Pattern for Soviet Youth: A Study of the Congresses of the Komsomol, 1918–1954 9780231887786

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Pattern for Soviet Youth

STUDIES OF THE RUSSIAN INSTITUTE OF COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

Pattern for Soviet Youth A S T U D Y OF T H E

CONGRESSES

OF T H E KOMSOMOL,

1918-1954

Ralph Talcott Fisher, Jr.

C O L U M B I A U N I V E R S I T Y PRESS N E W YORK

1959

Fisher, Ralph Talcott. Pattern for Soviet youth; a study of the congresses of the Komsomol, 1918-1954. New York, Columbia University Press, 1959. 452 p. versity)

28 cm.

(Studies of the Russian Institute of Columbia Uni-

Includes bibliography.

i. Youth—Russia. 2. Vsesoiuznyl molodezhi. 1. Title.

HQ799.R9F55

leninskil

kommunisticheskii

301.431

59-5^7 t

Library of Congress

T h e transliteration system used in this series is based on the Library of Congress system with some modifications

Library of CongTess Catalog Card Number: 59-5107 Copyright © 1955, 1959 Columbia University Press, New York First published in book form

soiuz

1959

Published in Great Britain, Canada, India, and Pakistan by the Oxford University Press London, Toronto, Bombay, and Karachi

Manufactured in the United States of America

The Russian Institute of Columbia University

T H E Russian Institute was established by Columbia University in 1946 to serve two major objectives: the training of a limited number of well-qualified Americans for scholarly and professional careers in the field of Russian studies, and the development of research in the social sciences and the humanities as they relate to Russia and the Soviet Union. T h e research program of the Russian Institute is conducted through the efforts of its faculty members, of scholars invited to participate as Senior Fellows in its program, and of candidates for the Certificate of the Institute and for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. Some of the results of the research program are presented in the Studies of the Russian Institute of Columbia University. T h e faculty of the Institute, without necessarily agreeing with the conclusions reached in the Studies, believe that their publication advances the difficult task of promoting systematic research on Russia and the Soviet Union and public understanding of the problems involved. T h e faculty of the Russian Institute are grateful to the Rockefeller Foundation for the financial assistance which it has given to the program of research and publication.

Studies of the Russian Institute Columbia University

SOVIET N A T I O N A L I N C O M E AND PRODUCT IN THROUGH T H E GLASS OF SOVIET VIEWS OF RUSSIAN T H E PROLETARIAN

Abram

Bergson

by Ernest J.

Simmons

1937

LITERATURE:

Edited

SOCIETY

EPISODF. IN RUSSIAN

LITERATURE.

1928-1932 M A N A G E M E N T O F THE INDUSTRIAL FIRM A STUDY

IN SOVIET E C O N O M I C

SOVIET POLICIES IN C H I N A , UKRAINIAN N A T I O N A L I S M , POLISH POSTWAR

David

Granick

Allen John

1939-1 945

A.

Michael

Luckyj

Boro

David

LENIN ON TRADE UNIONS AND

Petrovich G.

Park

MONARCHY,

1658-1832

Marshall

Lang

REVOLUTION,

Thomas

•SGS-»^? T H E J A P A N E S E THRUST INTO SIBERIA,

Taylor

James

1918

Hammond

William Herbert

ANALYSIS

T H E AGRARIAN FOES OF BOLSHEVISM:

PROMISE A N D

Morley Marcuse

DEFAULT

REVOLUTIONARIES,

FEBRUARY ΤΟ OCTOBER, 1 9 1 7 SOVIET P O L I C Y AND THE CHINESE

Oliver

A STUDY

OF THE KOMSOMOL, 1918-1954

H.

Radkey

Charles B.

McLane

COMMUNISTS,

1931-1946 FOR SOVIET Y O U T H :

Alton

S. N.

Alexander

1917-1927

T H E L A S T YEARS O F THE GEORGIAN

OF THE RUSSIAN SOCIALIST

Armstrong

PANSLAVISM,

1856-1870

A CRITICAL

Whiting

UKRAINE,

George

BOLSHEVISM IN TURKESTAN,

S.

Τ had Paul

917—1934

PATTERN

Brown

PLANNING

ECONOMY

T H E EMERGENCE OF RUSSIAN

SOVIET M A R X I S M :

Edward J. USSR:

1917-1924

L I T E R A R Y POLITICS IN T H E SOVIET 1

IN THE

OF THE

CONGRESSES

Ralph

Talcott

Fisher,

Jr.

T O MY

MOTHER

AND T H E M E M O R Y O F MY

FATHER

Preface

T H E rulers of the Soviet Union, in striving to strengthen and perpetuate their regime, have placed much emphasis on training the young. For youths aged fourteen through twenty-five and often older still, the chief instrument of indoctrination and control is the Ail-Union Leninist Communist League of Youth, called "Komsomol" from the initial syllables of the Russian words for "Communist League of Youth." (Throughout this study, the noun and adjective "Komsomol" designates the organization, while "Komsomolite" designates the male or female member of the League.) T h e present work, using mainly the official reports of the congresses or nation-wide conventions of the Komsomol, studies the development of the Komsomol during the period 1918-54, with particular emphasis on the pattern of attitudes and behavior which the regime, in and through the Komsomol, sought to impose upon Soviet youth. T h i s pattern represents an important part of the program and goals of the Soviet hierarchy. T h e Komsomol was designed to embrace the leading elements among Soviet youth, and "youth" as defined for Komsomol purposes has constituted a large segment of the working population. It is important to know in what ways the Soviet regime has tried to use the enthusiasm and initiative of youth; to know how the Party has guided the Komsomol; to know in what respects the regime's policies toward youth have remained constant and in what respects they have changed; to know the functions of the Komsomol in the school, the Army, the factory, and the fields. T h e activities of the Komsomol since 1918 have touched almost all aspects of Soviet life, and the demands upon Komsomolites have significance for other broad categories of the Soviet population. T h u s

χ

PREFACE

careful study of these demands should help Westerners better to understand the development, the workings, and the future objectives of the Soviet system. T h e selection of the present subject involved difficult problems of focus and definition. T h e source material is voluminous: the presses of the Komsomol and the Party have issued countless newspapers, magazines, pamphlets, and books, relating as a whole or in part to the Komsomol and its members. On the other hand, the monographic foundations essential to a solid study of the Komsomol have been lacking: none of the Soviet publications provides an objective and systematic analysis of the Komsomol, and non-Soviet scholars have given the Komsomol only brief treatment in books on larger subjects (see the Bibliography). These circumstances forced the present writer to restrict the scope and the central focus of this study, in respect to the subject to be treated and the sources to be used. T h e topical and the documentary limitations adopted were interdependent. As to the subject, the focus is on the "Komsomol pattern"— the chronological and topical pattern of demands made upon Komsomolites by the Soviet authorities: the Party, the government, and the Komsomol itself. Included are demands made u p o n the individual Komsomol ite, demands made u p o n various categories of Komsomolites, and demands made u p o n Komsomolites in general, or upon the organization that embraces them. T h e demands range from those for abstract qualities of individual character to those for specific performance in almost any field of Soviet life. T h e demands vary greatly in interisity and persistence, from a suggestion of the moment to a thundering and sustained command backed by the coercive instruments of the Soviet state. T h e demands are not always explicit. For example, the Komsomol Regulations prescribed that Komsomol officials be "elected." But the true nature of that demand was revealed less by the formal language of the Regulations than by the elective process actually reported in the proceedings of the congresses. Although it is sometimes convenient to speak of an imaginary "ideal Komsomolite" or "good Komsomolite,"

PREFACE

xi

w h o meets all the demands of the regime at a given time, that concept of the abstract ideal is not explicit in the Soviet materials but only inferred from them, and it is used in this work only where it will not obscure the precise designation of the g r o u p toward which any particular demand is directed. As to its documentary base, this study concentrates on the official (usually "stenographic") reports of the twelve Komsomol congresses that were held during the years 1918-54. Several factors dictated concentration upon this source. T h e writer desired to select, from the mass of literature on the Komsomol, a m a j o r sample that was intended primarily for study by Komsomol members themselves; that was authoritative in character; that was comprehensive both chronologically and topically; that was homogeneous enough to permit comparison of period with period and to reveal changes from one period to the next; and that was sufficiently limited in bulk to be explored thoroughly in the present volume. General Party literature does not meet the first requirement; hence the field was narrowed to Komsomol publications. A m o n g the newspapers, Komsomol'skaia pravda (Komsomol T r u t h ) is the best single source, but it did not begin publication until 1925, and substantially complete files of this newspaper in the United States date only from 1928. If one were to supplement with other newspapers and with magazines, one would encounter problems of excessive bulk and heterogeneity. A m o n g the magazines f o r youth, Iunyi kommunist (Young Communist), Komsomol'skaia nedelia (Komsomol Week), Molodoi bol'shevik (Young Bolshevik), and Molodoi kommunist (Young C o m m u nist) are authoritative, and in combination they would cover the whole time span, but American holdings of these journals are far from complete except for the 1940s and 1950s. T o supplement those journals with other publications would have made the bulk unmanageable for the purposes of the present study. Soviet pamphlets and books relating to the Komsomol exist by the hundreds, but they are so heterogeneous and their chronological and topical distribution is so uneven, particularly f o r the Stalinist period, that they can be used most effectively

xii

PREFACE

after a general framework has been established on the basis of a more systematic source. In contrast to the other sources considered, the proceedings of the Komsomol congresses do meet the stated requirements in regard to purpose, authoritativeness, comprehensiveness, homogeneity, and bulk. T h i s does not mean that the proceedings of the congresses are a complete source for the Soviet pattern for youth. Some of the valuable attributes of the proceedings—that they recorded important formal meetings, that they were published for the guidance of Komsomol leaders, and that they were prominently used in part as newspaper propaganda f o r Soviet youth—also constitute limitations to their usefulness. T h e proceedings are not a comprehensive source concerning, for example, elements of dissension among Soviet youth. Yet they are vitally important, they are virtually untapped by previous research, and they can be used to survey the subject of the Komsomol for scholars who may wish to explore further the vast and varied literature on Soviet youth and its organization. In certain respects the topical and documentary concentrations outlined above have been broadened. As to the sources, only the proceedings of the congresses have been examined intensively, but some other materials have been used to a limited extent, especially for the period before 1918, for which it was necessary to use several books and booklets, and for the long period between the Congress of 1936 and the Congress of 1949, for which the newspaper Komsomol'skaia pravda was employed to provide continuity. As to the subject, a considerable amount of information has been included on the development, the organization, and the achievements of the Komsomol. Much of that information either supplies general background (since there is no full history of the League to which the reader may be referred), or furthers a proper understanding of the demands upon Komsomolites. (For instance, the statistics 011 the proportion of women in the League are important to an understanding of the demand to enroll more women as members.) Those items that will be useful principally to future researchers studying the history of Soviet youth have often been relegated to

PREFACE

xiii

the footnotes in order to preserve, in the body of the text, a rather sharp focus on the pattern of demands. Only to a limited extent can this volume estimate how far the demands upon Komsomolites were realized in practice. As is shown by the excellent exploratory work of Professor Merle Fainsod (see the Bibliography), a comprehensive estimate of this sort will call for a wide range of material, including particularly autobiographical accounts by former Soviet citizens and extensive interviews. T h e completion of such larger projects, whether by this writer or by others, awaits the future. Meanwhile this work may help to chart the terrain.

I am glad to be able to express here, albeit inadequately, my gratitude to those who have most generously assisted me in preparing this work. Geroid Tanquary Robinson of Columbia University has helped me from beginning to end with a paternal and self-sacrificing blend of exhortation, encouragement, and unsparing criticism. My first explorations of the topic were facilitated by Margaret Mead, who invited me to interview Soviet refugees and in other ways to learn about the Komsomol while participating in her research project, Studies in Soviet Culture. T h e Social Science Research Council awarded me the fellowship under which I completed most of my preliminary research. T h e Russian Research Center of Harvard University, and particularly Raymond A. Bauer and Alex Inkeles, permitted me to broaden my knowledge of the Komsomol through the reading of interview materials. The Library of Yale University, and especially Donald G. Wing, acquired materials important for my research. The anonymous donor of the Blanche Elizabeth MacLeish Billings Memorial Award, at Yale University, enabled me to acquire useful background information through the interviewing of former Komsomol members in Munich in the summer of 1955. Penetrating criticisms on the major portion of the manuscript were offered by Frederick C. Barghoorn, Merle Fainsod, John N. Hazard, Philip E. Mosely, and Sidney I. Ploss. Other especially valuable help, in-

xiv

PREFACE

eluding suggestions on parts of the manuscript, was rendered at various stages by A. Dwight Culler, William H. Dunham, Jr., Barbara Farrell, Mary Q. Fisher, Beatrice Goff, Lawrence A. Harper, Nelly S. Hoyt, Christine Johnson, Ernest Kolowrat, the late George V. Lantzeff, Frederic G. Ludwig, Garrett Mattingly, R . Glynn Mays, W . Kenneth Medlin, Emma R . Poulsen, Sergei G. Pushkarev, Ernest J . Simmons, Timothy N. Sosnovy, Virginia Whitfield, Rena Wilmot, and John H. Wuorinen. William F. Bernhardt of the Columbia University Press gave valuable editorial assistance. It is no mere form to add that at all stages I have relied heavily upon the encouragement and assistance of my wife, R u t h Meads Fisher. RALPH TALCOTT FISHER, J R .

University of Illinois September, 1958

Contents

I.

II.

Prerevolutionary Origins of the Komsomol Pattern

ι

T h e Good Bolshevik in Lenin's Writings Lenin and Russian Youth The Bolsheviks and the Organizing of Youth before the November Revolution of 1917

2 2

T h e Establishment of the Komsomol: T h e Komsomol Congresses of 1918, 1919, and 1920 The Party and the Establishment of the Komsomol The General Role of the Komsomol Relationships and Procedures within the League The Nature of the Good Komsomolite Responsibilities in Military and World Affairs General Economic Obligations: Protection and Production Governmental and Social Functions Education and Indoctrination

2

8 9 17 28 39 47 56 61 69

III.

T h e Early Years of the New Economic Policy: The Congresses of 1921 and 1922 79 The Crusade against "Bourgeois" Perils 80 The Emphasis on Worker Youth 90 "Defense" and World Revolution 98 Intra-Komsomol Relations in the Last Years of Lenin's Rule 104

IV.

Adjustments during the Struggle for Power in the Party: The Congresses of 1924 and 1926 112 T h e Campaign against Deviations

113

xvi

CONTENTS

T h e Frustrated T u r n toward the Village Changes in O t h e r Public Functions V.

VI.

Adjustments during the Emergence of Stalin and the Renewed Drive for Socialism: T h e Congresses of 1928 and 1931 Increased Party " G u i d a n c e " and Harrying of the Opposition Building a Socialist Economy in T o w n and Village Problems of T r a i n i n g and Indoctrination T h e Persistent A i m of World Revolution

142 143 157 166 173

Adjustments during the Consolidation of Stalinist Socialism: T h e Congress of 1936 180 T h e N e w Program of the League O n the Road to Monolithism within the League T h e Partial C u r b on Governmental and Economic Responsibilities T h e Stress on Education and Indoctrination W a r Preparations and the United Front

VII.

128 132

182 18G 195 198 206

T h e Komsomol Pattern under Postwar Stalinism: T h e Congress of 1949 211 From the T e n t h Congress to the Eleventh 211 T h e " H e r o of O u r T i m e " 224 Leaders and Followers within the Monolithic League 229 T h e Crucial Importance of Indoctrination and Education 235 Economic and Other Public Functions 242 W a g i n g the Cold War 246

VIII.

In the Era of Collective Leadership: T h e Congress of 1954

251

T h e League and the Party, without Stalin

252

Strengthening the Soviet Economy

254

CONTENTS

XVII

Ideological Training for Communism Leadership and Democracy within the League

261 270

Conclusion

279

Abbreviations

294

Notes

295

Appendixes A. B.

Dates of the Congresses of the Komsomol, 1918-1954 Size of the Membership of the Komsomol, 19 1 8-1954

C. D. E. F. G.

H.

Voting Delegates at the Congresses of the Komsomol, 1918-1954 Voting Delegates at the Congresses of the Komsomol: Distribution by Approximate Ages Voting Delegates at the Congresses of the Komsomol: Length of Service in the Komsomol Voting Delegates at the Congresses of the Komsomol: Amount of Formal Education Distribution of Selected Nationalities among the Delegates to the Congresses of the Komsomol and in the General Population of the USSR Size of the Young Pioneer Organization, 19221952

409 4°9 410 412 414 416

417 418

Glossary

421

Bibliography

425

Index

435

Pattern for Soviet Youth

I. Prerevolutionary Origins of the Komsomol Pattern

IN the years before the Russian Revolution, the Bolsheviks had no youth auxiliary, but they had many youthful members. Lenin was young when he became a Marxist, and as he maneuvered his Bolshevik faction through its prerevolutionary skirmishes, he could not forget the importance of young people as a source of support for his Utopian creed. Someone once complained to Lenin that the Russian Social Democrats were largely youths; that family men were few and were leaving the Party. Lenin retorted by quoting Engels: Is it not really natural that youth should predominate in our revolutionary Party? We are the Party of the future, and the future belongs to youth. We are the Party of innovators, and innovators are always followed more willingly by youth. We are the Party of selfless struggle against time-worn decay, and into a selfless struggle the first to go is always youth. And Lenin continued: We had better leave it to the Cadets [Constitutional Democrats] to collect "worn-out" thirty-year-old ancients, revolutionaries "grown wise," and Social Democratic renegades. We always will remain the Party of the youth of the most advanced class [the proletariat]. 1 Prominent as the young were in the Bolshevik faction, there was no formal distinction drawn between them and the older members, and thus no well-defined pattern for young people or young adults as such. T h e origins of the Komsomol pattern must therefore be sought among Bolshevik ideas respecting the traits of any good Party member, among Bolshevik views on the relations of the Party to Russian youth in general, and in Bolshevik policies concerning the organizing of youth. 2

2

PREREVOLUTIONARY

ORIGINS

T H E GOOD BOLSHEVIK IN LENIN'S

WRITINGS

L e n i n was more influential than any other individual in determining who could, and who could not, be a member of the R S D L P ( B ) (the Bolshevik faction of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party): hence his writings may justifiably be used to construct an image of the prerevolutionary good Bolshevik. T h a t image is epitomized in the word "Partyness": the good Bolshevik was completely loyal to the Party (that is, to Lenin's faction of it) and to Lenin personally; he observed strict discipline in carrying out the policies decided upon by Lenin and his immediate colleagues; he was ready to use any means, irrespective of conventional morality, to advance the Party's ends; he had no close personal relationships except those based on common loyalty to Lenin's Party; and he was an actual or potential leader of the non-Party masses, willing to devote his life to the Party's cause. T h e virtues of the good Bolshevik were those appropriate to a militant and uncompromising struggle. 3 L E N I N AND RUSSIAN

YOUTH

Lenin was eager to recruit youths for his Party and also to influence non-Party youth. As early as 1902, he included in the Party program demands (for such things as free education and state financial aid) that were calculated to appeal to youth. He prized the radicalism of students, and he placed special hope in the turbulence and daring of young factory workers. Beyond the confines of the Party itself, he tried to prod radical youth into revolutionary action against the tsarist regime; his writings reveal a belief that young people, ideologically untrained as they were, were suited to the hazardous role of advance guards or skirmishers who could engage in battle without committing the main body, which was the Party. 4 T H E BOLSHEVIKS AND T H E ORGANIZING OF B E F O R E T H E NOVEMBER REVOLUTION OF

YOUTH 1917

T h e organizational problem was not readily solved. 5 Before 1905 radical youth organizations were active primarily among

Ρ RE REVOLUTIONARY

ORIGINS

3

students, rather than among worker or peasant youth. 6 T h e Second Congress of the R S D L P , in 1903, passed the first formal Party resolution on student organizations. 7 T h e Second Congress of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party hails the quickening of independent revolutionary activity among students; proposes that all Party organizations render every possible assistance to these youths in their efforts to organize themselves; and recommends to all student groups and circles: first, that they place in the forefront of their activity the working out among their members of a complete and consistent socialist world outlook, a serious acquaintance with Marxism on the one hand, and, on the other, with Russian populism and Western European opportunism, as the main currents among the foremost contemporaneous rival tendencies; second, that they try, when turning to practical activity, to establish contact beforehand with Social Democratic organizations, in order to utilize their instructions and to avoid in so far as possible any grievous errors at the very beginning of the work. 8 T h i s resolution was scarcely a blueprint for the Komsomol; it was rather a recognition that most members of the early student groups and circles were not Social Democratic. 9 O n e g r o u p constituted a significant exception. T h i s was the "South Russian G r o u p , " born in 1902 at Rostov-on-Don. 1 0 It was formed by several secondary-school students, newly recruited into the Party, who wished to influence their nonparty schoolmates. Political education became the Group's chief activity. Hectographed leaflets were distributed in Rostov and nearby towns. A t its peak the South Russian G r o u p boasted around five hundred members and had contacts as far away as Voronezh and even Baku. It was loosely organized and acted largely on its own initiative. T h e R S D L P was at this early date too weak to exert any strict control, although Iskra, the Social Democratic organ, greeted the South Russian G r o u p in 1903 and urged it to maintain the closest and most conspiratorial ties with the R S D L P . 1 1 T h e G r o u p was dissolved in 1904, when its leaders either moved away from Rostov or became absorbed in Party work. 1 2 T h i s South Russian G r o u p , despite its limitations, may well deserve the distinction of b e i n g the earliest recognizable prototype of the Komsomol. 1 3

4

PREREVOLUTIONARY

ORIGINS

T h e R e v o l u t i o n of 1905 saw an upsurge of radical activity among Russian youth. 1 4 Working-class youths of Social Democratic leanings continued to join the Party itself in preference to separate youth organizations. 1 5 Students, however, formed several avowedly Social Democratic organizations, especially in St. Petersburg, Moscow, and Riga. 1 6 T h e s e student groups were not united nationally. T h e Bolshevik policy of 1905 respecting youth groups seems to have been to draw as many y o u n g radicals as possible directly into the Party, to spur non-Party groups to rebellious actions, and to encourage Social Democratic student organizations, but not to try to unite them into any all-Russian Social Democratic youth movement or formal Party subsidiary. 17 A f t e r 1905 isolated Social Democratic youth groups struggled on. 18 O n e was the "Student Organization of the P C [St. Petersburg Committee] of the R S D L P . " It began in 1905, and by the addition in 1907 of several circ les of working youth, became the "Organization of Student and W o r k e r Youth of the P C of the R S D L P . " It had a peak membership of about 250 and survived until 1909. A s the first Social Democratic youth organization to bring sizable numbers of students and y o u n g workers together, it represents another stage in the evolution of the Komsomol. 1 9 Meanwhile in Moscow a youth organization led by two Bolsheviks, Nikolai I. Bukharin and Grigorii la. Sokol'nikov, convoked in 1907 an all-Russian congress of Social Democratic students. T h e congress, apparently dominated by its Moscow hosts, decided to establish an all-Russian student organization which would follow the Bolshevik w i n g of the Social Democrats. A Central Committee was set up, but the organization collapsed the next year (1908). 20 D u r i n g W o r l d W a r I there arose in Switzerland a " Y o u t h International" whose stand on war coincided with Lenin's. H e advocated that it be organizationally independent, while the Bolsheviks should try to steer it along the correct path. O n e must not, he contended, expect ideological maturity from these " t u r b u l e n t " youngsters. Against his adult left-wing rivals he demanded a "ruthless struggle." But, said he,

PREREVOLUTIONARY

ORIGINS

5

It is another matter with youth organizations which openly declare that they are still learning. . . . Such people we must help in every way, being as patient as possible toward their mistakes, trying to steer them gradually, and primarily through persuasion, rather than fighting.21 Under the Provisional Government in 1917, radical youth groups blossomed forth. 22 Economic conditions were bad for working youth, and the Bolsheviks hammered away at the Provisional Government's failure to bring immediate improvement. N o t being burdened with governmental responsibilities, the Bolsheviks could put forward demands most appealing to youth, such as the six-hour workday for minors, free education, and paid vacations. T h e Provisional Government proposed to give the vote to those aged twenty and up, but the Bolsheviks — w h o earlier had been content to ask for twenty-one as the lower l i m i t — k e p t out in front by demanding the vote for eighteen-year-olds. 23 Favored by their position at the revolutionary extreme, as well as by their conspiratorial tactics, the Bolsheviks extended their influence over larger and larger numbers of Russian youth. Petrograd was one center of youth activity. T h e r e , in May, 1917, arose an organization of factory youth called " L a b o r and Light." 2 4 It included Mensheviks, Socialist Revolutionaries, anarchists, and others as well as Bolsheviks. Under the leadership of P. Shevtsov, 25 " L a b o r and L i g h t " attempted a broad cultural program which would minimize political differences within the group. Such tolerance was poison to the Bolsheviks, and they strove to undermine the group from within. 2 6 Meanwhile, as early as June, the Bolsheviks set u p a rival city-wide youth group under the name "Socialist League of W o r k i n g Youth," led by a young Bolshevik, Vasilii Alekseev. 2 7 T h e Bolsheviks then worked both from within and from without to destroy Shevtsov's group. T h e y soon succeeded. O n August 20 (new style dates are used here as elsewhere) an all-city conference of working youth dissolved " L a b o r and L i g h t " and endorsed Alekseev's "Socialist League of W o r k i n g Y o u t h of Petrograd." 28 In its new swollen state this organization was no longer

6

PREREVOLUTIONARY

ORIGINS

strictly Bolshevik in nature, but the Party was evidently able to direct it. By N o v e m b e r this body appears to have reached a strength of about fifteen thousand. 29 In Moscow, Bolshevik efforts met similar fortune. A distinctly Bolshevik y o u t h g r o u p was set up in June, 1917, under the name " Y o u t h L e a g u e of the M C [Moscow Committee] of the R S D L P (Bolsheviks)." It combined students with young proletarians. Most of its members were also members of the Party. It was a rather small, selective organization, n u m b e r i n g not more than two or three hundred. 3 0 In order to reach broader masses of youth, the Bolsheviks soon began to infiltrate the " T h i r d International," an organization of factory youths which sprang u p in July and embraced about one thousand youths before the end of the month. 3 1 In October the Bolsheviks' small Y o u t h L e a g u e of the M C of the R S D L P affiliated itself with the larger T h i r d International, which grew into a city-wide organization boasting f o u r or five thousand adherents. T h e T h i r d International followed the Bolshevik line in urging young people " t o prepare themselves actively for armed struggle for Soviet p o w e r , " although the organization itself did not come u n d e r Bolshevik control until after the N o v e m b e r coup. 3 2 M e a n w h i l e the Bolsheviks had formally examined the advisability of setting u p a youth subsidiary of the Party. In the Party C o n f e r e n c e of July, 1917, in Petrograd, three possibilities were discussed. O n e delegate (Rakh'ia) advocated a youth organization directly under the Party. A n o t h e r (Kharitonov) urged an " i n d e p e n d e n t " organization, implicitly controlled by the Bolsheviks. Krupskaia, Lenin's wife, favored a mass proletarian organization really run by the young people themselves, even if this meant some political "errors." She declared that " f r i e n d l y relations with y o u n g people are essential, otherwise youth will m o v e away from us. Considering the level of knowledge and comprehension among our youth, we cannot insist on Partyness for the Y o u t h Leagues." Basing her conclusion on her study of youth in other countries, she argued that those organizations that were directed by adults remained relatively small, and only those that were independent became mass or-

PREREVOLUTIONARY

ORIGINS

7

ganizations. 33 In the following month (August), at the Sixth Congress of the RSDLP(B), the issue was debated again, and a considerable range of opinion was expressed.34 T h e result was a Party resolution " O n Youth Leagues." It declared that "the Party of the proletariat . . . realizes the tremendous significance which working youth has for the working-class movement as a whole. T h e Congress therefore considers it essential that Party organizations in the provinces give the most serious attention to the matter of the organizing of youth." T h e resolution said that in Western Europe those youth groups that were most likely to be pro-Bolshevik were those not officially connected with any political party. Hence, the Bolshevik Party must "strive to see that working youth create self-standing organizations, not organizationally subordinated, but only spiritually linked, to the Party." ("Self-standing" [samostoiatel'nyi] must be used in order to indicate that a distinction is made in Russian between being merely "self-standing" and being fully "independent.") T h e remainder of the resolution made it clear that the Bolsheviks wanted the "spiritual link" between the youth groups and the Party to be a close one. But the resolution shied away from proposing an official youth auxiliary for the Party. 35 T h e same was true of another resolution of the Congress, which called upon the Party's Central Committee "to set up courses for instructors in the organizing and leading of [local] leagues of socialist youth," but said nothing about combining those leagues into a larger organization. 36 Thus, even in the Revolutionary year, the Bolshevik view on youth organizations diverged only slightly from its pre-1917 lines. T h e Bolsheviks wanted to influence youth groups and were ready to organize working-class youth into groups the Party could informally control; but the Bolsheviks still avoided erecting any interclass country-wide youth body formally affiliated with the Party. T h e Komsomol pattern was, then, still in its embryonic stage at the time of the Bolshevik Revolution. For its further development it required the stimulus of the practical problems met by the Bolsheviks in their new position of authority.

II. The Establishment of the Komsomol T H E K O M S O M O L C O N G R E S S E S OF 1918, 1919, A N D 1920

T H E Communist Party established the Komsomol in 1918. T h e years 1918-20—represented by the first three congresses or general conventions of the Komsomol—constituted the formative period of the new organization. In those years its basic pattern of demands was laid down. T h e Party faced two constant and difficult problems in its policies toward youth. One problem was that of inculcating discipline without eliminating initiative. T h e Bolsheviks believed that a conscious discipline, self-imposed by each in the interests of all, would bring unity of action and purpose and would at the same time foster initiative in the desired directions. But how was this to be achieved? How much external discipline would be needed to form proper habits in the young? How much independence could youth be allowed? How narrowly must initiative be restricted in order to ensure the desired discipline? An excess of dictation from above might reduce the Komsomol's appeal to youth. But too much liberty would run counter to the already-ingrained Bolshevik conviction of the need for unity and control. T h e problem was somehow to rear young people who possessed both discipline and initiative; to appeal to young people, as well as to command them. T h e second problem concerned the roles the Komsomol would perform in the various spheres of Soviet life. How important would the organization be? How large? How selective in its membership? How much responsibility would be delegated to it in the educational sphere? In the economic sphere?

ESTABLISHMENT OF T H E KOMSOMOL

9

In the military sphere? Would the ideal Komsomolite keep his nose in a book, or would he help actively to run the state? Here, too, the problem of discipline and initiative was involved, for the way in which they were combined would do much to determine the character and range of burdens the League might shoulder in building the socialist state. T o see how these and other problems were handled in the first period of the Soviet regime, one needs to examine first the process by which the Party established the Komsomol. For it was Party policy that determined the relationship between the Party and the League and fixed the shape of the pattern from which Komsomolites would be cut. THE PARTY AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KOMSOMOL

Although the idea of a congress to unify the youth leagues had been broached before the Bolsheviks seized power, 1 almost a year of Soviet rule went by before the founding of the Komsomol. T h e delay is not to be attributed to neglect, for the Bolsheviks in their early decrees took note of the needs of youth. 2 But to organize youth in Bolshevik style was another matter. Bolshevik rule was by no means assured in the country at large. T h e membership in youth leagues temporarily declined. 3 It might have been risky to establish an all-Russian youth organization before the Bolsheviks could be sure of controlling it. Instead, with what energy they could spare in that first hectic year, the Bolsheviks concentrated on gaining ascendancy within the existing scattered groups of radical youth and establishing loyal youth units in the various regions under their control.4 In the spring and summer of 1918, provincial conferences of youth leagues were held in several key towns. Then, in the fall of 1918, the Petrograd and Moscow youth bodies formed an organizational bureau which published the call for an all-Russian congress of youth and the eventual establishment of a Red International of youth. 5 Representatives of various "worker" and "peasant" youth groups met in Moscow from October 29 to November 4, 1918, in what came to be called the First Congress of the Komsomol.

ΙΟ

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE

KOMSOMOL

O n e h u n d r e d ninety-four delegates participated (175 or 176 with voting rights, and the rest with "advisory voice," that is, the right to speak but not to vote). T h e y represented 120 youth groups c l a i m i n g a total of about 22,100 members. Of those delegates whose political affiliation was given, half (88) were C o m munist Party members, while another 38 were C o m m u n i s t sympathizers, and 45 were non-Party people. T h e r e were also three "Social Democratic Internationalists," one " L e f t Socialist R e v o l u t i o n a r y , " and one "Anarcho-individualist." β W h i l e ostensibly the Congress was called to decide whether or not to establish an all-Russian youth organization, the conduct of the first session made it clear that that question had already been decided in the affirmative and that it was the business of the Congress to carry out the decision. 7 From the start, Party members were at the helm. T h e six individuals who presided successively over the sessions were all Party members, all elected " b y list" (i.e., as a g r o u p ) — i n the very first moments of the o p e n i n g session—to the Presidium which guided the work of the Congress, and all later elected (at the final session) to the Central C o m m i t t e e of the new League. 8 O n the crucial question of the relationship between the Party and the League-to-be, the delegates agreed virtually unanimously that, first. " T h e League is solidary with the Russian C o m m u n i s t Party (of Bolsheviks)" and, second, " T h e League is an independent organization." 9 But a hot dispute broke out over whether the new League was to be called " C o m m u n i s t " or not. T h i s was not mere q u i b b l i n g over a technicality. N o r was it a battle between pro-Communists and anti-Communists, for all arguments, both for and against, were couched in terms of advancing the cause of C o m m u n i s m . It was, instead, one early aspect of the disputes over how much influence the Komsomol would be permitted and how inclusive its membership w o u l d be. Lazar' Shatskin, one of the presiding officers, stated the leadership's case. T h e r e were three possible platforms: (1) the "socialist," which w o u l d admit into the League socialists of all varieties; (2) the " T h i r d International," which would partially

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KOMSOMOL

11

conceal the League's Communist nature; and (3) the Communist platform. T h e "socialist" platform was ruled out on the ground that other socialists were "rightist elements." 10 T h e second possibility Shatskin styled as "outdated." It had been proper for an earlier period, when "we were afraid to call our organization Communist, for fear of frightening youth." But, he said, "Now outside of Communism there is no worker movement. A l l the other movements in the working class have been tossed overboard by the Revolution. Now the Communist Party guides everything, and already no one fears the word 'Communist.' " Thus Shatskin arrived at the name "Communist League of Youth" (Kommunisticheskii soiuz molodezhi), the first syllables of which in Russian went to form the word Komsomol. This name did not mean, he cautioned, that the League would limit its membership to Communists. It would not be a "League of Communist Youth." It must admit "the broad masses of still uncommitted worker and peasant youth." 1 1 It was for the sake of attracting those very same masses of politically undecided youth that some delegates objected to using "Communist" in the title of the new League. These dissenting delegates proclaimed their loyalty to Communism but said that it was something that "each of us must carry in his heart." There was applause for the delegate who advocated using the name " T h i r d International." But the supporters of the leadership answered in biting tones. T h e dissenters were accused of displaying "conciliation and class prejudice" and of not being in favor of Communism 1 2 —a charge which, in that company, was extremely serious. While subduing these dissenters of the "Right," Shatskin also opposed the "Left." One delegate argued that since the League was subordinate to the Party, it should be made a part of the Party. Shatskin objected that this would impair the "principle of the spontaneous activity of youth" and would "undoubtedly harm the work among the Russian worker and peasant youth." 13 T h e majority of the delegates followed Shatskin's lead and approved the name "Russian Communist League of Youth." 14 T h e term translated here as "Russian" referred

12

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE

KOMSOMOL

not to the Great Russian ethnic group alone but rather to the broader area of the former Russian Empire. T h e First Congress also established the formal administrative skeleton of the new organization. T h e All-Russian Congress was made the supreme authority. It was to meet at least once each year. 15 T o handle the League's day-to-day affairs until the next meeting of the Congress, a Central Committee was elected, composed of fifteen members and seven "candidate-members," or alternates who could replace regular members. All of those chosen were already in the Party, except one of the candidatemembers. 16 T h e immediate financial needs of the League were apparently provided for by Lenin in an informal order to Sverdlov, chairman of the Central Executive Committee, during the course of an interview Lenin held with the Presidium of the Congress. 17 T h e League's first set of Regulations was drawn up by the new Central Committee. 18 T h e newly born Komsomol received the official blessing of the Bolshevik Party at the Eighth Party Congress, held March 18-23, 1919. A resolution of the Congress (acting on a report by Shatskin) reiterated that Communist activity among youth could best be conducted through "self-standing" Komsomol groups, which would permit the "maximum of spontaneous activity." 19 Following the Party's Eighth Congress, there occurred a significant redefinition of the Komsomol-Party relationship. A Plenum, or plenary session, of the Komsomol's Central Committee was held April 26-28, 1919. This group of official Komsomol spokesmen (including heads of guberniia—that is, provincial—Komsomol bodies), who can be assumed to have been almost all Party members subject to Party discipline, made a "suggestion" and a "request" that the Komsomol be brought more closely under the direction of the Party.20 This action was followed, on August 8, 1919, by an authoritative joint resolution of the Central Committees of both the Party and the Komsomol. 21 This directive was more specific than the statements at the First Congress in regard to the manner in which the Party would exercise its guidance of the League. At the top: " T h e

