Papers of Thomas Jefferson. Volume 20 The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Volume 20: April 1791 to August 1791 9780691185262, 0691046867
This volume documents exhaustively for the first time Edmond Charles Genet's dramatic challenges to American neutra
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THE PAPER S O F
T H O M A S JEFFERSO N
T H E PAPER S O F
Thomas Jefferson Volume 2 0 l Apri l t o 4 August 179 1 JULIAN P . BOYD , EDITO R RUTH W . L E S T E R , ASSISTAN T EDITO R
PRINCETON, NE W JERSE Y PRINCETON UNIVERSIT Y PRES
1982
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Copyright © 198 2 b y Princeton Universit y Press Published b y Princeto n Universit y Press , 41 Willia m Street, Princeton, New Jerse y IN T H E UNITE D KINGDOM :
Princeton Universit y Press , Guildford, Surre y All Right s Reserved L.C. CAR D 50-748 6
This boo k has been composed in Linotron Monticello Clothbound editions of Princeton Universit y Pres s books are printe d on acid-free paper , and binding material s are chose n for strength an d durability
Printed in the Unite d State s of America by Princeton Universit y Press , Princeton, New Jerse y ISBN-13: 978-0-691-04686- 0 (cloth ) ISBN-10: 0-691-04686- 7 (cloth )
D E D I C A T E D T O T H E MEMOR Y O
ADOLPHS
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PUBLISHER O F T H E NE W YOR
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S K TIME
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1896-1935 WHO B
Y T H E E X A M P L E O FA
RESPONSIBL
PRESS E N L A R G E D AN D FORTIFIE T H E JEFFERSONIA N CONCEP O FA
F R E E PRES
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D
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ADVISORY COMMITTE
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FRANCIS L . B E R K E L E Y , JR . WILLIAM G . BOWE N L. H . B U T T E R F I E L D HENRY S T E E L E COMMAGE
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HAROLD W . DODD S LUTHER H . EVAN S ROBERT F . GOHEE N ARCHIBALD MACLEIS H DUMAS MALON E RICARDO A . MESTRE S DATUS C . SMITH , JR . I P H I G E N E OCH S S U L Z B E R G E R LUCIUS WILMERDING , JR .
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS As INDICATE D i n the firs t volume, thi s edition wa s mad e possibl e b y a grant of $200,000 fro m th e Ne w Yor k Time s Company to Princeto n University . Since this initia l subvention, it s continuance ha s been assured by additiona l contributions fro m the Ne w Yor k Time s Company; by the gran t of the For d Foundation t o th e Nationa l Archive s Trus t Fun d Boar d a s explaine d i n Volume 17 ; b y th e Fellowshi p bestowe d on th e Edito r b y th e Joh n Simo n Guggenheim Memoria l Foundation ; an d b y othe r benefaction s fro m th e Charlotte Palme r Phillips Foundation, Tim e Inc., and from suc h loya l sup porters o f the enterpris e a s James Russel l Wiggins an d David K. E. Bruce . In commo n wit h other edition s of historical documents, The Papers of Thomas Jefferson i s a beneficiary o f the goo d offices o f the Nationa l Historica l Publications an d Records Commission , tendered i n man y usefu l form s throug h its officer s an d dedicate d staff . Fo r these an d othe r indispensabl e aid s gen erously give n b y librarians , archivists , scholars , an d collector s o f manu scripts, th e Editor s record their sincer e gratitude .
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N T H E las t month s o f hi s life , Julia n Boy d concentrated o n com pleting th e Editoria l Not e tha t h e title d "Fixin g th e Sea t o f Government," which he referre d to a s the L'Enfan t note . Although thi s note appear s first i n th e volume , h e lef t i t fo r las t becaus e h e con sidered i t th e mos t difficul t an d time-consuming . H e ha d begu n drafting th e conclusio n fo r i t and , i n fact , ha d stoppe d i n mid sentence to tak e a telephone cal l o r ponder hi s choic e o f words. H e was neve r abl e t o retur n to it . T h e L'Enfan t note , printed here essentially a s drafted, never benefited fro m M r. Boyd's scrupulou s re-examination and possible cor rections, but his conclusion about the roles of Jefferson and L'Enfan t in preparin g a pla n fo r th e ne w capita l o f th e natio n i s clear . Hi s final note s revea l a concer n fo r wha t Fisk e Kimbal l correctl y de scribed a s th e apotheosi s o f Pierr e L'Enfan t mor e tha n a centur y after hi s employment . Eve n a s the y praise d hi s geniu s a s a cit y planner, th e architects , historians , an d head s o f governmen t plan ning agencies wh o thought the y had resurrected his reputation iron ically denie d hi m th e on e clai m L'Enfan t hope d woul d wi n hi m fame an d fortune: that o f originality, of envisioning som e innovativ e departure fro m th e Ol d Orde r exemplifie d i n Europea n cities. I nstead, hi s advocate s found , hi s pla n fo r th e sea t o f governmen t re flected hi s Europea n training in ar t and engineering . I t i s no t sur prising that the effort s t o trace European influence s i n his plan were carried to historicall y inaccurate extremes, no r can it be denie d tha t the apotheosi s had its utilitaria n objects. I n his Editoria l Note , M r. Boyd attempte d t o restor e balanc e t o th e evaluatio n o f L'Enfant' s contribution an d t o sho w tha t "Jefferson' s impres s upo n th e pla n for th e capita l is fa r greate r tha n ha s bee n realized. " At on e point , whil e reflectin g o n th e significanc e o f th e devel opment o f th e capita l rathe r tha n o n th e mytholog y surroundin g L'Enfant an d hi s rol e i n it , M r . Boy d wrot e wha t perhap s bes t represents his final conclusion: "Like the nation itself, appropriately, the capita l o f thi s 'Gran d Empire ' o f L'Enfant' s visio n wa s viewe d in idealisti c terms b y those who founde d i t - a s something triumphing ove r th e Gothi c decadence o f corrupt Europe, becomin g nobl e in simplicity and grandeur as in Rome and Athens and in Jefferson' s view lookin g fa r beyond. Bu t in actuality, as proved by a history of nearly tw o centuries , it , lik e th e nation , exhibite d it s conflicts , it s corruptions, its mistakes, its human errors of judgment an d attempt s [ vi i ]
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at justification. I t i s perhap s i n thi s sens e a bette r reflectio n o f th e character o f th e peopl e tha n an y symboli c pla n o f beaut y an d re publican utilit y that eve n Jefferson , muc h less L'Enfant , coul d have devised." This , w e believe , i s ho w h e woul d hav e ende d hi s essa y had h e bee n abl e t o d o so . Several question s an d note s writte n throughou t th e manuscrip t over the pas t fe w year s required our attention an d led to som e small changes i n th e origina l annotation . Whil e scannin g thi s material , we foun d evidenc e t o sugges t tha t Mr . Boyd migh t hav e intende d to brin g together another grou p o f related letters. A n essay entitle d "Sources o f Foreig n Intelligence " woul d hav e introduce d si x doc uments: Secretar y o f Stat e t o Gouverneu r Morris, 2 6 Jul y 1791 ; Secretary o f Stat e t o th e President , 2 7 Jul y 1791 ; T h e Presiden t to the Secretar y of State, 28 Jul y 179 1 ; Secretary of State to Willia m Short, 2 8 Jul y 1791 ; Secretar y of Stat e t o th e President , 3 0 Jul y 1791; an d T h e Presiden t t o th e Secretar y of State , 3 0 Jul y 1791 . We hav e separate d thes e letter s an d printe d them i n chronologica l order. Julian Boy d lef t a scholarly legac y tha t wil l b e lon g appreciate d by the practitioner s of the craf t of historical editing . Mos t historians who bega n editin g afte r 195 0 starte d in Princeton, asking for advice on settin g u p a projec t an d compilin g material s fo r printing . T h e "Boyd method " o f accessionin g document s an d transcribin g them lives o n i n dozen s o f location s throughou t th e country . Hi s ne w method o f transcription was called to the attention o f a wide audienc e when th e editor s o f th e Encyclopedia of American History include d a sectio n o n it . Nevertheless , th e editor s o f tha t book , an d mos t historical editors , hav e faile d t o realiz e tha t th e ne w method s an d high standard s tha t hav e mad e thes e volume s famou s wer e estab lished b y M r . Boyd specifically for Thoma s Jefferson' s papers . H e did no t believ e tha t ever y collectio n o f paper s o f ever y historica l figure warrante d th e sam e treatment , althoug h h e believe d tha t i f one intende d t o transcribe papers for letterpress publication , the job should b e don e wit h accurac y an d fidelity. I t wa s hi s overridin g concern tha t th e paper s o f Thoma s Jefferso n - on e o f fou r o r five collections o f paper s h e considere d fundamentall y importan t i n th e history of our nation - b e prepared and published in a comprehensive edition o f suc h hig h standard s tha t late r edition s woul d b e unnec essary. H e woul d wan t t o b e remembere d fo r that, an d Volumes 1 20 o f The Papers of Thomas Jefferson ar e a proper monument t o hi s achievement. Our preparatio n for publicatio n o f thi s las t numbe r ha s required [ vii i ]
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few correction s or revisions; in all cases o f doubt w e hav e attempte d to presen t th e materia l i n accordanc e wit h Mr . Boyd' s styl e an d principles of editing. H e believe d tha t each scholar must d o his ow n editing an d expecte d tha t futur e volume s woul d necessaril y reflec t differences. Thi s twentiet h volum e i s vintag e Boyd , however , an d it i s satisfyin g t o hav e ha d a hand i n presentin g i t a s such. C H A R L E S T . C U L L E N
10 November 1980
[ix]
GUIDE T O EDITORIA L APPARATUS 1. TEXTUAL DEVICES
T h e followin g device s ar e employed throughou t th e wor k to clar ify th e presentatio n o f th e text . [ . . . ] , [ . . . . ] On e o r two word s missin g an d not conjecturable . [. . .][. . . .] Mor e tha n tw o word s missin g an d no t conjectur able; subjoine d footnot e estimate s numbe r o f words missing . [ ] Numbe r o r par t of a number missin g o r illegible , [roman] Conjectura l reading for missing or illegible matter . A questio n mar k follow s whe n th e readin g i s doubtful. [italic] Editoria l commen t inserte d i n th e text . (italic) Matte r deleted i n the M S bu t restore d in our text. I ] Recor d entry fo r letter s no t found . 1
2. DESCRIPTIVE SYMBOLS
The followin g symbol s ar e employe d throughou t th e wor k t o describe th e variou s kind s o f manuscrip t originals . Whe n a serie s of version s i s recorded , the first to be recorded is the version used for the printed text. Dft draf
t (usuall y a composition o r rough draft ; later drafts, whe n identifiabl e a s such , ar e desig nated " 2 Dft, " &c.) Dupl duplicat e M S manuscrip t (arbitraril y applie d t o mos t docu ments othe r tha n letters ) N note , note s (memoranda , fragments , &c. ) PoC polygrap h cop y P r C pres s cop y R C recipient' s cop y S C stylograp h cop y Tripl triplicat e
All manuscripts of the above types are assumed to be in the hand of the author of the document to which the descriptive symbol pertains. If not, that fact is stated. On th e othe r hand , th e followin g type s o f [xi]
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manuscripts ar e assume d not t o b e i n th e han d o f th e author , an d exceptions wil l b e noted : F C fil
e cop y (applie d to al l forms o f retained copies , such a s letter-book copies , clerk' s copies, &c. ) T r transcrip t (applied to bot h contemporary and later copies; perio d of transcription, unles s clea r by implication, wil l b e give n whe n known ) 3. LOCATION SYMBOLS
T h e location s o f mos t document s printe d i n thi s editio n fro m originals in private hands, from originals held by institutions outsid e the Unite d States , an d fro m printe d source s ar e recorde d i n self explanatory for m i n th e descriptiv e not e followin g eac h document . T h e locatio n symbol s B L and P R O are used fo r document s i n th e British Librar y an d th e Publi c Recor d Offic e i n London , respec tively. T h e location s o f document s printe d fro m original s hel d b y public institution s i n th e Unite d State s ar e recorde d b y mean s o f the symbol s use d i n th e Nationa l Unio n Catalo g in th e Librar y o f Congress; (explanatio n o f ho w thes e symbol s ar e forme d i s give n above, Vol . 1 : xl). T he symbols D L C an d M Hi by themselves wil l stand fo r th e collection s o f Jefferson Paper s proper in these repos itories; whe n text s ar e draw n fro m othe r collection s hel d b y thes e two institutions , th e name s o f the particula r collections wil l b e added. T h e lis t o f symbol s appearin g i n eac h volum e i s limite d t o th e institutions represente d by document s printe d or referred to i n that and previou s volumes . B L Britis h Library , Londo n C L S U Universit y o f Souther n Californi a Library , Los Angele s C L U Willia m Andrew s Clar k Memoria l Library , University o f Californi a a t Lo s Angele s C S M Colonia l Societ y o f Massachusetts, Bosto n C S m H Henr y E . Huntington Library , Sa n Marino , California Ct Connecticu t State Library , Hartfor d C t H i Connecticu t Historical Society , Hartfor d C t Y Yal e Universit y Librar y D e H i Historica l Societ y o f Delaware , Wilmington D L C Librar y o f Congress D N A Th e Nationa l Archives , wit h identification s [xii]
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of serie s (precede d b y recor d grou p num ber) a s follows : A L America n Letters C D Consula r Dispatche s D C I Diplomati c an d Consular Instructions D D Diplomati c Dispatche s D L Domesti c Letter s F L Foreig n Letter s L A R Letter s o f Applicatio n an d Rec ommendation M L R Miscellaneou s Letter s Receive d M T A Miscellaneou s Treasur y Account s N L Note s fro m Legation s N W T Northwes t Territor y Papers P C Proceeding s o f Board of Commissioners fo r th e Distric t o f Co lumbia P C C Paper s o f th e Continenta l Con gress P D L Printin g an d Distributio n o f th e Laws S D C Stat e Departmen t Correspond ence SDR A Record of the Reports of Thomas Jefferson, Secretar y of Stat e fo r the Unite d State s o f America S W T Southwes t Territor y Papers G - A r Georgi a Departmen t o f Archive s an d His tory, Atlant a I C H i Chicag o Historica l Society, Chicag o I H i Illinoi s Stat e Historica l Library, Springfiel d I M u n S St . Mar y o f the Lak e Seminary , Mundelein , Illinois I n H i Indian a Historical Society, Indianapoli s M B Bosto n Publi c Library , Bosto n M B A Archives , Stat e House , Bosto n M B A t Bosto n Athenaeum , Bosto n M d A A Marylan d Hall o f Records , Annapoli s MdAN U.S . Nava l Academ y Library , Annapoli s M d H i Marylan d Historical Society, Baltimor e M e H i Main e Historica l Society, Portlan d C xii i ]
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M H Harvar d Universit y Librar y M H i Massachusett s Historica l Society , Bosto n M H i : A M Adam s Manuscripts , Massachusett s Histor ical Societ y M i U - C Willia m L . Clements Library , Universit y o f Michigan M o S H i Missour i Historica l Society , St . Loui s M W A America n Antiquaria n Society , Worcester , Massachusetts N A Ne w Yor k Stat e Library , Alban y N B u Buffal o Publi c Library , Buffalo , Ne w Yor k N c D Duk e Universit y Library , Durham , Nort h Carolina N c U Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Library, Chapel Hill N h D Dartmout h Colleg e Library , Hanover , Ne w Hampshire N h H i Ne w Hampshir e Historical Society, Concor d N H i New-Yor k Historical Society, Ne w Yor k Cit y N j H i Ne w Jerse y Historica l Society , Newar k N j M o W Morristow n Nationa l Historica l Park , Mor ristown, N . J . N j P Princeto n Universit y Librar y NK-Iselin Letter s t o an d fro m Joh n Ja y bearin g thi s symbol ar e use d b y permissio n o f th e E s tate o f Eleano r Jay Iselin. N N Ne w Yor k Publi c Library , Ne w Yor k Cit y N N C Columbi a Universit y Libraries , Ne w Yor k City N N P Pierpon t Morga n Library , Ne w Yor k Cit y N N S Ne w Yor k Societ y Library , Ne w Yor k Cit y O Ohi o Stat e Library , Columbu s O C H P Historica l and Philosophical Societ y o f Ohio, Cincinnati O H i Ohi o Stat e Archaeologica l an d Historica l Society, Columbu s P B L Lehig h Universit y Librar y P H C Haverfor d Colleg e Librar y P H i Historica l Society o f Pennsylvania, Philadel phia P H M C Pennsylvani a Historica l an d Museu m Com mission, Harrisbur g P P Fre e Library , Philadelphi a [xiv]
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P P A P America
n Philosophica l Society , Philadel phia P P L Librar y Compan y o f Philadelphi a P R O Publi c Recor d Office , Londo n P U Universit y o f Pennsylvani a Librar y P W W Washingto n an d Jefferso n College , Wash ington, Pennsylvani a R P A Rhod e Islan d Departmen t o f State , Provi dence R P A B Annmar y Brow n Memoria l Library , Provi dence R P B Brow n Universit y Librar y V i Virgini a State Library , Richmon d V i : U S C C Ende d Cases , Unite d State s Circui t Court , Virginia Stat e Librar y V i H i Virgini a Historical Society , Richmon d V i R V a l Valentin e Museu m Library , Richmon d V i U Universit y o f Virgini a Librar y V i U : M c G McGrego r Library , Universit y o f Virginia V i U : T J M F Manuscript s deposite d b y th e Thoma s Jef ferson Memoria l Foundatio n i n th e Uni versity o f Virgini a Librar y V i W Colleg e o f Willia m and Mar y Librar y V i W C Colonia l Williamsburg , Inc. V t M C Middlebur y Colleg e Library , Middlebury , Vermont V t M S Secretar y o f State , Montpelier , Vermon t W H i Stat e Historica l Societ y o f Wisconsin , Mad ison 4. OTHER SYMBOLS
AND
ABBREVIATIONS
T h e followin g symbol s an d abbreviations ar e commonly employe d in th e annotatio n throughou t th e work . Second Serie s T h e topica l serie s t o b e publishe d a s par t o f thi s edition, comprisin g thos e material s whic h ar e bes t suite d t o a topical rathe r than a chronological arrangemen t (se e Vol . 1 : xvxvi) T J Thoma s Jefferso n T J Editoria l File s Photoduplicate s an d othe r editoria l material s in th e offic e o f The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Princeto n University Librar y T J Paper s Jefferso n Paper s (applie d t o a collection o f manuscript s
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when th e precis e locatio n o f a give n documen t mus t b e fur nished, an d always preceded b y the symbo l fo r the institutiona l repository; thus " D L C : T J Papers, 4:628-9" represent s a document i n the Librar y o f Congress, Jefferson Papers , volume 4 , pages 62 8 an d 629 ) R G Recor d Group (use d in designating th e locatio n o f document s in th e Nationa l Archives) S J L Jefferson' s "Summar y Journa l o f Letters " writte n an d re ceived (i n D L C : T J Papers) S J P L "Summar y Journal o f Public Letters," an incomplete lis t of letters writte n by TJ from 1 6 Apr . 1784 t o 31 Dec . 1793 , wit h brief summaries , i n a n amanuensis ' han d excep t fo r si x page s in T J ' s han d listing and summarizing official report s and communications b y hi m a s Secretar y of State , 1 1 Oct . 178 9 t o 3 1 Dec. 179 3 (i n D L C : T J Papers, at en d o f S J L ) V Ec u f Flori n £ Poun d sterlin g o r livre , dependin g upo n contex t (i n doubtfu l cases, a clarifying note wil l b e given ) s Shillin g or sou . (Als o expresse d a s / ) d Penn y o r denie r +t Livr e Tournoi s ^ Pe r (occasionall y use d fo r pro , pre) 5 . SHORT TITLES
The followin g lis t include s onl y thos e shor t title s o f work s cite d with grea t frequency , an d therefor e i n ver y abbreviate d form , throughout thi s edition . Thei r expande d form s ar e given her e onl y in th e degre e o f fullnes s neede d fo r unmistakabl e identification . Since i t i s impossibl e t o anticipat e al l the work s to b e cite d i n suc h very abbreviated form, the lis t is appropriately revised from volum e to volume . Adams, Works Charle s Franci s Adams , ed., The Works of John Adams, Boston , 1850-56 , 1 0 vols . Adams, Diary Diary and Autobiography of John Adams, ed . L . H . Butterfield an d others , Cambridge , 1961 , 4 vols . AHA America n Historical Association AHR American Historical Review, 1895 Ammon, Monroe Harr y Ammon , James Monroe, Ne w York , 1971 [ xv i ]
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Annals Annals of the Congress of the United States: The Debates and Proceedings in the Congress of the United States ... Compiled from Authentic Materials by Joseph Gales, Senior, Washington , Gales & Seaton , 1834-56 , 4 2 vols . Al l editions ar e independ able an d paginatio n varie s fro m on e printin g to another . T h e edition cite d here has this caption on both recto and verso pages : "History o f Congress. " Another printing , wit h th e sam e title page, ha s "Gale s & Seatons History " on vers o an d "of Debate s in Congress " o n rect o pages . Thos e usin g th e latte r printin g will nee d t o emplo y th e dat e or , wher e i t i s lacking , t o ad d approximately 5 2 t o th e pag e number s o f Annals a s cite d i n this volume . ASP American State Papers: Documents, Legislative and Execu tive, of the Congress of the United States, Washington , Gale s & Seaton, 1832-61 , 3 8 vols . Atlas of Amer. Hist. Jame s Truslow Adams and R. V. Coleman , eds., Atlas of American History, Ne w York , Scribner , 194 3 Bear, Family Letters Edwi n M . Bett s an d James A . Bear , J r ., eds., Family Letters of Thomas Jefferson, Columbia , Missouri , 1966 Bemis, Jay's Treaty Samue l Flagg Bemis, Jay's Treaty: A Study in Commerce and Diplomacy, Ne w Haven , 1962 , rev . edn . Bemis, Pinckney's Treaty Samue l Flagg Bemis, Pinckney's Treaty: America!s Advantage from Europe''s Distress, 1783-1800, rev . edn., Ne w Haven , 196 0 Betts, Farm Book E d w i n M . Betts, ed., Thomas Jefferson's Farm Book, Princeton , 195 3 Betts, Garden Book E d w i n M . Betts , ed. , Thomas Jefferson's Garden Book, 1766-1824, Philadelphia , 194 4 Beveridge, Marshall Alber t J. Beveridge , The Life of John Marshall, Boston , 191 6 Biog. Dir. Cong. Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774-1949, Washington , 195 0 B.M. Cat. Britis h Museum , General Catalogue of Printed Books, London, 1931- ; als o The British Museum Catalogue of Printed Books, 1881-1900, An n Arbor , 194 6 B.N. Cat. Bibliothèqu e Nationale , Catalogue général des livres imprimés. . . . Auteurs, Paris , 1897-195 5 Brant, Madison Irvin g Brant , James Madison, Indianapolis , 1941 61, 6 vols . Bryan, National Capital W . B . Bryan , History of the National Capital, Ne w York , 1914-1916 , 2 vols . [ xvi i ]
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Burnett, Letters of Members Edwi n C . Burnett , ed. , Letters of Members of the Continental Congress, Washington , 1921-1936 , 8 vols . Butterfield, Rush Letters of Benjamin Rush, ed . L . H. Butterfield, Princeton , 1951 , 2 vols . Cal. Franklin Papers I . Minis Hays, ed. , Calendar of the Papers of Benjamin Franklin in the Library of the American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia , 1908 , 6 vols . Carter, Terr. Papers The Territorial Papers of the United States, ed. Clarenc e E. Carter, Washington , 1934-62 , 2 6 vols . Cutler, Cutler Willia m Parke r Cutler , Life, Journals, and Cor respondence of Rev. Manasseh Cutler, Cincinnati , 1888 , 2 vols . CVSP Willia m P . Palme r and others , eds. , Calendar of Virginia State Papers ... Preserved in the Capitol at Richmond, Richmond, 1875-1893 DAB Alle n Johnso n an d Duma s Malone , eds. , Dictionary of American Biography, N . Y . , 1928-193 6 D A E Si r Willia m A . Craigi e an d Jame s Hulbert , eds. , A Dictionary of American English, Chicago , 1938-194 4 DAH Jame s Truslo w Adams , ed. , Dictionary of American History, N . Y ., 1940, 5 vols. , an d inde x DeConde, Entangling Alliance Alexande r DeConde, Entangling Alliance; Politics & Diplomacy under George Washington, Dur ham, N . C . , 195 8 D N B Lesli e Stephen and Sidney Lee, eds., Dictionary of National Biography, 2 d ed. , N . Y . , 1908-190 9 Dumbauld, Tourist Edwar d Dumbauld , Thomas Jefferson American Tourist, Norman , Oklahoma , 194 6 Elliot's Debates Jonatha n Elliot , ed. , The Debates of the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution . . . together with the Journal of the Federal Convention, 2 d ed. , Phil adelphia, 1901 , 5 vols . Evans Charle s Evans , comp. , American Bibliography, Chicago , 1903-1955 Fitzpatrick, Writings Joh n C . Fitzpatrick, ed. , The Writings of George Washington, Washington , 1931-44 , 3 9 vols . Ford Pau l Leiceste r Ford, ed., The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Letterpress Edition , N . Y . , 1892-1899, 1 0 vols . Freeman, Washington Dougla s Southal l Freeman , George Washington, N . Y . , 1948-1957 , 6 vols. ; 7t h volum e b y J . A . Carroll an d M. W . Ashworth , New York , 195 7 Fry-Jefferson Ma p Duma s Malone , ed. , The Fry & Jefferson [ xvii i ]
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Map of Virginia and Maryland: a Facsimile of the First Edition, Princeton, 195 0 Gottschalk, Lafayette, 1783-89 Loui s Gottschalk , Lafayette between the American and the French Revolution (1783-1789), Chicago, 195 0 Greely, Public Documents Adolphu s Washingto n Greely , ed. , Public Documents of the First Fourteen Congresses, 1789-1817: Papers Relating to Early Congressional Documents, Washington , 1900 HAW Henr y A . Washington , ed. , The Writings of Thomas Jef ferson, N . Y . , 1853-1854, 9 vols . Hening Willia m Walle r Hening , ed., The Statutes at Large; Being a Collection of All the Laws of Virginia, Richmond , 1809-1823 , 13 vols . Henry, Henry Willia m Wir t Henry , Patrick Henry, Life, Correspondence and Speeches, N . Y . , 1891, 3 vols . Humphreys, Humphreys F . L . Humphreys, Life and Times of David Humphreys, Ne w York , 1917 , 2 vols . Hunt, Madison Gaillar d Hunt , ed., The Writings of James Madison, Ne w York , 1900-1910 , 9 vols . JCC Worthingto n C . Ford an d others, eds. , Journals of the Continental Congress, 1774-1789 , Washington , 1904-1937 , 3 4 vols . Jefferson Correspondence, Bixby Worthingto n C . Ford , ed. , Thomas Jefferson Correspondence Printed from the Originals in the Collections of William K. Bixby, Boston , 191 6 Jenkins, Records Willia m Sumne r Jenkins , ed. , Records of the States of the United States of America (Librar y o f Congress and University o f Nort h Carolina , 1950 ) J E P Journal of the Executive Proceedings of the Senate of the United States . . . to the Termination of the Nineteenth Congress, Wash ington, 182 8 J H D Journal of the House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of Virginia (cite d b y sessio n an d date o f publication ) J H R Journal of the House of Representatives of the United States, Washington, Gale s & Seaton , 1826 J S Journal of the Senate of the United States, Washington , Gales , 1820-21, 5 vols . J S H Journal of Southern History, 1935 Ketcham, Madison Ralp h Ketcham, James Madison, Ne w York , 1971 Kimball, Jefferson Mari e Kimball , Jefferson, Ne w York , 1943 1950, 3 vols . [ xix }
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K i n g , King C . R . K i n g , ed. , The Life and Correspondence of Rufus King, Comprising His Letters, Private and Official, His Public Documents, and His Speeches, 1755-1827, Ne w York , 1894-1900, 6 vols . L & B Andre w A . Lipscom b an d Alber t E . Bergh , eds. , The Writings of Thomas Jefferson, Washington , 1903-1904,2 0 vols . L . c . Cat. A Catalogue of Books Represented by the Library of Congress Printed Cards, An n Arbor , 1942-1946 ; als o Supplement, 1948 Library Catalogue , 178 3 Jefferson' s M S list of books owne d o r wanted i n 178 3 (origina l in Massachusett s Historica l Society) Library Catalogue , 181 5 Catalogue of the Library of the United States, Washington , 181 5 Library Catalogue , 182 9 Catalogue: President Jefferson's Library, Washington , 182 9 Loubat, Medallic history J . F. Loubat , The Medallic History of the United States of America, 1776-1876 , Ne w York , 1878 , 2 vols. Maclay, Journal Edga r S . Maclay , ed., Journal of William Maclay, United States Senator from Pennsylvania, 1789-1791, Ne w York, 189 0 Madison, Letters and Other Writings Jame s Madison, Letters and Other Writings of James Madison, Philadelphia , 186 5 Malone, Jefferson Duma s Malone , Jefferson and his Time, Bos ton, 1948-1981 , 6 vols . Mason, Papers Rober t A. Rutland, ed., Papers of George Mason, 1725-1792, Chape l Hill , 1970 , 3 vols . Mathews, Andrew Ellicott Catharin e Va n Cortland t Mathews, Andrew Ellicott, his life and letters, New York , 190 8 Mayo, British Ministers Bernar d Mayo, ed., "Instructions to th e British Minister s to th e Unite d State s 1791-1812, " America n Historical Association , Annual Report, 193 6 Mays, Pendleton Davi d John Mays , ed. , Letters and Papers of Edmund Pendleton, 1734-1803, Charlottesville , 1967, 2 vols . Miller, Hamilton Joh n C . Miller , Alexander Hamilton Portrait in Paradox, Ne w Yor k 195 9 Mitchell, Hamilton Broadu s Mitchell, Alexander Hamilton, Ne w York 1957 , 1962 , 2 vols . M V H R Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 1914 Notes, ed . Pede n Willia m Peden , ed. , Notes on the State of Virginia, Chape l Hill , 195 5 NYHS, Quar. New-Yor k Historical Society Quarterly, 1917 [xx]
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NYPL, Bulletin Ne w Yor k Publi c Librar y Bulletin, 1897 O E D Si r Jame s Murra y an d others , eds. , A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles, Oxford , 1888-193 3 Padover, National Capital Sau l K . Padover , éd. , Thomas Jefferson and the National Capital, Washington , 194 6 Peterson, Jefferson Merril l D . Peterson , Thomas Jefferson and the New Nation, Ne w York , 197 0 PMHB Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography, 1877 Randall, Life Henr y S . Randall , The Life of Thomas Jefferson, N . Y . , 1858 , 3 vols . Randolph, Domestic Life Sara h N. Randolph, The Domestic Life of Thomas Jefferson, Compiled from Family Letters and Reminiscences by His Great-Granddaughter, Cambridge , Mass., 193 9 Rowland, George Mason Kat e Maso n Rowland , Life of George Mason, 1725-1792, Ne w York , 1892 , 2 vols . Sabin Josep h Sabi n and others, comps. , Bibliotheca Americana. A Dictionary of Books Relating to America, N . Y . , 1868-1936 St. Clair , Narrative Arthu r St . Clair , A Narrative of the Manner in which the Campaign against the Indians . . . was Conducted . . . , Philadelphia , 181 2 St. Clair , Papers Willia m Henr y Smith , ed. , The St. Clair Papers. The Life and Public Services of Arthur St. Clair, Cincinnati , 1882, 2 vols . Setser, Reciprocity Verno n G . Setser , The Commercial Reciprocity Policy of the United States, Philadelphia , 193 7 Shipton-Mooney Inde x Cliffor d K . Shipto n an d Jame s E . Mooney, comps. , National Index of American Imprints through 1800, The Short-Title Evans, 1969 , 2 vols . Sowerby E . Millicent Sowerby, comp., Catalogue of the Library of Thomas Jefferson, 1952-1959 , 5 vols . Sparks, Morris Jare d Sparks , Life of Gouverneur Morris, Bos ton, 1832 , 3 vols . Swem, Index Ear l G . Swem , comp. , Virginia Historical Index, Roanoke, 1934-193 6 Swem, "Va . Bibliog. " E a r l G . Swem, comp. , " A Bibliography of Virginia History, " Virginia Stat e Library , Bulletin, vni (1915) , x (1917) , an d xn (1919 ) Syrett, Hamilton The Papers of Alexander Hamilton, ed . Harol d C . Syret t an d others , Ne w York , 1961-1979 , 2 7 vols . T J R Thoma s Jefferson Randolph , ed., Memoir, Correspondence, and Miscellanies, from the Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Char lottesville, 1829 , 4 vols . [ xx i ]
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Tucker, Life Georg e Tucker , The Life of Thomas Jefferson, Philadelphia, 1837 , 2 vols . Turner, CFM F . J. Turner, "Correspondenc e o f Frenc h Min isters, 1791-1797, " AHA , Ann. Kept., 1903 , n U . S . Statute s a t Larg e Richar d Peters , ed. , The Public Statutes at Large of the United States . .. 1789 to March 3,1845, Boston , 1855-1856, 8 vols . Van Doren , Franklin Car l Va n Doren, Benjamin Franklin, Ne w York, 193 8 Van Doren , Secret History Car l Va n Doren, Secret History of the American Revolution, Ne w York , 194 1 V M H B Virginia Magazine of History and Biography, 1893 WMQ William and Mary Quarterly, 1892 -
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CONTENTS Academy o f Sciences , repor t to , o n uni t o f measure , 35 4 Adams, Abigail , lette r from , t o Marth a Washington, 27 8 (note ) Adams, John , lette r from , 305 ; letter s to, 11 7 (note) , 302 , 31 0 American Consu l at London , Editorial Note, 482-504; documents concerning , 504-22; William Green to th e Secretar y of State, 504 , 519 ; Joshu a Johnso n to th e Secretar y o f State , wit h enclosures , 50 5 Anmours, Charle s François d \ lette r from , 32 5 Appleton, Thomas , lette r from , 16 1 (note ) Arnoux an d Chalut , Abbés, lette r from , 42 3 Auldjo, Thomas , dispatc h from , 607 ; circula r letter to , 40 4 (note ) Bache, Benjami n Franklin , lette r to , 24 6 Barclay, Thomas , lette r from , 239 ; officia l instruction s for , 397 ; confidentia l instructions for , 40 0 Barrett, Nathaniel , lette r from , 701 ; circula r letter to , 40 2 (note ) Barton, Benjami n S. , an d others , lette r to , 39 5 Batavia, declaratio n t o Governo r Genera l an d Counci l of , b y Samue l Shaw , 631 (note) ; lette r t o Shabande r of , fro m Samue l Shaw , 63 1 (note ) Beckwith, George , memorandu m o f conversation wit h Henr y Knox, 13 5 (note) ; and wit h Jame s Madison , 14 7 Bell, Thomas , lette r to , 75 8 Blackden, Samuel , lette r from , 43 0 Blount, William , letter from , 639 ; repor t from , 68 1 Boiling, Mar y Jefferson, lette r from , 15 6 Bourne, Sylvanus , dispatc h from , 588 ; lette r from , 324 ; circula r letter to , 40 3 (note); lette r from , t o Henr y Remsen , J r . , 627 Brown, James , repor t from , b y Rober t Coventry , 57 3 (note ) Brown, William , letter to , 9 8 Bruce, Peter , lette r to , 15 1 Bruce, Robert , lette r to , 15 1 Brush, Ebenezer , circula r letter to , 40 2 (note ) Bulkeley, John , & Son, lette r to , 62 2 Burwell, Nathaniel , lette r to , 71 0 Carey, John , lette r from , 59 6 Carmichael, William , letters to , 203 , 417 , 563 ; lette r to , wit h enclosure s o n case o f cutte r Dover, 20 3 (note ) Carnes, Burrill , lette r to , 60 0 Carr, Peter , lette r from , 330 ; lette r to , 37 8 Carrington, Edward , lette r from , 9 9 Carroll, Charles , letter from , 174 ; letter s to, 100 , 21 4 Carroll, Daniel , letter s from , 84 , 593 , 701 ; letter s from , t o Jame s Madison , 20 (note) , 8 4 Carter, Charles , letters from , 473 , 639 ; letter s to, 613 , 70 5 Cathalan, Stephen , J r . , dispatch from , 600 ; letter s from , 476 , 547 ; circula r letter to , 40 3 (note) ; abstrac t o f letter to , fro m Richar d O'Bryen , 601 (note )
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C O N T E N T S Causin, lette r from , 35 2 Ceracchi, Giuseppe , letter from , 70 2 Chalut an d Arnoux, Abbés, lette r from , 42 3 Charming, William , lette r from , 68 1 Chantrot, lette r from , 66 3 Chester, John , lette r from , 21 5 Chiappe, Francisco , lette r to , 40 0 Chipman, Nathaniel , letter to , 62 7 Church, Edward , lette r from , 681; circula r lette r to , 40 2 (note ) Clark, Georg e Rogers , letter from , 58 3 Commissioners o f Federal District , letter s from, to Washington , 1 1 (note) , 3 3 (note), 5 2 (note) ; lette r from , to L'Enfant , 1 7 (note ) Condorcet, lette r from , 35 3 Consuls an d vice-consuls, circula r to , 40 1 Coventry, Robert , report from, for James Brown, 57 3 (note ) Coxe, Tench , letter s from, 215, 232 , 234 , 244 , 563 , 589 , 591 , 623 , 646 , 647 ; letters to , 234 , 244 ; remark s by , o n layin g ou t th e federa l city , 1 0 (note) ; plan for a manufacturing establishment, 21 6 (note) ; Editoria l Not e and documents concernin g seekin g offic e a s Comptrolle r of th e Treasury , 219-32 ; letter from , t o President , 234 ; lette r from , enclosin g remark s o n consula r return, 246 ; petitio n by , fo r Willia m Pearce , 320 (note ) Currie, James , letters from , 161 , 211 , 675 ; letter s to , 331 , 411 , 61 3 Cutting, Nathaniel , letters from , 240, 70 2 Danican (Philidor) , Françoi s André , lette r from , 37 1 Davis, Augustine, letter to, 664; letter from, enclosing proposal for establishing cross post s i n Virginia , 71 1 Deakins, William , J r . , letter from , t o Washington , 7 (note) ; letter s to , fro m Washington, 1 3 (note) , 73 , 78 , 7 9 Delamotte, Picquet . See Picque t d e L a Motte. Demarais, Barbier , lette r from , 37 7 Derieux, J . P. P. , letter from , 253; lette r to , 37 9 Digges, Thomas , lette r from , 313 ; descriptio n by , o f invention s b y Willia m Pearce, 31 5 (note ) Dobson, John , letter s to , 597 , 66 6 Donald, Alexander , letter from , 601; lette r to , 40 4 Dover, cas e o f cutter , 205-08 (notes ) Drayton, William , lette r to , 33 2 Dumas, C . W. F . , dispatches from , 168 , 478 , 560 , 619 , 712 ; circula r lette r to, 40 4 (note ) Edwards, Jonathan , letters from , 598, 59 9 (note) ; lette r to , 62 8 Edwards, Pierpont , letter from , 326; lette r to , 38 8 Eppes, Elizabet h Wayles , letter from , 157 ; lette r to , 41 3 Eppes, Francis , letter s from , 151 , 313 ; lette r to , 41 2 Ewell, Maxcey , letter to , 38 0 Federal city , agreemen t o f landowner s of , 8 5 (note) . See also Fixin g th e sea t of government , Editoria l Note . Federal Distric t Commissioners . See Commissioner s of Federa l District .
[ xxi v ]
C O N T E N T S Fenwick, Joseph , letter s from , 262 , 632 ; circula r lette r to , 40 3 (note ) Fixing th e sea t o f government , Editoria l Note , 3-72 ; document s concerning , 73-88; Willia m Deakins , J r . , to Washington , 7 (note) ; Alexande r Conte e Hanson t o Washington , 9 (note) ; Tenc h Coxe' s remark s on layin g ou t th e federal city, 1 0 (note); Commissioners to Washington, 1 1 (note); Washingto n to Willia m Deakins , J r . , and Benjami n Stoddert , 1 3 (note) , 73 , 78 , 79 ; Commissioners t o L'Enfant , 1 7 (note) ; Danie l Carrol l t o Jame s Madison , 20 (note) , 84 ; Jonatha n William s to Henr y Knox , 2 1 (note) ; L'Enfan t t o Washington, 2 6 (note) ; Jefferso n t o Washington , 74 , 87 ; L'Enfan t t o Jef ferson, 76,81,83; Washingto n to Jefferson, 78,79,81 ; Jefferso n to L'Enfant , 80, 86 ; Danie l Carroll t o Jefferson , 84 ; agreemen t o f landowners, 8 5 (note ) France, th e deb t to , Editoria l Note , 175-97 ; document s concerning , 198-203 ; Montmorin t o Loui s Guillaum e Otto , 19 0 (note) ; Jefferso n t o Hamilton , 198; Loui s Guillaum e Otto t o Jefferson , 198 ; Hamilto n t o Jefferson , 199 , 200; Jefferso n t o Loui s Guillaum e Otto, 20 3 Franchi, Pete r de , lette r from , t o Rober t Morris , 62 8 Franklin, Willia m Temple , lette r from , 15 8 Freneau, Philip , founding o f National Gazette by , Editoria l Note , 718-53; doc uments concerning , 754-59 ; Frenea u to Jefferson , 754 , 757 ; prospectu s fo r National Gazette, 754 ; appointmen t o f Freneau as clerk, 756; Gabrie l Henn o to Jefferson , 756 ; Jefferso n t o Gabrie l Henno , 757 ; Jefferso n t o Freneau, 758; Jefferso n t o Thoma s Bell , 758 ; resignatio n o f Frenea u a s clerk , 75 9 Froullé, Jea n François , lette r from , 64 7 Gilmor, Robert , & Company, letter from , 33 3 (note) ; lette r to , 33 3 Godin, P . N . , lette r from , t o Rober t Morris , 58 1 Gore, Christopher , letter from , 56 5 (note) ; lette r to , 56 4 Gorham, Nathaniel , lette r to , 10 0 (note) ; lette r to , an d Olive r Phelps , fro m Robert Morris , 12 6 (note ) Grand, Ferdinand , extract o f lette r from , 25 6 (note ) Green, William , letter s from , 504 , 519 ; estimat e o f damages sustained , du e t o detention o f Rachel, 52 2 (note ) Griffin, Joh n Tayloe , lette r from , 16 2 (note ) Guide, Pierre , letter s from , 322 , 372 , 685 ; letter s to , 333 , 41 8 Hall, John , letter to , fro m Thoma s Paine , 30 9 (note ) Hamilton, Alexander , letter s from , 199 , 200 , 213 , 377 , 546 ; lette r to , 198 ; extract o f lette r to , fro m Rufu s King , 146 ; lette r to , fro m Willia m Short , 173 (note) ; lette r from , t o Willia m Short , 17 4 (note ) Hanson, Alexande r Contee , lette r from , t o Washington , 9 (note ) Hanson, Richard , lette r from , 326 ; lette r to , 15 3 Harison, Richard , lette r to , 8 8 Harrison, Benjamin , Jr., lette r from , 52 3 Harvie, John , J r . , lette r to , 16 2 Hawkins, Benjamin , letter from , 360 ; lette r to , 8 9 Hay, William , lette r to , 41 8 Henno, Gabriel , lette r from , 756 ; lette r to , 75 7 Hessian fly , T J ' s notes on , 456 , 46 1 (note ) Hopkins, Samuel , lette r from , 58 0 Humphreys, David , dispatches from , 168 , 327 , 361,421 , 474 , 538 , 556 , 592 ,
t xxv ]
C O N T E N T S 604, 620 , 656 , 677 ; lette r from , 539 ; letter s to , 209 , 210 , 345 , 406 , 565 , 624, 677 ; lette r from , t o Washington , 36 2 (note) ; presentatio n speec h t o Queen o f Portugal , 421 (note ) Hylton, Danie l L . , letter s from , 214, 478 ; letter s to , 154 , 414 , 61 4 Indian affairs , unofficia l diplomac y on , Editoria l Note , 104-41 ; document s concerning, 141-51 ; Willia m Stephen s Smit h to President , 115 (note) ; Secretary o f Stat e to Joh n Adams, 11 7 (note) ; Rober t Morris to Olive r Phelp s and Nathanie l Gorham, 12 6 (note) ; memorandu m of conversation betwee n Henry Kno x an d George Beckwith , 135 (note) ; Presiden t to Secretarie s of State, Treasury, and War, 141 ; President to Secretary of State, 143; Secretary of Stat e t o President , 144 ; extrac t o f lette r fro m Rufu s Kin g t o Alexander Hamilton, 146 ; memorandu m of conversation betwee n Jame s Madison and George Beckwith , 14 7 Innes, Harry , lette r from , 48 0 Inns, rating s of, b y T J , 47 1 Irvine, William , an d John Kean , lette r from , 608; lette r to, 62 1 Jefferson, Mary , letter s from , 238 , 335 , 479 , 633 ; letter s to , 250 , 380 , 462 , 571, 70 6 Jenkins, Seth , letter from , 601; lette r to , 55 9 Johnson, Joshua , dispatches from , 594 , 615 ; letter s from , 101 , 237 ; circula r letter to , 40 3 (note) ; repor t o n brigantin e Rachel, wit h enclosures , from , 505-19. See also America n Consu l a t London , Editoria l Note . Kean, John , an d William Irvine , lette r from , 608; lette r to , 62 1 Keith, Georg e Skene , letter from , 59 2 King, Rufus , extrac t of letter from , to Alexande r Hamilton, 14 6 Knox, Henry , lette r from , 647 ; letter s to , 646 , 658 ; lette r to , fro m Jonathan Williams, 2 1 (note) ; memorandu m of conversatio n wit h Georg e Beckwith, 135 (note ) Knox, William , lette r from , 241; circula r lette r to , 40 3 (note ) Lackington, James , letter to , 40 8 Lafayette, Marqui s de , lette r from , 53 9 Lagrenade, Louis , an d others, lette r from , to President , 55 1 L a Rochefoucaul d d'En ville, lette r from , 52 4 Lear, Tobias , letter from , 39 7 (note) ; letter s to , 25 2 (note) , 377 , 569 ; lette r from, to L'Enfant , 4 1 (note) ; letter to, fro m L'Enfant, 7 0 (note) ; letter from, to Washington , 274 (note) ; transmitta l of letters by , 61 2 Lee, Henry , lette r from , 59 5 Leiper, Thomas , letter from , 712 ; letter s to , 387 , 42 3 L'Enfant, Pierr e Charles , letter s from , 76, 81 , 83 ; letter s to , 80 , 86 ; lette r to , from Commissioners , 17 (note) ; letter s from , to Washington , 26 (note) , 3 0 (note), 34 (note) , 36 (note) , 60 (note) ; letter to, from Tobias Lear, 41 (note) ; letter to, fro m Washington, 51 (note) ; letter from, to Tobias Lear, 7 0 (note ) Lewis, Nicholas , letter s to , 102 , 419 , 57 1 Lewis, William , lette r from , 90; lette r to , 15 5 Lindsay, Adam , lette r from , 166 ; lette r to , 21 8 Lindsay, William , lette r from , 21 1 [ xxv i ]
C O N T E N T S Linn, William , letter from , 646 ; lette r to , 70 6 Littlepage, Lewis , letter to , 70 3 London, American Consul at. See American Consul at London, Editorial Note. Lyle, James , lette r to , 38 8 Lyons, James , lette r from , 40 8 McAllister, Matthew , lette r to , 15 5 McClurg, James , lette r to , 33 9 McHenry, James , lette r to , 70 7 (missing ) Macpherson, John , lette r from , 685 ; lette r to , 68 6 Madison, James , letter s from , 294 , 298 , 335 , 566 , 581 , 592 , 616 , 667 , 678 , 683 (note) , 707 , 717 ; letter s to , 293 , 560 , 582 , 602 , 615 , 657 , 666 , 682 , 686, 715 ; letter s to , fro m Danie l Carroll , 2 0 (note) , 84 ; memorandu m o f conversation wit h Georg e Beckwith , 147 . See also Norther n journey o f Jef ferson an d Madison , Editoria l Note . Mail, contract s fo r carrying , 666 (note ) Marks, Peter , lette r to , 66 9 Marshall, John , lega l opinio n by , wit h Andre w Ronald , 16 7 (note ) Martin, Alexander , lette r to , 59 4 Maury, James , letter s from , 567 , 621 , 704 ; lette r to , 339 ; circula r letter to , 403 (note ) Maxwell, James , lette r from , 94 ; lette r to , 38 9 Mazzei, Philip , lette r to , 71 3 Monroe, James , letter s from , 303 , 556 ; letter s to, 234 , 29 6 Montgomery, John , lette r from , 66 9 (note ) Montgomery, Robert , letter s from, 640 , 669 , 67 8 Montmorin, letter s from, t o Loui s Guillaume Otto, 19 0 (note) , 660 ; letter s to , from Willia m Short, 37 1 (note) , 53 6 Morgan, Georg e C , lette r from , 42 1 Morocco, Empero r of, lette r to , fro m Washington , 39 9 (note ) Morris, Gouverneur , lette r to , 680 ; letter s from, t o President , 694 , 697 , 698 , 699 Morris, Robert , lette r from , t o Olive r Phelp s an d Nathanie l Gorham , 12 6 (note); lette r to , fro m P . N . Godin , 581 ; lette r to , fro m Pete r d e Franchi , 628; note s o n commerc e by , 71 0 Moustier, lette r from , 26 3 Murray, William , letter from , 39 5 National Assembl y o f France , letter fro m Presiden t of , wit h enclose d report , 524 National Gazette, prospectu s for , 754 . See also Freneau , Philip. Nelson, William , letter to , fro m Willia m Short, 26 6 (note ) Nicholson, John , lette r from , 71 7 Northern journey of Jefferson an d Madison, Editorial Note, 434-53; documents concerning, 453-71 ; Jefferson's journa l o f the tour , 453; Jefferson' s note s on the Hessia n fly, 456; Jefferso n t o Henr y Remsen, J r ., 462; Jefferso n t o Mary Jefferson, 462 ; Jefferso n t o Marth a Jefferson Randolph , 463 ; Jefferso n t o Thomas Man n Randolph , J r . , 464; Jefferso n t o Georg e Washington , 466 ; Jefferson's vocabular y o f th e Unquacho g Indians , 467 ; Jefferson' s tabl e o f distances an d ratin g o f inns , 47 1
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C O N T E N T S O'Bryen, Richard , abstrac t of letter from, to Stephe n Cathalan , J r . , 60 1 (note ) Osmont, Louis , lette r to , 61 7 Otto, Loui s Guillaume , letter s from , 198 , 325 , 659 ; lette r to , 203 ; letter s to , from Montmorin , 190 (note) , 66 0 Paine, Thomas, letters to, 308 , 312 ; letter from, to John Hall, 30 9 (note) . See also Rights of Man, Editoria l Note . Pearce, William , invention s of , describe d by Thomas Digges, 31 5 (note) ; pe tition for , b y Tenc h Coxe , 320 (note ) Pearson, Eliphalet , lette r from , 59 9 Pemberton, John , lette r from , 633 ; lette r from , wit h enclose d boo k list , t o Isaac Zane , 63 4 (note ) Pendleton, Edmund , lette r from , 625; lette r to , 66 9 Peters, Richard , lette r from , 573; lette r to , 59 0 Phelps, Oliver , lette r to , an d Nathanie l Gorham , fro m Rober t Morris , 12 6 (note) Philadelphia, Mayo r of, lette r to , 41 4 Philidor. See Danican , Françoi s André . Picquet d e L a Motte, Touissant-Guillaume , Comte , letter s from , 249 , 675 ; circular lette r to , 40 4 (note ) Pintard, Joh n M ., circular lette r to , 40 3 (note ) Pio, Chevalie r de , lette r from , 66 2 Porter, Elias , lette r from , 59 9 Portugal, appointment s o f vice-consuls for , 262; presentation speec h t o Queen of, b y Davi d Humphreys , 421 (note ) Potts, Richard , lette r to , 15 6 Prince, William , lette r to , 60 3 Rachel, cas e o f brigantine . See America n Consu l a t London , Editoria l Note . Randolph, Beverley , lette r to , 340 ; lette r from , t o Davi d Stuart , 2 8 (note) ; letter to , fro m Davi d Stuart , 2 8 (note ) Randolph, Marth a Jefferson , lette r from , 477; letter s to , 236 , 381 , 463 , 568 , 618, 67 0 Randolph, Thoma s Mann, letter s to , 340 , 40 9 Randolph, Thoma s Mann , J r . , letters from , 327 , 605 ; letter s to , 160 , 295 , 341, 414 , 464 , 640 , 67 1 Read, George , J r . , lette r from , 91 (note) ; lette r to , 9 1 Remsen, Henry , Jr. , lette r from, 555; letter to, 462; T J ' s instruction s for, 419; letter to , fro m Sylvanu s Bourne, 62 7 Rights of Man, Editoria l Note , 268-90 ; document s concerning , 290-313; T o bias Lea r t o Washington , 274 (note) ; Jefferson t o Jonathan B. Smith, 290 ; Jefferson t o Washington , 291 ; Jefferso n t o Jame s Madison , 293 ; Jame s Madison t o Jefferson , 294 , 298 ; Jefferso n t o Thoma s Mann Randolph , Jr., 295; Jefferso n t o Jame s Monroe, 296; Jefferso n t o Joh n Adams, 302, 310 ; James Monro e t o Jefferson , 303 ; Joh n Adam s to Jefferson , 305 ; Jefferso n to Thoma s Paine, 308, 31 2 Rittenhouse, David , lette r from , 383; lette r to , 38 2 Ronald, Andrew , legal opinio n by , wit h John Marshall , 16 7 (note ) Ross, David , lette r to , 37 3 Rutledge, John , J r . , lette r from , 55 0
[ xxvii i ]
C O N T E N T S Schweitzer, Jeannere t & Cie, proposals of . See France , th e deb t to , Editoria l Note. Shaw, Samuel , lette r from , t o President , 630 ; declaratio n of , t o Governo r General an d Counci l o f Batavia , 63 1 (note) ; lette r from , t o Shabande r of Batavia, 63 1 (note ) Short, William, dispatches from, 170, 256, 363 , 384, 528 , 548 , 561, 573, 584 , 608, 648 , 672 , 683 ; letter s from , 265 , 345 , 541 , 546 , 641 ; letter s to , 91 , 254, 387 , 407 , 409 , 569 , 686 , 691 ; lette r from , to Hamilton , 17 3 (note) ; letter to , fro m Hamilton , 17 4 (note) ; lette r from , t o Willia m Nelson , 26 6 (note); letter s from , to Montmorin , 371 (note) , 53 6 Sinclair, Si r John, lette r from , 41 0 Sitgreaves, John , letter s to , 92 , 9 2 (note ) Skipwith, Fulwar , letter s from , 342 , 655 , 718 ; letter s to , 570 , 708 ; circula r letter to , 40 3 (note ) Skipwith, Henry , lette r from , 166 ; lette r to , 37 3 Smith, Daniel , lette r to , 39 0 Smith, Jonatha n B ., letter to , 29 0 Smith, William , letter s to , 323 , 63 6 Smith, Willia m Stephens , lette r from, to President , 11 5 (note) ; lette r to , from President, 62 6 Soderstrom, Richard , lette r to , 23 8 Stoddert, Benjamin , letter s to , fro m Washington, 1 3 (note) , 73 , 78 , 7 9 Strange, James , letter to , 39 0 Street, John , circula r lette r to , 40 2 (note ) Stuart, David , lette r from , t o Beverle y Randolph , 28 (note) ; lette r to , fro m Beverley Randolph , 28 (note) ; lette r from , to Washington , 42 (note ) Sullivan, James , letter from , 376; lette r to , 70 9 Sumter, Thomas , letter to , 41 0 Swan, James , letter from , 52 3 Thomson, Charles , lette r to , 24 4 United States : President: letter s from, 78, 79 , 81 , 143 , 212 , 387 , 550 , 557 , 579 , 622 , 693 , 705; letter s to , 74 , 87 , 95 , 144 , 251 , 342 , 558 , 685 , 704 ; lette r to, fro m William Deakins , Jr., 7 (note) ; lette r to, fro m Alexander Contee Hanson, 9 (note) ; letter s to , fro m Commissioners, 11 (note) , 3 3 (note) , 5 2 (note) ; letters from , t o Deakin s an d Benjami n Stoddert , 1 3 (note) , 73 , 78 , 79 ; letters to , fro m Pierr e Charle s L'Enfant , 2 6 (note) , 3 0 (note) , 3 4 (note) , 36 (note) , 6 0 (note) ; lette r to , fro m Davi d Stuart , 4 2 (note) ; lette r from, to L'Enfant, 51 (note) ; letter to, from William Stephens Smith, 11 5 (note) ; letter from, to Secretarie s of State, Treasury, an d War, 141 ; letter to, from Tench Coxe , 234; lette r to, fro m Tobias Lear, 27 4 (note) ; lette r to, from David Humphreys , 362 (note) ; lette r from, to Empero r o f Morocco, 39 9 (note); lette r to , fro m Loui s Lagrenad e and others , 551 ; lette r from , t o William Stephen s Smith , 626 ; lette r to , fro m Samue l Shaw, 630; letter s to, from Gouverneur Morris, 694, 697 , 698, 699 ; letter to, enclosing notes on Virgini a lands , 71 6 Secretary of State: letter s from , t o President , 74 , 87 , 95 , 144 , 251 , 558 ; letters to, fro m Pierre Charle s L'Enfant , 76 , 81 , 83 ; letters to, fro m Pres ident, 78 , 79 , 81 , 141 , 143 , 212 , 550 , 557 ; letters from, to L'Enfant , 80 ,
[ xxi x ]
C O N T E N T S 86; letter s to, fro m Danie l Carroll , 84 , 593 ; letter s to, fro m Joshua Johnson, 101 , 237 ; lette r from , to John Adams, 11 7 (note) ; dispatche s to , fro m David Humphreys , 168 , 327 , 361 , 421 , 474 , 538 , 556 , 592 , 604 , 620 , 656, 677 ; dispatche s to , fro m C . W. F . Dumas, 168 , 478 , 560 , 619 , 712 ; dispatches to , fro m Willia m Short , 170 , 256 , 363 , 384 , 528 , 548 , 561 , 573, 584 , 608 , 648 , 672 , 683 ; lette r from , t o Alexande r Hamilton , 198 ; letters to , fro m Loui s Guillaum e Otto , 198 , 325 , 659 ; letter s to , fro m Hamilton, 199 , 200 ; lette r from , t o Otto , 203 ; letter s from , t o Willia m Carmichael, 203, 417 ; letter s from, to Davi d Humphreys, 209,406; lette r to, from Tench Coxe, 232; lette r from, to Coxe, 234; letter s to, from Josep h Fenwick, 262 , 632 ; letter s to , fro m Fulwa r Skipwith , 342 , 655 , 718 ; circular from , t o consul s an d vice-consuls , 401 ; letter s to , fro m Willia m Green, 504 , 519 ; repor t to , wit h enclosures , o n brigantin e Rachel, fro m Joshua Johnson, 505 ; lette r to , fro m President o f National Assembly , wit h enclosed report, 524 ; letter s to, fro m Stephe n Cathalan , Jr. , 547 ; dispatc h to, fro m Sylvanu s Bourne, 588 ; dispatche s to , fro m Joshua Johnson, 594 , 615; dispatch to, from Stephen Cathalan , Jr., 600 ; dispatch to, from Thomas Auldjo, 607 ; transmitta l o f letters to, b y Tobia s Lear , 612 ; lette r from , t o Van Berckel , 629 ; repor t o n land s to , fro m Willia m Blount , 681 ; lette r from, t o President , enclosin g note s o n Virgini a lands, 716 ; appointmen t of Philip Freneau as clerk, by, 756 ; resignatio n o f Philip Freneau as clerk in offic e of , 75 9 Secretary of Treasury, lette r from, 377; letter to, 570 ; letter to, from President , 141 Secretary of War. lette r to , fro m President , 14 1 Unquachog Indians , T Ps vocabular y of , 46 7 Van Berckel , F. P., lette r to , 62 9 Van Rensselaer , Jeremiah , lette r to , 61 9 Vaughan, Benjamin , letter to , 39 1 Vaughan, John , lette r to , 42 0 Wadsworth, Jeremiah , lette r from , 245 ; lette r to , 39 2 Warren, Merc y Otis , lette r from , 17 5 Washington, George , lette r from , 93 ; letter s to, 291 , 416 , 46 6 Washington, Martha , letter to , fro m Abigai l Adams , 27 8 (note ) Willard, Joseph , lette r to , 43 2 Williams, Jonathan , lette r from , t o Henr y Knox , 2 1 (note ) Willink, Va n Staphors t & Hubbard , lette r from , 39 4 (note) ; letter s to , 392 , 394 (note) , 407 , 62 6 Wilson, Philip , lette r from , 637 ; petitio n fo r redres s fo r los s o f shi p Mentor, 638 (note ) Yard, James , lette r from , 482 ; circula r letter to , 40 2 (note ) Zane, Isaac, letter to, with enclosed book list, from John Pemberton, 63 4 (note )
[ XX X ]
ILLUSTRATIONS Following Page 384 W I L L I A M SHOR T (1759-1849 ) A nativ e o f Surr y County , Virginia , an d a graduate i n 177 9 o f th e Colleg e of Willia m an d Mary , Shor t joine d Jefferso n i n Pari s i n Novembe r 1784 , becoming hi s private secretar y an d later secretar y o f legation. Whe n Jefferso n returned to th e Unite d State s i n 1789 , Shor t became charg é d'affaire s i n Paris . Disappointed tha t Washingto n name d Gouverneu r Morris ministe r to Franc e early i n 1792 , h e accepte d th e pos t o f ministe r a t The Hague . Portrait b y Rembrand t Peale; origina l i n the Colleg e o f William an d Mary . (Courtesy of the Frick Art Reference Library) JOSHUA JOHNSO N (1742-1802 ) Washington appointe d Johnso n U . S . consul i n Londo n in 179 0 afte r Johnson's busines s collapsed . I n Ma y 179 1 h e sen t report s o n th e statu s o f th e brigantine Rachel. Hi s daughter, Louis a Catherine , married John Quincy Adams in 1797 . Whe n President Adam s appointed hi m superintendent o f stamp s in 1800 , a tie vote at confirmation wa s broken by Jefferson i n favor of Johnson. Portrait by Edward Savage. (Courtesy of the Massachusetts Historical Society) S K E T C H O F T H E F E D E R A L C I T Y , 179 1 A pres s cop y o f Jefferson' s suggestion s fo r layin g ou t th e federa l district , drawn between 1 0 and 21 Marc h 1791 . Th e original disappeared after Georg e Washington turne d i t ove r t o Pierr e L'Enfant . (Courtesy of the Library of Congress) L'ENFANT'S PLA N O F T H E S E A T O F GOVERNMENT , 179 1 After this plan was engraved and laid before Congress , Washington describe d it as containing Jefferson' s instruction s t o th e engraver . Th e pencilled change s made b y Jefferso n wer e directe d no t t o th e engraver , however , bu t t o Andrew Ellicott, wh o prepare d the final copy fo r the engraver . (Courtesy of the Library of Congress) T I T L E - P A G E AN D E N D O R S E M E N T O F PAINE' S "RIGHT S O F MAN " Jefferson wa s "thunderstruck " when h e sa w hi s lette r printe d o n th e vers o of th e dedicatio n pag e i n Samue l Harriso n Smith' s Philadelphi a editio n o f Paine's book . Withou t th e inferenc e o f endorsement , th e boo k migh t hav e received only passing interest. Wit h it, a national controversy developed. (Courtesy of the American Philosophical Society) "CONTRASTED OPINION S O F PAINE' S P A M P H L E T " This popula r cartoo n reflect s th e reactio n an d alar m arouse d i n Eng land - her e caricatured by George I I I , Pitt, and Queen Charlotte - b y the threat of subversion. (Courtesy of the Lewis Walpole Library, Farmington, Connecticut)
[ xxx i ]
I L L U S T R A T I O N S V O C A B U L A R Y O F T H E UNQUACHO G INDIAN S
Jefferson wrot e thi s list on an address leaf while interviewing the Unquacho g Indians o n Lon g Islan d during hi s norther n journey wit h Jame s Madiso n i n the sprin g o f 1791 . (Courtesy of the American Philosophical Society) G E O R G E B E C K W I T H (1753-1823 )
When Lor d Dorcheste r became Governor General of British North America, Beckwith joined hi m i n Canad a and mad e trip s t o Ne w Yor k t o obtai n infor mation fo r th e British . Jefferso n refuse d t o tal k wit h Beckwith , wh o the n established a continuing associatio n wit h Alexande r Hamilton . I n 179 1 Beck with relaye d informatio n o n India n affairs betwee n Hamilto n an d Dorchester . The portrai t b y S . W . Reynold s i s a mezzotint afte r J . Eckstein; original i n the Britis h Museum . (Courtesy of Newsweek Book Division)
[ xxxi i ]
T H E PAPER
SO F
T H O M A S JEFFERSO N
Fixing th e Seat o f Government
1
I. G E O R G E WASHINGTO N T O WILLIA M DEAKINS , JR . AN D BENJAMIN STODDERT , 3 FEB. 1791 II. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O GEORG E WASHINGTON , 1 1 MARCH 179 1 III. PIERR E CHARLE S L'ENFAN T T O THOMA S JEFFERSON , 1 1 MARCH 179 1 IV. G E O R G E WASHINGTO N T O THOMA S JEFFERSON , 1 6 MARC H 179 1 V. G E O R G E WASHINGTO N T O WILLIA M DEAKINS , JR . AN D BENJAMIN STODDERT , 1 7 MARC H 179 1 VI. G E O R G E WASHINGTO N T O THOMA S JEFFERSON , 1 7 MARCH 179 1 VII. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O PIERR E CHARLE S L'ENFANT , 1 7 MARC H 179 1 VIII. PIERR E CHARLE S L'ENFAN T T O THOMA S JEFFERSON , 2 0 MARCH 179 1 IX. GEORG E WASHINGTO N T O THOMA S JEFFERSON , 3 1 MARC H 179 1 X. PIERR E CHARLE S L'ENFAN T T O THOMA S JEFFERSON , 4 APRIL 1791 XL DANIE L CARROL L T O THOMA S JEFFERSON , 6 APRIL 1791 XII. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O PIERR E CHARLE S L'ENFANT , 1 0 APRI L 1791 XIII. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O GEORG E WASHINGTON , 1 0 APRI L 1791 E D I T O R I A L N O T
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We ar e about founding a City which will be one of the first in th e World , an d We are governed b y loca l and partial Motives. -John Adams , Diary, 2 3 Sep . 178 9 Adams' observation, ap t at the tim e an d prophetic of what wa s to come , wa s made durin g th e embittere d debate s o f th e Firs t Sessio n when , quit e unex pectedly, th e ol d and divisive issue o f fixing the permanen t sea t o f governmen t disturbed th e council s o f the ne w government . I n that contes t th e Nort h wa s pitted against the Sout h and the West against bot h in the struggle t o determin e whether th e nationa l capita l would b e situate d o n th e Delaware , the Susque hanna, th e Patuxent , o r the Potomac . Whe n the las t was chosen i n the famou s compromise of 1790, there followed a second conflict exhibiting local and partial motives amon g individual s and communities alon g th e rive r from tidewater t o Th e phrase is that of Washington himself, written after a decisive event in the history of the capita l (Washington to La Luzerne , 10 Aug. 1790, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 84). 1
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the Conococheague . Afte r Washington announce d b y proclamatio n the sit e o f the Federa l Distric t - a choice h e had made even befor e undertakin g a tour for the ostensibl e purpos e o f deciding amon g rival locations - a third opportunit y for the displa y o f interested motive s presente d itself . Th e competin g claim s of owners o f lan d from Carrollsbur g o n th e Easter n Branc h t o Georgetow n up river, togethe r with those lying between in the area of Funkstown or Hamburg, were not of such magnitude as to disrupt the nation or to divide it along sectional lines. But th e problem of accommodating thes e local rivalries to the publi c interest involved mor e tha n th e cos t pe r acr e o f land s neede d fo r th e Capitol , th e President's House , th e departmenta l offices , an d othe r publi c uses . Marylan d citizens o n who m Washingto n relie d fo r ai d i n solvin g th e proble m - Danie l Carroll, Willia m Deakins , J r . , and Benjami n Stoddert-had lon g sinc e bee n warned b y Jefferso n tha t th e opportunit y t o kee p th e Federa l Cit y o n th e Potomac migh t b e los t foreve r if lands , funds , an d building s fo r governmen t use wer e no t speedil y provided. Washingto n soo n adde d hi s ow n powerfu l promptings. A s h e wa s full y aware , man y hope d an d believe d tha t Philadelphia - lon g th e commercial , cultural, an d political cente r an d now designate d as th e temporar y capita l - woul d remain th e permanen t sea t o f government . Evidence o f this becam e publi c soon afte r passag e o f the Residenc e Ac t whe n the Cit y o f Philadelphia made know n its plans to erect public buildings for the accommodation o f the Presiden t an d Congress on a plan "equally super b and elegant wit h any . . . i n America." This, declare d a Philadelphia editor, woul d not onl y mea n importan t additon s t o th e cit y bu t woul d insur e that a t the en d of the ten-yea r period fixed by law "the ide a of moving th e sea t o f governmen t to th e Westwar d (alia s Connogochegue ) wil l b e rendere d trul y ridicu lous." Within two months the Mayor and Aldermen of Philadelphia had applied to th e Pennsylvani a legislature fo r fund s t o erec t a Federal Hal l rivallin g that of Ne w Yor k an d a President's Hous e commensurat e wit h th e dignit y o f th e office occupie d b y Washington. Again the Philadelphia editor exclaimed: "An d shall w e conside r a residenc e o f te n years , an d ver y probabl y a century , a s worth buildin g a Federa l Hal l for ? . . . Le t us therefor e joi n han d an d heart and se t abou t it." 2
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Pennsylvania leader s were mor e discree t tha n the journalist. Whil e keepin g their ultimat e aim s hidden , the y provide d immediat e accommodation s o n th e square where independence ha d been declare d and postponed publi c discussion of th e sensitiv e topi c unti l th e Presiden t ha d departe d o n hi s souther n tour . When i n th e las t day s o f th e sessio n a bil l wa s introduce d i n respons e t o th e Philadelphia petition , a n acrimoniou s debat e too k place . I n thi s contest , re vealing ye t anothe r exampl e o f contendin g loca l views , member s fro m th e western part s of the stat e were in the oppositio n whil e those from Philadelphia and the eastern counties presse d for immediate adoption. Alber t Gallatin charged Se e Editoria l Not e and group of documents o n locating the Federa l District , at 24 Jan. 1791 . TJ' s report of meeting with Carroll, Stoddert, and Deakins at Georgetown, [14 Sep. 1790], Document n in group at 29 Aug . 1790 . Quote d b y th e Ne w Yor k Daily Advertiser o f 2 Aug . 179 0 (wit h th e allusio n to Conococheague added) , from Brown's Federal Gazette of 26 July 1790 . Ne w Yor k Daily Advertiser, 7 Sep . 1790 , quotin g a Philadelphia paper of 4 Sep . 1790. 2
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that the bill was founded on "wrong, dangerous, and dark principles." Its intent, he argued, was to have the temporary capital made permanent. Since Congress had alread y designate d th e Potoma c an d th e Presiden t ha d chose n th e per manent sit e fo r th e sea t o f government , h e though t suc h a ste p b y on e stat e seemed a n imprope r attempt a t bribery , contrary to th e goo d o f the natio n a s a whole . Th e voic e o f the bac k country, unequally represente d thoug h i t wa s and divide d betwee n thos e wh o favore d a location o n th e Potoma c an d those who preferre d on e o n th e Susquehanna , nevertheles s prevaile d ove r th e for midable force s o f the metropolis . Th e bil l wa s postpone d t o th e nex t session. Jefferson dul y reporte d these proceeding s t o th e President , who affecte d a n indifference belie d b y hi s actions. I f Pennsylvania should actuall y g o beyon d the provision s alread y made fo r a temporary residenc e an d provide land s and buildings for the indefinit e future , then promp t and decisive actio n was clearly necessary t o kee p th e capita l on th e Potomac . Washingto n quickl y mad e us e of the threat . Warning the Commissioner s not t o revea l his own sentiment s o n the subject , h e quote d th e brie f paragraph in Jefferson's lette r informing him of the Pennsylvani a bill. This , h e declared , "marks unequivocally i n my mind, the design s o f that state , an d the Necessit y o f exertion t o carr y th e Residenc e Law int o effect." A mont h later , after having read the debate s and learned of the outcome , h e repeate d th e warnin g and reminded the Commissioner s that "the furthe r consideratio n o f a certai n measur e i n anothe r stat e stand s post poned; fo r wha t reaso n i s lef t t o thei r own informatio n o r conjectures." Such proddings ha d been typica l of his word s an d actions eve r sinc e th e Residenc e Act wa s enacted . 6
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During these months, while urgently seeking to reconcile conflicting interest s and brin g th e Federa l Cit y int o bein g a s quickl y a s possible , Washingto n generally turne d t o th e Secretar y o f Stat e fo r advice . Bu t ther e coul d b e n o doubt, a s Jefferso n himsel f recognized , tha t th e Presiden t wa s i n comman d and tha t th e ultimat e decisions , whethe r authorize d b y la w o r arisin g from a profound fear of failure, were his to make . "I f they hav e plac'd . .. th e busines s Alber t Gallatin an d John Smilie, both fro m western Pennsylvania , were the chief protagonists fo r postponement, whil e William Bingham and Samuel Powel, both from Philadelphia, argued for immediate passage. Th e bill passe d the House by a vote of 42 to 15 , but the Senate voted for postponement 9 to 6. The text of the bill and an account of the debates appeared in Bache's General Advertiser, 6, 7, 9, 11, 12, and 13 Apr. 1791. Powel, presse d by those who believe d tha t the bil l had been deliberatel y hel d back to the finaldays of the session when attendance was thin and the schedule crowded, argued that it had not been possible to bring it forward earlier. But this was clearly disingenuous: the memoria l of the Cit y o f Philadelphia had been presente d thre e months earlie r an d the committee t o which it was referred had unanimously recommended favorable action on the 14t h of February. At the close of the debate Powel revealed the real intent when he declare d it t o b e t o th e hono r an d advantage o f Pennsylvani a to kee p th e sea t of government i n Philadelphia "as long a s possible." To have brought i n the bil l earlier, with PoweP s close friend the Presiden t dominating th e scene , woul d have created an awkward situation. T J t o Washington, 27 Mch . 1791; Washington to T J , 1 Apr. 1791. Washingto n t o th e Commissioners , 3 Apr . 1791 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi, 263-4). Tw o days earlier Washington had given Deakin s and Stoddert the same information accompanied by a similar warning (Washington to Deakins and Stoddert, 1 Apr . 1791, same , xxxi, 262-3). Washingto n to the Commissioners, 7 May 1791 (same , xxxi, 286-8). 6
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under the directio n of the Executive, " James Monroe observed i n the summe r of 1790 , "i t wil l mos t probabl y succeed." Succes s wa s finally achieved. Bu t the route to the ultimate goal was long and tortuous and many of the difficultie s encountered alon g th e way , a s wel l a s mistake s tha t wer e made , coul d b e attributed in large part to th e sens e of urgency Washingto n felt an d impressed upon all involved. Fixing the capital permanently upon the Potomac was indeed such a controlling factor in his thinking as to cause him to relegate the planning of thi s ne w sea t o f empir e t o secondar y status , wit h unexpecte d an d lastin g consequences. 10
I The first ste p t o b e take n afte r th e Federa l Distric t ha d bee n defined , a s Madison ha d pointe d out , wa s t o fix th e sit e fo r th e publi c building s an d t o "provide fo r th e establishmen t o r enlargemen t o f a tow n withi n th e district " for the Federa l City. N o authorit y had been conferre d upon th e Presiden t or the Commissioner s t o acquir e land s fo r thi s purpose , henc e th e consen t o f landowners wa s necessary . Som e migh t prov e recalcitrant, others unknow n or incompetent. A t the crucia l meetin g Jefferso n held in the autumn of 179 0 wit h Carroll, Deakins , an d Stoddert , h e "suppose d tha t th e assembl y o f Marylan d would interpos e t o forc e th e consen t o f infan t o r obstinat e proprietor s fo r a reasonable compensation." Th e mere hint was sufficient. Withi n a few week s the Marylan d legislatur e complied . Bu t that bod y limite d th e delegate d right of eminen t domai n t o th e exac t numbe r o f acre s owne d b y th e numerou s dispersed landowner s o f Germa n descen t i n Marylan d an d Pennsylvani a who held titl e t o lot s i n th e ol d projecte d tow n o f Hamburg. This dubiou s coin cidence pointed inescapably to that area as the site already chosen for the location of th e publi c buildings . S o als o di d anothe r suggestio n mad e b y Jefferso n a t this importan t meetin g - tha t "proprietor s of those spots of land most likel y to be fixed on" for the Federa l Cit y mak e it possible unde r the Residenc e Act for the Commissioner s to receiv e land s an d to rais e funds fo r erectin g buildings . The sign s indicatin g a choice o f site nea r Georgetown ha d been s o clear for s o long tha t fe w i f any a t the meetin g coul d have misrea d them. I n consequence , as Jefferson mus t hav e anticipated, the principa l owner s o f land in the vicinity promptly came forward, offerin g t o deed their property on such terms as Washington considere d reasonabl e an d just, provide d th e Federa l Cit y shoul d b e located o n thei r properties . The y concede d tha t thei r ow n interest s wer e in volved, but , turnin g Jefferson's admonitio n around , warned that a site distan t 11
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Monro e to T J , 2 6 Jul y 1790 . Madison' s advice on means of executing the Residence Act, [before 29 Aug. 1790], Document i in group at 24 Jan . 1791 . T J ' s Repor t to Washington , [1 4 Sep . 1790] , Documen t I I in grou p a t 2 9 Aug . 1790. Th e Maryland legislature passed such an act on 28 Nov. 1790 . Hamburg, or Funkstown, locate d a mile and a half below Georgetown , covere d 13 0 acres-th e amoun t of land stated in the Act-had been lai d out in 1768 b y Jacob Funk an d consisted o f 287 lots belonging t o about 15 0 proprietor s (Deakins and Stoddert to Washington, 9 Dec. 1790, D L C : Washington Papers; plat of Hamburg is reproduced in Library of Congress catalog of an exhibition, District of Columbia Sesquicentennial [Washington, 1950], Plate 19). 10
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from Georgetow n coul d rais e "Doubts . . . whethe r afte r all , the Sea t o f government woul d b e o n Patowmack." Despite thes e maneuver s whic h pointe d s o obviousl y t o a choic e o f sit e i n the neighborhoo d o f Georgetown , Jefferso n ha d earlie r drawn an outlin e lo cating the Federa l Cit y i n the vicinit y of Carrollsbur g o n th e Easter n Branch . His ide a of appealing to the self-interes t o f landowners in order to obtai n land s and funds wa s advance d as a suggestion, on e whic h such an experienced lan d speculator a s Washingto n scarcel y neede d an d whic h indee d h e ma y hav e prompted. Bu t i n submittin g th e sketc h Jefferso n discusse d detail s abou t th e use o f public lands as if the Presiden t had already decided agains t th e George town location . A s se t fort h i n hi s pla n fo r usin g thre e hundre d o f th e fifteen hundred acres he thought necessar y for the new town , these details - th e width of streets, th e shap e o f lots , th e height o f buildings , th e siz e o f squares - were all offere d a s matters t o b e considered . H e thought eac h square should consis t of abou t eigh t acres , wit h tw o square s allocate d fo r th e President' s House , offices, an d gardens, on e eac h for the Capito l an d the Market , and nine - abou t a fourt h o f the whol e numbe r - t o b e se t asid e fo r "th e Publi c walks," a term reflecting his hope of creating in the new capital such pleasant parks and gardens as h e ha d enjoye d i n th e grea t citie s o f Europe. Th e manne r i n whic h h e discussed these points indicates clearly that he thought Washingto n had already chosen th e are a a t th e confluenc e o f th e Easter n Branc h an d th e Potomac , contrary t o al l tha t h e ha d indicate d earlier . I f so , wa s thi s a fein t suc h a s Washington late r contrive d t o brin g the Georgetow n landowner s t o agre e t o more acceptabl e terms ? It is difficul t t o believ e tha t i t was. Durin g the whol e of these negotiations extending ove r a period of almost a year before th e choic e of site for the Federal City was revealed to the public, all of the evidence suggests that Washington shared his views wit h Jefferson, at times wit h him alone. The circumstances indicat e tha t - a t leas t unti l the largel y self-servin g activitie s o f Carroll, Deakins , an d Stodder t bega n t o promis e beneficia l result s t o th e public - th e down-river site had been chosen and that Washington had informed Jefferson o f the fact . 14
15
This initial - an d temporary - focu s on the Eastern Branch is understandable. That location offered an excellent harbor and Jefferson's rough outline indicated that wharve s and mercantile houses shoul d b e buil t alon g it s right bank, with the publi c building s an d walks facing th e Potomac . I t must hav e occurre d to him a s well a s to Washingto n tha t Philadelphi a itself offered a striking confirmation o f the generall y accepte d ide a that th e Federa l Cit y woul d b e bot h th e nation's capita l and a commercial center. Whil e George Mason , whose advic e was sough t b y Jefferso n a t Washington' s behest , ha d reveale d hi s decide d TJ' s repor t to Washington on the meeting a t Georgetown, [1 4 Sep . 1790] ; TJ t o Washington, 1 7 Sep . 1790 , an d form of conveyance give n t o Carroll ; proposals of the Georgetown landowners, [13 Oct . 1790]; Documents n, iv, and vi in group at 29 Aug. 1790. T o Carroll alon e TJ had suggested the pla n of having landowners in the whol e of the Federa l Distric t give u p half o f their holdings. Thi s brough t forwar d a second proposal by the Georgetown proprietors: that they retain every third lot and give up the remainder for a Federal Cit y o f 3,000 acre s instead o f one o f 1,50 0 suggeste d by T J (Deakins to Washington, 1 8 Nov. 1790 , D L C : Washingto n Papers) . Se e TJ's suggestions to Washington, 29 Aug. and 14 Sep. 1790 (Documents i and ii in group at 29 Aug . 1790) . 14
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preference fo r Georgetown , h e ha d als o though t "th e Easter n Branc h . . . a n admirable position , superio r i n al l respect s t o Alexandria." These circum stances, adde d t o th e rivalry o f th e Carrollsbur g an d Georgetow n interests , suggest tha t th e ide a o f embracing both area s within the limit s o f the Federa l City wa s developed no t lon g afterwards . Such an extended pla n also held forth the promis e tha t mor e adequat e fund s woul d accru e through the sal e o f public lands i n accordanc e wit h th e suggestio n Jefferso n ha d advanced. There ca n be n o doubt , however , tha t b y the 24t h o f January, whe n Wash ington announce d hi s choice o f site fo r the Federa l District , he ha d decided t o locate th e publi c building s fo r bot h executiv e an d legislativ e branche s nea r Georgetown betwee n th e Tibe r an d Rock Creek . On e proof of this is found in the instruction s give n b y hi m earl y i n Februar y t o Deakin s an d Stoddert , engaging the m unde r a n injunctio n o f "th e mos t perfec t secrecy " an d al l th e dispatch compatibl e wit h succes s t o bu y land s i n th e vicinit y o f Georgetown . These instructions, drawn by Jefferson in accordance with Washington's views, outlined th e comparativ e advantages o f Carrollsburg and Georgetown a s if the choice o f site fo r the publi c buildings an d offices wer e undecided . Th e agents , instructed t o purchas e land s a s i f fo r themselve s bu t actuall y fo r th e public , were thus entrusted with a state secret - bu t not wit h all of it. The y were give n a roug h sketc h o f th e thre e hundre d or s o acre s desired , a tract equivalent t o what Jefferson i n his first proposals had deemed necessar y for public use. They were told specificall y tha t land s along th e Tibe r - particularl y those belongin g to Davi d Burnes , thoug h hi s nam e wa s no t mentione d - were indispensabl e and shoul d b e sought befor e an y other purchases were attempted. Th e succes s of their secret undertaking , Washington assure d them, woul d help hi m decid e between tw o location s abou t whos e respectiv e advantage s hi s mind "had been so lon g o n the balance." The competition, s o the instruction s pretended, wa s for the locatio n o f the Federa l City , no t just for the sit e o f the publi c buildings. But thi s screen , behin d whic h Washingto n hope d t o concea l bot h th e exten t already decided upo n fo r the forme r and the choic e alread y made for the latter, was scarcely impenetrable. The mere authorization to purchase a certain amount of lan d i n a precisel y define d area , eve n whe n limite d t o deed s i n fe e simpl e and conditione d upo n a twelve-months' credit , coul d scarcel y help conveyin g its rea l meanin g t o agent s whos e ow n interes t woul d insur e their best efforts : the choic e lot s naturally would li e i n the vicinit y of the publi c buildings . Th e flimsiness o f th e screen , togethe r wit h th e secrec y o f the effort , wa s soo n dis closed. 16
17
II In th e discussion s followin g passag e o f th e Residenc e Act , Madiso n ha d assumed tha t th e Commissioner s woul d hav e charg e o f th e layin g ou t o f th e Federal Cit y an d woul d develo p thei r ow n plan s fo r th e publi c building s o r T J t o Washington, 1 7 Sep. 179 0 (Documen t i v in group at 29 Aug . 1790) . Washingto n t o Deakin s an d Stoddert , 3 Feb . 179 1 (Documen t i) . Reason s for attributing the draf t of this letter to TJ are discussed in the note to it. Another confirmation of Washington's choice of site is that he had received news that the Georgetown proprietors would make cessions o f their lands and asked Edmund Randolph, through T J , t o prepar e forms o f conveyances a s soon as possible ( T J to Randolph , [6?] Mch . 1791). 16
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would submi t t o th e Presiden t thos e "obtaine d fro m ingeniou s Architects." This, i n the view o f Senator Maclay and others, would have been i n accordance with th e la w an d the inten t o f Congress. But Washington' s desir e fo r promp t action wa s to o grea t t o permi t suc h importan t decision s t o b e lef t t o others , even t o thos e who m h e ha d chose n an d i n who m h e ha d confidence . Letter s patent givin g authorit y t o th e Commissioner s had bee n issue d a t th e tim e h e announced his choice of location for the Federal District, but Thomas Johnson, Daniel Carroll , an d David Stuart did not begi n thei r deliberations fo r anothe r two months . Durin g this tim e Washingto n chos e Andre w Ellicott t o ru n the experimental lines of the Federal District. That competent an d reliable engineer could als o hav e define d th e street s an d boundarie s o f th e Federa l Cit y i n accordance wit h plan s mad e b y Jefferso n o r anyon e else . Later , i n fact , h e wa s obliged t o rende r essentia l service s i n thi s respect . Bu t i n hi s urgenc y t o se e the capita l visibl e o n th e landscap e a s earl y a s possible , Washingto n mad e a fateful choic e early in 179 1 whic h caused delay, created many obstacles, threatened t o defea t hi s aims , an d i n th e en d lef t a n ineradicabl e impressio n upo n the capita l of the nation . This wa s hi s selectio n o f Pierr e Charle s L'Enfant , th e thirty-seven-year-ol d French enginee r an d architect who ha d served during the war , was a member of the Cincinnati , ha d designed it s insign e an d diploma, an d was bes t know n for hi s performanc e i n convertin g Ne w York' s Cit y Hal l int o Federa l Hal l t o accommodate Congres s at the beginnin g o f the ne w government . Soo n there after, followin g th e 178 9 debate s ove r th e locatio n o f th e Federa l District , L'Enfant ha d made known to the Presiden t his desire to be appointed surveyor general an d t o b e assigne d th e tas k o f plannin g th e capita l of "thi s vas t E mpire." Other s had als o applie d o r ha d bee n recommende d fo r thi s responsi bility, including the more experienced British-born architect Joseph Clark wh o had demonstrated hi s talents i n his work on the publi c buildings at Annapolis. A fe w month s befor e th e choic e wa s made , Chancello r Hanson o f Maryland , a ma n who m Washingto n respecte d an d wh o wa s wel l acquainte d wit h wha t Clark ha d done for the capital of Maryland, recommended him to the President in these words: " I conside r the publi c works which in this city he has planned, superintended, an d conducted , t o b e monument s o f superio r taste, judgmen t and skill. Fro m his works, from his drawings . .. fro m his activity and attention to busines s . . . from the manne r in which he exercised his authority, from the attachment an d obedience o f his workmen; in short, from every thing whic h I have eithe r see n o r heard , I d o no t scrupl e t o declare , tha t I believ e n o ma n on th e continen t bette r qualifie d tha n Mr . Clark t o ac t i n tha t line , i n whic h he is ambitious of serving the United States." This was high praise concerning a ma n whos e architectura l achievements Washingto n wa s o f cours e awar e of because o f hi s frequen t visit s t o Annapolis . A fe w week s late r the Chancellor gave Clar k a letter o f introductio n t o th e President , repeate d hi s opinio n tha t there wa s "n o perso n i n Americ a bette r qualifie d fo r executin g th e trust , o r 18
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Madison' s advice on executing the Residence Act, [before 29 Aug. 1790], Document i i n group at 24 Jan . 1791 . L'Enfan t t o Washington, 1 1 Sep. 178 9 (DLC : Washingto n Papers) . Hanso n to Washington , 2 Aug . 179 0 (same) . Alexande r Contee Hanso n (1749 1806) wa s held in such respect by Washington that he was about to be offered the post of District Judge for Maryland when he was appointed Chancellor, an office he held for the remainder of his life. 18
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employment whic h he sollicits, " and said that Clar k woul d la y before hi m his plans an d proposals. Tenc h Cox e wa s anothe r wh o cam e forwar d with hi s ideas concerning the capital, but did not seek employmen t i n executing them. The historia n Willia m Gordo n also advance d interestin g suggestions. Joh n Macpherson put forward his own claims . "I mean to dra w a plan for the whol e City!" he exclaimed. " I now for m ideas wha t it will b e a Hundred years hence. . . . I f built a s I hope i t wil l be , it s inhabitant s wil l b e warme r in th e Winter and coole r i n the summer , than any other people on Eart h that live in the sam e latitude!" Washingto n prudentl y ignore d th e well-know n Philadelphi a ec centric. Bu t i f h e gav e an y consideratio n a t al l to Clark' s prove n merit s a s a professionally traine d enginee r an d architect , n o recor d o f th e fac t ha s bee n found. Instead, h e place d hi s confidenc e i n on e who , whateve r hi s talents , lacke d those qualities of character and professional discipline which Clark s o evidentl y possessed. I t i s no t know n whethe r Washingto n mad e th e choic e i n respons e to L'Enfant' s applicatio n or whether h e di d so a t the promptin g of friends and patrons o f the engineer , among the m Alexande r Hamilton, Henry Knox, an d Robert Morris . A fe w month s late r whe n h e fel t calle d upo n t o justif y th e appointment, h e sai d that hi s knowledg e o f L'Enfan t a s a man of scienc e an d taste indicated that, "for projecting public works; and carrying them into effect, he wa s bette r qualifie d tha n an y on e wh o ha d come withi n m y knowledg e i n this Country, or indeed i n any other." Th e defensive natur e of the testimonia l is understandable . Ther e ca n b e littl e doubt , however , tha t th e appointmen t was dictate d i n larg e measur e b y Washington' s sens e o f urgency . O n thi s assignment, th e mos t importan t i n hi s life , L'Enfan t prove d t o b e eccentric , proud, indiscreet , opinionated , ambitiou s fo r fame an d glory, an d so incapabl e of graspin g th e rea l natur e o f hi s professiona l statu s that , withi n th e year , h e had t o b e dismisse d becaus e h e refuse d t o accep t direction s eve n fro m th e President i n who m th e la w ha d veste d final authority . But , while h e ha d had 21
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Hanso n to Washington, 10 Nov. 179 0 (same) . Washington endorsed both this and the earlier letter, but apparently answered neither. Cox e thought th e Federa l Cit y shoul d have been buil t on the Virgini a sid e o f the Potomac, but recognized that the political difficulties facing any effor t to make the change in th e law were "very obvious." He sought to improve upon Philadelphia by providing for wide lots, placing markets in squares instead of in streets, and managin g water courses for more effective sewers. Citing the Friends' and Chris t Church burial grounds, he raised the question whether cemeteries should be permitted within its limits. He also suggested, as L'Enfant did later, that public lands be set aside and donate d to religious organizations under proper precautions (Tench Coxe, "Remarks on the laying out of the federal city, and o n the manner of building"; unsigned and undated, but in Coxe's hand and probably made for TJ's us e in Feb. or Mch. 1791; MS in DLC: T J Papers, 80: 13882-5) . Gordon , writin g from England , wa s unde r the impressio n tha t th e Federa l Cit y would b e locate d a t Sheperdstown . H e kne w th e localit y an d offered advance d ideas about means of supplying water and conveying sewage. He also thought it of "the utmos t consequence" tha t all government record s be isolated from other buildings and so constructed "a s to b e i n n o dange r o f sufferin g b y fire, water, damp s o r other enemies " (Gordon to Washington, 31 Jan . 1791, DLC : Washingto n Papers). Even s o ardent a n advocate o f the preservatio n of archives as TJ did not mak e such a suggestion a s this (see T J t o Hazard, 1 7 Feb. 1791). Macpherso n to Washington, 9 Mch. 1791 (DNA : RG 59 , MLR) . Washingto n to Stuart, 20 Nov. 179 1 (Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 420; emphasis supplied). 21
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no experienc e i n plannin g a city , h e wa s available , h e ha d som e politicall y powerful friends , he was a war veteran who ha d been wounde d i n service, and, perhaps most importan t of all, time was pressing. While Washington assigne d to hi s Secretar y of Stat e som e o f th e mor e vexatiou s problem s relatin g t o th e Federal City , ther e i s n o evidenc e tha t h e consulte d hi m o n th e appointmen t of L'Enfant . Jefferso n unquestionabl y ha d hi s ow n idea s abou t th e plannin g of the capital , some o f which h e disclose d t o th e Presiden t fro m tim e t o time . He als o undoubtedl y ha d seriou s reservation s abou t th e essentia l feature s o f L'Enfant's plans . Bu t o n thi s h e appear s t o hav e remaine d discreetl y silen t while givin g generou s assistanc e t o L'Enfan t eve n whe n Washingto n mad e decisions which, for good or ill, became irrevocable by virtue of his unquestione d cachet. Jefferson' s unswervin g loyalt y i n this instance , a s with s o man y other s who hav e serve d th e Chie f Executiv e throug h history , als o brough t hi m o n occasion th e uncongenia l dut y o f trying to justify presidentia l action s i n term s incompatible wit h th e facts . Later, whe n insurmountabl e difficultie s developed , Jefferso n explaine d tha t Washington ha d give n L'Enfan t hi s initia l assignmen t becaus e Danie l Carrol l had no t bee n abl e t o ac t a s a Commissione r whil e servin g a s a membe r o f Congress. This "accidenta l circumstance," he added, "alone gave an appearance of a n origina l interferenc e b y th e President , whic h i t neithe r was , no r is , hi s intention t o practice. " L'Enfant , i n brief , ha d bee n sen t forwar d t o th e tw o other Commissioners , "under whose employment an d direction he wa s explic itly informed . . . h e wa s to act." Bu t this was said after Washington ha d bee n forced against hi s will to declare L'Enfant' s services at an end. There is nothin g in th e contemporar y recor d o r i n Washington' s action s a t th e tim e o f th e appointment o r afterward to justify th e explanatio n given . Bot h befor e Carrol l became a Commissioner and for a long whil e afte r h e an d the other s assume d their responsibilities, Washingto n gav e instructions to L'Enfan t eithe r directly or through Jefferson actin g for him and with his approval. The Commissioners themselves, ofte n uninforme d unti l afte r importan t decision s ha d bee n made , were understandably puzzled about the nature of their role under the law. They were also , u p t o a point, discreetl y deferential . I t was no t unti l afte r L'Enfan t had flatly defie d thei r authorit y tha t the y were drive n t o as k fo r a clea r understanding of the terms on which he had been engaged to serve. "Fro m several intimations," they declare d some months late r in revealing terms , "w e consid ered th e busines s a s restin g mor e o n u s tha n heretofore." The y wer e indee d 26
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A n adequate biography of L'Enfant is much needed. The accounts by Fiske Kimball in DAB and by John W. Reps in Monumental Washington (Princeton, 1967) are excellent but brief. Both are judicious in their appraisal of the role of TJ durin g L'Enfant's short connection wit h the planning of the capital. Both, in varying degrees, als o embrace the estimate of L'Enfant which has emerged at the beginning of the twentieth century, which Kimball correctly designated a s the apotheosis of the designer, an d which is reflected in works by Elizabeth S. Kite, VEnfant and Washington (Baltimore, 1929), H . Pau l Caemmerer, The life of Pierre Charles L'Enfant (Washington , 1950) , Elber t Peets , On the art 2 6
of designing cities: Selected essays of Elbert Peets, ed . Pau l D . Sprerege n (Cambridge ,
Mass., 1968) , an d J. L . Sibley Jennings, Jr. , "Artistr y as Design: L'Enfant' s Extraordinary City," Quar. Jour, of the Library of Congress, xxxv i (1979) , 225-78 . Se e below . T J t o George Walker, 26 Mch . 1792 . Commissioner s to Washington, 21 Oct. 1791 (DNA : RG 42). In his "Observations" of 11 Dec. 1791 about L'Enfant's attempt to justify his conduct, TJ mad e this remarkably candid statement t o Washington: "I d o not know what have been th e authorities give n 2 7
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by tha t tim e bein g give n burdensom e dutie s t o perform . Bu t th e origina l interference whic h Jefferso n s o unconvincingl y sough t t o justif y wa s t o con tinue, providin g onl y anothe r o f man y testimonial s t o th e prevailin g sense o f urgency s o keenl y fel t b y Washington . N o on e coul d reasonably doubt tha t in all o f th e maneuver s t o establis h th e Federa l Cit y a s soo n a s possible , th e President was in the saddle, guiding with a tight rei n and also making frequent applications o f the spur . L'Enfan t seem s to hav e bee n th e onl y on e wh o faile d to recogniz e thi s inescapabl e reality. If th e Commissioner s wer e kep t i n th e dar k abou t th e term s unde r which L'Enfant wa s engaged or the degree of authority given him orally or in writing, history ha s also bee n denie d thi s information . Al l that i s know n i s that lat e in January, withi n a fe w day s afte r Washingto n announce d th e locatio n o f th e Federal District , L'Enfant receive d a letter whic h determine d hi s futur e rela tionship to the permanen t sea t of government. Thi s crucia l communication has never bee n found . I t was no t writte n b y Washington , though o f course i t wa s done a t hi s promptin g an d wit h hi s sanction . No r wa s Jefferso n calle d upo n to draft it, as he was in so many instances involving instructions, proclamations, conveyances, an d agend a o f proceeding s fo r establishin g th e Federa l Distric t and th e Federa l City . Instead , th e tas k wa s assigne d t o Danie l Carroll , wh o for professe d reason s o f delicac y woul d no t serv e a s a Commissione r while a member o f Congres s bu t wh o nevertheles s consente d t o ac t a s agen t i n thi s matter s o decisivel y affectin g th e futur e o f the nationa l capital . The onl y clu e to th e content s o f Carroll' s lette r i s t o b e foun d i n Jefferson's communicatio n to th e Commissioner s writte n abou t th e sam e time . Fro m thi s w e lear n that Washington "thought Majo r L'Enfant peculiarly qualified to make such a Draught of the ground as will enable himself to fix on the spot for the public Buildings." From late r developments w e ma y safel y conclud e tha t n o contrac t was offere d and n o terms of compensation discussed . We may be equally certain that Carroll urged upo n L'Enfan t th e sam e nee d fo r a quic k discharg e o f hi s assignmen t that had caused Andrew Ellicott to be sent off post-haste i n the middle of winter to ru n th e experimenta l lines o f th e Federa l District . I f L'Enfan t replie d i n writing to th e invitatio n extended o n behal f of the President , his letter has no t been found . Despit e Washington' s insistenc e upo n dispatc h an d L'Enfant' s own expresse d eagernes s t o take part in planning the sea t of empire, more than a mont h elapse d befor e th e enginee r appeare d to receiv e his orders. The cause of th e dela y i s no t known . Bu t hi s tard y response s t o othe r call s fo r promp t action sugges t tha t responsibilit y fo r the lat e beginnin g la y with him.
