Peranakan Indians of Singapore and Melaka: Indian Babas and Nonyas - Chitty Melaka 9789812305992

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Peranakan Indians of Singapore and Melaka

The Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) was established as an autonomous organization in 1968. It is a regional centre dedicated to the study of socio-political, security and economic trends and developments in Southeast Asia and its wider geostrategic and economic environment. The Institute’s research programmes are the Regional Economic Studies (RES, including ASEAN and APEC), Regional Strategic and Political Studies (RSPS), and Regional Social and Cultural Studies (RSCS). ISEAS Publications, an established academic press, has issued more than 1,000 books and journals. It is the largest scholarly publisher of research about Southeast Asia from within the region. ISEAS Publications works with many other academic and trade publishers and distributors to disseminate important research and analyses from and about Southeast Asia to the rest of the world.

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Peranakan Indians of Singapore and Melaka INDIAN BABAS AND NONYAS—CHITTY MELAKA

Samuel S. Dhoraisingam

INSTITUTE OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES Singapore

First published in Singapore in 2006 by ISEAS Publications Institute of Southeast Asian Studies 30 Heng Mui Keng Terrace Pasir Panjang Singapore 119614 E-mail: [email protected] Website: http://bookshop.iseas.edu.sg All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. © 2006 Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, Singapore The responsibility for facts and opinions in this publication rests exclusively with the author and his interpretations do not necessarily reflect the views or the policy of the publisher or its supporters. ISEAS Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data Dhoraisingham, Samuel S. Peranakan Indians of Singapore and Melaka Indian Babas and Nonyas—Chitty Melaka. (Local history; 14) 1. Peranakan (Asian people)—Malaysia—Melaka—History. 2. Peranakan (Asian people)—Singapore—History. 3. Peranakan (Asian people)—Malaysia—Melaka—Social life and customs. 4. Indians (Asian people)—Malaysia—Melaka—Social life and customs. 5. Indians (Asian people)—Singapore—Social life and customs. I. Title II. Title: Peranakan Indians III. Title: Indian Babas and Nonyas, Chitty Melaka IV. Series: Local history and memoirs (Institute of Southeast Asian Studies); 14. DS501 I595L no. 14 2006 ISBN 981-230-346-4 Typeset by International Typesetters Pte Ltd, Singapore Printed in Singapore by

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Dedicated to my late beloved wife Kamala Devi Dhoraisingam

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Contents

Foreword by His Excellency S. R. Nathan Preface Acknowledgements

Page ix xi xiv

1.

Origin of the Peranakan Indians during the Melaka Sultanate

1

2.

The Peranakan Indians in Portuguese Melaka

8

3.

The Peranakan Indians in Dutch Melaka

4.

The Peranakan Indians under British Rule in Melaka and their Migration to Singapore 17

5.

The Peranakan Indians under Japanese Occupation, 1942–45

20

6.

The Peranakan Indians today in Gajah Berang, Melaka

23

7.

Some Major Saivite Festivals and Ceremonies of the Peranakan Indians

34

8.

Fertility and Marriage Ceremonies

61

9.

Funerals

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10. Clothes, Jewellery and Footwear

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11. Peranakan Indian Cuisine

87

12. Notes on the Spoken Language of the Peranakan Indians

93

13. Some Unique Features of the Peranakan Indians

96

14. Some Prominent Peranakan Indians in Singapore

102

15. Conclusion

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Sources Index About the Author

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Foreword

There is in our midst a fascinating and unique minority community whose numbers have diminished with each passing year. They are the Peranakan Indians/Indian Babas and Nonyas who have hitherto been known among local Indians as the “Chitty Melaka” community. In so many ways they reflect our Peranakan Chinese or the Chinese Babas and Nonyas. This absorbing book by Samuel S. Dhoraisingam covers much of the origins, history and culture of the Peranakan Indians or the Chitty Melaka. The Chitty Melaka Peranakan Indians trace their ancestry to several centuries before the arrival of the British in Malaya. They are the real descendants of the ancient enterprising South Indian merchants, in particular the Tamils, who came and settled in the Malay Archipelago during the Melaka Sultanate. They married indigenous Malay and Javanese women and their offspring spoke the lingua franca, “Malay”, without forsaking their Saivite Hindu faith and the customs, festivals and traditions of their forefathers in India. Though a small community today, the majority of the Chitty Melaka in Malaysia today lives in Gajah Berang, Melaka, which has been their abode from past years. The

Hindu temple in that area is still run by the community. It was from there that they migrated to Singapore during the later part of the 19th century, when Melaka and Singapore were part of the Straits Settlements. As far as is known, members of the Chitty Melaka community were economically active and made valuable contributions as members of the public service here and in Malacca. Under the British Administration they served as teachers and clerks in the civil service, and in the police and the security services. Over the years more and more of the young have been inter-marrying with other communities, such that many of their present-day families are not entirely ethnically Chitty Melaka. Where they are, they are but few and far between. What the future holds for this minority in Singapore and even in Melaka, where a larger Chitty Melaka community still exists, is difficult to predict. Like the Peranakan Chinese, the Chitty Melaka culture is truly indigenous. Singapore’s Chitty Melaka community may be small today. Many a local-born Indian Singaporean can trace his or her ancestry to their Chitty Melaka origins. Several members of that community were also prominent in the ix

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professions as lawyers, teachers and other professions. There was the late Sandy G. Pillay — a lawyer — who established the Malayan Indian Association after the Second World War, to rally the “local-born” and distinguish them from those who were India-born and whose loyalty was linked to India. This book is an original and valuable contribution to our knowledge of a community that represents all that is positive in the integration of our different local communities, their cultures, and their tradition of tolerance of other peoples and their own creativity. The Peranakan Indian community

therefore can be an inspiration for those in our multi-racial and multi-cultural Republic of Singapore, who seek to preserve and share and absorb the best in our different ethnic cultures and traditions. I commend Mr Samuel S. Dhoraisingam for his tireless effort over the years to bring to our knowledge and interest that part of the Indian heritage, so peculiar to Melaka and Singapore. I hope his research will lead others, particularly those within the Chitty community itself, to add to the knowledge that Mr Dhoraisingam’s painstaking research has yielded.

S. R. Nathan President Republic of Singapore

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Preface

Most Singaporeans are not aware that there is a distinct community that is a counterpart of the Peranakan Chinese (the Chinese Babas and Nonyas). This community is known as Chitty Melaka (Chitty means “merchant” in Tamil). I prefer to call them Peranakan Indians. “Peranakan” means “speakers of a foreign tongue” in Malay, which was the lingua franca in early Melaka. The more accepted version of “Peranakan” is “indigenous person” or “local born”. At one public function in 1934 the Peranakan Indians were referred to as Melakaborn Indians to differentiate them from the India-born. The mother tongue of the Peranakan Indians is also Baba Malay with a sprinkle of Tamil words, many of which have their own peculiar pronunciation. Their food, sweets, dress, jewellery, footwear and pastimes are in many aspects similar to those of the Peranakan Chinese, Malays and South Indians with variations. However, unlike the Peranakan Chinese, the vast majority of Peranakan Indians are still orthodox Hindus practising Saivite traditions, rituals and festivals. The Peranakan Indians evolved almost at the same period as the Peranakan Chinese

during the Melaka Sultanate (1402–1511) in Melaka when Indian merchants, mostly from South India, married the indigenous women and even the Nonyas (Chinese). They also adopted Chinese babies. The Peranakan Indians are, therefore, a product of Indian, Malay and Chinese admixture and have traces of Malay, Javanese, Batak and Chinese influences in their distinctive culture. The Peranakan Indians have a proud history and a very rich cultural heritage. The inspiration to delve into the history and culture of this unique community came from my beloved late wife Kamala Devi Dhoraisingam. She became fascinated and excited to know that such a community exists and once lived in the enclave we call Little India in Serangoon Road, Singapore. Today, they live in various parts of Singapore and are part of the Tamil community. The person who first inspired and assisted us in researching this community was the late Bendesa Sembram (Chitambaram) Naiker, the leader of the Peranakan Indians and retired Postmaster in Melaka. The late K. T. Chitty referred to fondly as “Bachik”, who succeeded B. S. Naiker as the leader of this community, also gave us much help in our project. xi

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I am greatly indebted to both these fine gentlemen. In June 1992 when I was a member of the Singapore History Museum’s Board of Directors, I gave an illustrated public lecture on this community at the Singapore History Museum’s theatrette. It was attended by a large number of Peranakan Indians, several Peranakan Chinese (Babas and Nonyas), and the local press. The lecture was followed by refreshments and these included Nonya cakes prepared by Peranakan Indian women for the occasion. These women wore their traditional attire, the sarong and kebaya and Nonya and traditional Indian jewellery. One Nonya aptly described that gathering of Peranakan Indian and Peranakan Chinese as “flowers in the same garden”. The local press, radio and television gave wide publicity to this community after my lecture. It is sad to acknowledge the fact that although there has been a Peranakan Indian community in Singapore since the late 19th century and who migrated from Melaka, they have been invisible to the majority of the population. This community has kept a low profile in Singapore society and suffered perhaps from an inferiority complex because many of their members believed in the most obnoxious and ill-founded theory that they are the descendants of Indian convicts. The Peranakan Indian community evolved almost 400 years before any Indian convict had set foot on Malayan or Singapore soil. Indian convicts were sent to Singapore only in 1825 after British Bencoolen (southwest Sumatra) was transferred to the Dutch in exchange for Dutch Melaka by the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824. The Peranakan Indian community was already in existence during the Melaka Sultanate!

On the other hand, the Peranakan Chinese are well known for their distinctive attire, jewellery, porcelain ware, furniture, material wealth, cuisine, unique architecture and prominence in the community at large. The Peranakan Chinese have two organizations in Singapore: the Peranakan Association (formerly the Straits Chinese British Association) and the Gunong Sayang Association. These (Chinese) Peranakan Associations in conjunction with those in Melaka and Penang, organize regular annual seminars, exhibitions, demonstrations of Nonya cuisine and wedding ceremonies in Singapore. The Peranakan Indians have been invited to these functions. The Peranakan Chinese are therefore a vibrant community in Singapore. The unique feature of the Peranakan Indians is that they are the real descendants of the earliest Indian merchants (particularly the Tamils) who traded in the Malay Archipelago centuries ago. An admirable aspect of the Peranakan Indians is that they are still staunch Hindus and Saivites despite the impact of Islam under the Melaka Sultanate and the Christians under Portuguese, Dutch and the British occupations. The Peranakan Indians have clung tenaciously to their Hindu faith or Saivism. The most important schools of Hinduism are Saivism,Vaishnavism and Shaktism and the adherents of these schools are worshippers of Shiva, Vishnu and Shakti respectively. “Saivism is a way of life. It is not mere religion; it is not mere philosophy; it is a way disciplining oneself as a member of a family, a member of society, as a citizen, as a servant of God, as one of God’s creations in harmony with the entire creation. “Saivism has no quarrel with people who follow paths other than their own”. For the Peranakan Indians, Saivism is life itself, which centres around the temple.

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They built several Hindu temples in Melaka, including the oldest in Malaysia and Singapore, the Sri Poyatha Vinayagar Moorthy Temple in 1781 during the Dutch occupation of Melaka. The largest tracts of land (now about several acres) on which the majority of the Peranakan Indians live in Melaka and where most of the temples are located, were owned and donated by their wealthy ancestors to the main temple. These lands now known as temple lands have also contributed towards sustaining this Saivite faith and their livelihoods. The Peranakan Indians practice and cherish the orthodox Saivite traditions in Singapore and Malaysia despite the erosion of their past glorious economic and social status. The Director of the Asian Civilizations Museum, in Armenian Street Singapore, in

his address at the opening of the Peranakan Exhibition, said that eventually Peranakan Indian artefacts would also be on display in the Museum. I am now involved in collecting available Peranakan Indian artefacts (some are already in my private collection) to be placed in the Museum. Peranakan Indians can apply to become members of the Peranakan Association, Singapore. This book is an attempt to write a brief description of the origins, history and culture of the Peranakan Indians; how this community evolved; and their life under the Melaka Sultanate, the Portuguese, the Dutch, the British and the Japanese in Melaka. It is also a history of this community in Singapore and description of their unique culture. It is my sincere hope that this book will make the Peranakan Indians proud.

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C HA PT E R

XIV Acknowledgements

My gratitude and sincere thanks to HE S. R. Nathan, President, Republic of Singapore for graciously consenting to write the Foreword and launch the book. I am deeply grateful to him for all the encouragement and support he had given me in completing this book. I want to record my thanks to Mr K. Kesavapany, Director, Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (ISEAS) for kindly consenting to publish this book. I also want to thank Ms Triena Noeline Ong, Managing Editor, ISEAS, for her assistance and Ms Dayaneetha

De Silva, Senior Editor, for going through the manuscript, and for her suggestions and advice in completing this book. I would like to thank the following persons for the use of their photographs: In Melaka, K.T. Chitty and K.S. Chitty. Mr B. S. Naiker. In Singapore, Major (retired) Chris Pillay, Major (retired) Ponnosamy Kalastree, M Letchmenon, Mr & Mrs Dayananda, Pakiri Pillay, Miss Sarada, and Krishnan Pillay All other photographs were taken by author.

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1 Origin of the Peranakan Indians during the Melaka Sultanate

Early trade relations between India and the Malay Archipelago Southeast Asia’s strategic location made it attractive for links between Southeast Asian people and foreign merchants. Historically, foreign merchants en route to China passed through Southeast Asia for water, food, shelter and other amenities. Indians were familiar with seaborne trade and travel from very early times. They first developed their trade with the Middle East and later with Southeast Asia. Through this lucrative trade the Indians brought to bear their cultural influence over Indochina, the Indonesian archipelago and the Malay Peninsula. Merchants from India, unlike the Chinese, rarely recorded with any degree of accuracy the historical or topographical details of those States with which they had established both temporary and permanent commercial relations.

The Hindu epic, the Ramayana, provides us with some glimpses of the eastern regions and the Indonesian archipelago. Tamil literature has reference to ships that carried merchandise from the eastern ports of the Malay Peninsula, the Indonesian archipelago and Indochina through the Melaka Strait to South India. Indian trade had become brisk by the beginning of the Christian era and it intensified after the discovery of the monsoons. These seasonal winds enabled safe voyages between India and the Malay archipelago. Roman demand for luxury goods of the East increased enormously and Indians, particularly from southern India, came in large numbers to Southeast Asia to obtain spices, sandalwood, camphor, benzoin, pearls and other luxury items for Western markets. The perilous voyages from India to the eastern isles reflected the physical prowess, skill, courage and determination of the early Indian traders. They hardly received any aid 1

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from their kingdoms, unlike the Europeans. These Indian traders were daring individuals who sought fortune from foreign lands. By the first millennium A.D. there were prosperous city-states in the coastal plains and river mouths of the Malay Peninsula. Langkasuka, an Indianized Buddhist kingdom, was established about 100 A.D. somewhere north of Kataha, now Kedah, a state in Malaysia; it was a flourishing kingdom. Kedah was known to the Chinese as Chiecha. It was an important port in the 3rd century A.D.; it had a safe and excellent harbour at the mouth of the river Merbau. Remains of ancient Saivite temples there are evidence of Saivite influence. The 2nd century A.D. Tamil epic Silappadikaram refers to the tall ships entering a city in South India laden with a variety of goods and spices from a Malayan port called Tondi. A well-known poem, “Pattinappalai” of the 2nd or 3rd century A.D. speaks of the regular travels between Kedah and the great seaport, Puhar or Kaverippatinam in South India. In the trade with Southeast Asia, the Tamils of South India played a dominant role; the Tamil country provided natural harbours and sheltered inlets and its geographical location between the East and the West brought about a tradition of commerce as an intrinsic part of Tamil society. In the early Christian era the Malay Peninsula was known as Suvarnabhumi (land of gold) and it was an attraction for Indian traders. Reference is made in Tamil epics and Buddhist works to Suvarnabhumi. The Jatakas (Buddhist stories) also mention the Ksatriya chiefs who, dispossessed of their lands, ventured to seek new fortunes in the Malay Peninsula. During the 10th to the 13th centuries A.D. the Chola Kingdom of South India, a great naval power, protected her Indian merchantmen from the Coromandel Coast

in the Strait of Melaka. The Chola Kingdom had also maintained friendly relations with the Indianized Buddhist empire of Sri Vijaya with its capital in Palembang in Sumatra. It is recorded that in 1025 A.D. Rajendra Chola attacked Kedah and ransacked its capital and carried its treasures home to South India. This was the result of the rivalry that had developed between the Cholas and Sri Vijaya; the Cholas, however, had no political control over the Malay Peninsula. Indian traders en route to Indochina and beyond to China used the trans-Peninsular route. They crossed the Bay of Bengal and disembarked on the west coast of the Isthmus of Kra, travelled overland to the east coast and re-embarked for Indochina and China. During the Pallava rule, between the 6th and 8th centuries, Tamils, also sailed across the Bay of Bengal and the Nicobar Islands to Southeast Asia and the Malay Archipelago. One of the most important centres of foreign trade for the Tamils was Pattinappalai in Puhar, i.e. Kaveripattinam or Camera; other ports included Saliyur, Bandar, Cranganore, Thondi, Ponnani, Nagapattinam and Mamallapuram. There were prominent merchant guilds in early times in South India and they organized and regulated the trade between South India and other states. Some well-known guilds were the Viravalanjiyar and Manigramam, which assumed responsibility for local trade while two other powerful guilds, the Nanadesis or Thisaiyayirattu-Ainurruvar organized trade with Nepal, Persia and the Malay Peninsula. The Manigramam guild is also mentioned in many early South Indian inscriptions and also in a Tamil inscription in Takua-pa in the Isthmus of Kra. The Ainurruvar were often styled as the Five Hundred Suvamis of Ayyavole (Aihole) and were the most celebrated of the medieval

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South Indian merchant guilds. They were the protectors of the Vira Bananjudharma, i.e. the law of the noble merchants. The bull was their symbol, displayed on their flag and they had a reputation for daring and enterprise. During the reign of the Chola kings these guilds had their own settlements called “virapattanas”, which enjoyed special privileges in trade and were hardly affected by the wars and revolutions that went on in South India at that period. Generally, there were three categories of Indian merchants who traded with Southeast Asia: there were the merchant princes, normal traders and the middlemen who embarked from the east coast of India and used three types of ships: boats that coasted along the shore, large vessels of whole logs bound together (the sangara) and the very large ships, the colandra. An Indian ship of the sixth century A.D. is described as large with no outriggers. It had three high masts and a bowsprit, rigged with the respective sails; it was fitted with intricate steering gear of the double quarter rudder type. It is also recorded that Tamil vessels which crossed the Indian Ocean between 400 BC and 300 AD were described as “sea elephants”. The Indian traders not only carried merchandise but also their Hindu and Buddhist religions and culture to Southeast Asia. Paul Wheatley says that archaeological evidence points to South India as the regional centre for the diffusion of Hinduism. The Chola kings of South India, for example, were great patrons of the arts and literature and ardent devotees of Shiva. The merchants belonged to one of the first three traditional castes of India. The most ordinary classification and at the same time the most ancient are four: first and most distinguished are the Brahmins; the second are the Ksatriyas and the third are Vaisyas or

landholders and merchants. The fourth are the Sudras or cultivators and menials. Indian trade with early Melaka Melaka was situated ideally in the trade lanes between India and the Malay Archipelago. Perhaps, before the coming of Prince Parameswara, the founder of Melaka, about 1402, there must have been a very small population of Malays there whose livelihood depended mainly on fishing, farming and piracy. The Prince rapidly transformed the little village into a thriving port in Southeast Asia and the monsoon winds enabled the sailing ships to get to this port. The northeast monsoon also brought Chinese junks to Melaka. At the same time it took the ships from India and the Middle East back to their ports. The southwest monsoon brought trading ships from India and the Middle East to Melaka; at the same time it carried the Chinese junks back to China. Further, Melaka’s prosperous trade with the Indonesian Archipelago promoted Melaka as the centre for the diffusion of Islam after the conversion of Parameswara as a Muslim; he assumed the name Iskandar Shah. Muslim traders particularly from Cambay, the centre of trade in Gujerat (West India), a powerful Muslim State, had also established a lucrative trade between West India and Southeast Asia by the 15th century. Muslims from Gujerat and the Malabar coast and Tamils traded in Melaka. The Hindu merchants of South India were rich; they owned numerous ships and carried out a prosperous and extensive trade with Melaka. The merchants possessed business acumen and were familiar with all forms of commercial transactions. They established trading stations in Melaka. Others who accompanied them to Melaka were their 3

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assistants who included book-keepers, clerks and compradores. Their acumen and industry led to the rapid rise of their economic position and status in Melaka. The population of Melaka rose to 2,000 after three years and by 1413 it was 6,000; by 1510 there was a polyglot population of 40,000 to 50,000 and 84 languages could be heard spoken in Melaka. Of these residents there were about 1,000 very rich Gujeratis and the other 3,000 Indian merchants who included Tamils, Bengalis, Parsis, Malayalees and others either conducting their own business or representing various commercial enterprises. The Tamils were the largest immigrant community. The Indian mercantile population were prosperous and wealthy; they commanded the respect of the Malay ruler and were accorded a special place in Melaka society. The Hindu merchants who traded between India and Melaka were of a distinct caste. Gujeratis called their merchants of high calibre setjis and according to the TamilEnglish Dictionary by V. Visvanatha Pillai, the word setu means merchant. From setu is derived the word chitty; the Peranakan Indians are therefore called Chitty Melaka. These merchants who were largely Tamils are distinct from the chettiars who came later to Singapore and Malaya in the 20th century as owners of rubber estates and as moneylenders. The Indian merchants traded largely with the ruling elite. The merchants who traded during the Melaka Sultanate were either married men who returned to their homeland in South India after their mercantile transactions or bachelors who remained as representatives of their employers. The wives of these Indian merchants, in accordance with Indian tradition, had to be left in India because women were not allowed to cross the seas. Thus, the Indian merchants travelled leaving their families in the care and protection

of their close relatives. In Melaka, Indian bachelors had to remain for months waiting for the change of the monsoons if they wanted to return home. Those who had to become domiciled because of the nature of their business began to marry into the indigenous community which included Malays, Javanese and Bataks and some later into the wealthy Peranakan Chinese, the Nonyas. Mr. Gwee Thian Hock in his book, “A Nonya Mosiac” says “ … many of whom (Chinese) in the early period had taken the maidens of local Malay and Indian Baba (the Chitty) stock as their wives”. The Peranakan Indians today have therefore a special bond with the Babas in Melaka. The married Indian merchants, according to their religion, were not allowed to marry more than one wife but it is probable that some had two families, one in South India and another in Melaka. The Indian Hindu merchants had also married indigenous women; thus both categories — the married and bachelor Hindus — brought about the evolution of the Chitty Melaka or the Peranakan Indians. As the wives were nonIndians, the children spoke the tongue of their mothers, which was Malay. Gradually these Chittys’ (the men’s) proficiency in their mother tongue declined and Baba Malay was increasingly used. Once the Peranakan Indians had settled in Melaka, they gradually severed their relationship with India. The Peranakan Indian families were not taken back to India as they would not have been accepted there because Indians did not recognize children of intermarriage and foreign wives were not accepted by the caste-conscious Indian society. The Peranakan Indians were staunch in their Hindu beliefs, Saivite faith and traditions. The majority did not convert to Islam despite marrying Muslim women

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A replica of the palace (Istana) during the Melaka Sultanate. Today it is the Cultural Museum at the foot of St Paul’s Hill in Melaka.

because they were highly orthodox Hindus. This is rather a unique feature of the Peranakan Indians. They met the onslaught of Islam and later Christianity (particularly from the Portuguese and the Dutch) but fervently held on to their Hindu faith. This is the greatest source of pride of the Peranakan Indians. The classical names given to their children indicate beyond any doubt their close adherence to their religion; names of Hindu deities were selected, for example, Krishna, Kathayee and Abirami. They were people who had a sound grasp of their religion. During the Melaka Sultanate, the Peranakan Indians were allocated a special section of Melaka because of their affluence,

expertise and leadership. They even held positions like that of harbour master or Dato Shahbandar and were not compelled to convert to Islam. The Malay ruler and his ministers also obviously did not restrict the Malay women from marrying the conservative Hindu merchants. The Malay wives remained as Hindus. There can be two plausible explanations; first, Islam probably had not taken complete root after the conversion of Parameswara as a Muslim. This could have been the transitional period in the spread of Islam; second, there might have existed pockets of non-Muslim Malay communities in Melaka. The Malay Peninsula was part of the Buddhist Sri Vijaya Empire and also of the Javanese Hindu empire of Majapahit. 5

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There must have been enclaves of Hindu and Buddhist communities in the Peninsula at this period. Most of the Peranakan Indians lived with their families in houses modelled on those in their former homeland. In South India a thinnai (verandah) is built in front of the house where strangers and travellers could rest or spend the night. These thinnai became part of the standard feature of Peranakan Indian houses. The bachelor merchants, however, dwelt in what we call today as boarding houses where female slaves seemed to have served them with food and drinks. The Tamils of South India and the Peranakan Indians were very influential in the Melaka court. One of the early Bendaharas (Chief Ministers) of the Melaka Sultanate was Tun Ali, a Tamil Muslim; he was succeeded by the famous Tun Perak. Gradually, rivalry developed in the Melaka

court between the Tamil Hindus and the Tamil Muslims. The Tamil Muslims were, however, closer to the Sultan. Despite this, the Peranakan Indians had firmly established themselves in Melaka before the invasion of Melaka by the Portuguese in 1511. In time, prejudice was shown against the Peranakan Indians and Indian merchants and probably discrimination in terms of port dues and other taxes. The attitude and indifference shown by these merchants during the Portuguese invasion could be attributed to this. Most of the Peranakan Indians remained uncommitted, disinterested or neutral during the conflict. Such was the rivalry between the Peranakan Indians and the Muslims that one Naina Chetu (Naina Chitty) was in touch with the Portuguese in Goa, India, before the coming of the Portuguese envoy, Admiral Diego Lopes de Sequeira, to Malacca in 1509.