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KOMSOMOL

13

Central Committee of the RCLY [Komsomol] is directly subordinated to the Central Committee of the RCP [Party]." As to the rest: " T h e local organizations of the RCLY work under the control of the local committees of the RCP." Thus the Party established two parallel chains of command leading from the Central Committee of the Party to the local Komsomol group. One chain led through the Party pyramid, and the other led through the Komsomol pyramid. T o provide another means of control, the resolution directed that all Party members under twenty years of age were to serve also as members of the Komsomol. Using these young Party members, and such other Party members as were necessary, each local Party organization was instructed to set u p a Komsomol unit in its locality, if one did not already exist. Still further to ensure Party control, the resolution specifically provided that the Party could send its own organizers into the League to "help" the League (supposedly "with the consent of the latter") and that the Party could establish "fractions" in Komsomol units. 22 Yet in spite of all these provisions for control, the resolution termed the League "autonomous" and solemnly declared: The spontaneity of the Russian Communist League of Youth is a foundation of its work and an indispensable condition of its existence. Therefore the Party's control over the League must not bear a character of guardianship, or of trifling interference in the organizational, agitational, cultural-educational, and other work of the League, and must be conducted only within the framework of the Regulations of the League and the instructions of the Central Committee of the RCLY [the League]. . . . All misunderstandings between local organizations of the Party and the League are submitted for settlement to higher echelons of the Party and the League.23 Meanwhile, dating apparently from the April Plenum of the Komsomol's Central Committee, 24 the official description of the Komsomol's relationship to the Party was changed. Formerly the Komsomol had been called "self-standing" and "independent." But now "independent" was no longer employed; it was replaced, in effect, by "autonomous" (except in the original Program of the League). 25 This change was not commented

14

E S T A B L I S H M E N T OF T H E

KOMSOMOL

upon in the proceedings of the next congress, but it seems significant and must have been noticed immediately by all Party members. From O c t o b e r 5 to 8, 1919, the Komsomol held its brief Second Congress. T h e n u m b e r of delegates was given as 429 (of whom 348 had voting rights, while the rest could participate, but without vote). O f the total, 286 (or 66.6 percent) were listed as Party members, 103 as Party sympathizers, and 58 as non-Party people. T h e League claimed an enrollment of 96,096, but it was subsequently admitted that no accurate count of the members was available. 2 6 T h e Second Komsomol Congress was asked to confirm the August p r o n o u n c e m e n t of the Party and Komsomol Central Committees. Oskar R y v k i n (reporting on behalf of the Komsomol Central C o m m i t t e e ) undertook to justify this joint directive. W h e t h e r o r not he welcomed this chore, he succeeded in talking about both " a u t o n o m y " and "control" in the same paragraph without i m p l y i n g that there might be any contradiction between them. H e took special care to explain why it had been necessary to state that the Central Committee of the Komsomol was "directly subordinated" to the Central Committee of the Party. " W h y , " he asked, "did we not protest against this?" Because " o u r movement is a part of the whole Communist movement. T h e responsibility for the whole Communist m o v e m e n t of the whole worker class rests with the Party." T h e r e f o r e , he went on, "It is natural that the Central Committee of o u r L e a g u e must be subordinated to the Central Committee of the Party. . . . N o t a single worker of the League can protest against this." W h i l e R y v k i n assured his hearers that the Party C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e would "treat the wishes of the League with respect," he showed where the authority rested: Perhaps there will be . . . certain moments when the Central Committee of our League will not agree with the policies of the CC [Central Committee] of the Party. But we must say that since our Program is the Party's program, and our tactics are the Party's tactics, then politically, also, our C C must be subordinate to the C C of the Party. 27

E S T A B L I S H M E N T OF T H E K O M S O M O L

15

Behind those official formulas, at the Second Congress it became clearer than before that the members of the Komsomol Central Committee were not only collectively but also individually subject to Party control. T w o members of the first C C , it wa.' revealed, had been removed from the C C simply by virtue of lhe Party's having given them a new assignment. 28 T h u s the high Komsomol body (the First Congress) that formally elected them did not possess the authority to see that they actually &ered on the C C . On the new Central Committee elected by the Second Congress, all of the members and candidate-members we;e Party people. 29 In this connection (and since the Party affi iation was not always specifically mentioned in regard to the members of later CC's) an incident in the deliberations is significant. A delegate proposed that all nominees for the C C must be Party members. T h e chairman spoke contemptuously of this suggestion as coming from a person " w h o apparently does not know the first thing about the youth movement." H e adced: " W e , of course, are all following the Communist Party. If by chance non-Party members should get on the C C , then they would sign up [i.e., join the Party]. I propose to remove thi> question from discussion." T h e majority sustained the chair. 30 The Party made its authority felt in the way in which it prematurely closed the Second Congress. T h e announcement that the Congress must end abruptly, on account of the military situation, was first made (on October 7) without being labeled as Λ Party command, but the source of this command was later made known by V. Nevskii, a spokesman of the Party's Central Committee. 31 Following the Second Komsomol Congress the membership rose rapidly, reflecting the Bolshevik fortunes in the Civil War. Starting from perhaps about 96,000 in early October (and 101,000 in mid-December of 1919), the League reportedly grew to 310,000 members by May, 1920, 32 and to 400,000 (almost half of whom were also in the Party) 3 3 by October, 1920. 34 Many of the newcomers were said to be peasant youths and students. 35

l6

E S T A B L I S H M E N T OF THE

KOMSOMOL

T h e influx of unindoctrinated youths hampered the leaders in their progress toward a tighter discipline. T h e economic crisis was severe. One symptom of discontent was the continuing dispute over "the forms of the youth movement," discussed in the next section. In September, 1920, the Party intervened to remove Dunaevskii and the other prominent nonconformists from their work in the Komsomol. T h e Party directive announcing their removal stressed that the Komsomol was subsidiary to the Party, and instructed all guberniia committees (gubkoms) of the Party to "help" the "healthy elements of the youth movement" to correct any similar instances of poor discipline on the lower echelons. 36 T h e T h i r d Congress was held from October 2 to 10, 1920. In addition to hearing Lenin's famous address on youth, the T h i r d Congress enacted a new Program and set of Regulations for the League. T h e old Program, issued just after the First Congress in 1918, possessed the defect of calling the League a "fully independent organization" and declaring that it was based on "the principle of complete freedom of action." 37 T h e word "independent," withdrawn from use in 1919, was now repudiated explicitly by Shatskin and Ryvkin, who were the two most prominent Komsomolites at the T h i r d Congress. Shatskin, while insisting on the need for "spontaneous activity," said that to characterize the League as "independent" was an error committed by Western European youth. 38 Ryvkin declared that the erroneous term was used by the "counterrevolution of the Left," which "says that our organization must be politically self-standing—must itself, even if working under general directives, bring to light its own attitudes concerning general political questions; and that in this respect our organization must be independent from head to foot." In rejecting that view, Ryvkin added that "as soon as there is a conflict among us, we will hand it [the conflict] over to the C C of the Party." 39 T h e approved formulation concerning the League's relationship to the Party was stated in the new Program as follows: The R C L Y [Komsomol] acknowledges the program and tactics of the RCP [Party]; in considering general questions of the life of

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KOMSOMOL

17

the Soviet Republic, it [the RCLY] subordinates itself to its [the Party's] political directives and, working under its [the Party's] control, is an autonomous organization. The CC of the RCLY is directly subordinate to the CC of the RCP. 40 It would seem that although ostensibly the League was to preserve autonomy and spontaneity, in practice any suggestion of decentralization coming from the Komsomol was likely to be regarded by the Party leaders as a threat to Party control and hence an anti-Party action. THE GENERAL ROLE OF T H E

KOMSOMOL

Meanwhile the Party's concept of the general role of the League was evolving. In broad terms, that role was to train young people for service in the Party and to assist the Party in current tasks. T h e Eighth Party Congress (March, 1919) termed the Komsomol a source of "trained reserves" for the Party and said the League's chief tasks were to organize and rear youth in a Communist manner, to build Communist society, and to defend the Soviet Republic. 41 Party spokesmen at the Second and T h i r d congresses of the Komsomol reiterated those concepts. 42 It was not uncommon, in those early days, to characterize the League even as a sort of leading element of the whole working class. T h e first Program of the Komsomol, in language reminiscent of Lenin's prerevolutionary writings, said that "youth, as the most active and revolutionary part of the working class, moves in the front ranks of the proletarian revolution." T h e Komsomol, it declared, had been created in order to unify worker youth, whom it called the "foremost element" of the working class.43 Similar notions were expressed elsewhere at the first three congresses, by such figures as Trotsky, Bukharin, and Ryvkin. 4 4 In later days, however, as the Party's control over the League was extended, this "vanguard" concept disappeared from the official lexicon, and Trotsky's use of it in 1919 became one of the "proofs" that he had tried to curry favor with the League and pit the League against his rivals in the Party. 45

l8

E S T A B L I S H M E N T OF T H E

KOMSOMOL

T h e K o m s o m o l early assumed the role of spokesman f o r Soviet youth. A l r e a d y at the Second Congress, when the L e a g u e boasted a mere 96,000 members, Oskar R y v k i n declared that it was a "mass o r g a n i z a t i o n " and that " n o w Ave have the right to say that we speak on behalf of organized worker and peasant y o u t h . " H e also said the L e a g u e spoke for "all conscious worker and peasant y o u t h . " 4 6 T h e Komsomol Program of 1920 indicated that just as the Party claimed to represent the proletarians, w h o were presumably the best element of the general population, so the K o m s o m o l claimed to represent the best elements of Soviet y o u t h and, implicitly, to serve as the spokesm a n for Soviet youth in general. 4 7 H e l p i n g to give substance to the League's claim that it represented all " o r g a n i z e d " youth was the Bolshevik policy toward other youth groups. F o r example, soon after the f o u n d i n g of the Komsomol, some J e w i s h students attempted to form an organization of their own. R y v k i n told what happened: A comparatively small episode in the work of the CC was that of the congress of Jewish students. But it was a characteristic episode. A congress of Jewish students was convoked in Moscow. It was a camouflaged Cadet organization, a Zionist organization. At this congress there were twenty or thirty representatives of Jewish bourgeois youth. T h e CC faced the question of what to do with this congress, whether to permit it to open or not, and, if to permit it, then what tactic to pursue. And the CC said that it was not necessary to disperse this congress, that this bunch of boys, numbering twenty-five or thirty, had to be shown that in Soviet Russia any non-class national organizations are unthinkable, that now there can survive only our League or Denikin's national center. T h e C C decided to disrupt this congress from within. We sent our representative, who did that. He managed it so that this congress of Jewish students voted in the majority against creating a league of Jewish students. This had great significance. If we had chased them away and closed the congress, then they would have boasted of themselves as heroes suffering for the Jewish people. By its tactics the C C obtained more than a simple dispersal. We showed at that congress the utter futility of those who wanted to establish that Jewish youth organization. 48 M o r e f o r c e f u l tactics were required in order to disrupt an established rival like the Boy Scouts. A t first the Bolsheviks

E S T A B L I S H M E N T OF T H E KOMSOMOL

ig

tried to win parts of the Scout organization over to a Bolshevikinspired auxiliary group called the " Y o u n g Communists," formed in 1 9 1 8 on the model of the Scouts. Its principal defect was that, according to a statement approved by the Komsomol Congress in 1919, " T h e political education of the Young Communists remains only verbal. In fact the control of the Party is not being maintained owing to lack of strength." T h e Congress therefore voted to liquidate the " Y o u n g Communists." 4 9 While acknowledging the failure of that flanking attack, the Congress of 1 9 1 9 launched a frontal assault. Scout organizations "in all towns" were charged with "leaning in the direction of the White Guards." 50 Scout discipline was condemned: In the Scout organizations a strict authoritarianism was instituted, embodying on the one hand a strict rule from the top and, on the other, submission from below—rule and unquestioning obedience. Strict discipline permeated the whole organization from beginning to end. This discipline, as distinguished from class, proletarian, collective discipline, was a discipline of the cane, a militaristic discipline. One had to obey one's officer unquestioningly; the subordinates had no voting rights. T h e Scouts were accused of fostering a "bourgeois outlook" and of enrolling worker youth "in order to split the proletarian youth movement." In the world-wide revolutionary struggle, the Boy Scouts were said to be allied with the Y M C A and other Christian groups in a "Black International" which stood opposed to the " R e d International" of proletarian youth. After reciting the sins of the Scouts the report concluded: "Therefore we say that Scout organizations cannot exist in a country where the power is in the hands of the proletariat." 5 1 Although the delegates apparently voted to liquidate the Scout organization, 5 - it lingered on as an opposition body for several years before succumbing. 5 3 As to other groups, Ryvkin in 1919 was willing to let anarchist youth organizations, composed largely of students, carry on a "struggle of ideas." But if they attempted to use violence, he warned, then naturally they must be shot. 54 On the other hand, a separate Communist student organization (not sponsored by the Komsomol) was closed down, owing apparently to

20

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE

KOMSOMOL

a fear that it might be less than adequately controlled by the Party. 55 T h e non-Komsomol groups mentioned thus far were clearly potential (if not very threatening) competitors of the Komsomol, and it is not hard to understand why the Bolsheviks sought to restrict or suppress them. But the Party's fear of possible rivals to the Komsomol extended even further, to youth groups that had been or might be set up under Komsomol sponsorship. This policy is more difficult to understand. It involves fundamental questions concerning the role and nature of the League. Was the Komsomol to be a tight organization—a sort of junior Party—or was it to be a mass organization? In other words, was it to be an instrument for controlling other mass youth organizations, or was it to be itself the mass organization of Soviet youth? Also, should the Komsomol be a purely working-class organization, or should it unite the bulk of Soviet youth? T h e way these questions were answered would help to determine how far the members of the Komsomol were to be permitted to use their own initiative in organizational matters. Before the founding of the Komsomol, the Communist youth groups in the various localities had evolved their own policies. In the sessions of the First Congress it became apparent that several representatives of youth groups in the Ural region (Matveev, Khazan, Sorvin, Iurovskaia) had been working on plans for "Young Proletarian Homes." Evidently these Homes were intended to become mass clubs, which all worker youth would be expected to join. T h e Homes would be directed by the Komsomol-to-be. 5e One advocate of the Homes (Khazan) declared that only the "most conscious elements" would enter the Komsomol; hence, an auxiliary instrument was needed through which the Youth League could influence the broad masses of proletarian youth. He concluded with a plea (greeted with applause by the delegates) that some leeway be given to the various groups to push ahead with indoctrination as far as local conditions permitted, even if the techniques employed were not everywhere the same.57 Another delegate (Iurovskaia,

ESTABLISHMENT OF T H E

KOMSOMOL

21

from Orenburg) stressed that the Homes would serve as clubs where the youths could spend all their leisure time and that the Homes would be especially valuable as a means for educating peasant youths who had come to town. But Tsetlin, one of those who had been instrumental in summoning the Congress,58 dismissed the Ural delegates' proposal, and it was defeated (by an unstated majority) in the final vote of the Congress.59 T h e justification subsequently given by Shatskin for that defeat was that the Komsomol should itself be a mass organization. 80 T o be sure, Shatskin had told the delegates that the League should be open to "the broad masses of still uncommitted worker and peasant youth" and should not be limited to "definite and conscious Bolsheviks." 6 1 But at the same time he had characterized the Komsomol as, in effect, "an organization of sympathizers of the Party"; 62 he had favored excluding "rightists" (even non-Bolshevik socialists); and he (with other leaders) had insisted on using the name "Communist," despite the numerous protests that this would frighten away the mass of youth, particularly peasant youth. One explanation of these seemingly conflicting desires—to limit the League to "uncommitted" and pro-Communist youth, and yet to prevent the creation of an instrument for reaching still broader circles of youth—might be that the Bolsheviks in this early day expected that the "masses" would soon be pro-Communist. But an equally likely explanation might be that the Bolshevik leadership felt it would be wise to keep the new and untried Youth League on a short leash until its obedience to Party commands could be assured. T h e defeat of the proposal for Young Proletarian Homes did not kill the idea of some sort of mass organization for proletarian youth. 63 A similar dispute came to the surface soon after the First Congress. T h i s time the question was whether to establish, under Komsomol influence, "youth sections affiliated with the trade unions," which would unite all worker youths and give them an effective means of protecting their own economic interests. T h i s question was considered by the Plenum or augmented session of the Central Committee on April 26-28,

22

E S T A B L I S H M E N T OF T H E

KOMSOMOL

1 9 1 9 , and then was submitted to both the regular Central Committee and the local organizations for further discussion. 64 A prominent advocate of the "youth sections" was V. Dunaevskii. 65 A n article in the May, 1919, issue of Iunyi kommunist (Young Communist)—then the official journal of the Komsomol—reported Dunaevskii's advocacy of "youth sections" and stated that the Presidium of the Moscow Council of T r a d e Unions had approved of Dunaevskii's position. In another article in the same issue, Dunaevskii proposed the establishment of "councils of worker youth." < i a This suggestion, too, was aimed at organizing the bulk of proletarian youth outside of the Komsomol but under the Komsomol's influence. 67 T a k e n together, Dunaevskii's proposals seemed to envision the Komsomol as a rather influential instrument for organizing and protecting working class youth. Such ideas were coolly received by those at the helm of the League. T h e enlarged Plenum of the Central Committee met again J u l y 1 5 - 1 7 , 1 9 1 9 · It rejected the idea of "youth sections affiliated with the trade unions," while at the same time reiterating that the Komsomol should be, and would be, a mass organization. 68 But Dunaevskii, instead of accepting his defeat and observing " L e a g u e discipline," continued to urge his vie ws.69 T h e n came the Second Komsomol Congress. T h e agenda as initially presented did not provide for any discussion of the Dunaevskii proposals. A delegate named N. Zander rose from the floor to observe that within the League there was some "difference of opinion" on those proposals, and he asked that they be added to the agenda. Ryvkin, who was presiding, denied the existence of any controversy worthy of being called by that name; he asserted that "the whole League and the Party" agreed that the "only form of the Communist movement of worker youth is the Russian Communist League of Youth." "Of course," he went on, it would have been useful to consider this question if doubts had arisen in the minds of any of the comrades. But. they would have had to say something about this earlier, to submit theses, and

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE KOMSOMOL

2$

to indicate w h a t they wished to say in their reports. O n the other hand, it is impossible to place a question before the Congress in this way, w i t h o u t any warning. 7 0 " T h i s , " Zander protested, "is d e m a g o g y ! " H e told the delegates that h e h a d i n d e e d discussed t h e m a t t e r b e f o r e h a n d w i t h R y v k i n a n d that R y v k i n h a d said it w o u l d n o t b e p l a c e d o n t h e a g e n d a b u t t h a t Z a n d e r c o u l d b r i n g it u p a t t h e C o n g r e s s . N o w , said Z a n d e r , R y v k i n was r e f u s i n g t o p e r m i t t h a t t h i n g ! Z a n d e r w e n t o n t o state his c o n v i c t i o n t h a t t h e

very Kom-

s o m o l , as t h e " f o r e m o s t v a n g u a r d , " c o u l d n o t e x p e c t to e m b r a c e at o n c e all w o r k e r y o u t h . I n o r d e r t o i n f l u e n c e t h e b r o a d masses o f w o r k e r y o u t h , h e said, t h e K o m s o m o l n e e d e d as its instrument

an

inclusive

organization

such

" y o u t h sections a f f i l i a t e d w i t h t h e t r a d e

as

the

proposed

unions."

R y v k i n , still s p e a k i n g f r o m t h e c h a i r , d e n i e d Z a n d e r ' s c h a r g e of demagogy. H e said Z a n d e r could express himself in one of the m i n o r section meetings. H e declared that the

Komsomol

membership w o u l d g r o w rapidly and that the K o m s o m o l must b e the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f y o u t h . T h e n h e c a l l e d f o r a v o t e .

The

c h a i r m a n ' s p o s i t i o n w o n , b u t t h i r t y - s i x d e l e g a t e s ( o u t o f 348) still h e l d o u t f o r Z a n d e r ' s v i e w . 7 1 In the m e e t i n g of the section d e a l i n g w i t h the protection of e c o n o m i c rights, D u n a e v s k i i a n d Z a n d e r c l u n g t o t h e i r position.72 A f t e r some debate, a m e m b e r of the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e , M. Dugachev, spoke out

firmly

against the " y o u t h

sections,"

a n d t h e e n s u i n g v o t e u p h e l d his p o s i t i o n . 7 3 N e v e r t h e l e s s , w h e n t h e r e s o l u t i o n s o f t h e v a r i o u s sections w e r e p r e s e n t e d t o t h e a s s e m b l e d C o n g r e s s f o r a p p r o v a l , D u n a e v s k i i was p e r m i t t e d t o i n t r o d u c e his o w n r e s o l u t i o n o n " y o u t h s e c t i o n s . " T h e s o m o l , h e stressed, w o u l d

control

them

through

Kom-

its cells.

It

was again D u g a c h e v w h o presented the v i e w of the leadership, d e n y i n g the need f o r " y o u t h sections" a n d asserting that the K o m s o m o l itself c o u l d a d e q u a t e l y p r o t e c t a n d o r g a n i z e w o r k e r youth. T h e great m a j o r i t y sustained the C e n t r a l

Committee's

view, although there were nineteen noes and ten abstentions.74 D u n a e v s k i i ' s v i e w s h a d b e e n v o t e d d o w n . B u t w h e n , at t h e close o f t h e C o n g r e s s , t h e n e w C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e was e l e c t e d ,

24

E S T A B L I S H M E N T OF THE

KOMSOMOL

he was on i t — w i t h the sixth highest number of votes! 75 There had been a precedent at the First Congress, where three sponsors of the Young Proletarian Homes (Khazan, Iurovskaia, and Matveev) had been elected to the Central Committee, and thereafter seemed to have ceased their deviationism. But Dunaevskii did not follow the same path. Even after the Second Congress he carried on his compaign for special bodies for working youth outside of the Komsomol. T h e Congress's official rejection of his proposals placed him in the position of flouting Komsomol discipline, and thereby also the authority of the Party.™ Meanwhile, a related deviation had arisen in the shape of the "Ukrainian Opposition"—an appellation which covered various shades and types of protest, stemming from the military and economic crisis and the nationalistic sentiment in the Ukraine as well as from the heterogeneous resistance to the centralizing drive of the leaders of the Komsomol. Already before the Second Congress there had been founded in Kiev a league which considered itself to be a provincial segment of the Komsomol, but which insisted upon restricting membership to workingst casual." 123 T h a t "mistake" was not repeated. Here is the oficial record: Chairman: Now we turn to the elections to the CC. Comrade Titarov has the floor for proposing the personnel of the C C and th: number of members. Tatarov: T h e Communist fraction of our Congress proposes to ehct a CC composed of the following seventeen comrades: (i) Shttskin, (2) Ignat, (3) B. Tseitlin, (4) Smorodin, (5) Feigin, (6) Titarov, (7) Iutt, (8) Podvolotskii, (9) Leont'ev, (10) Starostin, (11) Plasunov, (12) Poltoratskii, (13) Barkhashev, (14) Zabirov, (15) Faninykh, (16) Ryvkin, (17) Kurellia. Chairman: First we will vote on how many members will be in oir CC. The Communist fraction proposes seventeen. Who is ofposed? No one. W h o puts forward any other list or other candilates? No one. Tatarov: There has been a proposal that a short sketch of the caididates be given. I support this on the basis that we need to krow whom we're electing to the CC. Chairman: I'll put it to a vote. Who is for the proposal of Omrade Tatarov? Who is against? A majority. And so we proceed to vote for the list of the Communist fraction. Who is for the lis? Who against? One. Who abstains? Two. And so the over-

34

E S T A B L I S H M E N T OF T H E

KOMSOMOL

whelming majority, against one, and with two abstentions, accepts the list proposed by the Communist fraction. Now we must elect the candidate-members of the CC, from whose number there may be selected replacements for those members who for any reason leave the CC. Comrade Tatarov has the floor for reading the list. Tatarov: T h e [Communist] fraction proposes that there be four candidates, in the persons of the following comrades: B. Kuznetsov, Kuznetsov [iic], Okulik, Malyshev. Chairman: Are there any other suggestions? Voice: Include among the candidates comrades Polifem, Dunaevskii, and Iakovlev. Chairman: Those comrades have been removed from work in the R C L Y by the C C of the R C P and the question is not subject to discussion by us, since the CC of the R C P is a higher body to which our League is subordinate. And so I put to a vote the list proposed by the Communist fraction. Who is for this list? Who is against? N o one. W h o abstains? Three. Now we proceed . . . , 2 4 T h u s by the time of the T h i r d Congress (1920), the practice of voting by list had been adopted for the elections to the Central C o m m i t t e e . T h e real process of n o m i n a t i n g — a n d hence electi n g — h a d been r e m o v e d f r o m the hands of that " h i g h e s t " of all K o m s o m o l bodies, the All-Russian Congress, and placed in the hands of the " C o m m u n i s t fraction," which operated behind the scenes and was necessarily subject to Party orders. " F r e e discussion" as e x e m p l i f i e d at the congresses of 1 9 1 8 - 2 0 was conducted by a c h a i r m a n who followed no R o b e r t ' s R u l e s of Order. It was not u n c o m m o n for him to take a definite position and to participate actively in debate. 1 2 5 When he wanted to eliminate certain items f r o m the agenda, he combined them a n d called f o r a vote on all at once. 1 - 6 By persuading the maj o r i t y to limit discussion, he effectively removed certain questions f r o m the jurisdiction of the Congress. A t the T h i r d Congress one delegate c o m p l a i n e d : Comrades, this is an outrageous fact in the history of the Congress when they don't give an old League member, an old Party worker, the floor to propose concrete measures for the renovation of our degenerating organization, and when they transform the Congress into an all-Russian chewing of old cud. H e then proposed a vote of censure on the Presidium " f o r a police-parliamentary attitude." B u t the chairman, who had al-

ESTABLISHMENT O F T H E KOMSOMOL

35

ready persuaded the majority to bar a d d i t i o n a l proposals, refused to p u t the delegate's request to a vote a n d proceeded to the next item of business. 127 W h e n the delegates were proposing a m e n d m e n t s to the Regulations, the c h a i r m a n rejected o n e suggestion as a "trifle" and did not p u t it to a vote; he t e r m e d a n o t h e r a m e n d m e n t a "purely editorial correction" a n d ign o r e d it. 128 O f t e n , when a delegate expressed an o p i n i o n b u t failed to p u t it in the form of a motion, the chairman, r a t h e r t h a n call on someone else to f o r m u l a t e a motion, f o r m u l a t e d it himself. 1 2 9 B u t even when resolutions were precisely worded by their originators, the chairman took the liberty of c o m b i n i n g those he t h o u g h t were similar. 130 It must be added that Shatskin a n d Ryvkin, even when they were n o t occupying the chair, seemed able to arrogate to themselves the presiding function. 1 3 1 T h e t o n e of the debate varied considerably. Sarcasm a n d c r u d e polemical tricks, including accusations of disloyalty to C o m m u n i s m , often prevailed rather t h a n serious argument. 1 3 2 O n the other h a n d some subjects, like that of the age limits of the League, were deliberated calmly, perhaps because the matter was n o t vital. 133 A n d even on some vital matters, such as the "Dunaevskii dispute" discussed above, the m i n o r i t y was perm i t t e d to express itself. 134 As would be expected in any large g a t h e r i n g which m e t only annually, m a n y speeches were planned in advance. At the First Congress, time limits were set for various categories of speeches, a n d it was voted that "all statements are [to be] s u b m i t t e d to the Presidium of the Congress in written f o r m . " 135 T h i s r u l e did not prevent many lively and evidently i m p r o m p t u exchanges. 136 As noted above, the c h a i r m a n at least once r e b u k e d a delegate f o r raising a disputed question " w i t h o u t warning." 137 W h a t sort of criticism was the Komsomol m e m b e r supposed to express in this early period? Although he was n o t to challenge f u n d a m e n t a l policies that had already been laid down, he could logically a n d legitimately criticize the fulfillment of those policies. A f r e q u e n t target of such criticism was the Central C o m m i t t e e of the Komsomol. T h e CC was blamed f o r inadequate contact with the lower echelons a n d the masses, in-

g6

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE

KOMSOMOL

sufficient vigilance against hostile elements, and many other failures. 138 One delegate even accused the CC of lying in its report. 139 But while the criticism was often rather sharp, not everything was permissible. One delegate, who charged that the whole CC was of poor quality, was reprimanded by Bukharin, who made it clear that the Third Congress should approve the general line of the CC while criticizing its shortcomings. 140 T h e delegates followed that formula. 141 Even in this formative period there was no criticism of the Party as such. Similarly, none of the high leaders of the Party was really criticized, although Shatskin did disagree—gently and tactfully—with Bukharin, 142 and the delegates criticized to some extent the Program that had been drafted with Bukharin's help. 143 T h e lack of criticism of the top Party leaders did not imply that they were to be glorified. T h e main way in which individual Party leaders were singled out was in the election of "honorary chairmen" of the Komsomol congresses (or, in the case of the Third Congress, honorary members of the Presidium). At the First Congress the honorary chairmen were Lenin and two foreign socialists, Karl Liebknecht and Friedrich Adler. 144 T h e Second Congress elected Lenin, Zinoviev (as head of the Comintern), Trotsky (as leader of the Red Army), and Arnoldi (a Swiss youth leader who had been arrested). 145 At the Third Congress those honored were all Russians—Lenin, Trotsky, and Lunacharskii (then Commissar of Education). 148 There were other references to individual leaders,147 but they were not magnified as persons. Lenin, the only possible exception, was referred to as one of the few "great people" who "correctly defined the political line," 148 and as "our leader" (vozhd'—a word with military connotations), or "dear leader and comrade." 149 But such references to Lenin were few. Restraint prevailed even in the enthusiasm of the closing ceremonies. T h e speeches that closed the Second Congress made subdued references to the Party but did not extol any individual leader, 150 while at the First and Third congresses the concluding speeches mentioned neither the Party nor any of its leaders. 151 T h e implicit assumption was that the leaders possessed authority

E S T A B L I S H M E N T OF T H E K O M S O M O L

37

not as individuals but only as spokesmen for the Central Committee, which in turn represented the Party of the proletariat. T h e voting on issues, just as in elections, was by show of hands. 152 Unanimous votes were very common; however, in a substantial minority of cases at these first three congresses, the vote was divided, sometimes rather evenly. 153 Disagreements and split votes on individual parts of a document such as the Regulations did not prevent the congress from accepting the finished product "unanimously." 154 What happened in those rare instances when the voting on issues got out of hand? In one case (at the First Congress) where serious disagreement was developing, the matter was referred (on Ryvkin's motion, approved by the delegates) to the Presidium for decision. 155 In another incident (at the Third Congress), after a vote had gone against the position of the leadership, Shatskin "proposed" (from the floor) that the matter be turned over to the Central Committee for decision. T h e chairman thereupon justified and complied with this suggestion without even putting it to a vote. 158 An especially revealing incident occurred in 1919, when the Second Congress was evaluating the work of the outgoing Central Committee. Four resolutions were presented. One expressed unqualified approval. T w o cited shortcomings but approved the CC's work in general. T h e fourth, by one Pletnev, was critical throughout. Ryvkin proposed from the floor that Pletnev's resolution be voted on first, saying that if it was defeated—as he seemed to expect—then the other three could be combined by the Presidium into one version agreeable to everyone. But when the chairman, Drebezgov, put Pletnev's resolution to a vote, it was approved, 1 1 2 to 89, with 15 abstentions. Now the excitement began. Someone declared that Drebezgov was not fit to preside and should surrender the chair to Ryvkin. But Drebezgov stayed on. Someone said the voting procedure had been technically incorrect. Ryvkin rejected that idea and went on to say that the vote signified "censure of the former personnel of the CC." This interpretation evidently worried many of the delegates, for soon, "after noise and disturbance in the delegates' seats," the

38

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE

KOMSOMOL

session was abruptly suspended by Ryvkin, speaking not from the chair but in the name of the Central Committee. T h e record is silent on the events of the half-hour recess that followed. When the curtain went up again, Ryvkin had replaced Drebezgov as chairman. He offered an apology for a "little mistake," explaining that "in closing the session and declaring the recess, I was somewhat carried away and declared the recess in the name of the CC. I did not have the right to do that. I should have declared the recess in the name of the Presidium of the Congress." His confession of a "little mistake" seemed to give the signal for other self-criticism. Several supporters of the Pletnev resolution now jointly announced that they had not meant to censure, or to express lack of confidence in, the old CC; "on the contrary," they said, "we greet them as our best and most self-sacrificing comrades." A Ural delegate said the incident was a "disgrace." A Moscow delegate said that "to express lack of confidence in the C C means to admit the bankruptcy of our organization," and he castigated those who voted "light-mindedly," "transforming such an important political act into a simple mechanical raising of hands [!]." A delegate who ostensibly spoke for the Northern Oblast and Petrograd decried the "shameful occurrence" and the "flippant attitude." Finally a representative of the Central Industrial and Western Regions bemoaned the "misunderstanding" and proposed a new resolution expressing confidence in the CC. Thereupon Ryvkin as chairman called for a vote on the question of reconsidering the resolution on the CC, and this was carried with only two noes and four abstentions. He then called for a vote on a resolution expressing confidence in the CC, and this, too, was carried (with one no and four abstentions). 157 T h e procedures and relationships obtaining within the League show that by 1920 the Party had already gone far in dictating the internal affairs of the Komsomol. T h e organizational structure, the role of the Central Committee and other high Komsomol bodies, the assignment of Komsomol posts, the admission and expulsion of members, the nomination and election of leaders, and the conditions of deliberation and criti-

ESTABLISHMENT OF T H E KOMSOMOL

39

cism—all bear the heavy imprint of the Party's tendencies toward authoritarian control. However, Komsomolites were n o t asked to regard any of their chiefs as an object of worship, a n d a modicum of dissent and disagreement, including split votes, was a permitted feature of the Komsomol pattern. T H E NATURE O F T H E GOOD

KOMSOMOLITE

U p to this point the analysis has focused on the institutional setting within which Komsomolites were expected to think a n d act. It is almost time now to turn to the content of their action—the functions demanded of Komsomolites in Soviet society. But first it is important to inquire what sorts of persons these Komsomolites were expected to be. T h e Communist society of the future, as the Bolsheviks envisioned it, implied and presupposed important transformations in h u m a n nature. T h e r e was to be a new Communist generation, reared in part by the Komsomol. What attitudes and qualities of individual character was the Komsomol intended to inculcate? Was there to be one pattern for members a n d another for nonmembers? One pattern for f u t u r e leaders and another for mere followers? One pattern for the current stage—the so-called dictatorship of the proletariat—and another for the future stages of socialism and Communism? T h e s e are questions one has a right to ask, in view of the Bolsheviks' announced intention to create a New Man. 158 T h e problem of the ethical basis of the New Man was faced by Lenin in his speech to the T h i r d Congress. T o counter the accusation that Communists had no ethics, he repeated the familiar argument asserting the existence of a Communist morality "derived from the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat" and "completely subordinated to" those interests. What were those interests? T h e class struggle, he said, had changed its form with the passing of the Revolution: now the proletariat must unify all toilers (including the peasants) against "the return of the old exploiters," as well as "against any petty private property." "At the basis of Communist morality," he declared, "lies the struggle for the strengthening

498-200. 89. Ibid., pp. 176-78, 187-88, 191, 198-200, 256-58; S"ezd Γ, p. 113. 90. S"ezd IV, p p . 169-70. 91. S"ezd V, pp. 128-29 (Bukharin). 92. T h i s was set forth in a section which the Fourth Congress added to the Regulations of t h e League: "Each member of the RCLY is obliged to master the f u n d a m e n t a l s of Communist doctrine, to carry on agitation and p r o p a g a n d a a m o n g worker a n d peasant youth for Communist ideas and their realization" (S"ezd IV, p p . 331-32). (Compare S"ezd III, p. 315.) At t h e Fifth Congress it was voted to organize groups of propagandists to f u r t h e r the teaching of Marxism within the League (S"ezd V, pp. 339-41). 93. S"ezd IV, pp. 157-59; see also pp. 177-78. T h e former were called "schools associated with p r o d u c t i o n " (shkoly pri proizvodstve), and the latter, "schools of industrial labor t r a i n i n g " (shkoly promyshlenno-trudovogo uchenichestva). 94. S"ezd IV, p p . 157-59, 2 5 0 · FZU stands for Fabrichno-zavodskoe uchenichestiio, literally "factory-plant training." 95. Ibid., p p . 157-59. Inaccuracy in the figure is suggested by the fact that a t the next Congress it was said that at the time of t h e F o u r t h Congress there had been only 50 educational institutions serving worker youth (S"ezd V, p p . 1 9 5 96)· 96. S"ezd V, p p . 195-96. 97. Ibid., p. 73. 98. Ibid., pp. 205-7. His idea was that certain students could go on to higher educational institutions, b u t only after they had worked a while. 99. Ibid., pp. 208-13. 100. Ibid., pp. 219-26. 101. Ibid., pp. 2 1 3 - 1 6 . 102. Ibid., p p . 228-32. 103. Ibid., p p . 260-61, also p. 217. 104. Ibid., p. 261. It is not directly stated how the vote turned out on t h e section's phrasing versus Lunacharskii's, b u t the fact that they proceeded to vote on Shatskin's a m e n d m e n t indicates that Shokhin's view received a m a j o r i t y . If it h a d not, t h e n there would have been n o point in Shatskin's a m e n d m e n t . However, in the final version as published, the phrase "most rapid l i q u i d a t i o n "

322

NOTES TO

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is not used. Instead there is the less urgent phrase "must be abolished." This suggests that the wording was tampered with after the vote (ibid., p. 317). 105. S"ezd IV, pp. 2 1 5 - 1 6 , 227. 106. They also endorsed a new tax which the government had just decreed to provide funds for schools (S"ezd IV, pp. 217-19, 228, 250). 107. S"ezd V, p. 142. 108. Ibid., p. 263. T h e text of the proposed resolution is not given, but it can be surmised from the ensuing debate. 109. Ibid., p. 263. 110. Ibid., pp. 264-67, and, for the resolution on education, pp. 3 1 7 - 2 1 . Mentioned at both the Fourth and Fifth congresses was the idea that too much attention and money was being spent on the regular secondary schools, to the detriment of the schools for worker youth (S"ezd IV, pp. 23&-40; S"ezd V, pp. 215-16). 111. S"ezd IV, pp. 174-78; S"ezd V, pp. 3 1 7 - 2 1 . 112. S"ezd IV, pp. 157-59, 235-3 8 (Krupskaia); S"ezd V, pp. 135, 139-41 (Lunacharskii), 3 1 7 - 2 1 . 1 1 3 . S"ezd IV, pp. 166-67, 221-22, 230-31, 240-42. For an indication at the Fifth Congress that some sort of self-government in the schools was being organized and controlled by the League, see S"ezd V, pp. 3 1 7 - 2 1 . At the Fourth Congress it was voted that Komsomol cells could not be established in the regular secondary schools, since worker youths were in too small a minority there, and consequently the Komsomol cells might come under bourgeois influence. T o the extent that the League found it possible to operate in the regular secondary schools, it was permitted to establish Komsomol "collectives," but these units, unlike cclls, did not have the right to admit members or to elect delegates (S"ezd IV, pp. 333, 335, 350-51). Each member of a collective was required to belong concurrently to some regular cell of the League (ibid., p. 335). Cells were authorized to be formed in factories, plants, villages, hamlets, and state institutions (ibid., p. 333). At the same time, all interschool student organizations outside the League were expressly forbidden, ostensibly on the ground that the students did not have any special professional interests in common (ibid., pp. 350-51). At the Fifth Congress the prohibition on Komsomol cells in schools was lifted (S"ezd V, pp. 275-76, 334, 377). 114. S"ezd V, pp. 276-79. 1 1 5 . Ibid., pp. 279-81, 365-66. 116. Ibid., pp. 365-66. For a statement of the same sort of program before the controversy arose, see the decision of the Fourth Congress, S"ezd IV, pp. 353-56. 117. S"ezd V, p. 77. T h e Fourth Congress virtually neglected this field. 118. Ibid., pp. 128, 146-47, 150-51, and especially pp. 348-51. 119. Ibid., pp. 348-51. 120. Ibid., pp. 344-45, also pp. 346-48. 121. Ibid., p. 346. Apparently the organizing process had already begun, to the extent that it embraced 4,000 children (S"ezd VI, pp. 133. 333). 122. S"ezd V, p. 346. That platform was set forth in part in the Laws of the Young Pioneers: " 1 . A Pioneer is true to the working class and to Communism. 2. A Pioneer is a friend and brother to each other Pioneer and Komsomolite. 3. A Pioneer is honest and upright. His word is like granite. 4. A Pioneer is disciplined. 5. A

NOTES TO Iii:

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Pioneer daily helps his fellow toilers in building the Communist society. 6. A Pioneer loves to work and esteems useful labor. 7. A Pioneer is clean in thought, word, and deed." In addition there was a Solemn Oath of the Young Pioneers which declared: " I solemnly promise that I will be true to the working class and daily will help my fellow toilers, and will know and obey the Pioneer Laws." And, finally, there was given an Iron Law of the Young Pioneers: " I will strive always, wherever possible, to gain knowledge in order to use it for the benefit of the toilers" (S"ezd V, p. 348). 123. S"ezd V, pp. 346-48. 124. S"ezd IV, pp. 40-41, 48, 56-57, 119-20. 125. Ibid., pp. 119-20. 126. S"ezd V, pp. 163-77 (report by Chaplin), 177-92 (discussion by delegates), 258-60, 321-27 (approval of resolution and the resolution itself). 127. Ibid., pp. 163-67, 321-22. 128. Ibid., pp. 163-67, 177-92, 322, 324-25, 327. 129. Ibid., pp. 165, 167, 323. 130. Ibid., pp. 167-68, 323. 1 3 1 . Ibid., pp. 168-77, 323. 327. 132. Ibid., pp. 326-28. T h e slogan for the winter of 1922-23 in rural Komsomol units was to be "attention to the youth of the sovkhozes." 133. Ibid., pp. 168-77, 324-27. 134. S"ezd IV, pp. 56, 57-58; S"ezd V, pp. 43, 237-42, 245-46. 135. S"ezd IV, pp. 331-32. A law of April 22, 1918, made military training compulsory for "workers and those peasants who do not exploit the labor of others." Women could volunteer. A law of May 29, 1918, announced the shift to conscription for the Army. See Meisel and Kozera, Materials, pp. 72-73. 136. S"ezd V, p. 43. 137. Ibid., pp. 272-74. 138. Ibid., pp. 331-33, and also pp. 272-74. Komsomol cells were permitted in military schools. 139. S"ezd IV, pp. 1 1 7 - 1 8 , 152, 351-63; S"ezd V, pp. 67-68, 377-78. 140. S"ezd V, pp. 235-37, a n ( ' also pp. 26, 237-45, 249-51, 254. 141. Ibid., pp. 235-37, 3°8-9> and also pp. 25-26, 68-70. 142. Ibid., pp. 308-9; see also pp. 243-45 (Radek). 143. Ibid., pp. 242-43 (Trotsky). 144. Ibid., pp. 237-42 (quotation on p. 242). 145. Ibid., p. 26. 146. S"ezd IV, pp. 38-39. 147. Ibid., p. 46. 148. Ibid., pp. 1 4 - 1 5 (Zinoviev), 33-34, 43-47 (Trotsky). 149. Ibid., pp. 49, 56. 150. Ibid., pp. 33-34, 39, 42-43, 50-51, 53, 55 (Trotsky). 151. Ibid., p. 28 (Lunacharskii). 152. S"ezd V, pp. 15 (written message from Lenin), 27-47 (Trotsky, especially p. 41), 247 (Radek), 250-51 (Lunacharskii). 153. Ibid., p. 247. 154. S"ezd IV, pp. 59-95; see also pp. 1 2 - 1 3 (Zinoviev), 19-20 (Unger, secretary of the Executive Committee of the CIY). 155. Ibid., pp. 62-67. 156. Ibid., pp. 68-77. 157. Ibid., pp. 77-79. 158. Ibid., pp. 82-83. 159. Ibid., p. 87 (quotation), and pp. 82-87, 101-2. 160. Ibid., pp. 88-89. 161. Ibid., pp. 90-91. 162. Ibid., pp. 92-93. 163. Ibid., pp. 101-2. 164. S"ezd V, p. 61. See also pp. 51-67 (whole report), 3 1 3 - 1 4 (resolution).