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Ill It wa s durin g the fina l hectic day s before Congres s adjourned that Jefferso n gave L'Enfan t hi s firs t officia l assignment . Assumin g tha t th e authoritativ e source o f the order s would b e take n fo r grante d - o r perhaps because thi s had been mad e clea r in precedin g discussion s - h e di d no t fee l i t necessar y t o sa y him expressly o r b y implication." The choic e o f word s an d the emphasi s give n the m reveal much about Washington's manner of dealing with one of his closest advisers. T J t o the Commissioners, 29 Jan . 179 1 (Documen t i x in group at 24 Jan . 1791) . Washington's letter to L'Enfan t o f 1 3 Dec. 179 1 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 443) confirms the fact that his "first official notice" came from Carroll. See TJ t o Walker, 26 Mch. 1792 . 29
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that these came from the President and reflected his wishes. As Jefferson's brief summary o f Carroll' s lette r ha d shown, th e initia l assignmen t give n L'Enfan t was quit e limited . H e wa s merel y t o mak e a topographical surve y of the hills, valleys, morasses , an d wate r course s withi n a specifie d are a and t o produc e drawings o f the "particula r ground s mos t likel y to b e approve d for the sit e o f the federa l tow n an d buildings. " H e wa s no t give n explici t direction s t o ac t under th e Commissioner s a s Jefferso n late r claimed : tha t agency , investe d though i t was with legal authority, was not eve n mentioned . H e was instructed instead t o repor t progres s t o th e Secretar y of Stat e "abou t twic e a week , b y letter." This , a s Washingto n mus t hav e directe d an d a s Jefferso n indicated , would enabl e hi m to dra w L'Enfant's attentio n "t o som e other objects " which he ha d not a t tha t momen t sufficien t informatio n t o define. L'Enfan t wa s t o begin hi s surve y o n th e Easter n Branch . A precis e topographical survey was of course essential to enable the President to designate th e "particula r grounds" for the public buildings. But at this stage it wa s no t necessar y t o carr y int o effec t th e decisio n alread y arrive d a t tha t these woul d b e i n th e vicinit y of Hambur g on th e Tibe r - thos e othe r object s about whic h Jefferson pretende d no t t o hav e sufficien t information . Th e pretense was necessary, arising as it obviously did from the decision of the President not t o permi t L'Enfan t t o shar e the "inviolabl e secrecy " surrounding the op erations o f Deakin s an d Stoddert . L'Enfan t wa s no t eve n tol d wha t thes e surreptitious emissarie s wer e doin g o n behal f of the public . O n the sam e da y that Jefferso n gav e hi m hi s limite d assignment , h e als o drafte d Washington' s letter t o th e tw o agents-agai n a t th e president' s directio n an d wit h hi s ap proval — warning them not to be misled because L'Enfant' s survey was confine d to "th e Easter n branch , th e Patowmac , the Tyber , an d the roa d leading fro m George tow n t o th e ferr y on th e Easter n branch. " Washington assure d the m that "nothing further" ha d bee n communicate d t o L'Enfant . H e ha d already told the m t o suspen d effort s t o induc e Davi d Burnes to com e to terms . This , his lette r mad e clear , had bee n onl y a diversionary tactic an d they wer e no w authorized t o resum e negotiation s wit h him. Th e restrictio n impose d o n L'Enfant's first assignmen t wa s anothe r an d relate d stratage m whic h Wash ington hope d woul d mak e i t easie r fo r Deakin s an d Stodder t t o acquir e th e indispensable land s he ha d fixed upon fo r th e federa l buildings . L'Enfant ha d bee n instructe d to procee d wit h suc h dispatc h a s to hav e hi s survey ready for Washington o n his arrival i n Georgetown late r in March. Hi s limited assignmen t wa s fa r less arduou s tha n tha t give n t o Ellicott , wh o wa s also expecte d t o hav e hi s preliminar y survey o f th e Federa l Distric t ready a t the same time. Ellicott did accomplish his mission with remarkable promptnes s and efficiency, despit e inclemen t weather , a n attack of influenza, and a lack o f competent assistants . Bu t mist s an d rains which ha d not impede d hi m i n hi s more formidabl e tas k presente d t o L'Enfan t "a n insuperable obstacle. " Also , 30
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T J t o L'Enfant , [2 ] Mch. 1791. Ellicott had been given directions to proceed with all dispatc h possible t o pla t the course s o f the Easter n Branc h an d the Tiber , an d to report progress (T J t o Ellicott, 2 Feb. 1791, Documen t xi in group at 24 Jan. 1791) . He evidently accepte d the assignment th e same day and reported frequently thereafter. See Ellicott to T J , 1 4 Feb. 1791 (Documen t xn in same group). Washingto n to Deakins and Stoddert, 2 Mch. 1791 (emphasi s in original). Directions to suspend negotiations had been given on 28 Feb. 179 1 [Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 225) . 3 0
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instead o f confinin g himsel f t o a topographica l surve y o f th e precis e are a t o which hi s instruction s limited him, he explore d o n horsebac k th e land s alon g the Potomac fro m the Easter n Branc h to the Tibe r and beyond to Roc k Creek , including "th e height s . . . a s fa r up a s thie r Springs. " He reporte d tha t th e area between the Eastern Branch and the Tiber afforded a less desirable location for th e cit y becaus e th e elevation s "behin d georg e tow n absolutl y comman d the whole." Wit h hi s European backgroun d and his exuberant nature , it wa s natural enoug h fo r hi m t o see k ou t thos e commandin g position s which , i n addition to providing grand vistas, would also afford the protection and security he deeme d necessary . Bu t this wa s no t wha t h e ha d been ordere d to do . Worse, L'Enfant' s exploration s o n horsebac k beyon d th e are a an d outsid e the specifi c dut y assigne d hi m expose d th e fein t Washingto n ha d devise d t o induce Burne s and othe r landowner s i n th e neighborhoo d o f Georgetow n t o sell on reasonable terms. His indiscreet talk did even more to nullify the strategy. Immediately afte r hi s arriva l i n Georgetown , Deakin s an d Stodder t reporte d the disturbing news to Washington. The press also informed the public. Only three day s afte r L'Enfan t cam e o n th e scene , th e loca l gazette announced tha t he ha d bee n "employe d b y th e Presiden t o f th e Unite d State s t o surve y th e lands contiguous t o Georgetown , wher e the Federa l Cit y i s to b e put . . . . H e is earnes t i n th e busines s an d hopes t o b e abl e t o la y a plan o f tha t parce l o f land befor e th e Presiden t o n hi s arriva l i n thi s town." Thi s coul d onl y hav e come from L'Enfant . On learnin g of these indiscretions , Washingto n di d L'Enfan t th e justic e t o suppose tha t hi s opinion s were "promulgate d . . . a s muc h probabl y fro m complaisance a s judgment. " Bu t i f thes e impression s wer e allowe d t o stan d uncontradicted, hi s ow n strateg y coul d b e defeated . Thu s committe d publicl y by his ow n agent , h e foun d himsel f in suc h an embarrassing situation tha t hi s initial impuls e wa s t o declar e "a t once th e Sit e o f th e publi c buildings " a s already determined . Face d wit h thi s dilemma , h e sough t th e counse l o f hi s Secretary o f State. Jefferso n undoubtedl y advise d agains t a n immediat e an nouncement, urgin g instead that L'Enfan t b e instructe d to enlarg e th e are a of his surve y t o includ e th e ground s betwee n th e Tibe r an d Roc k Creek . Thi s would a t leas t hav e th e appearanc e o f confirmin g wha t L'Enfan t ha d already said and done but would not b e final. Washington approved, perhaps the mor e readily becaus e h e ha d just receive d anothe r lette r concernin g L'Enfant' s ac tivities. Jefferson ha d already drafted additional instructions indicating that the site o n th e Easter n Branc h ha d considerable advantage s bu t tha t othe r stron g reasons "independen t o f th e fac e o f th e ground " pointe d towar d th e secon d area to be surveyed. Then, after consulting with Washington, he put the essence of the messag e i n a postscript. L'Enfan t wa s t o tr y to kee p "th e publi c mind . . . i n equilibrio between thes e tw o places " until the President' s arriva l s o a s to pois e the expectation s o f the Georgetow n an d Carrollsburg interests. Thi s 32
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L'Enfan t t o T J , 1 1 Mch. 1791 (Documen t m). Deakin s and Stoddert to Washington, 11 Mch. 1791, not found but acknowledged as of that date in Washington's response o f the 17t h (Document v). Maryland Journal, 1 8 Mch. 1791, unde r a Georgetown dateline of the 12th . Washingto n to T J , 1 6 Mch. 1791 (Documen t iv). T J t o L'Enfant , 1 7 Mch . 179 1 (Documen t vu) . L'Enfan t onl y bega n hi s first assignment o n the day this letter was written. He had already decided to g o o n to the vicinity of Rock Creek before he received it (L'Enfant to T J, 20 Mch . 1791 , Document 32
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was perhap s an even mor e difficul t assignmen t tha n havin g L'Enfan t conduc t a topographica l surve y in rai n an d mist, bu t it s succes s o r failure mattered less than anothe r decisio n mad e a t the sam e time . On learnin g from Deakins and Stoddert tha t th e owner s o f lots in Hamburg had agree d t o ced e them t o anyon e authorize d by the Presiden t to accep t title , Washington gav e them th e require d authority. H e kne w tha t i n doing s o thi s would expos e the m a s agent s o f th e public , bu t hi s willingnes s t o mak e th e disclosure provide d on e furthe r proof of his conviction tha t the land s along th e Tiber an d in the vicinit y of Hamburg were indeed indispensable . Wit h the fe w days remaining, Washington's hop e that conveyance s o f Hamburg lands migh t be available for use a s bargaining weights in negotiations with the Georgetow n and Carrollsbur g proprietor s wa s impossibl e o f realization. In the fal l o f 179 0 it ha d take n severa l week s fo r th e agent s eve n t o find ou t th e numbe r o f lot s in Hambur g an d th e name s o f th e thei r widel y scattere d owners. Bu t Jef ferson's pruden t advic e di d enabl e th e Presiden t t o avoi d a prematur e an nouncement o f the sit e chose n fo r publi c uses. Mor e important, i t gav e Wash ington th e chanc e t o brin g his presenc e t o bea r in th e negotiations . 37
IV A week afte r L'Enfan t receive d hi s assignment , Jefferson , alread y pressin g Washington o n th e urgen t demand s fro m th e Wes t t o confron t Spai n o n th e Mississippi questio n an d trying to effect a possible concer t of European power s against Britis h navigatio n laws , bega n preparin g essentia l paper s fo r hi m t o use i n th e Georgetow n negotiations . Th e first was a proclamation drafte d o n the 10t h o f Marc h bu t no t t o b e issue d unti l thes e negotiation s ha d bee n concluded. It s chie f objec t wa s t o announc e th e decisio n t o plac e th e Capitol , the President' s House , an d the publi c offices in the vicinity of Hamburg. The next day, jus t as he had done in the preparations for locating the Federal District, Jefferson drew up a list of matters requiring attention, heade d by the suggestion that th e Commissioner s be calle d into action . Thi s assignmen t o f priority may have been prompte d b y regard for what the law required as well as by a concern for loca l an d authoritativ e guidanc e o f L'Enfant' s activities . Jefferson' s ow n role in acting as a channel transmitting the President' s decisions coul d scarcely have been a congenial one , eve n whe n Washington found his advice acceptable . Also, with the Commissioners authorized to exercise their lawful responsibility, Jefferson mus t have known that his own suggestions for the Federa l Cit y coul d 38
Washingto n to Deakins and Stoddert, 17 Mch. 179 1 (Documen t v and it s enclosure of same date). The form of conveyance sen t with this letter was that drawn by Edmund Randolph in response to TJ's letter of [6?] Mch . 1791 . When Washington passed through Georgetown i n 179 0 o n his way to Philadelphia , Deakins and Stoddert a t his request inquired at once of Jacob Funk i n Washington Count y asking a particular stat e of the lots in Hamburg . Information abou t th e 28 7 lot s owned b y abou t 15 0 proprietor s in Maryland and Philadelphia did not come to them unti l the 8t h of December (Deakins and Stodder t to Washington, 9 Dec. 1790 , D L C : Washington Papers). Proclamatio n by the President , 30 Mch . 1791 (Documen t x m in group at 24 Jan. 1791). An entry in SJPL proves that TJ drafted the proclamation on the 10th of March. It is important to note that in his draft TJ mad e a clear distinction between the general area alread y chose n fo r publi c use s an d the precis e site s stil l t o b e determined . Th e passage concernin g th e forme r h e place d withi n bracket s and then, fo r Washington' s guidance, indicate d tha t a decision a s to th e latter , "bein g conjectural , will b e t o b e rendered conformable t o the ground when more accurately examined." 37
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be effectivel y conveye d t o the m throug h Danie l Carroll , eithe r b y himsel f or by Madison. Other objects tha t he liste d for Washington's attention concerne d deeds fro m landowners , determinatio n o f the precis e site s fo r th e Capito l an d the President' s House , th e layin g of f o f th e tow n b y th e Commissioner s i n accordance wit h th e term s o f th e propose d proclamation , and the designatio n of reserve d area s fo r publi c buildings , a town house , a prison , a market, and "public walks." It wa s in this period of intense applicatio n to matters of foreign an d domesti c policy tha t Jefferson dre w u p his well-known bu t often misrepresente d secon d sketch for the Federa l City . Tha t ke y document , togethe r with the draf t of the proclamation an d othe r paper s pertainin g to th e ne w capital , he hande d ove r sometime befor e noo n o n th e 21s t o f Marc h whe n Washingto n departe d from Philadelphia. I t is importan t t o not e that th e centra l feature o f this pla n was a precise reflection o f Washington's decisio n concernin g the locatio n o f the Cap itol, th e President' s House , an d land s fo r othe r publi c uses . Thi s significan t fact, ofte n overlooked , i s implici t in the employmen t o f Deakins and Stodder t and i n th e instruction s give n the m t o acquir e lands i n th e are a designated. I t is give n explici t proo f i n th e exac t congruit y o f Jefferson' s sketc h wit h th e terms of the draf t proclamation announcing the choic e o f site. Thi s area , which he envisione d a s th e hear t o f th e capital , lay o n th e righ t ban k o f th e Tiber , with public parks, gardens, and walks facing the river and providing long vistas downstream. Jefferso n ha d had i n contemplatio n suc h ope n space s fo r public ornament and use when h e drew his first sketch in the summer of 179 0 placin g the cente r o f the capita l on th e Easter n Branch . But , whatever th e accidenta l or othe r causes which led Washington to shift the focus to the Tiber, his decision was both fortunat e an d enduring. Jefferson's concep t o f extensive publi c parks and garden s along the waterfront, its possibilities thus enhanced by transference intact t o a more appropriat e terrain, ma y rightl y b e regarde d a s the origi n o f what would eventually becom e one o f the chie f glories o f the nationa l capital. 39
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• TJ' s lis t o f "Objects which may require the attentio n o f the Presiden t a t George T." (se e Documen t n). Th e sketch (se e illustratio n in this volume ) i s know n to exis t onl y i n TJ's pres s copy (DLC : T J Papers, 80:10805), th e origina l having disappeared after Washington turned it over to L'Enfant . I t is undated but usuall y and incorrectly assigned th e date of 3 1 Mch . 1791 . Al l that ca n b e sai d with certainty i s that i t wa s drawn sometim e between 1 0 and 21 Mch , 1791. W. B . Bryan, History of the National Capital (Ne w York , 1914) , I , 130, was the first to not e the relationshi p betwee n TJ' s plan for publi c walk s and parks with the later development o f the Mall . In this work Bryan reproduced TJ's sketc h under the caption "Jefferson's Plan of the Mall." Fitzpatrick called this "misleading" (Washington, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 271), but Reps, a careful student of the origins of the Federa l City, concludes tha t th e spatia l relationship between the Capito l an d the President' s House was similar in TJ' s sketc h to that in L'Enfant's plan and tha t TJ's conceptio n of" 'public walks' may be regarded as the genesis of L'Enfant's great mall" (Monumental Washington [Princeton, 19.67] , p . 10) . I t is importan t to note , however, tha t TJ did not separat e the ke y public buildings at the grea t distance later defined fo r them. Nor, so far as the evidence indicates , di d L'Enfant , wh o a t thi s precis e momen t wa s urgin g a location adjoining Georgetow n t o tak e advantag e o f the vista s provided by the height s i n that vicinity (L'Enfan t to T J , 1 1 Mch. 1791, Documen t m). T J, knowing, as L'Enfant did not, where Washington had decided to place the public buildings, sought to encompass distant views along the river front and thus first sketched in this location the open spaces later incorporated, with some modification, i n L'Enfant's plan. w
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His sketc h show s clearl y that the area chosen fo r government building s and other publi c uses overlappe d the town o f Hamburg, th e outlines o f which are shown wit h th e President's Hous e nea r its center. I t is not known wha t par ticular surve y he used t o define th e boundaries of that pape r town, bu t it wa s one precis e enoug h t o inform hi m tha t it s streets woul d pos e " a considerable obstacle" because the y wer e oriente d differently fro m those in his own plan , i n which all the avenues an d streets ra n with the cardinal point s of the compass. The pla t that h e used wa s probabl y one obtained b y Deakins and Stoddert at the President' s request, possibly eve n tha t which still exists. Mor e important, another featur e o f his sketch no t found i n any previous ma p or chart is the recording o f soundings o f the Potomac fro m the mouth o f the Tibe r t o Roc k Creek. I n Notes on Virginia writte n a decade earlier , Jefferson ha d indicate d at a few locations th e depth o f the rive r channe l from its mouth to Alexandri a and the head of tidewater. Bu t this informatio n h e must hav e draw n from his incomparable collection o f atlases, geographies , an d voyages dating back to the middle o f the 17t h century. Th e Fr y and Jefferson ma p which he improved for the 178 7 Stockdale edition o f Notes on Virginia di d not include such soundings, eve n fo r the Chesapeak e estuary . Whil e Joshu a Fisher' s char t o f the Delaware o f 1756 had give n mariner s full informatio n o f the sort , no atlas or map available to Jefferson a t the time is known to have included such data for the Potomac . Bot h fo r the survey o f the river i n the vicinity chose n fo r th e Federal Cit y an d for the recording of soundings, h e was probably oblige d t o depend upo n som e manuscript map drawn especially fo r the purpose. I f so, it was mos t likel y provided by Andrew Ellicott, who , afte r surveyin g the experimental line s o f the Federa l District , had been directe d by Jefferson t o occupy himself i n "running the meanderings o f the Eastern branch , an d of the river itself, an d other water s whic h . . . meri t a n exact plac e i n the map of the Territory." T h e supposition i s mad e al l the more plausibl e b y subsequen t directions give n o r inspired b y Jefferson. I n September th e Commissioners, instructing L'Enfant to begin preparatio n of "A Map of the City of Washington, in the Territory of Columbia," informed him that Ellicott would provide soundings o f the Easter n Branch. Thes e order s emerged fro m a meeting attende d by Jefferson . Give n hi s insistence upo n th e importanc e o f presentin g suc h information in the map of the City, it is reasonable to suppose that the suggestion came fro m him . Later , finding tha t sounding s wer e no t inserted i n the first engraved pla n o f the City , h e sough t t o hav e the m adde d t o the plate. T he omission, amon g othe r things, le d to his demand for rectification in the second map published in 1792. 41
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Washingto n to Deakins and Stoddert, 1 7 Mch. 179 1 an d enclosure (Document v). M S plat of Hamburg in D L C , showin g boundaries , streets, an d numbered lots o f the town. Thi s surve y is described and reproduced in facsimile in Library of Congress exhibition catalogue, District of Columbia Sesquicentennial (Washington, 1950) . Fo r the best reflection o f TJ's interes t in geography, cartography , travel voyages, and related subjects —one of the largest groups in his library-see Sowerby, Nos. 3818 4172. T J t o Ellicott, 2 Feb. 1791 (Document xi in group at 24 Jan. 1791) . Suc h a map may have been include d in one of Ellicott's missing letters to T J . Commissioner s to L'Enfant, 9 Sep. 179 1 (DNA: RG 42 , PC) . 41
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O n receiving the firstimpressions of the Plan of the City of Washington in the Territory
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But th e sourc e o f Jefferson' s informatio n i s les s importan t tha n th e fac t o f his insistence upo n presentin g the kin d of information merchants and mariners would nee d if , a s al l desired, th e capita l would becom e a center o f commerc e like Londo n o r Philadelphia . A s hi s sketc h shows , Jefferso n kne w tha t th e Potomac a t the mout h o f the Tibe r containe d n o water for commerce. Thi s h e took t o b e a n advantage , sinc e th e absenc e o f wharves an d mercantile house s would leave " a fine ope n prospec t fo r those attached to government " whil e th e river a t the mout h o f Roc k Cree k woul d sui t merchant s becaus e o f the dept h of water there. In shifting his 179 0 pla n from the Easter n Branc h to the Tiber , he was compelled b y the nature of the terrai n to reverse his means of achieving the tw o objects . Bu t i n bot h instance s h e kep t firml y i n vie w th e concep t o f the useful and the ornamental which he had long since imbibed from his classical studies. L'Enfan t als o envisione d th e tw o objects , bu t h e neve r recorded river soundings i n any map of the Cit y attributabl e to hi m and is not know n to have suggested the nee d fo r publishin g suc h information. The pla n o f th e Cit y whic h Jefferso n submitte d t o Washingto n ha s ofte n been criticize d a s limite d i n exten t b y compariso n wit h th e projection s o f L'Enfant. I n fact its area comprehended abou t th e fiftee n hundre d acres which the Presiden t hope d woul d emerg e fro m negotiation s wit h th e Georgetow n and Carrollsbur g proprietors . Washingto n ha d bee n assure d tha t thos e o f Georgetown woul d permi t the extensio n o f the limit s to doubl e tha t size if the landowners shoul d b e allowe d t o retai n ever y thir d lot . Thi s wa s apparentl y unacceptable. I n fact Jefferso n himsel f had suggested in the autum n of 179 0 that the ide a of letting th e owner s retai n half of the lot s be carrie d throughou t the entir e Federa l District , embracing sixty-four thousan d acres . Bu t this, h e thought, migh t hav e bee n pressin g matter s to o muc h an d s o h e confide d th e greatly expande d concep t onl y t o Danie l Carroll . Bot h th e exten t o f his pla n and th e treblin g of the are a which came whe n Washingto n arrive d in Georgetown derive d from th e effor t t o accommodat e th e contendin g interes t o f landowners. I t wa s thi s realisti c factor , no t L'Enfant' s expansiv e views , whic h determined th e oute r boundarie s o f th e City . Wha t distinguishe d Jefferson' s plan, as might hav e been expected , wa s its pragmatism coupled wit h a concern for the grand and beautiful. Half of the lots in squares adjacent to those reserved for public uses, bein g the mos t valuable , were to b e "sold in the first instance." The remainde r were t o b e "lai d of f i n future " and wer e expecte d t o increas e in valu e as the Cit y gre w outwar d from its center. Thi s recognitio n o f reality 47
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ings had been i n the original , and, if not, urge d that they b e inserted in the "proof t o be sent to Boston. But it was too late . TJ had received prints, not proofs, an d by then the plate itself was already on the way to Philadelphia . Th e omission of soundings, th e size, and other imperfections o f the Boston engraving undoubtedly le d him to insist on publishing the larger, more accurate, and mor e complete Philadelphia engraving of 1792. See Blodget t o T J , 5 July 1792 ; TJ to Commissioners, 11 July 1792 ; TJ t o Blodget , 12 July 1792 ; Carrol l to T J , 1 3 and 25 Oct . 1792; Commissioners to T J, 5 Nov. and 5 Dec . 1792 ; T J to Commissioners , 13 Nov. 1792 . T J ordered his chief clerk no t to distribute an y o f th e "smal l plans" until ther e shoul d b e copie s o f th e larg e one s to accompany them (George Taylor to Commissioners, 10 Jan. 1793) . Fo r reproductions of the 1792 engraving, see Reps, Monumental Washington, p. 23-4. The soundings there given wer e reproduce d in the 179 3 engravin g o f Ellicott' s topographical ma p o f the Federal District. Deakin s to Washington, 1 8 Nov. 179 0 (DLC : Washingto n Papers) . Se e illustration of TJ's 179 1 sketc h in this volume. Reps, Monumental Washington, 47
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stood in sharp contrast to L'Enfant' s ide a of a series of localities - pape r towns, so t o speak , comparabl e t o thos e o f Hambur g and Carrollsbur g - whos e de velopment, h e insisted, should be pressed simultaneously wit h all other objects. The sketc h which Jefferson hande d to th e Presiden t just before h e departe d for Georgetown , embracin g Washington' s decisio n a s t o bot h th e exten t an d the sit e chose n fo r publi c use, wa s onl y a bare skeleton o f the realit y he envi sioned. W e kno w tha t a mont h earlier , afte r L'Enfan t ha d bee n give n hi s invitation, Washingto n intimate d tha t h e wishe d Jefferso n t o accompan y hi m to Georgetow n t o assis t i n fixing the sit e o f the publi c buildings an d in laying out the plan of the town. We also know that, in addition to his sketch, Jefferson presented hi s "general ideas" on the subject , among whic h we ma y be assured was hi s preferenc e fo r architectura l models o f antiquit y fo r th e Capito l an d those o f late r age s - suc h a s th e Hôte l d e Sal m in Pari s whic h h e s o greatl y admired - fo r the President' s House. Bu t pressing public affairs and the nee d for some respite afte r month s o f intensiv e labor s kept hi m i n Philadelphia. Even so , Washingto n foun d himsel f caugh t betwee n th e tw o oppose d personalities and their disparate views. On the one hand was his Secretary of State, a pragmati c idealis t whos e extensiv e stud y o f Europea n idea s o f tast e an d grandeur, ancient an d modern, wa s informe d b y a thorough understandin g of the principle s of the new republi c and the practicalitie s it faced . O n the othe r was L'Enfant , Washington' s ol d comrad e i n arm s whose idea s fo r th e capita l were steeped in the tradition s of his homeland bu t untempered b y the realitie s of th e natio n whos e "President' s Palac e and Congres s House " he dreame d of in suc h ecstati c terms , alway s aimin g a t somethin g nove l an d origina l which would brin g him fame . Face d wit h thes e oppose d embodiment s o f tast e an d temperament, th e choice s tha t Washingto n mad e betwee n them tell s u s much of himself . Anxiou s an d urgent , perhap s assure d also tha t h e coul d withhol d approval o f an y proposal s whic h o n matur e consideratio n an d unde r othe r circumstances migh t prov e unacceptable , h e concentrate d o n th e busines s o f reconciling th e competin g loca l interest s whos e recalcitranc e might frustrat e all hi s hopes. I n pursuing this primar y goal , h e seem s not t o hav e bee n awar e of th e magi c hi s presenc e o n th e scen e woul d work , bringin g t o bea r a forc e which non e dare d openly oppose . 49
V Washington arrive d i n Georgetow n earl y o n th e 28t h o f March , conferre d with Ellicot t an d L'Enfant , wa s honore d a t a public dinner, and the nex t day , in a thick mist, wa s joined by the Commissioner s in an unsatisfying inspectio n of the land . Tha t evening , a t hi s request , th e proprietor s of Georgetow n an d Carrollsburg met him at his lodgings in Suter's Tavern. There , speaking bluntly, he warne d the m tha t thei r contention s wer e no t compatibl e wit h eithe r th e public interes t o r thei r own . The y coul d injur e th e caus e b y procrastination, but neithe r coul d comman d fund s adequat e t o th e objec t i n view . Indeed , h e assured them , "bot h togethe r di d no t comprehen d mor e groun d no r woul d afford greate r mean s tha n wa s require d fo r th e federa l City ; an d instea d o f p. 10 , 12 , estimates the total area covered by TJ's sketch at about 2,000 acres and adds: "Jefferson ha s sometimes been describe d as the advocat e o f a mere village for the new capital city, but this drawing and its marginal notes clearly refute this charge." T J t o Randolph, 24 Feb. 1791; TJ t o L'Enfant , 1 0 Apr. 179 1 (Documen t xii). 4 9
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contending whic h o f th e tw o shoul d hav e i t the y ha d better , b y combinin g more offer s mak e a commo n caus e o f it. " H e drov e th e poin t hom e wit h a n Aesopian metaphor all understood: while contending for the shadow they migh t lose th e substance . Then , movin g fro m ster n warning s abou t th e danger s o f delay, he drew their attention t o the future prospects an d "the good effects that might procee d fro m a Union" - goo d effects fo r bot h publi c and private interests. I t i s scarcel y surprisin g that th e nex t da y th e competitiv e group s unite d in signin g an agreement whos e terms and unanimity must have exceeded Washington's most ardent expectations. O n arriving at Mount Vernon on the evenin g of the 31st , h e confide d t o hi s diary with unmistakable satisfaction th e feeling s induced b y thi s signa l accomplishment. H e immediatel y reporte d the resul t to Jefferson , outlinin g th e essentia l term s o f th e agreemen t an d expressin g gratification tha t eve n "th e obstinat e Mr . Burns" had signed. The spiri t of harmony and of enthusiastic support was such that Washington did no t nee d t o disclos e hi s choic e o f site fo r public uses. H e therefore delete d from the draf t proclamation the paragrap h which contained it s chief reason for being issued. Nor , o f course, di d he sho w t o th e proprietor s Jefferson's pro posed sketch of the capital. On the day he arrived at Mount Vernon, the Virginia Gazette o f Alexandri a announce d tha t th e Presiden t for two o r three day s had been "assiduousl y employe d i n examinin g th e land s fro m th e Easter n branch upwards, i n orde r to ascertai n the mos t eligibl e spo t for the sea t o f the federa l buildings." H e ha d indeed explore d th e are a but no t fo r th e purpos e stated . As i n th e cas e o f hi s journey u p th e Potoma c i n 1790 , th e ostensibl e objec t had lon g sinc e bee n determined . Someon e wh o wa s full y cognizan t o f th e negotiations wit h th e proprietor s informed th e pres s flatly that "Th e spot fo r the public buildings is not yet fixed." Thi s was incorrect, but, in the prevailing aura of good will, i t was the impression Washington felt it necessary and indeed proper t o leav e upo n all . The informe d gentlema n wh o gav e thi s unqualifie d assurance woul d hav e neede d littl e promptin g t o d o so . While the proclamatio n had been strippe d of its essential paragrap h and was 50
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Washington , Diaries, ed . Fitzpatrick, iv, 152-5 . Washingto n to T J, 31 Mch. 1791 (Documen t ix). Daniel Carroll sent James Madison a copy o f the agreement , referre d him to th e newspaper s fo r intelligenc e o n the subject, an d added: "The union of the Georg e Town and Carrollsburgh interests, has given a Cast to thi s busines s mor e favourable than was expected eve n b y its friend. It was a union I hav e mos t ardentl y wishe d fo r an d promote d o n publi c an d personal considerations" (Carroll to Madison, 6 Apr. 1791, D L C : Madison Papers) . Se e proclamation of 30 Mch . 1791 (Documen t x m in group at 24 Jan . 1791 ) for the deleted paragraph. Virginia Gazette, 6 Apr. 1791, unde r an Alexandria dateline of 31 Mch . 1791. Maryland Journal, 1 Apr. 1791, "Extrac t of a letter from a gentleman a t Georgetown t o hi s friend in this town date d yesterday." Because of this and other statement s in the letter, particularly the exact definition of the boundarie s of the City , Daniel Carroll seems the most likel y one to have written it. Deakins was another who was privy to the President's decision. Soon afterward, Francis Cabot an d Mr. Green wrot e t o th e Commissioner s expressing thei r pleasure that the President ha d designated th e are a in the vicinit y of Georgetown fo r the Federa l City . They conceived that this meant "the buildings for the accommodation of the public will soon be commenced" in that area . I n offering t o undertak e contracts for the suppl y of materials, they referred the Commissioners to Deakins for their "Character and connexions" (Cabot and Green to Commissioners, 16 May 1791, DNA : RG 42) . 5 0
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issued immediatel y a t Washington' s insistence , newspaper s throughou t th e country announce d anothe r featur e whic h ha d bee n als o omitte d - th e precis e boundaries o f the Federa l Cit y a s defined i n the meetin g wit h th e proprietors. Jefferson ha d receive d fro m Washingto n a rough indicatio n o f it s extent , bu t he probabl y first learne d fro m Bache' s General Advertiser tha t th e Presiden t had "ordere d the federa l cit y t o b e lai d off , extendin g fro m George-town wit h the river, to the mouth of the Eastern-branch, and up the Eastern-branch abou t two miles , from thence a line drawn to intersec t the road leading from Georgetown t o Bladensburg, about hal f a mile from the For d on Rock-creek, and with the roa d to th e creek , an d dow n th e cree k t o th e river." Thes e boundarie s embraced a n area of about forty-fiv e hundre d acres, treble wha t Jefferso n ha d included i n th e sketc h reflectin g Washington' s view s prio r t o th e meeting . Further, th e agreemen t o f th e proprietor s authorize d th e Presiden t t o retai n any numbe r of square s he deeme d prope r for publi c purposes. O n learning of this Jefferso n seize d th e favorabl e momen t t o urg e tha t ver y libera l reserve s should b e made . I n making the suggestio n h e clearl y hoped tha t Washingto n would g o beyon d th e expande d area s for publi c us e a s define d i n hi s sketch . He though t th e reconcilin g o f th e contendin g interest s an d the emergenc e o f such a greatly expande d are a for the Federa l Cit y a "really noble" accomplishment. 55
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The successfu l terminatio n o f th e negotiation s wa s itsel f enoug h t o lif t th e spirits o f Washingto n an d othe r advocate s o f th e Potoma c site . Bu t thi s un expected treblin g of the are a for the Federa l Cit y - almos t certainl y a result of Washington's argumen t tha t th e contendin g proprietor s should not onl y unit e but contriv e other offer s o f land - als o held out th e promis e that sales o f public lots woul d b e proportionatel y augmented . Th e well-informe d corresponden t who gav e th e essentia l fact s t o th e pres s expresse d confidenc e tha t suc h sale s would "produce the sum of Three Hundred Thousand Pounds" Others , equally susceptible t o th e fever , predicte d tha t eve n large r sums woul d accru e to th e public and private interest, all tending t o insur e the permanent existence o f the capital o n th e Potomac . A few , expressin g themselve s privatel y i n letter s o r anonymously i n th e press , voice d doubts . Suppose , Jonatha n Williams asked Henry Knox , Congres s shoul d determin e a t som e futur e dat e no t t o kee p th e capital o n the Potomac ? Who then would reimburse the purchasers as required by th e agreement? Anothe r skepti c fro m Hartfor d looke d wit h scor n upo n the ide a of building a town whic h would b e overru n with Congres s in sessio n and then would lie empty an d idle during its recesses. I f it should be so situated as t o attrac t the trad e o f a n extensive country , th e capita l might i n tim e aris e there. "Bu t otherwise, " h e declared , "neithe r grant s o f money , no r act s o f Congress, wil l hav e th e leas t effect . W e ma y expen d te n million s o f money i n erecting accommodation s fo r people, bu t if the plac e i s no t naturall y designe d 57
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General Advertiser, 7 Apr. 1791, fro m a Baltimore dateline of 1 Apr. 1791. T J t o Washington, 1 0 Apr. 179 1 (Documen t xm). Maryland Journal, 1 Apr. 1791, "Extrac t o f a letter from a gentleman a t Georgetown to his friend in this town dated yesterday" (emphasis in original). See note 54. William s to Knox , 1 8 Apr. 1791 (MHi : Kno x Papers) . Williams had been shown over the sit e o f the Federa l Cit y b y Ellicott. "Th e location fo r the Cit y appear s to me judicious," he wrote, "as it unites as much as possible the objects of health, convenience, and beauty; but whether these should be considered in the extent of a Virginian's ideas . . . I will no t undertake to determine. The size is only about 5000 acres." 55
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for business , peopl e wil l no t liv e there . . . . I t i s a proper schem e fo r me n i n concert, wh o dea l muc h i n visionar y theories , bu t ver y littl e i n experience . Such ar e too man y of the souther n gentlemen , who , wit h industrious abilities, and goo d hearts, want tha t knowledge , whic h is acquired only i n the detai l of business. I ha d rathe r be guide d i n m y opinion s b y on e experience d ma n o f business, tha n b y a hundre d theorist s . . . verse d onl y i n books." Bu t th e achievement a t Georgetow n a s reported so widel y i n the pres s turned ridicule and disdai n into sober thoughts. Thes e reports, together with those of Andrew Ellicott an d others, s o Lea r informe d Washington, "have created a serious and to man y a n alarming expectation, tha t th e la w fo r establishing th e permanen t seat o f Government wil l b e carrie d full y int o effect." Washington wa s justifiably elated, bu t th e prevailin g spirit of harmony had no effect upo n th e sens e of urgency whic h he presse d upo n all . Even whe n h e felt, somewha t prematurely , that th e busines s wa s "thu s happil y finished," h e gave on departing from Georgetown "some directions... to the Commissioners, the Surveyor , and Engineer with respect to the mode of laying out the district, surveying the ground s fo r the Cit y an d forming them int o lots." Beyon d this the precis e natur e o f th e instruction s i s no t known . Bu t tw o day s afte r th e agreement wa s signed , h e too k car e to obtai n a copy o f i t wit h th e signature s attached. He insisted that in order to achieve the grea t object of uniformity and beauty, regulation s governin g publi c building s shoul d als o appl y t o th e pro prietors as a condition o f their grants. Above all, he urged a speedy completio n of the goo d wor k tha t ha d begu n s o auspiciously. "I t is o f th e greates t mo ment," h e warne d th e Commissioners , "to clos e thi s busines s wit h th e Pro prietors . . . tha t consequen t arrangement s ma y b e mad e withou t mor e dela y than ca n b e avoided. " Ne w conveyance s woul d b e neede d an d should b e ex ecuted s o tha t th e sal e o f lot s migh t procee d wit h expedition . T o th e Com missioners, as well as to Deakin s and Stoddert, h e exploited th e warning s that he professed to see in the Pennsylvania debates. Suc h precautions in the midst of victory were a s characteristic as they wer e well-advised . B y the tim e Wash ington reache d Charlesto n earl y i n Ma y discontent s ha d arise n amon g th e proprietors to suc h an extent tha t h e fel t hi s own wor d challenged b y misconceptions o r misrepresentations o f the term s h e ha d set forth. Th e resul t wa s 59
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Hartford Courant, 1 1 Apr . 1791 , cite d i n variou s papers, including the Virginia Gazette o f 2 7 Apr . 1791 . Th e origi n o f th e comment , th e allusio n t o Virginian s in concert, and above all , the reference to those theorists verse d only in books - a remark which seems aimed at TJ - sugges t that the autho r was Noah Webster, who had pro nounced convictions on such subjects and who had only recently ridiculed TJ' s Repor t on Weights and Measures (see T J t o Madison, 10 Jan. 1791 , and its enclosure). Lea r to Washington, 24 Apr . 179 1 (DLC : Washingto n Papers) . Washington , Diaries, ed . Fitzpatrick, iv, 154 . Washingto n to Deakins and Stoddert, 1 Apr. 1791 {Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 262- 3; Df t in D L C: Washington Papers, entirely in Washington's hand). Washingto n to th e Commissioners , 3 Apr . 1791 {Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi, 263- 4). Commissioner s to Washington, 14 Apr. 179 1 (DLC : Distric t of Columbia Papers). Daniel Carroll reported these disagreements to Madison. The major objection, made by Notley Young, Robert Peter, and othe r proprietors, was that Washington had been given power to go beyond the limits of some 4,000 acres as first defined by him. Anothe r - tha t respecting regulations for public buildings apply also to private ones - wa s omitte d from the agreemen t becaus e o f haste, bu t was inserted in deeds (Carroll to Madison , 6 and 59
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a long , angry , an d explici t lette r revealin g clearl y which publi c questio n wa s uppermost in his mind. These unfortunate and unexpected difficulties , he warned, "arise to darken , perhaps to destro y th e fai r prospect. . . presented whe n I lef t Georgetown." But whil e the Commissioner s were left t o wrestl e wit h forms of conveyance , deeds, an d othe r troublesom e details , Washingto n assume d responsibilit y fo r making important decisions which , under the law , should have fallen to them . He was able to d o this because th e term s of the agreemen t wit h the proprietors gave hi m sol e powe r t o direc t th e Cit y t o b e lai d of f i n whateve r manne r h e pleased an d t o reserv e whateve r numbe r o f square s fo r publi c us e h e migh t think proper . I n consequence , a t thi s momen t o f elate d hope s befor e leavin g Georgetown, h e gav e L'Enfan t instruction s abou t layin g ou t th e Cit y withi n the greatly expanded limits he had achieved. This was a critical and even fatefu l assignment, but , unlik e the admonition s an d directions to th e Commissioners, its controllin g term s were apparentl y no t reduce d t o writing . Th e authorit y conveyed t o th e architect , however , ca n b e reasonabl y deduce d fro m tw o sources-the expression s o f a naturall y exuberan t L'Enfan t an d th e laconi c statement o f Washington himself . All tha t L'Enfan t ha d bee n abl e t o giv e Washingto n o n hi s firs t limite d assignment wa s a rough pencil outline which "Steel remained unfinished." But, he reporte d to Jefferson , th e Presiden t had directed the "delinatio n o f a grand plan . . . conformable t o the idea s which I took the libert y to hol d before him." The developmen t o f this plan , he added , "th e Presiden t has left t o m e withou t any restriction so Ever." T o Alexander Hamilton, to whom L'Enfan t wa s not required to report but with whom he felt more congenial than with the Secretary of State, he gave a much longer and more revealing account. It is not surprising that he took to himself credit for having resolved the conflicting interests among the proprietor s an d havin g determine d whethe r Carrollsbur g o r Hambur g offered the best site for the Federal City . He said he had only followed direction s to surve y bot h tracts , bu t h e coul d no t hel p "whe n contemplatin g th e whol e local Feelin g som e concerned a t seein g th e advantage s whic h [th e Easter n Branch] offere d likel y t o b e trampl e upo n fro m a necessit y o f securin g th e Establishments b y begonin g i t n o matte r were. " Nevertheless , h e added , "I vantured th e chanc e an d gav e imaginatio n it s ful l Scop e i n invadin g al l th e propriety of all, on a supposed more extansive location in which I comprehended the to w situation s i n competitio n an d earrin g on m y schem e furthe r . . . and progressive improvement, I vantured some remarks thereon . . . to the President on hi s arriva l a t thi s plac e an d wa s fortunat e enoug h t o se e mee t wit h hi s approbation." Thi s new plan , h e added , determine d th e Presiden t t o dela y rather than to secur e whateve r exten t o f territory wa s needed . Th e result wa s 65
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23 Apr . 1791, D L C : Madiso n Papers). As indicated by notes on the secon d o f these letters, Madiso n carrie d i t wit h hi m on th e norther n journey with TJ and of course shared both documents wit h him, just as he had done with others when authorized to do so by Carroll. Washingto n to th e Commissioners , 7 Ma y 179 1 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi, 286-8). L'Enfan t t o T J , 4 Apr . 179 1 (Documen t x) . Washington' s agreemen t wit h the proprietors, 31 Mch . 1791 (DNA : RG 42 , PC ) create d the Dee d of Trust whic h successive Attorney s General recognize d a s giving Washingto n sole authority to pla n the Federal City . 65
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an accommodatio n whic h no t eve n th e mos t optimisti c speculato r ha d ex pected - th e allocation of some six thousand acres for the Federal City. L'Enfan t praised th e location : "N o positio n i n al l americ a ca n b e mor e susceptibl e o f grand improvement , mor e capabl e o f promoting th e rapid e Increases of a city or Bette r situated to secure an infinity of advantages to gouvernement." Echoin g the tal k o f speculators , h e spok e o f th e grea t competitio n fo r lot s tha t ha d already begun i n the most eligible spo t for "the capital of this extansive empire." Nothing, h e concluded , woul d mor e promot e th e genera l goo d tha n fo r th e people o f the Eas t t o becom e intereste d "i n the advancemen t o f this business , in becomin g a t thi s earl y périod e proprieto r i n thi s federa l distric t wer e a n acquisition o f lot s o r o f groun d undelinated a s suc h mus t i n th e en d prov e o f infinit advantag e t o the purchasser. " The planner and the dreamer had by no w become infecte d wit h th e enthusias m o f th e speculator . Bu t th e overridin g consideration, as L'Enfant exultantl y confide d t o bot h Jefferson an d Hamilton, was hi s clai m tha t th e Presiden t ha d charge d hi m wit h ful l an d unrestricted responsibility fo r "delinatin g a plan for th e City." 67
Both th e word s an d actions o f Washington len d confirmatio n t o L'Enfant' s claim. H e knew that he possessed ultimate authority to approve, alter, or reject any proposal s tha t migh t b e made , bu t hi s exalte d confidenc e i n L'Enfant' s competence to discharge the assignmen t wit h zeal and distinction undoubtedl y was th e controllin g facto r i n hi s bestowa l o f suc h extensiv e responsibility . Despite L'Enfant' s indiscree t talk two week s earlie r which placed him in such an embarrassin g situation, Washingto n no w confide d t o hi m informatio n tha t he withhel d fro m bot h th e Commissioner s an d th e public . Thi s h e di d b y turning ove r t o L'Enfan t a number o f paper s pertainin g to th e Federa l City . These, h e thought , woul d no t provid e an y materia l advantages, but , havin g been draw n by differen t person s unde r different circumstances , they migh t b e usefully compare d wit h L'Enfant' s ow n idea s o f a proper plan for the capital. The rathe r gratuitous disparagemen t o f the material s offered ma y hav e arisen from mer e politeness . Bu t Washington' s word s tak e o n anothe r meanin g i n light o f th e fac t tha t th e first o f thes e document s wa s wha t h e describe d a s a "rough sketc h b y Mr . Jefferson." That sketch , he added , "wa s done under an idea that no offer, worth y of consideration, woul d come from the Lan d holder s in th e vicinit y o f Carrollsbur g . . . an d therefor e wa s accommodate d t o th e grounds abou t Georg e town." Thi s statemen t wa s bot h inaccurat e and misleading. Th e sketc h ha d bee n prepare d by Jefferso n t o incorporat e Washington's choic e o f locatio n fo r th e publi c building s an d t o accor d wit h th e an nouncement o f that decision which he had proposed to make in the proclamation. Moreover, th e pla n of the Cit y thu s outline d wit h Washington' s approva l had in fac t bee n extende d t o th e Easter n Branc h t o propitiat e th e Carrollsbur g 68
L'Enfan t to Hamilton, 8 Apr. 179 1 (Syrett , Hamilton, vni, 253-6). Hamilton thanked L'Enfant fo r hi s ful l communicatio n an d asked for a continuation o f his observation s (Hamilton to L'Enfant , 2 4 Ma y 1791, same , vm, 354-5). Washingto n to L'Enfant, 4 Apr. 179 1 (Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 270-1). While Washington had not informed TJ o f the general area covered by the agreement with the proprietors (Washingto n t o T J , 3 1 Mch . 1791) , h e o f course ha d to giv e to th e on e whom h e ha d directed to surve y an d lay of f th e Cit y a fairly precise definitio n o f its boundaries. Bu t hi s withholdin g fro m L'Enfan t th e choic e o f locatio n fo r th e publi c buildings coul d only have strengthened th e architect' s conviction that he had been authorized to plan the capital without an y restriction whatever. 67
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interest. But to this concealment o f what the sketch represented, then and later, Washington adde d another . Thi s wa s i n th e for m o f a map o n a larger scale, drawn withou t referenc e t o an y particula r spot fo r publi c buildings an d othe r uses. Thi s documen t ha s neve r bee n identifie d an d i s no t know n t o exist . I t may have been a mere sketch outlined b y Washington himself or one prepared by Ellicot t a t hi s reques t t o accor d with th e extende d boundarie s o f the Cit y as agreed upo n wit h th e proprietors . All that i s know n wit h certaint y i s that , as Washingto n assure d L'Enfant , i t covere d a mor e extende d are a tha n di d Jefferson's sketc h and, unlike that, did not indicat e the locatio n o f the Capitol , the President's House, and other public areas. In brief, with this document and his comment o n it , Washingto n conveye d th e impressio n tha t Jefferson's pla n had bee n rendere d obsolet e b y th e reconciliatio n o f th e contendin g interest s and that the choic e o f site fo r public purposes wa s stil l undetermined . H e may have done this, as he had tried vainly to do two weeks earlier, to induce L'Enfan t to kee p th e expectation s o f th e tw o interest s poised . H e ma y hav e don e i t t o give L'Enfan t ful l scop e i n developin g hi s ow n ideas . Or , havin g recentl y experienced L'Enfant' s indiscree t talk , h e ma y hav e mad e th e disparagin g reference t o Jefferson' s sketc h fo r th e sam e reaso n tha t h e ha d delete d th e essential paragrap h from th e proclamation . Whatever his motive , th e conceal ment of his own views from the Commissioners and from the public was greater than wha t h e withhel d fro m L'Enfant . Jefferson's sketc h and other paper s were turne d over t o L'Enfan t b y Wash ington confidentially , t o b e use d onl y fo r hi s "private inspection." Ye t within little mor e than two week s th e confidenc e thu s bestowed , whic h evidently ha d been share d up to tha t momen t onl y wit h Jefferson, wa s violated . T o Willia m Loughton Smith , member of Congress from South Carolina , L'Enfan t showe d all o f hi s plan s an d surveys , rod e wit h hi m abou t th e whol e are a of the City , defined it s boundaries , an d pointed ou t th e eminences , site s for canals , quays, bridges, an d publi c walks . L'Enfan t wa s enrapture d wit h th e prospect , ac cording t o Smith' s testimony : " 'nothing,' h e says , 'ca n b e mor e admirabl y adapted fo r th e purpose ; natur e has don e muc h for it , an d with th e ai d of art it wil l becom e th e wonde r o f th e world. ' " Smith' s accoun t leave s n o doub t that the paper s shown b y the enthusiastic engineer include d Jefferson's sketch . Washington never reported to Jefferso n wha t disposition h e had made of it. In turning it over to L'Enfant and virtually dismissing it as useless while concealing its tru e natur e an d hi s ow n approva l o f it , h e mus t als o hav e refraine d from passing on those "other ideas" about the planning of the capital which Jefferson had held out to him in Philadelphia. L'Enfant, though require d by Washington to repor t to th e Secretar y of State , als o sai d nothing t o hi m of the sketch . But Washington' s disparagemen t o f it , couple d wit h hi s statemen t tha t i t had been draw n on the suppositio n tha t the Carrollsbur g interests would bring forth n o acceptabl e offer , le d L'Enfan t t o misrea d the communicatio n an d t o suppose tha t the Presiden t really desired the Cit y t o b e locate d o n the Easter n Branch. Perhap s hi s origina l assignmen t confinin g hi s surve y t o tha t area , together wit h th e postscrip t t o Jefferson' s lette r urgin g hi m t o kee p publi c expectations poise d between the two locations , also served to mislead. Certainly if Washington had not withhel d his own decision about the center of the capital 69
Journal of William Loughton Smith, ed . Albert Mathews (Cambridge, 1917), p. 602. Smith shared L'Enfant's enthusiasm for the site and suggested that the City be called 69
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as reflected i n Jefferson's sketch , L'Enfan t coul d scarcel y have mad e th e erro r he did . I n any case , hi s respons e wa s wha t h e though t th e Presiden t wanted . In a long memorandum he argued that the Eastern Branch was the most eligibl e spot "fo r th e firs t settlemen t o f a gran d City , an d on e whic h if no t th e onl y within th e limit s o f the Federa l territory , is a t leas t th e mor e advantageou s i n that part lying between the Eastern Branch and Georgetown." As for the means of navigation, th e advantage s o f that excellen t strea m far transcended those of the river a t Georgetown. Manufacturin g establishments, warehouse s fo r naval and mercantil e uses , arsenals , an d othe r usefu l structure s coul d b e buil t fo r three mile s u p it s meanderings . O n the ridg e leadin g t o Jenkins ' Hill, man y desirable spots were available for public edifices. "Fro m these flights," L'Enfan t thought, "ever y gran d buildin g woul d rea r wit h a majesti c aspec t ove r th e Country al l around and might b e advantageousl y see n from twenty mile s off. " These fo r age s woul d b e th e centra l part of the City , "facin g o n th e grandes t prospect o f bot h . . . branche s o f th e Potomac. " Thre e mile s u p th e Easter n Branch, a bridg e coul d b e buil t linkin g the Cit y t o th e North , wit h anothe r over th e Potoma c a t th e hea d o f navigatio n connectin g i t wit h th e South . Growth a t bot h extremitie s woul d undoubtedl y b e rapid , provide d immediat e attention shoul d be given t o open a direct and spacious avenue from one bridg e to th e other . Les s tha n a mont h earlier , L'Enfan t ha d foun d th e sit e nea r Georgetown preferabl e becaus e o f it s commandin g heights . Hi s shif t t o th e Eastern Branch , thoug h h e di d no t kno w it , parallele d wha t Jefferso n ha d proposed month s earlier . Lik e Jefferson , h e woul d late r brin g fort h a pla n embracing th e locatio n tha t Washingto n ha d already chosen. But L'Enfan t coul d no t remai n conten t merel y t o advocat e th e superio r advantages o f the are a he mistakenl y though t th e Presiden t preferred . At th e close o f hi s memorandum , agai n perhap s influence d b y Washington' s disparaging comment, h e launche d a n attac k o n wha t h e conceive d t o b e th e kin d of planning Jefferson's roug h sketch represented. Withou t the advantag e o f its informative backgroun d or a knowledge o f Jefferson's visio n o f the capital , he misinterpreted the sketc h as much as he had misread Washington's intent . T o achieve hi s gran d plan , L'Enfan t pointe d out , regula r assemblages o f house s and a city lai d ou t i n squares, with streets paralle l and uniform, were no t onl y not necessary : thes e wer e appropriat e onl y o n a plai n wher e ther e wer e n o interesting eminence s an d wher e i t becam e indifferen t whic h wa y th e street s were oriented . "Bu t o n an y othe r ground, " he declared , " a plan o f thi s sor t must b e defective, an d it never would answer for any of the spot s proposed fo r the Federa l City , an d on that held here as the mos t eligibl e i t would absolutel y annihilate every of the advantage s enumerate d . . . and along injure the succes s of the undertaking. - Suc h regular plans indeed, however answerable they may appear upo n pape r o r seducin g a s the y ma y b e o n th e first aspec t t o th e eye s of some people must eve n whe n applye d upon th e groun d th e bes t calculated to admi t o f i t becom e a t las t tiresom e an d insipid and it neve r coul d b e i n it s origin but a mean continuance o f some cool imaginatio n wantin g a sense of the real gran d and truly beautiful onl y t o me t wit h where natur e contributes wit h art and diversifies the objects." The obvious persona l allusion revealed a gross 70
L'Enfan t to Washington, undated (MS in D L C: Distric t of Columbia Papers). Kite, VEnfant, p . 43, acceptin g the dat e o f 26 Mch . 1791 usuall y attributed to this memorandum, added that it was "undoubtedly . . . handed by L'Enfant to the President" while he was at Georgetown. A t the same time she points ou t that the outburst against TJ' s 7 0
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misconception o f th e min d an d characte r of th e ma n from who m L'Enfan t a t this momen t sough t an d received assistanc e nowher e els e obtainable . VI At th e meetin g with the proprietors , Washington had taken care to observ e "that befor e th e cit y coul d b e lai d out , an d the spo t fo r th e publi c building s precisely fixed on , the wate r courses were to b e levelled, the heights taken &ca. &ca." Th e word s "precisel y fixed on " wer e carefull y chosen , reflectin g hi s wish to leav e the impressio n of a suspended decision . Runnin g the levels of the water courses and taking the altitude of heights was of course the task L'Enfan t had not yet carried out. Despit e that failed assignment, Washingto n encouraged him t o fac e th e muc h more formidabl e tas k of determining the styl e an d character o f th e Capitol , th e President' s House , an d othe r publi c buildings . I t i s not know n whethe r he , Carroll , Stuart , or anyon e els e informe d L'Enfan t o f Jefferson's collectio n o f plans of European cities or urged him to borrow them. But i n makin g hi s reques t tha t Jefferso n procur e fo r hi s us e map s o f cities , ports, docks, and arsenals, L'Enfant also asked an extraordinarily busy Secretary of State to provide a description of the number and nature of the public buildings required. Al l of thi s h e wishe d t o hav e "a s speedil y a s possible. " H e mad e i t clear that he scorned the ide a of imitation, but would use such materials - eve n defective ones-t o achiev e somethin g differen t "o n a new an d orrigina l . . . plan." Withi n two day s of receiving the request , Jefferso n forwarde d a dozen large an d accurat e map s o f Europea n cities h e ha d systematicall y gathere d while travelling in Europe. H e offered thes e freely as long as they were needed , but naturall y asked that the y b e returned . There i s no evidenc e tha t L'Enfan t ever acknowledge d thi s assistanc e o r returne d th e maps . Th e reques t fo r a 71
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sketch was made after L'Enfan t ha d received Washington's letter of 4 Apr . 1791 . The memorandum wa s o f cours e writte n afte r tha t dat e and , as interna l evidence proves , before the ceremonies held in Alexandria on 15 Apr. 1791 , when the first marker in the boundaries of the Federal District was fixed. Reps, Monumental Washington, p . 14 , think s i t doubtfu l tha t "thi s almos t violen t denunciation o f th e gridiro n plan" was provoke d b y L'Enfant' s examinatio n o f TJ' s sketch. Thi s assumption, running counter to the generally accepted view, was perhaps prompted by the date usually attributed to th e memorandu m which would have made its composition prio r to L'Enfant' s receipt of the sketch from Washington. But the very violence o f L'Enfant's denunciation, together with its overtones of personal feeling, undoubtedly aros e from his recent acquisitio n of the sketc h Washington had disparaged. Once again, L'Enfant seemed to echo what he perceived to be the President's own views. Washingto n to Commissioners, 7 May 1791 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 287). L'Enfan t t o T J , 4 Apr . 1791 (Documen t x). Jennings finds it significant that five of the eigh t citie s whic h L'Enfan t name d - Madrid , Naples , Venice , Genoa, and Florence-were locate d i n souther n Europ e an d that wha t h e di d "clearly and pointedl y request wer e the plan s of compact, intimat e eighteenth-centur y citie s tha t had limited vistas, alamedas , avenues , an d paseos" (Jennings, "L'Enfant' s Extraordinar y City, " p. 231-2, 237) . Th e fact i s that L'Enfan t aske d TJ to procur e for him "what Ever map may fall within your reach, of any of the different gran d city now existing" and named several citie s onl y a s examples . Eve n wit h respec t t o these , h e declared , he "woul d reprobate the Idea of Imitating" (L'Enfant to T J , 4 Apr. 1791 , Document x, emphasis added). The significance Jenning s found in L'Enfant's naming five southern Europea n cities lies primarily in the support he supposed it gave to his hypothesis about the sources of L'Enfant's design. 71
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tabulation of the number and nature of the public buildings Jefferson answered with silence , knowin g fro m experience ho w muc h time an d thought woul d b e required for that demanding task . He was aware at the tim e tha t L'Enfan t had not complete d hi s firs t an d muc h simple r assignment , an d assured him ther e was ye t tim e enoug h t o addres s thes e othe r importan t undertakings . Th e assurance ma y have bee n prompte d als o b y hi s desir e t o persuad e the Presiden t on hi s retur n about thos e "othe r ideas " he ha d advanced, among the m - a s h e also indicate d t o L'Enfant-hi s preferenc e o f th e model s o f antiquit y fo r th e Capitol an d those o f later times fo r the President' s House. This well-know n preferenc e o f the Secretar y of State ma y also have resulted in th e effor t a t thi s tim e t o borro w fro m Richmon d the plaste r mode l o f th e Roman templ e a t Nîme s whic h Jefferso n ha d procure d i n Franc e fo r us e i n building th e Capito l o f Virginia , the n unde r construction . I t i s possibl e tha t Washington himself advanced the suggestion since it was his close friend David Stuart wh o informe d L'Enfan t o f th e existenc e o f th e model . L'Enfant , ac cording t o Stuart , expressed a wis h t o se e i t an d Stuar t made th e reques t o f Governor Randolph . "If ther e i s no impropriet y in it," he wrote, " I would be g you t o sen d i t t o hi m b y th e stage . . . . I f not adopte d i t shal l b e returne d immediately." Th e governo r wa s astonished . " I did no t suppose, " h e re sponded, "tha t you expected th e mode l o f the Capito l i n Plaister of Paris to b e forwarded b y the stage . I therefore calle d upon Mr . Hay [one o f the Directors of Public Buildings ] for such drafts of the Hous e as had been sen t fro m Franc e by Mr . Jefferson. Yo u will receiv e inclose d i n a small T in Case a Draft o f th e Ground Plat , togethe r wit h a sid e an d fron t Vie w o f th e Building , whic h I beg ma y b e returne d as soon a s Majo r L'Enfan t ca n take copie s o f them, a s I am tol d they ar e essentially necessar y for the completio n o f some work here." 73
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There i s n o evidenc e t o sho w wha t L'Enfan t though t o f th e map s o f citie s sent b y Jefferso n o r th e drawing s o f th e Maiso n Carré e transmitte d fro m Richmond. Wha t is certai n is tha t Washington' s direc t an d indirect prodding had produce d n o results . B y Octobe r th e Commissioner s were prompte d t o request L'Enfant to "prepare a draft of the public buildings" for their inspection. He promise d t o d o s o a s soo n a s h e foun d himsel f disengage d fro m th e stil l incomplete assignmen t o f mapping the Federa l City. Befor e departin g for the opening o f the Secon d Congress, Washington conferred with L'Enfant a t Mount Vernon an d no doub t gav e him his own conceptio n o f what wa s desired . The Capitol especially , h e felt , "ough t t o b e upo n a scale fa r superior to an y thin g in this Country" and the President's House should be designed i n commensurate 76
T J t o L'Enfant , 1 0 Apr. 179 1 (Documen t xn). Davi d Stuart to Beverley Randolph, 11 July 179 1 (CVSP , v, 342). Randolp h to Stuart , 25 Jul y 179 1 (Vi : Executive Lette r Book) . Stuar t himself promised to retur n the drawing s as soon as L'Enfan t ha d done with them (Stuar t to Randolph, 5 Aug. 1791 , CVSP , V , 356). N o evidence ha s been found that the drawings were returned to Governo r Randolph or to the Directors of Public Buildings and they are no t no w in the Virgini a Stat e Archives. TJ' s retaine d copies of the "Groun d Plat" and th e fron t an d sid e elevation s o f th e Maiso n Carré e ar e in MH i (Fiske Kimball , Thomas Jefferson Architect [Boston, 1916] , Nos . 110 , 115 , an d 116) . Thes e of course were not the copies made available to L'Enfant . Commissioner s to Washington , 21 Oct . 179 1 (DNA : RG 42) . Sinc e this request was made immediately afte r Washington had conferred with the Commissioners, there can b e little doubt that the prompting originated with him. 73
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terms eve n thoug h no t execute d al l a t once. L'Enfan t undoubtedl y share d the opinio n tha t th e tw o principa l edifice s shoul d b e architecturall y imposing. But n o evidenc e ha s bee n foun d tha t suc h ideas o r models a s he ma y have had in mind ever reached the stage of usable drawings. Certainly he never submitted plans fo r thes e structure s eithe r t o th e Presiden t o r t o th e Commissioners . Washington, in his final letter to the ma n whom he had so ardently supported, told L'Enfan t candidl y that five months ha d been los t b y this additional failure in meetin g a n assignment . I t wa s onl y a t tha t critica l juncture that Jefferso n prepared hi s ow n "Ide a of th e publi c building s t o b e erecte d a t th e Federa l seat," but , sinc e a competition ha d bee n se t i n motion , thi s wa s expresse d i n terms o f needs and functions rathe r than style. Also , once again , he dre w u p a lis t o f matter s fo r th e Commissioner s t o consider . Amon g thes e wa s th e employment o f Ellicot t t o finish layin g of f th e C i t y - t h a t othe r assignmen t L'Enfant ha d left unfinishe d eve n wit h Ellicott' s indispensable assistance. When Washington arrived home fro m his southern tour in mid-June, L'Enfant was abl e t o submi t t o hi m onl y a n incomplet e an d hastily draw n plan o f th e City. I n an apologetic letter , h e agai n solicited Washington' s indulgence . "M y whole attention, " h e explained , "wa s give n t o th e combinatio n o f the genera l distribution of the Gran d Loca l a s to an object o f most immediat e momen t an d of Importance . T o thi s I yielde d Ever y othe r Consideratio n . . . havin g first determined som e principa l point s t o whic h I wishe d makin g th e res t subor dinate. I nex t mad e th e distributio n regula r with street s a t righ t angl e northsouth an d East-west" Thoug h th e pla n wa s obviousl y incomplete , i t included the essentia l element s o f L'Enfant' s concep t o f the capital , with radia l avenue s cutting acros s th e rectangula r pattern , connectin g th e foca l point s h e hope d would ai d rapi d settlement , providin g "reciprocit y o f sight " towar d distan t objects, an d bringing oute r road s int o th e cente r o f the City . Th e are a above the Tiber , L'Enfan t explained , wa s "th e elligibl e spo t t o la y th e Foundatio n . . . no t because this point being central is the most likely to diffuse a n Equallity of advantage s troug h th e whol e territor y an d i n retur n t o deriv e a benefi t proportional t o th e ris e o f the val u but becaus e th e natur e of the loca l is suc h as will mak e Ever y thin g concu r to rende r a settlement ther e prosperous. " In this cente r h e locate d th e President' s Hous e an d th e building s t o hous e th e State, Treasury , an d War departments. L'Enfant' s explanatio n no t onl y show s that h e ha d com e t o a fresh understandin g o f what th e Presiden t desire d and had therefor e altere d hi s earlie r views: i t als o prove s tha t hi s diagonal s ha d been superimpose d o n th e gridiro n pla n wit h it s street s aligne d a s Jefferso n had suggeste d an d that th e ope n space s fo r publi c walks and gardens beyon d 77
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Not e by Washington to TJ's list of agenda for the Commissioners, [5 Mch. 1792]. Washington described the assignment to L'Enfant as a "compliment intended to be paid you in depending alone upon your plans for the public buildings" (Washington to L'Enfant, 28 Feb. 1792 , Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 488-9). A few days later TJ als o declared that five months had been lost by dependence o n L'Enfant and that he had done nothing to prepar e such plans ( TJ t o Walker , 1 Mch. 1792). O n Washington's futile effor t t o obtain plans from L'Enfant a t the las t moment, se e Washingto n to T J , 2 2 Feb . 1792, and TJ t o L'Enfan t o f the same date. Undate d MS by T J, late r described by him as "copy of paper I gave to the President and to the Commissioners in 1791. " His assignment o f the date is obviously erroneou s (see documen t a t 6 Mch. 1792). TJ' s lis t of agenda for the Commissioners [5 Mch. 1792]. 77
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the Tibe r wer e no w viewe d b y hi m a s providin g lon g vista s downstrea m a s well a s a n appropriate spot "t o Erec t th e Gran d Equestrian " statu e o f Wash ington. I n brief, th e cente r o f the capita l and its principa l feature s a s set fort h in Jefferson' s sketc h were her e preserved , probably no t becaus e L'Enfan t ap proved of the concep t bu t perhap s because h e ha d become convinced tha t th e President did. But ther e was on e notabl e exception . Thi s concerne d L'Enfant' s suggestio n that there was no spot so advantageous fo r the Capitol as the bluf f "on the west end o f Jenkin s heights whic h stan d a s a pedesta l waitin g fo r a monument. " On th e basi s o f this statemen t an d its expressio n i n the ma p handed to Wash ington, th e dramati c shift i n the relationshi p of the tw o principa l publi c buildings o f th e capita l has bee n attribute d t o L'Enfan t a s hi s inspire d choice. S o far as the record shows, this suggestion in L'Enfant's letter is indeed the earliest known evidence o f the proposal. But did the idea originate with L'Enfant, wh o earlier had made a very different choice ? Or did he advanc e it because, a s with other recommendations, h e now kne w this to be Washington's preference? The answer lie s i n th e real m o f conjecture , bu t i t i s ver y probabl e tha t th e ide a originated with the President. Washington scarcely needed to be told by L'Enfan t or anyone els e that distributing the publi c buildings, placing the Capito l in the vicinity of Carrollsburg, pressing for its erection simultaneously with the building o f th e President' s House , an d trying thus t o promot e settlemen t nea r th e Eastern Branc h woul d g o fa r t o kee p th e precariousl y united interest s fro m disrupting his plans. But again, as in the compromise s ove r the locatio n o f the Federal District , there wa s a pric e t o pay . Ho w coul d th e separatio n o f th e executive an d legislativ e branche s b y s o grea t a distanc e b e explaine d an d justified? Washington's experience o f government i n Williamsburg, New York , and Philadelphia provided arguments enough fo r maintaining contiguity. Eve n L'Enfant fel t oblige d t o tr y to justify th e rejectio n of such lessons drawn from experience. Bu t whether Washingto n originate d the ide a or not, h e gave it his sanction, thus fixing for all time th e sit e o f the Capito l o n what was then called Jenkins' Hill. Th e question a t once arises: why did he find it necessary to make the decisio n a t th e tim e an d i n th e manne r h e did ? To al l appearances ther e was n o mor e pressin g nee d fo r thi s tha n there ha d been thre e month s earlier. He wa s abou t t o leav e fo r Philadelphia . There h e coul d hav e conferre d wit h Jefferson, Madison , and others to whom , earlier and later, he turned at critical moments fo r advic e o n matter s pertainin g to th e capital . There h e coul d have issued a proclamatio n settin g fort h wha t h e ha d delete d fro m th e earlie r on e and, a t the sam e time , hav e explained his altered choice o f site fo r the Capitol . But o n thi s occasio n ther e wa s n o presidentia l proclamation , n o reques t o f Jefferson fo r advice , no t eve n a n advanc e warnin g from Moun t Vernon . Perhaps, as in his decision o n the locatio n o f the Federa l District , Washington fel t it prudent to let his choice g o unexplained without even the benefit o f an official announcement. 80
Jefferson mus t have learned of this important decision from the public press. L'Enfan t t o Washington , 22 Jun e 179 1 (DNA : RG 42) . S o far as is known, the plan annexed to this letter is no longer extant. That it was a preliminary version of the one L'Enfan t submitte d to Washington in August and that, after some modification, it incorporated th e essentia l feature s o f th e late r pla n canno t b e doubte d (Richar d W. Stephenson, L C Qu. Jour., xxxv i [1979], 208; Reps, Monumental Washington, p. 15) . See note 88 for further discussion. 8 0
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Brown's Federal Gazette, citin g a Georgetown datelin e o f the 2 d o f July, gav e the particulars , a s di d other newspapers. Th e President had put th e finishing hand t o th e locatio n o f th e Federa l Cit y o n th e 30t h o f June . Whil e misunderstandings ha d prevailed when Washingto n lef t Georgetow n i n the spring , the unknow n autho r reported , "th e momen t h e appeared , al l difficulties van ished." All narrow considerations wer e abandone d an d the landowner s cheer fully made conveyances t o gratif y the utmost wishe s of the President. Then — and then only , i t appear s - "h e submitte d t o th e inspectio n o f the proprietors , and a large number of gentlemen attending , a plan of the city, which had for several weeks occupie d th e tim e an d talents o f Col . L'Enfant , assiste d b y th e Baro n de Graff , an d which, with some small alterations, he determine d to adopt. " At the close of this news accoun t which so clearly bears evidence o f official prompting, cam e th e onl y announcemen t o f importance: "By this plan, and the Pres ident's explanations , i t appears that th e building s fo r the Legislatur e are to b e placed o n Jenkins ' Hill, o n th e lan d o f Danie l Carroll , E s q . of Duddingto n . . . an d that the houses of the President, and for the great Department of State, are t o b e situate d o n th e risin g groun d adjoinin g Hamburg , within on e mil e of George-town, an d about on e an d a quarter from the house s of legislation. " This arrangement , newspaper s reported , "afforde d th e mos t genera l appro bation, satisfyin g eac h interested individual , that his particular interest wa s a s much consulte d a s a du e attentio n t o th e publi c convenienc e an d the publi c interest, whic h was th e primar y object , woul d an y way warrant." 81
Individual interests , fo r th e momen t a t least , ma y hav e appeare d satisfied . But there were many who though t th e public interest and convenience ha d not been consulted . A s soon as the fact became known an indignant citizen, writing as Amicus, challenge d th e decisio n t o plac e the legislativ e building s a mile and a half fro m thos e o f th e Presiden t an d othe r officer s o f government . Holdin g the Commissioner s responsible fo r a choice wit h whic h they ha d had nothin g to do , Amicus blame d the m fo r failin g t o recogniz e th e convenienc e an d propriety o f makin g th e principa l building s o f governmen t contiguou s t o eac h other. But , proving that h e kne w wher e th e responsibilit y lay , he pointe d ou t that ther e were tw o partie s amon g th e proprietors, bot h anxiou s t o hav e th e value o f thei r land s increase d b y thei r vicinit y to th e publi c buildings . I f the buildings wer e t o b e erecte d o n th e land s adjacen t t o Georgetown , the n th e Carrollsburg party would be disgusted; if on the hill nearest Carrollsburg, then the citizens of Georgetown woul d take it in dudgeon. Thu s a compromise had taken place "and something . . . given u p to bot h partie s merely to quie t them , without sufficien t regar d to th e genera l goo d o r t o publi c opinion. " Amicus was certain the Commissioners had acted without bias , but he said every person with who m h e ha d discusse d th e matte r ha d joined hi m i n condemnin g th e Brown' s Federal Gazette, 5 July 1791, under a Georgetown dateline of 2 July. When Washington me t th e Commissioner s on the 28th , h e foun d tha t al l of the proprietors save three had signed conveyances . H e induced the Commissioner s to sen d an express asking that these proprietors do s o a t once. Thei r anxiety , the y explained , arose from the "expectation tha t the Presiden t will no t declar e the place s for the public buildings till th e Deed s ar e signed" (Commissioners to Ode n and others, 28 Jun e 1791 , DNA: RG 42) . Obviously , just as he had done in March, Washington held these proprietors in suspense abou t a decision already made, using this as a means of persuading them to reach an accommodation. Th e strategy, a s before, brough t immediate results (Oden to the Commissioners, 28 Jun e 1791, same). 81
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decision becaus e o f countless inconvenience s tha t would result to the President, to member s o f Congress , to head s o f department , an d to ever y citize n havin g business t o d o wit h government . Eve n i n the conduc t o f ordinary business , h e insisted, committee s woul d b e hampere d in their deliberations, th e draftin g of bills woul d b e impeded , th e transmissio n o f thos e passe d an d th e retur n of those signe d woul d b e delayed , and , amon g othe r banefu l consequences , es sential consultation s wit h head s o f department s woul d b e frustrated . Bu t i n the frantic closing days before Congress adjourned, it would become "absolutely necessary t o emplo y post-horses , an d establis h relay s . . . [with ] committee men secretaries , an d publi c officers , ful l gallop , whi p an d spur , jostling eac h other, an d kickin g up a dust t o th e grea t merrimen t of th e hones t citizen s o f Goose-creek." Amicus indicate d tha t th e Commissioners ' unfortunate decisio n need not be final. He therefore appealed to the President to withhold his sanction and orde r all public buildings t o b e erecte d i n the vicinit y of each other. This , he thought, would"unquestionabl y giv e more satisfaction t o the public , whose wishes ough t t o b e attende d t o i n preferenc e t o thos e o f a fe w intereste d individuals i n th e environ s o f Georgetown." The conclusio n seems inescapable that Amicus pointe d unerringl y to the rea l reason fo r the decisio n t o locat e th e Capito l s o fa r removed fro m the building s of th e executiv e branch . Jus t a s loca l an d partia l view s ove r th e year s had s o often affecte d ever y questio n pertainin g t o th e nationa l capital , so mus t suc h factors have influenced thi s important decision. The silence o f Washington and Jefferson o n the subject lends eloquent suppor t to the supposition. S o also with respect t o th e time , th e place , an d th e manne r o f announcin g th e fact . I t i s difficult t o believ e tha t suc h a pragmatis t a s Washingto n departe d fro m hi s earlier decision t o plac e the Capito l i n the vicinit y of Hamburg merely becaus e L'Enfant, seein g Jenkins ' Hill a s a pedestal waitin g for a monument, ha d made the suggestion . Havin g already show n ho w anxiou s h e wa s t o gai n approval by advancing or altering proposals conformabl e t o what he conceived th e Pres ident's preference s t o be , L'Enfan t canno t plausibl y b e regarde d as th e origi nator o f th e idea , muc h les s a s th e sol e sourc e o f whateve r persuasion s wer e brought t o bea r upon Washingto n t o induc e hi m to accep t it . 82
VII Immediately afte r Washingto n mad e thi s surprisin g choice o f sit e fo r th e Capitol, th e Commissioner s urgentl y calle d upo n th e proprietor s t o provid e exact surveys o f thei r holding s s o tha t thes e coul d b e lai d ou t "distinctl y o n the genera l Pla t of the City. " This , the y pointe d out , shoul d b e don e speedil y and wa s essential before an y lots could be sold. Three months earlier L'Enfant had writte n enthusiasticall y abou t th e prospec t o f "infini t advantag e t o th e purchaser" of lots which would b e define d o n hi s "gran d and general pla n for the loca l distributio n o f th e city." Bu t b y th e first o f August , wit h th e sal e announced fo r th e 17t h o f October , ther e wa s stil l n o suc h ma p available . At 83
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Amicus, i n Bache' s General Advertiser, 1 2 Jul y 1791 .
Commissioner s to Proprietors , 30 June 179 1 (DNA : RG 42) . Two months later, with L'Enfan t i n Philadelphia, the Commissioner s urgently repeated their request and directed that all claims be turned over to Ellicott, "the sooner the better" (Commissioners to Proprietors , 9 Sep. 1791 , same). L'Enfan t t o Hamilton, 8 Apr. 1791 (Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 255). 83
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that moment newspaper s wer e reporting that Ellicott wa s "busily employed i n the federa l cit y i n opening streets , layin g off squares , lots, &c. " an d that thre e thousand workme n wer e expecte d t o begi n wor k o n th e publi c building s th e following spring. Ellicot t wa s indee d busil y engage d bu t th e optimisti c an nouncement conceale d much . The Commissioner s voice d thei r anxiet y t o th e President : th e pla n o f th e City was not going forward as they wished. They hoped Ellicott could continue his usefu l wor k fo r anothe r month , i n whic h cas e th e sal e migh t stil l b e hel d even if the ma p wer e incomplete . L'Enfant , the y added , woul d soo n leav e fo r Philadelphia t o la y his plan s befor e th e Presiden t "fo r . . . confirmation." The expression clearl y indicates tha t thei r approval had not bee n sought , bu t the y knew enoug h abou t th e genera l pla n t o forese e som e difficultie s it s adoptio n might produce . "W e cannot hel p repeatin g ou r wish," they wrote , "tha t in the new layin g ou t o f Carrolsburg h an d Hamburgh as littl e alteratio n an d appropriation a s ma y be , ma y tak e place , fo r w e shal l unavoidably hav e difficultie s enough, t o reconcil e privat e interest s wit h publi c views." I n makin g thi s appeal t o Washington , th e Commissioner s revealed thei r awarenes s tha t onl y he, if anyone , coul d induc e L'Enfan t t o alte r hi s pla n an d spar e the m th e threatened difficulty . 85
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Two week s later , havin g hear d nothing further , Washington displaye d hi s own concern . Writin g a t hi s request , Jefferso n informe d L'Enfan t i n a rather blunt lette r tha t th e Presiden t ha d been expectin g hi m for some time, tha t h e wished t o kno w whethe r an d whe n h e woul d arrive , an d tha t no t eve n th e laying ou t o f the lot s shoul d caus e furthe r delay. Then , perhap s to encourag e haste, h e referre d to suggestion s made i n Philadelphia for laying off the lot s to add to the convenience o f purchasers and the profit of sellers and for "engraving a Ma p o f th e Federa l territory. " He wen t furthe r an d lai d th e foundatio n fo r future difficulties b y assuring L'Enfant tha t the righ t of issuing such a map lay with hi m o r Ellicott. Thi s acknowledgmen t o f a privat e righ t t o issu e th e first map of the capita l being prepare d under authority of the governmen t wa s surprisingly casual , especially comin g a t a time whe n th e President , the Com missioners, an d Jefferson himsel f wer e hopin g fo r the completio n o f a plan of the Cit y tha t coul d b e displaye d a t th e Octobe r sale. L'Enfant di d not respond , but on arrivin g i n Philadelphia late in August h e went directl y to th e Presiden t an d lai d befor e hi m a map o f the Federa l City . This map , he generousl y acknowledged , owe d muc h to th e labor s of Andrew 87
" A letter fro m Maryland , date d Georg e Town , Aug . 1. " Thi s ite m wa s widel y copied in the press (New Hampshire Gazette, 31 Aug . 1791) . Commissioner s to Washington, 2 Aug. 179 1 (DNA : RG 42) . T J t o L'Enfant, 1 8 Aug. 1791. L'Enfan t later claimed that the Commissioners had deprived him of substantial sums that should have come to him from the sale of his map, which he described as "my property." He intimated that h e had been prevente d from obtaining copyrigh t first by the Commissioner s and then b y Washington's assurances that all of his "drawing and prints plate &ca. were to have been protected." The amount due hi m over ten year s he estimate d a s the equivalen t o f 25,000 copie s sold at $2.00 each (L'Enfant t o T J , 1 2 Mch. 1802). I n view of these extravagant claims and misrepresentations, i t shoul d b e note d tha t i n hi s lette r o f 1 8 Aug . 179 1 T J referred to an engraving of the Federa l District , no doubt intendin g that this would include the plan of the Federal City . Ellicott's topographical map of the Federal District of 1793 encompassed both objects and also employed a format TJ recommended . Ellicott did not expect and of course did not receive compensation fro m the sale of these maps. 85
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Ellicott, whose assistance he hoped could be continued for three months longer . In a n accompanying lette r h e referre d to i t as "the anexe d ma p of doted lines" and said that it had been altere d in accordance with Washington's directions. These direction s presumabl y ha d bee n give n whe n L'Enfan t visite d Moun t Vernon an d submitte d a pla n whic h th e Presiden t exhibite d t o th e Commis sioners, proprietors, and others o n the 29t h o f June. On that occasion Wash ington tol d th e assemblag e tha t th e ma p woul d onl y "conve y . . . the genera l ideas o f th e City. " Also , bein g justifiabl y apprehensiv e tha t objection s migh t be raised , h e gav e assuranc e tha t "som e deviatio n fro m i t woul d tak e place - particularl y i n th e diagona l street s o r avenues, whic h would no t b e s o numerous; an d i n th e remova l o f th e President' s hous e mor e westerl y fo r th e advantage o f highe r ground. " Following the presentation , h e ha d recorded in his diary the pleasure he felt when "a general approbation of the measure seeme d to pervad e th e whole." Wha t othe r alteration s Washingto n ma y hav e sug 88
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L'Enfan t to Washington, 19 Aug. 1791 (DNA : RG 42). In 193 0 Lawrence Martin, Chief of the Division of Maps of the Librar y of Congress, advanced the opinion that the "map of doted lines" was one which L'Enfant migh t have directed Benjamin Ellicott to prepare late in 1791 or early in 1792, but that it was more likely one made in the summer of 179 1 b y or under the directio n of L'Enfan t an d presented t o Washington with this letter {Report of the Librarian of Congress [Washington , 1930] , p. 165-7) . Caemmerer , VEnfant, p . 162 , reject s these suppositions an d concludes instea d that it was the map L'Enfant gave to Washington in June. Reps, Monumental Washington, p. 15 (where the map is illustrate d as Fig. 8), accept s Martin' s theory tha t i t was transmitted with the letter of 19 Aug. Stephenson, L C Qu. Jour., xxxvi (1979), 208-9, suggest s that it may have been done by Benjamin Ellicott sometime in Dec. 1791, thus agreeing in substance with Martin' s first supposition . So , i n effect, doe s Ehrenberg, wh o suggest s also that L'Enfant intende d t o us e it , together with his "original plan" presente d i n August, in an update d versio n suitabl e fo r engravin g (same , p . 285) . Jennings , however , claims that it has no relationship to L'Enfant' s 179 1 pla n and that it agrees i n every instance with the 179 2 engraving , which he identifies a s the Ellicot t pla n (same, p . 245, 246) . Since the map prepared by Ellicott for engraving was based on L'Enfant's plan, though departing from it in some respects, Jennings' suppositions of course are self-contradictory. The manuscrip t generall y referre d to a s the "ma p of dote d lines " is withou t title , author, date, or scale. Its system of streets, squares, and circles is presented but no names are given. Its sole legend reads: "All the Lines coloured red are finished and those coloured yellow are intended to be compleated this Season." It is this statement which, as indicative of th e purpos e fo r whic h th e sketc h wa s prepared , makes plausibl e th e suggestion s advanced in variant terms by Martin, Stephenson , an d Ehrenberg. Th e draftsmanship by which the watercourse s and topographical features ar e set fort h with such precision also indicat e th e han d of Benjami n or Andre w Ellicott . Som e o f th e feature s reflec t modifications mad e whe n Andre w Ellicott wa s preparin g a map to b e engraved . But was this don e before or after the draftin g o f that map ? The allusion to survey s to b e completed "thi s season" could not have referred to the winter of 1791-1792 , thu s suggesting that the "ma p of doted lines," based on the L'Enfan t pla n and on materials in the possessio n o f the Ellicotts , was draw n at o r about th e tim e Andre w Ellicott wa s preparing to resume surveying in the spring of 1792 . L'Enfan t t o Washington , 22 Jun e 1791 , t o whic h he "anexed . . . a n Incompleat drawing" (DNA: RG 42) . I t has been generall y assume d that L'Enfan t presente d this letter and plan on a visit to Mount Vernon sometime betwee n 22 and 27 June, but the fact is not recorde d in Washington's diary. The drawing has not been identified an d is not know n t o exist . Reps , Monumental Washington, p . 15 ; and Stephenson, L C Qu. Jour., xxxv i [1979] , 208 , stat e that it has been lost . Washington , Diaries, ed . Fitzpatrick, iv, 200-1. 8 8
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gested is not known . Bu t the significan t fac t i s that the distinguishin g elemen t of th e pla n ha d bee n give n presidentia l sanction . L'Enfan t wa s elated . Wash ington's approval, he declared , ha d satisfie d hi s highes t ambition . But eve n afte r two months , thi s modified versio n of his map was stil l incom plete. I n the accompanying letter , which he had written before leavin g Georgetown, L'Enfant , a s before , sough t t o justif y th e unfinishe d assignment . Thi s time h e coul d no t complai n o f th e hazard s o f fog , mist , an d snow . Bu t th e multiplicity o f difficulties arisin g from th e nee d t o fix point s a t great distance s and t o determin e wit h exactnes s th e acut e angle s an d intersectin g lines , h e pointed out , ha d mad e th e tas k mor e tediou s tha n ha d bee n expected . Felle d trees whic h the owner s wishe d t o preserv e bu t wer e unwillin g to remov e ha d added t o th e obstacles . Despit e repeate d request s th e proprietor s ha d no t re turned surveys o f their holdings, henc e i t would b e impossibl e t o hav e the lot s recorded on the ma p before th e sale . Also, even wit h a map available, few coul d make prope r judgments o f th e relativ e advantage s o f differen t localities . Lot s that would comman d the highes t price s at the sal e wer e those along th e gran d avenue connectin g th e Capito l an d the President' s House , a s wel l a s those o n "the grand walk from the water cascade under the federal House to the presiden t park . . . an d als o th e several s squa r o r are a suc h a s ar e Intende d fo r th e Judiciary courts the national bank - th e grand church - th e play House, Market &c. Exchange. " This, togethe r wit h th e smal l initia l deposi t required , woul d attract a few speculator s wit h neither the mean s no r the inclinatio n to promot e the succes s o f th e enterprise . Th e sale , therefore , wa s prematur e an d woul d not produc e a tenth o f what coul d b e expecte d afte r a "general pla n . . . o f th e City" could b e distribute d to th e publi c throughout th e country . I f held on th e announced date , i t woul d no t onl y se t a n unfortunate precedent : i t woul d als o bring down disgrac e upon the whol e business . S o far as the sal e was concerned, his argumen t implied , the unfinishe d stat e of the ma p wa s a matter o f little o r no consequence . The importan t consideration, L'Enfan t insisted , was "not to confin e th e Idea to th e Erectin g o f a congres s Hous e an d a Presidia l palace , othe r Exertion s being necessar y t o promp t an d encourag e privat e undertaking s - the m alon e can form e th e Establishmen t Enswerabl e to it s objects , an d to ris e the Cit y a City in Fact it is Indispensable to Consider every of the Improvements propose d in the pla n as being par t most Essentia l t o the framin g of the principal. " It was of the first importanc e t o d o everythin g possibl e t o serv e th e mercantil e com munity, wit h the cana l from the Tibe r to th e Easter n Branc h bein g "o f absolut necessity." Th e street s fro m th e rive r t o th e gran d avenu e woul d soo n b e filled with shops, businesses o f all sorts, houses, an d accommodations fo r official s 91
Lat e in July Robert Peter had addressed a proposal to Washington about the building of wharves between Rock Cree k and the Tiber, saying that L'Enfan t ha d expressed the wish tha t h e join the publi c in doing so . Washingto n though t th e ide a commendable , but referre d the lette r t o th e Commissioners , who decline d (Pete r t o Washington , 2 0 July 1791 ; Commissioners to Peter, 2 Aug. 1791; Commissioners to President, 2 Aug. 1791, DNA: RG 42; Washington to Peter, 24 July 1791; Washington to Commissioners, 24 July 1791 , Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 323). Shortl y thereafter Georg e French, certainly with L'Enfant's knowledge an d perhaps at his prompting, made a proposal for the canal between the Tiber and the Eastern Branch which L'Enfant thought so essential. This, too, th e Commissioners declined (Commissioners to French, 2 Aug. 1791 , DNA: RG 42) . 91
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and member s o f Congress . Further , L'Enfan t added , th e President' s earlie r approval had inspired him to devis e a plan for donating severa l squares among the differen t states . Thes e woul d b e th e foca l point s o f settlement s "al l along of those transvera l and divergents avenue s wer e non e o f them wil l b e los t no r . . . t o distan t fro m th e Federa l Hous e o r th e presiden t palace. " These com munities woul d graduall y become connected , formin g fro m the outse t a chain of improvements aroun d the cente r of the City . Thi s integrate d plan, with each part contributin g t o th e goo d o f th e whole , wa s th e onl y wa y th e gran d en terprise coul d succeed . Succes s woul d resul t not fro m an unfortunate sale , bu t from th e negotiatio n o f a loan, wit h th e publi c lot s bein g pledge d a s security and hel d i n reserv e fo r th e inevitabl e increas e i n value . "O f that success, " L'Enfant concluded , " I wished t o promo t i n th e delinatio n o f a pla n whol y new, an d which combined o n a grand scale wil l requir e Exertions above wha t is th e ide a o f Man y bu t th e whic h no t bein g beyon d you r powe r t o procu r make m e promis e th e securin g o f the m . . . th e operatio n o f a magnitud e s o worthy of the concer n of a grand Empire." Washington' s earlier approval had obviously stimulate d L'Enfan t t o greate r effort s t o achiev e novelt y an d grandeur. I t als o le d hi m onc e agai n t o war n agains t wha t h e conceive d t o b e th e limited vision of others, as exemplified fo r him in Jefferson's sketch. His concept of a surroundin g chain o f settlements , eac h wit h it s squar e donate d t o on e o f the states , wa s th e mos t conspicuou s additio n t o hi s previou s plan . Thi s wa s a proposa l whos e potentiall y advers e politica l implication s L'Enfan t evidentl y did no t perceiv e - an d against whic h Washingto n ha d no nee d t o b e warned. 92
With hi s ma p unfinished , L'Enfant' s argumen t tha t th e sal e shoul d b e de ferred until it could be widely distribute d in complete for m seemed persuasive . So als o wit h respec t t o hi s insistenc e upo n th e nee d t o suppor t mercantil e interests, t o buil d wharves , t o di g a canal , t o provid e spac e fo r shop s an d businesses o f all sorts , and to negotiate a loan by which both public and private interests would be served. Though expressed in his own distinctive orthography and intersperse d wit h characteristi c flights of imagination , th e lette r i s s o ex ceptional amon g L'Enfant' s writing s a s t o sugges t th e presenc e o f a prompting—and intereste d — hand at his side. Certainl y thi s defense of his pla n was prepared wit h unusua l care and i n ful l knowledg e tha t ther e wer e thos e wh o 93
L'Enfan t to Washington, Georgetown 1 9 Aug. 1791 (DNA : R G 42) . As indicated below, Washingto n did not reveal this document t o T J . I f anyone helped guide L'Enfan t in developing hi s argument, Francis Cabot would seem t o hav e bee n th e mos t likel y one . Cabo t had been highl y recommende d b y his Massachusetts friend s t o th e President , the Vice-President , and others a s one greatl y interested i n promoting th e Federa l City . H e had just settled i n Georgetown, become acquainted with L'Enfant , shared-an d may have stimulated - hi s suggestion to Alexander Hamilton that easterners would invest in lands in the capital, and at this time was planning to accompany L'Enfant to Philadelphia to discuss his various plans for the City with Washington and Jefferso n (Carroll to T J, 29 July 1791). The likelihood that Cabot did accompan y L'Enfan t t o Philadelphi a is indicated by TJ's receip t of Carroll's letter of introduction only on 29 Aug. , shortly after L'Enfan t arrive d there. Carroll described Cabot as a "sensible, intelligent Gentleman " with respectable connections - on e of them, of course , bein g Georg e Cabot , Senator fro m Massachusetts . Fo r Washington's later doubts about Cabot, see his letter to David Stuart, 8 Mch. 179 2 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi, 507) . I t was Cabot whom L'Enfan t engage d to bu y a lot fo r Tobias Lear a t the October sale. 92
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would oppos e o r wis h t o modif y it . A s event s woul d prove , Washingto n wa s clearly impressed . But h e wa s als o caugh t betwee n the Commissioners ' appeal for assistance in preparing fo r th e sal e h e ha d insiste d upo n an d L'Enfant' s argumen t callin g for its postponement. Worse , the Commissioners ' plea for modifying a plan the President ha d publicl y approve d wa s challenge d b y L'Enfant' s cal l fo r im mediate and continued action on every aspect of his general concept. Confronted with this first serious conflict betwee n the Commissioners and L'Enfant, Wash ington turne d to hi s Secretar y of State . Th e extent o f his concer n i s indicated in th e conference s h e immediatel y calle d fo r discussio n o f th e issue s raised . These too k plac e immediatel y afte r L'Enfan t lai d hi s altere d pla n befor e th e President. I t is not know n with certainty who took part. Washington presided. Jefferson onl y sai d that "certai n persons" were present , bu t this wa s probably a circumlocution. All of the circumstances indicate that L'Enfant , having taken his cas e directl y t o th e President , wa s no t a participant . Certainl y Jefferso n and Madiso n were th e chie f advisors. I t was the y wh o receive d Washington' s views and , as his representatives , wer e authorize d to presen t thei r conclusion s at a meeting o f the Commissioner s to b e calle d at once. Th e matters discussed, according to Jefferson's account , were those brought up in the Commissioners' appeal an d in two separat e letter s fro m Daniel Carroll t o th e President , one o f which enclosed a plat of Carrollsburg as reinforcement of their position. Thes e subjects coul d scarcel y hav e bee n canvasse d withou t a n examinatio n o f bot h that pla t an d L'Enfant' s ma p o f the Federa l City . Washingto n mus t o f cours e have mad e thes e available . Bu t ther e ca n b e n o doub t tha t h e withhel d fro m those engage d i n th e discussion s L'Enfant' s lette r opposin g th e sal e a s premature and arguing against an y change i n his plan. To the distinctive elements of that pla n Washington was already committed a s publicly as if he had issued a proclamatio n to tha t effect . H e recognize d th e Commissioners ' problem, es pecially wit h respec t t o Carrollsburg , bu t h e too k hi s stan d unequivocall y i n support o f L'Enfant' s genera l concept . "T o settl e somethin g wit h respec t t o that place and Hambg. which will not interfere with the general Plan i s difficult," he wrote Jefferson les s as expressing an opinion than as giving a directive, "but essential." 94
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This unequivoca l suppor t o f L'Enfant' s pla n i s confirme d b y a remarkable list o f matter s t o b e discusse d a t th e conference s whic h Washingto n himsel f drafted. Base d in large part upon L'Enfant' s letter , the lis t was put in the form of questions whic h of cours e nee d no t hav e bee n raise d if that lette r ha d bee n made availabl e to Jefferso n an d Madison o r if L'Enfan t ha d taken par t in th e discussions. Nowher e i n thi s unusua l document - th e onl y on e Washingto n i s known t o hav e draw n up o n matter s relatin g to th e capita l instead o f having Jefferson perfor m the tas k - di d he indicate that some of its key questions wer e drawn directl y fro m L'Enfant . Hi s first quer y establishe s th e point : woul d circumstances mak e postponemen t o f the sal e advisable ? If not, i n wha t areas should the sal e o f lots take place ? Should a bridge ove r the Easter n Branc h b e built? Woul d i t b e pruden t t o negotiat e a loa n fo r carryin g ou t th e differen t operations withi n the City ? Shoul d the initia l cas h payment fo r lots purchased 9 4 95
T J t o the Commissioners, 28 Aug . 1791 ; TJ to Johnson, 29 Aug. 1791 . Washingto n to T J , 2 9 Aug . 179 1 (secon d emphasi s added).