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CHIN A

INDIA Kallnangarao

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INDIAN OCEAN

Historical map of India and Southeast Asia, showing main Indian trading route to the Malay Peninsula.

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2 The Peranakan Indians in Portuguese Melaka

On 1 August 1509, de Sequeira, the Portuguese envoy, visited Melaka carrying with him a letter from the King of Portugal. His mission was to establish trade with Melaka. The Tamil Muslims who were now powerful in the Melaka court and friendly with Tun Mutahir, the Bendahara, were hostile towards the Christian Portuguese. The local Gujeratis who were also Muslims and had known the Portuguese in India, preached a holy war against “the infidel”. Unfortunately, because of the dissension between Sultan Mahmud and Tun Mutahir, a plot was hatched to kill de Sequeira, imprison his men and capture the Portuguese fleet anchored off the Melaka River. The plot leaked out and de Sequeira managed to escape from Melaka in his ship, leaving behind several of his men as captives. Between 1509 and 1511 Naina Chitty, one of the leaders of the Indian and the Peranakan Indian community, assisted Ruy de Aranjo and the 20 other Portuguese prisoners and allowed

them to stay, presumably under house arrest. There were also other well-known Peranakan Indians such as Naina Sura Dewana and Raja Mudaliar — who was the richest trader in Melaka at the time. R.O. Winstedt writes in his book, A History of Malaya, “that among the rich were the merchants (Hindus) of Coromandel who are corpulent with big bellies. They go bare above the waist and wear cotton clothes, below”. In May 1511 Afonso de Albuquerque, the Governor of Goa, the Portuguese capital in India, appeared in the waters off Melaka to capture the city and take revenge upon the Malays. His objective was to destroy Melaka’s position as the centre of Archipelago trade and the diffusion of Islam. He had with him 19 ships with 800 Portuguese soldiers and 600 Indian troops. Alburqueque demanded from the Sultan the release of the prisoners and an indemnity. Sultan Mahmud agreed to both demands and also granted a site for the construction of a

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The gateway — the remains of the Fort built by the Portuguese in 1511. In 1670 the Dutch repaired the gateway and inscribed the VOC (Dutch East India Company) crest at the top. The Fort was demolished by the British in 1807 during their temporary occupation of Melaka during the Napoleonic Wars.

Portuguese fort. Despite this, Alburqueque attacked Melaka. Because of the secret Portuguese contact with Naina Chitty and the assistance rendered by him to the Portuguese, Alburqueque ordered his men to sack the city after the capture of Melaka, but told them not to touch Naina Chitty’s houses. Despite brave and stiff resistance by the Malays, the Portuguese captured Melaka and the Malays had to retreat into the hinterland. Sultan Mahmud eventually left Melaka with his followers to Johore and his various attempts to recapture Melaka ended in failure. The Portuguese

consolidated their position in Melaka after 1511. Soon after the Portuguese conquest, Naina Chitty advised the Portuguese that they should withdraw the Malay coinage (mainly made of tin) as it had caused much inconvenience to the traders. Alburqueque, heeding the advice, decided to mint three values. To give publicity to the new coinage, a procession was held and Naina Chitty’s son scattered the new coins among the people. Naina Chitty was later appointed as the headman of the Hindu community. His services to the Portuguese were further 9

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St Paul’s Hill, Melaka and what remains of St Paul’s Church, which was built by the Portuguese in 1521 and named Duarte Coelho. The Dutch renamed it as St Paul’s and made it an extension of the fortress. In 1753 the Dutch converted it into a burial ground for their nobility. The open grave in the church is where St Francis Xavier was once buried before his body was moved to Goa, India.

recognized by the granting of the office of Bendahara, still a high position, though not with the same significance as during the Melaka Sultanate. In the succeeding three years, Naina Chitty helped the Portuguese to open up trade with the surrounding area though it was insinuated that he took very good care of his own interests at the same time. In theory, he was supposed to have held office for life and to pass it on to his descendants. However, by the time the royal confirmation had arrived, Naina Chitty had been deposed and it is said that he then committed suicide. Naina Chitty’s

unpopularity among the remaining Melaka Malays perhaps could have been a reason for his loss of favour with the Portuguese. The office of Bendahara seems to have been restored to his family at a later date. The Peranakan Indians were part of the Melaka Tamil community. By the latter part of the Portuguese occupation, Indian merchants including the Peranakan Indians were bringing their own domestic servants — laundrymen, cooks and cleaners — from India. This was a factor in the creation of the various castes that now live in Gajah Berang, the Peranakan Indian settlement in Melaka.

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3 The Peranakan Indians in Dutch Melaka

On 16 January 1641 after a protracted siege of five months, Melaka, the “pearl in the Portuguese crown”, finally fell to a combined Dutch and Malay force. The Portuguese fought with bravery and more than 7,000 people, including soldiers and locals, died during the siege from famine, disease and enemy fire. During the Dutch occupation the Hindus gradually lost their trade to the Muslims who succeeded the Hindus as traders between Melaka and India. This was largely due to the growth of Muslim power and their influence in India. Hindus could not use Muslim ships for their trade; however, South Indian merchants in the Coromandel Coast still retained some of the trade. This was because there was very little Muslim influence in the South and Vijayanagar, the seat of Tamil culture, still survived. The subsequent fall of Vijayanagar, the last of the Hindu and Tamil kingdoms, was the final blow to Tamil commerce and trade and Indian

St Peter’s Church established in 1710 by the Dutch in Melaka. 11

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Muslim traders now plied the shipping routes to Melaka. It is probable that Hindus had sold their ships or rented them out to the Muslims whose conquest of the Carnatic was completed in 1652. This dramatic turn of events — the supremacy of the Indian Muslims — ultimately led to the decline in status and wealth of the Hindus, including the Peranakan Indians in Melaka. In Melaka, the Tamils (Hindus) had to surrender their former position to the Chinese by the end of the second half of the 17th century. When the Dutch had captured Portuguese Melaka in 1641 they renamed Kampong Kling as Kampong Balanda. It was during the Dutch period that the Sri Poyatha Vinayagar Moorthy Hindu Temple was built by the Peranakan Indians in 1781. It is the oldest Hindu temple in Singapore and Malaysia. As a result of the decline of their trade and their failure to compete with the Dutch and the Muslims, the Peranakan Indians were forced by circumstances to venture into a occupation with which they were not familiar — craftsmanship. A large number of them became goldsmiths. However, the difficulties in procuring gold and its shortage resulted in the Peranakan Indians abandoning their new enterprise after some years. Finally, they were compelled to switch to agriculture. This was again something alien to them. Indeed, Governor Balthasar Bort in 1678 observed that the Hindu community was not much inclined towards agriculture. But there was no other alternative for this community. A few, however, still remained as craftsmen; some even took to operating kilns for baking bricks, with their chiefs residing in Kampong Balanda. The majority of the Peranakan Indians migrated into the interior of Melaka. Some of the wealthy had to vacate their comfortable homes in Heeren Street (the

present-day Jalan Tan Cheng Lok) where the Peranakan Indian goldsmiths were, and shifted into places in the hinterland like Gajah Berang. A large number of them also moved to Tranquerah and Bacang to cultivate rice and do general farming, neither of which were their traditional occupations. The Peranakan Indians had now lost contact with their families or relatives in their Indian homeland and could not even recall the districts their ancestors had originally set sail from for the shores of Melaka. By the close of Dutch rule, the majority of this community were farmers in Gajah Berang, Bacang and Tranquerah. They erected small temples (koils) in the farmlands to appease the sprits of the land. These koils still exist in Melaka and can be seen in Gajah Berang. Some wealthy Peranakan Indians who had ventured into the brickmaking industry continued using kilns in the outskirts of Melaka; they even owned horse carriages for their personal transport. Large tracts of land were owned by the Peranakan Indians during the Portuguese and Dutch periods of occupation. Plots of land belonging to individual members of this community and no longer in use for agriculture were sold off. Some portions of the unsold lands were donated to Sri Poyatha Vinayagar Moorthy Temple; these are now referred to as “temple lands” and managed today by a committee in Melaka. During the Napoleonic Wars the British from Penang temporarily occupied Dutch Melaka; this was because Napoleon had conquered Holland and King William of Orange fled to England and issued his famous Kew Letters. The British were asked to occupy the Dutch Settlements in the East for fear of the French claiming them. The British then occupied Melaka from 1795 to 1802 and again until 1818 during the Napoleonic Wars. Stamford Raffles, then the Assistant Secretary

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Christ Church, Melaka, built by the Dutch in 1753. The British during their temporary occupation of Dutch Melaka made additions. The Dutch later converted it into a Reform Church. In 1838 it became an Anglican Church.

in Penang, was convalescing in Melaka in 1808 during the British occupation and he observed that the British troops under Captain William Farquhar were demolishing the forts built by the Portuguese. The A Famosa fort built by the Portuguese in 1511 was blown up in 1807 during the temporary occupation of Melaka by the British. What remains today of the fortress is its gateway.

Further, the British wanted to depopulate Melaka, that is, to transfer the entire population comprising the 20,000 mostly Melaka-born inhabitants, for example, the Babas, the Peranakan Indians and the Eurasians, to British Penang. The British strategy was that when the Dutch returned to Melaka after the Napoleonic Wars, there would be no fort and no population. It was 13

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Sri Poyatha Vinayagar Moorthy Temple in Melaka — the oldest Hindu Temple in Singapore and Malaysia — was built in 1781 under Dutch rule by the Peranakan Indians. “All the land situated at Goldsmith street, in the town and state of Melaka T. A XIII marked Lot no. 62 containing an area of 15,879 sq ft being the land formerly comprised in Dutch Title Deed No 12 dated 20th day of August, 1781 and by conveyance dated 30th day of March, 1893. Together with the buildings thereon erected and known as Municipal Nos. 3, 5, 11, 13 and 15 Goldsmith Street, Malacca. Property registered under the name of Tievanaigum (Dheivanayagam) Chitty (deceased). The President of Hindoo Temple in Malacca designed Estree Pooyadah Venaigar Moortee Temple Goldsmith Street, Malacca. Purchased for and behalf of the said Hindoo Temple.” Text taken from original title deeds by B.S. Naiker.

Inner Sanctum of the Temple 14

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Tablets inside the Temple.

The Trustees are Peranakan Indians.

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The Stadthuys, Melaka, now the Melaka Historical Museum.

indeed an advanced doctrine of warfare! The population was offered free passage to Penang, but they refused and petitioned against evacuation. Farquhar himself supported them but the East India Company refused to budge. Raffles then wrote his famous minute to his superior, the Governor-General of India, stating that it would be inhumane to transfer the population. The GovernorGeneral agreed with Raffles and rescinded the decision. Raffles therefore saved Melaka, the Babas, the Peranakan Indians and the rest. The Peranakan Indians were thus saved from

being uprooted from their adopted homeland. The population of Melaka in 1795 included Malays, Chinese, Indians, Eurasians, some Javanese, Arabs and others besides the few hundred Dutch officials, soldiers and civilians. The Chinese were largely town-dwellers and these included merchants, shopkeepers, petty traders and artisans. The Indians included Tamils, Malabaris, Bengalis, Gujeratis; all these were almost entirely town-dwellers and were merchants, shopkeepers, moneylenders or clerks.

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4 The Peranakan Indians under British Rule in Melaka and their Migration to Singapore

The Peranakan Indians were very happy to give up farming, which had not been a successful venture for them and accepted gradually employment under the British as government servants and in private firms. The Peranakan Indians found security in government jobs. Even today in Singapore, Melaka, Penang and elsewhere, there is this tendency to be employed in government service or statutory boards. The British, like the Dutch, had faith and trust in the Peranakan Indians because they were loyal, honest, law-abiding and industrious. Several of them were honoured by the British for their loyalty.

A portrait of Queen Victoria from one of their homes, now in the private collection of the author. The Peranakan Indians were loyal British subjects and admirers of the British monarchs.

The Peranakan Indians in Singapore Before the turn of 20th century, a number of the English-educated Peranakan Indians left for Penang, Kuala Lumpur and Singapore. It is believed that about 50 per cent of these migrated to Singapore to take up 17

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There was a concentration of Peranakan Indians in Chitty Road (in Little India), Singapore in the late 19th and early 20th century.

employment, both lucrative or otherwise, in the private sector or in the colonial government service. Quite a number joined the Singapore Police Force. Several Peranakan Indians also sold their properties to the Peranakan Chinese (Babas) and to others in Melaka and left for Singapore. A few of these had resided in Kampong Kling, which is now part of the Tranquerah area of Melaka. The Peranakan Indians who migrated included the elders and the younger generation and both age groups found jobs in Singapore. In Singapore, it was natural for the Peranakan Indians to live in enclaves in various parts of the island. Many settled at Waterloo Street; several families also resided in Dalhousie Lane, Kampong Kapor, Kinta Road, Chitty Road, Rowell Road, Serangoon Road (near Jalan Besar), Bencoolen Street and Selegie Road. Some members of this community even owned

tracts of lands; some were reasonably wealthy and few of them even used horse carriages. It is significant that a road, Chitty Road (off Serangoon Road) has been named after the Peranakan Indians. There must have been a sizeable community in the area between Serangoon Road and Jalan Besar. When the Peranakan Indians settled in these “colonies” in the early years, their Chinese and Malay neighbours referred to the males as Mamak Baba. Several of the daughters of the Peranakan Indians married Tamil Hindus and an equal number perhaps wedded others, including Malayalees, and Chinese; quite a number converted to Christianity through marriage. In Singapore today many Peranakan Indians have been assimilated into the Indian community. Those who married (both men and women) other races did so because generally the Peranakan Indians could only speak English and Malay and not Tamil.

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Most Peranakan Indians are also fair skinned and could easily be mistaken for Chinese or Malays. Many of them eventually learnt to speak Tamil by intermingling with the community. There are many in Singapore today who are of Peranakan Indian descent; some are lawyers, clerks and several are teachers. There are also members of this community in the Singapore Armed Forces. There was one very senior officer in the Vocational and Industrial Training Board. A Peranakan Indian of distinction to leave his homeland of Melaka

for Singapore was the late Mr. MuthuKrishnan Tevanathan Pillay, an accountant in the Accountant General’s Office. Mr M.T. Pillay was largely responsible for encouraging many of the Peranakan Indians from Melaka to migrate to Singapore and with his influence and recommendation was able to emplace several of them in the Singapore Civil Service and private sector. He was considered the leader of this community in Singapore. For his meritorious and loyal service, he was awarded the Member of the British Empire (MBE).

Mr and Mrs M.T. Pillay and family.

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5 The Peranakan Indians under Japanese Occupation, 1942–45

Though the Japanese invasion of Malaya had begun on 8 December 1941, much of the population of Malaya and Singapore, including the Peranakan Indians, were oblivious of this fact because of the blackout of war news imposed by the British military authorities. The Peranakan Indians, when they finally heard of the Japanese advance and the bombing of Singapore and Kuala Lumpur, believed the powerful British forces were invincible and would repel the Japanese army. Some Peranakan Indian students may have sat for the Cambridge Examination in December 1941 — ironically, the paper on 8 December was the “History of the British Empire”. The first suspicion by the Peranakan Indians in Melaka that something was happening was when the 4th Battalion of the Melaka Volunteer Corps was mobilized and dispatched to Singapore. Some of the Peranakan Indians were then employed in this Corps, including the late Mr. B.S. Naiker.

Soon after, they received the tragic news of the sinking of the HMS Repulse and the HMS Prince of Wales, two mighty ships of the British Navy, off the coast of Kuantan, Pahang by Japanese aircraft on 10 December 1941. This stunned and alarmed the people of Malaya and Singapore, especially the Peranakan Indians and Chinese who were loyal British subjects. Kuala Lumpur, which was about 100 miles from Melaka, fell to the Japanese on 6 January 1942 and this further jolted the Peranakan Indians. Those who were employed by the British government were paid an advance of three months’ salary and were promised by their employers that they would soon return. As the British retreated to the south of Malaya, there was no battle for Melaka; the people were spared the sufferings of a town under attack. Many town folk took refuge in the rubber plantations and several fled to Singapore, including prominent men like Tan Cheng Lock, the leader of the Peranakan

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Routes used in the Japanese invasion of Malaya and Singapore from Southern Thailand and Kelantan.

Chinese. The bulk of the Peranakan Indians remained in the outskirts and particularly in Gajah Berang. Only a small number left for Singapore to join their relatives and friends who had migrated there before 1941. These Peranakan Indians felt it was safer to be in Singapore, the “Impregnable Fortress of the East”. On the other hand, some of them moved out of Singapore to take refuge in Melaka. Unlike many of the Chinese and Peranakan Chinese of Malaya and Singapore who immediately fell victim to Japanese atrocities, the Peranakan Indians were relatively untouched by the initial Japanese euphoria over their victory. The Indians were also fortunate because of the Indian Independence League, which cooperated with the Japanese who had promised to liberate India from the British. The Peranakan Indians were part of the Indian community; although they resembled the Chinese and Malays in their features and

spoke Malay, they applied a dot and the holy ash on their foreheads which distinguished them as Indians and Hindus. These external markings saved the Peranakan Indians during the Japanese occupation as they were easily identified as Indians and not as Chinese. The Peranakan Indians quickly learnt the Japanese words, watakushi wa Indo-jin des (I am an Indian). The Peranakan Indians both in Singapore and Melaka also assisted some of the daughters of their Chinese friends by applying the dot on their foreheads and dressing them up in sarees so that they could pass off easily as Peranakan Indians before the Japanese sentries. The daughters of the late Sreenivasan Mudaliar and his wife Sundramal who lived in Singapore could recall vividly this great risk to their lives their parents took in Tranquerah, Melaka during the early part of the Japanese occupation. Gradually, Melaka and Singapore nervously returned to normalcy when the Japanese Military Administration was 21

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established. The Peranakan Indians now returned to their jobs in the town. At the same time the dreaded kempetai, the military police, also set up their headquarters in the former Government Rest House in Melaka and in various parts of Singapore. The kempeitai soon began its arrests, torture and executions. The reign of terror had begun. All the communities including the Peranakan Indians were terrified. A distinguished member and leader of the community, Layna Annamalai Chitty, Municipal Commissioner, Justice of the Peace, Appraiser and Auctioneer was detained by the Japanese and only released after their surrender at the end of the war. The Peranakan Indians along with the other communities suffered from war-time acute shortages of food, clothing, soap, medicines and the rise in the prices and black market. The inflation was caused by the unlimited circulation of military scrips — “banana money”. This community was largely working for the Japanese and had to supplement their income by selling their additional rations of rice, cigarettes and other commodities issued to them by their Japanese masters. The Japanese occupation were also days of innovation: for example, rubber petrol was distilled, hard tyres were manufactured for bicycles and pineapple fibre was turned into thread for sewing and paper manufacture. The Melaka population gradually received lower rice rations that had to be supplemented with tapioca. Fortunately for the Peranakan Indians, tapioca, ragi, sago and vegetables were grown in Gajah Berang, Tranquerah and as far away as Limbongan two and half miles away from the town. Rice was grown in Melaka too and a rice research station was established to develop new strains of rice. In 1943 and 1944 more food campaigns were launched and areas of crop lands were increased in Melaka.

There is no evidence to indicate how many Peranakan Indians were involved in the labour service corps organized for the construction of an airfield and the removal of the Melaka-Tampin railway track for use in laying out the Burma-Thailand and Kra railways. However, several Peranakan Indians both in Singapore and Melaka were recruited for the construction of the Burma-Thailand and Kra railways. Many of the labourers who were recruited or forced into working on this “death railway” suffered from beri beri and scurvy and died in Burma or Thailand along with the Allied prisoners of war. Only a few returned to their families, in poor health. One of them in Melaka was K. Sivaram Chitty, a close relative of K.T. Chitty, the senior trustee of the Temple Committee in Gajah Berang and recognized leader of the Peranakan Indians in Melaka. In Singapore, the Peranakan Indians and other communities grew food crops particularly vegetables and tapioca in their backyards or in the kampongs to supplement their meagre government rations. Many there also suffered from malnutrition, beri-beri and scurvy. The Peranakan Indians in Singapore and Melaka continued to observe their various religious festivals and ceremonies during the Japanese occupation and the government raised no objections to these. However, they were conducted on a very small scale. The Japanese Emperor surrendered to the Allies in August 1945. Like the rest of the people of Melaka and Singapore, the three and a half years of Japanese occupation was a traumatic experience and a period of severe deprivation and utter humiliation for the Peranakan Indians, but they survived the ordeals under the reign of terror and held together as a community with trust in their Creator and faith in their religion.

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6 The Peranakan Indians Today in Gajah Berang, Melaka

A typical Peranakan Indian house in Gajah Berang, Melaka, where most of the Peranakan Indians live on Temple lands. The front of the house is called thinnai where strangers are allowed to rest or spend the night — a South Indian tradition not practised by other South Indians in Singapore or Malaysia.

