual palatalization trigger, and also whether velar and labial stop softening has given rise to affricate or fricative productions endowed with phonemic status in the language. The present study does not deal with the markedness issue and thus with whether (alveolo)palatals are prone to being replaced by front lingual affricates because these and coronal consonants are less marked (Chomsky and Halle, 1968: 423). According to the markedness principle, in comparison to marked segments, unmarked ones occur more frequently, are more predictable and phonetically more variable, are easier to produce, appear earlier in language acquisition, have less noticeable perceptual cues, and are more likely to undergo certain changes such as reductions and assimilations. Based on these characteristics it has been claimed that the markedness scale for consonantal place of

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articulation proceeds in the progression dorsals (most marked) > labials > coronals (least marked). Problems with the markedness concept have been identified in the literature, such as circularity, lack of experimental basis, and the fact that languages may differ among themselves regarding the markedness-scale hierarchy in the case of specific articulatory dimensions (Gurevich, 2001, Hume, 2003, 2004, Haspelmath, 2006). A more recent approach based on information theory has been put forth by Hume and colleagues (Hume and Mailhot, 2013, Hall et al., 2018). It holds that segments specified for high and low degrees of predictability and thus exhibiting low and high surprisal degrees, respectively, are prone to undergoing sound changes such as reductions and assimilations. In many respects these segment types are endowed with the same characteristics as the ones listed above: in comparison to segments exhibiting a low degree of predictability, highly predictable segments occur more frequently, have a richer positional distribution, are less precise and complex articulatorily and thus easier to be produced, and show less noticeable perceptual cues which make them less perceptually distinctive with respect to other sounds in the language. As emphasized throughout this study, (alveolo)palatal stops do not qualify as unmarked or highly predictable, since they happen to be relatively uncommon in the phonologies of the world’s languages, and, whether endowed with phonemic or allophonic status, possibly less frequent in terms of both lexical occurrence and positional distribution than stops of other places of articulation. The replacement of the voiceless (alveolo)palatal stop with a front lingual affricate may be characterized as a change towards a low surprisal element, and may conform to the structure preservation principle in so far as the affricate generally has phonemic status (Kiparsky, 1995). It is, however, most unclear whether (alveolo)palatal stops are produced by means of more complex gestures than more anterior or posterior stop consonants, though there are reasons to believe that a dorsopalatal closure may be relatively hard to achieve and that the spectral characteristics of [c], i.e., high F2 and low F1 loci are highly specific. Indeed, we will assume that (alveolo)palatal consonants are simple, non-complex segments and therefore produced with one lingual gesture and thus a single articulator, i.e., the tongue dorsum if the consonant is purely palatal or else the laminodorsal region of the tongue if it is alveolopalatal (see Recasens et al., 1994). This view is in contrast with the hypothesis that the production of (alveolo)palatal consonants requires two independent and (near)-simultaneous commands for the activation of the tongue front and the tongue dorsum (Lahiri and Evers, 1991). Moreover, (alveolo)palatal stops are prone to changing into other articulations in some languages but not others. In particular, they have remained unaffected, instead of shifting to a front lingual affricate or to /t/ or /k/ for several centuries in Raetoromance, where they coexist as phonemes with /t/, /k/, and /tʃ/ (Videsott, 2001), as well as in Majorcan Catalan, where they happen to be allophones of velar stop phonemes in a rich array of environments.

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1.5 Formal aspects Throughout the book, phonetic transcriptions from the Romance languages are accompanied by the corresponding capitalized Latin etymons and the English glosses (e.g., Fassan Ladin [cjaf] ‘head’ < ). The phonetic symbols for the input phonemic form of a given sound change are usually enclosed by slashes and those for the phonetic outcomes of the change in question are enclosed by brackets (e.g., Tuscan Italian [ˈtʃεnto] from Latin /ˈkεntʊ/ ‘one hundred’). Even though much of the data presented here deal with both the voiceless and voiced stop cognates (i.e., /k/ and /g/, [c] and [ɟ], and so on), we often refer only to the voiceless one for the sake of simplicity.

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2 Velar softening Velar softening is a sound-change process by which a velar stop consonant, which is represented generally by the voiceless cognate /k/ throughout this chapter, shifts to an affricate or a fricative exhibiting a palatal ([tç]), alveolopalatal ([tɕ]), palatoalveolar ([tʃ]), or alveolar ([ts]) place of articulation, mostly but not only when followed by a front vocalic segment, whether it be a front vowel or a palatal glide. An illustrative example of velar softening is the conversion of Latin [ˈkεntʊ] ‘one hundred’ <  into [ˈtʃεnto] in Tuscan Italian and [tsen] in Old Catalan. As discussed in detail later in the book, it will be assumed that the affricate or fricative outcomes of velar softening have been arrived at through an intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop realization [c] ([ɟ] for the voiced case). Moreover, as argued next, it is believed that the possible fricative end products of this sound change come from lingual affricates sharing the same place of articulation. Thus, for example, in dialectal areas of N. Italy, Latin /k/ before /i e/ yielded [tʃ] in the first place, and the palatoalveolar affricate became [ʃ] at a later date (Canton of Ticino [ʃerˈka] ‘to look for’ < , Val d’Ossola in Piedmont [ʃεnt] ‘one hundred’ < ; Rohlfs, 1966: 201), and in Old Catalan the alveolar affricate [ts], also derived from front /k/, was later replaced by [s] such that a word such as cent  was pronounced as [tsent] in Old Catalan and is realized as [sen] in present-day Catalan. It ought to be stated in this respect that a direct evolution from the (alveolo)palatal stop into a front lingual fricative, thus without going through an intermediate affricate stage, is not impossible. Otherwise it would be hard to justify why in localities of Reggio Emilia such as Sologno [c] or [tj] has yielded [ttʃ] if derived from Latin /tj/ and [ʃʃ] if derived from Latin /kj/ ([puttʃ] ‘well’ < , [braʃʃ] ‘arm’ < ); thus, as argued by Calabrese (2005: 350), if the fricative of [braʃʃ] had been the outcome of a deaffrication process, the word [puttʃ] would nowadays be pronounced with a long fricative instead of with an affricate among other things because /tj/ appears to have undergone affrication earlier than /kj/ in Late Latin and Early Romance (see Section 4.6.2). For the (alveolo)palatal stop to yield a fricative, the stop closure needs to be relatively short and produced with little tongue-to-palate contact so that it becomes imperceptible to the listener in colloquial and fast speech. A phonetic characteristic which may contribute to the identification of a stop as a fricative, and thus as the fricative outcome of velar softening is the presence of voicing in the stop consonant. Indeed, voiced stops and affricates are often implemented by means of less linguopalatal contact and a Phonetic Causes of Sound Change: The Palatalization and Assibilation of Obstruents. Daniel Recasens, Oxford University Press (2020). © Daniel Recasens. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198845010.001.0001

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lower intraoral pressure level than their voiceless cognates, mostly so in the weak word-medial intervocalic position (Kochetov, 2014, for stops, Recasens and Espinosa, 2007, for affricates). Thus, in Catalan the word-initial outcome of Latin front /g/ in lexical items such as gel ‘ice’ <  or gent ‘people’ <  is the palatoalveolar affricate [dʒ] in a group of dialects and the palatoalveolar fricative [ʒ] in another group, and it is well-accepted that the fricative has derived historically from the affricate (Old Catalan [dʒent] > present-day Catalan [ʒen]), as still happens nowadays in dialects of the former group where [dʒ] is preserved after a pause while shifting to [ʒ] across a word boundary after a vowel ([ˌmoltə ˈdʒen] > [ˌmoltə ˈʒen] ‘lots of people’). This deaffrication mechanism has been shown to contribute to the relative rarity of voiced affricates in the world’s languages (see Zygis et al., 2012). Together with other scholars (see, for example, Anttila, 1972: 72), we will assume that velar softening involves the application of two consecutive subprocesses. Through the first subprocess, i.e., velar palatalization, /k/ shifts to [c] which, as pointed out in Section 3.2, is most often realized as an (alveolo)palatal stop and thus as a stop whose closure is most often located either at the palatal zone or simultaneously at the alveolar and palatal zones. Evidence from several languages and dialects reported in that same section reveals that [c] may differ considerably in closure fronting, which accounts presumably for the fact that velar softening may yield affricates of different places of articulation such as [tʃ] and [ts]. Through the second subprocess, i.e., velar assibilation, [c] is integrated as one of the above affricates by listeners, mostly [tʃ]. Stop assibilation may occur when an increase in linguopalatal constriction narrowing and in volume and velocity of the airflow passing through the constriction at stop release causes the intensity level and duration of the stop burst to approach those of the affricate frication noise (Ohala and Solé, 2010: 47–52). In the light of these two subprocesses the label velar softening does not seem perfectly appropriate for referring to the replacement of /k/ by [tʃ] or [ts], since there is no obvious reason why affricates should be ‘softer’ than stops; it is nevertheless a convenient cover term which serves to encompass the two independent and consecutive subprocesses velar palatalization and velar assibilation.

2.1 Velar stop production Before proceeding with the study of velar softening in detail, some general remarks about the articulatory realization of velar stops are in order among other things because velar softening is known to operate most often before front vowels and glides. It is commonly accepted that dorsal /k/ is realized at the postpalatal or postpalatovelar zone when the stop is followed by a front vowel or glide, and at the soft palate when the vocalic segment following the stop is low

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or back-rounded. Lingual configuration data obtained with ultrasound reveal the existence of a somewhat categorical split between the front and back velar allophones of /k/ in monosyllabic English words such as key, cape, cup, and coop produced by ten American English speakers (Frisch and Wodzinski, 2016) and, as shown in Figure 2.1, in comparable logatomes uttered by five Catalan subjects. The figure shows indeed that at least in the case of the first four subjects maximum tongue-body raising and thus closure location occurs more anteriorly before the front vowels /i/ and /e/ than before the back vowels /a/, /o/, and /u/. Within each of the two closure-location categories there may be some space for variations in closure location as a function of the following vowel: thus, according to the American English study just mentioned, the velar stop closure tends to be somewhat more retracted when occurring before /e/ than before /i/ and before /æ/ than before /e/; also for the Catalan data presented in Figure 2.1, the lingual spline for /k/ before /i/ tends to run somewhat more anteriorly than the one before /e/ among front vowels, and that for /k/ before /a/ more anteriorly than the lingual splines before /o/ and /u/ among back vowels. Electropalatographic data on linguopalatal contact for several languages also show a postpalato-velar closure location for front velars, and no central contact at the hard palate surface and thus a purely velar closure placement for back velars (Catalan: Recasens and Pallarès, 2001: 95–6, French: Corneau et al., 2000). Cinefluorographic data for Japanese speakers indicate, however, differences in closure fronting for /k/ varying with the following vowel in the progression /i/ > /e/ > /u/ ([ɯ]) > /o a/ and thus the

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Figure 2.1 Sagittal tongue configurations for /k/ showing a front allophone before front vowels and a back allophone before low and back-rounded vowels. Data correspond to five E. Catalan subjects. The front of the mouth is on the right.

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existence of a number of closure locations greater than two (Wada et al., 1970). Moreover, the front-back closure location scenario for velar stops just described may become more complex when articulatory data for consonant sequences are taken into consideration (American English; Dembowski et al., 1998). Crucially for the present study and in line with the articulatory data just presented, velar stops will be subdivided into front and back. Velar stop closure fronting before a front vowel or glide is achieved through blending between the dorsovelar gesture for /k/ and the dorsopalatal gesture for the following front vocalic segment. By means of this blending mechanism the velar stop closure is fronted at about midway between the prototypical closure location for the dorsovelar stop and the palatal constriction location for the front vowel or glide (Browman and Goldstein, 1992). Moreover, maximal overlap between the dorsovelar gesture for /k/ and the dorsopalatal gesture for the front vocalic segment in the case of the sequences /kj ki ke/ may yield not only a front velar articulated at the postpalatal or palatovelar zone but also more anterior realizations, whose closure is made at the (alveolo)palatal zone and may thus be transcribed as [c] (i.e., [cj ci ce]). Therefore, the outcoming stop consonant may exceed the tongue contact area for the two segments in succession. The evolutionary stages during the palatalization process may be characterized as follows. At the outset of the process, the degree to which the front and back lingual gestures overlap and blend varies gradually with speaker and speech rate, as exemplified by other gestural blending cases involving an alveolar consonant and following /j/ and thus the replacement of /sj/ by [ʃ] and /nj/ by [ɲ] in presentday English confess you and onion, respectively (Zsiga, 1995). At a later stage, the blended realizations may become categorical and systematic throughout contextual and positional conditions across the words of the lexicon and, thus, may acquire phonological status. This has been so for the Catalan or Spanish palatal phonemes /ɲ/ and /ʎ/ derived from Latin /nj/ and /lj/ through gestural blending, as well as from other etymological sequences such as /nn/ and /ll/ through an increase in tongue contact related to consonant duration: /nj/ > [ɲ] (Cat. [munˈtaɲə] ‘mountain’ < *monˈtanea), /nn/ > [ɲ] (Cat. [aɲ] ‘year’ < ), /lj/ > [ʎ] (Cat. [ˈpaʎə] ‘straw’ < ), /ll/ > [ʎ] (Cat. [baʎ] ‘valley’ < ).

2.2 Proposed interpretations of velar softening Well-motivated reasons need to be given why an articulation-based account of velar softening is preferable to an alternative interpretation based on acoustic equivalence. An apparently problematic issue with the study of the phonetic causes of velar softening is that the input and outcome consonants are not articulatorily continuous: /k/ is either postpalatal/postpalatovelar or purely velar depending on vowel context, while the front lingual affricate outcome is most

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typically palatoalveolar ([tʃ]) and even alveolar ([ts]). Two approaches have been taken in order to account for this discontinuous relationship. According to a more traditional view, which we subscribe to and which has already been sketched above, velar softening is an articulation-based process by which the back palatal or velar closure location for /k/ is fronted gradually to a purely palatal, alveolopalatal, and even alveolar stop articulation, which may be transcribed generically as [c] and will be generally referred to as (alveolo)palatal throughout the book. These differences in [c] closure location may explain why the affricate outcome of the velar softening process may also differ in place of articulation and thus may be not only palatoalveolar ([tʃ]), as it is most generally found in the world’s languages, but also palatal ([tç]), alveolopalatal ([tɕ]), and alveolar ([ts]). This view has been advocated by, among other scholars, several Romance linguists since Rousselot (see Rousselot, 1924–5: 601–18, and Straka, 1965: 132), and conforms to the Neogrammarian principle that sound changes should be articulatorily motivated and contextually determined and proceed gradually (Hale, 2003). According to a more recent explanatory proposal, the replacement of /k/ before a front vowel or glide, which exhibits a back palatal or palatovelar closure made with the tongue dorsum, by a front lingual affricate (mostly /tʃ/) occurs whenever the listener misidentifies some acoustic characteristics of this contextual velar stop allophone as those of the affricate. The rationale underlying this acousticoperceptual account is that velar softening should proceed abruptly and therefore that no intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop articulation is needed in order for front /k/ to be categorized as /tʃ/. The dismissal of an articulatory explanation for this sound change becomes apparent from the following statements: ‘The problem with many of the articulatory accounts is that they fail to explain why a palatal segment would move forward to a post-alveolar position and change from a dorsal to an apical/laminal articulation’ (Guion, 1996, chapter 2: 33); ‘That the point of articulation of the stops in sequences like /ki/ and /gi/ is quite fronted is well established. The main problem with a purely articulatory account of the sound changes in (1) (e.g.,  [ˈplakḙo] > [ˈpjattʃo] It. piaccio “to like, 1st pers. indicat. pres.”) is that it is not all obvious how a shift from dorsals to apicals could occur’ (Ohala, 1993). In this regard, Ohala (1989, 1993) refers to the finding that front /k/ is prone to being confused with /t/ when followed by the vowel /i/. Indeed, results from an identification test with English CV productions with aspirated /p t k/ and the vowels /i ɑ u/, in which listeners were presented the stop burst plus 100 ms of the following vowel, thus including the vowel transitions, show that /k/ followed by /i/ is identified as /k/ (38%) but even more often as /t/ (47%) while /t/ followed by /i/ is essentially perceived as /t/ (88%) (Winitz et al., 1972). The similar characteristics of the vowel transitions must play a relevant role in these confusions since the stop burst-intensity peak is higher for /ti di/ (about 4000 Hz) than for /ki gi/

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(3000 Hz) (Zue, 1980: 65). In Ohala’s opinion, the replacement of front /k/ by /t/ helps to explain velar softening, which in addition requires that the frication noise for the front velar stop burst be identified with the frication noise of the front lingual affricate. Within this acoustic equivalence framework, the misidentification of front /k/ as /tʃ/ has been attributed in Guion (1996, 1998) to several ambiguous acoustic cues: (a) The most relevant characteristic which may cause front /k/ to be misidentified as /tʃ/ is the spectral similarity between the front velar stop burst and the frication noise of the palatoalveolar affricate, which are both endowed with an intensity peak at about 3000 Hz or somewhat above this frequency. (b) Another relevant cue is burst duration, which includes the frication phase of unaspirated stops and the frication and aspiration phases of aspirated stops. Indeed, the burst for front /k/ is longer than the burst for the back velar allophone while approaching the frication phase of a front lingual affricate, in so far as a greater lingual constriction narrowing at the release in the case of the former vs the latter allophone goes hand in hand with an increase in airflow volume and velocity. (c) A third acoustic characteristic is the direction and frequency extent of the vowel transitions, mostly those of the second formant (F2), which are directed towards a high-frequency locus in CV sequences with either front /k/ and /tʃ/. According to data for three E. Catalan speakers (Recasens, 1986), the F2 and F3 vowel-transition endpoints in the context of /i/ occur at similar, though not identical, frequencies for unaspirated /k/ (F2=2350 Hz, F3=3050 Hz), unaspirated dental /t/ (F2=2200 Hz, F3=2775 Hz) and the palatoalveolar affricate /tʃ/ (F2=2090 Hz, F3=2820 Hz). Therefore, the transition end points in question appear to occur at even higher frequencies for the front velar than for the dentoalveolar and the affricate. In parallel to these Catalan data, the F2 transition end-point frequency values for the front velar are somewhat higher than those for the alveolar stop and the palatoalveolar affricate in English CV sequences: /gi/ (about 2300 Hz), /di/ (about 1950 Hz), /tʃi/ (about 2000 Hz) (Stevens et al., 1966); /ki/ (2200 Hz), /gi/ (2000 Hz), /ti, di/ (about 1800 Hz) (Lehiste and Peterson, 1961). An analogous remark may be applied to the end-point frequency of the F3 vowel transitions. Several perceptual experiments have been conducted in order to test the validity of the acoustic equivalence hypothesis according to which front velar stop productions may be identified as front lingual affricates by listeners. Guion (1996, 1998) reports that acoustic stimuli excised from productions of aspirated /k/ before /i/ by American English subjects that contained the stop burst and 100 ms of the following vowel with white noise over-imposed were identified

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35% of the time as /tʃ/ and 43% as /k/ (and 12% as /dʒ/ and 10% as /g/). According to a later experiment (Chang et al., 2001), productions of /ki/ with unaspirated /k/ excised from English words starting with /ski/ could be heard 29% of the time as /t/ and 67% as /k/ after removal of a narrow bandwidth peak located at about 3500 Hz; moreover, in another identification task, when subjected to the same filtering procedure, [khi] stimuli taken from the English word key could be perceived as /tʃi/-like, and an analogous confusion was obtained between unaspirated /gi/ and /dʒi/. The hypothesis that velar softening is triggered by acoustic similarity between a front velar stop and a palatoalveolar affricate has recently been questioned. Thus, in Garrett and Johnson’s view (2013: 71), the affricate outcome of the velar softening process may be accounted for through perceptual enhancement of an intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop realization [c], which is achieved by fronting the closure location for front /k/. They hypothesize that this evolutionary path may have occurred in Modern Greek, where some dialects have the allophones [c ɟ] of front /k g/ and others the affricate cognates [tʃ dʒ]. We sketch next some problematic aspects of the acoustico-perceptual hypothesis of velar softening, which lead us to conclude that acoustic equivalence cannot generally be the primary cause of the sound change of interest and therefore that, at least in the majority of the cases, an articulation-based explanation is preferable. The proponents of the hypothesis that velar softening ought to be acoustically based do not provide solid arguments as to why the phonetic replacement of front /k/ by /tʃ/ cannot operate through an articulatory modification. Thus, it has been stated that it remains unclear why the dorsovelar stop may change into an apical or laminal articulation, in spite of the existence of a considerable number of languages and dialects where front /k/ may be realized more or less systematically as the (alveolo)palatal stop [c], which can only be generated through closure fronting yielding a change in place of articulation from velar to (alveolo)palatal (Section 3.2). Moreover, there is ample dialectal evidence that this stop realization may co-occur with a front lingual affricate in more or less casual productions depending on factors such as contextual segment, word position, stress, and speaker (Sections 4.2 and 4.3). Therefore, in contradiction to previous claims such as Telfer’s (2006), an (alveolo)palatal stop appears to be required for /k/ to undergo coronalization and, even though this stop consonant type may remain stable in specific dialects, the change from [c] to [tʃ] or [ts] is frequently attested in others. Therefore, velar softening does not involve a discontinuous change in primary articulator from dorsal to apical: while the two closure locations occur far apart, they are nevertheless related continuously through (alveolo)palatal stop productions exhibiting intermediate closure locations. In sum, the fact that two sounds (i.e., front /k/ and /tʃ/) are acoustically similar does not imply that the replacement of one by the other must have an acoustic cause.

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There are also problems with the naturalness of the perception stimuli which have been used in studies seeking to show that velar softening is acoustically based. Thus, perceptual confusions in Guion’s study occurred only when tokens of /ki/ excised from natural English productions were degraded by the superimposition of high-amplitude white noise on them. In a later study (Zygis et al., 2010), we found that the front velar stop burst without white noise superimposed in comparable [khi] stimuli excised from German speakers’ productions does not sound like the frication portion of an affricate (and therefore like tsch in German words like deutsch ‘German’, Tscheche ‘Czech’, and latschen ‘to walk carelessly’) and thus, even when the stop is aspirated and therefore exhibits a prominent release burst both regarding duration and intensity. In particular, when presented for identification to fifteen German subjects, aspirated front velar stop stimuli whose bursts were about 90 ms long and ranged between 35 dB and 53 dB elicited practically no /tʃ/ responses and were thus systematically categorized as /k/ instead of /tʃ/. Moreover, Guion’s claim that VOT and thus burst duration for front /k/ needs to be about 100 ms or longer to be identified as /tʃ/ about at least 35% of the time excludes unaspirated productions of front /k/ whose burst is much shorter than 100 ms (e.g., the unaspirated velar stop burst is about 65 ms long before /j/ and about 50 ms before /i/ in Catalan; Zygis et al., 2008). These unaspirated stop productions may nevertheless trigger velar softening into [tʃ] or [ts], as evidenced by sound-change data for the Romance languages (see Sections 4.3.2.2 and 4.4.1.11). Other perception identification data do not provide strong support for the acoustic equivalence motivation of velar softening. Ćavar and Hamann (2003) tested the hypothesis that Polish listeners would judge front /k/ closer to /tʃ/ and palatalized /t/ closer to /tɕ/ based on morphologically conditioned alternations involving the stop-softening phonological rules /ki ke/ > [tʃi tʃe] and /ti/ > [tɕi tɕe] of Modern Polish ([krɔk] ‘step’, [ˈkrɔtʃεk] ‘small step’; [brat] ‘brother’, [ˈbratɕε] ‘brother, loc., voc.’). When Polish subjects were asked to identify several acoustic stimuli for /ki/ and /ti/ as /tʃi/ or /tɕi/, they judged not only palatalized /t/ but also front /k/ to be more similar to /tɕ/ (about 65% of the time) than to /tʃ/ (about 35%). These results do not clearly back the acoustic equivalence hypothesis when related to active phonological processes occurring in a given language. Another reason for discarding the acoustic equivalence hypothesis is based on the assumption that, for velar softening to apply, the velar stop must be front and thus implemented through a postpalatal or postpalatovelar closure. As argued in Sections 4.3.3 and 4.3.4, there are cases in which velar softening has operated on velar stop productions which are presumably not anterior, since they show up not before a front vocalic segment but before a not necessarily anterior variant of /a/, a schwa, and/or word-finally. The acoustic-equivalence relationship between the stop and the affricate outcome cannot possibly account for all or some of these instances of velar softening. Moreover, the fact that the velar-softening end product may be as anterior as [ts] also raises doubts about the acoustic-equivalence

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explanation. Indeed, in parallel to the burst frequencies for /t d/ and /k g/ before a front vowel, the frication noise for the alveolar affricate is located at a higher frequency than are the burst for front /k/ and the frication noise for /tʃ/, since the frequency characteristics of the spectral noise for obstruents depend inversely on the size of the cavity located in front of the consonant closure or constriction (Fant, 1960). These arguments lead to us to believe that velar softening is triggered by changes in the articulatory and aerodynamic characteristics of (alveolo)palatal productions of velar stop consonants. Chapters 3 and 4 will explore in detail how velar softening may proceed from realizations of the outcome [c] of the velar palatalization process, whose closure location may differ considerably as a function of several factors. This will be done by focusing separately on the two subprocesses identified above, i.e., velar palatalization and velar assibilation.

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3 Velar palatalization Based on a considerable amount of dialectal material, this chapter shows that fronting the closure location for /k/ before a front vocalic segment, and in other contextual and positional conditions, may cause postpalatal or postpalato-velar realizations of the velar stop to become plain palatal, alveolopalatal, and even alveolar, and therefore cause the velar stop to achieve more anterior places of articulation. It also deals with the acoustico-perceptual consequences that result from differences in closure fronting for the (alveolo)palatal end products of the velar palatalization process. Section 3.1 is about the presence of [c] in languages or dialects, whether this stop has phonemic status or else is an allophone or a frequent realization of the velar stop phoneme. In a not negligible number of cases the (alveolo)palatal allophone of the velar stop happens not to be restricted to the ‘before a front vocalic segment’ context condition but may occur in other contexts and positions as well, which is not in support of the hypothesis that velar softening ought to be triggered by acoustic equivalence between front /k/ and a front lingual affricate. Section 3.2 shows that, whether phonemic or allophonic, [c] may differ considerably regarding closure location over the alveolar and palatal zones, and that this scenario may hold even for speakers of the same dialect. This section and the following section, 3.3, also deal with the perceptual ambiguity of [c] and thus with the fact that the (alveolo)palatal stop can be perceived as either /t/ or /k/, providing support for the notion that there is no direct replacement between the velar and the dentoalveolar stops and therefore that velar softening is not implemented abruptly. In this respect, an open issue, which will be addressed here and in other passages throughout the book, is the extent to which the perceptual categorization of the (alveolo)palatal stop [c] as a dentoalveolar or velar stop should be related to closure fronting degree. Section 3.4 proposes that velar palatalization may be triggered by articulatory strengthening, by looking into those factors which contribute to the reinforcement of the velar stop articulation into [c] through an increase in tongue-to-palate contact, namely, position of the consonant within the word and the utterance and with respect to stress, and the articulatory characteristics of the contextual segments.

Phonetic Causes of Sound Change: The Palatalization and Assibilation of Obstruents. Daniel Recasens, Oxford University Press (2020). © Daniel Recasens. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198845010.001.0001

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3.1 General conditions on velar palatalization There are languages where the (alveolo)palatal stop has phonemic status (Section 3.1.1). The (alveolo)palatal stop may also be a realization of the palatalized velar stop /kj/ in languages where consonant palatalization is phonemic (Section 3.1.2), or else a systematic allophone or a highly frequent realization of /k/ in different contextual and positional conditions. Sections 3.1.3 to 3.1.5 deal with the environmental conditions which engender (alveolo)palatal stops through velar palatalization, i.e., before a front vocalic segment, whether it be a vowel or glide (3.1.3), before a low vowel (3.1.4), after a high front vowel or glide, or wordfinally (3.1.5). This array of possibilities is informative about the expected pathway of velar palatalization, which has been sketched already in Section 2.1. The process starts out with a scenario where the velar stop phoneme is realized through palatalized velar and (alveolo)palatal articulations co-occurring more or less in free variation in palatalizing contexts and favourable word positions. At a later stage, [c] becomes a systematic allophone and thus shows up invariably in those same contexts and positions (e.g., before a front vocalic segment). At the final stage of the sound-change process, the (alveolo)palatal stop may acquire phonemic status and thus happens to occur across the board and consequently in non-palatalizing environments as well. The presence of palatal consonants in non-palatalizing conditions may be associated with rule telescoping and, therefore, the loss or later change of the palatalization trigger (see in Section 3.1.3.1 the Modern Greek examples [ˈcato] Gr. Κιάτο, name of town, and [ˈfuca] Gr. φύκια ‘seaweeds’, in which the velar palatalization trigger /i/ has been absorbed by the palatal stop).

3.1.1 Palatal stop phoneme In diverse language groups (see among other sources Maddieson, 1984: 212), the palatal stop has phonemic status and may thus show up in segmental contexts which do not trigger consonant palatalization. Among others, the following language families may be included: Romance (e.g., Raetoromance, and N. and S. Italo-Romance dialects; Haiman and Benincà, 1992), Germanic (Icelandic), Slavic (Czech, Slovak, Macedonian), Gaelic (Irish), Baltic (Latvian), Albanian, Uralic (Hungarian), Turkic (Azerbaijani), Indo-Aryan (Nepali; Masica, 1991: 94), Austroasiatic (Vietnamese, Khasi, Khmer), Austronesian (Javanese, Karo Batak, Makassar; Adelaar and Himmelmann, 2005: 536, 592, 651), Australian (Ngarluma, Arabana, Arrernte, Diyari, Kuku-Yalanji), Nilotic (Dinka), Bantu (Yao, Luganda), Nilo-Saharian (Mursi), Chadic (Margi), Niger-Congo (Wolof, Diola), South American (Paez, Jaqaru, Hup). In these and other languages, the (alveolo)palatal consonant is supposed to show up, to a greater or lesser extent,

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not only before front vowels but before low and back rounded vowels as well. A relevant case in this respect is that occurring in Bulgarian and Turkish where the presence of /c/ and /ɟ/ before vowels of the latter class occurs only in foreign borrowings, as exemplified by the lexical pair [ɟol] ‘pool’, [gol] ‘naked’ in Bulgarian (Scatton, 1984: 65) and in Section 3.1.4.1 for Turkish. (Alveolo)palatal stop phonemes result historically from analogous palatalization developments to those operating diachronically in languages or dialects where (alveolo)palatal stops have no phonemic status. Thus, in Albanian, /c ɟ/ developed from /k g/ before a front vowel through an early palatalization process which affected Indo-European lexical items and a later language-internal sound change which operated on borrowings from Latin, Greek, and Turkish and also on [kj gj] derived from /kl gl/: [cεn] ‘dog’ < , [caj] ‘to cry’ < Proto-Albanian *klaunja, [ˈɟuhə] < [ˈgluhə] ‘language’ from Proto-Albanian gulxā (Kolgjini, 2004: 99–102, Orel, 2000: 67, 112, 188, Matasović, 2016: 15). Also in Old Icelandic, /c/ came from /k/ before a front vowel and the palatal glide and remains in opposition with the velar stop realization in the same contextual environments owing to sound changes that affected vowels when the velar palatalization rule was not available any longer ([chœ:r̥] Icl. kjör ‘lot’ from earlier [chør] vs [khœ:r̥] Icl. kör ‘disablement’ from earlier [khɔr]; Árnason, 2011: 101–2). In addition to the front velar source, the (alveolo)palatal stop phonemes may be traced back to palatalized dentoalveolars in E. European languages such as Hungarian (Kálmán, 1972: 54), Czech, Slovak (Carlton, 1991: 233, 240) and Macedonian (Lunt, 1952: 12).

3.1.2 Palatalized velar stop The (alveolo)palatal stop may be a realization of the palatalized velar stop /kj/ in languages with a series of phonemic palatalized consonants differing in place and manner of articulation. A shorter temporal lag between the two consecutive lingual gestures in /kj/ than in /ki ke kj/ may be the reason why gestural blending between the primary dorsovelar stop gesture and the secondary dorsopalatalconstriction gesture yields an (alveolo)palatal stop, which runs generally more anteriorly than the one derived from /k/ before a front vowel or glide. In Bulgarian, which has a phonemic palatalized consonant series, palatalized velar stops have been reported to be phonetically palatal (Scatton, 1984: 18, 59). Palatalized velars appear to be realized as palatal or palatovelar also in E. Azerbaijani dialects (Stilo, 1994: 81), in Mongolic languages such as Khalkha and Buryat (Skribnik, 2003: 1056, Svantesson, 2003: 157), and in Donegal Irish (Ó Dochartaigh, 1992: 85). X-ray data on sagittal tongue profiles indicate indeed that /kj/ may be articulated at the medio-postpalatal zone with a narrow alveoloprepalatal constriction, and thus be realized as a purely palatal stop, in Polish and Russian (Koneczna and Zawadowski, 1951, 1956).

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Additional data in support of the frequent realization of /kj/ as [c] may be obtained from phonetic transcriptions for Romanian dialects where velars may be phonologically palatalized before front vowels and thus not only before the wordfinal inflectional suffix -i (Chitoran, 2002). In Petrovici (1956–72, maps 581, 1507, 1816), /kj/ is transcribed as [kj] or [c] in some lexical items rather than others, most especially in Maramureş and part of the Transylvania region: [ˈmukje], [ˈmuce] Rom. muchie ‘edge’, [ˈvekje], [ˈvεce] Rom. veche ‘old, fem. sing.’, [ˈwokji], [woc] Rom. (patru) ochi ‘(four) eyes’. The same phonetic symbols and also [kj] wih [c] superimposed may be found in Transylvania in words such as ureche ‘ear’ and ochi ‘eyes’ according to Rusu et al. (1992–2006, maps 36, 60). In line with these phonetic transcriptions, palatographic data for fronted [k] or [c] in Romanian words such as chip ‘face, picture’, chem ‘I call’, and chiu ‘a shout’ reveal the presence of an alveolopalatal articulation in the case of two speakers and a purely palatal one for a third subject (Dukelski, 1960).

3.1.3 Palatalization before front vocalic segments As has been pointed out, a gestural blending mechanism ensures that the closure for front /k g/ will be found at the back palate or palatovelar zone. Moreover, a shift in place of articulation from velar to (alveolo)palatal is expected to take place mostly before a front vocalic segment, since this is precisely the contextual condition where velars are articulated most anteriorly. A goal of the present section is to show for a selection of representative cases from a varied array of languages that this change of place is a rather natural phenomenon and also to elicit whether, as reported in previous typological studies (Bhat, 1978, and also Kochetov, 2011), front velar palatalization is more likely to apply before front vowels than before /j/. The section is subdivided into languages and dialects exhibiting (alveolo)palatal stops derived from front velars through blending, whether non-Romance (Section 3.1.3.1) or Romance (Section 3.1.3.2). As referred to in the latter section, in Romance languages and dialects, (alveolo)palatal stop realizations before a front vocalic segment happen to show up if resulting essentially from a third of a series of palatalization processes.

3.1.3.1 Non-Romance languages There is a trend for front velar palatalization to apply before front vowels rather than before /j/. Indeed, the (alveolo)palatal stops [c] and [ɟ] may be allophones of the velar stop phonemes before any front vowel but apparently not before the palatal glide. The stops in question occur before /i e/ in the C. Tano language Akan ([cɕĩm] /kim/ ‘twist’, [cẹtẹ] /kẹtẹ/ ‘mat’; Boadi, 1988), in the Tacaná dialect of Mayan ([ce:j] ‘horse, deer’, as opposed to [ke:x] in the Mayan language Quiché; Guion, 1996, chapter 2: 17–18), and also in Modern Greek, where the high front

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 

vowel is absorbed by the (alveolo)palatal stop when occurring before a vowel which is low or back-rounded in the same syllable ([ˈcato] Gr. Κιάτο, name of town, [ˈfuca] Gr. φύκια ‘seaweeds’; Arvaniti, 2007: 112–13). Both /k/ and /g/ are realized as [c] and [ɟ] before high and mid front vowels across a morpheme boundary in Polish ([skɔk] ‘jump, nom. sing.’, [ˈskɔci] ‘jump, nom. pl.’; Ćavar, 2004: 6), and also in Latvian in lexical forms outside of core vocabulary ([ˈbaŋka] ‘bank’, [ˈbanjcieris] ‘banker’; Urek, 2016). Several historical instances of the velar palatalization process /k/ > [c] before any front vowel may be adduced as well. This sound change applied word-initially in Telugu and also in Tamil-Malayalam except in words where retroflex or certain alveolar consonants occurred in the syllable following the front vowel nucleus (Tamil [cej] ‘to do, make’ < Proto-Dravidian *kej; Emeneau, 1995, Krishnamurti, 2003: 128–9). Velar palatalization has also been reconstructed before the front vowels *i and *e for Bantu languages such as Gogo ([c ɟ], Guthrie’s code G11) and Maŋanja, Yao, and Makonde ([c], N31c, P21, and P23, respectively) (Guthrie, 1967–71), and operates phonologically in present-day Tswana (Bateman, 2007: 479). The sound change of interest may also take place only before a high front vowel, which is consistent with the principle that among contextual front vocalic segments, if lower vowels trigger palatalization so do high vocoids. A phonologically regular process causes /k g/ to shift to [c] before /i ɪ/ in Modern Icelandic ([ˈchi:per̥] ‘goalkeeper’; Árnason, 2011: 102), and in Bantu languages such as Pimbwe (M11), Mambwe (M15), Mwanga (M22), and Herero (R31), the (alveolo)palatal stop is the outcome of velar palatalization before reconstructed *i (Guthrie, 1967–71, and see Section 4.4.1.1). Velar palatalization before /j/ is however not completely absent. Indeed, the velar palatalization process may take place before /j/ as well as before any front vowel, as in Old Icelandic and Old Albanian (Section 3.1.1). Also in Old English, word-initial front velar stops turned to (alveolo)palatal before a front vowel or glide, after which [c] shifted to [tʃ] and [ɟ] to [j]: [tʃɪn] chin, [jεl] yell, and [ˈjiə] year < Old English ċin, ġiellan, and ġēar, where ċ and ġ stand for (alveolo)palatals or palatalized velars (Minkova, 2014: 82–6). In Korean dialects, /k kh/ shifted to affricated [c ch] before /i j/ in Early Modern Korean towards the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries ([cil] kil ‘road’, [cim] kim ‘seeweed’; Lee and Ramsay, 2011: 259). The Bantu language Ganda, on the hand, has a phonological rule by which /k g/ shift to (alveolo)palatal stops before /i j/ ([mucira] /múkírà/ ‘tail’; Bateman, 2007: 400).

3.1.3.2 Romance languages (third velar palatalization process) Of special interest are several dialects of Raetoromance and N. Italy where /k/ and /g/ have developed into (alveolo)palatal stops before high and mid front vocalic segments, whether unrounded or rounded, through a third velar palatalization process. Two earlier velar palatalization processes operated in Romance (see Lausberg, 1970, for a summary).

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First velar palatalization: before front vowels and /j/ in the transition from Latin to Romance throughout almost the whole of Romania, after which the corresponding (alveolo)palatal stop outcomes developed into front lingual affricates. Thus, Latin front /k/ yielded [tʃ] in the Italian cognates [ˈtʃεnto] of  ‘one hundred’ (/kε/) and [ˈbɾattʃo] of  ‘arm’ (/kj/). Second velar palatalization: before /a/ at a later date in Raetoromance (Surselvan [caw], Friulian [caf] ‘head’ < ) and dialects of N. Italy (Valtellina in Lombardy [ca] ‘house’ <  ‘hut’, [ˈcawɾa] ‘goat’ < ; Rohlfs, 1966: 199), as well as in Old French where the (alveolo)palatal outcomes [c] and [ɟ] of /k/ and /g/ changed later into the affricates [tʃ] and [dʒ] first and the fricatives [ʃ] and [ʒ] in the second place ([ʃεvʁ] < , [ʒɑ̃b] ‘leg’ < ). Through the third velar palatalization process reviewed for different geographical domains in (a) to (d) next, /k g/ has come to be realized as [c ɟ] before front vocoids in present-day Romance in lexical items which did not undergo palatalization and affrication in Late Latin and Early Romance. (a) In addition to velar palatalization before /a/, in Romansh and Ladin dialects, front velars have shifted to (alveolo)palatal stops mostly before the front vowel end products of Latin /u/ (Ū) and /ɔ/ (Ŏ), and also in the case of lexical items such as ,  ‘who’. (The bibliographical references for the phonetic variants presented next are each given just once.) ¯ ‘bottom’ > [cil] (Surselvan; Caduff, 1952: 79), [cyl] (Val di Non, Surmiran; Battisti, 1908: 128, Lutta, 1923: 148), [cyl], [cykl] (Engadinian; Pult, 1897: 78–81, Walberg, 1907: 71, 73). ¯ ‘cradle’ > [ˈcinɐ] (Surselvan), [ˈcin:a] (Surmiran), [ˈcyna] (Engadinian), [ˈceɲa] (Sutselvan; Luzi, 1904: 801). ˘  ‘horn’ > [ˈciɐrn], [cern] (Surselvan), [ˈciərn] (Surmiran), [ˈciern], [cjərn] (Engadinian). ˘  ‘body’ > [ˈciarp] (Sutselvan), [ˈciɐrp] (Surselvan). ˘  ‘leather’ > [cir] (Surselvan), [cikr] (Surmiran), [cør] (Engadinian). ,  ‘who’ > [ci] (Engadinian). In areas of Piedmont and Lombardy, including the canton of Ticino, the (alveolo)palatal stop outcome of velar palatalization may be found in the same vowel contexts as above: [cil], [ciw], [cy] < ¯, [ˈcina], [ˈcyna] < ¯, [cørn] < ˘ , [cel], [cøl] ‘hill’ < ˘ , [ci] It. chi < , , [ce] It. che ‘what’ <  (Salvioni, 1901, 1886: 217, Rohlfs, 1966: 199). (b) In dialects of Italy, [kj gj] derived from the Latin tautosyllabic onset clusters /kl gl/ have yielded [c ɟ], presumably through the intermediate

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  forms [kʎ gʎ] (i.e., /kl gl/ > [kʎ gʎ] > [kj gj] > [c ɟ]), after which affrication may have taken place (see Section 4.3.2.2 for some relevant forms with an affricate). The stop has still been available until recently in Ossola and Valsesia ([cɔ] ‘nail’ < , [car] ‘clear, masc. sing.’ < , [ɟaʃ], [ˈɟatʃa] ‘ice’ < *ˈglakja, [ˈøɟɟu] ‘eye’ < ; Rohlfs, 1966: 244, 250, 349), as well as in spoken Florentine ([ˈkjave], [ˈcave] It. chiave ‘key’ < , [ˈokːjo], [ˈoc:o] It. occhio < OCULU; Rohlfs, 1966: 244, Giannelli, 1976: 24, 78). In S. Italy, the voiceless (alveolo)palatal stop realization has also come from the syllable-onset cluster /pl/ through the intermediate sequence [kj] (Section 1.4). Thus, in areas of Sicily, /pl/ has given rise to [tʃ] presumably through the realization [c] of [kj] which, in addition to Sicilian, shows up in Neapolitan, Calabrian, and other dialectal zones ([ˈtʃummu], [ˈcummu] It. piombo ‘lead’, [ˈtʃɔvi], [ˈcɔvi] It. piove ‘it rains’; Jaberg and Jud, 1928–60, maps 366, 408, Rohlfs, 1966: 253). According to Rohlfs, the (alveolo)palatal stop of these lexical forms would have been generated through the development /pl/ > [pʎ] > [kʎ] > [kj] > [c] > [tʃ], though it must be stated that sequences with C2=[ʎ], such as [pʎ] or [kʎ] are unavailable in this dialectal region (see Section 5.2.1.2.1 for more details). A case harder to explain is the outcome [ɟ] of /gl/ (and of /bl/) also in S. Italy, which appears to derive from the simplified variant [ʎ] of [gʎ] (/gl/ > [gʎ] > [ɣʎ] > [ʎ] > [ɟ]) rather than from [gj] (/gl/ > [gʎ] > [gj] > [ɟ]), as suggested by the coexistence of lexical productions with the (alveolo)palatal stop and the (alveolo)palatal lateral in several dialectal areas (Calabrian [ˈʎʎanna], [ˈɟɟanda], Sicilian [ˈʎanna], [ˈɟɟanna] ‘acorn’ < ; Rohlfs 1966: 250). Also in Daco-Romanian, the outcomes [kj gj] of the onset clusters /kl gl/ may have yielded palatalized velar and (alveolo)palatal stop realizations, as exemplified by the forms [ɨnˈkjide], [ɨnˈcide] Rom. închide ‘to close’ <  and [ˈgjatsə], [ˈɟatsə] Rom. gheaţǎ ‘ice’ < *ˈglakja, where the orthographic symbols ch and gh stand for the voiceless and voiced velar stops, respectively. Istro-Romanian, Aromanian, and Megleno-Romanian still preserve the corresponding intermediate phonetic variants [kʎ gʎ]. (c) The so-called third velar palatalization process has applied extensively in France, as revealed by several examples taken from dialects of French and Gallo (1–10), Francoprovençal (11–16), and Occitan (17–19) given in Table 3.1. In French and Francoprovençal, the (alveolo)palatal stop outcome may occur before any front vocalic segment including front rounded vowels and [j] derived from /l/ in onset /Cl/ sequences (, , *ˈglakja); as for Occitan, velar palatalization operates preferably before a high front vocalic segment, whether it be a vowel ([i, y]) or a glide ([j, ɥ]). The symbols [k̮] and [t ]̮ , which are often used for transcribing the (alveolo)palatal stop in the bibliographical references cited in the table have

14. Franc-Comtois 15. Lyonnais 16. Jura, Alpes du Nord 17. Auvergnat 18. Haute-Loire (Saugues) 19. N. Drôme

13. Forézien

11. Ain 12. Vaudois

8. Champagne and Brie 9. Norman Ibid. 10. Picard

7. Ouest

5. Lorrain 6. Bourguignon

2. Gallo 3. PoitevinSantongeais 4. Massif Central

1. Acadian French

Bouvier, 1976: 75, 77, 79

[iˈci] Fr. ici, [cjy] Fr. cul, [aˈɟjy] Fr. eu ‘had’ < *aˈbutu

Gardette, 1941: 61, 63–5, 77 Dondaine, 1972: 98, 136, 137, 168 Gardette, 1950–76, maps 1112, 1121 Martin and Tuaillon, 1971–81, maps 1293, 1436, 1440, 1507, 1513 Dauzat, 1938: 137–41 Nauton, 1948: 168, 1974: 166

Lanher et al., 1979–88, map 799 Taverdet, 1975–84, maps 174, 178, 183, 1745 Massignon and Horiot, 1971–83, maps 243, 402, 443 Bourcelot, 1966–78, maps 160, 443, 522, 627, 630, 656, 840 Brasseur 1980–97, maps 230, 864, 899 Montreuil, 2000 Carton and Lebègue, 1989–97, maps 150, 156, 548 Duraffour, 1932: 224–7 Hasselrot, 1937: 142–143

Nauton, 1957–63, maps 663, 838, 1692

Chauveau, 1984: 30, 142 Pignon, 1960: 379, 384

Hume, 1992: 161

[ce] Fr. que ‘that’ < , [cja] ‘key’ <  [ˈɟjøla] Fr. gueule ‘throat’ < , [ˈcjẽze] Fr. quinze ‘fifteen’ < , [cjy] Fr. cul ‘bottom’ < , [cje] Fr. quel [ˈcyva] Fr. cuve ‘vat’ < , [cja] Fr. clair ‘clear’ < , [cœr] Fr. coeur, [cjo] Fr. cul, [dẽˈɟy] ‘nobody’ <  [ɟjɛs] Fr. glace ‘ice’ < *ˈglakja, [ɛˈɟjyj], [ɛɟoˈɛj] Fr. aiguille, [cjœr] Fr. cueillir, [cjy] Fr. cuir [cy], [cjy], [cjo] Fr. cul, [cyˈlɔt], [cjyˈlɔt] Fr. culotte [aˈɟyjə] Fr. aiguille, [cœɾ], [cjø] Fr. coeur, [cy] Fr. cul, [ɟø]/[ɟjø], [ɟy]/[ɟjy] Fr. Dieu ‘God’ < , [cyˈɾe], [cøˈɾe] Fr. curé [cji] Fr. ici, [cjow], [cjœw] Fr. cul, [ˈɟjɛpə] Fr. guêpe [cyˈɾa] Fr. curer ‘to cure’ < , [aˈci] Fr. ici, [cĩˈta] Fr. quintal, [cɥer] Fr. cuir

[kjø], [kø] Fr. queue ‘tail’ < , [kjɥir], [kɥir] Fr. cuir ‘leather’ < , [gjɛˈte] Fr. guetter ‘to watch for’ [kjo], [co] Fr. clos ‘shut’ < , [gjã], [ɟã] Fr. gland ‘acorn’ < , [cø] Fr. quel ‘which’ <  [kji] Fr. ici ‘here’ <  , [gjiˈle] Fr. glisser ‘to slide’, [kjyˈlɔt] Fr. culotte ‘underpants’, [gjɛr] Fr. guère ‘barely’ [cyˈbɛr] ‘shelter’ < , [recyˈla], [rekjuˈla] Fr. reculer ‘to move back‘, [cyˈɾa] Fr. curé ‘priest’ <  [cœj] Fr. cuir [ɟjɛ], [ɟja] Fr. glas ‘knell’ < *ˈklassu, [eˈɟjiz] Fr. église ‘church’ < , [cyˈɾe], [cøˈɾe] Fr. curé, [ˈici] Fr. ici [eˈcja], [eˈkʎa] Fr. éclat (de bois) ‘splinter’, [ecyˈɾœj] Fr. écureuil ‘squirrel’, [ɟjɛp] Fr. guêpe ‘wasp’ <  [cyˈɾe] Fr. curé, [cɥir] Fr. cuire ‘to cook’ < *ˈkokeɾe, [piˈcɛt] Fr. piquette ‘cheap wine’, [cøˈje], [cɥiˈje] Fr. cueillir ‘to pick’ < , [cø] Fr. queue, [ɟi] Fr. gui ‘mistletoe’, [eɟyˈjõ], [eɟɥiˈjõ] Fr. aiguillon ‘sting’ [cy] ‘mobile panel at the back of the dumper’ < , [cɥir] Fr. cuir, [cø] Fr. queue [cø] Fr. coeur ‘heart’ < , [eˈɟyl] Fr. aiguille ‘needle’ <  [kjø] Fr. queue, coup ‘blow’ < , [kjɛ̃n] Fr. chaîne ‘chain’ < 

Table 3.1 Lexical variants from French, Francoprovençal, and Occitan dialects (also from Gallo) showing an (alveolo)palatal realization of front velar stops. The etymological forms and English gloss are given once for each lexical item

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  been replaced by the IPA symbol [c], and the same criterion has been applied to the voiced cognates [g]̬ and [d̬] (see Section 3.3 in this respect). In some other cases we reproduce exactly the phonetic symbols found in the references in question, i.e., [kj], [tj], [gj], [dj] for the palatalized stop realizations ([kjø] in (1)), and [cj] and [ɟj] for (alveolo)palatal sequences with an inserted glide ([ɟjεp] and [cjy] in (7) and (15)). Regarding the phonetic symbols that scholars use for transcribing the consonant of interest in the table, in the same dialectal zone one often finds both [k̮] and [t]̮ , which correspond to (alveolo)palatal stop realizations which sound more posterior or more anterior, respectively. In some cases, only the symbol [t]̮ is used (Massif Central, Lorrain, Vaudois, Haute-Loire). As to those dialectal domains showing a palatalized velar (Acadian French, Poitevin-Santongeais, Picard), [kj] and [gj] may be replaced by [c] and [ɟ] in Acadian French if we take into account the situation at the beginning of the twentieth century (see Section 4.1). Regarding Picard, even though the consonant may not sound too palatal as a general rule, true palatal realizations nevertheless exist ([cεr] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < , [cø] ‘tail’ < ; Carton, 1972). Even more importantly, frequent instances of [j] insertion such as those occurring in the forms [kjεs] Fr. caisse ‘box’ < , [kjã] Fr. champ ‘field’ < , and [kjø] Fr. coup ‘blow’ <  (see also Flutre, 1977) would not be possible unless an (alveolo)palatal realization had occurred at an earlier date, which suggests that [cj] may have regressed to [kj] (see, for example, Section 3.4.1.1). Along these lines, scholars agree that Norman French, which shares with Picard a similar scenario regarding velar palatalization (Section 3.4.1.2), has (alveolo)palatal stops, not palatalized velars (Brasseur, 1980–97). (d) Velar palatalization before a front vocalic segment has also taken place in more isolated areas of the Romance linguistic domain. This is so for S. Corsica and Gallurese, which exhibit the oucome [ɟ] of /g/ before an originary front vocoid and also before [j] derived from /l/ in Latin tautosyllabic onset clusters (Corsican [ˈɟelu] ‘ice’ < , [ˈpjaɟa] ‘beach’ < , [ˈɟanda] ‘acorn’ < ; Dalbera-Stefanaggi, 1991: 366, 384, 432). Likewise, in Majorcan Catalan, /k g/ are realized as [c ɟ] before /i e ε/ in addition to other contextual and positional conditions ([ci] Cat. qui ‘who’, [ˈɟεrə] Cat. guerra ‘war’).

3.1.3.3 Summary The preceding sections indicate a trend for front velar palatalization to apply before front vowels rather than before /j/ in a large number of languages (see also Bhat, 1978), which includes the Romance third palatalization process in Romansh and Ladin. In other instances palatalization may operate before front vowels and

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/j/ (Romance first velar palatalization; third velar palatalization in N. Italy, French dialects, and Francoprovençal, and also in Daco-Romanian). Front velar palatalization may also operate only or preferably before high front vowels and /j/ (Romance third velar palatalization in Occitan), before a high front vowel (Modern Icelandic, several Bantu languages) or just before /j/ (spoken Florentine). A factor facilitating palatalization before /j/ is the short temporal lag between the stop and the vocalic segment, which could induce gestural blending more easily than if a front vowel was present.

3.1.4 Palatalization before a low vowel Velar palatalization (and velar softening) may take place not only before front vocalic segments but also before a low vowel and schwa, after a front vocalic segment, and word-finally. While being often ignored in works dealing with velar softening, data presented in this section reveal that the change from /k g/ to [c ɟ] before a low vowel is by no means a rare event. In particular, it has played an important role in the Romance languages and particularly in Old French, Raetoromance, and dialects from N. Italy, Picard, and Norman French (Section 3.1.4.2), and supporting evidence from other non-Romance languages also exists (Section 3.1.4.1). A reason for reviewing the instances of velar palatalization before /a/ is to elicit whether the low vowel must be particularly front and thus [æ]-like for velar palatalization and assibilation to apply. Telescoping cases need to be excluded from consideration, namely, instances where [c] appears before a low vowel since the high front vowel or palatal glide which triggered the velar palatalization process has been absorbed by the (alveolo)palatal stop itself (see some Greek examples in Section 3.1.3.1).

3.1.4.1 Non-Romance languages A palatal stop realization of /k/, often followed by intrusive [j], occurs before a low vowel in English dialectal varieties such as those from E. Virginia, S. Carolina, the Midlands, and the southwest of England (Jamaican English [cja:f] calf, [ˈɟja:rdən] garden; Patrick, 2014: 129, and see Operstein, 2010: 132–3, for a summary). This velar palatalization case became the polite usage in England during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries and survived in old-fashioned speech during the nineteenth century, as reflected by the forms gyet for get and cyan for can taken from the seventeenth-century grammarian John Wallis (Dobson, 1968, vol. 2: 952). It has been attributed to the need to distinguish between front and back low vowels, namely, the vowel of catch and the first vowel of cobbler, before the former rose to [æ] (Cassidy and Le Page, 1985: 49). In other language scenarios, /k g/ are realized as palatal stops before /a/ in addition to before front vowels, which appears to be in agreement with the

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implicational principle that, in a given language or dialect, low and mid front vowels trigger palatalization only if high front vowels do (Kochetov, 2011). This is so for Turkish, where /k g/ are realized as palatal stops before front rounded or unrounded vowels, and also before low or high back-rounded vowels in borrowings from Arabic and Persian ([caɾ] ‘profit’ as opposed to [kaɾ] ‘snow’; Zimmer and Orgun, 1999). Also in Persian, velar palatalization takes place before front vowels and low /a/, which is supposed to be especially anterior ([car] ‘deaf ’, [cejf] ‘enjoyment’; Windfuhr, 1997: 681), and in Zuni we have /k/ > [c] before /i e a/ and /k/ > [k] before /o u/ (Newman, 1965: 13). In Arabic, where velar stops have undergone historically palatalization and affrication in the environment of front vowels, the outcome [tʃ] of [c] may also occur occasionally next to back low and rounded vowels in Eastern dialects (Baḥraini [tʃu:d] ‘perhaps’, Abu Ẓabi [ʃo:tʃ] ‘thorns’) (see Johnstone, 1967: 29–39).

3.1.4.2 Romance languages The implicational principle that velar palatalization into an (alveolo)palatal stop should apply before /a/ if it does before a front vowel works only partially for Raetoromance and dialects of N. Italy, which may show [c ɟ] before /a/ and exceptionally before a front vocoid for chronological reasons: velar palatalization operated before /a/ in the Middle Ages or at a later date, long after the (alveolo)palatal stop outcome of Latin /k/ before a front vowel or glide had shifted to a front lingual affricate (see Section 3.1.3.2 regarding these two palatalization processes in Romance). Consequently, in the more or less recent past, these dialects have typically shown an (alveolo)palatal stop before /a/ and a front lingual affricate or fricative before a front vowel, though the third velar palatalization process ensures that [c] may also appear before front vocalic segments in some instances (Section 3.1.3.2). In twentieth-century Raetoromance, [c] has been reported to occur before /a/ in Surselvan, Sutselvan, Surmiran, and Engadinian (e.g., [caw] ‘head’ <  in Tavetsch; Caduff, 1952: 81), in C. and N. Friulian ([caf] < , [ɟal] ‘rooster’ < ; Francescato, 1966: 45) and, regarding Ladin, in Badiot and Marebbano ([caŋ] ‘dog’ < , [caˈval] ‘horse’ < ), while in present-day Fassan, Gardenese, Livinallonghese, and Comelican the palatoalveolar affricate outcome of the (alveolo)palatal stop is found exclusively (Kramer, 1977: 109). As for N. Italy, there was [ca] at the beginning of the twentieth century (e.g., [car] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < ) in several Piedmontese valleys (Antrona, Bognanco, Antigorio, Canobbina, Ossola, Valsesia), in valleys from the canton of Ticino (Biasca, Blenio, Leventina, Maggia), as well as in Valtellina, Val Bregaglia, and localities placed along the rivers Mera and Adda in Lombardy (Salvioni, 1886, 1901, Rohlfs, 1966: 199). In other valleys such as Val Divedro, [ca] had been replaced already by [tʃa] (e.g., [tʃaŋ] ‘dog’< ), and very exceptionally the (alveolo)palatal stop end product of velar palatalization could show up before

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a mid back-rounded vowel (Val di Blenio in the canton of Ticino [cor] ‘to run’, [colp] ‘blow (n.)’) (Salvioni, 1901: 6, 21). The (alveolo)palatal stop appears to have regressed to [k] historically in several areas of N. Italy. This is suggested by the old written forms chian ‘dog’ <  in Lombardy (Busto Arsizio) and also chian <  and chiamp ‘field’ <  in Old Venetian, where chi stands presumably for [c], as well as by present-day cases such as [kjarn] ‘meat’ <  and [ˈkjawɾa] ‘goat’ <  in Tresivio, where [kj] may correspond to the earlier sequence [cj], whose stop has regressed to the purely velar stage (Salvioni, 1901: 27, Videsott, 2001). It has also been argued by Videsott (2001: 39) that this regressive shift took place in order to prevent [c ɟ] derived from /ka ga/ from merging with [c ɟ] derived from the syllable-initial clusters /kl gl/, which, as shown in Section 4.3.2.2, are nowadays pronounced [tʃ dʒ]. The (alveolo)palatal or palatalized realization of /k g/ before /a/ is also available in Picard and Norman French where, unlike French, velars did not undergo palatalization in the Middle Ages and Latin /k/ before /i e/ has yielded [tʃ] (Section 4.4.1.11). In Picard, an intrusive glide [j] often appears between the (alveolo)palatal or a palatalized velar stop and the low vowel, which must have been triggered by the stop itself, and the low vowel may have risen to mid front as it probably occurred in Old French before the stop underwent assibilation into [tʃ] (Sections 3.4.1.1 and 3.4.1.4). A special case is that of nasalized /a/, where the high front glide may have been issued from the split variant [e̯ã], which raises doubts as to whether the diphthong should be attributed to the effect of [c], vowel nasalization, or both. Contemporary examples are [cjer], [cjεr] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < , [cjε] ‘dog’ <  (Remacle, 1953, maps 16, 18), and [kjεs] ‘box’ < , [kjã] Fr. champ ‘field’ <  and [kjεn] ‘chain’ <  (Flutre, 1977: 108). Old Picard shows instances of the same phenomenon: kievre <  ‘goat’, kief <  ‘head’, kier <  (Gossen, 1976: 96), and the nineteenth-century forms quéamp for Fr. champ ‘field’ and géampe for Fr. jambe ‘leg’, in which prevocalic que and ge probably stand for more or less palatalized realizations of the velar stop consonant (Carton, 1972: 454). Also in Norman French, the (alveolo)palatal stop may have caused /a/ to rise to a mid front vowel and occasionally [j] insertion to occur (Section 3.4.1.2): [cεˈrje] Fr. charrier ‘to transport, a cart’, [cẽ], [kjẽ] Fr. chien ‘dog’ < , [cεn], [cen] Fr. chaîne ‘chain’ < , [cεr], [cer] Fr. chaise ‘chair’ < , [cεrˈbõ], [kjεrˈbõ] Fr. charbon ‘coal’ <  (Brasseur 1980–97, maps 204, 758, 851, 983, 988); [ɟerb] Fr. gerbe ‘sheaf ’ < Germ. garba (Tifrit and Voeltzel, 2016). There are other regions in France where velar palatalization may also operate before /a/ in a more or less systematic fashion: in Champagne and Brie, where the (alveolo)palatal allophone of /k/ exhibits a [tç]-like realization before a front vowel, a and o, and in the word-final position ([cɔˈcij] Fr. coquille ‘shell’; Bourcelot, 1966–78, map 668); in Parisian French, where palatograms for the

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velar stop of words such as quatre ‘four’ and cave ‘cellar’ show a complete closure at the hard palate (Rousselot, 1899a: 487–8, 512, 520, Durand, 1929); in the Swiss French variety of Geneva, where /k/ sounds palatalized in words such as [kjat] Fr. quatre ‘four’ as well as before a front vowel (Racine and Andreassen, 2012: 177). Velar palatalization before the low vowel has also been reported to occur systematically only for /g/ in Gallurese and areas of Corsica (Gallurese [ˈɟaɖɖu] ‘rooster’ < ; Blasco, 1984: 229), and for /k g/ in Majorcan Catalan localities in addition to before stressed and unstressed schwa ([ca] Cat. car ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < , [cə] Cat. què ‘what’ < ).