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be increased ? Should the cana l be begu n an d Robert Peter's proposa l t o con struct wharve s be undertaken ? Would it not b e advisable to hav e a map of the Federal Distric t engraved i n a singl e shee t s o a s t o comprehen d "th e pla n o f the Town"? And, to confront the issue between the Commissioners and L'Enfant, what compromise coul d be made with the Carrollsbur g and Hamburg interests by whic h th e pla n o f th e Federa l Cit y migh t b e preserved ? While these an d other topic s wer e clearl y prompted b y L'Enfant' s letter , ther e wer e significan t omissions. Ther e were no allusions to the outlying settlements, t o the allotmen t of squares to th e states , t o th e donatio n o f land for religious societies , o r to th e giant cascad e at the wester n bluf f of Jenkins' Hill . No r of course was there any mention o f the decisio n t o plac e the Capito l o n that eminence. Th e squares for that edifice , a s wel l a s thos e fo r th e Executiv e branch , wer e merel y t o b e "considered a s appropriated. " In brief , th e President' s unexplaine d choic e o f site fo r the Capito l wa s irrevocable. We may reasonably assume, therefore, tha t during th e discussion s Jefferso n an d Madison treated i t wit h discree t silence . But o n question s prompte d b y L'Enfant' s letter , o n thos e raise d b y th e Commissioners, and on points which Jefferson himself urged in the conferences , Washington was given the kind of considered advice he desired. The sale should go forward . On the choic e o f lots to b e sold , th e "leadin g interests " should b e accommodated. A s t o th e ide a o f a publi c loan , eve n th e proposa l woul d b e dubious withou t legislativ e authorit y an d probabl y unsuccessfu l unti l a sal e established somethin g lik e th e valu e o f land s sold . Th e bridge , th e wharves , and th e cana l shoul d b e postpone d unti l fund s were available . Meanwhile , preparations fo r th e publi c building s shoul d b e presse d forwar d as indispen sable. Bu t L'Enfant' s poin t abou t th e insufficienc y o f the require d cash deposi t was recognize d a s valid , wit h th e resultan t recommendatio n tha t th e initia l payment b e more than trebled. Washington's questions ha d also included some based on suggestions made by Jefferson the year before, especially those relating to buildin g regulations withi n the City . Th e answers concerning materials and height o f privat e structure s wer e suc h a s h e ha d lon g advocated . T o thes e questions Jefferso n adde d other s durin g the conference s whic h als o reflecte d his particula r interests — running the pos t roa d through th e City , havin g th e streets ru n North-South an d East-West, seeing tha t sounding s o f the Easter n Branch were supplie d to the engrave r of the map , and providing names for the streets, City , an d District. Bu t his previous suggestion that the taste of the ne w town migh t b e improve d i f engraving s o f som e o f th e handsomes t privat e structures in Europe should be distributed free to the inhabitants of Georgetown was on e o n whic h Washington appear s to hav e mad e n o comment . Jefferson' s additions t o th e lis t o f topics als o treate d that poin t wit h silence. It wa s presumabl y after these discussions tha t th e Presiden t asked L'Enfan t to se e hi m for an hour on the afternoo n o f the 27t h o f August. What transpired at their meeting i s no t known . Washingto n ma y hav e touche d o n som e o f th e 96
Washington' s lis t of questions - thirtee n in Washington's hand , six in TJ' s - wa s undated but obviously wa s drawn in its original form on 28 Aug . 1791 , unde r which date it is printed below. Th e point L'Enfan t mad e about the low cash deposit wa s not among the questions frame d by Washington, but evidently came up in the discussion of L'Enfant's proposal of a loan. The recommendation was that it be increased from 8% o f the purchas e price to 25% . The Commissioners approved and announced the increase immediately after TJ an d Madison met with them (Advertisement, 9 Sep. 1791 , DNA: RG 42) . 96
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conclusions reache d at the conferences , but , understandably , he seem s to hav e delegated to Jefferson an d Madison the tas k of informing L'Enfan t o f all o f the details and of discussing with him any differences tha t might arise . On the 31s t Jefferson did invite L'Enfan t to dine with him and Madison the next day, alone, to discus s "severa l matter s relativ e t o Georg e town." N o evidenc e ha s bee n found tha t L'Enfan t accepte d th e invitation . I f he did , nothin g i s know n o f what transpired . Jefferson an d Madison set ou t th e nex t da y for Georgetown , where the y me t wit h th e Commissioner s i n a n all-da y sessio n o n th e 8t h o f September, presentin g t o the m th e resul t o f th e conference s i n Philadelphia. The Commissioner s were "preadmonished, " Jefferson reported , that the Pres ident wishe d them t o mak e their decisions freel y an d in accord with their own views. Sinc e the manner in which Washington had phrased the questio n abou t a compromise wit h the landholder s of Hamburg and Carrollsburg revealed his own commitmen t t o L'Enfant' s plan , th e answe r wa s a n evasion- a libera l compromise woul d b e bette r tha n discontent s o r dispute d titles . Suc h a compromise, offered b y Thomas Johnson, put the matte r out o f dispute an d so, fo r the moment a t least, L'Enfant' s pla n was left intact . On this and all other point s the Commissioner s gav e thei r unanimou s approva l to wha t ha d bee n agree d upon in Philadelphia. Th e sale which L'Enfant s o strongly opposed would take place a s announced . Th e Presiden t himsel f expecte d t o b e presen t an d ha d already obligated Jefferso n t o attend. Th e Commissioners, well knowing th e effect o f Washington' s presenc e o n previou s occasions , schedule d thei r nex t meeting fo r th e afternoo n precedin g th e sale . 97
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VIII At hi s first meeting wit h the Commissioners in April Washingto n had urged that a plan of the Cit y b e publishe d in time fo r a sale o f lots before th e Secon d Congress assembled. But it was not until four months later, faced with L'Enfant's still incomplet e ma p and appealed to b y the Commissioners , that he addresse d the proble m wit h urgency . A t th e conference s lat e i n Augus t hi s questio n a s to whether it would be desirable to have an engraving of the District that would include th e Cit y wa s answere d i n th e affirmative . But , perhaps as a reflectio n of Jefferson's incautious letter to L'Enfant about his or Ellicott's right to publish such a map , th e final decisio n wa s lef t i n suspense : shoul d i t b e issue d b y authority o f th e Commissioner s o r b y th e "Artists"? Th e Commissioner s 99
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T J to L'Enfant , 3 1 Aug . 1791 . I n referring to "Georg e town" TJ of course mean t the Federa l City . H e an d Madiso n lef t Philadelphi a on th e 2d . Washingto n remaine d there unti l th e 15th . T J to Washington , 8 Sep . 1791 ; T J to Madison , 1 8 Aug . 1791 . Danie l Carrol l t o Jame s Madison , 23 Apr . 179 1 ( D L C : Madiso n Papers) . Carroll indicated that the timing of the sal e was to give members of the Congress from the North as wel l a s th e Sout h a n opportunit y t o attend . Th e strategi c valu e o f havin g member s of Congress personally interested in the Federa l Cit y could not have escaped the attentio n of s o experience d a n investo r i n land s a s Washington . O n principle , TJ stood oppose d to th e us e o f suc h influenc e ( T J to Eppes , 1 5 Feb . 1783 ; T J to Nash , 1 1 Mch . 1783) . M S of Washington's lis t o f agenda, a t 28 Aug . 1791 . Thi s wa s Washington's final query. Below i t TJ noted th e decisio n t o suspen d consideration. In referring to "Artists" he clearl y employed th e wor d i n it s no w obsolet e sense , meanin g person s skille d in th e useful art s - specifically , a s hi s lette r o f 1 9 Aug . 179 1 t o L'Enfan t shows , th e architec t and th e engineer , no t th e engraver . 9 7
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decided that this should be done under their own direction, with sales benefitin g the public. Bu t i n informin g L'Enfan t o f thi s an d othe r decision s i n thei r first written directio n t o him , the y tempere d authorit y wit h discretion . Th e manner of naming streets wa s made explicit. S o also with respect to sounding s of th e Easter n Branc h an d th e propose d pos t roa d throug h th e City , whic h Ellicott would define an d which they ordere d to be recorded on the map. Then, in a postscript , the y directe d 10,00 0 copie s o f th e ma p t o b e "struc k on th e best terms and as soon as possible" - a n astonishingly larg e order which would have require d the preparatio n of several plates. It s title woul d bea r the name s they ha d chose n fo r th e Cit y an d Distric t and th e designatio n Jefferso n ha d consistently employed i n referrin g to th e latte r a s a Territory - A Map of the City of Washington, in the Territory of Columbia. Bu t the Commissioners' orders concerning the engravin g and distribution of the ma p were provisional , being based upo n th e assumptio n tha t L'Enfan t migh t hav e receive d othe r an d contrary directions. Th e assumptio n wa s well-founded . Despite th e agreemen t durin g the conference s i n Philadelphia that the Com missioners shoul d decid e whethe r an d under whos e auspice s th e ma p shoul d be published , plan s ha d alread y been se t i n motio n t o hav e thi s don e i n Phil adelphia. Wit h L'Enfan t i n th e cit y fo r tha t purpose , Washingto n authorize d him t o proceed . H e apparentl y di d no t infor m th e Commissioner s of this an d no evidenc e ha s bee n foun d tha t L'Enfan t responde d t o thei r directions. Wit h time growin g shor t an d Washingto n angere d ove r th e proposa l t o buil d a n executive mansio n i n Philadelphia, he allowed almos t a month t o elaps e befor e inquiring o f Lea r abou t th e progres s o f th e map , a t th e sam e tim e directin g that some of the first copies struck off be sent to him and the remainder "disposed of a s wa s agree d on." Onl y a wee k befor e th e sal e wa s t o tak e plac e h e received new s o f the complet e failur e of the effort . Primary responsibilit y fo r thi s woul d see m t o res t upo n L'Enfant , bu t th e engraver t o who m h e entruste d th e tas k wa s no t faultless . L'Enfant' s choice , made i n th e ver y cente r o f America n printing , fell upo n on e Pigalle , a native of France, about whom and whose work little is known and that not favorable. Presumably Pigall e wa s give n th e pressin g assignmen t lat e i n Augus t whe n L'Enfant arrive d i n the City . Earl y i n October, in response t o a n inquiry from 101
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T J to Washington, 8 Sep. 1791 . Commissioner s to L'Enfant , 9 Sep . 179 1 (DNA : RG 42). O f the 10,00 0 copies ordered, L'Enfan t wa s to le t the Presiden t have as many as he desired, leave half of the remainder in Philadelphia subject to their orders, and send the other half to them. They assured him that this draft for the cost would be honored. Washingto n to Lear, 2 Oct. 1791 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 381-2). I t is not known what disposition o f the engraving Washington had ordered. On his response to Samuel Powel , Mier s Fisher, an d others abou t th e pla n for an executive mansion , see Washington t o Powel , 2 0 Sep . 1791 ; t o Fisher , 2 0 Sep . 1791 ; an d to Lear , 2 6 Sep . 1791 (same , xxxi, 372-4, 376-8) . The mansion was built 1792-1797 on a lot occupying the entire western side of 9th stree t between Market and Chestnut . It was never occupied by Washington. 104 Pig ll ( Pigal ) was evidently a recent arrival in Philadelphia. He is not listed in the Census of 1790 or in the city directories of the period. He was at work in New York in 179 5 an d usuall y signe d hi s engraving s "Pigalle, " which Willia m Dunla p called "crudely executed copper-plates " (Dunlap, History of the rise and progress of the arts of design in the United States [Boston , 1918] , in , 327; Groc e and Wallace, Dictionary of artists in America [Ne w Haven , 1957], p. 506). 101
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L'Enfant, Tobia s Lea r discovere d tha t th e plat e ha d only the n bee n prepare d for engraving. Pigall e late r added anothe r explanatio n fo r the delay . Th e map left wit h him wa s s o incorrec t as to b e unusable . Onl y "th e larg e draft" which L'Enfant ha d carrie d bac k to th e Federa l Cit y woul d suffice . This , s o Pigall e informed Lear , he had asked L'Enfant t o make available. Neither the reques t nor any respons e t o i t ha s bee n found . But , somewhat surprisingl y in view o f his late r conduct , L'Enfan t tol d Lea r i t wa s hi s "earnes t wis h tha t [th e en gravings] might b e struc k off, befor e th e sale , if they shoul d be done in almos t any manner." Quit e understandably , Washingto n foun d i t inexplicabl e tha t the deficienc y o f th e ma p ha d no t bee n discovere d earlier , especiall y sinc e L'Enfant ha d bee n "detaine d man y day s i n Philadelphi a to prepar e and fit it for the purpose. " But h e hel d th e engrave r responsible, expressl y exoneratin g L'Enfant. Actually tw o manuscrip t map s were involved , bot h incomplete . On e wa s referred to b y L'Enfan t a s the "smal l draft" he had left wit h Pigalle. The other was a reduction take n from L'Enfant' s "grea t Map " which had been prepared by Etienne Sulpice Hallet, another recently arrived native of France who bega n it at L'Enfant' s request . Lon g afterwar d L'Enfant claime d that these maps had been place d i n Washington' s hand s an d tha t th e Commissioners , acting sur reptitiously throug h a n agen t i n Philadelphia , had procure d copies an d prevailed upo n th e Presiden t t o hav e i t published . Th e accoun t i s confuse d an d inaccurate, bu t Lea r di d ge t fro m Pigall e th e smal l draft - no t Hallet' s reduction - an d showed i t to a few persons . Th e engraver had said that it was of "no manner o f us e t o him " but Lea r though t i t a t leas t provide d a goo d genera l idea of both the location and the design. Whil e L'Enfant was in Philadelphia, Washington aske d for his map - presumabl y his large workin g plan - t o sho w 105
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to som e gentlemen. Also , L'Enfan t himsel f informe d Lea r tha t a "Mr . " had presse d hi m fo r a cop y an d suggeste d tha t Hallet' s "outlines, " togethe r with th e smal l draft , migh t satisf y hi s needs. I n this manner , through th e intercession o f th e President , hi s secretary , an d L'Enfant , a fe w intereste d individuals were able to obtai n information no t available to those who attende d 109
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Lea r t o L'Enfant , 6 Oct . 179 1 (DLC : Digges-L'Enfant-Morga n Papers) . Lea r acknowledged L'Enfant' s lette r o f the 3r d (which has not bee n found ) an d said that, immediately o n receivin g it, h e calle d on Pigall e and was greatly surprise d to b e told that it would not be possible to have a single print struck off before the end of the month. The nex t day , accompanie d b y Edmun d Randolph , he agai n presse d th e engrave r to have some prints "struck off, i n any manner, by the 12t h or 14th. " But the effort wa s ineffectual eve n with the aid of the Attorney General (Lear to Washington, 9 Oct. 1791, DLC: Washingto n Papers) . Lea r t o Washington , 6, 9 , an d 1 1 Oct . 179 1 (same) ; L'Enfant' s reques t appears in the first as quoted fro m L'Enfant's (missing ) letter of the 3rd. Washingto n to Lear , 1 4 Oct. 179 1 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi, 388); Washington t o Stuart, 20 Nov . 179 1 (same , xxxi, 421). Lea r to Washington, 1 1 Oct. 179 1 (DLC : Washingto n Papers). Hallet described his reduction as drawn on "silk pape r in order to save Time but Majr . L'Enfan t bein g at a Hurry took back his original before th e reduction could be finished."He also said that he turned it over to Lear at the request of the President (Hallet to James R. Dermott, 25 Jan . 1794, same) . See L'Enfan t t o T J , 1 2 Mch. 1802 an d its accompanying memorandum. Lea r to L'Enfant , 1 Sep. 179 1 (DLC : Digges-L'Enfant-Morga n Papers). L'Enfan t t o Lear , 1 9 Oct. 179 1 (same) . 105
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the sale . Pigall e wa s undoubtedl y dilator y an d no t a maste r o f hi s craft , bu t his appraisal of the draf t as inaccurate conforms to what is known of L'Enfant' s unfulfilled promises to produce a finished plan. More important is the testimon y of Andrew Ellicott, who thought it fortunate that engravings of this "first plan" had no t bee n available because th e ma p was so incorrect as not t o justify a sale based upon i t . Thu s ende d i n failure the first episode in the confuse d histor y of the earl y mapping o f the Federa l C i t y . But thi s failure , not i n itsel f o f material consequence, wa s onl y a prelude t o more seriou s conflict s i n whic h L'Enfan t disregarde d o r defie d th e Commis sioners' authority . I t wa s onl y tw o week s afte r h e ha d expresse d a desir e t o have almos t an y kin d o f engraving o f his map available for use a t the sal e tha t he adamantl y refused t o permi t the Commissioner s or the purchaser s of lots to inspect his large general plan. This defiance o f legal authority was compounde d by acts of personal interest and favoritism. Benefiting from information withheld from the public , L'Enfant purchase d one lo t for himself and another for Tobias Lear, thus improperly involving both himself as th e officially designated planner of th e Cit y an d th e persona l secretar y o f th e President. I t i s scarcel y con ceivable tha t L'Enfan t woul d hav e refuse d t o displa y hi s ma p if the Presiden t had attende d th e sal e a s planned , bu t a n accidenta l circumstanc e forestalle d such an improbable confrontation. Althoug h Washington knew precisely when the sal e woul d tak e place , h e ha d bee n "thunderstruck " a few day s earlie r to discover h e ha d miscalculated the dat e Congres s would convene . Thu s force d to alter his plans and hasten on to Philadelphia, he passed through Georgetown on th e 17th , announce d th e term s and conditions o f building within the City , and authorize d th e Commissioner s t o procee d wit h th e sale . Tha t nigh t h e stopped a t Bladensbur g and a t daw n th e nex t da y aske d fo r a repor t o f th e number o f lot s sol d an d th e amoun t receive d fo r them. Th e resul t wa s disappointing. B y th e sam e pos t Washingto n receive d new s o f L'Enfant' s refusal t o permi t us e o f his map. 111
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Washingto n t o Stuart , 20 Nov . 179 1 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi , 421-2) . Th e bes t account o f th e earl y mappin g o f th e Federa l Cit y i s tha t b y Ehrenberg , covering th e year s 179 1 t o 181 8 ( L C Qu. Jour., xxxv i [1979] , 279-319) . L'Enfan t t o Lear , 1 9 Oct . 179 1 ( D L C : Digges-L'Enfant-Morga n Papers) . Washingto n t o th e Commissioners , 17 Oct . and to Stuart , 18 Oct . 179 1 (Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick , xxxi , 394 , 395) . T J and Madison had spent th e nigh t o f the 16t h wit h Washington a t Moun t Verno n an d o f cours e wer e wit h hi m whe n h e me t wit h th e Commissioners earl y o n th e 17th . The y joine d Washingto n a t Bladensbur g the sam e day and thus could only hav e attended th e firs t part of the sale , which continued throug h the 18th . T J , wh o o n principl e refused t o engag e i n lan d speculation o r to permi t i t t o intrude upon publi c duty, woul d no doubt hav e been pleased to avoi d lending his official presence a t all had not Washington previously imposed upo n him the obligation t o atten d ( T J t o Madison , 1 8 Aug . 1791) . Stuar t t o Washington , 1 9 Oct . 1791 , enclosin g lis t o f sales , numbe r o f lots , an d prices paid . Onl y 3 0 lot s wer e sol d i n si x square s fo r a tota l o f £ 3 , 2 9 2 Pennsylvani a currency (also current in New Jersey, Maryland, and Delaware, at $2.666 for £1 sterling) , all o f th e lot s bein g a t som e distanc e fro m th e President' s Hous e ( D L C : Washingto n Papers). Despit e th e disappointin g news , Washingto n reporte d t o Congres s th e nex t week tha t sale s justified ever y expectatio n o f "ample fund s fo r carryin g o n th e necessar y public buildings" (Annual Message , 2 5 Oct . 1791 , Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 400). Privately Danie l Carroll gav e Madison the particular s of the sal e an d expressed th e hop e that the y coul d procee d mor e effectuall y i n th e sprin g - informatio n whic h Madiso n undoubtedly share d with TJ (Carrol l to Madison, 21 Oct . 1791, D L C : Madiso n Papers). 1 1 1
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The mos t unusua l account o f the sal e came from L'Enfan t himself , wh o no t only boaste d o f hi s ac t o f defianc e bu t wa s indiscree t enoug h t o d o s o i n a n indirect messag e t o th e President . Writin g t o Tobia s Lear , h e admitte d th e results had not been propitiou s but claimed that higher prices were due entirely to th e car e h e too k t o "preven t th e exhibitio n o f th e genera l plan. " By thi s means, he declared , purchasers were unabl e to compare their acquisitions with lots better situated . H e asked Lear to communicate this to the President , bein g confident tha t h e woul d approv e an d thu s regre t th e les s tha t engraving s o f the ma p ha d not bee n available . Pigalle' s plat e wa s therefor e useless . I t could not b e complete d wit h accuracy unless sen t abroa d or executed unde r his ow n eyes. This , L'Enfan t concluded , coul d no t b e don e unti l he returne d to Phil adelphia a t th e beginnin g o f winter. A s h e ha d intended , Lea r submitte d the lette r t o Washington . In thei r report to th e Presiden t the Commissioners ' comment o n L'Enfant' s insubordination wa s restrained . Though the y ha d been publicl y embarrassed, Stuart merel y remarke d that if they ha d bee n abl e t o exhibi t " a general pla n . . . i t woul d hav e aide d the sal e considerably." Bu t Washington, obviousl y shocked, voice d feeling s th e Commissioner s an d other s undoubtedl y shared . The deliberat e withholdin g o f th e map , h e declared , gav e hi m " a degree o f surprise an d concer n no t eas y t o b e expressed." Whil e L'Enfant' s lette r t o Lear ha d bee n expressl y intende d fo r th e Presiden t an d se t fort h a n opinio n with whic h h e wholl y disagreed , h e chos e no t t o mak e a direc t o r officia l response t o it . No r di d h e as k Jefferso n t o spea k fo r him . Instead , unabl e t o overlook L'Enfant' s confiden t assumptio n tha t his action would b e given presidential sanction , h e employe d " a direct channel , though no t a n officia l one " to express his disapproval. The channel he chose was Tobias Lear, but to Lear' s communication Washingto n himself "engrafted sentiment s o f admonition, and with a view also to feel [L'Enfant's ] pulse under reprehension." Unfortunately this lette r seem s to hav e been los t t o history , but it may be safely assume d that Washington composed th e unofficial reproof with his usual regard for L'Enfant's sensibilities. A s h e late r explaine d t o th e Commissioners , h e ha d give n th e engineer 1 0 understan d he di d not shar e his opinion tha t withholdin g the ma p was either prope r or advantageous. H e praised L'Enfant i n extravagant terms, but lamente d tha t me n o f genius almos t invariabl y should b e "unde r the influence of an untoward disposition, o r . . . sottish idle , or possessed of some other disqualification b y which they plagu e all those with whom they ar e concerned." He ha d not expected , however , "t o hav e me t wit h suc h perverseness i n Majo r L'Enfant." Jefferson was also concerned, but he could scarcely have shared Washington's surprise. Whil e h e wa s no t show n th e L'Enfant-Lea r letter s unti l late r whe n even mor e egregiou s conduc t o n th e par t o f L'Enfan t mad e i t necessary , h e clearly perceive d tha t th e occasio n calle d for somethin g mor e than an indirect and unofficia l admonitio n tempere d b y respec t fo r on e though t t o posses s th e attributes o f genius . 116
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L'Enfan t t o Lear , 1 9 Oct. 1791, enclose d i n Washington to T J , 3 0 Nov. 1791 . Stuar t to Washington, 1 9 Oct. 1791 (DLC : Washingto n Papers) . Washingto n to Stuart, 20 Nov . 179 1 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 419). Washingto n to T J, 3 0 Nov. 1791 , enclosing copies of the L'Enfant-Lear exchange and other papers. Washingto n to Stuart , 20 Nov . 179 1 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 419). 116
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IX With th e legall y constitute d channel s o f authority bein g confused , th e map ping o f th e Cit y virtuall y stalled, th e actua l progres s o n th e sit e impede d b y conflicting view s ove r essentia l goals , an d th e ultimat e objec t threatene d b y the ever-presen t contention s o f lande d interests , i t i s no t surprisin g that Jef ferson shoul d hav e seize d th e opportunit y presente d b y L'Enfant' s conduc t t o lay tw o proposal s befor e th e President . First , repeatin g a n earlie r recommendation, h e suggeste d tha t th e surveyor s b e directe d t o la y ou t lot s alon g th e Potomac fro m Roc k Cree k t o th e Easter n Branc h an d then procee d "a-breas t . . . toward s th e bac k par t o f th e town. " B y thi s mean s the y woul d pas s th e main avenu e betwee n th e Capito l an d th e President' s Hous e befor e spring . Thus th e nex t sal e woul d b e expedite d an d could take plac e withou t injur y t o either th e Georgetow n o r th e Carrollsbur g interests . Focusse d o n th e cente r of the Cit y an d on th e nee d t o reac h an accommodation, th e proposa l stood in sharp contras t t o L'Enfant' s insistenc e upo n a n integrated developmen t o f his plan a s a whole , wit h it s ornamenta l an d essentia l element s goin g forwar d simultaneously. Jefferson's second proposition was put in the form of a question, but it s implici t commen t o n L'Enfant' s behavio r a t th e Octobe r sal e an d o n the dange r o f stil l furthe r difficultie s ahea d wa s unmistakable . "Wil l no t th e present affor d you a proper occasion," he aske d the President , "of assuring the commissioners tha t yo u leav e ever y thin g respectin g L'Enfan t t o them?" This ke y question , th e answe r t o whic h wa s suggeste d bot h b y la w an d b y principles o f orderly administration, was pu t t o th e Presiden t o n th e ver y day his unofficia l reproo f was give n t o L'Enfan t throug h Lear . 121
Two week s later Washington recommended to the Commissioners Jefferson's proposal fo r layin g out th e Cit y lots , offerin g i t fo r their consideration a s "th e opinion o f intelligen t an d well informe d men , no w i n this City. " A t th e sam e time h e informe d the m tha t i n his indirect communication t o L'Enfan t h e had "given him to understand . .. tha t he must, in future, look to the Commissioners for directions. " L'Enfant , h e added , wa s soo n expecte d i n Philadelphia . H e assured the Commissioners that he would then try to reach some understanding with him of the term s upon whic h he woul d serve the public . He did not wis h to hav e th e "goodl y prospec t cloude d b y impediment s . . . o r injure d b y dis agreements whic h woul d onl y serv e t o kee p aliv e th e hope s o f those wh o ar e enemies to th e Plan." Bu t even a s Washington sought to placat e bot h sides , L'Enfant provide d the mos t extrem e exampl e h e had yet give n o f his contemp t for the authorit y of the Commissioners . In so doing , thoug h h e coul d scarcely have intende d o r eve n realize d it , h e als o treate d wit h disdai n th e messag e Washington ha d sought t o conve y throug h Lear . Thi s furthe r evidence o f his estrangement fro m realit y came wit h th e destructio n b y hi s order s of a hous e belonging t o Danie l Carrol l o f Duddington . Before leavin g for Philadelphi a in August t o la y his genera l pla n before th e President, L'Enfan t ha d give n direction s t o th e surveyor s t o remov e al l ob structions falling within the limit s of streets an d other public property. Carroll , whose house wa s begun eve n befor e th e Federa l Distric t had been defined , wa s given the impression by L'Enfant that his plan would not be final until approved 122
T J to Washington, 6 Nov. 1791 . Washingto n to Stuart, 20 Nov. 179 1 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 421). Washington aske d Stuart to la y befor e th e Commissioner s the sentiment s expresse d i n this lengthy lette r but only "for their private information." 121
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by th e President . Havin g receive d n o wor d fro m hi m tha t th e hous e woul d intrude upon public property, he proceeded with its construction. His kinsman, Daniel Carrol l th e Commissioner , was rightly apprehensive. Ellicott, however , assured him in L'Enfant' s absenc e tha t onl y abou t si x feet o f the structur e fell upon a street whic h "coud without the least possible injury t o the pla n be altered so as to leave the House Clear." In giving this assurance Ellicott was injudicious enough t o promis e tha t h e woul d infor m L'Enfan t an d woul d hol d himsel f accountable fo r thi s bein g done. Afte r th e Commissioners ' meeting o n th e 18th o f November, L'Enfan t tol d Davi d Stuart he had written Carrol l tha t his house woul d have to come down. Stuar t directed him to place the matter befor e the Commissioner s at their nex t meetin g i f Carroll di d not choos e to comply . But o n th e 20th , wit h L'Enfan t absen t i n Virginia , workme n actin g o n hi s orders began demolition . I n anticipation of this Carrol l ha d gone to Annapolis and obtaine d fro m Chancellor Hanson a preventive injunction ordering L'Enfan t to desis t an d summoning hi m to appea r in December . Bu t it wa s too late . On his retur n L'Enfan t too k charg e an d o n th e 25th-th e ver y da y o f th e Com missioners' meeting - h e caused Carroll's house to be razed. Not content wit h removing that smal l part deemed a n intrusion upon a street, h e had the whol e demolished, claimin g that h e di d so b y authorit y o f the President. The Commissioners , naturally resentful o f suc h a n extraordinar y act o f de 123
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Undate d statement b y Daniel Carroll, enclosed in a confidential letter to Madison, 29 Nov. 179 1 (DLC : Madiso n Papers). A note appended to the statement indicates that it wa s shown to Thomas Johnson at the time of the sale. This would assign it a date on or befor e 1 7 Oct. 1791 , whic h seems likely. Washington himself was informed at that time of the disput e ove r the house (Washingto n to the Commissioners , 18 Dec. 1791 , Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 446). Kite, L'Enfant and Washington, p. 80, on the basis of an examination o f L'Enfant' s plan , contends tha t Carrol l "ha d appropriated for his own purposes an eminence that had been selected from the beginning by L'Enfant, and later approved by the President as one of those focal points essential to the symmetry of the City. . . . I t was not therefore a question of moving the house faither back but of its entire elimination from the selecte d site. " This supposition , togethe r with its hint that Carroll "appropriated " the sit e afte r L'Enfan t ha d chose n it , i s contradicte d b y th e evidence. Al l contemporary records mention th e intrusion as partial and as lying upon a street. The house was built on land belonging t o Carroll and its foundations ha d been laid months before L'Enfan t was appointed - befor e even the choice of site for the Federal District had been announced. Commissioner s to th e President , 8 Jan . 1792 , enclosin g paper s concernin g th e destruction of Carroll's house (DNA : R G 42) . During L'Enfant's absence the Commissioners had ordered the workmen to desist. In informing L'Enfant of this, they said that even if the demolition ha d been absolutely necessary , their "opinion ought to have been previously taken on a subject so delicate and interesting" (Commissioners to L'Enfant , 25 Nov . 1791 , same) . Se e als o Danie l Carroll's letters to Madiso n on the subject , 25 and 2 9 Nov . an d 1 3 an d 2 1 Dec . 179 1 (DLC : Madiso n Papers) . Carroll wrot e i n confidence, bu t h e undoubtedl y expecte d Madiso n to shar e his communication s wit h TJ. 125 Washington indignantl y denie d this , assurin g the Commissioner s that Carroll' s house ha d been destroye d "agains t hi s consent, an d without authorit y from yourselves or an y other person, for you have done me but justice in asserting that [L'Enfant ] had no such authority from me" (Washington to the Commissioners, 1 Dec. 1791, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 432). The house was still incomplete when destroyed. Washington thought th e brick walls were up but the structure not yet covered, as perhaps it had not been whe n he passed through in October (Washington to the Commissioners, 18 Dec. 1791, same , xxxi, 446). Thi s ma y explain why Carroll wa s anxious to proceed toward completion befor e th e onset of winter. 123
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fiance, were nevertheles s fearfu l tha t prosecutio n o f the illega l ac t woul d onl y multiply thos e impediment s an d disagreement s which , a s Washingto n ha d warned, would give delight t o the enemies of the great object. One consequenc e they ha d to fac e wa s th e understandabl e bu t baseles s rumo r that the Commissioners themselves ha d given thei r sanction to L'Enfant' s action . Another was the possibly adverse effect upon their recent Memorial to the Maryland General Assembly askin g for legislatio n which , among othe r things , woul d encourag e the grea t objec t b y makin g i t possibl e fo r alien s t o ow n lan d i n th e Federa l District. Sinc e the y ha d bee n openl y defied , the y were o f cours e powerles s to brin g L'Enfan t t o terms . I t seem s likely , therefore , tha t on e o f th e Com missioners ma y hav e prompte d Danie l Carrol l o f Duddingto n t o la y hi s cas e before the President, even though such urging was scarcely necessary. L'Enfant , who claime d from the outse t that h e acte d under the President , left Carrol l n o alternative bu t t o stat e hi s cas e directl y t o th e onl y authorit y hi s opponen t recognized. Thi s h e di d o n th e da y afte r th e workme n bega n t o destro y hi s house. So , o n th e sam e day , di d L'Enfant . On receivin g their communications, Washingto n bluntly told Carrol l tha t he should hav e lai d hi s grievanc e befor e th e Commissioners , "to whom, " h e de clared, "all matters respecting the Federa l Distric t are now committed. " While Carroll ha d agree d t o th e remova l o f hi s hous e if i t were prove d a publi c nuisance, Washingto n though t a simple fac t woul d decid e th e issue . Wa s th e building i n whol e o r i n par t i n th e street ? Thi s begge d th e question , but , relying o n L'Enfant' s assurances , h e regarde d th e poin t a s established . Dis missing Carroll' s argumen t tha t othe r house s ha d bee n built i n street s an d allowed t o remain , he mad e a distinction betwee n thos e alread y existin g an d one unde r construction — even on e begu n befor e th e Federa l Distric t had bee n defined. Thi s i n effect mad e Carroll' s house a nuisance per se, an interpretation which coul d scarcel y have bee n sustaine d a t law . Washingto n di d not consul t his Attorney Genera l o n th e poin t bu t offere d Carrol l th e choic e o f one o f tw o alternatives. The house coul d be pulled down an d re-erected at public expense in th e sprin g in accord with regulations governin g privat e buildings or it could be complete d b y Carrol l an d occupied fo r six years , after whic h it would hav e to b e remove d "wit h n o othe r allowanc e fro m th e publi c tha n a valuation fo r the Wall s i n th e presen t stat e o f them." Th e questio n whethe r th e hous e actually wa s a public nuisanc e wa s no t faced . Th e stil l unfinishe d ma p o f th e Federal City , a correct versio n o f whic h Washingto n ha d so recentl y insiste d upon a s a n urgen t need , wa s accepte d a s determinative . H e als o complicate d matters furthe r by sendin g L'Enfan t a copy o f his lette r t o Carroll , thoug h i n 126
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Commissioner s to Benjamin Stoddert, 25 Nov. 1791 , disavowing any "share in the transaction" and urging him to do his best to counteract "unfavourable impressions . . . respecting the memorial" (DNA: R G 42) . On the same day the Commissioners assured Washington they had taken every step within their power to prevent unfavorable action on the memorial (Commissioners to Washington, 25 Nov. 1791 , same). See also Carroll to Madison, 25 Nov. 179 1 (DLC : Madison Papers). Carroll had show n TJ an d Madison a copy of the memorial when they were in Georgetown early in September. The desired legislation wa s passed an d in submitting a copy o f the Act , Carroll sai d that thi s had given grea t relie f to hi s mind, "much oppressed b y the disagreeabl e busines s w e have lately had on hand" (Carroll to Madison, 12 Dec. 1791 , same ; Laws of Maryland [An napolis, 1792] , Ch . XLV) . Washingto n to Carrol l o f Duddington, 2 8 Nov . 179 1 [Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 429-30) . 126
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doing s o h e di d no t reprov e hi m fo r hi s failur e t o submi t th e issu e t o th e Commissioners. Nor did he say to L'Enfan t a s he had to Carroll that all matters pertaining t o th e Federa l Distric t ha d bee n place d i n thei r hands . H e did , however, urg e th e nee d fo r harmony: "it wil l alway s b e foun d soun d polic y t o conciliate th e good-wil l rathe r than provok e th e enmit y o f any man , where i t can b e accomplishe d withou t muc h difficulty , inconvenienc e o r loss." But th e choic e presente d t o Carrol l ha d become irrelevant even befor e i t was offered. Washingto n had just dispatched the letter s whe n he "learned with real mortification th e accoun t o f th e demolitio n o f Mr . Carroll s hous e b y Majo r L'Enfant." H e was indeed more than mortified, and with good reason. There was a distinct possibilit y tha t Danie l Carrol l o f Duddingto n migh t prosecut e L'Enfant. I f this shoul d happen , th e enemie s o f th e Potoma c locatio n woul d be provide d wit h stil l anothe r an d more powerfu l weapo n t o use . Three week s ha d passed sinc e Jefferso n ha d urged tha t th e Commissioner s be give n ful l authorit y over L'Enfant . Washingto n i s not know n to hav e mad e any respons e t o th e suggestion , bu t now , face d wit h a much grave r situation, he informe d hi m o f hi s unofficia l communicatio n t o L'Enfan t throug h Lear , made thei r correspondenc e an d other paper s availabl e to him , and sought hi s counsel. H e recognize d tha t th e tim e ha d come t o giv e L'Enfan t decisiv e in structions - bu t not s o decisive, h e made clear, as to ris k the seriou s misfortun e of losing hi s services. "A t the sam e time, " he added , "he must know, ther e i s a line beyon d whic h h e wil l no t b e suffere d t o g o . . . o r w e shal l hav e n o Commissioners." Jefferson' s respons e wa s immediat e an d went t o th e hear t of the issue : the definitio n o f L'Enfant' s statu s woul d have to b e mad e explicit, not indirectly and unofficially bu t by the President himself. He therefore drafted two letter s fo r Washingto n t o sign , on e t o L'Enfant , th e othe r t o th e Com missioners. Th e forme r wa s brief , pointed , an d unequivocal . L'Enfan t ha d violated the law, and the law would have to take its course. Though his services were value d an d stil l desired , h e woul d b e employe d i n th e arrangement s o f the Federa l Cit y i n futur e onl y o n conditio n tha t h e conduc t himsel f "i n subordination t o th e Commissioners , to th e law s o f the land , an d to th e right s of it's citizens. " Lik e th e Commissioners , Jefferson wa s wel l awar e of Washington's drea d o f losin g L'Enfant , an d i n submittin g th e draf t h e acknowledge d that i t migh t b e to o severe . Wha t h e obviousl y feare d wa s tha t Washingto n might thin k it so an d issue th e directiv e in less decisive terms . To obviat e thi s possibility, h e took car e to emphasiz e tw o fact s whic h he had reason to believ e would carr y weight . First , hi s draf t had been prepare d after a conference wit h Madison an d thu s ha d hi s approval . Second , th e President' s sentiment s a s com 'jyed through Lea r shoul d hav e bee n respected , bu t L'Enfan t ha d wholly disregarded that message. Washingto n approved Jefferson's draf t and indeed strengthened i t b y emphasizin g th e authorit y o f the Commissioners : in futur e L'Enfant wa s t o ac t i n subordinatio n to the m an d to regar d them a s standin g between himsel f and the President . But, always concerned fo r L'Enfant' s feel ings, h e the n adde d tw o conciliatory paragraphs. 128
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Washingto n to L'Enfant , 2 8 Nov . 179 1 (same , xxxi, 430-1). Washingto n to the Commissioners, 1 Dec. 179 1 (same , xxxi, 432-3). Washingto n to T J , 3 0 Nov. 1791 . T J t o Washington, 1 Dec. 1791, enclosing draft of letter to L'Enfant of same date. Washingto n to L'Enfant , 2 Dec. 179 1 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 434-5; the text a s printe d i s typographicall y defective , obscurin g th e meanin g o f a n important 128
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Despite th e ster n warnin g to L'Enfan t tha t th e la w ha d bee n violate d an d would have to tak e its course, Jefferso n manage d i n his draft of the President' s letter t o th e Commissioner s t o conve y a hin t intende d t o avoi d wha t al l feared - prosecutio n o f L'Enfan t b y Carroll . I f the offende r shoul d b e spared , he suggested , i t shoul d b e mad e know n t o hi m tha t h e owe d suc h protectio n entirely t o th e Commissioner s an d that ther e woul d b e n o intercessio n b y th e President o n hi s behalf . Washingto n no t onl y allowe d th e hin t t o stan d bu t reinforced i t b y composin g a letter t o Danie l Carrol l o f Duddingto n ver y dif ferent in tone from his recent one. It would be unfortunate, he wrote, "if dispute s amongst th e friend s t o th e federa l Cit y shoul d Ar m th e enemie s o f i t wit h weapons t o woun d it. " To thi s appea l o n behal f o f th e publi c goo d h e adde d another touchin g Carroll' s privat e interest . Suc h disputes , h e conclude d i n terms whic h seeme d almos t threatening , "ma y injur e yo u mor e o n th e larg e scale i n th e genera l sal e o f the lot s than yo u ca n possibly gai n b y goin g into a court o f Chancery." I n transmitting thi s lette r throug h th e Commissioners , Washington gav e the m leav e t o destro y i t o r transmi t i t t o Carrol l a s the y thought best. Thu s powerfull y fortified , Jefferson' s hin t ha d effect . Th e Commissioners, thoug h incense d a t L'Enfant' s conduct , mad e goo d us e o f Washington's lette r an d Carroll agree d to dro p all legal proceedings. O n learning o f thi s fro m Jefferson , Washingto n wa s understandabl y gratified. 133
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But onc e again the hop e for harmonious relation s proved illusory. L'Enfant , seeing himsel f as one unfairl y accused, if not indee d a s an object o f malice and persecution, attempte d t o justif y hi s destructio n o f Carroll' s hous e i n letter s both to the Commissioners and to the President. Having arrived in Georgetow n on the evenin g o f the 6t h o f December afte r an absence o f ten day s in Virginia , he replie d th e sam e da y t o th e Commissioners ' clai m tha t the y shoul d hav e been consulte d eve n i f demolition o f the hous e ha d been absolutel y necessary . L'Enfant no t onl y rejecte d the clai m but maintaine d tha t th e measur e h e took could in no way be challenged. H e had no doubt th e Commissioners, on mature reflection, woul d agree , henc e ther e ha d bee n n o nee d fo r hi m t o refe r th e question t o them . I n matter s o f suc h natur e a s t o requir e thei r attention , h e said tha t h e woul d alway s b e dispose d t o respec t th e authorit y veste d i n the m by law . Bu t h e truste d that , i n future , the y woul d neve r interfer e wit h hi s operations excep t i n justifiable case s o f appea l fro m individuals . No t surpris ingly, th e Commissioner s treated th e condescendin g lette r wit h silence. I t was not unti l th e nex t da y tha t L'Enfan t addresse d himsel f t o th e President . I n a passage). Fo r Washington's additions , se e note s to TJ' s draf t under 1 Dec. 1791 . PrC in Washington' s han d in D L C: Washingto n Papers. Washingto n t o Carrol l o f Duddington , 2 Dec . 179 1 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi, 433) . Fo r TJ's simila r proposal tha t proceeding s agains t on e o f L'Enfant' s subordinates, Isaac Roberdeau, be dropped, see his letter to Commissioners, 6 Mch. 1792. Washingto n to Commissioners, 1 Dec. 1791 (same , xxxi, 433-4). For Washington' s alterations in TJ's text , see notes to his draft of same date. Commissioner s to T J , 1 0 Dec. 1791 ; Washington to T J, 1 4 Dec. 1791 . L'Enfan t declared to one of the Commissioners that he wished Carroll had gone ahead and sought his remedy at law. He also told Washington that he had hastene d his return from Virginia to meet his adversaries and - ou t o f respect fo r the la w and the justice of his cause - t o submit to the sheriff, who had been waiting for him thre e days (L'Enfant to Washington, 7 Dec. 1791, D L C : Digges-L'Enfant-Morgan Papers). It is most unlikely that the sheriff had bee n waitin g at all. Certainly no summons wa s served. 133
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letter quit e differen t i n tone from that to th e Commissioners , he wrot e a s if in response t o Washington' s o f th e 28t h o f November , i n whic h of cours e ther e was no mentio n o f the destructio n o f Carroll's house. L'Enfan t di d not refe r to the blun t directive of the 2 d of December, bu t it is clear that he had that lette r before hi m as he wrote. Yet , knowing precisel y what Washington's sentiment s were, h e sough t t o justify hi s actio n a s expedient , proper , and based o n prin ciples whic h ha d guide d hi s conduc t fro m th e beginning . H e apologize d fo r not havin g explaine d earlie r wh y h e ha d proceede d a s rapidl y a s h e di d i n demolishing th e house . H e place d the entir e blam e o n Danie l Carroll o f Duddington an d denounce d hi m a s a worthles s individua l who sough t t o benefi t from his own folly, bein g prompted by his kinsman the Commissioner. Neither in thi s lette r no r i n an y other , s o fa r as i s known , di d L'Enfan t acknowledg e Washington's directiv e makin g hi m wholl y subordinat e t o th e Commission ers. While th e Commissioner s coul d ignor e L'Enfant' s communication , Wash ington had no such choice. It was now obviou s that his unequivocal instructions had ha d n o mor e effec t tha n th e indirec t messag e transmitte d throug h Lear . This time , however , h e di d no t delay . Immediatel y o n receivin g L'Enfant' s letter, h e turne d it ove r t o Jefferso n an d sought hi s advice . Th e response wa s a forma l repor t entitle d "Observation s on Majr . L'Enfant' s letter. " This , lik e Jefferson's draf t letter o f a few day s earlier, was written at a time whe n h e wa s hard-pressed preparin g bills, resolutions , an d report s o n suc h matter s a s th e consular establishment, th e paten t system , th e Barbar y pirates , the worsenin g commercial relation s with France , an d the crucia l negotiation s with the newl y arrived Britis h minister . But while his recent answer to the sam e ke y questio n had bee n expresse d wit h brevit y an d force , th e documen t h e no w submitte d was a critica l analysi s o f a cas e whos e inheren t weaknes s require d n o suc h elaborate response . Th e contras t i n th e manne r of presentatio n suggest s tha t Jefferson wa s les s concerne d wit h L'Enfant' s vai n attemp t t o justif y himsel f than wit h Washington' s hesitan t us e o f authorit y i n handlin g a n increasingly confused an d intractable subordinate. I f so, th e natur e of the respons e involve d a questio n o f delicac y requirin g both tac t an d candor. H e delaye d submittin g his "Observations " for tw o days , perhap s becaus e h e wishe d t o consul t Mad ison-as h e almos t certainl y d i d - a n d perhap s becaus e h e fel t th e vigo r an d bluntness o f hi s criticis m might offen d Washingto n an d thu s defea t hi s pur pose. In precis e an d unmistakabl e term s h e dismisse d L'Enfant' s argument s a s legally an d otherwis e untenable . Th e attemp t a t justification, h e indicate d at the outset, was based on a self-serving contradiction: on the one hand L'Enfan t 136
137
L'Enfan t t o Commissioners , 6 Dec. 1791 ; L'Enfan t t o Washington, 7 Dec. 179 1 (DLC: Digges-L'Enfant-Morga n Papers; texts partl y printe d i n Kite , L'Enfant and Washington, p . 85- 9 an d 89-91) . Kite' s suppositio n tha t L'Enfan t ha d no t receive d Washington's directive of the 2d when he wrote on the 7th is rendered implausible not only b y the ton e and context o f L'Enfant' s communicatio n o f the 7t h bu t als o b y the speed of the post, which normally required only three days from Philadelphia to Georgetown, sometimes less. L'Enfant' s letter of the 7th was in TJ's hands by the 9th. On the 10th L'Enfan t wrot e Washington again, but that letter has not been found. TJ' s "Observations" is recorded in SJPL under 9 Dec. 1791, but was not submitted to Washington until the 11th . No covering note of transmittal has been found and none is recorded in SJPL. Henc e Jefferson probabl y handed it to Washington in person. 136
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maintained that Carroll' s hous e wa s a n intrusio n on publi c property whil e o n the othe r h e asserte d tha t th e Presiden t had not ye t finally approved the plan, hence hi s judgment a s t o wha t constitute d a stree t coul d no t b e anticipated . The forme r argument Jefferson rejecte d as unwarranted, the latte r he accepte d as solidl y grounded . T o qualif y a s publi c property , h e pointe d out , street s would hav e t o b e define d i n recorde d deeds , sales , o r partitions, wit h a cop y of the definitiv e pla n annexed. Tha t plan , he too k car e to emphasize , wa s stil l open t o alteration . Ther e was , then , n o suc h thin g a s a n establishe d street . Possessing a right of soil as tenant i n common wit h the public, Carroll therefor e could no t hav e create d a nuisance a s define d b y law . A s fo r L'Enfant' s clai m that h e ha d as muc h righ t t o pul l dow n a house a s to cu t dow n a tree, h e had no authorit y t o d o either . Th e destructio n o f a tree migh t b e overlooked , bu t any ma n whose house ha d been illegall y destroyed would bring suit, subjecting the accused to large damages in a civil suit and to a heavy fine and imprisonment in a criminal action. In any case, writing as one experienced surveyor to another, Jefferson pointe d ou t tha t tree s an d smal l obstructions , if insuperable, migh t be removed, whil e anyone wh o coul d not designat e street s an d lots even whe n a lin e passe d throug h suc h a n obstacl e a s a house coul d kno w littl e o f geom etry - tha t is, of the method of surveying by offset lines. L'Enfant's act, therefore, was palpably unnecessary, illegal, and contrary to the know n sentiments o f the President. I t wa s furthe r proo f o f hi s continuin g inabilit y t o acquiesc e unde r lawful authority . In hi s effor t t o defen d himself , L'Enfan t ha d requested tha t a line of demarcation b e draw n betwee n hi s power s an d thos e o f th e Commissioners . Thi s provided Jefferson wit h an opportunity t o restat e the issu e with more care and precision than he ha d yet done . Wha t should the lin e be and who shoul d draw it? Unde r the law, he argued, the Commissioners possessed the whole executiv e authority ove r th e Federa l District , standing betwee n thei r subordinate s an d the President , who coul d only approv e o r disapprove certain of their acts. But the deed s o f trust fro m th e proprietor s gave hi m sol e executio n o f everythin g pertaining to the laying out of the town. Hence, while Washington had authority to dra w such a line, ther e wa s n o nee d o r reason fo r doin g so . Th e Commissioners were disposed to follow implicitl y the President's wishes, while L'Enfan t had no t show n comparabl e moderation o r acquiescence. An y attempt t o defin e their separat e sphere s woul d onl y enabl e hi m to mee t the m "foo t t o foot , an d chicane an d raise opposition t o thei r order s whenever h e think s they pas s hi s line." The onl y mean s o f preventin g hi m fro m givin g constan t troubl e t o th e President, therefore , woul d b e t o subjec t hi m t o th e unlimite d contro l o f th e Commissioners. "W e know, " h e reminde d Washington , "th e discretio n an d forbearance wit h whic h the y wil l exercis e it." Recognizin g a s Washingto n himself di d tha t th e Commissioners , acquiescent an d forbearing thoug h the y had been , wer e becomin g mor e an d more disturbe d by L'Enfant' s continuin g defiance, Jefferso n adde d this remarkabl y candi d statement touchin g th e heart of the issue: "I do not kno w what have been th e authoritie s given him expressly or b y implication" Comin g from on e wh o ha d bee n calle d upo n s o ofte n fo r advice concerning the Federal City , the choice of words and the emphasis give n them reveal much about Washington's manner of dealing with one of his closes t advisors. I n brief, his "Observations" implied, both the Commissioner s and the 138
T J t o Washington , 1 1 Dec . 1791 , enclosin g "Observation s on Majr . L'Enfant' s letter of Dec. 7 . 1791. " 138
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Secretary o f Stat e neede d t o hav e L'Enfant' s statu s define d i n explici t terms . Most importan t o f all , on e wh o continue d s o intransigentl y o n a cours e o f insubordination shoul d b e require d to respec t thos e terms. Jefferson's rebutta l of an essentially indefensibl e cas e wa s persuasive. Wash ington himsel f drafted th e respons e t o L'Enfant' s letter , basin g it s mai n poin t on th e "Observations " and i n som e respect s addin g strengt h t o it s emphati c terms. " I have received your letter of the 7th . instant," he wrote L'Enfant , "and can onl y onc e more , an d now fo r all , inform yo u tha t ever y matte r an d thin g which ha s relation to th e Federa l district , and the Cit y withi n it, is committe d to th e Commissioner s . . . that i t i s from them yo u ar e to deriv e you r powers , and the lin e of demarcation for your government i s to b e draw n b y them." He reminded L'Enfan t tha t hi s first official communicatio n ha d come from one o f the Commissioner s - Danie l Carroll , upo n who m L'Enfant' s lette r ha d cas t aspersions - an d that all directions received by him since then should have been from them. Washington also pointed ou t that they had shown every dispositio n to liste n to hi s suggestions, to adop t hi s plans, and to suppor t his authority for carrying the m int o effec t s o fa r as these seeme d reasonable , prudent , and consistent wit h thei r ow n powers . "Bu t having sai d this i n mor e instance s tha n one," h e concluded , "i t is rathe r painful to reiterat e it." 139
Words could scarcely have been less ambiguous. A few days later Washington sent a copy o f the lette r t o th e Commissioners , describing it accuratel y as on e that woul d admi t o f n o misconstruction . A s before , however , h e sough t t o mitigate th e forc e o f hi s unmistakabl e directive . Thi s tim e h e di d no t appea l to bot h side s t o reconcil e thei r differences , bu t urge d instea d tha t th e Com missioners exten d t o L'Enfan t som e measure of the authorit y that had been s o unqualifiedly veste d i n them . Afte r a length y analysi s o f L'Enfant' s motives , behavior, an d talent s - couple d wit h a n astonishin g opinio n holdin g Danie l Carroll o f Duddington equall y blâmabl e fo r what had happened - h e asked the Commissioners to conside r "whether it might no t b e politic to giv e [L'Enfant ] pretty general , an d ampl e power s fo r defined objects ; unti l yo u shal l discove r in hi m a disposition t o abus e them. " Suc h a mark o f confidence , h e thought , would gratif y hi s prid e an d excite hi s ambition. I n making this suggestio n Washington coul d no t hav e bee n unawar e that L'Enfant' s prid e and ambition were suc h conspicuous trait s of character as to cal l les s for stimulation than for the kin d o f restraint he ha d just administered. He certainly knew, a s the affair of Carroll's house prove d beyond doubt, tha t L'Enfan t di d not hesitate to abus e even those powers delegated to him by the President. Why, then, did he advance a proposal which, aside from weakening his own explicit instructions, amounted in effec t t o a rejection o f Jefferson's warnin g that an y attempt t o delineat e th e separate sphere s o f the Commissioner s and their subordinat e woul d onl y lea d to constan t trouble ? The mos t plausibl e answe r would see m t o b e tha t Wash ington accepte d th e ris k becaus e h e feare d th e los s o f a ma n h e regarde d a s irreplaceable migh t jeopardiz e th e grea t objec t o f keepin g th e capita l o n th e Potomac. This is also indicated by the manner in which he made the suggestion. He di d this no t i n a formal presidential communication bu t i n a private lette r which th e Commissioner s were expressl y enjoine d no t t o mingl e wit h thei r public papers. Though the categorica l definition o f L'Enfant' s statu s had been 140
Washingto n to L'Enfant , 1 3 Dec . 179 1 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi , 442-3). Washington enclosed a copy of this letter in his to T J o f 14 Dec. 1791 . Washingto n to the Commissioners, 18 Dec. 179 1 (same , xxxi, 445-8). 139
140
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prompted b y Jefferson, this unofficial lette r modifying it s terms was not shared with him . Thu s th e decisiv e officia l postur e exhibite d b y th e Presiden t to hi s Secretary o f Stat e becam e transmute d into th e weake r stanc e manifeste d i n a form know n onl y t o th e Commissioners. The result , as before, wa s greater confusion o f the lines of authority. L'Enfan t himself apparentl y neve r acknowledge d Washington' s instructions . Certainl y the reiterate d and explicit comman d that he subjec t himself in all things t o th e Commissioners fel l o n dea f ears . Tha t hithert o acquiescen t body , flaunted a few week s late r by L'Enfant's subordinates, felt compelled to warn Washington that their own honor and duty required more of them than a continued tolerance of such affronts. Wit h not a spade of clay turned up for bricks and with L'Enfant' s workmen excavating the foundations fo r a Capitol not yet designed an d diggin g wide and deep ditches to accord with plans of the Cit y stil l subject to alteration, they felt i t necessary to know and approve all that was being done. The y woul d lament th e los s of L'Enfant , but , the y added , "w e ow e somethin g t o ourselve s and t o other s whic h cannot b e give n up." Th e destruction o f Carroll's hous e had als o give n alar m t o th e proprietor s and added to thei r confusion abou t th e sources o f authority. Thus di d Washington, profoundly concerne d as he wa s about everythin g affectin g th e Federa l Cit y an d possessing a s he di d ultimat e authority over its planning, contribute more than anyone else to the developin g sense o f uncertainty . A s h e ha d don e i n th e pas t an d woul d continu e t o d o throughout hi s presidency , he honore d mor e i n the breac h than in the observ ance his official pronouncement t o L'Enfan t that "every matter and thing which has relation to th e Federa l district , and the Cit y withi n it, is committed t o th e Commissioners." Believing tha t th e questio n o f fixing th e sea t o f governmen t was on e o f th e tw o grea t issue s whic h migh t decid e th e fat e o f th e new gov ernment, h e mad e ever y aspec t o f its progres s a matter of personal and official concern. Thi s i s understandable. Bu t such direct involvement i n all matters great an d small inevitably mean t tha t Washington' s towerin g influenc e woul d be brough t t o bea r upo n al l decisions, producin g ultimatel y bot h th e succes s of th e enterpris e an d a numbe r o f otherwis e avoidabl e mistakes . Th e mos t immediate effec t durin g L'Enfant' s connectio n wit h th e Federa l Cit y wa s a steady deepenin g o f the alread y murky ai r of confused authority . 141
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Meanwhile th e Commissioners , anxious t o avoi d a repetition o f complaint s that informatio n ha d been withhel d a t the Octobe r sale, wer e determine d no t Commissioner s to Washington, 7 Jan. 1792 (DNA : RG 42) . Commissioner s to Washington, 21 Dec. 1791, enclosing memorial of the proprietors and expressin g fear that the hopes they had expressed in theirs of the 10t h to TJ abou t getting matters settled with Carroll of Duddington would be frustrated (DNA: R G 42). See Washington to T J, 25 Dec. 1791, and its enclosures; to TJ o f 14 and 15 Jan. 1792 , and thei r enclosures; Washingto n t o th e Commissioners , 1 7 Jan. 1792 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 461). I t was only after the proprietors had expressed their alarm over the destructio n o f the hous e tha t Washingto n sough t th e advic e o f Attorne y Genera l Randolph. Th e result wa s that th e publi c ultimately wa s oblige d t o pa y for damage s done illegally b y L'Enfan t (Washingto n to Randolph, 31 Jan . 1792, same , xxxi, 4701). u 3 "Th e two grea t questions o f funding the debt and fixingthe seat of government," he wrote in 1790 , " . . . were always considered by me as questions o f the most delicate and interestin g nature which could possibly be drawn into discussion. They were more in danger of having convulsed the government itself than any other points" (Washington to La Luzerne , 1 0 Aug. 1790 , same , xxxi, 84). 141
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to announc e anothe r unti l maps coul d b e complete d an d "everybody . . . have a Chance for the objec t o f their choice. ' Washingto n concurred. He expecte d L'Enfant i n Philadelphi a late i n November an d assured the Commissioner s he would impress upon him the need for dispatch in producing a "correct draught of th e City." Writin g directl y t o L'Enfant , h e expresse d hi s earnes t desir e "that correc t Engraving s of th e Cit y b e . . . properl y disseminate d (at least) throughout th e Unite d States " befor e th e sal e shoul d tak e place. A s show n by hi s proposa l t o expedit e th e nex t sal e an d b y hi s variou s suggestion s fo r mapping th e Distric t an d th e City , Jefferso n full y share d thi s concern . Bu t when L'Enfan t finall y appeare d i n Philadelphi a in the las t day s o f December , his ma p wa s ye t unfinishe d an d hi s capacit y fo r defyin g authorit y fa r fro m diminished. Th e ultimate confrontatio n wit h the Presiden t came withi n a few weeks. 1
144
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X Shortly befor e th e Octobe r sale , a newspape r essayist , obviousl y mor e in terested tha n hi s us e o f the pseudony m A Spectator implied , presente d t o th e public a glowin g accoun t o f th e capita l a s conceive d b y L'Enfant . "Th e plan of the city , agreeabl y t o th e direction s o f the Presiden t o f the Unite d States, " Spectator wrote , "wa s designed, an d drawn, b y the celebrate d Major L'Enfant ; and i s a n inconceivable improvemen t upo n al l other citie s i n the world , combining no t onl y convenience , regularity , elegance o f prospect , an d a fre e cir culation o f air, bu t ever y thin g gran d and beautiful tha t ca n possibly b e introduced into a city." Since the plan would be published early the following month , Spectator announced , there would be no need to describe its features - an d then proceeded to do so. He indicated the locations of the Capitol and the President's House a s well a s the "house s for the grea t department s o f state, th e Supreme Court House , an d the Judiciar y Offices , an d National Bank , th e Genera l E xchange, and the several Market-Houses, with a variety of other public buildings . . . al l arranged with equal propriety, judgment an d taste." West of the Capito l and Sout h o f the President' s Hous e ther e wer e "tw o grea t Pleasure-Parks , o r Malls . . . ornamented at the side s wit h a variety of public gardens and elegant buildings." There were also many open area s interspersed throughout th e City , fifteen o f the bes t of which might b e named for the states of the unio n and used for statues, obelisks , o r columns to the memor y of their favorite military heroes or statesmen . Th e transvers e avenue s an d diagona l street s woul d facilitat e transportation and avoid the insipi d sameness o f such cities as Philadelphia and Charleston. Th e grea t avenue s woul d hav e bric k pavement s te n fee t wide and gravel walk s o f twice tha t widt h plante d wit h tree s o n eac h side , wit h eight y feet o f pave d stree t fo r carriage s i n th e center . Th e descriptio n o f th e Cit y concluded wit h anothe r tribut e t o L'Enfant: 147
Commissioner s to the President, 21 Oct. 1791 (DNA: RG 42). The Commissioners said tha t the y ha d consulted L'Enfan t an d Ellicott abou t th e probabl e time whe n all would be in readiness for the nex t sale . Both thought thi s would be about th e middle or end of June. Washingto n to Stuart , 20 Nov . 179 1 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 421, 423). Washingto n to L'Enfant , 2 8 Nov . 179 1 (same , xxxi, 431). "Descriptio n of the cit y o f Washington" by A Spectator, published i n Maryland 144
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Journal, 3 0 Sep . 1791 , an d Gazette of the United States, 8 Oct . 1791 .
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Among the man y fortunate circumstance s which have attended thi s country, durin g the present administratio n in government, th e residence of Major L'Enfant i n Americ a a t thi s time , ma y b e considere d a s on e o f th e mos t material. . . . The public buildings, no w planne d by this grea t engineer an d architect, an d carrying o n unde r his orders, will b e super b and elegant, an d such a s wil l d o hono r t o th e capita l of a great an d prosperous empire . The detail s presente d i n thi s article , the prais e heaped upo n L'Enfant , th e claim tha t hi s concep t o f the capita l would caus e i t to transcen d in beauty an d grandeur al l other citie s o f the world , and the quit e unfounde d assertio n tha t elegant public buildings had been planne d by him and were bein g constructe d under hi s directio n mak e i t clea r that Spectator wa s a zealous promote r o f th e Federal Cit y an d also had access to special sources of information. So, too, doe s his fear that th e capita l might no t remain on th e Potomac . Spectator concede d that Congres s ha d powe r t o repea l th e Residenc e Act , bu t declare d tha t "s o grossly to violate publi c and private faith would not b e mentioned i n a congress of fiends i n Pandemonium. " Nor , h e warned , coul d Congres s interfer e wit h private grant s by individuals and states, sto p the constructio n o f houses by th e proprietors, o r preven t the m fro m proceedin g t o buil d th e Federa l City . B y the controllin g term s o f th e trus t agreemen t wit h th e President , h e implied , they coul d no t b e thwarte d eve n b y th e highes t law-makin g authority i n th e land. It i s equall y obviou s tha t Spectator coul d no t hav e presente d s o exac t an d detailed a description of the projected plan had L'Enfant not given his assistance. Only h e coul d hav e supplie d suc h precis e informatio n a s that givin g location s of the publi c buildings, the width and arrangement of walks along the avenues , and, amon g othe r features , th e area s propose d t o b e se t asid e fo r us e o f th e states. Th e clai m tha t thi s capita l o f a grea t empir e woul d b e superio r t o al l other citie s o f the world , together with other extravagancies, only echoe d suc h words o f L'Enfan t a s ma y b e foun d i n hi s letter s t o th e President . H e ha d already show n himsel f disposed t o cooperat e wit h the proprietor s and they i n turn foun d hi m usefu l i n advancin g thei r interests . I t i s thu s no t surprisin g that, jus t prio r t o th e sal e o f lots , Spectator shoul d hav e obtaine d acces s t o L'Enfant's plan . This i s prove d b y th e detaile d description s an d the languag e employed — for example, th e word s take n from the titl e describin g the pla n as designed b y L'Enfan t "agreeabl y t o th e direction s o f th e President " - whic h could only hav e come from that source . Spectator's assuranc e that the pla n was about t o b e publishe d coul d onl y hav e referre d to th e on e Pigall e wa s the n supposed t o b e preparing . But the map s bein g use d fo r tha t purpos e wer e a t that tim e i n Philadelphia . It i s virtuall y certain, therefore, tha t th e onl y ma p L'Enfant coul d have made available to Spectator was his large or general working pla n which , a few day s later , h e refuse d t o permi t th e Commissioner s t o use a t th e sale . But t o who m di d L'Enfant mak e available such privileged information, thus in effec t collaboratin g with a private individual screened behind a pseudonym? The beneficiar y o f this ac t of favoritism who signe d himsel f so inappropriately as A Spectator wa s undoubtedl y Franci s Cabot , a membe r o f th e prominen t mercantile and shipping family of Massachusetts. Cabot had been recommende d to th e President , the Vice-President , and others a s a person greatl y intereste d in promotin g th e Federa l City . H e ha d recentl y settle d i n Georgetow n an d quickly became intimate with L'Enfant. H e also gained the confidence o f Daniel
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Carroll an d obtaine d fro m hi m a letter o f introductio n when , lat e i n August , he planne d t o accompan y L'Enfan t t o Philadelphi a at th e tim e th e latte r laid his plan of the Cit y befor e th e President . Carrol l described Cabot as "a sensible, intelligent Gentleman " with respectable connections - prominen t among who m was hi s brothe r Georg e Cabot , who ha d just bee n electe d Senato r fro m Massachusetts. A t th e reques t o f Tobia s Lea r o n behal f o f himsel f an d friend s from Ne w England , L'Enfan t engage d Franci s Cabo t to purchas e a lot a t th e sale. Fo r this speculativ e ventur e i n whic h L'Enfan t himsel f wa s involved , h e must hav e mad e hi s genera l ma p availabl e t o Cabo t just a s h e ha d don e i n giving assistanc e t o Spectator. I n these earl y months Cabo t also seem s to hav e gained th e confidenc e o f the Presiden t a s well a s the Commissioners . When in December h e delivere d t o Jefferso n a lette r fro m Andre w Ellicott , h e wa s described a s "a Gentleman . . . o f information" and also a s "a zealous frien d t o the City." Bu t withi n a few month s thes e initia l evidences o f confidenc e i n Cabot ha d begu n t o erode. However gratifie d Washingto n ma y hav e bee n b y th e encomium s heape d upon L'Enfant , h e coul d scarcel y hav e faile d t o b e disturbe d b y Spectator's unauthorized disclosures . H e wa s oblige d soo n t o addres s Congress , whos e members ma y wel l hav e wondere d why , i f copious an d precise detail s abou t a plan of the capital designed b y direction of the President could be made available to a n anonymous newspape r scribbler , such information coul d no t b e give n t o them. H e wa s no t prepare d to ac t o n th e advic e o f John Ja y that hi s Annual Message includ e a genera l thoug h cautiou s commen t o n "th e Proceeding s i n the Busines s of the federal District." But with Spectator's assurance that th e map o f th e Cit y woul d b e publishe d earl y i n October , Washingto n i n hi s message coul d scarcel y avoid referrin g to th e plan . What made hi s embarrassment al l th e mor e acut e wa s hi s knowledg e that , onc e again , L'Enfan t ha d acted innocentl y an d contrar y to hi s wishe s becaus e a n officia l secre t ha d no t been confide d t o him . Th e fac t i s tha t neithe r Washingto n no r Jefferso n ha d informed L'Enfan t o f th e crucia l decisio n take n earl y i n Septembe r a t th e conferences i n Philadelphia and confirmed at the later meetings in Georgetow n when Jefferso n an d Madiso n obtaine d th e concurrenc e o f th e Commissioner s in th e President' s views . Tha t decisio n wa s t o leav e blan k th e square s appro priated fo r publi c us e excep t thos e fo r th e legislativ e an d executiv e branches , all other s t o remai n undesignate d unti l wante d fo r define d purposes. Thi s of course meant eliminating from the map Pigalle was supposed t o be engraving 148
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Carrol l to T J, 2 9 July 1791 . The letter was delivered on the 29th of August. This was only a day or so after L'Enfan t arrive d in Philadelphia, which indicates that Cabot did accompany him as planned. Ellicot t to T J , 3 0 Nov . 1791 . Earl y i n 179 2 Washingto n ha d begun t o doub t Cabot' s sincerity and by the end of th e yea r h e though t "a n antidot e i s necessar y t o th e poiso n whic h Mr . F s C1 is spreading . . . that the accomplishmen t o f the Pla n [for the Federa l City ] is no mor e t o b e expecte d tha n th e fabri c of a vision, an d wil l vanis h in lik e manner" (Washington to David Stuart, 8 Mch. and 30 Nov. 1791 , Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 507; xxxii, 244). Washingto n always retained his confidence i n Senator George Cabot. Ja y to Washington, 23 Sep. 179 1 (DLC : Washington Papers). Jay even suggested that, if necessary, details about the state of affairs in the Federal District might be conveyed in a special message. Se e TJ' s notes of Commissioners' meeting wit h TJ and Madison, 8 Sep . 1791 , enclosed i n TJ to Washington of that date. 148
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such explanatory reference s a s those setting asid e squares for the national bank, the non-sectaria n church , an d the symboli c use s of the fifteen states. Th e Com missioners, i n thei r first writte n communicatio n t o L'Enfan t definin g othe r matters tha t ha d bee n decide d upon , di d no t mentio n thi s importan t decisio n which s o directl y affecte d hi s plan. Hint s ma y hav e bee n throw n ou t t o L'Enfant a t th e prio r meeting s i n Philadelphi a and th e failur e t o infor m hi m of the decisio n ma y hav e bee n prompte d b y Washington' s usua l care to avoi d giving hi m offense, bu t this onl y deepene d the embarrassmen t cause d b y Spectator's article. It is understandable, therefore, tha t in his Annual Message Wash ington treate d th e subjec t wit h caution . H e als o joine d Spectator i n exagger ation: th e Octobe r sal e ha d bee n favorable , ther e wa s a prospec t tha t ampl e funds woul d b e provide d fo r th e necessar y publi c buildings , th e Federa l Cit y had bee n lai d ou t accordin g to a plan whic h would b e lai d befor e Congress. But thi s promis e t o submi t th e pla n onl y brough t o n furthe r embarrassment. Despite Washington' s urgen t appea l t o L'Enfan t t o com e forwar d wit h a more "correc t draugh t o f th e City, " severa l week s passe d wit h n o new s fro m Georgetown sav e the usua l accounts o f disturbing conflicts. Earl y in Decembe r Francis Cabo t arrive d i n Philadelphia , perhap s bearin g th e discouragin g bu t accurate new s tha t ther e woul d b e stil l furthe r dela y i n L'Enfant' s coming . Immediately thereafter , Washingto n sen t t o th e Senat e an d Hous e o f Repre sentatives "th e pla n o f a Cit y tha t ha s bee n lai d ou t withi n th e Distric t . . . fixed upon fo r the permanen t sea t o f the Governmen t of the Unite d States." There wa s n o furthe r commen t o r explanation. Washingto n late r claimed that the lette r o f transmitta l indicated th e pla n wa s sen t onl y "a s a matter o f infor mation, t o sho w wha t stat e th e busines s wa s in." Bu t thi s wa s sai d year s after th e even t an d afte r a lega l challeng e ha d bee n raise d o n th e plausibl e ground tha t submissio n o f th e pla n indicate d officia l approval . I n fact , th e language employed bot h i n his Annua l Messag e an d in his brie f note of transmittal conveye d th e impressio n tha t th e Cit y ha d alread y bee n lai d out . Thi s was undoubtedly intended . I n brief, at this time, Washington found it expedien t to hav e Congres s and the publi c regard the pla n submitted a s the on e tha t had received presidential sanction. Spectators promotiona l essay , wit h its even mor e misleading an d inaccurat e statements , helpe d confir m th e impression . The pla n o f th e Federa l Cit y thu s hesitantl y an d ambiguously presente d t o Congress wa s on e o f th e tw o the n i n Washington' s possessio n - Hallet' s re duction from L'Enfant's large plan and the one L'Enfan t called his "small draft." The forme r wa s onl y a n unfinishe d outlin e an d scarcel y appropriat e fo r sub mission t o Congress . Th e latter , accordin g t o Pigalle , wa s quit e useles s fo r engraving bu t Lea r though t i t provide d " a good genera l ide a o f th e spo t an d plan o f th e City." Washington , embarrasse d b y th e long dela y i n keepin g his promis e t o Congress , mus t hav e conclude d tha t i t wa s acceptabl e enoug h 153
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Commissioner s to L'Enfant , 9 Sep. 179 1 (DNA : RG 42) . Annua l Message, 2 5 Oct . 1791 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 400). Washingto n to the Senate and Hous e of Representatives, 13 Dec. 1791 (same, xxxi, 444). 156 Washington to the Commissioners , 20 Feb . 1797 (same , xxxv, 395) . Lea r to Washington , 1 1 Oct . 179 1 (DLC : Washingto n Papers) . Lear himself indicated that the smal l draft woul d b e neede d t o explain Hallet' s outline reduction . Se e notes 108 an d 110 . 153
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for his purposes . H e subsequentl y describe d i t i n terms whic h leave n o doub t that i t wa s th e on e usuall y designated a s the L'Enfan t pla n of 1791. This remarkabl e document, th e earlies t ma p o f th e Federa l Cit y know n t o be extant , ha s lon g bee n accorde d the estee m and subjected t o th e scrutin y its importance warrants. Bu t its evolution a s a manuscript of changing character has remained hidden beneath the layers of erasures, additions, and cancellations which determine d it s ultimat e form . It s developin g characteristic s during th e first six month s o f it s existence-a t th e tim e drawn , a t th e tim e submitte d t o Congress, and at the time altered for engraving - nee d therefore to be examined. This i s necessar y als o becaus e it s generall y accepte d designation , whic h properly recognize s L'Enfan t a s autho r o f it s mor e conspicuou s features , ha s ob scured th e numbe r an d importanc e o f characteristic s other s adde d t o i t o r removed fro m it . I n it s final for m i t becam e indee d a Jefferson documen t o f considerable importanc e i n the plannin g of the capital. 158
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XI There ca n b e littl e doub t tha t thi s wa s th e manuscrip t L'Enfan t submitte d to Washingto n lat e i n Augus t an d describe d a s th e "anexe d ma p o f dote d lines." Ellicot t late r referred to i t a s "the origina l plan" and said that i t wa s a mixture of conjecture and fact. Wit h mos t o f the field work yet to b e done , reliance upo n conjectur e wa s unavoidabl e an d line s no t the n lai d ou t o n th e ground were designate d o n the pla n in its original state. Thes e cannot no w b e distinguished. Bu t i t ma y b e sai d wit h som e assuranc e tha t whe n L'Enfan t delivered th e pla n t o Washingto n lat e i n Augus t i t lacke d tw o outstandin g features late r give n it . Th e first wa s th e attributio n o f authorshi p i n th e car touche - "B y Pete r Charle s L'Enfant. " The second an d more conspicuous wa s the extende d tex t containin g genera l observation s o n th e plan , descriptions o f streets an d avenues , an d keye d reference s t o it s outstandin g elements . Thes e 160
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Washingto n to the Commissioners, 1 Dec. 179 6 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxv, 305). Se e latest studies by Stephenson, Jennings, and Ehrenberg in LC Qu. Jour., xxxvi (1979), and works cited there by Kite, Caemmerer, and others. Stephenson and Jennings, prompted perhap s b y th e man y alterations , describ e thi s "smal l draft" as L'Enfant' s working or master plan. This, i n the Editor' s opinion, is an unwarrantable conclusion . L'Enfant's master or working plan was in their opinion the large or general map which he guarded so closely and from which, according to his own testimony, the "small draft" was copied. The large or general plan was probably the one submitted to the proprietors and others on 29 June 1791 . I f so, it was the one which later came into the possessio n of Francis Cabot, who turned it over to Samue l Davidson, who in turn gave it back to L'Enfant aroun d 1800 (Davidso n to L'Enfant , 1 6 Jan. 1802, Records of the Columbia 158
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Historical Society, n, 141-2) .
L'Enfan t t o Washington , 1 9 Aug . 179 1 (DNA : RG 42). Th e absence o f street designations an d especially the title given in the cartouche - "Pla n of the City, intended for the Permanen t Seat of the Governmen t of the Unite d States" - prov e that its basic features wer e se t dow n befor e th e Commissioner s met wit h TJ and Madison early in September and decided upon the name of the City. T J to Johnson , 8 Mch . 1792 . Th e Commissioners' inquiry had referred to th e "original plan" and TJ employed th e sam e term, referring to the "small draft" then in hand. 160
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textual details , firs t outline d i n L'Enfant' s lette r presentin g th e pla n to Wash ington, wer e probabl y elaborate d i n incomplet e for m whil e L'Enfan t wa s i n Philadelphia earl y in September . Then , o r perhaps soon afte r h e left , som e of the result s o f Ellicott' s surveys produce d furthe r additions . Amon g these , i t may b e reasonabl y supposed , wa s th e statemen t tha t Ellicot t b y celestia l ob servation had drawn a true meridian line passing at right angles through another line at the sit e o f the Capito l and , after precise survey, had made these the basi s on whic h the whol e pla n was t o b e executed. That thes e detaile d description s went throug h a serie s o f changes , wer e originally se t dow n o n a separate pape r o r papers , an d were the n copie d fai r to accompan y th e pla n submitte d t o Congres s seem s beyon d question . Whe n first publishe d i n Freneau's National Gazette, thes e explanatory passage s wer e described a s "annexe d t o th e pla n . . . sen t t o Congres s b y th e President." Their tex t a t tha t stag e containe d man y variation s from th e for m late r give n them in the manuscript, including one complete sentenc e which does not appear in th e latter. On e suc h varian t occur s i n th e passag e describin g Ellicott's method o f runnin g the basi c line s b y celestia l observation . Ther e th e tex t a s sent t o Congres s refer s t o "th e above plan, " while th e expressio n ultimatel y employed i n the manuscript reads "this plan" - a n alteratio n explainable onl y on th e suppositio n that , a s submitte d t o Congress , th e descriptiv e passage s were o n a separate pape r subjoined to th e manuscript . Also, while th e central features o f th e pla n wer e subjecte d t o numerou s erasure s and alterations , th e entire text of the genera l observations, descriptions , and references a s recorded on the manuscript contains not a single change . Thi s part, then, must represent a fai r cop y o f an earlier and separate for m as submitted t o Congress , at which time th e manuscrip t was evidently blan k in those considerable area s now con taining th e descriptiv e texts . I t follow s o f cours e tha t thes e woul d hav e bee n placed there after their appearance in revised form in the National Gazette. N o 162
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Ther e seems little reason to doubt that Ellicott himself inserted this explanation of his metho d i n the earl y stage of the descriptio n o f the plan . He took a n obvious and justifiable prid e in the professiona l exactnes s o f his work, explaining it at some length in communication s to the America n Philosophical Society, o f which he was a member. In surveyin g both the Federa l District and the Federal City , h e employed a transit an d equal altitude instrument which he made and used in running the western boundary of New Yor k (" A Letter from Mr. Andrew Ellicott, t o Rober t Patterson," 2 Apr. 1795, Trans., Am. Phil. Soc , iv [1799] , 32-51) . Ultimately Ellicott, like L'Enfant bu t for very different reasons, fell into disfavor with the Commissioners and abandoned work on the Federal City, leaving the northern par t unsurveyed. Ellicott wishe d the Presiden t to hear his case but Washington declined to give him th e consideration he had given L'Enfant (T J to Ellicott, 22 Mch. 1793 ; Ellicott to T J , 26 Mch . 1793). National Gazette, 2 Jan. 179 2 (emphasi s added). It is pertinent to recall that when L'Enfant delivere d the ma p to Washington he referred to it as "the plan . . . annexed" and "th e anexed map" (L'Enfant t o Washington, 1 9 Aug. 1791 , DNA : RG 42) . Since L'Enfant's accompanyin g letter wa s a detailed explanation o f the principa l elements of the plan, it seems obvious that, at that time, it did not have or need the kind of descriptive passages it had when submitted to Congress. The text as printed in the National Gazette was copied exactly by the Gazette of the United States, 4 Jan. 1792 , except for the addition of a headline reading "New Cit y of Washington." Se e notes for details of variants; see also Stephenson's article , LC Qu. Jour., xxxvi (1979), 207-24 . Emphasi s added. 162
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document containin g these descriptive texts as they evolved prio r to submission to Congres s is know n t o exist . The manuscrip t plan als o show s on e alteratio n i n Jefferson' s engrossin g o r calligraphic hand which was clearly made before i t was submitted to Congress. The chang e doe s not represen t tha t form of his hand at its best , bein g writte n over som e erase d wording . Bu t th e lettering , perhap s hastil y inserted , i s un mistakably his. Th e alteration, whic h occur s a t th e heavil y erase d are a in and about th e presidentia l square, reads "President's house." This substitutio n must have replaced some form of L'Enfant's invariable reference to the residence of the Chie f Executiv e as a palace - includin g such variants as "the palace, " " a presidial palace," and "the President palace." Such a designation, a s Jefferson surely perceived , woul d hav e arouse d th e ange r o f thos e wh o wer e alread y beginning t o complai n o f monarchica l tendencie s i n the administration. Other change s i n the evolvin g manuscrip t plan took plac e soo n after i t wa s submitted to Congress . When L'Enfant arrive d in Philadelphia in the las t days of December, he immediately waite d upon the President. Washington earnestly impressed upon him the need to produce a plan suitable for engraving. L'Enfan t promised t o d o so . Befor e leavin g Georgetown , h e ha d directe d Benjami n Ellicott t o recor d all of the fiel d wor k resulting in actual measurements. This , together wit h hi s origina l o r genera l plan , L'Enfan t explained , wa s intende d as the basi s for a map on a reduced scale proper for engraving. He later claimed that Ellicott' s draft ha d no t bee n mad e availabl e to him . L'Enfan t woul d no t say i t wa s intentionall y withheld , bu t h e offere d thi s a s th e reaso n fo r hi s no t being abl e to compl y wit h his promise to the President . He also explained that after obtaining th e "sketch " left wit h Pigalle-that is , the one recentl y submitte d to Congres s - h e turne d it ove r t o Ellicott , urge d hi m to finis h a s much as he could without hi s larg e map, and thereafter "dail y attended th e progres s o f the business i n all its stages " so tha t togethe r they coul d correct and complete th e reduced pla n fo r th e engraver. L'Enfan t thu s ha d th e "smal l draft " in hi s possession fo r onl y a brief time. Bu t during that time , tw o o r three day s afte r his arrival , h e mus t hav e mad e availabl e t o Frenea u the genera l observation s about th e pla n whic h th e National Gazette - n o doub t t o th e consternatio n o f Washington an d Jefferson - publishe d o n th e 2 d o f January. Befor e doin g so , L'Enfant himsel f o r someone a t hi s promptin g mus t hav e inserte d i n the car touche o f th e manuscrip t th e word s "B y Pete r Charle s L'Enfant " whic h accompanied th e passage s reprinte d in th e newspapers . Th e letterin g i s slante d 166
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TJ' s astonishing retention of his early training in draftsmanship, such as any student taught to survey and draw plats was required to do, is best illustrated in the engrossing or calligraphic hand with which, as Secretary of State and for high secrecy, he personally wrote official documents i n their entirety. Befor e the plan and the descriptive texts were submitted to Congress, L'Enfant in no discoverable instance employed the words "President's house." In his letter to Washington o f 2 2 Jun e 179 1 submittin g th e firs t incomplet e pla n he employe d th e word "palace" six times in such variant forms as those quoted above. I n the letter of 1 9 Aug. 1791 deliverin g the "annexe d map, " he referre d to th e Chie f Executive' s "palace" in different forms no less than five times. It can scarcely be doubted therefore that the map itself carried the designation t o which he had become so habituated over the months he had been workin g on it. L'Enfan t t o Lear , 1 7 Feb. 1792 [Records, Col . Hist. Soc , n [1899], 144-5) . For Washington's urgen t direction s abou t producin g a correct map for engraving, se e hi s letter to L'Enfan t o f 28 Feb . 1792 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 488-9). 166
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and crowded , differin g bot h fro m th e carefu l draftsmanshi p i n othe r part s o f the manuscript and from Jefferson's insertio n of the word s "President's house. " Once again , however , L'Enfan t ha d failed t o kee p hi s promis e t o th e Pres ident. Instea d of pursuing that tas k with the sens e of urgency Washingto n ha d impressed upo n him , he spen t muc h time draftin g a grandiose proposa l calling for th e expenditur e o f som e $300,00 0 an d th e employmen t o f mor e tha n a thousand me n durin g the comin g season . T o mee t these and other anticipate d needs fo r th e nex t fou r years , h e suggeste d tha t a loan o f a million dollar s b e negotiated. This , h e said , had already been "offere d fro m Holland " and woul d insure the succes s o f the enterpris e - a suggestion indicatin g that, as before, h e was i n consultatio n wit h hi s frien d th e Secretar y o f the Treasury . H e warne d the Presiden t tha t "unles s som e shinin g progres s i s mad e i n the gran d work," no foreig n o r America n companie s woul d len d thei r support . Abov e all , h e thought ther e shoul d b e a t th e hea d o f the operatio n a Director General wit h full authorit y ove r al l employed i n it , includin g the powe r o f appointment an d removal. " I feel a diffidence fro m th e actua l stat e o f things, " h e declared , "t o venture furthe r i n the work , unles s adequat e provision s ar e made." L'Enfant sai d nothin g i n thi s extraordinar y documen t abou t th e pressin g assignment Washingto n ha d given hi m three weeks earlier , but the implicatio n of hi s messag e wa s clear . H e wishe d t o b e mad e Directo r General , wit h ful l authority ove r th e plannin g an d executio n o f al l operations , o r - t h e warnin g was delicately phrase d yet unmistakabl e - h e would have no further connectio n with th e plannin g o f th e capital . In brief, thi s wa s on e furthe r rejection o f th e President's repeate d an d unequivocal direction s placin g L'Enfan t unde r direct control o f th e Commissioners . Ironically , eve n a s h e drafte d thes e proposals , events in the Federa l Cit y o f his own doin g destroye d an y hope there may have been tha t the y woul d b e favorabl y considered . Hi s subordinates , Isaa c Ro berdeau and others, acting under his directions, had defied th e Commissioners, had bee n discharged , an d Roberdea u ha d bee n place d unde r arrest . O n th e very da y tha t Washingto n receive d L'Enfant' s proposal s h e assure d the Com missioners o f his full suppor t of their actions. T o Jefferson h e expressed himsel f more emphatically. "Th e conduct o f Majr . L'Enfan t an d those under him," he wrote, "astonishe s m e beyon d measure-an d somethin g mor e eve n tha n ap pears, must b e mean t b y them!" Apparentl y Washington di d not respon d t o L'Enfant's lette r o r commen t o n th e elaborat e proposals . Early i n 179 2 Andre w Ellicot t appeare d i n Philadelphi a and was surprised to find tha t n o preparation s ha d bee n mad e fo r publishin g L'Enfant' s plan. 169
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L'Enfan t t o Washington , 1 7 Jan . 1792 , enclosin g pla n of "Operations Intended for the Ensuin g Season in the Federal City " (DNA: RG 42) . Se e TJ's lette r of 6 Mch. 1792 t o the Commissioner s enclosing thi s and other estimates. Th e letter and the plan of operation s ar e printed i n Kite , L'Enfant and Washington, p . 110-16 , 117-32 . Th e reference t o th e availabilit y of a loan i n Holland , the suggestio n that th e proceed s b e lodged in the hand s of the Secretar y of the Treasury , and the boldnes s o f the proposal suggest that the guidin g han d of Alexander Hamilton may have influenced it s compo sition. S o als o wit h respec t t o L'Enfant' s talk s with foreig n minister s suggestin g that offers o f lots be made available for their residences. Washingto n t o T J , 1 8 Jan . 1792; Washingto n t o Commissioners , 1 7 Jan . 179 2 (DNA: R G 42) . O n the Roberdea u episode, see Commissioner s to Washington, 7 and 9 Jan . 179 2 (same) . Se e als o Washingto n t o T J , 1 4 an d 1 5 Jan. ; 7, 9 , an d 1 1 Feb. 1792. Ellicot t to Commissioners, 23 Feb . 1792 (DNA : RG 42) . 169
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Washington himsel f late r declare d tha t i f i t ha d no t bee n fo r th e material s Ellicott brough t wit h him , n o engravin g fro m tha t pla n woul d probabl y hav e been produced. Ellicott , who enjoye d Jefferson' s confidenc e an d respec t a s well a s the estee m of such leading me n o f science a s Franklin an d Rittenhouse , had long sinc e demonstrate d hi s competence in surveying state boundaries and in layin g ou t th e Federa l Distric t and a large par t of the Federa l C i t y . I t i s thus not surprisin g that whe n L'Enfan t faile d to keep his promise, Washingto n decided t o tur n the tas k ove r t o th e ma n wh o ha d proved himsel f promp t an d dependable i n meetin g hi s assignments . Bu t hi s decisio n reste d onl y partl y upon Ellicott' s presence an d L'Enfant's failed promise. The determining facto r was apparentl y wha t Washingto n calle d the "untowar d temper" L'Enfan t ha d displayed sinc e hi s arriva l i n lat e December. I t was this , no t th e transfe r of responsibility fo r preparin g th e pla n fo r engraving , whic h le d t o L'Enfant' s ultimate separation . Afte r pressin g upo n hi m the urgen t nee d t o hav e the ma p prepared fo r publication , Washingto n lef t t o other s responsibilit y fo r trying to reach an accommodation wit h the increasingl y intractable engineer. Firs t of all, early i n Januar y an d clearl y a t th e reques t o f th e President , Jefferso n invite d L'Enfant t o din e wit h hi m privatel y to discus s affair s of the Federa l C i t y . I f the meeting took place, nothing i s known to have come of it. By early February L'Enfant reiterate d his ultimatum, making it all the more explicit by combining it with a defense of Roberdeau's defiance o f the Commissioners. The "confidenc e which fro m th e beginnin g . . . you hav e place d i n me," he wrot e Washington , "enjoins m e t o renounc e th e pursui t unles s th e powe r o f effectin g th e wor k with advantage t o the public, and credit to myself is left me." A t that momen t George Walker , on e o f the intereste d landowner s an d a confidant o f L'Enfant , arrived in Philadelphi a and Washington urge d Jefferso n t o contriv e a meeting with him at his place. Bu t Walker turned out t o b e an ineffective intermediary , being bot h partia l and unreliable. By the 11t h o f February Washingto n ha d concluded tha t i t wa s tim e t o brin g th e matte r t o issue . H e consulte d bot h Jefferson and Madison. Within four days thereafter, having procured L'Enfant's 172
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Washingto n t o Commissioners , 2 0 Feb . 179 7 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxv, 395). I n 1789, i n applying for the position o f Geographer, Ellicott said correctly that he was encouraged to do so by "some of the first scientific characters " and claimed that he and Rittenhouse were the "only practical surveyors and astronomers in the United States" who made their own instruments (Ellicot t to Washington, 1 6 May 1789, DLC : Wash ington Papers) . Among those who supported his application and testified to his scientific talents a s well as his integrity an d industry were Benjamin Franklin, Robert Patterson, David Rittenhouse , Joh n Ewing, Rober t Andrews, and the Rev . James Madison; see their letters o f various dates in Aug. 178 9 i n DLC: Washingto n Papers , except for the last dated 5 May 178 9 an d addressed to James Madison (DLC : Madiso n Papers) an d that of Franklin, dated 1 0 Aug. 1789 , whic h is in the form of a certificate (DLC) . The best account of Ellicott's career, together with illustrations of instruments made by him and by Rittenhouse and others for his use, is Silvio Bedini's "Andrew Ellicott, Surveyor of the Wilderness, " Surveying and Mapping, xxxv i (Jun e 1976) , 113-35 . Ellicot t was elected a member of the America n Philosophical Society in 1785 , though hi s certificate is dated 20 Jan . 178 6 (same , p . 118) . Washingto n to David Stuart, 8 Mch. 1792 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 503). T J t o L'Enfant , 7 Jan. 1792. 172
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Caemmerer , Life of LEnfant, p . 201 .
Washingto n to T J , 9 Feb. 1792 .
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plan from the Ellicotts , Jefferson submitte d hi s suggested alterations, together with the draf t of a lette r fro m himself to L'Enfan t o n behalf of the President. Washington's authorizatio n t o Jefferso n t o propos e alteration s i n th e pla n seems no t t o hav e bee n give n i n writing . L'Enfant , bein g deal t wit h throug h an intermediary , perhap s learne d through hi s frien d Walke r o f the transfe r of responsibility fo r th e ma p t o Ellicott . A s L'Enfan t himsel f explained , "Mr. Andrew Ellicot t gave m e t o understan d that h e wa s ordere d by Mr . Jefferson to atten d himsel f t o tha t business " an d tha t a n engrave r ha d alread y bee n engaged. L'Enfan t expresse d confidenc e tha t thi s orde r coul d no t mea n th e map woul d b e publishe d withou t hi s knowledg e o r concurrence. H e therefor e decided t o giv e th e matte r n o mor e concern , bein g convince d th e pla n coul d not b e complete d withou t recours e t o th e larg e ma p then i n his possession. This h e withheld. "Majo r L'Enfan t refuse d us the us e of the Original! " Ellicott exclaimed t o th e Commissioners . "What his motives were , Go d knows." Yet despite thi s and other handicaps, Ellicott was able within a few day s to produc e a ma p o f th e Cit y an d presen t i t t o th e President . Bot h Washingto n an d th e Commissioners wer e concerne d abou t it s accurac y and, a t th e President' s re quest, Jefferso n querie d Ellicot t closel y o n th e point . Afte r comparin g bot h versions, h e fel t assure d that th e defect s of L'Enfant' s "origina l plan" had bee n corrected b y Ellicott' s actual survey s an d tha t hi s draf t coul d b e relie d upo n with th e "utmos t minuteness." 178
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Ellicott's achievemen t i n s o brie f a period an d i n spit e o f L'Enfant' s refusa l to cooperat e wa s indeed remarkable , resulting in the engravin g b y Samuel Hil l of Boston issue d som e months later . But since tha t versio n is generally thoug h imprecisely referre d to a s the Ellicot t plan of 1792 , i t is important to not e that his contributio n la y primarily if not wholl y i n the correction s an d verification s he wa s abl e t o suppl y fro m hi s ow n field work , no t i n th e alteration s an d departures from L'Enfant's design tha t were incorporated in his draft. L'Enfan t himself originate d th e ide a tha t suc h change s wer e mad e b y Ellicott . While Ellicott's renditio n wa s i n progress , h e inspecte d i t a t hi s forme r colleague' s home. "Thi s draf t t o m y grea t surprise, " he explaine d i n a message intende d for the President , " I found . . . most unmercifull y spoile d an d altered from th e original pla n to a degree indee d evidentl y tendin g t o disgrac e m e an d ridicule the ver y undertaking." L'Enfant foun d i t difficult t o believ e on e who m h e had 182
Washingto n to T J , 1 1 and 15 Feb. 1792 . L'Enfan t to Lear , 1 7 Feb. 1792 (Records, Col . Hist . Soc, n [1899], 145) . Ellicott reported to the Commissioners that, on reporting to the President and Secretary of State that n o preparatio n had been mad e for engraving the plan , he was ordered to prepare one (Ellicot t to the Commissioners, 23 Feb . 1792, DNA : RG 42) . Ellicot t to the Commissioners, 23 Feb. 179 2 (same). Ellicott said that he completed the map with the aid of his brothe r and ha d delivere d it to the President on the preceding Monday (the 20th). Thus, even handicapped as he was by L'Enfant's refusal to cooperate, Ellicott completed hi s task in about three weeks. Se e also Washington to the Commissioners, 6 Mch. 1792 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 497-9). T J t o Johnson, 8 Mch. 1792 (private) . In referring to the "original plan," T J o f course meant the manuscript which had been submitted to Congress and which he then had i n hand for comparison with Ellicott's revision . Ellicott' s draft evidently ha s not survive d and is known only through the Samuel Hill engravin g of 179 2 an d through the large r engraving by Thackara and Vallance o f Philadelphia whic h included further changes, notabl y th e additio n o f soundings i n the Potomac. 178
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always treated with candor as a friend should "harbour a design s o inconsistent , as to endeavou r t o destro y th e reputatio n o f one whos e contemp t fo r the littl e machinations o f envy , ha s lef t hi m unguarde d agains t th e treacher y o f fals e friends." Warning against the consequence s o f offering th e publi c an erroneous map, h e adde d i n a postscript tha t h e ha d that da y requeste d Ellicot t t o sen d him hi s pla n together with othe r draft s s o tha t he migh t correc t its error s and thus expedit e th e engraving. But i t wa s to o late . Actin g as he wa s unde r supervisio n o f the Secretar y of State b y directio n o f th e President , Ellicot t naturall y decline d th e request . Because o f L'Enfant' s ow n behavior , the opportunit y t o hav e anything further to d o wit h th e pla n o f th e capita l ha d bee n permanentl y remove d fro m hi s hands. 183
XII It wa s during this brie f period in February whe n Ellicot t labore d to produc e a reliable map that L'Enfant' s evolvin g manuscrip t received most o f the alter ations given i t by Jefferson with the President' s concurrence. Washington, who later identifie d tha t documen t a s the on e lai d befor e Congress , described it a s containing "(tho ' almos t obliterated ) th e direction s give n t o th e Engraver , b y Mr. Jefferson , wit h a pencil , wha t part s t o omit." Th e change s mad e b y Jefferson wer e no t directe d t o th e engraver , bu t t o Ellicott , whos e resultan t draft - presumabl y n o longe r extant-wa s employe d b y th e engraver . Thes e alterations were mor e numerou s tha n i s generall y believed , thoug h the y di d not an d were no t intende d t o destro y th e basi c concept o r to brin g its autho r into disreput e a s L'Enfan t charged . Jefferso n undoubtedl y ha d stron g reser vations about the desig n an d even anticipate d some of the problem s that would be create d by it s radia l avenue s an d streets - such , for example, a s those pose d for the designer s o f angular buildings. Bu t he wa s als o wel l awar e that Wash ington desire d a minimum o f change s t o b e mad e i n a plan whic h h e wishe d to becom e fixed i n th e publi c min d an d which , as h e wa s le d t o believe , ha d met with "universal applause." Yet , even after L'Enfan t ha d removed himself from al l connectio n wit h th e plannin g o f th e capita l and afte r Ellicott' s draft had been submitted, Washington asked Jefferson whether it would be advisable to permit him to suggest alterations in his plan. This wa s a suggestion perhaps prompted b y Washington' s sensitivenes s t o L'Enfant' s "havin g become a very discontented man, " but i t wa s hedge d b y tw o pruden t conditions : an y alterations b y L'Enfan t woul d hav e t o b e mad e withi n a certain time an d means t o prevent "an y thing unfair " would hav e t o b e available. Jefferson mus t hav e advised agains t suc h a reopening o f the close d door . 184
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L'Enfan t t o Lear , 1 7 Feb. 1792 (Records, Col . Hist . Soc , n [1899], 145-7) . Washingto n to the Commissioners, 1 Dec. 179 6 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxv, 305). Washingto n to David Stuart, 8 Mch. 1792 (same , xxxi, 507). Washington added the qualification "so far as my information goes." Given the President's immense personal and official authority , few woul d have had the temerity to challeng e a plan laid befor e Congress a s having bee n "Projecte d agreeable t o th e directio n of the President. " Bu t Washington surely knew that the Commissioners, some of the proprietors, and Jefferson himself were not enthusiastic about certain features of the plan. 186 Washington to T J, [27? ] Feb. 1792. A few days earlier Washington had suggested 183
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One o f the mos t conspicuou s o f Jefferson's alteration s wa s th e replacemen t of L'Enfant' s title : "Pla n o f th e City , intende d fo r th e Permanen t Sea t o f th e Government o f th e Unite d States . Projecte d agreeable t o th e directio n o f th e President of the Unite d States, i n pursuance of an Act of Congress, passed th e Sixteenth o f July M D C C X C , establishin g th e Permanen t Sea t a t the hea d of Patowmac." This wa s inexact, repetitive, and geographically incorrect , besides being chronologicall y outmoded . Ther e wa s not spac e within the cartouche for Jefferson t o indicat e a mor e appropriat e version . Th e on e substitute d must , therefore, hav e bee n give n t o Ellicot t o n a separate piec e o f paper. I n brevity, in precision , and in emphasis, as well as in its reflection o f Jefferson's insistenc e upon territoria l statu s fo r th e Federa l District , his altere d versio n wa s char acteristic: "Plan o f the Cit y o f Washington in the Territory o f Columbia ceded , by th e State s o f Virgini a an d Marylan d t o th e Unite d State s o f America , an d by them establishe d a s the Sea t of their Government, after the year M D C C C . " This, then , wa s no t just a plan of the Cit y intende d fo r the capital , but on e fo r the permanen t sea t o f governmen t a s establishe d b y authorit y o f th e Unite d States. N o mentio n o f it s sit e wa s neede d becaus e th e ma p itsel f define d th e location. The substitution als o absolved th e Presiden t of responsibility for having directe d the planning . Then, i n a change whic h aroused L'Enfant's indig nation, cam e Jefferson' s omissio n o f L'Enfant' s nam e a s autho r o f th e plan . Ellicott ha s receive d blam e fo r thi s deletion , th e mor e s o sinc e i t ha s bee n assumed tha t i t wa s h e wh o lef t intac t th e passag e describin g his ow n rol e in fixing th e bas e poin t b y celestia l observation . Bu t it i s Jefferson wh o mus t b e held responsible bot h for retaining this description of Ellicott's method an d for omitting L'Enfant' s name . A s fo r th e former , assuranc e t o an y prospectiv e investors tha t th e pla n coul d b e relie d upon fo r accurac y was a primary con sideration. Ellicott , a man of probity and competence, possesse d a name an d a reputation that would len d credibility to th e assurance . Those principally concerned - th e contendin g proprietor s - ha d witnessed hi s indefatigable labor s in running th e line s o f the Federa l Distric t and in surveyin g the street s an d lots of the Federa l City , t o sa y nothing o f his observations o f the annula r eclipse o f 1791. Retentio n o f Ellicott's nam e ma y have bee n prompte d b y the nee d t o assure the public that the map was reliable, but it also served as a well-deserved recognition o f hi s service s whic h a t thi s moment , a s Washingto n himsel f rec ognized, wer e essential . 187
But wh y should Jefferson have caused the name of L'Enfant to be withdrawn, especially since Freneau's National Gazette, Fenno's Gazette of the United States, and Spectator's mor e widel y printe d essa y ha d alread y give n hi m publi c rec ognition a s autho r o f th e plan ? It migh t b e argue d tha t h e di d s o becaus e h e knew other s ha d contribute d t o L'Enfant' s basi c design . Washington , fo r ex ample, ha d chose n th e sit e o f th e President' s Hous e an d almost certainl y had made th e radica l departur e which fixed th e locatio n o f the Capito l - not , pre sumably, because of an inspiratio n of L'Enfant but because of the need to placate contending lan d interests . Jefferso n himself , i n offerin g a qualifie d gridiro n similar concessions t o gratif y L'Enfant , provide d he accepted th e condition s propose d for his continuance i n office an d could point ou t an y radical defect s or others causing unnecessary delay (Washingto n to T J , 22 Feb. 1792). Ellicott' s observations of the eclipse made at Georgetown 2 Apr. 179 1 (Ellicot t to T J , 1 3 Apr. 1801); see Ellicot t to Patterson , 2 Apr. 1795 (Trans., Am . Phil. Soc , iv [1799], 48-9). 187
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plan an d i n providin g fo r parles , publi c walks , an d wha t prove d t o b e th e germinal ide a o f the Mall , ha d lef t a distinct impres s upo n th e plan . Bu t thi s argument fo r hi s deletio n o f L'Enfant' s name , implyin g a s i t doe s an unchar acteristic lac k o f generosit y o n hi s part , doe s no t see m persuasive . Jefferso n never attache d hi s ow n nam e t o an y o f his architectura l drawings, even thos e of a public nature such as hi s plan s for th e Cit y o f Richmon d and the Capito l of Virginia . Why , then, th e suppressio n whic h h e kne w woul d b e highl y of fensive t o L'Enfan t an d perhaps equally s o t o hi s supporter s i n Georgetown ? The mos t plausibl e explanatio n seem s t o li e i n event s o f recen t week s i n which L'Enfan t ha d been the centra l figure - hi s destruction of Carroll's house , his failure to produc e a finished map, his conflict wit h the Commissioner s over the Roberdea u incident, hi s refusa l to cooperat e wit h Ellicot t b y withholdin g his larg e workin g plan, hi s issuanc e o f what amounte d t o a n ultimatum alon g with hi s grandios e proposals , an d his almost eage r willingnes s t o se e bot h th e Carroll an d Roberdeau matters procee d t o litigatio n s o a s to provid e him with a public forum for exposing wha t he considere d the malevolent an d prejudiced behavior of the Commissioners . In these and other way s L'Enfan t ha d greatly enlarged his already formidable reputatio n for contentious, erratic , an d defian t behavior. H e ha d neve r bee n th e celebrate d figure who m Spectator haile d a s one whos e timely presenc e i n th e lan d was th e nation' s goo d fortune , bu t h e was now makin g it manifest i n many ways that hi s name an d reputation i f not his unpredictable behavior might in future prove a handicap to the achievemen t of the mai n object. Thus , o n receivin g L'Enfant' s elaborat e proposal s i n midJanuary, Washington became increasingl y aware that the time had come when terms woul d hav e t o b e agree d upo n b y whic h L'Enfan t coul d b e continue d in service . Yet , two day s after Ellicot t submitte d hi s draft and just as the final crisis approached , h e observe d th e absenc e o f L'Enfant' s nam e o n th e map . "The Pla n I think, " h e wrot e Jefferson , "ough t t o appea r a s th e wor k o f L'Enfant. - Th e on e prepare d for engravin g no t doin g so , is , I presume , on e cause o f hi s dissatisfaction." This , i n effect , amounte d t o a presidential directive. Ye t Jefferson, ver y likely with th e suppor t o f Madison wh o ha d bee n called int o th e discussion s abou t L'Enfant' s futur e status , prevaile d against it , perhaps b y persuadin g Washington o n ground s ampl y fortifie d b y experienc e that such recognition o f the unpredictable L'Enfant migh t prove politically and otherwise embarrassing . That suc h a n argument mus t hav e bee n employe d i s suggested als o b y th e nex t mos t conspicuou s deletio n tha t Jefferso n mad e i n the plan . Thi s on e affecte d L'Enfant' s cherishe d ideas a s wel l a s his name . This deletio n reache d th e hear t o f th e matter , fo r i t struc k ou t th e entir e body o f observations b y which L'Enfant sough t to explain and extol his concep t of a n undertakin g havin g " a degre e o f splendou r an d greatnes s unprece dented." I n these passage s h e ha d keye d hi s reference s b y capita l letters t o pertinent spots on the map — letters which of course were eliminated along with the explanations . Th e first item define d th e locatio n o f the equestria n statue o f George Washingto n whic h had been authorize d by Congres s in 1783 . Other s specified a historic column fro m whic h all distances throughou t th e continen t were t o b e measured ; a colum n t o celebrat e th e beginnin g o f a nav y an d t o "stand a read y Monumen t t o consecrat e it s progres s an d Atchievements" ; a 188
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number of grand fountains fo r which a constant an d abundant supply o f water was availabl e fro m mor e tha n twenty-fiv e springs ; a gran d cascad e fort y fee t high an d a hundre d yard s wid e descendin g th e wester n slop e o f th e hil l o n which th e Capito l woul d stand ; the "Gran d Avenue " four hundre d feet wid e connecting th e "Congres s Garde n wit h th e President' s park, " with houses o n each side; an extensive are a near the President's House with lots "best calculated for spaciou s house s an d gardens, suc h a s may acommodat e foreig n Ministers, &c"; and , eastward of th e capital , an avenue a mile lon g whos e pavemen t o n each sid e woul d pas s unde r a n arche d way wher e shop s woul d b e mos t con veniently an d agreeably situated . But these were chiefly symboli c and ornamental details. An essential elemen t of L'Enfant's pla n called for outlying foca l points t o b e built up simultaneousl y with the whole. These might have become mere paper settlements, bu t L'Enfan t proposed a bold expedien t t o promot e thei r growth. Fiftee n square s would b e set asid e fo r th e states , wit h eac h expecte d t o provid e improvement s - o r t o subscribe fund s i n additio n t o th e valu e o f th e land-fo r symboli c statues , columns, o r othe r ornament s perpetuatin g th e memor y o f notabl e figures o f the Revolutio n an d o f thos e sage s an d heroe s i n whos e path s th e yout h o f succeeding generation s woul d b e invite d to tread . In addition, there woul d b e a Churc h fo r nationa l purposes , suc h a s publi c prayer, thanksgivings, funeral orations, an d othe r notabl e occasions . Thi s edific e woul d b e assigne d t o th e use o f n o particula r sect, bu t woul d b e equall y ope n t o all . Other squares o r areas not appropriate d for public use woul d b e mad e availabl e for all religious sects, a s wel l a s fo r colleges , academies , an d societie s whos e purpose s wer e national i n scope. 190
These and other provisions contained unmistakable potential for controversy, something Washingto n wa s mos t anxiou s t o avoid . Eve n th e propose d eques trian statue o f himself could have contributed its share to any public discussion, just a s Franci s Hopkinso n ha d once satiricall y suggested puttin g i t o n wheel s for a peripatetic Congres s that woul d mov e between alternat e capitals. Th e column intende d t o celebrat e th e beginnin g o f a nav y an d suc h ornamenta l 191
Significantly , in his description of the plan when first presented to Washington in August, there were some elements that were later eliminated or modified. Fo r example, L'Enfant had included a site for the Bank of the United States, an institution which had already figuredin the controversy over the location of the capital. He had also included a national theater, a market, and an exchange. Al l of these elements were omitted from the explanator y passage s befor e th e pla n wa s submitte d t o Congress , perhap s be cause - excep t for the market and the exchange - o f their inherent capacity for generating controversy. See L'Enfan t to Washington, 1 9 Aug. 179 1 (DNA : RG 42) . Se e G. E. Hastings, Francis Hopkinson (Chicago, 1926), p. 383. On the day after Washington submitted L'Enfant' s pla n to Congress , Théophile Cazenove , possibly inspired by the proposal to place it at the crossing of the two main axes west of the Capitol and south o f the President' s House, described Ceracchi's model o f an equestrian statue of Washington surrounded by eight groups of emblematic figures.He praised the artistry of "Mr. Scheraki " and expressed the hope that the national sentiment fo r the President "parlera plus haut que l'oeconomie" (Cazenove to his Principals, 1 4 Dec. 1791, Holland Land Company Papers, Archives of the City of Amsterdam). See Ceracchi to Washington, 31 Oct . 1791 , enclosin g a copy o f his memorial to Congress describing the equestrian statue. It would be of bronze and rise 60 feet high and be surrounded by four emblematic figures (DLC : Washingto n Papers). See also TJ t o Commissioners, 9 Apr. 1791 ; Commissioners to T J , 1 1 and 14 Apr. 1791 . 190
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features a s th e gran d fountain s an d th e impressiv e cascad e nea r th e Capito l could als o hav e bee n expecte d t o provok e ridicul e as well a s debate. I n a land where dissident sects had supported and made possible Jefferson's statut e erecting a wal l o f separatio n betwee n churc h an d state , th e propose d nationa l church - eve n on e ope n t o al l sects, Christia n an d other - an d the donatio n o f public lands to variou s denominations woul d almost certainl y have brought o n a storm of controversy. But perhaps most politically explosive o f all was L'Enfant's proposal for squares to b e set asid e for the fifteen states , wit h each defining th e use o f it s ow n an d appropriating public funds fo r th e purpose . Publicatio n of this proposa l would have amounte d t o a virtual guarante e tha t continuin g and divisive debat e woul d tak e plac e i n ever y par t of the nation , characterize d no doubt b y the kin d o f satiric cartoons an d newspaper squib s that had ridiculed the removal of Congress to Philadelphia . The specter of this threat to the fixing of the permanen t capita l on th e Potomac , revivin g as it doubtles s woul d hav e the debate s o f th e precedin g decade , mus t surel y hav e cause d thi s par t o f L'Enfant's plan to fall in that category of omissions whic h Washington "deeme d essential." While omissio n o f thes e potentiall y disruptiv e passage s mus t hav e bee n prompted b y suc h pragmati c considerations , L'Enfant' s well-mean t effor t t o have al l of th e state s physically represented a t th e capita l probably inspire d a less risk y gestur e towar d nationa l unit y - on e whic h ha d the additiona l merit of requirin g n o publi c fund s an d o f avoidin g protracte d publi c discussions . This wa s th e devic e o f namin g fifteen o f th e avenue s fo r th e states . I t i s no t known b y who m thi s proposa l wa s advanced , bu t i t woul d hav e bee n char acteristic o f Jefferson . Wit h Washingto n convince d a current of opposition i n Philadelphia had set "s o strongl y agains t every thing that relates to the Federa l district that it is next to impossibl e t o ste m it, " it seems scarcely accidental that L'Enfant's gran d avenue between the Capitol and the President's House should have bee n name d Pennsylvani a or that th e tw o majo r avenues northwar d and southward o f it shoul d hav e honore d Massachusett s an d New Y o r k . As fo r the distinctiv e elemen t o f L'Enfant' s pla n - wha t h e calle d the divergent avenues - Washington , Jefferson, Ellicott, and the landowners felt in varying degrees that there were too many . Washington had assured the proprietors the precedin g Jun e tha t som e o f these woul d b e eliminated , an d L'Enfant , i n presenting hi s revise d pla n i n August , informe d hi m tha t alteration s ha d accordingly been made. Bu t now additiona l changes reflectin g suc h objection s took place . Instruction s fo r thes e were als o n o doub t give n t o Ellicot t b y Jefferson i n separat e memorand a or in persona l consultation, no t b y pencille d notes on L'Enfant' s plan . Only tw o o r three o f the latte r are discernible on th e 192
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Washingto n to the Commissioners, 20 Feb. 179 7 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxv, 395). Washingto n to David Stuart, 8 Mch. 1792 (same , xxxi, 506). The general distribution of names, of course, allocated those in the norther n part of the Cit y to northern states and those below to southern states - thoug h Kentucky Avenue fell to the eastward. Washington , Diaries, ed . Fitzpatrick, iv, 200-1. Ellicott , perhaps knowing that his views wer e share d by Washingto n an d Jefferson , informe d th e Commissioner s after L'Enfant's departure that he had always thought ther e were too many diagonals and too many squares. But he apparently assumed that L'Enfan t had decided upon the location of the Capitol, which he thought unfortunat e (Ellicott to Commissioners, 11 Apr. 1792, DNA: R G 42) . Se e Jennings' criticism of Ellicott fo r alterations in the pla n which he assumed were his (L C Qu. Jour., xxxv i [1979] , 274-5) . 192
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manuscript - fo r example , Jefferson' s deletio n o f L'Enfant' s designatio n o f th e Capitol a s "Congress house" an d substitution o f the prope r term. Bu t while alterations i n squares , circles , and diagonal avenue s an d streets wer e no t des ignated o n th e manuscript , these ma y b e observe d b y compariso n o f the manuscript wit h the engravings . Th e most obviou s o f these changes wa s the elimination of the boundar y of the presidentia l park runnin g southeastwardly. Th e entire are a fro m th e President' s Hous e southwar d t o th e Potomac , wit h th e substitution o f a n easter n boundar y runnin g due North-South , wa s lef t ope n to take advantage o f the down-river vistas Jefferson had projected in his sketch. In on e instanc e a diagonal avenue was lengthened. I n order to balance Virginia Avenue wit h those named for Pennsylvani a and Massachusetts, i t wa s consid erably extended, causin g it to cut across the Mal l an d what was then the mout h of the Tibe r an d t o exten d o n t o th e wester n boundar y o f the City . A fe w o f the shorte r diagonal s wer e eliminated , includin g those reachin g int o a circle in Georgetow n - als o eliminate d - whic h L'Enfant , withou t consultin g eithe r Washington o r th e Commissioners , had persuade d th e proprietor s to ced e t o him i n trus t fo r th e publi c use. I n general, s o fa r as possible , number s o f od d triangular parcels were eliminated and squares where several avenues converge d were mad e les s irregular . On e circl e designated fo r a fountain wa s eliminate d and th e arrangement of the spac e nort h of the President' s House was altered. But th e distinguishin g featur e o f L'Enfant' s pla n - it s divergen t avenue s an d radial street s connectin g th e propose d oute r settlement s wit h the cente r — was left virtuall y intact. Thus altere d b y Jefferso n wit h Washington' s approval , the draf t prepared by Ellicott wa s ready for the engravers . Ellicott himsel f thought i t would serve that purpos e bette r tha n L'Enfant' s larg e ma p which had been withheld . The engravers h e chos e were Jame s Thackar a an d Joh n Vallanc e o f Philadel phia—both Americans , he informe d th e Commissioner s in an obvious allusio n to L'Enfant' s choic e o f Pigalle som e months earlier. But that fir m coul d no t promise delivery i n less than eight weeks . Washingto n feare d the dela y migh t be a s man y months . Again , lookin g upo n thi s a s "misteriousl y strange, " h e suspected tha t the growin g numbe r of opponents in Philadelphia might resor t to an y kind o f subterfuge t o kee p th e capita l in that city. Were there an y good engravers i n Boston , h e aske d Jefferson ? I f so, woul d i t no t b e advisabl e t o procure a copy o f Ellicott's draft "(under some other pretext) an d send it there, or eve n t o Londo n withou t an y on e (eve n Ellicot's ) bein g appris' d of it?" This astonishin g proposa l t o kee p Ellicot t i n the dark , reflectin g a s it di d th e depth o f Washington' s anxiety , wa s unnecessary . I t so happene d tha t Samue l Blodget, J r . , a wealth y Bostonia n recentl y settle d i n Philadelphi a and no w embarking o n a bol d an d speculativ e caree r as promote r o f th e Federa l City , had jus t offere d t o rais e a loa n o f half a millio n dollar s t o purchas e lot s an d erect houses there. After Jefferson had compared Ellicott's draft with L'Enfant' s small plan , h e engage d Blodge t t o hav e i t engrave d i n Boston . Samue l Hil l was slo w i n producin g th e plate , whic h wa s als o unsatisfactor y i n size , i n 195
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Se e the L'Enfan t pla n of 179 1 a s illustrated in this volume. Washingto n t o Commissioners , 20 Feb . 179 7 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxv , 395); Alexander White to T J , 8 Aug. 1801 . Ellicot t to the Commissioners, 23 Feb . 1792 (DNA : RG 42) . Washingto n to T J, 4 Mch. 1792 ; Washington to the Commissioners, 6 Mch. 179 2 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 498-9); TJ t o Johnson, 8 Mch. 1792. 195
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craftsmanship, an d in omittin g th e sounding s Jefferso n ha d insisted upon . H e received th e plate , togethe r with fou r proofs , onl y i n mid-summer an d at once showed hi s disappointmen t i n th e results . Th e tas k o f preparin g a larger and more professiona l engravin g wa s the n pu t i n th e hand s o f thos e Ellicot t ha d first employed , Thackar a an d Vallance . Furthe r difficultie s ensue d whe n th e printer reporte d that hi s pres s had broken down twic e an d he wa s abl e to run off only on e hundre d copies at a time. I n consequence th e improve d engravin g was no t availabl e at the deferre d sal e i n October, bu t i n sending copie s abroad through America n ministers and consuls, Jefferso n insiste d that the Hil l print s be withheld unti l they coul d be accompanie d b y copies of the large r and bette r one. I t was the superio r engraving whic h by usage and presidential sanctio n came t o b e regarde d a s the firs t officia l versio n o f L'Enfant' s Plan . 199
XIII The predictabl e en d o f L'Enfant' s connectio n wit h th e Federa l Cit y cam e late i n Februar y afte r Washingto n ha d exhauste d ever y mean s throug h inter mediaries to avoid such an outcome. Whe n the first approach through Jefferso n failed earl y i n January , Washingto n the n urge d hi m t o negotiat e throug h L'Enfant's supporter , Georg e Walker . This , too , ha d n o effect . Apparentl y Washington himsel f nex t calle d in Walker wh o reporte d o n the 11t h an d 12t h of Februar y tha t L'Enfan t decline d puttin g hi s idea s i n writing , assertin g a s justification that he had already explained to the Presiden t his views concernin g the Commissioners . Washingto n the n summone d Jefferso n an d Madiso n t o a conference o n th e 16th , whe n Jefferson' s alteration s i n th e pla n an d hi s draf t letter t o L'Enfan t wer e considered . O n th e 20t h Washingto n receive d an d approved Ellicott's rendition of L'Enfant's Plan and at the same time authorized Jefferson t o dispatc h th e lette r t o L'Enfan t tha t ha d been unde r consideratio n for almos t a week . This carefull y draw n statement o f th e view s o f th e Presiden t mad e i t clea r at th e outse t tha t h e desire d L'Enfant' s service s t o b e continued . Bu t th e unavoidable conditio n b y whic h Washington' s desire s coul d b e me t ha d to b e stated wit h unmistakabl e precision : the la w require d that i f L'Enfan t chos e t o make his services available , he woul d hav e t o act in subordination t o th e Com missioners. But , agai n reflectin g Washington' s persisten t effor t t o conciliate , Jefferson assured L'Enfant that the Commissioners would receive his proposals, decide o n plan s t o b e pursued , and then submi t the m t o th e President . I n the final analysis , therefore , th e on e i n who m L'Enfan t professe d t o hav e implici t trust an d whose esteem he mos t desired , woul d b e th e fina l judge o f any plan s and proposal s h e migh t submit . Further , speakin g fo r Washington , L'Enfan t could depen d upo n th e Commissioners ' goo d sense , discretion , an d zea l i n conforming t o th e judgment an d desires o f the President . B y the sam e token , the Commissioner s coul d b e depende d upo n t o cas t int o oblivio n an y disa greeable difference s tha t migh t hav e taken plac e i n the past . I n brief, Jefferso n made clear, he was charged by the Presiden t to persuade L'Enfan t t o continue . Th e printer was presumably Robert Scot. See Blodget t o T J , 5 July 1792 ; TJ t o the Commissioners, 11 July 1792 ; T J t o Blodget, 1 2 July 1792 ; Carroll to T J , 1 3 and 25 Oct . 1792 ; Stuar t and Carroll t o T J , 5 Nov . 1792 ; T J to th e Commissioners , 1 3 Nov. 1792 ; Commissioners to T J , 5 Dec. 1792 ; George Taylor to the Commissioners, 10 Jan. 1793 ; TJ to Gouverneu r Morris, 1 2 Mch. 1793. 199
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The law , a s ha d bee n mad e plai n t o L'Enfant , muc h earlier , posed th e ines capable conditio n but , s o th e conciliator y effort a t precisio n argued , this nee d not b e regarde d as an insuperable obstacle t o plan s that L'Enfan t migh t brin g forward. Th e lette r embodyin g thi s conciliator y appea l mad e o n behal f o f th e President wa s hande d t o Georg e Walke r fo r conveyanc e t o L'Enfant. Despite variou s overture s mad e b y Washingto n i n thi s an d previou s com munications i n a n effor t t o achiev e a n amicabl e solution , severa l day s passe d with n o repl y fro m L'Enfant . Georg e Walke r lef t fo r Georgetow n withou t indicating how Jefferson's letter had been received. In the meantime, L'Enfant' s latest communication , writte n o n th e 17t h t o Tobia s Lea r bu t intende d ex pressly fo r th e President , attacke d th e Ellicot t brothers , charge d the m wit h destroying th e characte r of hi s pla n wit h inten t t o injur e hi s reputation , an d sought t o plac e upo n the m responsibilit y fo r hi s ow n failur e to prepar e a map suitable for engraving. Then, repeating the threatening implications of his prior communications, L'Enfan t added : " . . . i t i s th e las t lette r I propos e t o writ e interfering i n matter s relatin g to th e cit y unti l some sistem, o r arrangement i s formed b y th e Presiden t whereb y wit h certaint y I may know i n what manner in futur e th e busines s i s to b e conducted." Presumably, eve n i n th e fac e o f thi s thinl y veile d threat , L'Enfant' s flat statement that this would be the las t of his communications on the subject until the Presiden t me t hi s conditions , Washingto n dispatche d Lea r t o hav e a personal intervie w wit h L'Enfan t an d t o tr y t o remov e som e o f hi s misconcep tions. Bu t eve n thi s direc t appea l throug h Washington' s persona l secretary was contemptuously rejected . With th e Presiden t having done everything permitted b y th e law , b y hi s immens e officia l an d persona l prestige , an d b y th e ordinary rule s o f civility , L'Enfan t dismisse d Lea r wit h th e remar k tha t h e wished t o hea r n o mor e o n th e subject . Washingto n quit e understandabl y regarded this as an insult to his high office and to himself. I t is to be doubte d whether Washingto n ha d reache d suc h height s o f intens e ange r sinc e Mon mouth. On th e 26t h o f Februar y L'Enfan t finally condescende d t o respon d t o th e conciliatory appea l mad e b y Jefferso n i n behal f o f th e President . I n a long , belligerent an d confuse d respons e t o tha t appeal , L'Enfan t implie d tha t th e President ha d been mistake n o r misled i n his views . Since th e Presiden t an d th e Secretar y o f Stat e wer e convince d tha t th e Commissioners acte d fro m unbiase d zeal , he woul d b e oblige d to presen t evi dence to the contrary. What L'Enfant calle d evidence wa s a series of unqualified and unsubstantiate d charge s tha t th e Commissioner s were jealous, misle d b y 200
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T J t o L'Enfant , 7 Jan. 1792; Washingto n to T J , 1 5 an d 22 Jan . 1792; T J to L'Enfant, 2 2 Feb. 1792; TJ to Walker, 1 Mch. 1792; Walker to T J , 9 Mch. 1792. L'Enfan t to Lear, 1 7 Feb. 179 2 (DLC : Digges-L'Enfant-Morga n Papers); printed in ful l i n Kite, L'Enfant and Washington, p . 140-3 . Washingto n to Commissioners , 16 Mch. 1792. Mos t writers on the subjec t have assumed that Washington sent Lea r on the evening o f February 26, after he had calle d an urgen t conference wit h Jefferson, Madison, and Randolph to come to a finalsolution. This seem s most implausible. With L'Enfan t havin g declared he would write nothing and wit h the passage of several days during which no response was received to Jefferson's letter, it seems highly improbable that Washington, on reading L'Enfant's long, confused, and adaman t rejectio n o f that appeal , woul d hav e mad e suc h a last-minute desperat e effort. Washingto n to T J , 1 4 Mch. 1792. 2 0 0
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partisan interests , littl e addicte d t o business , an d remarkably deficient eve n i n matters falling within their sphere, such as contracts, supplies, and finance. He would no t g o int o th e matte r o f the destructio n o f the hous e o f Daniel Carrol l of Duddington sinc e he had already presented hi s justification to the Presiden t for that action. As for the Commissioners ' highly injudicious procedure against Roberdeau, the y woul d hav e t o stan d condemne d b y ever y dispassionat e ob server. To this presumption tha t Washington had not bee n dispassionat e i n his approval o f th e Commissioners ' actions, L'Enfant , a s o n previou s occasions , added a n unmistakable threat. Sinc e Roberdeau and others wer e actin g under his orders, he, L'Enfant , woul d have to tak e his stan d with them a t their trial. "I shal l b e obliged, " h e declared , "publicly to expos e these transactions i n my own Justification , t o [th e Commissioners' ] dishonour, an d to th e eviden t dis advantage o f the Genera l Cause. " As for himself, h e had always acted upon th e purest principle, proceeding "steadfastl y . . . and disregardless of Clamour, and Cavils." I n view o f the unfriendl y attitude o f the Commissioner s toward every measure he proposed , h e ha d concluded, despit e th e President' s confidence i n him, that he could no longer ac t subject to their will and caprice. "If therefore, " he concluded , "th e La w absolutely require s without an y equivocation tha t m y continuance shal l depen d upo n a n appointmen t fro m th e Commissioners , I cannot, no r would I upo n an y Consideratio n submit mysel f to it." Upon receivin g this latest an d most emphati c rejection of Washington's lon g series o f patien t overture s - on e tha t h e woul d no t "upo n an y consideration " withdraw - Jefferso n sen t i t a t onc e t o Washington . Then , immediatel y o n reading i t i n mid-afternoo n o f the 26th , Washingto n realize d at once that th e time for a final decision ha d arrived. H e thereupon summone d Jefferson , Mad ison, an d Randolph to mee t hi m early the nex t morning , being determine d t o rest the decisio n o n th e bes t groun d an d with the bes t advice. H e could no t at the momen t thin k o f an y othe r t o invit e t o th e conference. Althoug h n o record of the fact has been found, Washington subsequently include d Alexander Hamilton amon g thos e invite d t o th e conference . H e presumabl y di d this be cause he kne w tha t Hamilto n was a friend and patron of L'Enfan t an d because he wante d t o res t th e decisio n o n ground s tha t woul d b e fai r t o L'Enfant . The outcom e wa s a foregone conclusion . Th e notificatio n t o L'Enfan t wa s of course sen t b y Jefferson a t the President' s instruction , but, surprisingly , its text wa s drafte d b y Alexande r Hamilton. The decision wa s clearl y unanimous and one for which there was no alternative: if, as indicated in L'Enfant's respons e to Jefferso n an d i n hi s conversatio n wit h Lear , L'Enfan t absolutel y decline d acting unde r th e authorit y o f th e existin g Commissioners , then , despit e th e President's desire t o hav e L'Enfan t continu e t o serve , the conditio n stipulate d was "inadmissible , an d your service s mus t b e a t a n end." O n the following 204
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L'Enfan t t o T J , 2 6 Feb . 1792. Washingto n to T J enclosing T J to L'Enfant , 2 2 Feb. 1792 an d L'Enfant t o T J , 26 Feb . 1792. I n suggesting that these documents b e transmitted to Madiso n because he was "better acquainted with the whole of this business than any other," Washington obviously meant that, through Daniel Carroll, Madison was better informed of the dispute between the Commissioners and L'Enfant. Since Jefferson had been Washington's closest adviser on all matters pertaining to the Federal Cit y ove r the past year and a half, this seems the most obviou s explanatio n for what would otherwise hav e been a tactless and unnecessary remark. The gravamen of the issue was the relationship of the Commissioners and L'Enfant becaus e L'Enfan t himsel f had made it so. T J t o L'Enfant , 2 7 Feb. 1792. 2 0 4 2 0 5
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day Washingto n gav e L'Enfan t hi s ow n explanatio n o f the inevitabilit y o f th e decision. Th e continuatio n o f L'Enfant' s services , h e wrote , woul d hav e bee n pleasing if thi s coul d hav e bee n o n term s compatibl e wit h law . Ever y effor t had bee n mad e to accommodat e L'Enfant' s wishe s to this ineluctable principle, except dismissin g the Commissioners , which could no t b e done on ground s o f propriety, justice, or policy. Jefferso n immediatel y informe d George Walke r that L'Enfant' s respons e t o Lea r was the unequivocal declaration that he would act o n n o conditio n bu t th e dismissa l of the Commissioner s or his bein g mad e independent o f them. "Th e latter i s impossibl e unde r the law , an d the forme r too arrogan t to be answered," L'Enfant ha d been notified, an d "that his services were at an end." Walker's respons e t o thi s was that the proprietor s were much alarmed by "This dismissio n o f Major L'Enfant. " Criticizing L'Enfan t himself , Walker warne d that th e affair s o f th e capita l migh t com e int o publi c investi gation i f means coul d no t b e adopte d b y whic h L'Enfan t coul d b e continued . Walker enclose d a communicatio n fro m th e proprietor s wit h th e hop e tha t i t would b e lai d befor e th e President . Jefferso n di d s o an d pointedl y indicate d that "Th e retirement o f Majr . L'Enfan t ha d been hi s ow n act." Walke r and the proprietors, identifying themselves a s such in order to emphasize the depth s of thei r concern , admitte d th e unreasonablenes s o f L'Enfant' s condition s bu t added that if he could be induced to accept such arrangements as might properly be made , the y hope d hi s seekin g t o d o s o woul d no t "depriv e forever th e Cit y of the service s of a man of acknowledged Capacit y and Merit, wh o ha s already been found highly useful." Jefferson als o laid this brief communication befor e the President. His response was that anyone desiring employment i n the Federal City, whethe r L'Enfan t o r anyon e else , woul d hav e t o appl y directl y t o th e Commissioners. 207
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XIV What ha d L'Enfan t achieve d i n his eleve n month s o f service? The record is clear. Both Washington and Jefferson accused him of losing five months becaus e he ha d not com e forwar d with plan s for the publi c buildings. Thi s wa s unfair to expec t o f a ma n als o give n responsibilit y fo r plannin g a ne w capital . The long histor y o f th e plannin g o f th e Capito l an d th e President' s Hous e woul d in futur e prove it so. But what of L'Enfant's first duty? After repeated promises, he ha d fou r time s com e forwar d wit h incomplet e plans , non e o f whic h wa s suitable fo r publication . Ellicot t wa s onl y statin g th e obviou s whe n h e calle d the "origina l plan" largely conjectural. Although designed fo r execution o n th e base line s establishe d b y Ellicott , L'Enfant' s p l a n - a n imaginativ e sit e pla n projected fo r th e futur e - ha d to b e committe d t o pape r i f it wer e t o hav e th e influence h e desired . O f the projecte d plan , finally laid ou t i n 1793 , th e onl y part of its concept whic h can beyond question b e attributed to L'Enfant involves what h e calle d th e "divergen t avenues " cuttin g acros s th e basi c gridiro n and resulting in squares, triangles, circles, and other irregularly shaped areas which have bee n praise d beyond measur e «is i f born of inspired genius. 210
Washingto n to L'Enfant , 2 8 Feb . 1792 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 488-9). T J t o Walker, 1 Mch. 1792; Walker to T J, 9 Mch. 1792 ; TJ t o Walker, 1 4 Mch. 1792. Walke r to T J , wit h enclosures, 21 Mch . 1792. Fo r a comment o n this incomplete conclusion , see the foreword to this volume. 207
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a Feby. 3d. 179 1
In askin g you r ai d i n th e followin g cas e permi t m e a t th e sam e time t o as k th e mos t perfec t secrecy . The federa l territor y bein g located , th e competitio n fo r th e lo cation o f th e tow n no w rest s betwee n th e mout h o f th e Easter n branch, an d th e land s o n th e river , belo w an d adjacent to George town. - In favou r o f the former , Natur e ha s furnishe d powerful ad vantages.-In favou r o f th e latte r i s it' s vicinit y t o Georgetown , which put s i t i n th e wa y o f derivin g aid s from i t i n th e beginning , and o f communicatin g i n retur n an increased value t o th e propert y of tha t t o w n . - T h e s e advantage s hav e bee n s o poise d i n m y min d as to giv e it different tendencie s a t different times . - Ther e ar e lands which stan d ye t i n th e wa y o f the latte r locatio n an d which, if they could b e obtained , fo r th e purpose s o f th e town , woul d remov e a considerable obstacl e t o it , an d g o nea r indeed t o decid e wha t ha s been s o lon g o n th e balanc e wit h me . These are , first, th e land s o n th e S Wes t sid e o f a line t o b e run from wher e th e Roa d crosse s Goos e cree k (i n goin g fro m George town t o th e Easter n branch ) to th e corne r o f Charle s Beatty' s lot , including b y th e pla t o f Beatt y an d Orm e th e hous e o f Willia m Pearce; or , i f th e whol e o f thi s parce l canno t b e obtained , the n secondly s o muc h as would li e within a line to b e ru n from the sai d ford, o r thereabouts , t o th e middl e o f th e lin e o f cessio n whic h extends fro m th e corne r o f Beatty' s lot , a s abov e mentione d t o it s termination o n Goos e Creek . Thirdly , th e land s o f Mr . Carrol be tween Goos e Creek , th e Rive r an d Mr. Young, to th e sam e for d of the Creek . T h e objec t o f thi s lette r i s t o as k yo u t o endeavo r t o purchas e these ground s o f th e owner s fo r th e public , particularl y the 2d . parcel, bu t a s if for yourselves, an d to conduc t you r propositions s o as t o excit e n o suspicio n tha t the y ar e on behal f o f th e public . T h e circumstance s o f th e fund s appropriate d b y th e State s o f Virginia an d Maryland , wil l requir e tha t a twelv e month's credi t be stipulated , i n orde r that the y ma y cover yo u from any inconven ience which might attend your personal undertakings. - A s the price at which the land s can be obtaine d woul d have it's weight als o with me, I would wis h that i n making your bargains you shoul d reserv e to yourselve s a fortnight's tim e t o consider , a t the en d o f which you [73]
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should b e fre e t o b e of f o r on, bu t th e selle r no t so . Thi s wil l admi t your writin g t o m e an d receivin g m y definitiv e answer . A clea r purchase is so preferabl e t o ever y othe r arrangement , tha t I shoul d scarcel y thin k an y othe r worth y attention . I a m oblige d t o ad d tha t al l th e dispatc h i s requisit e whic h ca n consist wit h th e succes s o f you r operation , an d tha t I shal l b e gla d to hear by post of your progress, an d prospect o f the accomplishmen t of this business , i n whole o r part. I am Gentn. Y r. Mos t Obed . Hble Ser. Go : WASHINGTO N P.S. Tha t m y descriptio n o f th e land s require d i n th e foregoin g letter ma y b e mor e clearl y understood , an d m y wishe s furthe r ex plained, I enclos e yo u a roug h (an d ver y roug h indee d i t is ) cop y of the ceded tracts, Roads &ca. of Messrs. Beatty and Orme's Survey; adding thereto line s of augmentation. - T o obtain the lands included within th e line s A B & C is my first wish, and next t o that th e land s within th e line s D E & F ; bu t those within the line s D E , and alon g the Cree k t o C , are indispensably necessary : an d being no t ove r 25 0 Acres might , I suppose, b e easil y obtained . - I t ought to b e th e first essay an d I wis h t o kno w a s soo n a s possibl e th e resul t o f it , befor e any other s ar e directl y attempted . G W PrC (DLC : Washingto n Papers) ; en - o f government he hoped would be adopted tirely i n Washington' s hand. F C (same), fo r the Federa l District , an d the repeated Enclosure not found. us e of "it's" fo r th e possessive pronoun seem to be conclusive evidence of TJ's han d i n The substance , the style, and th e secrecy th e composition . Ther e ca n be no doubt surrounding the instructions here given to tha t Washingto n an d T J discussed and Deakins an d Stodder t mak e i t virtuall y share d the very secret move here taken an d certain that TJ drafte d the letter, as he did i t is very likely that both men went over in othe r cases involving location of the sit e th e composition draft, perhaps with Washof th e Federal City . The designation "fed- ingto n addin g the postscrip t to TJ' s tex t eral territory, " reflecting TJ' s preferenc e jus t as he did in other instances involvin g at this time and late r for th e name and for m thes e hidden negotiations.