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Kampong Tujoh or Chitty Village in Gajah Berang is just on the outskirts of the town of Melaka. The name “Gajah Berang” means wild elephant. There must have been a large number of these in that area in early Melaka. Elephants were also used from very early times as a means of transport in Melaka not only by the royalty but also by the rich merchants. Kampong Tujoh is bordered by Jalan Gajah Berang, Tranquerah, Bachang and Lorong Pandan. The total area of Kampong Tujoh is seven acres and outside it are five acres making a total of twelve acres. Some of these lands have been converted into a communal burial ground. All these lands belong to the Peranakan Indians and are commonly referred to as the “Temple Lands”. In Melaka there are at present about 50 Peranakan Indian families numbering about 400 persons. In Gajah Berang itself there are about 30 Peranakan Indian homes against 98 previously in the same area. In the 1950s those from other communities were permitted to settle in Gajah Berang and so non-Peranakan Indians, Malays and Chinese moved in to build houses in the Temple Lands of Gajah Berang. There are now about 50 Chinese families living in Kampong Tujoh and the rental of 25 ringgit per person per household was imposed after the Melaka government increased the original 900 ringgit quit rent to 18,000 ringgit per annum. Despite this, under the present leadership, the financial position of the Temple Committee is very sound. Most of the lands in Gajah Berang, which belonged to wealthy Peranakan Indians settlers, were donated to the Temple. Today’s Peranakan Indians are living there because of the foresight of their prosperous ancestors. The concentration of the Peranakan Indians in Gajah Berang resulted when they had to turn to agriculture as mentioned earlier.

When this community opted out of cultivation in favour of urban employment after the British occupation of Melaka, some of the farmlands were sold to other people from outside the community. However, the Temple Lands could not be sold; further, the Peranakan Indians are fervent Hindus and have deep attachment to their land and temples in Gajah Berang and elsewhere. Private properties, however, had changed hands several times and this had threatened the economic position of the Peranakan Indians. Melaka’s Peranakan Chinese, on the other hand, have a larger population and are economically sound and occupy some of the best localities in the town. The Peranakan Indians in Gajah Berang today lead the life of average Melaka residents and are engaged in various occupations. Several members of this community hold jobs in the private sector, in statutory boards and in government service. Many have now retired and lead a quiet life in Gajah Berang and elsewhere in Melaka. Several Peranakan Indian students are in secondary schools; a few are undergraduates and graduate teachers. However, the majority of the Peranakan Indians in Gajah Berang are not well-off. Their standard of living, however, has improved from the early 20th century. In 1934, for example, the Peranakan Indians looked for support from India-born Indians; a society known as the Melaka-born Indians Poor-Aid Society was established. Quite a number of young men own motorcycles and those who live outside Gajah Berang own their own homes and vehicles. A few still provide services to the temples in the vicinity. They give free labour to the temples during the festivals, assist with the chariots which carry the Hindu deities from the temples and also erect shelters during various religious functions, for example, weddings. They assemble and decorate the mannavarei,

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the special seat of the bridal couple during the marriage ceremony. Of the Peranakan Indians in Gajah Berang, 38 per cent speak Tamil, 3 per cent Chinese and the rest Malay. It is easy to identify the homes of the Gajah Berang Peranakan Indians because all the main entrances have the images of the Hindu deities Lakshmi or Ganesha who ensure every happiness on earth. Members of this community in Singapore, even those living in the Housing Development

Board flats, also adhere to this tradition. All Peranakan Indians have altars in their homes even where (through marriage) they belong to other religious faiths. This is not normally practised by the Hindu South Indians in Singapore or Malaysia. According to the constitution of the Temple, when a non-Peranakan Indian man marries a Peranakan Indian woman, he is considered a Peranakan Indian. The caste division of the Peranakan Indians today in Melaka is as follows:

Caste

Families in Gajah Berang

Families outside Gajah Berang

Total no. of Families in Gajah Berang

Chitty

3

3

6

Pillai

12

13

25

Neiker

4

—

4

Rajah

2

—

2

Padayachi

3

1

4

Mudaliar

4

—

4

Pathar

1

—

1

Konar

2

1

3

Kullen

1

—

1

Total

32

18

50

No. of persons in Gajah Berang No. of persons outside Gajah Berang Total no. of Peranakan Indians in Melaka

225 100 ——— 325 ———

Source: S Tegarajah, Gajah Berang, Melaka, July, 2004

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The classification into the different castes is more to reflect their early history rather than to wrongly conclude that the Peranakan Indians are caste conscious. They are a very cohesive community. The general welfare and activities of the Peranakan Indians are looked after by the elected Management Committee of the temples. All those above the age of twenty-one can vote for the Committee at the general meetings. There is a tacit understanding that only those who are married can serve on the Committee. Women hardly attend the general meetings of the community. The Management Committee of fifteen members is “reminiscent of the traditional Hindu Panchayat system of village councils where all authority and wisdom of the elders prevail”. The senior trustee was Kanagasavai Thevenaigum Chitty, the great grandson of first senior trustee Theivanayagum Chitty (whose portrait hangs in the Melaka Museum). K.T. Chitty retired as the branch manager of the Borneo Company, Melaka. He served as the Chairman of the Management Committee of the Temples for several years. All meetings of the Committee and the General Meetings are conducted both in Malay and English. Constitution of the the main Hindu temple The author is not aware of any Hindu temple in Singapore or Malaysia whose Management Committee has the special clauses incorporated in the Temple Constitution as in the case of the Peranakan Indians. Under Rule 10 of the Rule and ByLaws of the Sri Poyatha Vinayagar Moorthy Temple (SRVM), Melaka, all the members of the Management Committee and the Trustees are required to take a solemn oath before the shrine of the Saiva faith as follows:

We swear in the presence of the Almighty Lord Siva and Sakti, that we, as the Management committee of the SPVM Temple, adhere to the principles of the Saiva Faith and shall not do anything or permit anything to be done in violation of or departure from those principles in connection with the administration and the conduct of any religious ceremonies incidental thereto. We shall carry out our duties honestly, sincerely and impartially, for the betterment and upliftment of our community. This is an admirable feature of the Peranakan Indians (Saivites). Under Rule 26 the Management Committee recommends that all members of the community should attend certain religious festivals and functions. It is also compulsory for all members to attend and provide assistance during the “Thirunal” Ceremonies and at least one member from every household should be present and render help in the procession of the chariot (“Rathan”). Attendance and assistance at funerals of the community are also compulsory. The Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple is the focus for all major Peranakan Hindu festivals and special prayers. It is interesting to note that this temple is called “Datuk Chachar” by the general public in Melaka. “Chachar” means chicken pox in Malay. Many Chinese in Melaka go to the temple to pray in this temple and ask for holy ash (vibuthy) and this ash is taken to their homes when anyone is suffering from chicken pox. The holy ash is rubbed on to the body of the person infected to prevent the outbreak of the pustules. Many Chinese also attend regular prayers here and during the special festival (the Thiruvizha) Chinese devotees donate large quantities of rice and cooking oil to help feed the many who attend the festival.

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Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple in Gajah Berang, Melaka, built in 1822. This temple is the focus for all major Hindu/Peranakan Indian festivals in Melaka and also for the special festival (the Thiruvizha) held annually when Peranakan Indians from all over Malaysia and Singapore meet. This temple is also called “Dato Chachar” by non-Indians.

Sri Kailasanathar Temple (Shiva Temple) in Gajah Berang, Melaka, built in 1887.

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Grama Koils in the former paddy fields in Gajah Berang, Melaka; the Peranakan Indians finally resorted to agriculture in their Temple Lands.

“Grama Koils” (village temples) Nowhere in Singapore, Malaysia or Indonesia did Indians involve themselves in agriculture in the 17th, 18th or 19th centuries except in Melaka. The Peranakan Indians were an exception. In the fields and outside the village as is the tradition in South India, the Peranakan Indians built koils so that the deities in these temples would protect the villagers, their fields and crops. The Peranakan Indians call these temples kramarthu kovilgal (village temples) as their ancestors did both in Melaka and South India. The Peranakan Indians had modified the earliest South Indians traditions to hold regular special prayers at grama koils even though there is no agriculture in the lands where these temples are located. Special poojas (prayers) are conducted in these temples during certain months of the year. The temple 28

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Grama Koils — village temples

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Grama Koils — village temples

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The Chitty Melaka Museum (Muzium Chitty), Gajah Berang, Melaka. Standing in front is the curator, Naraindran Raj. Datuk Seri Haji Mohd Ali bin Mohd Rustum, Chief Minister, Melaka, officially opened the Museum in Jalan Gajah Berang on 5 August 2003.

programme published states “Annual Aadi (month) Poosais” (‘poojas’). Poojas are held in the month of “Aadi” and they begin at 12 noon which is recognized as a very auspicious time. These temples are: • • • • • • • •

Sri lyanar (son of Shiva) Temple Sri Kaliamman Temple, Linggadariammam Temple Sri Kathai Amman Temple Sri Dharmarajah (Yama, Lord of Hell) Sri Amman Temple Sri Gangadhari Temple and Sri Anggalamman Parameswari (Parvati) Temple

These poojas conducted in the grama koils are further evidence of the rich cultural heritage of the Peranakan Indians and their fervent adherence to their Hindu faith and traditions. Old Indian brass utensils and lamps. 31

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A Peranakan Indian Sireh (betel leaf) brass container (a Malay cultural influence) and other items in the Museum.

An old harmonium and drums on either side. 32

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An old Javanese cap usually used by Peranakan Indian men and rare south Indian wooden sandals, terompah, on either side. The wooden sandals had a silver upright piece, which was held between the largest toe and the next to facilitate movement.

A display of the wedding seat “Pelamin Pengantin Chitty” and items used in a traditional Peranakan Indian wedding. On the walls are wedding photos of the community.

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7 Some Major Saivite Festivals and Ceremonies of the Peranakan Indians

The Peranakan Indians like all Hindus celebrate various festivals and observe rituals and ceremonies. In this chapter an attempt has been made to select some major festivals and ceremonies where they are in some ways in variance with the general practices of Hindus in Malaysia and Singapore. The Peranakan Indians try to adhere to orthodox Saivite forms with some recognizable influence of Malay and Chinese cultures. The three main festivals observed by the Peranakan Indians who are devout Saivites are: the Maha Shivaratri, the Navaratri and the Kartikai Deepam. These festivals are based on the Hindu calendar, which is calculated on the lunar and not the solar cycle. There are 12 Tamil lunar months beginning with the month of Chithirai. For the Tamils, the months begin with the new moon and are divided into two halves: the brightness of the waxing moon and the dark half of the waning moon. The festive days are published in the Hindu Almanac,

which all Peranakan Indians and other Hindus use to fix festivals and ritual days. “All Hindu festivals have a deep spiritual significance and also have religious, social and hygienic elements in them” (Sri Swami Sivananda). The Peranakan Indians, like the other Hindus, celebrate these festivals as part of their worship; some of the festivals they observe are of economic origin; some are climatic and signify the change of seasons while others are astronomic. Many are religious in nature, commemorating events in the world of Hindu mythology. Some of these festivals are to purify the mind and soul of the worshippers and they require fasting and austerity. All have a common objective: to turn their hearts and minds to God for higher things in life. The Maha Shivaratri (Great Night of Shiva) The most significant festival dedicated to Shiva is the Maha Shivaratri which is held

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in the dark half of the Tamil month of Masi (February–March) when the devotees of Shiva worship him right through the whole night. They remain awake and do not sleep at all and offer prayers to the deity. All classes of people worship him and no drinks or food are consumed for the whole of the 24 hours. The Peranakan Indians who are orthodox Saivites generally take only a single meal on the previous day. The night is divided into four quarters and during each quarter or yama, Shiva is worshipped with some distinct ceremonies. The Shiva linga is worshipped throughout the night by bathing it every three hours with milk, curd, honey and rose water. In the beginning of the rituals the devotees worship Shiva with lotus flowers and offer boiled rice to the deity. In each succeeding quarter they will pray with tulasi and vilvam (both sacred leaves) and other items. Hymns in praise of Shiva are sung throughout the night. There are several myths about the significance of Maha Shivaratri and of how devotees of the deity earned the right to Shiva’s grace. The deity has three eyes, the one in the centre of his forehead is the eye of wisdom and when he closes his eyes the whole world is plunged into complete darkness and prayers are held on Maha Shivaratri to remove the utter darkness. According to one legend, on Maha Shivaratri, Shiva performs the heavenly dance of Creation, Preservation and Destruction. The devotees therefore have to spend the night reading the scriptures about Shiva and chant his hymns or sing his bhajans (singing in chorus). Another myth speaks of the marriage of Shiva to Parvati, his consort and all the devotees must keep vigil all night. During one of my visits to Gajah Berang I met a young Peranakan Indian who was studying in a secondary school. I asked him whether he knew what the Maha Shivaratri

was, just to test his knowledge of this observance. The young lad said he could tell me a story to bring out the significance of Maha Shivaratri; he narrated this in Tamil although he habitually spoke Malay at home. I was surprised, for Hindu youth generally lack a deep understanding of the significance of their festivals. The boy narrated the following story. There was once a terrible hunter who went about killing birds and animals in the town of Varanasi. One day he shot many birds and he had difficulty in carrying them back to his home. It was already getting dark and being frightened of beasts he climbed a vilvam (bael) tree to spend the night there. He was cold and hungry and could not sleep. At the foot of the tree was a linga. As he kept moving and shifting his position on a branch, some drops of dew, some leaves, and some flowers fell on the linga. Shiva was very pleased and cleared him of all the sins he had done. The next day the hunter returned to his home and some time later he died.Yama, the King of Hell, came to take his life away. On hearing this, Shiva sent his warlords to stop Yama. There was a furious fight between Shiva’s party and Yama’s. Shiva’s men won and Yama went to complain to Shiva about this interference. Shiva explained that the hunter had given the offering to the linga and therefore the hunter had been taken to Kailas, the home of Shiva. All those who worship Shiva, pray and give offerings to him, get his blessings. There is no merriment during this festival but recital of devotional music and discourses on Saivism are proper and are organized by the Peranakan Indian congregation. The morning after the Maha Shivaratri, devotees bathe and return to the temple to attend prayers. Because of the rigorous demands of these observances, none but the very orthodox and devout will venture to adhere to them strictly. 35

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In 2003 the Peranakan Indians celebrated the Maha Shivaratri on Wednesday 18th February at the Sri Kailasanathar Temple. In Singapore, they observed this in various Shiva Temples. Those in Melaka, other Malaysian States and the Republic of Singapore observe this festival as a strict fruit and milk fast while worshipping, meditating and singing praises of Shiva. If there is the perfect devotion to Shiva, then ultimately the devotees are freed from all their sins and they reach the abode of Shiva and dwell there. They are liberated from the wheel of birth and death. Navaratri (Nine Nights) The Peranakan Indians celebrate Navaratri (Nine Nights) festival in the Tamil months of Puattasi and Aippasi (October) at the Sri Mariamman Temple, Gajah Berang and in the other Mariamman Temples in Singapore and Malaysia. In Singapore, they generally attend the festival at the Sri Mariamman Temple in South Bridge Road. The deity Mariamman is also the Mother Goddess Shakti and her origin can be traced as far back as 4,000 years ago to the Indus Valley civilization of Mohenjo-daro and Harrappa in Northwest India and it is believed to be a Dravidian civilization. Both male and female deities are worshipped as they represent the energies that issue forth from the omnipotent God. The worship of the female aspects of Shiva is a major feature of this Navaratri festival and the temple is decorated with strands of margosa leaves which are associated with the deity Mariamman. These nine nights made up of three sets of three days each are very sacred to the Divine Mother, Shakti, and there is a stipulated ritual to be followed after sunset on each of the nine days. Each day and night is consecrated to

one of the manifestations of Shakti as Durga, Lakshmi and Saraswati and is worshipped in the form of the universal God. One basic aim of Navaratri is to propitiate Shakti who bestows upon man all wealth, prosperity, knowledge (both sacred and secular) and other potent powers. Each set of three days is devoted to the adoration of the three aspects of Shakti, the conscious power of God. Cosmically, it epitomizes the stages of evolution of man to the state of self-realization and the central theme is to acquire lofty virtues and divine qualities. The devotees of the Mother Goddess on these nine nights either fast or take only one meal a day. Those who are weak in faith and who find it difficult to observe the fast for the 9 days may fast for 3, 5, or 7 days. Ardent spiritual aspirants fast with milk and fruit only all the 9 days or at least once in each of the 3-day periods. The pooja (prayers) are conducted everyday at the Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple and other temples as well in the morning, noon and at night. In the Temple, programmes are organized and these include lectures, dance and classical music after the devotions. On the first three days, the Divine Mother is worshipped as the supreme power and force as Durga: the mother of all living creatures on earth. Devotees pray to her to grant them the grace to be rid of all the impurities, vices, and so annihilate the baser animal qualities and destroy the demon of ignorance. To achieve these it is absolutely necessary for the devotees to have a resolute will. In the second stage of the three days, the devotees worship the deity Lakshmi who bestows the divine wealth, the light of supreme wisdom, and the devotees try to acquire order, steadiness, calm, serenity and develop purity. The deity Lakshmi also grants material wealth and prosperity to her devotees;

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she is also the deity of total beauty as well as good fortune. After this, the devotees are fit to receive the divine knowledge and it logically follows that the third stage of the last three days is devoted to the worship of the deity Saraswati who is the divine knowledge personified and is the embodiment of knowledge of the Absolute. She therefore bestows knowledge upon her devotees. All musical instruments and tools of craftsmen, books and stationery are shown great respect and labour is given due dignity; all these items are assembled and placed at the feet of Saraswati to receive her blessings. Honest labour, trade or profession is itself a form of worship of this deity. She is the patron deity of all literature, poetry, music and fine arts.Young children also begin their formal learning on this day. The three deities are the consorts of the Hindu Trinity — Shiva,Vishnu and Brahma. These goddesses represent the primal cosmic energy for the entire cosmos to function. If the aspirants had sincerely and devoutly worshipped Shakti these nine days, they would have attained their goal, their spiritual evolution and their efforts will be assured of success. The Peranakan Indians in Singapore generally tend to attend the Mariamman temple nearest their house or flat for this festival. Kartikai Deepam Kartikai is the Tamil month that falls between October and November and deepam is a Tamil word meaning lamp; therefore literally Kartikai Deepam would mean lamps in the month of Kartikai. This festival falls on a full moon day and the presiding deity is Agni (Fire), which is identified with Shiva.

Fire-worship is an ancient practice among Hindus and in the Hindu religious traditions, Agni plays a significant role in most of the rituals including wedding ceremonies. Kartikai Deepam is a festival of lights and is annually celebrated in honour of the sudden appearance of Shiva as a fiery linga at the beginning of the universe. Devotees of Shiva believe that he embodies the universe and is worshipped in the form of five elements; ether, air, fire, water and earth, which make up the universe. On this day after sunset, all the homes of the Peranakan Indians are lit with numerous saucer-like earthernware vessels with wicks in oil. These lights in multiples of nine are placed in neat rows in front and all round the houses and they create a glorious sight and atmosphere especially in Gajah Berang where most of the residents are Peranakan Indians. In Singapore, several of the Peranakan Indians live in Housing and Development Board flats and therefore these lights are placed at the entrance or on the adjoining wall. The temples are also decorated both inside and outside with these tiny lights. In some temples either a bonfire is lit or a burning pole is erected in the courtyard. In India, the nights of this season are cold and dark and the houses and temples lit with these lamps brighten the atmosphere and cheer the population who yearn once again for sunshine. Grandparents of Peranakan Indian children narrate the myth associated with Shiva of the bonfire and the burning pole. It is said that Shiva decided to settle an argument between Brahma and Vishnu as to who was the greater. Shiva transformed to himself into a burning pillar and asked both Brahma and Vishnu to trace the top and bottom end of the blazing pillar. Both deities failed to do so. By this Shiva proved that he embodied all the three aspects of the Divine. 37

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Peranakan Indians who are devotees of Shiva offer prayers and sing his praises in the temples nearest their homes in Singapore, while in Melaka, members of this community offer prayers during this festival at the Sri Kailasanathar (Shiva) Temple in the evening. Kartikai Deepam was observed in 2003 on Sunday, 7 December. The Hindu New Year The Hindu New Year falls on the first day of the Tamil month of Chithirai (April–May) and the Peranakan Indians and the Tamils celebrate this event on this day, which is based on the solar calendar; other Indians observe New Year’s Day on dates according to other systems of calculation. The new Hindu Almanac is published at this time and the Peranakan Indians study it to adopt the auspicious times when the New Year celebrations and the various ceremonies should begin and be observed. Even the auspicious colours of the garments to be worn on this day are indicated in the Almanac. On New Year’s Eve, the house and its surroundings are thoroughly cleaned and swept and purified by the sprinkling of water mixed with saffron. All brass lamps and receptacles are polished and the family altar dusted and decorated. No sweeping of the house is done on New Year’s Day for fear that good luck would be swept away. The lady of the house is the first to rise on New Year’s Day and she will light the brass lamp at the altar and at the same time lay out a tray of fruits, flowers, a split coconut and betel leaves, areca-nut and quicklime. All the family members will have their early morning bath (normally an oil bath) and change into new clothing and offer prayers at the family altar. This is followed by the younger members paying their respects to their elders and receiving their blessings.

Later the family attends the special prayers conducted at the nearest temple. During the day, visits are made to the homes of relatives and friends where New Year greetings are exchanged. In the homes, Nonya cakes and other sweetmeats are served; for those who wish to partake in the meals only vegetarian dishes are provided. One Tamil and Peranakan Indian custom not commonly practised today is the presentation of money enclosed in betel leaves, arecanut and quicklime; this money is first placed before the family altar to be sanctified so as to bring good luck to the recipient. In the early years this was a custom of the wealthy Peranakan Indians who handed monetary gifts to all employees, servants and dependants. Some members of this community who can afford it still practise this tradition. On New Year’s Day in Gajah Berang, Melaka, special prayers are held at the Sri Kailasanathar Temple. In Singapore, the Peranakan Indians attend the special early morning prayers at the temples nearest their houses or flats. The Peranakan Indians’ unique festival in Melaka The auspicious festival for all the Singapore Peranakan Indians and those in Melaka and other Malaysian states is a special festival held over a period of twelve days at the Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple in Jalan Gajah Berang, Melaka. This annual festival is known as the Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple Thiruvizha (festival) ceremonies and in Malay (according to the Peranakan Indians) the Istiadat Tahunan Mariamman thirunal/Sembahyang/ Dato Chachar. This most important festival is organized by a special Management Committee of the Festival Ceremonies of this temple.

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The Thiruvizha Festival Programme in English.