3.1.5 Progressive and word-final palatalization Velar palatalization is not only a regressive process associated with a vocoid following the target consonant. Data reported in Sections 3.1.5.1 and 3.1.5.2 dealing with the word-medial and word-final positions indicate that this sound change process may also operate at the progressive level, and may thus be triggered by the vocalic segment preceding the velar stop consonant, and that this segment may be either /i/ or /j/ and thus implemented through maximal tongue-body raising and fronting. This progressive assimilatory action is in agreement with palatal articulations exerting not only anticipatory (right-to-left) coarticulation but also carry-over (left-to-right) coarticulatory effects on the following phonetic segment due presumably to the mechanico-inertial constraints involved in the execution of the tongue-dorsum raising and fronting gesture. Indeed, lingual kinematic data for dorsal consonants such as /ɲ/ reveal that the tongue body travels a smaller distance at a slower speed and in a longer time during the lowering phase after closure release than during the raising phase before closure onset (Recasens and Espinosa, 2010). This implies that the vowel following [c] or [ɲ] may be more strongly palatalized than the vowel preceding the consonant. Also, whenever the palatalizing effect is exerted by a high front vocalic segment on a velar or another non-palatal consonant, as in the case being considered here, the prediction is that the effect in question may have been caused by a prominent vowel-to-consonant carry-over action. Other considerations, such as the need to anticipate the upcoming phonetic segments in speech, may account for why, as exemplified in the preceding sections, velar palatalization operates in the regressive rather than the progressive direction and thus is induced most frequently by the vocalic segment following the target consonant.

3.1.5.1 Word-internal position Progressive velar palatalization in word-medial position appears to be wellrepresented in languages from Central and South America. In Mesoamerica, velar stops palatalize not only before but also after /i e/ in several K’ichean languages

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(Poqomam of Palin [kjikjʼ] ‘blood’, [tʃʼe:kj] ‘knee’, where the symbol [ʼ] indicates that the consonant is an ejective; England and Baird, 2017: 177), and through the application of a morphophonological rule after /i j/ in Zoque and after /i/ in Pame (Zoque [kjama] /j-kama/ ‘his cornfield’, Pame [tʃikjao] /tʃi-kao/ ‘his/her ear’; Sagey, 1986: 106–12). In South America, progressive velar palatalization occurs in several Amazonian languages: in Carib, the velar stop and other consonantal phonemes palatalize after a high front vowel or glide ([pi:co] /pi:ko/ ‘little chap’; Bateman, 2007: 338); in Sanuma, [kj] is an allophone of /k/ appearing between preceding /i j/ and following /a/ (Dworecka, 2013: 91); in the Witotoan language Bora, velar palatalization applies after /i/ ([ìkjhà] ‘to be’; Thiesen and Weber, 2012: 37–40); in the Jivaroan language Shuar, preceding /i/ causes prevocalic stops such as /k g/ to palatalize into [kj], [c], and even [tj], which may correspond to a very anterior (alveolo)palatal stop realization ([ikjústá] ‘keep it’; Turner, 1992, Saad, 2014: 27–8). As to the European languages, the allophones [c ɟ] of /k g/ occur after /i/ in Breton-speaking zones ([ˈfrica] ‘to crush’, [ˈmiɟa] ‘to fade away’; Falc’hun, 1950: 27–8), and a strongly palatalized velar realization is found in the same contextual condition in Judaeo-Spanish ([ˈricu] Sp. rico ‘rich’; Baruch, 1930: 137). Special reference needs to be made to the historical progressive assimilation cases referred to in (a) and (b) below. (a) Through the so-called third Common Slavic velar palatalization process, velar stops palatalized after a high front vowel and immediately before a low vowel (see Section 4.4.1.4). An analogous sound change appears to operate in Russian dialects, as revealed by forms such as [stɐɾjiˈkja] Rus. stariká ‘old man, genitive’ and others reported by Badouin de Courtenay according to Channon (1972: 17). (b) In Old English (Hogg, 1992: 258–9) velar palatalization took place wordmedially before /i j/ in the case of /k/ and also before other front vowels in the case of /g/ (sēċan ‘to seek’ < Proto-Germanic *sōkjan, dæġes ‘day’), and after a front vowel in the case of both /k/ and /g/ provided that the stop was not followed by a back vowel (miċel ‘much’, reġn ‘rain’, seġl ‘sail’, but stīgan ‘to climb’). Thus, in addition to the vowel following the consonant, the preceding vowel was also involved in the palatalization process, whether in the word-medial position just mentioned or else word-finally (Section 3.1.5.2). A clear pattern arising fron the data from South and Central America, Breton, Judaeo-Spanish, Common Slavic, and Old English presented so far is that progressive velar palatalization occurs most often after /i j/, namely, those vocalic segments whose realization involves the most prominent tongue-body raising and fronting gesture. This finding is in accordance with the biomechanical explanation of progressive assimilations exerted by (alveolo)palatal segments given in Section 3.1.5.

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3.1.5.2 Word-final position Progressive velar stop palatalization in word-final position may be contextually conditioned, though not necessarily. Thus, while a preceding front vowel appears to contribute to the sound-change implementation, word-final reinforcement may be argued to account for instances where the change in question takes place after other vowels. Regarding the trend for certain consonants to be reinforced articulatorily in the word-final position, see Section 3.4.4. Table 3.2 presents the phonetic realization scenario for word-final velars in dialects of Raetoromance and N. Italy. It may be seen that velar palatalization occurs most often after a front vowel, less frequently after /a/, and even less often after a back-rounded vowel. In Engadinian and Val di Non, palatalization operates in all vowel contexts. (The outcome [j] of velar palatalization may be traced back to the lenited variant [ç] of [c], which is still available in Engadine, and may have dropped after a front vowel in this same dialect.)

Table 3.2 Velar stop phonetic outcomes in the postvocalic word-final position in Romansh, Ladin, and dialects from N. Italy, grouped according to the present-day quality of the preceding vowel High front

Mid front

Low

Back rounded

Surselvan (Tavetsch) Sutselvan

[ɐˈmic] <  [anaˈmic] < 

[rεc] < , [lεc] <  [lec] < 

[laj] <  [lak], [laj] < , [sak], [sac] < 

[ɟuk] < , [ˈliuk] <  [pok] < 

Surmiran (Bivio)

[lec] < , [sec] <  [lø] < , [lεj] < 

Val di Non

[ɟyc] < , [lyc] <  [aˈmiç] < , [dzy] <  [aˈmi] < , [syj] <  [fiç] < 

N. Piedmont and Lombardy

[fic] < , [syc] < 

Engadinian (Celerina) Engadinian (Sent)

[poc] < 

[fø] < 

[laj] < 

[fwεç] <  [sec] < 

[laç] <  [sac], [sak] < 

[suç] < 

Sources: Surselvan (Caduff, 1952: 99, 103); Sutselvan (Luzi, 1904: 806, 810–11); Surmiran (Candrian, 1900: 15, 30); Engadinian (Pult, 1897: 91, Walberg, 1907: 87–8); Val di Non (Battisti, 1908: 129); Piedmontese (Salvioni, 1901, Rohlfs, 1966: 425–6). English meanings:  ‘friend, masc.’,  ‘king’,  ‘law’,  ‘lake’,  ‘game’,  ‘place’,  ‘enemy, masc.’,  ‘sack’,  ‘little, masc.’,  ‘dry, masc. sing.’,  ‘juice’,  ‘fire’,  ‘fig’.

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.   

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Regarding the phonetic forms in the table it needs to be stated that, in cases where the velar stop derives from a geminate, the (alveolo)palatal stop may have existed while the consonant was intervocalic and, consequently, before the final vowel was deleted at a very early age (e.g., [sac] < ; Section 3.4.2). This argument cannot hold however for non-geminates located before a back vowel in Latin (e.g., , ), though see Section 3.4.4 for an alternative interpretation. Preference for a contextual high front or front vowel may be found in other languages as well. Word-final velar palatalization operates exclusively after /i/ in Vannes Breton ([kic] ‘meat’; Le Pipec, 2015), and in Old English took place after the high front vowel in the case of *k and also after /æ/ in the case of *g, after which the (alveolo)palatal stop outcomes shifted to [tʃ] and [j], respectively (piċ ‘pitch’, dæġ ‘day’; Hogg, 1992: 258). The affricate outcome [tʃ] of front /k/ shows up after a front vowel in several Arabic dialects ([diitʃ] ‘rooster’, [simatʃ] ‘fish’; Johnstone, 1967: 37–9), and velar (and dentoalveolar) stops and nasals have shifted to (alveolo)palatal after reconstructed *i in the Long Jegan dialect of Berawan from N. Sarawak in Borneo ([bətiəic] ‘tattoo’ < *betik; Blust, 2013: 213). Analogously to the scenario in Engadinian and Val di Non reported in Table 3.2, there does not seem to be a preference for velar palatalization to occur after a front vowel in other dialectal scenarios, and this supports a wordfinal reinforcement effect. Word-final velar palatalization takes place after any vowel in localities of Majorcan Catalan ([sac] ‘sack’ < , [sɔc] ‘log’, [suc] ‘juice’ < ), in the Swiss French variety of Geneva (Racine and Andreassen, 2012: 177) and in Champagne and Brie ([sɔc] Fr. soc ‘ploughshare’, [kɔc] Fr. coq ‘cock’; Bourcelot, 1966–78, maps 272, 994). Also in Persian, velars palatalize wordfinally independently of the preceding segment ([xɑc] ‘earth’, [susc] ‘beetle’; Buckley, 2009: 44, and see Section 3.1.4.1 for the use of the phonetic symbol [c] instead of [kj]), and the same trend holds in Azerbaijanian dialects which may lenite the palatal stop into [ç j h] in a similar fashion to that of Raetoromancespeaking zones ([syˈmyc] ‘bone’, [tʃøˈɾæc], [tʃøˈɾæç], [tʃøˈɾæj] ‘bread’; Salimi, 1976: 84, 87).

3.2 Closure fronting differences for (alveolo)palatal stop consonants A crucial issue in support of the articulatory motivation of velar softening is that [c] may exhibit different degrees of closure fronting, which may lead to the generation of affricates or fricatives differing in fronting degree as well. Based on an analysis of variations in (alveolo)palatal stop closure location, Section 3.2.1 investigates the differences in the frequencies of occurrence of closure fronting patterns across languages, and Section 3.2.2 deals with those factors which trigger so much closure fronting variability.

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38

 

3.2.1 Frequency of occurrence of (alveolo)palatal stop types Based on a proposal by Lenz (1887), Scripture (1902: 434–41) distinguishes between two basic (alveolo)palatal stop types: a /K/ type with a purely palatal closure location made with the mediodorsum and postdorsum, and a /T/ type with an alveolopalatal closure, which is firmer than the closure for the /K/ type and is formed essentially with the predorsum of the tongue. Moreover, depending on closure fronting, the fricative percept at stop release may give rise to affricates of different places of articulation: [tç] for the purely palatal stop, with a more scratchy release; [tʃ] for the alveolopalatal stop, with a firmer release. Though less common, there may be an even more anterior closure type, which Scripture calls /t/ type and may lead to a [ts]- or [tθ]-like affricate sound. Another bibliographical reference worth mentioning in this respect is Ringenson (1922) which, in disagreement with the proposal formulated by other scholars that the (alveolo)palatal stop ought to give rise to [tʃ] (from which [ts] could eventually result), also subscribes to Lenz’s hypothesis that affricate outcomes such as [tʃ] and [ts] may develop independently from the (alveolo)palatal stop in question. In order to evaluate the extent to which [c] (also [ɟ]) may vary in closure fronting degree, an articulatory database has been built up which includes tongue contact traces obtained by means of electropalatography (EPG) and static palatography, as well as lingual surface contours recorded with X-ray and Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI). Data belong to several languages and dialects in which (alveolo)palatal stops have allophonic or phonemic status (see Recasens, 2013, for a different version of the database including [ɕ ç ʎ ɲ j i] as well). Table 3.3 reports these data as a function of consonant, recording method, and language or dialect. They have been taken from the following bibliographical references: 1–5. Majorcan Catalan, [ˈcazə] ‘house’ (Recasens and Espinosa, 2006). 6. Auvergnat Occitan, [ci] (Rousselot, 1924–5: 607). 7. Parisian French, [ca] (ibid.). 8–9. Parisian French, unknown sequence (ibid.: 614). 10. Gallo from Ille-et-Vilaine, unknown sequence (ibid.) 11. Angevin French, [ci] (ibid.). 12–13. Franc-Comtois from Bournois, [cj] (ibid.). 14. Surmiran from Bergün, [ˈceza] ‘house’ (Lutta, 1923: 40). 15. Piedmontese from Valsesia, [ˈvuɟ:a] ‘needle’ <  (Molino and Romano, 2004). 16–23. Czech, unknown sequence (Hála, 1962: 227–31). 24–5. Czech, unknown sequence (Keating and Lahiri, 1993: 80). 26. Czech, Baťa (Chlumský, 1914: 56). 27–8. Slovak, Baďa (Hála, 1929: 33). 29–30. Hungarian, unknown sequence (Kálmán, 1980: 80–1).

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

[c] [c] [c] [c] [c] [c] [c] [c] [c] [c] [c] [c] [c] /c/ /ɟ/ /c/ /c/ /c/ /c/ /c/ /c/

Consonant

EPG EPG EPG EPG EPG SP SP SP SP SP SP SP SP SP MRI SP SP SP SP SP SP

Method

Catalan Catalan Catalan Catalan Catalan Occitan French French French Gallo French Francoprovençal Francoprovençal Surmiran Piedmontese Czech Czech Czech Czech Czech Czech

Language 100 50 0 0 100 43 0 100 87 100 100 100 25 66 100 100 100 100 100 90

100 100 100 100 100 79

R

100 50 50 0 100 0 33 100 87 100 100 100 65 0

L

Alveolar

84 44 84 63 63 71

100 75 100 0 100 100 75 100 100 81 78 100 100 100

L

83 40 89 67 70 78

100 75 75 25 100 100 72 100 100 100 73 100 70 100

R

Pre-palate

51 43 60 33 55 55

75 50 100 50 100 100 100 37 100 50 58 100 100 100

L

54 51 68 49 60 68

75 75 100 50 100 100 100 54 100 75 64 100 100 100

R

Mediopalate

Tongue contact percentages

35 21 32 23 24 32

0 100 100 100 75 100 100 0 67 30 36 60 100 100

L

Postpalate

32 32 44 24 32 43

25 100 100 100 100 100 100 12.5 30 58 45 27 100 100

R

X X

X

X X X X X X

X

X X

X

X X

X

X X X

X

Prepalatal

X

(Dento) alveolar

X X X X

X

X X X

X

Mediopalatal

Closure location

Continued

X X

X X

X X X

Postpalatal

Table 3.3 Linguopalatal contact percentages (middle) and closure location data (right) for (alveolo)palatal stop consonants in different languages and dialects. Consonants have been enclosed by claudators or slashes depending on whether they have allophonic or phonemic status, respectively.

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/c/ /c/ /c/ /c/ /c/ /ɟ/ /ɟ/ /ɟ/ /ɟ/ /ɟ/ /ɟ/ /ɟ/ /c/ /c/ /c/ ([ch]) /c/ /c/ /ɟ/ [c] [c] /c/ /c/ /c/ /c/ ([ch]) /ɟ/ [c]

SP X-ray SP X-ray SP SP X-ray SP X-ray SP SP SP SP SP X-ray SP SP SP EPG EPG EPG EPG EPG SP X-ray SP

Method

Czech Czech Czech Czech Czech Slovak Slovak Hungarian Hungarian Hungarian Hungarian Hungarian Hungarian Icelandic Icelandic Irish Irish Irish Greek Greek Arrernte Arrernte Warlpiri Hakka Chinese Ngwo Ibibio

Language 100 100 100 100 100 100 100 70 100 0 43 28 100 0 0 100 100 100 100 0

100 100 100 100 100 100 0 100 0 33 28 100 10 0 100 100 100 100 0

R

100

L

Alveolar

0

100 67 100 50 10 100 100 65 100

100 89 100 100 100

100

80 27

80

100

L

0

100 71 100 25 0 100 100 80 100

100 80 100 100 100

100

80 55

80

100

R

Pre-palate

50

100 100 100 50 50 50 50 40 80

50 40 0 100 100

22

20 29

70

44

L

50

100 100 100 50 50 50 50 50 73

50 54 46 100 100

70

50 17

70

55

R

Mediopalate

Tongue contact percentages

100

100 100 11 100 100 25 50 35 54

0 0 0 70 100

0

20 17

25

24

L

Postpalate

Notes: EPG: electropalatography; SP: static palatography; MRI: magnetic resonance imaging. See text for details.

22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47

Consonant

Table 3.3 Continued

20

30 16

30

35

100

100 100 20 100 100 25 50 35 45

0 50 33 50 100

R

X X

X X X X

X

X

X X X X X

X X X

X

X X

Prepalatal

X

X X X X X X

X

X

Mediopalatal

Closure location

X

X

X X X X X X X X X X X

(Dento) alveolar

X

X X

X X X X

Postpalatal

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.   

41

31–3. Hungarian, unknown sequence (Rousselot, 1924–5: 609). 34. Hungarian, [cu:k] ‘hen’ (Scripture, 1902: 306). 35. Icelandic, unknown sequence (Dieth, 1950: 184). 36. Icelandic, kindinni ‘sheep, dat. sing.’, skemmdu ‘they have damaged’ (Pétursson, 1968–9: 11). 37–9. Irish, ce ‘who, what’, pic ‘pitch’, tig ‘to come, 1st pers. indicat. pres.’ (Rousselot, 1899b: 247). 40–1. Greek, [aca] (Nicolaidis, 2003: 115–16). 42–3. Arrernte, /c/ across vowels and positional conditions (Tabain et al., 2011). 44. Warlpiri, /c/ across vowels and positional conditions (ibid.). 45. Hakka Chinese, [chɔ] ‘tomato’ (Zee and Lee, 2008). 46. Ngwo, [éɟḕ] ‘postpone’ (Ladefoged, 1968: 52, plate 10). 47. Ibibio, /iki aka/ (Connell, 1991: 360). In the table, each line includes the closure location values for an individual speaker except partly in the case of Czech (reference numbers 16 to 22) where the closure placement data have been averaged across five to seven subjects. The numerical values in the middle eight columns of the table indicate the tonguecontact percentages over the palate surface computed according to the following criteria: (a) As to the static palatography data (SP), the palate surface image projected on paper was subdivided into four equal zones by the tracing of horizontal lines from the left to the right edge at 25%, 50%, 75%, and 100%; these subdivisions correspond roughly to the alveolar zone, prepalate, mediopalate, and postpalate. Contact percentages over the two halves of each of those lines were then calculated and transferred to the columns labelled L (left) and R (right) in Table 3.3. These percentage values are thus indicative of the overall contact size at the two sides of the alveolar, prepalatal, mediopalatal, and postpalatal zones. For both the SP and EPG data, it is important to note that whenever contact percentages at a given articulatory zone are lower than 100% and therefore full closure at that zone is not available, the absence of tongue contact is always towards the palate median line (i.e., tongue contact loss always proceeds from the sides of the palate towards its midline). (b) Regarding the electropalatographic data (EPG), tongue-contact percentages were also measured on the right and left halves of the artificial palate at rows of electrodes 2, 4, 6, and 8 placed at the alveolar, postalveolar, palatal, and postpalatal zones, respectively (see top palatogram in Figure 3.5). Since the main goal was to determine closure location, measurements were performed only when the frequency of electrode activation on each row was 75–80% or higher across repetitions. Just as for the static

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  palatography data, the contact percentages at the two palate sides have been entered in the columns labelled L (left) and R (right) in Table 3.3.

Based on the tongue-contact percentages just referred to, the crosses appended to the four furthest right columns of the table indicate in which articulatory zone(s) ((dento)alveolar, prepalatal, mediopalatal, postpalatal) the full closure for [c] and that for [ɟ] are located. Thus, for example, the EPG closure location for [c] in the reference case 1 of Table 3.3 occurs at the (dento)alveolar and prepalatal zones where all electrodes on rows 2 and 4 have been contacted 100% of the time across repetitions; central contact is less at the mediopalatal zone and even less at the postpalatal zone. As to the static palatography (SP) data for reference case 6 of the table, there is full closure at the prepalatal, mediopalatal, and postpalatal zones but not more anteriorly, where some tongue contact may be found only at the right side at the alveolar zone. Regarding those consonant productions for which there were X-ray or MRI data, the criterion for establishing the articulatory zone(s) where tongue closure was made is based on inspection of midsagittal tongue configurations, whether combined with palate traces, if available, or not. Illustrative examples may be cases 15 and 23 which, according to the four furthest right columns of the table, exhibit a prepalato-mediopalatal closure (15) and a closure location at the alveolar, prepalatal, and mediopalatal zones (23). An evaluation of the place of articulation for the voiceless and voiced (alveolo)palatal stop consonants under analysis was obtained by computing the frequency of occurrence of the following closure or constriction location patterns over the total number of cases (47) in the database: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9) (10) (11) (12) (13) (14)

dental + alveolar, dental + alveolar + postalveolo-prepalatal, dental + alveolar + postalveolo-prepalatal + prepalato-mediopalatal, dental + alveolar + postalveolo-prepalatal + prepalato-mediopalatal + postpalatal, alveolar, alveolar + postalveolo-prepalatal, alveolar + postalveolo-prepalatal + prepalato-mediopalatal, alveolar + postalveolo-prepalatal + prepalato-mediopalatal + postpalatal, postalveolo-prepalatal, postalveolo-prepalatal + prepalato-mediopalatal, postalveolo-prepalatal + prepalato-mediopalatal + postpalatal, prepalato-mediopalatal, prepalato-mediopalatal + postpalatal, postpalatal.

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.   

43

% 30

20

10

0 Dental Alveolar Postalveolo-prepalatal Prepalato-mediopalatal Postpalatal

1 + +

2 + + +

3 + + + +

4 + + + + +

5

6

+

+ +

7 + + +

8 + + + +

9

10

11

12

13

14

+

+ +

+ + +

+

+ +

+

Figure 3.1 Frequency of occurrence of (alveolo)palatal stop closure locations for different languages, as identified by the bundles of crosses displayed at the bottom of the graph Note: See text for details.

The resulting percentages for these fourteen patterns are plotted in Figure 3.1, where the crosses at the bottom of the graph indicate, for patterns 1 to 14, the articulatory zone(s) at which the stop closure occurs. Thus, as pointed out above, pattern (1) corresponds to dento-alveolar realizations, pattern (2) to realizations exhibiting a simultaneous closure at the dental, alveolar, and postalveoloprepalatal zones, and so on. Figure 3.1 reveals that the (alveolo)palatal stop is most often alveolopalatal (pattern 7) or purely palatal, exhibiting a complete closure all over the hard palate (pattern 11), and less often alveolar (5) and back-palatal (13, 14). Dentoalveolar or dento-alveolopalatal realizations (1–4) do not occur frequently. A striking fact is the high degree of variability in closure location for this consonant type, which may also be inferred from the closure placement data for the individual tokens presented in Table 3.3. The table also shows that the degree of closure fronting for the (alveolo)palatal stop is largely dialect-specific and thus probably conditioned by dialect-dependent trends in base of articulation, though this remark ought to be taken with caution given the small number of languages and dialects, speakers, and sequence tokens included in the database (i.e., there are languages or dialects for which only data for just one or two tokens are available). The following groups arise when the closure patterns for the (alveolo)palatal stop consonant appearing in Table 3.3 are classified as a function of language and dialect:

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  (a) (b) (c) (d) (e)

alveolar (Slovak, Warlpiri, Angevin French, Gallo), alveolar or alveolopalatal (Czech), alveolopalatal (Arrernte, Surmiran, Hakka Chinese), alveolar, alveolopalatal, or palatal (Hungarian), alveolopalatal or palatal (Parisian French, Icelandic, Irish, Francoprovençal, Majorcan Catalan), (f) palatal (Greek, Ibibio, Ngwo, Piedmontese, Occitan). Palatographic data for some of these closure patterns have been reproduced in Figures 3.2 (Czech), 3.3 (Ibibio), 3.4 (Ngwo), 3.5 (Majorcan Catalan), and 3.6 (French and Occitan dialects). A relevant issue which we will come back later to in the book is, in fact, whether velar palatalization may generate stop articulations which are (dento)alveolar and thus far more anterior than expected. In principle, the answer must be positive. We have already seen such productions in Rousselot’s palatographic material. Other palatographic data reveal the presence of essentially postalveolar or perhaps postalveolo-prepalatal realizations of [c] and [ɟ] with much contact at the two sides of the hard palate in the case of the words [ca:f] ‘neck’ and [ɟã] ‘thing’ of Gheg Albanian, where the stop has phonemic status (Kolgjini, 2004: 87), and a postalveolar or front palatoalveolar realization in Haute-Loire Occitan, where [c] may be an allophone of both /k/ and /t/ ([cyˈbεr] ‘shelter’ < , [ˈcaʀa] ‘canvas’ < ; Nauton, 1948: 31). Also revealing is a palatogram of the initial consonant of Vaudois Francoprovençal [cje] ‘clot’ <  generated through /k/ palatalization, which exhibits a complete closure all over the alveolar zone, including its frontmost area, and thus may be characterized as dentoalveolar (Hasselrot, 1937: 182). An interesting scenario in this respect is that of Raetoromance dialects. Two palatograms of [c] in Surselvan and Vallader presented in Brunner (1963) show P š 1 2 3 4

2 1 1 2

š L 1 4 3 š2 1 1 2 š 41 1 2 2 3 3 4 4

Figure 3.2 Linguopalatal contact configurations for Czech /c/ according to twenty-seven speakers Source: The palatographic data have been taken from Hála (1962).

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.   

/ki/

45

/ka/

Figure 3.3 Linguopalatal contact configurations for /k/ before /i/ and /a/ in Ibibio Source: The palatographic data have been taken from Connell (1991).

ɟ

Figure 3.4 Lingual contour and linguopalatal contact configuration data for /ɟ/ in Ngwo Source: Ladefoged, Peter (1968) A Phonetic Study of West African Languages: An auditory-instrumental survey. © Cambridge University Press 1968. Reproduced with permission of Cambridge University Press through PLSclear.

that, while in the former dialect the stop has an alveolopalatal realization similar to the linguopalatal contact configuration for the Majorcan Catalan speaker CA reproduced in Figure 3.5, in the latter dialect it is articulated with a dentoalveolar closure and considerable dorsal contact towards the midline at the palatal zone. These stop variants appear to correspond to two different phonetic symbols which

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46

  Alveolar zone speaker AR Palatal zone

speaker CA

speaker MJ

speaker ND

Figure 3.5 EPG linguopalatal contact configurations for the allophone [c] of /k/ in the sequence /ka/ according to four Majorcan Catalan speakers Notes: Electrodes are filled in black if activated 80–100% of the time across tokens, filled in grey (40–80%) or unfilled (0–40%). Complete closure occurs whenever all electrodes on one or more rows are filled and thus have been contacted by the tongue.

have been used by Romance philologists for representing two different variants of the (alveolo)palatal stop differing in closure fronting degree in the Raetoromance domain (see for example Elwert, 1943: 67, and Kramer, 1977: 109). The rationale underlying the use of the two phonetic symbols is that the purely palatal variant needs to be fronted into an alveolopalatal variant in order to be changed into a palatoalveolar affricate. This variable scenario is consistent with phonetic transcriptions appearing in monographs and linguistic atlases of other Romance languages in which the (alveolo)palatal stop consonants [c ɟ] are non-phonemic. Indeed, those transcriptions suggest that the (alveolo)palatal stop may sound more /t/-like or more /k/-like depending presumably on degree of closure fronting. Thus, for example, in the Atlas du Massif Central (Nauton, 1957–63) and the Atlas du Jura et des Alpes du Nord (Martin and Tuaillon, 1971–81), different phonetic symbols are

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.   

47

used for representing the consonant of interest: [t ̮] and [k̮] for more /t/-like or more /k/-like productions of [c], respectively; [t’] and [k’] for prepalatal ([t’]) and postpalatal ([k’]) realizations according to the former atlas and for palatalized dental and velar realizations according to the latter. The ambiguous auditory impression of the (alveolo)palatal stop may also be inferred from the phonetic symbols used in the Atlas Lyonnais (Gardette, 1950–76): [k̮] for palatalized /k/, [t̮] for palatalized /t/; [k̮] with [t] overimposed for realizations whose closure is intermediate between the closures for palatalized /t/ and palatalized /k/. Likewise, phonetic transcriptions such as ty for [c] in Picard and Francoprovençal (Section 4.4.2) indicate the existence of a very front, /t/-like stop realization. And here there is also the belief that the stop closure needs to be fronted in order for the stop to be integrated as a palatoalveolar or alveolar affricate. A similar scenario may be found in non-Romance languages. Thus, for example, /c/ has been characterized as postalveolar and thus often realized as [tj] in the Kwaza language of the Amazon ([ũˈceki] ‘left aside’; ven der Voort, 1994: 56), while in Arabic /ɟ/ has been reported to sound like dy or like gy, which matches the places of articulation of the affricate and stop outcomes derived from this voiced (alveolo)palatal stop consonant in different Arabic dialects (Gairdner, 1925: 23, and Section 4.4.1.7). Also in modern Macedonian, the phonetic realization of (alveolo)palatal stops has been perceived as closer to velars or to dentoalveolars depending on the dialect taken into consideration (Koneski, 1983: 11–12).

3.2.2 Factors impinging on (alveolo)palatal stop closure location and variability A factor which in principle could have an effect on the (alveolo)palatal stop closure placement and variability is phoneme inventory size. In particular, there is the question of whether the two consonant types [c] and [k] are articulated further apart and the [c] closure location is less variable in languages and dialects which have two dorsal phonemes articulated at the hard and soft palates, i.e., /c/ and /k/, than in those where [c] and [k] are front and back allophones of /k/, respectively. The rationale for this expected trend is that, in so far as the phonemic space is more crowded in the former scenario than in the latter, the (alveolo)palatal stop ought to be articulated more anteriorly and less variably in languages and dialects of the former group. Even though the effect of consonant inventory on articulatory precision has not been studied much for consonants, there appears to be some evidence in support of the effect in question. Thus, stop burst amplitude data in CV sequences reveal that the dental and alveolar stops of Malayalam ([t ̪], [t]) are less variable than the Dutch dental ([t̪]) and the English alveolar ([t]), in line with the fact that a two-place contrast holds only in the former language and there is a single front lingual stop in the two latter ones

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 

(Jongman et al., 1985). An inverse relationship between the degree of coarticulatory variability for vowels and the number of vowels in the vowel inventory has been shown to occur for several Bantu languages (Manuel, 1987). Some evidence in support of the effect of phoneme inventory size on closure location for (alveolo)palatal stop consonants may be drawn from the presence of alveolar rather than alveolopalatal realizations of the phoneme /c/ according to practically all twenty-seven Czech speakers who served as subjects in the palatographic study published by Hála in 1962 (see Figure 3.2). As shown by the data provided in Table 3.3, the (alveolo)palatal stop consonant phoneme also exhibits a fairly anterior and relatively invariant place of articulation in Slovak and Warlpiri, though this does not seem to be the case for Irish, which has the phoneme /c/ as well. Also in agreement with the hypothesis under consideration, speakers of the Majorcan dialect of Catalan and of Parisian French and Francoprovençal dialects, where the (alveolo)palatal stop does not have phonemic status, exhibit variable realizations of the allophone [c] of /k/ ranging from purely palatal to alveolopalatal. This array of articulatory realizations becomes apparent in the palatographic material taken from Rousselot (1924–5) referred to in Table 3.3 and reproduced graphically in Figure 3.6: according to the palatograms appearing in this figure, the (alveolo)palatal stop may be alveolopalatal or purely palatal in Parisian French, dento-alveolopalatal or purely palatal in Bournois (Franche Comté), postalveolar in Ille-et-Vilaine (Brittany) and dentoalveolar in Angevin (Anjou). However, judging from the scant articulatory data available, in other dialectal zones where [c] is also an allophone of /k/, closure location for the (alveolo)palatal stop occurs invariably at a specific articulatory zone, e.g., it appears to be purely palatal in Greek. In addition to consonant inventory size, speaker, vowel context, word position, stress, and palate shape cause variability in the (alveolo)palatal stop closure location. According to EPG data for the allophone [c] of /k/ in Majorcan Catalan, which may show up before a front vowel, /a/, and /ə/, and word-finally after any vowel, speakers of this dialect may differ substantially in closure-fronting degree, with some having either a palatal or even a postpalatal articulation and

1

2

3

4

5

6

Figure 3.6 Linguopalatal contact configurations taken from Rousselot (1924–5) showing several realizations of the allophone [c] of front /k/ ranging from purely palatal to dentoalveolar and alveolar Notes: The palatographic data belong to Franc-Comtois speakers from Bournois (1, 4), Parisian French (2, 3), Gallo from Ille-et-Vilaine in Brittany (5), and the Angevin dialect (6).

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.   

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Row number

1 2 3 4 5 6 Palatal zone 7 8

Alveolar zone

speaker AR

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

speaker BM speaker MJ speaker ND

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

speaker CA

#ci

#ca

#ku

i#ci

a#ca

uc#u

ic#

ac#

uc#

Figure 3.7 Closure location for /k/ as a function of position and vowel context according to five speakers of Majorcan Catalan where /k/ is realized as [c] before a front vowel and /a/, and word-finally Notes: The correspondence between rows of electrodes and articulatory zones is given on the abscissa axis. Continuous lines indicate closure placement and extent. See text for details.

others an alveolopalatal realization with varying degrees of central contact behind closure location at the hard palate (see Recasens and Espinosa, 2006, and Figure 3.5 and Table 3.3, this volume). Figure 3.7 allows the joint effect of vowel context and word position on (alveolo)palatal stop-closure location to be studied. It plots closure placement over the alveolar and palatal articulatory zones for realizations of /k/ produced by five Majorcan Catalan speakers in the following word/utterance positions and contextual conditions: word-/utterance-initially after a pause before the vowels /i a u/ ([#ci #ca #ku]); word-/utterance-finally before a pause and after the same three vowels ([ic# ac# uc#]); intervocalically, in word-initial position next to /i a/ ([i#ci a#ca]); and word-finally next to /u/ ([uc#u]). The vertical lines in the figure indicate closure location over the eight rows of electrodes of the artificial palate. Thus, for example, closure for [#ci] extends from row 3 at the alveolar zone to row 5 at the palatal zone in the case of speaker AR, may be found at one or more rows placed over the palatal zone for subjects BM, MJ, and ND, and spreads from

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the frontmost row 1 to the backmost row 8 in the case of speaker CA. A joint inspection of the closure location data for all sequences reveals that speakers differ substantially in closure fronting, with speaker AR having a postalveolar or front alveolopalatal realization, speakers BM, MJ, and ND a strictly palatal articulation which may approach the alveolar or velar zones, depending on the case, and speaker CA large amounts of contact at closure location covering the entire alveolar and palatal areas. Tongue-contact patterns also reveal the presence of a larger and more fronted closure for [c] word-/utterance-initially and word-/utterance-finally than intervocalically, which may be indicative that the stop is strengthened in the two former positions and/or weakened in the latter. Moreover, speaker CA shows two closure patterns for [a#ca] and for prepausal [ac#] and [uc#], i.e., a large closure extending from the front alveolar zone to the back palate and a very posterior realization signalled by a cross whenever the stop closure occurs behind row 8. The question remains of what are the anatomical factors which contribute to so much variability in closure location and thus in place of articulation for [c]. A possible reason is because it is relatively hard to make a full and firm tonguedorsum closure at the palatal zone, which appears to be in line with the presence of contactless spots over the hard palate whenever [c] is articulated with a large closure area (see the presence of these spots in palatographic data for the (alveolo)palatal nasal stop /ɲ/ in Rousselot, 1924–5: 610, and for /ɲ/ and for /t/ and /k/ coarticulated with /i j/ in Millardet, 1910). These spots, which show up most often at the highest point of the palatal vault and thus at the mediopalate, suggest that closure location at this zone is unstable, which may explain why palatal stops are so much less frequent than labial, dentoalveolar, and velar stops in the world’s languages (see Section 1.4).

3.3 Exchanges between /t/ and /k/ A consequence of [c]’s being so variable and an intermediate stage in the development from a velar stop to the front affricate outcome of velar softening is the frequent exchanges between /k/ and /t/ in languages and dialects where the (alveolo)palatal stop is an allophone or a frequent realization of /k/ (Section 3.3.1). These exchanges occur not because front /k/ is acoustically equivalent with /t/ but because [c] may be perceived as /t/-like, /k/-like, or as an intermediate consonantal sound between the dentoalveolar stop and the velar stop since it is produced somewhere between those two consonants. Strictly speaking, there is then no direct replacement of /k/ by /t/, but a replacement of [c] by /t/. The simultaneous presence of velar and dentoalveolar palatalization brings us to deal with the specific conditions under which dentoalveolar stop palatalization applies

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.   //  //

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(Section 3.3.2) and also with those languages and dialects which exhibit the double palatalization process (Section 3.3.3).

3.3.1 /k/ > /t/ and /t/ > /k/ Table 3.4 (top) shows some examples of the replacement of /k/ by /t/ taken from Romance dialects where [c] is an allophone of /k/. Many more examples may be found in other dialectal regions of France (see Ringenson, 1922, for details). Table 3.4 Exchanges between /k/ and /t/ in dialects where one of the two stops or the two of them may be realized as an (alveolo)palatal stop consonant /k/ > /t/ Regional Tuscan Italian Haute Loire Massif Central Ardenne Champagne and Brie Picard

Breton Parisian French Lorrain

stiena It. schiena ‘back’, fistiare It. fischiare ‘to whistle’

Rohlfs, 1966: 261, 351

[tĩˈtaʀ] Fr. quintal, [aˈti] Fr. ici ‘here’ [racyˈʀa], [ratjuˈɣa] Fr. reculer ‘to withdraw’

Nauton, 1974: 167 Nauton, 1957–63, map 838 Bruneau, 1913: 436–7

tiaché Fr. caché ‘hidden’, tiuré Fr. curé ‘priest’, dière Fr. guère ‘hardly’ [kyˈɾe], [tjyˈɾe] Fr. curé ‘priest’, [kiˈje], [tiˈje] Fr. cueillir ‘to pick’, [kø], [tjø] Fr. queue ‘tail’ tièvre, quièvre ‘goat’ < , tiller, quiller Fr. cueillir ‘to pick’, [tjẽ] ‘dog’ < , [kloˈtje] Fr. cloquier ‘bell tower’ fatitian, fatican ‘to feel sick’, eostit, eostig ‘rossignol’ cintième Fr. cinquième ‘fifth’, tabatière earlier Fr. tabaquière ‘snuff box’ [kjε], [tjε] Fr. clé ‘key’, [kjøç]/[kjœç], [tjøç]/ [tjœç] Fr. cloche ‘bell’, [kjɔˈwe], [tjɔˈwe] Fr. clouer ‘to nail’

Bourcelot, 1966–78, maps 160, 627, 630 Debrie, 1987: 136–7 Flutre, 1977: 114 Falc’hun, 1950: 29–30 Ibid. Lanher et al., 1979–88, maps 364, 985, 1003

/t/ > /k/ Arezzo, Tuscan Norman

Acadian French Picard

[ˈkjene] It. tiene ‘((s)he) holds’, [ˈkjeb:eto] It. tiepido ‘lukewarm’ amiquié Fr. amitié ‘friendship’, piquié Fr. pitié ‘pity’, quiens Fr. tiens ‘to hold, 1st pers. indicat. pres.’ amiquié Fr. amitié ‘friendship’

Giannelli, 1976: 78

quiolée Fr. tiolet ‘sort of bassoon’, jarrequière Fr. jarretière ‘garter’, macquerre Fr. matière ‘matter’, depoqué Fr. depoté ‘unpotted’

Debrie, 1987: 139, 142

Carnoy, 1906: 147

Geddes, 1908: 86

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A relevant point to be made about the examples in the table is that /k/ ([c]) may be replaced by /t/ when occurring before the high front vocalic segments /i y j/ and after /i/ as well. In these contextual cases, the identification of [c] as a realization of the dentoalveolar phoneme /t/ may be associated with a considerably front closure location for the (alveolo)palatal stop. In principle, this vocalic context may cause [c] to undergo a considerable reduction of the front-cavity size, which may result in an increase in the burst spectral peak frequency from about 3000 Hz to the appropriate frequency for the /t/ burst located at about 4000 Hz (see also Section 4.5.1.1). The same contextual condition may be considered to apply whenever /k/ ([c], [kj]) is replaced by the sequence /tj/ before a mid or a low vowel and, therefore, when the CV vowel formant transitions are integrated perceptually as a palatal glide. This is the case for several examples in the table, such as tiaché for caché ‘hidden’ in Ardenne and tièvre for quièvre ‘goat’ <  in Picard, in which the glide is not underlying but intrusive (Section 3.4.1). Glide insertion may also take place before /y/, as in the variants [tjyˈɾe] of [cyˈɾe] curé ‘priest’ from Champagne and Brie and [ratjuˈɣa] of [racyˈʀa] reculer ‘to withdraw’ from Massif Central (see Table 3.4). The split /y/ > [ju] matches the same sound change which has occurred in the adaptation of the Old French words endurer, fum, and us ([y]) as endure, fume, and use ([ju:]) by English speakers (Minkova, 2014: 195). Analogous instances of the phonetic substitution of /kj/ (which is represented graphically as ci) by /tj/ (ti) in spoken Latin and later school pronunciation have also been accounted for assuming the presence of the intermediate phonetic realization [c] (Nève de Mévergnies, 1974, 1976): Praestetium < Praesetecium, tribunitiae < tribuniciae, Anitius < Anicius (Aski, 2001: 38); mendatium < mendacium, Albutius < Albucius, Alvitius < Albicius (Carnoy, 1906: 141, Grandgent, 1991: 178–9). Complementary evidence in support of the existence of the (alveolo)palatal stop allophone of /k/ in a given language or dialect is the reversal /t/ > /k/ (see some examples in Table 3.4, bottom). The replacement of the dentoalveolar stop by the velar stop in these circumstances may be considered to be a hypercorrection by which a palatalized or (alveolo)palatal realization of /t/ is assigned to the phoneme /k/ in dialects where [c] is an allophone or a frequent realization of not only /k/ but /t/ as well. It just happens indeed that, in many regions where the hypercorrection in question occurs, both /k/ and /t/ exhibit regularly a strongly palatalized, [c]-like realization when followed by a high front vocalic segment. Speakers of these dialects are confronted with a situation in which [c] is at the same time an allophone of /k/ and one of /t/, which in principle may cause the (alveolo)palatal stop to be hypercorrected in both directions /k/ > /t/ and /t/ > /k/. Analogously to the /k/ > /t/ cases, the replacement of /t/ by /k/ occurs generally before /j/ and thus in the contextual condition in which /t/ palatalization is most feasible (e.g., amikié for Fr. amitié, [ˈkjene] for It. tiene in Table 3.4). In sum, the allophone [c] of /k/ may be identified as /t/ owing to the ambiguous nature of the (alveolo)palatal stop, which may be perceived as /t/-like, /k/-like, or

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.   //  //

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an intermediate consonantal sound between the dentoalveolar and the velar stop consonants. This ambiguous characteristic matches the considerable variability in closure location exhibited by (alveolo)palatal stop productions both across and within given languages and dialects. The replacement of [c] (/k/) by /t/ occurs before high front-vocalic segments, which includes instances where a glide has been inserted between the stop and a following more open vowel. The reverse replacement of [c] (/t/) by /k/ may be accounted for through a hypercorrection in dialectal domains where /t/ is strongly palatalized in essentially the same vocalic contexts as /k/ (Section 3.3.3).

3.3.2 Dentoalveolar stop palatalization Dentoalveolar stop palatalization involves an increase in closure size towards the back palate and in dorsopalatal contact caused by tongue-dorsum raising coarticulation. In parallel to the changes /nj sj zj lj/ > [ɲ ʃ ʒ ʎ], which have occurred in Late Latin/Early Romance and other language families, blending between the front lingual gesture for /t/ and the dorsal gesture for the following front vocalic segment may take place whenever the two gestures approach each other considerably spatially and temporally. This blending mechanism may result in a [c]-like phonetic realization implemented through a single tongue gesture whose closure is roughly intermediate between that for the dentoalveolar stop and the constriction location for the palatal glide. The extreme case of dentoalveolar palatalization may yield a change in place, thus rendering the stop (alveolo)palatal. Relevant palatographic data showing a large increase in tongue contact at and behind closure location, and thus a shift in place of articulation, may be found in Rousselot (1924–5: 607, 614) and for Tsakonian Greek in Pernot (1934: 75). In parallel to /kj/ in languages where palatalization is distinctive, /tj/ may be realized as [c] in Russian and Bulgarian dialects (Kochetov, 2002: 23) and as [kj] before /i/ in Karaim ([kjiʃ] ‘tooth’; Johanson, 1998: 101). Much less common is the glide-hardening outcome [tc] of /tj/, which may nevertheless be found in Kurundi ([ɡutco], [ɡuco] /gutjo/ ‘that way’; Kochetov, 2016), and the Lower and Upper Polog Macedonian dialects ([ˈbɾatca], [ˈbɾatja] ‘door’; Koneski, 1983: 92). In several Greek dialects, glide hardening accounts for the realization of /tj θj ðj/ as [ðɟ θc ðɟ] in Kos, [θc θc θc] in Cypriot and [θc θc ðɟ] in Chios (Kos [ˈmaðɟa] /ˈmatia/ ‘eyes’, [aˈliθca] /aˈliθia/ ‘truth’; Newton, 1972: 167). According to earlier surveys and as confirmed by the examples for Romance and non-Romance languages presented in (a) to (d) below, dentoalveolar stop palatalization differs from the palatalization of velar stops in that it occurs mostly before /i j/, which are articulated with maximal dorsopalatal contact, rather than before front vowels in general (Bhat, 1978, Hall and Hamann, 2006, Kochetov, 2011). Moreover, as revealed by the following contextual instances where

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dentoalveolar stop palatalization occurs, the process appears to operate before /j/ rather than before /i/, which is in accordance with the palatal glide’s exhibiting a narrower dorsopalatal constriction than the high front vowel or any other front vowel does. (a) Before /j/ in Breton (Falc’hun, 1950: 27), Acadian French ([amiˈce] Fr. amitié ‘friendship’, [cεd] Fr. tiède ‘warm’; Geddes, 1908: 86–7), Tuscan Italian (Aski, 2001: 39) and specific Albanian words (Gheg Albanian [ˈcεtər], Tosk Albanian [ˈtjεtər] St. Alb. tjetër ‘other’; Kolgjini, 2004: 100), and root-finally in Pali ([ˈnicca] < Old Indo-Aryan nitja ‘permanent’; Bubenik, 2003: 239) and Hungarian ([ˈlac:ɒ] /ˈlatjɒ/ ‘he sees it’, [ˈlu:ɟ:ɒ] /ˈlu:djɒ/ ‘his goose’; Calabrese, 2005: 315). (b) Before /i/ in Thessalian Greek ([katj] Gr. κατι ‘something’; Newton, 1972: 148) and apparently in Proto-Mongolic (Janhunen, 2003: 6), and before the suffix -i in Slovak (advokát-advoká[c]i ‘advocate, nom. pl.’; Rubach, 1993: 114). Before /i i:/ and less often before /y y:/, in Palóc Hungarian (Imre, 1972: 315). (c) Before /i j/ in the Greek dialect of Lesbos ([mac] /ˈmati/ ‘eye’, [ˈmaca] /ˈmatia/ ‘eyes’; Newton, 1972: 145). There is also a phonological rule turning /t th/ into affricated [c ch] before /i j/ in Korean, which reflects a sound change which took place in Early Modern Korean around the seventeenth to eighteenth centuries with the exception of the northern dialectal domain; thus, kath-i ‘together’ is implemented as [kachi], and as [kathi] in the northern P’yǒngyan and Yukchin dialects (Sohn, 1999: 174). (d) Before /i e/ in Velvendos Greek (Newton, 1972: 149). Dentoalveolar stop palatalization may also operate progressively after the high vocoids /i/ and /j/ within roots and across an inflectional suffix boundary in elder speakers from Lekeitio Basque ([ˈajca] Bas. aita ‘father’, [poˈlica] Bas. politta ‘pretty’; Hualde et al., 1994: 13, 25). Also in the Long Jegan dialect of Berawan from N. Sarawak in Borneo, reconstructed *t has shifted to an (alveolo)palatal stop after *i ([kolaic] ‘skin’ < *kulit; Blust, 2013: 213). Another situation related to the palatalization of /t/ and /k/ needs to be addressed: while /t/ may be easily palatalized, the categorical change [tj c] (/t/) > /k/ is less likely to occur than the replacement [kj c] (/k/) > /t/. The reason for this difference may be articulatory and related to the frequency of occurrence of the two palatalization types. Indeed, a higher and more curved palate surface at the mediopalate and postpalate than at the postalveolo-prepalatal zone renders the formation of a firm and precise linguopalatal closure harder to achieve at the former location than at the latter (see also Scripture, 1902: 434–41). Therefore, closure retraction from dentoalveolar to purely palatal is not too likely to occur. On the other hand, for a postpalatal or postpalatovelar dorsal stop to become

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.   //  //

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(alveolo)palatal, and thus to achieve presumably a more stable linguopalatal closure, it just suffices that its closure area increases towards the front. This articulation-based asymmetrical relationship, i.e., it is more feasible for velars than for dentoalveolars to become (alveolo)palatals, may explain why, in palatalizing vocalic contexts, (alveolo)palatal stops derived from /k/ are more likely to be identified as /t/ than those derived from /t/ to be categorized as /k/. It needs to be stated that the two-way confusion is nevertheless possible, as exemplified by Rousselot (1924–5: 614) who reports a dialectal realization of the French word tuer ‘to kill’ with a postpalatal or postpalato-velar closure for palatalized /t/ which must have sounded /k/-like.

3.3.3 Dialects with double palatalization As argued in Section 3.3.2, dialectal scenarios having the outcome [c] for both the velar and the dentoalveolar stop consonant sources are of crucial importance for a proper understanding of the exchanges between /t/ and /k/. As the following cases reveal, in Romance, this double palatalization process occurs extensively in France. Only examples of dental palatalization will be given here since instances of velar palatalization in the same dialectal zones have already been presented in Table 3.1. The double palatalization process of interest has been reported to occur in Occitan and nearby zones: in Saugues in Haute-Loire, /k/ and /t/ share a [c]-like realization before a high front vowel or glide ([ciˈɾa] ‘to pull’; Nauton, 1974: 51); /k g/ and /t d/ may be strongly palatalized before the same vocalic segments, including /y/, in Auvergnat ([pəˈci] Fr. petit ‘small, masc. sing.’, [ɟi] Fr. dit ‘said’, [maˈɟy] ‘ripe, masc. sing.’ < ; Dauzat, 1938: 142–3) and Forézien ([ɟy] Fr. dur ‘tough, masc.’, [eˈci] Fr. été ‘to be, past part.’, [piˈci] Fr. petit ‘small, masc. sing.’; Gardette, 1941: 57); in Poitevin-Santongeais, palatalized realizations are shared by /t d/ before /i j/ and /k g/ before a front vowel and /j/ ([dji] Fr. dit ‘said’, [tjiˈɾe] Fr. tirer ‘to pull’; Pignon, 1960: 390). Double palatalizations may also be found in and around the Francoprovençal domain, with palatal or palatalized productions of /t d/ occurring in the following contextual conditions: before a high front glide in Franc-Comtois ([cjo] ‘lime tree’ < *tiliˈolu, [ɟjœ] ‘tough, masc. sing.’ < ; Dondaine 1972: 120) and Lyonnais ([djø], [gjø] Fr. Dieu ‘God’ < ; Duraffour, 1932: 225); before a front vowel in the case of /k g/ and before /j/ of several origins in the case of /t d/ in Vaudois ([ˈbecje] ‘beast’ < , [ɟjõ] ‘they say’ < ; Hasselrot, 1937: 142–3). Moreover, in the Maine province and other French dialectal regions such as Acadian French, [c] and sometimes the front lingual affricate outcome of the (alveolo)palatal stop may replace both /k/ before a front vocalic segment and /t/ before /j/ in words like métier, matière, amitié, and entière (Geddes, 1908: 86–7, Ringenson, 1922: 85–93). In Gallo from Abbaretz, on the other hand, [c ɟ] or the palatalized cognates may also be the

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realization of /t d/ before /j/ and of front /k/ ([kjẽ] tiens, [gjab] diable; Montreuil, 2000), while in Breton /k/ may palatalize into an (alveolo)palatal stop after /i/ and /t d/ before /j/ in ‘familiar conversation’ (Falc’hun, 1950: 28). Another relevant linguistic zone is Friulian, where [c ɟ] are the regular outcomes of Latin /ka ga/ (see Section 3.1.4.2), of /ti di/, and also of /tj dj/ in unexisting words at the time when dentoalveolar stops palatalized before /j/ in Late Latin or Early Romance ([cej] Friul. tiei ‘of yours’ < , [marˈcεl] Friul. martiel ‘hummer’, [paˈɟεle] Friul. padiele ‘pan’, [taɲc] Friul. tanti ‘so many’; Francescato, 1966: 204). The (alveolo)palatal stop realization of dental and velar stops is also available before /j/ in regional Tuscan: there is /kj/ > [c tj] in words where /kj/ derives from syllable-onset /kl/ (Section 3.1.3.2), and /tj dj/ > [c ɟ] in phonetic variants such as [ˈcεpito] (Pisa), [ˈcεb:ito] (Lucca) It. tiepido ‘lukewarm’ and [ˈɟetʃi] (Cortona) It. dieci ‘ten’ (Rohlfs, 1966: 206, 226). Also in Tuscan Italian, the reversals velar > dental and dental > velar arising presumably from a common (alveolo)palatal stop realization may account for the end products [t(:)s] of Latin /kj/ and [t(:)ʃ] of Latin /tj/, instead of the expected outcomes [t(:)ʃ] of /kj/ and [t(:)s] of /tj/ ([kominˈtʃaɾe] ‘to begin’ < *kominiˈtjaɾe, [kaˈtːʃaɾe] ‘to hunt’ < *kapˈtjaɾe, [ˈkaltsa] ‘stocking’ < ; Aski, 2001: 33, 2002: 206). (Alveolo)palatal realizations from a dentoalveolar and velar stop origin in favourable contextual environments take place not only in Romance. In Carib, both [c] (/k/) and [tj] (/t/) are found after a high front vowel or glide ([pi:co] /pi:ko/ ‘little chap’, [pi:tjo] /pi:to/ ‘flatus’; Bateman, 2007: 338–40), and in Albanian /c/ and /ɟ/ have been derived historically from /k g/ before a front vowel and from /t d/+/j/ ([kεc] Alb. keq ‘bad, evil’ < Proto-Albanian *kakja, [ˈcεtər] qetër ‘other’ < Alb. tjëter; Orel, 2000: 77, Kolgjini, 2004: 99). The substitution of palatalized dentals by palatalized velars and vice versa, presumably due to the similarity in the articulatory realization of the two palatalized consonant types, may occur in Romani dialects as well ([gjes] for [djes] ‘day’ < *dives, [tjin] ‘to buy’ < kin-; Matras, 2002: 49–50).

3.4 Velar palatalization and strengthening The data on velar palatalization presented in the preceding sections show that /k/, mostly if front, may generate (alveolo)palatal stop realizations from which front lingual affricates may originate. Moreover, the (alveolo)palatal stops in question may be implemented through several closure locations differing in fronting degree, i.e., purely palatal, alveolopalatal, and even alveolar, which is in accordance with velar softening yielding affricates of different places of articulation. Velar palatalization (and hence velar softening) may occur not only before a front vowel or glide but also in contextual and positional conditions in which /k/ is not prone to exhibiting a front allophone, i.e., before a low vowel, schwa (as in Majorcan Catalan) and word-finally after any vowel.

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In view of the contextual and positional conditions involved in velar palatalization and the closure fronting variations for (alveolo)palatal stops, we propose that at least in non-front vocalic contexts and in prominent word/ utterance positions articulatory strengthening may contribute to velar palatalization and, thus, to an increase in tongue contact towards the front palate yielding eventually a change in place of articulation from velar to (alveolo)palatal. Through articulatory strengthening, the magnitude of the articulatory gesture for lingual consonants, and consequently spatial displacement of the articulator involved in closure formation, degree of linguopalatal contact, and consonant duration, increases (see Fougeron, 1999, for a review). A more debatable notion is that reinforced consonants are produced more forcefully and thus involve an increase in articulatory energy, which is implemented through closer articulations, greater muscle activity, and more airflow expenditure. Articulatory reinforcement results in more salient acoustic characteristics, which in the case of stops include longer and more intense bursts and longer and more extensive VC and CV vowel transitions. Consonants are strengthened word-initially at the onset of utterances or intonational phrases rather than inside them, at the beginning rather than in the medial position of words, and postconsonantally rather than intervocalically. The following sections explore the contextual, positional, and prosodic factors which may cause velar stops to shift to (alveolo)palatal stops whenever reinforced articulatorily. They do so by looking into velar palatalization before /a/ (Section 3.4.1), in the postconsonantal position (Section 3.4.2), at the word edges vs word-internally (Sections 3.4.3 and 3.4.4), and in stressed vs unstressed and open vs checked syllables and as a function of stop voicing (Section 3.4.5).

3.4.1 Vowel context Articulatory reinforcement of a dorsovelar stop consonant ought to involve some tongue-body raising in front of the closure location, yielding an increase in dorsal contact from the sides towards the centre of the palatal zone. Such an increase in tongue contact is expected to operate before /a/, where velar palatalization and velar softening may occur, in view of the fact that the tongue predorsum does not intervene actively during the production of the low vowel. It has even been argued that such an articulatory reinforcement mechanism needs to be postulated in order to explain the palatalization of front velars, since it is hard to justify why, in a front-vocalic context, gestural blending alone may trigger so much closure fronting and thus a change in place of articulation from velar to (alveolo)palatal (Straka, 1965: 128). This section evaluates the possibility that the change from /k/ before /a/ into [c] is triggered by articulatory strengthening rather than by a particular quality of the low vowel by looking at data from several Romance languages and dialects.

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 

This issue will be investigated in the following sections, 3.4.1.1–3.4.1.4, by focusing on several Romance languages, i.e., French, Francoprovençal, Occitan, Raetoromance, and dialects from N. Italy. Before doing so, two aspects about the role of vowel context in the implementation of velar palatalization through a strengthening mechanism need to be addressed. There is, on the one hand, the interaction between articulatory reinforcement of the velar stop and the phonetic characteristics of the two vocalic segments flanking the target consonant and not just those of the following vowel or glide. Thus, an increase in tongue contact for the velar stop before /a/ (also word-finally) may be enhanced by a preceding front vowel, which should be in line with the prominence of the carry-over coarticulatory effects exerted by (alveolo)palatal segments (as for the effect of /i/ on closure location and the tongue-dorsum trajectory for a following velar stop; see Mooshammer et al., 1995), and also with velar palatalization operating at the progressive level in several language domains (Breton, Carib, Sanuma; see Section 3.1.5). In relation to this point, data from Raetoromance, French, and dialects from N. Italy presented in Section 3.4.3 suggest indeed that a preceding front vowel may contribute to preserving the realization [ɟ] or its vocalized outcome [j] before /a/ in word-medial intervocalic position, where consonant lenition is likely to change the voiced (alveolo)palatal stop into [j] and [j] to be deleted afterwards. Another aspect which deserves closer scrutiny is why velar palatalization and velar softening may operate before front-rounded vowels (see Sections 3.1.3.2 and 4.3.2.2) but not before back-rounded vowels. In principle, back-rounded vowels should not prevent the preceding velar stop from being strengthened and thus from being converted into [c] since, in parallel to /a/, they are articulated with a lowered predorsum, show practically no tongue contact at the palatal zone, and therefore should not conflict with the tongue-dorsum raising and fronting gesture for a dorsopalatal articulation. The reason why velar palatalization does not take place in this case may be acoustically based: given that back-rounded vowels are prone to becoming fronted and unrounded when coarticulated with [c] (and with palatal consonants in general), there could be a requirement to enhance their lowfrequency front-cavity resonance by preventing them from sounding [ɯ]-like or [ɨ]-like, which can only be achieved if /k/ remains velar and therefore exhibits a front cavity of considerable length.