I I . T h o m a s Jefferson t o Georg e Washington Objects which may merit the attentio n o f the Presiden t at George T. The Commissioner s t o b e calle d int o action . Deeds o f cessio n t o b e take n fro m th e landholders . Site o f the Capito l and President' s hous e to b e determine d on . Proclamation completing th e locatio n o f the territory and fixing the sit e o f th e Capitol . T o w n t o b e lai d off . [74]
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should b e fre e t o b e of f o r on, bu t th e selle r no t so . Thi s wil l admi t your writin g t o m e an d receivin g m y definitiv e answer . A clea r purchase is so preferabl e t o ever y othe r arrangement , tha t I shoul d scarcel y thin k an y othe r worth y attention . I a m oblige d t o ad d tha t al l th e dispatc h i s requisit e whic h ca n consist wit h th e succes s o f you r operation , an d tha t I shal l b e gla d to hear by post of your progress, an d prospect o f the accomplishmen t of this business , i n whole o r part. I am Gentn. Y r. Mos t Obed . Hble Ser. Go : WASHINGTO N P.S. Tha t m y descriptio n o f th e land s require d i n th e foregoin g letter ma y b e mor e clearl y understood , an d m y wishe s furthe r ex plained, I enclos e yo u a roug h (an d ver y roug h indee d i t is ) cop y of the ceded tracts, Roads &ca. of Messrs. Beatty and Orme's Survey; adding thereto line s of augmentation. - T o obtain the lands included within th e line s A B & C is my first wish, and next t o that th e land s within th e line s D E & F ; bu t those within the line s D E , and alon g the Cree k t o C , are indispensably necessary : an d being no t ove r 25 0 Acres might , I suppose, b e easil y obtained . - I t ought to b e th e first essay an d I wis h t o kno w a s soo n a s possibl e th e resul t o f it , befor e any other s ar e directl y attempted . G W PrC (DLC : Washingto n Papers) ; en - o f government he hoped would be adopted tirely i n Washington' s hand. F C (same), fo r the Federa l District , an d the repeated Enclosure not found. us e of "it's" fo r th e possessive pronoun seem to be conclusive evidence of TJ's han d i n The substance , the style, and th e secrecy th e composition . Ther e ca n be no doubt surrounding the instructions here given to tha t Washingto n an d T J discussed and Deakins an d Stodder t mak e i t virtuall y share d the very secret move here taken an d certain that TJ drafte d the letter, as he did i t is very likely that both men went over in othe r cases involving location of the sit e th e composition draft, perhaps with Washof th e Federal City . The designation "fed- ingto n addin g the postscrip t to TJ' s tex t eral territory, " reflecting TJ' s preferenc e jus t as he did in other instances involvin g at this time and late r for th e name and for m thes e hidden negotiations.
I I . T h o m a s Jefferson t o Georg e Washington Objects which may merit the attentio n o f the Presiden t at George T. The Commissioner s t o b e calle d int o action . Deeds o f cessio n t o b e take n fro m th e landholders . Site o f the Capito l and President' s hous e to b e determine d on . Proclamation completing th e locatio n o f the territory and fixing the sit e o f th e Capitol . T o w n t o b e lai d off . [74]
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Squares o f reserve to b e decide d o n fo r the Capitol , President s house, office s o f government , tow n house , prison , market, public walks. Other square s for presen t sal e designated . Terms o f sal e t o b e settled . A s ther e i s no t a s ye t a town legislature i n existence, an d things ma y b e don e befor e ther e i s on e to preven t the m whic h ye t i t woul d b e desireabl e t o prevent , i t would seem justifiable and expedient tha t the Presiden t should form a Capitular y o f suc h regulation s a s h e ma y thin k necessary , t o b e observed unti l ther e shal l b e a town-legislatur e t o undertak e thi s office; suc h capitular y to b e indented , signed , seale d an d recorded according to the law s of conveyance in Maryland, an d to be referred to i n ever y dee d o f reconveyanc e o f the lot s t o purchasers , so a s t o make a part thereof. - T h e same thing might be effected by inserting special covenant s fo r every regulatio n in every deed: bu t the former method i s th e shortest . I canno t hel p agai n suggestin g her e on e regulation formerl y suggested, t o wit , to provid e for facilitating the extinguishment o f fires, an d th e opennes s an d convenienc y o f th e town b y prohibitin g houses o f excessive height , an d making it unlawful t o buil d o n an y one' s purchas e an y hous e wit h mor e tha n two floors betwee n th e commo n leve l o f the eart h and the eves , nor with an y othe r floor i n th e roo f than on e a t th e eaves . T o conside r i n wha t wa y th e contract s fo r th e publi c building s shall b e made, and whether as many bricks shoul d not b e mad e this summer a s ma y emplo y bricklayer s i n th e beginnin g o f the seaso n of 1792 . til l mor e ca n b e mad e i n tha t season . With respec t t o th e amendmen t o f th e locatio n s o a s t o includ e Bladensburgh, I a m o f opinio n i t ma y b e don e wit h th e consen t o f the legislatur e o f Maryland , an d tha t tha t consen t ma y b e s o fa r counted on , a s t o rende r i t expedien t s o t o declar e th e locatio n a t once. Th e location A . B . C . D . A . havin g been once made , I conside r a s obligatory , an d unalterable bu t b y consen t o f parties , ex cept s o fa r a s wa s necessar y t o rende r i t practicable b y a correctio n o f th e begin ning. Tha t correctio n migh t b e lawfull y made eithe r by stoppin g a t the river , o r at the sprin g of Hunting creek, or by length ening th e cours e fro m th e courthous e s o as that the secon d course should strike the mouth o f Huntin g creek. I a m o f opinio n therefor e tha t th e begin ning at the mouth of Hunting creek is legally justifiable. Bu t I would advise th e locatio n E . F . G . H . E . t o b e hazarde d so a s to includ e Bla[75]
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densburgh, becaus e i t i s a better location , an d I think will certainl y be confirme d b y Maryland . Tha t stat e wil l necessaril y have t o pas s another ac t confirmin g whateve r locatio n shal l b e made , becaus e her forme r ac t authorize d the delegate s then in offic e t o conve y th e lands. Bu t as they wer e no t located , n o conveyanc e ha s bee n made , and thos e person s ar e now ou t o f office an d dispersed. Suppos e th e non-concurrence of Maryland should defeat the location E . F . G . H . E . it ca n onl y b e o n thi s principl e tha t th e firs t locatio n A . B . C . D . A . was vali d and unalterabl e bu t b y mutua l consent . The n thei r non concurrence wil l reestablis h thi s first locatio n A . B . C . D . A . an d th e 2d. locatio n wil l b e goo d fo r th e par t E . I . D . K . E . withou t thei r concurrence, an d thi s wil l plac e u s wher e w e shoul d b e wer e w e now t o complet e th e locatio n E . B . C . K . E . Consequentl y th e exper iment o f amendment propose d ca n lose nothing, an d may gain , and probably wil l gain , th e bette r location . When I sa y i t ca n los e nothing , I coun t a s nothin g th e triangl e A . I . E . whic h would b e i n neither o f the tw o locations . Perhap s this might b e take n i n afterward s eithe r wit h o r withou t th e consen t o f Virginia. T H: J EFFERSON March 11 . 1791 . 1
PrC (DLC) ; fade d and partly overwrit- Washingto n (se e Vol . 17 : 46 3 an d Edi ten (se e Vol . 10 : 288 , not e 1) . Entr y i n toria l Note on locating the Federal District, SJPL reads : "[1791 . Mar. ] 11 . Not e o f a t 24 Jan . 1791) . Agenda at the 1 0 mi. sq." T J firs t wrot e "suppos e Marylan d TJ's suggeste d alteration in the line s of shoul d insist on an adherence." the Federa l District was not approve d by 1
I I I . Pierr e C h a r l e s L ' E n f a n t t o T h o m a s Jefferso n SIR [Georgetown
] Frida y Marc h th e 1 1 - 1791 .
I hav e th e Hono r o f Informin g yo u o f m y arriva l a t thi s plac e where I coul d no t possibl y reac h befor e Wednesda y las t an d ver y late i n th e Evenin g after havin g travelle d par t o f th e wa y o n foo t and par t o n hors e bac k leavin g th e broke n stag e behind . On arrivin g I mad e i t m y first car e immediatl y t o wai t o n th e mayor of the tow n i n conforming wit h the directio n which you gav e me - h e appeare d t o b e muc h surprise d and h e assure d me h e ha d received n o previou s notic e o f m y comin g no r an y instructio n re lating to th e busines s I was sen t upo n - howeve r ne x da y (yesterda y morning) h e mad e m e a kind offe r o f his assistance i n procuring for [76]
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me thre e o r Four me n t o atten d m e i n the surveyin g and this bein g the onl y thin g I was in need o f Every matte r as been soo n arrenged . I a m onl y a t presen t t o regre t tha t a n heav y rai n an d thic k mis t which ha s bee n incessan t Eve r sinc e m y arriva l her e dos e pu t a n insuperable obstacl e t o m y wis h o f proceedin g immediatl y t o th e survey. Shoul d the weathe r continu bad as there is Every apparenc e it wil l I shal l b e muc h a t a los s ho w t o mak e a plan o f th e groun d you hav e pointe d ou t t o m e an d hav e i t read y fo r th e Presiden t a t the tim e whe n h e hi s Expecte d at thi s place . I se e n o othe r wa y i f by Monda y nex t th e weathe r dos e no t chang e bu t tha t o f makin g a roug h draf t a s accurat as may b e obtaine d b y viewin g th e groun d in ridin g over it on horsback as I have already done yesterday through the rai n t o obtai n a knowlege o f the whole . I rote fro m the eastern e branch toward s georgetow n u p the height s an d down alon g sid e o f the ban k of the mai n river an d along sid e o f goose and Rock creek s as fa r up a s thie r Springs. As fa r as I was able to juge throug h a thick Fog I passed o n many spots which appeared to me realy beautiful and which seem to disput with eac h othe r wh o comman d I n the mos t Extansiv e prospect o n the wather . T h e gradua l rising of th e groun d fro m carrollborough toward the ferr y Road, th e level l and Extensive ground from thenc e to the bank of the potowmack a s far as Goos Creek present a situation most advantageou s t o ru n street s an d prolon g the m o n gran d and far distan t poin t o f view . T h e wathe r runin g fro m sprin g a t som e distance into the creeks appeared also to me possible to be conducte d without muc h labour so a s to form e pound s fo r watering Every part of that spot . T h e remainder part of the groun d toward george tow n is mor e broken . I t ma y afford s pleasent s seat s bu t altho ' th e ban k of the rive r betwe n th e to w cree k can command as grand a prospect as an y o f th e othe r spot s it s see m t o b e les s commendabl e fo r th e establessement o f a city no t onl y becaus e th e leve l surfac e it presen t is bu t smal l bu t becaus e th e height s fro m behin d georg e tow n ab solutly comman d th e whole . No par t o f th e groun d betwe n th e easter n branc h an d georg e town ca n b e sa y t o b e o f a commanding nature . O n the contrar y it appear a t first sigh t a s bein g closel y surronde d - howeve r i n ad vancing towar d th e eastern e branc h these height s see m t o sin k a s the wave s o f a tempestuous se a an d when considerin g the intende d city on that grand Scale on which it ought t o be planed it will appear that th e onl y heigh t whic h woul d unavoidabl y batte r i n it , a small town ma y easil y b e comprehende d i n the limi t and be o f such a on e as rendere d b y a prope r ménagemen t i n th e appropriatio n o f th e [77]
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building tha t ma y b e ther e erecte d a mea n o f protectio n an d o f security. Such ar e si r th e fe w remar k whic h I hav e bee n abl e t o mak e i n a journe y whe n th e badnes s o f th e weathe r muc h impede d m y progress. I therefor e hop e fo r you r Indulgenc e i n hazardin g t o comunicate the m t o you. 1 have th e Hono r t o b e si r with ver y grea t respect 1
2
Dft (DLC : Digges-L'Enfant-Morga n Thi s word interlined in substitution for Papers); with numerous interlineations and "my first," deleted. deletions, tw o o f which are noted below . L'Enfan t first wrote and then deleted: The missin g RC indicated place of origin, "and be g you will assur e the president." for T J recorded it in SJ L a s received on 16 Mch. 1791 fro m Georgetown. 1
2
I V . G e o r g e Washingto n t o T h o m a s Jefferson M Y DEA R S l R [1
6 Marc h 1791 ]
Enclosed i s th e las t lette r I hav e receive d fro m Messrs . Deakin s and Stoddart. - Wha t step had I best take t o brin g matters t o a close with Burn's , an d by declaring at once the sit e of the publi c buildings , prevent som e inconvenience whic h I see ma y arise from the opinion s promulgated b y M r. L'Enfont? as much probably fro m complaisanc e as judgment. - Yrs , Go : WASHINGTO N RC (DLC) ; addressed: "Mr. Jefferson": endorsed by TJ a s received 16 Mch. 1791 . Entry in SJPL reads : "[Mch.] 16. G. W . to Th: J. on site of public buildings. Burns." Enclosure: Deakins and Stodder t to Washington, [1 1 Mch . 1791] , no t foun d bu t from Washington' s respons e o n th e 17t h (Document v ) i t is clear that, in addition to conveyin g informatio n abou t th e will -
ingness o f the inhabitant s of Washington county to cede their lots in Hamburg, their letter indicate d tha t L'Enfan t ha d ex pressed opinions i n Georgetown contrary to what they knew Washington's views to be (Washington to Deakins and Stoddert, 2 Mch. 1791 ; T J to L'Enfant, 2 Mch. 1791 ; see Editoria l Note above).
V . Georg e Washingto n t o Willia m Deakins, J r . a nd B e n j a m i n Stodder t G E N T L E M E N Philadelphi
a Marc h 17th . 179 1
In orde r t o avai l th e publi c o f th e willingnes s expresse d b y th e inhabitants o f Washingto n county , a s mentione d i n you r lette r o f the 11th . t o sig n a pape r cedin g thei r lot s i n Hamburg , o n bein g [78]
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requested b y an y perso n unde r m y direction , I hav e writte n th e inclosed letter , whic h i f yo u thin k i t wil l answe r th e desire d end , you wil l b e s o goo d a s t o dispatc h t o them , wit h th e necessar y propositions i n form . I a m awar e that b y thi s mean s i t wil l becom e known that you are acting for the public : but there wil l b e no reason for keepin g thi s longe r secre t afte r m y arriva l a t Georg e town . With respec t t o M r . Burns I wil l confe r wit h yo u o n m y arriva l as to what is best to be done in his case, should you not have obtaine d a cessio n fro m hi m i n th e mea n time . Dft (DLC : Washington Papers); in TJ's draugh t of letter from G. W. to Deakins & hand except fo r dateline an d docketing i n Stoddert. " Their letter of the 11t h has not Washington's; a t foo t o f text : "Messrs . bee n foun d (bu t see note, Washington to Deakins & Stoddard." PrC (DLC) ; lack s T J , 16 Mch. 1791 , preceding). Enclosure: dateline. Entry in SJP L reads: "[Mar. 16.] printe d below. E N C L O S U R E
George Washingto n to William Deakins , Jr. and Benjami n Stodder t G E N T L E M E N Phila . Marc h 17th . 179 1 On passin g thro George town I propose t o examine th e groun d between that town an d the Eastern branch , an d on that examinatio n t o fix on a site fo r the public buildings . Shoul d ther e b e any circumstances i n favour o f the ground next adjoinin g t o Georg e town , I foresee tha t th e old town o f Hamburg will be a considerable obstacle , a s the streets o f that will probabl y not coincide wit h those whic h migh t b e proposed fo r the federal city . O n behalf of the publi c I should be much pleased if the proprietors of lots in that town woul d voluntarily consent t o cede them a t such pric e as may be set on the adjacent land s which have bee n o r shall b e ceded . I wil l as k the favor o f you to hav e applicatio n made t o them i n time fo r their decisio n t o meet me at George town . Dft (DLC : Washingto n Papers); i n TJ's han d except fo r dateline, whic h is in Washington^; at foot of text: "Messieurs Deakins & Stoddert." PrC (DLC) ; lack s dateline.
V I . G e o r g e W a s h i n g t o n to T h o m a s Jefferson Thursday Evenin g [17 Mch. 1791] T h e P . ha s just receive d th e enclosed . - H e pray s M r . Jefferso n to writ e b y tomorrow s Pos t t o Majr . L'Enfon t agreeabl y t o wha t was mentione d thi s morning . RC (DLC) ; addressed : "Mr . Jefferson" ; endorsed b y TJ as receive d 1 7 Mch. 1791 . Entry in SJPL reads: "[1791. Mar. ] 17 . G. W. to Th: J. concerning Lenfant." Enclosure not identified . [79]
V I L T h o m a s Jefferso n t o Pierr e C h a r l e s L'Enfant S l R Philadelphi
a Mar . 17 . 1791 .
Your favo r o f th e 11 . inst . ha s bee n dul y recieved . Betwee n th e date o f tha t an d you r reciep t o f th e present , i t i s probabl e tha t th e most important part s of the groun d toward s th e Easter n branch will have bee n delineated . However , whethe r the y ar e o r not , a s th e President wil l g o o n withi n tw o o r thre e days , an d woul d wis h t o have unde r hi s eye , whe n a t Georgetown , a drawin g als o o f th e principal lineament s o f th e groun d betwee n Roc k cree k an d th e Tyber, yo u ar e desired , immediatel y o n th e reciep t o f this , t o com mence the surve y of that part , beginning a t the river , and proceedin g towards th e part s bac k o f tha t til l hi s arrival . I f th e meander s o f these tw o creek s an d o f th e rive r betwee n the m shoul d no t hav e been already laid down eithe r b y yourself or Mr. Ellicot, i t is desire d that M r . Ellico t shoul d immediatel y d o thi s whil e yo u shal l b e employed o n th e interio r ground , i n orde r that th e wor k ma y b e a s much advance d a s possibl e o n th e arriva l o f the President , an d tha t you wil l b e s o goo d a s t o notif y thi s t o Mr . E l l i c o t . - ! a m wit h great estee m Si r You r mos t obedt . humbl e servt . T H : JEFFERSO N 1
P.S. Ther e ar e certainl y considerabl e advantage s o n th e Easter n branch: but ther e ar e very strong reason s als o in favor of the positio n between Rock creek and Tyber indépendant o f the fac e o f the ground . It i s the desir e tha t th e publi c min d should b e i n equilibrio betwee n these tw o place s til l th e Presiden t arrives , and w e shal l b e oblige d to yo u t o endeavo r t o pois e thei r expectations . RC (DLC : Digges-L'Enfant-Morga n the President wrote: "The Postscrip t to your Papers); at foot of text: "Majr. L'Enfant. " letter of this morning is quite sufficient for PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA : R G 59 , DCI) . the purpose intended. G.W." (Washington to T J , [1 7 Mch . 1791]; RC i n D L C; adAs originall y drafted, this letter had no dressed: "[M]r. Jefferson"; endorsed by TJ postscript. It was composed in response to as received 17 Mch. 1791 ; not recorded in the President's query of the 16t h (see Doc- SJL). ument iv ) an d shown t o Washingto n on the mornin g of the 17th . Afte r that conThi s sentenc e originall y ende d wit h sultation, TJ adde d the postscript with its " . . . th e President." TJ the n crowded in important reflection of the President' s con- the concluding clause, perhaps at the time cern over L'Enfant's indiscretion. He then he added the postscript. submitted the letter again and in response 1
[80]
V I I I . Pierr e C h a r l e s L ' E n f a n t t o T h o m a s Jefferso n S l R Georgetow
n Mars the 20 - 179 1
On th e 1 7 ult. the chang e o f the weathe r at last having permitted me to procee d to th e Easter n Branc h I deed o n the afternoo n o f that day sa t abou t th e survey , bu t th e variet y o f th e weathe r ha s bee n such since a s has much impeded my progress. I have only been able , to thi s day , t o la y dow n o f tha t par t which la y betwe n th e easter n branch an d th e tibe r s o muc h a s Inclu d Jenkin s Hil l an d al l th e water course from round Carroll point up to the ferry landing leaving for a better tim e som e swamp y pat s whic h were rendere d absolutly impasable b y th e Eav y rai n whic h overflowin g al l the lo w groun d determined m e t o confin e mysel f on th e heig h land . -1 Expecte d to have befor e thi s da y attempte d t o la y dow n somm e par t o f thos e laying betwe n th e tybe r an d Rock cree k had not a fall o f snow an d stormy win d whic h succeede d fo r thes e thre e da y pas t prevente d me. I hope t o morro w wil l prov e mor e favorabl e fo r m e t o procee d laying dow n thos e par t whic h yo u prescrib e i n th e lette r whic h I this momen t receiv e Fro m M r . Ellico t wh o brough t i t himsel f t o me and shall accordin g to your direction join his Endeavour to min e in runin g a s muc h a s possibl e o f th e wathe r cours e a s ma y serv e connect th e whol e o f ou r différent s survey s together . I hav e th e Honor t o b e wit h grea t respec t Si r you r mos t humbl e an d mos t obeident servant , P . C . L 'ENFANT RC (DLC : District of Columbi a Papers); endorsed by T J a s receive d 24 Mch . 1791 .
I X . G e o r g e Washingto n to T h o m a s Jefferson DEAR SIR Mount-Verno n Marc h 31st . 1791 . Having bee n s o fortunat e a s to reconcil e the contendin g interest s of Georgetow n an d Carrollsburg , an d t o unit e the m i n suc h a n agreement a s permit s th e publi c purpose s t o b e carrie d int o effec t on a n extensive an d proper scale, I have th e pleasur e to transmi t to you th e enclose d proclamation , which, after annexin g you r counter signature an d th e sea l o f th e Unite d States , yo u wil l caus e t o b e published. [81}
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The term s agreed o n between me, on the part of the United States , and th e Landholder s o f Georgetow n an d Carrollsbur g a r e - T h at all th e lan d fro m Rock-cree k alon g th e rive r to th e eastern-branc h and s o upward s t o o r abov e th e ferr y includin g a breadt h o f abou t a mil e an d a half, th e whol e containin g fro m thre e t o five thousan d acres is ceded t o th e public , o n conditio n that , whe n th e whol e shall be surveye d an d lai d of f a s a city , (whic h Majo r L'Enfan t i s no w directed to do) the present Proprietor s shall retain every other lot - and , for suc h par t of the lan d as may b e take n fo r public use , fo r squares , walks, &ca. , they shal l be allowe d a t the rat e of Twenty five pound s per acre . - T h e Publi c having th e righ t t o reserv e suc h part s o f th e wood o n th e lan d a s ma y b e though t necessar y t o b e preserve d fo r ornament &ca . T he Landholder s t o hav e th e us e an d profit s o f all their groun d unti l th e cit y i s lai d of f int o lots , an d sal e i s mad e o f those lot s which , b y th e agreement , becom e publi c property . N o compensation i s t o b e mad e fo r th e groun d tha t ma y b e occupie d as street s o r alleys . T o thes e conditions al l the principa l Landholders except the pur chaser o f Slater' s property wh o di d not atten d hav e subscribed , an d it i s no t doubte d tha t th e fe w wh o wer e no t present , wil l readil y assent thereto . Eve n th e obstinat e Mr . Burn s ha s com e int o th e measure. T h e enlarge d pla n o f thi s agreemen t havin g don e awa y the necessity , an d indee d postpone d th e propriety , o f designatin g the particula r spot, o n whic h the publi c building s shoul d b e placed , until a n accurat e surve y an d subdivisio n o f th e whol e groun d i s made, I hav e lef t ou t tha t paragrap h o f th e proclamation . It wa s found , o n runnin g th e line s tha t th e comprehensio n o f Bladensburg within the district , must hav e occasione d th e exclusio n of mor e importan t object s - an d o f thi s I a m convince d a s wel l b y my ow n observatio n a s M r . Ellicott' s opinion . Wit h grea t regar d and esteem , I a m dea r Sir , Your mos t obedien t Servant , Go: WASHINGTO N RC (DLC); in the hand of William Jack- President' s proclamation of 30 Mch. 179 1 son except fo r signature; endorsed by TJ (se e Editoria l Note), as received 5 Apr . 1791 an d so recorded in SJL . Df t (DNA : RG 59, MLR) ; als o Fo r an accoun t o f "th e obstinat e Mr. in Jackson' s hand but havin g numerou s Burns, " and a map showing his holdings deletions an d interlineations in Washing- se e E.M.B . Morganston , "Davy Burnes, ton's hand. FC (DNA: R G 59, SDC); agrees hi s Ancestors and thei r Descendants," Cogenerally with Dft but varies in phraseol- lumbi a Hist. Soc, Records, L (1948-1950) , ogy from both Dft and RC . Enclosure: The 103-35 .
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X . Pierr e C h a r l e s L ' E n f a n t t o T h o m a s Jefferso n S l R jeorg
e tow n Apri l th e 4th. 179 1
I woul d hav e reproche d mysel f fo r no t havin g write n t o yo u a s regularly as you had desired I Should were i t not fo r Circumstances to whic h yo u wil l I doub t no t attribu t thi s Seemin g neglec t i n approving o f th e consideration s whic h mad e m e giv e th e whol e o f my time t o forward s as much as possibly coul d be the busine s I had to performe . Grea t a s wer e m y Endeavou r t o tha t E n d i t Stee l remained unfinishe d a t th e momen t o f the Presiden t arriva l a t thi s place wer e I coul d presen t hi m n o mor e bu t a roug h drawin g i n pincel o f th e several s Survey s whic h I ha d bee n abl e t o run. - Nevertheles s th e presiden t Indulgen t disposition makin g him account fo r th e difficultie s Encontered , I had the satisfactio n t o se e the littl e I had done agréabl e t o hi s wish , and the Confidenc e wit h which he has been please d sinc e to Honor me in ordering the survey to b e continue d an d th e deliniatio n o f a gran d pla n fo r th e loca l distribution o f the Cit y t o b e don e o n principl e conformable t o th e ideas whic h I took th e libert y t o hol d befor e hi m a s th e prope r fo r the Establishemen t being t o heigl y flatering t o m y Embition to Fai l Exerting th e bes t o f m y hability . I t shal l b e fro m thi s momen t m y Endeavour to Enswe r th e presiden t Expectatio n in preparing those plans an d havin g the m read y fo r th e tim e o f hi s retur n fro m th e Southern tour . I Shal l in the mean while, sir, beg for Every information respecting all what may in your jugement appea r of most immediate importanc e to atten d t o a s wel l a s relatin g t o Ever y desirabl e Establishemen t which i t wil l b e wel l to forse e althoug h delayin g or perhaps leavin g the Executio n thereof t o a natura l successio n o f time t o Effect . T h e numbe r and nature of the publick building with the necessary appendix I Shoul d b e gla d t o hav e a Statemen t o f a s speedil y a s possible. A n d I would be very much obliged t o you in the meantim e if yo u Coul d procu r fo r m e wha t Eve r ma p ma y fal l withi n you r reach, o f an y o f th e différent s gran d cit y no w Existin g such a s fo r Example, as London, madry, paris, Amsterdam, naples, Venice, genoa, florence together with particular maps of any such sea ports or dock yards an d arsenal s a s yo u ma y kno w t o b e th e mos t complea t i n thier Improvemen t fo r notwithstandin g I would reprobat e th e Ide a of Imitating and that contrary of Having this Intention it is my wish and shal l be m y Endeavou r to delinat e o n a new an d orriginal way [83]
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the plan the contrivance o f which the President has left to me withou t any restrictio n s o Ever . Ye t the contemplatio n o f what Exis t o f wel l improved Situation , ive n th e parralle l of these wit h deffectiv e ones , may serve t o suggest a variety o f new Idea s and is necessary t o refin e and Strengthe n th e Jugemen t particularl y i n th e presen t instanc e when havin g t o unit e th e usful l wit h th e Comodiou s an d agréabl e viewing thes e wil l b y offerin g mean s fo r comparin g Enabl e me th e better t o determin e wit h a certaint y th e propriet y o f a loca l whic h offer a n Extansiv e field fo r combinations . I hav e th e Hono r t o b e with grea t respec t Si r your most humble an d most obeident servant, P. C . L'ENFAN T RC (DLC : Distric t o f Columbia Papers) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 9 Apr. 1791 and so recorded in SJL .
X I . D a n i e l C a r r o l l t o T h o m a s Jefferso n S l R Georg
e Town Apr . 6th . 179 1
T h e inclose d fo r Mr . Madiso n i s ope n fo r you r perusa l an d in formation. T h e prospec t befor e u s respectin g th e grea t objec t o f the Sea t o f Govt, i s pleasin g a t presen t here . I shal l hav e occasio n probabl y a t times t o communicat e t o yo u wha t ma y occur , an d shal l embrac e every occasio n o f assuring you that , I am, sr. with ver y grea t regar d & esteem , yr . respectfu l & ob t Servt . DAN L CARROL L P.S. I expec t w e shal l i n a few day s procee d t o tak e prope r deeds . RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ a s received 9 Apr. 1791 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure printed below.
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Daniel Carrol l t o James Madison M Y D E A R S I R Georg e Town Apr . 6th . 179 1 I hav e flattered myself wit h hope s o f receivin g a line fro m yo u wit h information o f th e tim e yo u wou d b e a t thi s place . O n enquir y however I find it incertain whethe r yo u wou' d no t tur n your face t o th e East . Shou' d that no t be th e Case , I clai m your promise o f letting m e kno w whe n I ma y expec t t o see you, and hope you will arrang e matters so as not to be in a hurry to proceed when yo u ge t t o thi s place. -1 refe r you t o th e Georg e Town pape r for som e intelligence respectin g the Federa l City . Th e Union of the Georg e Town an d Carrollsburgh interests , has given a Cast to this business more favourable than
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was expecte d eve n b y it s friends . I t wa s a union I have mos t ardentl y wish' d for and promoted o n publi c an d personal considerations . I inclos e th e articles o f Agreement , sign' d b y al l th e proprietor s o f Lan d within th e propos' d limit s o f th e City , s o fa r a s t o complea t thi s importan t object wit h a Condemnatio n o f a Smal l piec e o f lan d th e righ t o f a perso n insane, an d b y a n accommodatio n respectin g th e Lott s i n Hamburg h an d Carrollsburgh t o a Condemnation o f some Lott s in each o f those places, a s th e proprietors canno t b e com e at. It is propos'd that both these places shall be Subject to be lay'd out again. - A t the tim e th e principa l proprietors of the tw o interest s agree d t o a compromise , it wa s propos' d an d agree d to o tha t th e privat e propert y shou' d b e subjec t t o the sam e regulations respectin g th e buildings &ca . as shou'd be thought prope r for the public ; this was in the hurr y omitted t o be inserted in the articles sign'd. We hop e however t o obtai n i t i n the deeds . I wish muc h to se e yo u & am My dear Sr , allways & Sincerely y r affe. frien d & Servt. D A N L CARROL L Present m y compliment s t o Mrs . House an d Mrs. Triste, an d assure the m o f my estee m an d regard . - Sen d th e inclos d not e to Fenno . RC (DLC : Madison Papers); addressed: "Mr. Madison-fo r Mr . Jefferson' s pe rusal." Enclosure: Agreement o f the landowners, "in consideration of the great benefits w e expec t t o deriv e from having the Federal cit y lai d of f upo n ou r lands, " to convey in trust to the President or the commissioners o r suc h person s a s h e shoul d appoint, "b y good and sufficient deed s in fee simple, the whole of our respective Lands which he may thin k proper to include within the lines of the Federal City," on these conditions: (1) the President to "have the Sole power o f directing the Federa l Cit y t o be laid off in what manner he pleases," and to retain any number of squares "he may think proper for publi c Improvement s o r other public uses," with only th e lots laid off to be equally an d fairly divided between the public and the individuals as soon after the city is laid off as may be; (2) the proprietors to receive no compensation fo r streets, but any land taken for public buildings or any kind of public use to be paid for at the rate of £25 pe r acre; (3) the woods on the lands to b e the propert y of the owner s an d any
desired to be left standing by the President to b e compensate d fo r a t a just valuation in addition to the £25 pe r acre for the land; (4) eac h proprietor to have the "Ful l pos session an d use of his land . . . untill sold and Occupied by the purchasers"; (5) where the publi c street s an d lot s permit , eac h proprietor t o posses s hi s buildings , im provements, and grav e yards, paying to the public £12 1 0 per acre; but where the public streets , lots , and squares do not permit this an d i t become s necessar y t o remov e such buildings and improvements , the proprietors to be paid a reasonable value; an d (6) non e of the stipulation s i n the agree ment to affect lot s owned by the subscribers in Carrollsburg or Hamburg (unsigned MS i n clerk's hand in D L C: Madison Pa pers, misdate d 1 3 [fo r 30 ] Mch . 1791) . The ful l text of agreement, date d 30 Mch. 1791 an d signed b y Rober t Peter, David Burnes, Uria h Forrest , Benjami n Stod dert, and others , is in Columbia Hist. Soc, Records, xxxv-xxxv i (1935) , 44-6 . En closed note to Fenno has not bee n found .
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X I I . T h o m a s Jefferson t o Pierre C h a r l e s L ' E n f a n t SIR Philadelphi
a Apr . 10 . 1791 .
I a m favore d wit h you r lette r o f the 4th . inst . an d i n complianc e with you r reques t I hav e examine d m y paper s an d found th e plan s of Frankfort o n the Mayne, Carlsruhe, Amsterdam Strasburg, Paris, Orleans, Bordeaux , Lyons , Montpelier , Marseilles , Turin an d Milan , which I sen d i n a rol l b y thi s post . The y ar e on larg e an d accurate scales, havin g bee n procure d by m e whil e i n those respectiv e citie s myself. A s the y ar e connected wit h th e note s I made i n m y travels, and ofte n necessar y t o explai n the m t o myself , I wil l be g you r care of the m an d t o retur n them whe n n o longe r usefu l t o you , leavin g you absolutel y fre e t o kee p the m a s lon g a s useful. I am happy tha t the Presiden t has left th e plannin g of the tow n i n such good hands, and have no doubt i t will be done to general satisfaction. Considering that th e ground s t o b e reserve d for th e publi c are to b e pai d for b y the acre , I think ver y libera l reservation s shoul d b e mad e fo r them , and i f this b e abou t th e Tybe r an d o n th e bac k o f th e tow n i t wil l be of no injury to the commerce o f the place, which will undoubtedl y establish itsel f o n th e dee p water s toward s th e Easter n branc h and mouth o f Roc k creek ; the wate r abou t th e mout h o f the Tybe r no t being o f an y depth . Thos e connecte d wit h th e governmen t wil l prefer fixing themselves nea r the public grounds in the center, which will als o b e convenien t t o b e resorte d t o a s walk s fro m th e lowe r and uppe r town . —Having communicated t o th e President , befor e he wen t away , suc h genera l idea s o n th e subjec t o f th e town , a s occurred t o me , I make n o doub t that , i n explainin g himsel f to yo u on th e subject , h e ha s interwove n wit h his ow n ideas , suc h o f min e as h e approved : fo r fea r o f repeatin g therefor e wha t h e di d no t approve, an d havin g mor e confidenc e i n th e unbiasse d stat e o f hi s mind, tha n i n m y own , I avoi d interferin g wit h wha t h e ma y hav e expressed t o you . Wheneve r i t i s propose d t o prepar e plans fo r th e Capitol, I shoul d prefe r th e adoptio n o f som e on e o f th e model s o f antiquity which have had the approbation o f thousands o f years; and for th e President' s hous e I shoul d prefe r th e celebrate d front s o f Modern building s whic h hav e alread y receive d th e approbatio n o f all goo d judges. Suc h are the Galeri e d u Louvre , th e Garde s meubles, an d two front s o f the Hote l d e Salm . Bu t o f this i t i s ye t tim e enough t o consider . I n th e mea n tim e I a m wit h grea t estee m Si r Your mos t obedt . humbl e servt. , T H : JEFFERSO N [86}
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RC (DLC : Digges-L'Enfant-Morga n Papers); addressed: "Majr. L'Enfant at Georgetown Maryland" ; franked; postmarked: "11 AP " an d "FREE. " Pr C (DLC) . F C (DNA : RG 59 , PC C No . 120) .
X I I I . T h o m a s Jefferso n t o Georg e Washington S I R Philadelphi
a Apr. 10 . 1791 .
I ha d the honor of addressing you on the 2d. inst. which I presume would overtak e yo u a t Richmond . T he presen t I imagin e wil l no t overtake yo u til l yo u ge t t o Wilmington . Sinc e m y las t I have bee n honoured wit h you r tw o letter s o f Marc h 31. an d tw o other s o f Apr. 4 . on e o f which was circular . A cop y o f this I sent t o th e Vice president, an d as Colo. Hamilton has asked a consultation o n a letter of M r . Short' s w e shal l hav e a meetin g wit h th e Vice-presiden t tomorrow. I wil l the n as k thei r advic e als o o n th e communicatio n to Colo . Beckwith relative to th e supplie s t o th e Indians . - Finding , within a day o r two afte r m y lette r t o yo u o f Mar . 27 . tha t Putna m was gon e to th e Westward , I detained m y lette r t o him , and applied to Genl . Kno x fro m who m I obtaine d som e informatio n o n th e Eastern boundary . N o officia l informatio n o f th e affai r o f Moos e island i s receive d here . Perhap s it i s on th e roa d to you . No r d o w e hear anythin g mor e o f th e disturbanc e sai d t o hav e arise n o n th e borders o f Ne w York . -1 hav e aske d th e favou r o f m y frien d Mr. Madison t o thin k o n th e subjec t o f the Consula r commission t o Mr. Barclay. S o fa r a s w e hav e don e s o an d conferre d togethe r a s yet , we ar e both o f opinion i t may be used; but w e shal l think and confe r further. I presume you r only doub t aros e on the constitutiona l pow ers to 'suppl y vacancies ' during the reces s o f Congress. - Ther e wa s an omissio n als o (whic h migh t strik e you r mind ) o f th e limitatio n of the commissio n 'til l th e en d o f th e nex t sessio n o f Congress. ' A s the constitutio n limit s them , thi s claus e i s alway s useless ; howeve r as it does no harm , i t ha s bee n usuall y inserted i n the commissions . But i n th e cas e o f M r . Barclay suc h a clause woul d requir e a very awkward explanatio n t o th e Empero r of Marocco : and as Mr . Bar clay is apprised of the constitutional determinatio n o f his commissio n it wa s though t bette r t o omi t th e useles s expressio n o f i t . - T h e acquisition o f groun d a t Georg e tow n i s reall y noble . Considerin g that onl y £ 2 5 . a n acr e i s t o b e pai d fo r an y ground s take n fo r th e public, an d the street s no t b e t o counted , whic h wil l i n fac t reduc e it t o abou t £ 1 9 . an acre, I think ver y liberal reserves shoul d b e mad e 1
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for th e public . You r proclamatio n cam e t o han d th e nigh t o f th e 5th. Dunlap' s and Bache's papers for the mornin g of the 6th . bein g already filled, I coul d onl y ge t i t int o Brown' s evening pape r of th e 6th. O n th e 7th . th e bil l fo r th e federa l building s passe d th e rep resentatives her e b y 42 . t o 10 . bu t i t wa s rejecte d yesterda y b y 9 . to 6 . i n th e Senate , or , t o spea k mor e exactly , i t wa s postpone d til l the nex t session . I n the mea n tim e spirite d proceeding s a t Georg e town wil l probably , unde r the continuanc e o f your patronage , pre vent th e reviva l of the bill . I received last night fro m Majr. L'Enfan t a reques t t o furnis h him an y plan s o f town s I could , fo r hi s exam ination. I accordingl y sen d him , b y thi s post , plan s o f Frankfor t o n the Mayne , Carlsruhe, Amsterdam , Strasburg, Paris, Orleans , Bordeaux, Lyons , Montpelier , Marseilles , Turi n an d Milan , o n larg e and accurat e scales, whic h I procured while i n those towns respec tively. The y ar e none o f them howeve r comparabl e t o th e ol d Bab ylon, revive d i n Philadelphia , and exemplified . Whil e i n Europ e I selected abou t a doze n o r tw o o f th e handsomes t front s o f privat e buildings o f whic h I hav e th e plates . Perhap s i t migh t decid e th e taste o f the ne w town , wer e thes e to b e engrave d here , an d distributed grati s amon g th e inhabitant s o f Georg e town . T h e expenc e would b e trifling . I inclos e yo u extract s fro m a letter o f Mr . Short' s of Jan. 24 . On e of Jan . 28 . ha s sinc e com e t o hand , containing nothin g bu t a translation o f the lette r sai d to hav e bee n writte n b y th e empero r t o th e king o f France, bu t whic h he suspect s t o b e a forgery, a forged bul l of th e pop e havin g latel y appeare d i n th e sam e way . H e say s ver y serious difference s hav e arise n betwee n th e ministe r o f Prussi a a t Liege, an d th e Imperia l commandin g office r there . I als o inclos e th e debate s o f the Pennsylvani a assembly o n th e bil l for th e federa l buildings , an d th e bil l itself ; an d hav e th e hono r t o be wit h sentiment s o f th e mos t perfec t respec t & attachmen t Si r Your mos t obedien t & most humbl e servt. , T H : JEFFERSO N RC (DNA : RG 59 , MLR) ; endorse d by Washington. Pr C (DLC) . Fo r extracts o f William Shor t to T J, 2 4 Jan . 1791 , see Vol. 18 : 610. 1
Thu s in text: actually Washington^ letter of 31 Mch . an d 1 Apr. 1791 .
T o Richar d Hariso n S l R Philadelphi
a Apr . 1.1791 .
The reces s o f Congress now permittin g me t o resum e the subjec t of m y lette r o f Aug . 12 . whic h wa s circular , I hav e th e hono r o f [ 88}
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acknoleging th e receip t o f your s o f Sep . 3 . an d Dec . 4 . togethe r with th e paper s whic h accompanie d th e latter . These , wit h th e observations yo u hav e bee n s o goo d a s t o mak e o n th e subjec t o f British debt s an d propert y wil l enabl e u s t o giv e answer s a s t o th e proceedings o f N. Yor k wheneve r th e British government shal l think proper t o com e f o r w a r d . - T h e othe r object , tha t o f procurin g a complete se t o f th e law s o f ever y stat e fo r th e us e o f th e federa l government, i s extremel y important . I mus t therefor e as k th e favo r of yo u t o sen d forwar d th e volume s yo u mentio n t o hav e procure d in you r lette r o f Sep . 3 . an d stil l be g th e continuatio n o f you r at tention t o th e procurin g an y other s whic h ma y b e necessar y t o complete our collection, an d of which you are the bes t judge. When ever yo u wil l b e s o goo d a s t o notif y m e o f the cos t o f those alread y procured, an d s o fro m tim e t o tim e o f thos e t o b e procured , yo u shall b e immediatel y reimburse d by a bank-post-note. I am in hopes the apparen t necessit y o f havin g suc h a collection mad e an d deposited her e wil l apologiz e t o yo u fo r th e troubl e I hav e aske d yo u t o take herein , an d pra y yo u t o accep t m y thank s fo r th e sam e an d assurances o f the estee m with whic h I have th e hono r t o b e Si r Your most obedt . & most humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSO N RC (NNS) ; addressed : "Richard Har rison esquir e Attorney for the U.S . New York"; franked ; postmarked : "1 AP" ; en dorsed. Pr C (DLC) . F C (DNA: RG 59 , PCC No . 120) . TJ's circula r o f 1 2 Aug . 179 0 t o th e various Distric t Attorney s askin g abou t possible infractions of the Treaty of Peace by th e several states was t o prepare himself for discussion s o f th e majo r problem s of American debt s owe d Britis h merchants and th e continued occupation of the western post s whic h woul d hav e t o b e confronted whe n diplomati c relation s wit h
Great Britai n wer e established. Although TJ's repor t of 15 Dec. 1790 made it clear that the next ste p i n this direction would have to com e fro m Great Britain , h e had every reason to believe at this time that the well-publicized threat of adoption of a navigation ac t a t th e nex t Congres s would prompt such a move. Hence , as indicate d by th e above letter and others of the same date fro m Lewi s an d t o Rea d an d Sitgreaves, TJ took advantage of the firstmoment o f leisur e afte r th e adjournmen t of Congress to address himself to the subject in a characteristic anticipation of need.
T o Benjami n Hawkin s DEAR SI R Philadelphi
a Apri l 1 . 1791 .
At Mrs . Trist' s desir e I forwar d t o yo u abou t a doze n bean s o f three differen t kinds , having first taken tol l o f them a s she ha d done before. The y ar e o f th e scarle t flowering kinds . Thi s i s al l I kno w of them. T h e most beautifu l bea n i n the worl d is the Caracall a bean , which thoug h i n Englan d a gree n hous e plant , wil l gro w i n th e {89}
1 A P R I L 17
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open ai r i n Virgini a an d Carolina . I neve r coul d ge t on e o f the m i n my life . The y ar e wort h you r enquiry . Some friendl y Indian s hav e bee n kille d nea r For t Pit t lately , o n a tradin g visit , b y a part y o f Virginians . T h i s wil l no t onl y defea t the measure s se t o n foo t fo r peace , bu t sprea d the wa r wider . Ther e has bee n also a small fracas on ou r dispute d territory to th e Eastward , by ou r sheriff s levyin g taxe s o n th e inhabitant s o f Moos e island , who a s t o tha t article , wishe d t o b e n e u t r a l s . - A sal e o f 1,200,00 0 acres o f lan d b y Mr . R[obert ] M[orris ] i n Europ e an d th e purchas e of 5 . million s mor e i s th e repor t o f th e day . Thing s wer e goin g o n well i n Franc e b y th e las t authenti c accounts . T h e Englis h paper s have sinc e kille d th e D . o f Orleans . I t seem s t o b e though t tha t th e affairs o f Europ e ar e b y n o mean s settled , an d tha t th e lat e pacifi cation has onl y covered a fire which will burst out agai n immediately. Adieu. Your' s affectionately , T H : JEFFERSO N PrC (DLC) . Th e date is blurred and appears to be 1792 , unde r which date the lette r is printed in L & B, xix, 93-4, bu t internal evidence an d the entr y in SJL establis h th e correct date as given above .
F r o m Willia m Lewi s Philadelphia, 1 Apr. 1791. Acknowledge s hi s o f yesterday . Gettin g law s required b y that o f 12 A u g. last border s o n the impossible , otherwise T J woul d have ha d n o furthe r trouble . H e sen t t o T J a t Ne w Yor k b y Timoth y Hurs t a foli o volum e o f al l law s enacte d i n Pennsylvani a befor e Revolution , excep t those repeale d o r expired , togethe r wit h 1 4 pamphlet s containin g al l betwee n 1 Oct . 178 1 an d 3 0 Nov . 1784 . These , adde d t o suc h a s T J ha d before , wer e all u p t o 2 2 Sep . 178 5 an d al l he coul d procure . H e ha s n o not e o f wha t h e later sent , bu t i s gla d t o kno w the y ar e brough t u p t o 179 0 "becaus e I veril y believe i t t o b e utterl y impossibl e fo r an y perso n t o collec t a complet e set t o f the Law s i n th e whol e city . I hav e severa l time s applie d t o th e Printe r o f ou r Laws; I hav e prevaile d o n th e Speake r o f the Genera l Assembl y t o direc t th e Clerks to search among al l the Law s and Minute s of the Legislatur e an d I have applied t o severa l o f my Friend s . . . mos t likel y t o hav e suc h a s yo u wanted , and . . . there stil l remaine d a Deficiency . I f therefore yo u wil l pleas e t o sen d me suc h a s yo u hav e . . . no t bound , I wil l complea t you r set t fro m m y own , have the m bound , an d m y Inde x copie d a t th e En d o f the m b y on e o f m y Clerks. . . . I kno w o f n o othe r wa y b y whic h yo u ca n b e supplied , an d th e inconvenience t o m e wil l b e bu t triflin g til l I ca n replac e them i n some way o r other. - Althoug h th e Inde x to m y sett ma y no t b e s o goo d as yo u might make , it i s perhap s bette r tha n you r Clerk s woul d b e abl e t o furnish. " RC (DNA : RG 59 , MLR) ; a t foot of text: "The Honble. Mr. Jefferson" ; endorsed by T J a s received 1 Apr. 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
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T o G e o r g e R e a d , J r. S I R Philadelphi
a Apr . 1.1791 .
Having no w leisur e t o resum e th e subjec t o f my lette r o f A u g . 12. whic h wa s circular, I hav e th e hono r t o acknoleg e th e receip t of yours o f Nov. 4 . wit h th e acts therewit h forwarded . T h e making a complet e collection , t o b e deposite d a t th e sea t o f th e genera l government, o f all the law s i n forc e i n ever y state , o r which hav e been in force, i s so important, tha t I must as k a continuation o f your attention t o the procuring a copy of the collectio n o f Delaware law s printed i n 1752 . and which som e casualt y ma y hereafter perhap s throw i n your way . I shall thank you for a copy of those now under révisai wheneve r the y shal l appear . O n notifying t o m e the cost of those alread y sen t o r hereafter t o be sent, you shall be immediatel y re-imbursed b y a bank-post-bill, wit h man y thank s fro m hi m wh o has the honor t o be with grea t respec t Si r Your mos t obedt. & most humble servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "George Read junr. esq . Delaware." FC (DNA : R G 59, PCC No . 120). T J ha d especially asked Read, Distric t Attorney for Delaware and son of the senator from that state, to procure a copy o f
Laws of the Government of New-Castle, Kent
second volume s o f the laws and that he would sen d the third a s soon a s it came from the press. He had been obliged to pay three guinea s to the owner, he reported , "that being the price which he supposed the new edition . .. to be procured at, when published." He drew upon TJ fo r the sum involved (Read to T J, 2 7 Oct. 1791; R C in DNA : R G 59 , MLR; endorse d by T J as received 26 Nov. 1791). The work sent was probabl y the two-volume editio n of
and Sussex (Philadelphia, Franklin & Hall, 1752)-a wor k Rea d reported as difficul t to obtain (Read to T J, 4 Nov. 1790) . But it seems that he was sent two other volumes Laws of the Government of New-Castle, Kent and Sussex upon Delaware (Wilmington , instead. I n response t o the above letter , Read said that after diligent effort he ha d 1763). TJ apparentl y did not acknowledge persuaded "a young Gentleman resident in Read's acquisition . the State " to let him have the firstand
T o Willia m Shor t DEAR S I R Philadelphi
a Apr . 1 . 1791 .
T h e beare r hereof , M r . Daniel Ludlow , a merchant an d citizen of New York, bein g abou t t o go to Europe and probably t o France , for th e purpos e o f establishin g mercantil e connections , I tak e th e liberty o f introducin g hi m to you . T he assurances I reciev e o f his worth an d respectability ar e such a s to meri t an y services o r kindnesses yo u ca n rende r him , and shal l b e considere d a s persona l obligations o n Dear Si r You r affectionat e frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON [91}
1 A P R I L 17 PrC (DLC) . Ludlow, a prominent New Yor k mer chant, was obviously unknown to T J. The assurances of his worth and respectabilit y
91
must have come from Alexander Hamilton, of who m Ludlow had requested letters of introduction to be used in Europe (Ludlow to Hamilton, 23 Apr . 1791 , Syrett, Hamilton, vm , 304) .
T o J o h n Sitgreave s S I R Philadelphi
a Apr . 1 . 1791 .
Having now leisure , since the adjournment o f Congress, to resum e the subjec t o f m y circula r letter o f Aug . 12 . I hav e th e honou r t o acknowledge th e reciep t o f you r favo r o f Dec . 6 . an d t o than k yo u for th e paper s forwarde d wit h i t o n th e subjec t o f Britis h debt s an d property. T h e othe r objec t o f my letter , tha t o f procuring a complete copy o f al l the law s i n forc e o r which hav e eve r bee n i n force , t o b e deposited here fo r the us e o f the genera l governmen t i s so importan t as t o induc e m e t o as k a continuanc e o f you r attentio n t o it . Mr . Iredell's révisa i whe n publishe d wil l b e desireable : an d a s fa r a s a collection ca n b e mad e o f th e printed law s omitte d i n tha t w e shal l be gla d o f it . I t i s no t propose d t o g o t o th e expenc e o f manuscrip t copies. T h o I ha d aske d th e favo r o f yo u t o mak e thi s collection , while yo u wer e attorne y fo r th e district , an d yo u ar e n o longe r i n this office , ye t a s yo u hav e bee n s o goo d a s t o begi n it , an d I hop e it wil l no t b e a troubl e o f lon g duration , ma y I hop e tha t yo u wil l be s o obligin g a s to g o throug h wit h i t b y pickin g up whateve r ma y occur i n prin t t o fill u p th e omission s o f Mr . Iredell' s collection . Whenever a t an y tim e yo u wil l b e please d t o notif y t o m e th e cos t of thes e articles , yo u shal l b e immediatel y reimburse d b y a ban k post note . I hav e th e hono r t o b e wit h grea t respec t & esteem Si r Your mos t obedt . & mos t humbl e servt. , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; a t foot of text: "John Sit - olina law s that presumably included tha t greaves esq. N . Carola. " F C (DNA : R G of Iredel l an d at the sam e time promised 59, PC C No . 120) . to collect others subsequent to the period covered b y Iredell-171 5 t o 179 0 (Sit In 178 7 James Iredell (1751-1799) was greaves to T J, 21 June 1792 , missing but directed by the North Carolina legislature recorded in SJL as received on 3 July 1792). to collect and revise all of the acts then in In sendin g him the post bill for these volforce. Th e resultant Laws of the State of umes, TJ thanked Sitgreaves for hi s promNorth-Carolina, a compilation rather than ise to send subsequent acts, "the completthe sort of révisai that TJ sought to achieve ing this collection being extremely desirable" for Virginia , wa s published in 1791 . Sit - (TJ t o Sitgreaves , 12 July 1792 ; Pr C in greaves did not comply with TJ's request DLC; FC : DNA , R G 59 , PC C No. 120). until 1792 , whe n h e forwarde d an un- Sitgreaves evidentl y di d no t fulfil l hi s specified number of volumes of North Car- promise, for there is no further correspond-
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ence o n the subject . T J , wh o wa s more dell' s Laws fo r his own remarkable collecassiduous than any other American of his tio n o f manuscrip t an d printe d statute s generation in collecting laws for private as (Sowerby , No. 2165). well as officiai use, acquired a copy of Ire-
F r o m G e o r g e Washingto n DEAR SI R Moun
t Vernon Apri l 1st . 179 1
I hav e ha d th e pleasur e t o receiv e you r lette r o f th e 27th . ult . with th e paper s whic h accompanie d it . Referring to your judgment whethe r a commission, simila r to that intended fo r M r . Barclay, ma y b e give n withou t th e agenc y o f th e Senate, I retur n bot h paper s t o yo u signed , i n orde r tha t th e on e you dee m mos t prope r ma y b e used . Your opinion s respectin g th e act s o f forc e whic h hav e alread y taken place , o r ma y ye t tak e plac e o n ou r boundaries , mee t m y concurrence, a s th e safes t mod e o f compellin g proposition s t o a n amicable settlement and it may answer a good purpose to have the m suggested i n th e wa y yo u mention.-Shoul d thi s matte r assum e a serious aspec t durin g m y absenc e I be g yo u t o communicat e par ticulars wit h al l possible dispatch . T h e mos t super b edifice s ma y b e erected , an d I shal l wish thei r inhabitants muc h happiness , an d that to o ver y disinterestedly , a s I shall neve r b e o f th e numbe r myself . It wil l b e fortunate fo r the American public if private Speculation s in the lands , still claimed by the Aborigines , do not aggrevat e thos e differences, whic h policy, humanity, and justice concur to deprecate . I a m muc h indebte d t o you r kin d concer n fo r m y safet y i n travelling. N o acciden t ha s ye t happene d eithe r fro m th e high-hangin g of the carriage , or th e mod e o f driving . T he latte r I mus t continu e as m y Postilio n (Giles ) i s stil l to o muc h indispose d t o rid e th e journey. It occurs to me that you may not have adverted to Judge Putnam's being i n th e Wester n Countr y at present . - Perhap s Genera l Kno x can furnis h yo u wit h th e map s yo u want , o r the y ma y b e foun d among thos e tha t ar e i n m y stud y i n Philadelphia. I expec t t o leav e Moun t Vernon , in prosecutio n o f m y Souther n tour, o n tuesda y o r Wednesda y next . I shal l hal t on e da y a t Fred ericksburgh an d tw o a t Richmond . Thenc e I shal l procee d t o Charlestown b y the wa y o f Petersburg, Halifax, Tarborough, Newbern, Wilmington , an d Georg e T o w n , withou t makin g an y halt s [93]
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between Richmon d an d Charlesto n bu t suc h a s ma y b e necessar y to accomodat e m y journey. I am sincerel y an d affectionately Yours , Go: WASHINGTO N R C ( D L C ) ; a t foo t o f text : T h o s . Jef ferson Esqr . Sec y o f State" ; endorse d b y T J a s receive d 5 Apr . 179 1 an d s o re corded in S J L. Df t ( D N A : RG 59 , M L R ) ; in th e han d of William Jackson, with complimentary clos e an d signatur e adde d b y Washington. F C ( D N A : RG 59, S D C ) ; i n Jackson's hand, with complimentary close , signature, an d docketin g adde d b y Wash ington. Washington's respons e t o T J ' s infor mation abou t th e bil l introduce d i n th e Pennsylvania legislatur e "fo r buildin g a federal hall , hous e fo r th e Presiden t &c." ( T J t o Washington , 2 7 Mch . 1791 ) wa s construed b y T J t o mea n tha t th e Presi dent intende d t o retir e a t th e en d o f hi s term i n 1793 . O n th e basi s o f thi s con struction, he at once made a determination of his own . O n receivin g th e abov e letter , as he state d som e months later , "my mind was immediately mad e up to mak e that the epoch o f my ow n retiremen t fro m thos e labors of which I was heartily tired" (Memorandum o f conversation s wit h Washington, 1 Mch. 1792) . T J wa s als o give n anothe r concer n a t this critical juncture of affairs when h e and the Presiden t ha d suc h harmoniou s rela tions an d whe n thei r view s abou t polic y toward Grea t Britai n wer e s o muc h in accord. This aros e from his fear that a serious accident migh t happe n t o Washingto n i n his travel s southward . O n 2 3 Mch . 179 1 the Gazette of the United States stated tha t the Presiden t had departed "in a new char iot an d six . . . a superior specimen o f me chanical perfection. " Thi s wa s a n opinio n in whic h TJ certainly did not concur . His concern was indeed s o grea t a s to lea d him to war n Washingto n tha t th e coac h wa s top-heavy becaus e o f th e sprin g mount ings, a conditio n aggravate d b y th e fac t
that i t wa s drive n b y a coachma n rathe r than b y a postillio n mounte d o n th e nea r horse o f th e leader s o f th e six-hors e tea m ( T J t o Washington , 2 7 Mch . 1791) . Washington wa s no t usin g th e splendi d coach o f state that ha d been mad e fo r him in 178 0 b y Georg e Bringhurs t of Phila delphia. Tha t coach , of which Washington was justifiably proud, had been thoroughl y repaired, embellished , an d accoutere d i n 1790 b y the Philadelphi a carriage makers, David and Francis Clark , bu t was though t both to o heav y an d to o ornat e fo r th e gruelling journe y southwar d ove r severa l hundred mile s o f rough roads. T he Clark s were able to provide the President with one of tw o ne w coache s presumabl y brough t from England , on e o f whic h belonge d t o the wif e o f Samue l Powel , mayo r of Phil adelphia. Th e latter came to res t at Mount Vernon i n 180 1 and , bein g referre d to a s "Washington's Whit e Chariot, " initiated a controversy which should never have arisen. The coac h use d o n Washington' s south ern journe y wa s sol d b y th e executor s o f his estat e i n 180 2 an d wa s evidentl y bro ken u p fo r souvenir s (Freeman , Washington, vi, 296n.; Washington to Lear , 5 Sep . and 1 4 Nov . 1790 ; Washingto n t o Davi d and Franci s Clark, 1 7 Sep. 1790 , Writings, ed., Fitzpatrick , xxxi , 111 , 115-16 , 154 ; David an d Franci s Clar k t o Washington , 13 Sep . 1790 , D L C : Washingto n Papers; Lear t o Washington , 2 4 Oct . 1790 , Mi crofilm o f Feinstone Collection , No. 774) . Washington no t onl y survive d the jour ney withou t seriou s acciden t bu t actuall y gained weight. TJ' s concer n about the safet y of th e coach , lik e tha t h e ha d manifeste d during Washington' s illnes s th e previou s year, testifie s t o hi s convictio n tha t muc h depended o n th e President' s lif e ( T J t o Short, 2 7 Ma y 1790) .
F r o m J a m e s Maxwel l Norfolk, 2 Apr. 1791. Acknowledgin g TJ's o f 29th ult. On receiving former letter, he at once applied to Major Lindsay who had T J 's si x boxes of furniture
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immediately sent to Richmond and who said Brown acknowledged their receipt and sai d h e ha d bee n waitin g fo r wagon s t o sen t the m u p country . - O n re ceiving T J ' s former orde r fo r cider , h e immediatel y applie d t o gentleme n h e could rely on a t Suffolk , Smithfield , Cabi n Point , an d Back Rive r "(bein g th e places of greatest reputatio n for Cyder) an d their general answer was that the y had mad e non e the y coul d recommend, " du e t o a remarkabl y warm fall, th e apples rottin g to o fast , an d thei r havin g t o distil l the m int o brandy . Bu t o n receiving T J ' s last h e applie d agai n an d hopes soo n t o b e abl e t o sen d " 3 o r More Bbls : o f Cyde r an d shal l b e happ y I ma y ge t suc h a s ma y mee t wit h Your Approbation." RC (MHi) ; endorsed by TJ as received 1 9 Apr. 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
T o G e o r g e Washingto n S l R Philadelphi
a Apr. 2.1791 .
I ha d the hono r o f addressin g yo u o n th e 27th . Ult . since whic h letters ar e received o f Jan. 24 . fro m Mr. Carmichael, an d of Jan. 3 . and 15. Madrid, and Feb. 6. and 12. Lisbon, from Colo. Humphreys. As thes e ar e interesting an d may tend t o settl e suspense o f mind t o a certain degree I shall trouble you with quotations fro m some parts and th e substanc e o f others . Colo. H . says I learn from othe r goo d authority , a s wel l a s fro m Mr. Carmichael , that all representations of Gardoqui (whe n minister in America ) tended t o excit e a belief tha t th e mos t respectabl e an d influential peopl e throughou t th e U . S . di d no t wis h t o hav e th e navigation o f th e Missisip i opene d fo r year s t o come , fro m a n ap prehension suc h even t woul d weake n th e governmen t an d impov erish th e Atlanti c states b y emigrations . I t was eve n pretende d tha t none bu t a handfu l o f settler s o n th e Wester n water s an d a fe w inhabitants o f th e Souther n state s woul d acquiesc e i n th e meas u r e . ' - T h i s i s th e stat e o f min d t o whic h the y hav e reverte d sinc e the crisi s wit h Englan d i s passed , fo r durin g tha t th e Coun t d e Florida Blanc a thre w ou t genera l assertions tha t w e shoul d have n o reason t o complai n o f thei r conduc t wit h respec t t o th e Missisipi ; which gav e ris e t o th e repor t it' s navigatio n wa s opened . T h e fol lowing passage s wil l b e astonishin g t o yo u wh o recollec t tha t ther e was no t a syllable in your letters t o Mr . G. M. which looked i n th e most distan t manne r t o Spain . Mr . Carmichae l say s 'somethin g however migh t hav e bee n don e in a moment o f projects and apprehension ha d no t a certai n négociatio n carrie d o n o n ou r par t a t London, transpired , and which I think was known here rather from British polic y tha n fro m th e vigilanc e o f th e Marqui s del Campo. C
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Entirely unacquainte d wit h thi s manoeuvre , althoug h i n corre spondence wit h th e perso n employe d I wa s suspecte d t o b e i n th e secret. T h i s suspicio n banishe d confidence , whic h return s by slo w degrees. T h i s circumstanc e induce d m e t o dro p entirel y m y cor respondence wit h G . M . T o continu e i t would have done harm, an d certainly coul d d o n o good . I hav e see n extract s o f the President' s letter communicate d t o th e Duk e o f Leeds , perhap s mutilate d o r forged t o serv e her e th e view s o f th e Britis h cabinet . I d o no t ye t despair of obtaining copies of those letters through the sam e channel that I procure d th e firs t accoun t o f th e demand s o f G . B . an d th e signature of the late convention.' Colo. Humphreys says 'the minister had intimation s fro m de l Camp o o f th e conference s betwee n M r . Morris an d th e Duk e o f Leeds , whic h occasione d hi m t o sa y wit h warmth t o M r . Carmichael no w i s you r time t o mak e a treaty wit h England. Fitzherber t availed himself o f thes e conference s t o creat e apprehensions tha t th e American s would ai d hi s natio n i n cas e o f war.' You r genuin e lette r coul d hav e mad e n o impression . T h e British cour t the n mus t hav e forge d one , t o sui t thei r purpose, an d I thin k i t wil l no t b e amis s t o sen d a genuin e cop y t o Carmichael , to plac e ou r fait h i n it' s jus t ground . T h e principa l hop e o f doin g any thin g now , i s founded , eithe r o n a n expecte d remova l o f th e count d e F . B . from th e ministry , i n whic h cas e person s wil l b e employed wh o ar e more friendl y to America , o r to th e burstin g ou t of tha t fire whic h bot h gentleme n thin k bu t superficiall y covered . Mr. Carmichae l justifie s himsel f b y th e interceptio n o f hi s letters . He ha s shew n th e original s t o Colo . H . H e conclude s hi s presen t letter wit h thes e words . 'Relyin g o n th e goo d opinio n o f m e tha t you hav e bee n please d t o expres s o n man y occasions , I intrea t yo u to engage the President to permit me to return to my native country.' Colo. Humphrey s on the subject s o f his justification and return says (after speakin g o f the person s likel y to com e int o power ) 'Mr . Car michael bein g o n term s o f intimac y wit h th e character s here , i s certainly capabl e o f effectin g mor e a t thi s cour t tha n an y othe r American. H e i s heartil y desirou s o f accomplishin g th e objec t i n view a t all events, an d fully determine d t o retur n to Americ a i n 12 . or 18 . months at farthest. He has expressed that intention repeatedly . T o b e investe d wit h ful l powers , perhap s h e woul d b e abl e t o d o something befor e hi s departur e from th e continent. ' I n his lette r o f Jan. 15 . h e say s 'Mr . Carmichael's idea s ar e just: hi s exertion s wil l be powerfu l an d unremittin g t o obtai n th e accomplishmen t o f ou r desires befor e hi s departur e fro m thi s country . T h e tas k wil l no w be difficul t i f no t impracticable. ' I n tha t o f Feb . 6 . h e says , 'Mr. [96]
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Carmichael i s muc h mortifie d tha t s o man y o f hi s dispatche s hav e miscarried. B y th e origina l documents , whic h I hav e see n i n hi s hands, I am convinced he has been extremely assiduous and succesful in procurin g earl y an d authenti c intelligence . I t i s difficul t fo r a person a t a distanc e t o for m a n adequat e judgmen t o f th e embar rasments t o whic h a publi c man , situate d a s h e was , i s subjected , in makin g written communications , fro m suc h an inland place, and under suc h a jealous government . H e appear s disguste d wit h th e country an d th e mod e o f lif e h e i s compelle d t o lead . H e desire s ardently t o retur n to hi s nativ e land ; but h e wishe s t o distinguis h himself first b y renderin g some essentia l servic e t o i t i f possible. ' I propos e t o writ e to M r . Carmichael tha t you r absence prevent s my askin g the permissio n h e desires , tha t a s i t i s natura l h e shoul d wish t o d o somethin g whic h ma y mak e favorabl e impression s her e before hi s retur n an d a n opportunit y i s no w offere d him , I wil l suspend askin g his recal l til l I hea r further from him. Governour Quesada , by orde r of hi s court , i s invitin g foreigner s to g o an d settl e i n Florida . Thi s i s mean t fo r ou r people . Debtor s take advantag e o f i t an d g o of f wit h thei r property . Ou r citizen s have a right to g o wher e the y please . I t is the busines s o f the state s to tak e measure s t o sto p the m til l thei r debt s ar e paid. Thi s done , I wis h a hundre d thousan d o f ou r inhabitant s woul d accep t th e invitation. I t wil l b e th e mean s o f deliverin g t o u s peaceably , wha t may otherwis e cos t u s a war . I n th e mea n tim e w e ma y complai n of this seduction o f our inhabitants just enough t o make them believ e we thin k i t ver y wise polic y fo r them, an d confirm them i n it . Thi s is my ide a of it. I have the honou r to b e wit h sentiments o f the mos t perfect respec t & attachment, Sir , Your mos t obedt . & most humbl e servt, TH: JEFFERSON RC (DNA : R G 59 , MLR); endorsed by Washington. Pr C (DLC) . F C (DNA : RG 59, SDC) . The complet e text s of Humphreys' letters an d tha t o f Carmichae l a s her e ex tracted are printed above unde r the dates given. Washingto n wa s "astonishe d . . . exceedingly" a t th e repor t o f th e Britis h misuse o f his lette r t o Morri s o f 1 3 Oct. 1789 (Washingto n to T J, 1 3 Apr. 1791). For a comment on the Morris mission and on th e ne w polic y towar d Spai n which Washington ha d just approved , se e Edi torial Note s to groupe d document s a t 1 2 July 179 0 an d 1 0 Mch . 1791 , i n which
the latte r attempts a n explanation o f Gar doqui's misrepresentatio n of American attitudes an d point s ou t tha t Washingto n himself differed from his fellow Virginians on thi s issue . Th e "originals " of hi s dispatches whic h Carmichae l showe d t o Humphreys, thu s misleadin g hi m an d causing TJ i n turn to be misled, may have been draft s whic h were neve r dispatched (see not e t o T J to Carmichael , 1 1 Apr. 1791; TJ to Humphreys , 11 Apr. 1791). Two suc h ar e in DNA: RG 233, Hous e Records, 27A-G 7. 4 (clai m of the heirs of Carmichael). One of these, undated but ca. Dec. 1789 , states that his dispatches to the Secretary fo r Foreign Affairs were no t as
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2 A P R I L 17 detailed a s he could wis h fo r "want o f a Cypher"; the other, writte n at some time after TJ too k office, promise d to write more fully to the Secretary of State, COLO . H and G.M. were David Humphreys and Gouverneur Morris. T J ha d learned of Governor Quesada's invitation only the day before, when Henry Knox in a letter of 1 Apr . 1791 (missing, but recorded in S JL a s receive d the same day) sen t hi m tw o documents. Th e firs t was Quesada' s proclamatio n o f 20 Nov. 1790 announcing that settlers to Louisiana and Florida would be obliged to pay their own passages an d sustain themselves afte r arrival; that they mus t take an oath of allegiance t o th e King , wit h land s bein g granted fre e in proportion to the numbe r of laborers in the family; that there would be no molestation o n account o f religion, but onl y Catholicis m could b e practised publicly; that every family could "bring their property of whatever kind free of all duties" and would be obliged t o take up arms i n defense of the province against all enemies; that all settlers should be of good character and be planters or tradesmen wh o woul d be beneficial to the province; that grants of land o f 100 acres woul d b e made t o th e head of the family, with 50 acres for "every other person white or coloured" in the family; that those who desired more land an d
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could cultivat e i t would b e given a n ad ditional 1,00 0 acres; that the land should be properly cultivated and the width of each tract shoul d b e one-third it s length; an d that, while the government woul d reward the industriou s planters , it would punish those of a contrary character (Tr in DNA: RG 59 , MLR ; atteste d 1 Apr. 179 1 b y John Stagg , Jr. , a s a true copy fro m that on filein the War Office; endorsed by TJ) . The second document (T r also attested by Stagg o n the same dat e an d in the same series) was an extract of a letter from Captain Henry Burbeck to the Secretary of War, dated a t Fort Tammany , 15 Mch. 1791 , saying that he had been instructe d to try to stop all Negroes from escaping into Florida; that since the Governor's proclamation saying that protection woul d not be given to suc h persons , non e ha d deserted; tha t lately another proclamation, which he en closed, had been issued inviting settlers into the province; that in consequence a number of citizens from Georgia and Carolina who were greatl y i n deb t ha d deserted thei r creditors, fled to Florida , an d put themselves unde r the protection o f the Spaniards; and that a few days earlie r he had been a t the Spanish garriso n on Amelia Island where he saw a number of such families who had "near five hundred Negroes with them."
T o Willia m B r o w n S l R Philadelphi a Apr. 4. 1791. Your favo r o f Mar . 21 . cam e t o han d o n th e 24th . an d a s i t proposed a different statemen t fro m mine o f the 17th . an d I was to o much engage d t o ope n th e paper s o n tha t subject , I hav e no t bee n able t o tak e i t u p til l now . T h e interva l of the wa r has bee n usuall y settled a t 8 . years . Y o u state i t a t 3 . month s less . T h i s trifl e i s no t worth notice , an d beside s i s lessene d b y a n erro r o f a month i n th e next articl e t o you r prejudice , an d b y th e laps e o f tim e betwee n Mar. 21 . an d you r recievin g this . I therefor e clos e wit h you , an d inclose yo u a bank pos t bil l fo r ninet y seve n dollar s si x cent s equa l to twent y on e pound s sixtee n an d nine penc e sterlin g @ 4/ 6 t o th e dollar, o n reciep t o f whic h b e please d t o giv e m e a ful l discharg e against al l persons. O f this indeed I never suspected I had any need , believing firmly m y tobacc o ha d covere d th e whol e account . T o [98}
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convince yo u tha t I hav e bee n grounde d i n thi s expectation , an d i n requiring a higher pric e fo r m y tobacc o I subjoi n th e weight s o f 13 . hogsheads mad e o n th e sam e plantation s whic h cam e her e a fe w days ago . The y averag e ver y nea r 1300 . lb . nett , an d Mr . Liepe r has give n m e 5 . Dollar s a hundre d an d th e ris e o f th e marke t til l September, whic h i s £ 1 4 - 6 sterl . a hogshead and th e rise . H e agrees that he neve r bought better tobacco and suc h has bee n it's reputatio n for 40 . years . Ad d t o thi s tha t tobacc o i s no w lowe r her e tha n i t was i n 1772 . Howeve r the matte r is no w settle d for bette r for worse : I a m gla d o f it , an d a m wit h grea t estee m Si r you r mos t obed . humble servt. , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) ; a t foo t o f tex t T J listed numbers an d weight s o f thirtee n hogs heads, rangin g in net weigh t fro m 1,21 6 to 1,42 1 pound s an d averagin g 1,28 8 pounds. Brown's lette r o f 2 1 Mch . 1791 , re corded in S JL as received on the 24th, has not been found. Since Charles Carroll had been chosen b y Brown t o present his dubious claim, TJ sen t the above letter to him unsealed (TJ t o Carroll, 4 Apr. 1791) . T J clearly di d no t believ e himsel f t o b e th e debtor but settled for $97.06 t o be free of
the claimant, this sum "being agreed to be the balanc e o f ol d dealing s betwee n T . Adams, Perkins, Buchanan & Brown and myself (Accoun t Book, this date). Brown did not acknowledge th e abov e lette r but forwarded th e receip t t o Carrol l (Carrol l to T J , 1 0 Apr . 1791). Jefferson' s calcu lation of the duration of the war at exactly eight year s covere d th e perio d fro m th e beginning o f hostilities o n 1 9 Apr . 1775 to their cessation on 19 Apr. 178 3 (T J t o McCaul, 4 Jan. 1787 ; TJ t o Jones, 5 Jan. 1787).
F r o m Edwar d Carringto n Richmond, 4 Apr. 1791. Acknowledgin g TJ's o f the 4th ult. enclosing com mission a s supervisor ; he i s dul y sensibl e o f "thi s additiona l evidenc e o f th e Confidence reposed in me by the President, and the Senate of the United States, and . . . particularly oblige d b y the ver y polite an d friendly sentiments" o f T J accompanying th e communication . H e woul d hav e acknowledge d thi s earlier but fo r severa l weeks h e ha s bee n "ou t o f the wa y o f the pos t office. " The Secretar y of th e Treasur y ha s forwarde d Ac t wit h compensation s al lowed, but , i t havin g just bee n received , "m y opportunit y o f considerin g th e subject upo n th e groun d of personal advantage ha s been to o sligh t t o giv e m e full satisfactio n a s t o tha t Point. " Bu t hi s acceptanc e i s decide d o n anothe r ground - "th e frequen t suggestion s of some amongst us , that th e offic e canno t be safel y undertaken . The act has been muc h misrepresented, and a refusal to accept in the first person appointed, would afford a sanction to these suggestions , which migh t greatl y promot e popula r discontent. " Fa r from apprehendin g danger, h e i s convince d th e measur e wil l becom e mor e an d more satisfactor y as it i s explained. RC (DNA : RG 59 , MLR); endorsed by I n expressin g gratitud e fo r TJ' s very T J a s receive d 9 Apr . 179 1 an d s o re - polit e and friendly sentiments, Carrington corded in SJL. di d not realiz e that th e expression s wer e [99]
4 A P R I L 17 those of a form letter sent in identical phraseology to all supervisors in transmitting their commissions : "Th e President of the United State s desirin g to avail the publi c of your services as Supervisor for the District of Massachusetts, I have now the honor of enclosing yo u the Commission, and o f expressing to you the sentiments o f perfect esteem wit h whic h I am Sir Your mos t obedient & most humble Servant, Th: Jefferson" (TJ to Nathaniel Gorham, 4 Mch. 1791; FC in DNA : R G 59 , PCC No . 120 ; form letter to all other supervisors and form of commission i n same, al l dated 4 Mch. 1791). Thi s wa s the precise form that T J also employe d i n sending othe r commis sions, suc h as those for attorneys, judges, and othe r official s (e.g. , T J to Stephe n Jacobs, 4 Mch. 1791; TJ to Daniel Car -
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roll, 4 Mch . 1791 , same). Carrington's opinion that the excise tax woul d meet with public approval was one shared by Washington, wh o said that the prediction "ve hemently affirmed by many, that such a la w could neve r b e executed i n the southern states, particularl y in Virginia an d North Carolina," had been disproved and that in his tou r throug h th e Sout h i t ha d been given general approbation (Washington to Humphreys, 2 0 July 1791 , Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 319). Henr y Lee, however, entertained a contrary view, and events would in time sustain him (see TJ to Madison, 21 June 1791) . The abov e lette r wa s evidently th e last that passe d betwee n T J and Carrington, whose political leanings brought to an end a relationship that had never been close .
T o Charle s Carrol l DEAR SI R Philadelphi a Apr. 4 . 1791. Mr. Brow n havin g agree d t o settl e ou r balanc e a t £ 2 1 . 16s . 9d . sterling principa l an d interest , I hav e accede d i n orde r t o b e don e with it . Sinc e yo u hav e bee n s o goo d a s t o b e priv y t o thi s whol e matter, I tak e th e libert y o f sendin g m y las t lette r o n th e subject , open, through your hands, that you may see that I have been grounde d in m y belie f that I owed nothing , a belief that i s still unshaken . Wil l you b e s o kin d a s t o tak e fro m M r . Brow n a discharg e i n ful l fo r me agains t al l persons, partners , assignees &c . on deliverin g to hi m the inclose d lette r an d ban k bil l fo r 97.06 . dollars ? We hea r tha t th e Britis h parliamen t i s abou t t o allo w America n grain carrie d ther e i n British bottoms fo r re-exportation, to b e store d rent-free. I f so, w e mus t mak e British bottoms lading, wit h whea t here, pa y that ren t before the y sai l i n the for m of an additional duty, so a s to kee p ou r vessels o n a level wit h them. I am told th e Britis h merchants ar e alread y orderin g al l shipment s o f thi s articl e t o b e made i n Britis h bottoms . - B y th e lates t authenti c accounts , affair s in Franc e wer e goin g o n mos t perfectl y well . B e please d t o accep t assurances o f th e cordia l esteem & respect o f Dea r Si r Your affec tionate humbl e servt. , T H : JEFFERSO N Tr (ViU) . Pr C (DLC) ; mutilated, so that Fro m Joh n Brown e Cutting , Tenc h the en d of some lines in right margin are Coxe , and perhap s Benjamin Vaughan, TJ lost an d have been supplie d from Tr. En - ha d received copie s o f Hawkesbury's re closure: TJ to Brown, 4 Apr. 1791 . por t of 1790 which led to the introduction C 10 0 ]
4 A P R I L 17 of the Corn Bill and its attempted revision of existin g law s (se e T J to Coxe , ca. 28 Feb. 1791 ; Coxe to T J, undated and printed in Vol. 18 : 461, but prior to the foregoin g and bot h probabl y writte n ca . 2 0 Mch . 1790). TJ' s anxiety abou t th e rent-fre e warehousing clause which he voiced in this and othe r letter s aros e fro m it s threa t t o the American carrying trade and from the desire of farmers and shippers to have direct access to other than English markets. To a much greater extent than he knew at the time, his concern was shared by many both in England and in the United States. Even Lord Sheffield and Sir John Sinclair, whose political views differed widely from his own, pamphleteere d agains t Hawkesbury's bil l (fo r TJ' s copies o f Hawkes bury's repor t an d variou s tract s fo r and against th e bill , se e Sowerby , Nos. 3591 , 3592, 3593 , an d 3594). Privat e communications fro m bot h side s o f th e Atlantic warned Hawkesbur y o f th e il l conse quences o f enactment. Thoma s Eccleston, one of the larges t grain farmers of Lancashire, strongly protested passage on behalf of the lande d interest in that quarter (Eccleston to Hawkesbury, 2 Feb. 1791, B L , Add. MSS. 38226, f. 52). John Ross, merchant of Philadelphia, employed languag e in writing to a mercantile firmof Liverpool which the Secretary of State could not have used but would have approved: " I sincerely wish . . . that your Parlia[ment] may continue it s Caree r t o Cur b ou r Trade from the firmpersuasion this Country must re[ap the] fruit s i n a very shor t time . Yo u are under Burthens too heav y for you to bear
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. . . and we are not only hearty young and enterprizing, but freeand independent . . . and ampl y provide d t o mak e it s inhab itants the happiest and greatest of any hitherto known" (John Ross to Messrs. Corrie, Gladstone, and Bradshaw, 1 8 June 1791; MS mutilate d an d word s supplie d i n brackets; B L , Add . MSS. 38226, f . 242 3; Edgar Corrie was one of Hawkesbury's advisers who railed at the blind and violent "prejudices . . . against warehousing Corn at the Publi c Expense" and who wrot e a reply t o Sinclair' s pamphlet ; Corri e t o Hawkesbury, 1 Mch. 1791, BL, Add. MSS. 38226, f . 73-5 ; fo r TJ's copy o f Corrie's reply to Sheffield, see Sowerby, No. 3593). In sending TJ a copy of his own pamphlet opposing th e bill , Sinclai r assume d the y would be in disagreement. T J assure d him they were not on this particular point, but silently elaborate d by sending i n return a copy o f Tench Coxe' s reply to Sheffield' s Observations on the commerce of the Amer-
ican states, describing it a s "written by a very judicious hand" (Sinclair t o T J , 1 4 May 1791; TJ t o Sinclair, 24 Aug. 1791) . Just a week afte r T J wrote th e abov e letter th e warehousin g claus e whic h disturbed hi m so muc h was defeate d i n the House of Commons by a narrow vote. O n another vot e a mont h late r Sheffiel d re ported to Arthur Young: "We rejected the warehousing clause . .. b y the Chairman's Vote only" (Sheffield t o Young , 12 Mch. 1791, B L , Add . MSS. 38127). Th e contest continued for some time but the clause was finallyeliminated.
From Joshu a Johnson London, 4 Apr. 1791. Enclose s accounts o f the Greenlan d fishery fo r 178 9 and 1790 , th e forme r perfec t bu t th e latte r not, du e t o incomplet e "return s of success," thoug h a n exact cop y o f that give n parliament ; also lis t of ships fitte d out for Southern fishery in 1789 , though i t is impossible to foretell their success since som e ma y b e ou t tw o o r thre e years . Thes e account s procure d afte r "considerable trouble and expence." Hi s next objec t is to ge t accoun t of success of outgoin g ship s fo r 179 0 an d incomin g fo r 178 9 an d 1 7 9 0 . - H e ha s no t been unmindfu l of the co d fishery, but thes e accounts wil l b e voluminou s an d as he fears TJ wil l think expense in getting them too grea t he will await further orders. "The situatio n thi s Governmen t has placed herself in, give s me ful l employ C 101 ]
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ment i n watching thei r Movements, an d protecting th e citizens o f the Unite d States; fro m th e Numbe r o f ships pu t into Commission , and th e Scarcity of Seamen, they hav e bee n obliged to adopt, thei r usual arbitrary Syste m in press ing, an d of course som e of our Seamen ma y be laid hold of; tho' no longer than Saturday, I received a n assurance from th e Duke of Leeds' office, tha t an y on e under that predicament , shoul d be immediately liberate d on demand." He has taken precautio n t o grant protection s t o crews of American ship s tha t choos e them. - H e i s awkwardly situated a s to appointment o f agents as he does not know th e President' s intention s concernin g vice-consuls . Consul s fo r othe r countries depute agent s accountable t o them. Sinc e these will b e useful during armament o f British fleet, he will d o the same unles s directe d to the contrary . RC (DNA : RG 59, CD); endorse d by T J a s received 21 June 179 1 and so re corded in SJL. Dup l (same) ; in margin : "^Colo. Smit h i n Packett." Enclosures : (1) "A List of Ships on the Greenland and Davis's Strait s Whal e Fisher y 1789, " showing a total of 178 ships, 52 of which were from London, which accounted for a total of 553 V2 whales (the half being credited to Norfolk out of Yarmouth) and 5,101 tons of oil (Tabular list of vessels, captains, dates of arrival, an d cargoes i n DLC: TJ
Papers, 53 : 9025; anothe r copy in DNA : RG 59 , MLR). (2 ) Similar list for 1790 , but incomplet e (DLC : T J Papers, 59: 10111). (3 ) "A List o f Ships, cleared out for the Southern Whale Fishery," between 1 January and 31 Decembe r 1789 , show ing a total of 46 ships , 42 of which were from London , and giving th e amount of tonnage and number of men but no cargoes (DLC: T J Papers , 53: 9024; endorsed by TJ).
T o Nichola s L e w i s DEAR S I R Philadelphi a Apr. 4 . 1791. A littl e intermissio n o f public business o n th e separatio n o f Con gress an d departur e o f th e Presiden t permit s m e no w t o tur n m y attention fo r a moment t o m y ow n affairs . Finding tha t good tobacco sold tolerabl y wel l here , an d bein g assure d that th e tobacc o o f th e red land s i n Albemarl e an d Bedfor d wer e perfectl y know n here , and commande d alway s th e highes t price , I wrot e t o M r . Hylto n at Richmon d t o sen d m e 20 . hhds . o f min e t o thi s place , wit h a view, i f i t shoul d b e liked , t o orde r th e whol e cro p her e befor e i t should b e otherwis e dispose d of . Ther e wer e a t the warehous e bu t 13. hhds . weighing 1 6 , 7 4 4 . n e t t , whic h was all of the Albemarle tobacco. I t arrived here , an d on vie w o f it , I hav e sol d tha t an d th e whole cro p (excep t th e fired par t o f th e Bedfor d tobacco ) fo r 5 . dollars th e hundred . Deducting fro m thi s th e cost s o f remova l it i s equal t o a sal e a t Richmon d at 27/ 3 th e hundred , an d deductin g 9d. fo r credi t til l Sep . i t ma y b e calle d 26/ 6 read y mone y a t Rich mond. I a m no w therefor e t o desir e tha t yo u wil l b e s o goo d a s t o dispose o f the fired par t of the Bedfor d tobacco wher e an d how yo u please, ( I understoo d ther e woul d b e abou t 14,00 0 tfr . o f it ) sub [ 102 }
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jecting th e mone y t o m y order , tha t I ma y divid e i t betwee n Lyl e and Hanson , according to the arrangements taken before I left home ; and tha t yo u wil l hav e th e residu e hurrie d t o Richmon d by ever y possible exertion , an d ther e b e pu t unde r Mr . Hylton' s orders , t o whom I writ e thi s da y t o forwar d it. I believ e tha t thi s plac e wil l hereafter b e th e bes t marke t for my tobacc o especiall y whe n i t shall be lo w i n Virginia. - Whea t is at a dollar here. I am anxious t o hea r what mone y Wilso n ha s furnished , an d i s likel y t o furnish . Of th e £ 5 2 5 suppose d i n hi s hand s £ 1 2 5 . were destine d fo r D r . Currie , £ 1 6 0 . fo r Dobson , an d £ 2 4 0 . t o assis t th e othe r article s o f reciep t in payin g the genera l lis t of debts. T h e sale of my tobacco her e with the 14,0001b . t o b e sol d b y yo u wil l enabl e m e t o mak e the annual paiment o f £ 7 0 0. sterl . to Lyl e an d Hanson punctually. Mr . Eppes has receive d £ 1 0 0 . of Bannister' s debt, an d pai d i t t o Dobson . H e has also pai d £ 1 1 0. mor e to Dobso n fro m the fund s o f Mr. Wayles' s estate: bu t a s I d o no t wis h t o ge t ri d o f on e deb t b y incurrin g another, I hav e begge d o f hi m t o replac e Mr . Wayles' s £ 1 1 0 . by calling o n Wilso n for s o muc h ou t o f the £ 1 6 0 . i n his hand s a s wa s destined fo r Dobson . - I am anxious t o hea r that th e mortgage s are taken fro m Ronal d fo r hi s purchase , becaus e I a m proposin g t o Hanson an d Lyl e t o assig n the m ove r t o them , o n conditio n the y will conside r i t a s a n absolut e paymen t o f s o much , an d giv e m e a discharge. On enquir y fro m man y farmer s I find tha t Buckwhea t unles s critically managed, doe s injury to lands . They consider whiteclover , not to o muc h fed , a s th e bes t improve r o f lands . Yo u kno w ho w much I hav e a t hear t th e preservatio n o f m y land s i n general , an d particularly th e hil l sid e wher e m y orchar d is, belo w th e garden , and roun d th e Nort h sid e o f th e hill . I wil l therefor e repea t m y request t o hav e a s muc h whit e clove r see d gathere d an d bough t a s can be , an d sowed first i n the orchards , and then i n othe r place s a s formerly recommended. B e pleased to present me most affectionatel y to Mrs . Lewis , an d accep t assurance s o f th e estee m wit h whic h I am Dea r Si r Your sincer e frien d & servt., TH: JEFFERSON P.S. I ha d forgotte n t o observ e tha t th e warehous e an d shippin g expences o f th e residu e o f th e tobacc o whic h i s t o com e here , wil l be t o b e pai d i n Richmond , and wil l amoun t t o 15 . o r 16.£ . As I would no t hav e M r . Hylton advanc e this , I wil l b e oblige d t o yo u to hav e i t pai d t o hi m ou t o f th e fired tobacc o t o b e sol d i n th e country; o r i f that canno t b e read y i n time , le t i t b e pai d from an y other fund , an d replace d whe n tha t tobacc o shal l b e sold . I writ e [ 103 ]
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him wor d that yo u wil l plac e thi s su m i n hi s hand s befor e h e ship s the tobacco . I f the overseer' s share s ca n b e bough t s o a s to mak e a profit wort h th e troubl e an d advances , the y migh t com e o n wit h the rest , an d th e mone y shal l b e remitte d t o an y bod y the y pleas e in Richmon d by th e firs t pos t afte r th e tobacc o arrive s here . I n this you wil l b e s o goo d a s t o d o wha t t o yo u shal l see m best . T H : J. PrC (CSmH) ; blurre d and slightly mutilated , so that two or three words have been lost and are supplied from Tr (ViU).
Unofficial Diplomacy on India n Affair s I. THE PRESIDEN T TO TH E SECRETARIE S OF STATE , TREASURY, AND WAR, 4 APR. 179 1 II. TH E PRESIDEN T TO TH E SECRETAR Y OF STATE, 4 APR. 179 1 III. TH E SECRETAR Y OF STAT E TO TH E PRESIDENT , 17 APR. 179 1 IV. MEMORANDU M OF A CONVERSATION BETWEEN JAMES MADISON AND GEORGE BECKWITH, [18 APR . 1791 ] E D I T O R I A L N O T
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I hav e from my arrival in this country endeavoured to preserve peace, and t o extend it to friends and neighbours . . . . You ma y communicate these sentiments, as occasion may require , and your discretion direct. -Lord Dorchester
to George Beckwith, 27 June 1790
It wil l be fortunate fo r the America n public if private Speculations in the lands, still claimed by the Aborigines, do no t aggravate thos e differences , whic h policy , hu manity, and justic e concur to deprecate. - George Washington to Thomas Jefferson, 1 Apr. 1791
In th e spring of 1791 th e governments o f Great Britain and the United States became suddenl y awar e that mountin g hostilitie s betwee n American frontiers men an d wester n Indian s threatened t o jeopardize large r interests, thu s com plicating stil l furthe r th e relations betwee n th e two countries. O n the initia l stage of his journey southward, Washington received the "truly alarming" news of the killing of supposedly friendl y Indians in western Pennsylvani a by a party of Virginians . H e feared , a s di d Jefferson, tha t thi s woul d defea t peacefu l [ 10 4 ]
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measures an d expan d th e war. Clos e on th e heel s o f thi s disturbin g inciden t came report s o f clashes betwee n American s and Canadians a t Passamaquodd y and in northern New York. Washingto n was concerned enough t o direc t that any further developments o f a serious natur e be communicate d to hi m with all possible dispatch. Across the Atlantic, at the same time but for different reasons , Lord Grenvill e was equall y anxiou s fo r news . Th e hostilitie s betwee n th e American s and th e Indians were o f "s o alarmin g a nature, " he wrot e t o Lor d Dorchester , "a s t o make m e ver y anxiou s fo r furthe r Dispatches. " H e instructe d th e Governo r General to take every measure possible to promote conciliation. Such prodding was about the last thing that Dorchester needed. Fro m the moment h e returned to Canad a a s viceroy , th e critica l stat e o f India n affair s an d th e fea r o f a n American assaul t o n th e Britis h post s ha d bee n hi s paramoun t concern . Th e Indians, aggrieve d becaus e land s reserve d to the m b y roya l proclamation , b y treaties, an d b y th e Quebe c Ac t o f 177 4 ha d been surrendere d to th e Unite d States at the Treaty of Peace, were increasingly clamoring for protection agains t the westward-throngin g Americans. Their sens e of betrayal and their distrust of British compact s coul d not b e easily assuaged b y annual gifts, pensions , an d supplies. Becaus e mountin g hostilitie s brough t distres s t o th e lucrativ e commerce in fur, influential traders were equally insistent upo n gainin g protectio n for their interests. Fa r from being able to meet these urgent appeals, Dorchester found himsel f i n a virtuall y defenseles s position . Th e stronges t o f th e fort s depended upo n India n auxiliarie s - a dubious relianc e at best - an d all of them were s o weakl y garrisone d as to invit e th e kin d o f humiliation the Britis h had experienced a t Ticonderoga in 1775 . For several years Dorchester had been warning his government of the dangers inherent in a policy of inaction. I f the ministry insisted upon retaining the posts , this woul d requir e greatly augmente d expenditure s fo r additional troops, mil itary stores , an d India n supplies-th e las t includin g th e guns , knives , an d powder that were so essential for hunting but were also useful in war. If adequate defensive measure s coul d no t b e taken , Dorcheste r advise d tha t i t woul d b e better t o destro y th e fort s tha n permi t the m t o b e seize d b y America n troops. "The most injudiciou s of all," he bluntly warned his government earl y in 1787 , "is no resolution; remainin g in a n impotent state , an d yet holdin g those place s in defianc e o f powerfu l neighbors , wh o hav e se t thei r heart s upo n them ; an d who sooner or later will certainly assault them, if left in their present situation." From th e ver y beginnin g o f hostilitie s Dorcheste r ha d done hi s bes t throug h orders t o th e commandant s o f th e post s an d t o th e Superintenden t o f India n Affairs t o avoi d an y activ e suppor t o f the Indians , and, if they wer e unabl e t o 1
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Kno x t o Washington , 2 7 Mch . 179 1 ( D L C : Washingto n Papers) ; Washington t o Knox, 1 Apr . 179 1 {Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi , 259-60) ; T J to Hawkins , 1 Apr. 1791. T J to Washington , 2 7 Mch . 1791 . Washingto n t o T J , 1 Apr. 1791 . Grenvill e to Dorchester , 7 Mch . 179 1 (PRO : C O 42/73). Se e A . L . Burt, United States, Great Britain and British North America (Ne w Haven , 1940); W . E . Stevens, Northwest fur trade, 1763-1800 (Urbana , 1928) . Dorcheste r t o Sydney , 1 6 Jan . 178 7 (PRO : C O 42/50; marke d "secret"; emphasi s in original) ; same t o same , 1 4 Oct . 178 8 (PRO : C O 42/61). 1
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restrain them , t o tr y to confin e th e hostilitie s t o a s narrow a scope as possible . In thi s pruden t cours e h e consistentl y receive d th e approva l o f th e Britis h ministry. But fear s o f aggression, als o mingle d wit h professions o f peaceable an d conciliatory dispositions, were expressed b y officials o f the America n government. When frontier settlers an d troops were slain by Indians bearing British knives, tomahawks, an d muskets , i t wa s no t difficul t fo r thos e i n governmen t o r th e people a t larg e to believ e tha t thi s wa s don e wit h th e connivanc e if not a t th e prompting of British officials. Suc h convictions came all the more easily because, as both th e Presiden t and the Secretar y of State knew from official experience , British commander s ha d utilize d India n marauder s during the lat e war . The two nation s were now a t peace, but Washington had long suspected that Indian depredations o n th e frontier s were aide d an d abette d b y Britis h trader s and commandants. Suc h suspicions seeme d t o b e confirme d b y the larg e amount s of arms and supplies delivere d t o th e Indian s from Britis h post s just prio r t o Harmar's expedition. N o doub t suspicio n would have hardened into convictio n had i t bee n know n tha t Grenville , o n hi s ow n initiativ e an d muc h t o Dor chester's surprise, had almost double d th e requisitione d amount o f Indian sup plies becaus e o f th e threa t o f wa r wit h Spain. B y th e sprin g o f 1791 , wit h various newspape r account s inflamin g th e publi c mind in America an d givin g concern to the ministry in England, Washington had indeed become convinced that "th e notoriet y o f this assistanc e ha s alread y been suc h as renders enquiry into particular s unnecessary. Jefferso n share d this view . Whil e he privately disapproved of the administration's military strategy, he and the President were fully i n accor d i n believin g tha t peac e coul d b e achieve d onl y b y th e us e o f force. With fear s o f aggressio n entertaine d o n bot h side s o f th e boundar y an d in the absenc e o f diplomati c relations , bot h government s move d simultaneousl y to employ unofficia l channels of communication. It is indicative of his awareness of th e danger s pose d b y borde r clashe s tha t Jefferso n himsel f propose d tha t Beckwith b e use d t o kee p Dorcheste r fro m misconceivin g America n deter mination t o us e forc e i f necessary. I n this instanc e a s o n previou s occasions , however, unofficia l diplomac y wa s capabl e o f creatin g a s wel l a s preventin g misunderstandings. On e of the principa l reason s for this lay in the fac t that th e American Cabine t was deepl y divided . Anothe r wa s tha t n o on e i n th e gov 7
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Sydne y to Dorchester , 5 Apr. 1787; Grenville to Dorchester, 16 Sep. 179 1 (PRO : CO 42/50 and 42/21). I n 1786 Washingto n said he had no doubt tha t Great Britai n wa s "at this moment sowing the seeds of jealousy and discontent amon g the various tribes of Indians on our frontiers" (Washington to Knox , 2 6 Dec . 1786 , Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxix , 124) . Washington to Gouverneur Morris, 1 7 Dec. 1790; Washington to Humphreys, 2 0 July 1791 (same , xxxi, 174 , 320) . Dorcheste r thought " a considerable mistake " had bee n made , sinc e India n goods valued at more than £10,000 tha t were not requisitioned in 178 9 ha d been dispatched (Dorchester to Grenville, 1 0 Nov. 1790 ; Grenville to Dorchester, 30 Apr. 1791 , PRO : CO 42/72-3) . Th e 178 9 supplie s arrive d just before th e Harma r expedition; those not requested came some time afterward. Washingto n to T J , 4 Apr . 179 1 (se e Documen t n). Fo r TJ's opinion of the administration's military operations against the Indians, see Editorial Not e and Document I I i n group of documents a t 1 0 Mch. 1791. T J t o Washington, 27 Mch . 1791. 7
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ernment was more actively concerned about improving commercial and political relations wit h Englan d tha n th e Secretar y o f th e Treasury . I t i s thu s no t surprising tha t Hamilto n wa s th e firs t t o tr y t o neutraliz e th e threa t t o hi s policies arisin g from hostilitie s wit h th e Indians. I In fact , Hamilto n had foresee n th e dange r o n th e wester n frontie r an d had already take n step s t o preven t misconception s o f America n aims b y th e Canadian government . I n 1790 , unknow n t o th e Presiden t an d the Secretar y of State, h e ha d privatel y disclosed t o Georg e Beckwit h the plan s fo r th e expe dition agains t th e Shawne e an d Miam i tribe s eve n befor e Washingto n ha d authorized St . Clai r t o launc h th e attack . Thi s o f cours e nullifie d Jefferson' s emphatic advic e t o Washingto n no t t o los e th e calculate d element o f surprise by revealin g its objec t t o Lor d Dorcheste r in advance. Beckwit h reported to Dorchester that Hamilton took this responsibility upon himself "to prevent any alarm a t our posts." Hamilto n of course knew tha t Washington ha d instructed St. Clai r t o giv e th e commander s o f th e post s timely thoug h no t prio r notic e of the purpose of the expedition, an d he therefore took care to caution Beckwith not t o spea k o f thi s secre t informatio n a t th e sea t o f government. Shortl y afterwards, prompte d b y th e sam e concerns , Hamilto n assured Beckwith that "The Speeche s o r declaration s o f an y perso n whateve r i n th e India n countr y . . . suggestin g hostil e idea s respectin g th e forts , ar e no t authorize d b y thi s government." O n the contrary , he declared , Dorchester's conduct towar d th e Indians wa s regarde d b y th e administratio n as stron g proo f o f his dispositio n to promot e harmon y and friendship. Report s at this time abou t th e purchase of India n captive s an d plunde r b y trader s a t Detroi t prompte d Hamilto n t o approach Beckwit h onc e more . " I have conferre d wit h Mr . Sargent," he in formed th e agent , " . . . bu t o n th e whol e ther e i s n o foundatio n fo r th e ide a that yo u suppor t the m i n thei r hostilit y toward s us ; however , i n th e critica l state o f th e tw o countries , if I ma y b e permitte d t o sa y it , prudenc e woul d dictate th e mos t pointe d instruction s t o you r officer s a t Detroit." I n givin g these assurance s Hamilto n spok e a s if for th e administration , though nothin g 13
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Se e Editoria l Not e an d Documen t x i i n grou p o f document s o n th e wa r crisi s of 1790, a t 1 2 Jul y 1790 . Beckwith' s undate d repor t o f th e interview , whic h probabl y too k plac e ca . 21-2 2 Aug. 1790 , wa s receive d b y Dorcheste r o n th e 11t h o f the followin g mont h an d transmitted by him to Grenville on 25 Sep . 179 0 (PRO : C O 42/69). Knox , with Washington's approval, ha d instructed St. Clai r t o le t th e Britis h officer s kno w "a t a proper time" that the rea l objec t o f the expeditio n wa s punitive , directe d onl y a t the Indian s (Knox to St . Clair, 2 3 Aug . 1790 , A S P , Indian Affairs, i , 98). Whe n St . Clai r di d this a s early as 1 2 Sep. 1790 , Washingto n describe d th e announcemen t a s "certainl y premature " (Wash ington t o Knox , 4 Nov . 1790 , Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi , 144) . Undate d continuatio n o f Hamilton' s conversation wit h Beckwith , enclosed i n Dor chester's dispatc h t o Grenvill e of 25 Sep . 1790 , alon g wit h tha t cite d i n foregoing not e (PRO: C O 42/69). Hamilton' s conversatio n wit h Beckwith , [1 7 Oct . 1790] , enclose d i n th e latter' s dispatch t o Grenvill e of 3 Nov . 179 0 (PRO : F O 4/12). Beckwit h sent a longer versio n to Dorchester , includin g th e passag e quote d above , whic h Dorcheste r forwarde d t o Grenville o n 2 0 Nov . 179 0 ( P R O : CO 42/72). Th e tex t Beckwit h sen t t o Grenvill e appears i n Syrett , Hamilton, vu , 111-15 . 1 3
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in the word s o r actions o f Washington an d Jefferson suggest s that they shared such sentiment s o r woul d hav e condone d thei r expression , leas t o f al l t o a n unaccredited Britis h agent . Early i n 1791 , wit h increasin g evidence o f India n hostilitie s followin g Har mar's defeat, Beckwit h himself brought t o Philadelphi a one Willia m Macomb, a Detroi t trader , to giv e Hamilto n an account o f affairs in the wester n countr y in order to explain "any misconceptions, o r errors arising from misinformation." This intervie w was perhaps arranged as a result of the publication of the report by Harmar to the Secretary of War in which he stated that the "villanous traders would hav e bee n a principa l objec t o f attention " i f the Miam i villag e ha d no t been abandoned before the attack - somethin g the traders themselves ha d feared and complaine d abou t t o Dorchester. Wit h Beckwit h acting as interrogator, Macomb testifie d tha t i t wa s impossibl e th e trader s could hav e persuade d th e Indians to begin o r continue th e wa r since this would be ruinous to their trade. In fact , h e asserted , bankruptcie s a t Detroi t woul d tak e plac e a s a resul t o f hostilities alread y begun . H e als o declare d unequivocally tha t th e trader s had not purchase d India n plunde r an d tha t th e governmen t ha d give n ou t n o supplies t o the m prio r t o Harmar' s expedition , al l o f the m agreein g tha t th e Indians' defea t o f Harma r woul d onl y caus e the m t o "becom e infinitel y mor e troublesome" tha n before. I n this interview Hamilton was quoted b y Beckwith as sayin g tha t th e conversatio n "ha d given a new ligh t t o man y thing s i n th e western country" and that the argument of the traders' self-interest i n promoting peace wa s " a strong circumstanc e in oppositio n t o th e ide a entertained b y our military men." It i s clea r from thi s interrogatio n tha t Macom b wa s well-informe d an d that he shared the concern of leading fur traders about American military expedition s against th e Indians . Hamilto n aske d som e pointe d questions , bu t Macom b responded wit h apparen t cando r an d confidence . Th e interrogatio n wa s re corded verbati m an d those presen t wer e precisel y identified . I n both respect s this wa s s o uncharacteristi c of Beckwith' s norma l manne r o f reportin g a s t o suggest tha t Hamilto n ma y hav e calle d i n on e o f th e departmenta l clerk s t o make a litera l transcrip t of the question s an d answers. Thi s woul d hav e bee n a natura l an d pruden t procedure , especially i n vie w o f th e widesprea d publi c suspicions that fur traders and British officers ha d given suppor t to the Indians. It would also seem appropriat e for him to have placed this important testimon y before th e Presiden t an d the Secretar y of State, especiall y i f he wa s convince d that i t contradicte d popula r suspicions an d also thre w muc h ne w ligh t o n th e western situation . Macomb' s intelligenc e wa s all the mor e significan t because , being volunteere d b y Beckwith , it represented exactl y th e kin d o f conciliatory effort t o avoi d misunderstandings and miscalculations which Hamilton himself had bee n making . Yet, s o fa r as th e recor d reveals, Hamilton did no t repor t to Washingto n o r Jefferson eithe r the nature of Macomb's testimony o r the fact that the interview had take n place . H e ma y hav e deeme d i t impruden t t o mak e suc h a report because hi s attempt o f the precedin g summe r to persuad e them tha t Beckwith had brough t proposal s o f an alliance had failed to convinc e eithe r Washingto n 17
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or Jefferson, though apparentl y neither had suspected hi s deceptive rol e in that incident. Also , bein g wel l awar e tha t bot h th e Presiden t an d th e Secretar y of State shared the belie f of military officer s an d the publi c at large that Britis h officials an d traders were activel y supportin g th e Indian s with arm s and supplies, he was scarcely in a position t o bring forward a witness whos e testimony , however valid , coul d b e immediatel y discounte d a s originatin g i n self-inter e s t - a poin t tha t h e ha d himsel f mad e i n questionin g Macomb . Bu t the con clusive reaso n fo r believin g tha t Hamilto n did no t repor t the meetin g i s t o b e found i n th e consequence s o f a n extraordinar y move tha t h e mad e the n o r at some other intervie w i n January whil e Beckwit h was i n Philadelphia. 19
II Early i n 179 1 Hamilto n appealed t o Lor d Dorchester , through th e Britis h agent, t o us e hi s goo d offices i n bringin g the India n hostilitie s t o a close. Thi s was a secre t an d unauthorize d overture an d it wa s o f cours e unknow n t o th e President and the Secretar y of State. Because of its significance a s coming from the Secretar y of the Treasur y an d because i t coincided so fully with the desire s of bot h Dorcheste r an d Grenville , Beckwit h mus t hav e followe d hi s usua l practice o f recording this conversatio n wit h the ma n who wa s his chie f source of information withi n the administration . Since Hamilton's appeal was to Dor chester, Beckwit h di d no t sen d a transcrip t of th e intervie w t o Grenvill e or even infor m hi m o f it . Hi s letter s t o Dorcheste r transmittin g thi s importan t news, togethe r with the recor d of the intervie w wit h Macomb , evidently hav e not survived. Yet ther e ca n b e n o doub t eithe r a s t o th e fac t o r the natur e o f Hamilton's appeal. Th e Governo r General himself , obviousl y gratified , wen t s o fa r as t o describe i t a s a "reques t o f interferenc e wit h th e Wester n Indians." Dor chester's action s sho w tha t whil e h e regarde d i t a s a n urgen t appea l fro m an influential membe r o f the Cabinet , he wa s awar e that th e reques t coul d i n n o sense b e considere d a s a formal an d official ac t b y th e America n government . Hence, eager as he was to lend encouragement, Dorcheste r caused his carefully phrased respons e t o b e sen t t o Beckwit h ove r th e nam e o f hi s aide , Henr y Motz. Ther e were i n fac t tw o responses , bot h writte n o n 1 0 Februar y 1791 . It i s significan t tha t th e first o f these , mor e forma l tha n th e second , deal t exclusively wit h th e appea l fo r intermediation , a s i f Dorchester intended i t t o be lai d befor e th e Secretar y of the Treasur y o r the Presiden t himself . As th e firs t respons e mad e clear , Hamilto n ha d tol d Beckwit h tha t Dor chester's "exertio n o f his influenc e wit h th e Wester n Indian s to brin g about a general tranquillity, would be considered in the Unite d States as a friendly act, and tha t ther e wa s a disposition t o giv e thos e Indian s security i n thei r lands, and t o tak e ever y fai r metho d o f makin g the m quie t an d easy. " I n restatin g and replying to thi s appeal , Dorchester lamented th e hostilitie s an d wished "it to b e full y understood , tha t th e bein g instrumenta l in putting a n end to thes e calamities would giv e him great satisfaction. " He was obliged t o poin t ou t tha t the mean s o f effectin g a n accommodatio n di d no t depen d upo n himself . But , being anxious to make his good offices available, he left the door open b y saying 20
Se e Editoria l Not e and group of documents o n the wa r crisis of 1790 , a t 1 2 July 1790. Dorcheste r to Grenville, 1 4 June 179 1 (PRO : C O 42/73) . 19
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that Beckwit h - tha t is , b y implication , Hamilto n an d th e administratio n fo r which h e ha d presumed t o spea k - coul d easily perceiv e tha t he coul d take n o step a s intermediar y "withou t bein g authorize d b y on e o r th e othe r o f th e contending parties , no r withou t bein g specificall y informe d o f thei r designs , claims, and pretentions." Strippe d of its circumlocution, what this meant wa s that if Dorchester were given official authorization and a statement o f grievances by both parties , he was prepared to act. The next mov e would have to b e mad e by Hamilton , who ha d initiated th e unofficia l communications . Dorchester's hope that this would lead to more authoritative action is revealed in hi s secon d an d simultaneou s respons e t o Beckwith , which obviousl y wa s not mean t t o b e shown t o Hamilto n though som e of its contents were intende d for him. In this lette r Beckwit h was directed to communicat e directl y to Gren ville an y matter s o f interest , "particularl y if [Dorchester's ] answe r t o th e ap plication fo r hi s interferenc e wit h the Indian s should lea d to an y further steps of consequenc e i n tha t business. " I n this respons e Dorcheste r als o sough t t o alleviate Hamilton' s concer n abou t th e ministry' s reporte d coolnes s towar d Gouverneur Morris . I n addition h e gav e emphati c suppor t t o Macomb' s tes timony denyin g tha t presents an d arms had been supplie d to the Indians at the time of Harmar's expedition. H e pointed out that the general spirit and language of th e American s had "operate d eve r sinc e th e peac e agains t a connexion be tween th e tw o countries, " bu t h e als o recognize d tha t man y distinguishe d characters i n th e easter n state s ha d "see n throug h th e cloud s tha t hav e bee n raised wit h s o muc h industr y t o mislea d th e people." Suc h a tribute t o th e policies pursue d by Hamilto n an d others o f his persuasio n show s ho w clearl y Dorchester graspe d th e implication s o f Hamilton's overture. Speakin g to eac h other through a confidential intermediary , he and the Secretar y of the Treasur y were equall y concerne d les t th e greate r interest s o f the tw o countrie s b e jeopardized b y hostilitie s wit h a few tribe s o f Indians. Although Dorchester had said in the indirect reply to Hamilton that he could not ac t unti l authorized b y on e o r the othe r o f the contendin g parties , he ha d no nee d t o resor t t o circumlocutio n i n seekin g suc h authorizatio n fro m th e Indian tribes . Writin g t o Si r John Johnso n o n th e sam e day , h e reveale d i n explicit term s hi s desir e t o b e full y prepare d in cas e th e Unite d State s shoul d make a n official reques t tha t h e ac t a s mediator: 21
22
23
I hav e ofte n expresse d m y concer n a t th e hostilitie s betwee n th e Unite d States an d th e Wester n Indians , and tha t I shoul d fee l grea t satisfactio n i n being instrumenta l i n puttin g a n en d t o thes e calamities . -1 d o no t kno w how fa r this ma y be i n my power ; but , wishin g to b e fully prepared , in case the opportunit y shoul d offer, yo u wil l b e please d t o tak e such means, a s you may thin k effectual , t o learn , wit h certaint y an d dispatch , th e natur e an d extent o f the specifi c terms , o n whic h the confederate d India n nation s ma y be disposed t o establish a general tranquillity and friendship with the United States, togethe r wit h th e ground s o f equity , justice , an d policy , o n whic h they ma y think it expedient, an d incumbent on them to insist for their honor Henr y Motz to Beckwith , 10 Feb. 179 1 (PRO : C O 42/72) . I n the lette r cite d in preceding note Dorchester referred to Motz' two communications as "my answer to the request of interference with the Western Indians. Mot z to Beckwith, 10 Feb. 1791 (same) . Dorcheste r to Johnson, 1 0 Feb. 1791 (same) . 21
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and interest . - A s th e Indian s themselves ar e th e bes t judges o f th e exten t of their own confidence, the y should be made clearly to understand that there is not the smallest desire to obtain any knowledge o f their views and designs , but wha t the y themselve s o f thei r ow n fre e choic e ma y thin k prope r t o communicate. Both thi s direc t instructio n t o th e Superintenden t o f India n Affair s an d th e veiled language o f the messag e to Hamilto n testified t o Dorchester' s eagernes s to see k a n accommodation. So , too, di d his promptness i n forwarding to Gren ville copie s o f hi s tw o letter s t o Beckwit h and hi s directiv e t o Johnson . Th e extraordinary spee d wit h whic h new s o f Hamilton' s overtur e cam e t o Dor chester and was acted upon by him is another indication of the importanc e that both h e an d Beckwit h attache d t o it . Beckwith' s thre e letter s ha d take n les s than te n day s t o ge t fro m Philadelphi a to Quebe c i n dee p winter , a feat tha t must hav e require d an expres s ridin g under urgen t orders . Thi s remarkabl e accomplishment wa s perhap s equalle d o n th e retur n of th e messenger . I f so, Beckwith mus t hav e receive d th e response s t o Hamilton' s appea l abou t th e time tha t Congres s adjourned on th e fourt h o f March. In vie w o f this speed y exchange , especiall y sinc e i t resulte d in such encouragement fro m Dorchester , i t i s no t likel y tha t Beckwit h los t an y tim e i n revealing th e goo d new s t o Hamilton . Precisel y whe n h e di d s o i s no t known , but the tw o me n certainl y met an d discussed Dorchester' s response som e time before Washingto n departe d o n hi s journe y southwar d i n mid-March . Th e timing could scarcely have bee n les s propitious fo r Hamilton. If there had ever been any possibility that the President and the Secretary of State would support Hamilton's appeal to Dorchester , that possibilit y ha d wholly disappeare d with Washington's message s to Congres s in mid-February disclosing , i n very blunt language, th e failur e o f th e missio n o f Gouverneu r Morris. Thi s unexpecte d move, together with the real possibility that Madison's navigation bill retaliating against Grea t Britai n woul d b e adopte d a t th e nex t session , thre w Hamilto n and his supporter s upon th e defensiv e an d made i t pruden t for him to b e very circumspect i n hi s effort s t o counterac t policie s h e s o consistentl y opposed. A mont h earlie r Dorchester's encouragin g respons e t o hi s appea l woul d hav e been welcome . No w i t was an embarrassment for the Secretar y of the Treasur y who had invited it. Nevertheless, undaunte d as always, Hamilton made a characteristic repl y whe n Beckwit h disclose d th e first an d mor e forma l o f Dor chester's tw o replies . "If th e Unite d State s were a t wa r wit h a grea t o r respectabl e nation, " h e declared, "a foreign mediatio n under certain circumstances might be desirable." Even so , whil e a n applicatio n fo r thi s purpos e woul d b e official , i t woul d b e made "to the administration at home" and not t o any of its officers abroad . But, Hamilton asserted , thi s wa s no t a wa r betwee n sovereig n states . I t wa s on e being wage d b y th e Unite d States agains t "certai n vagrant tribes wh o canno t 24
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I n the second communication from Motz to Beckwith of 10 Feb. he acknowledged receipt of his "three letters of January marked K. L . M. " The last was Beckwith's report of his conversation with Hamilton and Macomb of 31 Jan. 1791 . Hamilton's appeal thus was conveyed over fivehundred miles in ten days or less. Dorchester sent copies of Motz' two replies and of the Macomb interview to Grenville on 1 9 Feb. 1791 (PRO : C O 42/ 72). Se e Editoria l Not e and group of documents a t 1 5 Dec. 1790 . 2 4
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be considere d t o b e o n th e footin g i n which such a system a s this woul d plac e them, howeve r i t ma y b e ou r interest an d policy t o clos e hostilities, whic h are attended wit h troubl e an d expence , an d whic h indee d ma y b e excite d b y ou r frontier people, from interested Motives : as an Indian war leads to the spendin g money i n thei r countr y a s wel l a s t o th e gratificatio n o f thei r individua l resentments." Hamilton presumably did not mention the interest army contractors and lan d speculators als o ha d i n th e continuanc e o f the war , but th e essentia l point coul d no t b e escape d b y pointin g elsewhere . Dorcheste r ha d believed , with reason , that he was responding to a specific "reques t for interference." To this Hamilto n could onl y sa y to Beckwit h that "th e thin g i n its existing shap e is inadmissible, and I could not submi t suc h a paper to th e President' s consideration." The significant phrase "such a paper" could only mean that Dorchester had intende d hi s carefull y phrase d response t o b e show n t o Hamilto n and by him t o th e President . Bu t this presente d a n insuperable obstacle. Fo r if Washington ha d see n Dorchester' s communication , h e woul d hav e know n a t onc e that hi s Secretar y o f th e Treasur y ha d initiate d th e unauthorize d appea l fo r intermediation. Unde r the circumstances , it wa s no t possibl e fo r Hamilto n t o transmit th e informatio n i n a garble d an d misleadin g versio n a s h e ha d done with anothe r messag e fro m Dorcheste r the precedin g summer. I n that case , the Governo r General ha d initiated the exchang e an d his message could easily be manipulated . I n this, no t eve n th e mos t adroi t subterfuge coul d conceal th e fact tha t Dorchester' s communicatio n wa s a response t o a n overture. But Hamilto n wa s no t on e t o b e intimidate d b y obstacles . "I n suggesting the measur e o f a n interferenc e o r rathe r of a pacifi c recommendatio n o n th e part o f Lor d Dorchester, " h e informe d Beckwith , " I acted altogethe r a s a n individual, an d m y judgment le d m e t o thi s fro m th e sens e o f th e thing , an d from m y conceivin g th e fomentin g suc h a wa r coul d neve r b e an y objec t fo r such a governmen t a s yours . O n th e contrar y I hav e conclude d fro m thos e explanations which I have received by your means . .. that your trading interests would b e advanced , by the re-establishmen t o f peace." This conveye d nothin g not alread y known, fo r Dorcheste r had never assume d tha t Hamilton' s appeal was a n ac t o f th e government . Bu t despit e hi s acknowledge d inabilit y t o la y "such a paper" before th e President , Hamilton boldly renewe d his effort, agai n professing to speak as a private individual. "We shall take occasion in the course of th e summe r t o mar k a pacifi c dispositio n t o th e Indian s in genera l an d t o those hostil e tribe s i n particular, " he assure d Beckwith. "We shall suggest t o them th e ide a o f a meetin g t o discus s th e object s o f difference , an d if Lor d Dorchester woul d sugges t tha t a friendly accomodatio n an d settlement woul d be a pleasing circumstanc e to your Government , it migh t hav e a tendency t o promote it : in al l this, I do no t spea k ministeriall y to you , althoug h I am sure the thin g i s so , an d tha t i t woul d no t onl y advanc e thi s objec t bu t ten d t o forward th e establishmen t o f thos e greate r nationa l point s whic h I hav e fre quently touche d upo n i n ou r differen t conversations." In plaine r terms, Hamilto n a t onc e denie d speakin g officiall y an d gav e as surance that hi s renewe d reques t fo r Dorcheste r to brin g his influence t o bea r for peace represente d th e officia l views o f the Unite d States government . Eve n with hi s initia l overtur e turnin g ou t t o b e embarrassingl y effective, h e coul d 26
27
Se e Editoria l Not e an d grou p o f documents o n th e wa r crisis, a t 1 2 Jul y 1790 . "Conversatio n relativ e t o th e reques t o f interferenc e wit h th e Wester n Indians"; enclosed i n Dorcheste r t o Grenville , 1 4 Jun e 179 1 (PRO : C O 42/73). 2 6
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not refrain from repeating it, asking only that Dorchester initiate the suggestio n and thu s remov e th e obstacl e whil e screenin g hi s ow n action s fro m th e Pres ident. Suc h was the measur e of Hamilton's unremitting efforts t o protec t those greater nationa l point s whic h la y at th e hear t o f his policy .