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The printed programme issued by the festival committee is in four languages: Tamil, Malay, Chinese and English. The Chinese version is given as a number of Chinese devotees also participate in this grand festival in Melaka. Peranakan Indians can read and write Tamil, Malay or English. In 2004 this festival was held from 20 April to 2 May. This festival provides the annual opportunity for all Peranakan Indians in Singapore and Malaysia to meet in Gajah Berang to strengthen their bonds and to remind themselves of their origins and cherish and perpetuate their rich cultural heritage. This festival has incorporated into it the traditional Hindu rituals and ceremonies. These include the Shakti Karagam (a decorated earthenware pot with water, etc.) carried in procession around the Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple and dedicated to Shakti, the Mother Goddess, seeking her blessings for the festival. The two other rituals are the carrying of the kavadis, which is a regular feature during the Thaipusam festival in Singapore and Malaysia and the fire-walking ceremony. One special ritual at the beginning of the festival is the ponggal (where milk is boiled and overflows) as a symbolic act for the success of the festival. All other South Indian Hindus in Singapore and Malaysia have the distinct annual ponggal festival (harvest festival) on a specific day in the year. The unique item during this festival is a non-religious one — the Hantu Tetek. A unique item during this festival — the Hantu Tetek This is the performance by two Hantu Tetek (devils with pendulous breasts). The three horizontal white lines (normally applied with

the holy ash by a Saivite) with a red dot (kum kum) reflect that they are devotees of Shiva. There are also three horizontal lines on their sleeves. The Hantu Tetek, according to the Peranakan Indians in Gajah Berang as well as by reading the captions of the photographs of Hantu Tetek in the Chitty Museum, are demons (boothengkel in Tamil) who dance ahead of the chariot which carries the deity and act as protectors or guardians of the deity. At certain Hindu festivals men dance with horses made of wood to the accompaniment of drums as a form of entertainment. A pair of Hantu Tetek wear black costumes and colourful headgear and a white waist band. The tongue of each Hantu Tetek is long and hangs down and is dark red in colour. A Hantu Tetek is tall and made of rattan; there is an opening at the centre of the chest for the man inside it to see ahead. The costume rests squarely on the shoulders of the man while his hands exit through the sleeves to facilitate his hand movements. The Hantu Tetek dance to the accompaniment of drums. These Hantu Tetek look frightening and ferocious and children are terrified at their sight and rush to hide in their homes when these vanguards approach them. The Hantu Tetek is mentioned in Malay folklore and it is said this devil would kidnap children and crush them between its huge breasts. It is interesting to note that in no Malay festival or ceremony is this devil portrayed. What is mentioned in Malay folklore now appears only in a Peranakan Indian festival. This is never practised by any other Hindu community in Singapore or Malaysia. It is plausible that during the Melaka Sultanate there could have been occasions when Hantu Tetek had a part to play. The Peranakan Indians at some point in their long history could have adopted the Hantu Tetek as a protector or guardian of a deity during a religious festival. 41

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A pair of Hantu Tetek (guardians of the deity in the chariot) dances to the rhythm of the drums before the chariot at night in the streets of Melaka during the special festival.

A close-up of one of the pair of the colourful Hantu Teteks.

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The inner sanctum of the Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple (Datuk Chachar), Gajah Berang.

Donations of rice, cooking oil and other items by Chinese devotees placed before the deity Amman during the festival.

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One of the highlights of this annual festival is the ratham (chariot) procession in the evening on the 10th day. There are three rathams built about 200 years ago, one each for the deities,Vinayagar, Murugan and Ramasamy (Vishnu). On this day the deity Mariamman is placed on a ratham and drawn by bullocks. The ratham bearing the deity is beautifully decorated and a priest is also seated on it to perform the appropriate ceremonies en route; the ratham is accompanied by a large number of devotees. The Peranakan Indians are reminded that no sacrifice of goats or fowls is allowed. In the past, the ancient ritual to offer goats or fowls as sacrifices to the deity Mariamman or Kali was practised; perhaps the early Indian (Hindu) traders introduced this ritual. It is during special festivals that the paanakan is served; it is a sweet fruit drink mixed with various spices and served from a large eartherware pot to all devotees at the end of the prayers. Small paper cups are at present used to serve this delicious drink. On the last day of the festival there is the manjalneer atam (manjal means tumeric, neer is water and atam means play) at 6.00 a.m. The Management Committee prepares jars or buckets of turmeric powder mixed with water and splash it on all those who have assisted in the success of the twelve-day festival. It is a joyous occasion.Young men who are aware of this closing merriment also secretly prepare the tumeric mixed with water and splash it on the Committee members and others present in the temple. This is another unique Hindu tradition not practised by the general Hindu community in Singapore and Malaysia. The festival comes to a formal close with an obayam (offering and prayers) by the Peranakan Indian community in Melaka in the evening at the temple.

Deepavali Deepavali simply means a row of lights or lamps and hence it is called the Festival of Lights to symbolize the conquest of good over evil. This festival is celebrated in the Tamil month of Aippasi (October–November) by the Peranakan Indians and also by all Indian Hindus and Sikhs. Deepavali has been observed by the Peranakan Indians since the end of World War Two. In Singapore, Deepavali is a public holiday and it is possible for all Hindus to celebrate it on a very large scale. This occasion also provides the opportunity for Hindus to entertain their non-Hindu friends. Peranakan Indian youth are beginning to celebrate this festival unlike their ancestors and elders who had not given importance to this festival in their calendar. The declaration of Deepavali as a public holiday both in Singapore and Malaysia has contributed in large measure to the display of exuberance by the Peranakan Indian youth for this festival. The Peranakan Indians in Melaka interviewed by the author emphasized that Ponggal had greater significance to them than Deepavali. For this festival houses are cleaned and compounds are swept; the altar is dusted and cleaned and decorated. As in the case of the other festivals, all members of the family have an early bath and change into new clothes and pray at the family altar. In several homes, gifts are placed at the altar the previous evening and presented by the head of the family in the morning after the prayers. They pray thanking God for having given them one more Deepavali with their loved ones; it is the loved ones who make life meaningful on earth. Special prayers are held at the Sri Kailasanathar Temple for the Peranakan Indians in Melaka and those in Singapore go to the temples nearest their flats or houses.

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The youth of this community invite their non-Hindu friends to their homes to entertain them with good food and drinks. The elders keep a low profile. In the evening, the houses are lit with earthenware lamps filled with oil and in rows at the entrances, courtyards and outer walls. Deepavali is also a festival which is held in honour of the deity Lakshmi and an oil lamp of burnt clay filled with ghee burns throughout the night at the family altar from Deepavali eve. The Northern Indians in Singapore and Malaysia have a tradition of opening new account books on this day, which for them is also the New Year; they pray for a more prosperous year. There are several events associated with this festival; one is about King Naraka who terrorized and oppressed his subjects, who turned to Lord Krishna for assistance: Lord Krishna responded and fought this king in battle and vanquished him; this victory is celebrated on Deepavali day. Another is about Naraka, hell. On this day, it is said that the souls of the sinners in hell descend to earth and accept the offerings and food laid out by their relatives. The row of lights is to light the path to guide the souls to their earthly homes and the departure of these souls back to their dwelling. This is known as Akasa theebam. Hindus remember their ancestors on this day, but the Peranakan Indians make their offering of food and other items on Padayal Day in June and during the Bhogi festival and pay their respects at the graves of their ancestors during Bhogi. The Bhogi Festival The Peranakan Indians observe the Bhogi Festival; other Hindu communities do not and therefore this festival is unique to this community. During the month of Margali (December–January) and during Ponggal, which is held in the following month of Thai,

Peranakan Indians observe a special tradition in their houses or flats in Singapore or Melaka. Every morning during the month of Margali, the Peranakan Indian family will arise by 5 a.m. After their baths, the female head of the house after her prayers waves the chambrani or benzoin in a vessel holding embers all over the house. Then she places a red hibiscus bud (almost ready to open) on either side of the main and rear doors. As soon as the sun comes up, the buds burst open and she throws them onto the roof. This tradition (of the sun helping the hibiscus buds to bloom) is a symbolic one. The sun aids the crops to ripen and makes them ready for harvesting and therefore this tradition is a thanksgiving to the sun as well as one that brings joy to the family. The throwing of the hibiscus on the roof symbolizes the deity Lakshmi who will bestow blessings on the home. The sudden burst of the buds into bloom signifies the boundless joy at the sight of the sun similar to that of the mother seeing for the first time her newborn baby; it is also like the wife seeing her husband returning home after a day’s hard work. The red hibiscus is selected mainly for three reasons: first, red symbolizes Shiva, the flame-red Lord of the Dance; second, it has five petals to signify water, earth, sky, ether and the wind; third, the male and female parts are in the same flower just as Shakti is ensconced in the left half of Shiva, symbolizing his limitless grace and energy. The tradition of placing the hibiscus buds at the entrance to the house ceases on the eve of Bhogi. Bhogi is held on the eve of Ponggal, the day before the month of Thai begins and is celebrated in a special manner by the Peranakan Indians. The deity Lakshmi is also worshipped on this day and her blessings are sought for the family; she is the consort of the deity Vishnu, one of the Hindu trinity. Her colour is gold. 45

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A light with a single flame is always kept burning at the family altar for this deity and she is portrayed as a beautiful woman in golden garments standing on a lotus and two elephants sprinkling her with water. She is the deity of wealth and prosperity and is associated with the business community who seek her blessings for successful business ventures. There is a portrait of Lakshmi at almost every entrance to the homes of the Peranakan Indians. Peranakan Indians perform the traditional prayers at home at their family altar. Thanksgiving prayers are specially offered to the departed souls of their ancestors and the Peranakan Indians observe this part of the festival remembering their ancestors. It has taken us millions of years to develop into what we are today and we have millions of ancestors to remember and pay tribute to. The Peranakan Indians through these prayers show their gratitude to at least four or five generations. In the early morning itself younger Peranakan Indians pay their respects to their parents and other elders at home and later on in the day to those living elsewhere. The traditional way of expressing respect is by kneeling and touching the feet of the elders with their palms and then touching their eyes with their palms — a mark of deep reverence and gratitude. This is a special feature of the Peranakan Indians on the Bhogi festival and an expression of filial piety. The parents then dab the children’s foreheads with holy ash to signify that they have given their blessings. When the members of this community visit the homes of their relatives and friends they exchange greetings and the hosts serve them with sweetmeats, Nonya cakes and nasi manis (sweet rice). There is another special feature of the Bhogi festival. During the week before the Bhogi festival the members of this community

visit the graves of their ancestors; in Melaka they visit the communal graves at Jelutong and Batu Berendam in the lands owned by their forefathers. In the evening they hold a padayal (offering) for their ancestors. In Singapore members of this community go to the Hindu cemetery. At the cemetery the Peranakan Indians clear the weeds and grass, burn joss sticks and incense and offer prayers. No food is offered at the graves. One important item that is placed at the graves is the bunga rampai. Malays use the bunga rampai during weddings and festivals. It is from the family visit to the graves that the sense of belonging to an extended family can be truly felt. For the Chinese the similar Ching Ming festival is an auspicious one that falls on 5th of April of the solar year. The Chinese make a pilgrimage to the cemeteries to pay homage to the ancestral tombs called chimu. The graves are tidied up and renovated if need be; the weeds in the vicinity are also uprooted; the granite altar is wiped clean. The Chinese offer food at the graves and light joss sticks. At the end of the ritual, mock money or incense paper is placed atop the tombstones. The Chinese code of filial piety says, “serve the dead as they served us when alive and those who have passed away as if they were still abiding amongst us, this is the summit of filial piety” (C.S. Wong). This observance also reveals the reverence or respect for the family’s departed and maintains the continuity of its tradition, and strengthens ties with scattered members. “In actual practice, the cult of ancestor worship is not so much a cult of ancestors as a cult of the family” (C.S. Wong). In this unique Peranakan Indians’ Bhogi festival we can also recognize some cultural influence of both the Chinese and the Malays on the Peranakan Indians.

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Graves of Peranakan Indians being spruced up during the Bhogi festival in Melaka

The grave of Mrs K.T. Chitty (born: 7.10.1830 died: 25.7.1887) in Batu Berandum cemetery in Melaka.

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A grave of a Peranakan Indian in Lim Chu Kang Hindu Cemetery taken during the Bhogi festival in Singapore.

Thai Ponggal (Harvest Festival) Celebration in the home of Mr Letchmenon, Singapore One of the traditional festivals that Mr Letchmenon and his family strictly observe is the Thai Ponggal. The ceremony has to be conducted indoors as they live in a flat in Potong Pasir. Mr Letchmenon and his wife purchase a new earthenware cooking pot, spoons and a new stove for celebrating this special annual festival.Various other items to be bought include rice, ginger, saffron shoots, fresh milk, sugar, ghee, raisins, cashew nuts, flowers and polished green peas. One most important item is the sugar cane which Mr Letchmenon slices and places on a banana leaf. On Thai Ponggal day Mr Letchmenon’s family have their early morning baths and change into new clothes. The family altar is

in one of the rooms in the flat and it is dusted and decorated for this auspicious occasion. A tray with bananas, other fruit, a coconut and sweetmeats, incense and other items is laid at the altar. They pray at the altar and ask the Almighty to bless them and their family when the pot of milk boils and overflows. Following the prayer, Mr Letchmenon and his wife would together place the rice into the new pot and pour the milk as well into it. The other items mentioned earlier would be added when the boiling point is reached and the milk is overflowing. All the family members and visitors would then shout, “Ponggal Oh Ponggal Ponggal Oh Ponggal”. It normally takes about 15 to 20 minutes for the rice to be really well cooked and become soft. The pot with its contents is then carried to the altar and placed on a table set for this purpose. A brass lamp with a single flame at

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the altar is then lit and a scoop of the boiled sweet rice is placed on a banana leaf. Prayers are then offered for God’s blessings for a better and happier year. The ponggal rice is distributed to all the members of the family, relatives and guests who are present. They all have a vegetarian meal on this day. Vegetables represent frugality and freedom from worldly desires and are also part of a vision of living in harmony with nature without injuring other beings living on the earth, in the air and in the water. Some vegetables are believed to have medicinal properties. The masterpiece of ethics, the beautiful Kural, speaks of conscience: “When a man realizes that meat is the butchered flesh of another creature, he must abstain from eating it.” Later, Mr Letchmenon and his family extend Ponggal greetings to his aged mother, his brothers and sisters and other relatives. He telephones those relatives he cannot visit. In the evening Mr Letchmenon and his family attend prayers at the Sri Sivan Temple close to his apartment block in Potong Pasir. Thai Ponggal as observed by the Peranakan Indians in Melaka Thai Ponggal is a highly organized affair in the Melaka Peranakan Indian community and held in the Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple in Gajah Berang. It is celebrated on a communal basis as distinct from the normal ceremonies observed by the general Tamil Hindu community in individual homes. A special committee is appointed to plan the programme for this festival. All the members of the community are invited to register their names with the Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple so that each family can secure a space in the outer courtyard of the temple to lay out its cooking pots and other paraphernalia required for the ponggal.

Before the auspicious day, the homes of the Peranakan Indians are washed, the family altars cleaned and decorated through the involvement of every member of the household. All unwanted articles in the home are collected and discarded or burnt. Kolam or special patterns are drawn with rice powder at the entrance of the main door. Also at the entrance are placed two stems of sugar cane with leaves. No sweeping of the home is done on Ponggal Day as it is believed that good fortune would be driven out from the home. In the morning of the festival, all family members have an early bath (generally it should be an oil bath) and change into new clothes; this is followed by prayers at the family altar. Subsequent to this, the family proceeds to Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple for the communal celebration of this festival. Each family occupies the allotted space in the courtyard of the temple. In view of the restricted space and the number of families participating, makeshift stoves are made using bricks. Firewood is used as fuel. The new pots are decorated and sandalwood paste are applied with kum kum in the centre; turmeric and ginger leaves are placed around the pots. Slices of sugar cane are spread beside the pot on banana leaves. The temple priest begins his prayers and pours fresh cow’s milk into his pot; the individual families follow him. No conversation takes place and participants use sign language to communicate with one another. Most of the women cover their mouths with a piece of cloth so that droplets of saliva would not accidentally fall into the pots. The participants strictly observe this so that there is no pollution of the ponggal rice. The priest places some rice and polished green peas into the pot; other items he adds include brown sugar, ghee, raisins and cashew 49

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nuts. This procedure is followed by the devotees. When the milk is beginning to boil over everyone exclaims “Ponggal Oh Ponggal! Ponggal Oh Ponggal!” Each family takes a bit of the boiled rice and places it on the banana leaves spread out for the purpose inside the temple; this is then offered to the deity Mariamman. Prayers follow and thevarams (hymns in Tamil) are sung by some members who have studied Tamil. This is an achievement because most of the Peranakan Indians speak only Malay. Bhajans (hymns sung in chorus) follow this. Finally, the ponggal rice is distributed to all present and the remainder is taken to their homes to be shared by the families, relatives and friends. The ponggal rice and sweetmeats prepared in the home are placed on a tray and delivered to homes of friends both Peranakan Indian and others. Later in the day, members of this community visit their relatives and friends and Ponggal greetings are exchanged; sweetmeats, Nonya cakes, ponggal rice and nasi manis are normally served during the visits. In the evening special prayers are held by the Management Committee of the Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple and following this, Indian classical dances and vocal music are rendered by artistes. The day’s celebrations come to a close after the special programme organized by the Temple Committee. This communal celebration of Ponggal in the temple is still practised in some temples in South India. In Singapore and Malaysia this is not so. In the past the Peranakan Indians held Ponggal parties which included dondang sayang and ronggeng sessions in the evening as part of the day’s celebrations. Dondang sayang and ronggeng were popular forms of entertainment until about the 1960s in Singapore and Melaka among the Peranakan Indians as well as the Peranakan Chinese. Dondang sayang is something unique to the Malays,

the Peranakan Chinese and the Peranakan Indians. Dondang means singing and sayang means love in Malay. The special feature of the dondang sayang is that it has to be sung in the form of pantuns (quatrains) to give the most entertainment. Two singers generally exchanged pantuns in the form of questions and answers. It is generally acknowledged that dondang sayang was first introduced in Melaka from the Riau islands. The traditional instruments accompanying the singers are the rebab (Malay violin), the rebana and tenawak (two types of drums). After their conquest of Melaka in 1511, the Portuguese added the violin and the accordion to these traditional instruments. Dondang sayang can be traditionally classified into the dondang sayang Melaka, dondang sayang Baba Peranakan, dondang sayang Tanjung Penyengat and the dondang sayang Penang. The Peranakan Indians were influenced by the dondang sayang Baba Peranakan. In the period 1870–1920 two popular Peranakan Indian dondang sayang singers were Mamak (uncle) Kurnia and Mamak Redia; probably these names were versions of Kanniah and Reddy respectively. Singapore was one of the countries where dondang sayang was cherished and to promote this aspect of our cultural heritage, the Sentosa Development Corporation held annual dondang sayang sessions on the island where both Singaporeans and tourists alike were entertained. Those Peranakan Indians who did not participate in these sessions indulged in the Chinese card games, the cherki. The Peranakan Indians learnt to play this card game from their counterparts, the Peranakan Chinese in Melaka. Both the Peranakan Chinese and the Peranakan Indian ladies had a lot of leisure in the early years in Singapore and Melaka

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and they could devote a great deal of their time to playing this card game while chewing betel leaf taken from a specially designed metal box. This game was generally played in the afternoons or evenings when there was an occasion for merriment or just a social gathering. The cherki is a card game with 60 pieces in a pack; each measures about 60 mm by 24 mm in dimension and has Chinese ideographs. The game can be played by two to twenty persons. The cards are held in a fan-like fashion as in the western card games but the cards are, however, not shuffled. The winner is the one who has scored the largest number of points. The stakes at these games were small and nowadays they are played more as a reminder of those bygone days when cherki sessions were an integral part of Peranakan Indian social functions both in Singapore and Malaya States. The Peranakan Indians played the game pallang koolhi, a popular game in South India. The Malays also play a similar game called the congkak. The game is played with a block of wood in which are scooped 14 holes; these holes are in two rows of 7 facing each other. Usually cowrie shells are used for this game which is normally played by two persons. The one who collects the largest number of these shells is the winner. This game was more popular with the ladies than the men and the former never forgot their betel leaf when they played! “Mattu Ponggal” (Ponggal for cows) The Peranakan Indians like the rest of the Tamil Hindu community observe the second day of the Ponggal festival as “Mattu Ponggal” (Ponggal for cows). It is the day when cows and bulls are venerated for their contribution to the welfare of man. The cow as the provider

of milk, and the bull as plough animal, have been important features of Indian civilization. Hindus also believe that the cow is invested with almost divine qualities; the cow and the bull symbolize the embodiment of Dharma. The Rig Veda (the Hindu scriptures) makes no direct reference to the worship of animals and there is no mention or traces of the veneration of the cow. Dravidians, on the other hand, in prehistoric times bred oxen, used them for the cultivation of their paddy fields and eventually began to associate the cow with the Goddess of Fertility. South India is the home of Saivism and the bull (nandi) (Nandikeshvara) the vehicle of Shiva, is sacred to him. Worshippers touch the hoofs of nandi that signify justice, righteousness and virtues of the strong. The nandi sits in front of the shrine of Shiva and has become part and parcel of the temple and along with the linga, the nandi is the symbol of Saiva worship. To destroy the cow or the bull is to eliminate the embodied spirit and the consequence would be to jeopardize the produce of the field and possibly the entire season’s labour. To anger the spirit would lead to the destruction of the harvest through droughts, locusts, disease and floods. Mattu Ponggal is therefore dedicated to Shiva and Shakti (the virtuous mother of benevolence to the cows). The cattle shed is decorated with suspended festoons of cream-coloured tender coconut shoots, mango leaves with touches of sandalwood paste with kum kum in the centre, symbolizing Shiva and Shakti and bunches of margosa leaves; flowers are strung together to form garlands. Sugar cane is placed upright at the main entrance of the home to form an ornamental gateway to the cattle shed. In the early morning, the cows and oxen are bathed, their barns washed, their horns painted in red, white, green, blue or yellow. 51

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Cherki, a card game played by the Peranakan Indians with 60 pieces in a pack. Each card is about 60 mm by 24 mm and has Chinese ideographs.

Black is not used on auspicious occasions. Yellow symbolizes prosperity, joy and stability. Garlands of mango and margosa leaves interlaced with jasmine and other flowers are placed around the necks of the cows and oxen. Sandalwood paste and kum kum are neatly applied on their foreheads. At one section of the cattle-shed a special place is reserved for the performance of the religious ceremony pertaining to this festival. A priest officiates at this ceremony, which begins about noon, as time is required to prepare the cows, oxen and the shed for the festival. He cleanses the shed and the cows by sprinkling saffron water over them. Two separate large earthernware or brass pots facing east are placed on raised bricks near the kumbum. One is dedicated to Shiva and the other to Shakti, the reigning deities for the entire ceremony. On both the pots,

sandalwood paste and kum kum are applied. To symbolize Shiva, only rice and milk are placed in the pot but the pot for Shakti contains two extra items, sugar and the yellow colouring substance which gives the ponggal rice the golden hue. The rice is placed in both the pots by the owner of the dairy farm and his wife. However, in this part of the ceremony no other woman is allowed to actively participate. When the rice in both pots is cooked, and a camphor flame is waved thrice before the pot, a portion of it is placed before each pellet and offered to the deities. Then lighted camphor is waved thrice clockwise to a cow and a bull (representing the herd) by the priest to glorify and honour them. This is followed by the serving of the ponggal rice to all the cows and oxen. Further prayers are offered; then the priest and the owner of the farm sprinkle the water with three or five mango

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Au Kim Neo is wife of S. Dayanandan. Her grandfather was the distinguished Peranakan Indian in Melaka, Layna Annamalai Chitty. She is playing cherki card games in her flat in Spottiswoode Park, Singapore.

Pallang Koolhi, a popular pastime in South India is also played by the Peranakan Indians who call the game congkak — a Malay word. Cowrie shells are used in this game.