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165. Ibid., p p . 62-63. 166. Ibid., p p . 245-46. 167. F o r p a r t i c u l a r l y stormy sessions, see S"ezd IV, p p . 268-317, a n d S"ezd V, pp. 255-88. 168. S"ezd IV, p p . 122-52. 169. Ibid., p. 125. 170. Ibid., p p . 127-29. It m a y be a reflection of t h e U k r a i n i a n conflict t h a t w h e n t h e nationality of t h e delegates at t h e F o u r t h Congress was r e p o r t e d , U k r a i n i a n s a n d Belorussians were l u m p e d with G r e a t Russians (ibid., p. 326). F o r f u r t h e r references to t h e issue of t h e " U k r a i n i a n O p p o s i t i o n , " see an e a r l i e r section of this c h a p t e r a n d also S"ezd IV, p p . 142-45; S"ezd V, p p . 86-87, 92-94, 97-104. O t h e r n a t i o n a l i t y items i n c l u d e a r e p o r t t h a t t h e League was m a k i n g satisfactory progress in its work w i t h Jewish, T u r k i s h , a n d o t h e r minorities (S"ezd IV, p p . 1 1 8 - 1 9 ) . A delegate f r o m t h e Caucasus boldly criticized t h e C C for not p e r m i t t i n g t h e Caucasian u n i t s of t h e L e a g u e to h o l d a congress of t h e i r o w n . H e also p r o t e s t e d t h a t for seven m o n t h s t h e Baku K o m s o m o l organizat i o n h a d requested in vain t h a t t h e CC designate a secretary f o r t h e Baku b o d y (S"ezd IV, p p . 135-37). 1 7 1 . S"ezd IV, p p . 137-38. Interestingly, this b r a s h critic (Tseitlin of Petrograd) was later elected a c a n d i d a t e - m e m b e r of t h e new CC (ibid., p. 364). 172. C o n c e r n i n g L u n a c h a r s k i i , see S"ezd IV, p p . 232-35, 238-42; S"cid V, p p . 135, 148-49, 2 1 5 - 1 6 , 228-32. C o n c e r n i n g Preobrazhenskii, see S"ezd IV, p p . 2 9 2 301. C o n c e r n i n g B u k h a r i n , see S"ezd V, p p . 1 3 2 - 3 5 , 153. 173. S"eid V, p. 155. 174. Ibid., p p . 2 1 3 - 1 6 , 228-32. L u n a c h a r s k i i e x p l a i n e d t h a t o n e of t h e p o i n t s advocated by K r u p s k a i a was not s h a r e d by a m a j o r i t y of the CC of t h e Party a t p r e s e n t (ibid., p p . 219-26). T h i s r e m a r k m u s t h a v e encouraged criticism of h e r . 175. S"exd IV, p p . 240-42, 246. 176. Ibid., p p . 302-3. 177. S"ezd V, p p . 97, 103-4 (also 97-100). 178. S"ezd IV, p p . 1 2 3 - 2 7 , 1 3 2 - 3 5 , 152, 273-74; S"ezd V, p p . 81-86, 96-97. 179. S"ezd IV, p . 32. 180. Ibid., p . 364, lists the new CC. 181. S"ezd V, p p . 1 4 - 1 5 . N o w o m e n were a m o n g t h e fifteen. 182. Ibid., p p . 291, 328. 183. Ibid., p p . 2 9 1 - 9 2 . 184. T h e F i f t h Congress d i d n o t p r o d u c e any statistics: t h e credentials (Mandates) Commission simply r e p o r t e d t h a t t h e r e a p p e a r e d to be roughly 450 or 460 delegates (S"ezd V, p p . 373-74). 185. S"ezd IV, p p . 3 2 5 - 3 1 . For f u r t h e r details see A p p e n d i x e s C, D, E, F, a n d G. 186. S"ezd V, p p . 295-99, 37°· T h e o t h e r s so h o n o r e d were F e d o r Pliasunov, I g n a t , Okulik, V l a d i m i r Feigin, a n d Iastrzhemskii. It is interesting to n o t e t h a t O k u l i k ' s errors in p a r t i c i p a t i n g in t h e U k r a i n i a n O p p o s i t i o n were m e n t i o n e d , b u t h e was forgiven because those e r r o n e o u s ideas " w e r e dictated by love of t h e L e a g u e " a n d because h e h a d o u t g r o w n t h e m (ibid., p. 298). It s h o u l d be n o t e d t h a t w i t h the transfer of Shatskin—lone veteran of t h e first f o u r C e n t r a l Comm i t t e e s — a n d t h e others, t h e new (fifth) CC c o n t a i n e d only three (out of twentyone) w h o h a d served o n m o r e t h a n o n e previous CC. T h e y were Smorodin, Zabirov, a n d Kurellia, all of w h o m h a d been on t h e t h i r d and t h e f o u r t h CC's. 187. S"ezd IV, p. 327. T h e statistics given were j u s t u n d e r 80 percent for t h e P a r t y m e m b e r s , almost 10 percent f o r n o n - P a r t y m e m b e r s , a n d almost 11 percent not a c c o u n t e d f o r .

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188. S"ezd V, pp. 373-74· Information as to Party affiliation had been gathered on 68 of the 450 or 460 delegates, and only 7 of those were not members or candidate-members of the Party. 189. S"ezd IV, p. 340. Compare S"ezd III, p. 321. 190. S"ezd IV, pp. 342-43 (pp. 341-49 for the whole Statute). 191. Ibid., p. 347. 192. Ibid., p. 349. For details on earlier arrangements, see Chapter II. 193. Ibid., p. 343. This and some other provisions of the new Statute had been ordered by the Tenth Party CongTess. See Vsesoiuznaia kommunisticheskaia partiia ν rezoliutsiiakh et s"ezdov i konferentsii (1898-1926 gg.), p. 300. Those who entered the Party at age twenty or younger were required to have served in the Komsomol for one year, or, in the case of worker youth, for six months (.S"ezd IV, p. 344). 194. S"ezd IV, pp. 345-47· Special safeguards were outlined for preventing such personnel from passing inconspicuously out of League work and into Party work. Evidently that was what many of these young Party members wanted to do. 195. S"ezd V, p. 379. T o be secretaries at the guberniia level, intelligentsia had to have served in the League three years and in the Party two years; peasants two years in each, and workers two years in the League and one in the Party. Uezd secretaries had to meet these requirements: intelligentsia, two years in the League and one in the Party; peasants, one in each; and workers, only one year in the League (no Party membership required). The Fifth Congress also decreed that every Komsomolite would wear a distinctive badge. (There was no such badge for the Party.) The pertinent provision in the new Regulations was as follows: "Every Komsomolite wears the insigne of the Communist International of Youth, keeping in mind that he is a member of the great international army of young proletarians" (S"ezd V, p. 376; also p. •37)· 196. S"ezd V, pp. 15, 307 (the latter for the quotation). 197. S"ezd IV, p. 32. 198. S"ezd V, p. 16.

C H A P T E R IV: A D J U S T M E N T S D U R I N G T H E S T R U G G L E FOR POWER IN T H E P A R T Y 1. Stalin at the Twelfth Party Congress, April 17, 1923, as quoted in Lenin i Stalin ο molodezhi, p. 269. 2. Including 700,000 full members and 140,000 candidate-members (who were apparently always included in the totals). At the start of the Congress, the figures stated were 630,000 members and 110,000 candidate-members, for a total of 740,000 (S"ezd VI, p. 38). But later during the Congress, apparently after reports from all the localities had been checked, the number of full members was given as 700,000 (ibid., p. 299) and the total as 840,000 (ibid., p. 135, also p. 356 for a loosely corroborating figure). The discrepancy in the figures given in subsequent secondary accounts seems to stem from the above situation. See Ostriakov, 20 let VLKSM, pp. 62 (630,000), 65 (700,000); Panteleev, "VLKSM," MSE (2d ed.), Vol. II, col. 549 (700,000); and a note in S"ezd VI, p. 28 (702,000). Incidentally, the

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version of 1951 says the Leninist levy brought in 240,000 members ( " V L K S M , " BSE [ad ed.], IX, 336). 3. Ostriakov, 2ο let VLKSM, p. 65. 4. S"ezd VII, pp. 169-70. 5. Ibid., pp. 7, 28. Whether this included candidate-members was not definitely stated, but the fact that there were only 1,175 voting delegates on a basis supposedly of one per thousand seems to indicate that it did (ibid., p. 7). Chaplin stated that between the Sixth and the Seventh congresses 210.000 persons had left the League, of which 30 percent had left "voluntarily and mechanically" (ibid., pp. 28-29). 'See also ibid., p. 170.) 6. T h e census data for 1926 by age and sex are contained in a table in Lorimer, Population of the Sot'iet Union, pp. 231-32. According to that table there were 29,337,358 youths aged fourteen through twenty-two. T h e Komsomol membership was about 6 percent of that. But some Komsomolites were beyond the age limit. According to a report of 1928 (see Chapter V), the proportion of overage Komsomolites was 4 percent in 1925 and 16 or 17 percent in 1928. If one assumes a fairly steady increase, the proportion as of 1926 mav be estimated at 8 percent. If that were accurate, then the Komsomol would have embraced, instead of 6 percent, about 5.5 percent of all youths of Komsomol age. One must keep in mind, however, both the roughness of this calculation and the fact that the figure of 1,750,000 looks like an estimate in round numbers. 7. S"ezd VII, pp. 203-4. 8. According to Lorimer, Population of the Soviet Union, pp. 231-32, the males totaled 14,210,365, and the females, 15,126,993, in the ages fourteen through twenty-two. T h e Komsomol membership, after a deduction of 8 percent for those aged twenty-three and over, would have included about 1,304,000 males and 305,900 females. 9. S"ezd VI, p. 12. For some sample refeiences to this commemoration sec also ibid., pp. 13-14, 23, 53, 63. 10. S"ezd VII, p. 500. 11. July 12-18, 1924. T i u r i n , " V L K S M , " BSE (suppl.), col. 1723, erroneously gives the month as October. 12. See, for example, S"ezd VI, pp. 6, 24. T h e r e was likewise no proposal to alter the Regulations (ibid., pp. 361-64). 13. Ibid., pp. 5-6. See also pp. 54, 121, and S"ezd I'll, pp. 29-30. 14. S"ezd VI, p. 6, also pp. 7-8. For a remark definitely linking this controversy with Trotsky, see S"ezd VII, pp. 29-30. T h e story of the Party controversy of 1922-24 was not systematically related in its entirety at the Sixth Congress. For one now disapproved Communist version, see Popov, Outline History, II, 167222. 15. For sample exhortations against deviations, see S"ezd VI, pp. 8 (Chaplin), 18 (Bukharin), 148-49 (Chaplin). 16. Ibid., pp. 47-48. Zinoviev's major address 011 " T h e Fundamental Tasks of the Leninist Komsomol" is in ibid., pp. 23-^5. 17. Ibid., pp. 49-50 (quotation said 10 be from Stenograficheskii otehet XIII s"ezda ÜJfP[b], Izd. "Krasnaia nov'," pp. 157-59). 18. S"ezd VI, pp. 52-53 (Zinoviev), 143-44 (Chaplin). 19. T h e Komsomol C C had also rejected neutralism at the Party Conference in January, 1924, and at the T h i r t e e n t h Party Congress in May (ibid., pp.

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143-44). T h i s a n d m o s t of t h e i n f o r m a t i o n given by C h a p l i n was c o n t a i n e d i n t h e r e p o r t of the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e , which h e gave (ibid., p p . 1 2 1 - 5 0 ) . 20. Ibid., p p . 144-48 (he r e c o u n t s t h e defeat of the O p p o s i t i o n ) . 21. Ibid., p p . 1 7 5 - 7 7 . 22. Ibid., p p . 189-90. 23. Ibid., p p . 349-53. 24. Ibid., p. 360. 25. For persons of o t h e r classes this h a d been r e q u i r e d already a t t h e uezd level, a n d f o r all classes i n c l u d i n g workers at the g u b e r n i i a level. T h e precise r e q u i r e m e n t s were as follows: (1) For secretaries of g u b e r n i i a c o m m i t t e e s : intellig e n t s i a — f o u r years in t h e L e a g u e a n d t h r e e in t h e Party; w o r k e r s ( i n c l u d i n g " p o o r e s t peasants" a n d f a r m laborers)—three in t h e L e a g u e a n d o n e in t h e P a r t y . (2) For secretaries of uezd committees: intelligentsia—three in t h e L e a g u e a n d two in the Party; workers—one in t h e L e a g u e a n d o n e in t h e P a r t y ; peasants — t w o in t h e L e a g u e a n d o n e in t h e P a r t y (S"ezd VI, p. 362). E x c e p t i o n s could b e m a d e by t h e CC (ibid., p. 363). 26. S"ezd VII, p. 4, also p p . 5 - 6 . 27. F o r a convenient account of this p e r i o d in t h e struggle f o r power, see D e u t s c h e r , Stalin, p p . 2 6 7 - 3 1 2 . 28. S"ezd VII, p p . 49-50. 29. Ibid., p p . 5 0 - 5 1 . O n this q u e s t i o n , see also ibid., p p . 68-72, 7 6 - 8 1 , 104-6, 1 0 9 - 1 0 , 502-3. Also see t h e sections later in this c h a p t e r on t h e c o m p o s i t i o n of t h e L e a g u e a n d on r u r a l work. 30. Ibid., p p . 5 2 - 5 3 . C h a p l i n said t h e " v a n g u a r d of the v a n g u a r d " theory h a d been correct when, d u r i n g W o r l d W a r I, certain youth g r o u p s h a d c l u n g to t h e Bolshevik line. See C h a p t e r II, in t h e section on t h e general role of t h e Komsomol. 31. Ibid., p. 54. 32. Ibid., p p . 55-56. 33. Ibid., p p . 5 9 - 1 6 7 . 34. Ibid., p p . 59-68. 35. Ibid., p p . 68-74. T h e controversy referred to h e r e h a d t a k e n place in A p r i l a n d s u b s e q u e n t m o n t h s of 1925. T h o s e m e m b e r s of the CC m e n t i o n e d as b e i n g linked with T a r a s o v ' s view were R u m i a n t s e v , Fedorov, Sobol', Seredokin, Grigor'ev, R u b i n a , Minacv, Kolmakov, Glazkov, Katalynov, T r o f i m o v , T e r e m iakina, a n d Rogov, p l u s c a n d i d a t e - m e m b e r s Panov a n d Likhov. T a r k h a n o v , w h o h a d b e e n n a m e d an H o n o r a r y K o m s o m o l z e a t t h e Sixth Congress, was also m e n t i o n e d . ( P e r h a p s h e h a d been reassigned to Komsomol work by t h e Party.) 36. S"ezd VII, p p . 74-76, also p p . 68-74. 37· Ibid., p p . 7 6 - 8 1 . 38. Ibid., p p . 8 1 - 1 0 1 . 39. Ibid., p. 96 (Ovchinnikov). 40. Ibid., p p . 104-8. 41. Ibid., p. 108. 42. Ibid., p p . 1 0 8 - 1 1 (Grigor'ev). H e said a secret decision c o n c e r n i n g t h e m i d d l e peasants h a d been m a d e in t h e s u m m e r of 1925 by t h e O p p o s i t i o n . 43. Ibid., p p . 1 1 2 - 1 4 . 44. Ibid., p p . 1 1 4 - 1 8 (resolution q u o t e d o n p . 118). 45. Ibid., p. 122. Matveev also justified t h e removal of various f o r m e r officials f r o m t h e Komsomol CC, saying they h a d been ousted with good reason. Alt h o u g h t h e Oppositionists h a d carefully r e f r a i n e d f r o m b l a m i n g t h e P a r t y explicitly for those removals, Matveev a d m i t t e d as m u c h in o n e of t h e two cases h e m e n t i o n e d by n a m e (ibid., p. 123). 46. Ibid., p. 127. 47. Ibid. 48. T h e speeches by t h e O p p o s i t i o n , said Saltanov, a m o u n t e d to t h e i r saying. " W e ' r e still alive, boys. All of those w h o a r e dissatisfied with t h e policies of t h e

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C C are uniting around us" (S"ezd VII, p. 141). For other anti-Opposition speeches, see ibid., pp. 127-56. 49. Ibid., p. 167. 50. It restated the charges that the Komsomol Opposition had been "entirely solidary with the Party Opposition"; that it had sought to "undermine the Party's guidance in the Komsomol" and to "destroy Bolshevik discipline and centralism in the Komsomol movement"; that it had tried to "use the Komsomol in its struggle against the Leninist unity of the Party"; that it had tried "to pit the younger Communist generation against the old Bolshevik guard"; and that it had committed an "unprecedented" and "impermissible" act in refusing to "recognize as correct the decisions of the Fourteenth Congress of the A C P . " Among the "mistakes" of the Opposition it gave prominence to that of "not believing in the possibility of constructing socialism in our country" and "underestimating the middle peasant" (S"ezd VII, p. 502). 51. S"ezd VII, pp. 506-7. 52. At both congresses, 88 percent were reportedly Party members. At the Sixth Congress over 9 percent, and at the Seventh, 9.1 percent, were reportedly candidate-members (S"ezd VI, p. 301; S"ezd VII, p. 489). At the Sixth Congress only 18 percent of the delegates had attended any previous congress (S"ezd VI, p. 301). No information on this item was given at the Seventh Congress. 53. As of January 1, 1924, it was reported as 9.8 percent; as of May 1, 1924, it was reported as 10.9 percent (S"ezd VI, p. 143; for slightly conflicting reports see also pp. 38, 159). Although Chaplin said the Party kernel should be raised to 25 percent (S"ezd VI, p. 149), the proportion as of March, 1926, was reportedly only 9 percent (S"ezd VII, p. 215). T h e proportion of Party members and candidate-members in the rural segment of the League was reported to have stood at 4.3 perccnt on January 1, 1925, and 5.4 percent 011 December 1, 1925 (S"ezd VII, p. 395). 54. S"ezd VI, p. 9; S"ezd VII, p. 8. A sidelight on the automatic nature of this process was evident in the Sixth Congress, when it was first proposed and duly voted to elect a presidium of forty-three persons. Then, without explanation, a list of not forty-three, but forty-five, names was read off and unanimously approved. 55. First Congress—seven (S"ezd I, p. 38); Second Congress—eleven (S"ezd II, p. 12); T h i r d Congress—twelve (S"ezd III, p. 5); Fourth Congress—thirteen (S"ezd IV, p. 32); Fifth Congress—fifteen (S"ezd V, pp. 14-15, 371). 56. At the Sixth Congress there were six abstainers, but they later switched to make the vote unanimous (S"ezd VI, pp. 368-69; S"ezd VII, pp. 5 1 0 - 1 1 ) . Both congresses continued the practice of electing as "Honorary Komsomolites" certain outstanding leaders who were being transferred to Party work. Honored at the Sixth Congress were Petr Smorodin and Tarkhanov (S"ezd VI, pp. 369-72). Honored at the Seventh Congress was the poet Bezymenskii (S"ezd VII, p. 512). 57. S"ezd VI, pp. 64-65. Zinoviev suggested that some of the deviations present in the Komsomol resulted from a failure to follow that principle (ibid.). 58. Ibid., pp. 368-69. 59. S"ezd VII, pp. 5 1 0 - 1 1 . 60. S"ezd VI, pp. 347-54, 364-68. 61. Ibid., pp. 359-64. 62. S"ezd VII, pp. 499-516 (pp. 499-500 for the divided vote). 63. For one minor exception, see S"ezd VI, pp. 189-90 (rebuke of Belorussian

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delegate). T h e r e was some fairly substantial criticism on the subject of working youth (ibid., pp. 206-16) and on the League's work in the rural areas (ibid., pp. 234-74), b u t in neither case did the discussion get very heated. 64. See especially S"ezd VI, pp. 269-71. 65. T h e delegates were not even given an opportunity to discuss his report on " T h e Political Upbringing of Youth and Leninism." See S"ezd VI, pp. 274-98. 66. On peasant youth, see S"ezd VII, pp. 48, 68-76, 104-6, 110, 410-31; on worker youth, pp. 87-90, 356-91; on intra-Komsomol democracy, pp. 68-76, 112-14, 127, 135, 506-7. 67. For example, see the discussion on the Pioneers, S"ezd VII, pp. 469, 489. See also part of the discussion on peasant youth, ibid., pp. 410-31. 68. On Party guidance, see S"ezd VII, pp. 149-51, 186, 188-90, 207-10, 215. ( T h e instrument for this at the lower levels was a Party man "attached" to the cell of the League [ibid., p. 186].) Other examples included guidance from higher Komsomol bodies (ibid., p. 213), attention to minority nationalities (ibid., pp. 146, 148-49, 154-56), and propaganda about the C I Y (ibid., pp. 307-19). 69. S"ezd VII, pp. 230-58 (on " T h e Present Moment and the Policy of the Party"). 70. Ibid., pp. 373-74, 377, 382-85. Moreover, it appears that some statements of Kamenskii's (about the jurisdiction over the Factory T r a i n i n g Schools) could be interpreted as expressing doubt concerning a decision of the Party. 71. S"ezd VI, pp. 13-14. For some examples of the references to Lenin, see ibid., pp. 12, 14-16, 23, 53, 63. 72. Ibid., p. 354. 73. S"ezd

VII, p. 428. Stalin sent a short greeting to the Congress (ibid.,

p.

497)· 74. S"ezd VI, p. 376; S"ezd VII, p. 516. 75. S"ezd VII, p. 97. 76. Ibid., pp. 111, 130, 143-44, 145, 166-67. It was claimed that others had been removed simply for routine reasons (ibid., pp. 124, 166-67) o r bad requested it themselves (ibid., pp. 117, 166-67). 77. Ibid., pp. 123, 166-67. 78. Ibid., p. 145. Other cases were passed off with a popular Russian saying: " W h e n they chop wood, the chips fly"—that is, individuals did not matter; the organization did (ibid., p. 130). 79. Ibid., p. 123; see also pp. 188-90 (responsibilities of democracy). 80. Ibid., p. 135; see also p. 178 (on encouraging spontaneity). 81. Ibid., p. 213. An additional indication of this was found in the remarks of one of the leading figures at the Seventh Congress (Mitrofanov), w h o complained that in some eases the local committee of the Party had appointed poorly qualified people to Komsomol positions of leadership, but did not criticize at all the fact that those people were appointed rather than elected (ibid., p. 399). 82. S"ezd VI, pp. 13-16 (Krupskaia), 274-93 (Bukharin); S"ezd VII, pp. 17 (Kalinin), 41-43 (Chaplin), 174-75 (Mil'chakov). 83. See i"ezd VI, pp. 7-8, 18, 148-49, 151; S"ezd VII, pp. 4, 48-50, 97, 118, 122, 502-3, 508-9. Condemning those who sat by tolerantly or indifferently while Marxist and Leninist theory was criticized, Zinoviev declared: " W e could not have built the Bolshevik Party with such a spirit of equal rights, with such a mood of justice, with such patience" (S"ezd VI, p. 61).

NOTES

S3« 84. S"ezd

TO

IV:

STRUGGLE

VI, p p . 7 - 8 , 19, 3 7 3 - 7 6 ; S"ezd

VII,

FOR

POWER

p p . 12, 5 5 - 5 6 , 6 2 - 6 4 , 6 6 - 6 8 , 497,

509-10. 85. F o r a f e w e x a m p l e s , see S"ezd 86. S"ezd

VI,

VI, p . 60; S"ezd

pp. 58-59, 148-49,

VII,

p p . 1 1 , 1 7 7 , 496, 504.

373-76.

87. F o r s o m e e x a m p l e s , see S"ezd

VI, p p . 2 2 4 - 2 5 , 2 8 6 - 8 7 ; S"ezd

VII,

pp.

178,

258. 88. S"ezd Congress

VI, p p . 1 3 - 1 4 . I n l i n e w i t h this p r i n c i p l e , t h e r e w e r e a t t h e S e v e n t h

several

admonitions

s e x u a l looseness. S e e S"ezd

against

VII,

smoking,

drunkenness,

hooliganism,

p p . 6, 1 6 - 1 7 , 2 6 - 2 9 , 40 ( a l s o a g a i n s t

and

indiscrimi-

n a t e s p i t t i n g ) , 4 3 - 4 5 , 1 7 7 , 2 1 4 - 1 5 , 223, 4 0 6 - 7 , 4 6 5 - 6 6 ( s w e a r i n g , t o o ) . A l s o a t t h e Seventh Congress, neatness, p u n c t u a l i t y , a n d precision were d e m a n d e d , in keeping with

t h e n e e d s of s o c i a l i s t c o n s t r u c t i o n . F o r t w o e x a m p l e s , see S"ezd

VII,

p p . 40, 466. 89. S"ezd

VI, p. 136. T h o s e p e r c e n t a g e s w e r e g i v e n b y C h a p l i n . F r o m a set of

p e r c e n t a g e s g i v e n b y Z i n o v i e v , a n d s a i d t o a p p l y to J u l y , 1924, it w o u l d

appear

t h a t C h a p l i n w a s c o n s i d e r i n g s t a t e f a r m ( s o v k h o z ) w o r k e r s as " w o r k e r s . " Z i n o v i e v g a v e t h e f o l l o w i n g occupational

d i s t r i b u t i o n : f a c t o r y w o r k e r s , 36.2 p e r c e n t ; s t a t e

f a u n w o r k e r s , 4.8 p e r c e n t ; p e a s a n t s , 32.7 p e r c e n t ; a n d o t h e r s ( p r e s u m a b l y students

and

office w o r k e r s ) , 26.3 p e r c e n t . T h e

proportions

by

w e r e : w o r k e r s , 44.2 p e r c e n t ; p e a s a n t s , 39.3 p e r c e n t ; office w o r k e r s 9.5 p e r c e n t ; a n d o t h e r s , 7 p e r c e n t (ibid., 90. S"ezd

p . 38).

9 1 . H e w a s c o n s i d e r i n g y o u t h s b e t w e e n t h e a g e s of f o u r t e e n a n d t h e m (S"ezd

VI,

pp. 38-41). C h a p l i n

Komsomolites,

p e r v o l o s t (ibid., 92. S"ezd

origin

(sluzhashchie),

VI, p p . 7 - 8 .

a n d h e e s t i m a t e d , r e f e r r i n g t o a c e n s u s of peasant

largely

class o f

VI,

adding that

1924, t h a t t h e r e w e r e

later gave the same

figure

twenty-four, 18,000,000 of

o f 240,000 f o r

they averaged o n l y fourteen

Komsomolites

p . 138; see a l s o p . 223). p p . 38-42 ( Z i n o v i e v ) ; p p . 138-39, 1 4 7 - 4 8 ,

186-87 ( C h a p l i n ) .

o t h e r r e m a r k s 011 t h e t h e m e o f m o r e w o r k in t h e r u r a l a r e a s , see a l s o ibid.,

For pp.

>55-57. 1 6 1 - 6 3 , 171-72. >75-77- >79- 234-69· 93. F o r h i s r e p o r t , see S"ezd

VI, p p . 220-33. S h o k h i n w a s m e r e l y r e v i e w i n g , h e

i n d i c a t e d , m a t e r i a l w h i c h h a d b e e n t h e s u b j e c t of a p r e p a r a t o r y

campaign

cussed, d u r i n g t h e p r e v i o u s h a l f y e a r , a t a l m o s t a l l u e z d a n d g u b e r n i i a e n c e s (ibid., 94. S"ezd

p . 220). VI, p p . 2 2 1 - 2 7 . S h o k h i n w a r n e d t h a t t h e r e w a s a w i d e s p r e a d

f o r t h e " b e s t e l e m e n t s of o u r

r u r a l c e l l s " to g r a v i t a t e

toward

95. T h e declined

p r o p o r t i o n s a t t h e t i m e of t h e S i x t h a n d S e v e n t h

at the

latter were

as f o l l o w s :

"industrial

to 36 p e r c e n t ; p e a s a n t s — f r o m

rose

c l i n e d to 10.3 p e r c e n t (S"ezd c e n t a g e s g i v e n in S"ezd

VII,

40.1

percent

to 46 p e r c e n t ;

l a b o r e r s — f r o m 5.9 p e r c e n t r o s e to 7.7 p e r c e n t ; " o t h e r s " — f r o m

The

means.

c o n g r e s s e s as re-

workers"—from

39.4 p e r c e n t

tendency

t h e cities.

K o m s o m o l m u s t stop this, h e said, b u t not by p u r e l y m e c h a n i c a l ported

dis-

confer-

farm

14.6 p e r c e n t de-

p p . 46-47). T h e discrepancy b e t w e e n the per-

VI a n d S"ezd

VII f o r t h e t i m e of t h e S i x t h C o n g r e s s (see

n o t e 89) is n o t e x p l a i n e d . A s t o t h e p e r c e n t a g e s g i v e n a t t h e S e v e n t h

Congress,

it is n o t s t a t e d w h e t h e r t h e y a p p l y t o o c c u p a t i o n o r to class of o r i g i n . 96. S"ezd

VII,

p . 395.