Ill In London , almos t a t th e momen t Hamilto n wa s renewin g hi s appea l t o Dorchester, Lor d Grenvill e was als o expressin g alar m abou t th e threat s t o larger national interests bein g pose d b y the America n war against the Wabash and Miami tribes. In urging the Governor General to make every effort possibl e to promote conciliation , he declared that "no termination of this business coul d be s o desireabl e a s an adjustment o f the point s i n dispute, betwee n th e Unite d States an d the Indians , under the goo d office s o f this Country. " This wa s no t only desirable in itself, bu t such an intermediation "would probably at the sam e time affor d an opening fo r settling i n some manner satisfactory t o bot h Parties the difficultie s whic h have occurre d to preven t the executio n o f that part of the Treaty of Peace . .. which relates to the cession of the Forts." Even as Grenville considered this hopeful possibility , anothe r instrument in the indirec t channels of communicatio n inspire d b y Hamilto n an d hi s supporter s gav e hi m a n unexpected opportunit y t o communicat e hi s concern directly to th e friend s of the British interes t i n America . William Stephen s Smith , chose n t o communicat e privatel y t o th e Britis h ministry th e anxietie s arouse d b y th e failur e o f Gouverneu r Morris' missio n and the hopes for some evidence o f a friendly disposition i n commercial matters, had arrive d i n Londo n early i n 1791 . Fo r weeks h e ha d sough t a n interview with someone in the ministr y to who m h e could communicate th e concern that Hamilton an d others ha d lon g bee n expressin g t o Beckwith . Even thoug h h e had the backing of influential associates o f Robert Morris, he had not succeede d in this effort until , early in April, h e wa s granted a one-hour appointmen t wit h Grenville, wh o wa s abou t t o becom e Secretar y for Foreign Affairs. N o record of thi s intervie w exist s excep t tha t give n b y Smit h himsel f i n a lon g an d unintentionally revealin g report to th e Presiden t - on e tha t he had shown first of al l t o Hamilto n an d others. Whil e Grenvill e presumably grante d th e ap pointment primaril y becaus e o f the importunation s of Henry Dunda s and others, he was also undoubtedly influence d b y his desire to say something t o the youn g American abou t th e danger s arising from hostilities betwee n th e Unite d State s and th e wester n Indians . H e courteousl y receive d Smith' s prepare d state ment — a remarkably blunt documen t warnin g that Franc e wa s strengthenin g "her party in Americ a b y act s of kindness and attention t o th e Unite d States," while England was threatening " much injury to the British interest in America" by her uniform though perhap s unintentional neglect - an d then raise d some questions o f his ow n abou t America n policy towar d the Indians. According to Smith , Grenville spoke officiall y a s minister when h e declared that th e questio n o f the militar y posts woul d necessaril y have t o b e faced , no t only becaus e o f th e importanc e o f th e fu r trad e an d it s connectio n wit h th e 28
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Grenvill e to Dorchester, 7 Mch. 1791 (PRO : C O 42/73) . Se e Editorial Not e and group of documents a t 1 5 Dec. 1790 . Smit h to Colquhoun, 4 Apr. 179 1 (MiU-C : Melville Papers; quoted above Vol. 18: 257). 2 8
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commercial an d manufacturing interests o f the nation , bu t als o becaus e o f th e government's obligatio n t o secur e th e frontier s an d protect th e natives . Gren ville spok e candidl y abou t America n policy towar d th e Indian s and it s effec t on Britis h interests . H e state d tha t h e wa s ver y sorry to se e th e Unite d State s . . . carrying on vigorous hostil e measure s against them, that in consequenc e of it the Britis h trade had been ver y materially affected th e tw o Las t season s and woul d b e totall y destroye d unles s som e measures wer e taken to accom modate th e differences , an d that h e ha d noticed som e observations i n a late American Pape r tendin g t o impress th e publi c min d wit h opinion s tha t England countenance d th e depredation s o f the savage s o n th e frontier . Grenville emphaticall y denie d tha t th e ministr y had give n suc h countenance . He the n declare d i t t o b e hi s dut y t o conve y th e impressio n "tha t Englan d could not with perfect indifference, se e a tribe of Indians extirpated, from whom they receive d such advantages, withou t endeavourin g in some degree to shelte r them, bu t h e flattere d himsel f wit h th e expectatio n tha t Americ a woul d no t proceed t o to o grea t extremitie s o n thi s subject. " This coul d b e take n a s a n expressio n o f confidenc e o r a s a thinl y veile d warning, bu t i t cause d Smit h t o bristle . However , h e restraine d himself suf ficiently t o convinc e th e minister-s o h e reporte d t o Washingto n - that , o n unresolved questions arisin g from the Treaty of Peace, the United States would not b e reluctan t to ente r int o an y investigatio n o f matters "properl y presente d by a minister, always having in view the perfec t fulfilmen t o f the treaty, in such a manner , a s no t t o bea r har d upo n eithe r o f th e contractin g parties , o r t o wound th e feeling s o f eithe r i n th e explanation " of it s articles . Havin g voice d this noncommittal opinion , Smit h then presume d to sho w Grenvill e where th e true interests o f England lay . He was certain that the minister sent to negotiate with the Unite d States woul d soon be convince d that the fu r trade of Englan d would b e benefite d rathe r tha n otherwis e if Britis h troop s were withdraw n within their own prope r limits. Indeed, if this were done, th e rapidly increasing settlements o n th e America n side o f th e boundar y woul d b e a n advantag e t o English commercia l an d manufacturin g interests . A s fo r th e securit y o f th e frontiers, such a removal was "absolutely invited " because the n "the troops and inhabitants o f th e Unite d State s togethe r wit h th e intermediat e lake s woul d form a n insurmountabl e barrie r betwee n th e . . . belligeren t Savage s an d th e British inhabitants both of upper and lower Canada." This audacious suggestion conveniently overlooke d th e nee d expresse d b y Grenvill e for governmenta l protection t o th e Indians , bu t Smit h wa s no t daunte d b y th e realitie s a responsible ministe r would hav e to tak e int o consideration . H e wen t s o fa r as to suggest tha t suc h a withdrawa l o f th e troop s migh t possibl y b e a poin t o n which "Americ a would not objec t to enter into a defensive treat y with Englan d so fa r as it would relat e to mutua l security against th e savage s o n th e frontier s of thei r respectiv e territories. " This conjecture , whic h perhap s ha d it s origi n in th e hop e entertaine d b y Hamilto n and others fo r treat y connection s goin g beyond mer e commercial arrangements, also overlooked existin g politica l realities i n Smith' s nativ e land. So, too , di d hi s expressio n o f confidenc e tha t hi s countryme n woul d accep t Grenville's assuranc e that the ministr y "totally discountenance d th e Ide a of at present aidin g and abetting thos e Savage s i n the depredation s the y ha d made and were stil l makin g on som e defenceless part s of the America n frontier." As [ 114 ]
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for Grenville's concern over newspaper comments t o the contrary, Smith thought it understandable that a printer might feel justified in making such observations "when in the packs and Haversacks of Indians slain in battle were found Britis h provisions, i t wa s impossibl e t o ascertain , whether i t wa s procure d fro m th e British Garrison s i n way o f Barter fo r furs or other article s of Indian traffi c or whether i t wa s supplye d fo r th e purpos e o f enablin g the m t o carry o n th e expedition." Smit h nevertheless expresse d th e belie f that "those at the hea d of the Governmen t of America entertained too favourabl e an opinion o f the Char acters of the present administration of England to suspect them of being capable of countenancin g suc h inhuma n an d barbarou s incursions. " Departin g stil l further fro m reality , Smit h wa s confiden t Grenvill e "would no t suspec t an y gentlemen i n th e administratio n o f th e Governmen t o f Americ a coul d fo r a moment believ e tha t th e minister s o f England coul d b e capabl e o f such meas ures." The President and the Secretar y of State mus t have read this inaccurate expression o f thei r view s les s wit h surpris e than wit h a better understandin g of what th e youn g diploma t ha d unwittingly reveale d about himsel f and those whom h e represented . In reportin g t o Washington , Smit h wa s carefu l t o emphasiz e tha t h e ha d spoken a s an individual and that the view s he had expressed t o Grenvill e could in n o sens e b e regarde d a s a commitmen t o f th e Unite d States . Thi s wa s assuredly true . Bu t i n justifying America n policy towar d the Indians , he em ployed languag e a s if on behal f of the nation: 31
. . . I fel t n o diffidenc e i n assertin g tha t th e Conduc t of th e Unite d State s towards the Savages on their frontiers was more strongly marked with Justice and benevolenc e tha n tha t o f an y powe r wh o ha d ever ye t com e i n contac t with the m . . . that Americ a wa s willin g a t any perio d to mak e peac e wit h them upon those express principles , which had produced tranquility to every other nation and of which she might rathe r boast than be ashamed. And that she felt hersel f perfectly competen t no t onl y to chastise , but even i f necessary to extirpate, stil l sh e would blus h at exercising that power unles s authorized by necessit y an d preceded b y ever y conciliator y proposal tha t Justic e could warrant o r the Circumstance s of the cas e admi t of . Tha t th e wa r was b y n o means sough t o n ou r part , bu t bein g force d int o i t fo r th e securit y o f ou r settlements and protection o f our frontiers, and in every stage of its progres s continuing t o hol d i n on e han d mil d and honourable term s o f peace , whil e the othe r graspe d the necessar y weapons o f war, it would be rather probable that w e shoul d pursu e th e war , with vigour , until l peace th e onl y objec t o f it, wa s obtained , rathe r than chec k thos e exertions unde r any apprehensio n that Englan d woul d sid e wit h th e Savage s i n suc h a cause. . . . but eve n i f [the ministry ] shoul d tak e th e sid e hinte d at , Americ a coul d onl y ac t on e uniform part Viz. being satisfyed of the Justness of her Cause and the integrity of he r intention s sh e doubtles s woul d pursu e he r measure s wit h firmnes s and leav e th e event. 32
On it s face , thi s expressio n o f a determination t o prosecut e th e wa r regardless of wha t Grea t Britai n migh t d o seeme d close r t o th e view s o f Jefferso n tha n to those of Hamilton. But coupled as it was with Smith's hope that the American position a s th e victi m o f aggressio n woul d b e bette r understoo d i f "Ministers 31 3 2
Smit h to Washington, 6 June 179 1 (DLC : Washingto n Papers) . Thu s in MS .
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would but give themselves th e trouble of Examining the question, " it accorded with the appeals that Hamilton and others had been makin g indirectly through Beckwith fo r mor e tha n a year . Presumin g t o expres s hi s conceptio n o f th e views o f th e administratio n an d indee d o f th e America n people, Smit h ha d actually spoke n i n behal f o f thos e who m th e ministr y regarde d a s friend s o f "the Britis h interes t i n America. " Thus whe n th e unofficia l envo y arrive d i n Ne w Yor k i n June , h e di d no t tarry bu t "wen t immediatel y t o communicat e th e particulars to th e Secretar y of the Treasury " and then - i n a long, inaccurate, and unintentionally revealing statement - t o th e President . George Beckwit h did not se e Smit h as he passe d through th e city , bu t th e genera l scop e o f th e intervie w wit h Grenvill e was communicated t o hi m "b y a Member of the Senate , whos e disposition s ar e in favor o f a n Englis h interest." Beckwit h wa s gratifie d wit h thi s informatio n because i t accorde d s o wel l wit h assurance s o f th e friendl y dispositio n o f th e ministry that he had given some individuals on his recent trip to New England . On hi s retur n t o Philadelphi a o n Jun e 15 , Beckwit h foun d tha t Hamilto n thought Grenville' s comments generall y "pleasin g an d promising," especiall y because o f th e ministry' s reporte d determinatio n t o discus s th e commercia l concerns o f the tw o countrie s an d to establis h forma l diplomatic relations . T o this Hamilton made a single exception . "On e part only of this conversation wa s of a nature to excit e som e regret, o r rather of doubt o n ou r part," he declared. This fly i n th e ointmen t wa s Grenville' s commen t abou t America n polic y toward the Indians. Hamilton observed that this comment coul d be taken either as a mere expressio n o f desire that the hostilitie s b e brough t t o a n end becaus e of the injuries done to British trade, or as a warning that the British governmen t might b e force d b y it s obligation s t o interven e o n th e sid e o f the Indians. The latte r interpretatio n Hamilto n foun d ominou s an d disturbing . H e de clared t o Beckwit h tha t i t wa s t o th e interes t o f th e Unite d State s t o mak e peace wheneve r thi s coul d b e don e o n prope r terms, bu t that , unde r existin g circumstances, ther e wa s n o alternativ e bu t t o prosecut e th e wa r because th e very safet y o f th e natio n require d it . " I shoul d fee l extremel y concerned, " Hamilton tol d Beckwith , "if a fair prospect o f a happy settlemen t o f the affair s of the T w o Countries , should b e prevente d b y a consideration o f this comparitively trivia l nature." This wa s what Smit h reportedly had said to Grenville , but withou t th e forc e bor n o f Hamilton' s dee p an d abidin g concer n les t hi s policies b e jeopardized. That concer n could scarcely have been alleviated when, a mont h later , th e Presiden t - employin g th e word s o f th e Secretar y o f State — informed Smith that his communication corresponded very exactly with what ha d been learne d of Britis h intention s a s a result o f the missio n o f Gou verneur Morris. Bot h the indirec t appeal to Dorchester through Beckwith and that t o Grenvill e through Smit h had ended i n failure. 33
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Beckwit h to Grenville , 1 4 June 179 1 (PRO : F O 4/12) . "Conversation s with a gentlema n i n Office , Philadelphi a June 15th . [i.e. , 16th ] 1791"; enclosed in Beckwith to Grenville, 31 July 179 1 (PRO : FO 4/12; text in Syrett, Hamilton, vm , 475-7). Beckwit h sent Dorchester an account of this conversation which contained both more and less than that sent to Grenville, though both are in agreement on that part of the interview discussed here (this version includes the code number for Hamilton and is dated 16 June 1791; enclosed in Dorchester to Grenville, 27 July 1791 ; PRO: C O 42/83) . 3 3
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IV While thes e surreptitiou s communication s were i n progress , Washingto n unintentionally complicate d matter s stil l furthe r for Hamilto n b y authorizing the us e o f Beckwit h t o conve y a ver y differen t kin d o f message . Thi s quit e unexpected mov e originate d i n a suggestio n mad e b y Jefferson , who , i n in forming the Presiden t of disturbing clashes between Canadians and Americans on th e northeaster n boundary , urge d a polic y o f restrain t but, if necessary , a resort to force . "I f the ide a meets your approbation," he wrote Washington , "it may preven t a misconstruction b y th e British , o f wha t ma y happen, shoul d I have this ide a suggested in a proper manner to Colo . Beckwith." He did not explain what he meant b y a proper manner. But in view o f his scruples against discussing publi c matter s wit h Beckwith , h e obviousl y intende d an y com munication t o b e indirect , unofficial, an d yet sufficientl y authoritativ e t o con vince the Britis h agent that it reflected th e government' s position . Washingto n agreed tha t thi s migh t b e "th e safes t mod e o f compellin g proposition s t o a n amicable settlement." But a s h e reflecte d furthe r upo n th e matter , borde r incident s i n th e Eas t must hav e appeare d far less exigent tha n those arisin g from the India n wa r in the West. On that extended field the danger of miscalculation seemed to increase daily. Washington' s suspicio n tha t th e Britis h wer e aidin g th e hostil e tribe s had lon g sinc e becom e conviction , providin g furthe r proo f o f th e eas e wit h which eithe r governmen t coul d misconstru e th e inten t o f th e othe r i n th e absence o f diplomati c relations . Thus , thre e day s afte r approvin g Jefferson' s suggestion, Washington proposed tha t a far bolder, even peremptory , message be sen t t o Quebec . Assumin g Britis h ai d t o th e wester n Indian s t o b e s o notorious a s t o mak e inquir y needless , h e though t th e nationa l interes t de manded that Dorcheste r b e require d to pu t a stop to suc h unwarranted inter ference i n American affairs. Indeed, he went s o fa r as to authoriz e Jefferson t o convey thi s message directly - tha t is, officially a s Secretary of State - o r through Beckwith, who m h e though t "peculiarl y designated t o b e th e channe l o f a n indirect intimation. " But, having begu n hi s lette r o n th e dubiou s assumptio n that Jefferso n woul d concu r i n thinkin g the nationa l interes t compelle d suc h a blun t approach , Washington conclude d b y authorizin g him t o ac t o r not a s he judged best. Since thes e instruction s wer e directe d solel y t o th e Secretar y of Stat e an d expressly authorize d him t o mak e th e decision , Jefferso n wa s no t require d to seek th e advic e o f othe r member s o f th e Cabinet . Nevertheless , h e di d so , perhaps becaus e soo n thereafte r h e receive d th e President' s circula r directin g the head s o f departments t o consul t o n an y serious and important matters that might aris e during his absence. I n accordance with Washington's directions , Jefferson immediately sent a copy of his letter to the Vice-President. Hamilton 35
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T J t o Washington, 27 Mch . 1791. Washingto n to T J , 1 Apr. 1791. Washingto n to T J , 4 Apr . 179 1 (Documen t n). Th e President to the Secretarie s of State, Treasury, and War, 4 Apr. 1791 (Doc ument i). T J t o John Adams, 8 Apr. 1791 : "Th: Jefferson presents his respects to the Vicepresident o f the U.S . and has the hono r t o inclos e hi m the cop y o f a letter fro m the President, just now received " (RC i n MHi: AM ; F C i n DNA: RG 59 , PC C No . 120 ; 35
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assumed that he had done so and on Saturday the 9th of April informe d Adams he ha d just receive d a lette r fro m Willia m Shor t whic h h e wishe d t o submi t to th e Vice-Presiden t an d th e head s o f department s i n accordanc e wit h th e President's instructions . H e aske d Adam s t o nam e a tim e an d plac e fo r th e meeting a s earl y a s convenient. Thi s ha d th e effect , perhap s unintended , o f making th e Vice-Presiden t th e surrogat e o f th e Presiden t i n convenin g th e Cabinet. But no one understood better than John Adams that the constitutional function o f the Vice-Presiden t was confine d t o th e legislativ e branc h and that, in the America n system , th e Secretar y of State was deemed t o ran k first among the head s o f departments . Hi s response t o Hamilto n that afternoo n explaine d that he an d Jefferson ha d "accidentally" met befor e h e had had an opportunit y to repl y and that they ha d "agreed to propos e a meeting a t [Jefferson's] Hous e at tw o o'cloc k o n Monda y th e 11th, " if this shoul d b e agreeabl e t o Hamilto n and Knox. Protoco l wa s thu s accommodated , bu t i n fac t th e meetin g ha d been initiate d by Hamilton . In informing Washington o f Hamilton's desire for a consultation , Jefferso n sai d that h e woul d see k hi s colleagues ' advic e o n th e proposed communicatio n t o Beckwit h about supplie s t o th e Indians. What transpire d in the Cabine t discussion o n th e 11t h ca n only b e deduce d from incomplete an d unsatisfactory evidence. Hamilton' s official letters to Washington o f th e 10t h an d 14t h announce d onl y th e questio n h e propose d t o la y before th e Cabinet , the reason s for it, and the decisio n that had been reached. Jefferson's account , se t dow n a wee k afte r th e event , lef t muc h unrecorded . This was in part because Hamilton and Knox had withheld essential information and i n par t because Jefferso n himsel f deemed i t bes t no t t o disclos e t o Wash ington al l that he knew . Hi s account of the discussion concerning the propose d message to Beckwith omitted a significant fact which, if revealed, would surely have called for an explanation involving his colleagues, thereb y perhaps leading to furthe r disharmony in th e Cabinet . Full disclosur e woul d als o hav e limite d his ow n choic e o f alternatives. 40
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enclosure: Washington to T J , Hamilton , and Knox, 4 Apr . 1791 ; Tr in MHi: AM , in Remsen's hand; Document i). Hamilto n to Adams, 9 Apr. 1791 (Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 258). Adam s to Hamilton , 9 Apr . 1791 (same , vm, 258). T J later recalled that he had invited them to din e wit h him to discus s the matte r (including the Attorne y General ) and that this was the only time the Vice-Presiden t "was ever requested to take part in a cabinet question" (TJ's introduction to the Anas, writte n in 1818 bu t obviously with Washington's letter of 4 Apri l 179 1 befor e him) . In this he erred: Adams' opinion was sought several times. T J t o Washington, 1 0 Apr. 1791 . Hamilto n wrote Washington on the 11t h about another matter and said there was nothing els e "wort h communication" save tha t give n i n his officia l dispatc h enclose d therewith. This has been taken to mean that Hamilton wrote a second and official dispatch on the 11t h which has not bee n foun d (Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 277). Bu t the enclosure in the letter of the 11th was obviously the official one of the 10th announcing his intention to discus s Short' s authority to negotiate loans and giving his reasons for removing the limitations upon it. Hamilton's letter of the 14th merely recorded the action of the Cabinet on the matter. Washington's response identifies th e substance of both letters clearly but erred in saying that the firs t was written on the 11th , thereby creating the impression that Hamilto n wrote two letter s on that date (Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 270-1, 277 , 288 , 330). T J t o Washington, 17 Apr. 1791 (Documen t HI) . Th e omission, discussed below , 4 0 41
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The firs t topic discussed by the Cabinet concerned the letter which Hamilton had jus t receive d fro m Willia m Shor t an d which , i n orde r t o hav e "certai n measures . . . take n upo n it, " had bee n hi s declare d reaso n fo r initiatin g th e meeting. Tha t lette r announce d th e successfu l negotiatio n o f a loa n fo r 2. 5 million guilders, the agreement o f the Amsterdam bankers to accept a reduction in thei r commission , th e ver y favorabl e positio n o f America n credit, an d th e possibility held forth by the financiers that, if war did not brea k out, the United States migh t b e abl e i n little mor e tha n a year to borro w from 9 t o 1 2 million guilders, provide d eac h loa n shoul d amoun t t o 3 millio n guilder s an d b e fol lowed by the next wheneve r a favorable moment occurred. On the da y befor e the Cabinet met, Hamilton informed Washington that he intended to lay Short's letter befor e hi s colleague s an d ask them t o conside r whethe r i t woul d no t b e expedient t o authoriz e a further loan o f 3 millio n guilders . T o th e President , but no t t o th e Cabinet , he urge d that Short' s instructions b e change d s o a s t o allow hi m t o ope n successiv e loan s fo r th e sam e amoun t afte r th e precedin g one had been fully subscribed and without waiting for the President's sanction. In brief , Hamilto n was proposin g that the precautionar y limitations on Short's authority b e removed . I t wa s Jefferso n himsel f wh o ha d suggeste d thes e restrictions the precedin g year in order to enable the America n agent to act more independently o f th e "wonderfull y dexterous " banker s of Amsterdam . Washington ha d incorporated the limitation s almos t verbati m in his instruction s t o Hamilton. Bu t now , convince d b y th e Secretar y o f th e Treasur y tha t th e favorable ratin g of America n credit , the repaymen t o f the deb t t o France , th e need t o avoi d any delay s i n borrowing , and the prudenc e o f taking advantag e of favorable conditions i n the money marke t of Amsterdam required that Short be give n wide r latitude , th e Presiden t agree d t o Hamilton' s suggestion. 45
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There wa s i n fact n o reaso n wh y th e Secretar y of the Treasur y shoul d have asked his colleagues t o discus s the questio n o f altering or removing restrictions in instructions given by the President to himself. No r indeed was there anything in Short' s letter callin g for immediate actio n o r possessing th e sor t o f urgency Washington ha d had in mind in directing the head s o f departments t o consul t together. Tha t lette r di d no t expressl y reques t confirmatio n o f the loa n Short had so successfully negotiated. No r did it in any way suggest that the restrictions on the powe r t o borro w funds b e altered . Short was so little concerne d on thi s point h e di d not dee m i t necessar y t o infor m the Amsterda m bankers that hi s authority wa s limite d t o loan s o f a million dollar s and that n o ne w on e coul d be made until the preceding one had been expressly confirmed by the President. Indeed, a s h e expresse d i t t o Hamilton , "I do no t thin k i t probabl e tha t thi s latter conditio n wil l occasio n an y dela y a s a confirmatio n ma y generall y b e received in three months." I n fact, on the advice of both banker s and brokers, Short ha d agree d t o postpon e openin g th e loa n fo r mor e tha n tw o month s when condition s promise d to b e especiall y favorabl e fo r America n credit . 50
pertains to the initial decision authorizing Knox to approach Beckwith on the proposal made by Washington. Hamilto n to Adams , 9 Apr. 1791 (Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 258). Shor t to Hamilton, 2 Dec. 179 0 (same , vu, 175-87) . Hamilto n to Washington, 1 0 Apr. 179 1 (same , vm, 270). Fo r TJ's suggeste d restrictions, see his opinion on fiscalpolicy, 26 Aug . 1790 . Washingto n to Hamilton , 7 May 1791 (Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 330). Shor t to Hamilton, 2 Dec. 179 0 (same , vu, 175-87) . 45
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Under thes e circumstances , i t i s clea r that th e sens e o f urgenc y whic h le d to th e callin g of th e Cabine t meeting di d no t aris e from th e natur e of Short's communication. Presumabl y b y employin g argument s h e ha d se t fort h i n hi s letter t o th e President , Hamilto n wa s abl e t o persuad e hi s colleague s tha t immediate authorizatio n shoul d b e give n Shor t t o negotiat e a new loa n fo r 3 million guilders even though thi s would violate Washington's instructions both as t o th e require d sanctio n an d a s t o th e amoun t o f th e loan. Jefferson' s explanation t o th e Presiden t i s explici t an d revealing . Th e Secretar y o f th e Treasury, h e reported , place d befor e the m Short' s lette r announcin g th e con tract for the new loan and the reasons for postponing it s execution unti l February 1791. Jefferso n the n quote d Shor t a s sayin g ther e wa s ever y reaso n t o hop e the loa n woul d b e filled befor e i t woul d b e possibl e fo r hi m t o receiv e th e President's order s to ope n another , thoug h thes e woul d b e awaite d according to his instructions. But this, Jefferson pointed out, would have caused a month's delay and those attending the meeting felt that if Washington himself had know n the circumstances , h e woul d hav e approve d th e decision . On e o f th e reason s for their unanimous determination, he added, was that Short himself had "presse d the expeditin g th e orde r tha t th e stoppag e o f th e curren t in ou r favo r migh t be a s shor t a s possible." But th e fac t i s tha t n o suc h reques t an d no suc h cal l fo r an urgen t decisio n can b e found in Short's letter. Fa r from pressing for the President's confirmation of the loan , Short had said that he anticipate d no delay i n the busines s becaus e of the need to await it. Clearly, Jefferson could not have made such a categorical statement i f he ha d actually rea d Short's letter o r if he ha d heard it read . Th e most plausibl e explanation for the discrepancy between what Short had actually written an d what Jefferso n reporte d i s tha t th e Secretar y of the Treasur y ha d placed the lette r befor e th e grou p - a manuscript of about five thousand word s in Short' s minuscule, crabbed hand - an d instead of reading it had summarized its contents, no t as they wer e but as he wished them to be. Onl y in this manner, it seems , coul d he hav e created the sens e of urgency that le d to the unanimou s decision o n a poin t Shor t ha d no t eve n raised . Onl y thus , i t woul d appear , could tha t lette r hav e bee n use d a s a justification fo r convenin g th e Cabinet. The suppositio n seem s to b e supporte d i n the contras t betwee n Hamilton' s urgency i n expeditin g th e loan s an d hi s lac k o f i t i n makin g us e o f fund s thus acquired . Thencefort h Short' s complaints , bot h t o th e Secretar y o f th e Treasury an d to th e Secretar y of State , concerne d th e embarrassment s h e la y under and the needles s interest cost s incurred becaus e o f long-delayed instructions fro m th e Secretar y of the Treasur y a s to th e dispositio n o f funds already borrowed. Whil e Hamilto n ha d convince d th e Cabine t that i t wa s importan t and indee d urgen t to authorize another loan, Short felt tha t it would have bee n advantageous if the on e just negotiate d had been delaye d a n additional two o r three month s i n orde r to sav e th e doubl e interes t charge s o n unuse d fund s i n the bankers ' hands an d o n tha t pai d o n th e deb t t o France. Bu t th e mos t compelling reason for assuming that Short's letter was deliberately manipulated 51
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and misrepresente d b y Hamilto n is tha t ther e wa s anothe r objec t brough t u p for discussio n b y th e Cabine t which ha d no t bee n announce d an d which , for private concern s i f no t fo r th e nationa l interest , di d posses s a n undeniabl e urgency. I n brief , al l o f th e evidenc e suggest s tha t th e lette r fro m Shor t wa s only the excuse, not the real reason that prompted Hamilton to call for a meeting of the Cabinet. V The secon d subjec t discusse d b y th e Cabine t was brough t forwar d by th e Secretary o f War , undoubtedly b y prearrangemen t wit h th e Secretar y of th e Treasury an d almos t certainl y a t th e instigatio n o f other s i n an d ou t o f gov ernment. It , too, ha d an ostensible a s well as a real bu t hidden object, wit h th e Indian wa r in the Wes t providin g cover fo r schemes o f land speculation i n the East. Whil e India n affair s fel l withi n th e provinc e o f th e Secretar y o f War, Henry Kno x a t this momen t woul d no t see m t o hav e neede d an y ne w under takings t o diver t hi m fro m hi s primar y dut y o f prosecutin g th e war . H e wa s already helpin g so w th e seed s o f St . Clair' s defea t b y th e favoritis m shown t o William Due r a s th e conceale d contracto r fo r arm y supplie s an d b y hi s an d Duer's involvemen t i n equall y surreptitiou s negotiation s fo r th e purchas e o f two millio n acre s o f Main e lands. I n additio n t o thi s grandios e rea l estat e venture, he wa s simultaneously pursuin g his old and illusory dream of tapping the agricultura l wealth o f th e uppe r Connecticu t valle y b y mean s o f a canal connecting i t wit h th e Charle s rive r a t Boston. Kno x wa s a ma n o f energ y and enterprise , bu t i n th e sprin g and early summer of 179 1 hi s officia l dutie s suffered neglec t because o f the time and attention h e gave to personal concerns. He als o allowe d privat e interest s t o affec t publi c polic y i n th e matte r tha t h e brought u p fo r discussio n o n Apri l 11th . Jefferson's accoun t o f the Cabine t meeting merel y state s that th e Secretar y of War expressed hi s apprehension, based on "some suspicious circumstances," that the Si x Nations migh t b e induced to ally themselves wit h the hostile tribe s in the West . Kno x therefor e propose d tha t Colonel Timothy Pickering be sen t on a mission to th e Iroquoi s to confir m them i n their neutrality. This o f course would require a tribal convocation and, as Knox optimistically calculated, would cost "abou t $2000." I f the Secretar y o f Wa r explained wha t th e suspicious circumstances were, Jefferson di d not recor d the fact. To Washington, writing on th e da y befor e th e Cabine t meeting, Kno x indulge d i n speculatio n base d on unconfirme d rumor . H e kne w tha t th e Presiden t considere d th e recen t 54
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Se e Editoria l Not e and group o f documents a t 1 0 Mch . 1791 fo r a discussion of these activities of Knox, Duer , and their associates. Les s than a week befor e th e Cabine t meeting Kno x announced to William Smith, Isaiah Thomas, and William Hull his plan to undertake the experiment. He acknowledged that many people thought hi s scheme Utopian , but o n 8 Apr. 1791 h e engaged John Hills, a bibulous and imprudent man, to make the survey. By the end of summer David Cobb encouraged Kno x to believe that the canal would yield a conservatively estimated $90,000 pe r annum in tolls o r 10 % net profi t (Kno x to Smith , Thomas, and Hull, 7 Apr. 1791 ; Articles of Agreement with Hills, 8 Apr. 1791 ; Hills to Knox, 30 June and 3 Aug . 1791 ; Henr y Jackson to Knox , 2 1 Aug . 1791 ; Davi d Cobb to Knox , 1 0 July and 4 Sep. 1791 , al l in MHi: Kno x Papers). T J t o Washington, 1 7 Apr. 1791 (Documen t in). 5 4
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murder of friendly Indians on Beaver Creek a truly alarming outrage that might widen th e war. Now , onl y a fe w day s later , Kno x reporte d tha t a part y o f Delaware Indians had killed nine men, women , an d children on the Alleghen y within twent y mile s o f Fort Pit t and had so blindl y enraged the inhabitant s as to endange r Th e Cornplante r and hi s part y o f Senecas . Ha d this happened , Knox concluded , the wa r unquestionably woul d have become general. "Affairs being s o critica l wit h th e Si x Nations, " h e informe d th e President , " I have judged i t adviseable t o assembl e the m a s soon as possible, i n order to brighte n the Chai n o f Friendshi p an d prevent al l jealousies. . . . I shal l lay this subjec t before th e Vice-Presiden t an d th e othe r head s o f department s tomorro w fo r their approbation." The Vice-Presiden t and head s o f department s accepte d Knox recommen dation an d authorized the appointmen t o f Pickerin g as agen t t o assembl e th e Six Nations . Bu t i n fac t the y ha d n o alternative . Fo r two day s earlie r Kno x had dispatche d a n expres s t o Pickerin g at Wilkes-Barr é directin g hi m "instantly" t o sen d runner s t o assembl e th e chief s "a s earl y a s possibl e . . . to brighten the Chain, and to remove all Causes of jealousies and discontents" H e accompanied thi s wit h a n advance o f $25 0 t o pa y fo r messengers ; announce d that he would at once procure blankets, strouds, and other gifts; and authorized contracts fo r th e Indians ' rations durin g the treaty . H e directe d Pickerin g to repair immediately to Philadelphia for instructions and declared that the holding of th e treat y wa s "perfectl y compatibl e wit h th e order s an d design s o f th e President o f th e Unite d States." Th e assertio n serve d t o cloa k th e busines s with executiv e authorit y but , a s Kno x wel l knew , thi s wa s no t a precis e o r accurate statement. Al l members o f the Cabine t were aware - a s the Presiden t had reminde d the m onl y a few day s since-tha t ever y expedien t t o achiev e a peaceful settlemen t with the wester n tribes and to retain the friendship of those in treat y wit h the Unite d States , th e Si x Nation s included , had been adopte d and was already in operation. Earl y in February The Cornplanter, head warrior of the Senecas , ha d pledged hi s nation' s friendshi p and had gone on a mission of peac e t o th e wester n tribe s a t th e behes t o f th e government . Jus t a mont h later Colone l Thoma s Procte r ha d bee n dispatche d o n a n urgen t an d secre t mission for the sam e purpose, with instructions to invit e The Cornplanter and other leaders of the Si x Nations t o join him on the journey. I t was immediatel y thereafter tha t Kno x se t i n motio n hi s unauthorize d pla n havin g th e sam e ostensible purpose . Even i f a sudden emergenc y ha d required such action, the Secretar y of Wa r 57
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had just receive d positiv e instruction s fro m th e Presiden t a s t o th e cours e t o be followe d i n suc h cases . Washington' s lette r t o th e head s o f departments , which arrive d i n Philadelphi a just th e da y befor e Kno x gav e hi s urgent in structions t o Pickering , was a positive delegatio n o f authorit y t o member s o f the Cabine t to consul t o n any serious and important matters arising during his absence. Washingto n had assured the Cabinet that he would approve all proper and lega l action s take n i n accordanc e wit h thi s directive . Th e meanin g wa s unmistakable: his sanction woul d extend onl y t o those measures decided upo n by th e head s o f department s i n consultation. Ye t Kno x disregarde d this di rective an d acte d precipitatel y o n hi s ow n authority . I n placin g th e matte r before hi s colleague s h e wa s askin g not tha t th e questio n b e decide d b y the m but tha t th e actio n alread y taken b e approved . Whethe r he informe d hi s col leagues of the fac t o r not, th e first step leading ultimatel y to th e lightin g of the Iroquois counci l fire o n th e Tiog a rive r i n mid-summer , a t a n assemblag e o f more tha n a thousan d sachems , chiefs , warriors , women , an d children , had already bee n take n an d wa s irreversible . The Secretar y o f War , on hi s ow n authority, ha d committed th e government . In doin g so , Kno x coul d no t hav e bee n unawar e tha t a dela y o f onl y tw o days for consultation wit h the heads of departments could scarcely have affecte d the declare d purpos e o f th e treat y on e wa y o r th e other . Unde r th e bes t o f circumstances, th e Si x Nations coul d not b e assemble d fo r several weeks. Th e wagons carryin g th e bale s o f present s an d supplie s woul d no t b e dispatche d for another month . Pickerin g was oblige d t o com e to Philadelphi a for instructions and these, instead of being delivere d in three days as Knox had promised, were onl y hande d t o hi m thre e week s afte r th e Cabine t met. Th e actua l cir cumstances rule d ou t th e nee d fo r suc h hast e a s t o caus e Kno x t o disregar d the President' s instruction s an d t o pre-emp t hi s colleagues ' righ t t o decid e whether a real emergenc y existed . Al l of the evidenc e suggest s tha t h e di d s o not becaus e th e situatio n wa s critical o r even pressing , but because disapproval by th e Cabine t woul d hav e thwarte d th e undisclose d purpos e o f th e treaty . This presumabl y was a risk h e dare d not take . One indicatio n tha t somethin g othe r tha n th e publi c interes t wa s involve d is t o b e foun d i n the manne r in whic h Kno x offere d th e agenc y t o Pickering. The ostensibl e objec t had been se t forth in explicit terms in Knox' official lette r of the 9t h of April directin g him to convene th e Si x Nations. O n the sam e day, Knox appeale d to Pickering' s friend and business associate , Samue l Hodgdon , to conve y a private messag e whic h coul d no t b e pu t i n th e officia l communi cation. Hodgdon , a Philadelphi a merchant an d lan d speculator , complie d i n veiled but revealin g terms. "On the busines s bein g explaine d to me, " he wrot e Pickering, " I hesitated no t t o declar e yo u woul d undertak e the busines s pro posed. Thi s wil l brin g yo u t o th e Cit y . . . where every thing will be fully understood. I kno w i t wil l cal l yo u fro m you r agricultura l pursuits a t a n unfavorable seaso n - bu t sir , in m y opinion , th e objec t i n vie w wil l warran t yo u doing it . I consul t your interest-yo u mus t determin e finally." Wit h Knox ' official communicatio n i n hand , Pickerin g could scarcel y hav e mistake n hi s partner's hin t abou t privat e interes t an d th e nee d fo r a n understandin g con cerning som e objec t beyon d th e declare d inten t o f keepin g th e Si x Nation s 60
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Washingto n to the heads of departments, 4 Apr. 179 1 (Documen t i). Hodgdo n to Pickering, 9-10 Apr . 179 1 (MHi : Pickering Papers; emphasis added).
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neutral. H e accepte d a t once , dispatche d runner s to th e Si x Nations , an d se t out fo r Philadelphia . During the nex t tw o week s h e consulte d Hodgdon , sa w Knox almos t daily , an d conferre d wit h th e Massachusett s lan d speculator , Oliver Phelps. Th e presenc e o f th e latte r i n Philadelphi a provided anothe r indication tha t th e officia l reaso n fo r th e treat y wa s no t th e rea l one . Th e fact is tha t Kno x ha d give n n o supportin g evidence , no t eve n confirme d rumors, to sho w tha t th e Iroquoi s were threatenin g t o abando n thei r recen t pledg e of neutrality and friendship. As the official charged with oversight of Indian affairs, he coul d no t hav e bee n unawar e that th e attitud e o f those tribe s wa s just th e opposite o f what h e ha d le d the Presiden t and the Cabine t to believ e i t was . It was as a league of peace that the Iroquois Confederacy, by astute diplomacy, the rul e of law, and the us e o f force, had sustained its hegemony through three centuries over a vast region bounded b y the Hudson, Illinois, and Ottawa rivers and the Chesapeak e Bay. But the pax iroquoia wa s no w a t an end. It s nation s were disunite d an d its peopl e scattered. Unde r the multiplie d pressures of the expanding frontier, the increasing interference of land speculators using political influence t o achiev e thei r ends , an d th e emergenc e o f rivalrie s among suc h leaders as Joseph Bran t an d The Cornplanter, th e Iroquoi s tribes not onl y did not pos e a threa t a t thi s juncture but gav e ever y indicatio n o f thei r desir e t o remain a t peac e an d unde r th e protectio n o f th e Unite d States . Indeed , th e situation was such that the Indians , while accepting the invitatio n to the treaty with som e eagerness, wer e puzzle d as to wh y th e chai n so recentl y brightene d needed t o b e burnishe d again . The y wer e no t alone . Eve n Pickering , in ex tending th e invitations , had anticipated that the Si x Nations woul d wonder for what specia l purpos e the y wer e bein g assembled . H e coul d onl y assur e the m that th e pledge s o f peace recentl y give n were pleasin g t o th e governmen t an d that opennes s and frankness would characteriz e this furthe r renewal of friendship. On th e da y afte r th e Cabine t meeting, Kno x informe d Governo r Clinton of the approaching treaty and appealed to him to use every influence upo n Joseph Brant, th e Mohaw k leader , to induc e hi m to mak e a journey of conciliation t o the wester n Indian s —the ver y task whic h the governmen t ha d just persuaded Brant's arch-enemy , Th e Cornplanter , t o undertake. The appea l wa s unfor 62
63
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Pickering' s journal, 20 Apr.-20 July 179 1 (MHi : Kno x Papers). Six weeks earlier Pickering, anxiou s a s he wa s for a federal appointment , ha d declined the mor e remunerative pos t o f quartermaste r general o n th e wester n expeditio n - a n assignmen t fo r which he was far more experienced than in treating with Indians. In that case, too, Knox had offered specia l inducements through Hodgdon. The contrasting responses indicates that in the present instance Pickering clearly grasped his partner's meaning. On the offer and declination o f the pos t of quartermaster general, see Kno x to Lear , 2 5 Feb . 179 1 (DLC: Washingto n Papers); Knox to Pickering, 25 Feb. 1791; Hodgdon to Pickering , 25 Feb. 1791; and Pickering to Hodgdon, 28 Feb. 179 1 (al l in MHi: Pickering Papers). Early i n 179 1 Kno x ha d also offere d Pickerin g the pos t of superintendent o f the Six Nations, but this too he declined (Pickering to Washington, 15 Jan. 1791; Dft in MHi: Pickering Papers ; RC in DLC : Washingto n Papers) . For an excellent accoun t o f the decline of the Iroquois Confederacy and Robert Morris' ultimate success i n purchasing the lands , see Anthon y F. C. Wallace, The death and rebirth of the Seneca (Ne w York , 1970), p . 149-83 . Pickerin g to the Sachems , Chiefs, and Warriors of the Si x Nations, 1 7 Apr. 1791 (MHi: Pickerin g Papers) . Henr y Knox to George Clinton, 1 2 Apr. 179 1 (T r enclosed in Knox to Pickering , 2 Ma y 1791: both in MHi: Pickerin g Papers; ASP, Indian Affairs, i , 168). 6 2
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tunate. Clinton , wh o ha d reasons o f his own fo r supportin g the kin d o f polic y Brant had recently described as "the wicked mode of calling them out in separate nations or parties," had jus t advised the President to resist all attempts to reunite the Si x Nations . Assumin g correctl y tha t Kno x wa s awar e o f this , Clinton began hi s respons e wit h th e icy suppositio n tha t Washingto n ha d give n th e Secretary o f Wa r discretionary powe r t o pursu e a contrar y course. I n word s that reveale d th e warmt h of hi s oppositio n t o th e actio n Kno x ha d taken , h e restated hi s ow n conceptio n o f wha t th e government' s India n polic y shoul d be: 65
I observe , wit h som e regret , tha t the measur e o f attempting a conventio n of th e whol e si x nations , hat h bee n resolve d an d acte d upon . I t canno t b e unknown t o you , tha t thos e nation s ar e at presen t disunite d b y privat e animosities; tha t ther e subsist s no t amon g them , mutua l intercours e an d confidence, sufficien t t o lea d to a general combination , o r to effec t (withou t th e interposition o f the agent s of the Unite d States) a general congress . . . even for th e purpos e o f deliberation ; that thi s disunio n produce s impotenc y an d secures inaction, and that, if we shoul d revive their importance, by renewing their union , w e ma y giv e powe r an d vigor, whic h we canno t wit h certainty direct, an d ove r whic h w e shall , wit h muc h troubl e an d expence, hav e a n uncertain control . Unable to refut e th e arguments , Kno x coul d only respon d that the decisio n t o convene th e Si x Nation s ha d appeare d highl y expedien t a t th e time . But , offended b y Clinton' s vigorous opposition , h e asserte d tha t th e authorit y fo r making th e decisio n reste d upo n hi s statutor y responsibilit y fo r India n affair s and, h e adde d incorrectly , o n th e President' s instruction s t o hi m "upo n th e objects o f the departmen t durin g his absence." I n an apparent effort a t conciliation, h e informe d Clinto n that th e Seneca s ha d been th e principa l objec t i n view an d that the tribes to the eastwar d had been invite d only because i t would have bee n impoliti c t o omi t them. Thi s o f cours e wa s no t th e explanatio n Knox ha d given t o th e Presiden t and to th e Cabinet . But it is evident tha t hi s strategy wa s directe d a t th e Seneca s no t merel y becaus e the y wer e th e mai n body o f th e Si x Nations , bu t als o becaus e thei r influenc e wa s essentia l t o th e real purpose of the treaty. This i s made clear by events which took place befor e and afte r th e Cabine t meeting . Late i n 179 0 Th e Cornplante r and othe r Senec a chieftain s journeye d t o Philadelphia and delivered a remarkably blunt speech to the President charging the governmen t wit h failure to kee p it s promise to mak e the Indian s secure on their lands. Olive r Phelp s wa s als o i n th e capita l a t tha t time , engage d i n negotiations wit h Rober t Morri s concernin g th e pre-emptio n right s t o abou t four million acres of land stretching westward to Lak e Eri e fro m Morris' earlier purchase fro m Phelp s an d Gorha m o f more tha n a million acres. Shortly after Phelps' departure , Th e Cornplante r and hi s entourag e mad e anothe r speec h to the Presiden t openly accusin g Phelps of fraud and of defaulting on the terms 66
67
Clinto n to Knox , 2 7 Apr . 1791 (ASP , Indian Affairs, i , 167) ; Clinton to Washington, 1 Feb. 1791 (DLC : Washington Papers) . Kno x to Clinton, 1 1 May 1791 (ASP , Indian Affairs, i , 168). Th e Cornplanter, Half-Town , an d Great Tree to the President , 1 Dec. 179 0 (Tr enclosed i n Kno x t o Pickering , 2 Ma y 1791 ; MHi : Pickerin g Papers; text printed in 65
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ASP, Indian Affairs, I , 206-8).
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of th e purchas e mad e o f th e Si x Nation s i n 1788. Havin g just dispatche d William Templ e Frankli n t o Englan d t o sel l thos e lands , Rober t Morri s wa s understandably concerne d ove r this public challenge t o th e validit y of the titl e and th e adverse effect it could be expected to have upon negotiations then under way fo r th e muc h large r tract . "[T]h e whol e affair, " Morris wrot e t o Phelp s and Gorham, 68
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has mad e disagreeabl e impressions . Th e Indian s will b e indispose d t o sel l the remainde r of the Lands . The British are encouraging and will encourag e them no t t o par t wit h them , an d probabl y th e Governmen t o f th e Unite d States ma y refus e t o authoriz e th e holdin g o f a Treaty fo r further purchase until th e Indian s shal l b e satisfie d a s t o thei r Complaint s respectin g Mr . Livingston an d Mr . Phelps . . . . I a m no w prett y wel l convince d tha t n o body ca n surmoun t th e obstacle s whic h wil l occu r in thi s business , s o wel l as we can . This sentimen t i s the resul t of a full Consideratio n of the subjec t and I deem m y ow n assistanc e a s essentially necessary . This indee d wa s th e case . Wit h Samue l Ogden a s his agen t an d with Repre sentative Jeremia h Wadsworth interested, Morri s succeede d i n acquirin g the right of pre-emption from Massachusetts on the 5th of March. Ogden's succes s was o f course publi c information, bu t just before Washingto n departe d for th e South i t als o becam e know n t o som e tha t Rober t Morris wa s th e actua l pur chaser. Théophil e Cazenov e reporte d th e genera l judgment t o b e tha t h e ha d made a n excellent deal. Efforts t o remov e th e disagreeabl e impression s mad e b y Th e Cornplanter' s accusations agains t Phelp s were equall y successful . Showere d wit h gift s an d attention, th e Senec a leade r no w expresse d gratitud e t o th e Presiden t an d pledged th e friendshi p o f his people. I n his instruction s t o Pickering , Knox expressed confidence i n The Cornplanter's attachment and fidelity. Soon thereafter, mor e privately , h e wrote : "Th e Cornplante r may b e depende d upo n through al l the change s o f policy. . . . [He ] i s our friend from the soli d ties of interest, an d w e mus t rive t i t b y al l way s an d mean s i n ou r power." Th e 70
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Th e Cornplanter, Half-Town, and Grea t Tree to the President, 10 Jan. 179 1 (same, i, 208-9) . Morri s to Phelp s and Gorham, 20 Jan . 179 1 (NA : Phelps-Gorham Papers) . Th e principal documents o n the history of the tract - includin g Massachusetts' disposal of the right of pre-emption of 1 Apr. 1788; the Indian deed to Phelps and Gorham of 8 Jul y 1788 ; th e dee d from the latte r to Morri s o f 28 Nov . 179 0 fo r that par t on which the India n title ha d been extinguished; th e resolutio n o f the Massachusett s legislature of 5 Mch . 179 1 to sell the pre-emptive right to the residue of the land s to Samuel Ogden; the covenants betwee n the Massachusetts commissioners for the sale to Ogden; and th e assignmen t o f those covenant s fro m Ogde n t o Morri s o f 26 Apr . 1791-ar e presented i n Mier s Fisher's Brief of the Titles of Robert Morris (Philadelphia , 1791) . Henry Jackson reported to his friend Henry Knox on the day after the agreement that Ogden had closed the purchase of Massachusetts' right to the western tract at £100,000 lawful specie and that Ogden as agent had give n the names of Robert Morris and Jeremiah Wadsworth as the real purchasers (Jackson to Knox, 6 Mch. 1791 ; MHi: Kno x Papers). Cazenov e t o hi s Amsterda m principals, 1 9 Mch . 179 1 (Cazenov e Lette r Book , Archives of the City o f Amsterdam). TJ knew that Morris was the real purchaser (TJ to Washington, 27 Mch . 1791). Th e Cornplanter, Half-Town , an d Big Tree to the President , 7 Feb. 1791 (ASP, 68
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Indian Affairs, I , 144) . 73
Kno x to Pickering , 2 May and 13 June 179 1 (MHi : Pickerin g Papers) .
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marked chang e i n attitud e tha t too k plac e betwee n Th e Cornplanter' s arrival in Philadelphi a and hi s departur e a fe w week s late r suggest s tha t influence s other than the pledges of friendship and protection give n b y the Presiden t must have bee n brough t t o bear . Joseph Brant , th e Mohaw k sachem who ha d been most influentia l i n arranging the sal e o f lands to Phelp s an d Gorham i n 1788 , denounced Th e Cornplante r and accuse d hi m o f seekin g bribe s fro m thos e whom h e had charged with fraud. Whethe r the soli d ties of interest included bribery o r not , Th e Cornplante r had bee n appease d i n a manne r tha t coul d only hav e bee n satisfyin g t o Rober t Morri s an d those associate d wit h hi m in the ne w purchase . This , a s Morri s ha d told Phelp s an d Gorha m i n January , was essentia l i f the governmen t wer e t o b e persuade d to hol d a treaty. News tha t arrived from London only a day or two after Washington departed on hi s souther n journey wa s eve n mor e gratifyin g t o Morris . O n the 15t h o f February William Temple Franklin had signed preliminary articles with Patrick Colquhoun fo r th e sal e o f on e millio n acre s o f th e trac t Morri s ha d acquired from Phelp s an d Gorham i n 1790 . Whe n the final contract was complete d o n the 17t h o f March , wit h th e wealth y Willia m Pulteney , Ear l o f Bath , a s th e principal purchaser , the pric e agreed upon wa s £ 7 5 , 0 00 sterling , almost trebl e the amoun t Morri s ha d agree d t o pa y fo r th e tract. Th e new s tha t Morri s had mad e a n estimated profi t o f £ 5 0 , 0 0 0 sterlin g create d a sensation i n Phil adelphia. Jefferso n reporte d i t t o Washington , pointedl y remindin g him tha t the India n titl e t o thes e lands had been extinguished , bu t that this was not th e case wit h th e remainin g four million s t o whic h Morri s ha d only acquire d the right o f pre-emption . "Perhaps, " Jefferson added , " a sal e ma y b e mad e i n Europe t o purchaser s ignoran t o f th e India n right." H e obviousl y feare d another suc h imposition upo n th e Indian s and potential investor s a s had bee n so recentl y exhibite d i n the activitie s o f the Yazo o and Scioto companies . Bu t those enterprise s ha d raised warning signals. Th e contrac t fo r Morris ' sal e t o the Pultene y Associate s include d a prudent claus e making him responsible fo r extinguishing al l claims of Indian s and squatters. Morri s wa s als o wel l aware that unde r the Ac t o f 179 0 titl e t o India n land s could b e validate d only whe n publicly negotiated at a treaty held under the auspices of the federal government . With Th e Cornplanter appeased an d Massachusetts' right of pre-emption t o four millio n acre s acquired , Morris neede d onl y t o persuad e th e governmen t to hold a treaty at which his speculation migh t b e expected t o yiel d far greater profit tha n that just realized. He had already told Phelp s and Gorham tha t th e government migh t refus e bu t tha t hi s assistanc e i n overcomin g thi s an d othe r obstacles wa s essential . Th e assertio n wa s les s a boas t tha n a well-grounde d recognition o f political realities. Knox wa s already engaged in land speculation 74
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Bran t t o th e Secretar y of War , 2 5 Feb . 1791 , enclose d i n Knox t o Pickering , 18 May 179 1 (same) . B y the agreement wit h Phelps and Gorham of 10 Aug. 1790, Morri s had acquired a million acres for £30,000 Massachusett s currency in payments extending fro m 1 Jan . 1791 t o 1 Dec. 1792 . Thu s a t the tim e o f the sal e to the Pultene y Associate s he had made only the first payment of £5,000. Se e Barbara Gray mont, "New York State Indian Policy after the Revolution, " New York History, LVI I (Oct . 1976) , 438-74 ; Barbar a A. Charnow, "Robert Morris: Land Speculator," New York History, LVII I (Apr . 1977) , 195220; and Laurance M. Hauptman, "Senecas and Subdividers: Resistance to Allotment of Indian Rights in New York , 1785-1906, " Prologue, ix (Summer 1977), 105-16 . T J t o Washington , 27 Mch . 1791; se e als o TJ to Currie , 2 4 Mch . 1791, an d to Hawkins, 1 Apr. 1791. 74
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on a larg e scale . Hamilto n himsel f wa s a shareholde r i n th e Ohi o Company. Rufus King , lon g a n influential legislato r i n behal f of enterprises o f land speculators an d on e o f th e commissioner s wh o ha d settle d th e disput e betwee n Massachusetts and New Yor k ove r the land s involved, had just informed Ham ilton o f th e activitie s o f lan d speculator s i n Ne w Yor k an d ha d expresse d hi s confidence tha t th e governmen t woul d pursu e "al l prudent step s . . . t o kee p the Si x Nation s quiet." Wit h Jeremia h Wadswort h alread y intereste d an d with othe r stalwar t supporter s o f Hamiltonia n policie s no t avers e t o partici pating i n suc h a promising speculation , Morri s ha d every reaso n to expec t h e could persuad e th e governmen t t o cal l fo r a treaty . I t i s no t t o b e suppose d that he , Hamilton , or Kno x woul d hav e bee n s o indiscree t a s to le t th e publi c record disclose an y private motives underlyin g the decisio n t o conven e th e Si x Nations. Bu t tha t ther e wa s a n understandin g an d tha t bot h Hamilto n an d Knox wer e awar e of Morris desir e t o extinguis h th e India n titl e a s quickly as possible i s beyon d question . Immediately afte r th e Cabine t authorized th e treaty , Morri s dispatche d a n agent t o th e Genese e countr y t o find ou t whethe r th e Indian s were dispose d to make another sale. Knox no doubt wa s already aware of this before Pickering informed hi m o f th e fact. Soo n thereafter , Morri s mad e a hasty journe y t o Boston t o confe r wit h Nathanie l Gorha m abou t a resurvey of the lin e between the ol d an d new purchase s and to conclud e arrangement s with Massachusett s officials. Whil e there h e tol d Gorha m tha t he woul d certainl y attend th e treaty himself i n orde r t o effec t a purchase . Gorha m presse d hi s partne r Phelps t o attend als o an d to b e certain of arriving a t the plac e o f rendezvous b y the 15t h of Jun e whe n Morris , a punctua l man , woul d unquestionabl y b e present. While Kno x kne w o f Morris plans , h e di d no t war n Pickerin g in hi s officia l instructions or in private communications agains t possibl e interferenc e b y pri vate interest s i n th e conduc t o f th e publi c negotiations . Awar e a s h e wa s o f Washington^ stron g feeling s abou t th e harmfu l effect o f lan d speculator s o n the government' s India n policy , Kno x thu s offere d furthe r evidence o f the rea l purpose o f the treat y b y thi s silenc e i n the records , reinforced as it wa s b y hi s knowledge o f Morris plan s an d expectations . Those glowin g expectation s seeme d o n th e poin t o f realizatio n whe n a n insuperable obstacl e presente d itself . Whil e Morri s wa s absen t i n Boston , th e Six Nations , i n unmistakabl e terms, mad e know n thei r unyielding oppositio n to an y furthe r sal e o f thei r lands . Earl y i n Ma y Genera l Israe l Chapi n a t Canandaigua reporte d that Morris agen t wa s a t work among th e Indian s and that th e resul t wa s ominous . " I hope Mr . Morri s no r an y othe r person, h e wrote t o Pickering , "wil l endeavo r t o purchas e an y land s o f th e Indian s at 77
1
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1
1
1
11
Extrac t of a letter from King to Hamilton, 24 Mch. 1791, which Hamilton forwarded to Washington on 27 Mch . 1791 (Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 212-13, 217-18) . Pickerin g to Knox , 1 2 Ma y 1791 , i n whic h h e reminde d Kno x that , whil e i n Philadelphia, h e ha d given thi s information to hi m and had informed him that Morris had "employed on e Ewin g to endeavour to purchase lands of the Indians, or at least to feel thei r dispositions o n that subject" (MHi: Pickerin g Papers) . Gorha m to Phelps , 15 , 17 , an d 24 Ma y 1791 ; Phelp s to Gorham , 2 2 Ma y 179 1 (NA: Phelps-Gorham Papers). Morris left Philadelphi a on 2 May and arrived home on the 29t h (Lea r t o Washington , 8 Ma v 1791 , DLC : Washingto n Papers ; Remsen to Currie, 2 June 1791 , MHi) . 77
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present: fo r i t i s m y opinio n i t wil l b e attende d wit h ver y il l consequences." Pickering forwarde d thi s warnin g to Kno x an d added strengt h t o it : anothe r trusted informant had reported that "the Indian s would no t endur e the ide a of parting with any more of their lands." A preliminary gathering of about thirty chieftains a t Canandaigua had assured Pickering's agent that "the Seneca s and the Si x Nations generall y . . . would readily join the Unite d States i n the War against th e Wester n Indians, provided they coul d be protected i n return" - bu t that the y wer e adaman t i n opposin g an y attemp t t o purchas e mor e o f thei r lands. Soon afte r Morris returned to Philadelphia, Hamilton and Knox called upon him an d revealed the disappointing news. Genera l Chapin' s emphatic warning, together with similar admonitions fro m Clinton and Brant whic h arrived about the sam e time , mad e thi s unavoidable . Ther e i s n o recor d of wha t too k plac e at the conference, bu t Knox transmitted the result to Pickering in simple terms: "Mr. Morri s will not attempt to purchase any lands at present." Morris himself confirmed the understanding that had been reached. "Upon a consultation with Colo. Hamilto n and General Knox, " he wrote to Pickering , " I have agreed no t to mak e an y propositio n t o th e Indian s at thi s Treat y fo r the purchas e of any part of their land, therefore nothin g nee d t o b e said to the m o n that subject." These revealin g word s conve y th e unmistakabl e implicatio n tha t th e privat e explanations give n b y Kno x t o Pickerin g through Hodgdon' s crypti c message two day s befor e th e Cabine t meeting include d a disclosure o f Morris ' reason s for desirin g a treaty t o b e held . Ha d this no t bee n so , ther e woul d hav e bee n no nee d fo r Morri s t o infor m Pickerin g that hi s pla n had bee n abandone d a s a resul t o f th e consultatio n wit h Hamilto n an d Knox . Th e significan t bu t unrecorded conference , th e agreemen t t o abando n th e origina l object , th e unexpressed assumptio n tha t Pickerin g wa s full y informe d o f th e pla n an d hence neede d t o b e give n explici t direction s t o sa y nothing o f it - al l provide d eloquent testimon y concernin g the rea l objec t fo r which the Secretar y of War , with th e suppor t o f the Secretar y of the Treasury , ha d advocated th e treat y in the first place. When a t last the Treat y o f Newtown wa s formally begun o n the 4th of July, Pickering soon found that the Six Nations wished nothing so much as to remain at peac e wit h th e Unite d State s an d to b e secur e i n their lands . H e prudently disregarded tha t par t of hi s instruction s urgin g that som e warrior s b e sen t t o join St. Clair's army. This, he discovered, would have been as strongly opposed as an y effor t t o purchas e th e Indians ' lands. Thu s whil e th e first o f th e tw o 80
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Chapi n to Pickering , 5 May 1791 (MHi : Pickerin g Papers) . Pickerin g to Knox , 1 2 May 1791 (same) . Pickering' s notes of Captain Samue l Bowman's report, "taken from his mouth" a t Wilkes-Barré on 1 1 May 1791 (same) . Kno x to Pickering , 13 June 179 1 (same) . Morri s to Pickering, 1 2 June 1791 (same) . Morris explained that he thought it best not t o atten d the treat y in person afte r givin g u p the pla n to attemp t a purchase, but that his two sons would be present to witness the spectacle of an India n treaty. He asked Pickering to present them to the Indians and to announce himself "as th e owner of the preemptive right to that Tract of Country lying West of the Genesee River as far as Lak e Erie." He had even prepared a speech to this effect, which he said one of his son s would deliver if Pickering approved. No evidence that the speech was delivered has been found. 80
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ostensible object s o f the treat y wa s achieve d wit h predictabl e ease , th e secon d was a complet e failure . The latte r wa s ignore d i n th e appraisa l of th e result s by Knox , wh o als o mad e n o allusio n t o th e cos t o f th e treat y tha t wa s s o fa r beyond th e estimat e h e ha d give n th e Cabinet . Instead , h e reporte d t o th e President tha t Pickerin g had, "with grea t ability an d judgement, carrie d int o effect th e object s o f hi s mission , b y cementin g th e friendship s betwee n th e United States an d the . . . Indians." He predicted that "the good effects flowing from thi s Council , wil l b e manifestl y conspicuous." Bu t whe n Washingto n received th e voluminou s paper s fro m Pickering , he wa s upse t an d demande d an immediate conferenc e wit h the Secretar y of War. Kno x ha d no alternative but t o fac e th e gri m reality . Fo r the fac t i s that , tw o day s befor e th e treat y ended, Pickerin g had ratified a lease of about 64,00 0 acre s lying on both shore s of Lak e Cayug a tha t ha d bee n grante d b y th e Cayug a natio n t o on e Joh n Richardson. Whe n h e learne d to o lat e th e significanc e o f wha t h e ha d done , Pickering sough t t o justif y himsel f b y sayin g tha t th e Indian s had demande d it, that if he ha d refused they woul d have been muc h angered, an d that he had followed th e advic e give n hi m by loca l magistrates an d others. Unfortunately , so Kno x represente d hi m as saying, he ha d kept n o cop y o f the instrumen t or of his ratificatio n and had neither amon g hi s papers . This wa s no t true . Pick ering no t onl y ha d retaine d copie s o f bot h documents : h e ha d i n fac t drafte d the leas e himself. 85
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But on e ineluctabl e fac t coul d no t b e concealed . Th e righ t o f pre-emptio n to thes e land s belonge d no t t o an y individua l bu t t o th e stat e o f Ne w York . These wer e reservatio n land s assigne d t o th e Cayugas , though onl y a handful of tha t trib e ha d remaine d ther e afte r th e mai n bod y ha d move d elsewhere. Richardson an d those whom h e represente d ha d for some time bee n squatter s on this almost unoccupied tract. Also, as Pickering certainly knew and as Knox probably di d whe n thei r reports were hande d in , Abraham Hardenberg h and other Ne w Yor k speculators , wh o ha d long bee n castin g covetou s eyes upo n these rollin g hill s an d valley s o f th e lak e region , ha d bitterl y denounce d th e confirmation o f th e Richardso n lease. Governo r Clinton, a not disintereste d observer, was wel l awar e of this fact. Timoth y Pickering, generously dispose d as he was towar d the native s bu t n o les s s o towar d his fellow lan d speculators, 88
Kno x t o Washington , 1 7 Aug . 179 1 ( D L C : Washingto n Papers). Tobia s Lea r t o Joh n VanderBrock , 2 5 Jul y 1791 , returnin g Pickering's papers t o Knox an d informin g hi m tha t th e Presiden t wishe d t o se e hi m "a s soo n a s ma y be " concerning the m ( D L C : Washingto n Papers) . Kno x a t thi s tim e wa s i n Ne w Yor k consulting Due r about thei r lan d speculations . Pickerin g to Knox , 1 6 Aug . 1791 ; Pickerin g to Washington , 2 7 Aug . 1791 ; Df t of lease to Richardson in Pickering's hand, 16 July 1791 ; deed of Cayugas to Richardson , 16 Jul y 179 1 (al l i n M H i : Pickering Papers). Kno x t o th e President , 1 7 Aug . 179 1 ( D L C : Washingto n Papers). Hardenberg h to Pickering , 2 2 Jul y 1791 , enclosin g Clinton' s letter of 1 7 May 179 1 directing hi m t o remov e th e squatter s an d brin g them t o condig n punishmen t s o a s t o prevent furthe r complaint fro m the Indian s (MHi: Pickerin g Papers). A fe w week s afte r the treaty , Clinton' s instruction was carrie d out i n almost savag e terms . A sheriff s poss e of abou t fifty me n evicte d fro m fifteen t o twent y familie s livin g o n th e lan d lease d b y Richardson an d burned their homes. I t was sai d that this "fiery Process" was carrie d ou t without regar d to the age, sex, or state of health of the settlers (Obadiah Gore to Pickering, 22 Oct . 1791 ; Josep h Kinne y t o Pickering , 24 Oct . 1791 , same) . 8 5
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had throw n th e authorit y o f governmen t upo n th e wron g sid e o f th e conflic t and i n doin g s o ha d committe d a capital error . Hi s ratificatio n o f th e leas e t o Richardson a t a publi c treat y an d a s commissione r o f th e Unite d State s was , in plai n terms , illegal . "Thi s measure, " th e Secretar y o f Wa r was oblige d t o report to th e President , "wa s entirel y unauthorize d b y his instructions , i s con trary t o th e constitutio n an d law s o f Ne w York , an d t o th e Constitutio n an d laws o f th e Unite d States." It wa s embarrassin g enough fo r Kno x to hav e t o repor t Pickering' s illega l acts t o th e Presiden t bu t fa r more s o t o hav e t o acknowledg e thi s t o Governor Clinton, wh o ha d disapproved th e treat y i n th e first place . I n doing so , Kno x explained that the commissioner' s desir e to accomplis h his mission had led him incautiously t o yiel d t o th e earnes t reques t o f th e Cayuga s by confirmin g th e Richardson lease and, on the insistenc e o f the Senecas , t o certify a grant of land to th e tw o daughter s o f Ebenezer Allen by a Cayuga woman. Despit e this , b y command o f th e President , bot h action s wer e explicitl y disavowe d a s bein g "considered . . . entirely nul l an d voi d b y th e Unite d States." Washington evidentl y di d no t realiz e ho w greatl y privat e interest s ha d influenced th e Cabine t during his absence . Thoug h he looke d elsewher e fo r th e springs o f thes e actions , hi s respons e show s ho w clearl y h e perceive d th e il l effects produce d b y th e treaty . Earl y i n Octobe r h e directe d th e Attorne y General t o examin e th e law s fo r securin g Indians ' lands, restrainin g states or individuals fro m purchasin g them , an d forbiddin g unauthorize d intercours e with the natives . H e aske d Randolph to sugges t suc h additional laws as would remedy defect s and enable th e Presiden t t o enforc e obedience . Suc h a measure would b e indispensabl y necessar y t o establis h peac e an d to avoi d th e expens e and horror s o f continua l hostilities , Washingto n wrote , "fo r unles s adequat e penalties ar e provided that wil l chec k the spiri t of speculation i n lands and will enable th e Executiv e to carr y the m int o effect, thi s Countr y will b e constantl y embroiled with , an d appear faithless i n the eye s not onl y o f the Indian s but o f the neighbourin g power s also." A t th e openin g o f Congres s a few day s late r Washington lai d befor e th e Senat e Pickering' s instruction s an d othe r docu ments. H e declare d tha t th e Si x Nation s ha d bee n convene d "fo r the purpos e of conciliation . . . a t a critical period " and added tha t "i t might no t hav e been necessary t o hav e requeste d your opinio n o n thi s business , ha d no t th e Com missioner, wit h goo d intentions, bu t incautiously , mad e certai n ratifications o f lands, unauthorize d b y hi s instructions , an d unsupporte d b y th e Constitu 89
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Kno x t o th e President , 1 7 Aug . 179 1 (DLC : Washingto n Papers) . Pickering's confirmation o f the gran t o f lan d from the Seneca s t o th e tw o daughter s o f Ebenezer Allen, though insisted upon by the Cayugas, was also against the law (Allen to Pickering, 4 July 1791 ; Pickering's undated memorandum of the Cayuga chieftains' explanation of the Allen grant, to which he added a note that the daughters had been granted 18,640 acres, or more than their tribal share ; draft by Pickering of his official certificat e o f the Allen grant, which he had explained in full Council and then signed, sealed, and delivered, all in MHi: Pickerin g Papers) . Kno x to Clinton , 17 Aug. 179 1 (ASP , Indian Affairs, i , 169 ; Tr in DLC: Wash ington Papers) . Washington approve d th e lette r an d directed tha t i t b e sen t forward "without delay " (Lear to Knox , 1 7 Aug. 1791 , same). Washingto n to the Attorney General, 1 0 Oct. 179 1 (Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 386-7; Df t in Washington's hand in DNA: RG 59 , MLR) . 89
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tion." The Senate, with Robert Morris and other leading purchasers of Indian lands present, sa w fit no t t o tak e action. Such, i n part , wer e th e consequence s o f action s take n b y th e Secretar y of War durin g the President' s absence . Th e Indian s who ha d no t neede d t o b e conciliated were left puzzled and somewhat embittered . The solid ties of interest that ha d been employed i n th e sprin g to bin d The Cornplante r an d to secur e him and the powerfu l Senec a nation had begun t o weaken i n the autumn . The private lan d speculation s o f th e Secretar y o f Wa r had diverte d hi m fro m hi s duty t o prosecut e th e wa r i n th e West . Relation s wit h th e governo r o f a n important stat e ha d been needlessl y impaired . The law - th e ver y law rea d by the Commissione r o f th e Unite d State s a t th e openin g o f th e conferenc e a t which h e promise d t o spea k plai n words o f truth - ha d been s o flagrantly and publicly violate d tha t hi s act s were necessaril y disavowe d b y th e governmen t he represented . Nothin g o f good had been achieve d an d the seed s of much ill had bee n planted . 92
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VI After th e Cabine t had approved the convenin g o f the Si x Nations, Jefferso n "then mentioned t o the gentleme n th e idea of suggesting thro ' Colo. Beckwith , our knolege o f the conduc t o f the Britis h officer s i n furnishing the Indian s with arms and ammunition, and our dissatisfaction." Although Washington had left the decisio n entirel y u p t o hi m a s t o whethe r t o mak e a forma l o r informal approach t o Beckwit h - o r indeed t o ac t a t al l - h e nevertheles s produce d th e President's letter and sought th e advice of his colleagues. A s might be expected , Jefferson preferre d a communication les s peremptor y and more in accord with his ow n styl e o f diplomac y tha n that suggeste d b y Washington . H e reste d his argument o n th e la w o f nation s an d suggeste d a messag e t o thi s effect : tha t "tho a n annua l present o f arm s and ammunition b e a n innocent ac t in time o f peace, i t i s no t s o i n tim e o f war : that i t i s contrar y to th e law s o f neutrality for a neutra l powe r t o furnis h implement s t o eithe r part y a t war , and tha t if their subject s shoul d d o i t o n privat e account, suc h furnitures might b e seise d as contraband." Thi s begge d th e questio n whethe r th e law s o f neutralit y applied in a war carried on not betwee n sovereig n state s bu t - a s Hamilton had expressed it to Beckwith - wit h "certain vagrant tribes" who were not member s of the societ y o f nations . I n using suc h a n argument Jefferso n a t leas t sough t to conve y th e government' s view s i n term s mor e consonan t wit h diplomati c propriety tha n those suggested b y Washington . Even a s modified , however , a statemen t whic h accepte d report s o f Britis h aid t o th e Indian s as uncontroverte d fac t an d whic h wen t n o furthe r than t o express "dissatisfaction " woul d hav e bee n a n emphati c contradictio n o f wha t Hamilton, fo r some time past , had been sayin g to Beckwit h about th e attitud e 94
Washingto n t o th e Senate , 2 6 Oct . 179 1 (JEP , I , 85; T r in DLC : Washingto n Papers). Washingto n directed that Kno x himsel f present th e lette r an d accompanying papers. Thes e and other matters on India n affairs , including The Cornplanter's speeches, were referre d to committee . It s final report wa s submitte d o n 2 7 Jan . 1792 , recom mending that the papers be filed in the office o f the Secretary and that it be discharged. The report was agreed to (JEP , I , 88 , 91 , 99 , 100 ; ASP, Indian Affairs, i , 206-20). T J t o Washington, 1 7 Apr. 1791 (Documen t m). 9 2
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of the administration . It was to b e expected, therefore , tha t he woul d object t o the ide a o f makin g suc h a communicatio n t o Dorcheste r an d woul d see k t o block i t eve n i n spit e o f Washington's emphati c urging . Fo r if the President' s suggestion should have been approve d by the heads of departments, this would at onc e hav e place d Hamilto n i n a delicat e an d embarrassin g positio n wit h respect t o Beckwith . Worse, he migh t eve n hav e bee n expose d before hi s ow n government a s on e alread y engaged i n confidentia l communications wit h th e agent i n whic h hi s view s were represente d a s thos e o f th e administra tion-something Hamilto n an d hi s supporter s i n th e Senat e ha d repeatedl y cautioned the Britis h agent not t o divulge. I n this situation Hamilto n had little if an y choice bu t t o infor m his colleague s that , a s Jefferson reporte d to Wash ington, Beckwit h had consulte d hi m o n th e subjec t an d had assured him th e British government ha d given the Indians nothing more than the annual present at th e customar y period . Thi s coul d onl y hav e referre d to th e repl y b y Dor chester t o Hamilton' s appea l i n Januar y askin g him t o exercis e hi s influenc e with the Indians. Dorchester's response clearly had been intended as an indirect message t o th e government , bu t Hamilto n ha d alread y tol d Beckwit h i t wa s "inadmissible" to la y suc h a paper befor e th e President . Understandably, th e Secretar y of the Treasur y di d not wis h to revea l to hi s colleagues wha t he ha d declined to la y before th e President . He thus lef t the m with th e mistake n impressio n tha t i t wa s Beckwit h and not himsel f wh o ha d taken the initiative . But this only mad e him the mor e vulnerable. One of those present a t the Cabine t meeting - almos t certainl y it was Jefferson - believe d i t necessary t o infor m Beckwit h tha t eve n th e givin g o f annua l present s ha d attracted th e attentio n o f government . " I thought i t th e mor e material, " Jefferson reporte d to Washington , "lest , havin g bee n himsel f the firs t to spea k o f it, h e migh t suppos e hi s excuse s satisfactory , an d tha t therefor e the y migh t repeat the annual present this year." This suggestion, supported by Jefferson's argument about the duties o f neutrals in time of war, wa s difficult fo r Hamilton to counter , particularl y in vie w o f Washington' s pronounce d feeling s o n th e subject. H e therefor e acquiesced , bu t evidentl y sough t t o pu t himsel f i n a position t o guid e th e subsequen t discussion s wit h Beckwith . Th e decisio n finally reached b y the Cabine t was on e whic h "fully coincided wit h the judgement o f th e Presiden t . . . i n makin g a n informal representation throug h L t. Colo. Beckwit h . . . wh o i t wa s sur e woul d no t fai l t o communicat e t o Lor d Dorchester substantiall y wha t shoul d b e mentione d o n th e occasion." Bu t if there wa s unanimit y o n thi s point , ther e surel y coul d no t hav e bee n o n th e question whic h naturally followed: wh o shoul d communicate th e vie w o f government t o Beckwith? Should i t b e th e Secretar y of the Treasur y who , accordin g to hi s own state ment, ha d already been approache d by th e agen t o n th e subject ? Should it b e the Secretar y of War , wh o ha d oversight ove r India n affairs ? Should it b e th e Secretary of State? On every score the responsibility would seem to have rested most appropriatel y on Jefferson, no t onl y becaus e Washingto n had authorized him t o ac t bu t als o becaus e th e message , howeve r informal , was intende d fo r a foreig n government . Nevertheless , i t wa s th e Secretar y o f Wa r whom th e Cabinet directe d to communicat e th e government' s concer n to Beckwith . It is 95
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plausible t o suppos e tha t i t wa s Hamilto n who mad e th e suggestion . Jefferso n acquiesced, thoug h i t i s clea r from hi s subsequen t action s tha t h e ha d little i f any confidenc e tha t th e view s o f the Presiden t woul d b e adequatel y conveye d by the Secretary of War. It is significant that, in reporting the Cabinet's decision, he di d no t infor m Washingto n tha t Kno x ha d bee n chose n a s it s spokesman . Obviously, th e omissio n wa s deliberate. Knox los t n o tim e i n carryin g ou t hi s assignment . I n hi s accoun t o f th e conversation wit h Beckwith , which took plac e th e sam e day , h e bega n some what formall y b y statin g tha t th e Vice-President , the Secretar y of State , th e Secretary o f th e Treasury , an d the Secretar y of Wa r had me t i n consequenc e of th e President' s desir e tha t the y "consul t o n certai n points. " Amon g othe r objects considered , h e pointed out , th e Secretar y of State had produced a letter from the Presiden t "wherein was stated the report s . .. i n circulation relatively to th e Indian s receivin g supplie s o f ammunitio n fro m th e britis h post s an d intimating the propriet y of making some representation eithe r formal or informal i n orde r to preven t i n futur e th e evi l effect s o f suc h supplies. " Following this prefator y comment, Kno x explaine d tha t h e ha d bee n aske d t o mak e th e communication and that he had done so that very evening whe n Beckwit h was at his hous e wit h othe r company . "I mentione d t o hi m at first with seemin g indifference, " Kno x state d i n hi s memorandum, "tha t I suppose d h e ha d remarke d in th e newspaper s th e par agraphs which spoke wit h some warmth of the supplie s whic h the Indian s had received from the british garrisons. He instantly replied he had and he suppose d I allude d to som e intimations o f that natur e taken from a n Albany paper." To judge fro m th e silenc e i n th e memorandum , Kno x evidentl y di d no t confir m or den y th e supposition . Kno x reporte d tha t Beckwit h then went int o som e detail t o prov e tha t the suspicion s were unfounded , tha t no extraordinar y supplies ha d been give n th e Indians , and that, becaus e o f the il l will generate d b y the "ungracious manner" in which the British government ha d behaved toward the native s b y surrenderin g their land s t o th e Unite d State s a t th e Treat y o f Paris, annua l presents ha d been give n wit h no othe r object tha n to mak e some retribution for injuries they ha d received. According to his account, Kno x the n explained that the Unite d States had become involved in the wa r much against its inclinations: 97
That i t wa s its objec t t o observ e toward s the indian s a liberal syste m — That we wante d nothin g o f the Indian s but peac e - Tha t th e genera l governmen t could no t observ e wit h indifferenc e th e depredation s o f the Indians , which seemed t o gro w ou t o f indistinct circumstance s - Tha t w e ha d offered the m peace th e las t year - Tha t w e were stil l willing to mak e peace wit h them bu t that i t wa s determine d no t t o suffe r an y mor e o f thei r depredation s - Tha t if peac e coul d no t b e mad e th e Genera l Governmen t were determine d t o convince th e indian s o f it s powe r - Tha t i n th e proces s o f thi s busines s i t would hav e a pernicious effect [upo n th e relation s of] Grea t Britai n an d the U . S . if the Indian s were supplie d wit h Arm s an d ammunitio n fro m th e 98
T J t o Washington, 1 7 Apr. 1791 (Documen t m). Phrasin g within brackets supplied. Kno x firs t wrote: "it would have a pernicious effect i f the Indian s were supplied with Arms an d ammunition" and then garble d the passage b y inserting an ampersand before "effect" and by interlining "the Great Britain and the US" after that word. What he obviously intended to say was that the continuance of such supplies would have a pernicious effect upon relations between the two countries. 9 7
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british post s - Tha t i t wer e t o b e hope d tha t Lor d Dorcheste r would find it proper t o discontinu e an y suc h unti l the contes t wa s settle d i n orde r to kil l all appearance s o f interference . T o thi s appeal for suspending th e customar y annual presents Beckwit h "did not see m t o answe r explicitly, " but pointe d ou t circumstance s to sho w tha t i t was agains t bot h th e dignit y an d th e interes t o f Grea t Britai n t o suppor t th e Indians i n a wa r wit h th e Unite d States . Kno x di d no t indicat e wha t thes e circumstances were, but his reported response was an enthusiastic concurrence. "I heartil y assented, " h e wrote , "an d observe d tha t I wa s persuade d tha t th e event would shew tha t there was not any just cause for such a suspicion." Upon Beckwith's remar k tha t th e disposition o f Grea t Britai n towar d th e Unite d States ha d bee n mad e manifes t b y it s intentio n t o appoin t a minister , "th e conversation ended." While relation s betwee n Kno x an d Beckwit h wer e cordia l an d a t time s convivial, th e natur e o f th e occasio n a t whic h their conversatio n too k plac e i s not known. If , a s th e memorandu m suggests , thei r discussio n occurre d in company, thi s coul d onl y hav e serve d to weake n th e forc e o f the government' s message. Nor is it apparent for who m Kno x intende d his rather formal record . Since th e first par t containe d nothin g no t alread y known t o hi s colleagues , i t is plausible to suppos e tha t the repor t was intended fo r the President . If so, n o copy o f i t ha s survive d among Washington' s carefull y preserve d papers . I t i s even mor e significant tha t Kno x made no mention o f the interview in his letters to Washington . No r ca n an y cop y o f hi s memorandu m b e foun d amon g th e papers of Adams, Hamilton, or Jefferson. I t apparently exists onl y i n the com position draf t which Knox retaine d in his own files. No allusio n to i t or indeed to th e conversatio n betwee n Kno x an d Beckwit h on th e evenin g o f th e 11t h has bee n discovered . I t i s particularl y noteworthy tha t neithe r Jefferso n no r any othe r perso n presen t a t the Cabine t meeting, s o fa r as is known, reported the intervie w t o th e President . Eve n Beckwit h failed t o commen t upo n i t i n his report s t o hi s superiors. In vie w o f these puzzling silences i n the record , one ca n only fal l bac k upon surmise. I f the draft had been show n to Hamilton, as seems likely, it is plausible to assume that he gave Knox the prudent advice to abandon it and instead only to mention to Jefferson and perhaps to Adams that he had conveyed the message as directed. For what is known with certainty is that Knox' remarks to Beckwith about the pernicious effects of Indian hostilities upo n larger interests of the tw o nations wa s onl y a n ech o o f wha t Hamilto n ha d alread y sai d i n hi s recen t appeals to Dorchester through Beckwith. Far from expressing the government' s dissatisfaction a s Washington had intended, Kno x ha d placed the emphasi s o n newspaper account s an d the n ha d sough t t o justif y America n policy towar d the Indians . From thi s defensiv e postur e h e ha d launched not a protest bu t an 99
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Df t (MHi : Kno x Papers ; at head of text: "Memorandum of a conversation which passed between the subscriber and Lt. Colone l Beckwith who seems charged with some sort of informal political commission by Lord Dorchester . Evening of the 11t h of April 1791"). A n example of this is found in a letter from Beckwith to Knox inviting him to dine at the City Tavern. "Anxious to promote the benign purposes of peace!" he wrote, "good humor! and intercourse! I am happy at all times in the being employed in whatever may have a tendency t o promote suc h objects, which cannot conclude bette r than by a little eating and drinking" (Beckwith to Knox , 2 Oct. 1791, MHi : Kno x Papers). 9 9
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appeal. Hi s expressio n o f confidenc e tha t ther e wer e n o just ground s fo r sus pecting th e Britis h woul d ai d the Indian s was exactly th e opposit e of the kin d of message th e President' s lette r ha d suggested. Jefferson obviousl y suspecte d tha t Kno x woul d discharg e his assignmen t i n this manner. Proof of this came soon after the Cabine t meeting whe n h e turned to Madison , showed hi m Washington' s letter , an d asked him to tal k privately with Beckwith . A s h e explaine d t o th e President , h e ha d don e thi s becaus e Beckwith an d Madiso n reside d a t th e sam e boardinghous e an d h e therefor e had requeste d th e latte r to "fin d some occasio n . . . t o reaso n with him on th e subject, a s fro m himself , bu t s o a s t o le t hi m se e tha t governmen t though t a s himself did." Clearl y th e choic e o f Madiso n t o d o wha t Kno x ha d failed t o do wa s no t base d o n mer e convenienc e bu t o n Jefferson' s confidenc e tha t through this channel the messag e would b e conveyed t o the Britis h agent with such clarit y an d forc e a s t o mak e it s meanin g unmistakable . Hi s confidenc e was full y justified. Madiso n di d no t approac h Beckwith casually o r hastily a s Knox ha d don e bu t waite d fo r a suitabl e opportunity . Whe n i t cam e o n th e evening o f th e 17th , h e cam e a t onc e t o th e hear t o f th e matter . H e mad e i t clear that, asid e fro m the widesprea d public belief that the Indian s were bein g supplied with implements o f war from British posts, th e President had received information whic h he regarded as conclusive proo f of the fact. Thi s was indee d made so explicit that Beckwith could not counter the statement withou t seemin g to contradic t th e Presiden t himself . Bein g confronte d wit h a completel y dif ferent expressio n o f the government' s view s fro m that give n hi m by Knox , h e could onl y declar e tha t i t wa s impossibl e suc h aid s "coul d hav e proceede d directly o r indirectly from the Britis h Government , or even hav e had the sanction o r countenanc e o f th e authorit y o n th e spot. " He stoo d o n soli d groun d in reiteratin g his assurances to Madiso n that th e whol e spiri t and policy o f his government wa s oppose d t o India n hostilitie s an d that thi s wa s also i n accord with th e sentiment s an d even th e order s of Dorchester. 101
But ther e remaine d th e intractabl e fac t o f Washington' s convictio n t o th e contrary. Beckwit h vainly sought t o b e informe d o f the particula r proofs tha t had le d th e Presiden t t o suc h a conclusion . Perhap s prompte d b y th e quit e different impression s he had received from the Secretary of War, he hinted with equal lac k o f succes s a t hi s desir e t o b e pu t i n direc t communication wit h th e Secretary o f State. H e suggested that, if there were just grounds for complaint, he migh t b e give n a regular statement fo r "communicatio n o f i t i n any mode that might b e thought no t improper. " It is understandable that Beckwith, long in th e habi t o f confidentia l exchange s wit h Hamilton , should hav e wante d t o communicate wit h a Secretary of Stat e whos e concep t o f official decoru m had led him to regar d it as improper to hol d discussion s o n publi c matters with an unaccredited agent. Madison' s response t o Beckwith' s obvious hin t wa s polit e but conclusive : th e President' s view s coul d probabl y no t b e conveye d i n an y way "more authentic" than was bein g don e in this private conversation. Moreover, Madiso n pointe d out , th e messag e t o b e communicate d - tha t ai d to th e Indians shoul d b e stopped-di d no t depen d upo n it s form . Nor , i n vie w o f Dorchester's reputatio n fo r humanit y an d prudence , woul d absolut e proo f b e required. Thu s th e questio n whethe r t o us e forma l o r informa l channel s o f communication betwee n the government s wa s irrelevant. Whatever the sourc e 101
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of militar y aid, "i t wa s i n ever y cas e t o b e expecte d tha t th e abus e woul d b e corrected," the mor e s o sinc e th e Indian s were withi n th e Unite d State s an d their supplies fo r us e i n wa r cam e fro m a foreig n source . Confronte d wit h Madison's unyieldin g representatio n o f the President' s views , Beckwit h made another unsuccessfu l effor t t o ascertai n th e ground s upo n whic h the y wer e based, professin g t o b e uncertai n how t o repor t information "so vagu e . . . and communicated unde r such reserve." After insistent questionin g whic h left hi m free t o cit e Madiso n b y name , h e aske d tha t th e intelligenc e receive d b y th e President b e repeated , obviousl y i n order that he migh t b e abl e to identif y th e source o f hi s information . Whe n Madiso n complied , Beckwit h assure d hi m that he would report to Dorchester by the first opportunity and would transmit to hi m any answe r that migh t b e received. In submittin g hi s carefu l report of the intervie w t o Jefferson , Madiso n may have give n hi m additional comment s i n a letter writte n the nex t day , bu t tha t letter ha s no t bee n found. Sinc e th e head s o f department s ha d specificall y authorized Kno x t o communicat e th e President' s messag e t o Beckwith , it i s virtually certain that Jefferson di d not infor m his colleagues eithe r of his choic e of Madiso n o r o f th e latter' s report . I t is significan t tha t h e kep t n o recor d of the conversatio n eithe r i n hi s persona l o r officia l files, perhap s becaus e o f hi s strict rul e agains t havin g an y publi c relation s wit h th e Britis h agent . Nor , possibly fo r th e sam e reason , di d h e sen d a copy o f Madison' s memorandu m to Washington . Instea d h e gav e hi m a succinc t accoun t o f th e intervie w i n which he made it clear that Beckwith had responded "o n very different groun d from tha t o n whic h h e ha d place d i t wit h Colo . Hamilton " and tha t h e ha d been mad e awar e tha t hi s forme r apologie s t o th e Secretar y o f th e Treasur y had no t bee n satisfactor y t o th e government . O n it s fac e thi s woul d see m t o place upo n Beckwit h an onu s properl y assignabl e t o Hamilton , much a s Jef ferson ha d don e durin g the wa r crisi s of 1790 . Bu t thes e comment s see m t o take o n a differen t meanin g i n ligh t o f Jefferson' s repor t tha t Beckwit h had tried "to induc e a formal communication" from him as Secretary of State; that, on bein g mad e t o realiz e thi s coul d no t b e done , h e ha d complaine d o f no t being sufficientl y notice d b y government , howeve r informa l his character; and that, whil e h e ha d bee n i n Ne w Yor k befor e Jefferso n cam e int o office , "h e had no t bee n regularl y turned over" to th e Secretar y of State . I n this contex t Jefferson seeme d t o b e callin g attention t o th e contras t betwee n hi s refusa l t o communicate officially wit h a person having no public character and Hamilton's very differen t posture . Fa r from fixing responsibilit y upo n Beckwit h fo r th e discrepancy betwee n th e statemen t mad e b y Hamilto n and the repor t of Mad ison, Jefferson ma y thus have been hintin g that it was the administration' s end of th e channe l o f communicatio n tha t wa s unreliable . Further , an d mor e im portant, hi s assurance that Beckwit h would infor m Dorchester of "the genera l information . . . received and our sense of it" may have been intended to suggest that the message would get through because a reliable channel had been chosen. But Beckwit h di d no t kee p hi s promis e t o Madison . Understandably , this may hav e bee n du e t o th e confusin g an d contradictory representations h e had received in recent weeks fro m those presuming to speak for the administration. 102
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Al l quotations i n the foregoing accoun t of the interview are taken from Madison's record of the conversation (see Documen t iv and its notes). Madiso n to T J , 1 8 Apr. 1791, recorded in SJ L a s received on the 20th. Jefferso n to Washington, 24 Apr . 1791 . 102
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While he had speedily transmitte d Hamilton's earlier appeals and the response s made t o them , ther e i s n o evidenc e tha t h e reporte d either to Dorcheste r or to Grenville th e conversation s h e ha d had with Kno x an d Madison. He was well aware o f Dorchester' s growin g concer n ove r America n misrepresentations o f British polic y towar d the Indian s and of his hope that bot h sides , actin g wit h moderation, woul d avoi d al l hasty resolve s a s bein g "highl y injudicious , dangerous t o th e publi c tranquillity, and of no us e whatever." In mid-summe r Beckwith read in the Gazette of the United States a n account of th e narrativ e of Thoma s Rhea , a n America n captive o f th e Indians , whose statements h e declare d to b e s o devoi d o f truth and s o diametricall y opposed to Dorchester' s order s tha t h e mad e a forma l protes t t o th e Secretar y o f th e Treasury. Hamilto n agree d tha t th e man' s accoun t wa s extremel y particular but improbable ; denie d tha t th e Unite d State s ha d mad e a n effor t t o hav e warriors o f th e Si x Nation s joi n the m agains t th e hostil e tribes ; and , havin g read on e o f th e India n speeche s a t th e recen t treat y wit h th e Si x Nations , declared i t t o b e mos t convincin g proof s tha t th e Canadia n government' s in fluence wa s bein g use d t o promot e peace. Soo n thereafte r Kno x informe d Beckwith that he had given St . Clair specific orders to assure the western tribes that the Unite d States desire d nothing o f them bu t peac e an d that they woul d be secured in the lands and other claims. His and Hamilton's communications to th e agen t wer e bot h consisten t an d consonant wit h the pacifi c aims of Dor chester an d the Britis h ministry . But they di d not reflec t accuratel y the view s of the Presiden t and the Secretar y of State, who als o desired peace bu t insiste d upon a different kin d o f message t o Dorchester . Washington himself provided the stronges t proo f of this i n a comment upo n efforts a t mediation whic h he did not realiz e had originated with Hamilton. As a result of the latter' s appeal, Dorchester had sought to obtain from the wester n tribes a clear definition o f their grievances. I n consequence, lat e in the summer, Joseph Bran t le d a delegation o f chieftains an d warriors to Quebe c where the y presented complaint s agains t bot h th e Unite d State s an d the Britis h govern ment. Dorcheste r me t th e latte r as bes t h e coul d b y assurin g them tha t whe n the Kin g thei r Fathe r mad e peac e wit h th e Unite d State s h e ha d marked out a boundar y which did not mea n givin g awa y thei r lands bu t implie d no mor e than tha t h e woul d no t exten d hi s interferenc e beyon d tha t line . I n respons e to othe r charge s h e defende d th e Unite d States , declarin g tha t ill-informe d individuals mus t hav e mad e fals e report s abou t th e arm y in th e Wes t an d it s actions. He also repeated his assurances that he would be glad to be instrumental 105
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Henr y Mot z t o Georg e Beckwith , 6 Ma y 179 1 (Canadia n Archives , Ser. Q , vol . 50-1, p . 106) . Beckwit h wrote Grenvill e on th e da y o f hi s intervie w wit h Madiso n bu t made n o mentio n o f India n affair s o r o f hi s conversation s wit h Kno x an d Madiso n (Beckwith t o Grenville , 1 7 Apr . 1791 , P R O : F O 4/12). Th e narrative of Thomas Rhea, whic h appeared in the Gazette of the United States, 12 Jul y 1791 , wa s sen t t o Kno x b y Genera l Richar d Butler . Kno x forwarde d i t t o Washington ( A S P , Indian Affairs, i , 196-7) . Beckwith' s "recen t communication s wit h a gentlema n i n office" wa s enclosed i n his letter to Grenvill e of 31 Jul y 179 1 (PRO : FO 4/12; tex t printed in Syrett, Hamilton, vm , 544-6). I n the sam e lette r Beckwit h reported upon th e Treat y o f Newtown an d said that the Si x Nation s ha d pledged stric t neutrality and ha d returned home "perfectl y satisfied. " Beckwit h t o Grenville , 2 6 Aug . 1791 , enclosin g a n accoun t o f hi s conversation s with "gentlemen o f distinction" in the governmen t (PRO : F O 4/12). Th e interview with Knox too k plac e o n 5 Aug . 1791 . 1 0 5
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in restorin g peac e i f i t wer e i n hi s powe r t o d o so . "I t would giv e m e grea t pleasure while I am in England," he concluded, "to hear that peace is established in your country, upo n a true and solid foundation, an d that yo u live in comfor t and securit y wit h your families , sowin g your fields an d following you r hunt s to ou r mutua l advantage . . . . I recommen d i t t o yo u no t t o los e sigh t o f thi s desirable object. Brothers , could I be instrumenta l in bringing this goo d work about, m y pleasur e woul d b e stil l greater." This speech , a s neutra l i n it s attitud e towar d th e tw o side s a s Dorcheste r could affor d t o be , wa s a s muc h a response t o Hamilton' s appea l fo r interme diation a s i t wa s a n expressio n o f Dorchester' s ow n wishes . I n forwardin g a copy t o Beckwit h he wa s confiden t i t woul d b e s o interpreted . Beckwit h did grasp it s inten t an d decided t o mak e " a direct an d formal communication o f it to th e executiv e government." Wit h bot h Washingto n an d Jefferson absen t in Virginia , h e sen t th e speec h t o Hamilton , a s perhap s h e woul d hav e don e in any case since he had had no direct communication wit h either the Presiden t or the Secretar y of State . I n doing s o h e expresse d th e hop e that Dorchester' s address to the Indians might "have a tendency t o dispel the remaining prejudices of individuals , an d t o promot e th e peac e o f th e frontiers." Sinc e Beckwit h had formally submitte d i t "fo r the informatio n o f the Executiv e Government," Hamilton had no choice bu t to see that it came to the attention o f the President . This presente d fo r hi m a n eve n mor e embarrassin g choice tha n Dorchester' s earlier response t o hi s appeal which he ha d declined t o submi t t o Washington , for any discussion o f the address by the entire administration carried the dange r that hi s rol e migh t b e exposed . Confronte d wit h thi s possibility , hi s respons e was threefold. First , h e sen t Dorchester' s speech an d Beckwith's letter to Kno x because the y deal t wit h India n affairs , a n actio n appropriat e enough. Second , he sough t to cas t doub t upo n th e authenticit y o f the documen t b y referrin g to it a s " a pape r purportin g t o b e a speec h o f Lor d Dorchester. " Beckwith' s signature o n th e documen t certifyin g i t t o b e a true cop y o f th e th e origina l sufficiently testifie d t o it s authenticity. S o also did the form , the substance , an d the reiterate d expressio n o f Dorchester' s desir e t o ac t a s a n intermediary , a s Hamilton kne w onl y to o well . Finally , h e informe d Kno x tha t Beckwit h i n conversation ha d made certai n stipulations ; tha t n o us e shoul d b e mad e o f th e speech that might b e disagreeable t o Dorchester; that it should not be published in th e newspapers ; an d tha t n o cop y shoul d b e give n t o an y office r o n th e western expedition . " I consider mysel f as having received the pape r with these qualifications," Hamilton concluded, "an d generally unde r the idea of a discreet and delicate us e o f it." Hamilto n had good reason to accept suc h stipulation s and may indeed have advised Beckwith on the point a s he had done on previous occasions. I n reporting t o Dorchester , Beckwit h onl y state d tha t h e ha d sub 108
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Speec h of Lord Dorchester "To the Chiefs and warriors deputed by the confederated Indian nation s o f the Ottawas , Chippaways, Potawatamies, Hurons , Shawanese, Delawares, Tusturs, an d the si x nations," delivered at Quebec, 1 5 Aug. 179 1 (T r in DLC : Washington Papers; authenticated as a true copy by Beckwith, 2 Oct. 1791; Tr i n CtHi: Wolcott Papers). Beckwit h to Dorchester, 5 Oct. 1791 (PRO : C O 42/85). Dorcheste r received this letter whil e in London and sent i t to Grenvill e the sam e day (Dorchester to Grenville , 15 Nov. 1791 , same). Beckwit h to Hamilton , 2 Oct. 179 1 (Syrett , Hamilton, ix , 265). Hamilto n to Knox , 3 Oct. 179 1 (same,'ix , 270) . 108
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mitted th e speec h "t o th e executiv e governmen t unde r certain limitations and restrictions." But a t the sam e tim e h e declare d that h e himsel f would mak e i t available t o "man y individuals , upon th e meetin g o f Congress. " His object i n doing so , h e explained , wa s to counterac t som e erroneous report s about i t that had alread y bee n receive d i n th e Unite d States. Thu s b y hi s ow n accoun t Beckwith extende d his direct and formal communication t o th e administration at leas t t o thos e member s o f th e legislativ e branc h with who m h e wa s i n th e habit o f exchanging views . Without commen t Kno x forwarde d Dorchester' s speec h an d th e letter s o f Beckwith an d Hamilto n t o th e President . Washingto n merel y acknowledge d receipt o f th e communication. Dorchester' s goo d intention s thu s cam e u p against Washington's stony silence. Soo n thereafter news of St. Clair' s stunning defeat dashed all hopes of a peaceful settlemen t by intermediation or otherwise. The administration , supported b y publi c sentiment an d by the Congress , then determined t o achiev e peac e throug h force . O n th e othe r sid e o f th e border , those engage d i n India n trad e wh o ha d been mos t hur t b y th e hostilitie s sa w possibilities tha t migh t no t occu r again. With the Indian s demanding the Ohio River a s their boundary, some hoped tha t th e unfortunat e term s of the Treat y of Peace migh t b e altered. If, wrote one , th e boundarie s desire d by the Indians were fixed, "w e shou' d secur e ou r Posts , th e Trade , an d th e Tranquillit y o f the Country." Th e instruction s concernin g India n affair s whic h Georg e Hammond brough t wit h hi m a s ministe r to th e Unite d State s enunciate d th e policy o f neutrality and pacification tha t Dorcheste r and the ministr y had lon g supported. Bu t thes e were outmode d b y th e disaste r tha t ha d befalle n th e American arm y in the West . Unofficial diplomac y ha d failed i n every instanc e t o achiev e wha t bot h gov ernments desired. But even i f Washington had known that one of the initiatives had originate d i n hi s ow n Cabinet , he coul d scarcel y hav e expresse d hi s op position t o foreig n intercessio n mor e forcefull y tha n h e di d o n learnin g from Gouverneur Morri s o f the repor t made t o Willia m Pit t b y Henr y Dundas that the Unite d State s ha d aske d Grea t Britai n t o mediate . "Yo u may b e fully assured, Sir, " he responded , "tha t suc h mediatio n never wa s asked ; tha t th e asking o f it never wa s i n contemplation, an d . . . that i t no t onl y neve r will b e asked bu t woul d b e rejecte d if offered . Th e Unite d State s wil l neve r hav e occasion, I hope , t o as k fo r th e interpositio n o f tha t powe r o r an y other , t o establish peac e within their own territory." Washington neve r knew tha t h e 112
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Beckwit h to Dorchester, 5 Oct. 1791 (PRO: C O 42/85) . Kno x t o Washington , 4 Oct . 179 1 with enclosures (DLC : Washingto n Papers); Washington to Knox, 1 0 Oct. 179 1 (Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 385). The suspicion Hamilton cast upon the "purported" speech by Dorchester was sufficient to cause inquiries to b e made. The matter became know n somehow to Charle s Williamson, agent of the Pulteney Associates, a friend of Hamilton, and another informal British agent. Williamson "accidentally" discovered that one of General Simcoe's officers wa s in Philadelphia, and reported to Knox , accompanie d by Pickering . "I wa s determined to know, " he wrote, "whether th e speec h hande d t o u s a s Lor d Dorchester' s wa s a Forgery or not. " In conversation with the officer, Williamson became convinced that it was not only authentic but represente d th e view s o f th e Britis h governmen t a s wel l a s thos e o f Dorchester (Charles Williamson to Henry Knox, dated "Friday 1 o'clock"; RC in MHi: Knox Papers). "Extrac t of a Letter from Niagara," 24 Nov. 179 1 (PRO: C O 42/88) . Washingto n to Morris, 21 June 179 2 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 62-3; "Pri vate"). Washington added that he had long suspected the British ministry of wishing to 112
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was commentin g upo n a n appea l mad e b y th e Secretar y o f th e Treasur y t o Lord Dorchester . Thus whe n th e Vice-Presiden t and members o f the Cabine t dined wit h th e Secretary of State, much was revealed about th e opposed modes and principles of administration , bu t nothin g wa s accomplishe d i n th e publi c interest . Th e meeting, nevertheless , mad e a n unforgettabl e impressio n o n Jefferson . Lon g afterward, reflectin g upo n th e occasion , h e sai d that whe n th e clot h ha d bee n removed and the busines s dispatched , conversation turned to other matters and by som e circumstanc e wa s le d t o th e Britis h constitution . H e quote d Joh n Adams a s saying : " 'purge tha t constitutio n o f it s corruption , and giv e t o it s popular branch equality of representation, and it would be the mos t perfect . . . ever devise d b y th e wi t o f man. ' " Hamilton , h e reported , pause d an d the n declared: " 'purge i t o f it s corruption , and give t o it s popula r branch equality of representation, and it would become an impracticable government: as it stands at present, with all its supposed defects , it is the most perfect government whic h ever existed.'" Thu s i t wa s that , fro m th e tim e o f th e Cabine t meetin g onward, Jefferso n becam e convince d tha t Hamilto n believe d corruptio n to b e essential t o th e governmen t o f a nation . H e di d no t realiz e the n o r eve r tha t corruption i n th e for m o f favoritis m extende d t o a powerfu l membe r o f th e Senate ha d bee n allowe d t o intrud e upo n publi c concerns o n tha t Apri l day . 116
intermeddle an d ha d receive d man y evidence s o f th e fac t bu t tha t th e attemp t ha d "retarded, if . . . not entirel y done away the idea. " He was more convinced than ever that these interferences an d the underhande d support o f the Indian s had caused all of the difficulties wit h the Indians. "Explanation s o f the 3 . volume s boun d i n Marbled paper," 4 Feb . 181 8 (DLC : T J Papers , 212: 37846) . 116
I . T h e Presiden t t o th e Secretarie s o f State, T r e a s u r y , an d W a r G E N T L E M E N Moun t Vernon, April 4 . 1791 . As th e publi c servic e ma y requir e tha t communication s shoul d be mad e t o me , durin g m y absenc e fro m th e sea t o f government , by th e mos t direc t conveyances , an d as , i n th e even t o f an y ver y extraordinary occurrence , i t wil l b e necessar y t o kno w a t wha t tim e I ma y b e foun d i n an y particula r place , I hav e t o infor m yo u tha t unless th e progres s o f m y journe y t o Savanna h i s retarde d b y un foreseen interruption s i t wil l b e regulate d (includin g day s o f halt ) in th e followin g manner . I shal l b e o n th e 8th . o f Apri l a t Fredericksbur g 11th. Richmon 14th. Petersbur 16th. Halifa [ 141 ]
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18th. Tarboroug h 20th. Newber n 24th. Wilmingto n 29th. Georgetown , South-Carolina 2nd. o f Ma y Charleston , halting five days . 11th. Savannah , halting tw o days . Thence, leavin g th e lin e o f th e mail , I shal l procee d t o Augusta , and, accordin g t o th e informatio n whic h I ma y receiv e there , m y return, by an upper road will b e regulated. - T h e route o f my return is a t presen t uncertain , bu t i n al l probability , i t wil l b e throug h Columbia, Camden , Charlotte , Salisbury , Salem , Guilford , Hills borough, Harrisburg , Williamsbur g to Taylor' s ferry o n th e Roa noke, an d thenc e t o Fredericksbur g b y th e neares t an d bes t road. After thu s explainin g t o you , a s fa r a s I a m abl e a t present , th e direction an d probabl e progres s o f m y journey , I hav e t o expres s my wish , if any seriou s an d important case s shoul d aris e during m y absence, (o f whic h th e probabilit y i s bu t to o strong ) tha t th e Sec retaries fo r the Department s o f State , Treasury , an d War may hol d consultations thereon , to determine whethe r they are of such a nature as to require my personal attendance a t the seat of government - and , if the y shoul d b e s o considered , I wil l retur n immediately fro m an y place a t whic h th e informatio n ma y reac h m e . - O r shoul d the y determine tha t measures , relevan t t o th e case , ma y b e legall y an d properly pursue d without th e immediat e agenc y o f the President , I will approv e an d ratif y th e measures , whic h ma y b e conforme d t o such determination . Presuming tha t th e Vice-Presiden t wil l hav e lef t th e sea t o f government fo r Boston , I hav e no t requeste d hi s opinio n t o b e take n on th e suppose d emergency . Shoul d it b e otherwis e I wish him als o to b e consulted.- I am , Gentlemen , You r mos t obedien t Servant , Go: W A S H I N G T O N RC (DLC) ; in hand of William Jackson 8 Apr. 179 1 an d so recorded in S J L. Pr C except for signature; at foot of text: "Thomas (DLC : Washingto n Papers) . Dft (DNA : Jefferson, Alexander Hamilton, and Henry R G 59 , MLR) ; i n Jackson' s hand . Tr Knox Esquire s Secretaries o f th e Unite d (DNA : R G 59, SDC). Anothe r Tr (DNA: States for the Departments of State, Treas- R G 59 , PC C No . 120) . ury, an d War" ; endorse d by TJ as received
[ H 2 ]
I L T h e Presiden t t o th e Secretar y of Stat e DEAR S I R Mount-Verno
n Apri l 4 . 1791 .