3.4.1.1 The Old French case In Old French, /k/ before stressed /a/ in open syllables turned into [c], after which the low vowel was diphthongized and raised to mid low front. Several later changes occurred: the stop was affricated into [tʃ], the glide was effaced, and the affricate deaffricated into a fricative (e.g., [tʃjεr] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ <  became [ʃεʁ] Fr. cher). Both velar palatalization/assibilation and /a/ raising also operated in unstressed open syllables, the latter process yielding [e]

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followed by reduction into [ə] ([ʃəˈval] cheval ‘horse’ < , [ˈvaʃ(ə)] vache ‘cow’ < ). The articulatory strengthening hypothesis applied to velar palatalization in Old French is consistent with Bartsch’s law (Pope, 1934: 163–4) in so far as the shift from velar to (alveolo)palatal as well as the changes in the following vowel are attributed to the articulatory characteristics of the consonant. According to Bartsch’s law, stressed /a/ diphthongization and raising in open syllables in Old French was triggered by any preceding (alveolo)palatal or palatalized consonant and, thus, not only by [c ɟ] (as in chier < ; see above) but also by [ʎ ɲ j] (as in taillier ‘to cut’ < ) and by [tʲ dʲ sʲ zʲ ɾʲ] (as in laissier ‘to leave, to let’ < , baisier ‘to kiss’ < , traitier ‘to treat, to negotiate’ < ). Therefore, changes in the low vowel after the (alveolo)palatal end product of /k g/ would be part of a more general process involving essentially all consonants sharing a tongue-body raising and fronting gesture, and the formation of a raising diphthong could be considered to result from consonant-induced glide insertion. At a later date, the diphthong was simplified through glide absorption by the preceding palatalized or (alveolo)palatal consonant itself (cher, laisser, baiser, traiter). According to an alternative account, /k/ palatalization before /a/ in Old French was triggered by the vowel: it occurred since the low vowel had a fronted [æ]-like realization in open syllables and, analogously to velar palatalization before a high or mid front vowel, was achieved through blending between the dorsal gestures for the (front) velar and the following (front) low vowel (Walker, 1981: 54, Buckley, 2009). The anterior quality of the low vowel appears to be in accordance with the fact that, in Old French, stressed /a/ rose to e in open syllables independently of consonantal context, and therefore not only in cher <  and chien <  but also in mer ‘sea’ <  and père ‘father’ < . Along the same lines, it has been suggested (Morin, pers. comm.) that the change of stressed /a/ into [jε] could be part of the spontaneous diphthongization of stressed /ε/ (˘ ) into [jε] in open syllables, as in pied ‘foot’ < ˘ , which must have taken place before the sixth century in Gallo-Roman; at that time, the low vowel must have already had an [æ]-like quality and could thus join etymological /ε/ (˘ ) in turning to a rising diphthong. Some arguments in support of the articulatory reinforcement hypothesis are presented below in this section and in the sections that follow. It is hard to attribute velar palatalization to the front characteristic of /a/ in Old French, since velar softening operated not only in stressed open syllables where the low vowel was diphthongized and raised to mid front but also in stressed and unstressed checked syllables, where it stayed low and did not diphthongize ([ʃaʁ] ‘cart’ < , [ʒɑ̃b] ‘leg’ < , Old French chastel ‘castle’ < ). Moreover, in words such as [ʃoz] ‘thing’ <  and [ʃo] ‘hot, masc. sing.’ < , the back allophone [ɑ] of the diphthong /aw/, which in the case of

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 

 was generated through the vocalization of syllable-final /l/, did not prevent velar palatalization from applying before /aw/ monophthongized into [o]. In order to account for these cases it has been proposed that /a/ only fronted and triggered /k/ palatalization in stressed open syllables, and that the velar palatalization rule was later generalized through lexical diffusion to those words where /k/ stayed velar because /a/ was not anterior enough (Buckley, 2009). Evidence provided for other Romance languages, next, suggests however that it was probably not so much that /a/ fronting triggered velar palatalization but that the (alveolo)palatal stop outcome [c] of velar palatalization caused following /a/ to rise and diphthongize (see Straka, 1956, for a similar interpretation). Regarding non-Romance languages, we also have the case of Zuni, where /a/ fronts to [æ] after [kj], which is the allophone of /k/ before /i e a/ in this language (Walker, 1972: 247).

3.4.1.2 Velar palatalization before /a/ (French dialects, Francoprovençal, Occitan) Another piece of evidence in support of the articulatory reinforcement hypothesis appears to be that, in the French, Francoprovençal, Occitan, and Catalan dialects referred to in (a) to (c) below, the raising and diphthongization of stressed /a/ has taken place exclusively or preferably after the (alveolo)palatal end product of /k g/ and largely independently of the phonetic quality of the low vowel. (a) In Picard and Norman French where, in contrast with French, /k/ did not palatalize before /a/ in the Middle Ages, the low vowel has been raised in more modern times only in lexical items in which the velar stop has undergone palatalization and perhaps softening and, therefore, which are nowadays pronounced with [kj], [c], or [tʃ] (for a more detailed analysis, see Sections 3.1.4 and 4.3.3). Thus, in Picard, there is no velar palatalization nor vowel raising in [kɑ̃p] ‘room’ < , [kaˈpjo] ‘hat’ <  and [kar] ‘cart’ < , while the two changes apply in [cjεr] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ <  and [cjε] ‘chien’ <  (Remacle, 1953, maps 9, 11, 12, 16, 18). Likewise, Norman has [ka] ‘cat’ <  and [kaˈpel] < , together with [cer], [cεr] ‘chair’ < , [cen], [cεn] ‘chain’ < , and [cεrˈbõ] ‘coal’ <  (Brasseur, 1980–97, maps 772, 851, 983, 988). In support of these phonetic changes being associated with the consonant, there is the fact that /a/ has a back quality in Picard (Carton, 1972), and does not exhibit a front realization in Norman, where it may be realized as low backrounded [ɒ] when occurring before a nasal consonant (see relevant data for E. Jèrriais in Liddicoat, 1994: 15). (b) In Francoprovençal, stressed /a/ diphthongized into [je] in open syllables only if preceded by an (alveolo)palatal consonant, as exemplified by the Vaudois forms [ˈtsivɾa] ‘goat’ <  and [tsεrˈdzi] ‘to load’ < 

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(Odin, 1886: 165, Jeanjaquet, 1931) in which the diphthong has monophthongized into [i] and the (alveolo)palatal stop has shifted to an affricate. Whenever not preceded by an (alveolo)palatal consonant, /a/ has been left unmodified ([purˈta] ‘to carry’ < ). Also absolute wordfinal /a/ in unstressed syllables has been raised after an (alveolo)palatal consonant, which may be no longer available nowadays, while staying unmodified after consonants of other places of articulation ([ˈvaθi], [ˈvaθe], [ˈvaθə] ‘cow’ <  vs [ˈbarba] ‘beard’ < ; Martin, 1990: 681). This scenario is in support of the notion that low vowel raising is not associated with the front quality of /a/ but with a consonant-dependent carry-over coarticulatory effect. Buckley (2009) proposes another explanation in order to handle the Francoprovençal case as well as N. Occitan lexical forms exhibiting velar assibilation but no vowel raising ([ˈtʃabɾo], [ˈtsabɾo] ‘goat’ < , [tʃar], [tsar] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < ; Gilliéron and Edmont, 1902–10, maps 268, 272). She argues that in these two language domains the affricate articulation was borrowed directly from French through a language-contact situation, i.e., it would not be an indigenous development but would have resulted from imitation of the prestigious French pronunciation. In N. Occitan, [ˈtʃabɾo] and analogous forms would be compromise lexical variants between Occitan [ˈkabɾo], without velar palatalization nor /a/ raising, and Old French chievre, with an initial affricate and /a/ diphthongization and raising. In Francoprovençal, once the (alveolo)palatal stop or palatoalveolar affricate was borrowed from French, it caused following stressed /a/ to diphthongize. These arguments cannot hold, however. There is an extensive bibliography on Francoprovençal, proving that forms such as [ˈtsivɾa] and [tsεrˈdzi] are autochthonous (see Gauchat et al., 1925, Duraffour, 1932, and Tuaillon, 2007). Moreover, Ringenson (1930) and other scholars have shown that, in both N. Occitan and Francoprovençal, French borrowings have replaced not older forms with [ka] (i.e., /ka/ > [tʃa]) but forms with [tsa] after velar softening yielded an alveolar affricate instead of a palatoalveolar affricate in these two dialectal regions (i.e., /ka/ > [tsa] > [tʃa]) (see Section 4.4.2). (c) Also in Majorcan Catalan, stressed /a/ raising into [ε] may only take place when the vowel is preceded and, less so, followed by the (alveolo)palatal stop allophone [c] of /k/ and the (alveolo)palatal stop or approximant allophones [ɟ ʝ] of /g/. This change in the vowel is available only in the following subset of lexical items, which we transcribe with [a] as in the corresponding Catalan orthographic forms: (Word-initial) [ˈɟaɲʃo] Cat. ganxo ’hook’, [caʎ] Cat. call ‘corn’, [ɟat] Cat. gat ‘cat’, [ˈɟarə] Cat. garra ‘claw’, [ɟaʎ] Cat. gall ‘rooster’, [ˈcaʃə] Cat. caixa

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  ‘box’, [carn] Cat. carn ‘meat’, [ˈcazə] Cat. casa ‘house’, [ˈcaritʃ] Cat. càrritx ‘reed grass’, [ˈcawɾə] Cat. caure ‘to fall down’, [ˈcaɲə] Cat. canya ‘cane’, [ˈɟaɲə] Cat. ganya ‘funny face’. (Word-medial) [ʎəˈʝaɲə] Cat. lleganya ‘eye crust’, [kuˈcaɲə] Cat. cucanya ‘greasy pole’, [ʃəɾəˈʝaj] Cat. xaragall ‘gully, flood’, [əɲˈɟaɲʃ] Cat. enganx ‘hitch’, [ɟəɲˈɟajə] Cat. gangalla ‘wedge’, [ˈcajɾə] Cat. caire ‘edge’, [viˈcaɾi] Cat. vicari ‘vicar’, [siˈʝalə] Cat. cigala ‘cicada’.

3.4.1.3 Velar palatalization before /a/ (Raetoromance, N. Italy) Several facts about velar palatalization before /a/ in dialects of Raetoromance and N. Italy indicate that changes in the velar stop consonant and the following vowel should be attributed to articulatory reinforcement during the production of the consonant. In support of the hypothesis that stressed /a/ does not have to be particularly front for velar palatalization to occur is the maintenance of the low quality of the vowel after /k/ shifted to [c] in dialects of Raetoromance and N. Italy (Surselvan [caw], Friulian [caf] ‘head’ < , Valtellina in Lombardy [ca] ‘house’ <  ‘hut’, [ˈcawɾa] ‘goat’ < ). Moreover, while /a/ could have an especially anterior quality in these dialectal domains (Leonard, 1964, Rohlfs, 1966: 39–50), occasional raising of the low vowel next to several contextual consonants appears to be strongly determined by their place, manner, and voicing characteristics (see following). Low vowel raising may occur only after a palatal consonant, in the same way as in the Picard, Norman, and Francoprovençal cases reviewed in Section 3.4.1.2 (see also Kramer, 1997), as well as in a wider range of consonantal contexts which include several alveolars: Gardenese [nεs] ‘nose’ < , [mεl] ‘evil, bad’ < , [ˈεga] ‘water’ < , [ˈεla] ‘wing’ < , -[ε] in infinitive endings in - (Gartner, 1879); Bolognese [nεs] < , canton of Ticino [ˈεɾa] < , Piedmontese [vuˈlε] ‘to fly‘ <  (Rohlfs, 1966: 39–50). The raising action on stressed /a/ exerted by word-initial [c] becomes apparent in several lexical variants attested in the nineteenth and twentieth century in Raetoromance dialects, which have been included in Table 3.5. Instances of progressive /a/ raising after the (alveolo)palatal stop may also be found word-initially, where /k/ is most prominent articulatorily, in the Lombard dialect spoken in the canton of Ticino (Val Maggia [ˈcεna] ‘cane’ < , [ˈcεrta] ‘card’ < , [ɟεl] ‘rooster’ < ; Salvioni, 1886: 195, 218), and in the Gallo-Italian variety of San Fratello spoken in Sicily ([ˈkjerta] < , [kjeŋ] ‘dog’ < ; Rohlfs, 1966: 49). In parallel to Old French, in some dialectal domains of Table 3.5, velar palatalization has occurred before a retracted realization of /a/ in the diphthong /aw/ and, therefore, previously to the simplification of this diphthong into a mid-backrounded vowel. Thus, for example, as shown in the table, Surmiran from Bergün and Alvaneu have the forms [cot] ‘warm, masc. sing.’ <  and [ˈcoɾa], [ˈcowɾa] ‘goat’ < , which were derived from [cawt] and [ˈcawɾa], still

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Table 3.5 Low vowel raising after [c] in Raetoromance 









[ˈcɛzɐ] [ˈcaza], [ˈceaza] [ˈceza]

[ˈcawɾɐ] [ˈcoɾa]

[ˈcɔmbɐ] [ˈcoma]

[caw]

[cɛr]

[ˈcɔma]

[co]

[cer]

[ˈcɔmma]

[cɛ]

[ˈceza], [ˈtʃɛza] [ˈceza], [ˈtʃɛza]

[ˈcevɾa], [ˈcoɾa], [ˈcowɾa] [ˈcavɾa], [ˈcevɾa] [ˈcøɾa] [ˈcɔwɾə], [ˈtʃəwɾə] [ˈcoɾa] [ˈcowɾa], [ˈtʃowɾa] [ˈcawɾa], [ˈtʃawɾa]

[car], [cer] [cɛr] [cər], [tʃər] [cɛr] [cer], [tʃɛr] [tʃɛr]





()





Surselvan Sutselvan

[car]

[cawt] [cawlt], [colt]

[ˈcawtʃɐs] [ˈcawtʃas], [ˈcoltʃas]

Surmiran Engadinese Marebbano Gardenese

[car] [car]

[cot] [cot], [cɔt]

[ˈʃcɛlɐ] [ˈʃcala], [ˈʃceala] [ˈʃcela]

Livinallonghese

[car], [tʃar] [cɛr], [tʃɛr]

[carn] [car], [ˈcear] [ˈcɛrna] [carn] [cɛrn] [cərn], [tʃərn] [cern]

Surselvan Sutselvan Surmiran Engadinese Marebbano Gardenese

Livinallonghese Fassan

Fassan

[ˈcaza], [ˈceza] [ˈcaza] [ˈcəzə], [ˈtʃəzə]

[ce] [cə], [tʃə] [ce] [cɛ], [tʃe] [cɛf], [tʃef]

[ˈcotʃa] [ˈcawtsə]

[car] [cawt], [tʃawt] [cawt], [tʃawt]

[ˈcawtsa]

[ˈʃɛlə]

[cern]

Sources: Surselvan from Tavestch (Caduff, 1952: 81, 129); Sutselvan (Luzi, 1904: 780, 801–2); Surmiran (Candrian, 1900: 10, 27, Lutta, 1923); Engadinese (Pult, 1897, Walberg, 1907: 176); Marebbano (Craffonara, 1979); Gardenese (Gartner, 1879, Kramer, 1977); Badiot (Kramer, 1977: 43); Livinallonghese (Alton, 1879: 62, Pellegrini, 1955: 295, Kramer, 1977); Fassan (Alton, 1879: 62, Elwert, 1943: 67, Kramer, 1977). Notes: English meanings:  ‘house’,  ‘goat’,  ‘leg’,  ‘head’,  ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’,  ‘cart’,  ‘warm, masc. sing.’, () ‘stockings’,  ‘meat’,  ‘staircase’.

found nowadays or in recent times in Fassan and Surselvan. A posterior realization of the low vowel may also be assumed whenever it is found preceding a nasal in coda position, as in the case of [ˈcɔma] ‘leg’ <  and [ˈcɔmbɾa] ‘room’ <  in Bergün, to be set in contrast with [ˈkɔma] and [ˈkɔmbɾa] with a velar stop in Alvaneu (Lutta, 1923: 149).

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Several other remarks need to be made about the data presented in the table. In Sutselvan, low vowel breaking may give rise to the sequence ea, presumably through glide insertion ([ˈceaza] < [ˈce̯aza] < [ˈcaza] ). The opening effect exerted by the alveolar trill explains why, as a general rule, the low vowel has been raised in  but not in . Doublets such as [ˈcezə]/[ˈtʃεzə] for  in Gardenese, Livinallonghese, and Fassan correspond to older variants with [c] and more recent ones with [tʃ]; neighbouring dialectal domains show, preferably or exclusively, lexical variants with a raised vowel and the affricate and therefore no traces of the (alveolo)palatal stop source: Lower Comelican [ˈtʃεda] < , [dʒet] < , [ˈcεða] ‘hunting’ < *kapˈtjaɾe (Tagliavini, 1926: 32); Francoprovençal of Val Soana [tʃet] < , [tʃer] < , , [ˈtʃivɾa] < , [tʃiŋ] <  (Nigra, 1878: 7). Gardenese forms with stressed schwa such as [cər] <  and [cərn] <  in Table 3.5 are of special relevance. In this dialect, stressed /ə/ derives historically from Latin /e/ (¯, ĭ), as exemplified by [dɾət] < ¯ ‘straight, masc. sing.’ and [ˈvəta] ‘life’ < ĭ. This means that in a subset of words starting with [c], the low vowel must have risen to [e] before /e/ (¯, ĭ) shifted to [ə]: [c] caused /a/ to shift to [e] through [ε] and [e] moved to [ə] at the same time as /e/ (¯, ĭ) did (e.g., [car]  > [cεr] > [cer] > [cər]). In a similar fashion, etymological /ε/ (˘) rose to [e] when followed by a nasal consonant and in proparoxytones before joining /e/ (¯, ĭ) in moving to [ə] (Gardenese [vəŋ] ‘(s)he comes’ < ˘, [dənt] ‘tooth’ < ˘, [ˈtənder] ‘tender, masc. sing.’ < ˘; Gartner, 1879). The two-stage change /a/ > [ε] > [e] after an (alveolo)palatal stop operated previously to the one-stage raising of /a/ to [ε] in a wider range of consonantal contexts and, thus in words such as [nεs] <  and [mεl] <  (see earlier in this section). Low vowel raising may have also taken place before or after an (alveolo)palatal stop in word-medial position, as well as before the stop word-finally, after which the stop may have lenited and even been deleted. The postconsonantal change is in line with the carry-over coarticulatory action exerted by [c] and [ɟ] on vowels (Section 3.1.5), and the word-final shift in support of a position-dependent articulatory reinforcement effect. Thus, Sutselvan has [ˈpeja], [ˈpeɟa] ‘((s)he) pays’ <  and [lak], [lec] ‘lake’ <  (Luzi, 1904: 777, 806), there is [piˈε] ‘to pay’ < , [ɟuˈε] ‘to play’ <  and [ruˈjε] ‘to ask, to plead’ <  in Surselvan (Caduff, 1952: 27, 98, 102), and  has yielded [ˈplεja] ‘wound’ in Romansh from Domleschg and Celerina (Lutta, 1923: 184), [ˈpleɟa] in Surmiran from Bivio (Candrian, 1900: 31) and [ˈplεa] in Gardenese (Kramer, 1977: 131). Likewise, in Valtellina and Val Maggia, there is low vowel raising after the stop in infinitive endings ([liˈɟer], [liˈer] ‘to bind’ < , [pliˈer] ‘to wrap up’ < , [pɾaˈjε] ‘to beg, to pray’ < , [ʒyˈjε] ‘to play’ < ; Salvioni, 1886: 195, Merlo, 1951: 1394). Several other instances of /a/ raising before a word-final (alveolo)palatal stop may be found in Romansh in Table 3.2. Another piece of evidence in support of /a/ raising being triggered by the articulatory characteristics of the preceding (alveolo)palatal stop is that, as

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shown by the examples in Table 3.5 and argued in Section 3.4.5, velar palatalization (and hence changes in the following vowel) is more likely to occur in stressed than in unstressed syllables and when the consonant is voiceless than when it is voiced. This difference suggests that an increase in linguopalatal contact for the (alveolo)palatal stop when voiceless and placed in a stressed syllable favours vowel assimilation. Experimental data show indeed that, in comparison to voiced lingual stops, their voiceless cognates are produced with more tongue contact, a longer closure, and a higher intraoral pressure level, and that stressed CV syllables are often more prominent than unstressed ones, also in terms of closure duration and tongue-contact size (Farnetani, 1990, Kochetov, 2014).

3.4.1.4 Articulatory motivation and back to Old French The dialectal material presented so far indicates that a front variety of /a/ does not seem to be a necessary precondition for velar palatalization to apply. This is for reasons such as: velar palatalization may take place without /a/ being modified (Raetoromance, N. Occitan, Majorcan Catalan), and has occurred in spite of /a/ exhibiting a back realization in particular dialects (Picard) or in given segmental sequences (diphthong /aw/ in Raetoromance); /a/ raising may be linked indissolubly to the (alveolo)palatal consonant outcome of the velar palatalization process and, thus, results from the coarticulatory effect exerted by the consonant on the vowel (Picard, Norman, Francoprovençal). Moreover, even in language domains where /a/ may be phonetically front, such as Ladin Raetoromance, dialects from N. Italy, and several Majorcan Catalan localities (Manacor, Felanitx, Son Servera), the consonantal action is required for raising to occur in a subset of lexical items. In addition to trigger vowel raising, the (alveolo)palatal end product of velar palatalization may have caused an on-glide to be inserted at the onset of the low vowel (Sutselvan, Picard). Low vowel raising after an (alveolo)palatal stop is in agreement with tonguedorsum kinematic data for dorsal consonants in VCV sequences showing the existence of prominent coarticulatory effects from these consonants on the following vowel (see Section 3.1.5). This interpretation is compatible with the view that velar palatalization may be induced by articulatory reinforcement acting in contextual conditions, such as before a low vowel, which in principle do not favour this process implementation, as well as in stressed rather than unstressed syllables and when the (alveolo)palatal is voiceless rather than when it is voiced (Section 3.4.5). In connection with this articulation-based account and the dialectal data reviewed in the preceding sections, it may be hypothesized that, in Old French, low vowel raising after the allophone [c] of /k/ in stressed open syllables occurred before the (alveolo)palatal stop underwent affrication into [tʃ]. A reason why [c] should be more prone to inducing /a/ raising than [tʃ] is to be sought in a higher degree of palatality for the former consonant than for the latter: indeed, in comparison to [tʃ], (alveolo)palatal [c] is articulated with more dorsal contact

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and, consequently, exhibits higher F2 and F3 vowel transition end points and a larger frequency extent of the formant transitions (see Section 4.5.1.3). Therefore Latin /ˈkaɾʊ/  ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ could have yielded [ʃεʁ] in French through the developmental stages [kar] > [car] > [cεr] > [cjεr] > [tʃjεr] > [tʃεr] > [ʃεʁ] or else [kar] > [car] > [cjar] > [cjεr] > [tʃjεr] > [tʃεr] > [ʃεʁ]. First, /a/ would have shifted to [jε] through on-glide insertion triggered by [c], presumably around the fifth or sixth century, a change which has also occurred in more recent times in other dialectal regions: Picard [cjer], [cjεr], [kjεr], [tjεr] <  (Remacle, 1953, map 16); Lombard Alps [kjε] < , where the digraph [kj] could correspond to a previous variant [cj] (Salvioni, 1901). Once the realization [cjε] was achieved, the (alveolo)palatal stop underwent affrication into [tʃ] (the form [tʃjεr] for  is available in modern Picard), the glide was absorbed by the affricate, and finally deaffrication yielded [ʃ], not before the thirteenth century. Regarding the two phonetic developments presented above for Latin , it remains unclear whether [j] was inserted before or after /a/ was raised to a mid front vowel, and therefore whether a form such as [cjεr] stems from [cεr] ([car] > [cεr] > [cjεr]) or from [cjar] ([car] > [cjar] > [cjεr]). The latter development involving [j] insertion before /a/ rose to a mid front vowel is consistent with the CV vowel transitions becoming most perceptible with large articulatory distances between the consonant and the vowel, and with forms such as Lower Fassa Ladin [cjaf] ‘head’ < , [ˈcjawɾo] ‘goat’ <  (Elwert, 1943: 67) and Lombard [ˈkjawɾa] < , [kjarn] ‘meat’ < . The former development, on the other hand, is more in line with lexical variants exhibiting /a/ raising but no [j] insertion such as Raetoromance [cεr], [cer] <  and [ˈceza] <  (Section 3.4.1.3), Picard [kεr], [ker] <  (Remacle, 1953, map 16) and Norman French [cεr], [cer] ‘chair’ <  (Brasseur, 1980–97, map 988 and Section 3.1.4.2).

3.4.2 Consonantal context The articulatory strengthening account is also in accordance with a trend for velar palatalization to operate if the stop is a geminate and after a heterosyllabic consonant. The latter condition applies most especially if the contextual consonant is a stop and is homorganic with the target velar in so far as both conditions contribute to an increase in the degree of dorsal constriction during the velar. In most, if not all, of the dialectal scenarios referred to in Section 3.1.4, velar palatalization before /a/, followed possibly by assibilation, has taken place not only word-initially but also word-internally after a heterosyllabic consonant and when the velar was a geminate. Here are some examples: French ([fuʁʃ] ‘pitchfork’ < , [vaʃ] ‘cow’ < ; Celata, 2002); Badiot and Marebbano Ladin

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([ˈfurca], [ˈlεrɟa] ‘long, fem. sing.’ < ; Kramer, 1977: 146); Romansh (Bergün [ˈbarca] ‘ship’ < , [ˈmuəʃca] ‘fly’ < ; Lutta, 1923: 216); Friulian ([ˈvaca], [ˈfɔrca]; Iliescu, 1972: 63, 80); Val Maggia [paˈcεw] ‘sin’ < , [ˈvaca], [ˈmoʃca], [ˈmanɟa] ‘sleeve’ < ; Salvioni, 1886: 217, 220). In Old English, the voiced palatal */ɣ/, whose realization may have been conditioned by segmental context and position, yielded [dʒ], presumably through [ɟ], only after a homorganic nasal and when it was a geminate (senġan ‘singe’); this affricate outcome is in contrast with the weakened end product [j] in the word-initial and word-final positions in front vocalic contexts (year, day; Lass and Anderson, 1975: 131–47). Word-final velar palatalization after the fall of an unstressed final vowel is also prone to occuring postconsonantally, including Latin geminates, in Raetoromance, dialects from N. Italy and Majorcan Catalan. Regarding the geminate case, the (alveolo)palatal stop realization [c] may occur after all vowels or a subset of them in the two former linguistic domains and after any vowel in the latter (Section 3.1.5). Here are several examples: Sutselvan [ˈpiarc] ‘pig’ < , [sac] ‘sack’ <  (Luzi, 1904: 810, 814); Engadinian [fɾajʃc] ‘fresh’ < Germ. frisk, [ˈsuolc] ‘furrow’ < , [sεc] ‘dry, masc. sing.’ <  (Pult, 1897: 53, 97); Val di Non [arç] ‘arch, bow’ < , [solç] <  (Battisti, 1908: 129); Canton of Ticino [fiˈeɲc] It. fianco ‘side, flank’, [bosc] ‘forest’ < Germ. bosk-, [sac] <  (Rohlfs, 1966: 426); Majorcan Catalan [pɔrc], [sac], [solc], [səc], [arc], [bɔsc]. Other language families also show velar palatalization in postconsonantal wordfinal position (Persian [suskj] ‘beetle’; Buckley, 2009: 44), and more specifically after a nasal and in the case of geminates when preceded by a front vowel in Old English (finċ ‘finch’, eċġ ‘edge’ vs long; Campbell, 1959: 174).

3.4.3 Word-/utterance-initial and word-medial positions In French, Francoprovençal, Raetoromance and dialects from N. Italy, the (alveolo)palatal stop outcome of velar palatalization before a low vowel (and possibly the corresponding affricate outcome of the assibilation process as well) occurs highly systematically in word-initial positions. This position-dependent event is in agreement with a trend for initial consonants to become especially constricted and their duration to vary generally with the strength of the prosodic domain in the progression utterance > intonational phrase > phonological phrase > word > syllable (English, Fougeron and Keating, 1997; several languages, Keating et al., 2003). Articulatory strengthening explains why palatalization not only of velars but also of other consonants may occur word-initially before any vowel, as exemplified by the changes /n/ > [ɲ] in Asturian ([ˈɲuðo] ‘knot’ < *ˈnudu, [ɲaˈɾiθ] ‘nose’ < *naˈɾike), /l/ > [ʎ] in Catalan ([ʎas] ‘tie’ < , [ʎus] ‘hake’ < ), /s/ > [ʃ] in Romagnol ([ʃak] ‘sack’ < , [ʃɔn] ‘sleep’ < ; Rohlfs,

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1966: 225), and /j/ > [ɟʝ] in dialectal Spanish ([ˈɟʝate] ‘yacht’; Martínez Celdrán and Fernández-Planas, 2003). As will be shown in the next sections, this word-initial scenario is in contrast with the situation in the word-medial intervocalic position where the (alveolo)palatal stop [ɟ] may lenite into [j] or [ʝ], and its maintenance (or that of its lenited forms) is often determined by vowel context and perhaps stress. The word-medial intervocalic position is then a weakening environment in so far as the two adjacent vowels may cause the intervocalic consonant to fall short of its target and the final phonetic outcome of the lenition process to depend on the degree of opening of the adjacent vowels.

3.4.3.1 French In French, the palatoalveolar affricate outcome of velar softening before /a/ is found typically in the word-initial and word-medial postconsonantal positions. In the weaker word-medial intervocalic position, Latin /k g/ before /a/ shifted to [ɟ] whenever preceded by a front vowel and /a/, after which the stop lenited into [j]: [peˈje] Old Fr. pa(i)ier ‘to pay’ < , [nje] Old Fr. neier ‘to deny’ < , [sje] Old Fr. seier ‘to saw’ <  (Pope, 1934: 128). Whenever preceded by a back-rounded vowel, the velar stop before /a/ either failed to palatalize or else underwent palatalization, after which the intervocalic consonant lenited and dropped though the consecutive changes [g] > [ɣ] > zero or [ɟ] > [j] > zero, respectively: [ʃaˈʁy] Fr. charrue ‘cart’ < , [lεˈty] Fr. laitue ‘lettuce’ < , [lwe] Fr. louer ‘to rent’ < , [duv] Fr. douve ‘ditch, stave of a barrel’ < , and Old Fr. rueve ‘(s)he asks, (s)he prays’ <  with antihiatic [v] (Pope, 1934: 139, Celata, 2002: 125–6). This French case indicates that the carry-over effect of a preceding front vowel contributed to the reinforcement of the velar stop into the (alveolo)palatal stop cognate and also to the maintenance of its lenited form [j]. 3.4.3.2 Romansh The scenario for French just described is in many ways analogous to that found in Romansh dialects where the (alveolo)palatal stop is the regular realization of a velar stop before /a/ word-initially and postconsonantally (Section 3.4.1.3), and the presence of [ɟ] or of its lenited correlate [j] in intervocalic position may depend to a large extent on the quality of the preceding and/or following vowels. Most examples given in (a), (b), and (c) below show that the progressive, not only the regressive action of /i/ or a front vowel contributes to the presence of [ɟ] or [j] in intervocalic position. On the other hand, [v] or [w] may be inserted so as to break a hiatus whenever the etymological velar consonant has been deleted next to a back-rounded vowel.

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(a) In Surmiran, [ɟ] or [j] may survive next to a front vowel, and is deleted whenever the consonant is placed after a back-rounded vowel and before /a/ for the most part. (Bergün) [plaˈjer] ‘to wrap up’ < , [urˈtseja] ‘nettle’ < , [ˈseja] ‘(s)he mows’ < , [ˈdzɔwa] ‘(s)he plays’ <  (Lutta, 1923: 178–9). (Bivio) [saˈɟyr] ‘sure, safe, masc. sing.’ < , [fuˈɟir] ‘to run away’ < , [ˈpleɟa] ‘wound’ < , [liˈam] ‘bandage’ < , [ˈduva] ‘ditch, stave of a barrel’ <  (Candrian, 1900: 30–1). (b) In Sutselvan, there is [ɟ] before or after [i], and [j] in all vowel contexts. [ˈʃpiɟa], [ˈʃpεja] ‘ear of corn’ < , [saˈɟir], [saˈjir] < , [ˈliɟa], [ˈlia] ‘(s)he ties’ < , [ˈloja] ‘(s)he orders’ < , [ˈsejal] ‘rye’ <  (Luzi, 1904: 806–7). (c) In Engadine, [ɟ] occurs before stressed /i/, drops after a back-rounded vowel and before /a/, and weakens into [j] in the remaining contextual conditions. (Celerina-Cresta) [fyˈɟikr] ‘to run away’ < , [saˈjεta] ‘lightning bolt’ <  ‘arrow’, [ˈplεja] < , [plaˈjer] < , [liˈer] ‘to bind’ < , [ˈlova] < , [ˈrowa] ‘(s)he begs’ <  (Walberg, 1907: 86–7, 89–90, Lutta, 1923: 184, 186).

3.4.3.3 N. Italy, Francoprovençal Dialects from N. Italy exhibit a similar scenario to the one just described for Romansh. In Valle Leventina, velar palatalization before /a/ operates wordinitially and postconsonantally, and intervocalically only if the velar is preceded by a front vowel ([ˈmica] ‘not’, [kroˈkε] It. croccare ‘to cluck’, [ˈseca] ‘dry, fem. sing.’ < , [ˈvaka] ‘cow’ < ; Salvioni, 1901; 18–19). In Francoprovençal, on the other hand, velar palatalization before /a/ in intervocalic position yields [j] as a general rule, though [j] or no phonetic segment may occur whenever the consonant is preceded by a back-rounded vowel: (Valdôtain) [ˈplεjə] ‘(s)he folds’ < , [eˈpija], [eˈpia] ‘ear of corn’ < , [paˈjadə], [paˈje] ‘quietly’ < , [ˈdɔa]/[ˈdua], [ˈdova]/[ˈduva] ‘ditch, stave of a barrel’ <  (Keller, 1958: tables XVII–XVIII). (Valaisan) [paˈji] ‘to pay’ < , [buˈja] ‘laundry’ < *buˈkata, [ˈdowa] , [rwa] ‘wrinkle’ <  (Gilliéron, 1880: 72, Fankhauser, 1910: 331, de Lavallaz, 1935: 114). (Vaud) [dzoˈji] ‘to play’ <  (Odin, 1886: 126, 164).

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3.4.3.4 Ladin, Friulian, N. Italy In Ladin, Friulian, and dialects of regions of N. Italy, where /k g/ before /a/ may be implemented as [c ɟ] in the strong word-initial and postconsonantal positions (word-initial /ga/ is realized as [ja] in Marebbano Ladin), the corresponding intervocalic outcomes may be an (alveolo)palatal stop and/or its lenited form [j] (Val di Non, Val Maggia, Valtellina), and [j] or zero (major Ladin dialects, Friulian), largely irrespective of the quality of the vowels preceding and following the target consonant. (Val di Non) [ˈliɟa], [ˈlia] ‘(s)he ties’ < , [ˈpaɟa], [ˈpaja] ‘(s)he pays’ <  (Battisti, 1908: 128–32). (Val Maggia) [ˈʃpiɟa] ‘ear of corn’ < , [liˈmaɟa] ‘slug’ < *liˈmaka, [furˈmija] ‘ant’ < , [paˈjε] ‘to pay’ <  (Salvioni, 1886: 219–20). (Valtellina) [ˈspiɟa] , [liˈɟa], [lier] ‘to tie’ < , [orˈtia] ‘nettle’ <  (Merlo, 1951: 1394). (Ladin) Marebbano, Badiot, Livinallonghese [paˈje], Fassan [paˈer] ‘to pay’ < ; Marebbano, Badiot, Livinallonghese [ˈplaja], Gardenese [ˈplεa] ‘wound’ <  (Kramer, 1977: 129, 131). (Friulian) [leˈja], [leˈa] < , [urˈtia] < , [castiˈa] ‘to punish’ < , [ˈruje] ‘caterpillar’ < , [fɾuˈjat], [fɾuˈat] ‘consumed, masc. sing.’ <  (Francescato, 1966: 208, Iliescu, 1972: 48, 62–3, 217).

3.4.3.5 Recapitulation Judging from the data referred to in this section, it could be hypothesized that before the lenited realization [j] of [ɟ] was generalized to all intervocalic contextual conditions (as in Francoprovençal, Ladin, and Friulian), it occurred in back-vowel contexts while [ɟ] was present in front ones, as still occurs in Romansh dialects nowadays. Therefore, it appears that contextual front vowels could be actively involved in the maintenance of the (alveolo)palatal stop realization while contextual back vowels facilitated stop lenition into [j] or else prevented palatalization from applying. Forms such as French louer <  and charrue < , and even Romansh [ˈduva] <  and [ˈrowa] < , could have then been generated either through the often assumed development [g] > [ɣ] > [ø] or else through [ɟ] > [j] > [ø].

3.4.4 Word-/utterance-final position Section 3.1.5 reports instances of postvocalic velar palatalization in word-final position, occurring just after /i/ or any front vowel, after a front vowel and /a/, or after any vowel, in, among other languages and dialects, Old English, Majorcan

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Catalan, Raetoromance, dialects from N. Italy, Brittany and Champagne and Brie in France, and Persian. The word-final (alveolo)palatal stop may also be found after a consonant (Section 3.4.2). Articulatory reinforcement occurring on a par with segmental lengthening appears to be needed in order to justify this word-final position scenario at least in dialects where velar palatalization is not obviously associated with specific contextual vowels. Previous research (see Barnes, 2006, and Katsika, 2016, for a summary) has shown that boundary-adjacent articulations are temporally longer and spatially more prominent, most so the first post-boundary articulation, than phrase-medial articulations. Moreover, this reinforcement effect is prone to operating on consonantal segments placed in the utterance-final position, mostly if followed by an audible pause, and, as shown next, applies to some consonant types rather than others which may be considered to weaken instead. In particular, data for Majorcan Catalan show that, whether realized as [c] or as [k], the velar stop phoneme exhibits similar degrees of tongue-to-palate contact and of contact anteriority and analogous duration values word-/utterance-initially after a pause and word/utterance-finally before a pause, and that both dorsopalatal contact and consonant duration are less in the word-medial intervocalic position than at the word/utterance edges (Recasens and Espinosa, 2006). It may be then that, to the extent that they involve the entire tongue body in their production, dorsal consonants are more resistant than apicolaminals or labials to the wellknown trend for word-final and syllable-final consonants to shorten and reduce, which accounts for why dentoalveolars may have been lost in Latin, during the transition from Latin to the Romance languages and even more recently in Romance (Spanish ama ‘(s)he loves’ < , algo ‘something’ < ). In support of articulatory reinforcement in the case of word-final consonants produced with high articulatory and/or aerodynamic demands, production data for English may also be adduced showing that fricatives and affricates do not exhibit more lingual contact word-initially than word-finally, while they are significantly longer in the latter position than in the former (Keating et al., 1999). Evidence for the presence of gestures more prominent in terms of articulatory displacement and duration at the phrase edges, i.e., phrase-initially and phrase-finally than phrase-medially, have also been reported to occur for /p f t/ in English (Byrd et al., 2005). Judging from the dialectal data reported so far, it may be hypothesized that word-final velar palatalization could have started out after favourable front vowel and consonantal contextual segments, and extended later to the other less favourable low and back-rounded vowel context conditions. Other accounts are more unlikely, such as that word-final [c] or the lenited variants [ç] or [j] occur in Latin neuter words ending in -˘ in Romansh and Ladin dialects (e.g., [poc] ‘little, masc.’ < ˘, [fwεç] ‘fire’ < ˘, [laj] ‘lake’< ˘) because at some stage this vowel

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may have had an [y]-like quality and thus could have acted as a velar stop palatalization trigger (Haiman and Benincà, 1992: 57–9, and in Table 3.2 and Section 3.1.5, this volume).

3.4.5 Stress, syllable type, and consonant voicing There are reasons to suppose that velar palatalization is more likely to occur in stressed than in unstressed syllables. Articulatory and acoustic data reveal indeed that, in comparison with the unstressed syllable condition, consonants in stressed syllables exhibit greater duration and more tongue-to-palate contact, as well as longer and more intense bursts if they are stops and more intense frication noises if they are fricatives or affricates (see Lavoie, 2001). Moreover, EPG data for Italian speakers indicate fewer vowel-to-vowel coarticulatory effects as a function of /i/ vs /a/ in /VtV VdV/ sequences when the target vowel is stressed than when it is unstressed (Farnetani, 1990: 121). In addition to stress, articulatory salience may be associated with syllable type such that the articulatory gestures for the onset consonant and the following vowel are expected to be more prominent in terms of articulatory displacement and duration in open CV syllables than in checked CVC syllables. Differences in consonant reinforcement could also be related to voicing: velar palatalization ought to operate on /k/ rather than on /g/ in line with the differences in tongue contact and aerodynamic conditions involved in the production of the two consonants (Section 3.4.1.3). An interesting case in this respect is that of word-initial velar palatalization before a low vowel in dialects of Raetoromance. The effect of stress in this dialectal domain is robust in so far as the change /k/ > [c] (also /g/ > [ɟ]) is more prone to operating in stressed than unstressed syllables. In Surmiran from Bergün and Filisur, Engadinian from Celerina and Sent, and Gardenese, [c] and [ɟ] occur in the two stress conditions: Bergün [caˈvaʎ] ‘horse’ < , [ɟat] ‘cat’ < , [ˈɟoda] ‘(s)he rejoices’ < , [ɟaˈlεgda] ‘bucket’ < , Gardenese [ɟal] ‘rooster’ < , [cəˈval] < , [ɟəˈlinə] ‘hen’ <  (Gartner, 1879, Lutta, 1923: 149, 155–6). However, other dialectal zones show, generally or all the time, velar palatalization in stressed syllables, and lack of palatalization fairly often (always in the case of /g/) in unstressed syllables: Surmiran from Alvaneu and Savognin (Lutta, 1923: 149); Sutselvan localities (Luzi, 1904: 801–2); Surselvan from Tavetsch ([cɐˈmin] ‘path’ < , [cɐˈvaj] < , [kɐˈdajnɐ] ‘chain’ < , [kɐlˈkɔɲ] ‘heel’ < , [gɐˈʎinɐ] < ; Caduff, 1952: 81–3, 85, Loriot, 1952). This stress effect applies or has applied in the recent past to Ladin Raetoromance dialects as well (Alton, 1879: 62). Stop voicing and syllable type may also play a role. As to the voicing factor, palatalization may operate on /k/ but not on /g/ (Surmiran from Bivio), or else on

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/k/ in stressed syllables and more or less systematically in unstressed syllables and on /g/ only in stressed syllables (see the localities referred to in the preceding paragraph). As to syllable type, in Bivio, the palatalization of word-initial /k/ before stressed /a/ occurs in open syllables but not in checked syllables in the etymological lexical form ([cer] < , [ˈceza] < , [kar] < , [ˈkama] < ; Candrian, 1900: 27). In addition, the contextual phonetic segments may also determine whether velar palatalization takes place or not, as in Surmiran localities where apparently /k/ palatalization before /a/ in word-initial unstressed syllables is facilitated by the presence of a labial consonant in the following syllable (Tinizong [caˈval] < , [caˈpi] ‘hat’ < , [kaˈdaɲə] < , [kanˈtar] ‘to sing’ < ; Grisch, 1939: 57). Velar palatalization may also be conditioned by other factors, such as whether the word is genuine or imported, or whether it is used more or less frequently. An effect of stress on velar palatalization before /a/ has also been found to hold in other Romance languages. In N. Italy, there is palatalization of word-initial /k g/ before /a/ preferably or exclusively in stressed syllables in Val Maggia in Lombardy ([car] <  ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’, [ɟat] ‘cat’ < , [kaˈval] ‘horse’ < , [gaˈlina] ‘hen’ < ; Salvioni, 1886: 216, 218), in localities of the canton of Ticino (Osco, Cavergno; maps 395 , 842 , 217 , 1062  in Jaberg and Jud, 1928–60), in the Piedmontese regions Val di Bognanco, and Val d’Antrona (Salvioni, 1901), as well as in the Gallo-Italian dialect of San Fratello (Rohlfs, 1966: 199). This effect of stress may extend to the word-medial intervocalic position, as in Ossola where the (alveolo) palatal stop occurs in stressed syllables and immediately after the stressed vowel but not in a pretonic syllable ([pɾeˈɟa] ‘to beg, to pray’ < , [zbagaˈʒa] ‘to move’; Nicolet, 1929: 54). Also in Picard, velar palatalization before /a/ has been reported to apply preferably in stressed syllables (Carton, 1972: 459, and Section 3.1.4.2, this volume). This remark is consistent with phonetic transcriptions taken from the Atlas linguistique de la Wallonie exhibiting velar palatalization and/or assibilation in stressed syllables but not in unstressed ones: (stressed) [kɑ̃p], [ʃɑ̃p] < Fr. chambre ‘room’ < , [cjεr], [tʃjεr], [tʃεr] Fr. cher ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < ; (unstressed) [kaˈpjo], [kaˈpjε], [kaˈpo], [kˈapε] < , [kaˈʃø] chasseur ‘hunter’ from *kapˈtjaɾe (Remacle, 1953, maps 9, 11, 14, 16). Moreover, in Acadian French, out of thirty examples of /k/ palatalization before a front vowel mentioned by Geddes (1908: 86), all but three occur in stressed position, whether word-initially or word-medial intervocalically or postconsonantally, and two exceptional cases are quêter ‘to search for’ and quitter ‘to leave’, which mirror the strong verbal forms quête ‘quest’ and quitte ‘(s)he quits’. An effect of stress may also account for the phonetic outcomes of /ka/ in Valais Francoprovençal from Vionnaz (Gilliéron, 1880: 70, Dauzat, 1913): a front realization of [c] ([tj]) with more dorsopalatal contact in stressed position ([tje] ‘dear, expensive, masc.

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sing.’ < , [lεˈtje] ‘to lick’ < Germ. *lekkon) and an alveolar affricate with less tongue-to-palate contact in unstressed position ([ˈvatsə] ‘cow’ < , [tsãˈfõ] ‘song’ < ).

3.5 General summary Velar stop phonemes are typically endowed with an anterior allophone before front vowels and a back allophone before low and back-rounded vowels. Data reported in Section 3.1 reveal that under special contextual and positional conditions the front velar allophone may be articulated as an (alveolo)palatal stop, as revealed by numerous languages and dialects where this change in place of articulation has operated diachronically and/or applies synchronically by rule. These (alveolo)palatal stop realizations may correspond not only to front velar allophones but also to phonemic palatal stops and palatalized velar stops in specific languages where the allophones in question have been phonologized. The change in place of articulation from front velar to palatal or alveolopalatal is achieved through gestural blending and, thus, the formation of a closure location which is roughly intermediate between the closure location for the velar and the constriction location for the vocalic segment (palatal option), or else may become as anterior as or more anterior than the front vowel or glide (alveolopalatal option). Articulatory data for (alveolo)palatal stop consonants indicate that their closure location may vary quite considerably in fronting degree as a function of dialect, speaker, position, and vowel context. Moreover, a data sample from the world’s languages reveals that these consonants are most often alveolopalatal or purely palatal, less often alveolar or back-palatal and, even less frequently, dentoalveolar or dento-alveolopalatal, and that languages tend to favour one place of articulation over another. It has been argued that the affricate outcomes of velar softening may differ in place of articulation precisely because the closure location of their (alveolo)palatal stop source may be more or less anterior and may even occur at the alveolar zone. In support of this assumption, whenever exhibiting an (alveolo)palatal articulation, the realization [c] of /k/ may be heard as /t/, most likely next to a high front vocalic segment where velar palatalization is most prone to occur. The double confusion /k/ > /t/ and /t/ > /k/ may take place in dialects in which both velars and dentoalveolars are palatalized and therefore share a [c]-like realization. A trend has been noted for velar palatalization to operate most often before front vocalic segments and postconsonantally but also after a front vowel, before a low vowel, and word-finally. Regarding the prevocalic condition, the palatalization process has been reported to occur preferably before front vowels, or else before /i/ and/or /j/, depending on language and dialect. A progressive effect has

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also been identified in the word-medial and word-final positions: in Romansh, dialects from N. Italy, and Old French, a preceding high front vowel may contribute to velar stop palatalization, and to the maintenance of [ɟ] or of its outcome [j]. On the other hand, dental or alveolar stop palatalization into an (alveolo)palatal stop is especially likely to operate before the vocalic segments /j i/, which are articulated with maximal dorsopalatal contact, and before /j/ rather than before /i/, which is in accordance with the palatal glide’s exhibiting a narrower dorsopalatal constriction than the vowel. Also when applying progressively, dental stop palatalization may take place after high front vocoids. The Romance languages are to some extent exceptional in that the universal pattern for velar palatalization to occur preferably before front vocalic segments may not hold necessarily. Indeed, in Raetoromance and dialects from N. Italy, as well as in Old French, the so-called second velar palatalization process has operated before /a/ and word-finally (velar palatalization before /a/ has also taken place lately in Picard and Norman French). The scenarios (a) to (i) presented below show the diverse arrangement of contextual and positional conditions under which the (alveolo)palatal stop outcome of the second and third Romance velar palatalization processes may be found in the Romance dialects: (a) before /j/ derived from /l/ in onset /Cl/ clusters (dialects of Italy), (b) before a high front vowel or glide (Occitan dialects), (c) before front vowels and /j/ derived from /l/ in onset /Cl/ clusters (DacoRomanian, and French and Francoprovençal dialects, excluding Champagne and Brie where velar palatalization occurs in conditions comparable to those mentioned in (g)), (d) before /a/ word-initially and postconsonantally (Friulian, Marebbano, Badiot, and in other times Gardenese, Fassan, and Livinallonghese), (e) before front vowels and /a/ (Picard and Norman French as a late development), (f) before front vowels and /a/ (only /g/), and before /j/ derived from /l/ in onset /Cl/ clusters (Gallurese, Corsican areas), (g) before front vowels, /a/ and schwa, and word-finally after any vowel or consonant (Majorcan Catalan, Geneva French), (h) before front vowels and /a/, and word-finally after a consonant and either after a front vowel, a front vowel and /a/, or any vowel (Romansh), (i) before front vowels, /a/ and /j/ derived from /l/ in onset /Cl/ clusters, and word-finally after a front vowel, a front vowel and /a/, or any vowel (dialects of N. Italy). The (alveolo)palatal stop outcome of velar palatalization may cause /a/ to rise mostly word-initially and in stressed open syllables, and this raising action may

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co-occur with glide insertion ([ca] > [cja], [cjε], [cje]). This progressive effect (as well as that exerted by high front vocoids on velar stops referred to earlier) is in agreement with speech-production data showing that the tongue-dorsum raising and fronting gesture for (alveolo)palatal articulations is projected onto the following phonetic segment rather than on the preceding one. Articulatory strengthening accounts for several facts about velar palatalization. It explains why this sound change may take place through an increase in tongueto-palate contact before vowels which do not interfere with the tongue-dorsum fronting and raising gesture for the velar (/a/, schwa), as well as word-finally after any vowel. Based on several findings, it has been hypothesized that /a/ does not need to be necessarily a front vowel for a preceding velar stop to become (alveolo)palatal, and also that it has not been mainly /a/ which has triggered velar stop palatalization, but the (alveolo)palatal stop which has caused /a/ to rise: velar palatalization may occur before back [ɑ], as in the case of the diphthong /aw/ (Old French, Raetoromance dialects); there may have been velar palatalization but no /a/ raising (Romansh, Ladin); /a/ has been diphthongized or raised only after [c ɟ] or other (alveolo)palatal consonants (Francoprovençal, Raetoromance dialects, Majorcan Catalan); in Old French, velar palatalization took place not only in stressed open syllables but also in stressed checked syllables where the low vowel has stayed low. Articulatory reinforcement also accounts for the tendency for velar palatalization before /a/ to apply word-initially as well as in the postconsonantal position, where consonants are reinforced through an increase in tongue contact and duration. This behaviour is clearly in contrast with the situation in the wordmedial intervocalic position where [ɟ] may lenite into [j] and the outcoming approximant may be deleted after a back vowel. In parallel to other consonants subject to high place and/or manner of articulation requirements, velars may also be reinforced into (alveolo)palatals word-finally with or without being assisted by the preceding phonetic segment (Old English, Breton, Persian, Majorcan Catalan, dialects from Raetoromance, and those from N. Italy). Moreover, data from the two latter dialectal domains indicate that velar palatalization is more likely to occur in stressed than in unstressed syllables, in open rather than checked syllables, and whenever the stop consonant is voiceless rather than when it is voiced.

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4 Velar assibilation This chapter deals with velar assibilation by showing that the (alveolo)palatal stop outcome of velar palatalization may give rise to affricate productions differing in place of articulation, i.e., mostly [tʃ] but also [ts], [tɕ], and [tç], which parallel differences in closure location for [c]. At a later stage, the affricate outcomes may develop into fricatives through a deaffrication mechanism and therefore [tʃ] and [ts] may shift to [ʃ] and [s, θ], respectively. The chapter is structured as follows. Sections 4.1 and 4.2 adduce descriptive data showing that lingual affricates may emerge naturally from (alveolo)palatal stops. Sections 4.3 and 4.4, on the other hand, reveal that [c] may give rise to a front lingual affricate, whether palatoalveolar or alveolar, most of the time, as indicated by co-occurring phonetic realizations of the (alveolo)palatal stop and one of the two affricates in specific dialectal domains. Special attention will be paid to those consonantal and vocalic articulatory properties which contribute to the generation of [ts], mostly in the Romance languages; even though less widely spread than [tʃ], the alveolar affricate is found fairly often in the world’s languages. Section 4.5 is about the spectral, duration, and intensity characteristics which render the [c] burst comparable to the frication noise of a front lingual affricate, and the positional, contextual, and prosodic conditions which favour one or more of these acoustic cues and thus the affrication process. Section 4.6 is about another aspect which may contribute to the implementation of velar assibilation, namely, whether palatalized /t/ turns into an affricate or a fricative in the same language or dialect where velar softening occurs. Section 4.7 shows that whether the front lingual affricate outcome of velar assibilation is palatoalveolar, or alveolar, or dental, may depend on the dialect-dependent base of articulation.

4.1 From palatal stop to affricate (Alveolo)palatal stops may stay unmodified with no signs of affrication in specific language domains (as, for example, in dialects of S. Italy and Majorcan Catalan), but may give rise to lingual affricates in other dialects. The phonetic data presented in the sections which follow reveal that (alveolo)palatal stop affrication may be traced through co-occurring (alveolo)palatal stop and affricate realizations in given lexical forms elicited by speakers of the same or different age generations living in the same or neighbouring communities. Thus, reports from the end of Phonetic Causes of Sound Change: The Palatalization and Assibilation of Obstruents. Daniel Recasens, Oxford University Press (2020). © Daniel Recasens. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198845010.001.0001

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the nineteenth century and beginning of the twentieth century indicate the presence of (alveolo)palatal stop realizations in Ladin Raetoromance-speaking localities where [tʃ] prevails today (Section 4.3.3). Confirming evidence for a cross-generational change [c] > [tʃ] in dialectal varieties of Raetoromance, which may result in the neutralization of the phonological contrast between /c/ and /tʃ/, has been adduced by Schmid and colleagues (Schmid and Negrinelli, 2015, Schmid, 2018). Even for cases where the (alveolo)palatal stop is not directly attested at the present time, its existence needs to be postulated in order to account for the affricate and fricative outcomes of velar softening in favourable contextual and/or positional conditions. An (alveolo)palatal stop source for such affricate and fricative end products, and thus an articulatory motivation of velar softening, has been proposed for language families as diverse as Bantu (Hyman, 2003, and in Section 4.4.1.1, this volume), Romance (Lausberg, 1970, Nève de Mévergnies, 1974, 1976) and Germanic (see Minkova, 2014: 85, for Old English and Prokosch, 1939: 90, for Old Frisian). In any case, experimental studies on the ongoing transformation of [c] or [ɟ] into a front lingual affricate are scarce. Specific arguments in support of an acoustic equivalence account of velar softening in general and velar assibilation in particular are problematic for reasons pointed out in Chapter 2. The Acadian French case happens to be illustrative in this respect. According to Hume (1992) and Telfer (2006: 58–9), the fact that the realizations [k], [kj], and [tʃ] of /k/ before a front vowel co-occur in free variation in Acadian French ([kjø], [kø], [tʃø] Fr. queue ‘tail’, [kɥir], [kjɥir], [tʃɥjr] Fr. cuir ‘leather’, and see Table 4.1, this volume) is indicative that, at least in this particular dialect, an intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop is not required for the coronalization of /k/ to take place. However, phonetic data collected from Acadian French speakers at the beginning of the twentieth century, and thus much earlier than the dialectal material cited by Hume and Telfer, reveal that front /k/ went through an (alveolo)palatal stop stage before shifting to [tʃ]. Thus, according to Geddes (1908: 86–7), /k/ was realized as [c] before any front vowel, and in the Chéticamp dialect the (alveolo)palatal stop had already shifted to [tʃ] at that time. In addition, [c ɟ] were realizations of /t d/ before /j/ with, again, /tj/ becoming [tʃ] in Chéticamp. Therefore, it looks as if by the 1970s and 1980s the (alveolo)palatal stop allophone of /k/ was replaced by the palatoalveolar affricate and also regressed to the velar stop realization, which is the regular pronunciation in Standard French. In addition, while the affricate pronunciation appears to be most characteristic of older speakers in rural areas, thus revealing that those subjects must have partly replaced [c] with [tʃ], younger subjects reject any of those pronunciations and use the more prestigious variant [k] instead. In sum, in Acadian French, there has not been a direct replacement of the front velar stop by the palatoalveolar affricate, but a two-stage development front velar > [c] > [tʃ]. As to another of Telfer’s arguments in support of a direct change from front /k/ to [tʃ], namely, that (alveolo)palatal stops are highly stable articulations, evidence provided in the following sections indicates that [c] and

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Table 4.1 Lexical forms from French, Francoprovençal, and Occitan exemplifying the transformation of the (alveolo)palatal stop allophone of front /k/ into a palatoalveolar affricate. The English translation is given only once for each lexical form 1. Acadian French [kjø], [kø], [tʃø] Fr. queue ‘tail’, [kjɥir], [kɥir], [tʃɥjr] Fr. cuir ‘leather’ 2. Gallo [tʃi] Fr. qui ‘who’, [tʃes] Fr. cuisse ‘thigh’, [dʒø] Fr. gueux ‘beggar’ 3. Ouest [cjyˈɾu], [cyˈɾu], [tʃyˈɾu] Fr. curette ‘scraper’, [ecyˈɾœj], [eç(j)yˈɾœj], [etʃyˈɾœj] Fr. écureuil ‘squirrel’, [ɟjεp], [dʒ(j)εp] Fr. guêpe ‘wasp’ 4. Poitevin[kjyˈlɔt], [tʃyˈlɔt] Fr. culotte ‘underpants’, [gjεr], [dʒεr] Fr. guère ‘barely’ Santongeais 5. Louisiana [tʃi] Fr. qui, [tʃø] Fr. queue, [inˈtʃet] Fr. French inquiet ‘uneasy’, [dʒœl] Fr. gueule ‘mouth’, [tʃy] Fr. cul ‘bottom’, [dʒεp] Fr. guêpe 6. Norman [tʃit] Fr. quitte ‘(I) leave’, [tʃẽz] Fr. quinze ‘fifteen’, [tʃyˈe] Fr. curé ‘priest’, [iˈcit], [iˈtʃit] Fr. il chut ‘he fell down’ Ibid. [siˈci], [siˈtʃi] Fr. sécher ‘to dry’, [cø], [tʃø] Fr. queue, [ãɟyl], [ãdʒyl] Fr. aiguille ‘needle’, [ɟep], [dʒep] Fr. guêpe Ibid. Sercquiais [kjœr], [tʃœ] Fr. coeur ‘heart’, [gjεr], [dʒεr] Fr. guerre ‘war’ 7. Picard [cø], [tʃø] Fr. queue, [kjε̃n], [tʃẽn] Fr. chaîne ‘chain’, [tʃœt] Fr. coudre ‘to sew’, [kjɥir], [tʃɥir] Fr. cuir, [tʃy] Fr. cul 8. Forézien [cjy], [tʃy] Fr. cul, [iˈci], [iˈtʃi] Fr. ici ‘here’, [cẽ], [tʃẽ] Fr. ça ‘that’ 9. Lyonnais [c(j)y], [tʃy], [tʃjɔ] Fr. cul

Hume, 1992: 161 Chauveau, 1984: 136–7 Massignon and Horiot, 1971–83, maps 111, 402, 443 Pignon, 1960: 385 Phillips, 1936, Dajko and Blainey, 2016

Montreuil, 2000: 85 Lepelley, 1971: 76 Brasseur 1980–97, maps 611, 654, 828, 864 Liddicoat, 1994: 72 Carton, 1972, Flutre, 1977: 108–10 Gardette, 1941: 61, 64, 65

Gardette, 1950–76, map 1112 10. Jura and Alpes [cœr], [tʃœr] Fr. coeur, [cy], [tʃy] Fr. cul, Martin and Tuaillon, 1971–81, maps 1436, 1440, du Nord [ɟ(j)ø], [ɟ(j)y], [dʒø], [dʒu] Fr. (le bon) Dieu ‘(the good) Lord’, [cyˈɾe], [tʃyˈɾa] Fr. 1507, 1513 curé 11. N. Drôme [ci], [tʃi] Fr. ici, [cjy], [tʃy] Fr. cul, [tʃaw] Bouvier, 1976: 84 Fr. clef ‘key’, [tʃyˈbεr] Fr. couvert ‘shelter’

front lingual affricate productions coexist quite frequently in the same dialect, thus proving that (alveolo)palatal stops are not particularly stable, which is also consistent with their relative rarity in the world’s languages. Another piece of evidence in support of the articulation-based motivation of velar softening is to be sought in the array of affricate outcomes of the (alveolo)palatal stop assibilation process. Thus, depending presumably on degree of closure

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fronting, [c] (and [ɟ]) may be replaced by affricates differing in degree of anteriority. This chapter has two main sections, 4.3 and 4.4, dealing with the palatoalveolar and alveolar affricate outcomes of velar assibilation, and treats the same subject again in Section 4.7, on base of articulation. Though less commonly, velar assibilation may give rise to affricates of other places of articulation. One possibility is the alveolopalatal affricate [tɕ] to be found in Standard Chinese only before high front vowels and glides, while dental and retroflex affricates do not show up in this particular context (Section 4.3.2; Duanmu, 2007: 31). Another interesting case is that of Raetoromance, where the affricate-like quality of the (alveolo)palatal stop and the corresponding affricate outcome of the assibilation process may be characterized as purely palatal [tç] in Lower Fassa and Val di Non and as palatoalveolar [tʃ] in Upper Fassa and Engadine, which matches the difference in stop-closure fronting referred to in Section 3.2.1 (Elwert, 1943: 67). In connection with this issue, there is the possibility that [c] may give rise to affricates of different places of articulation due not so much to differences in (alveolo)palatal stop-closure fronting as to the ambiguous /t/-like or /k/-like nature of (alveolo)palatal stops. Thus, for example, in the Amazonian language Hup, /c/ is usually pronounced as a palatoalveolar affricate or fricative ([tʃ], [ʃ]) though also, more infrequently, as [ts], [s], or front [c]; moreover, these realizations appear to be in free variation, so that individual speakers may alternate them when pronouncing different tokens of the same word (Epps, 1973: 51). A remark needs to be made about the practical absence of cases of glide hardening into a fricative sound in velar stop sequences. Thus, when operating on sequences like /kj/, palatalization involves a change in stop closure location, not developments such as /kj/ > [kʃ] where /k/ remains essentially velar. This scenario is in contrast with that for labial sequences such as /pj/ where the independent relationship between the labial and the dorsal components allows /j/ to be reinforced into a stop or fricative without the labial changing its place of articulation (see Chapter 5). Hardening of the front vocalic segment after /k/ has been reported to occur in some cases, however. In the Arawakan language Nanti /k/ and /g/ before /i e/ may be realized as [ks kʃ] and [gz gʒ] (Campbell, 2012: 266), in the Algonquian language Blackfoot /k/ shifts to [ks] before ‘breaking’ /i/ through a morpheme boundary (Frantz, 1991: 31–2, 150), and in the Arabic spoken in the rural areas of Argelia not only [kj] and [tʃ], but also [kʃ] are the historical reflexes of Proto-Semitic *k ([kjəlb], [kʃəlb], [tʃəlb] ‘dog’ < *kalb; Pereira, 2011: 956).