Mrs Layna Annamalai Chitty, whose maiden name was Tan Keng Liew; fondly known as Nenek Nya May. 53

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leaves from the kumbum as blessings over all the cows and oxen. The numbers three and five are associated with Shiva; also the earth is the third planet and the fifth largest in the universe. So, in Hindu rituals three or five items are used frequently; later, all the animals are let loose to wander freely around the farm. Various items of entertainment are also planned for the festival. In Melaka today, the Peranakan Indians do not have cattle farms but they bring some cows and bulls from elsewhere to celebrate Mattu Ponggal. For entertainment, young men organize some form of sport and games in Gajah Berang. In Tamil Nadu, acts of bravery are performed by young unarmed men who venture to bring down ferocious bulls by their horns. This attracts large crowds who attend the festival. In early Melaka this sort of sport might have been organized by the Peranakan Indians.

Kanni Ponggal is also a unique festival for the Peranakan Indians when quarrels and misunderstanding are forgotten and friendships are renewed. There is a great deal of mingling and fellowship among this community. Young women are given a free hand by their parents to celebrate this festival with decorum and merriment. The author is not aware of a temple or any other institution in Singapore where a similar programme is organized by the young unmarried Hindu women themselves to celebrate Kanni Ponggal. In South India, it is common for young women to gather at the riverbanks to celebrate this festival; they perform traditional dances and it is rather like a picnic. They cook and offer the ponggal to the river. This festival is also associated with rivers as civilization began at their banks and provided the water for the food crops. Kannia Kumari is the river that flows south of Cape Comorin in South India.

“Kanni Ponggal” The last day of Thai Ponggal is celebrated as “Kanni” (meaning young unmarried girls) Ponggal. In the evening of this festival in Gajah Berang, young unmarried Peranakan Indian girls gather at the Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple to offer special prayers to the deity Mariamman for her blessings. They pray to her to bless them with suitable bridegrooms and to be better daughters to their parents and for opportunities for further education. A special programme of classical music and dance is organized by the women’s special committee. This day is indeed one for entertainment and rejoicing and a large number of people, especially eligible bachelors and their parents who scrutinize the young women for prospective brides and daughtersin-law respectively attend the function.

“Padayal” Ceremony The Peranakan Indians celebrate another special occasion which is not observed generally by other Hindus. This is the padayal or offering to their ancestors. The observance takes place between mid-June to mid-July and the Peranakan Indians call this Bulan Parchu. The general Hindu community makes food offerings to the dead on the 3rd , 10th, 16th and 21st days after the funeral of the deceased. Although the names of the father and grandfather of the bride and bridegroom are mentioned during a Hindu wedding ceremony, it is not an invocation to their ancestors for blessing the couple. Every Peranakan Indian household chooses a convenient day during the specified period to perform the padayal at home. The

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padayal is unique among the Peranakan Indian community and a great deal of significance is attached to this annual observance. It is to be noted here that the members of the Chettiar community also hold a padayal before a wedding when all relatives of the bride and groom meet to get the blessings of their ancestors. Traditionally, the Peranakan Indians ancestral offerings are placed on 7 banana leaves — 3 leaves of nasi lemak, 3 leaves of nasi kembuli and a leaf of white rice. There are generally 13 accompaniments to the rice: a salted egg, coffee, sambal udang, dry chicken, mutton curry, pineapple pachedi, udang goreng, assam garam, cucumber, radish, lauk pindanu and krill sambal.

Padayal in the home of a Peranakan Indian in Singapore Mr Letchmenon is a typical Peranakan Indian and he holds this ceremony in the traditional manner in his flat in Potong Pasir, Singapore. Like all Peranakan Indians in Singapore, Melaka and other Malaysian States Letchmenon conducts this ceremony with a great degree of solemnity. As part of the preparations, Mr Letchmenon purchases all the items for the cooking of the favourite meals of his ancestors. The shopping list also includes soft drinks, liquor like whiskey, tea, coffee, tobacco and cigarettes. Letchmenon stressed during the interview that while he was alive, his father would remind him (in Malay) that after his death he should never forget to place kopi o (coffee without milk) and rokok (cigarettes) during the offerings. This has never been forgotten by Letchmenon. Every effort is made to procure all the deceased’s favourite items. A lastminute dash is often made to buy some items that have been inadvertently left out.

Cooking of the meals is undertaken by his wife, sisters and other relatives; meat is chopped, fish cut, vegetables cleaned and prepared. No beef or pork is ever cooked as the Peranakan Indians do not eat these despite the influence of the Malays and Chinese. The kitchen is a hive of activity, with both men and women painstakingly preparing the tasty meals for their ancestors. Normally all preparations would be completed by 7.00 p.m. on the specified day so that the padayal can begin at 7.30 p.m. or 8.00 p.m. While hectic work goes on in the kitchen, other preparations have to be done in the prayer room where the actual padayal is to take place.Various personal items like spectacles, even dentures, jewellery, watches, pens and other articles are collected and taken into the room. Photographs of the ancestors are dusted, the frames cleaned and hung where the padayal is performed. Sandalwood paste and kum kum are dabbed onto the pictures; for the photographs of female ancestors only sandalwood paste is used. A banana leaf is placed between each photograph. On the leaf are placed bananas and on either side is placed one half of a broken coconut; the white kernel of the coconut carries the significance that the offering comes from a pure heart. Other items on the leaf include joss sticks and something unique to the Peranakan Indians (as a result of Malay influence) the bunga rampai (a combination of finely sliced pandan leaves, and thinly scraped skin of limau perut (kafir lime) rose petals, jasmine buds and petals of bunga butang (bachelor’s button, gom phreua globosa) sprinkled with rose essence and tossed in sandalwood powder. In Singapore, Letchmenon says the bunga rampai is obtainable from Kampong Java and this item is essential to the ceremony and is spread on either side of each photograph. A separate tray with pandan leaves and loose flowers is also prepared for the ceremony. Two kuthoo 55

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velakoo (brass lamps), five wicked altar lamps with vertical brass stands are also placed. The Peranakan Indians call these pelita dudok. The food and the sweetmeats are now served on the banana leaves; the number of leaves laid out is always in odd numbers: 3, 5, 7 or 9, never in even numbers. Mr Letchmenon lays out three banana leaves for his ancestors and on each of them he serves rice, all the cooked vegetables, mutton, chicken, fish, prawns and the specialities of the Peranakan Indians such as ikan parang prepared as masak pindang and sambal tumis; no blacan or shrimp paste is used. A special mint preparation is an important dish and sliced boiled eggs are spread as garnish on the banana leaves. Water is also placed in a separate vessel, a kovalai or tumbler. A separate tray is used for the dessert; this includes some of the Nonya cakes; there is kuei wajik (made of glutinous rice and palm sugar or gula melaka), tarts, agar agar (jelly) and Indian sweetmeats. Before Mr Letchmenon commences his prayers he makes it a point to light the cigarettes for his ancestors to save them the trouble of doing so, though he also places a lighter for the purpose. Mr Letchmenon now begins the actual ceremony. He welcomes all his relatives and guests who are present for this auspicious occasion; he speaks in Malay — the spoken language of the Peranakan Indians. Being the eldest child of the late Mr Mariappan, Letchmenon leads all present in prayers. He then thanks all the ancestors for all their kindness and love for having brought them up and for the privilege of continuing the padayal year after year. He prays for their continued blessings on his family. Then Mr Letchmenon addresses the photographs again in Malay calling out to his ancestors: Saya ini hari ada parchu; sila mari makan; apa ada salah minta maaf. (‘Today I have

“Padayal” (offering of food) to the ancestors.

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“Padayal”

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the ancestors to partake of all that has been offered. During these 24 minutes all recall pleasant moments spent with their ancestors and all the kindness shown by them. Tears are also shed. After the emotional period all return to the prayer room and Mr Letchmenon again addresses the photograph in Malay: We believe you are all happy with our offerings; if there has been any shortcoming or omission we ask for your forgiveness. He would assure his ancestors that they would do better the following year; he asks them for umor panjang (long life) as well.

A special tray of nonya cakes is an essential item of the padayal (offering to the souls of the departed by the Peranakan Indians).

the offering; you are welcome to eat; if there are shortcomings please, forgive me.) After the invitation, Mr Letchmenon places some incense (benzoin) — on a special brass-holder and waves it before the photographs in an anti-clockwise fashion. No camphor is ever used because it is meant only for the deities as it is a symbol of total purity and holiness and used only for worship of the deities to bring out their grace and glory. The loose flowers on a separate tray are now strewn on the photographs by Mr Letchmenon. He is followed by his younger brother and then his sons; the women of the household then take their turn. Those relatives away from Singapore are also remembered; those present perform this part of the ceremony on their behalf and the names of the absent members are mentioned. After everyone has performed this ceremony they all leave the room for about 24 minutes to give the opportunity for the spirits of

To verify whether the ancestors have been contented, Mr Letchmenon would toss two 20-cent or 50-cent coins; this is done after his prayer. If the ancestors have been satisfied then one coin will fall on the obverse and the other on the reverse side. In the event that this is not the case, two more attempts would be made. In his experience, his ancestors had always accepted and were contented with his padayal. The tossing of coins seems to be some form of Chinese practice. According to Felix Chia, the Peranakan Chinese offer a similar meal during Cheng Beng or All Souls’ Day. Permission must be asked if the worship is to be concluded by the tossing of two coins in the air; if one is in the obverse and the reverse then the ceremony could be ended; if two are in the reverse they indicate the soul is still continuing to eat. In the event both are in the obverse it means the soul is being annoyed that it is being hurried. When the ceremony is prolonged it is interpreted that the soul has invited guests. The last rite that Mr Letchmenon performs is the sprinkling of water with the odd number of mango leaves on the food laid

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out on the banana leaves and incense is again waved over them. The banana leaves are then pulled aside and a little of all the food laid out on the leaves is picked and mixed and only a handful of it is served to all the relatives. The food left on the leaves is eaten by Mr Letchmenon, his wife and sons. As proof that his ancestors whose souls are in heaven had partaken of the food, Mr Letchmenon has discovered that the tasty food that was prepared and offered would have lost its savour. The visitors or guests during the ceremony and who are not related to Mr Letchmenon would be served the food taken directly from the cooking pot and not from the padayal. This ritual is an expression of filial piety which is considered a virtue by all Hindus because they fondly remember their ancestors. Children who partake would bring about longevity to their parents; parents who perform padayal to their ancestors would be blessed with good children with long lives. It is comparable to the Malays, showing respect to their ancestors by visiting their graves on Hari Raya Puasa and the Christians, who do likewise on All Souls’ Day. Mr Letchmenon confirms that he and his family have been always blessed after the padayal and have a better year. His ancestors have made this possible. It is good to remember the dead, our ancestors; if we forget those from whom we have sprung, then how do we appreciate life and the living around us? Remembering parents, grandparents and great grandparents kindles loyalty and affection to that elusive notion of family — that we come from one common source. The Hindu belief is that every generation, present and future, are inheritors from their ancestors and as such we owe much to them. Hindu ethics begins with the keeper of the home and family. The Vedas (the scriptures) list five primary duties of the

householder: study of and teaching the Vedas; daily worship of the deities through rituals; bestowing honour upon ancestors; being kind to domestic animals, extending hospitality to guests and the impoverished. Padayal (Parchu) Ceremony in Gajah Berang, Melaka In most of the homes of the Peranakan Indians in Gajah Berang, Melaka, three padayals (offerings to the ancestors) are conducted in a year; one on the Padayal Day, one on Bhogi Day (the day before Ponggal — harvest festival) and one in June during the fruit season. All three ceremonies are conducted in a similar manner except the one in June when only fruits are offered to the ancestors. Portraits of the ancestors are first dusted and cleaned and then placed on a raised platform on the matted floor; the portraits are garlanded with jasmine flowers. Other personal items belonging to the ancestors that have been preserved over the years are brought out from safekeeping and laid out neatly on the matted floor. Favourite items include clothes, and cigars, (two packets); pelita dudok (the brass lamp with a stand) is lit and is placed immediately before the portraits; two young coconuts and betel leaves, areca-nut and quicklime are also included. A maximum of seven banana leaves is then spread on the floor and the tips of the leaves face the sea. The concept is that the souls enter the sea from where life originated and from there they find their way back home to the abode of Shiva. For Hindus the number seven is an auspicious one. Seven cups of coffee and seven cups of tea are neatly arranged into two separate sets; the cups are used for this occasion only and are never brought out at any other time. On the seven banana leaves are served all the favourite dishes of their ancestors. In 59

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the middle of each leaf is the nasi lemak (rice cooked with coconut milk) or just plain white rice and all around the rice are placed the meat and vegetable dishes. These include mutton curry, fried mutton, fried chicken, fried prawns, pickles (achar), kobis (cabbage). Liquor is also served; this includes stout, brandy, and toddy poured into tiny glasses. Nonya cakes and fruits are arranged on a separate tray. One important item that is placed on the banana leaves is salt; for the padayal the cooked food is not tasted by those who cook it because it is meant for the ancestors. This salt is placed on the leaves for the spirits to add it on to the food if it is lacking. Immediately after the seven banana leaves are placed, the sambrani (benzoin) vessel and a chembu (brass vessel for veeboothi holding water) with the sacred tulasi in it are set beside the leaves. Joss sticks and holy ash are also included. The ceremony normally begins at sunset with the waving of the incense at the entrance and outside the house and at the portraits of the ancestors. The invitation to the ancestors to partake in the padayal is made by the head of the family. He addresses his ancestors in his mother tongue (Malay) as follows: Thatha, pahti, bapa, emak, Saya ini hari ada parchu; mari datang makan; apa ada salah minta maaf. (Grandfather, grandmother, father and mother today I am making the offering. Please come and eat; if there are shortcomings, we ask your pardon.) The family then adjourns outside the house and allows the souls of their ancestors to

partake of the meal. At least one hour is given for this purpose. During this time the family will emotionally recount the happiness and blessings enjoyed and received from their ancestors when they were bodily present in their midst. At about 7.30 p.m. the family re-enters the room and offers prayers. The head of the family sprinkles water from the chembu on the banana leaves and breaks a coconut. Symbolically the banana leaves are moved a little from their original position. This means that the souls have partaken of the meal and the leaves are now to be removed. Only then will the family members partake of the food on the seven banana leaves but the guests, on this occasion, are served the food in the pots from the kitchen. The head of the family told the author; to check whether the ancestors have been satisfied with the padayal, two 20-cent coins are tossed. If one falls on the obverse and the other reverse, they are happy as it is an indication that the ancestors have been fully satisfied. The ceremony has to be terminated by 8 p.m.; the author was unable to get an explanation for this. In the June padayal only fruits are offered instead of the full meals but the ceremony adopted remains the same. When asked why fruits were only offered in June, one informant explained that June is the fruit season in Melaka and they wanted their ancestors also to relish them. Two important items are compulsory in this fruit padayal; they are durians and pulot thikan with seri kaya. Also included are pinggat mangga, pinggat durian and pinggat kelapa; santan, palm sugar and coconuts. Some Peranakan Indian families in Singapore also observe the June padayal.

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8 Fertility and Marriage Ceremonies

The Fertility Ceremony, “Sadangku” (1) The Peranakan Indians, like all other orthodox Hindus, maintain the tradition of performing the special fertility ceremony (the Peranakan Indians call this Sadangku) soon after a young girl has come of age or attained puberty. This is normally between 10 to 12 years of age. The significance of this ceremony is to pray for God’s blessings and also to receive them from elderly and successfully married women, so that they can be fertile and bear children. On the first day of her menstruation, the girl will have to bathe with saffron or tumeric water (the Peranakan Indians use the Malay words air kunyit). The parents of the girl, relatives and close friends take it upon themselves to provide nutritious, delicious and easily digestible food for the girl for the next fortnight or so. Every morning for the first seven days the girl is provided with one raw egg and about

two tablespoonfuls of sesame oil on an empty stomach. A pudding made of roasted black peas is served later in the morning as breakfast. A teaspoonful of smoothly ground margosa shoots is given for the first three days between sunrise and sunset to keep away abdominal discomfort. Her conversation with the rest of the family is kept to the minimum so that she is not unnecessarily fatigued. Further, she is not allowed to leave the room to associate with guests or the rest the family as she is considered to be physically “unclean”. This state could stretch from one week to sixteen days. On the fourth day, (after of a break of two days) the girl has a hot water bath (mandi air panas) mixed with tumeric powder. Serving of normal meals is resumed but she is still not allowed to be seen outdoors till the fertility ceremony has been performed. Only female relatives and friends are invited to attend the fertility ceremony on the sixteenth day after the menstruation had 61

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begun. No men are invited to the ceremony except the girl’s uncle. In the normal South Indian orthodox Hindu ceremony, all male relatives are present but do not participate in the ceremony; they partake in the vegetarian meal at the end of the proceedings. In South India, Hindu girls have special prayers in their homes on Tuesdays and no males are allowed to participate. In the morning, the girl bathes again with turmeric water to have physical purification; the ceremony is held in the evening; only married ladies are allowed to participate. At about 4.00 p.m. as the guests arrive they are served with tea. The teenage girl is normally dressed in a white sarong and baju kurong to symbolize purity and virginity. The girl has a coiffure which is called sanggul Nonya with the necessary ornamental hairpins and all other jewellery, which include a necklace, kerosangs, bangles, rings and anklets. She will now look like a young adult Chitty Melaka lady. There would also be trays with garlands and fruit. The Fertility Ceremony, “Sadangku” (2) The young lady is made to sit facing east on a square piece of white cloth with golden coloured paddy as the base so that her body does not touch the floor and thus she would not be deprived of the good effects of the rituals which otherwise would be partly absorbed by the ground. Two ladies who are close relatives of the girl are called upon to do the pusing pusing. This is to bless the girl and wish her well for the future. One lady will stand in front on the right side of the girl and the other lady will stand behind and on the left side of the girl. The lady standing in front holds a measure of paddy; she would place it gently on the

girl’s right shoulder and then on to the left; next she waves it around (pusing pusing) the girl’s head in a clockwise direction before passing it over to the lady standing behind to put the measure away. Seven other trays are used containing different items like milk, betel-leaf, areca-nut, quicklime, saffron water, sweet cakes, rose water, holy ash and kum kum and sandalwood paste, a dehusked coconut, bananas and three pieces of sugar cane. A total of seven trays are used in the pusing pusing. Finally, an anak-anak giling (the roller of the flat grinding stone), which symbolizes a baby, is used in the pusing pusing. This is a symbolic act that the girl will become a mother. Next the arati is performed by the same two ladies. It is a special ritual. A round tray is brought out in which are placed some quicklime, some saffron and drops of lime juice are mixed with a little water. Three cylindrical shaped sections of a banana, in each of which a ghee-soaked wick is inserted, are also placed on the tray. Tiny pieces of camphor are placed against three wicks which are lit. The two ladies then hold the tray, wave it thrice clockwise starting from the level of the girl’s head to her knees. Then the ladies dip a forefinger in the liquid which has now turned red and apply the pottoo (a dot) on the centre of the girl’s forehead. The object of this ritual is to counteract any blight caused by evil eyes and ill effects from envious and spiteful looks of ill-intentioned persons and other evil influences. Later, women present gifts to the girl; these are mostly cash or gold jewellery. The Fertility Ceremony: “Sadangku” (3) The girl is garlanded by those women present. The maternal uncle does not garland the girl but only presents a konda malei as the Peranakan Indians call it. It simply means a garland for the girl’s hair bun. The Peranakan

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Indians strongly follow the tradition that only the groom or husband should garland a girl or woman. All Hindu Indians practise this. A man would garland another man but would only hand over a garland to a woman. All guests are served with puttoo (a dish specially served during this ceremony). This dish, Indian in origin, is made from rice, scraped coconut, palm sugar, syrup, fried green beans, and cardamom. All the food must be eaten to ensure no man eats the remnants. If a man eats it, it would bring bad luck to the young lady who went through the ceremony. The South Indians do not exclusively serve this dish unlike the Peranakan Indians. For the early South Indian Tamil Hindus, this fertility ceremony was also publicity that a young woman is eligible for marriage. Peranakan Indian engagement (“Parisom”) and wedding ceremonies “Marriage is the most important sacrament in the life of a Hindu” (Swami Harshanananda) and the most significant of all events in life. The wedded state is the only phase of life which provides complete scope for the realization of the basic objectives of man namely, pleasure (kama), material gain (artha) and virtue (dharma). Every state, every ritual and ceremony that takes place during the wedding is of a religious significance. Only very significant rituals and, more importantly, where the Peranakan Indian wedding and pre-nuptial ceremonies reflect some variations from the orthodox Hindu traditions and where some influence of Peranakan Chinese and the Malays are included here. However, it must be stressed that the Peranakan Indians adhere to all basic orthodox Saivite practices. The Peranakan Indian wedding is normally a match-made affair among relatives

particularly between cousins and it is not surprising that most of the Peranakan Indians in Melaka and Singapore are related. They generally belong to the same caste. Rarely do Peranakan Indians marry because they have fallen in love — if that happens they still seek parental approval and go through the normal formalities. In Melaka, the Temple Committee plays a special role in matrimonial affairs; it must be consulted and it participates in the conduct of its entire proceedings. In Singapore, some elders of the community are involved. The prospective groom’s parents and close relatives take the initiative by visiting the bride’s home and proposing marriage. An auspicious date and time are chosen before the visit. When consent is given by the prospective bride’s parents for the marriage, the horoscopes (tengoh jodoh in Malay) of the couple are studied by the priest (they refer to him as pusari in Tamil). For Hindus, including Peranakan Indians, a marriage is a success if at least five of the following ten factors of the horoscopes match: 1

the stars under which they were born (there are at least 27 stars) 2 their emotional make-up 3 success of procreation 4 ability to secure material benefits 5 sex and compatibility 6 their disposition 7 their temperament 8 mutual physical attraction 9 the groom’s longevity 10 general compatibility The 5 factors must include 1, 2, 5, 6 and 9; if these match, then the wedding would be confirmed. Factor 9 is the most important and if this is absent then the proposed wedding would be called off. 63

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Parisom or engagement ceremony In the event that both horoscopes match, the auspicious date and time for the engagement ceremony, the Parisom, are finalized. This ceremony is a Hindu ceremony with Malay cultural influences. On the auspicious date and time, the prospective bridegroom’s party, which includes his parents, close relatives and friends, would leave for the girl’s home. The party would also include seven married women, blessed with a happy married life and having at least one son each. Each woman would carry a round brass tray, for which the Peranakan Indians use the Tamil word thambolam but pronounce as thombolam, or use the Malay word dulang. The presentation of the seven trays is referred to by the Peranakan Indians as antaran tujoh dulang (the sending of seven trays). Six dulangs hold a variety of flowers, a comb of bananas, coconuts, betel-leaf, areca-nut, lime, and rock sugar. The seventh tray reflects Malay cultural influence. The contents of this tray would include the gifts for the prospective bride; it would include a garment and jewellery and like the Malay wang kawin (marriage money), which must be in odd numbers $101, $301 or $501. It is a Malay custom — a gift to the girl’s parents or guardians to show appreciation to them for bringing her up. After the seven dulangs or thambolams have been presented, the couple apply the kum kum on each other’s foreheads. This is followed by the exchange of engagement rings. In Melaka, some members of the Temple Committee witness the ceremony and the agreement reached, for example, the items of jewellery to be presented to the bride and also the nature of the celebrations that follow the wedding. The auspicious wedding date, time and place are also agreed upon. In Singapore, the elders of the Peranakan Indian community

take note of the agreement reached. Celebrations organized by the bride’s parents would follow. These would include a nonvegetarian meal, singing and the dondang sayang. Before the prospective groom’s party leaves for home, they carry with them the tray with the betel-leaf and areca-nut and five other trays where portions of the contents are left behind. The seventh tray, which had the gifts for the prospective bride are now replaced with jasmine flowers, a few roses, three strands of saffron, some kumkum and sandalwood paste and three pieces of lime or oranges. It can be observed that the brides in some of the Peranakan Indian wedding photographs are Chinese and not Peranakan Chinese or Peranakan Indians. The Chinese brides are those who were adopted as babies by Peranakan Indians; it is clear therefore that some Peranakan Indians also have Chinese blood in their veins. In the early years, if Chinese parents consulted their temple priest or astrologer and were advised that their baby would bring bad luck, they were told to give the baby away for adoption. A Peranakan Indian couple hearing of this and who could not conceive or desired another child could adopt the child. The baby was adopted and given a Hindu classical name and brought up in the Peranakan Indian tradition. If the child was a girl and had reached marriageable age, the adopted parents would seek out the real parents through the birth certificate of the girl. The Peranakan Indian parents would obtain the consent of her real parents for the proposed marriage. Consent was normally given. To confirm this consent, the Peranakan Indians would give the Chinese parents a gift of two bottles of brandy and receive in exchange one bottle of brandy, a bottle of syrup and a pair of bangles. The proposed marriage would then proceed according to the Peranakan Indian traditions.