You wil l readily agree wit h me that the bes t interests o f the Unite d States requir e suc h a n intimatio n t o b e mad e t o th e Governo r o f Canada, eithe r directl y o r indirectly , a s ma y produc e instruction s to preven t th e Indian s receivin g militar y ai d o r supplie s fro m th e british post s o r garrisons . - T h e notoriet y o f thi s assistanc e ha s al ready bee n suc h a s render s enquir y int o particular s unnecessary . Colonel Beckwit h seem s peculiarl y designate d t o b e th e channe l of a n indirec t intimation . Referrin g th e mod e an d exten t o f com municating wit h hi m t o you r ow n discretion , I wis h i t ma y b e suggested in such manner as to reach Lord Dorchester , or the office r commanding i n Canada , tha t certai n informatio n ha s bee n receive d of larg e supplie s o f ammunitio n bein g delivere d t o th e hostil e I n dians, fro m britis h posts , abou t th e commencemen t o f las t cam paign. And , as the Unite d State s hav e no othe r vie w i n prosecutin g the presen t wa r against th e Indians , than, i n th e failur e o f négocia tion, t o procure , by arms, peace an d safety t o the inhabitant s o f their frontier, the y ar e equall y surprise d an d disappointe d a t suc h a n interference b y th e servant s o r subjects o f a foreign State , a s seems intended t o protrac t th e attainmen t o f s o jus t an d reasonabl e a n object. These ar e m y sentiment s o n thi s subjec t a t th e presen t moment . Yet s o unsettle d d o som e circumstance s appea r tha t i t i s possibl e you may see a necessity eithe r to treat it very delicately, o r to declin e acting o n i t altogether . - T h e optio n i s therefor e lef t t o you r judgment a s events may mak e th e on e o r the othe r th e par t of propriety. The enclose d pape r is transmitted and referred to yo u in the Stat e I receive d it . -1 a m dea r Sir , Your mos t obedien t Servant , Go: WASHINGTON 1
2
3
RC (DLC) ; a t foot o f text: "Th e Sec- that thi s wa s a copy o f th e subscription retary o f State" ; in the han d o f Willia m paper draw n u p a s a "union of interest" Jackson, except for signature; endorsed by between th e contendin g landowner s of T J a s received 7 Apr. bu t recorded in S J L Georgetown an d Carrollsburg; Washingand SJP L unde r 8 Apr. 1791 . Dft (DNA : ton had requeste d a copy of that instrument RG 59 , MLR); i n Jackson's hand; with a a few days earlier (Washington to Deakins number o f deletion s an d interlineations , and Stoddert , 1 Apr. 1791, Writings, ed. three of which are noted below. FC (DNA : Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 262-3). RG 59, SDC); with one or two sligh t variations in phraseology from text of RC. En Df t originally read: "... tha t the Unite d closure not identified, but it is very likely States cannot any longer regard wit h in 1
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difference th e ai d which is afforded t o the and the dignity of their government deepl y hostile tribes of indians by the british gar - interested in preventing such interference" risons" and then th e passag e wa s altered and the passag e wa s then altere d to read to read as above. as above. Df t originall y read: "they (cannot but) Df t originall y read "may have a tend(necessarily) (regard with astonishment such) ency" and was then altered to read as above. must find the happines s o f thei r citizen s 2
3
I I I . T h e Secretar y o f Stat e t o th e President S l R Philadelphi
a Apr. 17.1791
I ha d th e hono r o f addressin g yo u o n th e 2d . whic h I suppose d would find you at Richmond, and again on the 10th . which I though t would overtak e yo u a t Wilmington. T h e presen t wil l probabl y find you a t Charleston. According to wha t I mentioned i n my letter o f the 10th . th e Vice president, Secretarie s o f th e Treasur y an d wa r an d mysel f me t o n the 11th . Colo . Hamilton presented a letter from Mr. Shor t in which he mentioned tha t the mont h o f February being on e o f the periodical months i n Amsterdam , whe n fro m th e receip t o f interes t an d re funding o f capitals , ther e i s muc h mone y comin g i n there, an d fre e to b e dispose d of , h e ha d pu t of f th e openin g hi s loa n til l then , tha t it migh t fill th e mor e rapidly , a circumstanc e whic h woul d excit e the presumptio n o f ou r credit ; tha t h e ha d ever y reaso n t o hop e i t would b e filled befor e i t woul d b e possibl e fo r him , afte r hi s the n communication o f th e condition s t o reciev e you r approbatio n o f them, an d orders to ope n a second; whic h however shoul d be awaited, according t o hi s instructions ; bu t h e presse d th e expeditin g th e order, that the stoppag e of the curren t in our favor might b e as short as possible. W e saw that if, under present circumstances , your orders should b e awaited , i t woul d ad d a month t o th e delay , an d we wer e satisfied, wer e yo u present , yo u woul d approv e th e condition s an d order a second loa n to be opened. W e unanimously therefore advise d an immediat e order , o n conditio n th e term s o f th e 2d . loa n shoul d not b e wors e tha n thos e o f th e l s t . - G e n l . Kno x expresse d a n ap prehension tha t the 6 . nation s migh t b e induced to join our enemies ; there bein g som e suspiciou s circumstances ; an d h e wishe d t o sen d Colo. Pickering to confirm them in their neutrality. This he observe d would occasio n a n expenc e o f abou t 200 0 dollars , a s th e Indian s were neve r t o b e me t empty-handed . W e though t th e missio n ad [ 144 ]
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viseable. A s t o myself , I hope w e shal l give th e Indian s a thoroug h drubbing thi s summer , an d I shoul d thin k i t bette r afterward s t o take up the plan of liberal and repeated presents to them. This woul d be much the cheapest i n the end, and would save all the blood which is no w spilt : i n tim e to o i t woul d produc e a spiri t o f peac e an d friendship betwee n us . T h e expenc e o f a singl e expeditio n woul d last ver y long fo r presents . -1 mentione d t o th e gentleme n th e ide a of suggestin g thro ' Colo . Beckwith , our knowleg e o f th e conduc t of the Britis h officer s i n furnishin g the Indian s with arm s and ammunition, and our dissatisfaction. Colo. Hamilton said that Beckwith had bee n wit h hi m o n th e subject , an d ha d assure d hi m the y ha d given th e Indian s nothing mor e than the annua l present, an d at th e annual period . I t wa s though t prope r howeve r tha t h e shoul d b e made sensibl e tha t thi s ha d attracte d th e notic e o f government . I thought i t th e mor e material , lest, havin g bee n himsel f th e firs t t o speak o f it , h e migh t suppos e hi s excuse s satisfactory , an d tha t therefore the y migh t repea t th e annua l present thi s year . A s Beckwith lodge s i n th e sam e hous e wit h Mr . Madison, I hav e desire d the latte r t o find som e occasio n o f representin g t o Beckwit h tha t tho a n annua l present o f arm s and ammunitio n b e a n innocen t ac t in tim e o f peace, i t is no t s o i n time o f war: that i t i s contrary to th e laws of neutrality for a neutral power to furnish military implements to eithe r part y a t war , an d tha t i f thei r subject s shoul d d o i t o n private account , suc h furniture s migh t b e seise d a s contraband : t o reason with him on the subject , as from himself, bu t so as to le t him see tha t governmen t though t a s himsel f did. You knew , I think, before yo u lef t us , that the Britis h parliament had a bil l befor e them , fo r allowin g wheat , importe d i n British bottoms, t o b e warehouse d rent-free . I n orde r furthe r t o circum scribe the carryin g busines s o f the U . S . they no w refus e t o conside r as an American bottom, an y vessel no t buil t here. By this construction the y tak e fro m u s th e righ t o f definin g b y ou r ow n law s wha t vessels shal l be deeme d our s an d naturalized here; and in the even t of a war, in which we shoul d be neutral, they pu t it out o f our power to benefi t ourselve s o f ou r neutrality , b y increasin g suddenl y b y purchase an d naturalizatio n ou r mean s o f carriage . I f w e ar e per mitted t o d o thi s b y buildin g only , th e wa r will b e ove r befor e w e can b e prepare d to tak e advantag e o f it . Thi s ha s bee n decide d b y the Lord s Commissioner s of the treasur y in the cas e o f one Green , a merchan t o f Ne w York , fro m who m I hav e recieve d a regula r complaint o n th e s u b j e c t . - I inclos e yo u th e cop y o f a not e fro m [ 14 5 ]
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Mr. K i n g t o Colo . Hamilton , on th e subjec t o f the appointmen t o f a Britis h ministe r to com e here . I suspec t i t howeve r t o b e withou t foundation. Colo. Eveleig h died yesterday . Supposin g i t possibl e yo u migh t desire t o appoin t hi s successo r a s soon a s yo u coul d decid e o n one , I inclos e yo u a blank commission, whic h when yo u shal l be please d to fill up and sign, can be returned for the sea l and countersignature. I inclos e yo u a lette r fro m Mr . Cox e t o yoursel f o n th e subjec t o f this appointment , an d so muc h o f one t o m e a s related to th e same , having tor n of f a leaf of compliment t o lighte n an d lessen m y i n c i sures t o you . Shoul d distributiv e justic e giv e preferenc e t o a suc cessor o f th e sam e stat e wit h th e deceased , I tak e th e libert y o f suggesting to yo u M r . Hayward, o f S . C . who m I think you told m e you di d no t know , an d o f who m yo u ar e no w o n th e spo t o f en quiry. -1 inclos e yo u also a continuation o f the Pennsylvani a debates on th e bil l fo r federa l buildings . Afte r th e postponemen t b y th e Senate, i t was intende d t o brin g on the reconsideratio n o f that vote . But th e hurr y a t windin g u p thei r sessio n prevente d it . The y hav e not chose n a federal Senator . I have the honou r to b e wit h the mos t profound respec t & sincere attachment , Sir , Your mos t obedien t & most humbl e servt. , TH: JEFFERSON RC (DNA : RG 59, MLR) ; endorsed . PrC (DLC) ; consisting of firstthree pages only, th e fourt h pag e bein g i n MHi . F C (DNA: R G 59, SDC) . Enclosures: (1) Extract fro m Rufu s Kin g t o Alexande r
Hamilton, 1 1 Apr . 1791 , printe d below ; (2) Tench Coxe to the President, 16 Apr . 1791; (3 ) partia l tex t o f Coxe to T J , 1 6 Apr. 179 1 (th e tw o las t printed in group of documents a t 1 6 Apr. 1791).
E N C L O S U R E
Extract fro m Rufu s Kin g t o Alexander Hamilto n New Yor k 11t h Apr . [i.e., ca . 9 Apr . 1791 ] Mr. Elliot , who , i t ha s bee n said , wa s appointed , wil l no t com e t o America ; owing, sa y his friends here, to a disinclination on his part, that has arisen from the deat h o f hi s eldest , o r onl y son . Mr . Seaton yesterda y rea d me a n extract of a lette r fro m London , dated Feb . 2 . an d writte n a s h e observe d b y a man of information , whic h say s 'Mr . Frase r i s appointe d Plenipotentiar y t o th e U . S . o f America , an d will g o ou t a s soon a s it i s ascertained here that a correspondent characte r is appointe d i n America. ' Althoug h Mr . Elliot migh t no t have been altogethe r adequat e t o the appointment , ye t he would not hav e bee n a ba d choice : i t i s questionabl e whethe r w e ca n sa y eve n a s muc h a s tha t fo r Mr. Fraser , wh o i s probabl y th e gentlema n latel y residen t wit h th e Hans e towns, an d formerly Consu l a t Algiers , and who i s sai d to b e a wrong-heade d impetuous man . Should the information be correct, the appointment i s not onl y [ 14 6 ]
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unpromising, bu t i t i s als o a pretty stron g proo f o f the misguide d opinion s o f the Britis h administratio n concernin g thi s country . Your s mos t sincerely , R. KIN G
Tr (DNA : RG 59, MLR) ; entirel y i n TJ's hand . The recipient is not identifie d except in TJ's covering letter to Washington. The letter from which this passage was extracted has not been found, but it is clear that TJ erre d in dating it the 11th . It was on that day that Hamilton himself sent the same extrac t t o Washingto n an d made i t available to T J (Hamilto n to Washington, 11 Apr. 1791 , Syrett, Hamilton, vm, 277). Hence King's letter presumably was dated about tw o day s earlier . TJ's transcript of the extrac t varie s i n a fe w mino r detail s from that sent by Hamilton to Washington. It seems clear that when the Cabinet met at TJ's house on th e 11t h Hamilto n laid before th e grou p th e extrac t fro m a letter he ha d just receive d fro m Rufus King. I t is not so clear why he should have disclosed information whic h proved to b e incorrect and which contained King's allusion to the misguided opinions of the British ministry. A plausible explanation for this would seem to b e tha t Hamilto n wa s keenly awar e of the vie w hel d b y Washingto n whic h h e made manifest i n transmitting to the Senate at the close of the session th e report on Gouverneur Morris' mission (see Editorial Note and group o f documents a t 1 5 Dec. 1790). TJ' s concurring attitude ha d long
since been made evident t o Hamilto n and others. The revelation of King's assessment may therefore hav e been made as a gesture of agreement tha t did not exist. Whil e TJ told Washingto n h e though t th e new s o f the appointment o f a minister was without foundation, Hamilton gave no opinion when he transmitted the extract to Washington. He did say, however, that nothing else had happened othe r than what his officiai dis patch containe d (th e dispatc h deal t wit h the cal l o f the Cabine t meeting t o discus s the revisio n of Short's instructions; Hamilton to Washington, 10 Apr. 1791, Syrett, Hamilton, vm , 269). Bu t much was happening during the week of the 11th of April in which the han d of the Secretar y of the Treasury was felt - th e meeting of the Cabinet wit h th e hidde n objec t o f assistin g Robert Morri s to mak e a purchase of Indian lands , th e projectio n o f plan s fo r a nationally supported manufacturing establishment, an d th e sanctionin g i f no t th e prompting o f Tench Coxe's candidacy for the office o f Comptroller. For commen t o n Andre w Ellio t an d others who were being reported as chosen or under consideration fo r appointment a s minister to the United States, see Editorial Note and group o f documents a t 1 5 Dec. 1790.
I V . M e m o r a n d u m of a Conversation between J a m e s Madiso n a nd G e o r g e Beckwit h [17 April ] Philada . Last evenin g offere d th e first opportunit y of breakin g t o Col . B . the subjec t for whic h h e ha s bee n though t a proper channel to th e Governour o f Canada . I t wa s explicitl y mad e know n t o him , that besides it s being generall y understood that the N . W . Indians were supplied with the means of war from their intercourse wit h Detroit &c. th e Presiden t had received information, which he considered as certain, tha t ampl e supplie s o f that sor t ha d about th e commence 1
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ment of last campaign, been received by the hostile tribes from places at present i n British hands. It was observed to him at the sam e time , that a s th e U . S . ha d n o othe r objec t i n th e presen t war , bu t t o effect an d establis h peac e o n thei r frontier , i t wa s obviou s i n wha t light suc h a circumstance must be viewed b y them. A n d as a further consideration heightenin g th e colou r o f th e fact , h e wa s reminde d that the Indian s in question wer e withou t a n exception, inhabitant s of th e acknowledge d territor y of th e U . S . an d consequently stoo d in a certai n relatio n t o them , wel l understoo d b y th e nation s pos sessing territorie s on thi s continent . T h e su m o f hi s answe r wa s tha t a s a fac t s o stated , howeve r unaccountable i t migh t be , wa s no t t o b e contradicted , h e coul d only undertak e t o affir m tha t i t wa s impossibl e i t coul d hav e pro ceeded directl y o r indirectly from th e Britis h Government , or eve n have ha d th e sanctio n o r countenanc e o f the authorit y o n th e spot . He multiplie d assurance s tha t th e whol e spiri t an d polic y o f thei r Government wa s oppose d t o India n hostilities ; an d tha t th e senti ments view s an d order s o f Lor d Dorcheste r discourage d the m a s much a s possible . Thi s h e kne w t o b e th e case . H e aske d whethe r there wer e an y particular s of time plac e o r persons containe d i n th e information t o th e President ; whethe r ther e wa s an y evidenc e tha t the articles supplied wer e i n greate r quantitie s tha n were usua l for other purpose s tha n war , intimating tha t i f there wer e just groun d of complain t a regula r statemen t an d communicatio n o f i t i n any mode that migh t b e though t no t improper , woul d b e mos t corre spondent wit h the customar y proceedings i n such cases. Fo r himself he shoul d b e ver y read y o n receivin g an y suc h statement s o r com munications t o transmi t them . H e wa s her e howeve r no t i n an y formal character , on the contrar y in an informal one, a very informal one t o b e sure ; an d h e entere d int o thi s conversatio n a s betwee n one privat e gentlema n an d another . H e ha d indee d bee n a goo d while a t N . Yor k before , a s wel l a s her e sinc e th e remova l o f th e Government. H e hope d hi s furthe r sta y woul d b e rendere d shor t by the arriva l o f some more authenti c character . He wa s a t N. Yor k before M r . Jefferso n cam e int o th e offic e h e no w holds , an d h e believed i t wa s know n o n wha t footin g h e was . Ye t he ha d no t i n any respec t bee n turne d ove r t o M r . Jefferson, no r ha d an y thin g passed tha t coul d giv e hi m an y pretension s t o b e i n an y commu nication wit h the Secretar y of State. Suc h a communication wa s n o doubt though t imprope r by th e Secretar y of Stat e wit h s o informal a character, though i n a way ever so informal . He did not undertak e 2
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to suppos e i t wa s no t right , especiall y a s different form s o f Govern ments hav e differen t mode s o f proceeding s &c . The tur n give n t o the conversatio n shewing pretty clearly a desire to mak e th e occasio n subservien t t o som e furthe r an d direc t inter course with the Governmen t it was thought proper , for that reason, as well as for avoiding the necessit y o f another conversation t o reply at onc e tha t i t wa s no t probabl e th e informatio n receive d b y th e President woul d b e mad e know n to hi m in any way more authenti c than the present ; whic h it was true, as he had observed, wa s merel y a conversatio n betwee n tw o privat e gentlemen ; bu t i f the fact , tha t the Presiden t ha d receive d th e informatio n a s stated , wa s mad e sufficiently credible , th e prope r effec t o f th e communicatio n nee d not depen d o n the mod e of it. If the disposition s o f Lord Dorcheste r were suc h a s wer e described , an d o f whic h hi s reputatio n fo r hu manity and prudence left n o room to doubt, an y evidence amountin g to probabilit y onl y woul d insur e al l th e interferenc e tha i migh t depend o n him . T h e conduc t o f Government s towar d forma l an d informal character s wa s certainl y no t withi n th e compass o f thi s conversation. I t was probable however that no distinction wa s mad e by the Governmen t here, which was no t mad e b y all Governments, the differenc e betwee n thos e character s seemin g t o li e no t i n th e circumstance of the forme r being possesse d of written and the latte r of verbal authority ; but i n the greate r publicity and formality of th e written credential s fro m th e prope r sourc e produce d b y th e for mer. - T h e eviden t impropriet y o f the militar y supplies afforde d t o the Indian s required no doub t tha t th e countenanc e o f th e Britis h Government o r eve n th e sanctio n o f th e office r o n th e spo t ough t not t o b e presume d as long a s the fac t could be otherwise explained ; but a s th e effec t o f suc h aid s wa s th e sam e whethe r furnishe d b y public authorit y o r by vindictiv e o r avaritious individuals, it was in every cas e t o b e expecte d tha t th e abus e woul d b e corrected . A nd the circumstanc e o f th e Indian s i n questio n bein g withi n th e ac knowledged limit s o f th e U . S . an d receivin g th e mean s o f wa r against the m fro m a foreign sourc e wa s agai n brough t int o vie w a s heightening th e colo r o f the affair . - Wit h respec t t o th e particulars of th e fact , the y di d no t see m t o b e material . I n wha t degre e th e President wa s possesse d o f the m coul d no t b e said . I t migh t b e difficult t o ascertai n the particular s and yet th e genera l fac t b e suf ficiently established . A s the Indian s at war traded with British sub jects only , thei r bein g abl e t o carr y o n hostilities was o f itsel f sufficient evidenc e i n th e case . I t migh t b e difficul t als o t o mar k 3
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precisely th e lin e betwee n supplie s fo r wa r and fo r hunting , bu t i t was probable that not onl y th e differenc e o f quantity demanded, bu t other indication s mus t leav e littl e doub t o f th e purpos e fo r whic h they wer e intended. Col. B . professe d th e stronges t dispositio n t o d o an y thin g i n hi s power havin g bee n actuate d b y thi s dispositio n i n al l hi s commu nications t o Canada , bu t repeate d hi s wis h fo r mor e exac t infor mation o n th e subject . T he intelligence wa s itself so vague , an d was communicated t o hi m unde r suc h reserve , tha t h e wa s reall y a t a loss how t o represen t it . "May I sir mention you r name in the case"? He wa s answered, that from the natur e of the conversation he woul d be unde r n o restrain t from mentionin g an y circumstance relatin g to i t h e pleased . "Ma y I Si r say tha t I have you r permissio n t o us e your name?" Ansr. T h e permission bein g a part of the conversatio n he mus t b e equall y fre e t o mentio n i t i f he though t fit; tho ' i t wa s not perceive d t o b e a circumstanc e ver y material . "Wil l yo u b e s o good Si r as t o repea t th e informatio n yo u mentione d t o hav e bee n received b y th e President? " This reques t bein g complie d with , h e said he shoul d certainl y look ou t fo r the first opportunity o f making the matte r know n t o Lor d D . an d if Mr. M . should b e her e o n th e receipt of an answer he should be made acquainted with it, repeating his declaration that it was impossible th e Britis h Governmen t could in an y respec t hav e countenance d o r approve d an y supplie s t o th e Indians a s a n ai d o r encouragemen t t o thei r hostilities. J . M. 6
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Dft (DLC : Madiso n Papers); at head of text: "Substance of a Conversation held by Js. Madiso n Jr with Col. Beckwith , at the desire o f Mr . Jefferson . (Copy ) with Mr. Jefferson's file" ; at foot of text: "(Copy)"; bottom of second leaf torn so that approximately si x lines of the text are lost; there are numerous interlineations and deletions, of which some are indicated in textual notes below. Although Madison twice described this as a copy, it is obviously a rough draft. The allusio n to "Mr . Jefferson' s file"presumably means that the memorandum was to b e filed among the TJ papers in Madison's ow n records . The document i s undated but the interview undoubtedly took place on the evening of the 17th. The memorandum may have been drafted on the 18th, for i n Madison' s lis t o f hi s letter s t o TJ compiled many years later he entered under that date: "1791. Apl. 18 . conversation with Beckwith " (MS in DLC : Rive s Pa pers).
Madiso n first wrote "communication" and then deleted it . Madiso n first wrot e "arm s an d ammunition" and then altered the text to read as above. Madiso n firstwrote "purpose" and then deleted it. Madiso n first wrote "war " and the n deleted it. Madiso n first wrote an d then delete d "the most authenti c proof." Th e bottom part of the secon d lea f of Dft i s missing , s o tha t abou t si x line s of text ar e missing, o f which only a few as cenders o f letter s i n th e first line remain and ar e indecipherable . Th e succeedin g paragraph begin s at the to p o f the fourth page. I n consequence th e missin g text at the botto m of the thir d pag e consisted of an intervening paragraph. A s firstwritten, this passage read: ". . . that as the conversation was meant for his use h e wa s certainl y free t o mentio n an y 1
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circumstance." Madison then altere d this A s first written, this passage read: " . .. to read as above. repeating his observations wit h assurances A s first written, this passage first read: with respect to the disposition an d interest ". . . and of making known to Ld. D . what of the British Govt, with regard to Indian had been related communicated to him re - affairs &c . &c." Madiso n then altere d the specting his"; Madison then altered the text text to read as above. to read as above. 9
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T o Rober t a n d Pete r B r u c e G E N T L E M E N Philadelphi a Apr. 5. 1791. I no w inclos e yo u a bank post-note for sixty si x dollar s and a half, which make s u p th e ren t o f th e whol e yea r fo r th e hous e I rente d of yo u i n Ne w York , accordin g t o th e statemen t below , fo r whic h I wil l as k th e favo r o f a reciep t i n full . I a m Gentleme n You r mos t obedt. humbl e servt. , T H : JEFFERSON Messrs. Rober t an d Pete r Bruc e to T h : Jefferson D r . £s d 1790. Aug . 4. T o cash . (Ne w Yor k currency ) 2 7 7 3 Dec. 2 . T o do . 2 80 0 T o assumpsi t o f new tenan t 2 71 00 1791. Apr . 5. T o 66 Vz doll , no w inclose d 2 61 2£ s d 109 9 3 Cr. By ren t o f house fro m Ma y 1 . 1790 . t o Ma y 1 . 1791 . 10 90 0 PrC (MHi) . T J delivere d th e post not e to Remsen and mad e th e following entr y i n his Ac count Book on this date: "Note: it was put into an open letter from me to them." The new tenant s t o whom T J had sublet the house wer e Nov a Scoti a merchants , who
at first had demurred but finallyaccepted TJ's offe r a t half of the renta l price. This would hav e amounte d t o £31-18-5 V2 but , owing to a miscalculation, TJ receive d only £27-10-0 ( T J to Remsen, 1 Oct. 1790) . Even so , he characteristically overlooke d the discrepancy and in the settlement paid a few shillings mor e than required.
F r o m Franci s E p p e s D R S I R Eppingto n Apri l 5th . 1791 Your favou r o f 4th o f Marc h wa s deliver d m e o n Sunda y last . I am muc h oblig' d b y th e pleasur e yo u expres s a t m y fortunat e sale . If yo u ar e determin' d t o sel l I wou' d recommen d i t t o yo u no t t o sell unti l abou t X M a s o r a littl e afte r a s Colo . Skipwit h intend s t o dispose o f on e hundre d o n th e first o f October . 1
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My wishe s wit h respec t t o Jac k ar e that h e shou d b e brough t u p to som e profession . T h e L a w is wha t hi m an d myself have though t of. However , shou' d yo u find hi s foundation s to o slende r t o b e respectable i n that lin e I wish you to direc t his Studie s t o an y thin g else whic h yo u thin k mos t t o hi s advantage . Indee d cou d h e stud y Law an d writ e i n you r offic e als o tha t wou' d b e m y choice . I hav e provided fund s fo r hi s maintanace , tho ' a m reall y a t a los s wha t allowance i s necessary . Thi s yo u wil l b e s o obligin g a s t o infor m me. H e bring s wit h hi m £ 6 0 , fort y five o f whic h i s i n tw o ban k notes. Thos e I hav e directe d hi m t o lodg e wit h you . I mus t als o request tha t yo u wil l mak e hi m accoun t wit h yo u fo r al l hi s ex penditures a s I wel l kno w Boy s o f hi s ag e i n suc h a plac e a s Phil adelphia ar e a s littl e capabe l o f followin g a prope r lin e o f conduc t as a Ship a[t] Se a withou t Hel m o r Pilot . I hope yo u wil l find hi m well dispos' d t o d o ever y thin g yo u require . I have eve r foun d hi m very manageabl e an d trus t whe n h e i s pu t int o th e righ t track , h e will pursu e i t wit h ardo r and I hope profit . Jac k i s full y appris' d of my circumstance s an d h e wil l b e unpardonabl e i f h e exceed s th e bounds o f moderation i n his expenditures . An y addition whic h yo u think necessar y shal l wit h pleasur e b e furnish'd . I onl y reques t t o have timel y notice , an d the remittanc e shal l be made . H e ha s som e books whic h wil l b e sen t hi m b y water . An y other s tha t yo u thin k necessary shal l b e furnish' d or the mone y t o purchas e them. I sup pose ever y thin g i n tha t wa y ca n b e mor e easil y procur' d in Phili delphia tha n here . I he[ar]d by Marti n a few day s ag o tha t the y al l were wel l a t th e mountai n an d wer e shortl y t o com e dow n th e country. I am wit h ever y wis h fo r your health & Happiness D r . Sir Your affect . Friend , FRANS. EPPES P.S. Whe n ever yo u com e to Virgini a an d your time wil l no t admi t of your coming her e we shal l make a point o f Visiting you provide d we ca n hav e notic e i n time . F E RC (DLC : Miscellaneou s Manuscripts). Recorded in SJL a s received 19 Apr. 1791 .
not only directed the young man's reading in history , government, an d law, but also provided hi m wit h a unique opportunit y This letter was delivered by John Wayles for observing a t first hand the conduc t of Eppes an d thus th e tim e o f his arriva l in public affairs (see Editorial Note at 13 Mch . Philadelphia is fixed by the dat e of its re- 1791; also, note to TJ to Eppes, 1 5 May ceipt. Within a month TJ ha d set him on 1791). MARTI N wa s a slave at Monticello, a rigorou s cours e o f stud y a t the Colleg e at this time about 52 year s of age. of Philadelphia and, mor e important, in his own offic e an d under his supervision. T J I.e. , 14th. 1
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T o Richar d Hanso n SIR Philadelphi
a April 5.1791 .
In m y lette r o f Nov. 7 . I informed yo u tha t o n settlin g th e affair s of th e yea r ther e wer e expecte d t o b e 69,00 0 ft. o f tobacc o t o b e appropriated t o th e makin g m y annua l paymen t o f £ 5 0 0 . sterl . t o you an d £ 2 0 0 . sterl . to Kippe n & co. Findin g that tobacc o o f tha t quality woul d sel l bette r her e tha n i n Virgini a an d probably bette r than i n Englan d I ordere d s o muc h a s wa s a t th e warehous e t o b e brought here , an d b y tha t sampl e hav e sol d th e whol e cro p a t 5 . dollars, excep t th e 14,00 0 ft. whic h wa s fired an d i s t o b e sol d i n Virginia. 55,00 0 ft. her e @ 5 . dollar s and 14,00 0 ft. ther e a t th e country price , wil l I presume , afte r payin g th e charge s o f bringin g the forme r here , nearl y abou t cove r th e 7 0 0 £ sterl . I hav e bee n obliged t o credi t til l September , a s the tobacc o wil l the n b e consid ered a s ol d tobacc o whic h entitled m e t o 5 / th e hundre d more tha n I shoul d have got , ha d I sol d i t a s it i s a t present. Bu t I have hope s that i f th e tobacc o ca n al l b e go t her e i n tim e I ca n discoun t th e purchaser's bill s a t th e ban k i n tim e fo r you r payment . I hav e sol d t o M r . Ronald my Cumberlan d land s for £ 1 0 76 ster ling, hal f payabl e Jan . 1 . 1796 . th e othe r hal f Jan . 1 . 1797 . bot h bearing interest from Oct. 5.1790. H e has given two separate bonds , and a s a securit y fo r on e o f the m h e mortgage s th e whol e land s purchased, an d for the othe r bond he mortgages hal f his Beaverdam lands, which half I suppos e o f double th e value of the bond for which it is a security. I had previously examined the record s of Goochland and found these lands were under no incumbrance there. These tw o bonds woul d pa y th e whol e o f m y instalmen t t o yo u o f th e yea r 1797. an d nearl y hal f tha t o f 1796 . T h e disposition s whic h Mr . Jones and yourself have expressed o f giving every indulgence i n this business consisten t wit h hi s security , induc e m e t o hope , tha t a s these bonds an d mortgages woul d b e a greater security to hi m than my simpl e bonds , yo u wil l giv e m e m y bond s fo r 1796 . an d 1797 . in exchang e fo r these, an d for a bond t o b e execute d fo r the balanc e of 1796 . whic h Ronald' s bond s wil l no t cover . T h e bond s i n tha t case shal l b e assigne d t o you , an d th e mortgage s regularl y transferred. B y thi s mean s yo u wil l b e safe r than a s yo u no w stand , and I shal l be absolutel y discharge d of my instalmen t o f 1797 . an d part of that o f 1796 . an d the paymen t o f this yea r being mad e ther e wil l remain onl y 4 . mor e instalment s o f 5 0 0 £ eac h an d a fifth of nearly that sum, for which I shall provide by further sales without countin g [ 153 ]
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on crop s excep t fo r th e first o f the m whic h wil l b e du e i n 1792 . before any money can probably b e recieve d o n sales . M y desire t o get mysel f place d o n sur e ground a s fast a s possible induce s m e t o make yo u th e offe r o f these bond s and mortgages first. I wil l be g your immediate answer ; as if you d o no t accep t them , as payment, I mus t endeavor t o avail myself of them otherwise . I am with much esteem Sir Your most obedt. humble servt , T H : JEFFERSON RC (NN) . Pr C (MHi) . On the terms agreed upon by TJ t o discharge hi s shar e of th e deb t t o Farel l & Jones, see Editoria l Not e and Documents on the subject, Vol. 15 : 642-77. Although Hanson himself had disposed of TJ's firs t bond to a person to who m his principal s
were indebted, he declined to accept a similar proposal by T J . Hi s curt refusa l was no doubt disappointin g to T J , bu t it was also a tribute to th e respec t i n which his bond wa s hel d an d to th e lon g an d persistent effort h e made to discharge the indebtedness (se e Hanso n to T J , 3 0 Apr. 1791).
T o Danie l L . Hylto n DEAR S I R Philadelphi
a Apr . 5 . 1791 .
Your favor of Mar. 12 . cam e to han d a fortnight ag o an d having given m e reaso n t o expec t tha t th e bil l o f ladin g fo r th e vis-a-vi s would come within a post or two, I have delayed answering in order to mak e one job of it. But not recievin g the bil l of lading, I trouble you again to sen d it forward. In the mea n time I had enquiry made at New Yor k whether any such captain as Towles had arrived there and am answered i n th e negative . I no w inclos e yo u a bank-post note for 22. Doll . 75. cents equal to £6-16-6 th e expences you were so kind as to disburse for the 1 3 hogsheads of tobacco. Thei r quality has been found of the very best according to the taste of this market, and I have consequently sol d m y whole crop , except about 14,00 0 tt). o f the Bedfor d tobacc o which havin g bee n injure d by th e we t would no t answe r here . I hav e writte n t o Mr . Lewi s t o sel l tha t part i n th e country , an d to hurr y dow n al l the res t fro m Bedfor d and Albemarle, which I expect will b e abou t 3 9 o r 40 thousand . I must troubl e yo u to hav e thi s sen t to m e here , makin g the freigh t payable here. I am told the proper price is 20/ this money or 2 Dol. 66 cent s pr . hhd. O n this yo u wil l b e please d t o d o fo r th e best . The inclose d lette r t o Mr . Lewis desire s hi m to plac e 15 . o r 16.£ in your hand to pay the warehouse and shipping expences; to prevent adding tha t advanc e t o th e othe r troubl e I a m givin g you , b e s o good a s t o sen d i t b y th e Charlottesvill e pos t whic h call s a t th e printing offic e (Davies' s I believe ) th e da y o f th e wee k o n whic h [ 154 }
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the pape r come s out . I f yo u ca n no w an d the n dro p m e a lin e informing m e ho w th e tobacc o come s in , I shal l than k you . M y cordial estee m t o Mrs . Hylton an d a m Dea r Si r Your affectionat e humble servt. , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) . Enclosure : "Philadelphia Apr. 5 . 1791 . Th e Inspector s o f eithe r warehouse at Richmond are hereby desired to deliver to Mr. Danl . L . Hylton or order, all m y tobo. o f the las t cro p which shall come from Albemarle, or Bedford. Out of the last they are desire d however to except
such hogsheads as shall appear to have been fired (a s I a m informed there wa s some ) should that come to their warehouse, also to excep t ou t o f bot h parcel s any orders which ma y b e give n o n the m b y Colo . N. Lewi s o r Mr. B. Clarke fo r overseer's shares. Th: Jefferson " (PrC i n MHi) .
T o Willia m Lewi s D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a Apr . 5 . 1791 .
It i s wit h som e degre e o f sham e tha t I accep t th e kin d offe r i n your lette r o f the 1st . inst . Howeve r on e ma y sometime s d o fo r th e public wha t they woul d no t d o fo r themselves. I therefore sen d yo u our whol e collectio n o f loos e laws , to b e fille d u p a s you propose . I would be g tha t th e copyin g o f you r inde x o r an y othe r writin g in the busines s ma y b e sen t t o b e don e a t m y offic e s o a s t o tak e a s much troubl e of f you r hands a s we can . For the sam e reaso n I wil l ask yo u to giv e th e bookbinde r &c . orders on m e fo r the amoun t o f their accounts. I am with great esteem & respect D r . Sir Your mos t obedt. & most humbl e servt , TH: JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA : R G 59 , P C C No. 120) .
T o Matthe w McAlliste r S I R Philadelphi
a Apr . 5.1791 .
I hav e receive d you r two favor s o f Oct. 24. an d Dec. 24 . a s als o the law s and proceedings yo u have been s o kind as to collect. Thos e relative t o Britis h propert y an d subject s wil l enabl e us , I presum e to decide o n any objections whic h may be derived on their part from proceedings o f the stat e o f Georgia. - Wit h respec t to th e collectio n of the laws of Georgia, however desireable that a complete collectio n of all th e laws of every state should be made at the seat of government, yet I d o no t thin k mysel f authorised to g o t o th e expence o f Man uscript copies . I wil l therefor e onl y as k you r furthe r attentio n t o collect an y printed act s whic h may serv e t o complet e ou r collectio n [ 155 ]
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and ma y fal l i n you r way , o r to sen d th e ne w révisa i whe n i t shall be published . Wit h respec t t o th e blank s i n you r accoun t fo r th e journey t o Augusta , it was certainl y never m y intentio n t o giv e yo u the troubl e o f such a journey for this business. I expected th e whol e would b e don e b y writte n orders , o r b y persona l one s wher e th e gentlemen shoul d happe n t o b e o n th e spot . A s an uniformity mus t be observe d i n the settlemen t o f these accounts , I mus t awai t those which shal l b e rendere d b y th e attorney s fo r th e othe r states , an d if they make similar charges, the whole shall be put into the Auditor's hands a s the la w require s to b e settle d b y hi m a s shal l appear just. In th e mea n tim e a s n o questio n ca n aris e about replacin g the cos t of what yo u hav e sent , an d it is improper you shoul d lay out o f that, I inclos e yo u a bank-post-not e fo r 17 . Dol . 14 . cents , th e amount , which wil l b e pai d by the collecto r o f the custom s a t Savannah, and have th e hono r t o b e Si r Your mos t obedt . humbl e servt , TH: JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA : RG 59 , PC C No . 120) .
T o R i c h a r d Pott s S I R Philadelphi
a Apr. 5.1791 .
Your favo r o f Mar . 9 . cam e t o han d on th e 23d . I was prevente d by othe r pressin g busines s fro m attendin g t o it' s contents , til l tw o or thre e day s ago , an d the n perceivin g tha t yo u ha d sen t th e law s to me , an d that the y wer e no t com e t o hand , I sent t o Mr . Warder, who immediatel y delivere d them . I no w inclos e yo u a bank-post note for twenty five dollar s and a quarter, the amoun t o f the accoun t you inclosed . I be g yo u t o accep t m y thank s fo r you r attentio n t o this busines s on e par t of which was interestin g to the stat e o f Mary land an d the othe r t o th e genera l Government , and have th e hono r to b e wit h grea t estee m & respec t Si r You r mos t obedt . & mos t humble servt , TH: JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; a t foot of text: "Mr . Richar d Potts Maryland." FC (DNA : R G 59 , PC C No. 120) .
F r o m Mar y Jefferso n Boilin g D E A R B R O T H E R Chesnu
t Grove april 6 179 1
I receiv' d th e favou r o f your s datee d Octobe r wheri n I foun d a total disappointmen t o f th e happines s I ha d lon g flattered m y sel f with o f seein g you , i t bein g a t a tim e tha t ou r distres s canno t b e [ 156 ]
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described. I t i s to o muc h fo r m y pe n s o tha t I wil l no t troubl e yo u with it . Yo u must no w permi t m e t o hai l yo u grandfathe r and I d o Sincearly congratulat e yo u o n th e happ y occatio n o f pat'cye s saf e recovry. We e anticipat e th e pleashur e o f seein g yo u thi s sprin g a s your anxiet y mus t b e ver y grea t t o se e th e littl e Stranger. I a m sorry to tel l you ou r sister Carr s il l health becomes seriously alarming. Sh e has a n obstanate langui d fever tha t doe s not intermi t for tw o o r thre e days . Whe n the y leav e he r sh e i s considerabl e weakened an d the y retur n ver y frequently . I ver y muc h fea r thes e are dropsica l simtoms. I have long wisht an oppertunity of answering yours. Ha d it no t hav e bee n fo r M r . Epps's politenes s t o m e i t wa s uncertain whe n I shoul d hav e bee n gratified . M r . Boiling Joins i n love to yo u an d apologyes fo r his negligence. T h e rest of my famil y Join i n love . Adie u m y dea r brothe r ma y ever y blessin g thi s lif e affords atten d yo u ar e th e mos t arden t wishe s o f you r affectionat e Sister M
ARY B ULLING
RC (ViU : Moyer-Jefferso n Papers) ; endorsed b y TJ as received 19 Apr . 1791 and s o recorded in SJL. Punctuatio n has been supplied. TJ' s lette r was that of 31 Oct. 1790 . T H E L I T T L E S T R A N G E R : TJ' s firs t grandchild was Anne Cary Randolph, to who m Martha gav e birth o n 23 Jan . 179 1 (se e T J t o Martha Jefferson Randolph , 9 Feb .
1791, i n which he acknowledge d her letter announcing the event; that letter has not been found) . TJ's sister , Mar y Jefferso n (1741-1817), wa s marrie d t o Col . John Boiling of Chesterfield county on 24 June 1760. S I S T E R C A R R : Marth a Jefferson Carr, widow o f TJ' s frien d Dabne y Carr , suf fered poo r healt h bu t live d fo r another twenty years. She wa s thre e years younger than T J.
F r o m Elizabet h Wayle s E p p e s D E A R S I R Eppington
, Apri l 6 . 1791 .
I sincerel y congratulat e yo u o n th e birt h o f you r fine Grand daughter. I a m told sh e i s a nun such . I wishe d much to hav e bee n with my dear Patsy, but it was impossible. I now pleas e mysel f with the happines s o f seein g the m al l soon . T h e numbe r o f advantage s you woul d hav e fo r m y dea r Poll y i n Philadelphi a I hav e n o doub t must b e ver y great, adde d to th e happines s o f your having her with you, tho ' b e assure d my dear Sir it wil l alway s add to ou r happiness to hav e he r wit h us . I neve r me t a more governabl e temper . Your kin d intention s wit h regar d t o Wayle s hav e delighte d m e not a little, a s I am sure if he follow s you r directions (whic h I hope there i s n o doub t of ) I shal l b e completel y happy . W e al l join i n wishing you every blessing this life affords, You r affectionat e friend , E E PPES RC (ViU) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 1 9 Apr. 179 1 and so recorded in SJL.
[ 157 ]
F r o m Willia m T e m p l e F r a n k l i n DEAR SIR Londo n 6 April 1791. I receive d duly your obliging Favo r of the 2 7 Novr . last, together with the M . S. o f Negotiations; fo r which I beg yo u wil l receiv e m y thanks, a s wel l as , fo r the obligin g Expression s of your Friendship ; in promisin g t o mak e m y specia l Preference s known , relativ e t o a foreign-Appointment - shoul d Circumstance s give place to it . - Thes e I thin k ma y probabl y soo n occur , a s I understan d a Ministe r t o Congress, i s appointed , an d soo n goin g ou t fro m France ; - an d another fro m thi s Cour t i s muc h talke d of , an d wil l i n al l probability be sen t ou t 'er e long. - A ver y considerable Repor t is gone in to th e Privy Council , o n th e Connectio n betwee n thi s Countr y an d th e United States : I hav e bee n promise d a sight o f it , bu t hav e no t ye t been abl e t o procur e it : - A s soo n a s I do , I wil l tak e th e libert y o f informing yo u particularl y o f its Contents : - Fo r th e present , I have only bee n abl e t o learn , tha t th e Disposition s toward s u s ar e mor e favorable tha n formerly . Tha t the y entertai n a greate r Respec t fo r us as a Nation; and that a Commercial Treat y wit h us is a desireable Object. - Fo r thes e Dispositions w e hav e nobod y t o than k but Our selves. T h e Establishmen t of ou r ne w Syste m o f Government , and thereby ou r publi c Credit , ha s work' d thi s Chang e i n ou r Favor , not onl y here , bu t throughou t Europe . Finding m y Mitchel s Map , woul d no t b e compleat , eve n wit h the addition of the Shee t yo u have - an d as you appear to be desirou s of havin g th e whole , -1 hav e sen t yo u a Complea t one , b y Col . Smith, wh o sail s i n th e Packet . Having ha d muc h othe r Busines s a t hand , I hav e no t bee n abl e to giv e as yet muc h attention t o th e Publicatio n of my Grandfathers Works. Bu t bein g no w mor e a t Liberty , I shal l soon pu t the m int o the Press : - an d you may rely on my following you r Advice of printing the m i n 8 ° a s als o o f m y attendin g t o th e Hin t yo u hav e bee n pleased t o giv e me , o n anothe r Point . I sen t t o M r . Adams b y a former Opportunity , several lat e Pub lications here , relativ e t o th e Frenc h Revolution;-an d I requeste d him t o le t yo u hav e th e Perusa l of them , whic h I suppos e h e ha s done. - [Payne s "Rights of Man" wa s amon g t h e m : - I t ha s ha d a great Effec t here : - an d di d th e lowe r orde r o f Peopl e read , an d think fo r themselves, i t would have a greater: T he Cause of Libert y is ever y wher e gainin g G r o u n d - a n d Monarch y gettin g ou t o f F a s h i o n : - I a m tol d th e K i n g her e say s h e doe s no t thin k i t wil l last abov e hi s Tim e i n thi s Country. [ 158 }
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T h e lat e Alarmes o f Wa r wit h Russia , ar e b y n o mean s so pleasin g to th e Nation , a s thos e occasione d b y th e recen t Disput e wit h Spain. - Bu t Wa r i s a s ye t ver y uncertain ; an d I hardl y thin k i t wil l take Place . - T h e Ministr y ar e muc h abuse d b y Oppositio n o n th e present Stat e o f Affairs.] - Th e inclose d wil l she w o n wha t Grounds , tho' otherwis e a triflin g Performance . T h e Caus e o f Freedo m an d goo d Governmen t i s loosin g som e o f its ables t Supporters . Mirabeau , i t i s said , i s dead ! - an d D r . Pric e lies dangerousl y 111! ! I mee t her e wit h man y wh o as k kindl y afte r you;-amon g them , the Duk e o f Dorset , wh o i s ver y particula r i n hi s Enquiries . H e ha s mentioned t o m e tha t hi s Neic e ha d wrot e onc e o r twic e t o you r Daughter, since her retur n to America ; but no t receivin g an Answe r had suppos' d sh e mean t t o dro p her Acquaintance ; which hi s Neic e much regretted . I venture d t o assur e hi s Grace , tha t tha t wa s no t likely, an d tha t possibly th e letter s might have mis-carried. Yo u wil l take wha t Notic e o f thi s yo u ma y thin k proper . 1
I shal l probabl y leav e thi s fo r Pari s i n abou t 3 Weeks ; wher e I shall b e ver y prou d o f hearin g fro m you , an d bein g honor' d wit h Your Command s - Bein g wit h grea t Estee m D r . Sir , Y r oblige d humble Servt , W . T . FRANKLIN. the genera l publi c also-tha t T J had already see n th e pamphle t an d ha d com mended it in terms that brought about an open brea k betwee n himsel f an d Adams Believing as he did in the essential need (see Editoria l Not e an d grou p o f docu for confidentiality i n diplomatic discourse, T J ha d admonished Franklin - i n T H E H I N T ments a t 2 6 Apr . 1791) . Bu t on e o f the pamphlets sent by Franklin to Adams was here referred to - agains t publishin g such of his grandfather's letters or papers as might transmitted to T J : Calonne' s De F état de la France (London , 1790). I t bore this in"not yet b e proper to put into the posses scription by Franklin: "Mr . Adam s is desion o f every body. " At the sam e time he sired after perusing this Work to lend it to had returned to him the M . S . O F N E G O T I A Mr. Jefferso n an d Mr . Secy . Hamilton . T I O N S which , as a fragment o f Benjamin W.T.F." (Sowerby , No . 2543) . Th e fact Franklin's autobiography, gave an account that T J retaine d th e volum e i n hi s li of his fruitless efforts a t reconciliation bebrary - i t still exists in the Library of Contween Grea t Britain and the colonies (se e T J t o Franklin, 27 Nov. 1790) . Fo r a dis- gress - suggest s that Adams sent it firstto Hamilton. Fo r other pamphlet s sen t di cussion o f Franklin' s importan t actio n in rectly to TJ b y Franklin, presumably withtransmitting an abstract of Hawkesbury's out covering letters since none is recorded R E P O R T . . . T O T H E P R I V Y C O U N C I L , Se e in S JL afte r that of 3 July 1793 , see SowEditorial Note and group of documents at erby, Nos. 2596 , 2597 , an d 2598. 15 Dec. 1790 . Franklin's gesture i n sending a copy of Paine's Rights of Man t o John Adams with Bracket s in MS. T J ma y have marked the request that he let TJ rea d it was well- this passage for publication during the conintended, bu t it could not have come a t a troversy ove r Rights of Man, bu t the text more inopportune moment. Adams of course has not bee n found in any newspaper. ignored the request, knowing well - a s did
RC (DLC) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 21 Jun e 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
1
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T o T h o m a s Man n Randolph , J r. D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a Apr. 6 . 1791 .
Your favo r of Mar. 5 . cam e to han d on the 24th . an d that of Mar . 14. o n th e 1st . inst . Wit h respec t t o Mr . Thompso n i t ha s bee n understood tha t hi s circumstance s are desperate an d that h e i s fon d of th e bottle . A t th e tim e th e first appointment s o f consul s wer e made, their circumstances were not attended to , and an appointmen t or two too k plac e o f persons unde r embarrasments of that kind . W e have sinc e becom e sensibl e o f th e inexpedienc y o f this , an d i t ha s latterly bee n a decisiv e objection . T h e secon d i s no t les s so . T h e Consulship o f Lisbo n ha s bee n fo r som e time sollicite d b y a citizen of this state , supporte d b y the intercession s o f the first characters in the state . T h e candidat e i s o f the pures t characte r possible, an d his circumstances, no t desperate , bu t embarrassed . If this las t objectio n can b e departe d from , h e wil l hav e it . Bu t i t lie s fo r consideratio n till th e nex t sessio n o f Congress . I f wha t ha s bee n understoo d o f Mr. Thompso n is not founded , th e consulshi p o f Cadiz i s open, an d will b e s o til l nex t Congress : and I think he migh t expec t it . I f you can infor m yoursel f o n thes e tw o points , I wil l bea r hi m i n mind , and a s I shal l se e yo u a t Monticell o i n th e fall , yo u wil l the n b e s o good a s t o communicat e th e resul t o f you r enquiries . Ther e i s a desire to comply wit h his wish and that of his friends, if he be proper for th e office . A consu l i s th e judg e i n al l dispute s betwee n tw o citizens withi n hi s consulship , o f whateve r magnitude ; h e i s th e administrator too o f all citizen s dyin g therein, and as such may have great sum s o f money lodge d in his hands. -1 a m glad you ar e about to undertake the examinatio n o f the Opossum . It is a great reflectio n on u s tha t thi s phaenomeno n i n natura l histor y i s stil l s o muc h unknown. T h e disappearanc e o f th e fals e pouch , suppose d b y M r. Rittenhouse, wil l o f cours e clai m your attention . I suspec t i t t o b e an error . - Wit h respec t t o th e purchas e o f Edgehil l yo u alon e ca n judge o f it's expediency . I f you ca n pay for it, you wil l neve r repen t of it . I t i s a valuabl e trac t an d a chea p one : bu t I thin k wit h yo u that to take the negroe s with it, is taking it sadly burthened. Mone y laid ou t i n negroes is thrown away . Perhap s Colo. Randolph would agree to le t you have the land , and to sel l the negroe s either publicly or privately . H e woul d ge t mor e fo r the m i n thi s way . Stil l i f th e land alon e shoul d b e to o muc h fo r yo u t o pa y for , i t ma y b e bette r not t o ris k you r quie t o f min d o n it . I wis h I coul d hel p yo u i n it , but m y ow n embarrasment s bind me han d and foot. Were it not fo r
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this I woul d gladl y tak e an y par t o f th e trac t tha t migh t no t sui t you. Doe s M r . Carte r inten d t o sel l o r not ? I f h e does , s o tha t a large bod y o f goo d mountai n lan d coul d b e bough t a t once , th e following calculatio n migh t b e worth making, to wit. Fo r ho w muc h would th e land s o f Varin a sell ? Ho w muc h mountai n lan d woul d that su m purchase ? Ho w muc h ca n be cleare d at Varina a t present ? How muc h woul d b e cleare d on the mountai n lan d so t o b e bought , in th e farmin g way? Which is most likely to increase in value? Which would bes t admi t o f partition i n the cas e o f several children ? Which most convenien t a t present ? &c . &c . Wer e thi s ide a admissibl e a t all, i t woul d requir e matur e consideration . I be g tha t yo u wil l tak e all th e tim e yo u pleas e to accomodat e yourself with lands, remainin g in you r presen t situatio n a s lon g a s yo u ca n mak e i t agreeabl e t o yourself t o d o so . I t i s a comfor t t o m e t o contribut e i n an y thin g to you r accomodation an d happiness. I have receive d m y daughter' s letter, an d will execute her wis h fo r the calas h for herself, an d seeds for he r friend . Presen t m y war m lov e t o the m both . I hav e a grea t deal fo r th e littl e Ann e also , an d a m wit h sincer e attachmen t Dea r Sir Your s affectionately, T H : JEFFERSON RC (DLC ) The Pennsylvani a candidate for the consulate a t Lisbon , supporte d b y Rober t Morris and other influential merchants, was John Telles . T J migh t als o hav e adde d that members of Congress from Massachusetts and merchants of that state ha d urged the appointmen t o f Joh n Bulkeley . An other candidat e fo r th e pos t wa s Thoma s Appleton, who wrot e from Paris on 1 0 July 1791 remindin g TJ o f his previous request and adding : "Th e extensiv e Commerc e which exist s betwee n tha t port , an d th e United State s ha s determine d my estab lishment ther e i f I should obtai n th e nom ination. Yo u wil l readil y perceiv e th e ad vantages whic h tha t plac e ha s ove r mos t others i n Europe , an d fro m thi s Circum -
stance I imagin e ther e ma y b e man y ap plicants." Samuel Pleasants of Philadelphia had als o recommende d Thoma s Thomp son, bu t T J reported t o Washingto n tha t the latte r was "a bankrupt and addicted t o the bottle " (se e Editoria l Not e on consular problems an d T J ' s report, 2 1 Feb . 1791 ; Humphreys t o T J , 3 Ma y 1791 ; an d Appleton t o T J , 1 0 Jul y 1791 , R C in D L C : Washington Papers , endorse d b y T J a s received 2 2 Oct . 179 1 and s o recorde d in S J L ) . Appleton , Bulkeley , Telles , an d Thompson al l failed to ge t th e Lisbo n ap pointment. I t wen t instea d t o Edwar d Church, wh o ha d bee n appointe d consu l at Bilba o bu t no t receive d ther e (Wash ington t o th e Senate , 3 Ma y 1792 , J E P , I , 121).
F r o m Jame s Curri e Richmond, 7 Apr. 1791. H e ha d the hono r an d the pai n o f receivin g T J ' s friendly letter by Mr. Hamilton , and while sorry to learn the situation he could never make acknowledgments enough for TJ's "uncommonl y friendly and very pointed attention to the business." After deliberating with anxiety, he ventured [ 16 1 ]
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to impar t the content s o f T J 's lette r t o [Griffin] , whic h he receive d with some emotion an d wrote the enclosed. H e says there are reasons which forbid Potter's admitting possession an d knowledge o f the property mentioned. H e will explain when he meets you and until then he desire s secrec y an d will "mak e all appear clearly t o you r satisfactio n a s m y friend. " Curri e wil l leav e t o T J t o decid e whether t o revea l content s o f his lette r t o Potte r privately . I f property i s sacrificed t o d o hi m justice, he wil l le t T J decide whethe r t o mak e the purchase. Once secured , i t wil l b e i n hi s powe r t o b e generou s t o him . H e wil l writ e again b y hi m "an d leav e th e whol e t o you r talent s fo r rea l busines s an d ex perienced friendship to myself . Pra y secur e me if possible." - P.S . Mrs . Eppes ' family al l well . Mrs . Skipwit h ha s bee n her e a mont h "t o tr y th e Effect s o f Electricity &ca . for som e very serious nervou s Complaint s of some standing. I am sorr y to sa y no t wit h al l the advantag e I coul d wish . I t has much mende d Miss Skipwith' s hearing." RC (DLC) ; addressed : "Th e Honble. Thomas Jefferson Esqr. Secretary of State"; postmarked: " F R E E " an d " R I C H M O N D Apri l 8"; endorse d b y T J as receive d 1 4 Apr. 1791 an d so recorded in SJL . Enclosure: John Taylo e Griffin t o T J , 7 Apr. 1791, informing him that he had read TJ's lette r to Currie ; that when he drew the bill s he had i n Philadelphia, as Potter knew, over $21,000 in public securities, of which twothirds were i n final settlement certificate s and one-thir d in indents an d state certificates; that he pledged hi s faith and honor as a gentleman t o appl y these to th e settlement of the bills and t o no other purpose; that he asks TJ t o postpone further application to Potte r unti l he arrive s in Philadelphia, whic h wil l certainl y be betwee n the 15t h and 20th of April; and tha t thereafter, agai n pledgin g thes e effect s t o th e
discharge of the bills, he desires no further indulgence (R C i n D L C; endorsed by T J as received 1 4 Apr. 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL) . Griffi n faile d to depart as promised. His journey, he wrote from Richmond on the 15th , was postponed b y important and unforesee n business . Agai n he promised to set out the following week and asked T J t o hold the bills, promising to discharge them on arrival. But it was not until Ma y that h e arrive d wit h Currie' s lette r o f 1 3 Apr. 179 1 (Griffi n t o T J , 1 5 Apr. 1791; RC i n D L C ; endorse d b y TJ as received 21 Apr . 179 1 an d so recorde d i n SJL) . Two year s later he wa s still importuning T J fo r favors and afraid to enter Philadelphia for fear of a debtor's prison (see Griffin to T J , 1 6 Jun e 1793 ; T J to Griffin , 1 8 June 1793) . Se e note to TJ's instruction s for Remsen, 16 May 1791 .
T o J o h n H a r v i e , J r. DEAR S I R Philadelphi
a Apr. 7. 1791 .
The reces s o f Congress , an d a relaxatio n i n th e busines s whic h immediately ensue s thei r separation , permit s m e no w t o tur n m y attention a littl e t o m y ow n affairs . I resum e therefor e th e subjec t of m y letter s t o yo u o f Jan . 11 . an d Nov . 2 . 1790 . an d your s t o m e of Jan . 25 . 1791 . respectin g m y righ t t o th e 490 . acre s o f lan d included i n m y orde r o f counci l o f Mar . 11 . 1773 . fo r 1000 . acres , and als o i n m y tw o entrie s o f Oct . 21 . 1774 . fo r 400 . acre s each , surveyed fo r Jame s Mark s o n a junior entry , an d purchase d fro m him an d Colo . Randolp h an d patente d b y you . [ 162 ]
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With respec t t o th e moiet y o f the 490 . acre s sold to yo u b y Colo. Randolph, a s I neve r ha d a n ide a o f usin g m y order s o r entrie s t o injure an y righ t h e had , s o I wil l no t no w avai l mysel f o f the m t o injure an y righ t h e though t h e had , an d i n consequenc e conveye d to you . A n d i f I mentio n som e circumstance s o n thi s subject , i t i s only t o brin g fact s t o rights , an d t o plac e mysel f i n tha t poin t o f view whic h a thousand suc h tracts of land would no t induc e m e t o relinquish. T he transaction is a very antient one: no wonder therefor e if Colo . Randolph' s memory an d m y ow n confoun d som e circum stances. Colo . Randolp h say s t o yo u 'tha t abou t 18 . o r 20 . year s past I tol d hi m I ha d mad e a n entr y fo r hi m wit h th e surveyo r o f Albemarle (Staples ) fo r vacan t land s adjoinin g Edgehil l whic h I would hav e surveye d fo r him.' Ans. Exactl y 18 . year s ago, t o wi t i n 1773 . I obtaine d m y orde r of council for 100 0 acre s adjoining Edgehill. I had understood tha t Colo. Randolp h had a n entry o r surve y ther e fo r eithe r on e o r tw o hundred acres , whic h I apprehende d wa s liabl e t o a caveat , an d I told hi m my orde r of council should cover i t for him. I repeated th e same thin g t o Brya n th e surveyo r from time t o time , an d it was th e delay occasione d b y seekin g afte r th e suppose d line s o f Colo . Ran dolph's survey , whic h prevente d Brya n fro m makin g mine . Colo . Randolph therefor e onl y mis-remember s m y covering hi s entr y fo r him, instea d of my making a n entry for him with Staples. This coul d not be , a s Staple s ha d bee n the n dea d 6 . o r 8 years , for I thin k h e died i n 1763 . o r 1764 . befor e I cam e o f age , an d 3 . o r 4 . year s before I remove d fro m Williamsbur g to liv e i n Albemarle . This i s mentioned onl y t o she w tha t there wa s foundation fo r the substanc e of what Colo . Randolph thinks he recollects , s o fa r as that I was t o cover a n entr y fo r him . T h e entr y h e wa s suppose d b y m e t o hav e was eithe r o f on e o r tw o hundre d acre s o f land , whic h I a m no w satisfied ha d bee n surveye d befor e an d patente d t o him , an d i s n o part o f either th e 490 . i n questio n o r my 485 . However , I mentio n these thing s onl y t o rectif y idea s a s t o th e fact . I neve r did , fro m my cradl e t o thi s moment , conside r Colo . Randolph' s interest s a s alien t o me; I a m muc h les s dispose d t o d o i t afte r circumstance s have i n som e degre e identifie d ou r interests . I therefor e relinquis h all clai m to th e moiet y o f the 490 . acre s sol d b y hi m t o you , an d I hereby confir m th e sam e s o a s to plac e hi m clea r of any deman d or responsibility on that account . An d I reduce my claim to the moiet y held unde r Jame s Marks . As t o thi s moiety , m y righ t rest s o n th e genera l statemen t con tained i n m y letter s o f Jan . 11 . an d Nov . 2 . I shal l no w therefor e [ 16 3 ]
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only subjoin short sketches o f answers to some objections containe d in yours of Jan. 25 . You observe tha t you had never heard of my claim till I wrote t o you on the subject . I never had an idea, my dear Sir, of your being in th e leas t conusan t o f the transaction s whic h I complain to hav e been smuggled into a semblance o f right, during my absence fro m the country , t o tak e m y propert y fro m me . I kno w yo u t o b e a s incapable of it as any man on earth, and from the bottom of my soul acquit yo u o f it . Bu t I expressl y charg e Mr . Marks wit h havin g made hi s entry , surveye d an d sol d it , knowin g o f m y prio r right, because h e and I had one, i f not more , pointed conversation s o n it, beforehand, an d because h e wa s expressl y warne d of my righ t by Bryan, wh o I agree wit h you was very reprehensible fo r surveying for Mr. Marks. Toward s no ma n would he b e s o reprehensible a s towards myself. But this does not lessen the mala fidesof Mr. Marks, nor could he make his title the better by conveying it to an innocent purchaser. Obj. You r survey was returned in 1784 . an d open to a caveat till 1786. Ans . The survey was made after I left the country on public business, unde r public privilege an d protection, an d the ter m for a remedy b y cavea t ru n out befor e m y return . I arrive d a t m y ow n house the 23d. of December, 1789 . an d wrote to you on the subject the 11th . o f the ensuin g month . Obj. Whe n a grant ha s bee n fraudulentl y o r surreptitiousl y ob tained it will not stand in equity, but throughout this whole busines s your title wear s a very different aspect. ' Ans. I again confirm, my dear Sir, the innocence o f your conduct. But Mr . Marks kne w o f m y right , an d Mr . Bryan kne w o f it . It was frau d and surprise in the forme r and collusion i n the latte r to enter an d surve y wha t bot h kne w t o b e mine . Brya n indee d say s that he did it on 'Mr. Mark s assuring him the land would be give n up on my making it appear that my claim was prior.' This is a poor palliative fo r him . You r title , tho ' innocentl y acquire d by you , i s still built on original wrong, and must stand or fall with that wrong. Let me add too that equity doe s not confin e itsel f to the vacation of fraudulent o r surreptitious grants; it reforms those also obtained b y error. If Mr. Mark s had obtained a grant of my lands, not knowin g they were mine , Equit y woul d vacat e his grant. I close with you in submitting this decision to indifferent persons . I repea t that the subject now claime d is only the moiety of the 490 . acres which you hold unde r Mr. Marks. Whateve r award shall be rendered, I mak e i t obligator y o n mysel f an d m y heirs . I woul d chuse tha t the arbitrator s should b e taken from among th e judges , 1
C
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federal, o r o f th e state , an d woul d a s liv e the y shoul d b e th e thre e eldest (Mr . Wyth e excepted , whos e peculia r friendshi p t o me , I would no t wis h t o embarras s with suc h a reference). I believ e M r . Pendleton, M r . Blair an d M r. Lyons ar e of the oldes t commissions . These o r an y other s yo u pleas e ma y decid e it . I d o no t wis h t o la y any thing befor e the m bu t thi s an d my tw o forme r letters, i n which the matte r i s state d a s fa r a s m y tim e wil l permit . T h e lette r fro m Bryan o f Jan . 10 . 1790 . a s als o m y origina l orde r o f counci l an d copies o f m y tw o entrie s ar e i n possessio n o f Colo . N . Lewi s wh o can himself give perhaps some information on the subject . I recollect nothing els e whic h ca n b e material . I f there i s an y importan t fac t to b e supported , othe r tha n thes e wil l support , I shoul d wis h t o b e apprised o f it . Otherwis e le t th e matte r b e settle d wheneve r an d wherever these gentlemen shal l happen to be assembled. T h e soone r the better , an d yo u i n possessin g m y thre e letters , an d a t han d t o procure from M r. Lewis th e document s befor e mentioned , ca n have it settle d whe n yo u please . -1 wish , m y dea r friend , I coul d hav e abandoned t o yo u th e whol e instea d o f th e hal f of these lands . Bu t they adjoi n on th e bac k of my land s also, a s on yours ; they ar e mos t excellently timbered , an d lying o n th e mountai n whic h leads dow n into al l m y land s o n tha t sid e o f th e river , ar e a valuabl e resourc e for tha t article . I a m tol d to o ther e i s a s muc h lan d i n th e tract , of the ver y first quality a s would emplo y 8 . o r 10 . hand s fo r a tobacc o plantation. Knowin g m y righ t t o b e th e mos t antient , believin g i t the mos t just , havin g fo r 18 . year s bee n doin g ever y thin g i n m y power t o hav e i t completed, I hope I shall be viewe d b y you a s onl y endeavoring t o hol d wha t i s m y own , no t a s attacking the propert y of another . I t i s no t pleasan t t o hav e eve n difference s o f opinio n about property with a friend, and especially with one whom I esteem as sincerel y an d highly a s I d o you : bu t i t i s comfortabl e a t least , i f one i s t o suppor t a right, tha t i t i s agains t a reasonable competitor , and one a s capable o f a chearful acquiescence, a s I am myself, unde r whatever awar d shall take place . I n fine, b e i t yours , o r be i t mine , I shal l for ever cherish the sentiments o f cordial esteem & attachment with whic h I am , m y dea r Sir , Your sincer e & affectionate friend , T H : JEFFERSON P.S. You r favo r o f Mar . 19 . an d the lette r i t inclose d ar e recieved . This shal l b e forwarde d b y a vesse l whic h sail s i n a fe w day s fo r Havre. 2
PrC (MHi); firstpage only; second page entirel y in TJ's han d and probably made in ViU : Edgehill-Randolp h Papers ; final b y him in 1795 ; at head of text i n TJ' s four page s i n CSmH , bein g attache d to hand : "Copy." PrC of TJ t o Ross, 6 May 1791. Tr (MHi) ;
[ 165 ]
7 A P R I L 17 The presen t letter , togethe r wit h those of 1 1 Jan. and 2 Nov. 1790, states TJ's claim wit h precision . Fo r a note o n th e other documents in the case and for a survey showing the location of the 490 acre s in dispute, see TJ to Harvie, 11 Jan. 1790. C O N U S A N T : a legal term meaning cognizant or having an actua l knowledge of a matter. As T J ha d learne d fromSir Edwar d Coke's Institutes, a conusant was one who, knowing o f an agreement i n which he had a n interest, made no objection to it. In using
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this term, as in stating his case with such precision i n th e letter s referre d to , T J seemed t o b e addressing himsel f les s t o Harvie than to the arbitrators to whom he urged that the matter be submitted. A t this point in Tr, T J added the following: "[add t o all this that my prior right was on record, and a record is notice to all the world]. " P.S . omitte d from Tr. 1
2
F r o m A d a m Lindsa y Norfolk, 7 Apr. 1791. He has T J 's of the 17t h ult. and is happy hi s papers arrived safe. - Th e myrtle candles desire d are plentiful i n fall but not to be got at thi s season , th e weather bein g to o war m to mak e the m mold . Wit h som e difficulty h e has got 5 4 lbs. at an advanced pric e o f 20 ^lb. mor e tha n the y would bring in the fall. H e can procure any quantity TJ desires in that season . "Our sprin g ship s arrive s fast, th e last Accoun t fro m Englan d i s Febry . 28 . England, Prussi a an d Holland . . . determin'd to force the Empress to a peace. A smal l detachment belonin g t o the English i n India is cut off by Tippo Saib . France alarm' d at the Empire's troop s bein g o n her frontiers i s fitting ou t a fleet to oblig e their Colonies to desist fro m cutting on anothers throts. A small part of the town o f Whitehaven sunk down owin g to the pillars of the coa l pitts giving way. You wil l please to excuse this small degression." - P.S . Th e candles shipped on Netty, Capt . Cunningham , the same vessel that carried T J 's papers . RC (DLC) ; endorse d as received 14 Apr. 179 1 and so recorded in SJL .
F r o m H e n r y Skipwit h D E A R S I R Richmon
d 7th. Apri l 1791.
Since m y confinemen t i n this place, in consequence o f Mrs. Skip with's becomin g a patien t o f D r : Curries , I hav e lef t n o ston e un turned t o becom e thoroughl y acquainte d wit h th e groun d upo n which w e stan d respectin g th e Guineama n consigned t o Randolph and Wa y les. - M y inquiries my dear Sir! hav e rather encreased than diminished my fears on this score. - I t seems generally agreed , amon g the gentleme n o f th e la w here , whos e opinion s I hav e taken , tha t Mr. Wayles' s early death, afte r th e Sale , clearly exonerated hi s representatives fro m an y claim s whic h migh t b e mad e o n the m i n consequence o f this consignment, ha d it not bee n fo r an unfortunat e paragraph i n a letter writte n b y hi m t o Farel l & Jones, date d W i l[ 166 ]
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liamsburg Ma y th e 14th . 1772 , whic h follow s "Thi s is to acknowl edge your favo r o f the 3d . o f February an d to retur n thanks fo r you r good offic e i n regar d t o th e Guineama n intende d her e t o Colol . Randolph and myself an d to giv e you ever y assurance , that whateve r engagements yo u ma y b e kin d enoug h t o ente r int o o n ou r behal f shall be complye d with , withou t inconvenienc e or prejudice t o your selves an d i f yo u desir e it , t o shar e i n th e profits. " Thi s Hanso n considers a s the roc k of his salvation, an d I fear it is but too obligator y on us . - Marshal l an d Ronal d an d Inne s ar e o f opinio n (an d t o m e it seems right) tha t i f the engagemen t abroad, entere d int o by Farel l & Jone s (o n th e par t o f Randolp h an d Wayles ) wit h th e Africa n house, wa s date d prio r t o thi s lette r a s mentione d above , tha t the n this paragrap h a s t o u s become s a nullity. - Ho w fa r this i s th e cas e I kno w not , bu t o n comparin g th e dat e o f Mr . Wayle s lette r an d that o f th e on e allude d t o o f th e 3d . o f Feby . fro m Farel l & Jone s with th e tim e o f th e arriva l o f th e Guineaman , I canno t bu t hop e we ma y ye t b e s a v e d . - O n th e 10th . o f th e mont h I shal l remov e my famil y t o Eppington , an d i n conjunctio n wit h Mr . Eppes, shal l endeavour t o ascertai n th e certai n dat e of the contract . Perhap s yo u may kno w wher e a cop y o f i t ma y b e me t with . Th e resul t o f ou r search yo u shal l b e mad e acquainte d w i t h . - P r a y Sir ! let m e hea r from yo u o n thi s disagreeabl e score . Anythin g yo u recommen d shal l immediately b e done . Nothin g o n m y par t wil l b e considere d a s fatiguing. W e hav e bu t littl e hop e o f redres s fro m Richar d Ran dolph's estate, a s independen t o f the man y incumbrance s whic h ar e laid o n hi s land , i t i s a matte r o f muc h doub t her e whethe r rea l property ca n be subjecte d t o the paymen t eve n of British debts. - Afte r making a tender o f Mrs . Skipwith' s warmes t affectio n toward s you , and offerin g ou r prayer s for a long continuance o f your goo d healt h and spirits , I beg leav e to remai n Dea r Sir ! Your affectionat e friend , HENRY SKIPWITH Mrs. Skipwit h ha s som e thought s o f goin g t o th e Swee t spring s this Summe r an d takin g Monticell o i n he r way . RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 19 Apr. 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL . The lega l questio n involve d her e concerned the obligation of the estate of John Wayles respectin g th e carg o o f slave s brought by The Prince of Wales and con signed b y Farel l & Jones t o Wayle s an d Randolph as joint partners in the venture. Texts of the pertinen t correspondence on
the subject, including Wayles' letter to Farell & Jones of 14 Ma y 177 2 partially quoted and tha t of Farell & Jones to Wayles an d Randolph of 3 Feb. 177 2 referred to above, can b e foun d i n Vol . 15 : 649-77 . Th e opinion of Andrew Ronald and Joh n Marshall reads : "We are decidedly o f opinion that if any engagemen t relativ e to the consignment of a Guineaman to Randolph & Wayles was entered into subsequent to the
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7 A P R I L 17 receipt o f Mr . Wayles ' Letter of the 14t h May 1772 , tha t Messrs . Farre l & Jones have a good claim o n th e Write r of that Letter for indemnity. 1st . April 1791 . Andrew Ronald J. Marshall. " (RC i n DLC) ; endorsed i n Skipwith' s hand : "Ronald & Marshall, Opinion." This opinio n wa s clearl y give n b y th e
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lawyers to Skipwith , not t o T J , wh o had always held that the Wayles estate was not liable i n law or equity. Fo r TJ's oppose d and more considered opinion — with which Marshall ultimately came to agree - se e his reply to Skipwith, 6 May 1791. Th e opinion of Innes has not bee n found.
From C . W. F . Duma s The Hague, 8 Apr. 1791. Th e conference s a t Reichenbach, The Hague , an d Svishtov hav e place d th e Englis h and Prussians in a dilemma. H e does not se e how Englan d ca n avoi d bankruptc y o r sustai n Pitt , wh o i s dominate d b y Grenville. H e ha s just learne d tha t th e proposal s b y Denmar k hav e bee n re jected. Th e Amsterda m regency i s in bad humor. Som e suppor t it; others, thei r numbers growing , hop e that th e Phoeni x wil l ris e from th e ashes . "Quoi-qu'i l en soit , l e ner f manque: l'argent. " - H e ha s draw n on th e Amsterda m banker s for hi s account . P.S . H e enclose s a lette r fro m a gentlema n o f Th e Hagu e t o his kinsman , "Store Keeper au March-Street" whic h he hopes T J 's servan t wil l deliver. Mirabea u died o n th e 4th . "Grand e perte pou r l'Assemblé e national e de France. " FC (Duma s Letter Book, Rijksarchief, The Hague; photostats in DLC). Recorde d in S J L a s received 2 9 Jun e 1791 . Enclosure : Dumas to Messrs . Willink, Van Staphorst, & Hubbard, 11 Apr . 1791 , askin g them t o forwar d his dispatche s "pou r le Congrès " and advising the m tha t h e ha s drawn on them fo r his expenses for the las t six month s of 179 0 (same) .
From Davi d Humphrey s Mafra, 8 Apr. 1791. I n Franc e uncommon agitatio n produce d b y journe y of king' s aunt s t o Rome . Grea t tumult s i n Paris . Repairin g o f Chatea u d e Vincennes, effor t o f mo b t o destro y it , an d resultan t confrontatio n wit h th e national guard . Anothe r dangerou s affai r a t th e Tuileries , involvin g misun derstanding betwee n Lafayett e an d th e mayor . "Th e Marqui s is sai d t o hav e acquired additiona l popularit y b y hi s promptness , decisio n an d moderatio n i n quelling thes e tumults . H e i s stil l no t withou t hi s Enemies . . . . What , o r whether an y farther , calamitie s ar e i n reserve , fo r tha t Kingdom , befor e it s Revolution shal l be completed, I pretend not to predict." Disorders in province s and oppositio n o f nobilit y an d highe r clerg y lea d malcontent s t o hop e fo r counter-revolution. Threatene d invasio n unde r Princ e de Condé , bu t th e cur rent o f event s authorize s expectatio n i t wil l fai l i f attempted . - Kin g muc h indisposed bu t recovered . Som e ne w bishop s consecrate d i n plac e o f thos e refusing oath . Publi c propert y sell s muc h highe r tha n estimated ; nearl y 3 0 million i n assignat s burned . - Trouble s i n Genev a i n mid-Februar y now sub sided. Bisho p o f Lièg e returne d t o hi s principality , bu t n o cordia l reconcili ation. N o perfec t cal m i n Austria n Netherlands , wher e peopl e hav e no t los t [ 168 }
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sight of their objects. "As mankind have become more enlightened, th e situation of Sovereign s an d Subject s i s wonderfull y changed . A People , havin g onc e unsuccessfully attempte d a Revolutio n an d havin g foun d . . . the y wer e no t subjected to thos e rigorous punishments whic h used to b e inflicted o n Rebels" will be encouraged in efforts to redress their grievances and confirm their rights. Conference a t Svishtov , accordin g t o mos t recen t advices , wil l no t achiev e peace betwee n Russian s and Turks . Lette r o f 1 6 Feb . from Vienn a indicates that Conventio n o f Reichenbac h may befor e no w hav e resulte d i n conclusiv e peace. Lates t advices fro m Nort h sho w Empres s of Russi a determine d no t t o have peace impose d b y mediating powers. He r affairs do not see m to b e in that exhausted condition the English have long foretold. Nor , after amazing success, will sh e consent t o have England and her allies dictate that everything "remain in th e original state" Bu t al l Turks , sav e th e Sultan , deprecat e th e wa r and wish peace, trembling for Constantinople. Ottoman government make s languid efforts an d tries in vain to conceal its armies' disasters: "several men and women have been throw n alive into the Se a for speaking of them." If mediating power s do no t extricat e Turks b y négociation , i t remains to b e see n whether they wil l succour them b y the sword . "Opinions are various." It is understood the y hav e unsuccessfuly sought further alliances with Denmark and Sweden. Russia seek s Danzig, England négociâtes with Poland. He encloses two papers of the Britis h minister a t Warsaw . Meantime , i n England , nava l preparations under way. "Since th e dat e o f m y las t lette r i t ha s raine d here ever y day , an d a t time s with suc h abundance tha t th e ground , whic h was befor e exceedingl y parche d with drought , doe s no t requir e any mor e moistur e a t present . I d o no t kno w how extensivel y thes e seasonabl e shower s hav e prevailed." RC (DNA: RG 59, DD); at head of text: "(No. 16)"; endorsed by TJ a s received 21 June 179 1 an d s o recorde d i n SJL . T r (same). Enclosures : (1 ) Not e of the Eng lish minister at Warsaw, 28 Jan . 1791 , to the Deputies for Foreign Affairs informing them that he had just received a Declaration of his government on Polish affairs and expressing, "i n the mos t distinc t an d unequivocal manner, the ardent desire of the King his Master to enter anew into political an d commercial connections wit h his Majesty an d th e illustriou s Republi c of Poland." (2) Articles "circulated as [those] of th e propose d Treat y betwee n Grea t Britain an d Poland, " the first o f whic h guaranteed treatment of the subjects of each state "as those of the most favored nation" and the second of which declared: "It shall be lawful to the subjects of each Nation to make their residences i n either o f the respective States, and to establish mercantile Houses where they please." The document outlined 1 6 articles in all (Tr of both enclosures, i n Humphreys ' hand, in DNA:
RG 59 , DD ; Tr in same). Humphreys' lengthy account of affairs in France and northern Europe, based largely on newspaper s suc h a s th e Courier de PEurope, privat e letters , an d pamphlets , reported events which William Short, being less isolated an d having better source s of information both of a private and a public nature, had usually reported about a month earlier (see, fo r example, Shor t to T J , 2 4 Jan., 22 an d 25 Feb. , and 4 and 11 Mch . 1791). Short, a close student of history and government and less impressed by the diplomatic corps and court affairs than Humphreys, was a more acute observer. But his dispatches were often delayed longer than those of Humphreys, as was the case with the on e h e sen t o n th e sam e dat e a s the above. What TJ probabl y would have valued most in this dispatch was a point Humphreys neglected to mention - th e possible effect o f th e rain s o n Portugues e whea t production (see Humphrevs to T J, 3 1 Mch. 1791).
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F r o m Willia m Shor t DEAR SIR Pari s April 8. 1791 . My las t wa s sen t b y th e Englis h packe t a conveyanc e whic h I have constantl y mad e us e o f sinc e yo u hav e expresse d th e desire . I have no other opportunity of writing to you than by merchant vessel s which hav e hithert o s o ill y served m e a s would preven t m y makin g further us e o f the m i f I di d no t thin k i t a n indispensabl e dut y o n my part to giv e you the mos t regula r information in my power. - Thi s information woul d b e mor e satisfactor y perhap s i f b y communica tions fro m America I was bette r enable d to judge o f the progressio n of affairs there an d of course to examin e thos e here in their relations with respec t t o them . Havin g yourself been perfectl y i n the wa y o f appreciating th e wan t o f informatio n fro m Americ a i t i s useles s fo r me to say any thing respecting it and of the effect which it necessarily produces o n America n affairs here . I kno w littl e o f the wishe s an d less o f th e intention s o f th e Unite d State s unde r a variet y o f case s supposable. Stil l I have kept mysel f perfectly u p to the events which take place on this side o f the Atlanti c in order to obtai n and execute , as fa r a s depende d o n me , suc h o f thei r wishe s an d intention s a s were capabl e o f bein g reasone d int o certainty . The Nationa l Assembl y continu e a s usua l movin g o n slowl y i n the lin e o f th e constitution , an d allowin g themselve s easil y t o b e diverted from it by the circumstances which grow out of the moment . A decre e ha s bee n latel y passe d howeve r whic h ha s mor e th e ap pearance o f thei r intendin g t o dissolv e themselve s tha n an y thin g which has been hithert o done. I t is to beg the K i n g t o have execute d immediately certai n article s o f a forme r decree whic h determine d that list s shoul d b e mad e ou t o f al l the citoyens actifs of the severa l departments. Thi s wa s grounde d o n the wor k of the presen t assem bly drawin g near to a conclusion an d the propriet y o f soon issuin g letters o f convocatio n fo r a ne w legislature . T h e propositio n wa s adopted unanimousl y an d the motiv e o f i t muc h applauded . Stil l I do no t thin k th e presen t assembl y wil l en d soo n o r o f themselves , first becaus e I a m persuade d tha t a larg e majorit y wish t o remai n as lon g a s possible , an d secondl y becaus e I thin k tha t movement s abroad o r disorder s a t home , th e on e arisin g from th e imprudenc e and foll y o f th e Refugee s an d th e othe r fro m a n habitua l stat e o f anarchy, wil l furnis h the pretex t fo r their remaining. By this mean s they wil l hav e th e appearanc e o f bein g continue d b y th e forc e o f circumstances an d no t o f themselves , an d thu s secur e thei r popu larity. [ 170 ]
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A n even t whic h has produce d a very uncommon an d unexpecte d effect her e i s th e deat h o f M. de Mirabeau , afte r a short an d violen t illness o f a few days . I f you excep t a few o f th e aristocratica l party who reall y desire th e prolongatio n o f disorde r and a civil war , and of th e demagogue s o f th e assembl y wh o sa w i n hi m thei r mos t formidable rival , h e i s universall y regretted , an d wha t i s mos t ex traordinary more at court than any where else. Afte r having changed his part y severa l time s withou t changin g hi s principle s h e ha d a t length obtaine d a n ascendenc y i n th e assembl y o f which there wa s no example . A l l parties believe d hi m vena l an d faithless an d yet all parties courte d hi m an d place d thei r confidenc e i n hi m b y a kin d of impuls e whic h i t wa s almos t impossibl e t o resist . T h e genera l opinion wa s tha t h e ha d made a large fortun e an d that o f course h e had no w a n interes t i n th e re-establishmen t o f orde r t o secur e it . Many als o grounde d thei r opinion o f his interest i n the formin g and finishing o f th e governmen t o n a consideration tha t hi s talent s pu t him above all in a well organised representative government wherea s in disorde r and confusion h e wa s equalle d an d surpassed by many . It i s certai n tha t fo r som e tim e pas t h e ha d mos t strenuousl y sup ported th e principle s o f efficien t government , an d ha d s o perfectl y impressed ever y on e wit h th e ide a tha t h e alon e wa s capabl e o f establishing on e i n this countr y tha t hi s deat h ha s produce d a kin d of disma y amon g them . It s influenc e ha s bee n equall y powerfu l o n the peopl e o f Pari s fo r othe r reasons.-Th e enthusias m o f al l ha s been exhibite d i n variou s ways. T h e differen t section s o f Pari s sen t deputies t o b e presen t a t th e openin g o f th e corps e i n orde r t o ascertain whethe r h e ha d no t bee n poisoned , whic h ther e wa s a strong dispositio n t o believe . T h e municipality , departmen t an d patriotic club s o f Pari s wea r mournin g fo r him . T h e nationa l as sembly hav e decree d tha t th e ne w churc h o f Ste. Geneviev e shoul d become th e Mausolé e de s grand s hommes , an d tha t th e ashe s o f Mirabeau shoul d be deposed there. Future legislature s ar e to decree this hono r t o suc h a s the y judg e worth y o f it . T h e assembly , de partment, municipality , ministers , an d thousand s o f citizen s fol lowed hi s corps e t o thi s honorabl e plac e o f interment . I n fine th e death o f this extraordinar y man is the greates t triump h of genius o f which history furnishes an example, a s well on account of those wh o rejoice i t a s o f those wh o wee p it . Nothing furthe r ha s bee n don e b y th e assembl y respectin g th e objects whic h interest America n commerce . T h e diplomatick com mittees a s wel l a s M . d e Montmori n hav e hope s o f th e assembly' s reducing th e differenc e o f th e dut y pai d o n tobacc o brough t i n [ 17 1 ]
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American or French vessels. T h e latter particularly wishes it becaus e he has given instruction s as he tells me to reclaim against the foreig n tonnage impose d o n thei r vessels in ou r ports. I shall leave nothin g in m y powe r undon e t o obtai n suc h alteration s t o thei r severa l de crees a s are desirable. I mentioned t o yo u i n my las t letter s tha t th e duty o n America n oils wa s reduced to si x livres the quinta l and that under th e arrêt du conseil th e foreig n an d interna l dutie s wer e 5* 18s.6d . th e quintal . I imagin e yo u wil l hav e thi s mad e know n particularly i n th e easter n states . There seem s as far as I can learn much dispositio n t o g o int o th e cultivation o f tobacco, i n the souther n province s a s well o n accoun t of it s forme r prohibitio n a s th e fondnes s fo r novelty . Som e o f th e deputies wit h who m I hav e converse d howeve r sa y i t wil l b e onl y a smal l numbe r o f th e riche r cultivator s wh o wil l mak e th e exper iment, tha t th e peasantr y i n genera l ar e ignoran t an d s o muc h at tached t o routin e tha t the y wil l no t adop t a ne w syste m unti l th e example o f their neighbours shal l have prove d it advantageous . O n the whol e I suppos e i t ver y uncertain what wil l b e done , an d think that tim e an d a shor t experienc e wil l chang e th e decree s o a s t o discourage th e hom e cultivation . You wil l hav e bee n informe d by the Englis h paper s of the King' s message t o bot h house s o f Parliament . We kno w nothin g furthe r officially. I find a genera l opinio n her e tha t wa r wil l ensue , an d i t is certain that every day which passes withou t clearin g up the clou d renders th e stor m stil l mor e probable . Ye t there i s s o muc h t o b e gained b y peac e an d los t b y wa r fo r th e principa l partie s tha t I cannot hel p thinkin g they wil l find ou t som e means o f trafficking a pacification. I n tha t cas e th e Port e an d Polan d wil l mak e th e sac rifices. Shoul d war however tak e place, it seems to m e that Englan d and Hollan d wil l b e i n a disagreeabl e position , th e first becaus e Russia present s s o fe w vulnerabl e part s t o Englis h force , an d th e second becaus e th e stron g Imperia l arm y in the lo w countrie s wil l have a n opportunit y o f immediatel y insultin g thei r territory . T h i s would unquestionabl y endange r th e presen t governmen t a s the pa triotic part y woul d b e roused , an d onc e rouse d woul d g o a s fa r as their force s woul d allo w the m toward s a tota l overthro w i f the y found themselve s supporte d b y th e Emperor . I be g th e favo r o f you t o giv e th e inclose d t o th e Secretar y of th e Treasury. Thi s lette r wil l b e sen t t o Havr e wher e I lear n there i s a vessel whic h wil l sai l fo r Philadelphi a in five o r si x day s withou t fail. I hop e an d ye t I kno w no t wh y tha t i t wil l b e mor e fortunat e than thos e hithert o sen t b y tha t conveyance . I a m wit h sentiment s [ 172 ]
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of th e mos t perfec t attachmen t Dea r Sir , you r obedien t humbl e servant W : SHORT PrC (DLC : Shor t Papers) ; at hea d of text: "No. 63. " Tr (DNA: RG 59, DD); recorded in S J L a s received 8 July 1791 . Enclosure: Short to Hamilton, 9 Apr. 1791 , discussing the possibility o f transferring the American deb t fro m Franc e t o capitalist s of Genoa; warning of the dange r tha t interested Frenc h official s migh t b e abl e t o obtain passage of a decree b y the National Assembly concerning the debt; and urging as he ha d done before tha t th e ignoranc e of European financiers be offset by regular publication of authentic documents suc h as Hamilton's report on the establishmen t o f a national bank , the proceeding s o f Con gress, the amoun t o f duties collected , an d so on . Shor t conclude d b y showin g ho w the banker s for the Unite d State s a t Amsterdam even ha d access to information in his ow n dispatche s t o Hamilton : "Th e houses a t Amsterda m ar e regularl y fur nished with such information an d papers, but my former letters will have shewn you how fa r it is fro m their interest t o render them public . Th e followin g extrac t o f a letter which I recieved the day before yes terday from one o f them wil l she w yo u to what lengt h thi s informatio n goes-'M r Hamilton had received you r letter t o him of th e da y previou s t o ou r consentin g t o negotiate the futur e loan s o f Congres s at 4. p. cent charges advising him you did not doubt of a loan being opened at 4A> p. cent charges or perhaps at 4. p. cent. We therefore expec t soo n hi s eventua l order s fo r disposal o f the monie s o f the Marc h loan which being no w more than half disposed of we shall be able to make a fineremittance immediately on the arrival of his directions, and we trust be able to conclude for a new loan on your firstapplication to effect it, as well as to raise in a much shorter time than we formerl y imagined th e needfu l monie s to pa y of f th e arrear s o f interes t an d instalments of principal due to France by the U. S . so good is the credit actually enjoyed here b y America " (PrC in D L C : Shor t Papers; printe d i n Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 260-4). l
1
On th e questio n o f th e deb t t o Franc e and the dispositio n o f funds borrowe d by
Short, Washingto n ha d directed tha t th e Secretary of the Treasury and the Secretary of State act in concert. Shor t naturally assumed that his letters t o Hamilto n on the subject, such as the one enclose d wit h the above, would be shared with T J. Thi s was not th e cas e (se e Editoria l Not e and documents on the debt, at 10 Apr. 1791) . But what Hamilton did not disclose t o his colleague he confidentially reveale d to Théophile Cazenove , wh o promptl y reporte d such information to his principals - amon g them Van Staphorst, who o f course made this available to Willink and Hubbard. Only a week after Short warned Hamilton in the enclosure t o th e abov e that the American agents in Amsterdam should no t b e thu s favored, Cazenov e informe d on e o f th e houses h e represente d tha t h e ha d been shown Short' s letter o f 2 Dec . 1790 , tha t Hamilton would mak e others availabl e in future, and that Short had reported future loans migh t b e negotiate d at 5 % interest and onl y 4 % commissio n (Cazenov e t o Pieter Stadnitski, 14 Apr. 1791 , Cazenove Letter Book, Holland Land Company Pa pers, Archives of the City of Amsterdam). In his response to Short Hamilton enclosed an authenticate d statemen t o f dutie s col lected o n imports from 1 Oct. 178 9 t o 3 0 Sep. 1790 , bu t h e faile d t o commen t o n Short's warnin g tha t informatio n i n hi s official dispatche s t o th e Secretar y of th e Treasury ha d been mad e availabl e to th e American bankers. On Short's urging that loans migh t b e obtaine d t o bette r advantage in Genoa or elsewhere, Hamilton submitted hi s dispatche s t o Washingto n an d recommended that restrictions be removed so a s t o permi t Shor t t o borro w when , where, an d i n wha t amount s h e deemed advisable, subject to limits imposed by laws. Washington readily agreed. A year earlier he ha d sought TJ's advice o n such questions and had accepted on e limitation proposed by T J. Thi s time he did not (Hamilton t o Washington , 2 9 Jul y 1791 ; Washington t o Hamilton , 29 Jul y 1791 , Syrett, Hamilton, vm , 587, 588 ; se e TJ's recommendation, 2 6 Aug . 1790) . I n informing Shor t that he had been given full latitude in making loans, Hamilton added:
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8 A P R I L 17 "You wil l no w find yourself in conditio n to embrac e an y favorabl e opportunitie s which may present in either of the Coun tries which have bee n mentione d b y you or in any other whatsoever. I hinted to you on a former occasio n tha t th e marke t of
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London would not be an undesirable one. And I have some reason of late to suppose that it might not be found an impracticable one" (Hamilton to Short, 1-2 Aug . 1791 , same, ix, 1-3) .
F r o m Charle s Carrol l Annapolis, 10 Apr. 1791. T J ' s of th e 4t h received . Yesterda y morning h e gave Brow n T J 's letter, pai d him the ban k note, an d took a receipt whic h he hopes wil l b e satisfactory . H e ha s kep t a copy o f latter , encloses original , and is "glad on both your accounts that this affair is thus finally adjusted and settled." "I flatter mysel f Congres s wil l durin g the nex t Sessio n adop t decisiv e an d adequate measure s for the encouragemen t an d support of our navigation. Grea t Britain, a s it strike s me, i s the onl y power , whic h can rival u s i n the carryin g trade, and the only one disposed to extend her own navigation on the depressio n of ours. I n a matter however o f so much consequence, b y which the temporary interests o f som e o f th e States, an d the interest s o f leadin g individual s in all, may b e affected , w e ca n not procee d wit h too muc h caution; for we ough t no t to hazar d an y measure , w e ar e not determine d t o g o thro ' with." He is happy to hea r affairs i n Franc e g o s o well : "o n th e succes s o f th e Revolutio n i n tha t country no t onl y th e happines s o f France, bu t the res t of Europe, an d perhaps our ow n depends . I wis h sincerel y freedo m t o al l the nation s o f th e earth; to France fro m education, an d gratitude I feel a particular attachment: wit h such feelings, i t is not surprising that I should view with anxious care the proceeding s of the national Assembly; I own my doubts o f a happy issue to their new syste m do not aris e so much from the oppositio n o f the dignified Clergy , and noblesse , as from the fear of disunion, the side views and factions combinations and cabals amongst th e popula r party . Go d sen d m y apprehension s ma y b e entirel y groundless." RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ a s received on th e ruin s of ours." His calling for the 14 Apr . 179 1 an d s o recorde d i n S J L . utmost caution and hi s advisin g against "an y Enclosure not found. measure, we are no t determined to go thro' with" was unquestionably inspired, as were On Carroll' s role as intermediary in the similar expressions by others in the Senate, collection o f a doubtful clai m by William by the fear that TJ's Repor t on Commerce Brown, se e not e to TJ to Brown , 4 Apr. would call for a navigation act because, as 1791, which was the letter Carroll gave to his Report on Fisheries had warned, Britthe claimant . - Carroll' s statemen t tha t ish regulation s detrimenta l t o American Great Britai n wa s th e onl y powe r "dis - commerce coul d "onl y b e oppose d b y posed to extend her own navigation on the counter-regulations o n ou r part. " For a depression o f ours " wa s perhap s a n in- comment o n th e sensatio n cause d b y the tended ech o of TJ' s ow n blun t languag e publication of TJ's blun t language i n the in th e Repor t o n Fisheries , in whic h he Report, se e Editoria l Not e t o Repor t on arraigned Grea t Britai n fo r "exparte reg- Fisheries, 1 Feb. 1791. ulations . .. fo r mounting their navigation
t 174
]
F r o m Merc y Oti s W a r r e n Plymouth, Massachusetts, 10 Apr. 1791 . Transmittin g a volume of her poem s to b e registere d fo r copyright. R C ( D N A : R G 59 , M L R ) ; a t foo t o f text: "Honble. Mr. Jefferson" ; endorsed by Remsen a s received 3 1 Dec . 179 1 bu t no t recorded i n S J L . The volum e sen t fo r copyright wa s Mrs.
Warren's Poems, Dramatic and Miscellaneous (Boston , 1790) , o f whic h sh e ha d already presente d a persona l cop y t o T J (see T J t o Mrs . Warren , 2 5 Nov . 1790 ; Sowerby, No . 4439) .