4.2 Affrication as an intrinsic characteristic of (alveolo)palatal stops Affrication may be considered to be an intrinsic property of (alveolo)palatal stops, which is in support of velar softening being triggered by an increase in the

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perceptual salience of the (alveolo)palatal stop burst in favourable contextual, positional, and prosodic conditions. As to the motivation for this characteristic, Ladefoged (1971: 41) suggests the following: ‘The palatal stops in many languages tend to be more affricated than the others (i.e., dental and velar stops) perhaps because of the mechanical difficulty of quickly withdrawing the front of the tongue, which often contacts a large area of the roof of the mouth in the formation of these stops’. (In view of the articulatory implementation of (alveolo)palatal stops, the term ‘front of the tongue’ should refer to the predorsum or laminopredorsal region in the case that the consonant is alveolopalatal, or else to a more posterior portion of the tongue dorsum if the stop is articulated at the prepalate and mediopalate or at the mediopalate and postpalate.) The most compelling argument is to be sought in the fact that the tongue-to-palate closure for (alveolo)palatal stops is quite widespread, which ought to result in a slower and thus affricate-like closure release. The affricated quality of (alveolo)palatal stop consonants has been mentioned for many languages, some of which are referred to in the sections to follow. This leads often to a situation in which linguists have a hard time deciding whether the consonants in question should be considered to be stops or affricates.

4.2.1 Non-Romance languages In Hungarian, /c/ may be strongly affricated before stressed vowels and wordfinally as opposed to when occurring before an unstressed vowel, a stop, or a sonorant. This remark applies then to words such as [cu:k] tyúk ‘hen’, [ɟa:r] gyár ‘factory’, [fyc:] fütty ‘whistle’, and [va:ɟ] vágy ‘desire’, where the digraphs ty and gy correspond to /c/ and /ɟ/, respectively, but barely or not at all to [ˈkεcεg] ketyeg ‘to tick’, [ˈmɒɟɒr] magyar ‘Hungarian’, [ˈhɒctɒ] hagyta ‘(s)he left it’, and [ˈa:ɟbɒ] ágyba ‘bed, illative sing.’ (Siptár and Törkenczy, 2000: 82–3). Also in Albanian, /c/ has been characterized as a stop by some scholars and as an affricate by others; the Albanian situation resembles that of Raetoromance dialects summarized in Section 4.2.2, where the stop appears to be changing into an affricate and therefore an assibilation process is taking place or has already occurred (Kolgjini, 2004: 104–11). Another interesting case is that of Korean, where /c/ has been considered to be a stop (Sohn, 1999: 153), an affricate (Lee, 2007, Lee and Ramsay, 2011: 260) or the affricated postalveolar stop [tʃ] (Ladefoged and Maddieson, 1996: 56). The (alveolo)palatal stop has also been characterized as strongly affricated in Czech dialects (Šimáčková et al., 2012), in S. Peruvian Quechua (Manheim, 1991: 241), in the Bantu language Lumasaaba (Brown, 1972: 119), and in productions of word-medial /c/ and /ch/ in Nepali, particularly in the variety spoken by subjects who have Tibeto-Burman as their first language (Riccardi, 2003: 602). Also ProtoMongolic *c and *ɟ appear to have been realized as front lingual affricates

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(Janhunen, 2003: 5). Affrication is especially evident in languages where the (alveolo)palatal stop has a laminal articulation fairly front in the mouth, which includes the Australian languages Kaititj, Alyawarra, Warrongo, and Djaru (Stevens et al., 1986). The affricate-like realization of the (alveolo)palatal stop has been considered alveolopalatal rather than palatoalveolar in Cretan Greek, where the front allophones [c ɟ] and [ç ʝ] of the velar phonemes /k g/ and /x ɣ/ tend to be realized as [tɕ dʑ] and [ɕ ʑ], respectively (Lengeris and Kappa, 2016). Also in Irish, /c ɟ/ may be produced not only as [tʃ dʒ] but also as [tɕ dʑ] in northern and western regions of Ireland and in the Aran islands (Hickey, 2011: 156–62). A sign of affrication as an intrinsic characteristic of (alveolo)palatal stops is the co-occurrence of stop and affricate realizations in more or less free alternation. In Kurdish, velar stops may be heavily palatalized and affricated into [tɕ dʑ] when occurring before a front vowel and glide, and become indistinguishable from the palatoalveolar affricates, which have phonemic status in the language ([kje:] ‘who?’, [kjɥe:] ‘where?’; McCarus, 2009: 597). On the other hand, in Lisu velar stops before front vowels are variably realized as alveolopalatal affricates, as exemplified by the lexical variants [gje], [dʑje], [gji], and [dʑi] of the underlying form /ge/ ‘to go’ (Bradley, 2003: 225).

4.2.2 Romance languages Regarding the Romance languages, in the Champagne and Brie region of France, [tç] and [dʝ] have been reported to be the prototypical realizations of the allophones [c] and [ɟ] of /k/ and /g/ before a, e, o, and word-finally in Seine-et-Marne, and before a front vocoid in a larger zone which includes Seine-et-Marne and partially the Marne, Yonne, and Ardennes regions (Bourcelot, 1966–78). As to specific Raetoromance-speaking territories, whether the (alveolo)palatal stops derived from Latin /k g/ before /a/ and word-finally are realized as such or as (alveolo)palatal affricates is an open issue. Several authors reporting descriptive phonetic data for particular Romansh dialects have characterized the sounds in question as prepalatal stops (k,́ dy, Luzi, 1904: 764–5; tχ, dy, Candrian, 1900: 5), while other authors refer to them as palatal affricates (tç, dj, Lutta, 1923: 39–40; c̎, g̎, Schorta, 1938: 19; tɕ, dʑ, Anderson, 2016: 172) or as predorsal affricates (tç, dς; Walberg, 1907: 4). Recordings made by speakers of the Fassan, Gardenese, Badiot, Livinallonghese, and Ampezzan dialects of Ladin Raetoromance appended to the Atlant linguistich dl ladin dolomitich y di dialec vejins (Goebl, 1998) reveal the existence of several shades of sound which in principle could correspond to stop and affricate realizations. Also in Friulian, /c/ and /ɟ/ have been attributed the affricatelike realizations [cç] and [k̟ç] and [ɟʝ] and [gʝ], ̟ respectively (Finco, 2009). It is also worth mentioning the difficulties involved in deciding whether (alveolo)palatal stop productions should be transcribed as such, as front or

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palatalized velars ([kj]) or as palatoalveolar affricates in the Alpine valleys of Lombardy and Piedmont (Salvioni, 1901: 30–1).

4.3 Palatoalveolar outcome In line with the acoustic and articulatory factors referred to in Section 4.5.1, the voiceless velar is more likely to shift to a palatoalveolar affricate [tʃ] than to lingual affricates of more anterior or more posterior places of articulation (Guion, 1996). A goal of this section is to elicit the precise contextual and positional conditions where stop assibilation into a palatoalveolar affricate applies and the extent to which they parallel those causing velar palatalization to take place (Section 3.1). In this respect it is convenient to subdivide the contextual segments involved in the assibilation of (alveolo)palatal stops into front and high front vocoids. The section exhibits a structure analogous to that of Section 3.1, i.e., it deals with languages where the (alveolo)palatal or palatalized velar stop has phonemic status (Section 4.3.1), and proceeds with non-Romance and Romance languages in which assibilation operates on front velars (Section 4.3.2), on velars before a low vowel (Section 4.3.3), and at the progressive level on word-internal and word-final velars (Section 4.3.4).

4.3.1 Palatal and palatalized velar stop phonemes Assibilation may operate on (alveolo)palatal stops exhibiting phonemic status. Thus, the replacement of /c/ by [tʃ] (and possibly of /ɟ/ by [dʒ]) has taken place among speakers of contemporary generations in Macedonian dialects (Lunt, 1952: 12, Friedman, 2002: 11) and Gheg Albanian (Kolgjini, 2004: 103). Also in Vietnamese, young native speakers from Hanoi realize as [tɕ] the laminopalatoalveolar stop phoneme /c/ (Kirby, 2011). Along the same lines, the IndoEuropean palatal stops *c, *ɟ developed into [ʃ dʒ] in Old Indic and [ʃ ʒ] in Lithuanian (Szemerényi, 1999: 62–3). Special consideration should be given to the assibilation outcome of the palatalized velar phoneme /kj/. In contrast with its maintenance as a palatalized velar stop in the other Wakashan language Oowekyala, /kj/ has yielded [tʃ] in Nuuchahnulth (Oowekyala [skja] and Nuuchahnulth [sutʃa] ‘five’, where the stop and the affricate are glottalized; Howe, 2000: 70). In western and some C. Azerbaijanian dialects, on the other hand, the palatoalveolar affricate end products of /kj gj/ acquired phonemic status without merging with the available phonemes /tʃ dʒ/, since the latter previously shifted to more anterior realizations (Stilo, 1994: 82). Another relevant case is that of Romanian dialects, where the voiceless palatalized velar may be realized as an alveolopalatal affricate, as

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exemplified by co-occurring phonetic variants from Transylvania such as [ˈwokji], [wəc], [wotɕ] Rom. ochi ‘eyes’, [ˈvekje], [ˈvεcə], [ˈvεtɕə] Rom. veche ‘old, fem. sing.’, and [ˈgjatsə], [ˈɟatsə], [ˈdʑatsə] Rom. gheața ‘ice’ < *ˈglakja (Petrovici, 1956–72, maps 1309, 1507, and 1816).

4.3.2 Assibilation before front vocalic segments 4.3.2.1 Non-Romance languages Velar assibilation may take place essentially before front vowels. Thus, by virtue of the so-called first Slavic palatalization, Proto-Slavic /k/, /g/, and /x/ shifted, respectively, to [tʃ], [ʒ], and [ʃ] before a front vowel and /j/ (Russian [ˈtʃadə] čado ‘child’ < Proto-Slavic *kinda; Andersen, 1995: 429). This transformation is still morphophonologically productive in Slovak, where /k g x ɣ/ > [tʃ dʒ ʃ ʒ] ([vnuk] ‘grandson’, [ˈvnutʃik] /ˈvnuk+ik/ ‘grandson, dim.’; Hume, 1992: 5, Rubach, 1993: 102), and in Polish where /k g x/ > [tʃ dʒ ʃ] ([kɾɔk] ‘step’, [ˈkɾɔtʃek] ‘step, dim.’; Ćavar, 2004: 5–6). An analogous affrication process converting /k g/ before a front vocoid into [tʃ dʒ] has been reconstructed for Sanskrit (where the velar may have been a palatal stop instead), and for Avestan, Old Persian, and Nuristani as well; thus, Pre-Proto-IndoIranian *ke and *gi:wo-s yielded [ca] or [tʃa] ‘and’ and [dʒi:vas] ‘alive’, respectively, in Sanskrit, and other forms with a palatoalveolar affricate in the three other Indo-Aryan languages (Guion, 1996, chapter 2: 9–10, Cardona and Dhanesh, 2003: 27). The allophone [tʃ] of /k/ also occurs before a front vowel in Faroese ([ˈʧhiɻʧa] kirkja ‘church’; Árnason, 2011: 116), Votic ([tʃasi] ‘hand’ < Proto-Fennic *käsi; Viitso, 1998: 109), and Greek dialects (see Section 4.4.1.3). As for the African languages, velar assibilation before front vowels occurs in Nkore-Kiga (/k g/ > [tʃ dʒ], also before /j/), Fanti (/k g x ɣ/ > [tʃ dʒ ʃ ʒ]), and, among the Bantu languages, Mwera (/k g/ > [tʃ dʒ]), the Ngwaketse Setswana dialect (/k/> [tʃ]), and languages appearing under groups 1 and 3 in Table 4.2 (Bateman, 2007: 363, 427, 436, 485). Another interesting case is that of Mam, a Mayan language, where /k/ may yield [tʃ] or [c] before /i e/ depending on dialect; thus, there is [tʃe:j] or [ce:j] in dialects of Mam and the form [ke:x] for ‘horse’ in the Mayan language Quiché (Guion, 1996, chapter 2: 17). The affrication of velar stops into [tʃ] may take place before a high front vocalic segment exclusively. The process operates before /i/ in Cowlitz Salish ([tʃ’ilk] ‘window’ < Proto-Salish *k’ilk; Guion, 1996, chapter 2: 12), in the Japanese dialect spoken in the Tohoku provinces of Japan where the sequence /ki/ is realized as [tʃi] or [kçi] ([tʃiˈɾee], [kçiˈɾee] /kiˈɾei/ ‘beautiful’; Yoshida, 2001: 195), and in the Lamba language from Zambia where /k/ > [tʃ] applies before a derivational affix starting with /i/ ([kaka] ‘tie, plain’, [katʃika] ‘tie, neuter’; Odden, 2005: 112). Several Bantu languages have the palatoalveolar affricate or fricative end product

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Table 4.2 Typology of velar stop softening outcomes in the Bantu languages Language code 1

Palatoalveolar

A74 G44a L23 L31a M42 P31 2 Dental, alveolar A81 E13 E32a E61b E62b E65 E72a F11 M25 K15 R41 3 Dental, alveolar/ D62 palatoalveolar E71 G23 G41 M51 S61 S21 4 Front lingual/ G11 (alveolo)palatal L11 M15 N31c P21 5 Palatal/velar D28a 6 Front lingual/velar E61c G22 L52 7 Labial B75 8 Front lingual/labial R21 9 Zero P11 10 Glottal N13 11 Glottal/zero P14 12 Alveolar/zero R11 R31 13 Alveolar/glottal N12 P15 14 (Alveolo)palatal/glottal P23 15 Other F21 G21 M22 N21

Language

Proto-Bantu front *k

Proto-Bantu front *g

Bulu Ngazija Songe Luba-Kasai Bemba Makua Mvumbo Nyankore Hanga Siha Wunjo Gweno Giryama Tongwe Safwa Mbuunda Yei Rundi Pokomo Sambaa Tikuu Biisa Copi Venda Gogo Pende Mambwe Manganja Yao W. Holoholo Machame Asu Lunda Bali Kwanyama Ndengereko Matengo Ngindo Mbundu Herero Ngoni Mbunga Makonde Sukuma Tubeta Mwanga Tumbuka

tʃ ʃ ʃ ʃ ʃ, tʃ ʃ ts s s s ts t s s s θ s ts s, tʃ ʃ ʃ ʃ, tʃ s, tʃ tsh, tʃh c ʃ s, c ts, c s, c k s ʃ k pf f ø h h s θ, s s, h s h, c k, c s s, sx,c s, sx, tʃ

tʃ dʒ ʃ ʒ ʃ tʃ ts z s ɾ nz nd dz s, ʒ z ð z dz, dʒ z z ð z t z, ɟ j z z s, ɟ j x ɣ ʒ pf d ø h h, ø ø ð, ø h s, h h z v, ɣ z, zɣ z, zɣ, dʒ

Notes: Special diacritics appended to the phonetic symbols are not shown. See text for details. Data have been taken from Guthrie, 1967–71 (in bold) and Janson, 2007 (in italics).

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of velar and palatal stop softening, mostly before a high front vowel, but also before the corresponding glide cognate (see Sections 4.4.1.1 and 4.4.1.2 for details). In Swahili, for example, [tʃ] is the reflex of Proto-Sabaki *kj and *c and there are dialects where *c may have yielded [ts] and [t]̪ as well ([tʃuja], [kjuɾa], [ʃuɾa] ‘frog’ < *kyula; Polomé, 1967: 19, Nurse and Hinnebusch, 1993: 73–6, Hinnebusch, 1996: 82 Contini-Morava, 1997: 845). Regarding other language families such as Tai, the palatoalveolar affricate corresponds historically to front /k/ before /j/ in Po-ai, while Lungchow has kept the sequence [kj] unmodified ([tʃaa], [kjaa] ‘rice seedlings’, where [kjaa] comes from [klaa] available in Siamese; Li, 1977: 221, Ohala, 1993: 156). Also in Middle Chinese, velar softening yielded [tɕ] before a /j/ + front vowel sequence (Middle Chinese [tɕje] ‘branch’ < Old Chinese *kje; Guion, 1996, chapter 2: 18–19). On the other hand, /k/ is realized as [tʃ] (and /g x/ as [ʒ ʃ]) before suffix-initial /i j/ in Slovenian ([ˈbarka] ‘boat’, [barˈtʃitsa] ‘little boat’; Jurgec, 2016) and /j/ in Serbian ([jak] ‘strong’, [jatʃi] /jak+ji/ ‘stronger’; Morén, 2003).

4.3.2.2 Romance languages Through the first velar palatalization process occurring in the transition from Late Latin to Early Romance, the (alveolo)palatal allophones of front /k g/ gave rise to palatoalveolar affricates mostly in E. Romance (Section 4.4.1.11), as exemplified by Tuscan [ˈtʃεnto] ‘one hundred’ < Latin /ˈkεntʊ/. This section deals with an analogous sound change process which occurred at a later period in Romance, i.e., the affrication of (alveolo)palatal stops derived from front velars through the socalled third velar palatalization process (Section 3.1.3.2). Palatoalveolar affricates may be traced back to [kj gj] derived from the Latin tautosyllabic clusters /kl gl/ in dialects of N. Italy, as revealed by the co-occurrence of the realizations [c] and [tʃ], and [ɟ] and [dʒ], in Val d’Ossola at the beginning of the twentieth century ([ˈcama], [ˈtʃama] ‘ ‘(s)he calls’ < , [ɟaʃ], [ˈdʒaʃa] ‘ice’ < *ˈglakja, [øc], [etʃ] ‘eye’ < , [miˈɟa], [miˈdʒa] < It. mugghiare ‘to bellow’; Nicolet, 1929: 59–60). Table 4.1, which may be compared with Table 3.1, presents data on analogous coexisting phonetic variants before a front (un)rounded vowel or glide, and on lexical forms exhibiting only the palatoalveolar affricate outcome, in dialects of French and Gallo (1–7), Francoprovençal (8–10), and Occitan (11). As summarized next, the affrication process takes place in, essentially, the same contextual conditions which trigger velar palatalization (Section 3.1.3.2), which may vary from one dialect to another: (a) Affrication operates before a front vowel in the dialects numbered (1)–(7) and (10) in Table 3.1, and also in Breton from Vannes where lexical forms with [c ɟ] and the affricate may be found (Le Pipec, 2015).

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(b) In other dialectal areas, the stop may co-occur with front lingual affricates exclusively before high front vocoids. This is the case for N. Drôme (11), as well as for Auvergnat, where [c] derived from /k/ before /i y/ may be more [tʃ]-like or [ts]-like, depending on the zone (Dauzat, 1938: 138–9), and for Haute Loire where [c] derived from /t k/ in the same vocalic contexts may approach [tʃ] or [ts] in Saugues and [ç] or [x] in Saint-Privat d’Allier (Nauton, 1974: 165–6).

4.3.3 Assibilation before a low vowel In Romance, the velar softening outcomes [tʃ] and [dʒ] before /a/ in GalloRoman probably date from not earlier than the eighth century (Pope, 1934: 128, though see Straka, 1956, for an earlier time period). Later, the palatoalveolar affricate shifted to a fricative in French (cher  ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’) but not in Walloon, where it is still present. Old French spellings such as chiese  and chier  suggest that the insertion of intrusive [j] triggered by [c] contributed to the change [c] > [tʃ], after which the glide was absorbed by the palatoalveolar affricate in a fashion analogous to the Romanian developments [ˈtʃe̯apə] > [ˈtʃapə] ‘onion’ < ¯  and [səˈdʒe̯atə] > [səˈdʒatə] ‘arrow’ <  (Lausberg, 1970: 263). The diphthong has been kept unmodified, perhaps owing to nasalization in [ʃjε̃] ‘dog’ < . Arguments in support of this analysis rather than of other explanatory hypotheses are provided in Sections 3.4.1.1, 3.4.1.4, and 4.5.1.3. The affrication process in Old French may have proceeded in a way similar to how it has taken place more recently in the dialects identified below. In Picard and Norman French, velar softening before /a/ did not occur in the Middle Ages, owing apparently to Frankish and Saxon colonization, but it has been held in more recent times in a variable fashion. As shown by the examples given below, in Picard, there are co-occurring phonetic variants with the (alveolo)palatal stop and the palatoalveolar affricate, and a raised low vowel possibly preceded by the palatal glide [j]. At least in a subset of lexical items, affrication may have been largely conditioned by the transitional palatal glide in question, which may later be absorbed by the affricate itself. [cjεr], [tʃεr], [tʃjεr] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < , [kjẽ], [tje], [cjε], and also [tʃε̃], [tʃẽ], [tʃje] ‘dog’ <  (Remacle, 1953, maps 16, 18). [kjεn], [tʃẽɲ] (Somme), [tʃan] (Lille) ‘chain’ < , Mons [tʃerˈbõ] ‘coal’ < , [tʃerˈdõ] Fr. chardon ‘thistle’ (Flutre, 1977: 109). [kjãmb], [tʃãmb] ‘room’ < , [kjεr], [tʃεr] ‘to fall down’ <  (Tifrit and Voeltzel, 2016).

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As to Norman French, the phonetic realizations [c] and [tʃ] with raised /a/ coexist in lexical forms occurring to the north of the so-called Joret line (Joret, 1893, Meyer-Lübke, 1890–1906, 1: 357): [cεrˈbõ], [tʃεrˈbõ] ‘coal’ < , [cer], [cεr], [tʃer], [tʃεr] Fr. chaise ‘chair’ < , [cen], [tʃen] Fr. chaîne ‘chain’ < , [cεˈrje], [tʃεˈrje] Fr. charrier ‘to transport, a cart’, [kjẽ], [cẽ], [tçẽ], [tʃẽ] Fr. chien ‘dog’ <  (Brasseur, 1980–97, maps 204, 758, 851, 983, 988). The palatoalveolar affricate outcome of velar softening is also available in Jèrriais, i.e., the dialect spoken in the island of Jersey, and co-occurs with the (alveolo)palatal or palatalized velar stop in Sercquiais, i.e., the dialect spoken in the island of Sark, whether before a raised low vowel or a front vocalic segment (Liddicoat, 1994: 72). These phonetic forms may be set in contrast with those starting with [ʃ] located to the south of the Joret line ([ʃarˈbõ]/[ʃεrˈbõ], [ʃer]/[ʃεr], [ʃen]/[ʃεn], [ʃεˈrje], [ʃjẽ]), which parallel the corresponding French cognates. The affrication of the (alveolo)palatal stop has also taken place more or less thoroughly in several Raetoromance dialects during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, namely, Gardenese, Livinallonghese, Fassan, and Ladin from Val di Non (Elwert, 1943: 68, Kramer, 1977: 109, and this volume, Table 3.5), as well as Lower Engadinian or Vallader (Schmid, 2010). In Fassan, the stop and affricate realizations still coexisted in the mid-twentieth century ([tʃaˈpel] ‘hat’ < , [ˈcawɾa] ‘goat’ < ; Elwert, 1943: 67), while in Ladin from Val di Non there was [c ɟ] essentially in a northern area, [tʃ dʒ] in a central zone and [k g] in the southern part (Politzer, 1967, 1968). In Friulian, on the other hand, [c ɟ] have been kept in the centre and north while yielding [tʃ dʒ] towards the eastern, southern, and western periphery ([caŋ], [tʃaŋ] ‘dog’ < , [ɟat], [dʒat] ‘cat’ < ; Francescato, 1966). Other relevant dialectal zones are Val Divedro and Val Soana in Piedmont where, differently from other valleys in the Ossola region which have kept [c], the stop was replaced by [tʃ] during the nineteenth century (Salvioni, 1901: 6, and Section 3.1.4.2, this volume).

4.3.4 Progressive and word-final assibilation (Alveolo)palatal stop affrication into [tʃ] and occasionally into [ts] (see Section 4.4) may also occur word-finally in Raetoromance dialects, as revealed by coexisting phonetic variants with the stop or [ç] and the affricate: Surmiran from Bivio [ɟyc], [ɟytʃ] ‘game’ < , [bec], [bets] ‘beak’ <  (Jaberg and Jud, 1928–60, maps 740, 1128); Sutselvan [lac], [latʃ], [lats] ‘milk’ <  (Luzi, 1904: 811); Val di Non Ladin [fwεç]/[fwεtʃ], [fwoç]/[fwɔtʃ], [føç]/ [føtʃ] ‘fire’ <  (Politzer, 1967: 34).

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The word-final palatoalveolar affricate has also been reported to occur in Lombardy along the course of the river Mera at the beginning of the twentieth century, where phonetic variants such as [setʃ] ‘dry, masc. sing.’ <  and [lartʃ] ‘long, masc. sing.’ <  coexisted with [ˈcavɾa] ‘goat’ <  and [cy] ‘bottom’ <  (Salvioni, 1901: 24). With regard to non-Romance languages, in Old English, the word-final (alveolo)palatal stop shifted to [tʃ] after /i/ when derived from the voiceless velar and to [j] also after non-high vowels when derived from the voiced velar cognate ([dɪtʃ] < diċ, [pɪtʃ] < piċ, [deɪ] < dœġ; Guion, 1996, chapter 2: 15–17). In E. Arabic dialects, the palatoalveolar affricate outcome of front velars is found before and/or after a front vowel, including the word-final position, and in some dialects wordmedially only if a high front vowel precedes and follows the stop (Johnstone, 1967: 29–39, and Section 3.1.5.2, this volume). In Dakota, on the other hand, /k/ is realized as [tʃ] after a front vowel, mostly /i/, across a morpheme boundary ([ˈkaɣa] ‘he made it’, [ni ˈtʃaɣa] ‘he made it for you’; Bateman, 2007: 347).

4.3.5 Summary Front velar assibilation into [tʃ] may take place not only before front vowels or before front vowels and /j/, but also before front high vocoids or /j/ exclusively. Moreover, a comparison between the contextual conditions in which velar palatalization into [c] and velar affrication into [tʃ] occur in the world’s languages seems to indicate that the latter process is more likely to operate before high front vocoids than the former. This finding is relevant in so far as the aerodynamic conditions which favour the transformation of a stop into an affricate may be especially fulfilled when the contextual front vocalic segment is constricted enough at stop release for frication to emerge. Glide insertion between the (alveolo)palatal stop and a following low vowel may contribute to stop affrication in this vowel context condition. Moreover, high front /i/ is prone to triggering progressive velar palatalization and assibilation in the word-internal and wordfinal positions.

4.4 Alveolar outcome Data provided in this section reveal that, though by no means uncommon, [ts] and [dz], and the corresponding alveolar and dental fricative cognates, are less frequent velar softening outcomes than palatoalveolar affricates and fricatives in the world’s languages. In principle, both the acoustic equivalence- and articulation-based accounts of velar softening into [ts] look problematic, the main reason being the extreme closure fronting degree of the alveolar affricate.

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Indeed, it may be claimed that the alveolar affricate is far too anterior to be matched by articulatory realizations of [c] (Telfer, 2006: 58–9), and also that the frication noise of [ts] happens to be too high frequency for listeners to confuse the velar stop burst with it. In order to cope with this problem, it has been proposed that the alveolar affricate end product [ts] of velar softening must have been generated from [tʃ], and therefore that [c] should change first to [tʃ] and the palatoalveolar affricate front later to [ts] ([c] > [tʃ] > [ts]). This explanatory hypothesis has been advocated for W. Romance, where velar softening has yielded typically [ts] and the corresponding alveolar or dental fricative cognates (French [sã], Spanish [θjen] from Latin /ˈkεntʊ/  ‘one hundred’; see Section 4.4.1.11). A complication with this explanation is that, at the time of its occurrence, the change [tʃ] > [ts] would have to apply not only to palatoalveolar affricates derived from the (alveolo)palatal stop but also to any other palatoalveolar affricate available in the language. According to this argument, the replacement of Proto-Athabaskan /kj/ by [ts] in Navajo, as in [tsã] derived from *kyan ‘rain’, must have operated on the intermediate realization [c], not on [tʃ] (i.e., [c] > [ts] instead of [c] > [tʃ] > [ts]), since Proto-Athabaskan /tʃ/ has stayed palatoalveolar instead of shifting to alveolar in Navajo (Calabrese, 2005: 337–8). A similar case may be made regarding the outcome [dz] of velar softening in Surmiran Raetoromance (see Section 4.4.1.11). Moreover, as pointed out in the same section, velar softening may have yielded a palatoalveolar or an alveolar affricate in Romance, depending on specific contextual and positional conditions in ways which strongly suggest that both affricates need to be traced back to [c]. Additional evidence in support of a change [c] > [ts] rather than of the more complex development [c] > [tʃ] > [ts] will be presented in Sections 4.4.1 and 4.4.2, dealing with the front and low vowel contexts respectively, such as, for example, that the (alveolo)palatal stop and alveolar affricate realizations may coexist in given dialectal areas without palatoalveolar affricates being present. In sum, it looks likely that the affricate end products of the velar assibilation process may arise from intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop realizations, and that they differ in place of articulation in analogous ways to the degrees of closure fronting that one may observe in the (alveolo)palatal stops in question. As exemplified in Section 4.4.1.11, this view does not imply that a change /tʃ/ > [ts] is not feasible. Also /ts/ may palatalize into [tʃ], as in the case of plural forms such as [fɾutʃ] instead of [fɾuts] ‘fruit, pl.’ in Friulian areas (Finco, 2009: 69–70), and [totʃ] for [tots] ‘all, masc. pl.’ in Valencian Catalan.

4.4.1 Front velar and (alveolo)palatal sources This section is about those linguistic domains with alveolar and dental affricates and fricatives derived, presumably in a direct way, from (alveolo)palatal stop realizations

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which, when emerged from velars, correspond generally (though not always) to velars before front vocoids. A conclusion to be drawn from Sections 4.4.1.1 to 4.4.1.11 is that the alveolar affricate and fricative outcomes of velar softening are more widespread geographically than previously thought. Indeed, they are reported to occur in languages or language families as diverse as Bantu, Ancient and Modern Greek, Slavic and Balto-Slavic, Old Frisian, Albanian, Armenian, Semitic, Indo-Aryan, Mongolic, Korean, Chinese, Vietnamese, Amerindian, Amazonian, and W. Romance.

4.4.1.1 Bantu (front velar origin) Table 4.2 presents a typological classification of the affricate, fricative, and other phonetic outcomes of Proto-Bantu front *k and front *g in a subset of Bantu languages, as reconstructed by Guthrie (1967–71) and by other scholars in publications mentioned in Janson (2007). Whenever the two sources disagree, I follow Janson (2007). Velar softening is triggered essentially by an especially constricted high front vowel following the stop, which is transcribed with the symbol [ji] by Janson (2007) and which I transcribe with *i̝; in the case of Guthrie’s forms, velar softening may also be triggered by a lower high front vowel which I transcribe as *i (see Section 3.1.3.1) and by a mid front vowel. The phonetic symbols in the table correspond to *i ̝ and/or the lower vowel(s) in Guthrie’s data, and to *i ̝ in Janson’s data. The consonantal outcomes have been grouped according to place of articulation, e.g., group 1 contains palatoalveolars ([tʃ dʒ ʃ ʒ]), group 2 dentals and alveolars ([θ t ð], [n ɾ ts dz s z]), and so on. The (alveolo)palatal stops [c ɟ] available in group 4 could correspond to the intermediate stages of the velar softening process. The table also includes glottal fricative and alveolar rhotic realizations generated presumably through [s] aspiration and [z] rhotacism, respectively (groups 2, 10, 11, 13, 14), as well as the zero option which has come to exist through segmental deletion (groups 9, 11, 12). The regular pattern in the Bantu languages is for velar softening, which operates often in specific morphophonological conditions, to give rise to either palatoalveolars or alveolars and dentals. As to the former option, see Section 4.3.2.1. The latter option may be exemplified with languages not appearing in the table such as Ikalanga, Zulu, and Shona, which have [s] derived from Proto-Bantu *k before a high front vowel (Ikalanga [sila] ‘grind’ < *-kida; Mathangwane, 1996: 112, 114, 117), and Zulu, which exhibits [z] derived from *g in the same vowel context. In other African language families such as Kpando and Avέno, Proto-Gbe *k *g have yielded [ts dz] when followed by /i j/ (Capo, 1991: 135). Less often, given Bantu languages may share dental/alveolar and palatoalveolar end products of velar softening (see group 3 in Table 4.2). Also, in Kirundi, heteromorphemic /kj gj hj/ are realized as [ts dz ʃ], while tautomorphemic /kj/ is implemented as [tʃ] ([jate:tse] /ja-teek-je/ ‘(s)he cooked’; Kochetov, 2016), and in

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Tswana /g/ softening may yield [s], [tsh], or [ʃ(w)] depending on morphophonological condition, the following vowel and dialect (Cole, 1955: 43). A consideration of the velar softening data for front *k, *g taken from Guthrie (1967–71) and Janson (2007) reveal prevalence of the dental and alveolar over the palatoalveolar affricate and fricative outcomes in the Bantu languages. Indeed, out of about 125 languages which have been surveyed, the proportion of dentals and alveolars to palatoalveolars is about 2 to 1. Moreover, out of the c. fifty languages and language groups which exhibit dental and alveolar outcomes, the most frequent outcomes are [s] and [z] (70%), followed by [ts] and [dz] (12%), and by [θ] and [ð] (about 5%). On the other hand, about twenty-five languages show a palatoalveolar outcome alone, whether it be an affricate (40%) or a fricative (60%). The remaining languages have a combination of place and manner of articulation end products, which conform to the subgroups listed in the left column of Table 4.2. The overall scenario just sketched here explains the reconstructed evolutionary stages *ki,*ci > ([tsi]) > [si], which have been proposed for the majority of the Bantu languages (Hyman, 2003, Janson, 2007).

4.4.1.2 Bantu (palatal origin) According to Guthrie (1967–71), dental and alveolar affricates and fricatives are found in a larger number of Bantu languages if derived from reconstructed ProtoBantu *c and *j (*j should perhaps stand for *ɟ) than if derived from reconstructed front velar stops. Out of about a hundred languages which have been surveyed, the (alveolo)palatal stop source has yielded dental or alveolar outcomes 70% of the time, of which 83% are [s z] and the remaining 17% either [ts dz] or [t d θ ð]. Thus, for example, Proto-Sabaki *c has given rise to [ts] in Mijikenda, Comorian, and Lower Pokomo and dental [t] in Mwiini (Hinnebush, 1996: 82). Only 12% of the languages under consideration show a palatoalveolar outcome, which happens to be [ʃ ʒ] rather than [tʃ dʒ], and a similar percentage of languages have the glottal fricative [h] which comes presumably from an intermediate alveolar fricative. On the other hand, the (alveolo)palatal stop in the reconstructed sequence *ci, which has been analysed in twenty-five Bantu languages, favours analogous percentages for the outcomes [s] and [ʃ] (45% each), and tends to exhibit the end product [ʃ] in those languages in which *c has yielded [s]. 4.4.1.3 Ancient and Modern Greek It has been argued that an intermediate realization [c] needs to be postulated in order to account for the following outcomes of /kj/ in Ancient Greek dialects (Allen, 1958: 115, Brixhe, 1996: 57): [tt] in Attic and Boeotian (Boeotian καρύττω ‘to proclaim’ < *kāˈrukjō); [ss] in Homeric, Ionic, and Arcadian as well as in Lesbian and Thessalian (Lesbian καρύσσω < *kāˈrukjō). In order to handle these phonetic variants, Brixhe (1996) proposes two developments for the (alveolo)palatal stop in question: depalatalization into [tt] in Attic and Boeotian; affrication

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into [t(:)s] followed by regressive assimilation into [ss] in Homeric and Ionic. An advantage of this proposal is that it avoids a less plausible development advocated in earlier studies (Lejeune, 1972: 79–80), namely, that the palatalized velar would have yielded [t(:)s] in the first place, from which both [tt] (through progressive manner assimilation and thus a change [ts] > [tt]) and [ss] (through regressive manner assimilation and thus [ts] > [ss]) would have resulted. Indeed, consonant assimilation data from other languages reveal that /ts/ > [ss] may occur, while this does not seem to be the case for /ts/ > [tt] (Latin messuī ‘I mowed’ < *ˈmetsuī, assideō ‘to sit near by’ < ad-sedeō, Japanese [beɕɕitsu] bet+situ ‘separate room’, Korean [kusso] kut+so ‘to harden+ending’; Cho, 1999: 51, 88). The labiovelar stop /kw/ followed by the front vowels i and e also developed into a dental stop in Ancient Greek and into [s] through [ts] in Arcadocypriot (Attic τεττρα- ‘four’ < *kwet-, τις ‘who’ < *kwis; Lejeune, 1972: 47–51). For these sound changes to occur, the labialization feature of /kw/ must have been effaced before the front vowel in the first place, which follows from the difficulty involved in producing two antagonistic gestures in succession, i.e., tongue-postdorsum raising and lip rounding for /w/, and tongue-dorsum fronting and raising and no lip rounding for front vowels. Once /kw/ became a non-labialized front velar, it underwent the same changes as /kj/ above, i.e., palatalization followed by depalatalization or assibilation. In Standard Modern Greek, [c ɟ ç ʝ] are front allophones of /k g x ɣ/ whose precise phonetic realization varies as a function of dialect ([ˈcima] < Gr. κύμα ‘wave’, [ˈeɲɟiɔs] Gr. < έγκυος ‘pregnant’, [efˈçeɾia] /evˈxeria/ ‘ease’, [tuz ˈʝeɾus] /tus ˈɣerus/ ‘the old man’). Manolessou and Pantelidis (2012: 282) provide a thorough description of the dialectal outcomes of the front velar assibilation process in Greek dialects. The basic type [c] stands by itself often implemented as [tɕ] in Crete, or, in addition with [tɕ], co-occurs with [tʃ] and [ts] (in Cyclades, Dodecanese, and Euboea), with [tʃ] (in Peloponnese) or with [ts] (in Chios and Mani, and also in Tsakonia, where κιβούρι ‘grave’ sounds [tsiˈvuɾi]; Pernot, 1934: 71). In other dialectal regions lacking [c], the velar assibilation end products are [tʃ] in Cyprus, [ts] in Skyros and Limnos, and both [tʃ] and [ts] in Lesbos and Alikarnassos. As a general rule, the other allophones [ɟ], [ç], and [ʝ] may have yielded phonetic affricates or fricatives with the same place of articulation as the ones just referred to for the voiceless stop cognate, namely, [dʑ dʒ dz] ([ɟ]), [ɕ ʃ s] ([ç]), and [ʑ ʒ z] ([ʝ]). It is likely that the velar assibilation outcome [ts] derives from earlier [tʃ] in the Old Athenian dialect spoken in parts of Attica, Boeotia, Megaris, and Euboea, as suggested by a seventeenth-century description by a French traveller stating that the sequences /ki/ and /ke/ were pronounced as if they were written like c before a front vowel in Italian (and thus as [tʃ]) in Athens, Tebas, and Euboea, and by later nineteenth-century descriptions mentioning the presence of an alveolar realization in the same vowel context in Athens and Boeotia (Manolessou and Pantelidis,

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2012: 278). However, in geographical areas such as Chios, Mani, and Tsakonia where [c] and [ts], but not [tʃ], are attested, the alveolar affricate could be traced directly back to [c]; also in seventeenth- to nineteenth-century documents from Skyros, the affricate is spelled consistently as , which may stand for [ts] or [dz] (Manolessou, pers. comm.). There are other pieces of evidence in support of a direct change [c] > [ts]. In those territories where [tʃ] and [ts] occur (Euboea, Lesbos, Cyclades, Dodecanese), the two affricates are often found in separate geographical areas. Moreover, considerable spectral overlap has been reported between the burst of the allophone [c] of front /k/ and the frication noise of /ts/ in productions of Cretan male speakers, which suggests that [c] is articulated fairly anteriorly in this dialect and may be realized close to the alveolar affricate though somewhat more posteriorly (Syrika et al., 2011). The prepalatal and thus relatively anterior character of the (alveolo)palatal stop in Cretan is also mentioned in Manolessou and Pantelidis (2012: 275).

4.4.1.4 Slavic, Balto-Slavic The Indo-European voiceless and voiced palatal stops shifted to [s z] in ProtoSlavic, while the second and third Slavic velar palatalization processes gave rise to alveolar affricates. Through the second velar palatalization, which operated before a mid front vowel derived from the falling diphthong /aj/, /k/ yielded [ts] (Old Church Slavic tsĕna ‘cost, value’ < Proto-Slavic *kajnā), /g/ was replaced by [dz] which later became [zj] and [z] in most Slavic languages, and /x/ shifted to [ʃ] in West Slavic and to [sj] elsewhere (Carlton, 1991: 120–1, Andersen, 1995: 429). Morphophonological alternations in present-day Slavic languages still reflect these historical sound changes, as for example the Slovak doublet [ˈslɔva:k] ‘Slovak’[ˈslɔva:tsi] ‘Slovak, nom. pl.’ (Rubach, 1993: 107–8). An alveolar affricate also resulted from the third Slavic velar palatalization process, which operated on velar stops preceded essentially by a high front vowel (Old Church Slavic stĭdza ‘path’, Latvian stiga; Vaillant, 1950: 51–5, Carlton, 1991: 130–5). Velar softening has also given rise to alveolar consonants in Latvian, i.e., ProtoBaltic *k, *g became [ts dz] before a front vowel and /j/ as in [pìεtsi] ‘five’ < IE *penkwe and [rεdzu] ‘I see’ < IE *regiu (Schmalstieg, 1995: 463–6). In the case of the Indo-European palatal stops, however, the Latvian alveolar end products [s] and [z] derive not directly from those stops but presumably from the intermediate ́ ̥ tom). Proto-Baltic palatoalveolar fricatives [ʃ] and [ʒ] ([sìmts] ‘hundred’ IE *km 4.4.1.5 Old Frisian In Old Frisian (Laker, 2007, van der Hoek, 2010: 11, 194, 196), West Germanic /k/ shifted to [ts] word-initially before a front vowel and /j/ and intervocalically before /i j/, which parallels the contextual vocalic environments involved in the Old English velar softening process (tsin ‘chin’ < West Germanic *kin-, bretse

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‘breach’ < *bruki). Frisian dialects have retained [ts] or simplified the alveolar affricate into s (tserke, tsjerke, serke ‘church’). In contrast with Old English, Old Frisian has not palatalized the voiceless velar stop after a high front vowel in wordfinal position (dik < *dik as opposed to Eng. ditch). As to the voiced velars and according to the same sources, in Old Frisian, only the West Germanic geminate cognate has yielded [dz] (widze ‘horse’ < *wiggja). The palatalization outcome of the non-geminate voiced velar has been [j] wordinitially and intervocalically in the same contextual conditions for the voiceless cognate as in the previous paragraph, and also word-finally after a front vowel (ield ‘tax’ < *geld-, hei ‘mind’ < *hugi-, dei ‘day’ < *dag).

4.4.1.6 Albanian, Armenian In Albanian, the Indo-European palatals shifted to [θ] and [ð] ([θε:l] < IE *ké l‘deep’, [ba:θə] ‘bean’ < IE *bhakā́ , [ðəmb] ‘tooth’ < IE *ǵombh-), and the IndoEuropean labiovelars to [s] and [z] before front vowels through the so-called Albanian first palatalization process ([ˈpεsə] ‘five’ < IE *penkwe, [zi] ‘black’ < *gwed-) (Orel, 2000: 72–4, Matasović, 2016: 13). Regarding Armenian (Meillet, 1936: 28–30, Matasović, 2016: 14, Olsen, 2017: 426), the Indo-European unaspirated voiceless and voiced palatal stops yielded [s] and [ts] respectively, as exemplified by [sirt] ‘heart’ < IE *kḗ rd and Old Armenian cunr ‘knee’ < IE *ǵonu where c stands for [ts]. On the other hand, the end product of the Indo-European aspirated voiced palatal stop has been the voiced alveolar affricate, [dz] ([dzjun] ‘snow’ < IE *ǵhyōm). 4.4.1.7 Semitic Proto-Semitic *g became a voiced (alveolo)palatal or palatalized velar stop in the environment of front vowels, presumably in Early Classical Arabic, a phonetic realization which is still available in parts of Sudan and of the Arabian Peninsula, including the northern tribes, and in Middle and Upper Egypt ([ˈɟamal] ‘camel’ < Proto-Semitic *gamal). In its turn, the (alveolo)palatal stop has given rise to several consonantal realizations depending on dialect (Cantineau, 1960: 57–60, Watson, 2002: 15–16, Zaborski, 2006). The most widespread outcomes are palatoalveolar and (alveolo)palatal: [dʒ] ([ˈdʒamal]), which occurs in the literary language and in dialectal areas of Algeria, Yemen, Iraq, Syria, Palestine, Jordan, and Mesopotamia as well as in the Muslim dialect of Jerusalem; [ʒ] ([ˈʒamal]) in Beirut, Damascus, part of Jordan, and N. Africa; [tʃ] in Palmyra; [j] ([ˈjamal]) in N. Arabian dialects, Syria, Gulf dialects, and S. Mesopotamia. Dentoalveolar and alveolar outcomes are clearly more localized: [d] (S. Morocco, Upper Egypt), [ts] (Sukhné and some small regions north of Damascus), [z] (Jewish Arabic dialects of Morocco and Algeria). As suggested by Zaborski (2006) and Woidich and Zack (2009: 45), the two sets of phonetic realizations may have developed independently of each other from the intermediate variants [ɟ] or [gj] referred to above

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through the derivations [ɟ] > [dʒ] > [ʒ] and [ɟ] > [dz], [d], to which we may add the vocalization change [ɟ] > [j]. A relevant point in support of this independent development is that, in given dialects, [dʒ] may co-occur with [ʒ] and [j] (and [ɟ] with [j]) but not with dentals or alveolars (Johnstone, 1967: 29–40, Kaye and Rosenhouse, 1997). As to the outcome [g] in Cairo and parts of Egypt, dialects of C. Arabia and Yemen ([ˈgamal]), it remains unclear whether a fourth derivation [ɟ] > [g] is needed or else if the velar stop is in direct correspondence with ProtoSemitic *g. Proto-Semitic *k and *q have also yielded two sets of phonetic realizations when occurring in the immediacy of a front vowel in Arabic: the palatoalveolars [tʃ] and [dʒ] (also [ɟ] and, less so, [j]) in peripheral N. and E. Arabian and SyroMesopotamian dialects; the alveolars [ts] and [dz] in the Nejdi dialect group in C. Arabia (Johnstone, 1967: 2–6). Doublets such as [tʃaan]/[tsaan] for Classical Arab. kaan ‘he was’ and [didʒiidʒ]/[didziidz] for daqīq ‘flour’ exemplify this dialectal split (Kaye and Rosenhouse, 1997: 271).

4.4.1.8 Indo-Aryan, Romani, Mongolic The Indo-European voiceless and voiced palatal stops or palatalized velars developed into [s] and [z] in Avestan (satəm ‘hundred’ < Proto-Indo-European ́ ˳tóm), into [s]/[θ] and [z]/[d] in Old Persian, and essentially into [ts] and *(d)km [dz] in Nuristani (Szemerényi, 1999: 62, Cardona and Dhanesh, 2003: 27). Moreover, there is a trend for New Indo-Aryan /c/ to become [ts] in Nepali and in dialects of languages spoken in N. India (E. and N. Bengali, N. W. Marwari, N. Lahnda, Kumauni, W. Pahari), and for the alveolar affricate to shift to [s] in some of these dialects (Masica, 1991: 94–5). In Vlax and the North Central group of Romani dialects spoken mainly in Moravia, E. and W. Slovakia, and S. Poland, /ki/ may be replaced by [tsi] (tsin- for kin- ‘to buy’), while in the Bugurdži dialect spoken in Macedonia and Kosovo, the phonetic outcomes of /ki/ and /gi/ are [tsi] and [dzi], [zi], respectively (butsi for buti ‘work’, go(d)zi for godi ‘mind’) (Matras, 2002: 53). Velar softening operated on Old Mongolian /k/ before a low vowel yielding [ts] in Halh Mongolian (Svantesson et al., 2005: 209). 4.4.1.9 Korean, Chinese, Vietnamese In Late Middle Korean and thus towards the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, /c/ and /ch/ were possibly realized as [ts] and [tsh] word-initially before non-high front vocoids and as [tʃ]- or [tɕ]-like palatals before /i j/, as in the case of [tsaŋ] cang ‘cupboard’ and [cang]/[tʃjang] cyang ‘soy sauce’. The palatalization process did not reach the N. W. Korean dialects, where the alveolar affricates are still available before all vocalic segments including /i j/, and extended later to all prevocalic contexts in other dialectal zones as ratified by the present-day Seoul dialect situation (Lee and Ramsay, 2011: 149–50).

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Alveolar outcomes of velar softening may be found in specific dialects of Chinese and Vietnamese. Word-initial *k before a high front vowel did not yield [tɕ] in the entire linguistic territory in Middle Chinese: the older Shàngăi speakers have [ts] and the younger generation [tɕ], and there is [ts] in the Hakka dialect Shàngháng and a palatalized lingual stop in the Xiang dialect Shuāngfēng; likewise, in the Wu dialect Dānyáng, *g has given rise to the affricates [ts]/[tsj] instead of [dʑ] (Yan, 2006: 93, 111, 180). Regarding Vietnamese, the present-day phonetic outcomes for Proto-Vietnamese *c (or *cj) are [j] in Saigon and the Nghi Ân province, [tʃ j] in several Muong dialects, and the alveolar fricative [z] in N. Vietnamese, as exemplified by forms such as [ja:ŋ] and [za:n] for Vietn. gian ‘dishonest’ (Maspero, 1912: 25–32, Pulleyblank, 1984: 92–3).

4.4.1.10 Indigenous American Proto-Athabaskan *kj derived from *kj developed into [ts] word-initially in Navajo ([ts’oh] ‘quill’ < *kj’ʊχ) and into [tʃ] in other Athabaskan languages (Telfer, 2006: 67, Swiggers, 2008: 490). On the other hand, the end product of *kj assibilation has been [s] in Kayabí and other Amazonian languages (Jensen, 1999: 138–40), while in the Chibchan language family from Colombia, *g before *i turned into a palatoalveolar or alveolar affricate or fricative depending on the language taken into consideration: Cogui [ʒi], Damana [dʒi], Ica [zi], and Muisca [tsina] ‘worm’, all forms coming from *gĩ (Constenla, 2012: 413). 4.4.1.11 Romance The Romance languages offer an interesting case for investigating the phonetic conditions under which velar softening may yield an alveolar (or dental) affricate or fricative. Romance languages and dialects underwent a first velar palatalization and assibilation process affecting /k/ before a front vowel and /j/ (Section 3.1.3.2). This sound change has given rise typically to two phonetic outcomes differing in place of articulation: (a) An alveolar affricate or fricative, mostly [ts] and [s], and also [θ] derived from [ts], in W. Romance and therefore in dialects from N. Italy, E. Ladin (Comelican, Agordinian, Ampezzan) and E. Friulian, French ([sjεl] ‘sky, heaven’ < ), Francoprovençal, Occitan, Catalan, Spanish ([θjen] ‘one hundred’ < ), and Portuguese. (b) A palatoalveolar affricate or fricative, essentially [tʃ] and [ʃ], in E. Romance and, therefore, in Romanian ([tʃeɾ] < ), Vegliote, Corsican, Tuscan ([ˈtʃεnto] < , [ˈkɾoʃe] ‘cross’ < ) and dialects from S. Italy. In Vegliote, /k/ has recently changed to [tʃ] before /i/ as well as before the high front glide in several rising diphthongs and before /y/ derived from /u/ (e.g., [tʃiŋko] ‘bug’ < ; Maiden, 2016). The palatoalveolar outcome is also

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  found in Romansh and Fassan Ladin, Picard, and Norman French, which belong to the W. Romance group.