97. T h e a p p r o v e d a c t i v i t i e s i n c l u d e d s e t t i n g u p d e m o n s t r a t i o n f a r m s a n d a g r i -

NOTES

TO

iv:

STRUGGLE

FOR

POWER

33 1

cultural cooperatives (S"ezd VII, pp. 255, 401, 403-4), bringing electricity to villages (ibid., p. 401), draining swamps (ibid., pp. 403-4), and drawing more rural youths into the schools that were being established for them (ibid., pp. 40-41). 98. S"ezd VI, pp. 240-41. 99. T h e data presented to the delegates were for January i, 1925, and December 1, 1925. Within the rural segment of the League, the proportion of middle peasants rose from 24 percent to 28.g percent during that period. A t the same time the proportion of poor peasants dropped from 57.8 percent to 48.7 percent (S"ezd VII, p. 395). T h i s question is of course related to the dispute over the "delegates' assemblies of middle-peasant youth," discussed in the first part of this chapter. 100. T o take in all worker youth; to take in farm-laborer, poor-peasant, and the best middle-peasant youth; and to take in representatives of the intelligentsia with utmost care on an individual basis (S"ezd VII, p. 45 [Chaplin], and see also pp. 3, 170-71 [Mil'chakov], 397-98). T h e Seventh Congress exempted from the probationary stage those students under eighteen who were of worker, peasant, or handicraftsman parentage, and who were not exploiting anyone's labor (ibid., pp. 499-500). Chaplin explained that "the best middle peasant is the one . . . who strives to help the Party, the League, and the Soviet government in all . . . measures" (ibid., p. 47). 101. T h e proportion of Party members or candidate-members in the rural segment of the League had been increased during the first eleven months of 1925 from 4.3 percent to 5.4 percent, but that was still considered much too low (S-ezd VII, pp. 395, 398-99). 102. S"ezd VII, pp. 398-99. 103. Ibid., pp. 430-31. W h i l e it was not definitely so stated, this figure seemed quite clearly to relate to concurrent members of the League and the Party, since 47,000 is a little over 5 percent of 900,000. 104. T h i s had already been done to some extent, the average size having been increased from sixteen or seventeen members to twenty-one or twenty-two members during the interval between the congresses (S"ezd VII, pp. 407-8). W h i l e a still further increase was urged, it was pointed out that administrative difficulties would impose some sort of limit. For instance, 100 members was thought to be too many in one cell (ibid., p. 430). 105. S"ezd VII, pp. 399-400. Mitrofanov here cited an instance in w h i c h the Party volost (small district) committee had appointed a fifty-five-year-old Party man as secretary of the Komsomol volost committee. 106. Ibid., p. 397. 107. Ibid., pp. 184-85, 425. 108. Ibid., pp. 184-85, 198, 221-22, 415. 109. S"ezd VI, pp. 141-42 (referring not only to peasant youths but youths in general). n o . Ibid., p. 23C. 111. Ibid., p. 261. 112. Ibid., p. 263. 113. T h e i r proper function remained that of conducting what was termed serious and scientifically based antireligious propaganda (S"ezd VII, pp. 406-7). On religion, see also ibid., p. 211. 114. In one place the percentages given are 40.1 percent (Sixth Congress) and 36

332

NOTES

TO

IV:

STRUGGLE

FOR

POWER

p e r c e n t (Seventh Congress) (S"ezd I II, p p . 46-47). T h a t was C h a p l i n r e p o r t i n g . L a t e r Mil'chakov gave figures of 39 p e r c e n t (Sixth Congress) a n d 36.5 p e r c e n t (Seventh Congress) (ibid., p p . 169-70). 115. S"ezd Vll, p. 46; see also p. 4. C h a p l i n presented figures i n d i c a t i n g t h a t the K o m s o m o l e m b r a c e d a larger p r o p o r t i o n of those youths w o r k i n g in small e n t e r p r i s e s t h a n those in large ones (ibid., p. 46). H e urged m o r e e m p h a s i s o n the latter. η 6. S"ezd VI, p. 300. 1 1 7 . S"ezd VII, p. 489. For f u r t h e r details see A p p e n d i x C. Also see earlier in this c h a p t e r for t h e w a r n i n g t h a t p r o l e t a r i a n g u i d a n c e in t h e L e a g u e r e q u i r e d firm Party g u i d a n c e (ibid., p. 172). 118. S"ezd VI, p p . 20, 125-27, 1 9 1 - 9 6 ; S"ezd VII, p p . 26-29, 3 2 - 3 5 , 3 2 8 - 3 1 , 341-45. C o n c e r n i n g such a t t e n d a n t t r o u b l e s as hooliganism, d r u n k e n n e s s , d e s p a i r , a n d " a p o l i t i c a l " a t t i t u d e s , see S"ezd I'll, p p . 6, 26-29, 254. 119. S"ezd VI, p p . 127-28. 120. Ibid., p p . 1 9 1 - 9 3 , 197-200 (also developing a d e q u a t e laws). 1 2 1 . Ibid., p p . 128-29, I 93~94· 205-6. 122. T h e i r c u r r e n t e n r o l l m e n t was 65,000 as c o m p a r e d with 48,000 at t h e t i m e of t h e F i f t h Congress (1922) (S"ezd VI, p. 128). Of the 65,000, a b o u t 70 p e r c e n t were said to b e K o m s o m o l m e m b e r s , c o m p a r e d with only 30 percent of t h e t o t a l at t h e t i m e of t h e F i f t h Congress (ibid., p. 130). Somewhat d i f f e r e n t figures, b u t of t h e same o r d e r of m a g n i t u d e , were given later on the Factory T r a i n i n g Schools: J a n u a i y 1, 1921—43 schools with 2,000 pupils; August 1, 1922—657 schools w i t h 44,933 p u p i l s ; J a n u a r y 1, 1924—924 schools with 68,819 P u P ' k (ibid., p p . 193-94). T h e L e a g u e was said to be m a k i n g a special effort to p r e p a r e C o m m u n i s t teachers for those schools (ibid., p. 129). Between t h e congresses of 1924 a n d 1926, t h e r e evidently was a controversy over w h e t h e r t h e Factory T r a i n i n g Schools s h o u l d c o n t i n u e to be r u n by t h e Commissariat of E d u c a t i o n or w h e t h e r they should be t u r n e d over to the S u p r e m e Economic Council. T h e K o m s o m o l was said to have favored r e t a i n i n g t h e status q u o — w h i c h was t h e position decided u p o n by t h e CC of t h e Party (S"tzd VII, p p . 348-49, 369-72). I n 1926, incidentally. Factory T r a i n i n g Schools were said to be a p p r o a c h i n g t h e i r fifth anniversary, which would a p p e a r to place their start in t h e late s p r i n g or t h e s u m m e r of 1921 (ibid., p p . 348-49). 123. S"ezd VII, p p . 32-35, 345. 124. Ibid., p p . 5, 10, 27-28, 3 0 - 3 1 , 504, 5 1 2 - 1 6 (for some examples). 125. Ibid., p p . 11, 29, 3 0 - 3 1 , 87-90, 331, 332-34, 336-37, 5 1 2 - 1 6 . T h e delegates discussed ways of teaching skills less complicated t h a n those t a u g h t in t h e Factory T r a i n i n g Schools. T h e m e a n s included " b r i g a d e a p p r e n t i c e s h i p , " indiv i d u a l a p p r e n t i c e s h i p , a n d evening schools. Only the last m e a n s was f u l l y endorsed, t h e o t h e r s b e i n g considered stopgaps. T h e L e a g u e was said to be resisting t h e idea of u n p a i d or poorly p a i d a p p r e n t i c e s h i p s iibid., pp. 339-41, 3 5 1 - 5 3 ) . 126. S"ezd VII, p p . 3 4 1 - 4 5 , 365-66, 390. See also S"ezd VI, p p . 208-9. 127. S"ezd VII, p. 212; see also p . 30. 128. Ibid., p p . 32-35, 345, 3 5 3 - 5 5 (industry, schools, trade unions). T h e y m u s t c o m b a t d e m a n d s f o r "leveling," or r e d u c i n g wage differentials (ibid., p p . 49-50, 94-96). T h e y m u s t c o u n t e r a c t t h e impression, held by some citizens, t h a t the workers were b e i n g exploited (ibid., p p . 28-29, 49-50).

NOTES

TO

iv:

STRUGGLE

FOR

POWER

333

1 2 g . T h e f a m i l i a r argument over whether or not to abolish the regular secondary schools was resumed on a small scale at the Sixth Congress ( 1 9 2 4 ) , this time with special reference to the rural schools, but no action was taken. Shokhin advocated special schools for peasant youth, combining regular school instruction with productive work in the fields (S"ezd VI, pp. 2 2 9 - 3 2 ) . Pokrovskii, of the Commissariat of Education, backed those who supported the regular secondary schools. For the contributions to the debate, see ibid., pp. 2 2 9 , 2 5 8 - 6 0 , 2 6 5 - 7 1 . 1 3 0 . S"ezd VII, p. 3 8 . 1 3 1 . S"eid VI, p. 3 0 0 . 1 3 2 . Ibid., p p . 1 3 1 - 3 2 . 1 3 3 . Ibid., p. 1 4 6 . 1 3 4 . S"ezd VII, p. 2 0 5 . 1 3 5 . Ibid., pp. 4 9 9 - 5 0 0 . 1 3 6 . Ibid., p. 18. 1 3 7 . Ibid., pp. 3 8 - 3 9 ; Ostriakov, 20 let VLKSM, p. 6 3 . See also the articles published in connection with the fifteenth anniversary of the paper, in K P , May 2 4 , 1 9 4 0 . Komsomol'skaia pravda was a daily as of 1 9 2 8 (the date of the earliest copies in the U.S.), a n d the writer believes it was a daily from its start. 1 3 8 . S"ezd VI, p. 2 2 ; S"ezd VII, pp. 2 6 - 2 9 . 463-64 (gives a figure of 3 0 0 , 0 0 0 waifs [besprizornye] as of 1 9 2 6 ) . 1 3 9 . S"ezd VI, pp. 3 8 ( 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 on May 1 , 1 9 2 4 ) , 1 3 3 ( 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 as of J u l y ) , 3 3 3 ( 2 5 0 , 0 0 0 as of J u l y ) ; S"ezd VII, pp. 4 3 - 4 5 , 4 5 5 (both saying 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 for J u l y , '924)· 1 4 0 . S"ezd VII, p. 4 5 5 . 1 4 1 . Ibid., pp. 4 , 4 3 - 4 5 , 4 5 5 . Some shift in the Pioneers' composition apparently had occurred in the meantime. At the time of the Congress of 1 9 2 4 , over fourfifllis of the Pioneers were in urban centers (S"ezd VI, p. 3 3 8 ) . T h i s was apparently the result of a desire to ensure the organization a proletarian flavor (ibid., p. 1 3 4 ) . T h e ensuing expansion, however, penetrated rural areas as well, so that by 1 9 2 6 almost two-thirds ( 6 3 . 6 percent) of the Pioneer detachments were in rural communities (S"ezd VII, p. 4 5 6 ) . R u r a l detachments, however, were probably smaller than urban ones, so it would not be safe to infer that the rural membership was anywhere near two-thirds of the total. 1 4 2 . S"ezd VI, p. 3 3 8 . Of these, 3 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 were thought to be urban. 1 4 3 . Ibid., p . 3 4 1 . 1 4 4 . S"ezd VII, pp. 4 5 7 - 6 2 . During the last six months of 1 9 2 5 the Pioneers had lost almost one-third ( 3 1 percent) as many as they had taken in (ibid., pp. 4 5 6 - 5 7 ) . In the absence of attractive Pioneer activities, it was said, children were organizing into small gangs f o r such purposes as pigeon-collecting, petty thievery, and sexual experimentation (ibid., p. 4 6 0 ) . 1 4 5 . S"ezd VII, pp. 4 6 6 - 6 7 ; also S"ezd VI, pp. 3 3 6 - 3 7 . An unconscious demonstration of one of the reasons was to be found in the official report on the children's movement at the Sixth Congress. T h e report complained that in tsarist times, children had wasted 3 3 percent of their time in "absolute idleness." T h e report went on to lay out a time chart f o r Pioneers, beginning with 3 5 percent for sleep, 2 2 percent for social-political woik. 1 5 percent in the Pioneer detachment, and 1 8 percent in school. T h a t left 1 0 percent unaccounted for, which presumably would be devoted to the other things mentioned as desirable in the f u t u r e : physical development, "sensible games," labor education, and schoolwork (S"ezd VI, pp. 334-35)· 1 4 G . S"ezd VI, pp. 1 3 5 , 1 6 4 - 6 5 , 3 3 9 (the last two citations give figures on Pioneer leaders). In 1 9 2 6 the problem of inadequate personnel apparently re-

NOTES

334

TO

IV:

STRUGGLE

FOR

POWER

m a i n e d , a n d there w a s special concern o v e r p o o r h e a l t h and o v e r w o r k P i o n e e r leaders (S"ezd

VII,

p p . 469-89

147. S"ezd

VII, p p . 469-72.

149. S"ezd

VI, p . 135; S"ezd

among

passim).

148. Ibid.,

p . 463.

VII, p. 486. T h e official f o r m u l a g i v e n in t h e l a t t e r

c i t a t i o n is that the P i o n e e r o r g a n i z a t i o n is "a mass Communist

organization,

be-

longing

guidance

the

Party

to the Party and

the

and

the Komsomol,

and

under

the direct

of

Komsomol."

T h e r e was a p r o p o s a l to call the m e m b e r s Y o u n g L e n i n i s t s instead of Y o u n g Pioneers. A t first g l a n c e the o u t s i d e r w o u l d b e p u z z l e d to c o n c e i v e of a n y safe way in w h i c h a K o m s o m o l d e l e g a t e c o u l d a r g u e a g a i n s t u s i n g t h e n a m e of

the

d e p a r t e d leader. O n e d e l e g a t e d i d , h o w e v e r , o n t h e basis t h a t m u c h s t u d y

was

r e q u i r e d b e f o r e o n e c o u l d really b e c o m e a L e n i n i s t . T h a t p o i n t of v i e w

was

carried, a l t h o u g h by a d i v i d e d v o t e (S"ezd VI, p p . 361-62). 150. S"ezd

VII, p p . 43-45, 455, 468. ( P a n t e l e e v , " V L K S M , " MSE

[2d ed.], V o l .

I I , col. 550, says the O c t o b r i s t s a l r e a d y n u m b e r e d 100,325 i n 1925.) 151. A t the Congress o f 1924 it was n o t e d w i t h s a t i s f a c t i o n t h a t o r g a n i z a t i o n s of y o u n g M e n s h e v i k s in G e o r g i a a n d t h e Far East, a n d y o u n g Socialist

Revolu-

tionaries i n the Far East, h a d finally " l i q u i d a t e d

VI,

themselves"

(S"ezd

pp.

122-23). 152. S"ezd

IV, p p . 353-54; S"ezd

154. S"ezd

VII, p. 193.

V, p. 346.

153. S"ezd

VI, p . 165.

155. O n e was a Zionist o r g a n i z a t i o n f o r c h i l d r e n , w h i c h was in direct c o m p e t i tion w i t h t h e K o m s o m o l - l e d Pioneers. T h e r e w e r e also said to be v a r i o u s petitb o u r g e o i s c h i l d r e n ' s g r o u p s f o r m e d on t h e basis of social p o s i t i o n (S"ezd VII,

p.

461). T h e n , too, there w e r e nature-study

or

clubs (ibid., 156. S"ezd

a n d o t h e r special-interest

groups

p p . 176, 461, 479). VI, p p . 36-37 (Zinoviev). W h e n g a i n i n g c o n t r o l in local y o u t h clubs,

Komsomolites were instructed

to r e f r a i n

w o u l d o n l y d r i v e p e o p l e a w a y (S"ezd

VII,

from

a

domineering

manner

which

p. 176). T h e y w e r e also c a u t i o n e d in

g e n e r a l a g a i n s t b e i n g r u d e to those w h o w e r e n o t m e m b e r s of t h e P a r t y or the K o m s o m o l (S"ezd 157. S"ezd

VII, p p . 256-57).

VI, p. 137; S"ezd

VII,

p p . 180-81, 203-4. P a n t e l e e v states t h a t by

1927 the p e r c e n t h a d risen to 21.3 ( P a n t e l e e v , " V L K S M , " MSE

[2d ed.], V o l . II,

col. 548). 158. S"ezd

VII,

p . 395. In

the r u r a l s e g m e n t

w o m e n w e r e r e p o r t e d to h a v e c o n s t i t u t e d o n l y

of

the

League's

membership,

12.3 p e r c e n t as of J a n u a r y

1,

1925, and only 15.3 p e r c e n t as of D e c e m b e r 1, 1925. T h e s e p r o p o r t i o n s are somew h a t l o w e r than those g i v e n f o r w o m e n in the L e a g u e as a w h o l e , f o r w h i c h see earlier in this c h a p t e r . 159. S"ezd

VI, p. 299; S"ezd

160. S"ezd

VII,

VII, p. 489.

p p . 180-81, 203-4, 400. O n e y o u n g f e m a l e d e l e g a t e — t h e

only

o n e o n the P r e s i d i u m of sixty-three persons e l e c t e d in 1 9 2 6 — c o m p l a i n e d t h a t she liad not been g i v e n a n y r e a l w o r k and h a d only b e e n elected as a r e p r e s e n t a t i v e of the w o m e n (ibid., 161. S"ezd

p p . 203-4).

VI, p. 136. A t t h e s a m e t i m e , h o w e v e r , the C o n g r e s s r e j e c t e d once

m o r e t h e i d e a of r a i s i n g the m i n i m u m a g e l i m i t to s i x t e e n (ibid., 162. Ibid.,

p p . 55-56, 140; S"ezd

163. S"ezd

VI, p . 139.

p p . 359-60).

VII, p p . 146, 148-49, 154-56, 200, 409, 427.

NOTES

TO

IV:

STRUGGLE

FOR

POWER

335

164. For the main groups named above, the proportions in the population at large as of 1926 were as follows: Russians, 52.91 percent; Ukrainians, si.22 percent; Jews, 1.82 percent; Georgians, 1.24 percent; Armenians, 1.07 percent (Lorimer, Population of the Soviet Union, p. 51). 165. S"ezd VII [sic], p. 490. 166. S"ezd VI, pp. 137-40, 144. 167. S"ezd VII, p. 490. For further details see A p p e n d i x G. 168. Ibid., pp. 183-84. 169. Ibid. 170. Ibid., pp. 146, 152-54. An indication of the need for better indoctrination was seen in the fact that in recent elections for rural soviets there had been cases in which the local Komsomolites had campaigned against candidates nominated by the Party (ibid., p. 427). Another complaint was that in Uzbekistan. Komsomol membership cards had been sold to all comers at whatever price the market would bear (ibid., pp. 409, 430, 431). 171. Ibid., p. 39. T w o other speakers briefly seconded Chaplin's appeal for more Komsomol activity in this field (ibid., pp. 182, 217-19). 172. Ibid., pp. 36-37· Roughly comparable figures are given by Mitrofanov (ibid., pp. 402, 413). It was stated that in the Ukraine one-third (33 percent) of those under twenty-three years of age serving on village soviets did not belong to either the Komsomol or the Party (ibid., p. 191). 173. In the Ukraine this was only 43 percent of the youths under twenty-three serving in town soviets (ibid., pp. 36, 191). 174. Ibid., p. 254. 175. S"ezd VI, p. 306. 176. S"ezd VII, pp. 151-52, 496-97. A t the Sixth Congress it was reported that there were 29,731 Komsomolites serving in both the Army and the Navy, but the n u m b e r in each was not given (S"ezd VI, p. 38). Despite the youth of the Komsomol delegates to the Sixth Congress, and the fact that twenty-one or twenty-two was the normal draft age at that time (ibid., pp. 305, 307), fully 45 percent of the delegates had already served in the R e d Army (ibid., p. 302). T h e general tasks of Komsomolites in the Army remained about the same: Komsomolites were to promote iron discipline (S"ezd VI, p. 55; S"ezd VII, p. 4g6). T h e y were to provide political directors (politruki) to indoctrinate the peasant recruits, who, it was said, were illiterate, religious, and politically ignorant (S"ezd VI, pp. 315-18). In connection with preparing youths before they got into the Army, the Komsomol was urged to give preparatory training in discipline (S"ezd VII, p. 444), to teach all Komsomolites some concrete skill such as marksmanship (S"ezd VII, pp. 157-58), and otherwise to stimulate their interest and get them ready (S"ezd VI, pp. 263-64, 319; S"ezd VII, pp. 182-83). T h e continuing intent to use the A r m y aggressively was indicated (in 1926) by Baranov, of the Revolutionary W a r Council: " T h e Worker-Peasant Red A r m y is the armed element of the vanguard of world revolution. . . . W e need the Red Army, of course, first of all and mainly in order to defend and safeguard the borders of our Soviet Union from hostile attack. But we also need the Red Army in order that the working class of Western Europe, the working class and the toilers of the whole world, will know that there is on this globe an armed force upon which all oppressed toilers can rely" (S"ezd VII, p. 443). See also Voroshilov's speech on the need for strong armed forces (ibid., pp. 493-95). 177. S"ezd VI, p. 55 (see also pp. 317-18, 324). T h e functions of the groups were not described, except in general terms of assisting the Party.

336

NOTES

TO v :

EMERGENCE

OF

STALIN

178. One reason for this apprehension might be seen in the report, given at the Congress of 1924, that, in the Army, Komsomolites outnumbered Party members by a ratio of seventy to thirty (S"ezd VI, p. 316). 179. S"ezd VII, pp. 182-83. 180. Ibid., pp. 151-52, 182-83, 220-21. 181. S"ezd VI, pp. 320-22. 182. Ibid., p. 21. 183. Ibid., pp. 21, 322. 184. Ibid., pp. 322-27. 185. Ibid., pp. 328-29, 367-68 (Obshchestvo druzei morskogo flota). 186. Ibid., p. 329. 187. S"ezd VII, pp. 182-83, 2 1 7 - i g , 433-38, 441, 445-50 (more funds for naval aircraft), 496. Outside of the air arm of the Navy, aviation as such was barely mentioned (ibid., pp. 332-33, 439). It was also noted in 1926 that the Military Scientific Societies (Voennonauchnye obshchestva or VNO), which had already functioned within the armed forces for five years, were expanding their operations so as to conduct military propaganda in Komsomol clubs and other groups (ibid., pp. 23-24). 188. S"ezd VI, p. 76, and also pp. 8, 347-48 (resolution on the CIY). On the growth in membership, see ibid., pp. 89-91. 189. Ibid., p. 86. For the dutiful speeches of foreign representatives of the CIY, see ibid., pp. 66-69. 190. Ibid., pp. 76-102, and especially pp. 77-78, 85-88, 94-97. 191. Ibid., pp. 77-78, 87-88, 91 (operating illegally in seventeen countries), 99, 102. 192. lotd., pp. 77-78, 88-89. 193. Ibid., pp. 78-85. In 1923 there had reportedly been in the Red Navy "a desire to go to the help of the German workers" (ibid., p. 324). 194. Ibid., p. 102. 195. Ibid., p. 70. 196. S"ezd VII, p. 324. 197. There were said to be others who found the period of "partial demands" too humdrum (ibid., pp. 246-47, 263-69 [German Y C L , up to 70,000 or 80,000 in 1923, now down to 20,000]). 198. Ibid., pp. 270-71. From a low of 102,000, it was now up to 110,000. A distribution is given by countries. 199. Ibid., pp. 271-93. 200. Ibid., p. 242. 201. Ibid., pp. 305-19. 202. Ibid., pp. 1 3 - 1 5 , 19-22. 203. Ibid., pp. 57, 504-6, 508. However, there were two protests against the showing of so many foreign moving pictures in the USSR (ibid., pp. 421, 459).

C H A P T E R V: A D J U S T M E N T S D U R I N G T H E E M E R G E N C E OF S T A L I N A N D T H E R E N E W E D D R I V E F O R SOCIALISM 1. S"ezd VIII, pp. 1-2; S"ezd IX, pp. 3, 32. At one point during the Eighth Congress, Kosarev referred to a "two-year period" between then and the expected date of the following congress. That appears to be the first admission at a congress that they were not to be held yearly (even though they had not been since 1922). Kosarev did not refer to the violation of the Regulations (S"ezd VIII, p. 219)· 2. S"ezd VIII, p. 546. Speakers referred to it casually as two million (ibid., pp. 1, 456-58). 3. S"ezd IX, p. 405.

NOTES

TO

v:

EMERGENCE

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STALIN

337

4. Ibid., pp. so, 2 2 - 2 3 , 49""5'· T h e number of cells was not reported at the Ninth Congress, but at the time of the Eighth, it was given as 67,698 (S"ezd VIII, p. 5 1 9 ; see also pp. 456-58 for a roughly corroborating figure of 50,000 in a casual reference). T h i s would have meant an average size of about twenty-nine members per cell. 5. S"ezd VIII, p. 2. 6. Ibid., pp. 2 1 - 2 6 . 7. Ibid., pp. 2 - 3 (Chaplin), 152 (Krupskaia), 2 1 6 - 1 8 (Kosarev), 247-49, 280 (Chaplin), 416. 8. Ibid., pp. 535-36. Stalin, like other speakers before him, referred to the Shakhtinskii affair of March, 1928, which involved alleged sabotage by specialists 111 the coal mines of the Donets Basin. 9. Ibid., pp. 535-38. 10. Ibid., pp. 3 (Chaplin), 15 (Bukharin), 80-81 (Mislavskii), 443-46 (Kalinin). 1 1 . Ibid., p. 81. 12. Ibid., pp. 197-98 (Mil'chakov), 2 1 8 - 1 9 (Kosarev), 5 3 7 - 3 8 (Stalin). 13. For a convenient account of the political maneuvers of this period, see Deutscher, Stalin, pp. 294-344. 14. S"ezd VIII, p. 6. T h e others, in sequence, were B u k h a r i n , Molotov, R y k o v , T o m s k y , Kuibyshev, Kalinin, Voroshilov, Rudzutak, Ordzhonikidze, and K r u p skaia. In the last similar list (at the Congress of 1924), Stalin's name had followed Zinoviev's (S"ezd VI, p. 354). 15. S"ezd VIII, pp. 535, 540. 16. For what appear to be virtually the only examples, see ibid., pp. 6, 7 1 - 7 2 , 5 1 4 , and his speech, pp. 535-40. 17. Ibid., p. 554. 18. S"ezd IX, p. 4. 19. Ibid. T h e others in the Honorary Presidium were the whole Politburo, plus T h ä l m a n n (a G e r m a n Communist), Menzhinskii, and the secretary of the Chinese Y C L . 20. Ibid., pp. 2 1 - 2 2 . For the rest of Kaganovich's report " O n the International and Domestic Situation and the Tasks of the Komsomol," see ibid., p p . 5 - 2 3 . Kaganovich recalled Stalin's declaration at the Sixteenth Party Congress ( J u n e 2 6 - J u l y 13, 1930) that they were entering the period of socialism (ibid., p. 6). 2 1 . Ibid., pp. 25-26, 87-88, 132, 4 0 9 - 1 1 . 22. T h e writer does not pretend his count is absolutely complete but believes it is substantially accurate. T h e number of speeches and resolutions was at least 220. (A higher figure could be obtained by counting some of the shorter statements.) T h o s e in which the writer recorded noteworthy references to Stalin are as follows: S"ezd IX, pp. 4, 5 - 2 3 , 25, 2 6 - 3 1 , 3 2 - 6 1 (especially 35, 37-38, 41), 62-70 (especially 63, 66, 68-69), 87-88, 1 1 2 - 1 3 , 132, 169-70, 200-2, 2 0 8 - 1 1 , 4 0 9 - 1 1 , 422. It seems also noteworthy that in some of those perorations where later his name would have figured prominently, at this time it did not (for e x a m p l e , ibid., pp. 6 1 - 6 2 , 407-8). 23. S"ezd IX, p. 36 (Kosarev). T h e Rightists were also accused of f a v o r i n g conciliation of the bourgeoisie, as opposed to the Bolshevik principle of " e i t h e r they'll get us, or we'll get t h e m " (ibid., p. 37). 24. Ibid., pp. 36-37. As f u r t h e r " p r o o f " of the errors of Trotsky, Kosarev said T r o t s k y doubted that the current depression would bring the d o w n f a l l of capitalism (ibid., pp. 37-38). 25. Ibid.,

pp. 39-40. See also ibid.,

p. 22, for Kaganovich on " L e f t i s t s . " Follow-

338

NOTES

TO

v:

EMERGENCE

OF

STALIN

i n g t h e e x a m p l e set by Kosarev, Kaganovich, a n d others, t h e N i n t h Congress f r e q u e n t l y gave t h e deviationists the lash. See ibid., p p . 3 (Kosarev), 2 0 - 2 2 (Kaganovich), 36-42 a n d 49-50 (Kosarev), 65-70 (Dzhavakhidze), 7 8 - 8 1 , 1 1 2 - 1 3 , 1 3 1 - 3 2 , 139-40, 147, 167-68, 198, 222-37, 293-95· 4 " - M · 26. S"ezd VIII, p p . 15 ( B u k h a r i n ) , 70 (Chaplin), 79 (Mislavskii), 196-97 (Mil'chakov), a n d 304. 27. Ibid., p p . 549-53 (also h o n o r i n g Sergei Sobole\). 28. O t h e r s n a m e d p r o m i n e n t l y a r e listed as follows: S"ezd IX, p p . 22 (Shatskin, L o m i n a d z e , Sten, Syrtsov), 38 (Shatskin, C h a p l i n , L o m i n a d z e , Syrtsov), 40 (Minaev, B u t y r k i n , T o v s t u k h a , Kostrov), 4 1 - 4 2 ( D u b r o v i n , Shatskin, Sten), 49 (Ostriakov), 79 (Shatskin, Sten), 132 (Sten, Shatskin, Lominadze), 1 3 9 - 4 0 ([Efim] T s e i t l i n , Shatskin), 147 (Syrtsov, Lominadze, C h a p l i n , Shatskin), 403 (Shatskin, C h a p l i n , Eiim T s e i t l i n ) . 29. S"ezd I X , p p . 22 (Kaganovich), 132. N a m e d with Shatskin in this connect i o n w e r e L o m i n a d z e , Sten, a n d Syrtsov. Mil'chakov, w h o h a d u p to this t i m e t h e longest r e c o r d of c o n t i n u o u s service o n t h e K o m s o m o l CC ( h a v i n g b e e n clcctcd to t h e CC's ot 1921, 1922, 1924, 1926, a n d 1928), was riot m e n t i o n e d in this or any o t h e r c o n n e c t i o n a t t h e Congress of 1931 or later. T h e w r i t e r h a s l e a r n e d f r o m a r e f u g e e f r i e n d , however, t h a t in 1940 Mil'chakov was a p r i s o n e r in a c o n c e n t r a t i o n c a m p a t Noril'sk. 30. S"ezd I X , p p . 38-42 (Kosarev). 3 1 . Ibid., p p . 49-50. C o n c e r n i n g o t h e r deviations, sec l a t e r in this c h a p t e r . 32. Ibid., p. 38. 33. Ibid., p . 403 (Efim T s e i t l i n , a n H o n o r a r y K o m s o m o l i t e since 1922, was also specifically d e m o t e d ) . 34. S"ezd VIII, p p . 39-40, 73-74, 166-67, 2 4 9 _ 5 1 · For instance, o n e m e m b e r of t h e C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e (Kurnikov), w h i l e p l e a d i n g for m o r e "self-standingness" in K o m s o m o l work, said t h a t t h e Party m u s t p o i n t o u t y o u t h ' s mistakes p r o m p t l y . As a h o r r i b l e e x a m p l e of w h a t could h a p p e n w i t h o u t p r o p e r Party g u i d a n c e , h e cited a case in w h i c h , at a n e n t e r p r i s e in t h e Urals, t h e Party cell h a d secretly decided o n a policy to be p u t t h r o u g h at t h e next general m e e t i n g of the workers. T h e t r o u b l e was t h a t t h e P a r t y cell did not n o t i f y the Komsomolites b e f o r e t h e m e e t i n g , with t h e result t h a t at the m e e t i n g t h e Komsomolites a r g u e d f o r t h e w r o n g side of t h e q u e s t i o n l (ibid., p p . 250-51). 35. Ibid., p p . 15 a n d 39-40 ( B u k h a r i n ) , 7 3 - 7 4 (Chaplin), a n d , for o t h e r speakers, 1 0 8 - 1 1 , 1 3 1 , 166-67, 250-5 1 ; S"ezd I X , p p . 3 - 4 , 32, 49-50, 54, 81, 1 1 2 - 1 3 , 295, 4 0 7 - 1 1 . 36. S"ezd I X , p. 50. T h e a b s o l u t e figures for Komsomolites c o n c u r r e n t l y in t h e P a r t y were 183,000 a n d 237,000 for 1928 a n d 1931, respectively. Kosarev spoke i n a b s o l u t e t e r m s a n d d i d n o t give percentages, p e r h a p s because he wished to avoid c o m m e n t i n g on t h e decline. 37. S"ezd VIII, p . 547. 38. S"czd I X , p. 405. 39. S"ezd VIII, p p . 548-49, 554~55· O u t of the n i n e t y - o n e m e m b e r s of t h e n e w CC, seventy w e r e said t o b e workers by origin (including n i n e " f r o m t h e b e n c h " — t h a t is, p r e s u m a b l y , workers by occupation as distinct f r o m birth), w h i l e o n e was a f a r m l a b o r e r , five w e r e peasants, a n d fifteen were office workers by o r i g i n . Of t h e t w e n t y - n i n e c a n d i d a t e - m e m b e r s , n i n e t e e n were workers (including t h r e e " f r o m t h e b e n c h " ) , five w e r e f a r m laborers, o n e was a peasant, a n d f o u r w e r e office workers (ibid., p p . 548-49).

NOTES T O

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EMERGENCE

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339

40. Ibid., p. 42. 41. Ibid., pp. 75-76. T h e f u n d s named included Che f u n d for p a t r o n a g e of t h e Navy, the contribution to the CIY, the support to children's homes, especially t h a t of the GPU, a n d t h e organizing of the All-Union Subbotnik or u n p a i d workday. 42. S"ezd IX, pp. 401-2. T h e new Regulations were not given in f u l l in the stenographic report. 43. S"ezd VIII, p. 82. 44. Ibid., p. 599. 45. Ibid., p . 600. 46. See, for example, ibid., pp. 83-268, discussion of t h e reports of B u k h a r i n , Chaplin, and Mislavskii. For examples of generally "businesslike" discussion, see that on t h e CIY (ibid., pp. 302-43) and t h a t on the work with younger children (ibid., pp. 501-33). For examples of irreverent interruptions of C h a p l i n f r o m the floor, see ibid., p p . 271-80. 47. Ibid., pp. 222-25. 4 8 · Ibid., p p . 269-72 (quotation on p. 271). 49. By Khodorovskii, representing the Commissariat of Education (ibid., p p . 430-31). Egorov, the critic and a m e m b e r of t h e outgoing CC, was not elected to the new CC (ibid., p p . 554-55). 50. See especially ibid., pp. 225-31, 470-74, for Gastev's own speeches. For some other interesting examples of heckling, see ibid., p p . 172, 183-85, 274-75. 51. Ibid., p p . 541-45. 52. Ibid., pp. 541-42 (concerning the CIY). 53. Ibid., pp. 4-6 (for t h e Presidium and other bodies to r u n the Congress), 548-49, 555 (for the new Central Committee and Inspection Commission). T h e Presidium was again large (seventy persons) b u t the o t h e r managerial bodies of the Congress (Secretariat, Editorial Commission, a n d Credentials [Mandates] Commission) were of a size suited to actual operation (thirteen, twelve, and twelve, respectively). T h e new CC h a d ninety-one m e m b e r s a n d twenty-nine candidate-members, while the Inspection Commission h a d n i n e members. 54. See the discussion of the report of the CC, S"ezd I X , p p . 78-220, especially, for example, p p . 78-86, 89-90, 93, 1 1 0 - 1 2 , 135-38, 144-45, 147, 155-56, 161-63, 167. 171, 173-75, 185-86, 194-95. 55. Ibid., p p . 100-2. For examples of similar cases, see ibid., pp. 83-84 (oil in Transcaucasus), 90-92 (Kuznetsk Basin), 123-24 (gold, etc., in eastern Siberia). 56. Ibid., p. 208. 57. Ibid., p p . 238-81 (on the CIY), 303-46 (rural work), a n d 370-87 (work with children). 58. Ibid., p p . 401-5 (how to select "conflict commissions"). 59. Ibid., p p . 4-5, 406, a n d for the lists, pp. 439-40. 60. Ibid., p p . 407-8 (in his closing address). Here, as elsewhere, t h e italics (or their equivalent) are in the original unless otherwise stated. 61. Including nonvoting delegates, the proportion over twenty-three stood at 53 7 percent (S"e:d f i l l , p. 547). 62. S"ezd IX, p. 405. 63. S"ezd VIII, p. 547. 64. S"ezd IX, p. 405. In a description of the administrative staff of the Central Committee given at the N i n t h Congress, it was disclosed t h a t about two-thirds of the eighty people on t h e staff were twenty-five or older. T h e age distribution was given as follows: thirty to fifty years, 6.7 percent; twenty-five to thirty years, 59.5 percent; u n d e r twenty-five, 33.8 per cent. T h i s composition was criticized as being too old (ibid., p. 76). 65. For the various lists of Central Committees, see S"ezd I, pp. 90-91; S"ezd

34°

NOTES

TO

ν:

EMERGENCE

OF

STALIN

II, pp. 1 1 7 - 1 8 ; S"ezd III, pp. 235, 305; S"ezd IV, p. 364; S"ezd V, p. 328; S"ezd VI, pp. 368-69; S"ezd VII, p. 5 1 1 ; S"ezd VIII, pp. 554-55; S"ezd IX, pp. 439-40; S"ezd X, Vol. II, pp. 4 4 9 - 5 1 . (In references to S"ezd X, to avoid confusion, the abbreviations " V o l . " and " p . " will be used.) 66. S"ezd IX, p. 76. T h e turnover was 126 percent from the Eighth Congress (May, 1928) to J a n u a r y 1, 1930, and 80 percent from J a n u a r y 1, 1930 to J a n u a r y 1, 1 9 3 1 . Other data given indicate the social origin of the C C staff: As of the Eighth Congress, 17 percent workmen, 81.2 percent office workers, and 1.8 percent peasants; as of J a n u a r y 1, 1930, the workmen stood at 43.4 percent; and as of J a n u a r y 1, 1 9 3 1 , the workmen were 38 per cent, the office workers 9 percent, and the peasants 39 percent. As to Party status at the time of the Eighth Congress and the Ninth Congress, respectively, the situation was: Party members and candidates, 76.1 per cent and 76.5 percent; Komsomol members, 12.4 percent and 10 percent; non-Partv, 1 1 . 5 percent and 13 percent (mostly messengers, typists, and technicians). As to type of work: "responsible workers," 74.3 percent and 63.5 percent; "technical workers," 25.7 percent and 36.5 percent. T h e turnover was higher among the "responsible workers," it was reported, than among the technical personnel. In addition to the 80 workers on the paid staff as of J a n u a r y 1, 1 9 3 1 , there were reported to be between 300 and 350 persons in an unpaid aktiv, composed largely of students and office workers (ibid., pp. 74-77). 67. Ibid., p. 405. Attendance at three or more congresses was not given. 68. T h e Eighth and the Ninth congresses may be slightly iess reliable as such a criterion than any previous congresses because of the desire, mentioned earlier, to bring in more "workers from the bench." 69. S"ezd VIII, pp. 8 1 - 8 2 . T h e secretary of a volost committee of the Komsomol, he said, was paid, on the average, only 32 rubles (the pay period was not stated), while the corresponding Party official (i.e., volkom secretary) averaged 60 rubles. In a factory cell of the Komsomol, the secretary was paid, on the average, 47 rubles, while the secretary of the Party cell got 97 rubles. Mislavskii did not argue that the pay of the Komsomol officials should be brought up to that of the Party officials, but that it should be raised somewhat. T h e women's Party organizer in the volost was paid 45 rubles, he said, and h e argued that the volost secretary of the Komsomol was entitled to that much. 70. S"ezd VIII, pp. 7 2 - 7 3 (Chaplin). Another approach by the E i g h t h Congress to the problem of leadership was a resolution which, in order to improve the connections between higher and lower echelons, required all Komsomol officials (rukovodiashchie rabotniki or " g u i d i n g workers") to spend at least half of their time working in cells or other lower-echelon bodies and checking up on the fulfillment of instructions (ibid., p. 562). T h e writer has no evidence indicating to what extent this seemingly extreme demand was enforced, if at all. 7 1 . S"ezd IX, pp. 2 1 5 - 1 6 . 72. S"ezd VIII, pp. 546-47 (other figures of 1928: peasants, 1 1 percent; "others," 18 percent). 73. S"ezd IX, p. 405. At this time another figure of 75.5 percent was given as the proportion of " w o r k e r s " among the delegates to the previous (Eighth) Congress. T h e difference was not explained. Comparative figures on social origin given for the Eighth and N i n t h congresses at the Ninth Congress follow:

NOTES TO v :

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341

Korkers—75.5 percent (Eighth Congress), 82.2 percent ( N i n t h Congress); peasants — 1 2 . 5 percent (Eighth) and 3.3 percent (Ninth); collective f a r m e r s — n o n e (Eighth) and 8.3 percent (Ninth); office w o r k e r s — 1 2 percent (Eighth), 6 percent (Ninth). 74. S"ezd

fill,

p p . 546-47. T h e absolute n u m b e r s involved here are 656 for

the total, and 456, 132, 20, and 5, for the groups named. In regard to a similar concern to bring "workers f r o m the b e n c h " into the C C , see earlier in this chapter. 75. M i l i t a r y

personnel

were 6.6 percent, students in

technical

and

higher

e d u c a t i o n institutions were 1 percent, a n d village librarians, r u r a l teachers, and trade-union and cooperative workers were each represented in lesser

numbers

(.S"ezd IX, p. 405). 76. S"ezd

IX,

p p . 50, 146 (absolute numbers in 1931: w o r k i n g m e n ,

1,010,000;

f a r m laborers, 395,000). T h e s e percentages are n o t necessarily c o m p a r a b l e directly w i t h the 36 percent given for 1926, since t h e precise categories i n c l u d e d may not be the same. 77. S"ezd

VIII, p p . 83-84.