The Deb t t o Franc e T h e Proposal s o f Schweitzer , J e a n n e r et & Cie. I. LOUI S G U I L L A U M E OTT O T O THOMAS JEFFERSON , 1 0 APR. 179 1 II. THOMA S J E F F E R S O N T O A L E X A N D ER HAMILTON , 1 0 APR. 179 1 III. A L E X A N D E R HAMILTO N T O THOMAS JEFFERSON , 1 2 APR. 179 1 IV. A L E X A N D E R HAMILTO N T O THOMA S JEFFERSON , 1 5 APR . 179 1 V. THOMA S J E F F E R S O N T O LOUIS G U I L L A U M E OTTO , 7 MAY 179 1
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If an y negotiatio n wit h any prince or State t o who m an y part o f th e sai d Deb t ma y b e due , shoul d b e requisite , the sam e shal l b e carrie d o n thro ' the person , wh o . . . now is , or hereafter shal l be charged with transacting the affairs of the Unite d States wit h such Prince or State, for which purpos e I shal l direct the secretar y of State , wit h whom yo u ar e i n thi s behal f t o consul t an d concert , t o cooperate wit h you . — George Washington to Alexander Hamilton, 28 Aug. 1790
The questio n o f liquidatin g the loan s mad e b y Franc e t o th e Unite d State s not only affected th e relations of the two countries: it also added another elemen t to the domestic partisan conflicts which increasingly made the alliance an uneasy one. Throughou t hi s year s a s ministe r t o France , Jefferso n ha d bee n deepl y concerned abou t th e accumulatin g arrearage s o f interes t an d th e delinquen t payments o n th e principa l o f th e debt . Eve n befor e th e adoptio n o f the Con stitution, h e urgentl y presse d Washington , Madison, and Jay to hav e the ne w government emulat e the British in levying taxes to amortize any loan negotiated and i n neve r failin g t o b e punctua l i n paymen t o f interest . This , h e assure d Washington, woul d no t onl y establis h American credit but als o remove "those causes of bickering and irritation which should not b e permitted to subsist with [ 175 ]
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a natio n wit h whic h i t i s s o muc h ou r interes t t o b e o n cordia l terms a s wit h France." A yea r earlie r Lambert , Comptrolle r General o f Finances , was shocke d t o find the Unite d State s s o fa r behind i n it s obligations . H e urge d Montmorin to press the matte r and instructions were given t o Moustier, who ha d just been appointed ministe r to th e Unite d States. Moustier , regarding the deb t muc h as h e di d th e weaknes s o f th e Unite d State s unde r th e Confederation , mad e the representatio n a s required , but urge d his governmen t t o b e patient . I n his view th e loan s constitute d a powerful leverag e t o b e retaine d for us e i n some unforeseen contingency , suc h a s a rapprochemen t betwee n Englan d an d th e new republic . "W e ar e linke d t o th e Unite d States, " h e argued , "neithe r b y commerce, no r b y habits , no r b y feelings , no r eve n b y thos e sentiment s o f gratitude which they shoul d feel; the loa n of His Majesty is the sole link which still bind s th e tw o powers." Suc h a n argument , i n fac e o f th e worsenin g financial plight o f France , wa s no t convincin g t o Lambert , Necker , o r othe r financial officers o f the King . Montmori n was oblige d t o transmi t their view s to Moustier , thoug h the n an d alway s h e hel d tha t th e Unite d State s shoul d not b e urge d t o th e poin t o f distres s o r inconvenience. Th e deb t wa s b y n o means the only bond between the two nations , as Moustier professed t o believe , but i t wa s a persistent sourc e o f irritation . The politica l consequence s o f th e Frenc h loan s t o th e Unite d State s wer e magnified becaus e the y presente d a glowing promis e o f profi t t o speculators . The adoptio n o f the Constitutio n an d the rapi d recover y o f the Unite d State s helped giv e stabilit y t o it s credit , while th e revolutionar y movement i n Franc e brought o n increasing depreciation o f the livr e in relation to the florin. In these circumstances, a s th e loan s were payabl e i n livres , i t i s no t surprisin g that speculators o n bot h side s o f th e Atlanti c brough t fort h variou s scheme s fo r purchase o f th e America n debt. Sinc e thei r succes s depende d upo n approval by bot h governments , i t followe d o f course that ther e ha d to b e dealing s wit h elective an d appointe d official s i n Franc e an d i n th e Unite d States, som e o f whom were no t avers e t o speculatio n o n thei r own account . Nor i s i t surprisin g that o n this , a s o n al l othe r majo r questions o f policy , the council s o f the America n government wer e divided . Th e Presiden t migh t direct th e Secretar y of the Treasur y t o consul t an d concert hi s plan s wit h th e Secretary o f State , wh o wa s require d to cooperate . Bu t even hi s explici t com mand di d no t alway s produc e compliance . 1
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I T w o days after Alexander Hamilton was appointed Secretary of the Treasury, he calle d upon th e Frenc h ministe r to th e Unite d State s an d informed hi m of TJ to Washington, 2 Ma y 1788 ; TJ to Madison , 3 May 1788 ; TJ to Jay, 4 May 1788. Fo r other letters by TJ o n the subject and for his plan to sustain American credit by making provisions for the Frenc h and other foreign debts , se e citation s in Editorial Note and group of documents a t 1 8 Nov. 1788 . Lamber t to Montmorin, 6 Oct. 1787; Montmorin to Lambert , 4 Nov. 178 7 (Arch . Aff. Etr. , Corr . Pol. , E.-U., xxxn ; photocopies in DLC) . Moustie r to Montmorin, 28 Aug . 178 8 (translate d from the French; same). Montmori n to Necker , 3 0 Nov . 1788 ; Montmori n to Otto , 2 4 Jan . 1791 (same , xxxiii an d xxxv). 1
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his plans to ask Congress to authorize loans in Holland to liquidate all American debts, foreig n an d domestic . H e wa s confiden t tha t thi s woul d b e done , tha t customs an d othe r revenue s woul d sustai n th e expense s o f government , an d that th e Dutc h loan s woul d enabl e th e Unite d State s t o discharg e th e Frenc h debt accordin g to th e term s o f the contracts . Then , almos t a s an afterthought , Hamilton aske d Moustier whether h e kne w o f a company forme d in France t o buy the debt . Th e minister cautiously replie d that he had heard rumors to thi s effect both in Europe and in America but that his instructions contained nothin g about suc h a plan. In reportin g th e conversatio n t o Montmorin , Moustier reveale d mor e tha n he ha d disclosed t o Hamilton . He sai d that h e kne w severa l French capitalist s had alread y raise d a fund o f a millio n piastre s t o bu y th e debt ; tha t thi s wa s the principa l objec t o f Brisso t d e Warville' s journey t o Americ a i n th e latte r part of 1788 ; an d that, in promoting the scheme , h e had become closely linked with th e Assistan t Secretar y of the Treasury , Willia m Duer , whom Moustie r regarded a s th e greates t agioteur i n th e Unite d States . Fro m thi s an d othe r circumstances h e believe d tha t th e Secretar y of the Treasur y himself , becaus e of his relation s wit h well-know n speculators , woul d no t b e sorr y to se e suc h a speculation succeed. Th e suspicion , s o fa r a s th e recor d reveals , i s withou t foundation. Bu t the connection s wer e indisputable. Asid e from William Duer, there wer e othe r friend s o r supporter s o f Hamilton' s policie s wh o aspire d t o profit fro m th e deb t t o France-amon g them , Gouverneu r Morris , Rober t Morris, Willia m Constable , Andre w Craigie , an d Danie l Parker . On e o f th e most persisten t promoter s o f suc h scheme s wa s th e Bosto n merchan t Jame s Swan, wh o ha d mad e a fortune durin g the war , had los t it , an d had gone t o France in an ultimately successful effort t o get ri d of his own accumulated debts by variou s speculations . Swa n wa s unacquainte d wit h Hamilton , but h e wa s a frien d o f Henr y Kno x an d trie d t o persuad e hi m t o us e hi s influenc e wit h the Presiden t an d the Secretar y of the Treasur y t o gai n thei r approval of on e plan t o bu y th e America n debt t o France. There i s n o evidenc e tha t Knox , wh o wa s then deepl y immerse d in his ow n speculations i n Maine lands, responded t o these overtures. I n fact, n o membe r of th e administratio n eve r gav e officia i sanctio n t o th e speculators ' schemes , however muc h th e aim s o f friend s an d supporter s ma y hav e bee n privatel y condoned. Afte r Moustier' s recal l som e Senator s di d spea k privatel y an d urgently t o th e Frenc h charg é because , s o Ott o thought , the y considere d th e debt a s a bon d attachin g Americ a t o Franc e whil e other s wishe d t o fun d i t 5
6
Moustie r to Montmorin, 17 Sep. 178 9 (same , xxxiv; an extract of this dispatch, so far as it relates to the conversation with Hamilton, is in Syrett, Hamilton, v, 366-8). Just before Gouverneu r Morris departe d fo r France , Willia m Due r called on Rufu s King , informed hi m of the plan s of Brissot de Warvill e an d the capitalist s he represente d to speculate i n the debt t o France , and said that Morris hoped to unite with them for the same object. He also conferred with Samuel Osgood (member of the Board of Treasury), Henry Knox , an d Jeremiah Wadsworth, all of whom agreed that it would be useful in promoting the plan if King should accept appointment as minister to Holland. King was not indispose d t o th e idea , and replied that, consistent wit h the dutie s o f the office , i t would be a great satisfaction to "promote the interest of my friends" (MS in King's hand, dated 21 Dec . 1788 , NHi ; printed in Charles R. King, Rufus King [Ne w York , 1894] , i, 623-4) . Nothin g resulte d from Duer' s efforts sav e to illustrat e the manne r in which speculators sought to use governmen t t o promote thei r private interests. Thi s wa s the proposa l of Schweitzer, Jeanneret & Cie . 5
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through Hollan d loans an d thus indirectl y strengthen th e tie s with England. In France , official sponsorship and even connection wit h plans of various groups to speculate in the American debt appeared more open, resulting in one instance in th e bestowa l o f ministerial approval . Moustier himself, inadvertentl y or not, may hav e contribute d t o thi s result. Late i n 1788 , perhap s becaus e o f hi s hostilit y t o plan s o f Europea n and American capitalist s who m Brisso t represented, Moustie r had urged hi s government t o mak e n o arrangement s wit h an y grou p o r company whic h sought to acquir e th e debt . Instead , i n a memoi r base d o n hi s assumptio n tha t thi s was a bond to be preserved, he proposed that the ministry should acquire masts, ship timber, naval supplies, an d other America n produce to mee t the need s of its marine. These products would be purchase d by bill s of exchange draw n on the Treasur y o f th e Unite d State s i n th e amoun t o f th e annua l interes t due . This, Moustie r argued, would achieve the double objec t of preserving the deb t for politica l manipulatio n i n som e futur e contingenc y an d o f increasin g commercial relation s between the tw o countries. Hamilton' s private talk with th e departing minister , followe d b y a confidentia l communication , encourage d Moustier t o hop e tha t hi s proposa l woul d b e adopted . Hi s confidentia l lette r has not bee n found, bu t its purpose is clear, both because Moustie r commente d upon i t an d becaus e Hamilto n gav e simila r prompting s t o th e Marqui s d e Lafayette an d t o Willia m Short . On e o f hi s first objects , h e declare d t o th e former, woul d b e th e deb t du e t o France . H e wa s no t i n a positio n t o com municate officiall y sinc e Congres s ha d taken n o actio n o n th e subject , bu t h e contemplated a speedy payment of arrearages of interest and adequate provision for that t o becom e du e i n future. H e therefor e venture d to sa y to Lafayett e as a frien d tha t i t woul d b e a valuabl e accommodatio n t o th e Unite d State s if installments o n th e principa l coul d b e suspende d fo r a few years . He though t it bes t o n ever y accoun t tha t th e offe r o f suc h a n arrangemen t "shoul d com e unsolicited as a fresh mark of good will" on the part of the French government. Postponement o f installments on the principal not only accorded with the view s of Moustier : i t als o happene d t o coincid e wit h thos e o f Gouverneu r Morris , Daniel Parker , an d other s o f Hamilton' s supporter s wh o sough t t o bu y th e whole America n deb t if Franc e woul d giv e the m titl e t o th e arrearage s o f 7
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Ott o to Montmorin , 30 Oct . 1789 (Arch . Aff . Etr. , Corr . Pol. , E.-U., xxxiii ; photocopies in DLC); Montmori n to Necker, 3 July 1790 , referrin g Otto's dispatch to him (same, xxxv) . I n acknowledging th e dispatch , Montmorin said only that the questio n had bee n raised of transferring the debt to Holland and tha t the ministry had bee n assured this would be agreeable to the American government (Montmorin to Otto, 10 July 1790 , same, xxxv). Moustier' s memoir was enclosed i n his dispatch of 25 Dec . 178 8 (same , xxxiv; see also Moustier to Montmorin, 17 Sep. 1789, same). This proposal antedated and possibl y inspired a similar plan developed b y James Swan, though th e Bosto n merchant hoped to profit both from the sale of naval stores and from the acquisition of the debt. Hamilto n to Lafayette, 6 Oct. 1789 (Syrett, Hamilton, v, 425-6). Hamilton enclosed this letter in one to Shor t in which he made it plain that he did not intend to make a n official reques t o f this nature but would be gratified if "the thing might come about in the form of a voluntar y and unsolicited offer." He hoped that some indirect hint might be given t o insur e this (Hamilto n to Short , 7 Oct. 1789, same , v, 429-30). Moustier' s comment o n Hamilton's missing letter to him, which was dated about the same time, is to b e found in the memoi r accompanying his dispatch to Montmori n of 1 4 Oct. 178 9 (Arch. Aff . Etr. , Corr . Pol. , E.-U., xxxiv ; see also Syrett, Hamilton, v , 428-9). 7
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interest. I f this wer e done , s o Shor t reporte d t o Hamilton , they woul d agre e to th e conditio n o f postponin g paymen t o n th e principa l fo r five o r si x years, which h e though t woul d "squar e perfectly" with Hamilton' s wishes. Moustier, bearing Hamilton's letters to Lafayett e and Short, arrived in Paris shortly afte r Necker , Directo r General o f Finances , had recommended t o th e National Assembl y that the America n debt b e used a s security for a loan to b e negotiated i n Holland . Necker ha d also listene d t o proposal s fro m a group o f Amsterdam banker s to bu y th e entir e debt . Thei r pla n wa s s o persuasiv e t o him that even th e America n agents in Holland - Wilhe m & Jan Willink, Nicholas & Jacob Va n Staphorst , an d Nichola s Hubbard-ha d joined th e grou p for fear their plan would succeed without them. Upo n Moustier's arrival, how ever, they withdrew . The recalled minister, so it was reported, had been " 'instructed b y Congres s t o oppos e an y negotiatio n o f tha t kind. ' " Th e claim, which mus t hav e originate d with Moustier in an exaggerated interpretatio n of Hamilton's confidential communication , was of course without foundation . Bu t it had the effect o f causing Willink, Van Staphorst, & Hubbard to indicate that they migh t suppor t th e proposal s o f Morris , Parker , an d thei r Frenc h an d American associates . In th e complicate d intrigue s an d negotiation s whic h followe d i n th e nex t two months, Gouverneur Morris seemed to be the commanding figure. Equally at home i n the salon s a s in the officia l an d financial circles of Paris , h e presse d forward wit h characteristi c boldness an d self-confidence. H e though t Necke r honest an d disintereste d bu t a poo r financier, an d i n th e ver y hom e o f th e minister di d no t hesitat e t o ridicul e his insistenc e upo n obtainin g securit y for the performanc e o f a contrac t involvin g s o larg e a su m a s 4 0 millio n livres. When the Amsterda m bankers of the Unite d States demande d three-fourths o f the shares, Morris told them that this was not at all admissible, that half should be reserve d fo r th e America n houses h e represented , an d that h e coul d carr y the propositio n throug h withou t thei r assistance. T o suc h threats an d intimidations h e adde d nativ e gift s o f charm wholl y devoi d o f obsequiousness. Bot h Short an d Lafayette , s o h e claimed , though t hi s pla n a n excellen t mean s o f protecting America n interests an d providin g timel y assistanc e t o Franc e i n a moment o f need. Morri s also won over Montmorin, who approved the proposal and promise d t o urg e it s adoptio n b y Necker . Ternant , soo n t o b e name d minister to the United States, did not wholly approve but thought th e distressed state o f Frenc h finances require d som e relie f o f th e sort . Moustier , perhap s because o f the proposa l h e himsel f had made lon g since , di d what he coul d t o defeat Morris ' hopes . The America n bankers i n Amsterda m were s o apprehensiv e tha t the y dis patched thei r partner Hubbard to Pari s t o advanc e thei r own proposa l for th e purchase o f 6 millio n livre s o f th e debt . B y mid-Januar y Short wa s abl e t o report tha t thi s pla n had been rejecte d by Necke r as bein g to o smal l to brin g before th e Nationa l Assembly . Morris , believin g tha t h e ha d convinced Hub bard, hope d tha t h e woul d persuad e hi s houses o f the wisdo m o f uniting with himself, Parker , an d thei r associates . Jaco b Va n Staphorst , wh o represente d them in Paris, had already been persuaded . But as January wore on he received 10
n
Shor t to Hamilton , 30 Nov . 178 9 (Syrett , Hamilton, v , 570-4) . Th e fact that Short, in reporting to Hamilton, placed the statement within quotation marks indicates tha t h e considere d Moustie r to b e the sourc e o f the report s (Short to Hamilton, 30 Nov . 1790 , same). 10
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only excuse s fro m hi s partner s i n Amsterda m fo r thei r delaye d decision . O n Saturday th e 30t h o f January, wit h hi s pla n stil l bein g looke d upo n favorabl y by Necke r an d Montmorin, Morris confidenc e wane d an d he confide d t o hi s diary: "I have for some Days past had disagreeable forebodings abou t the Affai r negotiating i n Holland." The devastatin g blo w fel l th e ver y nex t day . Jaco b Va n Staphorst brough t the new s tha t hi s partner s had not onl y refuse d t o b e connecte d wit h Morris ' plan either as associates o r on commission , bu t had opened a loan for 3 million florins on behal f o f th e Unite d States . The y ha d also informe d Hamilto n and Necker o f thi s an d urge d the m no t t o acced e t o Morris ' proposal . Morri s regarded thi s a s betraya l o f a solem n promise . Necker , s o h e reported , wa s vexed an d disappointed . Short , wh o ha d just conclude d a lette r t o Hamilto n stating tha t i t wa s certai n Necker had decided t o accep t th e proposal , added a postscript expressing his astonishment a t the action of the Amsterdam bankers, at the reason s give n i n justification fo r it, an d at their misrepresentation o f his own position . Morris , abou t t o depar t o n hi s missio n t o London , informe d Necker that he might be employed by the United States and in that case motive s of delicac y woul d preven t hi m fro m negotiatin g furthe r abou t th e debt , bu t that h e woul d d o al l in hi s powe r t o se e tha t th e minister' s wishe s wer e met . On th e da y th e blo w fell , Morri s gav e Hamilto n a succinc t accoun t o f th e affair, ridiculin g the justifyin g reason s give n b y th e banker s in thei r lette r t o the Secretary of the Treasury. Proving that he knew of Hamilton's plans - perhap s from Moustier , Lafayette , o r S h o r t - h e declare d tha t th e proposa l advance d by him in behalf of a "Society o f Friends to America " would have obtaine d fo r the Unite d States "th e needfu l Tim e required for their Accomodation withou t a farthin g of Expence and without th e Pai n o f Soliciting it from this Court." His repor t to Rober t Morris also showe d tha t h e still entertaine d hopes for the proposal. Bu t Willia m Shor t accuratel y predicte d tha t th e unauthorize d loan - mad e by the bankers , as Morris realized, out o f self-interest an d in order to defeat his plan - woul d prevent anything further being don e by the ministry until the wishes of the United States became known. In fact, the bankers' action had bee n anticipate d eve n befor e Moustier' s arriva l when , i n orde r t o defea t other speculation s i n th e deb t t o France , the y urge d Jefferso n wit h th e leas t possible dela y t o obtai n powe r t o negotiat e loan s a t Amsterda m i n orde r t o 1
12
13
Gouverneu r Morris , Diary, ed . Davenport , I , 392 ; th e complicate d stor y ca n be followed i n the Diary, i , 317-20, 323-8 , 332 , 334 , 351 , 356 , 366 , 377 ; see als o Short to Jay, 15 Dec. 1789 , an d 2 and 12 Jan. 1790 (DLC : Shor t Papers). Morris' opinion of Necker is given i n his long lette r to Washington, 24 Jan . 1790 , i n which he avoids all mentio n of the proposed purchase of the American debt (DLC : Washington Papers) . William Shor t pai d hig h tribut e t o Morris ' power s o f persuasion , hi s eloquence , hi s authority, an d his abilit y to anticipat e the cours e o f events (Shor t to Morris , 1 2 Sep. 1790, quote d in Morris, Diary, ed . Davenport, i, 590-3). Morri s to Hamilton, 31 Jan. 179 1 (Syrett , Hamilton, vi, 234-9); Short to Hamilton, 28-31 Jan . 1791 (same , vi, 227-32); Willink, Van Staphorst , & Hubbard to Hamilton, 25 Jan . 179 0 (same , 210-18) ; Gouverneu r Morris t o Rober t Morris , 1 Feb . 179 0 (Morris, Diary, ed . Davenport, i, 401). Withi n two days of receiving the disappointing news from Amsterdam, Morris had conceive d another plan "grounded on the Misconduct of Messrs. Willinks and Staphorsts"; he also spent several days in Amsterdam trying to offset wha t thos e houses had done. Bu t Morris ' hopes proved less well-founde d tha n Short's prediction (same, I , 402 , 403, 406, 420 , 453) . 12
13
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provide fo r a considerable par t of th e deb t du e Franc e — an objec t whic h the y correctly believe d h e ha d ver y muc h a t heart. 14
II One consequenc e o f the unauthorize d loa n wa s t o mak e Necke r eve n mor e impatient t o receiv e payment s o n th e America n debt . T o Willia m Shor t h e complained at length tha t the bankers had taken this precipitate step "to prevent his completing th e negotiatio n . . . begun fo r the transfe r of the America n debt in a manne r whic h woul d hav e bee n honorabl e an d advantageous " fo r th e United States and France as well as for the promoters. He thought th e American government coul d no t refus e t o discharg e a part of its deb t no w tha t i t wa s i n possession o f 3 millio n livre s an d h e aske d Shor t t o giv e hi m a n orde r o n Willink, Va n Staphorst & Hubbard in that amount . Shor t of course declined , having no power to do so and not knowing whether the loan would be approved. He dul y reporte d thi s t o Hamilto n an d aske d fo r instructions . Fou r month s later, durin g whic h tim e th e financial situatio n o f Franc e deteriorate d an d Necker's impatienc e increased , h e repeate d hi s appeal. Hamilton, wh o evidentl y di d no t respon d t o Gouverneu r Morris ' letter , assured th e banker s tha t h e wa s please d wit h thei r actio n becaus e i t ha d pu t a stop to negotiation s whose success woul d hav e bee n "a n unwelcome circum stance." H e di d no t thin k th e loa n woul d creat e a n unfortunat e precedent , was confident i t would be approved, and, despite Short' s support of the proposal of Morri s an d others , commende d hi m fo r hi s "ver y pruden t an d judicious" conduct. T o Washingto n h e characterize d the loa n a s "withou t previou s authority, and in that view exceptionable." H e thought sanctionin g it would create a preceden t inconsisten t wit h th e nationa l dignit y an d interest , bu t tha t ac ceptance migh t b e accompanie d b y prohibitio n agains t anythin g o f the sor t in future. Washington approved and Hamilton, attributing to the bankers a sense of the delicac y o f their action , fel t h e nee d no t pres s upo n the m "th e inadmis sibility o f an y thin g o f a like natur e i n future ; howeve r cogen t th e motive s t o it." Another resul t o f th e loa n wa s t o creat e embarrassmen t fo r Washington . With the passage o f the Acts of 4 and 12 August 179 0 authorizin g the President to borro w u p t o $1 4 millio n t o provid e fo r th e foreig n an d domesti c deb t o f the Unite d State s — legislation whic h gav e th e stam p o f approva l t o policie s Hamilton ha d disclose d t o Moustie r a yea r earlier-th e Presiden t wa s face d with th e proble m o f announcin g t o Congres s a loa n mad e prio r t o thes e en actments. Hamilto n had prudently refrained from informing Washington o f the unauthorized transaction unti l afte r Congres s ha d acted . Bu t a s th e tim e ap proached for the secon d Congress , he include d i n his notes for the President' s 15
16
17
18
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Willink , Va n Staphorst, & Hubbard to T J , 1 3 Aug . 1789 ; T J to Jay , 27 Aug . 1789. Washingto n transmitte d bot h o f these letters t o Hamilto n for his opinion (Lea r to Hamilton, 18 Jan. 1790, Syrett , Hamilton, vi , 185) . Shor t to Hamilton, 4 Apr. and 3 Aug. 179 0 (same , vi, 349, 516-18) . Hamilto n to Willink, Va n Staphorst & Hubbard, 7 May 1790 (same , vi, 409). Hamilto n to Short , 29 Ma y 1790 (same , vi, 446-7). Hamilto n to Washington, 26 Aug . 179 0 (same , vi, 569-70) . Hamilto n to Willink, Van Staphorst & Hubbard, 28 Aug . 1790 (same , vi, 580-2). 14
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address an item announcing the loan. Washington struggled with his own draft, which opene d wit h th e statemen t tha t th e loa n ha d bee n mad e i n accordance with authority granted at the previous session. Then , recognizin g that this was not justified by the facts and that everyone would realize the patent impossibility of negotiating a loan i n Amsterda m in the shor t interva l between sessions , h e sent a private note to Hamilto n confessing tha t h e wa s a t a loss how t o fram e the announcement properl y and asking that he be supplied with a new draft - b y that afternoo n i f convenient. Hamilto n mus t hav e complied , bu t hi s versio n has no t bee n found . Th e resul t a s embodie d i n th e messag e t o Congres s wa s a compromise which , whil e retainin g th e assuranc e tha t th e loa n wa s mad e under authorit y o f Congress , covere d thi s inaccurac y with th e statemen t tha t "some provisiona l measure s ha d previousl y take n place " respecting it. Thi s ambiguity conceale d th e fac t that the initiativ e had been take n by the bankers, not b y th e administration. Robert Morris and any other members of Congress interested in the "Societ y of Friends t o America " whose plans had been frustrate d by the banker s would of course have known the facts. But another significant chang e in Washington's draft seeme d designe d t o obviate , a t leas t fo r th e tim e being , close r scrutin y by Congress . A s originall y phrase d b y Washington , th e concludin g sentenc e of hi s draf t read : "Th e term s o f it , wit h th e dispositio n a s fa r a s made , th e Secretary o f th e Treasur y i s directe d t o communicate. " Thi s wa s a variant of the wording Hamilton himself had suggested. But as revised and incorporated in th e message , th e passag e read : "Th e Secretar y o f th e Treasur y ha s m y directions to communicate suc h further particulars as may be requisite for more precise information." The Acts of Congress of course required an accounting of the disposition of funds borrowed, but neither the President nor the Secretary of th e Treasur y coul d a t tha t tim e hav e provide d suc h information . Th e les s specific language , whic h eliminate d al l referenc e t o dispositio n o f th e fund s borrowed, point s directl y to th e influenc e o f the Secretar y of State o n this part of the message . Late in August, in accordance with his instructions, Hamilton had conferred with Jefferson, ha d informed him of Washington's preference o f William Short as th e agen t t o negotiat e th e loans , an d Jefferson ha d agree d t o th e appoint ment. Tha t th e tw o head s o f department thu s acte d in concert, at least i n the beginning, i s als o show n i n th e fac t tha t Hamilto n referred Short to th e Sec retary o f Stat e fo r instruction s a s t o th e timin g o f paymen t o n th e deb t t o France. I t was probabl y Hamilton' s decision t o limi t the amoun t o f the pay ment t o hal f o f th e 3 millio n florins th e Amsterda m banker s ha d mad e 20
21
22
23
24
25
Washingto n to Hamilton , [3? Dec. 1790] , enclosin g hi s own draft (both i n same, vu, 189) . Se e note 28 fo r reasons in support of the conjectured date. Secon d annual message, 8 Dec. 1790 (Washington , Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 165). Acting under Washington's authorization, Hamilton in his letter and commission to the Amsterdam bankers had already accepted their "provisional" loan by virtue of the powers grante d by Congress to th e Presiden t (Hamilton to Willink , Va n Staphorst & Hubbard, 28 Aug, 1790, with commission bearing same date, Syrett, Hamilton, vi, 5815). Hamilton' s suggestions for the message, 1 Dec. 179 0 (same , vu, 173). Annua l message, 8 Dec. 179 0 (Washington , Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 165) . Hamilto n to Washington, 3 Sep. 179 0 (Syrett , Hamilton, vu , 22-3). Hamilto n to Short , 29 Aug . and 1 Sep. 179 0 (same , vi, 585-6; vu, 6-13). 2 0
21
2 2
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2 4 25
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available. Jefferso n kne w o f th e limitatio n an d evidentl y di d no t objec t t o it , even thoug h i t ha d lon g bee n hi s desir e t o liquidat e th e deb t a s speedil y a s possible. Nevertheless , hi s ow n instruction s to Shor t called for at leas t a temporary delay . H e hope d tha t a judicious timin g o f th e paymen t migh t hel p procure concession s favorabl e t o America n commerce wit h th e Frenc h Wes t Indies. Jefferso n lef t th e timin g o f th e paymen t u p t o Short , bein g confiden t he could forward this "great object" by assuring Montmorin measures had been taken b y th e Unite d State s t o pa y ver y shortl y al l arrearages of principa l an d interest. H e assume d a s a matte r o f cours e tha t Shor t coul d find excuse s fo r delay unti l the propitiou s momen t arrived. Under thes e circumstances , i t i s understandabl e tha t Jefferso n woul d no t have wished the Presiden t to give Congress any reason, at that time, to reques t information about th e dispositio n o f the funds. The evasive language employe d in th e revise d passag e o f th e annua l message , departin g a s i t di d fro m th e specific term s o f th e draft s o f bot h Hamilto n an d Washington , suggest s tha t Jefferson ha d persuade d th e Presiden t t o concu r i n hi s strateg y o f delaye d payment, eve n thoug h Washingto n ha d directed Hamilto n to mak e payment s of arrearage s o f interes t an d instalment s o n principa l o f th e deb t "wit h al l convenient dispatch." I f so, th e revise d paragraph must hav e com e from th e pen o f the Secretar y of State. On othe r points , however , i t seem s clear that th e Secretar y of the Treasur y did not concert matters with the Secretary of State as Washington had directed. One suc h involve d advantage s t o b e gaine d i n makin g payments o n th e debt . While Franc e ha d borrowe d florins i n Hollan d in orde r to mak e th e loan s t o the Unite d States , payment s o n th e deb t i n depreciate d livre s hel d ou t in ducements a s obvious t o the Secretar y of the Treasury as to private speculators. "You will n o doubt avai l the Unite d States o f all proper advantages," Hamilton instructed Short, "in making the negotiation . . . which the course of Exchange between Pari s an d Amsterda m will admit . I t i s probable , tha t you r bill s wil l command a premiu m tha t wil l mor e tha n indemnif y ou r Treasur y fo r th e charges o f th e Loan , s o fa r as th e amoun t o f thi s paymen t t o France " o f 1. 5 million livres. The assumptio n wa s well-founded . Late r Hamilto n wa s abl e to report to Washington that the exchange between France and Holland afforded 26
27
28
29
T J t o Short, 26 Aug. 1790. Hamilto n had instructed the bankers not to reveal that half of the 3 million florinswould be paid to France. They in turn had asked their partner, Jacob Van Staphorst, to respec t th e confidence . Th e latter, however, divulge d the information to Jame s Swan and Le Couteulx. The fact could not hav e been kep t secret because th e lette r fro m the banker s to Va n Staphorst had gone through the pos t and Hamilton's letters on the subject went through the hands of Montmorin. In this situation, Short said he had no alternative but to tell the minister the payment would be made as soon as he could command the funds (Shor t to T J , 6 and 25 Nov . 1790) . Washingto n to Hamilton , 28 Aug . 179 0 (Syrett , Hamilton, vi , 579). I n further support o f this assumption , i t shoul d b e note d tha t Washingto n wrote T J o n 3 Dec . 179 0 an d that, i n response , T J composed paragraph s for th e annual message in addition to those he had already submitted (se e not e to TJ' s draf t of other items, 2 9 Nov . 1790) . Bot h Washington's letter and TJ's respons e ar e missing. But it is plausibl e t o suppos e tha t Washington , after revealin g to Hamilto n his difficult y i n phrasing the passage , als o consulted T J on the point, especiall y sinc e it involved both the Treasur y an d State departments . I f so, on e o f the additiona l paragraphs composed by TJ i n response to Washington's letter was probably this one. Hamilto n to Short, 29 Aug . 179 0 (same , vi, 585-6). 2 6
27
2 8
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a benefi t o f mor e tha n 10 % o n th e paymen t o f thi s sum-tha t is , mor e tha n the interes t an d commissio n charge s fo r tha t par t o f th e loan. Thi s wa s a policy o n whic h Shor t needed n o instructions . O n the ev e o f his departur e for Amsterdam, h e wa s calle d int o consultatio n b y Montmori n an d Dufresne , Director of the Roya l Treasury, to have the payments made by bills of exchange drawn o n th e America n bankers i n florins. Shor t agreed , bu t o n arrivin g i n Holland h e discovere d tha t upward s o f 2 millio n livre s ha d alread y bee n re mitted, thi s bein g s o highl y advantageou s tha t 1.2 5 millio n florins purchased about 3. 6 millio n livres . Eve n a letter fro m Dufresn e askin g that paymen t b e made in Amsterdam so as to avoid enormous losse s because o f depreciation did not preven t hi m fro m makin g arrangement s whic h gav e th e benefi t t o th e United States . Recognizin g tha t "wha t wa s los s fo r Franc e wa s gai n fo r us, " Short eve n too k gratificatio n i n reportin g thes e transaction s t o th e Secretar y of State. Jefferso n obviously ha d not been consulte d about the policy on which Hamilton an d Shor t had such unite d views . It i s equally certai n Hamilton did not infor m Jefferson that , whil e opposin g certain privat e speculation s i n th e deb t t o France , h e ha d lef t th e doo r ope n for others which might be considered more solidly grounded. In his instructions to Short , he ha d referred to th e "lat e negotiations " b y Gouverneur Morris and others t o purchas e the deb t t o Franc e an d added: "Whethe r any arrangement of this natur e wil l b e a desireable accommodatio n t o France ; whethe r person s of rea l capital , who woul d no t i n th e executio n b e oblige d t o us e mean s prej udicial t o th e Credi t o f the Unite d States , woul d b e willin g to embar k in such a plan ; whether i t woul d no t prov e a n obstacl e t o othe r loan s whic h w e ma y have occasio n t o mak e for othe r purpose s ar e circumstances essential i n deter mining its elegibility whic h cannot b e known to me, and can only be accurately judged o f b y one , o n th e spot. " He warne d Short, however, tha t proposition s of such a nature should not com e from the Unite d States; that the governmen t should onl y b e pu t i n the positio n o f sanctioning wha t othe r partie s desired of it; an d that i n n o even t shoul d suc h a n arrangement injur e th e nationa l reputation "o r place u s i n the ligh t o f a people desirous o f making hard bargain s at the expenc e o f friends." Hard bargain s migh t b e inadmissibl e whe n speculator s sough t t o gai n th e same benefi t fo r themselve s tha t Hamilto n an d Shor t wer e please d t o tak e advantage o f on behal f of the government . Bu t Jefferson, makin g no commen t to Shor t either o n hi s failure to dela y payment s t o achiev e commercia l conces 30
31
32
Hamilto n to Washington, 1 4 Apr. 1791 (same , vm, 288). Shor t to T J, 25 Nov. 1790 . Ironically , the payment which Dufresne wished to have paid in Amsterdam to avoi d loss was the su m of 570,000 florinsdue to banker s there on account of loans made by France to the Unite d States (Shor t to Hamilton , 18 Dec. 1790, Syrett, Hamilton, vu, 348-57). The arrangements for this payment made by Short, which he admitted in the letter to TJ migh t not square with Dufresne's ideas, included an Amsterda m banker whom he mistakenly considered to be associated with Ferdinand Grand, banke r to the Unite d States i n Paris. Thi s brough t o n a sharp reprimand from Grand, who pointed ou t that this was contrary to the terms of the treaty negotiated by Franklin. Shor t was forced to sa y that h e ha d acted a t the reques t o f Montmorin and Dufresne; i n doing so , h e expressed th e fea r that Gran d migh t carr y hi s complaint to the Presiden t and Congress (Grand t o Short , 25 Feb . 1791 ; Shor t to Grand , 3 Mch. 1791, copies of both of which were enclosed in Short to Hamilton, 11 Mch. 1791, Syrett, 30 31
Hamilton, vm , 170 , 178 , 179) . 32
Hamilto n to Short , 1 Sep. 179 0 (same , vu, 12).
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sions o r on hi s gratificatio n a t being abl e to have the Unite d States profi t from the depreciate d livre , fel t otherwise . Proo f o f thi s - an d o f th e failur e o f th e Secretary o f the Treasur y t o ac t i n concer t wit h th e Secretar y of Stat e o n thi s matter a s Washingto n ha d require d - i s t o b e foun d i n thei r attitudes towar d the onl y speculativ e proposa l to gai n th e approva l and recommendation o f th e French ministry , that o f Schweitzer , Jeanneret & Cie .
Ill News o f passag e o f legislatio n authorizin g th e Presiden t t o borro w $1 4 million t o liquidat e foreig n an d domesti c debt s ha d a n immediat e impac t i n Europe. Whe n Shor t succeede d i n negotiatin g th e 2. 5 millio n florin loa n o n extremely favorabl e term s an d had it take n u p withi n two hour s - a n unprecedented tribute t o th e risin g credit of the Unite d States - h e wa s embarrassed more tha n eve r b y bankers , speculators , an d Frenc h officials . Fo r months h e had bee n withou t instruction s as to th e dispositio n o f the fund s an d pled with Hamilton fo r guidance , bot h t o avoi d doubl e interes t o n mone y borrowe d but idle and to enable hi m to "mee t questions . . . which certainly will b e asked." The predictio n wa s accurate . When Shor t learne d in lat e Ma y that Hamilto n intended 1. 5 millio n florins to b e pai d to France , h e bluntly told the Secretary of th e Treasur y tha t th e dela y i n employin g mone y borrowed ha d no t onl y added to the cost , bu t had created suspicions amon g Frenc h officials wh o coul d not understan d why , wit h fund s available , payment s o n th e America n deb t could no t b e made . H e foun d i t impossibl e t o convinc e the m tha t th e dela y was no t deliberatel y calculate d i n orde r to profi t fro m th e rapi d depreciatio n of assignats. H e wa s embarrasse d by th e ministry' s probing o n thi s poin t bu t regretted mor e tha t th e America n debt ha d attracte d th e attentio n o f specu lators - among the m si x ne w member s o f th e Treasur y - wh o ha d sought th e intercession o f Lafayett e and Condorcet . His embarrassment was mad e wors e by Hamilton' s unexplained instructions to withhol d half a million of the fund s to b e pai d t o France . H e coul d no t understan d th e reason s fo r this , di d no t know whe n h e woul d b e give n directions , an d said that h e woul d avoi d ques tions as much as possible. "I t is tautology to add," he reminded Hamilton, "that as this su m i s alread y in the hand s o f the banker s the U . S . wil l b e payin g an unnecessary interes t unti l it i s employed." Speculators i n an d out o f office mad e Short' s predicament worse , especiall y when Jea n Gaspar d Schweitze r an d Françoi s Jeannere t sough t ministeria l support fo r thei r proposal s t o bu y th e America n debt. Thes e Pari s bankers , claiming the y represente d Genoes e capitalist s wh o ha d mor e tha n 5 4 millio n livres availabl e for th e purpose , wer e unknow n i n Amsterda m and Short suspected the y were mer e adventurer s without characte r or reputation wh o wer e put forwar d as a screen t o concea l th e rea l promoter s i n an d out o f office. H e was convince d tha t thei r proposals woul d neve r have receive d the attentio n o f 33
34
Shor t to Hamilton , 17 Feb., 4 and 11 Mch. , 9 Apr. , 4 May 1791 (same , vm, 517, 158-60 , 170-1 , 260-1 , 324-5) . Shor t to Hamilton, 3 June 1791, acknowledging receipt of Hamilton's letter of 13 Apr. 179 1 (same , vm , 280-2, 412-25) . A t the time Hamilto n gave these instructions, he informed TJ tha t 1. 5 millio n florinsof the loan were destined for France, but he did not tell him that half a million had been withhel d for further instructions (Hamilton to T J , 1 5 Apr. 1791, Documen t i v following) . 3 3
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Montmorin i f Lambert an d some members o f the Treasur y an d Committee o f Finance ha d no t intereste d themselve s i n th e matter. Th e suspicion s see m justified, th e mor e s o becaus e Schweitzer , Jeanneret & Cie . - o r their hidde n supporters - sa w fit to make use of James Swan to influence America n officials . Swan wa s a n obviou s choic e fo r th e purpose . H e ha d alread y negotiated a contract wit h th e Ministe r o f Marin e to furnis h nava l supplie s an d wa s ad vancing proposal s t o suppl y America n salt provisions, t o b e pai d for i n orders on the Treasur y o f the Unite d States i n settlement of the deb t t o Franc e a t the rate of 6 millio n livres annually. This pla n had been blocke d by the American bankers in Amsterda m on th e groun d that the governmen t wa s greatl y avers e to th e transfe r o f an y par t of th e deb t t o individual s - a n attitud e whic h the y knew to be that of the Secretary of State. Swan thereupon appealed to Jefferso n because o f hi s know n interes t i n promotin g commercia l ties wit h Franc e an d urged him to persuad e th e Presiden t and Secretary of the Treasur y t o suppor t the plan . He adde d that those concerned i n the ventur e were L e Couteulx and "two bankers " whom the y migh t choose , beside s Danie l Parker , Gouverneur Morris, Rober t Morris , an d himself. H e di d no t bothe r t o infor m Jefferso n that on the same day he had offered a n interest in the operation to the Secretary of War . I n the lette r t o Kno x - i n which Swan enclosed th e lette r t o Jefferso n to b e rea d an d the n seale d befor e delivery-h e gav e th e sam e name s o f th e 35
36
Shor t to Hamilton , 18 Dec. 1790 , 1 1 Mch. and 3 June 179 1 (same , vu, 348-57 ; vm, 170 , 412-25) . Jean Gaspard Schweitzer (1754-1811) wa s the son of a prosperous Zurich merchant. An enthusias t an d idealist, studen t o f philosophy an d science, an d ardent supporter of the French Revolution, he came into his inheritance and settled in Paris in 1786 as head of the banking firm of Schweitzer, Jeanneret & Cie . For purpose s of speculation he left considerable sums in the hands of his friend and junior partner, also a native of Switzerland, whil e he devote d himself to politica l and social movements. Jeanneret' s speculations wer e a t first profitable an d Schweitzer, installed in a magnificent hôte l i n rue Taitbout, kep t table ouverte and received Lafayette , Barnave, Saint-Pierre, Mirabeau , and others . Mirabeau, whom he idolized, took advantage of his generosity , an d by 178 8 Jeanneret had t o confess that all o f the funds entrusted with him ha d bee n lost. Schweitzer was obliged to dispose o f his estate in Switzerland, sacrifice three-fourths of his interest in hi s father's old firm, sell his collection o f books, prints , and objets d'art, lease half of his hôtel , an d reduce th e numbe r of servants . Ther e i s thu s n o doub t that , a s Short suspected, h e wa s actin g fo r a hidden grou p o f capitalists an d French official s i n the effort t o purchas e the deb t t o France . I n 179 5 h e joined with James Swan to suppl y grain an d salt provisions to th e Frenc h arme d forces. H e followed Swa n to Bosto n by some months, only to discover that his partner had engaged in far-reaching speculations, the result of which left Swan with his fortune re-established and Schweitze r impoverished. Swan eve n sol d hi m claims to a n immense trac t of land in the Southwest , wher e the visionary banke r hoped t o establis h "u n Éta t modèl e o ù seraint pratique s l a religion de l a nature, la communauté de s biens , une toléranc e universelle " (F. Barbey, Suisses hors Suisse [Paris , 1914] , p. 299). Returnin g to France in 180 1 il l and ruined, he died there ten years later. Although his bank was established in rue Taitbout in 1786 , near where TJ had lived the yea r before, ther e i s no evidence tha t th e tw o me n ever met. (For othe r biographica l details, se e Jea n Bouchary, Les Manieurs d'Argent à Paris du XVIIle Siècle [Paris , 1939] , i , 103-17. ) Swa n to T J, 3 Oct. 1790. Swa n stated that he had kept Short informed of all step s taken and that "he entered from the first moment full y into the views of the Contract"; this scarcely accords with Short's own report of the matter (Short to T J , 3 Oct. and 6 Nov. 1790) . 35
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interested person s tha t h e ha d given t o Jefferso n an d informed him that ther e was a blank share for those in America who might take part. "If you for yourself and friend s would take that share, should the busines s g o on," he added, "name the person s i n whose name s i t shoul d b e entere d an d it shal l be done withou t your bein g know n i n th e matter." S o fa r as the recor d shows, neithe r Kno x nor Jefferso n responde d to this or any other appeals made by Swan concerning the contract , thoug h th e discrepanc y betwee n hi s letter s t o th e tw o head s o f department silentl y testifie s t o hi s knowledg e o f the man. The pla n o f Swa n an d L e Couteul x soo n gav e wa y t o tha t o f Schweitzer , Jeanneret & Cie. , who wer e probabl y th e unname d "tw o bankers " to who m Swan referred in his letters to Jefferson an d Knox. On e reason for the successo r scheme, whic h eliminate d Swan' s proposa l fo r paymen t i n produce , wa s tha t Jacob Van Staphorst had disclosed t o Swa n that arrangements had been mad e to pa y 1. 5 millio n florins on the America n debt. L e Couteulx had immediately revealed thi s t o th e Committe e o f Financ e with who m the y ha d bee n negoti ating. Withi n tw o week s afte r th e disclosure , Schweitzer , Jeannere t & Cie. laid thei r proposa l befor e Lambert , Comptrolle r Genera l o f Finances , i n a covering lette r whic h reveale d thei r knowledg e tha t th e Unite d State s coul d only pa y th e amoun t tha t ha d been authorize d by Hamilton . Claiming t o represent severa l ric h capitalists , the y propose d a s a benefi t bot h t o Franc e an d the Unite d States to purchas e the entir e sum of the debt, whic h they estimate d at 36,710,00 0 livres . S o urgent were the y tha t the y presse d Lamber t immediately t o recommen d t o Montmori n tha t h e sen d copie s o f thei r proposa l i n duplicate to Shor t in Amsterdam. They stressed th e importanc e of completin g the transactio n a t once : al l coul d b e don e i f Shor t woul d simpl y sig n hi s acceptance o n on e o f th e duplicates . Bu t if , contrar y to thei r understanding , Short shoul d clai m he ha d no powe r t o d o this , the y an d their friend s woul d do al l they coul d t o remov e an y obstacles. I n that case , the y woul d as k Montmorin to state what sort of plan would be acceptable to him. Lambert, already prepared, transmitted the duplicat e copie s of the pla n to Montmorin , strongly urging its adoption and requesting that if Short felt it did not meet the intention s of th e Unite d States, h e shoul d b e aske d t o submi t a pla n whic h h e woul d accept. Montmorin promptly complied by sending the two duplicates to Short and askin g for hi s decisio n a t the earlies t momen t possible . Fo r further infor37
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Swa n to Knox, 3 Oct. 1790 (MHi : Kno x Papers; the concluding part of this letter is separated from the beginning and is to be found as an undated item in Reel 47 of the microfilm edition of the Knox Papers, published by the Massachusetts Historical Society). Schweitzer , Jeanneret & Cie . t o the Comptroller General , 22 Nov. 1790 , enclose d in Lamber t to Montmorin, 26 Nov . 179 0 (Arch . Aff. Etr., Corr . Pol. , E.-U., xxxv ; Tr in DLC : Shor t Papers , printed a s enclose d i n Shor t to Hamilton , 1 8 Dec . 1790 , i n Syrett, Hamilton, vu, 360-1 ; Trs i n English and Frenc h in MHi : Kno x Papers, as enclosed in Swa n to Knox, 27 Dec. 1790; Tr i n DNA: R G 59 , MLR, a s enclosed in Gouverneur Morris to Washington, 27 May 1791). Tr s o f the enclosed proposals, 22 Nov. 1790 , in Arch. Aff . Etr. , Corr . Pol. , E.-U., xxxv , an d in all of the source s named , except tha t Short did not enclose the actual proposal in his to Hamilton of 1 8 Dec. 1790 , henc e it is no t i n Syrett . These an d other pertinen t document s a s enclosed i n letters o f Short, Swan, or others will b e cited below onl y in one manuscript or printed form . Lamber t to Montmorin , 26 Nov . 179 0 (Arch . Aff . Etr. , Corr . Pol. , E.-U., xxxv ; text printed in Syrett, Hamilton, vu , 358-9, fro m Tr in DLC: Shor t Papers) . 37
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mation h e referre d Short to Antoin e Bernar d Caillard , Frenc h charg é a t The Hague. Before leavin g Pari s fo r Amsterdam , Short had informed Montmori n of the legislation authorizin g funds t o b e borrowe d fo r paymen t o n th e debt . This , he thought , ha d determined th e Frenc h governmen t no t t o liste n t o an y spec ulators' scheme s fo r buyin g th e America n debt. Thu s h e wa s il l prepared for Montmorin's lette r an d it s enclosures : th e scheme , a s h e sa w a t once , wa s t o receive florins fro m th e Unite d State s an d t o pa y i n depreciate d livres . Thi s hope o f immens e gai n wa s on e h e an d the America n bankers shared in order to secur e th e profi t fo r th e government . Hi s respons e t o Montmori n was em phatic. Returnin g both copie s o f the proposal s wit h th e commen t tha t h e had no powe r t o mak e suc h a n engagement , Shor t coul d no t refrai n fro m sayin g how distressin g it would be for the Unite d States if France thought he r interest lay i n arrangement s whic h coul d compromis e th e credi t o f he r ally . H e als o thought i t essential t o poin t ou t tha t the purpos e o f the authorizin g legislatio n concerning the deb t seeme d t o b e entirely unknown to the Frenc h governmen t and tha t i t woul d augu r ill for the Unite d State s i f the fat e of its credi t shoul d be place d i n hand s whic h entere d int o engagement s s o lightly. Thi s wa s an indirect if blunt commentary on Lambert , but Short was determined if possible to persuade Montmorin to kee p th e matte r from being debate d i n the National Assembly. Schweitzer, Jeannere t & Cie. and their associates i n an d out o f office were not s o easil y blocked . The y brough t fort h a new proposa l t o len d th e Unite d States 1 0 million livres on terms as favorable as those offered b y the Amsterdam bankers. The y als o ha d Jame s Swa n appea l t o Shor t t o tr y t o gai n hi s ac ceptance. Agai n Shor t sai d tha t h e ha d n o powe r t o ente r int o suc h a n en gagement and urged Swan to use any influence he might have with the company to pu t a stop to th e negotiations. Swa n claimed that h e ha d tried but i n th e same breat h urge d Shor t t o accep t th e ne w proposa l becaus e o f it s "neatnes s and honesty." Swa n transmitte d th e lette r t o th e company . Schweitzer , accompanied b y Swan , called o n Montmori n an d informe d hi m o f Short' s dec lination and of their new proposal . Then b y special courier to Amsterdam, they informed Shor t of what the y ha d done and asked him to stat e what difficultie s if an y remaine d s o tha t the y migh t brin g th e matte r t o a conclusion . Shor t reiterated that h e ha d no powe r t o ac t and that th e onl y motiv e h e coul d hav e for examinin g thei r proposa l a t al l wa s tha t i t seeme d t o b e acceptabl e t o Montmorin. H e adde d tha t h e woul d immediatel y transmi t this o r an y othe r 40
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Montmori n to Short, 30 Nov. 179 0 (Dft in Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr . Pol., E.-U., xxxv , which differ s slightl y fro m RC in DLC : Shor t Papers as printed in Syrett , Hamilton, vu, 357-8) . Lambert enclosed a copy of this letter in his response to Schweitzer, Jeanneret & Cie . on 30 Nov. 179 0 (T r in MHi: Kno x Papers). See also Montmorin to Lambert, 29 Nov. 1790 , promising to forward Short's response immediately on receiving it; Montmorin to Caillard , 3 0 Nov . 1790 , enclosin g hi s letter to b e delivered to Shor t (Dfts of both in Arch. Aff . Etr. , Corr . Pol. , E.-U., xxxv) . Shor t to Montmorin, 8 Dec. 1790 (R C i n Arch. Aff. Etr., Corr . Pol., E.-U., xxxv). Short sen t a copy o f this to Hamilto n as enclosure No. 3 in his letter of 1 8 Dec. 179 0 (incorrectly identified i n Syrett, Hamilton, vu , 355, as Short to Swan, 9 Dec. 1790) . Shor t to Swan, 9 Dec. 179 0 (Pr C i n DLC: Shor t Papers) . Swa n to Short, 12 Dec. 179 0 and another of the same date, copies of both of which were enclosed i n Short to Hamilton, 18 Dec. 179 0 (Syrett , Hamilton, vu , 361-4). 40
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plan meetin g wit h the minister' s approva l to th e President , wh o alon e ha d the power t o accept . Thi s h e dul y reporte d t o Montmorin , bu t warne d that, i f he should think the interes t o f France require d the sal e o f the America n debt, th e persons designate d shoul d b e know n an d of irreproachable repute an d that th e negotiation shoul d b e mad e publi c onl y afte r havin g bee n communicate d t o the President . Thes e condition s wer e necessary , h e reminde d Montmorin , in order no t t o bloc k th e operation s alread y begun fo r the discharg e o f the debt . "I hav e ever y reaso n t o believe, " h e added , "tha t th e loa n wil l b e perfectl y fulfilled an d tha t th e Unite d State s wil l b e abl e presentl y t o liquidat e al l o f their debts. I am persuaded that I have n o need o f repeating t o you , Monsieur, that the y regar d their deb t t o Franc e a s th e mos t sacre d and whose complet e discharge they hol d mos t a t heart." In reporting these developments t o Ham ilton, Short suggested that if the Genoese capitalist s interested in the plan could be induced to accept the conditions state d in his letter to Montmorin and would pay Franc e i n livre s whil e acceptin g America n obligations i n florins s o a s t o give th e Unite d State s th e benefit , i t migh t b e arrange d to hav e the m initiat e the proposal . In any event, h e thought hi s letter to Montmorin would probably put a n end t o th e negotiation s of Schweitzer , Jeannere t & Cie. What tha t lette r di d instea d wa s t o caus e th e compan y t o tur n it s attentio n to th e Unite d States . Thi s too k th e for m o f a n assignmen t t o Jame s Swa n t o try t o gai n acceptanc e i n Americ a no t o f th e revise d proposa l tha t ha d faile d to win Short' s approval but of the origina l offer t o len d the Unite d States abou t 40 millio n livre s t o discharg e th e deb t t o France . I n making th e assignment , the compan y pointe d ou t wha t Swa n alread y knew-tha t tha t pla n ha d bee n given th e approva l of Lamber t an d Montmorin bu t ha d not bee n accepte d b y Short becaus e o f his lack o f authority. "In thi s situation," they wrote , "w e hav e need o f a friend o f the Presiden t wh o woul d b e abl e t o expedit e acceptance o f our proposal an d to remov e an y obstacle s tha t migh t arise . The advantageou s reports w e hav e ha d of your talents an d rectitude, hav e induce d u s to have ful l confidence i n yo u an d t o be g yo u t o hav e th e goodnes s to tak e charg e o f ou r interests an d t o pursu e the m yoursel f o r throug h you r friends." Swan , wh o very probably suggested this step , accepte d th e company' s offe r o f 7,000 livres sterling fo r th e agency . O n th e sam e da y an d i n a privat e communicatio n t o Henry Knox , Swa n urge d hi m t o us e hi s influenc e wit h th e President , th e Secretary o f th e Treasury , an d an y other s t o hav e i t approved . T o ai d i n accomplishing this, he made a sacred promise to turn over to Knox the fee — and a greater sum if necessary. "I t is a great point gaine d having it accepted already by th e Ministr y here," he added , "an d I d o no t se e ho w i t ca n b e refuse d o n your side o f the water . . . . Would Duer be o f some servic e i n this? You know who wil l d o best . H e migh t wor k H[amilton]. " In a postscrip t adde d thre e 44
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Shor t to Montmorin , 1 9 Dec. 179 0 (translatio n from RC i n Arch. Aff . Etr. , Corr . Pol., E.-U. , xxxv ; text printed from PrC in DLC: Shor t Papers in Syrett, Hamilton, vu, 365-7). Se e also Swan to Short, 1 4 Dec. 1790 ; Schweitzer , Jeanneret & Cie . to Short, 14 Dec. 1790 ; and Short's reply of 17 Dec. 1790 , al l enclosed i n Short to Hamilton, 18 Dec. 1790 , an d printed in same , vu , 364-5 , 434-5 , wher e th e las t i s presente d a s an enclosure in Short to Hamilton, 15 Jan. 1791 , though in fact the enclosure in that letter was one from Schweitzer, Jeanneret & Cie. to Shor t of 27 Dec . 179 0 (missing) . Shor t to Hamilton , 18 and 30 Dec . 179 0 (Syrett , Hamilton, vu , 348-57, 392-6) . Schweitzer , Jeanneret & Cie . to Swan, 27 Dec . 179 0 (translatio n from Tr i n MHi: Knox Papers). 4 4
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days later, Swan added: "Pra y soun d Mr . Jefferson o n this , or get someon e t o do it . I am afraid o f him, merely becaus e Mr . Short may have misle d him. For God's sake, get i t effected. I t is all America can wish, and all that France desires: and i s wha t i s necessar y t o mak e th e concerne d her e perfectl y satisfied." H e evidently fel t s o certai n o f obtainin g suppor t tha t h e endorse d th e bankers ' letter t o hi m giving Kno x ful l righ t to th e fee . Ther e i s no evidence tha t Kno x responded to the crass effort t o purchase his influence. Th e company, however , were mor e successfu l i n their efforts t o gai n th e suppor t o f Frenc h officials . 47
IV On th e sam e da y tha t Swa n mad e hi s urgen t appea l t o Knox , Schweitzer , Jeanneret & Cie. informed Shor t that they woul d accep t th e offe r mad e i n his letter o f the 14th . Transmittin g to hi m all of the document s pertainin g to th e subject whic h Shor t alread y possesse d an d ha d mad e availabl e t o Hamilton , they aske d that h e presen t thei r proposa l t o th e President. Earl y i n Januar y they reporte d thi s actio n t o Montmori n an d urge d tha t th e document s b e communicated t o th e Frenc h ministe r i n America , togethe r wit h th e mos t pressing instructions to solicit a prompt decision. Montmorin , under pressure from th e Treasur y an d the Committe e o f Finance , complied , bu t couche d hi s instructions to Ott o i n term s fa r from pressing: 48
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You wil l have the goodnes s to meet with Mr. Jefferso n on the proposition . . . . We naturall y desire, considerin g th e situatio n o f ou r finances, that thi s may coincide wit h the view s o f General Washingto n an d that he wil l decid e to accep t it : bu t yo u wil l observ e tha t w e subordinat e ou r convenienc e t o that o f th e Unite d State s an d tha t if th e propose d operatio n i s contrar y t o it, ou r intentio n i s no t t o insis t upo n it . Wheneve r effort s hav e bee n mad e to engage us to transfer our credit to foreigners, w e have refused for fear that it would be disagreeable t o Congress . The present case is not the same , since it is simply a question of filling up a loan which that body has itself authorized. I recommen d thi s affai r to your zeal and prudence. In transmittin g a copy o f this dispatch to Short , Montmorin said that it gave him les s difficult y t o agre e t o th e company' s reques t becaus e h e ha d mad e Swa n to Knox , 27-30 Dec. 179 0 ("Private" ; MHi: Kno x Papers). With this Swan enclosed the bankers' lette r of assignment, copie s of their original proposals, and of the correspondence o n th e subjec t - thei r lette r t o Lamber t o f 2 2 Nov . 1790 , Lambert's reply o f 30 Nov . 1790 , thei r letter t o Shor t of 1 4 Dec . an d Short's reply of 1 7 Dec. 1790, together with copies of Lambert to Montmorin of 26 Nov. 179 0 and Montmorin's reply of 29 Nov . 179 0 (T r i n French, 1 2 pages, wit h translation; MHi: Kno x Papers). Schweitzer , Jeanneret & Cie. to Short , 27 Dec . 1790 . Shor t enclosed thi s in his letter to Hamilton of 15 Jan. 179 1 but said that it added nothing to what he had already sent. While the letter has not been found, its purport is clear from Short's comment and from the company's letter to Montmorin (see following not e and Short to Hamilton, 15 Jan. 1791 , Syrett , Hamilton, vu , 427-34). Schweitzer , Jeanneret & Cie . to Montmorin, 10 Jan. 179 1 (R C in Arch. Aff. Etr. , Corr. Pol. , E.-U., xxxv) . Montmorin replied on 20 Jan . 179 1 (Df t in same). Montmori n to Otto , 24 Jan . 1791 (translatio n of Dft i n same, with notation that the communication was placed in the hand s of Schweitzer, who took responsibility for sending it to its destination; Tr in DLC: Shor t Papers, without date, enclosed in Short to Hamilton, 7 Feb. 1791, an d printed in Syrett, Hamilton, vm , 12 ; Tr in MHi: Kno x Papers, also without date , enclosed i n Swan to Knox , 27 Jan. 1791). 4 7
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acceptance entirel y dependen t upo n th e convenienc e o f the Unite d States . A t the same time, he left it up to Short to decide whether he had sufficient authority to mak e a conditiona l arrangemen t wit h Schweitzer , Jeannere t & Cie. Short did no t mentio n thi s whe n h e transmitte d a copy o f the dispatc h to Hamilton, but he felt certain that the Secretary of the Treasury would be perfectly satisfie d because al l had bee n lef t t o th e Presiden t t o decide . H e though t Montmori n himself did not expec t th e proposa l to b e accepted. Shor t did not sen d Montmorin's lette r o r hi s dispatc h t o Hamilton , assumin g tha t thes e woul d hav e been mad e availabl e by Ott o befor e hi s lette r arrived . H e ma y als o hav e bee n content merel y t o describ e thei r contents becaus e o f the hin t Montmori n had given hi m abou t th e possibilit y o f concludin g a provisional arrangement. But a fe w week s late r he sen t copie s o f both , perhap s becaus e i n th e meantim e h e said h e ha d learne d wha t h e formerl y suspecte d - tha t Schweitze r an d Jean neret wer e "entirel y withou t credi t o r capita l an d . . . o f a characte r which shews i t woul d b e unsaf e t o trea t with them . Thei r offer s bein g supporte d b y the ministe r i s th e onl y circumstanc e whic h entitle s the m t o an y kin d o f at tention." James Swan , with th e optimis m o f an inveterate speculator , though t other wise. H e forwarde d Montmorin' s dispatc h t o Londo n to g o b y th e Februar y packet and at the sam e time informe d Henry Knox of its contents. H e also told him tha t Short' s refusa l t o ac t i n th e matte r ha d bee n freel y criticize d in th e Committee o f Finance , whose member s fel t tha t th e Unite d State s coul d no t rightfully o r honestl y refus e th e offer . "Thi s step, " h e sai d o f Montmorin' s action, "can' t but mak e the Affai r g o now , a s America ca n form no reasonabl e objections t o borro w mone y o f thes e me n o n th e sam e term s a s the y ca n i n Holland; no r to replac e their debt t o Franc e b y thi s occasion , especiall y whe n she stands so much in need o f it. . . . I trust still for your exertions i n this affair, and b e assure d of my trues t gratitude." Short had assumed that his dispatches to the Secretar y of the Treasury abou t the speculatio n an d to th e Secretar y of Stat e abou t genera l politica l and commercial affair s woul d b e share d b y eac h other . Thi s wa s fa r fro m bein g th e case. Whil e his communication s t o Hamilto n had bee n hel d u p fo r week s b y wind-bound vessel s a t Texel , Swan' s urgen t appeal s t o Kno x enclosin g al l of the document s o n th e cas e went b y wa y o f Londo n and the Englis h packets . That the essential facts were known first to Hamilto n and that he did not reveal what h e kne w t o Jefferso n i s clear. 51
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Montmori n to Short , 24 Jan . 179 1 (Arch . Aff . Etr. , Corr . Pol. , E.-U., xxxv) . Shor t to Hamilton , 11 Mch. 1791 (Pr C i n DLC: Shor t Papers, printed in Syrett, Hamilton, vm, 170-4, with Montmorin to Short, 24 Jan. 1791 , as enclosure, the dispatch to Ott o having been assume d to b e a n enclosure i n Short' s dispatch of 7 Feb . 1791 , same, vm, 10-12). The letter itself makes it clear that both were enclosed, but why Short delayed sending them for a month after having assumed Otto would already have made his instructions known is puzzling. Gouverneur Morris , a shrewd judge o f banker s whether i n Paris , Amsterdam , or London, at first opposed the proposal of Schweitzer, Jeanneret & Cie. and at this time was as doubtful as Short about their reliability. But when a member of the firm-probabl y Schweitzer - calle d o n hi m and was queried about thei r financialsupport, the answer given convinced him that they could command ample capital for the venture (Morris to Washington, 27 Ma y 1791, enclose d i n Lear to Hamilton, 15 Aug . 1791 , an d printed in Syrett, Hamilton, ix , 63-7). Se e below . Swa n to Knox , 27 Jan . 179 1 (MHi : Kno x Papers). 51
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For lat e i n Marc h Théophil e Cazenove , reporting on a conversation h e had just ha d with th e Secretar y of the Treasury , informe d th e Amsterda m houses he represente d fo r investment s i n Americ a tha t a compan y o f Frenc h an d Genevans ha d offere d t o bu y fro m th e Frenc h governmen t it s clai m o n th e United State s an d that h e ha d been promise d a copy o f the proposals . H e wa s erroneously le d t o believ e tha t thes e ha d bee n sen t b y Shor t t o Jefferson . Cazenove evidentl y presse d Hamilto n fo r furthe r information , fo r tw o week s later he reporte d to hi s principals that th e proposal s had been sen t t o someon e not i n th e Treasur y departmen t an d tha t hi s informant s ha d mad e a grea t mystery o f it. I n this secon d conversatio n Hamilto n revealed to Cazenov e that he ha d just receive d fro m Shor t a letter o f the 2 d o f Decembe r referrin g him for furthe r details t o a previous lette r no t the n received ; that fro m the littl e h e wrote, i t appeare d Shor t ha d not consente d t o th e plan , although i t ha d bee n agreed t o b y Montmorin ; that i t ha d originated wit h the hous e o f De Lessart , Comptroller of Finance; and that it s execution woul d not requir e raising funds in Holland . O n th e basi s o f statement s mad e t o hi m b y Hamilton , Cazenove was abl e t o assur e his principal s that Shor t had no authorit y to conclud e suc h an arrangemen t an d tha t th e Secretar y o f th e Treasur y woul d no t favo r on e which pu t i t in the powe r o f a single compan y t o contro l such a mass of claims and t o manipulat e i t i n suc h a wa y a s t o interfer e wit h hi s genera l financia l plans. The informatio n give n b y Hamilton to Cazenov e could only have come from Henry Knox , wh o clearl y wa s th e unidentifie d perso n no t i n th e Treasur y department to whom Cazenov e alluded. Short's dispatch of the 2d of December had no t eve n mentione d th e speculation . Tha t o f th e 18t h o f Decembe r en closing th e pertinen t document s wa s no t receive d b y Hamilto n until four days after th e las t o f these conversation s wit h Cazenove. Shor t did not an d could not hav e reporte d Montmorin' s acceptanc e o f th e schem e unti l after th e 24t h of January. No r di d h e mentio n th e involvemen t o f D e Lessar t o r conve y th e impression tha t h e woul d repor t o n th e matte r t o th e Secretar y of State . Bu t Swan's urgent appeal s t o Knox , particularl y that o f th e 27t h o f Decembe r which enclose d copie s o f th e proposa l an d o f th e relevan t correspondence , provided al l o f th e detail s Hamilto n wa s abl e t o giv e t o Cazenove , includin g the erroneou s statemen t tha t th e ministr y had approved th e pla n at that date . Thus Hamilton , throug h hi s colleagu e i n th e Cabinet , wa s abl e t o infor m Cazenove o f th e essentia l fact s o f th e cas e an d t o stat e hi s ow n view s o f th e speculation before h e received the same information from the Secretary of State. It i s understandabl e tha t Hamilto n shoul d no t hav e wante d Cazenov e t o know tha t thi s informatio n ha d come privatel y an d through a n inappropriate 54
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Cazenov e to his principals (Pieter Stadnitski, N. & J. Van Staphorst, P. & C. va n Eeghen, and Ten Cat e & Vollenhoven), 29 Mch., 6 and 11 Apr. 1791 (Cazenov e Letter Book, Holland Land Company Papers, Archives of the Cit y of Amsterdam). Shor t to Hamilto n of 18'Dec . 179 0 wa s enclosed i n his to T J of 30 Dec . 1790 , which TJ receive d on 14 Apr. 1791 . The letters from Short that Hamilton had received at this time were those of 2 Dec. 179 0 an d 25 Jan . 1791. Onl y the latter referred very briefly t o th e proposa l o f Schweitzer , Jeanneret & Cie. (Hamilton to Short , 1 3 Apr. 1791, Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 280-2) ; i n this acknowledgmen t Hamilto n said that th e nature of the company' s offer had bee n made known to him in "a communication through the Charg é de s affaire s o f Franc e t o th e Secretar y of State " (se e Document s i an d n following). 54
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channel. I t i s als o understandabl e tha t h e shoul d hav e thu s mad e a confidan t of a foreign individua l instea d o f communicatin g wha t h e kne w t o Jefferson , despite Washington' s instructio n tha t h e consul t wit h hi m o n matter s con cerning foreig n loan s an d the deb t t o France . Fo r in these conversation s wit h Cazenove Hamilto n had other object s i n mind. I n the first one h e reveale d hi s intention t o creat e th e Societ y fo r Establishin g Useful Manufacture s ( S U M ) , an enterpris e fo r whic h h e sough t an d procure d investments fro m th e house s Cazenove represented. Amon g these were the Van Staphorsts, one o f the banking firms which represented th e Unite d States i n Amsterdam. Hamilton at the same tim e reveale d t o Cazenov e hi s plan s fo r th e deferre d annuitie s - usefu l information fo r th e Hollan d capitalist s wh o wer e alread y profitin g fro m in vestments i n America n securities. Th e agen t naturall y asked his principal s to hold this i n confidence. Knowin g that th e America n bankers would lear n of it through the Van Staphorsts, Hamilton also assured the agent that Short's letter of the 2 d o f December ha d gratified hi m in its tribute to thei r zeal, talents, an d credit, thu s bringin g t o bea r all that th e Unite d State s coul d desir e i n respec t to th e loan s bein g negotiated . Cazenov e dul y transmitte d t o hi s superior s thi s flattering bu t obviou s misrepresentation o f what Shor t had actually said in his cogent analysi s o f variou s Amsterda m banking houses an d their practices. 56
V On th e 4th of April Ott o received Montmorin's instructions and all pertinent documents concernin g th e proposa l o f Schweitzer , Jeannere t & Cie . H e im mediately calle d upon the Secretary of State, who confessed that he was entirely ignorant o f the matte r despit e dispatche s recentl y receive d fro m Short . Thus , without makin g a formal representation, Ott o ha d given Jefferso n th e essentia l facts some days before he presented his written communication with the relevant documents. A t thi s initia l intervie w Jefferso n gav e Otto hi s views o f what th e attitude o f th e governmen t woul d be . H e assure d th e charg é tha t Shor t ha d no power to conclude s o important a transaction, being authorized only to make a loa n ver y inferio r t o th e on e proposed ; tha t th e Hollan d financiers knew h e could no t ope n a new loa n unti l th e first ha d bee n approved ; tha t i t wa s th e intention o f th e Presiden t t o hav e th e entir e deb t t o Franc e liquidate d b y payments mad e t o th e Roya l Treasur y i n specie ; tha t h e feare d n o il l woul d result fro m th e proposa l becaus e o f th e solicitou s interes t Montmori n himsel f had take n t o preven t it ; but tha t i t woul d b e necessar y t o awai t Washington' s decision o n hi s retur n from hi s souther n tour. Thus , speakin g provisionall y for the government , Jefferso n gav e his own view s an d a message of complimen t to Montmori n a week befor e h e submitte d Otto' s forma l not e an d it s accom panying documents t o Hamilto n and asked what substantive answe r should b e given. Thi s conversatio n wit h Ott o too k plac e o n th e da y tha t Jefferso n received Short' s communication o f the 24t h o f January whic h did not mentio n 57
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Cazenov e to hi s principals , 11 Apr . 1791 (Cazenov e Lette r Book , Hollan d Land Company Papers, Archives of the City of Amsterdam). See also Editorial Note, Vol. 19 : 454-7, fo r mor e detaile d commen t o n Hamilton' s successfu l effor t t o ge t Cazenov e to invest fo r his principals in SUM . Ott o to Montmorin , 4 Apr. 1791 (Arch . Aff . Etr. , Corr . Pol. , E.-U., xxxv) . Ott o to the Secretar y of State, 1 0 Apr. 1791; TJ to Hamilton , 10 Apr. 1791 (se e Documents i and I I following) . 56
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the company' s proposa l bu t whic h enclose d th e on e o f th e 18t h o f Decembe r to Hamilto n i n whic h it s natur e wa s full y documented . Bu t on e importan t difference betwee n Hamilton's conversation with Cazenove and that of Jefferson with Ott o i s that th e Secretar y of the Treasur y disclose d usefu l informatio n t o a privat e individua l with othe r object s i n mind , whil e th e Secretar y o f Stat e gave a tentative respons e to a communication from the accredited representative of a foreign power . Fiv e day s afte r hi s conversatio n wit h Otto , Jefferso n hap pened t o lear n from Joh n Adam s tha t Hamilton , in accordanc e with authorization give n b y Washingto n befor e hi s departure , had called a meeting o f th e heads of department for the ostensible purpos e of giving more latitude to Short in th e negotiatio n o f loans. Havin g thus learned from the Vic e Presiden t that the state d purpos e o f th e meetin g concerned th e loan s bein g negotiate d b y Short - a subjec t to whic h the proposal s o f Schweitzer, Jeanneret & Cie. were obviously relate d — it seem s clear that o n th e nex t day , whic h happened t o b e a Sunday , Jefferson prompte d Otto to transmit to him the relevan t documents . These h e immediatel y dispatche d t o Hamilton , undoubtedly fo r th e purpos e of having the relate d subjects discusse d a t the meetin g calle d for the nex t day . It is not likely that, with Knox present and in full possession o f the facts through letters receive d from Swan, Hamilton would have desired such a discussion b y the ful l Cabinet . Hi s writte n opinio n wa s no t give n unti l th e da y afte r th e meeting. Another an d mor e importan t differenc e betwee n wha t th e Secretar y of th e Treasury sai d privatel y t o Cazenov e an d wha t th e Secretar y of Stat e sai d of ficially t o Ott o wa s th e assuranc e give n b y Jefferso n tha t th e entir e deb t t o France would be paid in specie. He had long since learned of Short's gratification that th e first paymen t wa s on e i n whic h 1. 5 millio n florins commande d 3. 6 million livres . If he ha d not alread y known tha t th e Secretar y of the Treasur y shared thi s view , h e wa s mad e awar e o f i t whe n h e receive d Hamilton' s first communication declarin g th e company' s proposa l wa s inadmissibl e because , among othe r reasons , i t woul d entai l th e los s o f the benefi t o f exchange. Thi s factor wa s give n eve n mor e emphasi s whe n Hamilto n sen t hi m a carefull y excised versio n o f Short' s lette r o f th e 18t h o f December. Bein g thu s mad e aware o f their differing view s abou t th e valu e and mode of payment, Jefferso n may hav e hope d t o brin g the issu e befor e th e Presiden t b y placin g Hamilton on record . In his reply to Otto , however, h e merel y summarized the argumen t given b y Hamilton , minimized the facto r of exchange b y referring only t o "th e change o f the plac e of payment," avoided repeatin g his own assuranc e that th e debt woul d b e pai d i n specie , an d sai d nothing abou t havin g t o awai t a final decision fro m the President. Ott o foun d th e reason s give n b y Jefferson "pe u satisfaisantes." I n the meantim e th e charg é ha d several conversations wit h th e Secretary of the Treasury, who emphasized his apprehensions about entrusting 59
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Se e Editorial Note and group of documents on indirect diplomacy, at 4 Apr. 1791 . Hamilton t o Adams , 9 Apr . 1791 ; Adam s to Hamilton , 9 Apr . 1791 ; Hamilto n to Washington, 1 0 Apr. 1791 (Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 258, 270-1) . Afte r receiving Hamilton's lette r o n Saturda y the 9th , Adams said that he accidentally fell in with TJ an d that the latter had suggested a meeting a t his house o n the 11th . Se e Document s i , I I , an d m following. Hamilto n to T J , 1 2 and 15 Apr. 1791 (Document s m and iv following) . T J t o Otto, 7 May 1791 (Documen t v following) . 59
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such a large mass of American obligations i n the hands of individuals. Hamilton also gave him the erroneou s impressio n that , in negotiating th e las t loan, Short had promise d t o accor d th e America n bankers th e preferenc e fo r thos e t o b e negotiated later . Otto , acceptin g Hamilton' s objectio n t o th e proposa l o f Schweitzer, Jeannere t & Cie. as conclusive , considere d th e matte r close d an d reported t o Montmori n tha t i t woul d b e useles s to pres s i t further. The absenc e o f ful l communicatio n o n th e subjec t betwee n Hamilto n an d Jefferson i s als o reflecte d i n th e manne r i n whic h eac h reporte d t o Shor t th e result o f the exchang e wit h Otto . Hamilto n thought th e sol e advantag e o f th e company's proposa l la y in its prolonging th e perio d of reimbursement an d on e of the mai n reasons for rejecting it was that it would subject "the United State s . . . t o th e los s arising from a less favourable cours e o f exchange." H e also hel d out th e hop e tha t othe r an d bette r offer s t o bu y th e deb t woul d b e mad e o n terms that Shor t would b e able to accept. Jefferso n hel d quite differen t view s and expressed the m i n the for m of positive instructions . Reminding Short how strongly th e Unite d States desire d to pa y off the deb t an d what good prospect s there were fo r borrowin g the whol e sum , he added : "Under these disposition s and prospects i t woul d griev e u s extremel y t o se e ou r debt pas s int o th e hand s of speculators , an d b e subjecte d ourselve s t o th e chicanerie s an d vexation s o f private avarice . W e desir e yo u therefor e t o dissuad e th e governmen t a s fa r as you ca n prudently fro m listenin g t o an y overtures o f that kind , whethe r nativ e or foreign, to inform them without reserv e that our government condemn s thei r projects, and reserves to itself the right of paying no where but into the Treasury of France, according to their contract." Nothing coul d have been more explicit as a statemen t o f th e government' s policy , no r mor e a t odd s wit h Hamilton' s view o f what th e policy shoul d be . Even a s these conflicting instruction s were bein g dispatched , the continuin g depreciation o f the livre brought renewe d activity on the part of French official s and speculators . Dufresne , Directo r o f th e Roya l Treasury , concerte d wit h Montmorin t o prevai l upon Shor t to preven t furthe r loss by the declinin g rat e of exchange. Caugh t between the America n bankers in Amsterdam and these official pressures , a n embarrasse d Shor t referre d the proble m t o Hamilton. The sam e circumstance s produce d a new appea l b y Schweitzer , Jeannere t & Cie. an d their official supporters . Short declined to treat with them and referred them t o Ternant , wh o wa s abou t t o depar t a s ministe r t o th e Unite d States . He tol d him , however, tha t i f the ministr y approved, i f Ternant coul d b e full y satisfied abou t thei r capita l resources , an d i f th e term s were fair , h e woul d recommend tha t Hamilto n accep t thei r offer . I n reportin g thi s t o Hamilton , Short sai d tha t i f Ternan t undertoo k t o ac t o n th e proposa l h e woul d b e authorized to giv e more advantageou s term s than those submitted b y the com 63
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Ott o to Montmorin, 7 May 179 1 (Arch . Aff . Etr. , Corr . Pol. , E.-U., xxxv) . On 6 July 179 1 Montmori n transmitted to Schweitzer, Jeanneret & Cie . TJ's letter of 7 Ma y 1791 rejectin g the company's offe r (Df t i n same). Hamilto n to Short , 1 3 Apr . 1791 (R C in D L C : Shor t Papers; printed in Syrett, Hamilton, vu , 280-2). T J t o Short , 25 Apr . 1791. Dufresn e t o Montmorin , 1 2 Apr . and 1 7 Ma y 179 1 (Arch . Aff . Etr. , Corr . Pol., E.-U., xxxv) . Shor t to Hamilton , 19 June 179 1 (Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 488-93). 6 3
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pany. Bu t h e added : "Th e exchang e betwee n Pari s an d Amsterda m i s no w more tha n 20. p . cen t i n favor of the latter . Thi s i s the rea l standar d by which you shoul d b e guided." James Swan, transmitting to Henr y Knox the ne w proposa l of the company , argued otherwise. H e pointed ou t that the Committe e o f Finance had requested Dufresne to write to Shor t that as the money derive d from the recent loan "was to pa y th e ver y su m borrowe d b y Congress , i t wa s expecte d tha t i t woul d b e paid E c u , contr e E c u , without th e benefi t o f exchange. " Sinc e thi s ha d falle n so low as 20%, he thought th e United States could not honorably take advantag e of the misfortune s o f he r ally. T o d o this , h e tol d Knox , "woul d appea r a s an Agiotage whic h the Governmen t would no t suffer , sinc e the y woul d clai m the hard Crowns, a s advanced to Congress." In brief, what the governmen t coul d not itsel f do , i t coul d authoriz e a company o f speculator s t o d o fo r thei r ow n private benefit . Gouverneur Morris added his voice to the conflicting counsels . H e addressed himself no t t o th e Secretar y o f th e Treasur y a s h e ha d don e earl y i n 179 0 o r to th e Secretar y o f State , bu t t o th e President . I n givin g Washingto n a brief history o f th e affair , h e referre d to hi s lette r t o Hamilto n o f 3 1 Januar y 1790 , in whic h h e ha d "hinte d a t th e mean s o f turnin g t o usefu l Accoun t a ver y precipitate step of the publi c agents in Holland." In his lengthy communicatio n Morris lef t Washingto n wit h the erroneou s impressio n tha t h e had withdrawn from any concern with the debt o n being sent on the public mission to England . He argue d tha t sinc e th e Unite d State s wa s no t i n a position t o pa y th e debt , a bargai n b y whic h th e perio d o f payment coul d b e prolonge d withou t los s t o either party would b e desirable. No r could the natio n "tak e Advantage o f those Necessities [o f France] whic h the Succo r afforded t o Americ a . . . occasioned. " He adde d tha t i n a conversatio n wit h on e wh o wa s engage d i n th e affair , h e had bee n give n proo f tha t "Peopl e o f the firs t Fortune " were concerned i n it . He di d no t mentio n Schweitzer , Jeannere t & Cie . and h e di d no t i n precis e terms recommen d approva l o f thei r proposals . Bu t h e pointe d ou t tha t th e bargain desire d coul d onl y b e mad e wit h th e Frenc h governmen t o r wit h individuals. Thi s begge d th e questio n a s t o th e purpos e o f th e Hollan d loan s and th e effec t suc h bargainin g would hav e upo n them . But , warning that an y requests b y th e Unite d State s fo r furthe r delay s i n payment woul d hav e t o b e given th e consen t o f th e Nationa l Assembl y an d the debate s ther e woul d no t be pleasant, Morri s lef t n o doubt a s to whic h course he woul d recommend : "A Bargain wit h Individual s has th e Advantag e o f bringin g i n the Ai d of private Interest t o th e Suppor t o f ou r Credit , an d wha t i s o f ver y grea t Consequenc e 68
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Shor t to Hamilton , 3 June 179 1 (same , vm , 412-25). Ternan t told Shor t that he was not satisfie d abou t th e resource s o f the company . Schweitzer , Jeanneret & Cie. to Montmorin, 7 Apr. 179 1 (Arch . Aff. Etr., Corr. Pol. , E.-U. , xxxv; photocopies in DLC) . Montmorin acknowledged thei r letter o n 29 Apr . 1791 an d said that, while their plan appeared useful, h e could take no further step to procure its acceptance. H e forwarded the lette r t o Shor t th e sam e day , repeatin g hi s favorabl e opinio n o f the proposa l bu t leaving the matter up to Shor t (same). Swa n to Knox , 2 7 Ma y 1791 , wit h a postscript o f the 10t h o f June enclosing a power o f attorne y give n b y Schweitzer , Jeannere t & Cie. in blank , authorizin g th e unnamed person to presen t t o the Presiden t the ne w proposa l and to accept an y modifications tha t migh t b e required , subject t o thei r final approval (bot h i n MHi : Knox Papers). Swa n gave a very different accoun t to T J , but thought thei r interest "nea r the minister" and other official suppor t promised success (Swa n to T J, 2 June 1791) . 68
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it woul d leav e u s a t Libert y t o mak e Us e o f tha t Credi t fo r th e Arrangemen t of our domestic Affairs." Th e phrasing was mor e elegant , bu t i n essence this was the sam e argumen t Swa n had urged in his communication wit h Knox: th e United State s coul d no t honorabl y profi t fro m th e necessitie s o f France, bu t i t could permi t private speculator s t o d o this . Montmorin decline d th e company' s reques t fo r instruction s t o Ternan t t o press their proposals officially , referrin g them instead to Short . Ternant arrived early in August t o tak e up hi s duties. Fa r fro m recommending adoptio n o f th e proposal of Schweitzer, Jeanneret & Cie., h e made a representation agains t th e advantage tha t ha d bee n take n o f Franc e b y wa y o f payment s i n depreciate d currency. Jefferson drafte d a response whic h reflected hi s own consisten t view s of th e subjec t bu t whic h h e kne w wa s no t i n accor d wit h thos e o f Hamilto n and Shor t a s reflecte d i n thei r word s an d actions . I n submittin g th e draf t t o Hamilton fo r hi s suggestions , h e reminde d hi m tha t th e respons e t o Ternan t would hav e t o mee t th e approva l o f th e President . Hamilton , perhap s no t knowing whethe r Jefferso n ha d alread y consulte d Washington , offere d a rephrasing o f th e final sentenc e whic h eliminate d th e assuranc e tha t payment s would b e mad e i n their just value an d also deferre d settlemen t o f the questio n of depreciatio n an d the rat e o f exchang e t o th e tim e o f final liquidation o f th e debt. Bu t wha t remaine d wa s unequivocal . Speakin g fo r th e President , Jef ferson gav e th e pledg e o f th e governmen t tha t i t woul d entertai n "n o ide a o f paying thei r deb t i n a depreciate d medium." Hamilto n dul y reporte d th e decision t o Short. This wa s b y n o mean s a n insignifican t victor y fo r th e Secretar y of Stat e i n his defens e o f a settlement o f th e deb t tha t woul d b e just an d honorable. Bu t it wa s fa r fro m endin g th e irritation s an d partisa n conflict s whic h clustere d about th e America n obligation a s lon g a s it existed . 70
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Morri s t o Washington , 2 7 Ma y 179 1 ( D N A : R G 59 , M L R ; printe d i n Syrett , Hamilton, ix , 63-7) . Washingto n requeste d Hamilto n to draf t a reply to Morri s (Lea r t o Hamilton, 1 5 Aug . 1791 , same , ix , 61) . Lea r sen t wit h thi s al l o f th e document s tha t Morris ha d enclosed : copie s o f th e proposal s o f th e compan y a s enclose d i n thei r lette r to Lambert , 2 2 Nov . 1790 ; Lamber t t o Montmorin , 26 Nov . 1790 ; Montmorin' s reply, 29 Nov . 1790 ; Lamber t t o Schweitzer , Jeannere t & Cie., 30 Nov . 1790 ; th e compan y to Short , 1 4 Dec . 1790 ; Short' s reply , 1 7 Dec . 1790 ; th e compan y t o Short , 2 7 Dec . 1790, an d t o Montmorin , 1 0 Jan . 1791 ; Montmorin' s repl y t o th e company , 2 0 Jan . 1791; Montmori n to Otto , 24 Jan . 179 1 (Tr s of all, in French, i n D N A: RG 59, M L R ) . Hamilton's draft of Washington's respons e t o Morri s (not found ) wa s far more carefully composed tha n those he gave to TJ for rejecting the company's proposal (see Washingto n to Morris , 1 2 Sep . 1791 , Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi , 366-8 ; Document s m an d i v following). T J to Hamilton , 3 1 Aug . 1791 ; Hamilto n t o T J , 3 1 Aug . 1791 ; T J to Ternant , 1 Sep . 1791 . Hamilto n to Short , 1 Sep. 179 1 (Syrett , Hamilton, ix , 158-62) . 7 0
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I . L o u i s G u i l l a u m e Otto t o T h o m a s Jefferso n Dimanche matin . 10 . A v r i l . 1791 .
L e Charg é de s Affaire s d e Franc e a l'honneu r d e presente r se s respects à Monsieu r l e Secretair e d'Eta t e t d e lu i envoye r l a Cor respondance qu i a eu lieu concernant la proposition fait e par Messrs. Schweizer et Jeanneret de rembourser la dette des Etat s unis envers Sa Majesté . I l le suppli e d e vouloi r bie n lu i renvoye r ce s piece s e t lui e n donner so n opinio n avan t le depart du bâtiment, qu i doit faire voile pou r l e Havr e ver s l a fin de cett e Semaine . RC (DNA : RG 59, NL) ; endorse d by T J a s received 1 0 Apr . 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL . T J returne d the enclosures to Otto, and thes e cannot be identified with certainty. The y canno t hav e include d all that Shor t sen t t o Hamilton , whic h included those written by Swan (for identification o f these enclosures , se e Editoria l Note, note s 38 , 40 , 41 , 44 , 48 , 50 , and 52). Bu t it is certain that Otto sent to T J with this note the proposals of Schweitzer,
Jeanneret & Cie. o f 22 Nov. 179 0 and the exchanges amon g the company, Lambert, Montmorin, an d Short , copie s o f which Gouverneur Morris sent to Washington in his letter of 27 May 179 1 (for identification of these, se e not e 7 0 t o Editoria l Note) . These probabl y di d no t includ e Mont morin's instructions to Otto of 24 Jan. 1791 , a cop y o f whic h Montmori n had sent t o Short.
I I . T h o m a s Jefferson t o A l e x a n d e r Hamilton [Philadelphia] Apr . 10 . 1791 .
T h : Jefferso n ha s the hono r to sen d to the Secretar y of the Treasur y a not e just received fro m M r . Otto wit h copies of a correspondenc e between certai n banker s desirou s o f lendin g 40 . million s o f livre s to th e U . S . th e Frenc h minister s an d M r . Short. H e wil l as k th e Secretary o f th e Treasury' s consideratio n o f these papers , an d tha t he wil l b e s o goo d a s t o retur n them t o hi m wit h th e substanc e o f the answe r he woul d wis h to hav e give n t o M r . Otto. I t is probabl e indeed w e shal l soo n receiv e th e sam e correspondenc e fro m M r . Short wit h hi s observation s o n th e offe r made . RC (DLC : Hamilto n Papers); endorsed. Not recorded in S J L o r SJPL . Fo r enclosure s see note to Documen t i preceding.
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I I I . Alexande r Hamilto n to Thoma s Jefferson S l R Treasur
y Departmen t Apri l 12th . 179 1
I hav e peruse d th e paper s communicate d t o yo u b y th e Charg é des Affaire s of France. T h e propositions t o whic h they relate , as far as the y ar e understood , appea r t o m e inadmissible . T h e onl y ad vantage the y offe r t o th e Unite d States i s a prolongation o f the tim e of reimbursement . T h e rat e o f interes t i s t o remai n th e same , an d the plac e o f payment, accordin g to th e probabl e cours e of exchange , is to be altered for the worse , fro m Paris to Amsterdam. A premium of five ^ Cent i s als o required , whil e th e charge s o n th e loan s w e make i n Hollan d do no t excee d four . There i s howeve r a propositio n whic h i s no t understood . I t i s this, tha t th e exchang e o n th e su m t o b e pai d at Pari s an d received at Amsterdam shall be regulate d accordin g to th e Tariff announce d in th e la w o f Congress . No w ther e i s nothin g i n th e law s o f th e United State s t o whic h I ca n appl y th e ter m Tariff . I t i s possibl e however tha t M r . Short's letters whe n receive d may throw ligh t o n this poin t an d some others , whic h may giv e a different complexio n to th e business . But ther e ar e variou s collatera l consideration s i n relatio n t o th e transfer o f the deb t du e fro m the Unite d State s t o France , affectin g the credi t and financial operation s o f this country , whic h will mak e it i n almos t an y for m a delicate operation . I t i s desireabl e o n ever y account to make expeditious paymen t to France; but this desire must be conciliate d wit h tha t o f invigoratin g an d perfectin g th e syste m of publi c credi t o f th e Unite d States . An d i n adherin g to thi s ide a there is the additional inducement o f a tolerable prospect of satisfying the claims of France in a manner perhaps as expeditious an d probably more efficaciou s tha n woul d b e inciden t t o a n acquiescenc e i n th e proposed p l a n . - I hav e th e hono r t o be , wit h grea t respec t an d esteem Si r Your obedt . servant , ALEXANDER HAMILTO N Secy o f the Treasur y RC (DLC : Madison Papers); in clerk's hand, except for signature; at foot of text: "The honorable Thomas Jefferson Esqr. Secretar y of State." Not recorded in SJL .
I 199 ]
I V . Alexande r Hamilto n to Thoma s Jefferson S l R Treasur
y Department , 1 5 April 179 1
T h e lette r yo u sen t m e fro m M r . Short an d others whic h I hav e received, sinc e min e t o you , confir m the vie w o f the subjec t therei n taken. T h i s yo u wil l perceiv e fro m the followin g passage s extracte d from one of them. "Since then (speakin g of former overtures) another Company ha s presente d itsel f for the sam e object , wit h a scheme b y which th e Unite d State s ar e t o mak e th e sacrifices o n whic h they count fo r thei r profits. " "Th e object o f this Compan y is, a s you wil l see, t o pa y livre s tournois i n thei r presen t depreciate d Stat e an d t o receive fro m the Unite d States florins at the usua l exchange. B y this means Franc e woul d receiv e fro m the m as much as she is entitled to receive from us, bu t w e shoul d b e obliged t o pa y the Compan y much more than we are obliged to pay France" "Ha d I ha d power s com petent t o th e purpose, I shoul d no t hav e though t mysel f justifie d to hav e opene d suc h a negotiatio n wher e ther e wa s all loss an d no prospect of advantage t o th e Unite d States. " " I must als o ad d tha t the hous e whic h make s thes e proposition s i s entirely unknown her e and that I never hear d even thei r names a t Paris , whic h proves tha t it must be an inconsiderable one" Consequentl y th e credi t o f th e United State s woul d b e i n imminen t dange r o f sufferin g i n thei r hands. I hav e authorised M r. Short to apply a million and a half of florins of th e loa n h e ha s opene d t o th e us e o f France , an d shal l pres s a s large payments , a s ma y b e practicable , to her . I tak e it for grante d that th e Cour t o f France wil l no t attemp t an y operation wit h th e debt , withou t th e consen t o f th e Unite d States . Any thin g o f this sort , considerin g th e effort s whic h are making o n our part, to discharg e th e debt , woul d certainl y be very exception able. Indeed I d o no t se e ho w an y vali d disposition o f th e deb t o f a sovereign powe r ca n be mad e withou t it s consent; bu t i t would b e disagreeable t o hav e t o us e thi s argument . I trus t i t wil l neve r b e rendered necessary. -1 hav e the hono r to be , wit h great respect, Sir, Your obedt . Servant , ALEXANDE R HAMILTO N 1
2
2
RC (DLC : Madiso n Papers) ; in clerk's hand excep t fo r signature and two inter lineations in Hamilton's hand (see not e 2 below); endorsed by TJ a s received 15 Apr. 1791 and so recorded in SJL. The extracts made by Hamilton are from Short's lette r
to him of 18 Dec. 1790, enclosed in his to T J o f 30 Dec. 1790 . Bot h were receive d by TJ o n 14 Apr. 1791 , and that to Hamilton was forwarded to him the same day . The italicize d passage s wer e no t under scored in Short's letter, but whether em -
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phasis was given by Hamilton or by some later hand cannot be determined. For one instance o f a departure from Short's text, see note 1 below. As indicated in the Editorial Note, Short assumed as a matter of course that his dispatches t o th e Secretar y of th e Treasur y pertaining to the loan s and to the deb t t o France would be shared with the Secretary of State . Thu s h e di d not forwar d to TJ the various documents enclose d i n his letters to Hamilton of 18 Dec. 1790, 1 5 Jan . 1791, 7 Feb . 1791 , an d 1 1 Mch . 1791 . Neither di d he kee p T J informed o f the complicated maneuver s o f Schweitzer , Jeanneret & Cie. and their supporters in and ou t of office. Hi s assumptio n that a full and freeexchange of information would take place between the two heads of department is understandable. The subject under discussion involved both financeand American foreig n relations. Also, as Short knew, it was for this reason that Washington had required consultation and concerte d action by the two members of the Cabinet having responsibility in these areas. But tha t Short's assumption wa s ill-founde d i s prove d - amon g other things - b y the above letter in which , instead of enclosing the full text as Shor t ha d suppose d woul d b e done , Hamilton exclude d fa r mor e fro m th e lengthy dispatc h than h e included . Also, while assuring TJ tha t he had authorize d Short t o appl y 1. 5 millio n florins to th e debt t o Franc e and would "press as large payments, as may. be practicable, to her," he failed to disclose that a third of this sum was bein g withhel d fo r furthe r instructions. Thus, whil e Short's letter was intended for TJ's eye s as well as for Hamilton's, the Secretary of State never saw the perceptive account therein of the Dutch money lenders, undertakers , and broker s o r Short's observations on the status of American credit in Europe . This would have added little to what TJ had learned from personal experience i n 178 8 whe n h e persuade d John Adams to negotiate a loan in order to sustain American credit during the transition to a form of government whic h had power to tax . Bu t amon g th e part s of the lette r that Hamilto n exclude d ther e wa s much else about the scheme of Schweitzer, Jeanneret & Cie. then formally under discussion
O F R A N C
E
between th e Secretar y o f Stat e an d th e French chargé d'affaires. Shor t opened this topic wit h a statement abou t th e attitud e of the Frenc h ministr y which TJ should have see n a s Shor t intended: " I have informed you of the severa l attempts which have bee n mad e to speculat e o n the deb t due b y th e U . S . The y wer e averte d by different means , bu t particularl y by th e governments acquirin g full informatio n of the valu e of that debt . A t the time o f my leaving Pari s th e ministr y were full y de termined a s fa r as depende d o n the m t o listen t o n o negotiatio n o f that sort . Thi s put a n end t o th e scheme s o f those wh o placed their profits i n the sacrifice s to be made by France." Short then gave a brie f history o f the negotiation s of Schweitzer, Jeanneret & Cie. tha t was documented by his enclosures. The latter included the two letters from Swan of 12 Dec. 1790 and also that written two day s later (Syrett, Hamilton, vu, 361-5). These of course were not included in the documents TJ received from Otto. Hamilto n also exclude d Short' s remarks about Lamber t an d about hi s own response to Montmorin: "As thi s [the proposal of Schweitzer, Jeanneret & Cie.] wa s envelopped in such a manner as not to strike the Comptrolle r General, h e espouse d i t with much warmth and recommended [it] to M. d e Montmorin. That minister wrote me a letter on the subject. .. . You wil l see that the minister has misstated a little my conversation wit h him, though i t is of no consequence. A s I had no powe r t o ac t I thought i t best to rest my answer on that footing, but as I feared the company meant to submit their offers to the assembly where a discussion of them could not have failed to have been inconvenient at least, perhaps injurious, I wished to stop it if possible in the hand s o f th e minister , an d therefor e added th e observation s containe d i n my answer " Hamilton also excluded Short's account o f the subsequen t pressure s from Swan an d fro m th e compan y whic h induced him to write to Montmorin and "to shew tha t th e U . S . di d not refus e abso lutely ever y kin d o f negotiation, an d that there wa s a rea l insufficienc y o f power. " To thi s Shor t adde d an d Hamilto n ex cluded the following : " I thought i t probable this woul d pu t a n end to th e prosecution o f this busines s withou t th e U . S. being placed in an unfavorable light in the
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assembly in case of the matter being carried there. I t is particularly important that we should b e wel l regarde d there a t presen t as the discussion of the objects of our com merce in France is now open. " Perhaps most significant of all, Hamilton did no t revea l Short's comment abou t th e Genoese capitalist s wh o wer e reputedl y connected wit h th e scheme . I n these remarks he indicate d his willingnes s t o ne gotiate with them a s potential purchasers of the debt : "Yo u observ e i t is stated a s if they [the Genoese capitalists] were wholly interested. Should they be induced to change their interest s i n the Frenc h fund s t o th e American debt, an d in order to effect this change submit to the loss of exchange, viz. pay Franc e th e numbe r o f livres , and receive th e America n new obligation s her e in florins of the value of those livres at the present rate of exchange, this which would be perfectly just would at the same time be advantageous t o the U. S." Short admitted that this would involve risk by placing the obligations i n private hands, but he added: "on the othe r han d the want s o f America would cease a s far as relate to the loans to be made for the liquidation of the debt due to France. Shoul d it be thought prope r to set on foot the conditional negotiation mentioned in my letter to M. Montmorin it will be then seen whether such a scheme would be acceptable to the Genoese and that without it s comin g fro m the U . S." (Short to Hamilton, 1 8 Dec. 1790 ; printed with enclosures in Syrett Hamilton, vu , 348-68). The extract s made by Hamilton from the letter of Short thus failed to reveal the latter's willingnes s t o plac e th e deb t i n the hands o f presumabl y mor e reliabl e capitalists. Bu t what h e di d disclose wa s suf ficient t o show that, on the matter of taking advantage o f the depreciate d valu e o f the livre i n orde r t o benefi t th e Unite d States-that is , t o tak e advantag e o f th e distressed situatio n o f the ally - Shor t had proved himself to be more Hamiltonian than Jefferson i n his views. T J recognized th e }
O F R A N C
E
fact and treated it with silence. Bu t in his instructions to Short he made it clear that the polic y o f th e governmen t wa s alto gether differen t an d that it condemned all speculators' plans to buy the debt, whether these originated at home or abroad ( TJ t o Short, 25 Apr. 1791). The protég é an d surrogat e so n o f th e Secretary o f State , wh o wa s increasingl y revealing his differing attitud e towar d the political situatio n i n France , pai d littl e if any attention t o these unequivocal instructions. Withi n the yea r Short was suggesting to Hamilton that the firstbanking firm in Paris , Boy d & Ker, might b e induced to pay of f the entire remaining debt to France at on e stroke . H e argue d tha t Boy d & Ker-an Englis h house —were connecte d with the richest person in France, the Marquis de Laborde, banker to Louis XV; with Henry Hop e & Co., the leadin g banking firm i n Amsterdam; and, through that house, with their London correspondents. I f such powerful auxiliarie s invested i n America n funds, this would do much to support their credit (Short to Hamilton, 24 Mch. 1791, Syrett, Hamilton, xi , 178-85) . Hamilto n replied tha t h e woul d b e gratifie d t o se e the pla n to settl e the deb t throug h Boyd & Ke r carrie d into execution. Speakin g as if fo r th e Secretar y of State , h e informe d Short that , i f th e assistanc e o f th e ne w minister t o France , Gouverneu r Morris , would help to carry the plan into effect, he would be "instructed to co-operate" (Hamilton t o Short , 1 4 Jun e 1792 , printe d in same, xi, 519-20). Hamilto n did not need to poin t ou t tha t America n funds i n th e hands of houses so closely connecte d wit h England might b e expected t o strengthe n Anglo-American relations. Wha t Short actually wrote in his letter of 18 Dec. 1790 was: "Ha d I power I should not have thought mysel f justified. . . ." Thi s wor d interlined in RC by Hamilton. 1
2
{ 20 2 ]
V . T h o m a s J e f f e r s on t o L o u i s G u i l l a u m e Ott o S I R Philadelphi
a May 7. 1791 .
I hav e no w th e honou r t o retur n you th e proposition s o f Messrs. Schweizer, Jeannere t & co. whic h have bee n submitte d t o th e Sec retary o f th e Treasury . H e doe s no t thin k the y ca n b e accede d t o on th e par t o f th e Unite d States . T h e greate r premiu m demande d than wha t w e no w pay , th e chang e o f th e plac e o f payment , th e change o f th e banker s who m w e hav e alway s employe d fo r other s unknown t o us , th e dange r o f risking our credi t b y puttin g suc h a mass o f ou r pape r int o ne w hands , wil l I dar e sa y appea r t o you , Sir, substantia l reason s fo r declinin g thi s measure ; and the mor e s o as th e ne w instruction s give n t o M r . Shor t ar e t o rais e mone y a s fast a s ou r credi t wil l admit ; an d w e hav e n o reaso n t o suppos e i t cannot b e a s soo n don e b y ou r antien t banker s a s b y others . Ou r desire t o pa y ou r whole debt , principa l and interest, t o Franc e i s a s strong a s her s ca n b e t o reciev e it , an d w e believ e that , b y th e arrangements alread y taken , i t wil l b e a s soo n don e fo r her , an d more safel y an d advantageousl y fo r us , tha n b y a chang e o f them . We be g yo u t o b e assure d that n o exertion s ar e sparing on ou r part to accomplish this desireable object, as it will be peculiarly gratifying to u s tha t monie s advance d t o u s i n critica l time s shoul d b e reim bursed t o Franc e i n time s equall y critica l t o her . I have th e honou r to b e wit h sentiment s o f th e mos t perfec t estee m & respect , Sir , your mos t obedien t & most humbl e servant , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA : R G 59, PCC No. 120). For enclosures see note to Document i preceding.
T o Willia m C a r m i c h a e l S I R Philadelphi
a Apr . 11.179 1
I wrot e yo u o n th e 12th . o f March, an d again o n th e 17th . o f th e same month , sinc e whic h I hav e receive d you r favo r o f Januar y 24th. wherei n yo u refe r to copie s o f two letters , als o t o a paper No . 1. suppose d t o b e enclose d i n tha t letter : bu t ther e wa s nothin g enclosed. Yo u spea k particularl y of severa l othe r letter s formerl y forwarded, bu t no t a single on e wa s eve r receive d o f later date tha n May 6th . 1789 . an d thi s o f Januar y 24th . i s al l w e posses s fro m you sinc e tha t date . I enclos e yo u a lis t o f letter s addresse d t o yo u on variou s subject s an d t o whic h answer s were , an d are , naturally [203 ]
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expected; an d I sen d yo u agai n copie s o f th e paper s i n th e cas e o f the Dove r Cutte r whic h ha s bee n th e subjec t o f s o man y o f thos e letters, an d i s th e subjec t o f th e constan t solicitatio n o f th e partie s here. A final decisio n o n tha t applicatio n therefor e i s earnestl y de sired. Whe n yo u conside r th e repeate d reference s o f matter s t o yo u from hence , an d the tota l suppressio n o f whatever yo u have writte n in answer , you wil l no t b e surprise d if it had excited a great degre e of uneasiness . W e ha d enquire d whethe r privat e conveyance s di d not occu r from tim e t o tim e fro m Madri d t o Cadiz , wher e w e hav e vessels almos t constantly , an d w e wer e assure d tha t suc h convey ances wer e frequent . O n th e whole , Sir , you wil l b e sensibl e that , under th e jealou s Governmen t wit h whic h yo u reside , th e convey ance o f intelligence require s as much managemen t a s the obtainin g it: and I am in hopes that in future you will be on your guard against those infidelities i n that line, under which you and we hav e so much suffered. T h e Presiden t is absent o n a journey through the Souther n State s from whic h h e wil l no t retur n till th e en d o f June , consequentl y I could no t soone r notif y hi m o f your desire t o return : bu t eve n the n I wil l tak e th e libert y o f sayin g nothin g t o hi m o n th e subjec t til l I hear further from you. T h e suppression o f your correspondence ha s in a considerabl e degre e withdraw n yo u fro m th e publi c sight . I sincerely wis h tha t befor e you r retur n you coul d d o somethin g t o attract thei r attentio n an d favor an d render your return pleasing t o yourself an d profitabl e t o them , b y introducin g yo u t o ne w proof s of thei r confidence . M y tw o las t letter s t o yo u furnis h occasions . That of a co-operation against the British navigation act, and the arrangement of our affairs on the Missisipi. The former, if it can be effected, will form a remarkable and memorable epoch in the history and freedom of the ocean: Mr. Short will press it at Paris and Colo. Humphreys at Lisbon: the latter will shew most at first: and as to the latter be so good as to observe always that the right of navigating the Missisipi is considered as so palpable, that the recovery of it will produce no other sensation than that of a gross injustice removed. The extent and freedom of the port for facilitating the use of it, is what will excite the attention and gratification of the public. Colo. Humphreys writes me that all Mr. Gardoquïs communications while here, tended to impress the court of Madrid with the idea that the navigation of the Missisipi was only demanded on our part to quiet our Western settlers, and that it was not sincerely desired by the Maritime states. This is a most fatal error and must be completely eradicated, and speedily, or Mr. Gardoqui will prove to have been a bad peacemaker. It is true there 1
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were characters, whose stations entitled them to credit, and who, from geographical prejudices, did not themselves wish the navigation of the Missisipi to be restored to us, and who believed perhaps, as is common with mankind, that their opinion was the general opinion. But the sentiments of the great mass of the Union were decidedly otherwise then, and the very persons to whom Mr. Gardoqui alluded, are now come over to the opinion heartily that the navigation of the Missisipi, in full and unrestrained freedom, is indispensibly necessary, and must be obtained by any means it may call for. It will be most unfortunate indeed if we cannot convince Spain that we make this demand in earnest but by acts which will render that conviction too late to prevent evil. Not knowin g how bette r t o conve y t o yo u the law s and Gazettes than b y committin g the m t o th e patronag e o f Colo . Humphreys , I now sen d through that channe l the law s of the 2d . an d 3d. session s of Congress , and the newspapers. -1 hav e the honor to be with great esteem, Sir , Your mos t obedt . & most humbl e servt. 2
3
PrC (DLC) ; in a clerk's hand, unsigned; partly in code, accompanied by MS of text en clair in another clerk's hand. Dft (Lloyd W. Smith , Madison, N.J., 1946) ; entirely in TJ' s hand; undated, unaddressed , and unsigned; endorse d b y Remsen: "To Mr . Carmichael Apri l 11t h 1791"; in margin , opposite the bracketed passages t o be en coded, TJ wrot e on each of the two pages: "to be in cypher." FC (DNA: R G 59, DCI) . Enclosures: (1) List of the 14 public letters to Carmichael , wit h summarie s o f their subjects, writte n b y Jay as Secretary fo r Foreign Affair s from 1 9 Mch. 1785 to 7 Dec. 1789 ; in a separate column showin g Carmichael's answer s (thre e i n numbe r between 14 Aug. 1786 an d 6 May 1789), there is the following note opposite the entry for Jay's letter of 14 Mch. 1786 "instructing hi m to terminate busines s respectin g South Carolin a Frigate and Dover Cutter and to send a cypher": "Receipt of this Letter acknowledged i n one of 14 Aug. 1786" ; also, opposit e the entry for Jay's letter of 1 Dec. 1786 concerning "business and papers relative to So. Carolina Frigate" there is th e following: "Receip t acknowledge d 19 Augt . 178 7 Conversatio n wit h the Minister on the subject 6 May 1789" (i.e., as reporte d i n Carmichael's letter o f that date). Following a note indicating the point at which Jay's letters cease d and TJ's began, ther e i s a list of four of TJ's publi c letters between 11 Apr. an d 2 9 Aug. 1790 ,
to whic h no responses ha d been receive d (FC i n DNA: RG 59 , DCI ; PrC , i n another clerk' s hand, in D L C: T J Papers, 63: 10830-2) . (2) Joh n Mangnall to Congress, Teneriffe, 1 5 July 1780 , referrin g to his earlier appeal of 27 Apr . 1780 an d stating othe r particulars not mentioned therein: that the cutter Dover, chase d into the port of Santa Cruz by an English vessel of superior force, had bee n condemne d a s a lawful Spanish prize an d converte d int o a cruiser about the island s b y decree o f the "auditor or judge [Degurra ] . .. a very old man, naturally ill-natured and cruel, entirely igno rant of the merits of this cause, and would if i t was in his power d o us [the officers and m e n o f Dover wh o ha d b e e n " e n t i c e d "
on shore by deceit an d not even permitted to recover their clothes, books , o r papers] every injury" ; tha t Dover, manne d b y Spaniards, ha d fallen in with an Englis h vessel, Resolution, an d "fired to bring her too and the y not immediately lowering their sails, a few gun s were fired at them which immediately sunk her," 2 1 men being killed and 2 2 taken prisoner; and tha t he had tha t morning petitioned fo r permission to embark fo r Virginia o n the bri g Jenny o f Edenton and proceed to Philadelphia, bu t has received no answer. (3) Joh n Mangnall to Congress, Teneriffe, 16 July 1780, stating that the evening before h e had receive d th e General's an-
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11 A P R I L 1 7 swer: "h e mus t hav e tim e t o conside r of it"; that he thought none who had acted as officers o n Dover woul d b e permitte d t o leave until orders were received from Ma drid; and that they therefor e hope d Con gress would "demand us, and the Cutter , as soon as possible." (4) Joh n Mangnall's account o f Dover, Philadelphia, 2 2 Sep . 1780 , statin g tha t she was originally French, built at Le Havre, and, after being taken as an English prize, was bought b y some "Gentlemen in London," lengthene d 1 8 fee t a t Dover , and copper-sheathed at London; that she sailed from Foy, Cornwall, 13 Jan. 1780 , and "on the 13t h April she was cut out of Madeira Road by part of the people on board, an d carried int o St . a Cruse Teneriff e o n the 17th of the same month, with an Intent to disembark thirty Prisoners, and then to have proceeded" to Philadelphia ; that th e captain, second lieutenant, surgeon, purser, and about 1 2 men were on shore when Dover was taken (i.e. , b y those who carrie d her to Sant a Cruz) ; an d that sh e wa s a fine cutter, mounting 20 guns, and had "small Arms, Cutlasses, Pole Axes, and boarding Spikes for seventy Men." (5) Extrac t o f letter from James Lovell to Joh n Jay, Philadelphia, 4 Jun e 1781 , enclosing resolution of Congress of 27 Sep. 1780 and a copy of his letter to "a Gentleman in Teneriffe [McCarrick of Santa Cruz] to serv e a s a Memorandu m in Cas e yo u have not already procured Justice for Mr. Mangnall and his associates wh o took the Dover Cutter. . . . Mangnall has been unfortunate fro m the time he left thi s Place, last October. He is now here. I do not know whether thi s i s th e Matte r referred to in the Lette r of Mr. Carmichae l Deer . 24th: when he says 'The Minister also engaged to d o Justic e t o certai n American s who carried a British Privatee r to th e Canar ies' "; th e enclose d lette r t o McCarrick , Philadelphia, 4 Oct . 1780 , acknowledge d his o f 2 2 Jul y 178 0 t o Jame s Smit h (a former member of Congress) introducing Mangnall and asked him to forward to John Jay in Madrid a packet on Mangnall's business communicate d t o hi m b y orde r o f Congress. (6) Resolution of Congress, 14 Oct. 1777: "Whereas the British nation have received into thei r Ports , and condemned i n their
91
Courts of Admiralty as Lawful Priz e several Vessel s an d their Cargoes belongin g to these States which the masters and mariners, i n breac h of th e Trus t an d Confi dence reposed in them, have betrayed and delivered t o th e Officer s o f th e Britis h Crown, Resolved, therefore, that any vessel or cargo, the Property of any British Subject, not an Inhabitant of Bermuda or any of the Bahama Islands, brought into any of the Ports or Harbors of any of these United States b y the master or mariners, shall be adjudged lawful Prize and divided among their Captors, in the same Proportion as if taken by any continental Vessel of War." (7) Resolution of Congress, 27 Sep. 1780, that Mangnall's letters be referred to John Jay and that he be instructed to try to obtain fo r the captor s o f Dover th e benefit s intended by their resolution of 14 Oct. 1777, their intent being that "the whole Profit of the Captur e b e divide d amon g th e Cap tors." (8) Extract of letter from Silvester Gray to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 1 3 Dec. 1785, stating that he and Shuker had been induced to capture Dover becaus e o f their "barbarous usage" while prisoners on board an Englis h man-of-war , fo r whic h the y "swore to retaliat e the first opportunity"; that he and Shuker had been commissioned officers i n the service of the United States since th e beginnin g o f the war , while he had "sailed out o f . . . Philadelphia thes e 25 year s mate and master of a ship"; that "There was an English Privateer laying in the Roa d o f twenty Guns , th e sam e time and thirty of our men and officers on shore . . . and dare not come out after us. There was no t on e office r o n dec k til l w e wer e out of Gun shot of the Garrison but myself. Mr. Shuke r employed securin g the Arm s and officers an d Sailors that might oppose us, to preven t murder" ; that he anchored at Santa Cruz o n 1 5 Apr . 1780, an d the next da y "the Genera l an d his attendant s came on board, and much admired the vessel an d he r weigh t o f metal , a s sh e had burned several of their fishing craft a few days before" ; that , a s Ja y ha d bee n in formed several times while in Madrid, the General of Teneriffe had no right "to take the vesse l i n the manne r he did" ; that he has heard nothing abou t th e matte r since he and Shuker left Cadiz in 1782; and that
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11 A P R I L 1 7 he hope s Jay will us e hi s influenc e wit h the Cour t o f Madrid sinc e the y ha d "ru n such a risk in this attempt" and he would always regard Dover a s his property until she wa s paid for, concluding: "The value is £8000 pound s sterling to the owners in London, an d I think sh e ha s been worth sixteen thousand pounds sterling to the King of Spain since she has been i n his service these four years past." (9) Extrac t o f letter fro m Jay to Gray , 29 Dec . 1785 , acknowledgin g th e fore going and saying that he had heard nothing about th e Dover matte r since h e lef t Madrid, when it was being considered by the minister, who said that he had ordered the necessary inquiries to be made; and that he would forwar d a copy o f Gray' s lette r t o Carmichael and press him to attend to the business, adding: "His answer will doubtless enable m e to giv e you particular an d I hope satisfactory information on the subject." ( 10) Extract of a letter fromSamuel Cook to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, 27 Feb. 1786, reading : "I am the mournfu l aged parent of Rutherford Cook, who after a lingering illness died in the month of October last, who often made mention of your goodness an d kindnes s t o him , fo r whic h I return yo u m y thankfu l acknowledg ment. - Captai n Throop, a kinsman of mine and bearer of this, wait s on yo u to know what information you may give him relative t o the priz e money i n which my son was concerned, due fromthe Court of Spain on account of the british Cutter by him and others captured." (11) Extrac t o f a lette r fro m Silveste r Gray to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, "dated 29th. (suppose ) Septembe r 1786, " acknowledging Jay's of 29 Dec. 1785 and desiring to know what response the American minister in Spain had made to his inquiry. (12) Secretary for Foreign Affairs to Gray, 3 Oct . 1786 , sayin g that he had that moment received the foregoing; that, after receiving no account fromthe chargé d'affaires in Madrid, he had written him on the Dover matter on 1 4 Mch. 178 6 bu t had "not yet received his answer, nor any further intelligence respecting it." PrC, in clerk's hand, of all of the foregoing enclosure s in DLC : T J Papers , 63: 10883-99 ; F C i n another
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clerk's hand in DNA: RG 59 , DCI, where enclosures numbers 5 through 12 are given by title onl y becaus e ful l text s of all were of course available in the file s o f the Secretary for Foreign Affairs. The stor y o f th e cutte r Dover i s suffi ciently outline d i n th e enclosure s t o th e above letter , bu t two point s requir e comment. First , th e resolutio n o f Congress of 14 Oct . 1777 , lik e th e priz e decree s o f British admiralt y courts agains t whic h it retaliated, was an overt invitation to masters an d mariner s o n Britis h vessel s t o "breach . . . the Trust an d Confidence reposed in them" - tha t is, in a word, to commit the serious crime of barratry or worse under promise of both immunity and ma terial gain . American seamen, whos e language and habits made it so easy for them to find berths on British vessels, wer e not slow t o tak e advantag e o f thi s war-tim e measure whic h i n effec t legalize d act s of piracy. Within a few week s after adoption of the resolution , the mat e an d crew of a vessel boun d from Grenada to British-oc cupied New York with a cargo of rum and sugar seized command of her, carried her into Charleston , and had her condemned as their prize. This, wrote the president of Congress, "is the firstretort upon that species o f Britis h polic y calculate d fo r en couraging infidelity an d treachery among seamen in the service of these States. I have no doub t bu t tha t i n a few Month s they will experience an hundred fold retaliation of their infamous example, whic h nothing but dire necessity woul d have induced virtuous Americans to Copy" (Henry Laurens to James Duane, 24 Dec . 1777 , Burnett,
Letters of Members, n , 597) . Th e result s
scarcely fulfille d th e prophec y an d necessity cloaked other motives, but Dover, taken over b y Silveste r Gray , Joh n Mangnall, and other members of her crew while her officers wer e ashore, was one of a number of vessels los t t o thei r Britis h owner s by virtue of Congress' retaliatory measure. I n her case, however, a s the enclosures indicate, the promised benefits were reaped by the Spanish government rather than by the captors - an d under claim of legality eve n more dubious than that under which they had acted in making the seizure. After more than a decade of fruitless effort on the part
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1 1 A P R I L 17 of Mangnall and others, he petitioned Con gress, and an embarrassed Secretary' of State was obliged to report that, though the matter had bee n presse d in the stronges t term s by Jay an d himself , n o informatio n ha d bee n received about wha t had been o r was likely to b e don e ( T J ' s report on Mangnall' s petition, 1 4 Nov . 1791 ; T J to Carmichael , 6 Nov. 1791) . Second, a s prio r an d subsequen t devel opments proved beyond doubt, a good share of the responsibility for this outcome rested upon th e negligen t America n charg é d'affaires i n Madrid , Willia m Carmichael . Five years before th e abov e lette r was writ ten, Joh n Ja y a s Secretar y fo r Foreig n Affairs ha d urged Carmichae l t o pres s th e matter an d had followed thi s u p with sub sequent inquiries . Afte r takin g offic e a s Secretary o f State , T J ha d addresse d n o less tha n eigh t communication s t o Car michael befor e sendin g th e above , con cerning suc h important issues a s slaves es caping int o Florida , navigatio n o f th e Mississippi, an d T J 's hop e for a concert of European power s agains t Grea t Britain' s navigation act . T o thes e Carmichae l ha d made only one response, whic h was largely self-pitying, exculpatory , and even boastfu l about hi s ow n performanc e bu t whic h referred T J t o Humphrey s fo r informatio n about Spanis h affairs an d alarmed him b y alleging forger y o r misuse o f Washington's letter t o Gouverneu r Morri s (Carmichae l to T J , 2 4 Jan . 1791 ; T J to Washington , 2 Apr . 1791) . Humphreys ' report o f con versations wit h Carmichael , hi s clai m t o have see n th e "originals " of hi s man y dis patches tha t ha d miscarried , and hi s por trayal o f th e charg é a s desirou s o f per forming som e essentia l servic e befor e returning home undoubtedl y influence d th e tone an d substanc e o f th e abov e letter , wherein som e of Humphreys' own phrase s are use d o r paraphrase d (Humphrev s t o T J , 1 5 Jan . and 6 Feb . 1791) . But, whil e T J expresse d himsel f wit h restraint an d gav e Carmichae l th e benefi t of th e doub t b y alludin g t o th e "tota l suppression" o f whateve r h e migh t hav e written, it seems clear that his own opinio n as to the rea l cause had already been formed. Less than a month earlier, he had pointedly indicated t o Carmichae l tha t Humphreys' letter from Madrid, w ritten within twentyfour hours afte r hi s arriva l there , ha d bee n r
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received promptly . H e had also demande d "a ful l explanatio n o f this suspensio n o f all information from you" an d had warned that final judgment woul d b e suspende d onl y "for . . . a reasonabl e time " ( T J to Car michael, 1 7 Mch . 1791 ; se e als o T J t o Short, 2 4 Jan . 1791) . T J ' s well-grounde d suspicion tha t th e caus e o f th e silenc e la y more wit h the charg é tha n wit h the Spanish governmen t wa s soo n confirmed. Dur ing th e remainde r o f th e yea r h e wrot e Carmichael five letters, the last two o f which pressed hi m t o repor t o n th e Dover case , but received no answer ( TJ t o Carmichael , 16 May , 23 June , 24 Aug. , and 6 an d 2 9 Nov. 1791) . Exactl y a yea r afte r writin g the abov e T J informed Carmichael : " I am still without letter s from you: only one having bee n receive d sinc e I cam e int o office , as ha s ofte n befor e bee n mentione d i n m y letters t o you " ( TJ to Carmichael , 9 Apr. 1792). Thus , whil e th e abov e lette r wa s influenced b y Humphreys ' mistake n ap praisals, its appeal to Carmichae l t o distinguish himsel f b y som e essentia l servic e t o his country was also evidence o f T J 's hop e that a concert o f European power s agains t British mercantilis t policie s migh t b e re alized (se e Editoria l Not e to grou p o f documents a t 1 5 Mch . 1791) . Thi s wa s a s illusory a s the expectatio n tha t Carmichae l would tak e advantag e o f th e opportunit y to redee m himself . A yea r late r th e sus pended judgmen t becam e final when , o n T J ' s recommendation , Willia m Shor t wa s appointed t o negotiat e a treaty wit h Spain on crucia l issue s s o lon g neglected . T h e measure o f hi s relianc e o n Carmichae l i s shown i n the fac t that hi s detailed instructions wer e sen t onl y t o Short , that n o du plicate wa s made , an d tha t h e wa s give n explicit direction s abou t gainin g diplo matic immunit y fo r th e protectio n o f hi s papers (TJ' s Repor t to Washington; TJ to Short [private] ; an d TJ to Carmichae l and Short, all dated 1 8 Mch . 1792). Shor t had no need of the admonition give n abov e that "the conveyanc e o f intelligence require s as much managemen t a s the obtainin g it" : he took the obviou s precautio n of sending important dispatches t o Humphrey s by courier unde r the protectio n o f the Portugues e ambassador t o Spai n (see , fo r example , Carmichael an d Shor t to T J , 1 8 Apr . and 5 Ma y 1793) . Thereafter , th e dispatche s from the commissioners were frequent, were
[ 20 8 ]
11 A P R I L 1 7 replete wit h informatio n an d cogen t ob servations, and were models of disciplined diplomatic communication. They wer e of course written by Short . I n Dft T J first wrote "in naval history and freedom" and then altered the passage 1
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to read as above. I n Dft T J first wrote and then deleted "certain." Th e passage in italics is in code and is taken from Dft, the text being verified by the Editors employing Code No. 11 . 2
3
T o Davi d Humphrey s D E A R S I R Philadephi
a Apr. 11.1791 .