Two articulation-based hypotheses have been proposed in order to account for these language-dependent differences in fronting degree in Romance. A first account states that [ts] did not originate directly from [c], but from [tʃ] through the diachronic development /k/ > [c] > [tʃ] > [ts] (Rohlfs, 1966: 201, Lausberg, 1970: 316, Lapesa, 1980: 86). Thus, for example, according to Dauzat (1922: 173–8), the replacement of [tʃ] by [ts] in W. Romance started out in the lower Rhône valley and in the Paris-Orléans region, and did not extend into Picardy and Normandy because of the Frankish and Saxon colonization. In potential support of this explanatory account it ought to be stated that the depalatalization of palatoalveolar affricates into their alveolar cognates is a relatively frequent sound change. The change [tʃ] > [ts], [s] may operate on the affricate derived from /tj/ in Friulian ([ˈpla:se], [ˈplatse] for [ˈplatʃe] ‘square’ < ; Miotti, 2002, Finco, 2009: 69). Also in Chilean Spanish /tʃ/ is implemented through an anterior, [ts]-like realization (Lipski, 1994: 223), and in Old Mongolian *tʃ shifted to [ts] in Halh and other Mongolic languages except when occurring before *i (Halh [tshag] ‘time’ < *tʃhak; Svantesson et al., 2005: 200–1). A considerable number of examples of the depalatalization of palatoalveolar fricatives into alveolar fricatives may also be found: [sj] or [ʃ] > [js] took place in intervocalic position in Old French (caisse ‘box’ < , faisse ‘band, strip’ < ; Lausberg, 1970: 378), /ʃ ʒ/ have been replaced by [s z] in Friulian (see above references), and /ʃ/ is being replaced by [s] in presentday Valencian Catalan ([ˈkajsa] for St. Cat. [ˈkajʃə] < ). According to an alternative hypothesis, the (alveolo)palatal stop [c] yielded [ts] and [tʃ] independently in Romance because it was articulated more or less anteriorly depending on dialectal domain, i.e., /k/ > [c] > [tʃ], [ts] (Ringenson, 1922, 1930, Rousselot, 1924–5: 618, Anttila, 1972: 72–3). As shown next, support for this hypothesis may be sought in velar softening yielding one affricate or the other, depending on segmental context and word position in ways which may be accounted for on articulatory and aerodynamic grounds. Regarding the segmental context factor, Table 4.3 allows a comparison to be drawn between the affricate or fricative outcomes of /kj/ and /ki ke/ in intervocalic position in the Romance languages. The table shows that these outcomes may be more anterior for /kj/ than for /ki ke/ in E. Romance (scenario (a)), while in Tuscan and W. Romance the two sequences share the same place of articulation (palatoalveolar in scenario (b), alveolar or dental in scenario (c)). Although they are part of W. Romance, Picard and Norman French have [ʃ] for both /kj/ and word-initial /ki ke/, though [z] for intervocalic /ki ke/ as in French: Picard [glaʃ] ‘ice’ < *ˈglakja, [ʃõk] ‘five’ < ; Norman [glaʃ], [gʎaʃ], [gʎεʃ] < *ˈglakja, [ʃã] ‘one hundred’ <  (Liddicoat, 1994: 68). The fronting difference between the end products of /kj/ and /ki ke/ in scenario (a) and the fact that /kj/ does not yield

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Table 4.3 Summary of the velar softening outcomes for intervocalic /kj/ and /ki ke/ in the Romance languages. English glosses are given only once for a word. Romanian has also forms with [tʃ] for etymological /kj/ ([ˈurtʃor] urcior ‘sty’ < )

Scenario (a) Romanian Vegliote S. Italy (Calabrian) Scenario (b) Tuscan Corsican Romansh (Surselvan) Scenario (c) Venetian E. Friulian Francoprovençal (Vaudois) French Spanish

vkjv

vki,e

[bɾats] ‘arm’ <  [glas] ‘ice’ < *ˈglakja [ˈvɾattsu] < 

[veˈtʃin] ‘neighbour, masc. sing.’ <  [viˈtʃajn] <  [ˈdεtʃi] ‘ten’ < 

[ˈbɾattʃo] <  [ˈfattʃa] ‘face’ < *ˈfakja [bɾatʃ] < 

[ˈkɾoʃe] ‘cross’ <  [viˈtʃinu] <  [viˈʒin] < 

[ˈbɾaso] <  [bɾas] <  [gʎas] < *ˈglakja

[viˈziŋ] <  [aˈzet] ‘vinegar’ <  [veˈzε̃] < 

[fas] < *ˈfakja [faθ] ‘face’ < 

[vwaˈzε̃] <  [beˈθino] < 

more posterior affricates or fricatives than /ki ke/ in any of the dialectal scenarios of the table appear to be motivated by the conditions on [c] articulation in the two sets of etymological sequences, thus supporting the pathway /k/ > [c] > [tʃ], [ts]. Indeed, the fact that /j/ is often more anterior and more constricted than /i/ and /e/ (Section 4.5.1.3) may have caused [c] derived from /kj/ to be produced not only with a greater airflow volume passing through the central linguopalatal constriction and a more salient burst than [c] derived from /ki ke/, but also with a more anterior and thus more [ts]-like closure location. Other velar softening outcomes are also in accordance with differences in fronting for the (alveolo)palatal stop closure. Thus, in C. and Logudorese Sardinian, /kj/ has become [θθ] and [tt], while velars before /i e/ have stayed velar word-initially and intervocalically and thus exhibit a more retracted articulation (Logudorese [ˈatta] ‘blade, knife’ < *ˈakja, [ˈkelu] ‘sky, heaven’ < , [ˈnuɣe] ‘walnut’ < ; Lausberg, 1970: 316, 362, 395). In Vegliote, on the other hand, velar assibilation has operated before Latin high front vocoids but not before mid front ones, which is in line with the latter contextual segments triggering the change provided that the former do too: [ˈtʃiŋko] ‘five’ < , [viˈtʃajn] ‘neighbour, masc. sing.’ < , [glas] ‘ice’ < *ˈglakja, [ˈkajna] ‘supper’ <  and [keˈnur] ‘to have dinner’ (Bartoli, 1906). A chronological interpretation of these data is in order. It may be argued that, given that front velar palatalization was more prone to taking place before /j/ than before a front vowel, affrication could also apply earlier in the former context than in the latter. However, written Latin forms from mostly the fifth to seventh

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centuries are not conclusive regarding this possible chronological difference. Thus, judging from the use of the graphemes ss, z, s, and perhaps tc for representing front /k/, all three sequences /ki/, /ke/, and /kj/ appear to have been realized with an alveolar affricate or fricative at this time: (third century) Mαρσιανός for Marcianus (proper name); (fifth century) dissessit ‘(s)he departed’ < , intcitamento ‘incitement’ < ; (sixth century) judigsium ‘judgment’ < ; (sixth to seventh centuries) fesit ‘(s)he did’ < , paze ‘peace’ <  (Väänänen 1985: 110, Grandgent 1991: 172, 181). Articulatory differences between the (alveolo)palatal stop realization before /j/ and before a front vowel have consequences regarding not only closure fronting but segmental reinforcement as well. Indeed, in Tuscan, Campidanese Sardinian, and several Raetoromance dialects (Surselvan, Sutselvan, Surmiran, Engadinian, N./W. Friulian, Fassan, Livinallonghese), /kj/ has yielded more reinforced consonantal realizations (affricates) than /ki ke/ (fricatives) in intervocalic position: Tuscan [ˈbɾattʃo] ‘arm’ < , [ˈkɾoʃe] ‘cross’ < ; N./W. Friulian [bɾatʃ] < , [aˈʒεjt] ‘vinegar’ < ; Fassan [ˈatʃa] ‘strand’ < *ˈakja, [ˈkeʒer] ‘to cook’< *ˈkokeɾe; Campidanese Sardinian [ˈattsa] ‘blade, knife’ < *ˈakja, [ˈnuʒi] ‘walnut’ < . Interestingly enough, there are no significant differences in place of articulation or articulatory strengthening between the outcomes of /gj/ and /gi ge/, which suggests that whether the vocalic context was a glide or a front vowel did not have an effect on the articulatory implementation of the voiced (alveolo)palatal stop allophone [ɟ]. As shown in Table 4.4, the phonetic outcomes of those two groups of sequences are [ɟ], [j], or zero in scenario (a), a palatoalveolar affricate or fricative in scenario (b) (though also zero in specific words, e.g., Tuscan [saˈetta] ‘arrow’ < , [maˈestɾo] ‘teacher, master’ < ), and an alveolar Table 4.4 Summary of the velar-softening outcomes for intervocalic /gj/ and /gi ge/ in the Romance languages. English glosses are given only once for the same word

Scenario (a) French Sardinian (Campidanese) S. Italy (Calabrian) Sutselvan Scenario (b) Tuscan Catalan Scenario (c) Venetian N. Occitan (Vinzelles) Surmiran

vgjv

vgi,e

[eseˈje] ‘to test’ < *eksaˈgjaɾe [koˈria] ‘belt’ <  [kuˈria] <  [kuˈɾeɟa] < 

[liʁ] ‘to read’ <  [ˈsuiɾi] ‘to suck’ <  [ˈlεjeɾe] <  [fuˈɟi] ‘to go away’ < 

[koˈreddʒa] <  [əsəˈʒa] < *eksaˈgjaɾe

[ˈleddʒe] ‘law’ <  [səˈʒεtə] ‘arrow’ < 

[ˈtɾozo] ‘footpath’ < *ˈtɾɔgju [isaˈdza] < *eksaˈgjaɾe [kuˈɾεdza] < 

[ˈlεze] <  [ˈfudze] <  [fuˈdzekr] < 

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affricate or fricative in scenario (c). The rationale for the difference in behaviour between voiceless and voiced front velar stops may be sought in the fact that, in comparison to the former, the latter are usually produced with less extreme articulatory gestures, less tongue-to-palate contact, and a lower intraoral pressure level. This may have resulted in a more retracted realization [j:] and also [ɟ] for both /gj/ and /gi ge/ in very early times, the palatal approximant [j:] accounting for the scenario (a) and the (alveolo)palatal stop [ɟ] for the scenarios (b, c). Differences in fronting between the velar softening end products of the two voiced velar stop sequences occur locally. In Romanian, /gj/ has yielded [j] or zero and word-initial and intervocalic /gi ge/ essentially the affricate [dʒ] ([ˈmaju] ‘May’ < , [kuˈɾe̯a] ‘belt’ < , [dʒer] ‘ice’ < , [ˈledʒe] ‘law’ < ), which suggests that in early times the allophone [ɟ] of the voiced velar stop was reinforced and fronted before a front vowel and weakened intervocalically before /j/. In Surmiran Raetoromance, on the other hand, there are reasons for ascertaining that the alveolar affricate [dz] outcome of both /gj/ an /gi ge/ in Table 4.4 comes from [ɟ] without passing through the stage [dʒ], namely, that the voiced palatoalveolar affricate occurs in the same dialect and has not been depalatalized ([ˈdʒela] ‘it freezes‘ < , [ˈdʒεndər] ‘son-in-law’ < ; Lutta, 1923: 62, 85, Nève de Mévergnies, 1974: 81). Additional support for the direct generation of alveolar affricates from front (alveolo)palatal stop consonant realizations may be found in the development of Latin syllable-initial /kl/ in Francoprovençal. Data for the entries 94  ‘(s)he closes’, 103  ‘key’, and 234  ‘clear, masc. sing.’ in Gauchat et al. (1925) reveal the presence of a large number of phonetic forms for this word-initial cluster, i.e., [kl], [kʎ], [çʎ], [çj], [ç], [θ], [f], [c], [ʃ], and [sj] (as in [çʎa], [çja], [θa], [ca], [ʃa], and [sja] for  ‘key’), which may be related among themselves through the diachronic pathways /kl/ > [kʎ] > [çʎ] > [çj] > ([ç]) > [sj], [ʃ], [θ] and /kl/ > [kʎ] > [kj] > [c]. Another outcome, i.e., the labiodental fricative [f], is supposed to derive from [θ], and [θ] may also come directly from [çʎ], presumably through [ʎ] ([çʎ] > [ʎ] > [θ]; Hasselrot, 1937). Thus, similarly to the change from (alveolo)palatal stops to alveolar and palatoalveolar affricates, it appears that realizations of [ç(j)] differing in constriction fronting may have given rise to more or less anterior fricatives ranging from palatoalveolar ([ʃ]) to alveolar and dental ([sj θ]). On the other hand, the outcomes [gʎ], [ʎ], [j], [ð], and [ɟ] of the cluster /gl/ (entry 41 *ˈglakja ‘ice’ in Gauchat et al., 1925) may have been generated through the separate developments /gl/ > [gʎ] > [ɣʎ] > [ʎ] > [j], [ð] and /gl/ > [gʎ] > [gj] > [ɟ].

4.4.2 Low vowel context At least in the Romance languages, velar assibilation into an alveolar or dental affricate or fricative may occur not only before front vocoids but before a low

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vowel as well. Indeed, in Francoprovençal and N. Occitan, the affricate and fricative end products of Latin /ka ga/ are essentially alveolar and dental. Regarding Francoprovençal, these outcomes and their palatoalveolar affricate or fricative cognates are found in different geographical areas (Gauchat et al., 1925, Duraffour, 1932: 235): (a) [ts dz] in Fribourg, Vaud, and Bas Valais, [ts] in Haut Valais, [θ ð] < [ts dz] in Geneva; (b) [tʃ dʒ] in Bernese Jura and Neuchâtel. Depending on dialectal zone, lexical items such as the following exhibit alveolar and dental or palatoalveolar affricate realizations: [tsε̃], [tsẽ], [θε̃], [tʃε̃] ‘dog’ < , [tsã], [tʃã] ‘field’ < , [ˈtsivra], [ˈtʃivra] ‘goat’ < , [tsir], [tsε], [θje], [tʃir], [tʃε] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < , [tsi], [tʃi] ‘((s)he) falls down’ < , [ˈdzεrba], [ˈðerba], [ˈdʒεrba] ‘sheaf ’ < Germ. garba (Gauchat et al., 1925, entries 56, 178, 180, 197, 278, 427). The alveolar and dental realizations occur both in word-initial stressed and unstressed syllables ([tsarˈbɔ̃] ‘coal’ < , [tsәˈvo] ‘horse’ < ), intervocalically ([səˈtsi] ‘to dry’ < ), and in the case of etymological geminates and postconsonantally ([ˈvatse] ‘cow’ < , [ˈlardzo] ‘large’ < ) (Gauchat et al., 1925, entries 80, 174, 176, 207; Gardette, 1950–76, map 29). Also in N. and E. Occitan, /ka ga/ have yielded [ts dz], as exemplified by lexical items such as [tso], [tsaw] ‘hot, masc. sing.’ < , [tsaˈmizo] ‘shirt’ < , [ˈtsabɾo] ‘goat’ < , [ˈvatso] < , [dzal], [dzaw], [dzɔ] ‘rooster’ < , and [ˈdzawto] ‘cheek’ < Gaul. gabata (Gilliéron and Edmont, 1902–10, maps 254, 264, 272, 320, 724, 1349). In parallel to the front velar stop developments (Section 4.4.1.11), two accounts have been proposed in order to explain the presence of the alveolar and dental outcomes of /ka ga/ in Francoprovençal and N. Occitan. According to one proposal, the alveolar affricate came from a palatoalveolar affricate, which in Dauzat’s opinion originated in the Lyon region and extended from here towards S. and E. France (Dauzat, 1922: 173–5). Other authoritative scholars are in favour of the alternative hypothesis that [c] could have yielded independently [tʃ] or [ts], the alveolar affricate being the predominant outcome in Francoprovençal (Guarnerio, 1918: 530, Grammont, 1933: 214, Tuaillon, 2007: 197). According to Ringenson (1922, 1930) and Duraffour (1932: 235–6), it is not only the case that [ts] and other dental and alveolar outcomes of velar softening do not come from [tʃ] in Francoprovençal and N. Occitan, but also that the autochthonous and widespread alveolar affricate realization has been replaced by [tʃ] or [ʃ] owing mostly to the influence of spoken French or perhaps to a local trend to favour more posterior lingual variants (see also Bouvier, 1976: 56–7, and Section 3.4.1.2, this volume). Some support for the hypothesis that [ts] comes directly from [c] in words with Latin /ka/ may be sought in the co-occurrence in the same time period of anterior

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realizations of the (alveolo)palatal stop (often transcribed as [tj]) and alveolar affricate productions in given Francoprovençal-speaking localities and close geographical areas: Vionnaz in Valais tyevra for Fr. chèvre ‘goat’ < , [tsәˈvo] Fr. cheval ‘horse’ <  (Grammont, 1933: 214); E. Franc-Comtois [cjoʃ], [cjøʃ], [sjøtʃ] Fr. cloche ‘bell’ < , [cju], [cjo], [sjo] Fr. clou ‘nail’ <  (Dondaine, 1972–91, maps 114, 425); Lyonnais [səˈtje], [səˈtsi] Fr. sécher ‘to dry’ <  (Gardette, 1950–76, map 29). Moreover, in specific Francoprovençal-speaking regions exhibiting lexical forms with the alveolar and palatoalveolar affricates or fricatives, /a/ has been kept low after [ts] or [s] and has diphthongized into [je] or risen into a mid or high front vowel after [tʃ] or [ʃ]: Terres Froides [saˈmi] ‘footpath’ < , [ˈʃevɾa] < , Valdôtain [tsã] ‘field’ < , [ˈtʃevɾa] < , Valaisan [tsa] ‘cat’ < , [ˈtʃjε] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ <  (Lavallaz, 1935: 103–4, Keller, 1958: table XV, Tuaillon, 2007: 192). These doublets could be accounted for assuming that [c] had an especially anterior realization in Francoprovençal which prevented /a/ from being raised and [j] from being inserted, and that the forms with [tʃ] or [ʃ] followed by a raised and even diphthongized low vowel were either imported from French by younger generations of speakers or generated as a native development. Attention should be paid at this stage to other arguments which have been proposed in order to account for the more anterior phonetic outcomes of /ki ke kj/ vis-à-vis /ka/ in French ([sε̃] ‘one hundred’ < , [ʃεʁ] < ): (a) The affricate end products of velar stop softening are more anterior before /i e j/ than before /a/ owing to differences in degree of anteriority in the vocoids following the stop, and also since velar softening operated later on /ka/ than on /ki ke kj/ (Straka, 1965: 143). (b) The velar stop of /ka/ became [tʃ] instead of [ts] in order to avoid merging with the alveolar affricate outcomes of Latin /ki ke kj/ and presumably of /tj/ as well (Haudricourt and Juilland, 1970: 94, and Section 4.6.2, this volume). Argument (a) is not in accordance with palatographic data revealing that the degree of front lingual contact at closure location for (alveolo)palatal consonants such as [c] or [ɲ] and [ʎ] is not less before /a/ than before a front vowel (see, for example, Recasens and Pallarès, 2001: 88–91). This appears to be the case since, given that the production of /a/ does not interfere with the tongue-dorsum raising and fronting gesture for the (alveolo)palatal consonant while that of /i/ does, the front dorsum articulator is in principle freer to perform the consonantal closing gesture in the low-vowel context than in the high front-vowel context condition. This assumption appears to be consistent with Francoprovençal data showing that, in comparison to the affricate and fricative outcomes of /k/ before a front vocoid, those derived from /k/ before /a/ are generally equally anterior (i.e., dental or alveolar in Savoie and Ain, palatoalveolar in Neuchâtel) and may be even more

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anterior: [ʃ] for /ki ke/ and [ts] for /ka/ in Vaugondry (Vaud) and Évolène (Valais), and [x] vs [ts] in Montbovon (Fribourg) (see Tuaillon, 2007: 198–200, for details). According to the same bibliographical source and the French case, there are, however, more posterior affricate or fricative outcomes for /ka/ than for /ki ke/ in other Francoprovençal-speaking places: [tʃ] vs [ts] in Ayas (Val d’Aoste); [ʃ] vs [s] in Poncins (Loire), Soucieu (Rhône), and Saint-Antoine (Isère). Another consideration about argument (a) needs to be made. At the same time that the allophone [c] of /k/ before /a/ was affricated into [tʃ] in Old French, /k/ before a front-vocalic segment underwent assibilation into a palatoalveolar, not an alveolar, affricate in several words which had not been affected by the first velar palatalization process ([eˈʃaʁp] Old Fr. escherpe ‘scarf ’, [eˈʃin] Old Fr. eschine ‘spine’ < Frank. *ˈskina, [deʃiˈʁe] Old Fr. eschirer ‘to tear’ < Frank. *ˈskiran, Old Fr. meschin ‘young man’ < Arab. meskin; Straka, 1965: 143). The fact that velar softening before a front vowel has given rise to an alveolar or a palatoalveolar affricate depending on historical period (alveolar in Late Latin or Early Romance, palatoalveolar in the Middle Ages) suggests that other factors besides the vowel itself, such as perhaps base of articulation, which is likely to change from one historical period to another, have played a determinant role. Argument (b), i.e., that the affricate outcome of /ka/ is more posterior than that of /ki ke/ to avoid the two from merging one with the other, does not conform to the Francoprovençal scenario either. As revealed by the above data, the presence of more anterior affricates or fricatives for /ki ke/ than for /ka/ in Francoprovençal is the exception rather than the rule. A similar argument may be made regarding Raetoromance, where the (alveolo)palatal stop derived from Latin /ka/ is changing or has already changed into [tʃ] in dialects which also have the palatoalveolar affricate for Latin /ki ke/ at least word-initially. This confusion has taken place in Gardenese, Fassan, and Livinallonghese ([tʃaŋ] ‘dog’ < , [tʃiŋk] ‘five’ < ; see Section 4.3.3, this volume), and in the canton of Ticino and Piedmontese valleys as well (Chironico [tʃent] , [tʃar] , Trasquera [ʃεnt], [tʃar]; Jaberg and Jud, 1928–60, maps 304, 842). In any case, the need to avoid a merger situation may have played a role at least in the Val di Non and Friulian dialects. According to Politzer (1968), in localities of Val di Non, the change of the outcome [c] of /k/ before /a/ to [tʃ] may have caused the outcome [tʃ] of Latin /ki ke/ to move to [ts] ([tʃar] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < , [ˈtʃaza] ‘house’ <  ‘hut’, [ˈtsender] ‘ashes’ < ; see Section 4.3.3, this volume). As to Friulian (Francescato, 1966: 47, 49), two geographical areas may be distinguished. In the more conservative northern and central zones, we find the old state of affairs and thus [tʃ dʒ] for word-initial /ki ke/ and /gi ge/ and [c ɟ] for word-initial /ka ga/. In the less conservative western, southern, and eastern periphery, on the other hand, a chain shift appears to have maintained the two velar stop sequences distinct: [c ɟ] (/ka ga/) fronted to [tʃ dʒ],

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and [tʃ dʒ] (/ki ke/, /gi ge/) shifted to [s z], and also to [θ ð] in a westernmost zone. In sum, the arguments presented in this section appear to support the articulatory motivation of a change from [c] to a palatoalveolar or an alveolar affricate depending on degree of anteriority of the (alveolo)palatal stop.

4.5 Phonetic motivation and factors triggering velar assibilation The preceding sections have dealt with descriptive data on the palatoalveolar and alveolar affricate outcomes of velar softening in different contextual and positional conditions. The current section is mostly about the acoustic characteristics and corresponding articulatory manoeuvres which contribute to the change of (alveolo)palatal stops into affricates. The (alveolo)palatal stop realization [c] may give rise to a front lingual affricate percept since its burst exhibits frequency characteristics similar to those of the affricate frication noise, at least if the affricate is [tʃ] or [tç]. However, this requirement is clearly not sufficient for velar softening to take place. For [c] to be categorized as a front lingual affricate, the stop burst should be prominent enough and thus its intensity level should be sufficiently high and its duration sufficiently long. Section 4.5.1 is about the contribution of the stop burst and the vowel transitions to the affrication process, and this section and Sections 4.5.2, 4.5.3, and 4.5.4 about the extent to which the prominence of these acoustic characteristics changes as a function of those contextual, positional, and stress factors under which velar softening is likely to apply.

4.5.1 Acoustic characteristics 4.5.1.1 Burst frequency Data from Recasens and Espinosa (2009), Zygis et al. (2008, 2010), and Recasens (2014) reveal that the frequency peak of the [c] burst occurs at a comparable frequency to that of the frequency peak of the /tʃ/ frication noise. This can be shown by comparing the spectral characteristics of the allophone [c] of /k/ in Majorcan Catalan, the plain velar realization of /k/ in E. Catalan ([c] is absent in this dialect), and the phoneme /tʃ/ in the two Catalan dialects. Data for [c] in #CV (word-/utterance-initial), VC# (word-/utterance-final), and V#CV (word-initial intervocalic) sequences with /i a/ in Majorcan Catalan, and for [tʃ] preceded by /a/ and followed by /ə/ in Majorcan and E. Catalan, reveal that the spectral frequency peaks of the (alveolo)palatal stop burst and the affricate frication noise occur at similar frequencies, i.e., at about 2500 and 3200 Hz for

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[i#ci]

[a#ca] 60

50

50

40

40

30

30

speaker AR

dB 60

20

speaker BM

65

speaker MJ speaker ND

20

1000 2000 3000 4000 5000

55

45

45

35

35

65 55 45 35 25 15

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Figure 4.1 Spectra for the acoustic burst of [c] next to /i/ and /a/ showing a 2500–3500 Hz frequency peak Notes: Data correspond to the same sequences and Majorcan Catalan speakers whose EPG data are plotted in Figure 3.7. The two spectra of [a#ca] for speaker CA correspond to two realizations of [c] differing in degree of closure fronting.

the stop and at about 2800–3200 Hz for the affricate (see Figure 4.1 regarding the (alveolo)palatal stop burst spectra). As to the /u/ context, the (alveolo)palatal stop in the sequences [uc#u] and [uc#] to be found in Majorcan Catalan shows lower burst frequencies than the ones above (1800–1900 Hz and 2700 Hz, respectively) owing presumably to the effect of lip rounding on front-cavity size during the stop consonant. On the other hand, the burst peak for [k] in E. Catalan occurs at a similar frequency to that for [c] in Majorcan whenever followed by /i j/ (2850–3250 Hz), and at a lower frequency before the other vowels, i.e., 1900–2350 Hz before /ε/, 1600–1800 Hz before /a/, and 1000 Hz or lower before

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a back-rounded vowel. In sum, based on these Catalan data, a similar frequency peak for the (alveolo)palatal stop burst and for the palatoalveolar affricate frication noise should facilitate the perceptual integration of [c] (and presumably of extreme front velar realizations) as /tʃ/. Only [c] (not velars) may be integrated as an affricate when occurring before /a/ or word-finally and presumably before mid front vowels too. Moreover, it should be noted that the burst-peak frequency for the (alveolo)palatal stop relative to that of the front velar may be even higher in languages such as Czech and Hungarian where the stop in question has phonemic status and that, at least in Czech, the closure location for /c/ is more anterior than that for the allophone [c] of /k/ in the Majorcan Catalan dialect (see Section 3.2). According to acoustic data presented in Keating and Lahiri (1993; see also Blumstein, 1986), the burst spectral peak for /c/ in those two languages ranges between about 3000 Hz and 4000 Hz before a front vowel and /a/ and is thus clearly higher than the burstfrequency maximum for front /k/ (Czech /ki/ 2800 Hz, /ke/ 2500 Hz; Hungarian /ki/ 3000 Hz, /ke/ 2700 Hz). Analogously to Majorcan Catalan, frequency differences between /c/ and /k/ are even greater before back-rounded vowels where the burst-intensity maximum occurs between 2500 Hz and 3000 Hz for the (alveolo)palatal stop consonant. To summarize, in both Czech and Hungarian and at least in some vowel contexts, the burst spectral peak for [c] resembles that for /t/ at about 4000 Hz rather than the one for front /k/, which appears to be in accordance with auditory confusions between the (alveolo)palatal stop and the dentoalveolar stop reported in dialectal studies (Section 3.3), and with the hypothesis that the outcome [ts] of velar softening may derive directly from the allophone [c] of front /k/. A relevant issue is whether, as suggested in several passages of the present monograph, closure location for [c] needs to be most anterior to be integrated as a front lingual affricate. In principle, this ought to be the case, since the burst spectral peak frequency is expected to increase with a reduction in front-cavity size such that the more anterior the closure location, the higher the burst spectral frequency and, therefore, the chances that the affricate outcome of velar softening is perceived as more anterior by listeners (Fant, 1960). In this respect I have referred to palatographic data showing that closure location for the (alveolo)palatal stop varies in fronting degree, which should give rise to the affricates [tç], [tɕ], [tʃ], or even [ts], depending on the case. Thus, in languages and dialects where the (alveolo)palatal stop is especially anterior it ought to be integrated as /ts/ rather than as /tʃ/. Romance scholars hypothesized, indeed, that the alveolar and palatoalveolar affricate outcomes of velar softening result from the integration of the (alveolo)palatal stop as different shades of (palatalized) /t/, i.e., the allophone [c] of /k/ would be heard as /tj/ or /tj/ and, later on, the corresponding affricated realizations [tʃj] and [tsj] would be categorized as the true affricates /tʃ/ and /ts/, respectively (see also Scripture, 1902: 434–41 and Anttila, 1972: 72–3). Regarding

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this issue, it should also be noted that the tongue motion during the (alveolo)palatal stop release varies depending on whether [c] is more or less anterior: closure release often proceeds from front to back and thus takes place at the alveolar zone before it does at the palatal zone for alveolopalatal stop realizations, and at closure location and thus at the alveolar zone for alveolar productions of [c] (Recasens et al., 1994). Consequently, the frication noise of the outcoming affricate is likely to be [ç]-like or [ʃ]-like and longer for the former (alveolopalatal) stop variety, and [s]-like and shorter for the latter (alveolar) realization. There are, however, also reasons to assume that [c] does not have to be especially anterior to be /ts/-like and thus, for assibilation to give rise to an alveolar affricate. Supporting evidence comes from articulatory-acoustic correlation data showing that fronting the [c] closure location causes an increase in the burst peak frequency when closure moves gradually along the back hard palate, but not when it changes from the palatal zone to the alveolopalatal or alveolar zone. This can be seen in Figure 4.2, which reports burst peak frequency values for productions of the (alveolo)palatal stop in [#cV], [VcV], and [Vc#] sequences with the vowels /i/ and /a/ by several Majorcan Catalan speakers, showing different closure locations along the alveolar and palatal zones of an artificial palate (see Figure 3.5, Recasens and Espinosa, 2006, and Section 3.2, this volume, regarding the EPG recording procedure). In the figure, the vertical axis represents the burst peak frequency values, and the horizontal axis the distance between the frontmost row of electrodes on the artificial palate, placed at the juncture between the upper teeth and

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the alveolar zone, and the frontmost row of electrodes at which closure occurs, which is roughly equivalent to front-cavity length. Thus, for example, the highest dot in the graph corresponds to an (alveolo)palatal stop articulated at about 12 mm behind the jucture between the upper teeth and the alveolar zone (and thus at about the back alveolar zone), whose burst peak frequency occurs about 3600 Hz. The figure shows that when closure fronting changes from the postpalate to the mediopalate the burst peak frequency rises from about 2500 Hz up to 3000–3200 Hz, while fronting closure location from the mediopalate to the back alveolar zone does not seem to cause an additional increase in burst spectral frequency. (Maximal closure fronting did not take place at the prepalate or front alveolar zone for any of the Majorcan subjects under analysis.) This lack of spectral sensitivity occurs since this articulatory zone acts as a quantal area such that changes in closure or constriction location along it have small spectral consequences (Stevens, 1989). Therefore, in principle, whether [c] is perceived as more /t/-like or more /k/-like by naïve subjects and fieldworkers may not necessarily depend on the actual closure location of the (alveolo)palatal stop but on other factors, such as the auditory habits of the listener and the frequency of occurrence of the outcoming affricate in a particular dialect (see in this respect Section 4.7 on the notion base of articulation).

4.5.1.2 Burst prominence The burst spectral frequency characteristics analysed in Section 4.5.1.1 are, however, not the only acoustic cue, and perhaps not even the most important one, for the implementation of velar softening. Another factor which may cause [c] to be integrated as an affricate is burst prominence as determined by intensity and duration. In principle, the prominence of the stop burst should be highest before a front vocalic segment, since the degree of linguopalatal constriction narrowing and the airflow volume passing through the constriction at the stop release increase in this contextual condition compared to other vocalic contexts. For the same reason, among contextual front vocalic segments, stop affrication is most likely to apply before /i/ and in particular /j/, as suggested by the fact that, in comparison to /ki ke/, /kj/ may yield not only more anterior but also more reinforced phonetic outcomes in dialectal areas of E. Romania and Raetoromance (see Section 4.4.1.11). The extent to which the prominence of the closure release for (alveolo)palatal stops approaches that for palatoalveolar affricates may be inferred from intensity and/or duration data taken from earlier studies. Acoustic data for word-initial, intervocalic, and word-final realizations of unaspirated [c] next to the vowels /i a u/ in Majorcan Catalan reported in Recasens and Espinosa (2009) reveal several differences in consonant intensity and duration with respect to the palatoalveolar affricate (in this Catalan dialect, [c] is an allophone of /k/ and /tʃ/ has phonemic status). As to the frication noise of the affricate in the sequence /atʃə/, the absolute

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energy level is about 55–65 dB (and the energy level relative to that of the adjacent vowel about 0.75–0.95), while duration may range between 55 ms and 90 ms depending on speaker. In comparison to these values, the [c] burst has a lower energy level across positions and vowel contexts (absolute energy: about 50 dB, relative energy: 0.68–0.75), and a shorter duration word-initially and intervocalically (about 30–40 ms) but not prepausally (70–80 ms). On the other hand, the unaspirated voiceless velar stop of E. Catalan has similar burst-intensity values across contextual vowel conditions to those for [c] in Majorcan Catalan, and a similar burst duration before high front vocoids and a clearly shorter burst before other vowels, i.e., burst duration for [k] is about 65 ms before /j/, 45 ms before /i/, and 20–35 ms before the remaining vowels. In sum, judging from these data for Catalan where voiceless stops are unaspirated, [c] and [k] show similar burstintensity and -duration values, provided that the velar stop occurs before a high front vocalic segment, in which case these values are generally lower than those for the palatoalveolar affricate. Other languages and dialects with unaspirated stops coincide with Majorcan Catalan regarding the (alveolo)palatal stop intensity level but apparently not regarding burst duration (the values provided next have been computed across vowel contexts and therefore do not allow us to ascertain differences in stop burst intensity and duration as a function of the contextual vowel). In Thessalonikan and Cretan Greek and Piedmontese from Valsesia (see references below), the frication noise of the affricate has been reported to be more intense than the (alveolo)palatal stop burst. The scenario for the duration parameter is more variable. As to the Piedmontese dialect, the frication noise of [tʃ] turned out to be about 80 ms, the [c] burst somewhat shorter (50 ms), and the burst for [k] even shorter (40 ms), and analogous differences hold for the long consonant cognates: 115 ms for [t:ʃ], 55 ms for [c:], 30 ms for [k:] (Molino and Romano, 2004). Also in Thessalonikan Greek, the burst for the allophone [c] is around 40–50 ms long (Syrika et al., 2011). Duration values for these consonants in Hungarian and Czech, where /c/ has phonemic status, also vary in the progression affricate > (alveolo)palatal stop > velar stop and voiceless > voiced; (Hungarian; Kovács, 2002) /tʃ/ 59 ms, /c/ 40 ms, /k/ 31 ms, and /dʒ/ 41 ms, /ɟ/ 20 ms, /g/ 17 ms; (Czech; Machač, 2006) /c/ 46 ms, /k/ 32 ms, and /ɟ/ 25 ms, /g/ 20 ms. In other dialectal scenarios, the (alveolo)palatal stop shows an even longer burst than in Majorcan Catalan and the other languages and dialects reviewed so far, thus supporting the hypothesis that [c] is more prone to being integrated as /tʃ/ or /ts/ than front /k/. In Friulian, where voiceless stops are unaspirated and /c/ has phonemic status, the duration values of the affricate frication noise and the stop burst averaged across vowel contexts vary in the progression affricate > (alveolo)palatal stop > velar stop and voiceless > voiced: /tʃ/ 116 ms, /c/ 80 ms, /k/ 52 ms, and /dʒ/ 64 ms, /ɟ/ 43 ms, /g/ 18 ms (Finco, 2007). A longer burst for the (alveolo)palatal stop than for the velar stop appears to be in line with differences

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in primary articulator and dorsopalatal contact size between the two consonant realizations, and more specifically with the fact that the lingual closure for (alveolo)palatal stops is quite widespread over the hard palate, which results in a slower, less abrupt, and more affricate-like closure release. Differences in burst duration between voiceless and voiced consonants, on the other hand, follow from voiceless obstruents being articulated with more tongue contact and a higher intraoral pressure level than their voiced cognates (Section 3.4.5). There are still other dialectal regions where the duration of the (alveolo)palatal stop burst is very close to and hard to distinguish from the duration of the affricate frication noise. Data from Lower Engadinian or Vallader Romansh reveal indeed that the /tʃ/ frication phase and the burst for unaspirated /c/ have very similar durations when measured across vowel contexts, while the burst for /k/ is clearly shorter: /tʃ/ 73 ms, /c/ 75 ms, /k/ 41 ms, and /dʒ/ 49 ms, /ɟ/ 49 ms, /g/ 24 (Schmid, 2010). This situation raises the question whether the (alveolo)palatal stop should be characterized as such or as an affricate in the Vallader dialect, which engages with the difficulty involved in distinguishing [c] from [tʃ] perceptually whenever the stop burst becomes especially intense and long. A similar situation occurs in the Albanian dialects Gheg and Tosk where the burst for /c/ is as long as the frication phase of /tʃ/ in initial position of real words uttered phrase-internally: /c/ 67 ms in Gheg, 64 ms in Tosk, /tʃ/ 63 ms in Gheg, 59 ms in Tosk ([caj] ‘I cry’, [tʃaj] ‘tea’; Kolgjini, 2004). Also in Cretan Greek, the burst of the allophone [c] of /k/, which is especially anterior and thus /ts/-like, has been reported to be 80–100 ms long across vowel contexts and thus very similar to the frication phase of a front lingual affricate (Syrika et al., 2011). Another relevant research topic is whether it is stop burst intensity or duration which is most likely to contribute to (alveolo)palatal stop affrication. In order to investigate this issue, synthesized CV excerpts extracted from productions of [ci] and [ici] by Majorcan Catalan speakers exhibiting burst-intensity levels and durations ranging between 50 and 70 dB and 50 and 80 ms were presented to E. Catalan subjects for identification as /k/ or /tʃ/ (Recasens, 2018). The synthetic stimuli had the burst-intensity and -duration values listed in Figure 4.3 (left) such that stimuli 1 to 5, with the shortest and fainter bursts, were /k/-like and stimuli 16 to 20, with the longest and louder bursts, were /tʃ/-like. Percentages of affricate identification for [ci] and [ici] presented in the right graphs of the same figure reveal that burst intensity is the most favourable cue for the identification of [c] as /tʃ/. Indeed, the affricate is heard about 80–100% of the time when intensity of the stop burst amounts to 65–70 dB, while burst duration plays a significant role only when the burst-intensity level is intermediate between the typical levels for the [c] burst and the [tʃ] noise, and thus ambiguous. Indeed, changes in burst duration cause an increase in the percentage of affricate responses from about 25% to 50% ([ci] excerpts) and from 15% to 30% ([ici] excerpts), only when the intensity of the stop burst is about 60 dB. A possible problem with this

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  Stimulus Duration (ms) number /Intensity(dB) 1 50/50 2 50/55 3 50/60 4 50/65 5 50/70 6 60/50 7 60/55 8 60/60 9 60/65 10 60/70 11 70/50 12 70/55 13 70/60 14 70/65 15 70/70 16 80/50 17 80/55 18 80/60 19 80/65 20 80/70

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perception experiment is that a 65–70-dB intensity level may be somewhat too loud for typical productions of unaspirated [c], such as the ones found in the Majorcan Catalan dialect. The relevance of the burst-intensity and -duration characteristics with regard to (alveolo)palatal stop assibilation becomes apparent also whenever the stops in question differ in voicing. Indeed, differences in burst intensity and duration between voiceless and voiced (alveolo)palatal stops may account for the different velar softening outcomes for the two voicing stop types. In comparison with the voiced (alveolo)palatal stop, the voiceless cognate is expected to involve a greater tongue contact surface, more closure fronting, and a higher intraoral pressure level, as well as a more prominent burst resulting from a greater air volume passing through the lingual constriction at stop release (Section 3.4.1.3). This explains why [c] is likely to become a coronal affricate and [ɟ] not only a front lingual affricate but also a fricative and a palatal glide (Straka, 1965: 144, Guion, 1996, chapter 2: 3, Telfer, 2006: 73). This difference holds for English and Old Frisian with the outcomes [tʃ] vs [j] (chin, yard) and [ts] vs [j] (tsin, ierde), respectively (van der Hoek, 2010: 194–7), and also for the Slavic languages (see the outcomes of the first Slavic palatalization process in Section 4.3.2.1).

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Regarding the Bantu languages described in Guthrie (1967–71), velar softening may have yielded more anterior and/or stronger outcomes for front *k than for front *g: a front affricate or fricative vs a palatal stop, as in Sango (G61) where *ki > [ɕ], *ki ̝ > [s], and *gi > [ɟ], and in M25 Safwa where *ki > [ʃ], *ki ̝ > [s], and *gi, ge > [ɟ]; an affricate vs a fricative, as in M42 Bemba with *ki, ke > [tʃ] and * ki ̝, * gi ̝ > [ʃ]. In other cases, however, the outcome is less anterior for *k than for *g, i.e., [ʃ] for the voiceless velar and [z] for the voiced velar in G23 Sambaa, G24 Bondei, and M52 Lala (Guthrie, 1967–71, Janson, 2007), and also in Swahili both across a suffix boundary and stem-internally ([ʃina] ‘tree base’ < *-ki ̝na, [nzige] ‘locust’ < *-gi ̝ge; Polomé, 1967: 70, Mathangwane, 1996: 113). Other scenarios are harder to interpret, namely, a stronger but more retracted outcome for front /k/ than for front /g/, as in E71 Pokomo and M50 Biisa ([tʃ] vs [z]). The Romance languages show the predicted scenario as a general rule. In comparison to front /g/, the phonetic outcome for front /k/ may be more anterior ((palato)alveolar vs palatal; alveolar vs palatoalveolar), more reinforced (affricate vs stop, fricative, or approximant), or else more anterior and more reinforced at the same time. There may then be differences in fronting, as in the examples in (a), differences in manner (see (b)), and differences in fronting and manner (see (c)): (a) French [vwaˈzε̃] ‘neighbour, masc. sing.’ < , [liʁ] ‘to read’ < ; Catalan [әˈser] ‘steel’ < , [әsәˈʒa] ‘to test’ < *eksaˈgjaɾe. (b) Surselvan [tʃun] ‘five’ < , [ʒaˈnuʎ] ‘knee’ < ; Sutselvan [ˈfatʃa] ‘face’ < *ˈfakja, [kuˈɾeɟa], [kuˈɾeʒa] ‘belt’ < . (c) Calabrian [ˈdεtʃi] ‘ten’ < , [ˈlεjεɾε] < , [ˈtʃεna] ‘supper’ < , [jεˈlaɾε] ‘to freeze’ < , [ˈvɾattsu] ‘arm’ < , [kuˈria] < ; Campidanese Sardinian [ˈattsa] ‘blade, knife’ < *ˈakja, [koˈria] < ; Fassan Ladin [ˈatʃa] ‘strand’ < *ˈakja, [koˈɾea] < . Other examples of the same trend may be mentioned. In Picard, word-initial /k/ and /g/ before /i e/ are implemented as a palatoalveolar fricative and a velar stop, respectively, and thus show the expected differences in fronting between the voiceless and voiced stop cognates ([ʃõk] < , [gnu] < ). Also in Francoprovençal, /ki ke/ may yield [s] or [ts] and /gi ge/ the more retracted outcomes [ʒ] or [dʒ] in word-initial position (Poncins, Soucieu, Ayas, SaintAntoine), though the opposite relationship may also hold ([ʃ] vs [dz z] in Vaugondry and Évolène; Tuaillon, 2007: 200). Analogous voicing-dependent differences may occur for velars before /a/ in Raetoromance and N. Italy: [c] for /k/ vs [j] for /g/ word-initially in Marebbano Ladin ([caŋ] ‘dog’ < , [jal] ‘rooster’ < ); [tʃ] vs [ɟ] also in word-initial position in Fassan (Penia [tʃεr] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < , [ˈɟamma] ‘leg’ < ; Jaberg and Jud, 1928–60, map 159, 842); [dʒ], [ɟ], [j] vs [j], zero in intervocalic position in Val di

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Non ([ˈpaɟa], [ˈpadʒa], [ˈpaja] ‘(s)he pays’ < , [liˈam] ‘tie’ < ; Battisti, 1908: 128, 131, Politzer, 1967: 33).

4.5.1.3 Vowel transitions In addition to burst prominence, the categorization of (alveolo)palatal stops as affricates may also be associated with the vowel transitions which become especially prominent in low and back vowel contexts (see Sections 3.1.4.2, 3.4.1.4, and 4.3.3). Acoustic data reveal that the end points of the F2 vowel transitions in the context of low and back vowels are located at a higher frequency in sequences with an (alveolo)palatal stop than in those with a palatoalveolar affricate, owing to a greater tongue-dorsum raising and contact at the hard palate for [c] than for [tʃ] (for a direct relationship between dorsopalatal contact size and F2 frequency, see Fant, 1960). VCV sequences with a low vowel produced by Majorcan Catalan speakers show indeed that the end point of the F2 vowel transitions is at about 1700–2000 Hz for the stop and at 1600–1700 Hz for the affricate (Recasens and Espinosa, 2009). Higher F2 and F3 vowel transition end points for /c/ than for /tʃ/ have also been reported across contextual vowels in the Piedmontese dialect of Valsesia (Molino and Romano, 2004) and in Albanian (2057 Hz for /c/ and 1849 Hz for /tʃ/ in Gheg, and 1946 Hz for /c/ and 1871 Hz for /tʃ/ in Tosk; Kolgjini, 2004: 178). A relevant research topic for the study of velar softening is the extent to which the vowel transitions in question may be integrated as a palatal glide. (Alveolo)palatal stop affrication before /a/ differs in relevant ways with respect to affrication before front vocalic segments. In addition to the prominence of the stop burst, velar softening before /a/ depends on the insertion of an on-glide [j], whose categorization is associated with the salience of the F2 (and perhaps F3) vowel transitions, and may give rise to frication if the consonant is sufficiently constricted at closure release. The chances that the F2 vowel transitions are integrated as /j/ are expected to increase with an increase in their end-point frequency and their frequency extent—the frequency distance between the vowel transition end point and the vowel midpoint—which, as referred to above, is likely to occur as the degree of dorsopalatal contact for the (alveolo)palatal stop becomes greater. This explains why glide insertion in CV sequences is prone to operating whenever the consonant is the (alveolo)palatal stop [c] but not the palatoalveolar affricate, since [c] is produced with more dorsopalatal contact and exhibits a higher F2 frequency end point than [tʃ]. Glide insertion between [c] and following /a/ or its raised variant [ε] has occurred in Picard ([cjεr], [tʃjεr], [tʃεr] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < ; Sections 3.1.4.2 and 4.3.3), and based on forms such as chievre ‘goat’ < , chier <  and vengier ‘to avenge’ <  in Old French as well (Pope, 1934: 163, Lausberg, 1970: 261–2, La Chaussée, 1982: 113). The vowel-formant transitions should play essentially no role in velar softening before a front vocalic segment, since in this case they are small or absent owing to the (alveolo)palatal consonant and the palatal vowel sharing about the same constriction location.

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The reason why [j] is expected to yield a /ʃ/-like percept may be sought in the lingual configuration and spectral characteristics of the palatal glide. X-ray and palatographic data for different languages show that, in comparison to the high front vowel, the palatal approximant may exhibit a more advanced prepalatal constriction and more lateral contact fronting towards the alveolar zone, thus approaching to a larger extent the constriction fronting degree for the palatoalveolar fricative (Hungarian: Kálmán, 1980: 44, 46, 104; French: Haden, 1938: 56; Italian: Josselyn, 1900: 104; Japanese: Miyawaki et al., 1974). These articulatory characteristics may also explain why, in comparison to /i/, /j/ shows a higher F2 and F3 frequency (Hungarian: Magdics, 1969: 67) or just a higher F3 (American English: Lehiste, 1964: 130).

4.5.2 Position In a similar vein to velar palatalization into [c] (Section 3.4), it has been claimed that velar assibilation and thus the replacement of [c] by [tʃ] results from articulatory enhancement and consequently an intensification of one or more acoustic properties (Garrett and Johnson, 2013: 71). A relevant issue is whether stop affrication is favoured in the same positions as velar palatalization and therefore word-initially, postconsonantally, and even word-finally. Previous research shows that strong positions (i.e., word-initial and syllableinitial after a consonant) favour the change from stop to affricate and thus, an increase in duration and intensity of the release phase even when the stop is aspirated, while weaker positions (i.e., word-medial intervocalic mostly if footinternal, and word-final) favour stop lenition into fricative or approximant realizations (Honeybone, 2001, Buizza and Plug, 2012). This view is consistent with the High German Consonant Shift by which /p t k/ changed to [pf ts kx] wordinitially and after certain consonants essentially if homorganic (including geminates), and to the fricatives [ff ss xx] intervocalically and [f s x] word-finally (e.g., Pfund ‘pound’ < Proto-Germanic *punda, Germ. offen ‘open’ < Proto-Germanic *upana-). It is also in accordance with Tuscan Italian affricates losing their closing phase intervocalically ([aˈmi:ʃi] < St. It. [aˈmi:tʃi] ‘friends’, [la ˈʃe:na] < [la ˈtʃe:na] ‘the supper’; Marotta, 2008). As pointed out in Sections 3.1.5.2 and 3.4.4, the word-final position is ambiguous in that it may favour both articulatory strengthening and weakening: on the one hand, consonants lengthen and some keep a considerable tongue-to-palate contact word-finally; on the other hand, certain word-final stops may shift to fricatives and approximants and vocalize (see below in this section). Articulatory reinforcement as a function of position may also explain why, in Romance, the velar softening outcomes are likely to be more anterior and/or stronger regarding manner of articulation word-initially than word-medial

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intervocalically. Thus, in Campidanese Sardinian and Raetoromance dialects, /k/ before /i e/ has yielded a palatoalveolar affricate word-initially and a voiced palatoalveolar fricative intervocalically, as exemplified by Surselvan [tʃun] ‘five’ < , [viˈʒin] ‘neighbour, masc. sing.’ <  and Campidanese Sardinian [ˈtʃεntu] ‘one hundred’ < , [ˈnuʒi] ‘walnut’ < . Also in some Romance languages, /j/ and /g/ before /i e/ may change to a palatoalveolar or an alveolar affricate or fricative word-initially, and to [j], to [ɟ], or drop intervocalically: Campidanese Sardinian [ˈdʒεneɾu] ‘son-in-law’ < , [ˈsuiɾi] ‘to suck’ < , [dʒu] ‘yoke’ < , [ˈmaju] ‘May’ < ; French [ʒɑ̃ʁ] < , [liʁ] ‘to read’ < , [ʒœn] ‘young, sing.’ < , [tʁɥi] ‘sow’ < . The outcomes of /k/ before /a/ may show analogous differences, namely, a front lingual affricate or fricative word-initially and [j] intervocalically, as revealed by examples taken from French ([ʃɑ̃] ‘field’ < , [peˈje] ‘to pay’ < ), Friulian ([caf], [tʃaf] ‘head’ < , [paˈja] < , [ɟal], [dʒal] ‘rooster’ < , [leˈja] ‘to tie’ < ; Iliescu, 1972: 53, 55, 62–3), and Francoprovençal (Sections 3.4.3.3 and 4.4.2). In all these cases, the palatal approximant comes from [ɟ], thus implying that stop affrication has not taken place in the intervocalic position (as for the cooccurrence of [ɟ] and [j] or zero intervocalically in Raetoromance and dialects of N. Italy, see Section 3.4.3). Data for French, Friulian, and Francoprovençal reveal that the assibilation of velars before /a/ has operated not only word-initially but also postconsonantally and in the geminate condition, which is in contrast with the weakening of the (alveolo)palatal stop into a palatal approximant intervocalically (French [plɑ̃ʃ] Fr. planche ‘board’ < *ˈplaŋka, [vaʃ] Fr. vache ‘cow’ < ). Another sign of segmental strengthening is devoicing. Thus, in Catalan, in contrast with the lenition and elimination of the voiced (alveolo)palatal stop before stress ([bəˈi] ‘neighbour’ < , [pləˈε] ‘pleasure’ < , [rəˈo] ‘reason’ < ), /ki ke kj tj/ have yielded voiceless [s] in the case of geminates and when preceded by a heterosyllabic consonant irrespective of position with regard to lexical stress ([buˈsi] ‘chunk’ < *bukˈkinu, [bəˈlansə] ‘weighing scales’ < *biˈlankja, [ˈpesə] ‘piece’ < *ˈpεttja, [ʎənˈsɔl] ‘sheet’ <  ‘(small) linen cloth’). Stop devoicing may be triggered by closure lengthening and an increase in intraoral pressure level, which is likely to occur for velar stops since they are articulated with a small back cavity. Some production and perception data have been collected in order to elicit whether (alveolo)palatal stop assibilation is prone to starting out in some word positions rather than others. In agreement with the dialectal data mentioned earlier in this section, several articulatory and acoustic characteristics of [c] in Majorcan Catalan reveal that assibilation is likely to occur word-initially: the (alveolo)palatal stop has a longer closure and greater linguopalatal contact size postpausally than word-medial intervocalically, and a longer burst and higher F2 vowel transition end point and burst spectral peak frequencies before /i/ vs /a/ and also after a pause than word-internally between vowels (Recasens and Espinosa,

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2006, 2009). On the other hand, perceptual identification results for real speech CV excerpts extracted from productions of V#CV, VCV, and #CV sequences with [c] and essentially /i a/ by Majorcan Catalan speakers reveal a trend for the (alveolo)palatal stop to be heard as /tʃ/ rather than as /k/ in the following conditions (Recasens, 2014): more so word-initial intervocalically (V#CV) than utterance-initially (#CV), and least word-medial intervocalically (VCV); in sequences with /i/ rather than in those with /a/. These perception data appear to be in partial contradiction with the prediction that, as reported in the phonetics literature (Fougeron and Keating, 1997), articulatory strengthening ought to vary with position in the progression utterance-initial > word-initial > syllable-initial. This apparent contradiction can be dispensed with if we hypothesize that the (alveolo)palatal stop needs to be both word-initial and intervocalic, and thus should occur in V#CV sequences for velar softening to apply most efficiently. Thus, while the burst is especially highfrequency and long word-initially, its intensity level is most likely to increase when the target consonant is flanked by two vowels to its right and left in so far as vowels have a high intensity level. A preference for (alveolo)palatal stop affrication to operate intervocalically has also been found to hold for Nepali /c/ and /ch/ (see Section 4.2.1) and for Cretan Greek, where front /k/ tends to be implemented as [tɕ] (Lengeris and Kappa, 2016). It may then be tentatively concluded that, whether it be before a front or a low vowel, velar softening is prone to starting out in V#CV sequences, or perhaps prevocalically after a heterosyllabic consonant rather than word/utterance-initially after a pause or word-medial intervocalically. As to velar softening in word-final position, perceptual identification tests run on word-final [c] productions by Majorcan Catalan speakers reveal that the (alveolo)palatal stop may be heard as the palatoalveolar affricate /tʃ/ fairly often (Recasens and Espinosa, 2009, Recasens, 2014). Moreover, this happens to be the case for CV excerpts excised from [uc#u] sequences (Cat. suc últim ‘last juice’), as well as for VC excerpts extracted from prepausal [ic#], [ac#], and [uc#] (Cat. ric ‘rich’, sac ‘sack’, suc ‘juice’). Regarding the latter condition, the plausible reason for such a high number of affricate responses lies in the fact that the prepausal stop burst is very long (i.e., 80–120 ms) and very much [ç]-like, though not more intense than in other word positions (Recasens and Espinosa, 2009). The identification of word-final [c] not only as an affricate but also as a fricative is indeed available in specific Raetoromance dialects such as Celerina Engadinian ([amiç] ‘friend, masc.’ < , and see Table 3.2) and Ladin from Val di Non ([laç] ‘lake’ < , [fiç] ‘fig’ < , [fwεç], [fwεtʃ] ‘fire’ < ; Politzer 1967: 34, and see Section 3.1.5.2, this volume) and accounts for German ich-laut after front vowels and consonants ([ɪç] ‘I’, [fʊrçt] ‘fear’). Also in most dialects of Azerbaijani, /c/ is realized as [ç] in syllable-coda position whether word-finally or before a consonant ([cæçliç] ‘quail’; Salimi, 1976: 30). An interpretation in line with the perceptual results referred to earlier in this section is that the change [c] > [tʃ] in

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word-final position in Raetoromance dialects and Old English (Section 4.3.4) is prone to originating in VC#V sequences for reasons analogous to those referred to for V#CV sequences above, and that once this sound change has taken place the target word will come to be realized with a word-final affricate on a regular basis.

4.5.3 Stress Another factor causing stop strengthening and thus velar softening to occur is stress (see Section 3.4.5 regarding the effect of stress on velar palatalization). Indeed, an increase in airflow and subglottal pressure occurring in stressed syllables may cause an increase in the duration and intensity level of the stop release, which may give rise eventually to an affricate. Affrication of velar and dentoalveolar stops may take place exclusively in stressed syllables in Maori, as for [ˈkxɐɾɐŋɐ] /karanga/ ‘call’ and [iˈtsi, iˈtçi] /iti/ ‘small’ (Bauer, 1993: 521–2), and may operate on /t/ also word-initially in stressed syllables in Liverpool English ([tsεn] ten; Lodge, 2009: 182). Generally speaking, however, stress is probably a less relevant factor than the word-initial condition, as suggested by data from Picard (Somme) showing that in all thirteen lexical variants with a palatoalveolar affricate derived from /k/ before /a/ via [c] adduced by Flutre (1977: 109), which are realized with a velar or an (alveolo)palatal stop in other Picard regions, the affricate occurs word-initially and not always in a stressed syllable (stressed syllable: Fr. chaux ‘lime’, Fr. chaîne ‘chain’; unstressed syllable: Fr. charbon ‘coal’, Fr. charrue ‘plough’). Also, in Romansh and N. Italy, the effect of stress on velar palatalization and assibilation before /a/ in word-initial position is available in some areas but not others (see Section 3.4.5).

4.5.4 Other aspects and proposals In disagreement with the segmental reinforcement account, Minkova (2014: 85–8) claims that in Old English the development /k/ > [c] > [tʃ] (child < ProtoGermanic *kilþo-, chin < *kinnjo-) applied in weak positions in the first place, i.e., word-internally in unstressed syllables and syllable-finally, while only at a later date did the affricate realization extend to the onset of stressed syllables and the stem-initial position. The argument for this positional hierarchy, which has been questioned in Laker (2003), is that stop affrication is a positionally determined lenition process, and that the identity of the velar stop [k] is better preserved in strong positions, where the articulatory and acoustic attributes for consonants are more salient, than in less prominent ones and in less casual speech styles than in more casual ones.

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An acoustic rationale in support of this hypothesis may be found in Giavazzi (2009). Data for Italian reported in this study of Giavazzi’s indicate that morphophonological alternations involving the consonants [k] and [tʃ] before -i are conditioned by the position of the velar stop relative to stress. On the one hand, velar stops which are not adjacent to stress are acoustically similar to palatoalveolar affricates in exhibiting a spread burst frication noise and a shallow burst intensity profile, which shows why they may be confused with palatoalveolar affricates in antepenultimate stressed words (e.g., [ˈkomiko] It. comico ‘comedian’, [ˈkomitʃi] It. comici ‘comedians’). On the other hand, compared to velar stops that are far away from stress, those occurring closer to stress in post-tonic position look more different from affricates in that they have a longer closure and a sharper burst with a low intensity frication noise and therefore a very steep intensity drop between the stop transient and the release frication phase. This would account precisely for why the above alternations between the velar stop and the palatoalveolar affricate do not occur in pairs such as [anˈtiko] It. antico ‘ancient, masc. sing.’, [anˈtiki] It. antichi ‘ancient, masc. pl.’. In sum, according to Giavazzi’s hypothesis, the contrast between velar stops and affricates is likely to be neutralized in those contexts where the stop burst is weakest. Several comments about Giavazzi’s and Minkova’s proposal are in order. First, Giavazzi’s proposal assumes that velar softening derives from purely velar stop realizations rather than from allophonic [c], which, as shown by analysis and perception data reported earlier in this chapter, does not seem to be a realistic option. Moreover, it is doubtful that a phonetic interpretation may be adequate for handling morphophonological alternations such as the one between [k] and [tʃ] in Italian. Also, regarding Minkova’s explanation, placing the (alveolo)palatal stop word-medial intervocalically in an unstressed syllable should contribute to shortening its closure period, thus causing the stop to be heard as a fricative instead of as an affricate (Tuscan [ˈtʃεnto] ‘one hundred’ <  vs [ˈkɾoʃe] ‘cross’ < , Surselvan [tʃun] ‘five’ <  vs [viˈʒin] ‘neighbour, masc. sing.’ < ). This stop fricativization mechanism is also favoured at high speech rates (Buizza and Plugg, 2012). For stop affrication to occur, the frication phase would need to be lengthened while the closing phase should not be significantly shortened, something which can certainly take place if the stop is located word-initially, postconsonantally, or even word-finally, and perhaps in stressed position as well. Moreover, for reasons given in Section 4.5.2, the word-initial and word-final intervocalic positions, and thus the V#CV and VC#V sequence structures, ought to be especially favourable to the availability of a relatively long stop closure and a long and high intensity stop burst, thus rendering the change [c] > [tʃ] most feasible. An overall count of the lexical items undergoing velar palatalization and assibilation in the Romance languages presented in this chapter and in Chapter 3 reveals that the two processes are prone to applying word-initially in stressed monosyllabic words, and, as to bisyllabic words, both word-initially in stressed and unstressed

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syllables and word-medially at the onset of a stressed syllable (see, for example, the phonetic forms in Table 3.1). There are very few instances of [c], and of [tʃ] co-occurring with [c], in an unstressed syllable preceded by another unstressed syllable and followed by a stressed syllable ([c], [tʃ] écureuil ‘squirrel’, [c] reculer ‘to move back’, [ɟ] aiguillon ‘goad’ in French dialects). It is also worth mentioning velar stop changes in the frequently used lexical items Fr. qui ‘who’ (Gallo [ci], [tʃi], Lousiana French [tʃi]) <  and Fr. ici (Poitevin-Santongeais [kji], Drôme [iˈci], Auvergnat [cji]) ‘here’ <  . These data suggest that articulatory and acoustic prominence as determined by factors such as word position and stress, as well as word frequency of occurrence, favour velar palatalization and (alveolo)palatal stop affrication.

4.6 /t/ and /k/ affrication compared A deeper insight into the articulatory motivation of velar softening may be gained by comparing the affrication processes of /k/ and /t/. In parallel to velar softening, the change of /t/ into an affricate requires articulatory reinforcement and an increase in burst intensity and duration in specific conditions, as exemplified by /t/ assibilation into [ts] word-initially, whenever the dentoalveolar stop is a geminate and after certain consonants in Old High German ([ˈtsʊŋə] Eng. tongue vis-à-vis [ˈvasɐ] Eng. water; Section 4.5.2). A typological survey shows that the frequency of occurrence of dental stop assibilation is increased by a following high front vocoid and by /j/ rather than by /i/, and is higher for voiceless /t/ than for voiced /d/ (Hall, Hamann, and Zygis, 2004, Hall and Hamann, 2006, Kochetov, 2011, and Section 3.3.2, this volume). This hierarchy is consistent with /j/ being articulated with greater tongue contact and a narrower and longer constriction than /i/, and with voiceless stops requiring greater tongue contact and a higher intraoral pressure level than the corresponding voiced cognates. An issue open to further investigation is the extent to which dental palatalization is needed for assibilation to occur. It seems obvious that palatalization is required for assibilation to yield a palatoalveolar affricate since [tʃ] is articulated further back than a dentoalveolar stop and involves more lingual contact at the hard palate. There appears to be, however, no real need for the dentoalveolar stop to go through the palatalization stage whenever replaced by an alveolar affricate. Thus, [ts dz] may be generated from /t/ and /d/ through an increase in tongue contact size at closure location without any obvious gain in dorsopalatal contact (Nève de Mévergnies, 1974: 27–8). Little research has been carried out on the extent to which the assibilation of the dentoalveolar stop into [ts] (yielding eventually [s]) and into [tʃ] (> [ʃ]) has a similar frequency of occurrence in comparable vocalic context conditions.

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In principle, the prediction is that, since the replacement of /t/ by an (alveolo)palatal stop is less likely to occur than the change /k/ > [c] (see Section 3.3.2 regarding the articulatory motivation for this expected trend), affrication into [tʃ] ought also to take place less often for /t/ than for /k/ and front /k/ should change into [ts] more often than palatalized /t/ shifts to [tʃ]. Moreover, since palatalization is not needed for /t/ to become [ts], it may be hypothesized that [ts] ought to be the preferred assibilation outcome of /t/, though not of /k/. The sections that follow look into these issues by focusing on the palatoalveolar and alveolar affricate outcomes of dentoalveolar stop softening, mostly for the voiceless rather than for the voiced stop cognate, since assibilation is likely to affect the former consonant rather than the latter.