79. Ibid.,

p p . 84-86, 90-91, 180-83, 200-2, 447-48, 451-52, 546, a n d also the

78. Ibid.,

p p . 70 (Chaplin), 197 (Mil'chakov).

case of the supposedly neglected w o m a n delegate, Stepanova, pp. 231-34, 548; yezd

IX, pp. 54, 405.

80. T h e n u m b e r was 64 o u t of 656 (S"ezd Fill, 82. For some examples, see S"ezd 496-98; S"ezd

VIII,

p . 546).

81. S"ezd IX, p . 405.

p p . 3, 18-20, 24-26, 37, 71, 443-44,

IX, pp. 20-21, 41-42, 49, 54, 70, 81, 147-48, 210-11 (intensify the

struggle against religion), 217, 297-99, 356, 397, 407-8. 83. S"ezd

VIII, pp. 24-26.

84. Ibid.,

pp. 72 (Chaplin), 172, 197 (Mil'chakov), 451-52, also p. 561 (resolu-

tion). 85. S"ezd

IX,

p. 20; see also pp. 87-88 a n d 168 f o r echoes of this f r o m dele-

gates. E n t r a n c e into the "period of socialism" called for references to the goals, socialism and communism, but these were mentioned just as vaguely as before. For some examples, see S"ezd

VIII,

pp. 29-31 (Bukharin); S"ezd

IX,

pp. 53-54

(kosarev), 61 (Kosarev), 356 (Sever'ianova). T h e c o m m e n t of K a p l u n , m e n t i o n e d later in this chapter, cannot be considered a u t h o r i t a t i v e (S"ezd 86. For some examples, see S"ezd 537; S"ezd 87. S"ezd

VIII, pp. 478-79).

VIII, pp. 45-47, 73-74, 1 1 1 - 1 7 , 166-67, 249-51,

IX. pp. 51-52, 54, 2 1 5 - 1 7 , 364, 421-23. VIII,

pp. 2-3 (Chaplin),

1&-20 (Bukharin), 43 (Chaplin), 347, 535

(Stalin), 561, 567. 88. Ibid.,

p. 43. As an e x a m p l e of w h a t could be achieved by shock groups,

C h a p l i n cited an " A l l - U n i o n C o m m u n i s t Subbotnik,"

or extra u n p a i d w o r k d a y ,

a r r a n g e d by the Komsomol in 1927 on the eve of the tenth anniversary of the O c t o b e r R e v o l u t i o n . T h e special purpose of that event had been to h e l p the homeless waifs, and it had embraced hundreds of thousands of volunteers, he reported. Such activities must be tied to some concrete task in a factory, school, o r c l u b , he insisted (ibid.;

see also pp. 575-76). In the K o m s o m o l history of

1951. the first " y o u n g people's shock b r i g a d e " is said to have been f o r m e d in September,

1926, at the R e d T r i a n g l e factory in Leningrad

("VLKSM,"

[2d ed.], I X , 336). 89. S"ezd 91. Ibid.,

VIII,

pp. 44-45.

90. Ibid.,

pp. 46-47; sec also pp. 561-62.

pp. 360-62, 369, 568-69. 575-76.

BSE

342 9». Ibid.,

NOTES T O

v:

EMERGENCE

pp. 416, 536-37; see also p. 576.

OF

93. Ibid.,

STALIN pp. 438-39, 575~7 6 ·

94· H>id., p p . 34-35. 95. Ibid., pp. 59-60, 164-66, 244, 375-82, 397-400, 422-25 (representative of the Commissariat of Labor), 440-41, 480. T h e resolution ultimately approved by t h e delegates was long b u t vague on the disputed points (ibid., p p . 567-76). 96. O n this subject, see ibid., pp. 51-60, 145-48, 225-31, 255-58, 276-78, 344441, 459~ 8 4. 5 6 " - / 6 (resolution). 97. Ibid., p p . 53-58, 145-48. 255-58. «75-/8, 367. 370-71. 384-85. S94-9 6 . 4'7> 426-28, 465-67, 477-79, 481-82. Gastev defended himself in a mild a n d matter-offact way, m a i n t a i n i n g in general that the charges against h i m were grossly exaggerated (ibid., p p . 225-31, 470-74). Ginzburg, of t h e All-Union Central Council of T r a d e Unions, d e f e n d e d Gastev in part on the issues of wages a n d j o b quotas (ibid., p p . 474-77). For other partial defenses of Gastev, see ibid., pp. 367, 405. 98. H e a n d t h e S u p r e m e Economic Council (VSNKh) were accused of some of t h e same things t h a t were said of Gastev (S"ezd VIII, pp. 370-72, 386-88, 394-96, 407-9 [I.unacharskii], 422, 459-61). For Rukhimovich's statements, see ibid., p p . 344-69, 482-84. 99. 5"ezd VIII, p. 428 (Kaplun). 100. Of "youths" working in tsenzovaia industry (i.e., enterprises employing sixteen or m o r e workers with motor power, or thirty or more without m o t o r power), on J a n u a r y ι, 1926, 45.7 percent were in the Komsomol. O n J a n u a r y 1, 1927, t h e p r o p o r t i o n h a d declined to 44.2 percent. As of the time of the Eighth Congress, t h e p r o p o r t i o n was still under half b u t was not given precisely (S"ezd VIII, p. 49). A n o t h e r speaker stated that in 1928 the proportion of Komsomolites a m o n g youths working in heavy industry was lower than in 1926 (ibid., p p . 104-6). Still another speaker gave the proportions of Komsomolites among highly skilled working youths as 27 percent, among semiskilled youths as 46 percent, a n d a m o n g unskilled youths as 26 percent (ibid., p. 163). (Definition of tsenzovaia f r o m Slovar'-spravochnik po sotsial'no-ekonomicheskoi statistike.) 101. S"ezd VIII, p. 5 1 . 102. S"ezd IX, p. 35 (quoting from Stalin's concluding remarks at the Sixteenth Party Congress). For o t h e r references see ibid., pp. 6, 26-31 (Bezymenskii's poem celebrating t h e new stage), 38-39, 53-54, 6i, 2 1 5 - 1 6 , 355, 413. 103. Ibid., p. 61. 104. Ibid., pp. 53-54. 105. Ibid., p p . 47, 413. (Kosarev said the Sixth Ail-Union Conference of the Komsomol [apparently in or shortly before December, 1929] had especially marked the shift to t h e new outlook [ibid., p. 47].) 106. Ibid., p p . 38-39. 107. Ibid., pp. 9-12, 42-44. 108. Ibid., p. 13. 10g. Ibid., p. 217. 110. Ibid., p. 48. 111. For some samples, see ibid., pp. 3, 15-17, 34, 47, 51-52, 87, 297-98. T h e terra "shock b r i g a d e " h a d been used in one of t h e resolutions of the Congress of 1928, b u t it was not given prominence at that time. T h e same resolution also mentioned some other types of groups for shock work (S"ezd VIII, pp. 561-62). 112. S"ezd I X , p p . 1 5 - 1 7 . 1 1 3 . Ibid., p. 2 1 1 . 114. Ibid., p. 215. Kosarev demanded it of all Komsomolites in trade unions (ibid., p. 48).

NOTES

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v:

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STALIN

343

115. Ibid., pp. 401-2. Also in an appeal issued on the occasion of the seventh anniversary of Lenin's death (Januar)' 21, 1924). which anniversary fell during the Congress, the delegates called upon all factory Komsoraolites to be shock workers, and all rural Komsomolites to be collective farmers (ibid., pp. 218-20). 116. Ibid., p. 48. 117. S"ezd VIII, p. 576. 118. S"ezd IX, pp. 47-48. (Some explanations obtained orally from Τ . N . Sosnovy.) According to Panteleev, socialist competition as such was endorsed by the C C of the League in K P , March 7, 1929. T h e n on A p r i l 23-29, 1929, the Sixteenth Conference of the Party approved the "initiative" of the Komsomol in this regard and called upon all workers to engage in socialist competition and shock work (Panteleev, " V L K S M , " MSE [2d ed.], Vol. II, col. 552). T h e Central Committee of the League was reported to have sent out thirty special " C C brigades" involving ninety people to perform especially important shock work in the industrial sphere—Dneprostroi, T u r k s i b railroad, etc. (S"ezd IX, p. 73). For additional references to socialist competition, see S"ezd IX, pp. 51-52, 357-58, 411-14. 119. S"ezd IX, p. 355. 120. Recalled for the delegates by Kaganovich (ibid., p. 8). For some other samples of demands for higher production, see ibid., pp. 212. 402-3, 407. Serving the same purpose were the "greetings" presented to the CongTess from many shops and factories, and usually calling for more o u t p u t (see ibid., pp. 111, 114-17. i3 2 -34. ' 5 ° - 5 ' . 2 42-43. 3°®-7)· 121. Ibid., p. 49. Panteleev accounts for part of these: to the Donbas mines went 44,000 Komsomolites; to lumbering, 20,000: to the Urals and the Kuznetsk Basin, 66,000 (Panteleev, " V L K S M , " MSE [2d ed.], Vol. II, col. 552). Panteleev gives a total of only 150,000 but does not define the period clearly enough to indicate whether it covers as much as the report at the N i n t h Congress. For a corroboration of the total of 350,000, and a list of enterprises involved, see " V L K S M , " BSE (2d ed.), IX, 338. Many of the jobs were of course in the Urals or further east. Of all the Komsomolites in the Far Eastern Krai, 35 percent had been mobilized (S"ezd IX, pp. 144-45). Kosarev also spoke of the need to settle the Angara River basin in Siberia, in connection with hydroelectric development, and said it was the responsibility of youth to move there and to assist in this new region (ibid., p. 56). 122. S"ezd IX, pp. 111-12, and, for another complaint, pp. 186-87. Another delegate complained that among the Komsomolites sent from the northern Caucasus to work on the island of Sakhalin in the Far East there had been found "unhealthy . . . declassed elements" (ibid., pp. 144-55). 123. Ibid., pp. 13-14, 59-60, 173-75. T h e League was given credit for having helped to oust Tomsky and the "old opportunistic leadership" from the AllUnion Central Council of T r a d e Unions (ibid., pp. 131-32; see also p p . 151, 185-86). On the other hand, the Komsomol was said to be not active enough in its work in the trade unions. Statistics were cited on the membership of elected factory committees, showing that in Leningrad only 5.2 percent, in the Urals only 9.6 percent, and in the Ukraine only 9.8 percent, of those elected were Komsomolites. And in all three cases there had recently been a drop, amounting in the Ukraine to three percentage points (ibid., pp. 131-32). 124. For some sample statements, see S"ezd IX, pp. 17 and 19 (Kaganovich),

344

NOTES

TO v :

EMERGENCE

OF

STALIN

46, 5 1 - 5 2 (Kosarev), 124-26, 179-81, 381-83. Stalin had said something similar at the Eighth Congress (S"ezd VIII, pp. 538-39). 125. S"ezd IX, p. 46. 126. Ibid., p. 51. Also 0.5 percent of the students were Party members. Later during the Congress the enrollment in the Factory Training Schools was given as 163,300 in 1929 and 589,400 in 1930, with plans for expansion to 1,204,100 in 1931 (ibid., p. 351). 127. Ibid., p. 22. 128. Ibid., pp. 57-58. 129. It was underlined in several speeches. See S"ezd VIII, pp. 2-3 (Chaplin); 1 8 - 2 1 , 3 1 - 3 3 (Bukharin); 42, 65-70, 73, 280 (Chaplin); 538-39 (Stalin). It was announced that the session of the Congress which would have dealt with the work in the rural areas would not be held owing to the illness of Kudriavtsev, the reporter. Instead, a smaller group of 168 persons was appointed to discuss the topic (ibid., p. 534). This group produced a lengthy resolution which was subsequently approved by the delegates (ibid., pp. 576-85; see also pp. 544, 562-63). 130. Ibid., p. 31. 131. Bukharin argued that once the more "proletarian" elements were or ganized in collective farms, thereby depriving the kulaks of hired labor, the superiority of the collective system would be shown. He said it would be extremely easy to destroy by force the various religious and other organizations through which the kulaks were operating. But that easy way, he said, would not be most effective from the standpoint of winning over those "toilers" who were presently also members of those organizations; hence economic means, though slower, must be employed (S"ezd VIII, pp. 31-33). 132. S"ezd VIII, p. 66. 133. Ibid., p. 252. 134. Ibid., p. 67. 135. For some examples, see ibid., pp. 21, 66-68, 183-84, 192-96, 274, 536. 578, 581-84. T h e League's formal admission policy in the rural areas continued about the same: to bring in all farm-laborer youth, large numbers of poorpeasant youth, and the "best" middle-peasant youth, defined as those who had "proved their loyalty to the interests of the Party and the League" (ibid., p. 584 [resolution]). 136. Ibid., pp. 3 1 - 3 3 , 70, 583. 137. Ibid., p. 581. For a similar, more general, demand at the next Congress, see S"ezd IX, pp. 2 1 0 - 1 1 (Kosarev). 138. S"ezd VIII, pp. 544, 578. 139. Ibid., pp. 578-79. 140. See, for example, S"ezd IX, pp. 7, 18, 21, 40, 50-51, 177-79. 218-20, 286346, 421-26. 141. These are the figures given by Saltanov (ibid., p. 295). Kosarev earlier in the Congress referred to 30,000 at the time of the Eighth Congress and 600,000 as of the Ninth (ibid., p. 50). Panteleev gives a figure of 839,000 for January 1, 1931, but cites no source (Panteleev, " V L K S M , " MSE [2d ed.], Vol. II, col. 552). Saltanov observed that with the increase in Komsomolites in kolkhozes, workers in the "socialist sector" (i.e., workingmen, farm laborers, and collective farmers) had become a majority in the League, rising from 46 pcrcent in 1928 to 58 percent as of June 1, 1930 (S"ezd IX, p. 295; see also ibid., p. 421). 142. Saltanov said that as of June 1, 1928, 1.8 percent of peasant households

NOTES T O v :

EMERGENCE

OF

STALIN

345

had been collectivized; by January i, 1931, 25.7 percent had, and in the key grain-producing areas (Ukraine, northern Caucasus, Lower and Middle Volga, and Transvolga), 52.2 percent had (S"ezd IX, pp. 287, 292). 143. S"ezd IX, pp. 295-96. A delegate from the Central Black Soil Oblast said that in his area over 70 percent of those Komsomolites who worked in agriculture were already in kolkhozes (ibid., pp. 177-78). In a later account (1951), it is said that in June, 1929, 93 percent of the rural Komsomolites were already in kolkhozes ("VLKSM," BSE [2d ed.], IX, 338). T h i s seems doubtful. 144. S"ezd IX, pp. 301-2. In the Moscow Oblast, there were 4,000 kolkhozes and 1,300 Komsomol cells among them (ibid., pp. 181-83). Panteleev, with his larger figure of 859,000 Komsomolites in kolkhozes, says they formed 41,075 cells (Panteleev, " V L K S M , " MSE [2d ed.], Vol. II, col. 552). 145. T h e size of that segment at the time of the Congress of 1928 was variously referred to as 4 percent of the rural membership of the League (S"ezd VIII, p. 252), and as 3.5 percent of the whole membership of the League (ibid., p. 40). Both of these percentages cannot have been correct simultaneously. It should be recalled, however, that "kulak" is an exceptionally elusive term. 146. S"ezd IX, p. 51 (Kosarev). 147. Ibid., p. 21 (Kaganovich). 148. Ibid., p. 297 (Saltanov). 149. Ibid., p. 422 ("substantially completed"—ν osnovnom zakoncheno). 150. Ibid. Saltanov suggested one test of what "maliciously" might mean when he advocated that any Komsomolite who failed to join a kolkhoz when his parents joined should be expelled (ibid., pp. 298-99). Komsomolites were also to persuade their parents to join kolkhozes (ibid., pp. 50, 218-20). 151. Ibid., pp. 300-1, 344-46, 425. 152. Ibid., pp. 401-2. Also exempted were rural teachers and engineers and technicians who were directly engaged in production and who came from a proletarian or semiproletarian background. 153. Ibid., pp. 300-1, 425. 154. For example, see ibid., pp. 73 (shock brigades already sent out by the CC), 300-3, 310-12, 333-34, 359-60, 396, 425-26 (500 urban Komsomolites to be mobilized for rural propaganda). 155. Ibid., p. 396 (also apparently pp. 310-12). 156. Ibid., p. 291. 157. Kosarev referred to the League as the "patron of electrification," and as introducing "the lamp of Il'ich" (Lenin) into the rural home (ibid., p. 56). 158. Ibid., pp. 300, 340-41. As of the spring of 1930, only 2 or 3 percent of the personnel of the administering bodies of kolkhozes were Komosomolites, it was reported (ibid., pp. 340-41). In fifty-seven raions of the Ukraine, at the time of the Congress, the corresponding proportion was given as 5.7 percent (ibid., p. 300). 159. Ibid., pp. 181-83, 212-13, 288-92, 336-38. 160. T h e need was illustrated by the statement, at the Eighth Congress, that among students admitted to Factory Training Schools in 1926-27, only 9.7 percent had finished the desired minimum of seven years of preliminary schooling. Eleven percent had finished six, 35.2 percent had finished five, 36.4 percent had finished four, and 7.7 percent had less than four years of schooling (S"ezd VIII, pp. 373-74)· 161. S"ezd ΓΙ1Ι, p. 539, also pp. 535, 538-40 (all in Stalin's specch).

346

NOTES

TO

v:

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OK

STALIN

162. Of those between the ages of sixteen and thirty-five, it was reported that as of 1926-27 there were still eleven million who did not know how to read. T h a t was compared with an estimated seventeen million illiterates in the same age group in 1920 (S"ezd VIII, pp. 364-65). In the age group f r o m eight to eleven, Krupskaia estimated that half of the children were still illiterate (1 bid., p. 493). 163. S"ezd VIII, p. 442. T h e Russian name of the Society was Obshchestvo " D o l o i n e g r a m o t n o s t ' " or O D N . T h i s meeting, which is reported in ibid., pp. 442-58 (with Kalinin, Lunacharskii, and others), was apparently 111 accordance with a decision of the Fifteenth Party Congress (ibid., p. 449). T h e campaign against illiteracy was called here the "cultural revolution." 164. Ibid., pp. 458, 592. Kosarev urged that the former task be accomplished within the next two years (ibid., p. 219). T h e resolution on these matters provided also, among other things, for a campaign to draw Komsomolites into primary-school teaching (ibid., p. 592). 165. S"eid IX, pp. 404-5. 166. Krupskaia also deplored individual competition among school children— the rewarding of some and the punishing of others. A collective spirit must be inculcated, she thought (S"ezd VIII, pp. 494-95). T h e main ideas expressed by Krupskaia and the others were set forth in one of the resolutions approved by the Congress (ibid., pp. 5 8 5 - 9 1 , especially pp. 586, 588-89). 20 167. S"ezd VIII, pp. 60-63, 5 ~ 8 , 2 1 7 - 1 8 , 278-80, 388-94, 423-30. Lunacharskii defended himself (ibid., pp. 4 0 4 - 1 1 ) , with assistance from a colleague (ibid., p p . 4 3 1 - 3 6 ) . For Lunacharskii's formal report, see ibid., pp. 1 2 0 - 3 1 . An interesting item of incidental intelligence was that two groups of students had been admitted to the First Moscow University in that academic year—one group of 1,100, of which 70 percent were Party members or Komsomolites, and one g r o u p of 320, of which 21 percent were Party members or Komsomolites (ibid., pp. 207-8). 168. S"ezd IX, pp. 385-86. 169. Ibid., pp. 404-5. 170. S"ezd VIII, p p . 524, 586. T h e former citation gives the loss as 178,000. B u t neither citation indicates clearly to what period the loss refers. Apparently it does not refer to the whole period between the congresses of 192G and 1928, f o r the total in 1926 was given as 1,586,000, and a report made public at the Congress of 1931 gives a figure for J a n u a r y 1, 1928, of 1,682,000, and for J a n u a r y 1, 1929, of 1,792,000 (S"ezd IX, p. 362). T h u s it seems unlikely that in May of 1928 (the time of the Eighth Congress) the enrollment would have d r o p p e d below the figure f o r 1926. Panteleev ( " V L K S M , " MSE [2d ed.], Vol. II, col. 550) gives a figure of 1,681,566 f o r the Pioneers in 1928, but does not say w h a t month he is talking about. It looks like the J a n u a r y figure. 1 7 1 . S"ezd VIII, p . 586. 172. Ibid., p. 64. 1 7 3 . Ibid., pp. 64, 502-3, 5 1 9 - 2 2 , 532 (last three references contain discussion on whether or not Pioneer leaders should receive pay), 587. T h e number of Pioneer detachments then in existence was given as 47,693 (ibid., p. 519). 174. Ibid., p. 40. 175. Ibid., pp. 496-97. Other problems and weaknesses of the Komsomol's work with the Pioneers were brought out in discussion (ibid., pp. 500-33) and a resolution (ibid., p p . 585-91).

NOTES

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v:

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STALIN

547

176. Ibid., pp. 585. 589-90. 177. Sever'ianova in her report gives these figures on the growth of the Pioneers: January 1. 1928—24,500 detachments with 1,682.000 members; January 1, 1929—47,180 detachments with 1,792,000 members; January 1, 1930— 63.900 detachments with 2,476,000 members; July 1, 1930—82,700 detachments with 3,223,000 members. She said that at present (January, 1931) they had f o u r million including the Octobrists. From other data given by her, it is possible to see that she was calculating about 85,300 as the number of Pioneer detachments as of January, 1931. If their size had remained the same as it had been in July of 1930 (average 38.9 persons per detachment), then the number of Pioneers in January of 1931 would have been about 3,318,170 (S"eid IX, p. 362). T h e figure of four million was commonly used at the Congress, without the explanation that it also included the Octobrists (ibid., pp. 20, 25, 354, 426). T h e sexes were evenly represented, boys constituting 50.3 percent of the total. Just under half (48.9 percent) of the Pioneers lived in towns or cities, as opposed to rural settlements. In the cities, the detachments attached to factories were somewhat more numerous (14.475, or 17 percent) than those attached to schools (12,820, or 15 percent). In the countryside, the cells in kolkhozes and sovkhozes were far fewer (7,279) than those with other rural affiliations (29,000). But apparently the kolkhoz detachments tended to be much larger than the others, for it was reported that 22.1 percent of the Pioneers had parents in kolkhozes, while 26.8 percent had parents still farming independently. As for the parents of the rest, 32.4 percent were workers, 0.8 percent were farm laborers, 12.6 percent were office workers, and 5.3 percent were "others" (S"eid IX, p. 362). T h e age distribution was quite wide: under ten years—5.6 percent; ten and eleven—27.8 percent; twelve and thirteen—37.3 percent; fourteen, fifteen, and sixteen—24 percent; over sixteen—5.3 percent. T h e last group, which would be expected to be in the Komsomol, cannot be accounted for entirely on the basis of overlapping membership, since the "Komsomol core" was said to be only 3.4 percent of the total (having dropped from 8 percent at the time of the Eighth Congress). About one-third (33.7 percent) of the Pioneers had enrolled within the previous year (1930), and another 30.1 percent in 1929, while 25.3 percent had entered in 1927-28, and 10.9 percent had entered in 1926 or earlier (ibid.). 178. S"ezd IX, pp. 357-60; also p. 25. Sever'ianova maintained (as Krupskaia had done in 1928) that the Pioneers had rejected "Scout methods of individual competition" in favor of collective competition (ibid., p. 360). 179. Ibid., pp. 356, 361-62, 365-68. 180. Ibid., p. 427. 181. Ibid., p. 429. 182. Ibid., p. 427. Sever'ianova had reiterated that there were no other recognized children's organizations as opposed to the Pioneers (ibid., p. 354), and called for a membership of ten million in the near future (ibid., p. 362). T h e survival of some Boy Scout troops had been noted at the Congress of 1928 (S"ezd VIII, p. 500), but references to the Scouts at the Congress of 1931 did not indicate whether they still were functioning (S"ezd IX, pp. 352-53, 360). 183. S"ezd IX, p. 364. Members and candidate-members of the Party comprised 6.4 percent of the Pioneer leaders; members of the Komsomol, 88.4 percent; and candidate-members of the Komsomol, 2.3 percent. As to social origin, the Pioneer leaders were distributed as follows: workers and farm laborers—38 percent; peasants—49 percent; office workers—10 percent; others—12 percent.

348

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184. Ibid., p. 364. T h e distribution with rcspcct to the lime of entering the Komsomol was as follows: 1925 and before—9.2 percent; 1 9 2 6 - 2 7 — 1 5 . 5 percent; 1928—20.4 percent; 1929—32.2 percent; 1930—22.6 percent. T h i s is the distribution on age: sixteen and under—22.9 percent; seventeen and eighteen—31 percent; nineteen and twenty—26.3 percent; twenty-one and twenty-two—12.8 percent; twenty-three and over—7 percent. 185. Ibid., p. 364. 186. Ibid., p. 355. 187. Ibid., p. 428. 188. Obtained by calculating the number of Pioneers as of J a n u a r y 1, 1931 (see note 177), and then subtracting that from 4,000,000. which was the total f o r Pioneers and Octobrists together (S"ezd IX, p. 362). Panteleev ( " V L K S M , " MSE [2d ed.]. Vol. II, col. 550) gives a figure of 264,114 Octobrists as of 1928. 189. T h e former editors were accused of having tried to put out " a n organ parallel to the all-Party central newspapers," forgetting their special obligation to serve youth (S"czd IX, p. 167). For some criticism of Komsomol'skaia pravda at the preceding Congress, see S"ezd VIII, pp. 156-58, 192, 263-65, 444-46. 190. S"ezd IX, pp. 3 4 1 - 4 3 (no further topical distribution is given). 1 9 1 . S"eid f i l l , pp. 2 1 7 - 1 8 , 2 2 1 , 453-55, 467-69; S"ezd IX, pp. 164-65, 341— 43, 3 5 1 - 5 2 (some examples only). 192. S"ezd VIII, p. 221 (Kirshon reporting). Author-Komsomolites were to depict examples of the " n e w m a n " of socialism (ibid., pp. 467-69). 193. At the Congress of 1928 it was reported that d u r i n g the preceding two years the number of Komsomolites serving in soviets had risen to about 6,000 in the city and town soviets and to about 69.000 in the rural, or village, soviets (S"ezd VIII, p. 42). No directly comparable figures were given at the Congress of 1 9 3 1 , but it was disclosed that the proportion of those serving in local soviets who were members or candidate-members of the Komsomol had grown from 5.2 percent in 1927 to 6 4 perccnt in 1929 (S"ezd IX, p. 46). Such an increase, however, could be accounted for simply on the basis of the increased size of the Komsomol and does not suggest thai there was any marked change in the pressure being exerted for such participation. At the Congress of 1931 Kaganovich demanded that the membeis of the League help to elect Party and Komsomol members to local soviets in the approaching elections (ibid.. p. 20). Another item: In the Moscow Oblast as of J a n u a r y , 1 9 3 1 , a m o n g 6,000 village soviets there were only 1 , 3 1 3 Komsomol cells (ibid., pp. 1 8 1 - 8 3 ) . 194. S"ezd IX, pp. 153-54· T h e Society's name in Russian was Obshchcstvo proletarskogo uirizma i ekskursii, or O P T K . 195. S"ezd VIII, pp. 7 1 - 7 2 (quoting from Stalin's concluding remarks on the nationality question at the T w e l f t h Party Congress). 196. Ibid., pp. 592-97; see also pp. 544-46. 197. Ibid., p. 597. At the same time the Eighth Congress heard the usual strictures against Great Russian chauvinism, with special warnings against antiSemitism (ibid., pp. 22-24, 88-90, 4 5 1 - 5 2 ) . T h e proportion of Russians among the delegates to the Eighth Congress was said to be lower than that at the Seventh, but no figures were given (ibid., p. 547). 198. Ibid., p. 595. 199. S"ezd IX, pp. 63-68. T h e slogan current in 1 9 3 1 , and used by Dzhavakhidze, was that of creating, in the U S S R , a culture that was "national in form, proletarian in content"—that is, which permitted cultural and other concessions

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349

STALIN

to minorities in o r d e r to e n s u r e t i g h t e r control by the " p r o l e t a r i a t , " as represented by the Party. F o r r e p o r t s of some delegates on the w o r k w i t h minorities in their regions, see ibid.,

national

p p . 9 9 - 1 0 0 , 1 1 9 - 2 0 (Komsomolites

among

C h u v a s h youth had risen f r o m 10,000 to 20,000 between the E i g h t h a n d

Ninth

congresses), 1 3 5 - 3 6 , 1 3 8 - 3 9 , 1 4 4 - 4 5 , 1 5 5 ~ 5 7 . 1 6 1 - 6 4 . ' 9 4 - 9 5 200. Ibid.,

p p . 69-70.

203. Ibid.,

p p . 4 1 4 - 1 7 ( f o r passage of resolution, see p p . 397-98).

204. Ibid., Population

2 0 1 . Ibid.,

p . 405. T h e of the Soviet

figures Union,

p. 201.

202. Ibid.,

p p . 206-7.

f o r the general p o p u l a t i o n a r e f r o m

Lorimer,

p. 5 1 . T h e y are f o r 1926, b u t by 1 9 3 1 w o u l d not

h a v e changed e n o u g h t o i n v a l i d a t e the p o i n t m a d e here. 205. S"ezd

VIII,

206. Ibid.,

p p . 1 1 , 5 5 9 - 6 0 . F o r o t h e r comments at the Congress of

p p . 8-9.

specting the L e a g u e ' s m i l i t a r y w o r k , see ibid.,

1928 re-

p p . 7 - 8 , 17, 42, 45, 93, 96-98,

176—77, 2 3 5 - 3 6 , 258-60, 2 7 3 , 5 3 5 . In the R e d A r m y (to w h i c h the boys b o r n in 1905 had just been called), o n e p r o b l e m to be solved was reportedly

that of

w i d e s p r e a d friction b e t w e e n w o r k e r a n d peasant elements, based on the f a c t that, f o r the workers, a r m y l i v i n g conditions w e r e worse than those of

civilian

l i f e , w h i l e f o r the peasants the c o n d i t i o n s were m u c h better than those they h a d k n o w n in the village (ibid., 207. S"ezd

IX,

p . 260).

p. 23 (Soviet vessels d e f e a t C h i n e s e o n S u n g a r i R i v e r ) .

208. Ibid.,

pp. 25-26.

209. Ibid.,

pp. 1 3 - 1 4 . 2 3 - 2 6 , 5 8 - 5 9 , 7 7 - 7 8 , 1 0 3 - 8 , 1 2 1 - 2 2 . 1 4 2 - 4 4 , 149-53· 164-65,

184-85, 189-91, 209-10, 387-94, 400-2. 2 1 0 . S"ezd

VIII,

p. 42.

2 1 2 . S"ezd

VIII,

p. 7. E i g h t e e n percent were said to b e m e m b e r s or candidate-

2 1 1 . S"ezd

IX,

p. 108.

m e m b e r s of the P a r t y . W h e t h e r or not this o v e r l a p p e d the K o m s o m o l

figure

was

not slated. C h a p l i n observed that a m o n g the youths e n t e r i n g n a v a l academies in

1927

there had been too few w o r k e r s a n d peasants (48.3 percent a n d 10.7 perccnt) a n d too m a n y " o t h e r s ' ' (41 percent). H e called 011 the L e a g u e to corrcct this 2 1 3 . S"ezd

IX,

p. 23 ( " c o m m a n d p e r s o n n e l " — h o m a n d n y i

(ibid.).

soslai').

2 1 4 . Only 100,000 r u b l e s h a d been collected so f a r , a l t h o u g h the keel h a d been laid February

23, 1930. S p e c i a l

Komsomol

shock

brigades

were said

to

have

p u s h e d the construction. A l l K o m s o m o l i t e s were urged to intensify the d r i v e f o r f u n d s f o r the s u b m a r i n e , so as to c o m p l e t e the collection by F e b r u a r y 5, (the b i r t h d a y of V o r o s h i l o v ) . It was suggested that the L e a g u e ' s n e x t

1931

special

n a v a l project be a d i v i s i o n of t o r p e d o boats f o r the B l a c k Sea Fleet (S"ezd

IX,

P P · 2 3 · 7 7 - 7 8 · M2-44). 2 1 5 . S"ezd IX, p. 106. F o r r e m a r k s by other speakers b r i n g i n g out the needs of the A i r Forces, see ibid.,

p p . 1 4 9 - 5 0 , 264, 387-94, 400-2.

2 1 6 . T h i s c o m p a r e d with 37 p e r c e n t in 1925 (ibid., session occupies ibid.,

p p . 388-89). T h e c e r e m o n i a l

pp. 387-94.

2 1 7 . Ibid.,

p p . 388-89, also p p . 4 0 0 - 1 .

2 1 8 . Ibid.,

p p . 4 0 1 - 2 . K o m s o m o l i t e s were r e m i n d e d of their o b l i g a t i o n to l e a r n

how to h a n d l e basic w e a p o n s ( i n c l u d i n g the rifle and the m a c h i n e g u n ) a n d to know

some m i l i t a r y

speciality

(ibid.,

pp. 58-59, 209-10).

Kosarev,

bringing

a

special w e a p o n into p l a y , said that f e m a l e K o m s o m o l i t e s " m u s t ignore, not get a c q u a i n t e d w i t h , and h a v e n o t h i n g in c o m m o n with, those K o m s o m o l activitists

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who cannot shoot and who are not undergoing military training." When some laughter greeted this remark, Kosarev said: " T h i s is a very· serious question, comrades." He reminded his listeners that "we are the future army in the future conflict with capitalism" (ibid., pp. 209-10). Kosarev referred briefly here to the need for physical education, along with training in marksmanship, etc. Physical education was not a matter of much concern at either the Eighth or the Ninth Congress, but there were a few references to it. T h e y add nothing significant to the picture previously given (S"ezd VIII, pp. 544, 597-98; S"ezd IX, pp. 148-49). 219. S"ezd IX, pp. 1 2 1 - 2 2 , 189-91. T h e translation of Osoaviakhim is adapted from that given in Smirnitskii, Russko-angliiskii slovar', p. 482. 220. S"ezd VIII, pp. 2 8 1 - 9 9 (report by Shatskin), 300-43 (discussion), 564-67 (resolution). 221. Ibid., pp. 2 8 1 - 8 5 . 222. In March, 1925, it stood at 94,000; in June, 1927, at 117,000; while at the end of 1927 it had dropped to 93,000 (ibid., p. 285). 223. Ibid., pp. 285-94; also p. 565 (resolution). 224. It was explained that while the Komsomol in the USSR was fighting to make production more efficient, the YCL's in capitalistic countries must continue to do just the opposite (S"ezd VIII, p. 13 [Barbe, representing the Executive Committee of the CIV]). Strikes must be cncouragcd (ibid., pp. 282-83, 564). Special attention must be given to China and other colonial and semicolonial countiies (ibid., pp. 294-97, SSo-S 2 . 566). Bourgeois athletic and other youth groups must be infiltrated and propagandized (ibid., pp. 320-23, 564). 225. S"ezd VIII, p. 284. Countries mentioned here as having armies which must be especially infiltrated were France, England, Germany, and the United States. 226. Ibid., pp. 3 3 4 - 3 5 ("disturbances"—volneniia). 227. Ibid., pp. 307, 342, 567; see also pp. 7 5 - 7 6 . 228. Ibid., pp. 4 0 - 4 1 , 297-99, 3 0 2 _ 4 · 3 0 8 - 1 2 , 3 1 6 - 1 8 , 325-29, 566-67. One delegate suggested that in each Komsomol cell every member could be designated an "ambassador" to a different country, and asked to report periodically on it (ibid., pp. 326-29). 229. Ibid., pp. 3 0 9 - 1 2 , 566. 230. Ibid., pp. 4 0 - 4 1 , 307, 326-29. 231. Ibid., p. 329. Another delegate cited the case of one of his Komsomolites from Orel who had been invited to attend a world congress of Esperantists— only to be refused a visa for the trip. If Esperanto was to be discouraged, said this delegate, the policy should be quickly decided and arguments should be formulated in order that the reasons could be explained to Komsomolites (ibid., ΡΡ· 332-34)· 232. Ibid., pp. 342-43, 5 4 1 - 4 2 , 567; sec also pp. 297-^9. 233. S"ezd IX, pp. 2 2 1 - 2 2 . From the time of the Fifth CIY Congress to November, 192g, the following drops were recorded: in Czechoslovakia, from 12,290 to 3,100; in England, from 1,400 to 200; in France, from 14,500 to 7,347; in Norway, from 3,000 to 2,200; in Austria, from 1,300 to 617. 234. Ibid., pp. 2 2 2 - 2 3 . 235. T h e total membership of the C.IY, excluding the USSR and the "Soviet regions of China," was given here as 89,750 in November, 1929, and 115,030 in

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351

January, 1931 (ibid., pp. 224-26). Other figures were given later by Marchik, of the Executive Committee of the CIY. His figures were said to cover the CIY outside of the USSR, T a n n u T u v a , Mongolia, and the "Soviet regions of China." T h e y were: as of the Fifth Congress of the CIY—103,248; November, 1929— 72,254; December, 1930—93,752 (ibid., p. 251). 236. Ibid., pp. 226-37. T h e discussion of Khitarov's report covered many aspects of the work of the CIY (ibid., pp. 238-83). For references to some of these aspects elsewhere in the proceedings, see ibid., pp. 1 3 - 1 4 , 24-25, 44-45, 1 1 3 - 1 4 , 374, 404, 418-20 (resolution). 237. Ibid., pp. 22-23. For other expressions of the same thought, see ibid., pp. 21, 26, 368, 403. (See also S"ezd VIII, pp. 1 1 , 14.) T h e military side of this task was made a bit more specific through a demand of the Fifth CIY Congress to the effect that each Y C L member in a capitalistic country must make friends with one soldier in his country's army (S"ezd IX, p. 238).