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Seven women carrying the seven trays (thambolam or dulang) for parisom in Gajah Berang. They are leaving the groom’s home for the ceremony. Note that all ladies are not wearing the traditional baju panjang or sarong and kebaya.

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Brass trays in different sizes are used during various religious ceremonies, i.e. weddings, engagements and funerals.

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Peranakan Indian weddings Traditional Hindu weddings are held during the most auspicious months of March, April, August or September. Peranakan Indians begin their preparations weeks before the wedding date. Invitation cards are printed and before they are sent to relatives and friends, a few cards must be first delivered to the priest of the temple in Gajah Berang or to the Sri Poyyatha Vinayagar Moorthy Temple in Melaka town for the deity’s blessings. At the same time invitations are handed to the trustees of the temples as well. These handing over of the wedding invitations is called by the Peranakan Indians hantar sireh koil pathiram is a combination of Malay and Tamil words (hantar sireh are Malay words which mean “sending the betel-leaf ” and koil pathiram means temple invitation). A Peranakan Chinese custom is practised here. The invitation card is accompanied by tiny thinly sliced areca-nut wrapped in a betel leaf and held in place by a tiny sharp stick. The Peranakan Indians hold their wedding ceremony normally in the bride’s house but because of convenience and space the weddings are now conducted either in a temple or community hall. Until the 1950s, those in Singapore held their weddings in their homes in their enclaves in Little India — Kinta Road,Veerasamy Road, Short Street, Chitty Road and elsewhere. The panthal or pavilion is erected in front of the bride’s home. The Peranakan Indians are particular that orthodox Hindu traditions are strictly adhered to when it is put up. They call this thiam panthal (pillars). The panthal is erected on 12 pillars a week before the wedding. The panthal represents the four corners of the world; milk is poured into the pits before the pillars are placed into them; coconut leaves and bunches of coconut are

tied to the pillars. Banana plants with fruit and flowers are fixed at the entrance of the panthal. After the pillars have been firmly set, three women spread out the nine seeds (navathanigel) over the soil at the base of the pillars and pour in water. Mango leaves are normally hung in the wedding hall or panthal. South Indians including the Peranakan Indians hang an odd number of mango leaves. The Peranakan Indians would hang 41 or 51 mango leaves. A priest says his prayers while this is done and religious music is played with the drum and nageswaram (trumpet). This is another example of how the Peranakan Indians strictly follow orthodox Hindu traditions which the Hindu community generally does not adhere to any longer. A prenuptial ceremony held separately for the bride and groom is the application of crushed henna leaves which produce a reddish or orange dye used to colour the fingers, nails and skin with different motifs. It is believed that the henna also fights off evil and envious eyes; it has a cooling effect and the dye could last for weeks. The Malays, who also have this ceremony, call it the berhinai. The special bridal seat, which the Tamils call the mannavarei, is called by the Peranakan Indians pelamin pengantin Chitty (these Malay words mean unite which aptly describes the new relationship). A Peranakan Indian wedding is generally followed by three to five days of celebrations; the Peranakan Chinese celebrate for twelve days beginning with the Invitation Day — the Anteh Sereh — and ends on the twelfth night. The length depends on the financial means of the bride and groom’s families. The Wedding Ceremony As mentioned earlier, Peranakan Indian Hindu wedding ceremonies and rituals, like 67

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all Hindu weddings, are elaborate affairs. Only those rituals and ceremonies considered most significant are mentioned here. On arrival at the panthal, the groom’s feet are washed and a mitti (silver toe-ring) is placed on the second toe of his right foot by the best man, who is generally the bride’s younger brother. The mitti is there to remind the groom that he is going to be a married man and the silent prayer of the best man is “we have brought up my sister with all love and care and now we are handing her over to you; you will always be loving and caring and chaste”. The groom is received by a group beating the hand drums called kompangs. The Malays use their hands to beat these while the Peranakan Indians use rattan sticks. The groom then proceeds and takes his place in the mannavarei where the priest recites mantras. After this the groom retires and the bride sits on the mannavarei and goes through a similar ceremony and then retires with the bridesmaid carrying the wedding attire. The Peranakan Chinese have the page boy and page girl called kooyah and png ah pek respectively and in the early years the Peranakan Indians adopted this practice. When the couple returns to the mannavarei, one significant rite takes place; this is giving away the virgin bride to the groom’s father by the bride’s father. This is known as kanniadanam by the Peranakan Indians and theththam by the Tamils. Other rites follow. The highlight of the wedding ceremony is the tying of the thali (in Tamil; the Peranakan Indians use the word mangelyium). It should be normally a cord of several strings to which tumeric powder (the yellow colour does not fade) is applied and attached to it is a gold pendant. This pendant would reflect the caste or the custom of the groom’s family. This cord is tied round the bride’s neck and knotted thrice because the

bride’s now becomes a wife and is subject to her husband, his parents and God. The guests then bless the wedded couple by showering rice mixed with tumeric powder over the heads of the couple. The bridal couple exchange garlands, which signify that they are now a divine union. The couple go round the homum pit where Agni (fire) has been a witness to the marriage and also round the nine planets represented to honour them and seek their blessings for fertility, prosperity, longevity and their protection against calamities and evil. The planting of the arasani tree (pipal or banyan) by the couple is their supplication for fertility and children and longevity. The tree is considered sacred because the Devas reside in it. The thali string is replaced by a permanent string or gold chain after three months and the old one dropped into the sea. Another significant feature is the placing of the bride’s right foot on a granite stone and the groom slipping a silver mitti on her toe. This action is meant to remind themselves of Rishi Vasishta and his wife Arunthathi who had a fulfilling married life on earth. After their death their souls left earth together and gained salvation; they shone in total oneness as a single illuminated star (Arunthathi-Alcor in the Great Bear), with other stars in the North Pole. The newly married couple aspire to blend to live on earth like Rishi Vasishta and Arundhati. The mitti on the bride’s toe is constant reminder to her that she is now a married woman and must remain chaste and honour her husband with her conduct and righteousness. When the bridegroom and bride are seated in the manneverai they are recognized as Shiva and his consort Parvathy but after marriage and becoming husband and wife they are regarded as Vishnu and his consort Lakshmi. The Malays regard the couple as king

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A Peranakan Indian wedding in Singapore.

and queen when they are seated in the pelamin pengantin. An amusing but meaningful activity follows in which both the groom and bride participate. A brass or earthernware pitcher with a narrow mouth and broad base is filled with water. In it are dropped coins or cowrie shells and the groom and bride dip one hand and collect as many coins and shells as possible. Though it looks rather a strange activity, the character of the bride and groom is being assessed. If the groom or bride lets the partner collect more it may be assumed the person is an unselfish one. There is a unique variation by the Peranakan Indians to make this ritual also a hilarious one: the community have always possessed a deep sense of humour. Some years ago even tadpoles were dropped into the jar for fun and laughter! The Peranakan Indians call this activity Chelop Chin Chin. Peranakan Indian wedding celebrations

are held for three to five nights; dinners are cooked by the Peranakan Indians themselves and there is no catering. Entertainment includes singing, pantuns, dondang sayang, ronggeng and playing of the chongkak and cherki cards. On the second day of the wedding, the Peranakan Indians indulge in a very thrilling amusement; this is as they say in Malay, mandi mandi (bath). There would be large quantities of water in which tumeric powder (or colourig) is dissolved and the bride’s and groom’s parents would battle each other by splashing the coloured water onto each other’s clothes and bodies. The groom would splash the bride and she would retaliate. All their relatives take this opportunity to splash water on the wedded couple and on others who are present. Some women tend to hide in the rooms of their homes guests will then seek them out and then splash water on them. As this is their tradition, none takes offence. 69

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Visaletchumi, a daughter of Govindasamy, recalled the Peranakan Indian wedding in the 1930s in Kinta Road in Singapore. She said the Peranakan Indians feasted and celebrated for five days. She could recall the feast of chicken and mutton curries after the normal vegetable meals. Goats were slaughtered in Kinta Road itself. She was the daughter of Somasundram, a wealthy leader of this community in Singapore. The dinner on the second night is served to close relatives and it is called Malam Bubu Nasi and it includes various Peranakan Indian cakes. Dinner is first served to the male guests. That night the groom would have two male escorts who will sit on either side of the groom. The bride would be asked to serve rice and dishes to the groom and each time the bride returns to the kitchen to bring the dish, the male escorts would eat them up and ask the bride for more. The bride would also serve tea and dessert. Without the knowledge of the bride, the escorts would stuff paper into the teapot and the bride would be unable to serve tea to the groom. There would be continuous laughter by the guests except the poor bride who would be all nerves and sometimes end up crying! On the third night, the bride’s parents would invite the couple for lunch or dinner. The guests would include all close relatives. There would be the normal feasting, singing,

pantun recitals, dondang sayang and ronggeng. Ladies would play the chongkak and cherki cards. On the wedding night, a piece of white cloth was placed on the bed and in the morning the mother of the groom would examine the cloth to see if there was a spot of blood to prove that the bride was a virgin. The wedding garlands are cast into the sea one month after the wedding ceremony. In the past, after the wedding ceremony, the married couple, their parents, close relatives and friends would proceed to the bride’s home for a strictly vegetarian meal. Meenachy Chitty, a Peranakan Indian, who now resides in Toa Payoh, Singapore, was born in Melaka in her Tranquerah home near Gajah Berang, Melaka. Her father was Kenasavie (Kanagasabai) Chitty who worked in a law firm in Melaka; she married a sisterin-law’s relative. Her husband was employed in the Royal Air Force, Seletar and later at the Changi Air Base. Her wedding was conducted in Tranquerah in her home; a panthal was erected and the pusari was a Brahmin priest. The wedding was held with full Hindu ceremonies. At her home in Toa Payoh she recalled the celebrations that followed her wedding; there was ronggeng, recital of pantuns and dondang sayang. She surprised the author when she took a sheet of paper and wrote down one of her favourites pantuns.

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Wedding photo of Mr and Mrs M. T. Pillay

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A wedding photograph of Mr and Mrs Bundesa Sembram Naiker. The late Mr Naiker was a retired Postmaster, Melaka and leader of the Peranakan Indian community and a friend of the author. The wedding attire of the Peranakan Indian bride and groom

The gentleman on the right is wearing a coat with no collar and a sarong; on the other hand, the gentleman on the left in the photograph, is in a western coat and sarong. Both the gentlemen have a Javanese type of cap. The bridegroom’s attire is unique; it is not Chinese, Malay or Peranakan Chinese.

Groom’s attire In the headdress of the groom is the telpa called telepa in Tamil (turban) and just placed on the head. What is worn like a shawl around the neck and falls in front and almost to the knees is called the marakoo. The garment he is wearing is a longsleeved shirt with a pendant called the dabor and underneath it is a skirt.

Bride’s attire The apron-like piece that falls in front covering her skirt is the marakoo and is richly embroidered. A large gold pendant (jewellery) is called the padakom. The skirt is called, martha songket. What is around the bride’s neck like a garland is the manik labor; a necklace with a string of red beads threaded

into it. Glittering pieces called laborchi (sequins) are sewn on to the skirt. The page boy (kooyah) is S. Tegrajah, presently a prominent leader of the Peranakan Indians in Melaka; the page girl (png ah pek) is Tegrajah’s sister Puteh. Both are in Western clothes, socks and shoes. The bride’s headdress is a typical Peranakan Indian one — quite distinct from that of the Peranakan Chinese, Malays, or Javanese. Her hair is in a sanggul hair twisted into a bun shape at the back of her head. The gentleman at the rear is in Western clothes.

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Another wedding photo of Mr and Mrs Bandesa Sembram Naiker in traditional Indian costumes. After the couple had gone through the wedding rituals and become man and wife, they change into South Indian (Tamil) attire. The groom Naiker (Fig. 00) is in a Tamil coat with a shawl across has chest with an embroidered pendant-like object pinned on to the shawl. The lower garment is the Tamil dhoti — a six-yard wraparound, which falls from waist to ankle. The bride is in a traditional Tamil sari with a silver waist belt and buckle. She is also wearing the normal blouse and the manik labor and a pendant-like embroidered piece in front. The bride is also wearing around her neck a typical Peranakan Indian red bead necklace with a pendant. The hair-do is a typical Tamil one adorned with jasmine flowers; also special gold jewellery as part of her hair decorations.

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Wedding photo of Kanagasavie Sedumbaram Chitty (also on the cover of this book). Note the different costumes of those in this photo. The mannavarei (the wedding seat) is decorated in the orthodox Hindu tradition. The bride and groom are seated on a South Indian traditional wedding seat with all the decorations and symbols. The bridegroom is in a typical Tamil long-sleeved shirt and a dhoti. There is a rose garland around his neck and an embroidered pendant on his chest (manik labor). His headgear is a traditional South Indian groom’s turban (telpa). The bride, on the other hand, is in the traditional Peranakan Indian bridal costume. She is wearing a special blouse and a pendant in front of her chest; around her neck is a rose garland. Her hairdo is a South Indian bun with jasmine flowers around it. Around her forehead is the normal Tamil gold jewellery called neithi pattam. The bride’s skirt is with the laborchi. The gentleman on the right of the photograph is in a typical Tamil longsleeved shirt and a dhoti and a shawl across his shoulders. The lady standing next to him is in a traditional baju panjang with kerosangs and a sarong; she has a gold chain around her neck. Jasmine flowers decorate her hairdo. The gentleman on the left is wearing a Javanese-style long coat, sarong and turban. The lady next to him (partially hidden) is in a baju panjang and sarong. The paraphernalia in the foreground includes the typical Saivite wedding items.

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Wedding photo of Tan Koon Neo, mother of Au Kim Neo, wife of S. Dayanandan, Singapore. On the groom’s left is Layna Annamalai Chitty and on the bride’s left is Tan Keng Liew, the bride’s mother (Mrs Layna Annamalai Chitty). The bride is in the unique traditional wedding attire of the Peranakan Chinese. The groom and the gentlemen are in Western clothes while the ladies are in kebaya and sarong and baju panjang and sarong. This photograph was taken in Melaka in front of the bride’s home. Notice the traditional Chinese lanterns, two on each side of the house.

Another wedding photo of a Peranakan Indian couple in traditional wedding costumes with a page boy and a page girl.

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Photo taken during the wedding reception of Ravi Chitty (son of K.T. Chitty) to Lena with the author and his wife. The bride and groom are dressed for the wedding reception in Western attire.

Peranakan Indian string thali with gold pendants. Different pendants are used by different castes.

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The author’s wife being greeted at the entrance of a wedding hall in Singapore by Mr Sreenivasan, whose wife is a Peranakan Indian.

A Peranakan Indian (in Tamil attire) in Singapore — a relative of the bride at the wedding hall.

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9 Funerals

Peranakan Indian funerals As the Peranakan Indian and Hindu funerals are elaborate with many rituals and ceremonies to be observed, it is not intended here to describe these, but to mention those where variations are seen. The tradition among the ancient South Indians is that the body of the deceased can be buried, floated in a river, or cremated. According to the Hindu scriptures, cremation is said to be proper form for it makes it possible for the ashes to be thrown into the sea so that the body and soul can find their way back to the sea. The belief is that since life started in the sea, it has to be returned to its origins. The Peranakan Indians however always bury their dead. The body is bathed one hour before it is taken to the burial ground. It is believed that the bath washes off the physical, moral and spiritual impurities. The body is dressed after the bath and placed in a coffin. The normal tradition is to place the body on a stretcher and to be carried by men to the cemetery. This whole ritual does not only express love, honour and respect for the departed one, but also earnest prayer to Shiva to help the deceased’s soul to find peace and enjoy blessedness. No coconut is broken at a

funeral. It is interesting to note that the old cemetery belonging to the Peranakan Indians is adjacent to that of the Chinese in Batu Berandam in Melaka. Eighth Day Ceremony Various rituals are held after the funeral. All the different castes have a common date for the first ritual i.e. it is held on the third day. Other rituals are held by different castes on the 15th, 16th or the 31st days. A special ceremony is held by the members of the family and close relatives of the deceased on the third day after death. The padayal (food offering) is made between noon and 1 pm. The Peranakan Indian ladies will cook their special dishes, which include fish pindang, brinjal lemak, lemak bitter gourd and sambal blachan. All the cakes are prepared at home and the list includes pulot lanbak, enti kelapa puteh, pingat kelaidek, keladi, pisang, kueh aoom, puteh and kueh gingang. Three or five banana leaves (leaves cut off at the tips) are laid out before the photograph of the deceased. Also placed is a pair of pelita dudok; drinks include coffee and tea; other items include clothes, jewellery and other personal articles of the deceased. Two young coconuts with a

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single hole in each to expose the water within are also placed on a tray. All the food and the cakes are neatly arranged on the banana leaves, the pelita dudok are lit and incense (komian in Malay) is burnt in the tempat barah. All the members of the family and close relatives and even friends then wave the containers of incense and camphor anti-clockwise before the portrait and kneel and bow to show their deep reverence to the departed soul. After this the family members of the deceased and close relatives sit and weep. They are not allowed to get up and cease crying until someone sprinkles water on them. This is not practised by other Hindus and is unique to the Peranakan Indians. Water is sprinkled thrice around the banana leaves; the Peranakan Indians call this neru berlan. One of the banana leaves is later shifted from its original position; this is to indicate that the spirit of the deceased has partaken of the food. All the food in the leaf is then collected and dropped into the sea or river. Food from the kitchen is then served to all present; cakes are served as dessert. Members of the family of the departed one begin their meal by eating the bitter gourd first.

Waving the container of incense and camphor before the portrait of the deceased at the 16th day observance after a Peranakan Indian funeral in Singapore.

The late K.T. Chitty, a leader of the Peranakan Indians in Melaka, performing the ritual.

Sixteenth Day Ceremony The portrait is placed in the sitting room and only one banana leaf (tip of the leaf) is laid out before it. Only vegetarian dishes are prepared and some of each dish are placed on this single banana leaf. The bitter gourd is excluded on this occasion but is substituted with a pumpkin dish. The padayal is offered to the departed soul. Mourning for the dead for the Hindus and Peranakan Indians lasts a whole year. Celebrations like Deepavali nor weddings are not held during this period in the home of the bereaved members of the family.

At every anniversary of the death, that is, the Thevesham (the date is calculated according to the Hindu Almanac), a special ceremony with the padayal and prayers are held in the home or temple for the repose of the soul of the departed one. 79

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10 Clothes, Jewellery and Footwear

The Peranakan Indians, especially the women, can be easily distinguished from Indians by their attire, which is similar to that of the Malays and Peranakan Chinese; it is a combination of both with some variations. Peranakan Indian women wear the baju (blouse) and sarong (a loose garment worn from the hip down to the ankles) that could be described as a wraparound skirt. Originally, the baju and sarong worn for formal occasions were made from batik cloth or Chinese silk with a handkerchief tucked into the right or left shoulder. The handkerchief (sapu tangan in Malay) was generally a red one because of the betel-leaf wiping! The sarong and kebaya were the Chinese Nonyas’ first modern dress and they were worn during the 1910s and 1920s. The kebaya then was an embroidered blouse and worn over batik sarong with floral designs; the earlier kebaya was heavily laced. Peranakan Indian women wore the sarong and kebaya differently from the Malays. The

front part tapers down the elbows from the hip and looks like an open V when pinned together. The Malays on the other hand, end their kebaya uniformly at the hip. The Peranakan Indian ladies slipped on the kebaya through their sleeves while the Malays draped it overhead. Traditionally, the kebaya is worn over a cotton camisole, richly embroidered along the upper portion. The kebaya is held in place by three kerosangs in various shapes and designs; the heart-shaped (hati-hati) one is the largest. The other attire worn by the Peranakan Indian ladies like the Peranakan Chinese is the baju panjang commonly known as baju kurung. Kurung means to cover or retain one’s modesty according to custom. This garment is a tunic that stretches from the neck downwards to the ankles. It has long sleeves and a sarong is worn with an undergarment known in Malay as baju dalam. The baju panjang is fastened by kerosangs which vary in sizes and shapes. The kerosangs

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for this garment would normally be made of silver but also of gold and studded with tiny diamonds and this would reflect the wearer’s status. The diamonds (the Peranakan Chinese use the Malay word berlian) is cut to maximize the light reflecting the qualities of the gem. The word intan, on the other hand, is a rough cut diamond that is more subdued and has a subtle beauty. Both forms of diamonds were popular during the late 19th century. Peranakan Indian women tied up their hair into a tight bun called sanggul Nonya; two long hair-pins protrude from the bun with a third and smaller hair-piece. There is also the sanggol siput. The ladies also wore the chignon — their long hair tied like a loose ball at the back of the head. Their hair is always meticulously combed. Generally two buns are held in place. Men’s attire The attire of the Peranakan Indian men is indeed unique; it does not resemble that of the Malays or the Peranakan Chinese. Perhaps it is closer to that of Javanese men. They wear the batik sarong and a special coat. Their normal head wear is like a turban which is actually a batik cloth knotted over their head; some photographs of the early Peranakan Indian weddings clearly show the unique attire of the bride and groom; these costumes display no semblance to those worn by the Peranakan Chinese, Malays or Javanese.

they are married. They do not wear the South Indian traditional chain round the neck — the attikai made of gold and semi-precious red stones. The Peranakan Indians wear a red bead necklace instead. Like the Peranakan Chinese, Peranakan Indian jewellery (except for some distinct Indian ones) are a hybridized Malay style with gold in Chinese, Victorian English or even Dutch designs. There is also the influence of the Chinese in the former Straits Settlements and northern Malay States and the jewellery was often crafted by Indian goldsmiths. The more intricate the patterns and designs, the more they reflect the financial and social status of the wearer. Footwear Peranakan Indian women, like their Peranakan Chinese counterparts, wear the slippers known as kasot manek-manek (beaded slippers) made by the wearers themselves. They are made and sewn individually by hand with beautifully cut beads; it would normally take weeks if not months to sew a pair. The social status of the ladies was even seen in the intricate patterns of the kasot manek-manek. Peranakan Indian men wore the traditional Indian leather slippers. In the early years, the men used special wooden sandals rarely used elsewhere in India. Each sandal had a silver peg that went between the big toe and the next one to make it possible for the user to walk.