4.6.1 Non-Romance languages 4.6.1.1 Dental and alveolar outcomes In Russian dialects and Belorussian, phonemic /tj/ may be realized as a palatalized alveolar affricate [tsj] (Kochetov, 2002: 23). Otherwise, as shown next, the alveolar output of the dentoalveolar stop affrication process occurs before a high front vocalic segment much more often than it does before other front vowels, the latter contextual condition applying in Turkana where /t/ > [s] before /i ɪ e ε/ (Telfer, 2006: 77). Dentoalveolar stop assibilation may be found exclusively before /j/. Common Slavic /tj/ and /dj/ became [ts] and [dz] in northwestern Polish Pomeranian (Topolińska, 1974: 35), while the sequence /tj/ shifted to [ts] in Slovak and Lusatian and /dj/ became [dz] in the former language and [z] in the latter (Carlton, 1991: 240, 255, 266, Rubach, 1993: 121). Ancient Greek dialects, on the other hand, had dentoalveolar end products for /tj/ in words such as *methjos ‘half ’ and *melitja ‘honey bee’: [tt] in Boeotian (μέττος, μέλιττα), [ss] in Thessalian and Lesbian (μέσσος, μέλισσα), [s] and [tt] in Attic (μέσος, μέλιττα), and [s] and [ss] in Ionic and Arcadian (μέσος, μέλισσα). The corresponding historical derivations parallel those for /kj/ in that an intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop realization needs to be postulated in both cases: /tj/ > [c:] > [t:] and /tj/ > [c:] > [t(:)s] >[s(:)] (Brixhe, 1996: 15–17, 39). In fact, hellenists assume that the two Proto-Greek sequences /kj/ and /tj/ merged at the (alveolo)palatal stop stage, from which they evolved identically into the later phonetic outcomes (Section 4.4.1.3). As to Modern Greek, /tj/ and /ðj/ are realized as [ts] and [dz] in Santorini and as [dz] in Kalimnos, and /θj/ as [ts] in both places (Kalimnos [peˈdza] Gr. παιδιά ‘children’; Newton, 1972: 167). In other dialectal domains, the dental or alveolar outcomes of /t d/ occur before a high front vowel. According to Guthrie’s and Janson’s surveys (Guthrie, 1967–71, Janson, 2007), the following percentages hold in the case of those

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Bantu languages which exhibit affricate or fricative outcomes for /t/ (68) and /d/ (56) in this vowel context: *t has yielded [ts dz s z θ] in 63.2% of the languages under analysis, [tʃ dʒ ʃ ʒ] in 32.3%, and [c ɟ] in 4.5%; regarding *d, the dental and alveolar end products occur in 58.9% of the languages which have been surveyed, palatoalveolars in 25%, and (alveolo)palatals in 16.1%. Moreover, alveolar fricatives occur much more frequently than alveolar affricates (41.2% vs 17.7% for *t, 42.9 vs 14.3 for *d), palatoalveolar affricates and fricatives show similar percentages of occurrence (between 11% and 18%), and dental fricatives are rare. There is then a preference for /t d/ assibilation to give rise to dental and alveolar articulations, as exemplified by Shona ([s dz]), Swahili and Zulu ([s z]), and Ikalanga ([tsh dz]) (Shona [sinde] ‘grass’ < Proto-Bantu *-ti̝nde, [dziʋa] ‘pond’ < *-di̝ba; Mathangwane, 1996: 101, 112–14). The voiceless dentoalveolar stop has shifted historically to an alveolar affricate or fricative before a high front vowel in languages of the TupíGuaraní family (Jensen, 1999: 139–40) and to an alveolar affricate in Romani (dzives ‘day’ < *djives, ketsi ‘how much’ < *ketji; Matras, 2002: 53). Moreover, whether morphologically conditioned or not, the same affrication process occurs as a synchronic rule in Blackfoot (Telfer, 2006: 2), Fanti, Fongbe, and West Greenlandic (Bateman, 2007: 362, 367, 491), Axininca Campa (Hall and Hamann, 2006: 119), Nakanai, and other Austronesian languages (Bybee and Easterday, 2019), and Finnish (huusi < huuti /huuta+i/ ‘shout-PAST’; Anttila, 2006). The change of a dental stop into an alveolar affricate or fricative may operate in other vocalic context conditions. It occurs before /i j/ in the Gbe language Kpando ([ts dz]; Capo, 1991: 135) and before the front realization [ɯ] of /u/ in Japanese ([tatsɯ] /tat+u/ ‘to stand’). Occasionally, it proceeds from left to right, as in Inuit dialects where /t/ shifted to [s] after a high front vowel (isiq- ‘to enter’ < ProtoEskimo *itəʁ-; Compton and Dresher, 2011).

4.6.1.2 Palatoalveolar and alveolopalatal outcomes The palatalized dentoalveolar stop phoneme /tj/ may be realized as [tʃh] and [tɕh] (/thj/) in Scottish Gaelic dialects, and as [tʃ] in Irish dialects (Hickey, 2011: 156–7), [tʃ] in Kamassian (Simoncsics, 1998: 583), [tʃj] in Nganasan (Helimski, 1998: 484), and [tɕ] in Russian and Polish dialects (Kochetov, 2002: 23). The presence of a secondary palatal gesture and the fact that /tj/ is often articulated with a laminoalveolar closure may account for why the affricate outcome is palatoalveolar or alveolopalatal rather than alveolar in this case. Dentoalveolar stop assibilation into a palatoalveolar affricate or fricative may occur before /j/, as in Lithuanian and Latvian, where Proto-Baltic *tj, *dj yielded [tʃ dʒ] and [ʃ ʒ], respectively (Schmalstieg, 1995: 588). The same affrication process applies in Maldivian or Dhivehi ([etʃ:ek] /eti-jek/ ‘a thing’; Kochetov, 2016), and in words and lexical sequences such as tune, got you, residue, and did you in American English. It has also operated diachronically in several Slavic languages (e.g., Serbo-Croatian, Ukrainian, Belorussian, Russian; Carlton, 1991:

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278, 287, 295, 328) and in specific lexical items in Faroese ([tʃhaltʊɹ] Icl. tjaldur ‘oystercatcher’; Árnason, 2011: 116). The same consonantal change takes place essentially before the high front vowel across a morpheme boundary in Gurage (Meyer, 2011: 1232), Bantu languages such as Luba Kasai and Pende (Hyman, 2003), Japanese ([tatʃimasɯ] from tat ‘to stand’ + suffix i + polite suffix masu; Shibatani, 1990: 164), and Amharic (Hudson, 1997: 459). In Korean, the phonetic outcome in this same vowel context is often transcribed as a palatoalveolar affricate or an (alveolo)palatal stop, e.g., [ˈkɨtʃi] (Bateman, 2007: 393) and [ˈkuɟi] (Sohn, 1999: 174) for /kut+i/ ‘positively’, though also as an alveolar affricate ([madzi] /mat+i/ ‘first child’; Kim, 2001). On the other hand, /t/ and /d/ are implemented as palatoalveolar affricates before both /i/ and /j/ in the Gbe languages Hwe, Awlan, and Avε´no (Capo, 1991: 135). Less often, dentoalveolar stop assibilation into a palatoalveolar affricate may occur before any front vowel. This is so in Azerbaijani, Turkish, and Uyghur dialects ([tʃiʃ] diş ‘tooth’) and Chuvash ([tʃer] ‘knee’ vis-à-vis Turkish diz) (Johanson, 1998: 101), and across a morpheme boundary in Hausa (Bateman, 2007: 11, 369) and in Polish where the final outcomes for /t d/ are [tɕ dʑ] ([brat] ‘brother’, [ˈbratɕε] ‘brother, loc./voc. sing.’; Ćavar, 2004: 149). In the Siatista dialect of Greek spoken in Macedonia, the change in question operates before a front vowel and /j/ ([paˈtʃeɾas] Gr. πατέρας ‘father’; Newton, 1972: 145). Progressive assibilation into a palatoalveolar affricate operates on /t/ after /i j/ among young Basque speakers from Lekeitio ([aiˈca], [ajˈtʃa] ‘father’, [menˈdicik], [menˈditʃik] ‘from the mountain’; Hualde et al., 1994: 13), and after /i/ in Pima Bajo, and in Apalai and other Cariban languages (Apalai [pitʃiko] /pitiko/ ‘small’; Hall and Hamann, 2006, Bateman, 2007: 329).

4.6.2 Romance languages The affricate and fricative end products of dentoalveolar stop assibilation in the Romance languages may also favour either the palatoalveolar or the alveolar or dental place of articulation. There is a palatoalveolar outcome before /i/ in Francoprovençal from Forez ([pəˈtʃi] < Fr. petit ‘small, masc. sing.’, [dʒi] Fr. dit ‘said’; Gardette, 1941: 59), and in Brazilian Portuguese dialects where the change may also be conditioned by preceding /j/ ([ˈtʃia] Port. tia ‘aunt’, [ˈdʒivida] Port. dívida ‘debt’, [ˈsejtʃa] Port. seita ‘sect’; Cristófaro-Silva, 2003). Several French dialectal domains also favour the palatoalveolar affricate, whether before a high front vowel or glide: Acadian French (Chéticamp [tʃε̃] Fr. tiens ‘to hold, 1st pers. indicat. pres.’, [tʃɥe] Fr. tuer ‘to kill’; Geddes, 1908: 86); contemporary French spoken in various large cities (Fr. moitié ‘half ’, Fr. politique ‘politics’; Candea et al., 2013); Guernsey Norman,

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depending on word and speaker (Fr. tien ‘yours’, Fr. Dieu ‘God’; Simmonds, 2012: 192); Poitevin-Santongeais, where [c ɟ] may co-occur with [tʃ dʒ] ([pci], [ptʃi] Fr. petit ‘small, masc. sing.’; Pignon, 1960: 391). The alveolar affricate end product may be found in other dialectal areas. It is available before a high front vocalic segment in Quebecois French ([tsiˈʁe] Fr. tirer ‘to shoot’, [tsyˈe] Fr. tuer ‘to kill’; Nève de Mévergnies, 1974: 27), Cajun French ([pəˈtsi] Fr. petit ‘small, masc. sing.’, [dzyʁ] Fr. dur ‘tough, masc. sing.’, [suˈtsjε̃] Fr. soutien ‘support’, [ε̃ˈdzjε̃] Fr. indien ‘Indian’; Fagyal et al., 2006: 45), Francoprovençal areas ([dzi] Fr. dix <  ‘ten’, [zarˈdzẽ] Fr. jardin ‘garden’; Duraffour 1932: 226) and Surmiran from Bergün ([dzekr] ‘to say’ < ; Lutta 1923: 138). In Romanian, [ts] and [z] (< [dz]) have developed historically from /t/ and /d/ before a high front vowel as well ([supˈtsiɾe] ‘thin’ < , [awˈzi] ‘to hear’< , [zi] ‘day’ < ; Lausberg 1970: 358–9), and [tsj] is the phonetic realization of /t/ before the plural marker -i ([portsj] Rom. porţi ‘gate, pl.’; Chitoran, 2002: 238). One of the hypotheses formulated above, i.e., front /k/ ought to change into [ts] more often than palatalized /t/ is replaced by [tʃ], appears to be confirmed by the phonetic outcomes of Latin /tj/ and /kj/ in intervocalic position in Romance. As shown in Table 4.5, /tj/ has yielded a more anterior affricate or fricative than /kj/ in Tuscan, Corsican, and most Raetoromance dialects (scenario (a)), or else the two sequences have given rise to a common dental or alveolar outcome in Vegliote, Campidanese Sardinian, Comelican, N. and S. Italy, France, Occitan, the Iberian Peninsula, and partly Romanian (scenario (c)). Only in a few dialectal domains have both /tj/ and /kj/ resulted in a palatoalveolar affricate or fricative (scenario (b)): W./N. Friulian, Picard, partly Romanian, and also Valaisan and Table 4.5 Summary of velar softening outcomes for intervocalic /tj/ and /kj/ in the Romance languages. Romanian also has forms with [tʃ] for etymological /kj/ ([ˈurtʃor] urcior ‘stye’ < ). English glosses are given only once for the same word vtjv

vkjv

[ˈpɾεttso] ‘price’ <  [ˈpɔttsu] ‘well’ <  [ˈplatsa] ‘square’ < 

[ˈbɾattʃo] ‘arm’ <  [ˈfattʃa] ‘face’ < *ˈfakja [ˈfatʃa] < *ˈfakja

Scenario (a) Tuscan Corsican Sutselvan Scenario (b) W./N. Friulian Picard Scenario (c) Venetian French

[potʃ] <  [kaˈʃø] ‘hunter’< *kapˈtjaɾe

[bɾatʃ] <  [glaʃ] ‘ice’ < *ˈglakja

[kaˈveso] ‘hood’ <  [ʁeˈzɔ̃] ‘reason’ < 

Romanian

[puts] < 

[ˈbɾaso] <  [ʃoˈse] ‘to put footwear on someone’ <  [bɾats] < 

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Fribourgeois Francoprovençal where intervocalic /tj/ > [ʒ] and /kj/ > [ʃ] as in the case of [saˈʒɔ̃] ‘season’ <  and [ʎaʃ] ‘ice’ < *ˈglakja (Gauchat et al., 1925, entries 9, 41). In sum, while the affricate or fricative outcomes of /tj/ are essentially alveolar, those of /kj/ may be alveolar or more retracted (palatoalveolar), which could reflect the existence of earlier and more anterior palatalized realizations for /tj/ than for /kj/. Thus, already in Latin, the affrication of /tj/ into [ts], and possibly the later simplification of [ts] into [s], appear to have taken place before /kj/ was replaced by [ts] (Carnoy, 1906: 144, Grandgent, 1991: 180–1): (/tj/ > [ts] > [s]) Crescentsianus , second century; Marsianesses , third century; observasione , fifth century; disposisio , sixth century (/kj/ > [ts]) udigsium , sixth century The descendants of Latin /dj/ and /gj/ in intervocalic position exhibit a quite different picture. According to the scenario (b) in Table 4.6, which has been highly productive in Romance, they are palatoalveolar or (alveolo)palatal for the two sequences in S. Italy, Sardinian, Picard, French, Friulian, Francoprovençal regions, and Spanish ([j] or zero), Catalan, Portuguese, and Occitan dialects ([ʒ]), and Tuscan ([d:ʒ]). Scenario (c), on the other hand, also exhibits a common solution but alveolar instead of palatoalveolar or (alveolo)palatal (Vegliote, Surmiran, N. Occitan, N. Italian dialects). Finally, in parallel to scenario (a) in Table 4.5, languages and dialects falling under scenario (a) in Table 4.6 have a more posterior outcome for /gj/ than for /dj/: [j] or zero vs [z] (Romanian, W. Ladin), [ð]

Table 4.6 Summary of velar softening outcomes for /dj/ and /gj/ in the Romance languages. In Tuscan there may also be forms with [ddz] for etymological /dj/ (razza ‘ray’, mezzo ‘half, masc. sing.’). English glosses are given only once for the same word

Scenario (a) Romanian Comelican W. Ladin (Fassan) Scenario (b) Catalan French Tuscan Scenario (c) Venetian Surmiran

vdjv

vgjv

[ˈrazə] ‘beam’ <  [ˈmεðo] ‘half, masc.’ <  [ˈmeza] ‘half, fem.’ < 

[kuˈɾe̯a] ‘belt’ <  [ˈtɾoj], [tɾuj] ‘footpath’ < *ˈtɾɔgju [koˈɾea] < 

[әmˈbεʒә] ‘envy’ <  [oʒuʁˈdɥi] Fr. aujourd’hui ‘today’ ultimately <  [ˈraddʒo] < 

[әsәˈʒa] ‘to test’ < *eksaˈgjaɾe [eseˈje] < *eksaˈgjaɾe [koˈreddʒa] < 

[ˈrazo], [ˈraðo] <  [ˈmjadza] < 

[ˈtɾozo] < *ˈtɾɔgju [kuˈɾεdza] < 

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(Comelican Ladin); [ɟ] and also [ʒ] and [j] vs [dz], [z] (Romansh dialects); [ɟ] vs [ɟ], [d:z] (Corsican). The reason why /gj/ is reluctant to yield front outcomes appears to be the fact that /gj/ and /j/ were realized as [j:] intervocalically in Latin (Lausberg, 1970: 397), which may explain why /gj/, /gi ge/, and /j/ may have given rise to essentially the same realizations, [j] or zero, in intervocalic position in specific linguistic domains (Campidanese Sardinian [koˈria] ‘belt’ < , [ˈma(j)u] ‘May’ < , [ˈsuiɾi] ‘to suck’ < , Spanish [koˈrea], [ˈmajo]). On the other hand, the palatoalveolar or alveolar affricate or fricative outcomes of /gj/ must derive from [ɟ] rather than from [j:], which is consistent with the existence of the early doublets [dz]/[j] for both /dj/ and /j/ already in Latin (Carnoy, 1906: 155–6, Väänänen, 1985: 106–7). It may also be the case that /dj/ has yielded more anterior realizations in intervocalic position than word-initially, as exemplified by Romanian and Raetoromance dialects (Romanian [ʒos] ‘downwards’ < , [ˈrazə] ‘ray of light’ < ; Sutselvan [ɟaw], [ʒaw] < , [ˈmεzә] ‘half, fem.’ < ) and in contrast with other languages where the same or a comparable place of articulation is found in the two positions (Catalan [ʒorn] ‘day’ < , [əmˈbεʒə] ‘envy’ < ; Campidanese [ˈdʒana] ‘Diana’ < , [ˈɔi] ‘today’ < ). In addition to other possible motivating factors, this difference could be accounted for by assuming that articulatory reinforcement for the dental stop in word-initial position is implemented through an increase in tongue contact behind closure location, and thus that the affricate or fricative end products of the dentoalveolar stop softening process should also be more retracted wordinitially than intervocalically where articulatory strengthening is not expected to take place.

4.7 Base of articulation A factor which appears to determine to a large extent the place of articulation of the affricate or fricative outcome of velar softening is the base of articulation or articulatory setting by which a subset of vowels or consonants exhibit analogous articulatory configurations in a given dialect. Thus, for example, it has been claimed that the tongue body is advanced, raised, and convex to the roof of the mouth in languages with a laminal setting (French), and posterior, lowered, and concave in languages with an apical setting (English), which could explain why /t d n/ are often apicolaminodental in French and apicoalveolar in English, /l/ is regularly clear in the former language and dark in the latter, and French, but not English, has a series of alveolopalatal consonants in the sound inventory (Honikman, 1964, Dart, 1991).

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As to the scenario of interest in the present investigation, there seems to be a symmetrical relationship regarding place of articulation between, for example, the affricate or fricative outcomes of front velars (i.e., velar stops before a front vocalic segment) and velars before /a/ in several Romance dialectal domains, and also of front velars and (alveolo)palatal stop consonants in the Bantu languages. Moreover, these phonetic outcomes may be analogous to those derived from the affrication of palatalized dentals and glide hardening in palatalized labials (Chapter 5). Therefore, as revealed by the cases reviewed in the following sections, while all these processes are prone to operating in specific contextual, word position, and stress conditions, the place of articulation characteristics of the corresponding affricate and fricative end products may depend on the dialectdependent articulatory setting.

4.7.1 Velars and /j/ Francoprovençal zones exhibit a dental or alveolar place of articulation for the phonetic outcomes of Latin /ki ke/, /ka/, /gi ge/, /ga/, and /j/ in word-initial position: Genève [sã] ‘one hundred’ < , [θje] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < , [θã] ‘people’ < , [ˈθerba] ‘sheaf ’ < Germ. garba, [θø] ‘yoke’ < ; Valais [sε̃], [tsε], [dzε̃], [ˈdzεrba], [dzø], in the same order as above (Gauchat et al., 1925, entries 180, 121, 197, 303, 480). An analogous scenario may be found in N. E. Occitan regions such as Auvergne, Haute-Loire, and Drôme (Puy de Dôme [sε̃], [tsa], [dzã], [ˈdzεrbo], [dzu], also for , , , Germ. garba and , respectively; Gilliéron and Edmont, 1902–10, maps 211, 268, 639, 641, 726). Latin /ki ke/, /gi ge/, and /j/, though not /ka ga/, also share dental or alveolar articulations in dialects of N. Italy, Comelican Ladin, and Friulian regions: Venetian [ˈθεnto] < , [zεˈnaɾo], [ðεˈnaɾo] ‘son-in-law’ < , [ˈðuɲo] ‘June’< , Ligurian [ˈsiŋkwe] ‘five’ < , [ˈzεne] < , [ˈzyɲu] <  (Rohlfs, 1966: 202, 210, 214). Comelican [ˈθεrvo] ‘deer’ < , [ˈðente] < , [ˈdoo] <  (Tagliavini, 1926: 50, 64). Pordenone, Udine, Forni di Sotto [tsεnt] < , [ˈdzinar] < , [dzawf] < , Claut [θεnt], [ˈdendre], [dof] (Jaberg and Jud, 1928–60, maps 33, 304, 1240). This scenario is in contrast with that for the W. Romance languages in general, where the affricate or fricative outcomes of /ki ke/ are dental or alveolar, and /ka/, /gi ge/, /ga/, and /j/ have yielded palatoalveolar or palatal realizations as a general rule (French [sjεl] ‘sky’ < , [ʃεʁ] ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < , [ʒε̃] ‘gens’ < , [ʒø] ‘jeu’, Catalan [sεl], [ʒen], [ʒɔk] < ).

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4.7.2 Velars and dentals A parallel situation may be at work in the case of the affrication of velar and dentoalveolar stops which, as pointed out in Section 3.3, may undergo palatalization more or less simultaneously. In Acadian French not only /k g/ but also /t d/ followed by prevocalic [j] may be implemented as a palatoalveolar affricate, while the (alveolo)palatal stop source occurred for all those segmental sequences towards the beginning of the twentieth century ([tjε̃], [tʃε̃] Fr. tiens ‘to hold, 1st pers. indicat. pres.’, [djø], [dʒø] Fr. Dieu ‘good Lord’, and Section 4.6.2, this volume for examples of front /k/ palatalization and assibilation; Geddes, 1908: 86–7, Hume, 1992: 163). Also in Champagne and Brie, [tç] and [dʝ] may correspond to both front /k g/ and palatalized /t d/ ([amiˈce] amitié ‘friendship’, [ɟø] Dieu ‘God’; Bourcelot, 1966–78, and Section 3.1.4.2, this volume). Moreover, in Francoprovençal zones where palatalized velars have yielded affricates or fricatives of an alveolar or dental place of articulation, the dental or alveolar outcomes may be characteristic not only of Latin /tj/, as is the case in most Romance languages, but also of Latin /dj/, at least wordinitially (Vaud [dzɔ], [dzœ] ‘day’ < , as opposed to French [ʒuʁ] or Catalan [ʒorn]; Gauchat et al., 1925, entry 12, and Sections 4.4.2 and 4.6.2, this volume). The symmetrical relationship under consideration also holds in non-Romance languages. Regarding Greek dialects (Sections 4.4.1.3 and 4.6.1.1), in Kalimnos and Santorini, the affricate outcome of /kj/ is alveolar ([ts]) and the sequence /tj/ also yields an alveolar affricate; on the other hand, E. Crete and S. Rhodes have a more posterior affricate for both /kj/ ([tʃ]) and /tj/ ([θç], [tç]) (Newton, 1972: 167). In the Bugurdži dialect of Romani spoken in Macedonia, on the other hand, /ki ti/ and /gi di/ share the same realizations, [tsi] and [dzi], [zi], respectively (Matras, 2002: 53, and Sections 4.4.1.8 and 4.6.1.1, this volume). Regarding Korean, see Section 4.4.1.9. As to the Bantu languages, an analysis has been carried out by the author of the phonetic end products for at least two of the Proto-Bantu etymological consonants *t before a high front vowel, *c and front *k in ninety-eight languages according to the data provided by Guthrie (1967–71) and Janson (2007). Results show that 39.7% of the languages subjected to analysis share the same place of articulation for all three consonantal sources, which happens to be much more often dental or alveolar (34.7%) than palatoalveolar (5%). In other languages (22% altogether) two outcomes coincide at a higher level of frequency than the third one, the major pattern exhibiting an alveolar or dental realization for the two equal cases and a palatoalveolar for the unequal one. There appears then to be a trend for all three or for two out of three etymological consonants to share phonetic outcomes of the same place of articulation, which happens to be dental or alveolar for the most part.

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4.7.3 Labials Articulatory symmetry could also explain why the affricate or fricative outcomes of the dental and/or velar stop softening processes may coincide with those resulting from labial stop softening (see also Section 5.4). In Francoprovençal zones, glide strengthening in the sequences /pj bj fj vj/ parallels velar softening in that it has resulted in the same dental or alveolar fricatives or affricates (see Sections 4.4.1.11, 4.4.2, 5.2.2, and 5.3.2). Also in Greek dialects, the glide reinforcement outcomes of /pj fj vj/ mirror the affricate end products of /kj/ and /tj/, namely, an alveolar fricative in Kalimnos and Santorini and a palatoalveolar fricative in E. Crete and S. Rhodes (see Sections 4.6.1.1, 5.2.2, and 5.3.2). In the Amazonian languages Wayampi and Asuriní of Tocantins, on the other hand, palatalized labials and /t/ followed by /i/ have yielded [s] (Asuriní [ésaŋ] ‘to see’ < *epják, [siŋ] ‘white’ < *tiŋ; Jensen, 1999: 140).

4.8 General summary There are reasons why affrication is more prone to operating on [c] (whether an (alveolo)palatal allophone of /k/ or a realization of /kj/) than on a front velar stop, and therefore why an articulatory account of velar softening is to be preferred to an interpretation based on acoustic equivalence. On the one hand, affrication may be considered to be an intrinsic property of (alveolo)palatal stops in many languages such that whether [c] and [ɟ] should be identified as stops or as affricates may become an unsolvable issue. On the other hand, the different affricate outcomes [tʃ], [tç], [tɕ], and [ts] of velar softening match differences in closure fronting for the (alveolo)palatal stop source, and (alveolo)palatal stop and affricate realizations have been found to co-occur in the same or different words in given dialects. The palatoalveolar outcome of velar softening [tʃ] prevails on other more retracted place outcomes in the world’s languages presumably because it may be more feasible articulatorily and more effective auditorily to form a lingual closure at the alveolopalatal zone than at the hard palate. Velar assibilation into [tʃ] parallels velar palatalization in that the two processes operate most frequently before front vowels. In particular, it applies before front vowels and /j/ (first Slavic, E. Romance palatalization), /i/ (several Salishan and Bantu languages), /i j/ (Slovenian), and /j/ (Tai languages, Middle Chinese, Serbian, and in the case of [kj gj] derived from /kl gl/, in dialects from N. Italy). Also in parallel to the velar palatalization scenario, velar affrication is prone to taking place word-finally after /i/ (Dakota, Arabic dialects). Velar palatalization before /a/ has been followed by affrication in Old French, and depending on

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dialectal area and other factors in Picard, Norman French, Raetoromance dialects, and Piedmontese. Forms starting with [tʃj], which occurred in Old French before the glide was absorbed by the affricate ([ʃεr] < [tʃjεr] Fr. cher ‘dear, expensive, masc. sing.’ < ), are found in modern Picard (Section 4.3.3). Data have been adduced in support of the notion that the (alveolo)palatal stop allophones of velar stops may develop into an alveolar affricate without going through an intermediate palatoalveolar affricate articulation. On the one hand, in Navajo and Surmiran Romansh, /tʃ dʒ/ have not shifted to [ts dz]. Moreover, those dialectal zones where the (alveolo)palatal stop has given rise to a palatoalveolar or an alveolar affricate do not overlap geographically as a general rule, and in Francoprovençal and N. Occitan localities the velar softening outcome [ts] may co-occur with, especially, front realizations of the (alveolo)palatal stop source. In addition, a relationship between the place of articulation of the phonetic outcome of velar softening and closure fronting degree for the (alveolo)palatal stop may be established for certain diachronic developments. Thus, the outcome in question may be more anterior and/or more reinforced (i.e., affricate vs fricative) for /kj/ than for intervocalic /ki ke/ in several Romance languages, presumably since the (alveolo)palatal stop is more anterior and more contacted by the tongue when occurring before the glide than before the front vowel, while the absence of fronting differences between the end products of intervocalic /gj/ and /gi ge/ should be related to the realization [j:] of /gj/ in Latin. The articulatory independence between the palatoalveolar and alveolar outcomes of (alveolo)palatal stops also finds support in a considerable number of languages where velar softening has yielded an alveolar affricate or fricative. The historical source of the alveolar affricate may be an (alveolo)palatal stop (Bantu languages, Latvian, Albanian, Armenian, Avestan, Old Persian, Nuristani, Nepali, N. Indian languages, N. Vietnamese, Korean dialects), or else a velar stop followed by either a front vowel (Modern Greek dialects, Albanian, Arabic dialects), a front vowel and /j/ (first palatalization in W. Romance, Old Frisian, Ancient Greek), /i j/ (Chinese dialects, Gbe languages), /i/ (Amazonian languages, Romani dialects, Bantu languages), or /j/ (Athabaskan). The alveolar affricate may also derive from a velar stop before /a/ (Mongolian, C. Romance dialects) or before /e/ (second Slavic palatalization), and after /i/ (third Slavic velar palatalization), or any front vowel (Arabic dialects). A highly relevant factor which appears to determine whether the outcome of velar softening will be [tʃ] or [ts] is base of articulation. Base of articulation may account, for example, for the alveolar end product of front velars and velars before /a/ in N. E. Occitan and Francoprovençal, and of *ti, *c, and front *k in a subset of Bantu languages. Chapter 4 has also dealt with those acoustic characteristics which cause (alveolo)palatal stops to be identified as affricates. The front-cavity-dependent frequency peak of these stop consonants may resemble the frequency peak of front /k/ and thus be [tʃ]-like (Majorcan Catalan), or else exhibit a higher frequency and

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therefore be more [ts]-like whenever the (alveolo)palatal stop place of articulation is most anterior (Czech, Hungarian). The F2 vowel transitions, on the other hand, have higher end points for [c] than for [tʃ], which is in line with differences in dorsopalatal contact size and accounts for why, as appears to have occurred in Old French, a glide is likely to be inserted after the (alveolo)palatal stop rather than after the palatoalveolar affricate. Even more crucial for ascertaining whether the affrication process may operate on [c] instead of on front /k/ are the burst-intensity and -duration characteristics. Depending on the dialectal scenario, the burst of [c] is often longer than that of front /k/, and therefore is more likely to be integrated as an affricate, or may be as long as the [tʃ] frication period. The intensity level of the (alveolo)palatal stop burst, on the other hand, is generally less than that of the [tʃ] frication noise, though the two may become closer in special conditions, characterized shortly. Burst duration, but not burst intensity, is especially prominent prepausally, which may account for the end product [ç] of velar softening in this position (German ich-laut, Raetoromance dialects). The chances that (alveolo)palatal stop affrication applies increase with articulatory prominence. Data from the Romance languages reveal that differences in stop prominence as a function of position, voicing, and stress are often correlated with the phonetic end products of velar softening in ways which are meaningful articulatorily and acoustically. Those outcomes may be more anterior and/or more reinforced (i.e., [tʃ] vs [ʒ], [ɟ], [j]) word-initially than intervocalically, whether the velar occurs before a front vowel or before /a/. Strengthening also operates postconsonantally and even word-finally where [c] has developed into an affricate in Raetoromance dialects, Lombard, and Old English. In Romance, the effect of articulatory reinforcement may be also seen in the outcomes of voiceless vs voiced velars in so far as, in comparison to /g/, /k/ before a front or low vowel may have yielded more anterior and/or stronger affricate realizations. Stress may also contribute to the affrication process: in Romansh-speaking areas and localities from N. Italy, word-initial velar palatalization and affrication before /a/ occur in stressed rather than unstressed syllables. It has been suggested that (alveolo)palatal stop affrication is most likely to apply in V#CV (and VC#V) sequences, presumably when [c] belongs to a stressed syllable, the reason being that the stop burst and closure duration, as well as linguopalatal contact size, are greater at the word edges than word-internally, while burst intensity is highest when the target consonant is flanked by two vowels. This reinforcement scenario is partially in contrast with that for velar palatalization, whose implementation is correlated with an increase in tongue-topalate contact word-initially, postconsonantally, and perhaps word-finally, but not intervocalically. This proposal is in discord with the view that velar softening should start out word-internally in unstressed syllables and in syllable coda because affrication is a weakening process.

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Dentoalveolar stop affrication parallels palatalization in that it is most likely to occur before high front vocalic segments (and thus /i/ and /j/) both at the regressive and progressive levels, and may yield [ts]/[dz] rather than [tʃ]/[dʒ], since a change into [c] is not needed for /t/ to develop into an alveolar affricate. When much tongue-dorsum raising is available, as for palatalized dental stops, the stop tends to be replaced by [tʃ]. In Romance, the affricate outcomes of Latin /tj/ are essentially alveolar, while those for Latin /kj/ may be alveolar and also palatoalveolar. Dialects exhibiting the outcome [tʃ] of both /tj/ and /kj/ are rarer, and there are no dialects where /tj/ has given rise to a palatoalveolar affricate and /kj/ to an alveolar affricate. This asymmetrical relationship between the outcomes of /tj/ and of /kj/ has been attributed to the main lingual articulator and the anatomical characteristics of the alveolar zone and hard palate. Also in the Romance languages, Latin /dj/ and /gj/ may have yielded the same outcome ([j], [dʒ], or [dz] depending on dialect) or else /dj/, a more anterior outcome than /gj/, which suggests that /gj/ could be realized as either [j:] or [ɟ] in Latin.

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5 Labial softening Labial consonants (which term includes not only bilabial stops but labiodental fricatives and the bilabial nasal as well) may undergo two successive processes: palatalization and assibilation. The cover term labial softening appears to be wellmotivated for the same reason as velar softening, namely, because it encompasses labial palatalization and labial assibilation, the former change giving rise to (alveolo)palatal stops and the latter transforming these stops into lingual affricates and fricatives. Whether they yield a stop or an affricate or a fricative, palatalization and assibilation sit less confortably on labials than on velars and dentoalveolars, which makes it an interesting research case. The main difference between the palatalization of labials and that of velars and dentals lies in the fact that the main articulators for the consonant and the following front vocalic segment are all lingual in one case and belong to two separate articulatory structures, labial and lingual, in the other. In prevocalic sequences with velars and dentals such as /kj/ and /tj/, considerable gestural superposition may result in a blended stop [c] which exhibits a single closure location at the (alveolo)palatal zone. It is precisely from this stop articulation that affricates arise. In labial + /j/ sequences, on the other hand, the dorsal gesture for the vocalic segment is freer to overlap the lip gesture for the labial consonant or not, which may lead to a diverse number of developments, depending on superposition degree. Generally speaking, the degree of synchronicity between the labial and dorsal gestures ought to be higher in palatalized labials such as /pj/ in Russian, where consonant palatalization is distinctive, than in sequences made of successive phonetic segments such as /pj/ and /pi/ in languages with no distinctive consonant palatalization in which labials may become palatalized through high degrees of anticipatory tongue-dorsum raising and fronting coarticulation. In view of the fact that the phonetic manifestation of the palatalization characteristic is similar in all cases, e.g., /pj/, /pj/, and /pi/, and so are the sound changes associated with it, the phonetic representation [pj] will often be used as a cover notation throughout the chapter. Likewise, the notations [bj], [fj], [vj], and [mj] will be used as references for sequences with other labials and with labiodentals. Since labials involve no tongue activity, there may be variations not only in the extent to which the tongue-dorsum raising and fronting gesture for the vocalic segment may be anticipated during the preceding labial or labiodental consonant but also regarding tongue-dorsum height during the vocalic segment Phonetic Causes of Sound Change: The Palatalization and Assibilation of Obstruents. Daniel Recasens, Oxford University Press (2020). © Daniel Recasens. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198845010.001.0001

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itself. Different constriction degrees for the segment in question may lead to its occlusivization ([j] > [ɟ]), fricativization ([j] > [ç]), or deletion ([j] > zero). Whether any of these three solutions applies depends on the articulatory and aerodynamic properties of the two consecutive phonetic segments, i.e., on whether the consonant preceding the vocalic segment is a stop, a fricative, or a nasal (and thus differs in manner of articulation) and is voiceless or voiced, and the vocalic segment is a vowel or a glide. Further changes may result in other developments. Thus, for example, glide occlusivization may be followed by stop affrication, after which the outcoming complex sequence may be simplified into a front lingual affricate or fricative (e.g., /pj/ > [pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ] > [ʃ], as for French [saʃ] ‘to know, 1st pers. subj.’ < ), and thus into similar articulatory end products to those generated by the velar softening process. The approach taken here lies then on the assumption that the consecutive changes occurring during labial palatalization and assibilation may be accounted for based on considerations about the spatiotemporal mechanisms involved in the production of palatalized labial consonants in the ways sketched above. In principle, this view contrasts with the hypothesis that the implementation of the labial palatalization process is rooted in the acoustic equivalence between the input and output consonantal segments. The acoustic-equivalence hypothesis is based on perception data showing that palatalized labial stops may often be confused with dentoalveolar stops and thus /pi/ with /ti/ (and /bi/ with /di/), since the two sequences share slightly falling F2 vowel transitions pointing towards lower locus values than the typical F2 frequency for /i/, which is located around 2000 Hz (Ohala, 1989). Results obtained in a phoneme identification test with English CV productions with /p t k/ and /i ɑ u/ where listeners were presented with the stop burst plus 100 ms of the following vowel, thus including the vowel transitions, showed that /p/ followed by /i/ may be categorized not only as /p/ (46%) but also as /t/ (38%), while /t/ followed by /i/ is essentially perceived as /t/ (88%) (Winitz et al., 1972). Moreover, the confusion between the bilabial and dentoalveolar stop consonants is expected to take place when the labial stop burst is weak and thus the vowel transitions prevail. The latter observation is in line with acoustic data for English showing that the burst spectral frequency has a maximal amplitude concentration at a lower frequency for /bi/ (at about 2000–2500 Hz) than for /di/ (between 2000–4000 Hz), while the vowel transition end points are at about the same frequency for /bi/ and /di/, namely, c.1800–2000 Hz for the F2 transitions and 2400 Hz for the F3 transitions (Lehiste and Peterson, 1961, Stevens et al., 1966, Repp and Lin, 1989). In a similar vein, the bilabial nasal /m/ articulated with a high and front tongue-dorsum position in the sequence /mi/ would be likely to be confused with /n/ owing to the fact that /mi/ and /ni/ have similar F2 vowel transitions, which are analogous to the ones for /bi/ and /di/. In addition, /m/ and /n/ before /i/ exhibit similar nasal murmur spectral characteristics, since the two nasals coarticulate strongly with /i/ and

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therefore are produced with a similar vocal-tract cavity system configuration behind constriction location. The articulation-based interpretation is to be preferred to the acoustic equivalence hypothesis for cases where labial palatalization and assibilation exhibit intermediate phonetic forms, which can have an articulatory and/or aerodynamic motivation and may be presently available or else documented in the past. Thus, for example, according to the acoustic equivalence hypothesis, [pj] in the sequence /pj/ may be identified directly as /tʃ/ whenever the constriction channel for the gliding component is sufficiently narrow to generate a relatively long frication noise. However, an articulation-based account is clearly required for dialectal scenarios exhibiting intermediate phonetic forms such as [pc] and [ptʃ]: in the first place, /pj/ yields [pc] through glide hardening (/pj/ > [pc]), after which [c] shifts to a front lingual affricate through the same affrication mechanism which operates on the (alveolo)palatal stop allophone of /k/ ([pc] > [ptʃ]); subsequently, the bilabial stop may drop from the complex labial stop + affricate sequence, thus yielding a palatoalveolar affricate ([ptʃ] > [tʃ]). When applying to /mj/, the same glide-hardening mechanism may give rise to [mɟ], after which the (alveolo)palatal stop may shift to an affricate ([mdʒ], [ndʒ]) or else assimilate to the preceding nasal in manner of articulation ([mɲ]) (Section 5.5). Another reason for giving preference to an articulation-based over an acousticbased explanation of labial softening is that the direct identification of [pj] as /tʃ/ or /ts/ in CV sequences is problematic in the case of dialects where voiceless stop consonants are unaspirated (see Chapter 2 for a similar criticism regarding velar softening), simply because the unaspirated stop burst is not prominent enough to be identified as the frication phase of an affricate. Another possible objection is that it is hard to attribute changes such as /fi/ > [si] and /vi/ > [dzi zi], which may occur in Romanian dialects (Section 5.3), to acoustic similarity: while palatalized labiodentals and alveolar fricatives share analogous F2 rising vowel transitions, they differ substantially regarding the spectral characteristics of the frication noise which, in contrast with the burst for stops, should play a relevant role in potential confusions between palatalized /f/ and /s/ (and between palatalized /v/ and /z/). The reason for this difference lies in that the noise spectral frequency depends inversely on cavities of very different lengths located in front of the labiodental constriction for palatalized /f/ (the front cavity is practically absent in this case) and the apicoalveolar constriction for palatalized /s/. This difference in frontcavity size accounts for why the noise spectral peak for the labiodentals, whether palatalized or not, is generally higher (about 8–10 kHz) than that for the alveolars (about 5–9 kHz) (Fant, 1960: 183, Halle, 1971: 132–3). There is at least one instance where the acoustic equivalence hypothesis may prove appropriate. The replacement of a palatalized labial stop by a dental stop and thus a sound change involving just the place of articulation and not frication may certainly be related to the similarity in the frequency characteristics of the

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vowel formant transitions and perhaps the stop bursts as well (see acoustic details earlier in this section). This change appears to have taken place in the presumably extinct Tetak Czech dialect where [pjet] shifted to [tet] ‘five’, [ˈpjı:vɔ] to [ˈtı:vɔ] ‘beer’, [ˈpjena] to [ˈtena] ‘foam’, and [ˈbjeʒet] to [ˈdeʒet] ‘to run’ (Straka, 1965: 138, Andersen, 1973, 1974: 32, Hock, 2006). In Straka’s study, intermediate forms such as [ˈpcena] and [ˈbɟeʒet] have been assumed for the two latter changes, based apparently on evidence not from Czech but from other Slavic languages. Other possible substitutions involving input palatalized /b/ and output /d/, with apparently no intermediate stages, may be found in the Bantu languages in Table 5.4 (groups 7, 13, 15), and presumably in the Ganagana or Dibo language of Nigeria, where the more widely attested forms [bjè] ‘to sow’ and [bjī] ‘to bury’ with a palatalized labial, which occur in Gawun, Maikonkele, and Kuta, are realized as [djwè] and [djwī] with a palatalized dentoalveolar or an (alveolo)palatal stop (Hyman and Magaji, 1970: 7). For analogous reasons, the acoustic equivalence hypothesis may also explain the replacement of /mj/ with /n/ (Standard Czech [ˈmjεstɔ] ‘place, location’ > East Bohemian [ˈnεstɔ]), and of /mi/ with [ni] and /mj/ with [mnj] (Old Tibetan mig or myig ‘eye’ > Mi-li nie, Rgyarong languages mnyak, Wassu temniak; Ohala, 1978, Beyer, 1992: 17). The sections that follow review sound changes affecting palatalized labials and labiodentals by focusing on a basic mechanism, i.e., hardening of the vocalic segment /j/ or /i/ following the labial or labiodental consonant (also of the secondary dorsopalatal gesture of a phonemic palatalized labial like /pj/) into an (alveolo)palatal stop or fricative. For example, in dialects of Romanian, where the palatal glide may have arisen through diphthongization of Latin /ε/ (˘), as in fier ‘iron’ < ˘ and vier ‘wild boar’ < ˘, we have the changes /fj/ > [fc, fç] and /vj/ > [vɟ, vʝ] in those two lexical forms with replacement of the glide by a stop or a fricative, and /fi/> [fci, fçi] and /vi/ > [vɟi, vʝi] in the case of fin ‘fine’ and vițel ‘calf ’ with maintenance of the high front vowel. Those complex phonetic sequences may undergo further developments such as cluster simplification through C1 deletion, or else changes in C2 manner and place of articulation after the glide has been reinforced into a stop and in place after it has been strengthened into a fricative. These phonetic developments will be analysed step by step for sequences with labial stops (Section 5.2), labiodental fricatives (Section 5.3), and labial nasals (Section 5.5). A detailed analysis of the phonetic realizations occurring at the different stages of the developments in question will prove relevant for establishing an adequate chronology of the temporally successive labial softening phases. The notion ‘glide hardening’, which has been used extensively in the recent literature (see for instance Bateman, 2010), requires some justification. In principle, it appears to be somewhat inappropriate since the occlusivization and fricativization mechanisms of interest may also operate on sequences with high front vowels. Moreover, the term ‘hardening’ could apply more strictly to /j/, which does not show up in the outcoming forms (/fjV/ > [fcV, fçV]), than to /i/ which is kept in them (/fi/ > [fci, fçi]). Operstein (2010: 110) makes the

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relevant point that, strictly speaking, ‘the subject of consonantification here is a palatalization offglide rather than a segmental palatal glide’, which in our view amounts to saying that labials are required to be strongly palatalized in order for obstruentization and fricativization to take place. In fact, this is equivalent to stating that, even in languages or dialects where consonant palatalization is not phonologically distinctive, a similar effect may be achieved when large degrees of gestural overlap between the labial (or labiodental) consonant and the following high front glide or vowel, and an increase in constriction narrowing at the onset of the vocalic segment, are available such that an [j]-like segment may often be heard at the release of the labial consonant. A phonetic, not phonological palatalization effect of this sort has been reported to occur in Educated Cairene Arabic where /t tˤ/ and /d dˤ/ before high front vocoid may become weakly palatalized into [tj] and [dj] (Youssef, 2015). This being said, the term ‘glide hardening’ will be applied throughout the chapter to those sequences composed of a labial or labiodental consonant followed equally by /j/ or /i/ in which an obstruent, i.e., a stop or a fricative, is generated after the labial or labiodental. Sections 5.1 to 5.4 present labial palatalization and assibilation data from several language families, mostly Romance and Bantu. Those data belong essentially to the word-initial and intervocalic positions, unless specified otherwise. A special analysis has been carried out of phonetic transcriptions available for several words in linguistic atlases of Romanian dialects. The words under study are provided next, with the English translation appended once to each lexical item: Petrovici, E. (1956–72) Atlasul Lingvistic Român. Consulted forms: (/pj/) piatră ‘stone’, piersic ‘peach’, pier ‘I perish’, piele ‘skin’; (/pi/) pilă ‘blacksmith’s file’, pir ‘couch grass’; (/bj/) barbier ‘barber’; (/bi/) bine ‘good’, bobi ‘beans, seeds’; (/fj/) fierul ‘the iron’, fiert ‘boiled’; (/fi/) fir ‘thread’; (/vj/) vier ‘wild boar’; (/vi/) vin ‘wine’; (/mj/) mierla ‘blackbird’; (/mi/) mie, ‘thousand’, mijlocul ‘the middle’. Arvinte, V. et al. (1987–2014) Noul Atlas lingvistic român pe regiuni: Moldova şi Bucovina. Consulted forms: (/pj/) pieptene ‘comb’, piele, piept ‘chest’; (/pi/) pistrui ‘freckle’, picior ‘leg, foot’; (/bi/) albi ‘white, masc. pl.’, știrbi ‘toothless, masc. pl.’, limbii ‘of the tongue’; (/fj/) fiere ‘gall’; (/fi/) fir; (/vi/) visez ‘I dream’; (/mi/) mic ‘little’. Cazacu (1967–80) Noul Atlas lingvistic român pe regiuni: Oltenia. Consulted forms: (/pj/) pieptene, piatră, mă pieptăn ‘I comb myself ’, piele, piept; (/bj/) obiele ‘foot wraps’; (/fj/) fiere; (/mj/) miez ‘breadcrumbs’. Neiescu, P. et al. (1969–97) Atlasul lingvistic român pe regiuni: Maramureş. Consulted forms: (/pj/) pieptene, piersici ‘peaches’, capie ‘sheep with dizziness’; (/pi/) piron ‘big nail’, pîine ‘pain’; (/bi) orbi ‘blind, masc. pl.’, slabi ‘weak, masc. pl.’, stirbi, albină ‘bee’; (/fj/) fiere, fin ‘godson’, fir; (/vj/) viespe ‘wasp’; (/vi/) viţel ‘calf ’, vişin ‘sour cherry tree’, vin; (/mj/) miez; (/mi/) mic.

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Rusu, G. et al. (1992–2006) Atlasul lingvistic român pe regiuni: Transilvania. Consulted forms: (/pj/) piele, piept; (/pi/) pisc ‘I pinch‘; (/bi/) orbi, stirbi; (/fj/) fiere; (/fi/) fir, fin; (/vi/) viu ‘alive, masc. sing.’, visez; (/mi/) mic. Teaha, T. (1996–2004) Atlasul lingvistic român pe regiuni: Muntenia şi Dobrogea. Consulted forms: (/pj/) pieptene, piele, piept; (/pi/) picură ‘(the water) drips’, picior; (/bj/) obiele; (/bi/) albină, orbi; (/fj/) fier; (/fi/) fir; (/vj/) vier; (/vi/) vin, vite ‘cattle’; (/mj/) miel ‘lamb’, miez; (/mi/) mireasă ‘bride’. It should be stated at this stage that in Romanian a series of distinctively palatalized labial consonants may originate from either of two sources: (a) In Standard Romanian, a morphophonological rule by which consonants palatalize before the inflectional suffix -i, which may correspond to the 2nd person singular morpheme of the present indicative tense of verbs, to the plural morpheme of nouns and adjectives, and to the genitive case of nouns (e.g., [rupj] Rom. rupi ‘you tear’, [rup] Rom. rup ‘I tear’; [plopj] Rom. plopi ‘poplar trees’, [plop] Rom. plop ‘poplar tree’). As to the words listed above, this rule applies to orbi, albi, stirbi, limbii, and slabi. (b) In dialectal Romanian, before /i/ or /j/ root-internally, as in [vin] Rom. vin ī ‘wine’, [pjept] Rom. piept ‘chest’, which derives from Latin ˘ through stressed /ɛ/ diphthongization, and many of the above lexical items.

5.1 Absence of vocalic hardening The relative independence between the labial and dorsal gestures explains why palatalization is less likely to operate on labial consonants than on velars and dentoalveolars (see (a)), and also why the dorsopalatal component is prone to being implemented through a reduced lingual gesture and even deleted in labial + /j/ sequences (see (b)). In phonemic palatalized labials such as /pj/, the loss of the palatalization characteristic may take place when the primary labial and secondary dorsal articulators are loosely coordinated, as for example, in syllable-final position (Kochetov, 2002: 69–72). (a) Labials have not undergone palatalization historically before /j/ in Romance languages such as Spanish and Portuguese, where this sound change has operated on dental and alveolar consonants followed by /j/ yielding initially (alveolo)palatal or palatoalveolar productions such as [ɲ] ([ɲ] < /nj/, as in Sp. [aˈɾaɲa] ‘spider’ < ) and [ʎ] ([ʎ] < /lj/, as in Port. [ˈaʎu] ‘garlic’ < ). The labial + /j/ sequences in question may have stayed unmodified (Spanish [ˈruβjo] ‘blond, masc. sing.’ < ), or else have undergone metathesis into an [j] + labial sequence, perhaps

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through on-gliding after labial palatalization and thus the development /CjV/> [CjV]> [jCjV]> [jCV]: Portuguese [ˈʁajvɐ] raiva ‘anger’ < ; Spanish [ˈkepa] ‘to fit, 1st pers. subj.’ from *caipa < ; French [kwaf] coiffe ‘coif, headdress’ < ; Old Lombard aiba ‘to have, 3rd pers. subj.’ <  (Rohlfs, 1966: 387). Labial metathesis also occurs in Scottish Gaelic (lùib ‘(of a) blend’, cnaip ‘(of a) lamp’; Gillies, 2010: 240), in the Dravidian language Kota ([kuːjp] < [kuːp-j] ‘blow with breath’), and in Maldivian or Dhivehi where, analogously to Old Spanish and Old Portuguese, coronal consonants palatalize before /j/ ([loːjbːek] /loobi-jek/ ‘a love’; Kochetov, 2016). (b) Instances of glide deletion in labial + /j/ sequences may be found in a number of words in Picard (ape ‘celery’ < , j’esrabe ‘I become mad’ derived from ; Gossen, 1976: 92) and Venetian ([ˈgeba] It. gabbia ‘cage’ < , [ˈsepa] ‘cuttlefish’ < ; Rohlfs, 1966: 387, 400). This simplification process may also occur in Romanian dialects, such as those spoken in the Banat and S. W. Oltenia regions, where labial and labiodental consonants are supposed to be strongly palatalized: /pj/ > [p] ([ˈpele], [ˈpelje] Rom. piele ‘skin’, [pept] Rom. piept ‘chest’), /fj/ > [f] ([ˈfeɾe], [ˈfeɾje] Rom. fiere), /vj/ > [v] ([ver] Rom. vier ‘wild boar’), /mj/ > [m] ([ˈmerkuɾi] Rom. miercuri ‘Wednesday’) (Cazacu, 1967–80).

5.2 Stop sequences Glide hardening in stop consonant sequences may be implemented through the change of the vocalic segment into an (alveolo)palatal stop, thus yielding [pc] and [bɟ], or else through vocalic fricativization into an (alveolo)palatal fricative, thus giving rise to [pç] and [bʝ]. Examples of these phonetic realizations may be found in Sections 5.2.1 and 5.2.2. In all cases, some degree of labial palatalization and thus a high degree of gestural overlap between the palatal glide or /i/ and the preceding labial stop is required for glide hardening to occur, as proven by the fact that an elusive [j] segment may be heard during the transition from the stop to the following high front vowel. This gliding segment has been transcribed in Romanian dialects ([alˈbjinə] ‘bee’, [vjin] ‘wine’ <  in Muntenia; MeyerLübke, 1921–2) and Auvergnat Occitan (Vinzelles [iˈpjina] ‘thorn’ < , [fji] ‘end’ < ; Dauzat, 1897: 30, 35). Even though subsumed under the same conceptual label, the occlusivization and fricativization mechanisms of interest are implemented through different articulatory manoeuvres. Glide fricativization results from an increase in the degree of lingual constriction and glottal opening during /j/ (or at the onset of /i/), which causes the airflow volume and velocity to increase (Ohala and Solé, 2010: 43). Glide occlusivization, on the other hand, is triggered by the cessation of

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airflow exiting the vocal tract whenever a gradual increase in lingual constriction narrowing results in the formation of a supraglottal closure. There have been attempts to relate the two mechanisms, i.e., vocalic fricativization and occlusivization, by deriving the stop from the fricative. This approach, i.e., the vocalic segment becomes a fricative first and a stop in the second place (e.g., /pj/ > [pç] > [pc]), may be found in studies dealing with Romanian dialects (Rankin, 1976, Vasiliu, 1968: 119) and with Greek dialects (see Newton, 1972: 167–8, where, in particular, the change [fç] > [fc] has been attributed to a dissimilatory effect between the two adjacent fricatives). Dialectal material for Romanian and other languages presented next show, however, that it is better to keep glide fricativization and glide occlusivization separate in so far as the two mechanisms usually operate separately either in different languages or else in different dialectal zones within the same language (i.e., realizations such as [pç] and [pc] do not co-occur in a given dialect). Another reason is phonetic: consonant strengthening typically involves changes not from fricative into stop but from approximant into stop (e.g., /j/ > [ɟ]) and from stop into affricate (e.g., /ɟ/ > [dʒ]), while stops may weaken into fricatives or approximants and affricates into fricatives (e.g., /ph/> [ɸ], /d/ > [ð], /dʒ/ > [ʒ]). An apparent motivation for treating glide hardening as a two-step process involving fricativization followed by occlusivization lies in the belief that the replacement of /j/ by a stop should proceed essentially in the same way postconsonantally as it does postvocalically in syllable-final position through the developments [Vj] > [Vç] > [Vk] and [Vw] > [Vx] > [Vk], which have been reported to take place in dialects such as Romansh and are exemplified just below (Andersen, 1988: 68, Montreuil, 1999: 540). However, analogously to the syllableinitial sequences /pj/, /fj/, and so on referred to above, the phonetic realizations achieved through occlusivization and fricativization of the postvocalic glide do not overlap geographically, thus suggesting that, also in this case, the two strategies result from different production mechanisms involving different degrees of supraglottal constriction. Most commonly, syllable-final occlusivization occurs in a stressed syllable before a tautosyllabic consonant, as in varieties of Surmiran Raetoromance where the words for  ‘to sleep’ and  ‘wolf ’ may show the substitution of a glide by a stop (Savognin [durmekr̥], [lokf], Filisur [durmejr], [lowf]; Lutta, 1923: 88, 110). Obstruentization may also consist of the insertion of a stop after a (mid) high vowel in Valaisan Francoprovençal ([nik] ‘nest’ < , [ˈrigva] ‘shore’ < , [kɾuk] ‘raw, masc. sing.’ < ; Jeanjaquet, 1931), and also in Faroese, where the stop has been inserted historically in hiatuses and word-finally in monosyllables ([kɪkv] ‘cow’, [nɛkv] ‘enough’; Petersen, 2002, Árnason, 2011, 31–3, 88). On the other hand, examples of vocalic hardening through fricativization may be found in Danish, where [ɕ] or [k] are inserted syllable-finally after a long high vowel, depending on dialectal area, and also in C. Swedish, where anticipatory glottis abduction and an increase in airflow may

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cause fricativization to occur at vowel offset in VC sequences with an oral stop ([viçk] for [vi:k] ‘a bay’; Millardet, 1911). In addition to the phonetic characteristics of the contextual consonants and the vocalic segment, the glide-hardening mechanism under study may be facilitated by positional prominence. Thus, whenever applying postconsonantally in syllableonset position it is expected to occur word-initially and in a stressed syllable (as for piept and piele in Romanian), while when operating syllable-finally it is prone to showing up word-finally, before a consonant, in a stressed syllable and in monosyllables, as for the Surmiran Raetoromance and Valaisan Francoprovençal examples cited above. Sections 5.2.1.1 and 5.2.1.2 deal with glide occlusivization into an (alveolo)palatal stop and with the change from the stop into a palatoalveolar or alveolar affricate (Sections 5.2.1.2.1 and 5.2.1.2.2). Section 5.2.2 is about glide hardening into a fricative, and Section 5.2.3 on glide hardening in the Bantu languages, which is analysed separately owing to problems in determining whether it involves occlusivization or fricativization.