C H A P T E R VI: A D J U S T M E N T S D U R I N G T H E C O N S O L I D A T I O N OF S T A L I N I S T SOCIALISM 1. T h e interval was simply acknowledged (S"ezd X, Vol. I, p. 3). In the new Regulations of the League, the required interval between congresses was changed to three years (ibid., II, 434). 2. S"ezd IX, p. 51 (italics removed—RTF). 3. T h e figure given for January 1, 1936, was 3,623,000 (S"ezd X, Vol. I, p. 415), while that given for the time of the Congress was 3,981,777 (ibid., II, 400). T h e comparison with the Ninth Congress was apparently considered unfavorable, for the 1931 figure was not mentioned at the 1936 Congress, in contrast to the practice at former meetings. Instead, the comparison was made in terms of numbers of "primary organizations," as the cells were now being called. At the Ninth Congress, it was said, there had been only 84,394 c e ' k ' n the League. Now there were 201,704 (ibid., II, 64). T h u s the primary organizations of 1936 averaged about twenty members each, whereas those of 1931 had averaged over thirty-five —a marked difference. (In 1949 Ivanov said there had been 3,800,000 members and 200,000 primary organizations as of the time of the Tenth Congress. Ivanov, Izmeneniia, p. 5.) 4. Explained by Panteleev in 1934 as the result of voluntary departures and the elimination of "hostile elements" (Panteleev, " V L K S M , " MSE [2d ed.], Vol. II, col. 554). 5. KP, March 14, 1939, p. 4 (reporting on the Eighteenth Party Congress and referring to the time of the Seventeenth Party Congress). 6. S"ezd X, Vol. II, p. 67. 7. Ibid., I, 95, 298-99, 306-10. 8. Ibid., II, 60. This was mentioned in connection with a demand for more careful selection of Komsomol officials. T h e writer accepts this version despite the ambiguous statement by Kozlov concerning the staff's soundness at the time of the Party purge of 1933 (ibid., I, 77). 9. Ibid., I, 89. 10. Ibid., II, 125. One official estimated that in the Ukraine, and probably in the country as a whole, only 10 or 15 percent of those expelled ever appealed

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their cases; yet of those who did, about 70 percent were reinstated. T h i s was presented as an indication that many Komsomolites had been unjustly expelled and that more care must be used in expulsions in the future (ibid., II, 125-26). A similar lesson was drawn from 782 cases investigated by the CC in 1935, in which it was found that 324 had been unjustly expelled and had been reinstated (ibid., II, 60). For other references to unjust expulsions, see ibid., II, 121-28, 408. 11. Ibid., II, 81. 12. Ibid., II, 1 - 4 1 . Full name: Evgenii L'vovich Fainberg (ibid., p. 412). 13. Ibid., II, 2. Ever since the Congress of 1924 it had been recognized that the Program needed to be revised, but little progress had been made, despite resolutions by successive congresses calling for action (S"ezd VIII, p. 16; S"ezd IX, p. 402). Clearly a matter so basic as this had to await decisions at the highest level of the Party. 14. S"ezd X, Vol. II, p. 5, also pp. 1-4. 15. Ibid., II, 5-6. 16. Ibid., II, 6-8. T h e proposed Program had been published in KP, on March 27, 1936 (pp. 1-2), and had been discussed in other issues between that time and the opening of the Congress. Presumably Komsomol primary organizations discussed it at the same time, using the materials in Komsomol'skaia pravda as their guide. 17. S"ezd X, Vol. II, pp. 9 - 1 0 . 18. Ibid., II, 1 0 - 1 1 ; see also pp. 47-48 (Vershkov). 19. Ibid., II, 1 1 - 1 3 . T h e formula " f r e e toilers . . ." was quoted from Stalin's interview with R o y Howard. 20. Ibid., II, 1 3 - 1 4 . 2 1 . Ibid., II, 1 5 - 1 6 . 2 3· Ibid., 22. Ibid., II, 1 6 - 1 9 ; s e e a ' s o PP· ' 8 - 1 4 · II, 20-21. 24. Ibid., II, 2 1 - 2 2 . 25. Ibid., II, 425. 26. T h e new Program of the League included the following formula in referring to Communism: " T h e ACP(B) and the Soviet government are organizing a Communist system—a system in which not only is private ownership of the means of production abolished and classes and the exploitation of man by man done away with, but in which also the last traces of economic inequality among people will be eliminated; in which toil, having been a means toward subsistence, will become the first necessity of life, the joyful manifestation of the creative capacities of man; in which as a result of the development of science, technology, and the productivtiy of labor, there will be attained such abundance, such social wealth, that the principle of socialist distribution 'from each according to his abilities, to each according to his work' will be replaced by the principle of f u l l Communism 'from each according to his abilities, to each according to his needs' " (S"ezd X, Vol. II, p. 425). One of the very rare approaches to the same subject in the congresses between 1920 and 1936 was a statement by Bukharin at the Seventh Congress (1926). He spoke of "drawing everyone decisively into the business of administration, the abolition of classes, the abolition of the separation into the governed and the governing, the realization of the slogan for which we have fought, are fighting, and will fight—the slogan of genuine Communist equality!" (S"ezd VII, p. 258). 27. S"ezd X, Vol. II, pp. 24-26. T h e y must remember the need to care for "socialist" property, the need for labor discipline, the idea of loving one's work

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and respecting the jobs of others, the inculcation of a hatred for laziness and idleness, and the obligation to place the interests of society ahead of one's own interests (ibid., II, 26-29). T h e new Soviet policy of strengthening the family was reflected in Fainberg's excoriation of an "incorrect, flippant attitude toward woman, the family, and the rearing of children." As to religion, Fainberg reported that Stalin had rejected a proposal that the Komsomol combat religion "decisively, mercilessly," and had said instead that Komsomolites must "explain patiently" the harm of religious prejudices (ibid., II, 29-30). 28. Ibid., II, 31-32. In his further effort to justify Communist morality, Fainberg fell back on the usual quotations from Lenin, defining Communist morality as being "entirely subordinated to the interests of the class struggle of the proletariat" (ibid., II, 32-33). 29. Ibid., II, 33-34. In accordance with the doctrine of Soviet patriotism, Fainberg explained that the Komsomol's "obligation before the international proletariat" was to "strengthen our socialist fatherland" (ibid., II, 34-37). T h e important qualities expected in the Komsomolite's character again included discipline, self-sacrifice, Soviet patriotism, and initiative-with-guidance (see ibid., I, 60-61, 316-19; II, 203-6, 429, 439). 30. Ibid., II, 37-39. 31. Ibid., II, 39-40 (said to be quoted from Stalin, " K voprosu ο rabochekrest'ianskom pravitel'stve," Voprosy leniniima, 9th ed., p. 239). 32. S"ezd X. Vol. II, p. 40. 33. For the most noteworthy other expressions (besides Fainberg's) on this general subject, see ibid., I, 38, 60-61, 63-64 (all Kosarev), 410-12 (Andreev); II, 44-54 (Vershkov on the new Regulations), 425-30 (pertinent sections of the new Program), 431-40 (the new Regulations). T h e delegates' collective reference to the Communist Party as "our mother" (ibid., I, 8) was later to become standard practice. 34. Ibid.. I, 1. Listed after Stalin were Molotov, Kaganovich, Voroshilov, Kalinin, Andreev, Dimitrov, Mikoian, Zhdanov, Chubar', and Kosarev, in that order. (Kosior and Ordzhonikidze of the Politburo were not present.) 35. Ibid., I, 2-3. Full name: Aleksandr Vasil'evich Kosarev (ibid., II, 410). 36. Ibid., I, 6-7. T h e others were Molotov, Kaganovich, Voroshilov, Kalinin, Ordzhonikidze, Andreev, Kosior, Mikoian, Chubar', Postyshev, Zhdanov, Petrovskii, Rudzutak, Eikhe, Ezhov, Khrushchev, Dimitrov, Gor'kii, and T h ä l m a n n , in that sequence. 37. Ibid., I, 8-9 (all in capital letters in the original). 38. For some samples see ibid., I, 89 (praise of Zhdanov), 95 (of Kosior and Postyshev), 101 (of Kaganovich and Khrushchev), 108 (of Voroshilov), 111 (of Beriia), 128-29 (of Molotov and Kalinin), 178-84 (of Beriia), 184-89 (of Khrushchev), 202-3 several), 213-17 (of Kaganovich), 230-31 (of Yagoda, in connection with the N'KVD border guards), 431-41 (of Voroshilov and other military heroes). 39. Ibid., I, 15, also pp. 14, 16, 33. 41. Ibid., I, 484.

40. Ibid., I, 15 (Kosarev).

42. Ibid., I, 255, and pp. 254-59 (Maria Demchenko, a Stakhanovite in sugarbeet production).

354

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43. For samples of t h e various f o r m s of h o m a g e , see ibid., I, 70, 85-88, 1 1 0 - 1 8 , 128-42, 1 5 5 - 5 7 , 178-89, 196-98, 2 1 3 - 1 7 , 224-31, 255, 258-59, 3 7 5 - 8 1 , 384-89, 4 1 1 , 4 3 1 - 4 1 , 444-45, 484-85; II, 6, 33, 44, 141-44· >74· 4 ' 5 _ , 7 · 44. Ibid., I , 68. 45. Ibid., II, 399. Also p r e s e n t were Molotov, Voroshilov, Kaganovich, Andreev, Z h d a n o v , C h u b a r ' , a n d K h r u s h c h e v , listed in t h a t o r d e r . 46. Ibid., II, 415; also p p . 4 1 6 - 1 7 . 47. Ibid., I, 4-7. T h e bodies i n c l u d e d a P r e s i d i u m of twenty-five, a Secretariat of seventeen, a C r e d e n t i a l s C o m m i t t e e of seventeen, a n d an E d i t o r i a l C o m m i t t e e of seventeen. Kosarev d i d not p r o v i d e any o p p o r t u n i t y f o r a negative vote in t h e case of t h e last. 48. T h e CongTess i n each case w e n t t h r o u g h t h e m o t i o n s of v o t i n g u n a n i m o u s l y t h a t t h e CC (or o t h e r g r o u p ) should consist of t h e p r o p o s e d n u m b e r of persons. T h e n t h e n a m e s were r e a d off o n e by one, in accordance w i t h lists w h i c h h a d a l r e a d y b e e n h a n d e d o u t to the delegates. Any objections w e r e supposed to b e m a d e w h e n t h e n a m e was read. T h e r e were n o n e . I n t h e u n a n i m o u s votes n o t even any a b s t e n t i o n s were recorded (ibid., II, 408-15). T h e n a m e s a r e given with first n a m e a n d p a t r o n y m i c , thus m a k i n g a v a l u a b l e list of K o m s o m o l officials. 49. Ibid., I, 450, 542; II, 167-68, 397-98, 406, 407, 408. 50. Ibid., I, 85-430; for some interesting samples, see p p . 85-88, 1 7 3 - 7 6 , 235-40, 250-53, 293-97. For o n e of t h e few i m p r o m p t u r e j o i n d e r s (on criticism of L e n i n g r a d for p o o r p a t r o n a g e of Komsomol's'*) see ibid., I, 123. For t h e i n t e r r u p t i o n of a n o t h e r speaker, see ibid., II, 9 9 - 1 0 4 (challenging a physical e d u c a t i o n spokesm a n on seemingly m i n o r points). F o r a n o t h e r instance, see ibid., II, 254. 5 1 . Ibid., I, 447-49. A l t h o u g h Kosarev called for s h a r p e r criticism, t h e succ e e d i n g discussion (on t h e CIY) also went very s m o o t h l y (ibid., I, 487-542). 52. Ibid., II, 75. T h e discussion c o \ e r s p p . 7 5 - 1 6 8 . 53. F o r some examples, see ibid., II, 75-80, 9 1 - 9 6 , 1 3 1 - 3 4 , 149-51, 156-58. 54. Ibid., II, 1 1 4 - 1 6 . 55. Ibid., I I , 112 ( D e m c h u k of t h e Far Eastern Krai). 56. Ibid., I I , 4 3 1 - 3 2 . 57. Ibid., II, 169-223, especially p p . 174-84, 192-93, 197-202. T h e speaker's f u l l n a m e was Vasilii A n t o n o v i c h M u s k i n (ibid., II, 4 1 1 ) . 58. Ibid., II, 223-345, 385-92. 5g. Ibid., II, 394, a n d also p p . 394-96, for t h e rest of his closing address. 60. T h e y a p p r o v e d his "theses" in principle, a n d they u n a n i m o u s l y elccted h i m c o - c h a i r m a n of a c o m m i t t e e to p r e p a r e t h e final version for f o r m a l passage (ibid., II, 397-98). T o t h a t final version was a d d e d t h e self-castigating p h r a s e t h a t " t h e T e n t h Congress acknowledges t h e work of t h e K o m s o m o l in t h e school to b e unsatisfactory, f r o m t h e CC of t h e ALCLY, t h e CC's of t h e LCLY's of t h e n a t i o n a l republics, t h e kraikoms a n d the obkoms on d o w n " (see ibid., II, 407-8, listing also o t h e r m i n o r changes). For some of t h e criticisms contained in t h e c o m p l e t e d resolution, see ibid., II, 441-46, especially p p . 442-43. 61. Ibid., II, 439 ( f r o m t h e Regulations). 62. Ibid., II, 42-68 (Vershkov's r e p o r t ) , 4 3 1 - 4 0 (the Regulations). T h e speaker's f u l l n a m e was P e t r Afanas'evich Vershkov (ibid., II, 409). 63. Ibid., I, 414 (Andreev). T h e m e m b e r s h i p was said to be 3,623,000 o u t of a n

NOTES TO v i :

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estimated total of 37,500,000 youths of Komsomol age as of January 1, 1936. (Apparently the new age limits of fifteen and twenty-six were used in this calculation.) 64. See Chapter IV; also S"ezd VI, p. 360. 65. S"ezd X, Vol. II, pp. 43, 51-53. For Fainberg's references to this see ibid., II, 10-16. 66. Ibid., I, 51-52. 67. Ibid., I, 4 1 1 - 1 2 (Andreev). 68. T h e Regulations provided for a testing of each candidate-member at the end of his six-month probationary period. If he was still not deemed worthy of being a full-fledged Komsomolite, his candidacy would be prolonged, or he could be dropped. Candidate-members were to obey the same orders and fulfill the same obligations as full members, including the payment of dues, but they did not have the right to vote or to hold office in the League. Recommendations for admission to either membership or candidate-membership had to come from one member of the Party, or from two Komsomolites who had been in the League at least one year. The recommendation had to go first through the local committee of the League for its approval. Then the general meeting of the primary organization could vote on it. This decision went into force when ratified by the bureau of the raihom or gorkom of the League (ibid., II, 432-33, also P· 54)· 69. Ibid., II, 44, 54-55. 70. Ibid., I, 217; II, 54-55, 117, 131, 139, 140 (proposing that there be no limit at all for active participants, twenty-six for others), 163-64 (essentially the same). 71. Ibid., II, 432. 72. Ibid., II, 403. T h e percentages here, as in numerous other cases cited earlier, have had to be recalculated from the absolute figures given in the same source, because the two sets of data did not quite coincide. 73. Ibid., II, 433; also pp. 62-63. 74. Ibid., II, 62. 75. At the top, the Congress elected the Central Committee and the Central Inspection Commission {ibid., II, 435). (This was the same as the Regulations of 1922, except that the latter did not mention the Central Inspection Commission [5"ezd V, p. 379]. The Regulations had been slightly amended in 1926, but not in this respect [S"e»f VI, pp. 499-500].) T h e oblast and krai conference, or the congpress of the Komsomol in the national republic, said the new Regulations, "elects the oblast or krai committee, or the CC of the LCLY [of the national republic], the inspection commission, and the delegates to the All-Union Congress of the Komsomol" (S"ezd X, Vol. II, p. 436). (This was substantially the same as the Regulations of 1922, except that guberniias and uezds were then the units [S"ezd V, pp. 378-79]. The Regulations had been amended slightly in 1926, but apparently not in this respect [S"ezd VI, pp. 499-500].) The oblast, krai, or national republic committee in turn "chooses a bureau for [carrying on] day-today work." At the next lower level, the Regulations provided that the city, okrug, or raion conference "elects the city, okrug, or raion committee, the inspection commission, and the delegates to the krai or oblast conferences, or to the congresses of the Komsomol of the national republics" (S"ezd X, Vol. II, pp. 436-37). (The principle was unchanged from the Regulations of 1922, but the political units were differently arranged [S"ezd V, p. 378].) That city, okrug, or raion committee, too, elected a bureau. At the lowest level, the primary organiza-

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for a term of one year." Smaller or-

ganizations, in shops, elected a b u r e a u or a K o m s o m o l organizer (Komsorg) f o r a term of six months. If there w e r e less than ten m e m b e r s in the p r i m a r y organization, they did not elect a committee, but simply a secretary (S"ezd X, V o l . II, pp. 437-38). ( T h e R e g u l a t i o n s of 1922 had provided for a b u r e a u , elected f o r a three-month term [S"9· 116. K P , March 30, 1949. p. 3, col. 5. For a typical pledge of better performance, see Mikhailov in ibid., April 3, 1949, pp. 1-2. 117. For one example, see ibid., March 31, 1949, p. 3, col. 2. 118. Ibid., A p r i l 1, 1949, p. 2, col. 2. For other references to love of work, see Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 13; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 7, 27-28; KP, April 5, 1949, p. 1, col. 4 (Mikhalkov speaking). A particularly popular phrase appeared in the Congress's letter to Stalin: "For millions of young people and Komsomolites, labor has become a matter of honor, glory, valor, and heroism" (KP, April 10, "949· P· ')·

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1 1 9 . KP, M a r c h 30, >949, p- 2, col. 2, a n d M a r c h 3 1 , p . 2, col. 1; Ivanov, Izmeneniia, pp. 7-8. 120. KP, M a r c h 3 1 , 1949, p . 4, col. 3. 1 2 1 . F o r e x a m p l e , see Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p . 7; KP, M a r c h 30, 1949. p . 2, cols. 2, 5, a n d M a r c h 3 1 , p . 4, col. 3. 122. As before, this d i s c i p l i n e m u s t b e " c o n s c i o u s , " m u s t i n c l u d c a sense of i n d i v i d u a l " o r g a n i z e d n e s s " a n d conscientiousness, c o u p l e d w i t h " c o m r a d e l i n e s s " a n d a " d e e p respect f o r t h e collective" (Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p p . 27-28, 3 1 ; K P , M a r c h 30, 1949, p . 2, col. 5; p . 3, col. 3; M a r c h 3 1 , p . 3, cols. 2, 4; E r s h o v a , Ο shkole, p. 8). See also t h e section o n t h e schools l a t e r in t h i s c h a p t e r . 123. KP, M a r c h 3 1 , 1949. p . 2, col. 4. 124. Ibid., A p r i l 2, 1949, p. 2, col. 6. 125. Ibid., M a r c h 3 t , 194g, p . 2, col. 4. 126. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p p . 13, 28, 5 0 - 5 2 ; KP, M a r c h 3 1 , 1949, p . 2, col. 5; A p r i l 3, p . 2, col. 3. »27. KP, M a r c h 30, X949, p . 2, col. 2; M a r c h 3 1 , p . 3, col. 3; A p r i l 2, p . 2, col. 3; A p r i l 5, p . 1, col. 5; A p r i l 10, p . 1. 128. O n e s p e a k e r i n v e i g h e d a g a i n s t a flippant a t t i t u d e t o w a r d q u e s t i o n s of m a r r i a g e a n d f a m i l y (ibid., A p r i l 2, 1949, p. 2, col. G), b u t aside f r o m t h a t , t h e p r o b l e m of t h e f a m i l y was left u n t o u c h e d . As to f r i e n d s , a clause in t h e R e g u l a tions o b l i g e d t h e K o m s o m o l m e m b e r t o " r e s t r a i n [his] c o m r a d e s f r o m w r o n g deeds, t o respect t h e r u l e s of socialist i n t e r c o u r s e , t o s t r u g g l e against d r u n k e n ness, h o o l i g a n i s m , a n d a g a i n s t r e m n a n t s of r e l i g i o u s p r e j u d i c e , a n d against an u n c o m r a d e l y a t t i t u d e t o w a r d w o m e n " (Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p . 52). O n e article o n t h e Congress s p o k e in p a s s i n g of " r e u n i o n s of o l d f r i e n d s " ( K P , M a r c h 30, 194g, p . 1 ["Vchera"]), b u t o n e r e a d s n o m o r e a b o u t f r i e n d s e x c e p t in a b s t r a c t usages (e.g., S t a l i n is t h e " b e s t f r i e n d of Soviet y o u t h , " t h e t e a c h e r gives " f r i e n d l y h e l p " t o t h e s t u d e n t , etc.). 12g. 130. 132. 134. 136.

See Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p . 8. See also KP, A p r i l 8, 1949, p . 4, cols. 3, 6. KP, A p r i l 2, 1949, p . 2, col. 6. 1 3 1 . Ibid., A p r i l 3, 1949, p . 2, col. 1. Ivanov, Izmeneniia, p . 19. 133. KP, M a r c h 30, 1949, p . 1. Ibid., p. 2, col. 3. 135. Ibid., p . 1; S"e:d X, Vol. II, p p . 4 4 9 - 5 1 . KP, A p r i l 1 - 1 3 , 1949; S"ezd X, Vol. II, p p . 4 4 9 - 5 1 .

137. T h e m e m b e r s n u m b e r e d

103, t h e c a n d i d a t e - m e m b e r s , 47 (KP,

A p r i l 9,

χ ' 9 4 9 · P· 3; . Vol. I I , p p . 4 4 9 - 5 1 . 138. T h e c o m p l e t e list of delegates of t h e T e n t h Congress was p u b l i s h e d (S"ezd X, Vol. II, p p . 4 5 2 - 8 1 ) , g i v i n g last n a m e s a n d initials. B u t t h e r e was n o c o m p a r a b l e list p u b l i s h e d f o r t h e E l e v e n t h C o n g r e s s . M o r e o v e r , t h e E l e v e n t h Congress d i d n o t disclose t h e n u m b e r of its d e l e g a t e s w h o h a d a t t e n d e d any p r e v i o u s congress, w h e r e a s s u c h a figure h a d b e e n g i v e n at p r e c e d i n g assemblies. T h e r e was given a d i s t r i b u t i o n a c c o r d i n g to t h e t i m e of e n t r a n c e i n t o t h e L e a g u e , s h o w i n g t h a t 315, or n o t q u i t e o n e - q u a r t e r , of t h e d e l e g a t e s h a d become m e m b e r s in 1935 o r b e f o r e , b u t t h e r e is no way of k n o w i n g h o w m a n y of t h e m w e r e at t h e Congress of 1936. T h e rest of t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n follows: e n t e r e d bet w e e n 1936 a n d 1940—510 delegates; b e t w e e n 1941 a n d 1944—302 delegates; bet w e e n 1945 a n d 1947—199 delegates; a n d in 1948—36 (KP, A p r i l 1, 1949, p . 2). 139. See n o t e 15 e a r l i e r in t h i s c h a p t c r , a n d also K P , A p r i l 1, 1949, p. 2. 140. Ibid., A p r i l 1 - 1 3 , 1949, passim. 141. Ibid., A p r i l 1, 1949, p . 2. 142. I v a n o v , Izmeneniia, p . 5. In t h e Moscow o r g a n i z a t i o n of t h e L e a g u e , 59.6 p e r c e n t w e r e r e p o r t e d t o b e w o m e n ( K P , A p r i l 1, 1949, p . 3).

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379

143. KP, A p r i l g, 1949, p. 3 (103 members, 47 candidate-members). 144. Ibid., March 30, 1949, p. 1. 145. Ibid., March 31, 1949, p. 3, col. 1. See also ibid., April 1, 1949, p. 3, col. 3; April 6, p. 4, cols. 1-3; A p r i l 7, p. 3, col. 6; p. 4, col. 3. 146. T h e amended Regulations defined this as "(a) the election of all Komsomol governing bodies from the bottom upward [instead of 'from the top downward,' as in the 1936 version]; (b) periodic accounting by Komsomol governing bodies to their Komsomol organizations; (c) strict Komsomol discipline and the subordination of the minority to the majority; (d) the unconditionally binding nature of the decisions of higher Komsomol bodies for all lower bodies, and for all members of the Komsomol" (Rez. i dok. XI s"eida, p. 54. Cf. S"ezd X, Vol. II, p. 433). T h e significance of the change in "(a)" would seem to be purely propagandistic. 147. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 62. For Mikhailov's discussion of this, see KP, March 31, 1949, p. 3, col. 1. See also Ivanov, Izmeneniia, pp. 13-15. 148. KP, April 1, 1949, p. 2, col. 1. 149. Ivanov, Izmeneniia, p. 13. 150. S"ezd X, Vol. II, pp. 434, 436. 437. 151. Ivanov, Izmeneniia, p. 9; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 43. 152. Rez. 1 dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 55 ff. 153. K P , April 1, 1949, p. 2. 154. Ibid., March 31, 1949, p. 3, cols. 1-3; April 3, p. 1, col. 5. For other references to concrete and differentiated help, see Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 14; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 19-20. T h e r e was not at this Congress (or at the others) any discussion of different approaches to different types of personality. T h e r e was no mention of mental or physical abnormality or illness. T h e problem of the wounded survivors of the recent war was not discussed, even though there must have been a great many such persons still within the Komsomol age group. 155. K P , March 31, 1949, p. 2, col. 2; p. 3, cols. 1-2; April 1, p. 3, col. 3; Ivanov, Izmeneniia, p. 14; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 61. T h e categories of punishments ranged from censure through reprimand and temporary separation from posts of leadership to the extreme measure—expulsion from the Komsomol (Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 62-63). 156. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 20. 157. K P , March 31, 1949, p. 3, cols. 1-2, 6; p. 4, cols. 1-2; A p r i l 3, p. i, col. 4; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 60. 158. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 62, also p. 50. 159. For sample references having to do with obedience, see Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 20, 50-52. In addition to the foregoing precepts for the leader and follower there were the many obligations, cited in other connections, that were applicable to both. For one general list, see Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 51-53. T h e question of dues received some attention at the Congress, and several organizations were censured for a poor record in dues payment (KP, March 31, 1949. p. 3, cols. 2, 4-5). Krivtsov reported that membership dues were one of the main revenue sources in the Komsomol budget, along with admission dues, contributions for patronage (of the Navy and the Air Forces), and income from publishing activities (KP, March 31, 1949, p. 3, col. 4). T h e r e were also certain "rights" reserved to each Komsomolite, concerning which the Congress added a new section to the Regulations. "3. T h e member of the A L C L Y has the right (a) to take part in the discussion of all questions of

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the work of the Komsomol at Komsomol meetings and in the Komsomol press; (b) to elect and be elected to Komsomol bodies; (c) to criticize at Komsomol meetings any Komsomol worker and also any Komsomol body; (d) to demand personal participation in all cases when a decision is taken concerning his activity or conduct; (e) to address any questions, complaints, or declarations to any Komsomol committee, up to the Central Committee of the A L C L Y " (Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 52). 160. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 62. 161. Ο ί the more than two hundred thousand "propagandists" (not defined) in the League, over 45 percent were said to be Party members (KP, March 31, 1949, p. 2, col. 2; 80 percent of this select group were reported to have either higher or secondary education). Ivanov declared that "over 99 percent" of the "active Komsomol workers" (aktivnykh komsomol'skikh rabotnikov) were in the ranks of the Party. In his next paragraph, he said there were one and one-half million Komsomol "activists," but it seems unlikely that he was using this as equivalent to "active Komsomol workers." Perhaps the "active Komsomol workers" were the full-time paid officials, whereas the "activists" were those w h o held any sort of Komsomol post (Ivanov, Izmeneniia, p. 15). Of little help is Mikhailov's statement that d u r i n g the period 1936-49 almost four million Komsomol members entered the Party, for he did not indicate how many of these had retained their membership in the League (KP, March 31, 1949, p. 3, col. 1). 162. KP, April ι, 1949, p. 2, col. 4. 163. Ibid., March 31, 1949. p. 3, col. 1. 164. T h e amended Regulations provided that secretaries at the oblast, krai, and union republic levels must have been in the Komsomol for at least three years and must be members of the Party. Secretaries at the raion, town, and o k r u g levels must have been in the Komsomol for at least two years and must be either members or candidate-members of the Party (Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 58-59). In neither case was there a stated time of required service in the Party, as there had been in the Regulations of 1936 and earlier. It is curious that in discussing and recommending the change, Ivanov ignored the illegal changes which the C C had made in 1939. He treated the amendment as a reduction from the long Party service which had been required in the Regulations of 1936 and argued that this change would favor the rapid development of new cadres (Ivanov, Izmeneniia, p. 16). Ivanov prefaced his recommendation of all the changes in the Regulations with the explanation that whenever the Party changed its Regulations, the League always had to follow suit (Ivanov, Izmeneniia, pp. 6-7). 165. Rei. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 53. For the same provision in the Regulations of 1936, see S"ezd X, Vol. II, p. 432. 166. K P , March 30, 1949, p. 1. 167. After Stalin, the order was: Molotov, Malenkov, Beriia, Voroshilov, Mikoian, Andreev, Kaganovich, Khrushchev, Shvernik, Bulganin, and Kosygin (ibid., April 1, 1949, p. 2. col. 1). (They were elected honorary delegates to the Congress.) 168. Ibid., March 30, 1949, p. 1. 169. Ibid., March 30 to April 9, 1949, passim. 170. Ibid., A p r i l 3, 1949, p. 1, col. 4. T h e Regulations declared that criticism

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was to be expressed "without regard to the persons it involves, in order that members of the Komsomol may criticize the work of their elective bodies and their leaders, banishing from leadership posts those who are chatterboxes and who disdain rough, practical labor." Discussion, although it was to be "free," must also be "businesslike" and "must be directed toward the better fulfillment of the decisions of the Party and toward the still greater solidarity of the Komsomol with the Party." Also, it was "free only until the organization has taken a decision on the matter in question" (Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 61-62; also p. 52). 171. Mikhailov, for example, criticized Voznesenskii, RSFSR Minister of Education, for not putting out enough good textbooks (KP, March 30, 1949, p- 3, col. 5). See also ibid., March 31, 1949, p. 2, cols. 1, 5; April 2, p. 2. 172. T h e nine speakers not so elected fell into these categories: two "toilers" (a Stakhanovite and a kolkhoz " l i n k " or small work-crew leader); two tradeschool students; three officials of national minority organizations of the Komsomol (two Uzbeks, one Belorussian); one secretary of a raion committee; and a representative from Ulianovsk. Over sixty of the seventy-eight strictly Komsomol speakers were upper-echelon officials (secretaries of oblast, krai, and union republic organizations). See KP, March 30 to April 9, 1949, passim. 173. T h e chief points concerning political indoctrination and education were covered by Mikhailov in his Report of the Central Committee on the opening day (March 29) of the Congress (KP, March 30-31, 1949, passim, and especially March 31, p. 2, cols. 1-3). During the discussion of the Central Committee's report, most speakers touched on the same points. T h e n they were summarized conveniently in Section III of the Resolution on the Report of the Central Commiltee (Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 13-15), which was passed unanimously by the CongTess (KP, April 3, 1949, p. 2, col. 1). 174. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, cols. 1 and 6; Ershova, Ο shkole, pp. 14-15, 30. Ershova's report was the longest after Mikhailov's. See also Ivanov, Izmeneniia, p. 19. 175. T h e distribution was given as follows: 513 persons (38 percent) had completed and partially completed higher education; 416 persons (30.5 percent) had completed secondary school; 299 persons (22 percent) had not completed secondary shool. T h e s e add up to 1,228, leaving 134 voting delegates unaccounted for (total, 1,362) (KP, A p r i l 1, 1949, p. 2, col. 3). More than half of the secretaries of oblast committees, krai committees, and central committees of union republic Komsomol organizations had now had at least some schooling beyond the secondary level. A m o n g secretaries of raion and town committees, almost two-thirds reportedly had at least completed secondary schooling (Ivanov, Izmeneniia, p. 15). 176. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 23. 177. T h i s goal was said to require the building of more schools (Ershova. Ο shkole, pp. 3-4; Krasa\chenko in KP, April 1, 1949, p. 3, col. 2). Krasavchenko, secretary of the Moscow gorkom and obkom, restated also the next aim in the cities, that of universal ten-year schooling (ibid.). 178. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, cols. 1 and 6; Ershova, Ο shkole, pp. 14-15; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 16, 26-27. 179. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 16; KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, col. 3; Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 5. 180. It was alleged that Soviet teachers had risen to a height they never could

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reach in bourgeois society (Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 23). Teachers were called " t h e foremost detachment of our people's intelligentsia" (KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, col. 3). Medals were being distributed liberally in order to bolster the prestige of the profession; it was reported that over 100,000 had already been issued (Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 4). 181. Ershova, Ο shkole, pp. 5, 23-25; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 16, 24, 26-38. 182. Rez. i dok. XI s"eida, p. 37. See also Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 24; KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, col. 3; A p r i l 9, p. 4, col. 1. 183. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, col. 4; Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 24. Note that this would mean about nine teachers to each. 184. Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 23. 185. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, cols. 4-5. 186. Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 24. Mikhailov's and Ershova's instructions to teachers' Komsomol organizations were reiterated in the Congress's resolution " O . . . shkole" in Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 36-38. A m o n g other things, the Congress instructed all teachers to reduce the number of pupils w h o were held over to repeat a grade (Ershova, Ο shkole, pp. 6-7; KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, col. 5). For other remarks directed at teachers, see ibid., col. 6; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 16-17; Ershova, Ο shkole, pp. 9 - 1 1 , 23-25, 30, 39. 187. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, col. 3; also Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 8; Rez. i dok. XI s"eida, pp. 24, 28. 188. ETshova, Ο shkole, p. 8. T h e s e were not itemized at the Eleventh Congress, b u t presumably are the same rules as those published in Ashbv, Scientist in Russia, p. 216. 189. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 27; Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 8. 190. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, cols. 1, 3, 6; Ershova, Ο shkole, pp. 5-6, 8, 23; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 24, 25, 27-29, 39. 191. KP, March 31, 1949, p. 2, col. 1; see also Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 30. 192. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 2, col. 6; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 31-32; Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 14. 193. K P , March 31, 1949, p. 3, col. 1. 194. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 24. In absolute terms, this was said to mean 1,300,000 Komsomolites—a figure which seems low, and probably indicates that few pupils in seven-year schools were included in the total from which the "over h a l f " was computed. T h e number 1,300,000 was stated to be five and one-half times the number of Komsomolites in schools in 1936. T h e 1,300,000 pupils were said to be in 49,000 primary organizations, which indicates that the average size of these school primary organizations was about twenty-six persons, as compared with an over all average of about twenty-one (KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, cols. 1-2). Ivanov spoke of "over 47,000" primary organizations in seven-year and secondary schools. H e also gave other statistics for which there is not space here (Ivanov, Izmeneniia, p. 10). 195. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, col. 6; Kaftanov in ibid.. April 8. 1949, p. 2, cols. 1-2 (for the figure of over two million for the total). T h e r e were said to be 3,500 tekhnikums (classed as "secondary special educations") and 800 vuzes (institutions of higher learning) (ibid.). In the vuzes, there were said to be 730,000 regular students (plus 270,000 correspondence course students) (Kaftanov in Izvestiia, March 29, 1949, p. 2, col. 1). Of all students in vuzes, almost half were said to be Komsomolites (Kaftanov in K P . A p r i l 8, 1949. p. 2, col. 2). T h i s can

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be compared with reports in September and October, 1948, that the universities and institutes contained about 700,000 students, of whom a b o u t 330,000 were Komsomolites (KP, Sept. 23, 1948, p. 2; Oct. 13, 1948, p. 3). A t this higher level the number of Party members was probably considerable. As to the primary organizations, Ivanov reported that there were "over 3,000" primary organizations in higher educational institutions, technical, and specialist schools (Ivanov, Izmeneniia, p. 17). Apparently he was referring to both χfuzes and teklmikums, in which case those primary organizations were l a r g e — i n the neighborhood of 333 members in each, on the average. 196. KP, April 12, 1949. p. 4. col. 1; Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 1*. 197. Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 6; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 7. 198. Rez. i doh. XI s"ezda, pp. 30-31; Ershova, Ο shkole, p p . 10-11, 13, 25; KP, A p r i l 5, 1949, p. 1, col. 6; A p r i l 6, p. 2, col. 2; April 12, p. 3, cols. 4-6. 199. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, cols. 2-3; Ershova, Ο shkole, p p . 6-7; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 25, 28. 200. K P , March 30, 1949, p. 3, cols. 3-4; A p r i l 8, p. 4, col. 3. 201. Rez. 1 dok. XI s"ezda, p. 28; see also pp. 26, 32. 202. Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 14. A woman named Pomerantseva, w h o was the principal of a girls' school in Moscow, reported that, under instructions from the CC, she had tried the new system and had found that it facilitated the adapting of the Komsomol program to each age group (KP, April 12, 1949, p. 4, cols. 1-3). See also KP, April 6, 1949, p. 1, col. 4. 203. Komsomol organizations in separate school grades, under this amendment, could be granted the rights of primary organizations of the Komsomol (Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 60). T h e Regulations already allowed for the setting u p of such sub-organizations in factories, schools, etc., wherever the primary organization had more than 100 members, but did not grant these sub-organizations the rights of primary organizations. 204. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, cols. 5-6; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 17. 205. T h e Labor Reserve schools ("trade and railroad schools of FZO") were said to have provided over 4,500,000 qualified workers since they began in 1940. During the same period, 1,200,000 students of Labor Reserve schools had entered the Komsomol. T h e current Komsomol membership in Labor Reserve schools was given as almost 250,000. Komsomol responsibilities there resembled those in the regular schools (KP, March 30, 1949, p. 2, col. 6; Rez. i dok. XI s"eida, pp. 7, 12). 206. K P , March 31, 1949, p. 2, col. 1; A p r i l 7, p. 3, col. 4. 207. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 13-15. 208. In Russian, do 75 let, which presumably means to the fifteenth birthday but not beyond. For general information on the Pioneer organization, see BSE, supplementary volume on the USSR (1948), cols. 1739-42, and Towster, Political Power in the USSR, pp. 142-44. T h e full name of the organization remained "Children's Communist Organization of Y o u n g Pioneers Named after Comrade Lenin." T h e Little Octobrists, described also by Towster, were not mentioned at the Congress of 1949, so far as the present writer could discover. 209. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 25. 210. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, col. 4; A p r i l 3, p. 2, col. 2; Ershova, Ο p. 15; Ivanov, Izmeneniia, p. 17.