Jewellery Peranakan Indian women generally wear Peranakan Chinese jewellery: kerosangs, hairpins, gold pendants (mostly British gold coins decorated with a phoenix motif). The women also wear the traditional Indian jewellery: gold bangles, a chain, earrings and the thali — if 81

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The kasot manek-manek — the traditional slippers worn by Peranakan Indian women — an influence of the Peranakan Chinese.

Meenachy Chitty (89 years old) and Valli Reddy.

A younger Valli Reddy with friend in kebaya (with kerosangs) and sarong. 82

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Theileimei, a Peranakan Indian in baju panjang (with kerosangs), sarong, typical headwear and kasot manekmanek.

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Madam Chinnamah Retty in traditional Peranakan Indian costume and jewellery Mrs Kamachee Govindasamy Rajah in her home attire (kebaya and sarong) in Gajah Berang, Melaka. She is very knowledgeable on Peranakan Indian culture.

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Grandsons of Mrs Kamachee Govindasamy Rajah who were born to a Chinese father and adopted by a Peranakan Indian family.

Brooches made with British gold coins.

Peranakan Indians use the phoenix motif as well as South Indian designs. The phoenix motif is a favourite among the Peranakan Chinese. 85

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Pelita dudok, as the Peranakan Indians call these brass oil lamps; they have five wicks placed in oil and lit. They are used for various religious ceremonies. Smaller hanging oil lamps are called pelita gantung (hanging lamps)

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11 Peranakan Indian Cuisine

Peranakan Indian cuisine is a blend of Malay, Peranakan Chinese and Indian cuisine; it is a mixture of local spices and the Indian art of blending them. Belachan (stranger to Indian cuisine) is a mixture of pounded chilli and fermented shrimp paste; coconut milk is always used liberally and essential to Peranakan Indian cooking. Despite the inventions of numerous kitchen devices, the Peranakan Indians still cling to their age-old traditions and grind spices on the batu giling (a granite pestle and mortar slab). This method certainly enhances the delicious taste given to their various dishes. Peranakan Indian women painstakingly prepare their dishes, for example, fish, meat or vegetables are meticulously cut with a lot of care and skill. Not only are their dishes delicious but also attractive to the eye, tempting the diner to consume more rice and accompaniments. Their culinary skills are indisputable. They have their favourite dishes and those which are specifically prepared for certain occasions.

The most popular dish is nasi lemak made up of rice cooked with coconut milk, belachan and ikan bilis (dried anchovies or sprats). The dish is cooked in a special way by the Peranakan Indians; the rice is steamed and left to cool. The pandanus leaf is boiled with the coconut milk so that it is fragrant. Nasi lemak is only cooked in a rice cooker when unexpected guests arrive; the Peranakan Indians humorously call this nasi lemak terkejut (surprise nasi lemak). This dish is served as an offering during prayers while the Indians and Hindus offer rice only with vegetable dishes. An unusual Peranakan Indian dish is the nasi kembuli, which was once served to brides three days after the wedding and as an offering during prayers. Another favourite dish is the ikan pindang; this is cooked in a clay pot with ikan parang with hard-boiled eggs or chicken. Salted eggs, which are totally absent in Indian cooking, are served during ancestral rites — a Malay and Chinese influence. 87

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Pestles and mortars used for pounding spices and (right) for flour

A special dish which is served during the puberty ceremony mentioned earlier is puttoo, which is South Indian in origin. Puttoo is also served as breakfast, lunch and even dinner. The best time to sample Peranakan Indian delicacies and dishes is during the festivals such as the Bhogi festival on the eve of Ponggal.

always include coffee or tea and cakes.Visitors or guests wash their fingers in finger bowls and wipe off the water with a hand towel. This is a Malay influence. It is regrettable that although there are several Nonya food eateries in Singapore and Malaysia, no Peranakan Indian has ventured into this industry.

Cooking

Typical Peranakan Indian cakes and dishes

The Peranakan Indians use Malay terms to describe their cooking methods, eg, masak atas darat (fry spices in hot oil away from the fire and kare — use a chopstick to gently separate the rice grains without breaking them). The secrets of their cuisine are only passed on to daughters who are taught to be meticulous in their cooking and serving dishes courteously and observing decorum at the dining table. Every guest to a Peranakan Indian home is offered refreshments, which

Peranakan Indians are unique in the sense that their food — various cakes and dishes — reflect the influence of the Malays and the Peranakan Chinese. As far as the cakes are concerned, the main ingredients are coconut, palm sugar and flour. The following is a list of the popular cakes and dishes prepared by the Peranakan Indians. Most of the names reflect those used by the Nonyas. A few are in Tamil.

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A brass utensil specially used for making itali which is consumed as breakfast, lunch or dinner.

A brass container for water and other domestic uses and for special religious ceremonies. The Peranakan Indians own such containers in various sizes.

A granite grinding stone for spices (batu giling); it is also a very important item in Peranakan Indian and South Indian Hindu weddings. 89

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1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31.

Kwey ondei ondei Kwey gomak Kwey ku Kwey sargon sargon Kwey lada muthia Seray kaya Kwey kanda kasturi Kwey binka bakar Kwey chuchor Kwey bongkong Kwey rengas Kwey lepak kachang Kwey tentalam Kwey rempa udang Kwey pulot thekan kaya Kwey wajek Kwey dodol Kwey dadar Kwey kusuvi Kwey kochi Kwey lapis Pulot enti Pulot tatal Pulot hitam Apom ber kuah Bubor chacha Bubor kachang Pisang Goreng Cladi goreng Penggat durian Penggat pisang

Some favourite dishes 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Sambal tumis Sambal blachan Ikan sipat masek nanas Ikan bilis Ikan pindang Sambal belimbing udang Sukun curry Sambal timun santan

9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.

Masa lada Kuah lada cina Sambal tahi minyak Terung curry Nasi lemak Sambal hurap Otak-otak Laoh haram jada Chinchalok Bubor trigoo Alwa chemilah Alwa nanka Alwa nanas Alwa nona

Pickles 1. 2. 3.

Achar chilli Archar limau Pachidi (Tamil) manga

Popular breakfast items 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Kopi O (black coffee without milk) Teh Nonya Cakes Nasi lemak Lepak kachang Otak-otak Thosei (Tamil) Apom (Tamil)

Special items with lunch or dinner With lunch and dinner special items include : pertai jering, kachang boto (salad), tawoo, tepi,

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assam pedas, ikan belis, chap chai (Chinese) includes mushroom, cabbage, tofu and banana flowers (wahlei pooh in Tamil). The Peranakan Indians steam rice and do not drain the water like the Indians; this is a Malay and Chinese way of cooking the rice.

Peranakan Indians add daun pandan (fragrant leaves) to the rice; this is also not done by the Indians. It is a Malay practice. They also do cook the traditional Indian dishes when vegetarian meals are prepared; this is done during Hindu festivals and on Fridays.

A Selection of Favourite Recipes Nasi Kembuli

Pachedi

Ingredients

Ingredients

4 cups rice — washed and drained 2 sticks cinnamon bark 10 shallots, pounded 2 cloves garlic, pounded

1⁄2 pineapple, cut in wedges 5 cloves garlic

5 tbsp ghee 1 tbsp cashewnuts 1 tbsp raisins 4 tbsp coriander 2 tbsp cumin Method Boil cumin and coriander in 5 cups of water. Strain the water and pour it into the rice cooker. Fry cashewnuts and raisins together in ghee and put aside. Use the same ghee and fry cinnamon bark and shallot until fragrant. Add garlic. Pour in rice grains. Mix thoroughly. Add in cashewnuts, and raisins. Pour mixture in coriander and cumin water and leave it to cook.

1 tbsp mustard seeds 1 stick cinnamon bark 3 star anise 1 thumb-size ginger, julienned 5 shallots, sliced thinly 1 tbsp chilli powder 2 tbsp tamarind juice 3 tbsp palm sugar 1 tbsp sugar 3 tbsp oil Method Pound mustard seeds and garlic into a paste. Heat oil. Fry cinnamon bark, star anise and mustard seed paste until fragrant. Add in sliced shallots and shredded ginger. Add pineapple and cook until fruit softens. Add in chilli powder, tumeric juice, palm sugar, sugar and salt to taste.

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Ikan Pindang

Singang Pindang Serani

Ingredients

Ingredients 2 tablespoon cooking oil 7 pieces of fish 1 stalk lemon grass 2 red chillies 1 piece fresh ginger 1 inch fresh tumeric 1 bowl of tamarind water 2–4 lemon leaves 2–3 tumeric leaves salt to taste

3 tablespoonful (heaped) chilli powder 1 tablespoonful (level) tumeric 6 shallots 6 garlic sliced 2 stalk lemon grass 2 fresh chillies (red) 1 medium bowl of first part of coconut milk 1 medium bowl of second part of coconut milk 1 medium bowl of tamarind juice (quite thick) 2 or 3 green chillies 1 piece of ikan parang (500 gm) cut into two. Salt according to taste Method (i)

Use a clay pot. Pour the coconut milk, tamarind into the pot. (ii) Add the gliced shallots, garlic, lemongrass, red fresh chillies, chilli powder and tumeric. (iii) Stir and let it boil until the gravy is quite thick (iv) Let it simmer until the fish is cooked. Variation Instead of ikan parang, hard-boiled eggs or chicken may be used. The green chillies are optional and used whole.

Method Slice all the above and place them on a single plate. Heat up pot, when pot is hot, pour 2 tablespoons of cooking oil. Add the ingredients and fry till fragrant. When fragrant, add 1 teaspoon tumeric powder into the pot. Mix tamarind about the size of a ping pong ball with 5 glasses of water. Pour this into the pot. Add salt to taste. Boil for about 5–6 minutes and then reduce the heat. Cut 7 pieces of fish (use ikan tamban, ikan keke, ikan kurau or ikan parang) Put them into the pot and cook for about 5 minutes. Reduce the heat and place lemon and tumeric leaves. Turn off the heat. Serve in a bowl and add extra green leaves before serving to enhance taste. Eat with hot rice and sambal belacan. Serves 4 people. Source: M Letchemenon, Singapore

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12 Notes on the Spoken Language of the Peranakan Indians

The mother tongue of the majority of the Peranakan Indians in Singapore is Malay, which is not standard Malay but what is commonly known as “bazaar Malay”, with a sprinkling of Tamil words.Younger members of this community have now learnt to speak some Tamil and the majority of this group are literate in English. The older members still speak the Peranakan Indian Malay of their ancestors. Spoken Language in the Temple (some examples) A Peranakan Indian devotee explains how he speaks to the priest (who is a Tamil and not a Peranakan Indian) in the temple. Before entering the temple the devotee washes his feet (cuci kaki); then he goes round the temple (pusing koil) as an act of reverence to the deities and it also relaxes a person and prepares him to begin his worship. This is done once, thrice or five times in a clockwise

direction because the earth and the planets rotate and revolve clockwise respectively. After this he enters the temple to pray (sembahyang). The devotee then addresses the pusari (Tamil word for priest) or the pandarom (the assistant) thus: “Ayyah, saya mau arshaneh” (Respected Sir, I want to make an offering and a prayer). The priest normally asks, “siapa nama?” (In whose name?). Nama Kisna (name is Kisna, that is Krishna). Normally, he states both the name and the star under which the devotee was born and also the name of the deity to whom the arsheneh is made. If the devotee carries with him a tambalam (with fruit, betel leaves, arecanut and quicklime) he simply tells the pusari or the pandarom: “Ayyah, buat arshaneh”. During a festival and when the devotee is in the temple and the deity is carried in procession around the courtyard, the Peranakan Indians would say, “Swami sudah datang” (the deity has come). 93

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Prayers are normally said in silence when the devotee stands before the deity in the temple. When the author asked a Peranakan Indian devotee what he said in silence (I observed the lip movements), the answer was: “Ammah” (short form for the deity Sri Mariamman), “tolong lah aku; kasi baik-baik sakit; badan lah sihat” (Mother, please help me to get better; I am sick). All Peranakan Indians maintain utter silence and solemnity in the temple. A Peranakan Indian would never leave the temple after a pooja without partaking of the prasadam (pronounced as “prasadom” by this community), which is food offered to a deity by the devotees during the ritual and prayer. Prasadam means joy, peace, blessings and favours from God. Prasadam include the nasi gula (sweet rice). Language spoken during the padayal (offering) to the ancestors During the padayal or parchu (word used by the Peranakan Indians) the head of the family who conducts the ceremony addresses the souls of the ancestors with a combination of both Malay and Tamil words. Below are two examples spoken by two different heads of families: 1.

2.

Thatha, pahti, mama mami, Ini hari ada parchu sulu mari dating makan; apa ada salah minta maaf. (Rough translation in English) Grandfather, grandmother, uncle and aunt, Today is offering day; please come to partake in the food; please forgive us if there are any shortcomings. Thatha, pahti, bapa, emak Datang rumah ini hari makan parchu (Rough translation in English)

Grandfather, grandmother, father, mother, Today is the offering day; please partake in it. Tamil names of persons and words, pronounced by the Peranakan Indians Below are some examples : Tamil Names/Words

Pronounced by Peranakan Indians

Thiagarajah Chithambaram

Tegrajah Sembram or Embong Kanagasavie or Kanusae Leta Arjun Cheevasan Ponnosamy Narinasamy Kisna Avirami Letchumena Tievanaigum Thangom Kaboleh Telpah Aneng Pandarom

Kanagasabai Lalitha Arjunan Sreenivasan Ponnusamy Narayanasamy Krishna Abirami Letchemenon Dheivanayagam Thangam Kovalei (drinking vessel) Talepa (turban) Annan (elder brother) Pandaram (assistant Hindu Temple priest) Arshanei (offering in temple) Prasadam (God’s food offered in temple) Padayal (offering of food to ancestors) Thatha (grandfather) Thambalam (tray)

Arshaneh Prasadom Parchu (a possible variation of padayal) Topay (neither Tamil nor Malay word) Thambulam

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Some common nicknames used by the Peranakan Indians The Peranakan Indians are keen on orthodox (Hindu) practices but also possess a sense of humour, such that many in their community are referred to by nicknames. Following are some examples: Nenek Jambol (grandmother with a special hairdo) Kalastree Suppiah — called Tok Puteh (a very fair lady) Nenek Tongek (grandmother who is hunched)

Nonya Palani (Palani’s wife) Nonya Ladang (the female owner of an estate) Mama Ladang (male owner of an estate) Mama Bulat (fat and round uncle) Atay Kota (Aunt from the hill) Moyan Bakot (great grandmother) Moyan (Ponnoe) (great grandmother Ponnusamy) Moyan Bonchet (sometimes as a grandparent with a protruding abdomen) Krisna Kechi (Krishnan who is short) Valli (Chik)

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13 Some Unique Features of the Peranakan Indians

One of the unique characteristics of the Peranakan Indians which would interest Singaporeans and others is the cohesiveness of this small community in the past centuries as well as the present. Peranakan Indians have continued to live in enclaves in early Melaka as well as in present-day Singapore. In early Melaka, this community was assigned a special locality because of their affluence as well as their commercial activities; in the latter centuries the Peranakan Indians resided in special enclaves because of their distinct culture. In Singapore, they congregated in Rowell Road,Veerasamy Road, Kinta Road, Chitty Road, Waterloo Street, Selegie Road and elsewhere when the pioneers inspired the others from Melaka to migrate to Singapore. Some families even lived in Flower Road and Jansen Road in large compound houses. Peranakan Indians generally married their cousins. In the Tamil language this cousin is known as athaan; even today the Peranakan Indian wife calls her husband athaan. If the

young lady was not match-made to marry her cousin, then she married another relative — a close or a remote one. As time passed by the Peranakan Indians began to marry outside their community and in some cases to Christians (Roman Catholics) but they maintained close ties with their community. In some homes where a few are Christians they still respect their elders and allow the image of the deity Lakshmi or Ganesha to remain at the main entrance of the flat or house. The family Hindu altar is also maintained. All love their Peranakan Indian (Nonya) food. All speak lovingly of their ancestors. In the Peranakan Indian community in Singapore, the elders are lovingly looked after by the younger members: children, grandchildren or great grandchildren. An elderly lady member of this community in Singapore spoke to me about the cohesiveness and filial piety of the Peranakan Indians. She was born in Singapore in the Serangoon area and was given in marriage (match-made) to her husband in Kilang

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Ganesha altar at the entrance of the home of Mr and Mrs Pakiri Pillay, who live in a flat in Ang Mo Kio, Singapore.

(Selangor, Malaysia) about 1930. When the husband died she returned with her children to Singapore and was looked after by her uncle in Kinta Road. She educated her children who are now happily married. Today she shuttles from one daughter’s home to another because all of them want to have the pleasure of her company. The author managed to fix an interview with her in the home of a daughter. In that home she stays with her daughter, grandchildren and great grandchildren and the few minutes I spent there I could feel the loving and caring atmosphere there. Mr K.S. Chitty, “the grand old man of

the Peranakan Indian community”, who was about 90 years old lived in Toa Payoh in a flat. He was looked after by his daughter Valliamma who had come to Singapore leaving behind her husband and family in Bombay to nurse her father who was ill. She took her father regularly to the doctor, cooked a special diet for him and maintained a scrupulously clean flat. This is indeed a shining example of filial piety. I interviewed her at the flat; I asked her, “Why are you making this great sacrifice leaving your own family in India to come to Singapore and to look after your dad?” She replied, “My parents brought me up with so much love and care; they never slept when I 97

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was ill and sat beside my bed throughout the night. Now it gives me joy to show my love and care for him”. In all the homes I have visited in Singapore as well as in Melaka, I have observed with a great deal of pleasure the loving care and concern of the young for the elderly in this community. Though the younger generation in Singapore studied English, Tamil or Malay, they speak the Peranakan Indian Malay (with a sprinkling of Tamil words) so that they can communicate with the elderly members. There is therefore no communication gap. What is the secret of this cohesiveness in the Peranakan Indian family and community? The foremost observation that can be made is that the head of the household holds the family together and sees that there is hardly any domestic tension among the individual members of the family. The father sees that there is no bias or prejudice towards any members; everyone is treated fairly and there is no discrimination. A good example is the late Mr M.T. Pillay who ran a large household and all were treated as members of his family and this spirit permeated the entire family and to a degree the Peranakan Indian community in Singapore. The particular tradition of having “teh” (tea) together in the evening is a special feature of the Peranakan Indians; special Nonya dishes are prepared to go with the tea; these include pulot hitam, bubor kachang, pinggat durian and others. All the family sit at the dining table and enjoy the tea, the conversation and the fellowship. This strengthens the family bond. If it is not possible for all to be present during the weekdays for this traditional tea because of working members, they have it during the weekends. This tradition is absent in the average Tamil home. Mr K.T. Chitty, the late senior trustee

The family altar inside the flat.

The 60th wedding anniversary of Mr and Mrs Joe Pillay, above, at a Roman Catholic Church, Siglap, Singapore.

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Mr and Mrs Joe Pillay

of the Temple in Melaka in an interview with the author stressed this point: “one of the moral teachings my father used to instill in his children was to respect the elders. He emphasized that when elders give us something it must be received with both hands and so too if a child hands them something. This is an act of respect and courtesy, which they even today strictly practice and insist that the younger generation maintain this. Between equals and those younger the right hand should also be used to give and receive. He always reminded us to develop a respectable attitude towards our elders and taught us the correct form of addressing the maternal and paternal relatives, for example “mama” (uncle), “Mami” (aunt) and also our elders. After we had become young persons, my father used to tell us, “the onus of imparting moral and cultural values and good conduct lies with the parents. Things that are learnt in childhood would not be

forgotten for the rest of one’s life”. Mr K.S. Chitty always spoke fondly of his father, “My father used an expensive walking stick after he was 60 years old and we children recognized it as a symbol of wisdom, experience, virtue and authority. He never left the house unless he was properly attired including the traditional headwear of the Chitty Melaka”. While walking in front of their elders the Peranakan Indian children bow their heads in a gesture of humility with their right hand extended to the front as a request to allow them to pass. The left hand is normally held behind them. The Malays also have a similar tradition. If anyone who is rude and lacks in good manners, he is regarded as kurang ajar (not well taught), the same expression the Malays use. When anyone in the family (according to the Hindu tradition) departs from the home, he should first step out with his right foot

Peranakan Indians of different religious faiths attended this Christian function.

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Other Peranakan Indians at the function

and then look up at the sky and make a silent prayer to God to bring him back home safely. On his return, he steps again into his house with his right foot and thanks God for his safe return. Elder siblings from the poorer Peranakan Indian homes often had to forgo their own education so that the younger ones could complete theirs and have a bright future. This is an example of sacrifice and genuine love for their siblings. Many young Peranakan Indians also start working at an early age to lighten the financial burden of their parents. Under Rule 26 the management committee of the temple recommends that all members of the community should attend certain religious festivals and functions. It is also compulsory for all members to attend and provide assistance during the “Thirunal” Ceremonies and at least one member from every household should be present and render help in the procession of the chariot (“Ratham”). Attendance and assistance

at funerals of the community are also compulsory. This is another unique clause in the Temple’s constitution and no other Hindu temple has incorporated this into their Rules and Regulations. When the elderly pass away from their midst, the Peranakan Indians fondly remember them. Their ancestors are specially remembered and venerated on certain occasions : the Bhogi festival, the June fruit season and the Padayal or the Parchu (as termed by this community) month. These are devoted to honouring their ancestors. During these occasions offerings are made and visits to the graves are undertaken. The whole family gathers and offers all the favourite food, fruit, drinks, even cigarettes to their ancestors; they also have the opportunity to recount the loving and caring role played by their ancestors when they were alive and how they had influenced the lives of the present generation. They also recall their counselling and advice.

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The author’s wife (in saree) talking to Peranakan Indian women.

Mr Govindan Pillay and wife Valli Pillay; extreme right: Mr Pakiri Pillay (brother of Mr Govindan Pillay) and wife Marie Pillay.

Other Peranakan Indian families

Krishnan Pillay and his parents; Mr Pakiri Pillay and Mrs Marie Pillay and their daughter Shanthi Pillay; standing behind, a son, Anandh Pillay. 101

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14 Some Prominent Peranakan Indians in Singapore

Mariappan Letchmenon Letchmenon had his primary education at the Outram Primary School and secondary at Beatty. He joined the Singapore Police Force at a young age and served it from 1961 until his retirement. He joined the Singapore Bodybuilders’ Federation and participated in various competitions. Letchmenon later became Executive Secretary of the Federation and still serves it in that capacity. He was involved in organizing several international meets and has a proud record of community service; he is a recipient of the Certificate of Honour for his outstanding service to the Singapore Anti-Narcotics Association. The International Federation of Body Builders’ Association’s President’s Honour Medal (Gold) — the highest award was presented to him in 1987. The Minister for Community Development in recognition of Letchmenon’s 25 years of invaluable volunteer service to

M Letchmenon receiving his Long Service Award from the Minister for Community Development and Sports for his 25 years of invaluable volunteer community service.