5.2.1 Occlusivization and assibilation 5.2.1.1 Stop formation In dialects of Romansh, Romanian, Albanian, Greek, Ukrainian, and Udmurt, glide hardening has yielded a stop exclusively or most of the time after which the labial has been maintained or deleted, e.g., /pjV/ > [pcV] (> [cV]) and /bjV/ > [bɟV] (> [ɟV]). Data presented in Table 5.1 reveal that the labial stop has been kept in the dialectal domains appearing at the top of the table, while the complex sequences [pc] and [bɟ] may co-occur with the simplified outcomes [c] and [ɟ] in dialects referred to immediately below. Data from Romanian dialects also indicate that cluster simplification may be lexically determined, i.e., [pc] > [c] is more likely to occur in piept than in piele in Transylvania (Rusu et al., 1992–2006). (Alveolo)palatal stops may have phonemic or allophonic status in those linguistic domains where glide hardening into a stop occurs, which may explain precisely why the output of the hardening process is a stop rather than a fricative. This is the case for Raetoromance dialects such as Surmiran from Bergün ([ˈsapca] ‘to know, 1st pers. subj.’ < , [ˈrabɟa] ‘anger’ < ; Lutta, 1923: 268), Sutselvan localities ([ˈsacas], [ˈsecas] ‘to know, 2nd pers. subj.’ < , [ˈrapca], [ˈravɟa]; Luzi, 1904: 817–18) and Engadinian from Sent ([ˈsapca] ‘to know, 3rd pers. subj.’ < , [ˈrabɟa]; Pult, 1897: 108–9), and also for Greek dialects and Udmurt (see references in Table 5.1). Occasionally the palatal stop outcome is found in the Bantu languages as well (see Table 5.4, group 15). In Gheg Albanian, where voiceless and voiced (alveolo)palatal stops have phonemic status, [pc] and [bɟ] may be traced back to [pj] derived from /pl/ and

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Table 5.1 Glide hardening into an (alveolo)palatal stop in labial stop sequences. The outcomes for etymological /pl bl/ are not included /p/

/b/

Surmiran, Engadinian

[pc]

[bɟ]

Crişana S. W. Udmurt Greek dialects (Cypriot, Chios, Kos) W. Ukrainian (Starjava) areas of Oltenia Moldovan, Transylvania, Maramuresian Sutselvan Aromanian Megleno-Romanian

[pc] [pc] [pc]

[bɟ] [bɟ]

[ptj] [pc], [c] [pc], [c] [c] [c] [c]

[bɟ] [bɟ], [ɟ] [vɟ], [pc], [c] [ɟ]

Pult, 1897: 108–9, Lutta, 1923: 267–9 Rusu, 1983: 101–2 Kochetov, 2016 Newton, 1972: 167 Andersen, 1974: 38 Cazacu, 1967–80 Neiescu et al., 1969–97, Arvinte et al., 1987–2014, Rusu et al., 1992–2006 Luzi, 1904: 817–18 Puşcariu, 1973: 80 Ibid.

to [bj] derived from /bl/, as revealed by the lexical forms [pcak] and [pjak] for /plak/ ‘old man’ and [bɟet] and [ˈbjetə] for /ˈbletə/ ‘bee’ (Thomason, 1986). It should be noted that, unlike the Romance languages (Section 5.2.1.2.1), no intermediate forms [pʎ] and [bʎ] appear to occur in Albanian dialects, which could be in support of a direct replacement of /l/ by [j] through acoustic equivalence and the pathways /pl/ > [pj] > [pc] > [c] and /bl/ > [bj] > [bɟ] > [ɟ]. Glide hardening into an (alveolo)palatal stop may also occur in languages with phonemic palatalized consonants such as /pj/ and /bj/. In the dialectal zones of Romania included in Table 5.1 (Crişana, areas of Oltenia, Moldova, Transylvania, Maramureş), the outcome of the hardening mechanism may be perceived apparently as a palatalized dental, a palatalized velar, or an (alveolo)palatal endowed with a more anterior or more posterior closure location. According to the Atlasul Lingvistic Român (Petrovici, 1956–72), the most frequent realizations are transcribed with the symbols t0 , d0 , which according to the notational conventions stand for [c ɟ], or else with ḱ, g´, which correspond to the palatalized velar stops [kj gj]. In practice, all hardened realizations may be represented with the single phonetic symbols [c] and [ɟ], as several scholars have done (Rankin, 1976) and as is also done throughout this chapter since it is doubtful that even a fine ear could distinguish systematically these shades of sound from one another. In W. Ukrainian places near the Polish border (see also Table 5.1), vocalic reinforcement yields a palatalized front lingual stop ([ptjɛts], St. Pol. [pjɛts] ‘oven’; [ˈbdjawɨ], St. Pol. [ˈbjawɨ] ‘white’). A difference obtains between the labial palatalization outcomes before /j/ and before /i/. Data for Romanian reveal that the glide is no longer found in realizations such as [pc] and [c] of /pj/ ([ˈpcɛle] Rom. piele ‘skin’ < ), while the high

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front vowel /i/ always stays after the generation of the (alveolo)palatal stop ([ˈpcilə] Rom. pilă). This difference leads to the possibility that glide occlusivization operates after an intrusive (palatalized) dental stop has been inserted between the labial and the glide, and, thus, through developments such as /pj/ > [ptj], [pcj] > [pc] (Grammont, 1933: 198, Hock, 1991: 134); according to this hypothesis, the transitional palatalized dental stop in question may be categorized as a full stop, much as other instances of stop epenthesis in consonant clusters such as /ms ml/ yielding [mps mbl] (Eng. [ˈtimpstəɹ] from teamster, Eng. thimble from Old Eng. thymel, thimle). Several facts referred to in (a), (b), and (c) below suggest, however, that there is no insertion of an epenthetic consonant between the labial and the glide, but that postlabial /j/ changes into an (alveolo)palatal stop (/pjV/ > [pcV]) after which the labial may be deleted. (a) A possible indication that [c] has replaced the palatal glide is that the frequency of occurrence of the (alveolo)palatal stop varies as a function of the phonetic characteristics of both the vocalic segment and the preceding consonant. This change is more likely to occur in /pj/ ([pc], [c]) than in /pi/ ([pci]), which follows from the fact that the glide is more constricted than the vowel and therefore ought to be more prone to showing signs of obstruentization. In Romanian dialects, occlusivization applies to words with /pj/ rather than to those with /pi/. Indeed, a considerable number of localities of Transylvania have [pc] and [c] for /pj/ in piele ‘skin’ ([ˈpcɛle], [ˈcɛle]) and [pi] or [pci] for /pi/ in pisc ‘I pinch’ ([pisk], [pcisk]), and the same phonetic difference occurs in the case of pieptene ‘comb’, piersici ‘peaches’ vs piron ‘big nail’ in Maramureş (Neiescu et al., 1969–97, Rusu et al., 1992–2006). In other dialectal regions of Romania such as Moldova, however, [c] shows up with comparable frequency in both sequences /pj/ and /pi/ and consequently in piersic, pier, piept, piele, and pieptene (/pj/) and in pilă, pir, picior, and pistrui (/pi/) (Petrovici, 1956–72, Arvinte et al., 1987–2014). There may also be an interaction between vocalic hardening and the voicing status of the stop, with /p/ favouring occlusivization to a larger extent than /b/. In Romanian dialects, there is a trend for the (alveolo)palatal stop to replace /j/ and to show up between the bilabial consonant and following /i/ in sequences with /p/ rather than in those with /b/, as revealed by data from localities of Transylvania, Banat, Maramureş, Oltenia, and Crişana, as well as from Megleno-Romanian, where sequences with /p/, but not those with /b/, undergo the change (Petrovici, 1956–72, Vasiliu, 1968: 120). In addition to Megleno-Romanian, Table 5.1 also shows that glide hardening into a stop operates only on sequences with /p/ in several Greek dialects. This voicing-dependent difference is determined by a higher oral pressure level, more lip-contact pressure and greater

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airflow volume through a more open glottis at stop release and a more salient burst for voiceless vs voiced bilabial stops, which may result in the formation of considerable constriction narrowing at the onset of the vocalic segment. (b) Another piece of evidence in support of glide hardening into an (alveolo)palatal stop rather than of stop insertion between the labial consonant and the vocalic segment may be sought in the articulatory implementation of the glide. The end product [pt] of /pj/ that we find in Ancient Greek (kleptō < *klepjō ‘I steal’) is more likely to derive from [pc] through the stages /pj/ > [pc] > [pt] than from [pcj]. This interpretation is in agreement with differences in degree of closure fronting for the (alveolo)palatal stop outcome of the hardening process, i.e., the stop may have a /t/-like or a /k/-like characteristic, as revealed by the phonetic symbols which have been used for transcribing it. Moreover, the /t/-like auditory impression of the (alveolo)palatal stop is matched by articulatory data for phonemic palatalized consonants, indicating that the secondary dorsal gesture may be especially anterior when co-produced with a bilabial stop or labiodental fricative. X-ray data for Russian /pj/, /mj/, and /vj/ reveal indeed that the constriction location of the secondary dorsal gesture occurs at about the alveolopalatal zone and thus quite anteriorly (Koneczna and Zawadowski, 1956). In addition, palatographic data for [pj] in Romanian words beginning with /pje/ and /pja/ show that the central lingual constriction at stop release may be located at the postalveolar or alveolopalatal zone and is thus fairly front (Dukelski, 1960). Along these lines, one would expect the (alveolo)palatal stop outcome of glide hardening to be somewhat more retracted when occurring before /i/ than before /j/, as suggested by palatograms for [ci] < /pi/ in Greek words such as πιάνω ‘to hold, to catch’ and πίε ‘to drink, imperat.’ produced by Tsakonian speakers (Pernot, 1934: 77). An additional aspect confirming that closure fronting differences for the (alveolo)palatal stop end product of the hardened glide may be categorized as more /k/-like or more /t/-like is the fact that, in case it applies, affrication may yield the palatoalveolar affricate [tʃ] or the alveolar affricate [ts] (see Sections 5.2.1.2.1 and 5.2.1.2.2). (c) Presumable evidence in support of the stop-insertion hypothesis advocated by Grammont and Hock (see above) is the presence of a transitory lateral consonant between the labial stop or labiodental fricative and following /j/ in cases like the ones described immediately below. It will be argued, though, that these cases may be accounted for too by assuming that glide hardening has occurred instead. A palatalized lateral is found for /pj bj mj vj/ in Old Church Slavic (ljubljɔ ‘I love’ < *ljubjo < Pre-Slavic *lewbhjō(-), and also stavljɔ ‘I put’ and kupljɔ

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‘I buy’; Vaillant, 1950: 68) and in Old Polish (kapjja/kaplja ‘drop of liquid’; Topolińska, 1974: 36). A palatalized or (alveolo)palatal lateral of the same origin shows up in present-day Ukrainian ([ˈterplju] for /ˈterp+ju/ ‘to endure, 1st pers. indicat. pres.’; Shevelov, 1979: 71, Bethin, 1992), Serbian ([grubʎi] for /grub + ji/ ‘coarser’, where -ji is the comparative suffix; Morén, 2003) and Istro-Romanian ([pʎerd] Rom. pierd ‘I loose’ < ˘, [fʎer] Rom. fier ‘iron’ < ˘; Puşcariu, 1973: 81). Slovenian, on the other hand, has the sequences [plj blj flj mlj] ([ˈduplja] ‘hollow’, [ˈgɾoblja] ‘rock pile’; Greenberg, 2000: 74–5, Kochetov, 2016). A similar phenomenon, i.e., the presence of an alveolar lateral in the place of the palatal glide in labial + /j/ sequences, has been reported to occur in Auvergnat Occitan in rising diphthongs generated by the following sound-change mechanisms (Dauzat, 1928: 31–4, 1938: 198–200, 1955): (a’) Diphthongization of mid low vowels, as for the outcome blóu of Occ. bióu ‘ox’, derived historically from ŏ through the successive changes [bwɔw] > [bɥɔw] > [bjɔw], [bjow]. (b’) Mid front vowel breaking before /l/ and /r/, as for the outcome [mlo] of the variant [mjo] of /mɛl/ ‘honey’, which is the Standard Occitan form. Initially /mɛl/ underwent the successive changes [mɛa̯l] > [me̯al] > [me̯ol] > [mjol] > [mjo], and at a later date [mjo] could be replaced by [mlo]. Other Auvergnat Occitan lexical variants are [fla], [plo], and [iˈvla] of [fja], [pjo], and [ivja], which correspond to [ˈfɛre] ‘iron’, [pel] ‘hair’, and [iˈβɛrn] ‘winter’ in Standard Occitan. There are other forms more similar to those for Serbian reported above, such as [pʎjo] and [bʎjœw], derived from former [pjo] ‘hair’ < ĭ and [bjœw] < ŏ (Dauzat, 1938). Dauzat himself suggests, however, that these phonetic variants are better accounted for by assuming that a hypercorrection has taken place on the part of the listener: [j] would have been replaced by [ʎj] or [ʎ], since in the same dialect syllable-initial /pl bl/ have shifted to [pj bj] through the intermediate forms [pʎ bʎ]; therefore, whenever [pj] in words like [pjo] ‘hair’ is judged, wrongly, to derive from /pl/ by the listener, it is replaced by the current realization of this cluster, thus becoming [pʎo] or [pʎjo]. In my opinion it is not necessary to assume that the alveolar lateral [l] has been inserted between the labial and the palatal glide in order to account for the Slavic and perhaps Occitan forms just referred to. Indeed, the presence of a lateral either before or in the place of the glide could occur whenever /j/ hardening results not in a full-fledged (alveolo)palatal stop or

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  fricative but in a stop-like articulation involving an imperfect closure, or in a fricative-like realization with a relatively wide constriction, which is categorized as /l/, /lj/, or /ʎ/ by listeners. This possibility is consistent with the glide-hardening outcome being conditioned by the amount of spatiotemporal overlap between the gestures for the labial and the vocalic segments, and also by the size of the lingual constriction during the production of the palatal glide or at the onset of the high front vowel. Moreover, whether the lateral-like realization occurs between the labial and the glide or in place of the glide may also be associated with the temporal separation between the labial and dorsal gestures.

5.2.1.2 Affrication The (alveolo)palatal stop outcome [c] or [ɟ] of the occlusivization process analysed in Section 5.2.1.1 may turn into a palatoalveolar or alveolar affricate which, in parallel to velar softening, may be attributed to a reinforcement mechanism likely to apply postconsonantally and in strong word positions and prosodic conditions. Sections 5.2.1.2.1 and 5.2.1.2.2 deal with the palatoalveolar and alveolar affricate outcomes of labial stop softening under the assumption that the two affricate realizations may be generated on an independent basis. 5.2.1.2.1 Palatoalveolar outcome The consonant sequences [pc] and [bɟ], generated through glide hardening, may shift to [ptʃ] and [bdʒ] whenever a long and high-intensity stop release is categorized as the fricative phase of an affricate by listeners. Owing to cluster complexity and analogously to the changes [pc] > [c] and [bɟ] > [ɟ], the labial stop segment of the sequences [ptʃ] and [bdʒ] may later be deleted ([pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ]; [bɟ] > [bdʒ]> [dʒ]). It may be hypothesized that the affricate outcome [tʃ] of labial softening may derive not only through the stages [pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ], but also through the pathway [pc] > [c] > [tʃ], and therefore subsequently to the deletion of the labial stop, instead of while the labial stop is still present. It may very well be, then, that whether one or the other development applies, or the two developments apply, depends on the language or dialect taken into consideration. In order to investigate this issue, Table 5.2 shows all glide hardening outcomes for /pj/ and /pi/ in several words in one or more localities of Transylvania (piele, piept, pisc; Rusu et al., 1992–2006) and Moldova (pieptene, piele, piept, picior; Arvinte et al., 1987–2014). Patterns 1 to 11 in Transylvania and 1 to 13 in Moldova displayed in the table differ among themselves regarding the phonetic outcome of at least one word, e.g., patterns 1 and 2 in Transylvania differ in that pisc has [pc] in pattern 1 and [c] in pattern 2, but not in the case of piele and piept, which show the same phonetic realization in the two patterns.

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Table 5.2 Phonetic outcomes for /pj/ and for /p/ before /i/ in several words in Transylvania and Moldova according to Rusu et al. (1992–2006) and Arvinte et al. (1987–2014), respectively. The outcomes [p] and [pj] have been excluded. The symbol [c] is used for both [c] and [kj] in the original sources Transylvania

piele

piept

pisc

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

pc pc pc c c ptɕ pc ptɕ ptɕ pc tɕ

c c c c c c tɕ tɕ tɕ tɕ tɕ

pc c ts pc c ptɕ ptɕ ptɕ ts pc tɕ

Moldova

pieptene

piele

piept

picior

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

c c c c c tɕ tɕ tɕ c c tɕ c tɕ

pc pc c ptɕ ptɕ pc ptɕ c c tɕ tɕ tɕ tɕ

c c c c c tɕ tɕ c c tɕ tɕ tɕ tɕ

pc c c pc c ptɕ ptɕ c tɕ c c tɕ tɕ

Based on the co-occurrence of different phonetic forms for different words, it may be ascertained that the two changes, [pc] > [c] and [pc] > [ptɕ], from which a single affricate may derive have applied in the two dialectal regions of the Romanian language. The former change, [pc] > [c], accounts for scenarios 1–5 in Transylvania and 1–3 in Moldova, in which [pc] and [c] co-occur in different lexical items: the older form [pc] is found mostly in piele, pisc, and picior, while pieptene and piept exhibit [c] systematically. The latter change [pc] > [ptɕ], on the other hand, is consistent with the data for scenarios 7 in Transylvania and 4 in Moldova since in both cases [pc] and [ptɕ] appear in different words; moreover, judging from scenarios 7, 8, and 9 in Transylvania and 6 and 7 in Moldova, there is some evidence that this change has been followed by the replacement of [ptɕ]

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by [tɕ]. Also for the voiced cognate, the co-occurrence of forms with [bɟ] and [ɟ] and with [bdʒ] and [dʒ] in the same or nearby localities is in support of the separate developments [bɟ] > [ɟ] and [bɟ] > [bdʒ] > [dʒ] (Transylvania and Moldova [ˈbɟine], [ˈɟine], [ˈbdʒine] Rom. bine ‘well’; Moldova [ˈʃtirbɟ], [ˈʃtirɟ], [ˈʃtirbdʒ], [ˈʃtirdʒ] Rom. stirbi ‘toothless, masc. pl.’). Other patterns in the table are more difficult to interpret. On the other hand, the coexistence of [tɕ] and [pc] or [c] with no traces of [ptɕ] (patterns 10 in Transylvania and 8–12 in Moldova) could indicate that the affricate [tɕ] has been generated through the development [pc] > [c] > [tɕ], rather than through [pc] > [ptɕ] > [tɕ]; some scholars consider that the former evolution has applied in Moldova and Transylvania ([ˈpcatɾə] > [ˈcatɾə] > [ˈtʃatɾə] ‘stone’; Meyer-Lübke, 1921–2: 7), while others advocate for the second option [pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ] (Vasiliu, 1968: 120). On the other hand, the co-occurrence of [ptɕ] and [c] (patterns 6 in Transylvania and 5 in Moldova) is compatible with the two parallel changes [pc] > [c] and [pc] > [ptɕ]. A development [pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ] appears to have applied to [pj] derived from /pl/ in Gheg Albanian, as suggested by the phonetic variants [pcak], [ptʃak], and [tʃak] of Alb. plak ‘old man’ in addition to the variant [pjak], which is available in the Tosk Albanian dialect (Thomason, 1986, Repetti and Tuttle, 1987: 89). The existing forms [ˈbjetə], [bdʒet], and [dʒet] for Alb. bletë ‘bee’ indicate that a parallel development may have operated on [bj] derived from /bl/. In other Romance languages besides Romanian, the single-affricate outcome must have also been brought about through the diachronic pathways [pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ] and [bɟ] > [bdʒ] > [dʒ]. These developments may account for the existence of [tʃ] and [dʒ] derived from labial + /l/ sequences through intermediate [pj] and [bj] in zones of Lombardy and Piedmont ([tʃeŋ] It. pieno ‘full, masc. sing.’ < , [tʃøf] It. piove ‘it rains’ < *ˈplɔvit, [dʒaŋk] ‘white, masc. sing.’ < Germ. blank) and in Liguria ([tʃeŋ], [tʃy] It. più ‘more’ < , [ˈdʒaŋku]) (Merlo, 1951: 1390, Rohlfs, 1966: 241, 253). The corresponding labial + affricate forms may be found in the canton of Ticino (Isone [ptʃen], [ptʃy], [bdʒeŋk]) and Valtellina in Piedmont ([ˈgabdʒa] It. gabbia ‘cage’ < ). Occitan presents an interesting scenario, as revealed by several bibliographical sources on Old Occitan (Grandgent, 1905: 66, Levy, 1909, Appel, 1918: 88–90, Anglade, 1921: 177–8) and Modern Occitan (Ronjat, 1930–41, chapter 2: 136–8, 249–50). In Old Occitan, the graphemes pch and ch probably reflect the realizations [ptʃ] and [tʃ], respectively, while pi stands for [pj]: ache ‘celery’ < ; crepcha, crepia ‘manger’ < Germ. *krippja; apcha ‘axe’ < Germ. hapja; apropchar, apropiar ‘to approach’ < *appɾoˈpjaɾe; sapcha, sacha, sapia ‘to know, 1st pers. subj.’ < ; sepcha, sepia ‘cuttlefish’ < . After the changes [pc] > [ptʃ]> [tʃ], the affricate [tʃ] gave rise to [ʃ] in Modern Occitan dialects, also represented by the digraph ch (acho Germ. hapja, crècho Germ. *krippja, sache ). On the other hand, /bj/ (also /vj/) must have undergone two separate developments leading to present-day lexical forms with [wʒ] and with [ʒ]:

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(a) /bj/ > [bɟ] > [bdʒ] > [wʒ] and thus, glide hardening followed by affrication and vocalization of a presumably lenited realization of the voiced labial preceding the glide, as in the case of raujo ‘anger’ < , leugier ‘light, masc. sing.’ < *leˈvjaɾju, and abreujar ‘to shorten’ < . (b) /bj/ > [bɟ] > [bdʒ] > [dʒ] > [ʒ] and therefore, affrication of the stop outcome of glide hardening followed by elision of the labial stop and deaffrication of [dʒ] in this order, as in the case of aja ‘to be, 1st pers. subj.’ <  and roja/roge ‘red, fem./masc. sing.’ < /. In other Romance languages and dialects without remnants of intermediate forms such as [pc] and [ptʃ], these complex sequences need to be assumed in order to account for the palatoalveolar affricate and fricative outcomes of labial softening. This is the case for French, where [tʃ dʒ] were deaffricated into the present-day realizations [ʃ ʒ], as for [saʃ] which may be traced back to Old French [ˈsatʃə] Fr. sache ‘to know, 1st pers. subj.’ < , and for [kaʒ] <  and [ʁaʒ] <  as well (Pope, 1934: 129). An analogous development may have given rise to [t:ʃ] in S. Italy (Salentino [ˈsattʃu] ‘to know, 1st pers. indicat. pres.’ < , Calabrian [ˈsittʃa] ‘cuttlefish’ < ; Rohlfs, 1966: 400, Calabrese, 2005: 321–2). As for the voiced affricate cognate, it has been contended by Rohlfs (1966: 387) at least for Liguria and areas of Piedmont that the voiced palatoalveolar affricate derives from [j] through the pathway /bj, vj/ > ([bɟ]? > [ɟ]?) > [j] > [d(:)ʒ], which would explain the coexistence of available forms with an affricate (Old Italian deggio ‘I owe’ < , Ligurian [ˈgadʒa] < , Calabrian [ˈraddʒa] < ), and with [j] (Laziale [ˈkaja] < , Old Romanesco, Abruzzese [ˈraja] < ). This situation is reminiscent of phonetic alternations between intervocalic [bj]/[vj] and [j], which existed already in Latin (/*ˈplɔja ‘rain’, /*ˈruju ‘red, masc. sing.’, /*ˈajo to have, 1st pers. indicat. pres.’, /*ˈaja ‘to have, 1st pers. subj. pres.’), which casts doubt on whether the affricate [dʒ], with which those words were produced in Old Occitan and Old Catalan, should be traced back to [j] or to [bdʒ] ( < [bɟ]). The phonetic developments in Catalan are very similar to those occurring in Occitan: (a) The affricate stayed word-finally after the fall of unstressed final vowels and later became [tʃ] ([rɔtʃ] < , [atʃ] < ), and weakened into a fricative in the word-medial intervocalic position ([ˈpluʒə] ‘rain’, [ˈrɔʒə] ‘red, fem. sing.’, Old Catalan haja ‘to have, 1st pers. subj. pres.’). (b) The complex form [bdʒ] appears to be needed in order to account for lexical forms with [wʒ] such as lleuger < *leˈvjaɾju ‘light, masc. sing.’ and abreujar  ‘to abbreviate’. Another reconstruction problem is posed by Romance languages and dialects in which [Cj] sequences derived from not only /pl bl/ but also /kl gl/ have yielded a

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palatoalveolar affricate or fricative. In Ligurian there is [tʃ] for /pl kl/ and [dʒ] for /bl gl/ ([ˈtʃøve] ‘it rains’ < *ˈplɔvit, [ˈtʃave] ‘key’ < , [ˈdʒaŋku] ‘white, masc. sing.’ < Germ. blank, [ˈdʒɛa] ‘gravel’ < ; Rohlfs, 1966: 241, 250, 253), and in Gallo-Italian dialects from Sicily, [ʃ] for /pl kl/ ([ˈʃanu] ‘flat, masc. sing.’ < , [ˈʃovu] ‘nail’ < ; Repetti and Tuttle, 1987: 94). In an analogous fashion, Old Portuguese had [tʃ] for /pl kl/, which shifted to [ʃ] presumably about the year 1700, the intermediate affricate being still available in N. Portugal and Galician (Galician [tʃoˈɾaɾ] Gal. chorar ‘to cry’ < , [ˈtʃeo] ‘full, masc. sing.’ < , [tʃaˈmaɾ] ‘to call’ < , [tʃaˈβe] < ). Two reconstructions have been proposed in order to handle these data, which are summarized next with reference to the voiceless stop sequences: one option is for /pl/ and /kl/ to have evolved independently of each other through the pathways /pl/ > *[pʎ] > [pj] > [pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ] > [ʃ] or /pl/ > *[pʎ] > [pj] > [pc] > [c] > [tʃ] > [ʃ], and /kl/ > *[kʎ] > [kj] > [c] > [tʃ] > [ʃ], which therefore involves glide hardening in the case of etymological /pl/; according to a second proposal, there would have been a common development for both /pl/ and /kl/, i.e., *[kʎ] > [kj] > [c] > [tʃ] > [ʃ]. The second proposal has been commonly advocated for the outcomes [c] of /pl/ in dialects from S. Italy located south of the mid Abruzzi to S. Lazio and [tʃ] in Sicily as well (Sicily [ˈcɔvi], [ˈtʃɔvi] ‘it rains’ < *ˈplɔvit; Rohlfs, 1966: 253, Tuttle, 1975, and Section 3.1.3.2, this volume). Like differences regarding the frequency of occurrence of glide occlusivization as a function of the phonetic characteristics of the labial consonant, the affrication of the (alveolo)palatal stop end product of glide hardening is prone to operating on sequences with a voiceless labial rather than those with a voiced labial. In Portuguese, assibilation has applied to the outcomes [pj fj] of Latin /pl fl/ but not to /bl/ ([ˈʃɐju] ‘full, masc. sing.’ < , [ˈʃɐmɐ] ‘flame’ < , [ˈbɾɐdu] ‘soft, masc. sing.’ < ; Williams, 1938: 62–3). Likewise, in dialects of Italy, the end products of intervocalic /pj/ and /bj vj/ are [t:ʃ] for the voiceless labial and not only [d:ʒ] but also [j] for the voiced labial, as we have just seen. 5.2.1.2.2 Alveolar outcome The outcoming affricate of the labial softening process may be alveolar, though this option is far less common than the palatoalveolar one. The possibility that labial stop softening may yield an alveolar affricate parallels the velar softening scenario, and suggests that closure location for the (alveolo)palatal stop derived from /j/ in labial stop sequences may differ in degree of anteriority, thus giving rise to a palatoalveolar or alveolar affricate if more posterior or more anterior, respectively. Therefore, as proposed for the velar softening case, we can assume that the palatoalveolar and alveolar affricate outcomes of labial softening may occur independently of each other. The change into an alveolar affricate has taken place in the Țara Oaşului region north of Transylvania where [pc] and [bɟ] have shifted into [pts], [ps] and [bdz], [bz], respectively, as suggested by the co-occurring lexical variants [ˈbɟine],

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[ˈbdzine], [ˈbzine] for Rom. bine ‘well’ and [cept], [tsept], presumably from [ptsep], for Rom. piept ‘chest’ (Meyer-Lübke, 1921–2). Also, old dialects from N. Italy have [ts] for etymological /pj/, though there is no written evidence for the intermediate labial + alveolar affricate forms in this case (Old Venetian saça ‘to know, 3rd pers. subj.’ < , where the grapheme ç corresponds to [ts]; Rohlfs, 1966: 400).

5.2.2 Fricativization An alternative development to occlusivization in labial stop sequences is fricativization, which may be achieved whenever the high front vocalic segment becomes narrowly constricted. The new fricative sound may be initially voiced and turns to voiceless after a voiceless labial stop whenever the intraoral pressure level is too high to allow for vocal fold vibration. As with the occlusivization mechanism described in Section 5.2.1.1, the fricative is found to the exclusion of /j/ in labial + /j/ sequences and between the labial stop and following /i/ (i.e., [pç] in piatră, piersic and [pçi] in pilă, pir in Romanian dialects). An interesting difference between glide fricativization and glide occlusivization is that the labial stop does not usually get deleted once the fricative has been generated and, therefore, that differently from [pc] and [bɟ], there is generally no simplification of sequences such as [pç] into [ç]. A reason for this difference may be that the production of the latter sequences is less demanding than that of the former ones. In principle, a high degree of articulatory complexity for a sequence composed of a labial stop followed by an (alveolo)palatal stop could be associated with the need to form two occlusions at different places in succession and with the considerable difficulty involved in anticipating the activity of the sluggish tongue dorsum for the (alveolo)palatal stop during the preceding labial stop closure. This scenario is undoubtedly in contrast with that for a cluster like /pt/ where the more mobile tongue tip or blade articulator ensures that the labial gesture for /p/ and the apical or laminal gesture for /t/ will be co-produced to a greater extent. Glide occlusivization and fricativization do not usually operate in the same dialectal domains (compare Tables 5.3 and 5.1). Polish, Francoprovençal, and Auvergnat Occitan harden the palatal glide with a fricative, and Romansh dialects with a stop. In Romanian, occlusivization is favoured in Oltenia, Crişana, Maramureş, Transylvania, and Moldova, and fricativization in large parts of Muntenia. Also in Greek dialects, fricativization occurs in E. Crete, S./N. Rhodes, the Peloponnese, Corfu, Megara, Lesbos, Zitsa, Velvendos, Kalimnos, and Santorini ([ˈpçano] Gr. πάνω ‘to hold’, [kumˈbʝa] Gr. κουμπιά ‘buttons’; Newton, 1972: 156, 167), and occlusivization in Chios, Cyprus, and Kos. It seems that even within a specific dialectal region glide hardening may yield a

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Table 5.3 Glide hardening into a fricative in labial stop sequences. The outcomes of [pj bj] derived from etymological /pl bl/ are not shown /p/ Greek dialects (N. Rhodes, Peloponnese, Corfu, Megara, Lesbos, Zitsa, Velvendos) Muntenia Francoprovençal dialects (Vaud, Valais, Fribourg, Neuchâtel) Polish dialects

[pç]

Greek dialects (E. Crete, S. Rhodes) Greek dialects (Kalimnos, Santorini) Auvergnat Occitan

[pʃ] [ps] [pθ, ps, pf] [pð] [pθ]

Haute Loire Occitan Dauphinois Francoprovençal

/b/ Newton, 1972: 156, 167 Petrovici, 1956–72 Gauchat et al., 1925

[pç] [pç] [pɕ, pç, pʃ, ps(j)]

[bʝ, bʑ, bz(j)]

[bð, bz, bv] [bð] [bð]

Andersen, 1988: 57, Kochetov,1998, 2002: 27 Newton, 1972: 167 Ibid. Dauzat, 1938, 1955 Nauton, 1974: 176–7 Hasselrot, 1937: 150

stop or a fricative, depending on subdialect. Thus, in Greek dialects where glide occlusivization predominates, /pj/ has shifted to [pʃj] in areas of Chios (Mirambel, 1952: 68) and to [pʃ] in the Paphos dialect spoken in Cyprus (Nevins and Chitoran, 2008). Table 5.3 also indicates that glide hardening may occur in sequences with a voiceless labial but not in those with a voiced labial, for reasons analogous to those mentioned in Section 5.2.1.1, e.g., in localities of Muntenia, /pj pi/ yield [pç pçi] while /bj bi/ stay ummodified (Petrovici, 1956–72). It is assumed that the fricativization outcome of the glide-hardening process should be an (alveolo)palatal fricative at the start ([ç ʝ]) and that, analogously to those cases where the glide has been reinforced with an (alveolo)palatal stop, the fricative in question may undergo later changes in place of articulation, thus becoming palatoalveolar, dental, or alveolar, even labiodental. Dialectal zones may favour one place of articulation or another, presumably in line with dialectspecific trends in base of articulation (see Table 5.3 and Section 5.4). Polish shows several fricatives, depending on dialect. As to Greek, there is [ps] in Kalimnos and Santorini, [pʃ] in E. Crete and S. Rhodes, and [pç] in most dialectal regions. In Auvergnat Occitan, hardened realizations of the palatal glide are replaced by front lingual fricative articulations, i.e., interdental or bilabio-labiodental as well as alveolar, as in the case of the forms [pθɥow] and [pfɥa] of Occ. pel ‘hair’ < , where, as described in Section 5.2.1.1, a glide has been generated through vowel breaking (Dauzat, 1955). Finally, in Francoprovençal, glide strengthening in rising diphthongs originated from etymological /ɛ/ (˘ ) may have resulted in [ç] or in [θ],

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[ð], depending on dialect: Vaud, Valais [ˈpçɛɾa] Fr. pierre ‘stone’ < ˘, [pça] Fr. pied ‘foot’ < ˘ (Gauchat et al., 1925, entries 77, 407); Dauphinois [ˈpθeɾa] ˘, [bðẽ] Fr. bien ‘well’ < ˘ (Repetti and Tuttle, 1987: 86). Two special cases deserve a special mention. In Francoprovençal dialects, glide hardening into a fricative may also apply to [pj bj], derived from /pl bl/. Data reported by Gauchat et al. (1925) reveal that several Vaudois and Valaisan localities favour the outcomes [pθ bð] (Ormont-Dessus, Château d’Oex) and [pf bv] (Conthey) (entries 10 *ˈplɔvit ‘it rains’, 166  ‘wheat’, 240  ‘full, masc. sing.’, 464 Germ. blank ‘white, masc. sing.’). The high frequency of occurrence of the outcomes [pʎ], [pj], and [pç] of etymological /pl/ throughout the Francoprovençal domain suggests that [pθ] and [pf] could have arisen through the development [pʎ] > [pj] > [pç] > [pθ] > [pf]; likewise, the diachronic development for /bj/ would have been [bʎ] > [bj] > [bʝ] > [bð] > [bv]. As previously suggested (Haberli, 1908), there is no reason, however, for not also having the pathways [pʎ] > [pθ] > [pf] and [bʎ] > [bð] > [bv] and, therefore, the postlabial fricatives [θ] and [ð] derive directly from the alveolopalatal lateral. Indeed, whenever [ʎ] is produced with some friction, the categorization of [pʎ] as [pç] and even as [pθ] seems highly plausible. The latter development appears to be consistent with data reported by Gauchat et al. (1925) revealing the presence in Francoprovençalspeaking localities of [pç] for /pl/ (as in entry 10, Fr. pleut ‘it rains’ < *ˈplɔvit) and [pj] for /pj/ (as in entry 77, Fr. pierre ‘stone’ < ), or else [pθ] or [pf] for /pl/ and [pj] or [pç] but not [pθ] for /pj/. Also in localities from Lombardy in N. Italy, [pj] derived from Latin /pl/ has been replaced occasionally by [pç], [pʃ], or [ps], and [bj] derived from /bj/ by [bʒ]: Prestone [pʃjen] It. pieno ‘full, masc. sing.’ < , [psjøf] It. piovere ‘to rain’ < *ˈploveɾe, [pçɛntsç] It. bianco ‘white’ < Germ. blank; Borno [mʃpeˈni] It. riempire ‘to fill’ from , [ˈpʃaʃa] It. piazza ‘square’ < , [ˈpçøɛr] It. piovere, [bʒaŋk] It. bianco (Jaberg and Jud, 1928–60, maps 366, 819, 1335, 1575, 1680). In view of the presence of lexical variants of these same words with [ptʃ], [tʃ], and [bdʒ], [dʒ] in the same or close geographical areas, the two separate evolutionary pathways [pj] > [pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ] and [pj] > [pç] > [pʃ], [ps] appear to be needed.

5.2.3 The Bantu languages Glide hardening in Proto-Bantu sequences composed of /p b/ and a following high front vowel differs in some relevant respects from the cases subjected to investigation in the preceding sections, 5.2.1 and 5.2.2. In a subset of Bantu languages, glide hardening has yielded a fricative whose place of articulation differs depending on the language. In Table 5.4, these complex labial + fricative end products occur, for example, in Mvumbo ([pf bv], A81), Nyungwe ([ps bz], N43), Tswa ([ɸŝ bẑ], S51), Manyika ([ps̯], S13a), and

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Table 5.4 Typology of labial stop softening outcomes in the Bantu languages according to Guthrie, 1967–71 (in boldface) and Janson, 2007 (in italics). The Tswana and Zulu data have been taken from Cole (1955) and Doke (1954), respectively. Special diacritics appended to the phonetic symbols are not shown. See text for details

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

14

15

16 17

Labio-labiodental Labio-labiodental, labiodental Labio-labiodental, labiodental/palatal Labiodental Labiodental/labio-alveolar Labiodental/labioalveolopalatal

Language code

Language

ProtoBantu *p+i

ProtoBantu *b+i

A81 B75

Mvumbo Bali

pf f

bv bv

H11

Bembe

f, j

bv

B43 E61 G61 S51 N21

Punu Rwo Sango Tswa Tumbuka

f f f f, ɸs f, pɕ

v f ʋ, f v, bz v

Manganja Machame Unguja Kwanyama Rundi Manda Nyungwe Manyika Tswana dialects Ganda Tikuu Ngazija Kinga Ndonga Ngandyera Venda Luchazi Herero

f, pɕ s f, s f ʃ f, h ps s, ps pʃ s s s s θ s sw̯ ʃ θ, s

bv, bʑ f v d vj f, h bz z bdʒ z ð dz s ð d zw̯ z ð, tɕ

S. Sotho Lozi Kwangari

tswh, tʃh c s

tsw’, dʒ zw d, j

Pende Ha Nyankole Kahe Luvale Tswana Zulu Lunda Soko Ganda Makonde Mpoto Bembe Xhosa

ʃ s, h h ʃ ʃ tʃw tʃ’ h x ggj h h j, f f, tʃh

j z z ʃ ʒ dʒw dʒ j

N31c Labiodental/alveolar, dental E61c G42d R21 Labiodental/palatoalveolar D62 Labiodental/glottal N11 Labio-alveolar N43 Labio-alveolar/alveolar S13a Labio-palatoalveolar Alveolar, dental E/J15 G41 G44a G65 R22 R24 S21 Alveolar, dental/ K13 palatoalveolar, R31 alveolopalatal S33 Alveolar, dental/ K21 palatoalveolar, K33 (alveolo)palatal L11 Alveolar/glottal D/J66 E/J13 Palatoalveolar E64 K14

18 Palatal/glottal 19 Velar 20 Glottal 21 Glottal/Ø 22 Other

L52 C52 E15 P23 N14 H11 S41

h h, ø bv v, z, c’

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Manganja ([pɕ bʑ], N31c). In contrast to the process in other language families referred to in Section 5.2.2, it appears that the stop segment may drop after glide fricativization has taken place, which would account for outcomes such as [f θ s ʃ] and [v ð z ʒ], available in Punu ([f v], B43), Herero ([θ ð], R31), Venda ([sw̯ zw̯], S21), and Luvale ([ʃ ʒ], K14). Moreover, the voiceless alveolar fricative has weakened into [h] while the voiced cognate has been kept as [z], as in Ha, Nyankole, Nyambo, and Kerewe (D/J66, E/J13, E/J21, E/J24; Janson, 2007). Glide fricativization after a labial stop has also occurred in Ganagana, a Nupoid language of Nigeria, where forms such as [ēpʃā] ‘moon’ may be traced back to lexical variants without glide hardening available in closely related languages (Gawun, Maikonkele [ēpjá], Kuta [ōpjá]; Hyman and Magaji, 1970: 7). Other Bantu languages exhibit at the same time affricate and fricative outcomes of glide hardening. An interesting case is that of standard and dialectal Tswana, where glide hardening after a labial stop takes place in the following morphological formations (Cole, 1955: 43–4, 107, 193, 203–5, Bateman, 2007: 131–73): (a) Labial stop + causative -ja. Outcome: [tʃw] (/p/). (b) Labial stop + j + diminutive suffix -ana, where j is the natural end product of stem-final i, e, and may also result from the end product w of stem-final o, u through dissimilation. Outcomes: [tʃw pʃ(w)] (/p/); [tʃhw pʃhw pʃh] (/ph/); [(b)dʒw (b)dʒ] (/b/). (c) Labial stop + passive suffix -ja derived from -wa through glide dissimilation. Outcomes: [tʃw pʃw] (/p/); [tʃhw pʃhw] (/ph/); [bdʒw bdʒ dʒw] (/b/). In principle, the reconstruction of the phonetic developments for palatalized labials in Tswana should differ in relevant respects from the ones advocated so far, the reason being that forms with an (alveolo)palatal stop such as [pc] and [bɟ] are practically absent in Bantu, and also in view of the co-occurrence of the stop + fricative, stop + affricate, and single affricate outcomes of the glide-hardening process (e.g., [pʃ], [bdʒ], [tʃw]). The phonetic developments proposed by Ohala (1978) and Bateman (2007: 165–6) to handle this case involve glide hardening into a fricative followed by formation of an affricate through insertion of an intrusive stop and deletion of the labial consonant. This sequence of events is exemplified next for the morphological formations referred to in (a), (b) and (c) above: (a) -/lap+ja/ > -[lapʃa] > -[laptʃwa] > -[latʃwa] ‘make someone tired’. (b) /tshipi+ana/ > [tshipjana] > [tshipʃana] > [tshiptʃwana] > [tshitʃwana] ‘small piece of iron’. (c) /lɔp+wa/ > [lɔpja] > [lɔpʃa] > [lɔptʃwa] > [lɔˊ:tʃwa] ‘be requested’. This analysis, which we adhere to, is preferable to an alternative reconstruction by which the glide hardens into an (alveolo)palatal stop and the stop shifts to

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an affricate (e.g., /lɔp+wa/> [lɔpja] > [lɔpca] > [lɔptʃwa] > [lɔˊ:tʃwa]), the main reason being, as mentioned earlier, the absence of the forms [pc] and [bɟ] in Table 5.4. On the other hand, a problematic aspect in assuming that an intrusive stop may be inserted after glide hardening into a fricative is that stop epenthesis in consonant + fricative sequences is expected to take place whenever C1 is a homorganic nasal, lateral, or rhotic rather than an oral stop: /ms/ > [mps] and /nʃ/ > [ntʃ], as in Landais Gascon [hemps] ‘manure’ <  and [ˈmantʃə] Fr. manche ‘sleeve’ <  (Millardet, 1910: 95–6); /ls/ > [lts], as in Bergün Romansh [caˈvɛlts] ‘hair, pl.’ <  (Lutta, 1923: 244). In addition to Tswana, other Bantu languages and dialects such as those available in groups 6 and 12 of Table 5.4 exhibit labial + palatoalveolar or alveolopalatal fricative sequences from which single affricates (after stop epenthesis and cluster simplification) and fricatives (presumably generated through cluster simplification) should derive. As shown below, all these phonetic variants occur in the Nguni and Sotho languages (Doke, 1954: 39–40, 94, 124, 1926: 139, van der Spuy, 2014: 73): (a) S. Sotho: [pʃ’], [ts’] (/p/); [pʃh], [tsh] (/ph/); [dʒ], [ts’] (/b/). (b) Xhosa: [tʃ’] (/p/); [tʃh] (/ph/); [dʒ] (/b/); [c’] (/ɓ/). (c) Zulu: [tʃ’] (/p/); [ʃ] (/ph/); [dʒ] (/b, bh/); [tʃ’] (/ɓ/). Other relevant aspects of the Bantu languages are worth mentioning. In parallel to Table 4.2, Table 5.4 presents the labial softening outcomes grouped according to place of articulation for several representative Bantu languages according to Guthrie (1967–71) and Janson (2007). We follow Janson (2007) whenever the two sources disagree. Labial softening is always triggered by a high front vowel, which is generally the most extreme vowel variant (*i ̝) but may be the lower variant (*i) as well. The phonetic symbols in the table correspond to *i ̝ and/or *i in Guthrie’s data, and to *i̝ in Janson’s data. Analogously to the velar-softening scenario (Section 4.4.1.1), labial stop softening in Bantu has yielded alveolar or dental affricates or fricatives, rather than their palatoalveolar cognates. Thus, out of about 140 languages which have been surveyed, about fifty show only labiodental fricative outcomes, twenty-five only alveolar or dental affricates and fricatives, and thirteen only the corresponding palatoalveolar cognates; in the remaining languages, Proto-Bantu palatalized /p/ and /b/ have yielded combinations of consonants differing in place and/or manner of articulation. The alveolar end products may be exemplified with Sotho, which has an alveolar affricate for *p and *b before a high front vowel (group 14 in Table 5.4), and with Tswana, which, in addition to the phonetic outcomes referred to above, has [ts] for /p/ followed by the causative suffix -ja and [psw] for the same consonant before the dissimilated form -ja of the passive suffix -wa (Cole, 1955: 193, Bateman, 2007: 166). In Ikalanga, the outcomes of labial softening triggered by a stem-final palatal glide followed by the diminutive suffix -ana are

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essentially [tshw] for /p/ and [dzw] for /ʋ/ (Proto-Bantu *b), and also [ps] and [bz] in a few words ([bepe] ‘calabash’-[betshwaná] ‘small calabash’, [zeʋé] ‘ear’-[zedzwáná] ‘small ear’; Mathangwane, 1996: 128–30). Table 5.4 shows many other Bantu languages with [ps], [s], [bz], [z], and/or the alveolar affricate outcomes of the labial-softening process (see groups 7, 10, 11, 13–16). Glide hardening into an alveolar affricate also occurs in the Nigerian language Nupe, which has [tsw] for /pj/ and [dz] for /bj/, as shown by the form [ētswā] ‘moon’, derived from former [ēpjá], available in Maikonkele and Gawun (Hyman and Magaji, 1970: 7). Analogously to the Bantu languages and for analogous reasons, the phonetic end products of labial stop softening in Tibetan and Tai languages are likely to have been generated through glide fricativization followed by stop epenthesis. Old Tibetan /bj/ has yielded [tʃ] in Lhasa Tibetan and the complex labial + alveolar affricate sequence [pts] in Tzu-ta, as exemplified by the forms [tʃa] from bja ‘bird’ and [ptsjeɾu] from bji-ru ‘coral (Ohala, 1978). As for Tai, Proto-Tai /pl/ has been replaced by [tʃ] in T’ien-chow Tai through the intermediate form [pj], which is still available in Lungchow (Tˈien-chow Tai [tʃaa], Lungchow [pjaa] for Siamese plaa ‘fish’; Li, 1977: 85, Ohala, 1978). Another relevant case is that of the TupíGuaraní languages of the Amazones Mbyá, Asuriní of Tocantins and Wayampi where *epják ‘to see’ in the proto-language has yielded [eˈtsa], [ˈesaŋ], and [ˈesa], respectively (Jensen, 1999: 140).

5.3 Fricative sequences 5.3.1 Occlusivization Sequences composed of a labiodental fricative and a high front vowel or glide may evolve in parallel ways to those with a labial stop and thus, may undergo vocalic hardening into a stop articulation, followed possibly by the elision of /f/ or /v/. The occlusivization process applies in languages and dialects where the palatal glide shifts to an (alveolo)palatal stop after a labial stop as well. This is so for /vj/ > [vɟ] in the Romansh dialects Surmiran ([dziˈəvɟa] ‘Thursday’ < *ˈjɔvja, [pliˈəvɟa] ‘rain’ < *ˈplɔvja; Lutta, 1923: 269), Sutselvan ([ˈravɟa] ‘anger’ < , [liavˈɟa] ‘to relieve’ < *leˈvjaɾe; Luzi, 1904: 818), and Engadinian ([ˈplovɟa] *ˈplɔvja; Pult, 1897: 108). The same change has operated in several Greek dialects, whether on /fj vj/ in N. Rhodes, Chios, and Kos Greek ([fc vɟ]), and in the Cypriot dialect ([fc] for the two sequences), or just on /fj/ in Velvendos ([fc]) ([ˈlafca] Gr. λάφια ‘kids’, [kaˈɾavɟa] Gr. kαράβια ‘boats’; Newton, 1972: 156, 167–8). Also in dialectal Romanian, /fj vj/ may yield [fc vɟ] in localities from Oltenia (fierul, fiere, vier; Petrovici, 1956–72, Cazacu, 1967–80), and /vj/, the (alveolo)palatal stop [ɟ], in other places from Oltenia and other Romanian dialectal regions through the intermediate form [vɟ], which may be unavailable nowadays (Moldova visez,

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Arvinte, 1987–2014; Crişana vier, Petrovici, 1956–72; Transylvania viu, visez, Rusu et al., 1992–2006; Oltenia vierme, Ionică, 1973). See Section 5.3.2 for further changes regarding the end product [ɟ] of palatalized /v/ in Romanian, and Kochetov (2016) for the outcomes [fc] of /pj/ and [vɟ] of /bj/ in Kirundi. The frequency of application of the occlusivization process may vary as a function of the articulatory characteristics of the consonant preceding the vocalic segment. In localities of Oltenia, Moldova, and Transylvania the process may operate on /pj bj/ but not on /fj vj/ or on /fj/. It is therefore the case that glide hardening into an (alveolo)palatal stop is more likely to apply after a labial stop than after a labiodental fricative, presumably since an open constriction at the place of articulation and continuous airflow exiting the mouth during the fricative result in a too unconstricted vocalic segment and an oral pressure level that is insufficient for glide hardening to occur. There are also differences between sequences with /f/ and /v/. As referred to above, in all main Romanian dialects, occlusivization may operate on sequences with /v/, but not on those with the voiceless cognate /f/, which are prone to favouring glide fricativization into [ç] instead. This may be related to the fact that the production of the voiced labiodental fricative requires less airflow and a looser constriction than that of the voiceless fricative cognate. Whenever there is enough air passing through the constriction, as for /fj/ and /fi/, the listener may be able to hear a fricative during the glide or at the onset of the high front vowel (see Section 5.3.2). Otherwise, the absence of much airflow and constriction stricture, as for /vj/, may be interpreted as if the speaker was making an imperfect closure and thus was producing [ɟ] instead of [ʝ]. An exception could be the Velvendos dialect in Greece, with the outcomes [fc] for /fj/ and [vʝ] for /vj/ (Newton, 1972: 156). Other minor phonetic developments, i.e., /fj/ > [ft], [sc] and /vj/ > [zɟ] but not [vd], require some explanation. Analogously to the forms [pt bd] of /pj bj/ (see Section 5.2.1.1), the outcome [ft] of /fj/, which may be found in Oltenia ([fter] Rom. fier ‘iron’; Meyer-Lübke, 1921–2), is likely to be generated from [fc], provided that [c] is articulated with a front lingual closure (/fj/ > [fc] > [ft]). More intriguing are the variants [sc] of the sequence /fj/, which turn out to cooccur with [fc] in the same or neighbouring localities of Oltenia, and the less frequent end product [zɟ] of /vj/ to be found in the same region: [ˈfcjeru], [ˈscjeru] Rom. fierul ‘the iron’ (Petrovici, 1956–72); [ˈfceɾe], [ˈsceɾe] Rom. fiere ‘gall’ (Cazacu, 1967–80); [scer] Rom. fier ‘iron’, [ˈscerbe] Rom. fierbe ‘to boil’ (MeyerLübke, 1921–2); [vɟer], [zɟer] Rom. vier ‘wild boar’ (Ionică, 1973: 90–1). It remains unclear whether [sc] has developed through insertion of a transitional lingual fricative ([fc] > [fsc] > [sc]) or else results from the identification of the labiodental fricative as /s/ ([fc] > [sc]), and a similar remark is applicable to [zɟ] with respect to [vɟ]. In principle, the latter account is not consistent with the spectral differences between the frication noise of a labiodental fricative, whether palatalized or not,

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and that of an alveolar fricative, since the noise spectrum for /f/ is flat or very high frequency and that of /s/ has an energy concentration at about 4500 Hz or a high frequency (see beginning of chapter 5.2). Some scholars have hypothesized instead that [sc] and [zɟ] have arisen from lexical crossing of forms with [fc] and [sj] and with [vɟ] and [zj] (e.g., [fcer] + [sjer] > [scer] Rom. fier ‘iron’, [ˈvɟerme] + [ˈzjerme] > [ˈzɟerme] Rom. vierme ‘worm’; Ionică, 1973: 96). A remarkable aspect is that, in contrast with the vocalic sequences with palatalized labial stops, the (alveolo)palatal stop outcome of glide hardening does not seem to shift into an affricate in sequences in which /f v/ are still present, i.e., [ftʃ] and [vdʒ] are not attested in Greek and Romanian dialects. Again, this restriction appears to be consistent with differences in intraoral pressure and constriction degree between stops and fricatives, namely, a lower intraoral pressure and a more open constriction for the labiodental fricative than for the bilabial stop renders the affrication process of interest less feasible. Since palatalized labiodentals may also give rise to simple affricates, the issue is: where do these simple affricate outcomes come from, since realizations such as [ftʃ] or [fts] in which [tʃ] and [ts] could be traced back to [c] are not attested. Thus, [tsjje] for /fje/ vis-à-vis [sji] for /fi/ has been reported to occur in the Moldovan city of Bacău ([tsjjeɾe] Rom. fiere ‘bile’ < , [sji] Rom. fi ’to be’; Meyer-Lübke, 1921–2), and, in parallel to [pj kj] derived from /pl kl/, the outcome [fj] of /fl/ was reinforced into [tʃ] word-initially in Old Portuguese (Port. [ʃɐjˈɾaɾ], Gal. [tʃejˈɾaɾ] ‘to smell’ < *flaˈgɾaɾe, Port. [ˈʃɐmɐ], Gal. [ˈtʃama] ‘flame’ < ; see Section 5.2.1.2.1). Given that an explanation based on stop epenthesis is not the most likely option (see Sections 5.2.1.1 and 5.2.3 for stop sequences), it is plausible that the simple affricates in question have been brought about through the developments /fj/ > [fc] > [c] > [tʃ], [ts] rather than /fj/> [fc] > [ftʃ], [fts] > [tʃ], [ts], though, in parallel to the diachronic scenario for word-initial /pl/ (Section 5.2.1.2.1), the pathways [fʎ] > [fj] > [kj] > [c] > [tʃ] > [ʃ] or [fʎ] > [kʎ] > [kj] > [c] > [tʃ] > [ʃ] may also be proposed for the Portuguese/Galician dialectal ensemble.

5.3.2 Fricativization Hardening of the palatal vocalic segment preceded by /f/ or /v/ may yield a fricative instead of a stop (/fjV/ > [fçV], /fi/ > [fçi]), after which the labiodental may be deleted (/fj/> [fç] > [ç]). As pointed out in Section 5.2, it is preferable to keep fricativization and occlusivization distinct by rendering the two mechanisms dependent on glide constriction degree rather than assuming, as Newton (1972) does for Greek dialects, that the stop must derive from the fricative ([ˈlafca] < [ˈlafça] < [ˈlafja] Gr. λάφια ‘kids’, [kaˈɾavɟa] < [kaˈɾavʝa] < [kaˈɾavja] Gr. kαράβια ‘boats’; Newton, 1972: 168, 171).

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Glide fricativization in sequences with /f/ and /v/ takes place essentially in the dialects where /j/ shifts to a fricative after /p b/, as in Polish dialects and specific Occitan, Romanian, Francoprovençal, and Greek-speaking areas (compare Tables 5.5 and 5.3). Moreover, a comparison between the two tables reveals that the place of articulation of the fricative outcome of glide hardening is roughly the same whether it occurs after /f v/ or after /p b/; thus, dialects may favour one or more of the realizations [fç fɕ fʃ fθ fs] for /f/ and [vʝ vʑ vʒ vð vz] for /v/, depending presumably on base of articulation (Section 5.4). Labiodental softening is influenced both by the voicing status of the fricative and by whether the vocalic segment is a vowel of a glide. As already referred to in Section 5.3.1, data for Romanian dialects reveal that glide fricativization is more prone to taking place after /f/ than after /v/ (occlusivization often occurs after /v/ instead), which suggests that less airflow and a wider constriction jeopardize the generation of a fricative. Moreover, the fricative end product of glide hardening may be more anterior whenever the vocalic segment is a glide than when it is a vowel, which is in accordance with the articulatory differences between /j/ and /i/ reviewed in Section 4.5.1.3. Thus, according to Hasselrot (1937: 149, 155), in Vaudois Francoprovençal /fi/ has yielded [çi], and [fj] derived from /fl/ the more anterior fricative [θ], presumably through the development /fj/ > [çʎ] > [ç(j)] > [θ] (see Section 5.2.2). Likewise, in the Maramureş region of Romania there is [z] and less so [zj] for /vj/ in viespe, and [ɟi], [zi], and [ji] for /vi/ in vitel and visin ([ɟiˈʃin], [ziˈʃin], [jiˈʃin] visin; Neiescu et al., 1969–97). There may also be differences in

Table 5.5 Phonetic outcomes for labiodental fricative sequences which have undergone glide hardening. The outcomes for Latin /fl/ are not given /f/ Greek dialects (Santorini, Zitsa, [fç] Peloponnese, Corfu, Megara, Lesbos) Francoprovençal dialects (Vionnaz, [ç] Valais; Ollon, Vaud) Romanian dialects (see Table 5.6) [fç], [ç], [ɕ], [ʃ], [s] Polish dialects [fɕ]/[ɕ], [fç]/[ç] Greek dialects (E. Crete) [fʃ] Greek dialects (S. Rhodes) [fʃ] Greek dialects (Kalimnos) [fs] Auvergnat Occitan [fθ], [fs], [ç] Haute Loire Occitan [fð]

/v/ [vʝ] [j] [vʝ], [ʝ], [ʑ], [ʒ], [z] [vʑ]/[ʑ], [vʝ]/[ʝ] [vʒ] [vʝ] [vz] [vð], [vz], [ʝ] [vð]

Newton, 1972: 156, 167 Gilliéron, 1880: 60, Hasselrot, 1937: 155

Czaplicki, 2010, Kochetov, 2016 Newton, 1972: 167 Ibid. Ibid. Dauzat, 1938: 146–7, 1955 Nauton, 1974: 176–7

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reinforcement degree between sequences with /j/ and those with /i/, as shown by the affricate outcome [tsj] of /fj/ and the fricative outcome [sj] of /fi/ in Moldovan localities ([tsjerb] Rom. fierb ‘I boil’, [ˈsjiɾe] Rom. fire ‘thread, pl.’; Meyer-Lübke, 1921–2). A relevant research topic is the diachronic pathway involved in the generation of [s] and [ʃ] from [fç] (/fj/), and the corresponding voiced cognates from [vʝ] (/vj/). In particular, it is worth ascertaining whether the replacement of [ç] by [s], [ʃ] has taken place before the labiodental has been deleted (i.e., /fj/> [fç] > [fs], [fʃ] > [s], [ʃ]) or after deletion of the labiodental (i.e., /fj/ > [fç] > [ç] > [s], [ʃ]). In order to investigate this issue, Table 5.6 presents the phonetic outcomes for /f/ and /v/ before /j/ and /i/ in different Romanian dialects, as reported by the linguistic atlases mentioned at the beginning of the chapter. The phonetic forms in the table may be exemplified with lexical variants such as [fcer], [scer], [fçer], [çer], [jer], [ɕer], [ʃer], [sjer], and [ser] of fier ‘iron’, and [vʝin], [ʝin], [ɟin], [jin], [ʑin], [ʒin], and [zin] of vin. The phonetic outcomes presented in the table suggest that the following developments have taken place. Regarding palatalized /f/, the development /fj/ > [fç] > [ç] > [s], [ɕ], [ʃ] is to be preferred to /fj/ > [fç] > [fs], [fʃ] > [s], [ʃ]. The former pathway is justified by the presence of [fç] and the absence of [fs] and [fʃ], and also by the fact that [ç] often co-occurs with the more anterior fricatives [s], [ɕ], and [ʃ]. In agreement with this reconstructed phonetic evolution, historical data from old Romanian texts indicate that labial softening started out in sequences with /f/, which must have been realized as [ç] (h) at that time, as suggested by co-occurring variants such as hie, fie, and her, fier in Maramuresian texts and Moldovan chronicles from the early seventeenth century onwards (Lambrior, 1877, Rosetti, 1926: 90). Changes involving palatalized labial stops such as /pi/ > [ci] appear in later documents from the seventeenth century (Puşcariu, 1973: 82–5). Another supporting piece of evidence is the outcome [j] in Megleno-Romanian, which may be considered a vocalized variant of the simplified version [ç] of [fç], still available in Table 5.6 Phonetic outcomes for /fj vj/ and for /f v/ before /i/ in Romanian dialects. The less frequent phonetic realizations are enclosed by parentheses, and [fj vj] and [f v] are not reported. The symbol [ɟ] is used for both [ɟ] and [gj] in the original sources

Oltenia Muntenia Transylvania Maramureş Moldova Megleno-Romanian Aromanian

/fj/

/vj/

/f(i)/

/v(i)/

fc, (fç, sc) ç, (fç(j)) ç, ɕ, (ʃ, çj) s, sj, (ç) ɕ (ç, çj) j ç

vɟ (vʝ) ɟ, ʝ, (v)ʝj, (dʒ) ʑ, (ʝ, ɟ) z, (ɟ) ʑ, ʝ dʒ ʝ

---fç, ç ç, ɕ, (ʃ) s, (ç) ç, ɕ j ç

---vʝ, ʝ, (ɟ) ʑ, ʒ, (ɟ) z, ɟ, (j) ʑ, ʝ, (ɟ) dʒ ʝ

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Aromanian; therefore,  ‘iron’ has yielded [çer] in Aromanian and [jer] in Megleno-Romanian, and the corresponding forms for  ‘I boil’ are [çerb] and [jerb] (Puşcariu, 1973: 80). The sound-change scenario for palatalized /v/ summarized in Table 5.6 is more complex. The two developments [vɟ] > [ɟ] > [j], [dʒ] and [vʝ] > [ʝ] > [ʑ], [ʒ], [z] ([j]) appear to be needed for handling the phonetic outcomes in Table 5.6 (Rosetti, 1986: 368, Turculeţ, 1986–7), instead of a single development proposed by MeyerLübke (1921–2), which may be represented as [vʝ] > [ɟ] > [dʒ] > [ʑ], [ʒ], [z]. This possibility appears to be consistent with some dialectal data. For the latter pathway to be applicable one would expect the intermediate productions [ɟ] and [dʒ] to occur relatively often, which is not the case: with the exception of Maramureş, the outcome [ɟ] is quite isolated, i.e., it is found in a relatively small area in Muntenia and Moldova, and only in Crişana and the northwestern area of Transylvania limiting with Maramureş; the affricate [dʒ], on the other hand, occurs in several instances in Muntenia and systematically in Megleno-Romanian ([dʒiw] ‘alive, masc. sing.’ < ). The scenario for palatalized /v/ in Maramureş deserves closer attention. As pointed out above, the outcome [z] is expected to derive from [ʝ]. In fact, phonetic data collected in localities of Maramureş reported at different time periods since the beginning of the twentieth century support the direct changes [ç] > [s] for /fj/ and [ʝ] > [z] for /vj/, with [ç] and [ʝ] being characteristic of older generations of speakers and [s] and [z] of younger ones (Turculeţ, 1986–7). However, data from Neiescu et al. (1969–97) reveal that the situation is not homogeneous since, while words like viespe and vin show mainly the outcome [z] (which matches the [s] of file, fin, and fir), other lexical items such as vitel and visin exhibit mainly [ɟ] and less so [j] and [z]. The co-occurrence of [ɟ] with [j] and [z] in Maramureş, and with [ʑ] and [ʒ] in neighbouring areas of Transylvania (Rusu et al., 1992–2006), suggests that these single fricatives (and also [j]) could also derive from [ɟ] through intermediate affricates. In fact, Rosetti (1926: 117, 120–1) has proposed the phonetic development [vɟ] > [vdz] > [dz] > [z] in order to account for lexical forms with [z] (/vj/). Whatever the answer is, the presence of the alveolar fricative outcome in Maramureş is in line with the occurrence of other anterior consonantal realizations in the same region, which speaks in support of the notion base of articulation (Section 5.4); thus, the sequences [pc] (/pj/) and [bɟ] (/bj/) are often transcribed as pt’, bd’ in this region and as pḱ and bg´ in other regions of Romania. The development of /fj/ and /vj/ offers an interesting scenario in other Romance-speaking zones besides Romanian. In areas of N. Italy we find the outcome [ʃ] of the vocalized variant [fj] of /fl/ i.e., Ligurian [ˈʃuɾa] ‘flower’ < , [ˈʃymu] ‘river’ <  (Repetti and Tuttle, 1987: 93). Considering the evolution of /pl/ (see Section 5.2.2), the palatoalveolar fricative of these forms appears to have been generated though glide fricativization followed by cluster simplification and thus the pathway /fj/ > [fç] > [fʃ] > [ʃ].