shkole,

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2 1 1 . Significantly, the discussion of the Pioneers at the Congress came as a subdivision of the discussion of the work of the League in the schools (KP, March 30, 1949, p· 3. col. 4; Ershova, Ο shkole, pp. 15 ft). T h e qualities to be inculcated in Pioneers were the same as those desired in all school children. It continued to be the responsibility of the Komsomol to establish in each school a Pioneer troop (ιdruzhina) which worked under the direct guidance of the local Komsomol organization. Each higher echelon of the Komsomol had the duty of supervising Pioneer activity within its area. At the all-Union, union republic, oblast, and krai levels, Komsomol committees published newspapers, magazines, and children's literature for the Pioneers (Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 63-64). 212. K P , March 30, 1949, p. 3, col. 4. 213. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 32. T h e Pioneer leader was termed "the right arm of the principal of the school" (KP, April 8, 1949, p. 3, col. 6). 214. T h e committees were to select as leaders of each troop (druzhina) and detachment (otriad) those members of the Komsomol who were "best prepared for this work" (Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 63). As before, each detachment was divided into "links," which were the smallest Pioneer unit. Since 1947, the link leaders were said to have been elected by the Pioneers rather than appointed. Apparently on this lowest level they did not need to be Komsomol members. Also elected were the members of the detachment and troop councils (Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 15). Concerning other attributes desired in the Pioneer leader, in accordance with the Komsomol pattern, see K P , April 3, • 949, p. 2, col. 3, and Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 19. 215. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, col. 4. Ershova pointed out that the Soviet government had indicated its high esteem for the work of Pioneer leaders by awarding medals and orders to many of them (Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 19). See also K P , April 8, 1949, p. 3, col. 4. 216. T h e problem was attacked on three fronts: (1) more tcachcr-Komsomolites must be attracted into the work of Pioneer leaders; (2) pedagogical institutes must give more training, both theoretical and practical, in the techniques of directing Pioneer units; and (3) special schools and seminars must give additional instruction to Pioneer leaders. T h e Komsomol was asked to cooperate with educational authorities to accomplish these ends. See Ershova. Ο shkole, pp. 19-21; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 33-36; KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, col. 4. 217. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, col. 4; Rez. 1 dok. XI s"ezda, p. 33. 218. KP, March 30, 1949, p. 3, col. 4; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 24-25, 33-35, 63; Ershova, Ο shkole, pp. 16, 18. 219. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 33-34; Ershova, Ο shkole, pp. 26-28. 220. KP, March 31, 1949, p. 2, col. 3; Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 29; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 17-18. T h e frequency of the appearance of the other newspapers and magazines was not indicated. For the titles of many of them, see " V L K S M , " BSE (2d ed.), IX, 346. As to books, there were apparently various ways of counting, for Mikhailov in the above citation also said that the Young Guard Press had published 13,960,000 books in 1948—which was, he added, one and one-half times the number published in 1940. T h e principal study materials mentioned in connection with indoctrination included the Constitution of the USSR, the "classics of Marxism-Leninism" (mainly consisting of the works of Lenin and Stalin), the officially approved biographies of Lenin and Stalin, and such docu-

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ments as the Regulations of the Komsomol (Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 11; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 13-15; also KP, A p r i l 3, 1949, p. 3, col. 5). T h e Komsomol was to help in the preparation of bibliographies for study (Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, p. 29). 221. KP, March 31, 1949, p. 2, cols. 3-4; April 6, p. 2, col. 6; Ershova, Ο

shkole,

pp. 28-30. See also the poet Sergei V. Mikhalkov in K P , April 9, 1949, p. 3, col. 4· 222. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 38-39. 223. KP, March 31, 1949, p. 2, col. 3. O n religion, see also Ershova, Ο shkole, p. 12; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 13-15, 52. 224. Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 18-19; KP, March 31, 1949, p. 2, cols. 4-5; A. N. Apollonov (Chairman of the Ail-Union Committee on Physical C u l t u r e and Sport of the Council of Ministers of the USSR) in K P , A p r i l 6, 1949, pp. 3-4; Zimin in K P , April 6, 1949, p. 3, col. 6. In the regular schools, Komsoraolites were to strengthen the "physculture collectives," to improve and extend physical education, and to help build playing fields and other athletic facilities (Ershova, Ο shkole, pp. 13-14; Rez. i dok. XI s"ezda, pp. 30-31). 225. Ul'iana Babina in KP, A p r i l 1, 1949, p. 4, col. 3; also ibid., March 31, 954. P· 2. to·« 5-6)· 138. Ibid., March 20, 1954, p. 1, col. 4; p. 4, col. 2; March 23, p. 2, cols. 2-3; March 24, p. 1, col. 4; March 26, p. 2, cols. 5-6; March 30, p. 2, col. 4. It may be noted that in the interval since the Eleventh Congress the DOSARM, DOSAV, and DOSFLOT had been combined into one mass organization, the DOSAAF, or All-Union Voluntary Society for Cooperation with the Army. Aviation, and Navy. Komsomolites were responsible for participating in this work (ibid., March 20, 1954, p. 4, col. 2). Concerning the DOSAAF, see also ibid., March 25, 1952, p. 2, cols. 3-6. In the Army and Navy, three-fourths of those who excelled in military and political training (otlichnihi boevoi i politicheskoi podgotoiiki) were reported to be Komsomolites (G P. Shatunov in ibid., March 23, 1954, p. 5, col. 4; his title is given here as Assistant in Charge of Komsomol Work in the Office of the Main Political Administration in the Ministry of Defense of the USSR). No comprehensive statistics were released on Komsomol membership in (he armed forces. 139. T h e demands for more mass athletic activities were combined, as before, with the demand that all Komsomolites pass the Ready for Labor and Defense series of tests in militarily useful skills (KP, March 20, 1954, p. 4, cols. 1-2; March 23, p. 1, col. 4; March 24, p. 1, col. 4; p. 2, col. 3; March 26, p. 1, cols. 3-4). T h e attitude toward international athletic competition remained deadly serious. Shelepin listed the sports and events in which Soviet athletes had done poorly and called on Komsomolites to remedy these weak spots. He ridiculed "theories of overtraining" and "burning out the nervous system," and insisted that constant, arduous training was the best preparation for breaking world records (ibid., March 20, 1954, p. 4, cols. 1-2). Between the two congTesscs, the Eighth Plenum of the CC of the Komsomol had devoted special attention to the Komsomol's work in athletics (as well as the League's work in the World Federation of Democratic Youth and the machine-building industry). See ibid., April 12, 1952, p. 1, cols. 1-2, p. 2, cols. 1-6, and subsequent issues. 140. KP, March 20, 1954, p. 4, cols. 2-3. Soviet delegations visited France, Hungary, and Germany in May and June, 1949 (ibid., May 28, 1949, p. 4: May 31, p. 4; June 2, p. 4). In August, 1949, a Soviet delegation numbering more than 600 attended the World Festival of Youth and Students in Budapest (ibid., Aug. 13 to Sept. 2, 1949, mostly on page one. That Festival was sponsored jointly by the familiar international front organizations, the WFDY (World Federation of Democratic Youth), of which Mikhailov was then λ ice-president (for this identification see ibid., May 26, 1951, p. 4, cols. 5-6), and the IUS (International Union of Students), of which Shelepin was then vice-president (ibid., Aug. 17, 1950, p. 4, cols. 2-3). A Soviet delegation headed by Mikhailov attended the Second World Congress of Youth in Budapest in September, 1949 (ibid., Sept. 6, 1949, p. 3, cols. 1-6; Sept. 7, p. 4, cols. 3-5; Sept. 11, p. 3, cols. 1-6; Oct. 14, p. 2, cols. 1-4). In August, 1950, Shelepin headed a Soviet delegation at the Second World Congress of Students in Prague, sponsored by the IUS (ibid., Aug. 17, 1950, p. 4, cols. 1-3; see also other issues before and after this date). In August, 1951, another Soviet delegation went to the Third World Festival of Youth and Students, held in East Berlin under the joint sponsorship of the

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WFDY and the IUS (ibid., Aug. 5, 1951, p. 3, and subsequent issues). In 1953 delegations went to both Bucharest and Warsaw. T h e T h i r d World Congress of Youth and the Fourth World Festival of Youth and Students met in Bucharest in July and August (ibid., July 28, 1953, p. 3, cols. 1-6, and subsequent issues up through August 20). T h e Festival, which closed on August 16, was said to have been attended by 30,000 young people from 1 1 1 countries (ibid., Aug. 18, 1953, p. 3, cols. 1-6). Meanwhile the T h i r d World Congress of Students (sponsored by the IUS) met in Warsaw in August (ibid., Aug. 27, 1953, p. 1, cols. 1-2, and subsequent issues). 141. KP, April 14, 1950, p. 1, col. 6. 142. Ibid., March 20, 1954, p. 4, col. 2; March 24, p. 5, col. 5; March 28, p. 3, col. 1; see also Nov. 10, 1953, p. 4, cols. 1-3. 143. Ibid., Nov. 17, 1953, p. 1, cols. 1 - 2 (International Students' Day), and March 28, p. 3, col. 1. 144. Ibid., March 23, 1954, p. 1; March 24, pp. 1, 5; March 25, pp. 1, 4; March 26, pp. 1-2; March 27, p. 1. T h e list of countries (1 bid., March 20, 1954, p. 1, col. 4) said to have sent representatives to Moscow for the Congress included the U.S., but there is no record of an American having spoken. 145. Ibid., March 23, 1954, p. 1, cols. 4-6; March 24, p. 5, cols. 4-6 (respectively a report and a text of the speech by Liu Tao-shen, secretary of the CC of the New Democratic Youth League of China). In general, such themes as following the example of the Soviet youth League and considering Soviet youth as the "elder brother" were in evidence, as before. For most of the texts of the addresses of foreign youth representatives, see ibid., March 24, 1954, p. 5; March 25, p. 5; March 26, p. 6; March 27, pp. 4-5; March 28, p. 3; March 30, p. 3. 146. Ibid., March 20, 1954, p. 4, col. 3. 147. Primary organizations in "industry, railway transport, construction projects, and educational institutions" had reportedly increased by 44,641 between the Eleventh and Twelfth congresses (ibid., March 23, 1934, p. 2, col. 1). However, one cannot be sure that all of these were urban; hence the use of "about 40,000." 148. For Mikhailov's birth year (1906) and further biographical information, see Chapter VII and also ibid., Feb. 7, 1950, p. 3, cols. 3-4; Feb. 21, 1950, p. 2, cols. 5-6; and BSE (2d ed.), X X V I I (1954), 609. 149. KP, April 1, 1949. p. 2, col. 2, and Pravda, Feb. 22, 1956, p. 8, col. 2. T h e only other recent member of the Central Committee for whom the writer has found a birth date is Tamara Ivanovna Ershova. She was born in 1920 (KP, Feb. 22, 1950, p. 2, cols. 1-2), and thus was about twenty-nine at the time of the Eleventh Congress. She was still a secretary of the Central Committee in February, 1950 (KP, Feb. 15, 1950, p. 3, cols. 3-4; Feb. 22, p. 2, cols. 1-2), but was removed sometime before the Twelfth CongTess. T o judge from the photographs published during the Eleventh Congress, she was among the younger of the high officials of the League. A Komsomol official from Uzbekistan declared that in some of the primary organizations in that republic 80 to 85 percent of the members were over twenty-six (KP, March 27. 1954, p. 3, cols. 4-5). 150. K P , March 26, 1954, p. 2, col. 1; March 30, p. 2, col. 1. It may be noted parenthetically, apropos of membership provisions, that the never verv burdensome dues had been reduced in 1951 and 1953 to the point where they were even more purely than before a device upon which to hook

402

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one strand of propaganda. T h e reductions were described by V. I. Kharazov, who reported on behalf of the Central Inspection Commission, as cutting the dues to from one-third to one-fourth of their former size (ibid., March 20, 1954, p. 5, col. 1). T h e scale in force in 1954 was evidently that introduced on January 1, 1953. According to that scale, members earning up to 500 rubles per month were to pay 0.5 percent of their monthly wages in dues; those earning more than 500 but not more than 1.500 rubles were to pay 1 percent; those earning more than 1,500 rubles were to pay 1.5 percent (ibid., Jan. 6, 1953, p. 2, col. 4). 151. Ibid., March 20, 1954, p. 4, cols. 4-6. 152. Ibid., March 23, 1954, p. 2, col. 2. 153. Ibid. T h e reporting was incomplete. For further details, see Appendix F. 154. Ibid., p. 2, col. 3. T h e report (by V. E. Semichastnyi for the Credentials Commission of the Congress) says "559 women, or 42.4 percent." But 559 is only 41.9 percent of 1,334. On the basis of past experience with carelessness in the calculation of percentages by Komsomol officials, this writer prefers to use the percentage recalculated from the absolute numbers given. T h e proportion at the previous Congress was 43.3 pcrccnt. See Appendix C for the record at earlier congresses. 155. Ibid. See Appendix D for further comparisons. T h e percentages above have been calculated on the basis that 1,318 equals 100 percent, since age statistics were given on only 1,318 of the 1,334 delegates. 156. Ibid. See Appendix Ε for further comparisons. Since service statistics were given on only 1,318 out of the 1,334 delegates, the former figure has been counted as 100 percent in calculating the percentages. T h e basis for translating years of entry into years of service is explained in Appendix E. 157. Those old members on the Presidium were V. I. Kochemasov, P. M. Masherov, N. A. Mikhailov, I. Rakhimova, A. A. Rapokhin, V. E. Semichastnyi, C . P. Shatunov, A. N. Shelepin, G. G. Shevel', Z. P. Tumanova, and V. I. Zaluzhnyi. T h e Credentials (Mandates) Commission included Semichastnyi and V. L. Novikova. T h e Secretariat and the Editorial Commission did not include any members of the old CC (KP, April 9, 1949. p. 3; March 20, 1954, p. 5). 158. T h i s count excludes the approximately thirty-five foreign speakers and the nine speakers who represented governmental and other organizations in the Soviet Union. 159. K P , April 9, 1949, p. 3; March 27, 1954, p. 2. Those who were full members of the Central Committees of both 1949 and 1954 were Υ. I. Kochemasov, P. M. Masherov, V. L. Novikova, I. Rakhimova, A. A. Rapokhin, V. E. Semichastnyi, G. P. Shatunov, A. N. Shelepin, G. G. Shevel', Z. P. Tumanova, V. N. Zaichikov, and V. I. Zaluzhnyi. It is possible that the P. G. Makeeva listed in 1954 was the same person as the A. G. Makeeva listed in 1949. and that the V. Λ. Orlov listed in 1954 was the same as the V. I. Orlov listed in 1949 (ibid.). 160. Ibid., April 9, 1949, p. 3; March 20, 1954, p. 5; March 27, 1954, p. 2. It should be noted that the new Central Committee did include two members of the old Central Inspection Commission elected in 1949 (Ν. V. Dykhnov and Μ. I. Elizavetin) and one member of the Credentials Commission of the Eleventh Congress (A. A. Zhikhor). 161. T h e seven persons who were identified as secretaries of the CC on the first day of the Congress were A. N. Shelepin (first Secretary), R . T . Ablova,

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V. I . K o c h e m a s o v , A. A. R a p o k h i n , V. E. S e m i c h a s t n y i , Z. P. T u m a n o v a , a n d V. I . Z a l u z h n y i (KP, M a r c h 20, 1954, p. 5). All of t h e s e e x c e p t A b l o v a h a d b e e n e l e c t e d to t h e C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e in 194g a n d t h u s h a d q u a l i f i e d legally f o r s u b s e q u e n t p r o m o t i o n t o secretary (ibid., A p r i l 9, 1949, p . 3). T h e r e was at least o n e o t h e r i n s t a n c e of " i l l e g a l " a p p o i n t m e n t as secretary of t h e C C : in J u n e , •953· t w o p e r s o n s (Ζ. T . F e d o r o v a a n d V. M. I u r k o v s k i i ) w e r e r e l i e v e d f r o m t h e i r p o s t s as s e c r e t a r i e s of t h e C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e i n c o n n e c t i o n w i t h t h e i r t r a n s f e r t o o t h e r work (ibid., J u n e 9, 1953, p . 1, cols. 1-2). F e d o r o v a h a d b e e n p r o p e r l y e l e c t e d in 1949 (ibid., A p r i l 9, 1949, p . 3; A p r i l 16, 1949, p . 2), b u t I u r k o v s k i i h a d n o t b e e n elected e i t h e r a m e m b e r or c a n d i d a t e - m e m b e r of t h e C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e in 1949. 162. S h e l e p i n a n d K o c h e m a s o v h a d b e e n s e c r e t a r i e s of t h e C C a n d S e m i c h a s t n y i a n d T u m a n o v a h a d b e e n s i m p l y B u r e a u m e m b e r s , e v e r since t h e first P l e n u m of t h e C C a f t e r t h e Congress of 1949 (KP, A p r i l 16, 1949, p . 2, cols. 3-4). T h e secretaries elected t h e n w e r e N . A. M i k h a i l o v (First Secretary), A. N . S h e l e p i n , Τ . I . E r s h o v a , Ζ. T . F e d o r o v a , a n d V. I . K o c h e m a s o v . T h e B u r e a u consisted of t h o s e five a n d N . P. K r a s a v c h e n k o , Μ . N . K o l m a k o v a , V. E. Semic h a s t n y i , Z. P. T u m a n o v a . V. I. C h e r n e t s o v , a n d P. M . M a s h e r o v . 163. T h e First P l e n u m of t h e new C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e , m e e t i n g i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r t h e Congress, elected t h e f o l l o w i n g secretaries: A. N . S h e l e p i n (First Secret a r y ) , R . T . A b l o v a , V. I. Kochemasov, A. A. R a p o k h i n , V. E. S e m i c h a s t n y i , Z. P. T u m a n o v a , a n d V. I. Z a l u z h n y i (all listed in a l p h a b e t i c a l o r d e r ) . T h e B u r e a u , also listed a l p h a b e t i c a l l y , consisted of t h o s e seven a n d D . P . G o r i u n o v , Μ . I . K h a l d e e v , P. M. M a s h e r o v , S. K. R o m a n o v s k i i , G. P. S h a t u n o v , a n d G . G. Shevel'. C a n d i d a t e - m e m b e r s of t h e B u r e a u w e r e V. T . S h u m i l o v a n d V. M . Strig a n o v . T h e n e w c h a i r m a n of t h e C e n t r a l I n s p e c t i o n C o m m i s s i o n was S. M . Veselov (KP, M a r c h 28, p . 2, cols. 1-3). V. I. K h a r a z o v , w h o was elected c h a i r m a n of t h e C e n t r a l I n s p e c t i o n C o m m i t t e e i m m e d i a t e l y a f t e r t h e CongTess of 1949 (ibid., A p r i l 16, 1949, p . 2), was still in office as t h e Congress of 1954 o p e n e d , a n d h e p r e s e n t e d t h e r e p o r t of his C o m m i t t e e (ibid., M a r c h 20, 1954, p . 5, cols. 1-3). H e was not elected t o t h e new C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e , or even t o t h e n e w C e n t r a l I n s p e c t i o n C o m m i t t e e (ibid., M a r c h 27, 1954, p . 2). Yet t h e r e is n o sign h e was p u r g e d ; r a t h e r , it seems p r o b a b l e t h a t h e was s i m p l y assigned b y t h e P a r t y to a h i g h e r post, o r t r a n s f e r r e d in o r d e r to m a k e r o o m f o r n e w b l o o d . 164. KP, M a r c h 20, 1954, p . 4, col. 3; see also M a r c h 24, p . 1, col. 4. S o m e of t h e r e s u l t a n t criticism was r a t h e r revealing. K. M u r t a z a e v , secretary of t h e U z b e k b r a n c h of t h e K o m s o m o l , c o m p l a i n e d t h a t d u r i n g 1953 a l o n e t h e A l l - U n i o n C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e of t h e L e a g u e h a d sent t h e Uzbek C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e 240 decrees, 264 directives, a n d 56 telegrams. D u r i n g t h e s a m e p e r i o d t h e Uzbek. C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e itself h a d issued 193 decrees, h e said (ibid., M a r c h 23, 1954, p . 3, cols. 5-6). T h e U d m u r t O b l a s t r e p r e s e n t a t i v e criticized t h e C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e for h a m p e r i n g t h e i n i t i a t i v e of lower K o m s o m o l bodies, a n d at t h e s a m e t i m e c o m p l a i n e d t h a t n o secretary of t h e A U - U n i o n C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e h a d visi t e d h i s o b l a s t d u r i n g t h e p a s t ten years (ibid., M a r c h 27, 1954, p . 4, col. 1). 165. KP, M a r c h 30, 1954, p . 2, cols. 1, 3, 4; M a r c h 26, p. 2, cols. 2-4. 166. Ibid., M a r c h 24, 1954, p . 1, col. 3; also M a r c h 20, p . 3, col. 4. 167. Ibid., M a r c h 20, 1954, p . 4, col. 3; M a r c h 26, p . 2, cols. 2 - 4 ; M a r c h 27, p . 3, col. 5; M a r c h 30, p . 2, col. 2.

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COLLECTIVE

LEADERSHIP

168. Ibid., March 26, 1954, p. 2, cols. 1-4; March 30, 1954, p. 2. For an English translation of the pertinent section in the Regulations of 1949, see Meisel and Kozera, Materials, p. 429. 169. For example, an editorial published more than a year before his death, when he ruled as absolutely as ever, told Komsomol executive bodies that they must act as a group. T h e first secretary must consult the others and must not dictate. T h e aktiv and all Komsomolitcs must be given opportunities to express their opinions. " T h e Party teaches the strict observance of the group principle [printsip kollegial'nosti, or "collegiate principle"] in the work of leading bodies. One-man [edinotichnye, also "individual"] decisions, Comrade Stalin teaches [!], are always or almost always one-sided decisions. Only by comparing various points of view can one work out the correct decision for this or that problem. . . . T h e leader who does not take into account the opinion of the Komsomolites who have been elected to the executive body, who does not develop their initiative, who dictates, who thrusts his will upon the collective—that leader harms the cause of the rearing of youth" (KP, Feb. 6, 1952, p. i, cols. 1-2). Not long before the Nineteenth Party Congress, which was one of the more extreme demonstrations of Stalin's absolutism, an editorial told Komsomol officials at all echelons that they must be sure to practice Komsomol democracy and "collective leadership" (hollektivnoe rukovodstvo) (ibid., Aug. 1, 1952, p. 1, cols. 1-2). And another editorial demanding—in the name of Stalin—more democracy within the Komsomol appeared a few weeks after the Nineteenth Party Congress (ibid., Nov. 30, 1952, p. 1, cols. 1-2). 170. See, for example, AP, April u , 1953, p. 1, cols. 1-2 (editorial on the need for more democracy within the Komsomol), and July 21, 1953, p. 1, cols. 1-2 (editorial on strict observance of the principle of collective leadership in the Komsomol). 1 7 1 . Ibid., March 24, 1954, p. 1, cols. 5-6; March 27, p. i, col. 2; p. 2. col. 2; March 30, p. 1, col. 1. 172. For illustrative passages, see ibid., March 20, p. 2, col. 5; p. 5, cols. 4-6; March 21, p. 4, cols. 4-5; March 23, p. 1, cols. 3-5; p. 2, cols. 4-6; p. 3, cols. 2, 4-5; p. 5, cols. 3-4, 6; March 24, p. 3, cols. 5-6. Some of the bitterest criticisms referred to agriculture, which was only natural in view of the emphasis the Congress was placing on increasing farm output (see, for example, ibid., March 21, 1954, p. 6, cols. 2-4; March 23, p. 3, col. 3; March 24, p. 3, cols. 5-6; p. 4, cols. 1 - 2 ; March 25, p. 2, col. 3). 173. T h i s statement is based on a comparison of the list in ibid., March 27, 1954, p. 2, with the entire record of the Congress published in A'P. Of the fifteen who spoke but were not elected to the CC, five were secretaries of important republic or oblast organizations of the League, three were lesser Komsomol officials, three were supervisors of Pioneer work in the schools, and two were employed in industry and two in agriculture. 174..Ibid., March 20, 1954, p. 1, cols. 4, 5; March 23, p. 1, cols. 3, 5. Malenkov was being listed first at this time. He was followed by Molotov, Khrushchev, Voroshilov, Bulganin, Kaganovich, Mikoian, Sabtirov, and Pervukhin. 175. Ibid., March 20, 1954, p. 1, col. 6; March 23, p. i, col. 3; March 24, p. 1, col. 6; March 26, p. 1, col. 5; p. 2, col. 5; March 27, p. 2, col. 2. 176. Ibid., March 27, p. 1, col. 3. T h e Credentials Committee reported that

NOTES

TO

IX:

CONCLUSION

405

t h e d e l e g a t e s h a d b e e n selected by secret b a l l o t in t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e local units, also i n a c c o r d a n c e w i t h the R e g u l a t i o n s (ibid., 177. Ibid.,

M a r c h 23, 1954, p. 2, col. 1).

M a r c h 27, 1954, p . 2, col. 1.

178. T h e r u b b e r - s t a m p c h a r a c t e r of t h e Congress was i n d i r e c t l y r e c o g n i z e d by V. I. K o c h e m a s o v in his r e p o r t on c h a n g e s in the R e g u l a t i o n s : t h e C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e , he said, considered it " e x p e d i e n t " to l e n g t h e n t h e p r e s c r i b e d

maximum

i n t e r v a l b e t w e e n congresses f r o m three to f o u r years a n d to l e n g t h e n also t h e i n t e r v a l s for t h e n o m i n a l r u l i n g bodies at lower e c h e l o n s of t h e K o m s o m o l , so as to d i m i n i s h t h e a m o u n t of t i m e that K o m s o m o l officials w e r e s p e n d i n g

in

the p r e p a r a t i o n of reports, resolutions, and speeches ( K P , M a r c h 26, 1954, p. 2, cols. 3-4). For the a m e n d m e n t s as they were e n a c t e d , see ibid.,

M a r c h 30, 1954,

p. 2. T h e f o l l o w i n g are the c h a n g e s that w e r e m a d e : T h e m a x i m u m

permissible

i n t e r v a l b e t w e e n A i l - U n i o n congresses b e c a m e f o u r years instead of three; b e t w e e n p l e n u m s of the C e n t r a l C o m m i t t e e , six m o n t h s instead of f o u r ; b e t w e e n

oblast

a n d k r a i c o m m i t t e e s , a n d p l e n u m s of c e n t r a l c o m m i t t e e s of u n i o n r e p u b l i c K o m s o m o l organizations, f o u r m o n t h s instead of three; b e t w e e n

raion, town,

and

o k r u g conferences, one y e a r instead of one and one-half (note t h a t this i n t e r v a l , u n l i k e t h e rest, w a s s h o r t e n e d , p r e s u m a b l y f o r purposes of s y m m e t r y ) ; of r a i o n , t o w n , a n d o k r u g c o m m i t t e e s , f o u r m o n t h s instead of

CHAPTER

IX:

plenums

three.

CONCLUSION

1. For the v a r i o u s i n d i c a t i o n s of the r u r a l p r o p o r t i o n of the L e a g u e , see t h e a p p r o p r i a t e sections of t h e p r e v i o u s chapters, a n d also S"ezd 223; S"ezd

VII,

p p . 46-47, 169-70, 395; S"ezd

VIII,

VI, p p . 38, 136, 138,

p. 252; S"ezd

IX,

146. T h e d a t a a r e u n f o r t u n a t e l y i n c o m p l e t e a n d not directly c o m p a r a b l e .

p p . 50,

Appendixes

Appendix A D A T E S O F T H E CONGRESSES O F T H E K O M S O M O L , I. II. III. IV. V. VI.

October 29-November 4, 1918 October 5-8, 1919 October 2-10, 1920 September 21-28, 1921 October 11-19, ' 9 2 2 July 12-18, 1924

VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII.

1918-1954

March 1 1 - 2 2 , 1926 May 5 - 1 6 , 1928 January 16-26, 1931 April 10—21, 1936 March 29-April 8, 1949 March 19-26, 1954

Appendix Β SIZE O F T H E M E M B E R S H I P O F T H E K O M S O M O L , 1918-1954 Date October, 1918 October, 1919 December, 1919 May, 1920 October, 1920 ca. June, 1921 September, 1921 June, 1922 October, 1922 April, 1923 July, 1924 June, 1925 December 1,1925 March, 1926 May, 1928 July ι , 1930 January, 1931 1934 January 1, 1936

Reported Membership 22,100 96,096 >01,000 319,000 400,000 250,000 400,000 200,000 250,000 400,000 840,000 1,503,000 1,708,000 ι ,750,000 1,960,000 2,897,000 3,000,000 4,500,000 3,623,000

Date April, 1936 January, 1938 October, 1938 March, 1939 October, 1939 January, 1940 June, 1940 1945 March, 1949 April, 1950 February, 1951 June 1 , 1 9 5 1 January, 1952 June, 1952 October, 1952 May, 1953 November, 1953 March, 1954

Reported Membership 3-9 8 l >777 4,947,000 over 5,000,000 8,000,000 9,000,000 10,000,000 10,223,000 (?) 15,000,000 9,283,289 over 11,000,000 over 12,000,000 13,380,648 14,000,000 16,000,000 16,000,000 over 17,000,000 18,000,000 18,825,327

Note: T h e above figures include both members and candidate-members, in all cases where the two categories of members were reported separately. For sources, see S"ezd VII, pp. 169-70 (figure for December 1, 1925), and the early portion of each chapter from II through VIII.

Appendix C V O T I N G D E L E G A T E S A T T H E C O N G R E S S E S OF T H E 1918-1954

Congress

Percentage Total of Party Percentage of Number of Members and Full-Time Voting CandidateKomsomol Officials Delegates Members

Percentage of Women

KOMSOMOL,

Percentage Claiming "Worker' Parentage

I(1918)

175

50.0

(other statistics not reported)

Π(1919)

348

66.6

(other statistics not reported)

III (1920) IV (1921) V(1922)

(no statistics repotted respecting the composition) 3.0 89.0 471 450?

89.7? 97.8

VI(1924)

730

VH (1926)

1.177

97.1

Vin(1928)

656

94.9

43.3

(other statistics not reported) 54.0 3.0 87.0 6.7

60.0

69.5

9.8

71.0 (or 75.5) 82.2

IX (1931)

767

90.9

61.4

22.8

X(1936)

801

78.2

64.5

23.5

XI(1949)

1,362

70.0

40.0 plus?

43.3

(not given)

ΧΠ (1954)

1,334

66.5

44.5 plus?

41.9

(not given)

55.1

Note: T h e statistics given above are either taken directly from, or are calculated by the writer from, the reports given at the congresses (usually in the Report of the Credentials Commission). See S"ezd I, p. 89; S"ezd II, p. 7; S"ezd II', pp. 3 2 5 - 3 1 ; S"ezd V, pp. 373-74; S"ezd VI, pp. 299-302; S"ezd VII, pp. 489-91; S"ezd VIII, pp. 546-47; S"ezd IX, pp. 405-6; S"ezd X, Vol. II, pp. 399-404; KP, April 1, 1949, p. 2; March 23, 1954, p. 2. As to the proportion of Party members and candidate-members, the percentages for the Fourth, Fifth, and Sixth congresses are calculated not in relation to the total of voting delegates but in relation to the number of voting delegates concerning which the fact of Party membership or nonmembership was reported. At the Fourth Congress, the report covered 420 out of the 471 voting delegates; at the Fifth, 68 out of about 450; and at the Sixth, 729 out of 730. T h u s the percentage for the Fifth Congress is based 011 too small a sample to be considered more than approximate. As to the proportion of full-time Komsomol officials at the Eleventh and T w e l f t h congresses, the percentages given represent those delegates whose regular occupation was given as Komsomol official (544 in 1949 and 594 in 1954). But it should be noted that the leadership was trying in both cases to keep that proportion low for propagandistic purposes. Some full-time Komsomol officials may have been among the delegates who were omitted from the occupational

APPENDIX

C

411

distribution (300 in 194g and 218 in 1954—probably mostly military and security personnel). T h e sort of distortion that might have been practiced was suggested by the report of 1949 (there were no comparable statistics released in 1954) that 61.1 percent (832 out of 1,362) of the delegates were serving on relatively high Komsomol bodies (Komsomol committees of oblasts and krais, and central committees of union republics) and 17.3 percent (235 out of 1,362) on intermediate Komsomol bodies (committees of volosts, raions, towns, uczds, and okrugs). Thus it seems likely that a good many delegates who actually were occupied mainly with Komsomol work were listed under other occupations, for the sake of appearances. T h e percentage based on the sex of women at the figures given (559

of women at the Ninth Congress is slightly imprecise, being reported for 758 of the 767 voting delegates. T h e percentage Twelfth Congress was declared to be 424, but the absolute out of 1,334) indicate 41.9 percent.