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the Ministry, presented him with the Long Service Award in October 2003. In June 2004, the International Federation of Body Builders awarded Letchmenon, the Achievement Medal in “recognition of over 25 years of outstanding service towards the growth and development of the Sport of Bodybuilding in Singapore and Asia”. Letchmenon is married with two sons and is a leader of the Peranakan Indian community in Singapore and regularly attends the annual special festival and other major festivals in Gajah Berang. Major (retired) Chris Pillay Chris Pillay completed his GCE “A” Levels at St Joseph’s Institution, Singapore and later joined the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) and rose to the rank of Major. He served the SAF in various staff and command positions. He served as the Commanding Officer, 6th Singapore Infantry Regiment (6 SIR) and later as Chief Instructor, Singapore Command and Staff College (SCSC), the highest training institute for the SAF. Chris Pillay also served in the Republic of Singapore Air Force (SADA). After his retirement from the SAF, Chris Pillay worked as Golf Manager, Tanah Merah Country Club, Singapore. Chris Pillay is married and has a daughter Tania and a grandson, Nikhil Nair. Major (retired) Ponnosamy Kalastree Ponnosamy Kalastree had his primary education at St Gabriel’s and secondary at St Andrew’s in Singapore. After a stint at the National Youth Leadership Institute he was seconded to the Singapore Armed Forces (SAF) and has the distinction of being one of the first batch of officers to graduate from the newly formed SAF Training Institute (SAFTI) at Pasir Lebar.

Major (retired) Chris Pillay.

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He left the SAF after having served it for 10 years in various command and staff positions at both battalion and brigade levels to seek opportunities in the private sector. Kalastree is the first Peranakan Indian in Singapore and Malaysia to inherit the acumen and entrepreneurship of his ancestors. He founded in 1974 the Mainguard Securities Services Ltd — a premier company in Singapore. In 1983 he set up the first security training centre in the Republic. He is the recipient of several prestigious awards; these include the Malcolm Thomson Award in 1997 by the Council of International Investigators (CII), the International Investigator of the Year 1998 by the CII, the Merlion Investigators Award 2001 by the Security Association of Singapore and the Distinguished Service Award 2001 by the American Society for International Security Region XXXII. Kalastree brought distinction for Singapore when he was elected President, CII for 2001–2002 and its Chairman 2002–2003. In November 2001, he received a letter from President Bush in appreciation of the CII pledging its resources for combating terrorism. Kalastree is a member of the panel for Singapore Industrial Capability and Upgrading Committee for the Security Manpower Industry — a government initiative to upgrade Singapore’s private security industry. He is married with two daughters.

Retired Major (Singapore Armed Forces) Ponnosamy Kalastree, Managing Director, Mainguard Security Services 104

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Krishnan Pillay Krishnan is the son of Mr and Mrs Pakiri Pillay and his grandfather is M.T. Pillay, the distinguished pioneer Peranakan Indian who was responsible for bringing into Singapore others from his community in Melaka. Krishnan Pillay is a History graduate from the National University of Singapore.

He has been a teacher for 14 years and his most memorable experience was his one-year stint as a volunteer teacher in a village school in Nepal in 1996. At present, he teaches History and Social Studies at the Raffles Institution, the premier school in the Republic. With him in the photograph are his wife P. Marakatham and daughter Nilaa.

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15 Conclusion

The Peranakan Indians or Chitty Melaka are a small community in Singapore and their numbers are gradually declining for various reasons. Several of their young adults are marrying outside their own community; this trend can be attributed to various factors. Several marry Indian Tamils as the young adults had studied Tamil as a second language in the primary, secondary, pre-university and junior colleges level. They are therefore fluent in Tamil and English and speak Baba Malay only to their elderly — parents, grandparents, relatives and friends. The young have now the opportunity to mingle freely with those of other ethnic groups in their school, in the tertiary institutions and working places and fall in love and get married with the consent of their parents. In most of the Peranakan Indian homes I have visited I have noted that several of the young men have married Chinese and Malays. A few of the Peranakan Indian girls have also married Europeans and settled in England

or Australia. This trend is also due to the young adults finding it difficult to get suitable partners in their own small community. One of the interesting observations I have made is this. When a young adult of this community gets married whether to Hindus, Christians or Muslims, all the Peranakan Indian community attend the wedding and the celebrations that follow. Even if some of the Peranakan Indian marry outside their community most still retain their mode of attire and cook some of their distinct dishes; if married to Hindus they give their children classical Hindu names. When the weddings are conducted according to Hindu rites, the Peranakan Indians adhere to their orthodox traditions; this also applies to the celebrations that follow. The elderly and some of the younger members make regular visits to Melaka for the annual 12 day festival; it is an occasion for renewing and strengthening their relationship, friendship and fellowship as Peranakan Indians

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in Singapore and Malaysia. All the Peranakan Indians, young and old, still enjoy their unique and delicious cuisine and is heartening to know that the young have been taught to meticulously prepare their dishes. The Peranakan Chinese (the Chinese Babas and Nonyas) on the other hand, through their two associations — the Peranakan Association and the Gunong Sayang Association — are seriously promoting their Baba culture. The Peranakan Association organizes annual conventions, exhibitions of their artefacts, hold demonstrations of their cuisine and traditional wedding. Ronggeng and dondang sayang sessions and seminars also follow. To these functions Babas and Nonyas from Malaysia also attend; these conventions are held in turn in Singapore, Melaka and Penang. Invitations to participate in these conventions are sent to the Peranakan Indians. The Peranakan Indians from Singapore and Malaysia do not, however, hold seminars, demonstrations and exhibitions like the Peranakan Chinese. An editorial in the Peranakan (April–June) said, “It is hoped that visitors realised that the images of Peranakans see not merely confined to show pieces or characters in a play but they are also a living breathing community enjoying life to the full”. The Chinese Babas and Nonyas “feel immensely lucky to possess a heritage that has drawn on multiple cultures, Chinese, Malay, Indonesian, Indian, English, Dutch and Portuguese, for example, to create something truly unique”, The support they receive from the Singapore Heritage Board is

very gratifying and a permanent exhibition has been set up in the Asian Civilizations Museum in Armenian Street. The setting up of a Peranakan Indian or Chitty Melaka section in the Asian Civilizations Museum will soon become a reality but whether they will register their own association or join the Peranakan Association is yet to be seen. The Peranakan Association would be only too glad to welcome them into their membership. Gajah Berang is always a source of inspiration for the Peranakan Indians to sustain their distinct culture. But it also allows them to be complacent and it does not provide a congenial environment for ambition and entrepreneurship. In Singapore, except for Major (retired) Ponnosamy Kalastree, no other Peranakan Indian has ventured into business. The pioneering and entrepreneurial spirit of their ancestors has faded away. On the other hand, the Peranakan Chinese in Singapore are doing extremely well in all sectors: social, cultural, professional and economic. What the future holds for the Peranakan Indians in Singapore cannot be predicted. However, they can be rightly proud that they are the descendants of the courageous and enterprising early South Indian merchant ancestors who ventured across the Indian Ocean from South Indian ports to Southeast Asia and to Melaka where they evolved this unique community in the 15th century. Along with the Chinese Babas and Nonyas, the Peranakan Indians can rightly claim that their culture is indeed indigenous and unique.

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C HA PT E R

XIV Sources

A. Books and Articles Ahashi,Yaji Japanese Occupation of Melaka January, 1942. Australia, 1945. Arasaratnam S. Indian Festivals in Malaya. Kuala Lumpur, 1966. Arunachalam, T. Tamil Hinduism. EVS Singapore. Ayyar CV Narayanan. Origin of Early History of Saivism in South India. Madras, 1974. Babb, Lawrence A. “Walking on Flowers in Singapore: A Hindu Festival Cycle”. Sri Mariammam Devasthanam Maha Kumbabishegam Souvenir Magazine. Singapore: September 1984. Bowker, John, ed. The Oxford Dictionary of World Religions. New York: Oxford University Press,1994. Cardon, Fr R. “Old Malacca — Tranqueira and Gajah Berang”. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 21 (1948). Chen Hock Tong. The Nine Emperor Gods: A Study of Chinese Spirit and Medium Cults. Singapore, 1988. Cheo Kim Ban. Baba Folk Beliefs and Superstitions. Singapore: Landmarks Books, 1988.

Clammer, John. The Ambiguities of Identity. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1979. Coedes, G. The Making of South East Asia. London, 1970. Directory of Malaya, 1928. Dabois, Abbe J.A. Hindu Manners, Customs and Ceremonies. New Delhi, 1986 Donald and Jean Johnson. Gods and Goddesses in Hinduism, 1972. Falconer, John. A Vision of the Past — A History of Early Philosophy. Singapore and Malaya. Fuller, C.J. Servants of the Goddess — The Priests of a South Indian Temple. Cambridge, 1984. Gandhi, Indira. N Eternal India. New Delhi, 1980. Gavin, Flood. An Introduction to Hinduism. Cambridge University Press: New Delhi, 1998. A Guide to Tamil Marriages. Kuala Lumpur, 1980. Gwee Thiam Hock. A Nonya Mosaic. Singapore 1985. Harrison, Brian. Holding the Fort: Melaka under two Flags 1795–1845. Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Monograph. Kuala Lumpur, 1985.

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Joseph, K.T. The New Comprehensive Guide to Malacca. Wah Seong Press: Malacca, 1948. Kandiah, Dr A. Cult and Worship of Muruka as Reflected in the Paripatal and the Tirumurukarrappatal. Sri Lanka, 1984. Kramrisch, Stella. The Presence of Siva. Princeton, 1981. Kumar, N.R. The Hindu Wedding. Chennai: MWN Press. Macregor, L.A. “Notes on the Portuguese in Malacca”. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 28, no. 11 (May 1955). Majumdar, Dr R.C. Ancient Indian Colonization in South East Asia. Lecture, Baroda, India. Manguin, Pierre-Yves. “The Southeast Asia Ship: A Historical Approach”. Journal of the Southeast Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (September 1980). Mearns, D.J. Shiva’s Other Children: Religious and Social Identity Among Overseas Indians. New Delhi and London: Sage Publication, 1995. “Chitty Melaka, Hindu Indians in Marginal Malaysia”. National University of Singapore, 1980. Mitchell, George. The Hindu Temple: An Introduction to its Meaning and Form. London, 1977. Naiker, B.S. Sri Poyatha Veneyagar Moorthi Temple, Melaka. 1976. Pillai,Visvanatha. Tamil-English Dictionary [“Omkara”, Journal of the Hindu Centre, No. 21, 1988]. “Portuguese Malacca”. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, August 1934. Rabeendran, R. “Ethno-Racial Marginality West Malaysia: The Case of the Peranakan Hindu Melaka or Malacca Chitty Community”. Lecture, Department of Anthropology and Sociology, University of Malaya, 1976.

Rice, Stanley. Hindu Customs and Their Origins. London, 1937. Sandhu, Kernial Singh. Early Malaysia, Indians in Malaya — Immigration and settlement 1785–1957. Cambridge University Press, 1969. Sandhu, Kernial Singh and Paul Wheatley, editors. The Transformation of a Malay Capital c 1400–1800,Volumes One and Two, Kuala Lumpur, 1983 Volume One Barbara Watson Andaya, Melaka under the Dutch 1641– 1795 Turnbull, CM, Melaka under British Colonial Rule Narinasamy, The Melaka Chitties Clammer, John, The Straits Chinese in Melaka, Sandhu, Kernail Singh, Indian Settlement in Melaka Singhan, EV, Timiti Festival, Singapore 1976 Sivachariar, Siva Sri Ap Muthukumaru, Temple Worship, Bukit Rotan, Selangor, 1993 Sivananda, Sri Swami, Hindu Fasts and Festivals, Divine Life Society, Shivanandanagar, Himalayas, India, 1987 Subramaniam, N, Encyclopaedia of India,Vol XXVIII, Rima Publishing House, New Delhi, 1994 Subramaniyaswami, Sivaya, Hindu Catchechism, A catechism and creed for Saiva Siddhantan, Himalayan Academy, Concord, California, 1987 Sharma, Brijendra Nath, Festivals of India 1978 Singhal, DP, India and World Civilization, Michigan, 1969 Sastri, Nilakanta, KA, A History of South India, 4th Edition Oxford University Press, India 1990 Thiyagaraj, Sarah, The Chetty Melaka Community, its origin and its cultural identity. A thesis presented to the Faculty of Arts the University of New South Wales in partial fulfillment of the requirement

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for the degree of Bachelor of Arts with Honours in History Tan Chee Beng, The Babas of Melaka and Culture and Identity of a Chinese Peranakan Community in Malaysia, Pelandox Publications, Malaysia, 1988 Thomas, P, Epics, Myths and Legends of India, Bombay Yusoff, Muhammad, Hashim, PhD, The Malay Sultanate. Translated by DJ Muzaffar, Devan

Bahasa dan Pustaka, Ministry of Education, Kuala Lumpur, 1992 Winstedt, RO, A History of Malaya, Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society Vol XIII, March 1935, Singapore, 1935 Wong, CS, An Illustrated Cycle of Chinese Festivities in Malaysia and Singapore, Singapore, 1987

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B. Interviews In Singapore Mr S. Dheivanayagam Mr Mani Dikshithar Mr K. S. Chitty Mrs Ponnu Durai Kataye Major (retired) P. Kalastree Mr Selvaganapathy Kurukal Madam Visalatchi Govindasamy Mr and Mrs M. Letchmenon Mr P. S. S. Mani Iyer Madam Nallachi Mudaliar Major (retired) Chris Pillay Mr A. Radhakrishnan Mr S. K. Narayana Sastrigal Mdm Valliamma Chitty Meenachy Chitty Madam Sivagami Pillay Ms Sarada

In Melaka Mdm Kamachee Govindasamy Rajah G. Meenachie Rajah Mr K. T. Chitty Mr B. S. Naiker Father Pintado Mr and Mrs G. Tegarajah

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C HA PT E R

XIV Index A Famosa, 13 air kunyit (tumeric water), 61 Akasa theebam, 45 ancestors specially remembered, 100 thanking, 56 antaran tujoh dulang, 64 areca nut, 59, 62 attikai, 81 attire, see also women’s attire, men’s attire Au Kim Neo, 53 Bacang, 12 baju kurong, 62 baju panjang, 83 batu giling, 87, 89 beaded slippers, see kasot manek-manek belacan, 87 benzoin, 1, 58 berhinai, 67 betel leaves, 59, 62 Bhogi Festival, 45, 46 Bort, Balthasar, 12 brass stands, see pelita dudok brass trays, 66 bride attire, 72 bunga butang, 55 bunga rampai, 46, 55 Burma-Thailand railways, 22 cakes and dishes, 88, 90 camphor, 1

castes, 3 Melaka, in, 25 chariot procession, see ratham chelop chin chin, 69 cherki, 50, 51, 53, 69 Chinese attending prayers in temple, 26 devotees at Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple, 43 Melaka, in, 16 Ching Ming festival, 46 Chitty, Kanagasavie Sedumbaram, 74, 97, 99 Chitty, Kanagasavai Thevanaigum, 26, 98, 99 Chitty, Layna Annamalai, 22 Chitty, Meenachy, 82 Chitty Melaka, 4 Chitty, Ravi wedding reception, 76 Chola Kingdom, 2, 3 communal graves, 46 congkak, 51, 53, 69 cooking methods, 88 cows ponggal for, 51–54 cuisine, 87–92 dabor, 72 de Albuquerque, Alfonso, 8 de Sequeira, Diego Lopes, 6, 8 Deepavali, 44–45 dondang sayang, 50, 69, 70 drums, 32 Durga, 36 113

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Dutch colonization, 11–16 East India Company, 16 Eighth Day Ceremony, 78, 79 elders respect for, 96, 99 engagement ceremonies, see parisom farming, 12 Farquhar, William, 13, 16 Fertility Ceremony, see Sandangku festivals and ceremonies, 34–60 fire-walking ceremony, 41 footwear, 81 4th Battalion of the Melaka Volunteer Corps, 20 funerals, 78, 79 Gajah Berang, 10, 12, 21, 22, 23–33, 107 parisom, 65 Ganesha altar, 97 grama koils, 28–31 graves, 46 hairstyle for women sanggul Nonya, 62 hand drums, see kompang handkerchief, see sapu tangan Hantu Tetek, 41, 42 harmonium, 32 Harvest Festival, see Thai Ponggal henna, 67 Hindu Almanac, 34 Hindu altar, 96 Hindu calendar, 34 Hindu merchants, 3 Hindu New Year, 38 Hindu temple constitution, 26 horoscopes, 63 houses easily identifiable, 25 thinnai, with, 6, 23 ikan pindang, 87 recipe, 92 India merchants, see Indian merchants

trade with Malay Archipelago, 1–3 Indian Independence League, 21 Indian merchants, see also Hindu merchants categories, 3 marriage with Malay women, 5 population in Melaka, 4 Indonesian archipelago trade with, 1 intermarriages, 4 invitations wedding, 67 Iskandar Shah, 3 Istiadat Tahunan Mariamman thirunal, 38–44 Japanese Military Administration, 21, 22 Japanese occupation, 20–22 Japanese surrender, 22 Javanese cap, 33 jewellery diamonds, 81 intan, 81 kerongsang, 81 padakom, 72 phoenix motif, 85 Kalastree, Ponnosamy, 103, 104 Kampong Balanda, 12 Kampong Kling, 12, 18 Kampong Tujoh, 24 Kannia Kumari, 54 Kanni Ponggal, 54 Kartikai Deepam, 37, 38 kasot manek-manek, 81, 82, 83 kavadis, 41 kebaya, 80 Kedah, 2 kempetai, 22 kerongsang, 62, 81 Kew Letters, 12 kitchen devices, 87 koils, 12, see also grama koils kolam (special patterns), 49 kompang, 68 kooyah, 68 Kra railway, 22 kum kum, 49, 52, 62 kumbum, 52

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Kural, 49 kurang ajar (lacking in good manners), 99 kuthoo velakoo (brass lamps), 55, 56 laborchi (sequins), 72 Lakshmi, 36, 45, 46 Langkasuka, 2 language spoken during padayal, 94 spoken in temple, as, 93, 94 Letchmenon, Mariappan, 102 limau perut, 55 Limbongan, 22 luxury goods trade in, 1 Maha Shivaratri (Great Night of Shiva), 34–36 significance, 35 Majapahit, 4 Malacca Sultanate, see also Melaka Indian trade, with, 3 special privileges for Peranakan Indians, 5 Malam Bubu Nasi, 70 Malay influence of, 63 Malay Archipelago trade with India, 1–3 Malay folklore hantu tetek, 41 Mamak Kurnia, 50 Mamak Redia, 50 Management Committee of temples, 26 manjalneer atam, 44 map India and Southeast Asia, of, 7 marakoo, 72 marriages outside community, 96 martha songket, 72 match-making, 63 Mattu Ponggal, 51–54 meals special items with, 90, 91 Melaka Dutch attack, 11 Indian mercantile population, 4 population, 4, 16

Portugese defeat, 11 Melaka-born Indians Poor-Aid Society, 24 men’s attire, 81 merchant guilds, 2 Middle East trade with, 1 monsoons discovery, 1 Mudaliar, Sreenivasan, 21 Muslim traders, 3 Dutch Melaka, during, 11 Naiker, Bundesa Sembram, 20 wedding of, 72, 73 Naina Chetty, 6, 9, 10 Napoleonic Wars, 12, 13 Naraka (hell), 45 nasi kembuli, 87 recipe, 91 nasi lemak, 60, 87 terkejut, 87 nasi manis, 50 Navatatri (Nine Nights), 36, 37 Nyonya cakes, 50 obayam, 44 origin Malacca Sultanate, during, 1–7 paanakan sweet fruit drink, 44 pachedi recipe, 91 padayal ceremony, 54, 55, 78, 79 fruit, 60 Gajah Berang, in, 59, 60 Singapore, in, 55–59 Palembang, 2 pallang koolhi, 51, 53 panthal (pavilion), 67 pantuns (quatrains), 50, 69 parisom, 63, 64 pearls, 1 pelamin pengantin Chitty, 33, 67 pelita dudok (brass stands), 56, 59, 78, 79, 86 Peranakan Association, 107

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Peranakan Chinese, 4 Cheng Beng (All Soul’s Day), 58 custom followed by Peranakan Indians, 67 influence of, 63 promoting culture, 107 wedding celebrations, length of, 67 Peranakan Indians assimilation into Indian community, 18 assisting Chinese friends, 21 declining numbers, 106 Dutch Melaka, during, 11–16 festival in Melaka, 38 future, 107 Gajah Berang, in, 23–33 giving up farming, 17 Japanese occupation, during, 20–22 language, 18 marrying outside community, 96, 106 origin, 1–6 part of Melaka Tamil community, 10 respect for elders, 96, 99 Singapore, in, 17–19 unique features, 96 pestles and mortars, 88 Pillay, Chris, 103 Pillay, Govindan, 101 Pillay, Krishnan, 101, 105 Pillay, Marie, 101 Pillay, Muthu-Krishnan Tevanathan, 19, 71, 98 Pillay, Pakiri, 97, 101 Pillay, Shanthi, 101 Pillay,Valli, 101 png ah pek, 68, 72 ponggal, 41 cows, for, 51–54 rice, 49, 50, 52 poojas, 28, 31 pottoo, 62 prenuptial ceremony, 67 pusing pusing, 62 puttoo, 63 quicklime, 59 Raffles, Stamford, 12, 16 Rajah, Kamachee Govndasamy, 84 grandsons, 85

Ramayana, 1 ratham, 44 recipes, 91, 92 Reddy,Valli, 82 Retty, Chinnamah, 84 rice rations during Japanese occupation, 22 ronggeng, 50, 70 Saivite influence, 2 sandalwood, 1 paste, 52 Sandangku, 61–63 sapu tangan, 80 Saraswati, 36, 37 sarong, 80 Sentosa Development Corporation, 50 Shakti, 36, 37, 51 Shiva, 51 worship of, 35 Singang Pindang Serani recipe, 92 Singapore Police Force, 18 sireh brass container, 32 Sixteenth Day Ceremony, 79 special patterns, see kolam Sri Kailasanathar Temple, 27 Sri Muthu Mariamman Temple, 27, 43 Chinese devotees, donations of, 43 Datuk Chachar, also known as, 26 Thiruvizha ceremonies, 38–44 Sri Poyaatha Vinayagar Moorthy Hindu Temple, 12 Sri Vijaya empire, 2 Sultan Mahmud, 9 Suvarnabhumi, 2 Tamil names and words Peranakan Indians, as spoken by, 94, 95 Tan Cheng Lock, 20 Tan Keng Liew (Mrs Layna Annamalai Chitty), 53 Tan Koon Neo wedding of, 75 Temple Committee, 24, 63 “Temple Lands”, 24 Thai Ponggal (Harvest Festival) Melaka, as observed in, 49–51

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Singapore, celebration in, 48, 49 thali, 68, 76, 81 Theilemei, 83 thevarams, 50 thevesham, 79 thinnai, 6, 23 Thirunal ceremonies assistance, 100 Thiruvizha ceremonies, 38–44 festival programme, 39, 40 tossing of coins, 58, 59 trade India and Malay Archipelago, between, 1–3 traditional tea, 98 Tranquerah, 12, 22

tumeric water, 61 Vijayanagar fall of, 11 village temples, see grama koils Vishnu, 45 weddings, 67–77 attire of bridal couple, 72 page boy, see kooyah page girl, see png ah pek Wheatley, Paul, 3 William of Orange, 12 women’s attire, 80, 81 wooden sandals, 33

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C HA PT E R

XIV About the Author

Samuel S. Dhoraisingam, M.A., PPA is the Retired Assistant Director of Education (Secondary Schools) Singapore. He was a past Head of the Education Department at the Ministry of Defence, Singapore, and past President of the History Association, Singapore as well as a past member of the Singapore History Museum Board.

Other Publications by the author 1. Singapore’s Heritage through Places of Historical Interest 2. Tan Tock Seng 3. In God’s Light

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