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A different development needs to be advocated for the fricative end products [θ], [ʃ], and [sj] in different dialectal areas of Francoprovençal, which, may be traced back to the intermediate and also available (alveolo)palatal fricative [ç]. Here are some lexical examples showing these consonantal realizations: (Franc-Comtois) [fju], [sju], [ʃu], [çy] ‘flower’ <  (Dondaine, 1972–91, map 520); [ʃu] , [õˈʃa] ‘to swell’ <  (Damprichard; Grammont, 1901: 9); Bernese Jura [sjam] ‘flame’ <  (Gauchat et al., 1925, entry 352). (Vaudois, Valaisan) [ˈθãma], [ˈçãma]  (Odin, 1886: 106, Fankhauser, 1910: 328, Gauchat et al., 1925, entry 352, Hasselrot, 1937:149). Since in addition to [θ], [ʃ], [ç], and [sj], /fl/ has also yielded [fʎ], [çʎ], and [çj] in present-day Francoprovençal (see data for Fr. fléau ‘scourge’ <  and Fr. flamme <  in Gauchat et al., 1925, entries 115, 352), the most plausible pathway for this cluster in this language appears to be /fl/ > [fʎ] > [çʎ] > [çj] > [ç] > [θ], [ʃ], [s], though in parallel to other derivations, [θ] in Valais and Vaud could derive from [ʎ] as well through the stages [fʎ] > [çʎ] > [ʎ] > [θ]. The change from [fʎ] to [çʎ] could be attributed at least in part to the influence of [çʎ] derived from /kl/ (/kl/ > [kʎ] > [çʎ]), which has given rise essentially to the same outcomes as /fl/ (Section 4.4.1.11). An analogous phonetic evolution, or else /fj/ > [fç] > [ç] > [ʃ], may have operated in several areas of S. Italy, where lexical forms with [ç] and [ʃ] are also found (Calabrian [ˈçuɾe], N. Pugliese [ˈʃoɾə] < , Abruzzese [ˈʃatə] ‘breath’ < ; Rohlfs, 1966: 247–8). Also in Valais Francoprovençal, the sequence /vj/ has yielded [j], presumably through /v/ deletion, which appears to be in line with the weak frication noise of the voiced labiodental fricative (same references as above). This change may be exemplified with the forms [ˈjadzo], [ˈjadzə] ‘time, turn’ <  ‘belonging to a journey’, and [ja] of [vja] ‘life’ <  and [ˈjẽda] ‘living place’ < , where /i/ gliding occurred after lenition and deletion of the intervocalic labiodental fricative (Gillièron, 1880: 60, Odin, 1886: 100, Hasselrot, 1937: 155). In an area of Auvergnat Occitan and thus not far from the Francoprovençal domain, Dauzat (1938: 148) reports glide hardening into [ç] and [ʝ] in the case of the sequences /fj vj/ and later simplification of [fç] and [vʝ] into [ç] and [ʝ], or else fronting into [fs] and [vz], depending on the geographical zone ([çi] Fr. fin ‘end’, [ˈfsiʎa] Fr. fille ‘girl’, [ʝi] Fr. vin ‘wine’). Other outcomes are [fθ] and [vð] with a labio-interdental fricative, which are supposed to arise from the intermediate forms [fç vʝ] ([fθar] Occ. fèrre ‘iron’ < , [vðar] Occ. verd ‘green, masc. sing.’ < ; Dauzat, 1955). This sound-change scenario may be accounted for through the developments /fj/ > [fç] > [ç], [fs], [fθ] and /vj/ > [vʝ] > [ʝ], [vz], [vð], and appears to be in contrast with that for Francoprovençal and Romanian in that complex sequences like [fs] or [fθ] and [vz] or [vð] are not available in those languages.

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5.3.3 The Bantu languages In parallel to the diachronic pathways which have been proposed for palatalized labial stops (Section 5.2.3), it may be contended that in the Bantu languages the simple affricate end products of palatalized labiodental or bilabial fricatives have not originated from (alveolo)palatal stops. Instead, they may have resulted from glide hardening into a fricative followed, or not, by insertion of an intrusive stop between the labiodental and the fricative, and possible later deletion of the labiodental consonant. Simple affricates in Tswana may arise after the application of the glideformation rules referred to in Section 5.2.3: palatalized /ɸ/ yields [tʃhw], [tʃw], [tsh] before the suffix -ja in causative verbs, [tʃhw] before -ana in diminutives, and [(ɸ)ʃw], [ɸʃ] before the form -ja of the passive suffix -wa (Cole, 1955: 43–5, 107, 193, Bateman, 2007: 131–73). Other relevant forms arise from palatalized /f/ in S. Sotho (outcomes [fʃ], [ʃ]; Doke, 1954: 124) and from palatalized /v/ in Ikalanga (outcome [dzw]; Bateman, 2007: 380). Taking palatalized /f/ as reference (and without considering secondary features such as aspiration), the phonetic developments involved in the generation of these affricates and fricatives should probably be /fj/ > [fç] > [fʃ]/[fs] > [ftʃ]/[fts] > [tʃ]/[ts] with stop epenthesis and /fj/> [fç] > [fʃ] > [ʃ] whenever stop epenthesis does not apply (Bateman, 2007).

5.4 Base of articulation The data for sequences with labial stops and labiodental fricatives presented in this chapter often reveal an effect of base of articulation on the final phonetic end product of the labial softening process. Table 5.7 allows this effect to be analysed with labial softening data for several Romanian dialectal regions. Dialects may differ in respect of whether they reinforce the glide consistently with a stop or a fricative in what may be called a symmetrical relationship regarding manner of articulation. In the cases of both labial stop and labiodental fricative sequences, glide strengthening is performed through a stop in dialects of Romansh, Romanian (Oltenia, see Table 5.7) and Greek (Cypriot, Chios, Kos), and through a fricative in dialects of Greek (including Peloponnese), Polish, Francoprovençal, N. Occitan, and Romanian (Muntenia 2, see Table 5.7). In other dialects, glide reinforcement processes in stop and fricative sequences do not run in parallel and, therefore, a symmetrical relationship may only hold between the voiceless and voiced cognates within consonants of each of the two manners of articulation. In some of the Romanian dialectal scenarios in Table 5.7, the glide tends to become a stop after a stop and a fricative after a fricative (mostly /f/). Thus, the prevailing end products for palatalized /p/, /b/, /f/, and /v/ are essentially [pc], [bɟ], [s], and [ɟ]/[z] in Maramureş, [c], [ɟ], [ç]/[ɕ], and [ɟ]/[ʑ] in

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Table 5.7 Major phonetic outcomes for labial stop and labiodental fricative sequences in Romanian dialects. Phonetic outcomes which coincide with those appearing in the first row are not reported

1. Transylvania 2. Transylvania 3. Transylvania 4. Transylvania Maramureş Oltenia 1. Moldova 2. Moldova 1. Muntenia 2. Muntenia 3. Muntenia 4. Muntenia

/pj/

/p(i)/

/bj/

/b(i)/

pc, c ptɕ, tɕ pc, c ptɕ, tɕ c, (pc) c, (pc) c ptɕ, tɕ

pc, ts

bɟ

pc, c bdʒ pc

bɟ, ɟ

c bdʒ, dʒ

pç c c

pç c c

bɟ, ɟ bɟ ɟ

ɟ ɟ

ɟ ɟ

/fj/

/f(i)/

ç, (ʃ, ɕ) ɕ sj, s fc ç(j), ɕ ɕ fç fçj

ç, (ʃ, ɕ) ɕ s ç, ɕ ɕ fç fç

ç

ç

/vj//

/v(i)/

z(j)

ʝ, ɟ, ʑ ʑ ɟ, z

ɟ, (vʝj) vʝj ʝ(j) ʝ(j)

ɟ, ʑ ʑ, (ɟ) ɟ, vʝ vʝ j, ʝ ʝ

Moldova 1, [c], [ɟ], [ç], and [ʝ] in Muntenia 4, [pc], [bɟ], [ç], [ʝ]/[ɟ]/[ʑ] in Transylvania 3, and [ptɕ], [bdʒ], [ɕ], and [ʑ] in Transylvania 4 and Moldova 2. Glide strengthening may operate only in stop or fricative sequences in other dialectal zones, i.e., in sequences with a stop in Transylvania 1, 2 (/pj/ > [pc], [ptɕ]) or in those with a labiodental fricative in Muntenia 1 (/fj/ > [fç], /vj/ > [ɟ], [vʝ]). A few special cases may be found in Greek: /pj fj vj/ yield [pç fc vʝ] in Velvendos and [pç fc vɟ] in N. Rhodes. Dialects may also differ in respect of whether they allow complex stop + affricate sequences (Transylvania 1–4, Maramureş, Moldova 2) or not (Moldova 1, Muntenia 3–4). Base of articulation may also account for similarities in place of articulation. In the Bantu languages, both labialized /p/ and /b/ have yielded alveolar and dental and, less so, more retracted affricates and fricatives, depending on the language. Also in other language families, the fricative and affricate outcomes of palatalized labial stops and labiodental fricatives may be either palatoalveolar and (alveolo)palatal or else alveolar and dental. Just to exemplify this point with data for /pj/ and /fj/, there are [pç] and [fç] in Muntenia 2, [pç] and [ç] in Vaudois and Valaisan Francoprovençal, [ptɕ] and [ɕ] in Transylvania 4, [pθ, ps] and [fθ, fs] in Auvergnat Occitan, and [ps] and [fs], [pʃ] and [fʃ], or [pç] and [fç] in Greek, depending on dialect.

5.5 Nasal sequences Palatalized /m/ may undergo glide occlusivization, which should be triggered by a predorsal constriction in conjunction with the presence of a complete closure at

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Table 5.8 Phonetic outcomes for [mɟ] derived from /mj/ and /mi/ Greek dialects Sutselvan Kirundi, Udmurt Tzu-ta, Tibetan Polish dialects Romanian dialects Czech Calabrian Aromanian Bantu languages (S. Sotho, Nguni, Ikalanga, Tswana, Zulu)

[mɲ] [mɲ] [mɲ] [mɲ] [mɲ], [ɲ] [mɲ], [ɲ] [mɲ], [ɲ] [ɲ:] [ɲ] [ɲ]

Newton, 1972: 156, 167 Luzi, 1904: 819 Kochetov, 2016 Ohala, 1978 Czaplicki, 2013: 465 Petrovici, 1956–72 Straka, 1965: 138 Rohlfs, 1966: 398 Densusianu, 1997: 291 Doke, 1954: 94, 124, 1926: 139, Cole, 1955: 44, Bateman, 2007: 484, Kochetov, 2016

the lips, though not by a high intraoral pressure level, since the continuous passage of air through the nose prevents a significant intraoral pressure rise from occurring during the closing phase of the nasal. The sequence [mɟ] is found in the Raetoromance dialects Surmiran ([vanˈdɛmɟa] ‘grape harvest’ < ; Lutta, 1923: 269), Sutselvan ([ˈsemɟa] ‘monkey’ < ; Luzi, 1904: 819) and Engadinian ([ˈʃimɟa] < ; Pult, 1897: 108). The complex sequence [mɟ] often shifts to [mɲ] through progressive manner assimilation, as for [ˈmnjasə] Rus. myaso ‘meat’ and [ˈpamnjɪtj] Rus. pamyat’ ‘memory’ in Ukrainian dialects (Shevelov, 1979: 503). In Table 5.8 the top dialects have stopped at this stage and thus show the phonetic outcome [mɲ] of palatalized /m/. At a later date, the labial may drop ([mɟ] > [mɲ] > [ɲ]), as for [ˈɲerla] for mierla ‘blackbird’ <  in locations of Moldova (Petrovici, 1956–72). Table 5.8 presents a number of languages and dialects where the phonetic outcomes of palatalized /m/ may be either [mɲ] and [ɲ], or else only [mɲ] or [ɲ]. In the Bantu languages referred to in the table, the outcome [ɲ] is often morphophonologically conditioned. Glide reinforcement may also be followed by affrication of the voiced (alveolo)palatal stop and thus the change [mɟ] > [mdʒ ndʒ]. This development may be found in Old French, where the end product [ndʒ] of Latin /mj/ and /mnj/ underwent deaffrication into [nʒ] ([sɔ̃ˈʒe] Fr. songer ‘to dream’ < , [vɑ̃ nˈdɑ̃ ʒ] Fr. vendange < , [sɛ̃ʒ] Fr. singe < ; Pope, 1934: 129, La Chaussée, 1982: 79). Old Occitan and modern Occitan dialects offer an interesting case, in that /mj/ developed into [mɲ] and [ɲ], and /m:j/ derived from Latin /mbj/, /mmj/, and /mnj/ into [mdʒ] and [ɲdʒ] as well (Grandgent, 1905: 65, Levy, 1909, Appel, 1918: 86–7, 89, Anglade, 1921: 178, Ronjat, 1930–41, chapter 2: 254–5): vende[mj]a, vende[mɲ]a,

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vende[ɲ]a ; ca[mbj]ar, ca[ɲdʒ]ar, ca[mdʒ]ar ‘to change’ < ; plo[mbj]ar, plo[ɲ]ar, plo[ɲdʒ]ar ‘to plunge’ < *plumˈbjaɾe; co[mj]at, co[ɲdʒ]at, co[mɲ]at ‘leave, permit’ < ; so[mj]ar, so[mnj]ar, so[ɲ]ar, so[mɲ]ar, so[ɲdʒ]ar < . In order to account for this difference it may be hypothesized that the glide was more constricted and thus more prone to shifting to an affricate when preceded by a long nasal than by a simple nasal. Therefore only in the former case was the glide hardening end product [ɟ] able to undergo affrication into [dʒ]. A relevant issue is the relationship between vocalic obstruentization after a labial stop and that after a labial nasal. Data for Romanian dialects taken from the Atlasul Lingvistic Român (Petrovici, 1956–72) and other regional atlases show that obstruentization runs in parallel in the two sequences, i.e., [mɲ] for palatalized /m/ co-occurs with the realization [pc] (also with [ptɕ]) of palatalized /p/, and in places where [mɲ] has simplified into [ɲ] the complex sequence [pc] has become [c] (and also [tɕ]). This finding appears to be more in line with the effect of symmetry and base of articulation than with the production constraints involved in so far as a higher intraoral pressure level and a narrower lingual constriction for the vocalic segment in sequences with the oral stop than in those with the nasal ought to result in higher chances of both glide hardening and cluster simplification.

5.6 Summary Data provided in Chapter 5 reveal that labial stops and labiodental fricatives palatalize and assibilate less frequently than velar and dental stops, which follows from the fact that the labial and dorsal articulators move independently. This also explains why the vocalic element may drop and therefore /pj/ or /pj/ may shift to [p]. Most (not all) diachronic pathways for palatalized labial stops and nasals and labiodental fricatives formulated in the preceding sections have been included in Table 5.9, with the earlier forms on the left of the table and the most recent ones on the right. The phonetic developments presented in the table correspond to labials and labiodentals before a high front vocoid (non-Bantu languages, top; Bantu languages, middle), and to the syllable-onset clusters /pl bl fl/ in the Romance languages (bottom). For the sake of simplification, we assume that /p b f v/ + /j/ behave essentially like /p b f v/ + /i/ and refer only to the former sequences in this section. The first remark to be made is that labial softening proceeds through complex pathways for the most part and thus involves several successive changes. These complex pathways are very much suggestive of an articulation-based interpretation of sound change. Regarding the /Cj/ sequences in non-Bantu languages (see the top panel of the table), labial softening may involve glide occlusivization into an (alveolo)palatal

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Table 5.9 Possible phonetic developments for palatalized labial and labiodental consonants identified in Chapter 5. Data correspond to labials and labiodentals before a high front vocalic segment in non-Bantu languages (top) and Bantu languages (middle), and to the syllable-onset clusters /pl bl fl/ in Romance (bottom). /Cj/ sequences (non-Bantu languages) /pj/

pc

/bj/

pç bɟ

/fj/

bʝ fc

>c > ptʃ, pts > pt > pʃ, ps, pθ, pf >ɟ > bdʒ, bdz > bd > bʒ, bz, bð, bv > ft > sc >ç > fʃ, fs, fθ >ɟ > zɟ >ʝ > vʒ, vz, vð > mɲ > mdʒ

fç /vj/

vɟ vʝ

/mj/

mɟ

> tʃ, ts > tʃ, ts >t

>ʃ >ʃ

> dʒ, dz > dʒ, dz >d

>ʒ >ʒ

> j, ʃ, s > dʒ, j > ʒ, z > ʒ, z >ɲ > ndʒ

/Cj/ sequences (Bantu languages) /pj/

pç

> pʃ, ps, pθ, pf

/bj/

bʝ

> bʒ, bz, bð, bv

/fj/

fç

> fʃ

/vj/ /mj/

vʝ mɟ

> vz > mɲ

> ʃ, s, θ, f > ptʃ, pts > v, z, ð, ʒ > bdʒ, bdz >ʃ > ftʃ, fts > vdz >ɲ

> tʃ, ts > dʒ, dz > tʃ, ts > dz

/Cl/ sequences /pl/

/bl/

/fl/

pʎ

bʎ

fʎ

> pj

> pc

> kʎ > pç > bj

> pç > kj > pθ, pf > bɟ

> bʝ > fj

> bʝ > bð, bv > fc > fç

> kʎ > çʎ > fç

> kj > çj > fθ

>c > ptʃ > pʃ, ps, pθ, pf >c >ɟ > bdʒ > bʒ, bð, bv >c >ç > fʃ > fs, fθ >c >ç >θ

> tʃ

>ʃ

> tʃ

>ʃ

> dʒ

>ʒ

> tʃ, ts >ʃ >ʃ > tʃ > ʃ, sj, θ

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stop and fricativization into an (alveolo)palatal fricative when the consonant preceding the glide or vowel is an obstruent (/p b f v/), occlusivization only if it is a nasal (/m/). As shown in the preceding sections in this chapter, the extent to which glide hardening applies is conditioned by the articulatory and aerodynamic characteristics of the meeting segments: it is more likely to occur in sequences with /j/ than in those with /i/, in sequences with voiceless vs voiced labial stops and with labial stops vs labiodental fricatives, and in strong positions such as word-initially and in stressed syllables. For the most part, glide hardening proceeds through different mechanisms after /f/ and /v/, which favour glide fricativization and glide occlusivization, respectively. The table also shows that the (alveolo)palatal stop outcome of the occlusivization process may shift to an affricate whenever C1 is a labial stop or a nasal, thus generating complex labial + affricate sequences. Affrication yields [ptʃ bdʒ] and, in contrast with velar softening, only rarely [pts bdz] (sequences like [ftʃ] and [vdʒ] do not occur). Moreover, the affrication process is more likely to operate in sequences with /p/ than in those with /b/, and presumably in strong rather than weaker word/utterance positions. Cluster simplification through C1 elision may occur after glide hardening into an (alveolo)palatal stop or after the (alveolo)palatal stop has changed into an affricate ([pc] > [c] > [tʃ] or [pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ]). On the other hand, the outcomes [pç bʝ fç vʝ] of glide hardening through fricativization may front the place of articulation of the fricative while C1 is still present (e.g., [pç] > [pʃ ps pθ]). Labial stops are deleted more often before the stop than the fricative outcome of glide hardening, and in sequences which have been hardened through glide fricativization, cluster simplification is less prone to occuring after a stop than after a fricative. Single alveolar and palatoalveolar fricatives ([s], [ʃ]) may derive both from [ç] or else from an affricate (e.g., /fj/ > [fç] > [ç] > [ʃ] or /pj/ > [pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ] > [ʃ]). As shown in the middle panel of the table, in the Bantu languages, glide hardening is implemented through glide fricativization, after which stop epenthesis may give rise to stop/fricative +affricate sequences. At a later stage, stop/ fricative +fricative and stop/fricative +affricate sequences may undergo simplification into single fricatives and affricates, respectively. The development of the syllable-onset clusters /pl bl fl/ shown at the bottom panel of the table does not differ substantially from that of /p b f/ before a high front vocalic segment, displayed at the top panel, since /pl bl fl/ often become [pj bj fj] before undergoing other changes. In addition to other differences, a relevant characteristic regarding the development of /Cl/ onset clusters is that front lingual fricatives may arise from [ʎ] and thus not necessarily from [j] (e.g., /fl/ > [fʎ] > [fθ] > [θ]). Dialects may implement the labial and labiodental sequences of interest through analogous production mechanisms, which is in support of the notion base of articulation. Section 5.4 reveals indeed that vocalic sequences with labials

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and labiodentals may all reinforce the glide with a stop or with a fricative, and allow complex clusters (e.g., [pc], [ptʃ]) or not (e.g., [c], [tʃ]). Base of articulation is also apparent in the case of the place of articulation of the affricate and fricative outcomes of labial softening and thus, whether these outcomes are palatoalveolar or (alveolo)palatal in some dialects and alveolar or dental in others.

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6 Conclusion The goal of the present book has been to investigate the phonetic motivation for the palatalization and assibilation processes of velar and labial obstruents and the intermediate stages involved, using different sources of evidence, whether historical, dialectal, phonetic, or phonological. Several arguments have been provided in Chapters 2, 3, and 4 in support of the articulation-based account of velar palatalization and velar softening and, therefore, of the notion that the phonetic outcomes of these sound change processes should derive through intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop realizations differing in degree of closure fronting. It has been argued that production constraints based on the anatomical characteristics of the hard palate and the tongue-dorsum surface account for the fact that the most frequent closure location for (alveolo)palatal stops in the world’s languages is at the alveolopalatal zone and that the realization of these consonants may be so variable articulatorily. The same characteristics may also explain why the most frequent affricate end product of velar softening is palatoalveolar, and why affrication may be considered to be an intrinsic property of (alveolo)palatal stops in a considerable number of languages and dialects. Several pieces of evidence have been adduced in support of the articulationbased account of velar softening. In the first place, (alveolo)palatal stops have been shown to be replaced by front lingual affricates from one generation of speakers to another (Macedonian, Albanian, and Raetoromance dialects), and the stops in question to co-occur with affricate realizations in specific dialectal zones, whether before a front vocalic segment (French, Francoprovençal, Occitan, and Romanian dialects), before /a/ (Picard, Norman), and before /a/ and word-finally (Raetoromance dialects). Additional evidence may also be sought in the existence of a close relationship between the specific velar softening outcomes and presumable articulatory differences in the intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop realizations, such as, for example, more anterior and/or stronger affricate or fricative end products for Latin /kj/ than for Latin /ki ke/ in intervocalic position in Romance, which ought to be attributed to differences in closure location for [c]. Another relevant aspect concerns the direction of velar palatalization and stop affrication processes: while regressive front velar palatalization may operate before front vowels or high front vocoids, this change applies only after high front vocalic segments when taking place at the progressive level. This finding is consistent with production data showing that the strength of the carry-over coarticulatory effects

Phonetic Causes of Sound Change: The Palatalization and Assibilation of Obstruents. Daniel Recasens, Oxford University Press (2020). © Daniel Recasens. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198845010.001.0001

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exerted by (alveolo)palatals on other phonetic segments is correlated with an increase in tongue constriction degree and, thus, with the prominence of the tongue-dorsum raising and fronting gesture. The salience of the carry-over effects associated with (alveolo)palatal segments may also account for /a/ raising and possible glide insertion in word-initial stressed CV syllables with an (alveolo)palatal stop. Another relevant argument in support of the articulation-based account of velar softening is the independent development of the affricate outcomes [tʃ] and [ts] issued from the intermediate realization [c], which is in line with different degrees of closure fronting for the (alveolo)palatal stop and thus the chances that it may be categorized as alveolar or palatoalveolar. Thus, in support of this independent development there is the lack of overlap between the dialectal zones where the two affricate outcomes occur (e.g., in the Francoprovençal domain), and also the existence of a considerable number of languages with the outcome [ts] and no signs of an intermediate palatoalveolar affricate (Old Slavic, Ancient Greek dialects, Old Frisian, W. Romance, several Bantu languages, Albanian, Armenian, Avestan, Old Persian, Latvian). Support for a direct development [c] > [ts] also derives from the fact that in Navajo and Surmiran Raetoromance the existing phoneme /tʃ/ has not been affected by this specific assibilation process and thus has stayed palatoalveolar instead of becoming alveolar. In sum, the choice of more anterior or posterior affricate and fricative outcomes of velar softening in given dialects appears to be determined to a large extent by base of articulation and, therefore, by the trend to favour a specific place or manner of articulation outcome for etymological velars and possibly for other etymological consonants such as dentoalveolars and palatals. In particular, alveolar and dental outcomes for some or all of these consonantal sources are favoured in dialects of Occitan, Francoprovençal, N. Italy, Ladin, and Greek, as well as in a large number of Bantu languages. The articulation-based account of velar softening is also consistent with higher chances that the process applies as the degree of articulatory and acoustic prominence of the intermediate (alveolo)palatal stop consonant increases (and therefore the stop is strengthened). Among those acoustic cues which render [c] confusable with a front lingual affricate, there is burst intensity, and also burst duration, which in several languages and dialects happens to be intermediate between the duration of the burst of a front velar stop and the duration of the affricate frication noise. As to sequences with an (alveolo)palatal stop followed by /a/, the prominent [j]-like CV transitions may be integrated as the palatal glide [j] and contribute to velar palatalization and affrication whenever corresponding to a sufficiently constricted vocal tract. An increase in prominence of the acoustic attributes of both a velar stop and [c] and, therefore, the chances that /k/ shifts to [c] and [c] is categorized as an affricate by listeners, may occur at the edges of words and postconsonantally, as

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opposed to the word-medial intervocalic position where the (alveolo)palatal stop and palatoalveolar affricate may be weakened into [j] and [ʒ], respectively. Both word-initially and word-finally, an increase in tongue-to-palate contact size goes hand in hand with an increase in burst prominence. In particular, velar palatalization and affrication may occur in word-final position (Raetoromance dialects, Lombard, Old English) in spite of this position’s being characterized traditionally as weak for other consonant classes, such as apicals and laminals; moreover, the reason why velar softening may yield the (alveolo)palatal fricative [ç] instead of the affricate cognate at the end of words appears to be that final lengthening causes the stop burst to be particularly long. The articulatory and acoustic characteristics of the (alveolo)palatal stop are also likely to become more prominent in stressed than in unstressed syllables, which explains why word-initial velar palatalization may take place in the former syllable condition, but not in the latter, in dialectal zones of Raetoromance. Differences in articulatory and acoustic prominence and in aerodynamic constraints may also explain why voiceless stops, rather than voiced stops, undergo velar palatalization and affrication. In the light of results from perception experiments, it has been hypothesized that (alveolo)palatal stop affrication is most likely to take place word-initially in V#CV sequences (and word-finally in VC#V sequences), presumably when [c] belongs to a stressed syllable. The main reason for this hypothesis lies in the fact that, as suggested by data for Nepali and Cretan Greek, the intensity level of the (alveolo)palatal stop burst becomes particularly high when the target consonant is flanked by two vowels. Therefore, in those sequence structures, the target consonant is reinforced articulatorily and has a maximal burst duration in so far as it occurs at the edges of words, while also exhibiting a high intensity burst since it occurs intervocalically. More experimental work needs to be carried out in order to elicit those contextual, positional, and prosodic factors which render velar softening feasible, and the relative contribution of the different (alveolo)palatal stop acoustic cues to the softening process in each of these contextual, positional, and prosodic conditions. While several scholars (including the present writer) believe that velar softening is a case of segmental strengthening likely to occur word-initially, word-finally, postconsonantally, and in stressed syllables, others think that it should be treated as an instance of segmental weakening, by which stops become more affricate-like and thus more prone to being categorized as affricates when located in the word-medial intervocalic position and syllable-finally. In order to throw light on this issue, data on the articulatory and acoustic realization of (alveolo)palatal stops, whether more stop-like or more affricate-like, should be gathered in order to elicit how the relative prominence of the closing and burst phases varies as a function of word position, speech tempo, and stress. Perceptual testing of the relative salience of acoustic cues should provide informative answers about those mechanisms which are used by speakers for identifying (alveolo)palatal

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stops as affricates whenever the environmental conditions change. Another research topic of interest is the study of those factors which induce velar palatalization and velar softening in word-final position, including the carry-over coarticulatory effects exerted by the preceding front vocalic segment. Chapter 5 provides evidence for the articulatory motivation of labial softening in languages exhibiting diachronic pathways with several intermediate articulatory stages. Two glide-strengthening strategies have been identified, i.e., occlusivization and fricativization, whose implementation depends on the degree of glide constriction and the articulatory and aerodynamic demands for the labial or labiodental consonant. Dialects may choose one glide-hardening strategy or another and exhibit, in parallel to the velar-softening scenario, different degrees of fronting for the affricate or fricative outcome of labial softening. Further research should contribute to determining whether the affricate or fricative end products of labial softening are more likely to be achieved through simplification of a complex cluster ([pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ]; [fç] > [fʃ] > [ʃ]) or from a simple (alveolo)palatal stop or fricative after cluster simplification has taken place ([pc] > [c] > [tʃ]; [fç] > [ç] > [ʃ]). Another relevant issue to be further investigated is that of the mechanisms used by languages for converting palatalized labials into affricates or fricatives. Most languages favour glide hardening into an (alveolo)palatal stop or fricative followed by stop affrication and cluster simplification in the former case (/pj/ > [pc] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ]; /pj/ > [pç] > [pʃ]). Bantu languages, on the other hand, appear to prefer glide fricativization followed by stop epenthesis and cluster simplification (/pj/ > [pç] > [pʃ] > [ptʃ] > [tʃ]). Moreover, in syllable-onset clusters with /l/ such as /pl/, frication may be generated through glide hardening (and thus after /pl/ becomes [pj]) but also from the alveolopalatal lateral outcome of /l/ (/pl/ > [pʎ] > [pç]). It therefore appears that the labial-softening process may proceed through different pathways depending on the dialect or language taken into consideration and, therefore, that speakers may use different production and perceptual strategies for converting a palatalized labial or labiodental into an affricate or a fricative outcome. In view of the fact that the reconstruction of the intermediate stages of the labial-softening process may be to some extent uncertain, a future research goal is to investigate the motivation for these stages in specific languages based on descriptive and experimental sources of evidence. The findings reported in the book support for the most part the Neogrammarian model of sound change and, therefore, the ‘CHANCE’ mechanism of Evolutionary Phonology. For both velar and labial softening processes, it has been found indeed that sound changes are articulatorily motivated, are determined by context (and also by word and utterance position and stress), and proceed in a gradual fashion. Even though an explanatory account based on the acoustic-equivalence hypothesis between the input and output consonantal segments may work out in several cases, those cases appear to represent a

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very small set. The gradual path from velar to front lingual affricate in the velar-softening case follows from the way the tongue-dorsum articulator contacts the hard palate and moves over time during the (alveolo)palatal stop closure and release phases. On the other hand, gradual changes during labial-softening processes conform to the relative independence between the labial and dorsal gestures which intervene in the implementation of palatalized labials and labiodentals and, thus, to the fact that the two gestures may interfere with each other to a greater or lesser extent. In any case, those instances which may require an acoustico-perceptual and thus a non-articulatory interpretation of labial softening are worth more detailed investigation. A direct change from /Cl/ to [Cj] without an intermediate [Cʎ] stage, which would be required to support the articulation-based account, appears to have taken place in Albanian ([pcak], [pjak] /plak/ ‘old man’) and Tai dialects ([tʃaa], [pjaa] Siamese plaa ‘fish’). Likewise, no glide hardening appears to have occurred in cases of replacement of palatalized labials by dentoalveolars, such as [tet] for pĕt ‘five’ and [ˈnɛstɔ] for miesto ‘place’ in Czech dialects, and Mi-li nie derived from Old Tibetan mig ‘eye’. The book has also dealt with the phonological implications of sound change. Dialectal zones in Romance differ as to whether (alveolo)palatal stop consonants may achieve phonemic status or not. They remain allophonic in French dialects, C. Italy, and Romanian, while becoming phonemic in dialects from Italy and Raetoromance, where those consonants may show up in vowel contexts which do not trigger palatalization. A presumable reason why (alveolo)palatal stops are prone to being phonologized as affricates may be sought in their low-closure definition, which goes hand in hand with the variability in closure placement and the relatively long duration of the stop burst. Affrication occurs in some dialects but not others, while the (alveolo)palatal stop consonant has allophonic status, and may be hypothesized to increase the stop acoustic salience. At least in some cases, the affrication process of interest results in a lower surprisal unit which is better integrated in the consonantal system of the language. Specific studies may be carried out in order to investigate the degree of predictability of (alveolo)palatal stops in specific languages or dialects, and how it may translate into sound change and phonologization. Another research issue is the extent to which crowdedness of the phonemic space has an effect on degree of phonetic variability for neighbouring phonemes in articulatory space. In Section 3.2.2, the hypothesis has been raised that the phonetic realization of the (alveolo)palatal stop could be more variable in dialects and languages where it is an allophone of /k/ than in those where it has phonemic status, the rationale being that articulatory space is more crowded in languages with the two phonemes /k/ and /c/ than in languages where only /k/ is available. Tongue-to-palate contact data are ambiguous in so far as they may support the hypothesis (Czech, Majorcan Catalan) or not (Greek, Irish).

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There is still another case with phonological implications, i.e., whether one sound change causes another sound change to occur so as to avoid a phonemic merger. A chain shift may occur when the transformation of phonemic or allophonic [c] into [tʃ] causes /tʃ/ to front to [ts]. This double sound change has taken place presumably in Ladin-speaking localities, though not in most Raetoromance dialects, where the outcome [tʃ] of /k/ before /a/ (second Romance palatalization process) has merged or is about to merge with the outcome [tʃ] of /k/ before a front vowel (first Romance palatalization process). Another conflicting situation addressed in Section 3.1.4.2 may have occurred between the outcomes [c] and [ɟ] of /ka ga/ and of [kj gj] derived from syllableonset /kl gl/ in dialects of N. Italy. In this particular case, (alveolo)palatal stops derived from the clusters with /l/ have shifted to [tʃ dʒ], while those derived from prevocalic velars may have stayed (alveolo)palatal or regressed to the velar stage.

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Index of language families, languages and dialects Akan 25 Albanian Gheg 44, 54, 83, 111, 114, 141, 148 Tosk 54, 111, 114, 148 Alyawarra 82 Amharic 123 Apalai 123 Arabana 23 Arabic Baḥraini 32 Cairene 137 Armenian 91, 95, 130, 172 Arrernte 23, 40, 41, 44 Asuriní of Tocantins 129, 157 Athabaskan 90, 97, 130 Avέno 91, 123 Avestan 84, 96, 130, 172 Axininca Campa 122 Awlan 123 Azerbaijanian 23, 24, 37, 83, 117, 123 Baltic 23, 94, 122 Bantu 2, 23, 26, 31, 48, 78, 81, 84, 85, 91, 92, 113, 122, 123, 127–130, 136, 137, 141, 153–157, 164–169, 172, 174 Basque Lekeitio 54, 123 Belorussian 121, 122 Bemba 85, 113 Bengali 96 Berawan 37, 54 Biisa 85, 113 Blackfoot 80, 122 Bondei 113 Bora 35 Breton 35, 51, 54, 56, 58, 76 Vannes 37, 86 Bulgarian 24, 53 Buryat 24 Carib 35, 56, 58 Catalan 4, 8, 13–16, 20, 39, 60, 97, 100, 113, 116, 125–128, 149 Eastern 81, 105, 106, 110, 111

Majorcan 10, 11, 30, 34, 37, 38, 44–49, 56, 61, 65, 67, 71, 75–77, 105–112, 114, 116, 117, 130, 175 Valencian 90, 98 Chibchan 97 Chinese 80, 91, 97, 130 Dānyáng 97 Hakka 40, 41, 44, 97 Middle 86, 97, 129 Shàngăi 97 Shuāngfēng 97 Shàngháng 97 Xiang 97 Wu 97 Chuvash 123 Comorian 92 Corsican 30, 75, 97, 99, 124, 126 Cowlitz Salish 84 Czech 23, 24, 38–41, 44, 48, 81, 107, 110, 131, 166, 175 Bohemian 136 Tetak 136 Dakota 89, 129 Danish 140 Dhivehi 122, 139 Dinka 23 Diola 23 Diyari 23 Djaru 82 Dutch 47 English 3, 6, 7, 15–20, 26, 35, 37, 52, 67, 70, 71, 76, 78, 89, 94, 95, 112, 115, 118, 122, 126, 131, 134, 173 N. America (Eastern Virginia, S. Carolina) 31 Jamaican 31 England (Midlands, S.W. of England) 31 Fanti 84, 122 Faroese 84, 123, 140 Finnish 122 Fongbe 122 Francoprovençal Ain 29, 103

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   ,   

Francoprovençal (cont.) Alpes du Nord 29, 46, 79 Forézien 29, 55, 79 Fribourgeois 102, 104, 125, 152 Lyonnais 29, 55, 79, 102, 103 Terres-Froides 103 Valaisan 69, 73, 102–104, 124, 127, 140, 141, 152, 153, 160, 163, 165 Valdôtain (Aosta valley) 69, 103 Vaudois 29, 30, 44, 55, 60, 69, 99, 102, 104, 128, 152, 153, 160, 163, 165 French 8, 15, 27, 29, 31, 33, 52, 58–62, 65–70, 75–79, 87, 90, 97–104, 113–116, 123–131, 134, 139, 149, 166, 171 Acadian 29, 30, 51, 54, 55, 73, 78, 79, 123, 128 Angevin 38, 44, 48 Ardenne 51, 52, 82 Bernese Jura 102, 163 Bourguignon 29 Cajun 124 Franc-Comtois 29, 38, 48, 55, 103, 163 Gallo-Roman 59, 87 Geneva 34, 37, 75, 102 Massif Central 29, 30, 51, 52 Lorrain 29, 30, 51 Louisiana 79 Norman 29, 30, 31, 33, 51, 60, 62, 65, 66, 75, 79, 87, 88, 98, 123, 130, 171 Guernsey 123 Jèrriais 60, 88 Sercquiais 79, 88 Ouest 79 Parisian 33, 38, 44, 48, 51 Picard 29, 30, 31, 33, 47, 51, 52, 60, 62, 65–66, 73, 75, 79, 87, 98, 113, 114, 118, 124, 125, 130, 139, 171 Poitevin-Santongeais 29, 30, 55, 79, 120, 124 Quebecois 124 Walloon 87 Frisian 3, 78, 91, 94, 95, 112, 130, 172 Galician 150, 159 Gallo 28, 29, 38, 39, 44, 48, 55, 59, 62, 73, 79, 86, 120 Gallurese 30, 34, 75 Ganagana 136, 155 Ganda 26, 154 Gawun 136, 155, 157 Gbe 91, 122, 123, 130 German 3, 20, 115, 117, 120, 131 Gogo 26, 85

Greek 2, 19, 23–25, 40, 41, 44, 48, 91–93, 121, 130, 141, 144, 159, 172, 175 Arcadian 92, 121 Athenian (Old) 93 Attic 92, 93, 121 Boeotian 92, 121 Chios 53, 93, 94, 142, 151, 152, 157, 164 Corfu 151, 152, 160 Cretan 82, 94, 110, 111, 117, 173 Cypriot 53, 93, 157, 164 Homeric 92, 93 Ionic 92, 93, 121 Lesbian 92, 121 Kalimnos 121, 128, 129, 151, 152, 160 Kos 53, 142, 151, 157, 164 Megara 151, 152, 160 Peloponnese 93, 151, 152, 160, 164 Rhodes 128, 129, 151, 152, 157, 160, 165 Santorini 121, 128, 129, 151, 152, 160 Siatista 123 Skyros 93–94 Thessalian 54, 92, 121 Thessalonikan 110 Tsakonian 53, 93, 94, 144 Velvendos 54, 151, 152, 157, 158, 165 Zitsa 151, 152, 160 Greenlandic 122 Gurage 123 Hausa 123 Herero 26, 85, 154, 155 Hungarian 23, 24, 38, 40, 41, 44, 54, 81, 107, 110, 115, 131 Palóc 54 Hup 23, 80 Hwe 123 Ibibio 40, 41, 44, 45 Icelandic 23, 24, 26, 31, 40, 41, 44 Ikalanga 91, 122, 156, 164, 166 Indic 83 Indo-European 24, 83, 94, 95, 96 Inuit 122 Irish 23, 40, 41, 44, 48, 82, 175 Aran islands 82 Donegal 24 Italian 27, 72, 93, 115, 119, 149 Abruzzese 149, 163 Bolognese 62 Calabrian 13, 28, 54, 90, 99, 100, 113, 149, 163, 166 Emiliano-Romagnol 67 Florentine 28, 31 Gallo-Italian 62, 73, 150

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   ,    Laziale 149 Ligurian 127, 149, 150, 162 Lombard 3, 27, 33, 36, 62, 66, 73, 89, 131, 139, 148, 153, 173 Neapolitan 28 Old Romanesco 149 Piedmontese 13, 27, 32, 36, 38, 39, 44, 62, 64, 73, 88, 104, 110, 114, 130, 148, 149 Pugliese 163 Salentino 149 Sicilian 28 Tuscan 4, 10, 12, 13, 51, 54, 56, 86, 97–100, 115, 119, 124, 125 Venetian 33, 99, 100, 124, 125, 127, 139, 151 Japanese 15, 93, 115, 122, 123 Tohoku 84 Jaqaru 23 Javanese 23 Kaititj 82 Kamassian 122 Karaim 53 Karo Batak 23 Kayabí 97 Kerewe 155 Khalkha 24 Khasi 23 Khmer 23 K’ichean 34 Kirundi 91, 158, 166 Korean 26, 54, 81, 91, 93, 96, 123, 130 P’yǒngyan 54 Yukchin 54 Kota 139 Kpando 91, 122 Kuku-Yalanji 23 Kumauni 96 Kurdish 82 Kurundi 53 Kuta 136, 155 Lala 113 Lamba 84 Lahnda 96 Latin 4, 9, 10, 12–14, 16, 24, 27, 30, 32, 33, 37, 52, 53, 56, 64, 66, 68, 71, 82, 86, 90, 93, 99, 101–104, 124–128, 130, 132, 136, 138, 149, 150, 153, 166 Latvian 23, 26, 94, 122, 130, 172 Lisu 82 Lithuanian 83, 122 Luba Kasai 85, 123 Luganda 23

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Lumasaaba 81 Lungchow 86, 157 Lusatian 121 Luvale 154, 155 Macedonian 23, 24, 47, 83, 171 Polog 53 Maikonkele 136, 155, 157 Makassar 23 Makonde 26, 85, 154 Malayalam 26, 47 Mam 84 Mambwe 26, 85 Manyika 153, 154 Maŋanja/Manganja 26, 85, 154, 155 Maori 118 Margi 23 Marwari 96 Mayan 25, 84 Mbyá 157 Mijikenda 92 Mi-Li 136, 175 Mongolian 96, 98, 130 Halh 96, 98 Mursi 23 Mvumbo 85, 153, 154 Mwanga 26, 85 Mwiini 92 Nakanai 122 Nanti 80 Navajo 90, 97, 130, 172 Nepali 23, 81, 96, 117, 130, 173 Nganasan 122 Ngarluma 23 Nguni 156, 166 Ngwo 40, 41, 44, 45 Nkore-Kiga 84 Nupe 157 Nuristani 84, 96, 130 Nuuchahnulth 83 Nyambo 155 Nyankole 154, 155 Nyungwe 153, 154 Occitan 28, 31, 44, 55, 58, 61, 65, 79, 86 ,97, 100, 102, 124, 125, 127, 130, 145, 148, 149, 151, 160, 164, 166, 171, 172 Auvergnat 29, 38, 55, 87, 120, 127, 139, 145, 151, 152, 160, 163, 165 Drôme 29, 79, 87, 120, 127 Haute-Loire 29, 30, 44, 55, 127 Landais Gascon 156 Oowekyala 83

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200

   ,   

Paez 23 Pahari 96 Pali 54 Pame 35 Pende 85, 123, 154, Persian 32, 37, 67, 71, 76, 84, 96, 130, 172 Pima Bajo 123 Pimbwe 26 Po-ai 86 Pokomo 85, 92, 113 Polish 20, 24, 26, 84, 121–123, 142, 145, 151, 152, 160, 164, 166 Poqomam 35 Portuguese 97, 125, 138, 139, 150, 159 Brazilian 123 Punu 154, 155 Quechua 81 Quiché 25, 84 Rgyarong 136 Raetoromance 10, 11, 23, 26, 31, 32, 36, 44, 46, 58, 62, 63, 65–67, 71, 72, 75, 76, 78, 80–82, 88, 100, 104, 109, 113, 116, 118, 124, 126, 130, 131, 171, 173, 175, 176 Friulian 3, 10, 27, 32, 56, 62, 67, 70, 75, 82, 88, 90, 97–100, 104, 110, 116, 124, 125, 127 Ladin 10, 27, 30, 36, 65, 70–72, 76, 78, 97, 125, 172, 176 Ampezzan 82, 97 Badiot 32, 63, 66, 70, 75, 82 Comelican 32, 64, 97, 124, 125–127 Fassan 3, 12, 32, 63, 64, 70, 75, 82, 88, 98, 100, 104, 113, 125 Gardenese 32, 62–64, 70, 72, 75, 82, 88, 104 Livinallonghese 32, 63, 64, 70, 75, 82, 88, 100, 104 Marebbano 32, 63, 66, 70, 75, 113 Val di Non 27, 36, 37, 67, 70, 80, 88, 104, 117 Romansh 10, 27, 30, 36, 64, 68, 70, 71, 75, 76, 82, 98, 118, 126, 131, 140, 141, 151, 156, 164 Engadinian 27, 32, 36, 37, 63, 67, 69, 72, 80, 88, 100, 111, 117, 141, 142, 157, 166 Surmiran 4, 10, 27, 32, 36, 38, 39, 44, 62–64, 69, 72, 73, 88, 90, 100, 101, 124, 125, 130, 140–142, 157, 166, 172 Surselvan 27, 32, 36, 44, 62–64, 72, 99, 100, 113, 116, 119

Sutselvan 27, 32, 36, 63–65, 67, 69, 72, 88, 100, 113, 124, 126, 141, 142, 157, 166 Vallader 44, 88, 111 Romani 56, 96, 122, 130 Bugurdži 96, 128 Romanian 4, 5, 7, 25, 28, 83, 87, 97, 99, 101, 124–126, 135, 136, 138–144, 151, 157–161, 164–167, 171, 175 Aromanian 28, 142, 161, 162, 166 Banat 139, 143 Crişana 142, 143, 151, 158, 162 Daco-Romanian 28, 31, 75 Istro-Romanian 28, 145 Maramuresian 25, 142, 143, 151, 160–162, 164, 165 Megleno-Romanian 28, 142, 143, 161, 162 Moldovan 1, 142, 143, 146–148, 151, 157–159, 161, 162, 165, 166 Muntenia 138, 139, 151, 152, 161, 162, 164, 165 Oltenia 137, 139, 142, 143, 151, 157, 158, 161, 164 Transylvania 25, 84, 138, 141–143, 146–148, 150, 151, 158, 161, 162, 165 Russian 24, 35, 53, 84, 121, 122, 133, 144 Safwa 85, 113 Sambaa 85, 113 Sango 113, 154 Sanskrit 84 Sanuma 35, 58 Sardinian Campidanese 100, 113, 116, 124, 126 Logudorese 99 Scots Gaelic 122, 139 Serbian 86, 129, 145 Shona 91, 122 Shuar 35 Siamese 86, 157, 175 Slavic 2, 23, 84 , 91, 94, 112, 122, 129, 130, 136, 145, 172 Common 35, 121 Old Church 94, 144 Slovak 23, 24, 38, 40, 44, 48, 54, 84, 94, 121 Slovenian 86, 129, 145 Sotho 154, 156, 164, 166 Spanish 4, 6, 9, 16, 68, 71, 90, 97, 99, 125, 126, 138, 139 Asturian 67 Chilean 98 Judeo-Spanish 35 Swahili 86, 113, 122 Swedish 140

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   ,    Tacaná 25 Tai 8, 86, 129, 157, 175 Tamil-Malayalam 26 Telugu 26 Tibetan 136, 157, 166, 175 Lhasa 157 Tibeto-Burman 81 T’ien-chow 157 Tswa 153, 154 Tswana 1, 26, 92, 154–156, 164, 166 Ngwaketse 84 Tupí-Guaraní 122, 157 Turkana 121 Turkish 24, 32, 123 Tzu-ta 157, 166

Vegliote 97, 99, 124, 125 Venda 85, 154, 155 Vietnamese 23, 83, 91, 97, 130 Hanoi 83 Muong 97 Saigon 97 Warlpiri 40, 41, 44, 48 Warrongo 82 Wassu 136 Wayampi 129, 157 Wolof 23 Xhosa 154, 156 Yao 23, 26, 85

Udmurt 141, 142, 166 Ukrainian 122, 141, 142, 145, 166 Unguja 154 Uyghur 123

Zulu 91, 122, 154, 156, 166 Zuni 32, 60 Zoque 35

201

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General index acoustic equivalence 7–8, 16–21, 50, 78, 89–90, 129, 134–136 affricate-like stop consonant 80–83 affricate alveolar 89–105 alveolopalatal 80, 86 palatal 82 palatoalveolar 83–89 (alveolo)palatal stop burst duration 109–112 burst frequency 9, 105–109 burst intensity 109–112 closure fronting variability 38–50 complex segment 11 speaker-dependent differences 49–50 typology 38–47 vowel coarticulation 8, 16, 48–49 vowel transitions 3, 9, 17–18, 52, 57, 66, 114–115, 131, 134–136 word position-dependent differences 48–50

Czech 136 Francoprovençal 152–153, 160, 163 French 134, 149, 166 fricative sequences 157–164 Galician 150, 159 Greek 142, 144, 151–152, 157–160, 164–166 Italy 148–151, 153, 162–163 nasal sequences 165–167 Occitan 139, 145, 148–149, 152, 160, 163, 165–167 Polish 152, 160, 166 Portuguese 138–139, 150, 159 Romanian 137–138, 141–148, 150–152, 157–162, 164–167 Romansh 140–142, 157, 166 stop sequences 139–157 listener-based model of sound change 7 low vowel raising 60–66 Magnetic Resonance Imaging (MRI) data 38 markedness theory 10–11

base of articulation 43, 104, 126–130 consonant inventory size 47–48, 175 dentoalveolar stop affrication 120–126 palatalization 53–56 double palatalization 55–56 Evolutionary Phonology 6–7, 174 exchanges between /t/ and /k/ 50–53 gestural blending 16, 24–25, 31, 53, 57, 59, 74 glide hardening fricativization 151–153, 159–163 occlusivization 136–137, 139–151, 157–159 information theory 11, 175 l vocalization 7–8 labial softening affrication 146–151 Albanian 141–142, 148 alveolar outcome 150–151, 160–163 Bantu 153–157, 164

Neogrammarian’s model of sound change 6, 17, 174–175 onset Cl clusters 27–28, 75, 168 palatal stop phoneme 23–24, 83 palatalized velar stop 24–25, 83–84 palatographic data 25, 44–50, 53 perceptual identification tests 2, 17–20, 111–112 phonological segment inventory databases 1, 8–9, 23, 38–41 phonologization 8–11, 175 Romance palatalization processes 27–30 Slavic palatalization processes 35, 84, 130 sound change chain shift 104–105, 176 pathways 5, 101, 142, 146–150, 153, 167–168, 174 spectral similarity 7, 18 strengthening 56–59, 66–67, 76, 100, 115–118, 131, 139–141, 164, 173–174

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  ultrasound data 15 velar assibilation Albanian 81, 83, 95 alveolar outcome 89–105 American 81, 83–84, 97 Armenian 95 Asian 82, 83–84, 86 Australian 82 Balto-Slavic 94 Bantu 84–86, 91–92 before a front vocalic segment 84–87 before a low vowel 101–105 Chinese 97 Czech 107, 110, 131 English 89, 112, 118 Francoprovençal 79, 97, 99, 101–104, 113, 123–125, 127–129 French 87, 97–100, 103–104, 116, 123–125, 130–131 French dialects 78–79, 120, 123–124, 128 Frisian 94–95 Friulian 82, 88, 90, 97–100, 104, 110, 116, 124–125, 127 geminates 95, 102, 115–116 Greek 82, 92–94 Hungarian 81, 107, 110, 115, 131 Indo-Aryan 96 Irish 82, 122 Italy 86, 89, 99–100, 110, 119, 124–125 Korean 96 Majorcan Catalan 105–112, 114, 116–117 Mongolic 96 Norman 79, 87–88, 98, 123 Occitan 79, 97, 100, 102, 125, 127, 130 postconsonantal 102, 115–116, 131 progressive effect 88–89, 123 Picard 79, 87, 98, 113–114, 118, 124–125 Raetoromance 82, 88, 97, 100, 111, 113, 117, 130 Romani 96 Romance 97–105 Romanian 84, 97, 99, 101, 124–126 Semitic 95–96 Slavic 81, 84, 86, 94 stress 102, 118–120, 131 Vietnamese 97

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word medial 115–120 word final 82, 88–89, 95, 115, 117–119, 129 velar palatalization African 26, 40–41, 44 Asian 26, 32, 40–41 Australian 41, 44 Bantu 26 before a front vocalic segment 25–31, 57, 75 before a low vowel 31–34, 57–66, 69–70, 72–73, 75 English 26, 31, 35, 37, 67 Francoprovençal 29, 60–61, 69, 73–75 French 27, 52, 58–60, 65–66, 68 Friulian 27, 32, 56, 62, 67, 70, 75 geminates 37, 66–67 Greek 25–26, 40–41, 44, 48, 53–54 Hungarian 38–41, 44, 54 Icelandic 24, 26, 40–41, 44 Irish 24, 40–41, 44, 48 Italy 27–28, 32–33, 36, 62–64, 69–70 Majorcan Catalan 30, 34, 37, 61, 65, 67, 71, 75 Mayan 25 Norman 29–30, 33, 51, 60, 75 Occitan 29, 61, 75 Picard 29–30, 33, 51, 60, 66, 73, 75 postconsonantal 66–67, 75 progressive 34–37, 58 Raetoromance 27, 32, 36–37, 62–65, 67–70, 72–73, 75 Romanian 25, 28, 75 Slavic 24, 38–41, 44 stress 72–74 syllable type 73 voicing 72–73 word initial 67–70, 72–74 word medial 67–70 word final 70–72 velar softening explanatory proposals 4, 17, 38, 98, 102, 118–120 velar stops front 15–16, 18–20 back 15–16 weakening 68, 115–116, 118–120 X-ray data 24, 38, 42, 115, 144

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OXFORD STUDIES IN DIACHRONIC AND HISTORICAL LINGUISTICS General Editors Adam Ledgeway and Ian Roberts, University of Cambridge Advisory editors Cynthia L. Allen, Australian National University; Ricardo Bermúdez-Otero, University of Manchester; Theresa Biberauer, University of Cambridge; Charlotte Galves, University of Campinas; Geoff Horrocks, University of Cambridge; Paul Kiparsky, Stanford University; Anthony Kroch, University of Pennsylvania; David Lightfoot, Georgetown University; Giuseppe Longobardi, University of York; George Walkden, University of Konstanz; David Willis, University of Cambridge  1 From Latin to Romance Morphosyntactic Typology and Change Adam Ledgeway 2 Parameter Theory and Linguistic Change Edited by Charlotte Galves, Sonia Cyrino, Ruth Lopes, Filomena Sandalo, and Juanito Avelar 3 Case in Semitic Roles, Relations, and Reconstruction Rebecca Hasselbach 4 The Boundaries of Pure Morphology Diachronic and Synchronic Perspectives Edited by Silvio Cruschina, Martin Maiden, and John Charles Smith 5 The History of Negation in the Languages of Europe and the Mediterranean Volume I: Case Studies Edited by David Willis, Christopher Lucas, and Anne Breitbarth 6 Constructionalization and Constructional Changes Elizabeth Closs Traugott and Graeme Trousdale 7 Word Order in Old Italian Cecilia Poletto 8 Diachrony and Dialects Grammatical Change in the Dialects of Italy Edited by Paola Benincà, Adam Ledgeway, and Nigel Vincent

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9 Discourse and Pragmatic Markers from Latin to the Romance Languages Edited by Chiara Ghezzi and Piera Molinelli 10 Vowel Length from Latin to Romance Michele Loporcaro 11 The Evolution of Functional Left Peripheries in Hungarian Syntax Edited by Katalin É. Kiss 12 Syntactic Reconstruction and Proto-Germanic George Walkden 13 The History of Low German Negation Anne Breitbarth 14 Arabic Indefinites, Interrogatives, and Negators A Linguistic History of Western Dialects David Wilmsen 15 Syntax over Time Lexical, Morphological, and Information-Structural Interactions Edited by Theresa Biberauer and George Walkden 16 Syllable and Segment in Latin Ranjan Sen 17 Participles in Rigvedic Sanskrit The Syntax and Semantics of Adjectival Verb Forms John J. Lowe 18 Verb Movement and Clause Structure in Old Romanian Virginia Hill and Gabriela Alboiu 19 The Syntax of Old Romanian Edited by Gabriela Pană Dindelegan 20 Grammaticalization and the Rise of Configurationality in Indo-Aryan Uta Reinöhl 21 The Rise and Fall of Ergativity in Aramaic Cycles of Alignment Change Eleanor Coghill

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22 Portuguese Relative Clauses in Synchrony and Diachrony Adriana Cardoso 23 Micro-change and Macro-change in Diachronic Syntax Edited by Eric Mathieu and Robert Truswell 24 The Development of Latin Clause Structure A Study of the Extended Verb Phrase Lieven Danckaert 25 Transitive Nouns and Adjectives Evidence from Early Indo-Aryan John J. Lowe 26 Quantitative Historical Linguistics A Corpus Framework Gard B. Jenset and Barbara McGillivray 27 Gender from Latin to Romance History, Geography, Typology Michele Loporcaro 28 Clause Structure and Word Order in the History of German Edited by Agnes Jäger, Gisella Ferraresi, and Helmut Weiß 29 Word Order Change Edited by Ana Maria Martins and Adriana Cardoso 30 Arabic Historical Dialectology Linguistic and Sociolinguistic Approaches Edited by Clive Holes 31 Grammaticalization from a Typological Perspective Edited by Heiko Narrog and Bernd Heine 32 Negation and Nonveridicality in the History of Greek Katerina Chatzopoulou 33 Indefinites between Latin and Romance Chiara Gianollo 34 Verb Second in Medieval Romance Sam Wolfe

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35 Referential Null Subjects in Early English Kristian A. Rusten 36 Word Order and Parameter Change in Romanian A Comparative Romance Perspective Alexandru Nicolae 37 Cycles in Language Change Edited by Miriam Bouzouita, Anne Breitbarth, Lieven Danckaert, and Elisabeth Witzenhausen 38 Palatal Sound Change in the Romance Languages Diachronic and Synchronic Perspectives André Zampaulo 39 Dative External Possessors in Early English Cynthia L. Allen 40 The History of Negation in the Languages of Europe and the Mediterranean Volume II: Patterns and Processes Anne Breitbarth, Christopher Lucas, and David Willis 41 Variation and Change in Gallo-Romance Grammar Edited by Sam Wolfe and Martin Maiden 42 Phonetic Causes of Sound Change The Palatalization and Assibilation of Obstruents Daniel Recasens   Noun-Based Constructions in the History of Portuguese and Spanish Patrícia Amaral and Manuel Delicado Cantero Redevelopment of Case Systems in Indo-Aryan Miriam Butt Classical Portuguese Grammar and History Charlotte Galves, Aroldo de Andrade, Christiane Namiuti, and Maria Clara Paixão de Sousa Morphological Borrowing Francesco Gardani Nominal Expressions and Language Change From Early Latin to Modern Romance Giuliana Giusti

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Syntactic Features and the Limits of Syntactic Change Edited by Jóhannes Gísli Jónsson and Thórhallur Eythórsson A Study in Grammatical Change The Modern Greek Weak Subject Pronoun τος and its Implications for Language Change and Structure Brian D. Joseph Reconstructing Pre-Islamic Arabic Dialects Alexander Magidow Iranian Syntax in Classical Armenian Robin Meyer