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e _ u> ν t» > η bo « Ρ J= aj «Λ g o o Si λ α JS e 'S f be ** «i · " » l) Ξ χ: Μ = i S οΜ § ä 3 ο 5 ο ^ QJ « Ξ Ό ςι£ be 2 S •a S u « « .s c > c u c S * •o -a η 'βο 5 J3u Ή υ» 'S" ü . Ο " = 2 s •C υ 938)· 369 Japan, 206, 367 Jewish Jugendbund, 297 Jews: students, 18; in Komsomol, 65, 106, 136, 245, 324, 417; at Ninth Komsomol Congress, 173; in Russian population, 335, 417; at Tenth Komsomol Congress, 363; see also AntiSemitism Juvenile delinquency, 61, 65, 314; see also Crime; Hooliganism Kabardinians, 363 Kaganovich, Lazar' M.: on Stalin, 145; on Komsomolites, 154-155; on Βιιkharin, 156-57; and period of socialism, 160, 337; on shock brigades, 161; on Five-Year Plan, 162; on world revolution, 178; and deviationists, 338; and Tenth Komsomol CongTess, 353; and Eleventh Komsomol Congress, 380; and Twelfth Komsomol Congress, 392, 404 Kalinin, Mikhail I.: and NEP, 79, 353, 373; Komsomol and, 108; and teachers, 133; and education, 346 Kalmyks, 363 Kaluga, 48 Kamanin, N. P., 247-48 Kamenev, Lev B., 1 1 3 , 144 Kamenskii (official of Supreme Economic Council in 1926), 329 Kamyshin, 256 Kankin (member of CC of Komsomol in '9>9)' 3°7 Kaplun, S., 56; quoted, 57 Karachais, 363 Karaganda coal fields, 217 Kara-Kalpaks, 363 Karelo-Finnish SSR, 373 Kartaly, 217 Katalynov (Komsomol official of the mid-1920s), 119-20, 122, 327; quoted, 120 Katkov, Ν. N., 370 Kazakhs, 363, 387 Kazakhstan: economic activity in, 217; Komsomol in, 234, 363, 388; and

agriculture, 257, 394; and Twelfth Komsomol Congress, 396 Kemerovo, 396 Khabarovsk, 396 Khaldur, Μ. I., 403 Kharazov, V. I., 402 Kharkov, 161, 396 Kharlamov, A. E., 234, 373 Khazan (member of first CC of Komsomol), 20, 24, 303 Khitarov, R . M., quoted, 177 Khodorovskii (representative of Commissariat of Education in 1928), 339 Khorev (Komsomol leader in Moscow purged in 1937), 368 Khrushchev, Nikita S.: and Kosarev, 212-13; Mikhailov, 252; and agriculture, 256-57; Tenth Komsomol Congress and, 353, 354; Eleventh Komsomol Congress and. 380; Twelfth Komsomol Congress and, 392, 404 Kiev, 24, 26, 309 Kirghizes, 136, 363, 387 Kirghizia, 230, 373 Kirichenko, A. I., 392 Kirov, Sergei M., 180, 181 Klinkov, Ν. V., 367 Kochemasov, V. I., 260, 271, 394-95, 402-3. 405 Kolchak, Aleksandr V., 47 Kolkhozes (collective farms): Eighth and Ninth Komsomol congresses and, 164-65, 344-45; Tenth Komsomol Congress and, 198; women in, 203; Eleventh Komsomol Congress and, 217, 242-44, 246; Twelfth Komsomol Congress and, 255, 259, 260, 393-95: Komsomol success in, 289; and agricultural production, 359; Komsomolites in, 360; in New Lands, 39394 Kollontai, Aleksandra M., 42, 307; quoted, 42, 46, 58-59, 61 Kolmakov (Komsomol official of the mid-i92os), 122, 327 Komis, 363 Komsomol: prerevolutionary origins of, 1-7; establishment of, and Communist Party, 8-17; All-Russian Congress of, 1*, 28-29; general role of, 17-28; and other youth movements, 18-21; and trade unions, 22, 60, 91-92, n o ,

INDEX >97. 242, 304. 342. 343' 3 8 5-86: intellectuals in, 26; relationships and procedures within, 28-39; adoption of purge by, 32; election of officers in, 32-35, 104-6, 188; moral standards of, 37, 156-57, 378; and armed forces, 48-50, 98-100, 109-10, 137-38, 174-75. 178, 206, 246-48, 283-84, 310, 335-36, 349-50, 366, 399-400; and CIY, 52-56, 139-40, 175-78, 207-8, 311; and All· Russian Congress of Soviets, 62; and Seventh Congress of Soviets, 62; in Civil War, 62, 79-80, 173, 283-84, 288, 309-10; and crime, 64-65, 92, 321; and leisure, 69; and religion, 69, 130-31, 240-41, 262-63, 331, 396; and art, 73; Party control of, 7578, 115-17, 143-57. 186-88, 214-17, 233-34. 252-55. 279, 285-91, 301-2, 377. 391-92; a " d early years of NEP, 79-111, 283; and peasants, 86, 97-98, 258-59, 313; and patronage, 99-100; changes of name of, 113; and campaign against deviations, 113-27; and Leninism, 114, 118, 120-21, 126-27; and Trotsky, 116-17, ,45"47> 175» '77. 280; and Fourteenth Party Congress, 117-18; early lack of Stalinism in, 120-21, 125; and turn toward village, 128-32; publishing activities of, 133, 170, 201, 240, 263-64, 384-85, 396-97; and sovicts, 137, 195-96, 244, 348, 337-58, 387; and rise of Stalin, 14452; changes in leadership of, 152-56; voluntary movement in, 157-58, 161; award of Order of the Red Banner of Labor to, 160, 173, 369; and socialist competition, 161-62, 196; touring by members of, 170-71; purges in, 181, 211-14, 280-81, 306, 3'9-20, 351-52. 367-68, 374. 392; new progTam of, during Stalinist socialism, 182-86; growth of monolithism in, 186-95; administrative staff of, 193; and partial curb on governmental and economic responsibilities, 195-98; and war preparations, 206-8; and united front, 207-8; from the Tenth Congress to the Eleventh, 21122; and Stalin, 214, 223-29, 25354, 277-78, 283, 297, 377; and Lenin, 229, 297; effect of war and purge on, 230; discipline in, 232-33, 262, 288,

443

378-79; and Russian language, 245; and cold war, 246-50; number of primary organizations of, 246, 359-60, 375* 384; and ideological training, 261-70; pattern of, 279; histories of, 296-98; 1925 controversy in, 327; twentieth anniversary of, 369; in World War II, 371-73: award of Order of Lenin to, 373; rights of members, 379-80; and postwar reconstruction, 386; Stalin on, 404; see also Athletics; Central Committee of Komsomol; Congresses of Komsomol; Economic affairs; Education; Komsomolites; Membership, of Komsomol; Minority nationalities; Worker youth; World affairs; Young Pioneers Komsomolite (submarine), 174 Komsomolites: ideal qualities of, 3947, 226-29, 288, 318-19, 352-53 (see also New Soviet Man); Lunacharskii on, 81; Bukharin on, 81-84; Honorary, 125, 146-48; Kaganovich on, 154-55; overage, 156; on collective farms, 164-65, 360; in armed forces, 174; in World War II, 218-20; and Stalin, 224-26; Mikhailov on, 227-28, 228-29; postwar standards for, 23135; in agriculture, 259-60; rural, 280; badge of, 325; in schools, 382-83 Komsomol'skaia pravda (Komsomol Truth): establishment of, 133; circulation of, 170, 240; and interval between Tenth and Eleventh Komsomol congresses, 211; Mikhailov and, 213; and agriculture, 217, 258; and Eleventh Komsomol Congress, 229: and Stalin, 253; and Communist morality, 263; as Komsomol guide, 352; and military preparedness, 371 Komsomol'sk-on-the-Amur, 197, 257, 359. 369 Korea, 249, 269, 388-89 Kosarev, Aleksandr V.: and Stalin, 145; and deviation, 146-47, 338; on Shatskin, 146, 147; on deviations, 147-48; and Komsomol CC, 148; and Komsomol criticism, 152; on Party guidance, 152; on period of socialism, 160; on socialism, 163; and Ukrainian Opposition, 181; on Stalin, 187;

444

INDEX

Kosarev, A l e k s a n d r V. ( C o n t i n u e d ) r e c o g n i t i o n of w o r k of, 194; a n d p r o s e c u t i o n s of y o u t h , 194-95; on K o m s o m o l g u i d a n c e , 195; o n toil, 196; o n R u s s i a n past, 200; o n class enemies, 200-1; o n secondary education, 204; o n c o n d u c t in b a t t l e , 206; o n world r e v o l u t i o n , 208; a n d u n m a s k i n g of e n e m i e s , 2 1 1 - 1 2 ; fall of, 2 1 2 - 1 4 , 280, 370; a n d intervals bet w e e n K o m s o m o l congresses, 336; a n d T r o t s k y , 337; a n d e c o n o m i c activity, 343-44· 358-60; o n m i l i t a r y t r a i n i n g , 350-51; o n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e changes, 356; a n d S t a k h a n o v i t e s , 358; a n d political e d u c a t i o n , 361; a n d e d u c a t i o n . 364; o n athletics, 365; a n d p u r g e , 368 Koshevoi, Oleg, 372 Kosior, S. V., 181, 353 K o s m o d e m ' i a n s k a i a , Zoia, 372 Kostrov (Komsomol l e a d e r a t t a c k e d in ' 9 3 ' ) · 33® Kosygin, A. N., 380 K o z h e d u b , I v a n , 399 Kozlov, V i k t o r I., 194. 351, 356, 357; q u o t e d , 194-95 K r a s a v c h e n k o , N . P., 381 K r a s n o d a r , 373, 390 Krivtsov, Α. Α., 230, 235, 376, 379 K r o n s t a d t u p r i s i n g , 90, 99, 317, 319 K r u p s k a i a , N a d e z h d a : q u o t e d , 6, 42, 127, 134; a n d e d u c a t i o n , 94, 346; K o m s o m o l criticism of, 104; as H o n o r a r y K o m s o m o l i t e , 125; a n d Y o u n g Pioneers, 134, 168; a n d L u n a c h a r s k i i , 324; a n d E i g h t h K o m s o m o l Congress, 337 K u b a n region, 114, 198 Kudriavtsev ( m e m b e r of K o m s o m o l CC in t h e m i d - 1920s), 344 Kuibyshev, 2 1 7 , 337, 396 K u l a k s , 143, 163-67 Kuleshov ( K o m s o m o l official i n Leni n g r a d in 1937), 368 K u r e l l i a (Komsomol official in t h e early 1920s), 33, 124, 324 K u r n i k o v (speaker a t E i g h t h Komsomol Congress), 338 K u r s k , 373 Kuznetsk Basin, 343, 359 Kuznetsov, B., 34 Kuznetsov, V. V., 385-86

Labor, C o m m u n i s t a t t i t u d e toward, 58-59 L a b o r a n d Light (factory youth organization), 5, 297 L a b o r Reserve p r o g r a m , 219, 246, 373; schools of, 238, 242, 383, 386 L a k h t e n p e n ' (Komsomol official in Leningrad in 1937), 368 Latvia, 65 Latvian L e a g u e of Youth, 65, 66 Latvians, 363, 387 Leadership, as Komsomol ideal, 42, 2 75-77 League of t h e Young G u a r d , 51 League of W o r k i n g Y o u t h of the T h i r d I n t e r n a t i o n a l , 298, 299 League of Young Believers, 143 Leisure, Komsomol a n d , 69 Lemberskaia (Komsomol leader in Moscow p u r g e d in 1937), 368 L e n i n , V. I.: o n Cadets, 1; on y o u n g people. 1, 309; a n d Russian y o u t h , 1, 2, 296; a n d good Bolshevik, 2; on y o u t h organizations, 4-5; Komsomol a n d , 12, 108, 120-21, 125, 229, 2 97· 360: a t T h i r d Komsomol Congress, 16, 25-26; o n Communist morality, 39-40; as h o n o r a r y chairm a n of first t h r e e Komsomol congresses. 36; on discipline, 40; on Komsomolite, 42; o n Komsomol tasks, 44-45; on C o m m u n i s m , 44-45; a n d e d u c a t i o n , 45, 60; o n economic construction, 60; a n d religion, 68; on work, 69; o n e d u c a t i o n , 69-70; d e a t h of, 112, 113; o n shock groups, 157; a n d C o m m u n i s t doctrine, 253; Young Pioneers a n d , 269; a n d Engels, 295; on d e t e r m i n i s m , 296; o n military science to y o u t h , 297; a n d y o u t h organizations, 297 L e n i n g r a d : Komsomol in, 1 1 7 - 2 1 , 136, •57' ' 5 9 · >81. 234. 247. 343. 359. 3 6 8 · 373. 388; schools in, 264; and T w e l f t h Komsomol Congress, 396 L e n i n i s m : in Komsomol, 114, 118, 12021, 126-27; a n d Stalin, 145 Leonov ( m e m b e r of Komsomol CC elected in 1922), 105 Leont'ev ( m e m b e r of Komsomol CCs elected in 1919 a n d 1920), 33 Leshchinskii (Komsomol leader in Moscow p u r g e d in 1937), 368

INDEX Leske (youth leader in Petrograd in 1918), 299 Lessons of October (Trotsky), 116 Lezgins, 363 Libraries, 64, 72 Liebknecht, Karl, 36, 307, 310 Likhov (Komsomol official of the raid1920s), 327 Literacy, 60; see also Illiteracy Lithuanians, 245, 387 Little Octobrists: establishment of, 13435; and indoctrination, 141, 201; size of membership of, 170, 347; Komsomol congresses and, 170, 362, 383 Liubin, A. I., 368 Liu Tao-shen, 401 Loginova (delegate at Second Komsomol Congress), 33 Lominadze (Komsomol leader attacked at Ninth Congress), 146, 338 Luk'ianov, Dmitrii, 194, 2 1 1 , 357, 368 Lunacharskii, Α. V.: and Third Komsomol Congress, 26, 36; on machine labor, 70; on political consciousness, 70; on art, 73; and NEP, 79; on Komsomolite, 81; and education, 94, 167, 321-22, 346; Komsomol criticism of, 104, 151; on making Communists, 307-8; on purge, 318; and Krupskaia, 324 Maccabees, 96, 97 Machine-and-tractor stations (MTS): children and, 169; Komsomolites at, 198, 259; Komsomol and, 217, 255; Komsomol primary organizations at, 242-43, 246, 260, 394 Magazines, of Komsomol, 264; see also Publications, of Komsomol Magnitogorsk, 161, 217, 359 Main Committee for Professional-Technical Education, 315 Makeeva, P. G., 402 Malenkov, Georgii M.: and collective leadership, 254; and education, 371; and Eleventh Komsomol Congress, 380; and Party growth, 390; and rural population, 391; and Twelfth Komsomol Congress, 392, 404 Malyshev (early Komsomol official), 27, 34 Manchuria, 174

445

Mantsev (chairman of All-Union Athletic League in 1936), 365 Mao Tse-tung, 270 Marchik, I. S., 351 Marinushkin (Komsomol official in Leningrad in 1937), 368 Maris, 363 Marx, Karl, 253, 360; quoted, 312 Masherov, Petr M., 395, 402, 403 Matveev (delegate at First Komsomol Congress), 20, 24, 303 Matveev (A. A.? member of Komsomol CC in the middle and late 1920s), 122; quoted, 121, 327 Membership, of Komsomol: admission requirements, 30-31, 72; expulsion from, 31-32; size of, 80, 140, 142, 18081, 214, 218-22, 227, 251, 260, 270-71, 279-80, 301, 317-18, 325-26, 351, 355, 369· 372. 374-75· 389-9°. 409: a g e requirements and distribution, 85, 191, 251, 271-72, 280-82, 326, 375, 390-91; in Party, 123, 148, 214-17, 233-34, 2 2 5 "53> 3 2 4 - 2 5> 3 2 8, 338; social com243> 245> position of, 128-29, 280-82, 314, 326, 330-32, 387; women, >35· 2 ° 2 - 3 , 272, 280-81, 299, 309, 31415, 334; standards for, 190-91; probationary period for, 355 of Young Pioneers: size of, 140-41, 168, 214, 239, 266-67, 362, 369, 398, 418; social composition of, 333, 347; in Party, 347; age distribution of, 347, 376 Mensheviks, 5, 296, 334 Menzhinskii, V. R., 337 Mgeladze, Α. I., 367 Mikhailov, Aleksandr Α., 368 Mikhailov, Nikolai Α.: and Komsomol leadership, 213, 234-35, 402, 403; age of, 213, 271; on war duty of Komsomolite, 218; and education, 218, 220, 371, 373, 381-82; on teachers and students, 220; on advent of Communism, 223; on Stalin, 226; on perpetual achievement, 227; on Communist morality, 227-28; on Soviet youth, 228-29; a n d Komsomol membership, 230-31; on Komsomol teachers' organization, 236; on "hero of our time," 240; on religion, 240-41; Party posts of, 252; background of, *68-6q; Eleventh Komsomol Con-

446

INDEX

Mikhailov, Nikolai A. (Continued) gress and, 376; and Party Komsomolites, 380; on athletics, 385; and growth of Komsomol, 390; in Supreme Soviet, 395; and world affairs, 399· Mikhailovskii, Ν. K „ 295 Mikoian, Anastas I., 353, 380, 392, 404 Mil'chakov, L. I., 121, 156, 338; quoted, 1 2 1 , 122, 124, 146 Military Scientific Societies, 336 Military Section, of Second Komsomol Congress, 49 Military training, Komsomol and, 98100; see also Red Army; Red Navy; Soviet Air Forces Minaev (Komsomol official in the middle and late 1920s), 1 2 1 , 122, 327, 338 Ministry of Internal Affairs, »46 Minority nationalities: first three Komsomol congresses and, 65-66, 314; Fourth Komsomol Congress and, 324, 417; Sixth and Seventh Komsomol congresses and, 135-36, 417; Chaplin on, 1 7 1 ; Eighth and Ninth Komsomol congresses and, 171-73, 417; Tenth Komsomol Congress and, 245, 363, 417; Eleventh Komsomol Congress and, 244-46, 417; Twelfth Komsomol Congress and, 261-62, 387, 388 Mishakova, O. P., 213, 368 Mislavskii (head of Central Inspection Committee of Komsomol in 1928), '44. >49-5°. >54 Mitrofanov (speaker at Fourth Komsomol Congress), 320, 329, 331 Moldavia, 388 Moldavians, 363, 387 Molodaia gvardiia (Voung Guard), 96, 170 Molotov, V. M „ 353, 354, 380, 392, 404 Molotov, 396 Mongolia, 351, 388 Morality, Communist attitudes toward, 81-84, 228 Mordov Republic, 245 Mordvinians, 363, 387 Morozov, Pavlik, 362 Moscow: student organizations in, 4; youth activity in, 9; Jewish student activity in, 18; and Civil War, 48; as headquarters of CIY, 102; Komsomol in, 157, 159, 234, 247, 258, 2g9,

309, 367-68, 374, 388, 390; construction of subway in, 197; award of Order of Lenin to Komsomol in, 197; schools in, 264; T h i r d International in, 299 Moscow Council of Trade Unions, 22 Moscow University, 346 Moslem mullahs, 171-72 Murmansk, 373 Murtazaev, K „ 403 Muskin, Vasilii Α., 189-90, 194, 202, 362, 364; quoted, 199 Nationalities, see Minority nationalities Navy, see Red Navy Nentsv, 363 Neutralism, as Komsomol deviation, 114 Nevskii, V., 15, 49, 309, 310: quoted, 63. 64. 3 ' 3 New Economic Policy (NEP), 7 9 - 1 1 1 , 283 New Lands campaign, 257-58, 283, 39394 New Soviet Man, 39-47, 200, 264, 288, 348; Muskin on, 199; see also Komsomolites, ideal qualities of Newspapers, of Komsomol, 263-64, 396-97; see also Publications, of Komsomol Nikitin (member of Bureau of Komsomol CC in 1937), 212, 367 Norway, 3 1 1 , 389 Novgorod, 373 Novikova, V. L., 402 Novorossiisk, 373 Octobrists, see Little Octobrists Okulik (Komsomol official in the early 1920s), 26, 34, 304, 320 "On Youth Leagues" resolution, of Bolsheviks, quoted, 7 Order of Lenin, to Moscow Komsomol, '97 Order of the Red Banner of Labor, to Komsomol, 160, 173, 358, 369 Ordzhonikidze, G. K. (Sergo), 337, 353 Orel, 48, 373 Organization of Student and Worker Youth of the PC [St. Petersburg Committee] of the R S D L P , 4 Orlov, V. I., 402

INDEX Orphanages, 239-40 Osoaviakhim (Society for the Promotion of Defense and of Aviation and Chemical Industries), 175, 207, 147, 350 Ossetians, 363, 387 Ostriakov, S., 338 Pacifism, Komsomol and, 54-55 Panov (Komsomol official of the mid1920s), 327 Patronage, Komsomol and, 99-100, 379 Pavlenko (representative of Union of Soviet Writers at T e n t h Komsomol Congress), 361 Peasants: Komsomol and, 62-64, 86, 87-88, 97-98, 128-32, 313; newspapers of, 64; and Red Army, 86; see also Agriculture; Collectivization; Kolkhozes; Rural areas; Sovkhozes Pegov, A. M., 370 Persia, 311 Pervukhin, M. G., 392, 404 Peterhof-Narva District, 297 Petrograd: youth activity in, 5, 9; student activity in, 6; and Civil War, 48, 309, 310; Komsomol in, 299 Petrovskii, G. I., 353 Petrovskii (G. I.? Party representative at Fifth Komsomol CongTess), 105 Physical education, 74-75, 136-37, 24142, 317, 350; see also Athletics Pikina, V. F., 368 Pioneers, see Y o u n g Pioneers Pionerskaia pravda (Pioneer Truth), 240 Pletnev (delegate at Second Komsomol Congress), 37, 38 Pliasunov, Fedor, 33, 324 Podvolotskii (member of Komsomol C C in 1920), 33 Pokrovskii, Μ. N „ 124, 185, 333 Poland, 49, 51, 367, 389 Poles, 245, 297, 363 Poletaev, Α. Α., 370 Poliakov (Komsomol leader in Moscow purged in 1937), 368 Polifem (early Komsomol official), 25, 34. 34 Politburo, 289 Polonskii (speaker at Fourth Komsomol Congress), 320 Poltava, 129

447

Poltoratskii (member of Komsomol C C in 1920), 33 Pomerantseva (speaker at Eleventh Komsomol Congress), 383 Ponomarenko, P. K., 392 Popov, N., 185 Pospelov, P. N., 392 Postyshev, P. P., 181, 353 Prague, 400 Pravda, 73 Pravda (Polish youth group), 297 Preobrazhenskii, Ε. Α.: and T h i r d Komsomol Congress, 26; on selfsacrifice, 41; on knowledge of Marxism, 42-43; and age requirements of Komsomol, 85; and class composition of Komsomol, 85-86; and peasants, 86; on tasks of Komsomol, 89; Komsomol criticism of, 104, 320; and Party control, 302; and purge, 319 Primary schools, enrollment in, 364; see also Education Problems of Leninism (Stalin), 229 Prokof'ev, N. F., 367 Proletariat, Komsomol and, 56-61; see also Worker youth Propaganda, see Indoctrination Prostitution, 67, 92 Provisional Government, 5, 298 Pskov, 373 Publications, of Komsomol, 133, 170, 201, 240, 263-64, 384-85, 396-97 Public health, 312 Purge, Komsomol and: adoption of, 32; during Stalinist socialism, 181, 28081, 351-52; under postwar Stalinism, 211-14, 280-81, 367-68, 374; early purges, 306, 319-20; under collective leadership, 392 Putilov factory, 297 Radek, Karl, quoted, 101, 103 Rakhimova, I., 402, 403 Rapokhin, Aleksei Α., 395, 402, 403 Reading rooms, 64, 72 Ready for Labor and Defense (RLD) program, 205-6, 241, 385 Red Army: and Civil War, 48-50; Komsomol rural activity and, 63-64; and peasants, 86; Komsomol and, 99, 109, 137-3 8 . «47· 2 8 4. 3 ' ° . 335-3 6 . 349-5°· 366, 400

448

INDEX

R e d L e a g u e of Physical C u l t u r e , 95 R e d Navy, K o m s o m o l a n d , 99-100, 1 1 0 , •S7-3 8 · '74. 206, 247, «84, 335-36, 349-50, 360, 400 R e d Sport I n t e r n a t i o n a l , 140 R e d T r i a n g l e factory, 341 R e l i g i o n : Komsomol a n d , 68, 130-31, 135. M3· 262-63, 3 3 1 ; a m o n g peasants, 97; Communist attitudes t o w a r d , 240-41, 396 R e v a , N a d e z h d a , 255-56 R e v o l u t i o n a r y Military Council, of T h i r d Komsomol Congress, 50 R e v o l u t i o n of 1905, a n d R u s s i a n y o u t h , 4 Riazan, 48 Riga. 4 Rogov (Komsomol official of t h e m i d 1920s), 122, 327 R o m a n o v , Ν. N „ 2 1 3 , 373, 385 R o m a n o v s k i i , S. K., 403 Rostov-on-Don, 3, 373 R S D L P ( B ) (Bolshevik f a c t i o n of R u s sian Social D e m o c r a t i c L a b o r Party), 2-7 R u b i n a (Komsomol official of t h e m i d 1920s), 327 R u d z u t a k , l a . E., 337, 353 R u k h i m o v i c h , M. L., 159 R u m a n i a , 3 1 1 , 389 R u m i a n t s e v (Komsomol official of t h e mid-ig20s), 327 R u r a l areas, K o m s o m o l a n d , 62-64, 3 1 3 , 386-87, 391; see also A g r i c u l t u r e ; Peasants R u s s i a n C o m m u n i s t L e a g u e of Y o u t h , 1 1 - 1 2 ; see also K o m s o m o l R u s s i a n language, K o m s o m o l a n d , 245 Russian Leninist C o m m u n i s t L e a g u e of Y o u t h (RLCLY), 1 1 3 ; see also Komsomol R u s s i a n Social Democratic L a b o r P a r t y , 2-7 Rykov, Aleksei I., 144, 145, 337 R y v k i n , Oskar: o n Party CC, 14; at first t h r e e Komsomol congresses, 14, 16-19, 22-23, 37-38, 49; on role of Komsomol, 17-18; o n Jewish s t u d e n t activity, 18; o n o p p o s i t i o n y o u t h m o v e m e n t s , 19; as m e m b e r of K o m somol CC, 32-33, 81, 124; as early K o m s o m o l leader, 43, 298, 299; a n d economic interests, 57; o n labor, 59;

c h a n g i n g a t t i t u d e s of, 77; a n d class composition of Komsomol, 84-86; o n task of Komsomol, 88; a n d K o m somol debates, 104; transfer of, 107; a n d CIY, 3 1 1 ; a n d p u r g e , 3 1 9 ; a n d O p p o s i t i o n , 320

Saburov, Μ. Z., 392, 404 St. Petersburg, 4 Sakhalin, 343, 359 Saltanov, S. Α., i 2 i , 164, 2 1 1 , 344-45, 364; q u o t e d , 327-28 Schmidt, O t t o Iul'evich, 359 School clubs, 3 1 6 Schools, 203, 235-42; see also E d u c a tion Secondary schools, 93-94, 204, 235, 246, 28g; e n r o l l m e n t s in, 364; see also Education Sccond W o r l d W a r , see W o r l d W a r II Semichastnyi, V. E., 390, 394, 402, 403 So red ok in (Komsomol official of t h e mid- 1920s), 327 Sevastopol', 373 Sever'ianova, Α. Α., i68, 347; q u o t e d , i68-6g, 169-70 Sexual behavior, C o m m u n i s t a t t i t u d e s toward, 109, 156, 330 Shakhtinskii affair, 337 Shashirin, A. M., 368 Shatalin, Ν. N„ 392 Shatskin, Lazar': as early K o m s o m o l leader. 1 0 - 1 1 , 16, 33, 37, 43, 299; on intellectuals in Komsomol, 26; as m e m b e r of Komsomol CC, 29, 124; on Komsomol assignments, 30; disa g r e e m e n t with B u k h a r i n , 36; o n discipline, 40; o n C o m m u n i s t society, 45-46; a n d CIY, 52-55, 101-3, 175-76; on economic interests, 56; a n d Komsomol g o v e r n m e n t a l f u n c tions, 61-62; on K o m s o m o l tasks, 62; a n d m i n o r i t y nationalities, 66-67; a n d e d u c a t i o n , 7 1 , 94, 321-22; o n Party control of Komsomol, 76-77; a n d Party, 76-77, 81, 289; on P a r t y members, 81; a n d m i n i m u m age req u i r e m e n t of Komsomol, 85; a n d class composition of Komsomol, 86; on athletics, 95-96; on CIY, 102, 17576; a n d Komsomol debates, 104; transfer of, 107; as H o n o r a r y Kom-

INDEX somolite, 146; Komsomol attack on, 146-48, 182, 207; on Komsomol procedure, 1 5 1 ; f a l l of, 178, 280, 338; and youth groups, 297; and youth labor, 303; a n d mass base, 304; and sabotage, 3 1 2 - 1 3 ; on educational task, 3 1 5 ; and purge, 319; on deviation, 320 Shatunov, G . P., 402, 403 Shelepin, Aleksandr N.: as Komsomol leader, 234, 252, 402, 407; on economic matters, 255; and agriculture, 258-59, 394; on work, 262; on hooligans, 263; a n d education, 263, 26566, 378; on world affairs, 269; and age limit, 2 7 1 ; and leadership, 272; on criticism, 275, 276; and occupations of K o m s o m o l leaders, 388; and Komsomol g r o w t h , 390; and Party, 3 9 1 ; and athletics, 400; and world affairs, 400 Shevel', G. G., 402, 403 Shevtsov, P., 5, 298 Shevtsova, Liubov", 372 Shiperov (Komsomol official in Leningrad in 1937), 368 Shock groups, 157, 160-62, 3 4 1 , 342 Shokhin, Andrei, 91-92, 94-95. '05-7. 3 2 1 - 2 2 , 333; q u o t e d , 128, 167, 330 Shumilov, V. T . , 403 Shvernik, Ν. M.. 359, 380, 392 Siberia, 30, 66, 164, 197, 257 Siberian sections, of Komsomol, 66 Sickle and H a m m e r factory, 368 Smolensk, 373 Smolensk archive, 369 Stnorodin, Petr, 33, 79, 87-88, 95, 104; as member of Komsomol C C , 124, 324; as Honorary Komsomolite, 328 Sobol' (Komsomol official of the mid1920s), 327 Sobolev, Sergei, 1 1 9 , 1 2 1 , 338 Social Democrats, 1, 297, 367 Socialist competition, Komsomol and, 161-62, 196, 256, 284, 343, 394 Socialist construction, Komsomol and, '57-63 Socialist L e a g u e of Working Youth, 5, 297· 299 Socialist L e a g u e of Working Youth of Petrograd, 5-6 Socialist Revolutionaries, 5, 296

449

Society for the Promotion of Defense and of Aviation and Chemical Industries, 175, 207, 247, 350 Society of Friends of the Navy, 138 Society of Proletarian T o u r i n g and Excursions, 170-71 Sokol'nikov, Grigorii la., 4 Sokols, 74, 96 Sorokin, V. P., 367 Sorvin (delegate at First Komsomol Congress), 20 South Russian G r o u p , 3 Soviet Air Forces, Komsomol and, 17475, 178, 206, 284, 349-50, 366 Soviet Committee for the Defense of Peace, 399 Soviet of Nationalities, 395 Soviets, Komsomol and, 62, 137, 19596, 244, 348, 357-58. 387 Sovkhozes (state farms): Party attitude toward, 63-64; Komsomol a n d , 98, 242-43, 246, 255, 259-60, 394; a n d agricultural production, 35g Spain, 3 1 1 , 367, 389 Specialists, need for, 166-67 Sports, see Athletics Stakhanovite movement, 196, 202, 242, 284; Komsomolites as Stakhanovites, 35« Stalin, Joseph V.: and Party, 77; and controversy with Trotsky, 1 1 3 ; in Komsomol debates, 120, 1 2 1 ; as Honorary Komsomolite, 125; on class enemies, 143-44; o n bureaucratism, 144; rise to power of, 144-45; o n period of socialism, 159-60; on collectivization of farms, 165; on specialists, 166; on science, 166-67; of, 178, 261, 277-78; and T e n t h Komsomol Congress, 180, 187-88, 353; and new Program of Komsomol, 182-86; on Stalinist character, 185-86; and Komsomol, 214, 223-29, 277-78, 283, 297, 360, 377; and 1946 election, 2 2 1 ; and Communist doctrine, 253; reverence of, in Komsomol, 253-54; Y o u n g Pioneers and, 269; Chinese C o m m u nists and, 270; and Eighth Komsomol Congress, 337; and nationality question. 348; and Eleventh Komsomol Congress, 380; on Komsomol, 404 Stalingrad, 256, 386

45°

INDEX

Stalinism, early lack of, in Komsomol, 120-21, 125 Stalino Oblast, 396 Stalin Plan for the Transformation of Nature, 256, 386, 393 Starostin (early Komsomol official), 27, 33. 3°5 State farms, see Sovkhozes Sten (Komsomol leader attacked at Ninth Congress), 338 Stiliagi (zoot-suiters), 263 Stockholm peace appeal, 269 Striganov, V. M., 403 Strike, Communist attitudes toward, 91, 110 Student Organization of the PC [St. Petersburg Committee] of the RSDLP, 4 Students: and Revolution of 1905, 4; Komsomol and, 204-5, 237-42, 26465, 400-1; see also Education Student self-government, 167 Stuttgart, 51 Subbotnik, All-Union, 339, 341 Sundugei (Komsomol official in Leningrad in 1937), 368 Sungari River, 349 Supreme Economic Council, 125, 332, 342 Supreme Soviet, elections to, 369, 395 Suslov, Μ. Α., 392 Sverdlov, Iakov M., 12 Sverdlovsk, 396 Sviderskii (representative of Commissariat of Agriculture at Sixth Komsomol Congress), 124 Sweden, 311 Switzerland, 4, 311, 367 Syrtsov (Komsomol leader attacked at Ninth Congress), 338 Tadzhiks, 363, 387 Tambov, 48 T a m b o v case, 149-50 T a n n u Tuva, 351 Tarasov (member of Komsomol CC in the early and middle 1920s), 118-19, 122, 327 Tarkhanov (Komsomol official of the early and middle 1920s), 117, 327, 3*8 "Tasks of the League of Youth [the Komsomol], T h e " (Lenin), 44

Tatarov (member of Komsomol C C in >92°). 33 Tatar Republic, 245 Tatars, 136, 245, 363, 364, 387, 396 Teachers: in villages, 64; Komsomol and, 95, 204-5, 236-37, 264-65, 36465, 381-82, 397; educational background of, 365; see also Education Technical schools (tekhnikumy), 364, 38283 Teremiakina (Komsomol official of the mid-i920S), 122, 327 Thälmann, Ernst, 337, 353 T h i r d International: factory youth organization, 6; as proposed name for Komsomol, 10-11; see also Comintern Timirgalin, Sh. T., 367 Tiulenin, Sergei, 372 T i u r i n , Μ. V., 369 Tolstoi, Aleksei, 361 Tomsky, Mikhail P., 144, 145, 337, 343 Touring Bureau, of Komsomol, 170-71 Tovstukha (Komsomol leader attacked at Ninth Congress), 338 Towster, Julian, 372 Trade unions: Komsomol and, 22, 60, 91-92, 110, 197, 242, 304, 342-43, 38586; and labor discipline, 350 Transcaucasus, 135 Trofimov (Komsomol official of the mid-1920s), 327 Trotsky, Leon: and Komsomol, 17, 36, 108, 116-17, 145-47. '75· >77- 280, 326, 337; as honorary chairman of Komsomol congresses, 36; on Communism, 46; and youth in Civil War, 48: on religion, 68; and strikes, 91; and worker youth, 91; on military training, 99; on militarism, 100; on World Revolution, 100; controversy with Triumvirate, 113; fall of, 144; and Komsomol Opposition, 181-82; on youth, 183, 307 Trud i svet, see Labor and Light Tseitlin, Efim, 107, 299, 317, 320, 324, 338; quoted, 302 Tsetlin, B., 21, 32, 33, 49 Tsymlianskoe Reservoir, 393 Tsypin (speaker at T e n t h Komsomol Congress), 361 T u l a , 48, 136 Tumanova, Z. P., 267-68, 39 t, 398, 402-3

INDEX T u m c h e n o k , Β. I., 368 T u r k e s t a n , 30 Turkey, 311 T u r k m e n i a n s , 363, 387 T u r k m e n i s t a n , 363, 374 T u r k s , 136, 324, 363, 364 T u r k s i b railroad, 343 T u z h i l k i n (speaker at F o u r t h Komsomol Congress), 320 Two-and-a-Half International of Youth, 101 U d m u r t , 403 U d m u r t s , 363 Uigurs, 363 Ukraine: youth activity in, 24-25; Komsomol in, 30, 181, 197, 234, 247, 258, 299. 335. 343. 359- 377. 387. 390· 39 8 : a n d Civil W a r , 48, 310; Komsomol organizations in, 87; collectivization in, 164, 343, 359; f a m i n e in, 180; nationalism in, 181; construction in, 197; r e u n i o n of, with Russia, 261; a n d Great Russians, 261-62; Party in, 335; purges in, 352; a n d T w e l f t h Komsomol Congress, 396 Ukrainian Opposition, in Komsomol, 24-26, 65, 104, 304, 314, 320, 324 Ukrainians: in Komsomol, 106, 136, >73. 2 45· 3*4' 363. 3 8 7: i n Russian p o p u l a t i o n , 335, 417 Uls, 363 United f r o n t , Komsomol a n d , 207-8 Universal Military T r a i n i n g , 99 Universities, 383; see also Education Unshlikht, I., 173 Urals: youth g r o u p s in, 20; League of Christian Youth in, 135; Komsomol in, 152, 299, 309, 343; construction in, 197; New L a n d in, 257 Usenko, S. E., 368 Utkin, S. Α., 367 Uzbekistan. 245, 335, 363, 373, 387, 390, 396, 401, 403 Uzbeks, 136, 363, 387 Velikie Luki, 373 Vershkov, Petr Α., 190; quoted, 192 Vershkov, P. S., 368 Veselov, S. M., 403 Viazma, 373 Village, Komsomol t u r n toward, 128-32 Vitebsk League of H e b r e w Youth, 65

451

Vladimir, 30g Volga-Don Canal, 393 Volga G e r m a n Republic, 245 Volga Germans, 3 1 1 , 363 Volga region, 257, 345 Volkov, M. D „ 367 Volkova, E. P., 213 Voluntary movement, in Komsomol, 157-58, 161 Voronezh, 3, 48, 373 Voroshilov, Κ. E., 173-74, 335· 349: a 5 Komsomol honorary chairman, 353, 354' S8®- 392. 4°4: quoted, 366 Voting, a t Komsomol congresses, 32-33, 37, 124-25, 188, 231, 234-35 Voznesenskii (RSFSR Minister of Education in 1949), 381 Warsaw, 401 White-collar youth, 155-56 W o m e n : in Komsomol, 67-68, 135, 156, 202-3, 230-31, 272, 280-81, 299, 309, 314-15, 334; of minority nationalities, 363; as medical students, 363; in r u r a l soviets, 363; at congresses, 4 ιοίι Work, Communist attitude toward, 58-59 Worker youth, Komsomol a n d : F o u r t h and F i f t h congresses and, 90-98, 109; Seventh Congress and, 117, 128, 140; N i n t h Congress and, 155-56, 178; T e n t h Congress and, 209; as special concern, 283-84; first three congresses and, 303, 316 World affairs, Komsomol a n d : first three congresses and, 50-56, 3 1 1 ; F o u r t h Congress and, 100-3; Eighth and N i n t h congresses and, 175-78; T e n t h CongTess and, 208; Eleventh Congress and, 229, 248-50; T w e l f t h Congress a n d , 269-70; peace movement, 399; see also Communist International of Youth World Congresses of Students and of Youth, 399-401 World Federation of Democratic Youth, 249-50, 270, 400 World Festivals of Youth a n d Students, 400-1 World revolution, see World affairs World W a r II, 218-20, 371-73 Wrangel, P e t r N., 49, 63. 3 1 0

452

INDEX

Yagoda, G . G., 353 Y M C A , .9. 139 Young Communist, 73, 96 Young Communist Leagues: in early 1920s, 101, 139; Shatskin on, 175-76; and Komsomol, 175-78, 284; and united front, 207-8; and subversion, 350-51; Chemodanov on, 366; growth of, 367; see also Communist International of Youth Young Guard (Komsomol publishing house), 51, 96, 170, 240, 264, 384 Young Guard, The (Fadeev), 372, 377 Young Pioneers: establishment of, 9697, 110; and Komsomol, 133-34, 2 0 1 " 2. 284-85, 346-48, 362, 383-84, 398-99; size of membership of, 140-41, 168, 214, 239, 266-67, 362, 398, 418; and socialist construction, 168-69; and education, 201-2, 205, 209, 239; publications of, 240, 397; and Lenin, 269; and Stalin, 269; ideal qualities of, 322-23; social composition of membership of, 333, 347; number of detachments in, 347; Party members in, 347; age distribution of membership of, 347, 376 Young Proletarian Homes, 20-21, 24, 302-3, 316

Youth, Russian: Lenin and, 1-2; and Bolsheviks, before Revolution, 2-7; and Party, 8-9; organizations among, 18·ί i, 143; economic rights of, 5661; and Civil War, 79-80; illiteracy among, 203; membership in organizations, 251-52; see also Komsomol; Young Pioneers Youth International, in Switzerland, 4 Youth League of the M C [Moscow Committee] of the R S D L P (Bolsheviks), 6, 298 Yugoslavia, 367 Y W C A , 139

Zabirov (member of Komsomol C C in early 1920s), 33, 124, 324 Zaichikov, V. N., 402 Zakharov, S. F.., 213, 214 Zaluzhnyi, V. I., 393, 402 Zander, N., 22-23; quoted, 303 Zcmnukhov, Ivan, 372 Zhdanov, Andrei, 181, 353, 354 Zhikhor, Α. Α., 402 Zinoviev, Grigorii E., 36, 100, 108, 11415, 125, 128, 144, 318; quoted, 51-52. 113-14, 123. 329 Zionism, 334