I wrot e you Mar. 15 . with postscripts of the 18th . and 19th. Since that your s o f Jan . 3. No . 10 . Jan . 15 . No . 11 . fro m Madrid , an d Feb. 6 . No . 12 . an d Feb . 12 . No . 13 . fro m Lisbo n ar e received . They covere d a letter fro m Mr . Carmichael, th e onl y on e w e hav e from hi m o f a late r date tha n Ma y 1789 . Yo u know tha t m y lette r to him, of which you were the bearer, took notic e o f the intermission of hi s correspondence , an d th e on e inclose d t o hi m i n m y lette r t o you o f Mar . 15 . bein g writte n whe n thi s intermissio n was fel t stil l stronger, a s havin g continue d s o muc h longer , conveye d stronge r marks o f dissatisfaction . Tho ' his lette r no w receive d convince s u s he ha s bee n activ e i n procurin g intelligence, ye t i t does no t appea r that h e ha s bee n equall y assiduou s i n procurin g means o f convey ance, whic h wa s th e mor e incumben t o n hi m i n proportio n a s th e government wa s mor e jealou s an d watchful . Stil l howeve r I wis h him t o receiv e th e lette r no w inclose d fo r hi m herein, as i t soften s what ha d bee n harde r said , an d shew s a dispositio n rathe r to loo k forward than backward. I hope yo u will reciev e it in time to forward with th e other . I t contain s importan t matter , pressin g on him , as I wish t o d o o n you , an d hav e don e o n Mr . Short , t o engag e you r respective court s in a co-operation in our navigation act. — Procure us all the information possible as to the strength, riches, resources, lights and dispositions, of Brazil. The jealousy of the Court of Lisbon on this subject will of course inspire you with due caution in making and communicating these enquiries. - T h e act s o f th e thre e session s o f Congress, an d Fenno's papers from Apr. 1790. wer e sen t yo u wit h my last . Yo u will no w receiv e th e continuatio n o f Fenno's paper. I send fo r Mr . Carmichae l als o law s an d newspapers , i n hope s yo u may fin d some mean s o f conveying the m t o him . I must sometime s avail mysel f o f you r channe l t o writ e t o hi m til l w e shal l hav e a Consul a t Cadiz . -1 hav e th e honou r t o b e wit h grea t & sincer e esteem Dea r Si r your most obedt . humbl e servt. , 1
T H : JEFFERSON
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11 A P R I L 1 7
91
Th e passage i n italics is in code, and RC (NjP) ; partly in code, wit h interlinear decodin g i n Humphreys hand ; en - Humphreys' decoding has been verified by dorsed. Pr C (DLC) ; accompanie d by MS the Editors, employing Cod e No. 8. of text en clair on a separate leaf. FC (DNA: RG 59 , DCI) . 1
1
T o Davi d Humphrey s D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a Apr. 11 . 1791.
There ha s been publishe d a t Madrid, b y some bisho p wh o ha d been to Mexico, an d foun d there an original collectio n of the letter s of Cortez , a boo k containin g thos e letters . I d o not kno w ho w it happened tha t I did not ask the favor o f you t o procur e thi s boo k for me . I no w supply th e omission , an d add a request t o procur e also l a historia de l Amirant e D . Christova l Colom b b y Fernand o Colomb, hi s son, in Spanish, o r Ulloa's translatio n o f it int o Italian, or Cotolendi' s translatio n int o French , or all three of them. I am i n hopes there ar e suc h communication s betwee n Madri d an d Lisbo n as to enable you to get them for me. I have receive d Mr . Bulkeley' s letter and sample s of wine. T h e Termo , an d Torres are exactly wha t I ha d i n view. A s it will no t be time to order wine s ove r till the hot months ar e past, I shal l i n July inclos e the m a n order an d a bill of exchange for a pipe of the oldes t Termo the y can procure , thi s being the mos t approve d o f the si x qualities they sen t me. This wil l b e i n time fo r the wine t o be shipped i n September. A s I shall probabl y send to them annually , I will ad d t o my bills o f exchange for them, any littl e disbursement s for the books or other thing I may troubl e you for . I am with grea t estee m Dea r Si r You r frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON RC (NjP) ; at head of text: "Private." PrC (DLC). T J ha d learned about the publication of Cortez' letters befor e leavin g Paris , when he acquire d a copy o f J. F . Bourgoing's three-volume Nouveau voyage en Espagne
(Paris, 1789), in which the collection published b y the Archbishop of Mexico was mentioned (Sowerby , No. 3899). It is significant that , i n remedying the omission, T J appeale d to Humphreys in Lisbon rather than to Carmichael i n Madrid, t o whom he had written on the same day in a letter to be forwarded by Humphreys. This was only anothe r indicatio n o f TJ's growin g
conviction tha t th e chargé coul d no t b e depended upo n (se e note, T J to Carmichael, 11 Apr. 1791) . Ironically, TJ's lon g quest fo r Lorezan a y Butron's Historia de
Nueva-Espana, escrita por su Esclarecido Conquistador Hernan Cortes, aumentada con otros documentos, notas (Mexico, 1770) came
to a successful conclusio n throug h the efforts of Carmichael, wh o appeale d to Lo rezana y Butron himself, then Archbishop of Toledo . Th e cop y tha t T J ultimately received was procured by hi m afte r "a great deal of trouble." TJ's cop y still survives in the Librar y o f Congress (Sowerby , No. 4120; Jame s Blake to T J, 6 June 1795) . It came to TJ only after Carmichael's death.
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13 A P R I L 1 7 9 So, too , di d th e memoria l o f th e Frenc h and Spanis h capitalists concerning the possibility o f a canal through the Isthmu s of Panama. Th e latter wa s an item T J had long urged Carmichael to procure for him as "a vas t desideratum for reasons political and philosophical " ( TJ to Carmichael , 3 June 1788) . I n the perio d whe n h e wa s alert an d unafflicted , Carmichae l ha d labored t o mee t thi s reques t an d ha d reported frequentl y concernin g i t (Carmi chael to T J, 1 4 Apr., 2 4 July, 9 Sep. 1788, and 2 6 Jan. 1789) . When and ho w he succeeded is not known. But late in life, when T J presente d the manuscript to the American Philosophica l Society , hi s failin g memory le d him to giv e the credi t to the Chevalier Bourgoin g ( T J to DuPonceau, 6 Dec . 1817 , quote d abov e i n note to T J to Carmichael, 3 June 1788, in which the
1
Editors mistakenl y accepte d TJ' s statement a s correct) . TJ had forgotte n tha t
both the Historia de Nueva-Espana an d th e
manuscript on the proposed canal were gifts from Carmichael, transmitted to him b y hi s widow an d acknowledged b y him twenty years earlier (TJ t o James Blake, 29 Feb. 1796; TJ t o Mrs. Carmichael , 8 May 1797) . MR. B U L K E L E Y ' S L E T T E R : A n entr y in S J L show s that TJ receive d a letter of 18 Jan. 179 1 fro m Joh n Bulkele y & Son, Lisbon, o n 28 Feb . 1791 . Anothe r entry records the receipt on 30 Mch . 1791 o f a letter from the sam e merchants, probably a duplicat e o f the first. Neither ha s been found, but see T J to Bulkeley & Son, 13 July 1791 . O n Humphreys' relatio n with Bulkeley, see note to Humphreys to T J, 3 May 1791 .
F r o m Willia m L i n d s a y Norfolk, 12 Apr. 1791. Maxwel l has informed him of TJ's inquir y about hi s furniture. T w o day s afte r gettin g TJ' s o f 1 0 Jan. , he forwarde d the good s t o James Brow n in Richmond , who say s the y arrive d safely , an d he ha d written "your Manage r t o sen d Waggon s t o conve y the m t o your House."-H e ha s been informe d lately o f a packag e for T J addresse d to him but sent b y mistake to Lindsay' s hotel , subsequentl y forwarde d b y Lindsa y t o T J . H e wishe s t o eradicate any impression TJ may have gaine d from these incidents tha t he wa s wanting i n attention . RC (MHi) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 20 Apr . 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Jame s Curri e Richmond, 13 Apr. 1791. Thi s wil l b e delivere d to TJ by Dr . John Griffin , whose lette r t o T J about hi s bill s o n Potte r wa s enclose d i n on e fro m Curri e and ha s no doub t bee n received . Curri e wil l b e under greater obligation t o TJ when th e bill s ar e paid; he hope s Potte r wil l no t hav e t o mak e sacrifices , bu t if s o h e think s himself entitled t o tha t advantage mor e than any other creditor. Once the deb t i s secured, he doe s not wis h to take "any ungenerous advantag e of hi s situation. " Griffi n ha s promise d t o explai n t o T J the caus e o f Potter' s failure to confess assets because o f fear of attachment i n Griffin's han d to secur e some other debt. He will inform TJ o f this on settling his business with [Robert] Morris an d he wil l b e muc h satisfied if TJ wil l giv e him his friendly advice in the matter . "Al l your friend s a t Monticell o were wel l som e day s ago . Th e President. . . arrived here on Monda y afternoon, o n whic h Evening he view d
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1 3 A P R I L 17
91
the Capito l (no w entirely cover d wit h Lead ) an d yesterda y visite d the Cana l and went quite up from Harris the manager's house thro the Locks accompanied by the Directors of the Cana l an d several other Gentleme n her e in 2 fine new Batteau's of David Ross's who ha d his Watermen, dressd in red Coaties on the Occasion, and lookd well. He dined yesterday with the Governor, and this Day dines a t the Eagle by invitation o f the Citizen s and leaves thi s to Morrow on his wa y South Ward. " H e will b e happy t o hea r fro m T J about th e bills as soon a s he has seen Griffin , wh o promises t o wait o n him a s soon a s he gets to Philadelphia . "P.S. The . . . time th e Batteaux too k i n passing th e 2 lock s was 7 Minutes an d 4 second s b y a stop watch." RC (DLC) ; addressed : "Th e Honble . Thoma s Jefferso n Esqr . Secretar y of State Favord. b y Jno. T. Griffin Esqr." ; endorse d b y TJ as received 7 May 179 1 and so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Georg e Washingto n D E A R SI R Richmon d April 13th . 1791 Your lette r o f the 2 d . came t o m y hand s a t this place . - Par t o f it did a s yo u supposed , an d migh t wel l suppose , astonishe d m e ex ceedingly. I thin k it no t onl y righ t that M r . Carmichael shoul d be furnished with a cop y o f th e genuin e letter s t o M r . G. Morris , bu t tha t M r. Morris shoul d als o kno w th e resul t o f hi s conference s wit h th e Duke o f Leeds at the Cour t o f Madrid. - T h e contents o f my officia l letters t o hi m yo u ar e acquainte d with . M y privat e ones wer e few , and nothin g i n eithe r o f them relativ e to Englan d o r Spain ; ho w i t comes t o pas s therefor e tha t suc h interpretation s a s th e extract s recite, shoul d b e given , h e bes t ca n accoun t for . Being hurried, I shall only add that I shall proceed on my Journey to morrow , and from good information hav e a dreary one befor e m e in som e part s thereof.-Yrs. sincerely, G o : WASHINGTO N 1
P.S. T h e footin g upo n whic h yo u hav e place d M r . Carmichael i s good. G W . 2
RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 19 Apr. 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL. Tr (DNA: R G 59, SDC); wit h two variations, as noted below . Although TJ ha d suggeste d that it might be well to send to Carmichael the full text of Washington's letter to Gouverneur Morris of 13 Oct. 1789, he apparently thought better of it and did not do so. Nor did he
adopt Washington' s suggestion that Morris be acquainted with the result of his conference with Leeds (TJ t o Morris, 26 July 1791, th e text of which TJ submitted to Washington for approval). Perhaps this was due to TJ's natura l "disposition rathe r to look forward than backward" (TJ to Humphreys, 1 1 April 1791) , bu t more likely Carmichael's silenc e le d him to questio n the reliability of the allegation.
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14 A P R I L 1 7 9
1
Washingto n inadvertentl y omitte d T r reads : "Mr. Carmichael's applica Morris' name in RC; it has been supplie d tion"-tha t is , hi s requesting leav e t o refrom Tr . tur n to America. 1
2
F r o m Alexande r Hamilto n S l R Treasur
y Departmen t 14t h Apri l 1791 .
It wa s th e intentio n o f th e Presiden t tha t yo u an d myself shoul d take suc h measures a s appeared to u s eligibl e toward s carryin g int o execution th e Resolutio n empowerin g hi m t o procur e artist s fro m Europe toward s th e establishmen t o f a mint. It appear s to me o f great importance , if still practicable, to acquire Mr. Dro z an d the term s mentione d i n th e enclose d not e whe n ap plied to so pre-eminent a n Artist do not see m extravagant. Mr. Droz however ough t t o b e boun d t o giv e hi s servic e fo r no t les s tha n a year after his arriva l in the Unite d States. I should think it advisable too tha t som e determinate allowance shoul d b e concerte d wit h hi m as a n equivalen t fo r th e expense s o f himself an d servant. I t may b e per day . With regar d to instruments, suc h as are indispensable an d difficult of executio n ough t t o b e procure d in Paris . The havin g a perso n wh o i s practically an d accuratel y skille d in the assayin g o f Metals i s o f course a n essential par t of the establish ment meditated . Non e suc h ha s hithert o bee n foun d i n th e Unite d States. I f one can be procured from France on terms not immoderate , I a m o f opinio n tha t i t wil l b e expedien t t o procur e him ; unless i t should appear upon enquiry that Mr . Dro z is himself perfectly equal to thi s par t of the busines s also . T h e requisite apparatu s for making the assay s ough t i n th e first instanc e t o b e brough t fro m Europe . In th e engagemen t o f suc h a perso n i t i s highl y importan t tha t no mistak e shoul d b e made . H e ough t t o b e a ma n no t onl y wel l skilled i n th e business , bu t altogethe r trust worthy. If th e paymen t o f compensation s coul d b e deferre d 'til l afte r th e services hav e bee n performe d i t woul d giv e securit y t o th e Unite d States. The requisit e disposition s wil l b e mad e t o enabl e Mr . Shor t t o possess himsel f o f th e fund s whic h th e executio n o f thi s trus t ma y require. I hav e th e hono r t o be , wit h grea t respec t an d esteem, Sir Your Obedien t humbl e Servant , A LEXANDER H AMILTON Tr (DLC : Shor t Papers); at foot of text: han d of George Taylor; on verso in an un"The Honble . Thoma s Jefferson"; in the identifie d hand is the following: "Droz gra -
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14 A P R I L 1 7 veur, ru e de s maçon s Maiso n d u Menuisier derrière St . André des arts. Mr. De L a Corbur e â Laffinag e ru e Guenegaud" (enclosed i n TJ to Short , 25 Apr . 1791) . P r C o f another Tr ( D L C ); als o in Taylor's
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hand, a s is anothe r T r in D N A: R G 59, P C C No . 120 . Recorde d i n S J L as received 1 5 Apr . 1791 . Enclosure: Extract from Grand to T J, undate d (printe d belo w as enclosur e T J to Short , 25 Apr . 1791) .
F r o m Danie l L . Hylto n Richmond, 14 Apr. 1791. T J 's of 5th receive d on 12th, enclosin g ban k note for $22.75 an d letter fo r Colo. Lewis whic h was sent b y private hand the sam e day, there being no post established from Richmond to Charlottesville. Encloses bill o f ladin g fo r the vis-à-vis . H e was mistaken i n nam e o f vessel : tha t o n which it was shippe d wa s los t a t sea between New York an d Philadelphia and all th e cre w excep t on e perished. T h e bill o f lading als o show s a small box shipped a t the same time : i t containe d lamp s fo r the vis-à-vis. - H e wil l shi p T J ' s tobacc o a s directe d an d advise hi m as it come s in . He encloses bil l o f lading for the 4 hhds . no w at the warehouse bein g shippe d b y [the Thomas], Capt. Stratton , a t the customary freight . Th e 13 hhds. las t shippe d whe n at higher freight becaus e vessel s previously engaged to carry wheat befor e gettin g to Richmond . Tobacco remain s ver y lo w there, frequentl y sellin g fro m 1 7 to 20/ pe r cwt., " a price by no means adequat e fo r the labour of the planter. " Any further order s wil l b e attended to : it will "eve r giv e m e pleasure t o have i t in my powe r t o rende r yo u every servic e o f a freind. Mrs . H . joins wit h m e in every wis h fo r your happiness. " [P.S. ] Cap t Stratto n wil l leav e o n Monda y next. H e "also take s charg e o f Mr. Eppes trunk directe d t o your car e and to whom remembe r m e affectionately. " R C (MHi) ; a t foot of text Hylto n liste d "Invoic e o f 4 Hhds . tobacc o ship t o n board the T h s . Henry Stratton Master, " averaging 1,21 6 pounds; endorse d b y TJ as received 21 Apr . 179 1 and so recorded in S J L .
T o Charle s Carrol l D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a Apr. 15. 1791 .
I recieve d las t nigh t you r favo r o f th e 10th . wit h M r . Brown's reciept, an d than k yo u fo r th e troubl e yo u hav e bee n s o kin d a s t o take i n thi s business . Our new s fro m th e Westwar d is disagreeable . Constan t murders committing b y th e Indians , an d thei r combinatio n threaten s t o b e more an d mor e extensive . I hop e w e shal l giv e the m a thoroug h drubbing this summer, and then change ou r tomahawk into a golden chain o f friendship . T h e mos t economica l a s wel l a s mos t human e conduct toward s the m i s t o brib e the m int o peace , an d t o retai n them i n peac e b y eterna l bribes . T he expeditio n o f this yea r woul d have serve d fo r present s o n th e mos t libera l scal e fo r 100 . years . (214}
15 A P R I L 1 7
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Nor shal l w e otherwis e eve r ge t ri d of a n army , o r o f ou r debt . T h e least ra g o f India n depredatio n wil l b e a n excus e t o rais e troops , fo r those who lov e to hav e troops, and fo r those who thin k tha t a publi c debt i s a goo d thing . Adie u m y dea r Sir . Your s affectionately , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; a t foo t o f text : "Charle s Carrol esq. of Carrolton." TJ's brief exchange with Carroll, in which the Senator from Maryland acted as intermediary in the matte r of a doubtful debt , brought on polite but sharp expressions of political differences . T J hinted at retaliatory measures against Great Britain . Car roll responded with a warning about pursuing policie s tha t th e natio n migh t no t carry out. In the above, TJ's final sentence
on Indian affairs and the national debt could not hav e concealed his hostility t o modes of frontier warfare involving large expenditures for army contracts and his aversion to Hamilton's fiscalpolicies (TJ t o Carroll, 4 Apr. 1791 ; Carroll to T J, 1 0 Apr. 1791 ; see Editoria l Note to group of documents on the Mississipp i Question, at 1 0 Mch. 1791). On these and other matters the two men held irreconcilable views. The above letter ended their correspondence.
F r o m J o h n Cheste r Wethersfield, 15 Apr. 1791. H e woul d hav e acknowledge d T J ' s lette r o f 4 Mch. 179 1 earlier , but he "wished a time to consider of the subject, and advise" with hi s friends . H e ha s decide d t o accep t appointmen t an d wil l discharg e duties of the office t o the best o f his ability. He requests T J t o inform President and "t o assur e hi m o f m y attachmen t t o hi s person , an d affection t o th e gov ernment ove r whic h he presides. " RC (DNA : R G 59, MLR) . No t re corded i n S J L . TJ's lette r transmitte d Chester's commission as supervisor of the excise for Connecticut. Such letters of ac-
ceptance have not been included except in this and other instances which reflect some hesitancy about taking on the duty of enforcing an unpopular act.
From T e n c h Cox e [Philadelphia], 15 Apr. 1791. Enclose s return o f tonnag e fo r on e year , including severa l customhous e return s no t receive d whe n Registe r mad e u p former statement . I t is i n the for m show n T J in Feb., "except th e interestin g additions . . . exhibitin g th e Europea n - Africa n - Asiati c - Wes t India n an d other Subdivision s of the America n commerce, whic h have bee n sinc e added. As fa r as m y min d has bee n abl e t o brin g it u p t o view , th e inwar d trad e of the Unite d States i s exhibite d i n this paper. " Collectors have bee n directe d to add a column to thei r returns which, after June, will giv e simila r data for th e export trade . Th e Controller , who i s responsibl e fo r forms , ha s give n Cox e leave to make any alterations to procur e needed information . He has Register's clerks making up current imports in same form and he propose s t o d o this for prior year s to sho w quantitie s an d kind s o f import s fro m severa l foreig n na -
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1 5 A P R I L 17
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tions. — "Should you desir e t o reserv e a copy o f the documen t no w sent , I be g leave to remark that it may be expedient t o confine i t afterwards to your private office a s yo u wil l perceiv e ther e ar e severa l delicat e point s . . . to o visibl e t o admit of an exposur e to any, but very confidential members of the government. " He enclose s pla n of a manufacturing establishment whic h "may apply happily in th e federa l district. " He i s no t certai n any bu t fine art s desirable i n actual seat, bu t i n a trac t o f 64,00 0 acre s ther e ma y b e a location wit h grea t wate r power i n whic h thi s pla n migh t b e pu t i n execution . "I t is a favorite ide a o f mine . . . that thi s countr y shoul d endeavou r t o emplo y i n [manufactures] , as much as possible, th e grea t labo r saving machines. Agriculture being th e mos t natural employment , an d manufacturer s bein g ofte n a n intemperat e an d dis orderly clas s of people, mode s of manufacture which do no t requir e them, and which indee d i n a certai n degre e superced e th e occasio n fo r them , appea r t o be ver y desirable . Thi s sketc h i s mean t t o b e dispose d o f a s yo u ma y thin k proper," Coxe having retained a copy. H e wil l onl y observ e tha t "th e mod e o f raising the fund wa s obtaine d fro m th e Secretar y o f th e Treasury , wh o ha s every reaso n t o believ e tha t a n establishment embracin g the principa l idea s i n the pla n wil l b e ver y soo n attempte d i n Ne w Jerse y upo n subscription s fro m New York , New Jersey and Pennsylvania. It may be worth considering whether the Potomac k Navigatio n compan y migh t no t find i t their interest t o admi t of sales o f Share s for 6 T> Cen t stoc k estimate d a t par , and when the y shal l have sold the whol e a loan at 5 A ^ Cen t migh t b e effected. Th e public paper would yield a n interes t mor e tha n equa l t o wha t the y woul d hav e t o pa y an d whe n our fund s ris e t o pa r th e pape r migh t b e sold , an d th e deb t i n Speci e dis charged." [P.S. ] "It appears that ou r fishing vessel s excee d th e numbe r in th e Registers return about 2 0 $ Cent . Th e discovery o f this error is very Material, and pleasing. " l
RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 15 Apr . 1791 an d s o recorde d i n S J L . Enclosures: (1) Tabulatio n of tonnage o f vessels entering the United States from foreign port s betwee n 1 Oct. 1789 an d 30 Sep. 1790, togethe r with coasting and fishing vessels, showin g that vessels o f American registry amounted to 492,100.1 tons; those of Great Britain 226,953.1; and those of Franc e 13,801.4, with lesse r amount s from Spain, Holland, Ireland, Portugal, and Denmark (date d 15 Apr. 1791, signe d by Coxe and submitted in final form by Hamilton to the Senate on 25 Nov. 1791, ASP , Commerce and Navigation, I , 44-7). (2) " A
Plan for a manufacturing establishment in the United States," which proposed that a corporation b e chartere d in on e o r more states capitalize d at $500,000 payabl e by subscribers i n stoc k o f th e Ban k o f th e United States and in public securities; that these securities b e use d to borro w an additional hal f millio n i n speci e i n Holland or elsewhere ; that , afte r th e tota l capital was subscribed , th e stockholder s shoul d
elect a board of director s to conduc t th e affairs of the corporation; that one person, residing at the site of the factories, be chosen t o superinten d th e operation s o f th e business a t a n annual compensation suit able t o hi s characte r an d qualifications , though no t t o engag e otherwise i n its affairs or be employed i n any other trade or business; that th e director s be authorized to purchas e land on some navigable rive r with streams and water power sufficient to operate "wate r machiner y an d works , bleaching and tan yards, breweries, distil leries, or such other factories" as might be undertaken; that this tract of land be laid out a s a town o r in lot s with convenien t streets, thes e lot s to b e sol d o r lease d t o manufacturers and tradesmen ; that the legislature b e petitione d fo r th e purpos e o f opening roads , turnpikes, canals, and im provements of inland navigation to the interior an d als o fo r authorizatio n t o hol d lotteries to pay initial expenses an d to dispose o f lot s "i n orde r to interes t a large number as well of the citizens of the United
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15 A P R I L 1 7 9 States a s o f foreig n countrie s i n th e pro posed city" ; an d tha t applicatio n b e mad e to Congress to have the post road go through the cit y an d "t o increas e th e dutie s upo n such article s a s shal l b e seriousl y an d sys tematically undertaken , an d otherwis e t o foster an d encourag e th e institution. " Coxe added : "Th e objects t o whic h th e stock ca n b e applie d wit h th e greates t ad vantage appea r to b e suc h articles as are of considerable bulk , of general consumption , consequently almos t o r absolutel y o f ne cessity, an d which are either mad e b y such labour saving machines, as the cotton mills, flax mills, rollin g and slitting mills , the til t hammer, forges , powde r mills , paper mills &c. o r by labou r savin g processes , suc h a s glass works , tanning , stee l making , brew ing, distilling , glu e making , starchmaking &c. o r b y labour-savin g slight , a s i n th e manufactory o f wire; wool an d cotton cards; printed cottons, linen s an d paper; shovels ; hinges, nail s &c . T h e tw o first classe s promise th e greates t profit , thoug h th e lat ter well deserves consideration . Glas s works are of great importance to this country, and with a n adequat e capita l woul d probabl y yield goo d returns , bu t the y migh t no t a t present b e conducte d wit h the greates t ad vantage i n th e propose d city . Bu t i n those instances wherei n there i s coal at hand, they may b e introduce d ther e a t once. Th e cit y of Bristo l i n Britai n ha s fifteen capita l Glasshouses i n which coal alone i s used, a s it i s supposed. " In conclusion, Cox e argued that the ben efits o f the pla n woul d b e ( 1 ) "Tha t a capital i n speci e applie d t o labou r savin g ma chines &c. working in raw materials as cheap or cheaper than in Europe must yield a very handsome advanc e upo n th e six , seven , o r eight percen t produc e o f publi c fund s o r Bank Stock" ; (2) "Tha t the operation mus t favour th e holder s o f th e publi c deb t an d Bank Stoc k b y creatin g a ne w objec t fo r them, an d takin g larg e sum s ou t o f th e market"; (3 ) "Tha t th e purchas e o f land s at o r nea r thei r valu e a s farm s whic h i s a perfectly saf e operation , promises , b y th e addition of a n extensive , wel l placed , healthy manufacturin g establishment , t o yield a ver y handsom e profi t t o th e con cerned, by the mer e advanc e upon th e lots" ; and (4 ) "Tha t th e freight , insurance , commissions i n Europ e o r th e Unite d States , damage, cost s o f packages , customhous e 1
1
charges, compensatio n fo r credit, storeage , carting, an d importer's profit bein g 1 5 pe r cent upo n ever y importatio n o f th e finest kinds o f the good s we shoul d manufactur e in the first seven years , afford an advantage, more tha n doubl e th e mediu m dividend s on Ban k o r publi c Stock : an d tha t profit s such as the Europea n Manufacturers enjoy are moreove r t o b e expecte d i n al l case s wherein labour-savin g machines an d processes ar e employed. Thes e wil l enabl e th e Society t o avoi d th e mean s o f manua l labour, which , fro m th e hig h rat e o f wages , is urge d agains t suc h factorie s a s ar e con ducted, i n that way , i n the Unite d States " ( T r i n clerk' s hand, undated, i n D L C : T J Papers, 80:13913-16 ; wit h on e alteratio n in tex t note d below) . The pla n fo r a manufacturing establish ment enclose d i n the abov e lette r embodies in specific for m the "favorite idea" of which Coxe had long bee n the foremos t an d bestinformed advocate . I t ha s bee n assume d that thi s pla n wa s a n elaboratio n o f tha t outlined i n the thir d number of Coxe's Brief examination of Lord Sheffield's observations on the commerce of the United States. Ac tually, wha t Cox e had written i n that pub lication wa s onl y thre e o r fou r sentence s giving the essence of his scheme. Thi s gen eral descriptio n followe d rathe r tha n pre ceded th e pla n outline d abov e (th e thir d number appeare d i n Brown' s Federal Gazette onl y o n 1 3 Ma y 179 1 an d in Carey' s American Museum fo r April) . Whethe r the particularized pla n o r th e brie f commen t preceded th e othe r i s unimportant . Th e essential fac t i s tha t Coxe' s proposa l antic ipated i n precis e term s th e manufacturin g complex whic h Hamilton, Duer, and others brought int o existenc e wit h the Societ y fo r Establishing Usefu l Manufacture s ( J . S . Davis, Essays in the Earlier History of American Corporations, 1,349-53 ; Jacob E . Cooke, "Tenc h Coxe , Alexande r Hamil ton, an d th e Encouragemen t o f American Manufactures," W M Q , xxx n [Jul y 1975] , 382-3). Cox e ha d bee n assistin g th e Sec retary o f th e Treasur y fo r som e week s i n the preparatio n of his Repor t on Manufactures an d i t i s certai n tha t Hamilton , wh o lent hi s powerfu l influenc e t o brin g S UM into existence , discusse d th e natur e o f th e plan wit h Cox e befor e i t wa s drafte d an d sent to T J. H e may very well have prompted
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15 A P R I L 1 7 Coxe t o giv e concret e expressio n t o thi s favorite idea of the Assistant Secretary, for late in March he informed Théophile Ca zenove of his project and promised to give him a copy of the plan within eight or ten days (Cazenove to the Amsterdam house s he represented, 29 Mch . 1791, Cazenove Letter Book , Hollan d Lan d Company , Archives of the Cit y of Amsterdam). Coxe's explanation that he sent the plan to T J because i t might "appl y happily in the federal district" has been construed to be disingenuous, i f not a ruse, in an effort to please and disarm the Secretary of State (Cooke, W M Q, xxxi i [July 1975], 384). The more plausibl e reaso n woul d see m t o li e elsewhere. Cox e knew , a s di d everyone , how deeply Washingto n was interested in the Federal District and the Potomac Company as well . H e coul d scarcely have expected T J t o embrace the plan for a manufacturing cit y wit h th e enthusias m tha t Hamilton displayed. In urging TJ t o make such disposition o f the plan as he thought proper, h e ma y onl y hav e hope d tha t i t would be brought to Washington's attention. This supposition is supported by one alteration tha t Cox e made i n his draf t of the plan . A s copie d b y hi s clerk , it first called for locating the establishment at the seat o f som e stat e governmen t - thi s ob viously becaus e mos t stat e capital s wer e located at the head of tidewater with water power usuall y accessible . Thi s provisio n Coxe struck out, as if to emphasize his interest i n an operation i n the Federa l Dis trict distinct from the one he said Hamilton expected would be established in New Jersey (see note 1 below). In his own thinking Coxe envisioned manufacturin g establishments locate d throughou t th e states , bu t this pla n obviously calle d for a grand na tional enterprise such as Hamilton had in view. The questio n immediatel y arises , then,
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as to whether the hand of the Secretary of the Treasury may have influenced Coxe to transmit suc h a plan t o th e Secretar y of State. Withi n the spac e o f a single wee k Hamilton, takin g advantage o f the Presi dent's absence, had manipulated a meeting of the Cabinet in the hope of enabling Robert Morri s to mak e another purchase of a vast tract of land from the Indians and, for perhaps ulterior motives, ha d had a han d in Tenc h Coxe's vai n application fo r th e Comptrollership of the Treasury . H e had also disclosed to Théophile Cazenove, but not t o Washington , hi s hop e t o creat e a great manufacturin g enterprise under the aegis of the government. Unde r these circumstances, fearing as he and his supporters did that TJ's influenc e wit h the President wa s risin g an d tha t hi s propose d navigation bill might be adopted at the next session, Hamilto n ma y wel l hav e influ enced Coxe to send the plan to TJ in the hope tha t i t woul d b e forwarde d t o th e President. When Washington supported the efforts of Henr y Lee and James Madison to es tablish a manufacturing metropolis a t the Falls of the Potomac, T J gav e no encouragement to thei r hope of obtaining fund s for th e ventur e i n Europ e (se e Editoria l Note to group of documents on the location of the Federa l District , at 24 Jan . 1791) . If Coxe , or Hamilton , hoped t o gai n hi s influence wit h the Presiden t for a simila r enterprise near the Federa l District , or in New Jersey, he was doomed to disappointment. TJ treated Coxe's proposal with silence. Hi s real opinion of it was expressed two days later in a letter to James Monroe (TJ t o Monroe, 1 7 Apr. 1791) . Thes e two word s interlined in Coxe's hand i n substitutio n fo r "combinatio n o f the Seat of a State Government with," deleted. 1
T o A d a m Lindsa y S I R Philadelphi
a Apr. 15 . 1791 .
I recieve d las t nigh t you r favou r o f the 7th . instan t inclosin g th e note fo r 54 . myrtl e wa x candles . I than k yo u fo r you r kin d attention t o thi s littl e commission , an d now inclos e yo u a bank post [218]
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note fo r eleve n dollar s sixt y cent s th e amoun t o f th e candle s an d box. T h i s pos t not e wil l b e pai d b y an y collecto r o f th e customs . T h e parce l yo u no w sen d m e wil l serv e a s a trial , a s I neve r use d this kin d o f candle . I f it answer s I wil l avai l mysel f o f your friendly offer b y writin g t o yo u i n th e fal l fo r more . T h e vesse l i s no t ye t arrived here . I a m wit h grea t estee m Si r Your mos t obedt . humbl e servt, T H : JEFFERSON PrC ( D L C ) .
Tench Cox e Seeks Offic e a s C o m p t r o l l e r o f the T r e a s u r y I. TENCH COXE TO THOMAS JEFFERSON, 1 6 APRIL 179 1 II. TENCH COXE TO THE PRESIDENT, 1 6 APRIL 179 1 III. THOMAS JEFFERSON TO TENCH COXE, 17 APRIL 179 1 E D I T O R I A L N O T
E
Mr. Jefferso n . . . came here probably with a too partial idea of his own powers, an d with the expectation o f a greater share in the direction of our councils than he has in reality enjoyed. I am not sure that he had not peculiarly marked out for himself the department of the Finances . - Alexander Hamilton to Edward Carrington, 26 May 1792
So that if the question be By whose fault is it that Colo. Hamilton and myself have not drawn together? the an swer will depend on that to two other questions; Whose principles of administration best justify, by their purity, conscientious adherence? and Which of us has, notwithstanding, steppe d farthes t int o th e controul of the de partment of the other? - Thomas Jefferson to George Washington, 9 September 1792
In hi s pioneering wor k The Federalists, Leonar d D . White, an able scholar in th e field o f administrativ e history , agree d wit h bot h friendl y an d hostile critics o f Hamilto n tha t th e Secretar y of the Treasur y went fa r beyond the limits of his ow n department in seeking to give effect t o his policies. "Hamilton's active interventio n i n the field of foreign affairs, " he wrote, "se t off an administrative feud that wa s to dominate the scene fro m 179 1 to 1793. " The breach between th e two Cabinet officers arose from profound differences over principles of administration , but White sa w its origins i n a mutual disregard of lines of departmental jurisdiction. H e charged the Secretary of State wit h taking the [219]
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initiative i n the sprin g of 179 1 an d continuing i n a series o f assaults b y which Jefferson sough t t o plac e Tench Coxe in the Treasur y o r even t o brea k up th e Department itself . "S o fa r as ha s bee n ascertained, " White wrote, "Jefferson' s first move against Hamilto n occurred on Apri l 17 , 1791 . . . . [He] took a bold step i n undertaking , without consultatio n wit h Hamilton , to forwar d the ap pointment o f Cox e t o th e secon d positio n o f th e Treasur y Department . H e apparently wa s assure d o f Coxe' s persona l loyalt y a t thi s earl y date, althoug h the tie was not generally known until later. Jefferson, however, exposed himself to a n almost certai n rebuff from the President , whose decision woul d naturally be governe d primaril y b y the advic e o f the hea d of the departmen t concerned . Jefferson als o lai d bar e to Hamilto n hi s intrigu e t o plac e hi s ow n ma n i n th e center of Hamilton's department - a challenge which the Secretary of the Treas ury wa s no t likel y to overlook." This interpretation of Coxe's desire to be appointed Comptroller of the Treas ury ha s been advance d in one for m or another from 179 1 t o the present . Sinc e White gav e th e legen d hi s formidabl e sanctio n i n 1948 , i t ha s no t bee n chal lenged an d th e fact s concernin g th e episod e hav e no t bee n sufficientl y ascer tained. No t surprisingly , it was the Secretar y of the Treasur y himsel f who first pointed th e finger o f suspicio n a t Jefferso n a s seekin g t o infiltrat e hi s department. Al l o f th e evidenc e indicate s tha t th e traditiona l vie w i s unwarranted and tha t th e rol e playe d b y Hamilto n calls for furthe r scrutiny. 1
I On Saturday , the 16t h da y o f Apri l 1791 , Andre w Brown's Federal Gazette carried the followin g brie f announcement: "Died , this morning , Nicholas Eveleigh, Esq . Comptrolle r of the Treasur y o f the Unite d States." Eveleigh, born in Charlesto n about 1748 , spen t almos t hal f o f hi s lif e i n England , wher e h e was educated . Returnin g to Americ a i n 1774 , h e becam e a n officer o f the 2 d South Carolin a regimen t an d i n 178 1 an d 178 2 serve d a s a delegate t o Con gress. I n 178 9 h e wa s appointe d Comptrolle r of th e Treasury , bu t whe n h e arrived i n Ne w Yor k i n Novembe r t o tak e office , h e wa s s o indispose d a s t o be o f no assistanc e t o th e Secretar y of the Treasury. Fo r some months befor e his death h e ha d been unabl e to perfor m the dutie s o f his office, an d in the las t few week s "ever y prospec t o f his recover y . . . vanished." This no t unexpecte d even t create d th e first vacanc y i n a ke y offic e i n th e executive branc h since the inceptio n o f the new government . Th e Comptroller, as watchdo g o f th e Treasury , ha d responsibilit y fo r reviewin g th e Auditor' s settlement o f account s an d claims , for supervisin g loa n officer s an d collector s of customs, fo r prosecutin g delinquen t collector s an d debtors, fo r making certain tha t fund s were expende d i n accordanc e wit h law , and , a s Tenc h Cox e expressed it , for undertaking "preparatory political investigations." Importan t as the offic e was , Eveleigh's death produce d only a vacancy, not a crisis. Mor e than a month earlie r the Secretar y of the Treasur y ha d given notic e tha t some of th e function s o f th e offic e were bein g performe d b y Eveleigh' s chie f cler k 2
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Leonar d D. White, The Federalists (New York , 1948) , p . 224-5. Eveleig h was nominate d an d confirmed o n 1 1 Sep . 178 9 ( J E P , I , 25) ; Alexander Hamilton to Elizabeth Hamilton , [Nov. 1789 ] (Syrett , Hamilton, v , 579). Tobia s Lear to Washington, 1 7 Apr . 179 1 (DLC : Washingto n Papers) . Cox e to T J , 1 6 Apr. 1791 (Documen t i). 1
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under his own supervision. As in Eveleigh's previous illness, Hamilton himself no doub t too k o n othe r dutie s o f th e Comptroller' s office, probabl y wit h th e aid o f the Assistan t Secretar y and the Auditor . With th e Presiden t absen t o n his southern tour, there could have been no discussions with him about potential candidates fo r th e vacancy . I n fact, n o appointmen t wa s mad e unti l Congress met mor e tha n si x month s later. Ye t the scrambl e over th e appointmen t o f a successor bega n eve n befor e th e deat h o f the incumbent . Hamilton wa s th e firs t t o act . Thi s i s understandable , sinc e a s Secretar y of the Treasur y h e wa s naturall y concerned t o se e th e secon d offic e i n hi s de partment occupied by a competent, trustworthy , and compatible colleague. Bu t beyond this there were practical political considerations of long standing which limited his choice. Whe n the Treasur y wa s being organized in 1789 , Jeremiah Wadsworth, representativ e fro m Connecticu t and a loyal supporter o f Hamil ton's policies, urge d Oliver Wolcott, Jr. to offer himsel f as a candidate for some office i n tha t department , assurin g him o f th e unanimou s suppor t o f himsel f and other s o f th e Connecticu t delegatio n i n Congress . Wit h suc h impressiv e sponsorship, Wolcot t drafte d a formal applicatio n t o th e Presiden t an d transmitted i t to Wadsworth . In so doing , h e mad e i t clear that he di d not wis h an office o f a routin e an d burdensom e natur e whic h coul d onl y wi n hi m "th e reputation o f a n honest , ploddin g fello w o f littl e geniu s o r ability. " Since h e had applie d t o th e President , h e recognize d th e impropriet y o f refusin g an y appointment, bu t h e hoped Wadswort h would arrange matters so that no offe r would b e tendere d unles s i t coul d b e accepte d "wit h som e prospec t o f reputation." Thoug h h e wa s onl y twenty-nine , Wolcot t alread y had a reputation to sustain . H e ha d serve d wit h Olive r Ellswort h a s a commissione r t o settl e Connecticut's accounts with the United States, had been appointed Comptroller of state accounts, and had reorganized the finances of Connecticut so effectivel y 5
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Hamilton' s circular to Commissioner s of Loans, 9 Mch . 1791 (Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 169). O n hi s retur n fro m th e Sout h t o Moun t Vernon , Washingto n wrot e Hamilto n a private lette r authorizin g him to tel l Wolcot t tha t i t wa s hi s intentio n t o appoin t hi m t o the vacanc y (Washington to Hamilton , 13 June 1791 , same , vm, 470). H e also informed Lear a t th e sam e tim e (Washingto n t o Lear , 1 5 Jun e 1791 , Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi, 296) . Earlie r T J had sent a blank commission t o Washingto n t o b e filled with th e name o f his appointee an d to b e returne d for countersignature, seal , and delivery ( T J to Washington, 1 7 Apr . 1791 , wit h grou p o f documents a t 4 Apr . 1791) . Instead , Wash ington returne d the commissio n t o Lea r wit h direction s t o hav e i t fille d ou t and , whe n countersigned an d sealed, delivered to Wolcott (Willia m Jackson to Lear , 1 7 June 1791 , F C i n D L C : Washington Papers) . TJ himself expecte d tha t th e commissio n migh t b e returned to him during his absence o n the northern tour (see T J ' s instructions to Remsen, 16 Ma y 1791) . Thi s unusua l procedur e wa s no t followed . Wolcot t wa s nominate d o n 31 Oct . and confirmed 7 Nov . 1791 , th e dat e whe n th e commissio n wa s issue d ( J E P , I , 86, 88 ; F C of Commissio n i n D N A : RG 59, Permanen t Commissions) . TJ forwarded it t o Wolcot t thre e day s late r ( T J to Wolcott , 1 0 Nov . 1791 , D N A : RG 59, P C C No . 120). Wadswort h t o Wolcott , 1 2 Aug . 1789 ; Wolcot t t o Wadsworth , 1 5 Aug . 1789 , enclosing Wolcot t t o th e Presiden t o f th e sam e dat e (Georg e Gibbs , Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and John Adams, i [Ne w York , 1846] , 19-20) . Becaus e he doubte d tha t Wolcot t woul d accep t appointmen t a s Auditor , Wadswort h probably never transmitted the application to Washington and instead relied on his and Ellsworth's consultations wit h Hamilton . Wolcott's lette r i s no t foun d amon g othe r letter s o f application i n Washington's papers . 5
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as t o wi n th e approva l o f th e legislature . Hi s financial experienc e an d othe r qualifications gav e hi m undeniabl y stronge r claim s tha n thos e o f Eveleigh . Wadsworth, Ellsworth , an d others in the Connecticu t delegation strongl y sup ported hi s desir e t o b e Comptroller . But, despite thei r considerabl e influenc e with th e administration , Eveleigh was nominate d a s Comptroller and Wolcott as Auditor. When Senato r Ellswort h informe d Wolcot t o f this, he expresse d a n opinio n that other s o f the Connecticu t delegation shared : "your merit would hav e justified you r standing highe r i n the list , bu t yo u ar e young enoug h t o rise , and I believ e yo u ough t t o accep t th e appointment." Wadsworth , equally disap pointed, als o urge d acceptance. " I di d not lik e this," he informe d Wolcott, "a s it wa s my wish and hope you would have been comptroller." Wolcotfs respons e was polit e bu t firm: "Th e office o f Audito r will no t answe r th e appointmen t which I had contemplated a s proper for me. I must therefore declin e it, thoug h my objections d o not aris e from the salary , but from its dependence o n another office, an d from the natur e of the servic e to b e performed." In responding t o Wolcott, Wadswort h said that he would keep th e refusa l to himself and let th e appointment g o forward . "Mr. Trumbull an d mysel f bot h gav e ou r opinion s before, tha t yo u woul d no t accept, " he added , "wishing you, as Col . Hamilto n wished, t o b e comptroller." Whether h e learne d o f Wolcott' s refusa l fro m Wadswort h o r som e other , Alexander Hamilton himself urged Wolcott's acceptance . "You r friends having expressed a doub t o f you r acceptance, " Hamilto n wrot e Wolcot t o n th e da y after hi s appointmen t wa s confirmed , " I cannot forbea r saying , that I shal l b e happy t o find th e doub t ha s bee n il l founded ; a s fro m th e characte r I hav e received of you, I am persuaded you will be an acquisition to the department." Even this powerful appeal did not bring forth an immediate acceptance. Wolcott replied tha t h e wa s o n hi s wa y t o Ne w Yor k an d would immediatel y wai t o n Hamilton "fo r the purpos e o f acquiring such information relativ e to th e dutie s of the offic e a s wil l enabl e m e t o com e to a decision whethe r I shal l accept o r decline th e appointment." Wha t too k plac e a t thei r intervie w i s unknown . But Wolcot t foun d Hamilto n " a ver y amiable , plai n man " whose characte r indicated tha t hi s fiscal measure s woul d b e prudent , sensible , an d firm. H e supposed th e prospec t o f promotion migh t b e remote, bu t o n the advic e of his friends i n Congres s he decide d t o accep t th e pos t he ha d first refused. Fro m that time forward he became a close friend, loyal supporter, and able subordinate of the Secretar y of the Treasury . Havin g Eveleigh as his superior did not make more bearabl e the offic e tha t he ha d never wanted. Bu t by accepting i t and by 8
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Ellswort h to Wolcott, 1 2 Sep. 178 9 (Gibbs , Washington and Adams, I , 21) . Wadswort h to Wolcott , 1 3 Sep . 178 9 (same , i, 21). Wadswort h added that Hamilton was "very anxious you should accept." Earlier, he had written Wolcott to ask if he would accept the lesser office. "Yo u mus t move with the national government," he advised. "It wil l no t be what I wish, but it will be in the way of something" (same, i, 21). Wolcot t t o Wadsworth , 10 Sep. 178 9 (same , i, 21). Thi s wa s written on the day before Washington nominated Wolcott as Auditor and two days before his appointment was confirmed (JEP , I , 25 , 26). Wadswort h to Wolcott, 1 3 Sep. 178 9 (Gibbs , Washington and Adams, i , 21). Hamilto n to Wolcott, 1 3 Sep. 178 9 (Syrett , Hamilton, v , 372). Wolcot t to Hamilton , 17 Sep. 178 9 (same , v, 377) . Wolcot t t o hi s wife , 2 4 Sep . 1789 ; Wolcot t t o hi s father , 3 Nov . 178 9 (Gibbs , 8
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performing it s arduou s dutie s wit h distinction , Wolcot t ha d n o nee d i n 179 1 to appl y for the pos t he ha d coveted sinc e 1789 . Nor , whe n i t became vacant , could Wadsworth , Ellsworth , an d Hamilto n forge t th e argument s the y ha d used t o persuad e hi m t o accep t th e lesse r office . Th e most persuasiv e o f these was undoubtedl y th e promis e o f futur e advancemen t whe n th e opportunit y presented itself . Th e opportunity cam e wit h Eveleigh' s death, and both Ham ilton an d Wadsworth recognized thei r commitment t o Wolcott. 15
II Four days before Eveleigh' s death, when everyone kne w the office o f Comptroller woul d soo n b e vacant , Hamilto n wrot e th e followin g crypti c not e t o Wadsworth: " I am sorr y to lear n that a certain heresy make s a progress. Bu t there mus t b e a portio n o f nonsens e i n huma n affairs- I bea r i n min d m y promise to you." The allusion to heresy may or may not refer to Tench Coxe's ambition t o b e Comptrolle r an d Hamilton' s promis e ma y o r ma y no t hav e referred t o hi s commitmen t t o Wolcott . Unde r the circumstances , the suppo sition ha s plausibility . But th e fac t i s that i n a conversation wit h Washingto n about a month before Eveleig h died, Hamilton urged that Wolcott be appointed to th e anticipate d vacancy . Wha t Washington sai d in respons e i s no t known , but Wolcott' s performanc e i n offic e ha d confirme d hi s opinio n o f th e ma n a s an abl e official , respecte d alik e for his ability , industry, and integrity. Give n Hamilton's recommendatio n an d Wolcott' s record , the choic e appeare d bot h logical an d certain . Jame s McHenry , a frien d o f Hamilto n wh o concerne d himself wit h matter s o f patronage , wa s no t th e onl y on e wh o assume d tha t Wolcott woul d b e mad e Comptroller. Yet fo r som e reaso n th e Secretar y of the Treasury, not content t o let the matter rest on his original recommendation, immediately too k step s to reinforc e it . H e di d thi s i n a manner so unusua l as to indicat e a feeling o f genuine anxiet y les t the offic e b e given t o someone else. On th e da y followin g Eveleigh' s death, Hamilto n dispatched tw o letter s t o the President , th e first bein g onl y a brie f official communicatio n announcin g the "los s . . . o f a good office r an d an honorable an d able man." The secon d was a long privat e letter remindin g Washington o f their prior conversation o n the subject , extollin g Wolcot t a s an official whos e distinguished recor d as Auditor proved that he had "all the requisite s which could be desired; moderation 16
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I n an undated letter to his father soon after Eveleigh's death, Wolcott wrote : "No appointment has , or can be made until intelligence i s received from the President , who is now in the southern States. There wil l b e much competition fo r the office; wh o will be successful I cannot say. I have full reason to believe, that the Secretary of the Treasury wishes that it may fall to me; which is some satisfaction, as he is a man of distinguished talents, an d has had the best opportunity to judge of my qualifications" (Wolcott to his father, undated , Gibbs , Washington and Adams, i , 64) . Hamilton' s recognition o f his prior commitment t o Wolcott wa s explicitly revealed when he informed Coxe that circumstances "whic h originated a t th e tim e o f Mr . Wolcotts appointment " a s Auditor restrained him from supporting any other candidate (Coxe to T J , 1 6 Apr. 1791; Document i). Hamilto n to Wadsworth, 12 Apr. 1791 (Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 279). Washingto n to Robert Morris, 1 6 June 1791 (Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 298). McHenr y to Hamilton, 3 May 1791 (Syrett, Hamilton, vm, 321); Jonathan Williams to Henry Knox, 27 Ma y 1791 (MHi : Kno x Papers). Hamilto n to Washington, 1 7 Apr. 1791 (Syrett , Hamilton, vm , 290). 15
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with firmness, liberality with exactness, indefatigabl e industr y with an accurate and soun d discernmen t a thorough knowlege o f busines s an d a remarkable spirit o f order and arrangement." Indeed, Hamilton declared, the Audito r possessed t o suc h an eminent degre e "al l the qualification s desireabl e i n a Comptroller o f the Treasur y tha t i t i s scarcel y possibl e t o fin d a man i n the Unite d States more competent t o the duties of that station than himself, few wh o woul d be equall y so . I t ma y b e trul y said of him tha t h e i s a man of rare merit. " To one wh o respecte d th e judgment o f the Secretar y of the Treasur y a s muc h as Washington di d an d wh o share d these view s o f Wolcott' s qualifications , thi s might hav e seeme d a full y adequat e testimonial. Hamilto n kne w a s wel l a s other member s o f the Cabine t that th e Presiden t preferre d testimonials abou t candidates for office to be brief and t o the point. Yet this was only the beginning . To hi s ow n encomium s h e adde d th e opinio n tha t Wolcot t wa s know n t o b e regarded i n the sam e ligh t b y member s o f Congress from different part s of the country. H e argued , with reason , that promotio n t o a higher office withi n th e department wa s consonan t wit h justice while unrewarde d talents woul d bree d discouragement. Then , possibl y a s an afterthought, h e adde d in the margi n of the draft of his lette r that Wolcott, as a man of nice sensibility who was consciou s of his own merits , might resig n if another were appointed Comptroller . I n that case, h e declared , "th e Derangemen t o f th e departmen t woul d trul y b e dis tressing t o th e publi c service. " The blun t admonitio n suggest s that Hamilto n and Wolcot t ha d discusse d th e vacanc y an d that , a s i n 1789 , th e latte r ha d made hi s intention s known . Nor wa s this all. Hamilton, like others i n the administration, was well aware that a fundamental principl e governing Washington' s distribution of patronag e was that i t should be done with due regar d to the claim s of the variou s section s of th e nation . Eveleig h wa s a Carolinian ; Wolcot t fro m Connecticut . Antici pating the difficulty , Hamilto n pointed ou t tha t i f Wolcott wer e promoted, th e President migh t direc t hi s inquirie s i n th e Sout h "o n th e principl e o f distri bution" for th e resultan t vacanc y i n th e offic e o f Auditor . The principl e thu s accommodated, h e addresse d himsel f to wha t mus t hav e seeme d a n even mor e formidable obstacle . "I n suggesting thu s particularl y th e reason s whic h in my mind operat e i n favo r o f Mr . Woolcott, " h e wrote , " I am influenced b y infor mation that other characters will be brought to your view by weighty advocates , and a s I think i t mor e tha n possibl e tha t Mr . Woolcott ma y not b e mentione d to yo u b y an y othe r perso n tha n myself , I fee l i t a dut y arisin g ou t o f m y situation i n the departmen t t o bea r my full an d explicit testimony t o hi s worth; confident tha t h e wil l justif y b y ever y kin d o f substantial meri t an y mar k o f your approbation , whic h he ma y receive." The first observatio n t o b e mad e abou t thi s remarkabl e statement concern s Hamilton's suppositio n tha t n o on e sav e himsel f woul d advocat e Wolcott' s appointment. T w o other s wh o di d wer e clos e friend s an d supporter s o f th e Secretary o f th e Treasury , Henr y Knox i n th e Cabine t and Robert Morris i n the Senate . O n the sam e da y that Hamilto n dispatched his length y testimonia l to th e President , Henr y Kno x als o addresse d a privat e lette r t o Washingto n 20
Hamilto n to Washington, 17 Apr. 1791 (Df t in CtHi: Wolcott Papers; clerk's copy, with some inaccuracies, in same; Tr in DLC: Washingto n Papers; ful l text from Dft in Syrett, Hamilton, vm, 291-4). The presence o f the draf t in Wolcott's paper s does not necessarily indicate that Wolcott saw it at this time, since a number of filecopies of other Hamilton letters late r came into his possession . 20
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for the sam e purpose , employin g th e sam e arguments and indeed simila r phraseology. "Mr . Eveleig h the Comptrolle r of the Treasury died yesterday," Knox began. "Ther e will b e a number of candidates for his office, wh o wil l urge their several pretension s wit h som e specious , an d perhap s som e weight y argu ments. - Havin g been taugh t b y you r goodnes s t o addres s mysel f t o yo u un reservedly, an d knowin g you r desir e t o lear n through differen t mediums , ex isting opinion s relativ e t o candidates , I tak e th e libert y o f transmittin g yo u mine on this occasion . — From th e vie w I have taken of the subject , it seems to me, tha t mor e persona l politica l an d officia l consideration s unit e i n favou r o f Mr. Wolcot t . . . tha n i n an y othe r perso n withi n m y knowledge . - H e i s i n the exercis e o f habit s necessar y t o th e investigation s o f publi c accounts , an d eminently possesse s the talent s t o for m prope r judgements o f the case s whic h may be in his department." Knox then restated and elaborated Hamilton's point about th e geographica l distributio n o f offices . "Shoul d he no t b e appointed, " he warned, "the Stat e o f Connecticut may think itself neglected, a s some of its citizens ar e o f opinio n tha t i t ha s no t it s proportio n o f th e grea t office s o f Government. . . . The general principl e which you have been please d justly to adopt o f distributin g office s accordin g t o th e division s o f easter n middl e an d southern states may have its operation in this case, as a character from a southern state may be found for the Auditor' s Office." Knox not onl y echoed Hamilton' s argument abou t promotio n withi n th e department ; h e als o reveale d tha t h e knew what his colleague's preferenc e was : ". . . there appears to b e a propriety and fitness, i n advancin g person s o f integrity an d highl y approve d conduc t from a lower to a higher grade. And I beg leave to observe that this appointment would b e mos t acceptabl e t o th e Secretar y of the Treasury , a circumstance of great importanc e i n th e harmoniou s conductin g o f th e busines s o f th e treas ury." Thre e day s late r Rober t Morri s adde d hi s influentia l testimony . Hi s letter has not been found, but there can be no doubt that he stood with Hamilton and Kno x i n urging Wolcott's appointment. I t is scarcely to b e credite d that such close associates o f Hamilton as Knox an d Morris woul d have urged Wol cott's appointment i f they had not known that this would meet with the approval of the Secretar y of the Treasury . Indee d Knox ha d declared this to b e the case . In consequence , Hamilton' s statement t o Washington that he thought h e migh t be th e onl y on e t o recommen d Wolcot t mus t b e regarde d wit h som e doubt . Under th e circumstance s it seem s plausible to assum e tha t the effor t wa s con certed an d that i t aros e fro m a more tha n ordinar y concern. All wer e aware that there would b e various applicants for the pos t of Comptroller. Along with common gossip , Hamilton' s circular announcing Eveleigh's inability t o discharg e hi s dutie s ha d signalle d th e approachin g vacanc y an d aroused th e expectation s o f potentia l candidates . On e suc h wa s Christopher Richmond, Auditor General of Maryland, who journeyed to Philadelphia armed with testimonial s fro m suc h a frien d o f th e Presiden t a s Governo r Thomas Johnson solicitin g appointmen t "whe n an y Office become s vacant." Peter V. 21
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B. Livingsto n recommended his friend John Kean for the post. James McHenry advanced th e nam e o f Joh n H . Purviance. Washington' s neighbor , Uria h Forrest, told the President that he thought Eveleigh' s death opened up a vacancy for whic h h e deeme d himsel f bes t fitted. Timoth y Pickering , arrivin g i n Philadelphia t o receiv e instruction s fo r th e forthcomin g treat y wit h th e Si x Nations, als o tol d th e Presiden t tha t if there were an y plac e i n th e Treasur y he fel t competen t t o fill i t wa s tha t o f th e Comptroller . He kne w tha t ther e were othe r applicants , perhap s havin g learne d thi s fro m Hamilto n o r Knox , with who m h e wa s the n i n clos e consultation . Pickerin g was s o urgent a s t o send hi s applicatio n in triplicate , but h e aske d no testimonials . "T o you alon e . . . I mak e m y suit, " he wrot e th e President , "withou t askin g the patronag e or recommendatio n o f any man. Such aid cannot b e necessary, nor proper, nor decent: fo r no patronage, n o recommendation coul d make you better acquainted with my character: and tha t i s th e onl y groun d o n whic h a recommendatio n could pertinentl y b e offered." Pickering wa s th e mos t formidabl e o f these candidates , but , askin g no tes timonials, h e coul d no t hav e bee n th e on e Hamilto n ha d i n min d whe n h e wrote t o Washingto n abou t applicant s wh o woul d b e supporte d b y "weight y advocates." Th e on e applican t he obviousl y ha d in min d was, lik e Wolcott, a member o f hi s ow n departmen t - Assistan t Secretar y of th e Treasur y Tenc h Coxe, wh o a t this momen t wa s provin g himself a most usefu l coadjuto r in th e preparation o f Hamilton' s Repor t o n Manufacture s and in promotin g th e So ciety fo r Establishin g Useful Manufactures , which Hamilto n had s o muc h a t heart. Th e Secretar y of th e Treasur y wa s thu s confronte d b y tw o o f hi s abl e subordinates who desire d to fill the vacancy , both wel l qualified but with quit e different pretensions . Alread y committe d t o Wolcott , h e ma y hav e regarde d their rivalr y a s less of a dilemma than as an opportunity t o be exploited agains t his ow n riva l i n the Cabinet , as ultimatel y h e did. 24
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Ill It wa s o n th e ver y da y o f Eveleigh' s deat h tha t Hamilto n discusse d wit h Coxe th e vacanc y that had just occurred and the latte r made known his desir e to fill it . Eac h lef t a n accoun t o f the conversatio n whic h contradicts th e othe r in essentia l points . Tha t o f Hamilto n seems the mor e contrived , first becaus e the contex t o f hi s accoun t wa s hi s lon g lette r t o Washingto n recommendin g Wolcott, an d secon d because , o n it s face , hi s repor t o f th e intervie w reveal s obvious incongruities . T o thi s ma y b e adde d a peculiarit y in th e draftin g o f the lette r itsel f whic h indicate s that , contrar y to th e impressio n h e sough t t o convey t o th e President , Hamilto n wrote i n consultatio n wit h someon e else . the following testimonials , among others: A. C. Hanso n to Washington, 26 Mch. 1791; John Eage r Howar d to Washington, 1 5 Mch . 1791; Willia m Pac a to Washington, 25 May 1791 ; Danie l Carrol l t o Washington , 7 Mch . 179 1 (RC s in D L C : Washingto n Papers). Livingsto n to Washington, 1 June 179 1 (same) . McHenr y to Washington, 20 Apr . 179 1 (same) . Purviance had applied in 1789 for the office of Auditor or Register (Purviance to Washington, 1 4 Sep. 1789 , same). Forres t to Washington, 27 Apr . 1791 (same) . Pickerin g to Washington , 2 Ma y 179 1 (Df t i n MHi : Pickerin g Papers; duplicate and triplicat e in D L C: Washingto n Papers) . 2 4
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"There i s anothe r circumstanc e whic h I ough t no t t o conclud e withou t mentioning t o you, " Hamilton remarked near the en d o f his letter. "Mr . Cox e has signified t o m e hi s wish to b e considered for the Offic e o f Comptroller. On this poin t I hav e answere d hi m an d ver y sincerel y t o thi s effec t ' I am wel l convinced that the office under your direction would be in perfectly good hands. On th e scor e of qualification my preference woul d not inclin e to any other man and yo u have ever y reaso n to believ e tha t o n persona l accounts non e would b e more agreeabl e t o me . Bu t I a m equally wel l satisfie d o n th e othe r han d that no man ought to b e preferre d to Mr . Woolcott o n the scor e of qualification for the office , an d this bein g th e case , I am of opinion tha t th e relatio n which his present statio n bear s to tha t i n question give s him pretensions superio r to an y other person. ' H e the n aske d m e whethe r i t woul d b e disagreeabl e t o m e t o make his wish known to you. To this my answer was in substance that I could have no possible objection to his doing it and that I would even do it myself - a t which poin t th e draf t ended i n mid-page, Hamilto n drew a looping lin e to th e bottom, and the sentence was concluded on a new page and in another hand - "bu t that I apprised him it should be done in such a manner as would make it clearly understood t o yo u that al l circumstances considered I thought tha t Mr . Woolcott ha d a decidedl y preferabl e claim. " Hamilton' s unidentifie d collabora tor-the handwritin g i s no t tha t o f Morris , Knox , Wadsworth , Ellsworth , Huntington, o r others wh o coul d have had an interest i n promoting Wolcott' s candidacy - the n concluded the letter with assurances that the recommendatio n was grounde d i n an honest zea l for the publi c good and a firm conviction tha t the departmen t an d the governmen t woul d b e bes t served by making Wolcott Comptroller. Hamilton wa s a s good a s his word . But i n makin g Coxe' s desire know n t o the Presiden t a s promised , h e di d s o i n a lette r whos e urgen t advocac y o f Wolcott's claim s nullifie d th e assurance s he sai d he ha d given Coxe . No r wa s this all. In the concludin g part of his draft he quote d himsel f as saying to Coxe that on the scor e of qualification no one stoo d higher in his estimation tha n he. Then, i n th e nex t sentence , i n precisel y th e sam e terminolog y an d according to th e sam e criterion , he ranke d Wolcott first. Perhaps haste cause d Hamilton to overloo k th e inconsistency . Mor e likely the laps e resulted from a revision in the draft . A s Hamilto n phrase d the passag e originally , h e accorde d Cox e superiority "o n th e scor e o f ability and integrity" and then altere d the phras e t o read "on the scor e o f qualification," the identica l terms o n whic h he base d th e superior claim of Wolcott. Thi s inconsistenc y ma y have prompte d Hamilton' s unidentified collaborato r to complet e th e accoun t o f the conversatio n by saying that Coxe' s wishe s woul d b e mad e know n t o th e Presiden t i n suc h a way a s to indicate Hamilton's decided preferenc e for Wolcott. The addition was scarcely necessary, for the whole thrus t of Hamilton's letter to Washington was to make it abundantl y clear what hi s preference was . But , as words attributed to Ham ilton by another, the rea l effect of the unnecessary elucidation was to cast doub t on th e reliabilit y of Hamilton' s repor t o f th e conversation . Coxe' s accoun t o f what took plac e between him and his superio r on the da y Eveleigh died raises still furthe r question s abou t Hamilton' s version . Bu t o n on e poin t bot h wer e agreed - tha t Cox e had revealed his desire for the appointmen t an d that Ham ilton ha d interposed n o objectio n t o hi s informin g the Presiden t o f the fact . 28
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Hamilto n to Washington, 1 7 Apr. 1791 (Df t in CtHi: Wolcot t Papers). [ 22 7 }
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Coxe immediatel y drafte d hi s lette r o f application. Bu t instea d o f sendin g it directl y to th e Presiden t as Pickering and others ha d done, h e enclose d i t in a lette r t o Jefferson , placin g upo n hi m the responsibilit y o f decidin g whethe r to forwar d it. I n doing s o h e explaine d tha t i t ha d been hi s intentio n t o mak e his desire known to one "of the best and wisest members of the Administration" at a s early a moment a s decoru m permitted . Withi n a few hour s o f Eveleigh's death tha t momen t assuredl y ha d not arrived . Bu t Cox e justified hi s haste b y saying that the Secretar y of the Treasur y ha d that afternoon le d him into a free conversation o n th e subject . Accordin g to Coxe , Hamilto n no t onl y initiate d the subjec t bu t als o volunteere d th e informatio n tha t h e wa s restraine d from recommending an y othe r tha n Wolcot t becaus e o f circumstance s connecte d with hi s appointmen t a s Auditor. Hamilton was als o quote d a s saying that h e considered Cox e a s wel l qualifie d fo r th e vacanc y a s an y othe r an d tha t h e would by no mean s advis e him not t o appl y for the office. Thi s versio n of the conversation, whic h place s responsibilit y upo n th e Secretar y of th e Treasur y for openin g th e discussion , justifie d Cox e i n drawin g th e inferenc e tha t i f Hamilton ha d no t bee n restraine d by hi s prio r commitment , h e woul d hav e been gratifie d b y Coxe' s appointment. I t also suggest s that Coxe , graspin g at the opening , inquire d whethe r hi s applicatio n fo r th e offic e woul d b e disa greeable t o hi s superior . Th e fac t tha t th e inquir y was mad e i s confirme d b y Hamilton's ow n versio n o f th e interview . Wha t i s conspicuousl y lackin g i n Coxe's accoun t i s th e assuranc e Hamilton said he gav e that h e himsel f woul d make Coxe' s wishe s know n t o th e President . I f Hamilton ha d actuall y give n such assurances, it seems highly unlikely that Cox e would have refrained from mentioning th e fac t i n his lette r t o Jefferson . The principa l question raise d by these two divergen t account s is not whethe r Hamilton initiate d th e subject , thoug h ther e seem s no reaso n to doub t Coxe' s assertion tha t h e did . It is rathe r a question o f the motive s tha t prompte d him to adopt an equivocal role in the matter. Having already anticipated the vacancy a mont h earlie r by recommendin g Wolcott , Hamilto n b y a simpl e statemen t to thi s effec t coul d surel y hav e deterre d Cox e fro m becomin g a riva l fo r th e post against the declared preference of his superior . Why, instead, did Hamilton present his own situatio n as limited by circumstances and make complimentary allusions which , even b y hi s ow n account , coul d no t hav e faile d t o encourag e Coxe t o appl y for the vacancy ? Knowing this, did he intimat e o r even sugges t that Cox e migh t b e sponsore d b y thos e "weight y advocates " t o who m h e referred in his letter to Washington? Knowing also that Coxe had been friendly with th e Secretar y of State an d useful t o hi m in supplying information, di d he mention Jefferso n a s on e whos e suppor t migh t b e obtained ? Th e answer s t o such question s mus t remai n in the real m of conjecture. But Hamilton's equivocation in the coversation with Coxe, his subsequent accusations , and Jefferson' s carefully considere d metho d o f dealin g wit h th e proble m sugges t a plausibl e explanation. 29
30
IV Hamilton unquestionabl y kne w tha t Coxe's application had been forwarde d to th e Secretar y of Stat e an d b y hi m t o th e President . Th e fac t i s prove d b y 29 30
Cox e to Washington, 1 6 Apr. 1791 (Documen t n below). Cox e to T J , 1 6 Apr. 1791 (Documen t i below). [ 22 8 ]
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his subsequent accusation . In view o f this, together with Jefferson's immediat e response containin g a characteristic but perhap s impruden t expressio n o f po liteness wishin g him success, i t seems very likely that Coxe promptly informed Hamilton o f the fact , perhap s even b y showin g hi m Jefferson's brie f note. If so, suc h news comin g o n the 17t h coul d have prompted Hamilton , Knox, and Morris t o undertak e wha t ca n mos t plausibl y b e describe d a s a n urgen t an d concerted effor t t o offse t th e effec t o f the suppose d testimonia l o f the Secretary of State. Jefferson' s mer e allusio n to th e fac t that he di d not thin k it necessary to consult Madiso n as Coxe had suggested would have been enoug h t o prompt fears o f those "weight y advocates " o f th e claim s o f th e Assistan t Secretar y of the Treasury . What Hamilto n and his supporter s di d no t know , firs t o f all , was tha t Jef ferson di d i n fac t infor m Madiso n o f Coxe's application, despite hi s assurance to Cox e tha t h e fel t n o nee d t o consul t hi m o n th e question . Hi s manne r o f doing this could scarcely have been a casual passing of information or discussion of the distributio n of patronage i n another department . A s later development s indicate, Jefferson' s disclosur e t o hi s mos t intimat e collaborato r mus t hav e arisen fro m growin g suspicion s concernin g action s originatin g wit h th e Sec retary o f the Treasury . Fo r the importan t fac t tha t h e di d not revea l to Coxe , and one that certainly could not have been known to Hamilton, was the manner in whic h he communicate d Coxe' s letter to th e President . Coxe had asked not to b e informe d whethe r Jefferso n ha d chosen t o submi t i t to Washingto n with his opinion o r to commi t i t to th e flames. Jefferson disregarde d the reques t and declined t o accep t it s implicatio n that transmission of the lette r meant suppor t of the applicant: he merely reported that he had sent it forward. More important, he kep t silen t abou t th e significan t us e h e mad e o f Coxe' s lette r t o himself . What he did was to tear off the first leaf of that letter and enclose it with Coxe's application i n hi s ow n lette r t o th e President . Tha t communicatio n wa s con cerned with important matters of policy, and at its close Jefferson almost casually remarked: "Colo . Eveleig h die d yesterday . Supposin g i t possibl e yo u migh t desire t o appoin t hi s successo r a s soo n a s yo u coul d decid e o n one , I inclos e you a blank commission, whic h when yo u shal l be please d t o fill u p an d sign, can b e returne d for th e sea l an d countersignature . I inclos e yo u a letter fro m Mr. Cox e to yoursel f on th e subjec t o f thi s appointment , an d so muc h o f on e to m e a s relate d t o th e same , havin g tor n of f a lea f o f complimen t t o lighte n and lessen m y enclosures t o you . Shoul d distributive justice give preference t o a successor o f the sam e state with the deceased , I take the libert y of suggesting to yo u Mr . Hay ward o f S . C . whom I thin k yo u tol d m e yo u di d no t know , and o f whom yo u ar e now o n th e spo t o f inquiry." Tha t wa s all. Jefferson no t onl y ha d no t becom e a n advocat e o f Coxe' s appointment : h e had instea d suggeste d anothe r candidat e o n th e basi s o f Washington' s well known principl e o f geographica l distributio n o f patronage . I n fact , h e delib erately refrained from making even a n indirect comment o n the merit of Coxe's application b y transmittin g along wit h i t the first part of the lette r fro m Coxe 31
32
T J to Coxe, 17 Apr. 1791 (Documen t m below). T J t o Washington, 1 7 Apr. 1791, wit h enclosures (Documen t u in group of documents on unofficial diplomacy, at 4 Apr. 1791) . See note 1, Coxe to T J, 1 6 Apr. 179 1 (Document i below). Th e person to who m TJ referred was Thomas Heyward (17461809) o f South Carolina, who m TJ had known in Congress in 1776 . T J had respect for Heyward, but the two me n never corresponded. 31
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to himself . I n doing s o h e gav e the Presiden t the erroneou s impressio n tha t h e had onl y "tor n of f a leaf o f complimen t t o lighte n an d lessen " th e enclosures . The par t he retained - actuall y two leave s - di d contain adulatory remarks, but it als o embrace d muc h else . I n particula r it include d Coxe' s reques t tha t Jef ferson consul t Madiso n an d the n decid e whethe r h e shoul d transmi t th e ap plication "wit h you r opinio n o n th e subject ; o r . . . commit i t to th e fire." For Jefferson t o hav e include d thi s portio n o f th e lette r woul d hav e justifie d th e inference that, by the mere act of transmittal, he lent his support to the applicant. It i s understandabl e tha t h e shoul d hav e wishe d t o avoi d givin g Washingto n such a n impression. Bu t why indee d shoul d h e hav e disclose d an y par t of that letter t o th e President ? This Cox e surel y would no t hav e expecte d or desired. Jefferson mus t hav e take n thi s unusua l libert y wit h a private communicatio n because, first o f all , i t clearl y exculpate d himsel f fro m an y involvemen t wit h the riva l candidacie s o f two officer s i n another department . Also , this lea f torn from Coxe' s lette r t o himsel f clearl y reveale d th e equivoca l rol e playe d b y Hamilton. Whethe r o r no t Jefferso n accepte d a t fac e valu e Coxe' s accoun t o f Hamilton's bein g restraine d by circumstance s from supportin g an y othe r tha n Wolcott, h e surel y understoo d tha t th e mer e transmitta l of Coxe' s applicatio n without suc h informatio n woul d hav e place d hi m i n th e ambiguou s positio n of opposing the declare d candidate o f the Secretar y of the Treasury . Thu s this leaf transmitted from Coxe' s letter accomplishe d th e doubl e purpos e o f placing responsibility fo r Coxe' s candidac y upo n th e Secretar y of the Treasur y an d of keeping himsel f scrupulousl y clea r of involvement. Thi s unusua l action place d before th e Presiden t tw o contradictor y account s o f th e episode . Characteristi cally, Washingto n passe d ove r bot h i n silenc e whe n h e accepte d th e recom mendation o f th e Secretar y of the Treasury. 33
I n his response t o T J , a s indicated above, Washingto n made no allusion to Coxe's letter o r t o th e comptrollershi p (Washingto n t o T J , 17 Jun e 1791) . Hi s letter s t o Hamilton an d Morri s declare d hi s hig h opinio n o f Wolcot t bu t referre d to n o othe r candidates (Washington to Hamilton, 13 June 1791, Syrett, Hamilton, vm, 470-1; Washington to Morris, 1 6 June 1791, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 292, 298). Washington did instruc t Lear to "use every indirect means" in his power to ascertain the public opinion of the fittest character to "fill the present Auditors Office (as he will be appointed Comptroler) with the greatest ability and integrity. Severa l have been brought to my view for the Comptroler s place (wh o I suppose would accept o f the Auditors) as able and meritorious characters; among these are Mr. Richmond . . . Colonel Pickering, Mr. Kean, Colo. Drayto n (a Gentn. of South Carolina ) Colo. Forrest and others" (Washington to Lear, 1 5 Jun e 1791 , Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi, 296-7) . Coxe' s nam e wa s no t mentioned. Other applicants for the office of Auditor were John Clark, Matthew Clarkson, William Davies, John Dawson (recommended by James Monroe), James Ewing, Thomas Irwin, Eleazar McComb , William Moultrie , an d Willia m Simmons-al l fro m th e middl e o r southern state s (their letters an d testimonials betwee n 4 Jul y an d 6 Nov . 179 1 ar e in D L C : Washingto n Papers , Series 7) . Washingto n nominate d Richar d Harrison . Th e Senate held up confirmation until it could learn which of several Richard Harrisons was intended. Whe n Washington informed the Senat e that "Richard Harrison . .. i s a merchant of Alexandria, in Virginia," the nominee was confirmed ( J E P , I , 90 , 91) . Before learnin g o f Washington' s intentions , Hamilto n sough t throug h McHenry's influence t o persuad e Oth o H . Williams of Baltimor e to becom e a candidate, bu t h e declined. McHenry , representing Hamilton , then calle d on William Smit h of the sam e place an d finally persuaded hi m to le t hi s nam e b e pu t forwar d for th e post . " I was obliged to intimate," McHenry reported, "that from the opinion you had of him, I could 33
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Thus, fa r from engagin g i n "intrigu e t o plac e hi s ow n ma n in th e cente r o f Hamilton's department, " Jefferson remaine d as aloof a s possible fro m the con test. H e ha d n o nee d t o d o otherwise . Eve n i f he ha d wishe d t o engag e i n an intrigue o f the sort , suc h an effort woul d have bee n wholl y unnecessary . Coxe was alread y i n th e Treasury , h e ha d fo r som e tim e bee n supplyin g Jefferso n with useful statistics, and at this moment he was engaged in writing his criticism of Lor d Sheffield' s Observations i n whic h Jefferson' s influenc e wa s apparent . Theirs wa s no t th e clos e collaboration i t has been represente d t o be , bu t Coxe could no t hav e bee n mor e usefu l t o Jefferso n whethe r a s Comptrolle r or Assistant Secretary. Yet, possibly becaus e o f this relationship and because o f his anxiety about Jefferson's propose d navigatio n bill , Hamilton himself, eve n afte r learning tha t Wolcot t woul d b e appointed , initiate d th e baseles s charg e tha t Jefferson ha d attempted t o infiltrat e hi s department . Lat e i n Jul y Henr y Lee heard gossi p t o thi s effec t i n Ne w Yor k an d reported i t t o Madison . "Would you believe, " Madiso n wrote Jefferson , "tha t thi s . . . has go t int o circulation in the shap e o f an attempt i n you and myself to intermeddl e wit h the Treasur y department, t o frustrat e the know n wishe s o f the hea d of it, an d to kee p back the linea l successor, fro m a Southern antipathy t o hi s Easter n descent! " Madison touched upon the rumor in conversation with Hamilton and thought he had convinced him that Jefferson's agency, wit h which he associated himself , "was th e effec t o f complaisanc e rathe r tha n o f solicitud e fo r o r agains t th e candidates - an d particularly that i t was impossible fro m the ver y nature of the case, i t woul d hav e involve d th e ide a o f thwartin g hi s purpose s i n hi s ow n department." He added that this was not the only instance of "the most uncandid and unfounded things of a like tendency having been thrown into circulation." A wee k late r Madison declared to Jefferson tha t he thought i t "a little singular . . . tha t s o seriou s a face shoul d hav e bee n pu t o n i t b y [Hamilton ] who ough t to have known the circumstance s which explained the natur e of the interference complaine d of. " Madiso n seeme d willin g t o accep t Hamilton' s assertion tha t anothe r candidat e who m h e coul d no t properl y name ha d bee n "the channe l thro' which he ha d received his wron g impressions." Jefferson , less credulous , place d th e origi n o f th e unfounde d rumo r where i t belonged . "Nobody coul d kno w o f T. C.' s application bu t himself , H[amilton ] you an d myself. Whic h o f th e fou r wa s mos t likel y t o giv e i t ou t a t all , and especiall y in such a form? Which of the four would feel a n inclination to excite a n opinion that yo u an d myself were hostil e t o ever y thin g no t Southern?" 34
35
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entertain no doubt bu t his appointment woul d be certain unless the Presiden t got entangled to the Southward" (McHenry to Hamilton, 3 May 1791, Syrett, Hamilton, vm, 322). Only a day after Washington had instructed Lear to investigate the list of applicants, the Federal Gazette o f 1 6 Jul y 179 1 carrie d thi s announcement : "W e hear tha t th e President ha s appointe d Willia m Smit h of Baltimore as Auditor in the Treasur y De partment." Hamilton's candidate thus failed to ge t th e appointment . Fo r commen t o n TJ' s relationship wit h Coxe , se e Editoria l Note s t o grou p o f documents o n American commerce, at 31 Jan. 1791, an d to that concerning TJ's hope for a European concert on navigation laws aimed at Great Britain, at 15 Mch. 1791; for a differin g interpretatio n an d more comprehensiv e treatmen t o f the relation s between T J an d Coxe, see Jaco b E. Cooke, "The Collaboration of Tench Coxe and Thomas Jefferson," P M H B , c (Oct . 1976), 468-90 . Madiso n to T J , 2 4 Jul y 1791 . Madiso n to T J , 3 1 Jul y 1791 . T J t o Madison, 27 July 1791 . 3 4
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The rhetorica l questions answere d themselves . Th e inescapabl e conclusio n is that Hamilton not onl y playe d an equivocal role by permitting if not prompting Coxe to become the rival o f his ow n candidate: he also exploited the incident in a deliberate distortion of the facts in a manner calculated to discredit Jefferson. That h e shoul d hav e resorte d t o suc h tactic s i n th e sprin g o f 179 1 ma y b e taken a s a measur e o f th e concer n h e fel t ove r th e growin g influenc e o f th e Secretary o f State . Ironically , withi n les s tha n a fortnight , Jefferson' s unin tended public allusion to political heresies in his commendation of Paine's Rights of Man di d mor e t o diminis h his influenc e wit h th e Presiden t tha n anythin g Hamilton coul d hav e contrived. Withi n another thre e months , whe n Tench Coxe sough t th e offic e o f Postmaste r Genera l an d aske d Hamilton' s counsel , the candidat e appeale d fo r suppor t no t t o th e Secretar y o f Stat e bu t t o th e Secretary o f War . " I am authorize d b y [th e Secretar y of th e Treasury ] t o sa y in confidenc e to you" Cox e wrot e t o Henr y Knox , "tha t th o h e feel s a wis h that h e ma y no t brin g forward the nam e o f a person s o nearl y connected wit h him, h e wil l giv e m e hi s entire support." Thi s tim e ther e wa s n o charg e tha t the hea d o f on e departmen t sough t b y intrigu e t o invad e tha t o f another . 38
39
38 39
Se e Editorial Note to group of documents o n the Paine incident, at 26 Apr . 1791. Cox e to Knox , 1 1 July 179 1 ("Private, " MHi: Kno x Papers).
I . T e n c h C o x e t o T h o m a s Jefferso n S l R Saturda
y Evening April 16th . 1791 .
The vacanc y produce d i n th e Treasur y departmen t b y th e deat h of the Comptrolle r has occasione d m e t o tak e the libert y of making this communicatio n t o you . I t wil l no t appea r unnatural , tha t a person i n m y situatio n shoul d b e led , b y th e relatio n th e office s o f the Treasur y bea r to eac h other, t o entertai n a wish for the appoint ment, an d I should , a t a s earl y a momen t a s decoru m permitted , have don e mysel f the hono r t o mak e that desir e know n t o you . Bu t Mr. Hamilto n having le d me thi s afternoo n int o a free conversatio n on the subject I find it proper to be more early in this communication than i t wa s m y intentio n t o hav e been . Ther e appea r to b e circum stances, whic h originate d a t the tim e o f Mr . Wolcott s appointmen t to hi s presen t office , tha t operat e t o restrai n th e Secretar y o f th e Treasury fro m movin g i n favo r o f an y othe r person , an d this infor mation h e gav e m e unasked . H e entertain s a n opinion , also , tha t the relatio n betwee n th e office s o f th e Comptrolle r an d Audito r creates a kind o f pretensio n i n th e latte r t o succee d th e former . H e however adde d i n a ver y kin d an d flattering wa y hi s opinion , tha t he shoul d se e a s man y publi c advantage s resultin g fro m th e ap pointment o f mysel f a s an y othe r person , an d that h e woul d b y n o means advis e m y declinin g t o appl y t o th e President . [ 23 2 }
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The Statio n you fill i n the Governmen t together with the impressions I fee l concerning you r characte r have lon g sinc e determine d me neve r t o presen t mysel f a s a candidate fo r th e favo r o f the Pres ident withou t makin g m y Intentio n know n t o you . I d o no t desir e to obtain any appointment, i f good reasons against it can be adduce d to th e Presiden t b y th e bes t an d wises t member s o f th e Adminis tration. You wil l indulg e me , Sir , i n passin g b y everything , tha t ha s relation t o m y Abilit y t o execut e th e offic e eithe r i n regar d to th e modifications, whic h i t ma y b e requisit e t o giv e t o th e publi c ac counts, o r th e preparator y politica l investigations , whic h I hav e always though t shoul d regularl y engag e th e Comptrolle r o f th e Treasury. It i s m y wish , Sir , that yo u wil l d o m e th e hono r t o transmi t th e enclosed lette r t o th e Presiden t o f th e Unite d States ; bu t i f o n a conference betwee n yoursel f an d th e honorabl e M r . Madison , i n whose Judgment I have a n entire confidence , tha t i t wil l b e fo r any reason best to omi t th e Applicatio n I have a sincere wish that it may be suppressed . I fee l exceedingl y averse t o an y additio n o n m y account t o th e unpleasin g circumstances , whic h mus t to o ofte n b e obtruded on the President' s mind in the delicat e an d important duty of appointment s t o office . It wil l reliev e m e fro m a grea t par t o f th e pai n I fee l i n makin g this applicatio n t o you , i f yo u wil l b e please d t o reserv e fro m m e any communicatio n o f the dispositio n yo u mak e of the letter , whic h I have ventured to enclose, whethe r you may deem it best to transmit it wit h you r opinio n o n th e subject ; or may thin k i t mos t fit o n th e whole t o commi t i t t o th e fire. - Wit h th e highes t respect , I hav e the hono r t o b e Si r your mos t obedien t & humble Servant , TENCH COX E 1
It i s my intention t o confine m y views to yourself, and Mr. Hamilton , leaving i t t o you r ow n idea s o f propriet y t o convers e wit h M r . Madison. I f a perfectly convenien t opportunit y present s i t would b e very muc h m y wish . RC (DNA : RG 59, MLR ; consistin g only of the firs t leaf of the lette r as enclosed in T J t o Washington, 1 7 Apr . 1791 , the remaining two leaves in DLC); th e blank verso of the part retained b y TJ endorsed by hi m as received 16 Apr. 1791 an d so recorded i n SJL . Fo r comment o n TJ' s reasons for sending only the first part of
the letter to Washington, see Editorial Note above. Note 1 below indicates the onl y part of th e letter that Washington saw. Th e first lea f of the letter ends at this point and mark s the conclusion of that part of th e letter TJ sen t to Washington.
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1
I L T e n c h C o x e t o th e Presiden t S l R Philadelphi
a Apri l 16t h 179 1
It i s with the greatest hesitatio n that I contribute to the unpleasin g circumstances tha t ar e obtrude d o n you r min d b y to o numerou s applications fo r public office. T h e decease o f the Comptrolle r of th e Treasury havin g create d th e necessit y o f a n appointment , I mos t humbly be g leav e t o presen t mysel f t o you r consideration . T h e relation whic h exist s betwee n th e office s o f th e Treasur y an d th e respectful solicitud e fo r the hono r o f your countenance whic h is fel t by every good citizen and which is anxiously desired by every faithful Servant o f th e publi c wil l b e received , I hope , Sir , in apolog y fo r this step . Hono r an d Emolumen t ma y b e generall y deeme d th e inducements t o these applications, but I trust I do not deceive mysel f in th e belie f tha t thes e consideration s d o no t influenc e m e mor e decidedly tha n a sincere desir e t o evinc e th e highes t respec t fo r th e government o f th e Unite d State s an d fo r th e peculia r character of their Chie f Magistrate . - I have th e hono r t o b e wit h th e mos t pro found respec t Si r your mos t humbl e & most obedien t servant , TENCH COX E RC (DLC : Washingto n Papers); endorsed by Lear . T J enclosed the above letter in his t o Washington of 17 Apr. 1791 .
I I I . T h o m a s Jefferson t o T e n c h C o x e Apr. 17 . 1791 .
T h : Jefferso n present s hi s compliment s t o M r . Coxe an d bein g t o write t o th e Presiden t thi s morning , he ha s n o hesitatio n t o inclos e to hi m M r . Coxe's letter , an d to assur e M r . Coxe o f his wishe s fo r success t o th e application . H e ha s no t waite d t o consul t wit h M r. M . becaus e h e should have lost a post in the conveyance o f the letter , and tha t a s t o himsel f h e ha d n o doubt s t o consul t about . RC (CtY) ; addressed : "Mr. Coxe" ; endorsed. Not recorded in SJL.
T o Jame s Monro e D E A R SI R Philadelphi
a Apr . 17 . 1791 .
Your favo r o f Mar . 29 . 1791 . cam e t o han d last night. I sincerely sympathize wit h yo u o n th e ste p whic h you r brothe r ha s take n [ 23 4 ]
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without consultin g you , an d wonde r indee d ho w i t coul d b e done , with an y attentio n i n th e agents , t o th e law s o f th e land . I fea r h e will hardl y persevere i n th e secon d pla n o f lif e adopte d fo r him , a s matrimony ill y agree s wit h study , especiall y i n th e first stage s o f both. Howeve r you wil l readil y perceive that, the thin g being done , there i s no w bu t on e question , tha t i s Wha t is t o b e don e t o mak e the bes t o f it , i n respec t bot h t o hi s an d you r happiness? A ste p o f this kin d indicate s n o vice , no r othe r foibl e tha n o f followin g to o hastily th e movement s o f a war m heart. I t admit s therefor e o f th e continuance o f cordia l affection , an d call s perhap s mor e indispen sably fo r you r care and protection. T o conciliat e th e affectio n o f all parties, an d to banis h all suspicion o f discontent, wil l conduc e mos t to you r own happines s also . -1 a m sorry to hea r that your daughte r has bee n unwell , an d hope sh e i s recovere d er e this , an d that Mrs. Munroe enjoy s goo d health . - Affair s i n Franc e ar e stil l goin g o n well. T he late pacification betwee n Spai n and England has not bee n a reconciliation . I t i s though t th e fire i s bu t slightl y covered , an d may burst out shoul d the Norther n war spread as is expected. Grea t Britain i s stil l endeavorin g t o plunde r u s o f ou r carryin g business . T h e parliamen t have a bil l befor e the m t o admi t whea t brough t i n British bottom s t o b e warehouse d ren t free , s o tha t th e merchant s are alread y givin g a preferenc e t o Britis h bottom s fo r tha t com modity. Shoul d we los e the transportatio n of our own wheat , i t wil l put dow n a grea t proportio n o f ou r shipping , alread y pushe d b y British vessels ou t o f some of the bes t branche s of business. I n order further t o circumscrib e ou r carrying , th e Commissioner s o f th e Treasury hav e latel y determine d t o admi t n o vesse l a s American , unless buil t here. T h i s take s fro m us the righ t of prescribing by our own law s the condition s o f naturalizing vessels i n our own country , and i n th e even t o f a war in whic h w e shoul d b e neutral , prevent s our increasing , b y purchase , th e quantit y o f ou r shipping , s o a s t o avail ourselve s o f the ful l benefi t o f the neutralit y o f ou r flag. I f we are t o ad d t o ou r stoc k o f shippin g onl y a s muc h a s w e ca n build, a wa r wil l b e ove r befor e w e shal l be th e bette r o f it . - W e hea r o f continual murders in the Westward. I hope we shall drub the Indians well thi s summe r an d the n chang e ou r pla n fro m wa r t o bribery . We mus t d o a s th e Spaniard s and Englis h do , kee p the m i n peac e by libera l and constant presents . The y find it the cheapes t plan , and so shal l we . T h e expenc e o f thi s summer s expeditio n woul d hav e served fo r present s fo r hal f a century . I n thi s wa y hostilitie s bein g suspended fo r som e lengt h o f time, a real affectio n ma y succee d o n our frontier s t o tha t hatre d no w existin g there . Anothe r powerfu l [235 ]
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motive i s tha t i n thi s wa y w e ma y leav e n o pretex t fo r raisin g o r continuing a n army. Every ra g of an Indian depredatio n wil l other wise serv e a s a groun d t o rais e troop s wit h thos e wh o thin k a standing arm y and a public deb t necessar y fo r th e happines s o f th e U . S . an d w e shal l neve r b e permitte d t o ge t ri d o f e i t h e r . - O u r treasury stil l think s tha t thes e ne w encroachment s o f G r . Brit , o n our carryin g trad e mus t b e me t b y passiv e obedienc e an d non resistance, les t an y misunderstandin g wit h the m shoul d affect our credit, or the prices of our public paper. New scheme s ar e on foo t fo r bringing more paper to market by encouraging grea t manufacturing companies t o form , an d thei r actions , o r paper-shares , t o b e trans ferable a s bank-stock . W e ar e ruined , Sir , if w e d o no t over-rul e the principle s that 'th e mor e w e owe , th e mor e prosperou s w e shal l be,' 'tha t a publi c deb t furnishe s th e mean s o f enterprize, ' 'tha t i f ours should b e onc e paid off, w e shoul d incu r another b y any mean s however extravagant' &c. &c. - Colo . Eveleigh died yesterday morni n g s - P r e s e n t m e affectionatel y an d mos t affectionatel y t o Mrs . Monroe. I canno t b e wit h yo u til l September . Adieu , m y dea r Sir Your sincer e frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON RC (NN) . PrC (DLC) . 1
T J first wrote "last night" and then altered this to read as above.
T o Marth a Jefferso n Randolp h M Y DEA R DAUGHTE R Philadelphi
a April . 17 . 1791 .
Since I wrot e las t t o you , whic h wa s o n th e 24th . o f March , I have receive d your s o f Marc h 22 . I a m indee d sorr y to hea r o f th e situation of Walker Gilmer and shall hope the letters from Monticell o will continu e t o infor m m e ho w h e does. I kno w ho w muc h hi s parents wil l suffer , an d ho w muc h h e merite d al l thei r affec tion. - Mrs . Tris t ha s been s o kin d a s to hav e your calash made, bu t either b y mistak e o f th e maker , o r o f myself , i t i s no t line d wit h green. I hav e therefor e desire d a green linin g t o b e got , whic h yo u can pu t i n yoursel f i f yo u prefe r it . Mrs . Tris t ha s observe d tha t there i s a kin d o f vei l latel y introduce d here , an d muc h approved . It fasten s ove r th e bri m o f th e ha t an d the n draw s roun d th e nec k as clos e o r open a s yo u please . I desir e a coupl e t o b e mad e t o g o with th e calas h an d othe r things . - Mr . Lewi s no t likin g t o writ e letters I do no t hea r from him : but I hope you ar e readily furnished with al l the supplie s an d conveniences th e estat e affords. I shall no t 1
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be abl e t o se e yo u til l September , b y whic h tim e th e young grandaughter wil l begi n t o loo k bold , an d knowing . I inclos e yo u a lette r t o a woman , wh o lives , I believe , o n Buckisland . I t i s fro m her siste r i n Paris , whic h I woul d wis h yo u t o sen d express . I hope your garde n i s flourishing. Presen t m e affectionatel y t o M r . Ran dolph & Polly . Your' s sincerel y m y dear , T H : JEFFERSON soon after returning.
RC (NNP) . PrC (MHi) . Thomas Walke r Gilmer , eldes t so n o f TJ's frien d Dr. George Gilmer, had been studying medicine at Edinburgh and died
T J first wrote ".. . whether it be really hopeless" an d then altere d the passag e t o read as above. 1
From Joshu a Johnso n London, 18 Apr. 1791. Hi s of 27 Mch . and 4 Apr . sen t b y New Yor k packe t in car e o f Colo . Smith . Sinc e the n th e pres s fo r seame n ha s becom e general , but h e i s please d t o repor t "no t . . . on e Complain t from ou r Countrymen," proving the Minister s have kept their promise not to molest America n citizens. He think s th e governmen t d o no t dar e ente r th e Russia n war becaus e o f op position t o i t i n bot h house s o f Parliamen t and a universal dislike amon g th e people. - " I fin d Lor d Hawkesbur y has draw n up a lon g Report , on th e ad vantages an d disadvantages, o f the Trad e betwee n th e Unite d State s an d this Country, for the King, an d Privy Council, fifty copie s of which are now printing for their examination; I am endeavoring t o procur e a sight o f one, an d should I succee d I will transmi t you, the mos t interestin g outlines . I t is said here, that Colo. Smit h had previous to hi s departure several interviews with Lor d Gren ville, o n th e Subjec t of the Unite d States, an d that the Packe t was detaine d t o carry hi m out, tha t h e migh t communicat e the m t o Congress ; it i s probable i t may b e th e Case , bu t i f s o I kno w nothin g o f it , a s I wa s no t consulted , o r informed o f thei r objects. — It i s no w sai d tha t Mr . Elliott ha s resigned , an d don't g o t o America . I t is whispered Mr. Peal e of Manchester is to be the Man; I hav e reaso n t o believ e tha t th e Minister s ar e ver y muc h divide d o n th e Business; some thinking a Commercial regulation highly necessary , and others that i t i s o f n o consequence ; a s for m y ow n par t I begin t o thin k it i s of much less consequenc e t o th e Unite d States, tha n i t i s t o Grea t Britain , an d that a judicious Navigatio n Ac t wil l soo n prove , tha t I a m right , an d convinc e thi s proud People , tha t the y ar e wrong." He enclose s accoun t o f al l America n vessels enterin g an d leavin g Londo n from 1 Jan. to 3 1 Mch. , in whic h are many unavoidabl e imperfection s owin g to inattention o f captains. Also sends registe r of sloop Nanqj, whic h was owne d by Messrs . Constabl e & Co . o f Ne w Yor k bu t o n arriva l too k ou t Britis h register. Thi s le d hi m t o tak e fro m Capt . Seto n th e on e enclose d t o preven t improper us e o f it . T J will pleas e orde r it s cancellation . - "Th e interruptio n to the British trade with Russia has given advantage to the American Shipping, and ou r Vessell s ar e sough t fo r wit h avidity , an d o n advantageou s Term s to go t o St . Petersburgh; I grant to al l passes, on e o f which you will find inclosed for you r satisfaction.-Th e Flee t a t Spithea d i s no t half manned , an d mor e 1
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difficulty i s met with , i n procurin g Men , than could be expected , s o tha t it is uncertain whe n they ca n Sail. " R C ( D N A : R G 59, C D ) . Recorded in S J L a s received 23 July 1791 . Dup l (same); with mino r textua l variations . Enclosure : Certificate of registry of sloop Nancy, Pete r Seton, master , showin g tha t he r owner s were Willia m Constable , Gouverneu r Morris, an d Rober t Morris ; tha t sh e wa s built in Bermuda and rebuilt in New Yor k in 1786 ; tha t sh e wa s 61'8 " long , 21'8 " wide; an d tha t sh e wa s a square-sterne d vessel o f 17 0 tons with a female figurehead (printed form , date d Ne w York , 1 Ma y
1790, an d signe d b y Alexande r Hamilton and others , same) . For commen t o n Hawkesbury' s Report to the Priv y Council and William S. Smith's single intervie w wit h Grenville , se e E d i torial Note to grou p of documents o n commercial an d diplomatic relations with Grea t Britain, a t 1 5 Dec . 1791 . Thi s wor d omitted i n RC an d supplied from Dupl . 1
F r o m M a r y Jefferso n D E A R PAPA Monticello
, April 18th , 1791 .
I receive d you r lette r o f Marc h 31s t th e 14t h o f thi s month ; a s for tha t o f Marc h 9 , I receive d i t som e tim e las t month , bu t I d o not remembe r th e day . I hav e finished Do n Quixote , an d a s I hav e not Désole s yet , I shal l rea d Lazarill o d e Tormes . T h e garde n i s backward, th e inclosur e havin g bu t latel y bee n finished. I wish yo u would b e s o kin d a s t o sen d m e seve n yard s o f clot h lik e th e piec e I sen d you . Adieu , m y dea r papa . I a m you r affectionat e daughter , M A R I A JEFFERSON M S no t found . Tex t take n fro m Ran dolph, Domestic Life, p . 199 . Recorde d in S J L a s receive d 3 0 Apr . 1791 . Under T J ' s proddin g an d no w wit h Martha's supervision , Mar y ha d bee n struggling wit h Spanis h fo r thre e years , being give n te n page s t o maste r i n a da y (see T J t o Elizabet h Wayle s Eppes , 1 2 July 178 8 an d 7 Mch . 1790 ; Mar y Jef ferson to T J , 25 Apr . 1790, 2 3 Ma y 1790 , and 2 2 Jan . 1791 ; Marth a Jefferso n Ran dolph to T J, 1 6 Jan. 1791) . The work that she ha d not ye t tackle d wa s Historia de la
Conçuista de Mejico b y Antoni o d e Soli s (1610-1686), Spanis h dramatis t an d his torian. In 1787 T J owned the two-volum e edition publishe d in Madrid in 1783-178 4 (Sowerby, No. 4119). It is not known which edition of Cervantes' Don Quixote Mary was reading. O f the severa l editions owne d b y T J , on e (publishe d i n Pari s i n 1754 ) wa s read b y hi m a s a yout h an d stil l survives , bearing o n it s title-pag e i n hi s han d "Ex libris Thoma e Jefferson " (Sowerby , No . 4347). T h e wor k whic h Mar y wa s abou t to rea d wa s presumabl y The life and adventures of Lazarillo de Tormes.
T o R i c h a r d Soderstro m SIR Philadelphi
a Apr . 18 . 1791 .
The beare r hereof Mr . Samue l Pleasants , bein g desirou s o f bein g made know n t o yo u o n accoun t o f som e matte r o f business , I tak e [ 23 8 ]
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the libert y o f presentin g hi m t o yo u a s a person wit h who m I hav e had considerabl e acquaintanc e durin g th e occasiona l stay s I hav e made i n Philadelphia , and tha t I hav e eve r esteeme d hi m t o b e a person o f integrity , an d i n who m confidenc e migh t b e full y place d for whatever he undertakes. But he is too wel l known in Philadelphia generally, and his character there too wel l established to need further testimony fro m me . I a m happ y t o embrac e thi s an d ever y othe r opportunity o f assurin g yo u o f th e respectfu l consideratio n wit h which I hav e th e hono r t o b e Si r Your mos t obed t humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON RC (Mrs . John Jay Pierrepont, Ridgefield, Conn., 1961) ; endorsed. Pr C (MHi) .
F r o m T h o m a s Barcla y [Philadelphia], 19 Apr. 1791. He called at T J 's hous e on Thursday, bu t T J "had just moved fro m the door on horseback." He is "distressed beyon d meas ure" to inform hi m o f circumstances whic h he fears wil l postpon e o r prevent his embarkin g for Morocco a s agreed. Messrs . Willing , Morris & Swanwic k some tim e bac k bega n tw o actions agains t hi m for balances du e to French & Co. of Bordeaux and to Cathalan of Marseilles by a mercantile house of L'Orient in whic h he unhappily was a partner while attendin g publi c business i n Paris. He i s boun d t o appear , bu t a s proof s o f th e account s - bot h o f whic h are disputable - hav e never arrived fro m Europe, the trial ha s been postponed . He has offere d Swanwick , the active prosecutor , a n assignment o f all his effects for genera l benefi t o f creditors but he says h e is not at liberty to accept it . I t appears t o hi m and to friend s h e has consulted tha t hi s wisest cours e i s to submit t o bankruptcy to prevent disputabl e account s fro m takin g precedenc e over "other s . . . founded i n justice and equity. - Thi s i s a shocking expedien t but if I g o t o Morocc o I mus t adop t it. " This wil l tak e abou t 4 0 days . N o vessel fo r Lisbon fo r three o r four weeks , s o this woul d onl y postpon e voyage three week s longer . Whe n arrangement s ar e made, h e wil l depar t a t once if services stil l thought o f value. - Ha d h e known o f extent o f difficulties befor e Thursday, h e would hav e informe d T J sooner. - Th e day after h e last talked with T J , h e wrote Col . Humphreys to inform Chiappe of his expected arrival , so tha t hi s advice abou t procedur e an d presents coul d mee t hi m on arrival in Lisbon. - H e thinks the unforeseen dela y an d extremity t o which he is driven , may mak e i t proper t o resum e th e commission . O n this h e desire s T J ' s opinion an d may b e addressed "a t Mr . Barclays No . 216 near Pine street. " 1
RC (DNA : RG 59 , CD); endorse d by TJ a s received 20 Apr. 179 1 an d so recorde d in SJL . 1
Thu s in MS. Barclay may have intended to write "improper. "
[239]
F r o m Nathanie l C u t t i n g Le Havre, 19 Apr. 1791. T J ' s of 2 6 Nov . di d no t arriv e i n tim e t o b e acknowledged b y Henrietta. Th e information he sent fro m St. Domingo woul d lead on e t o expec t magnanimit y o f it s legislatur e woul d b e cordiall y received by Nationa l Assembly . O n contrary , Frenc h commercia l interests , aide d b y intrigues o f L a Luzerne , engage d Barnav e an d othe r leader s t o oppos e th e colony's legal representatives. The legislature's most commendable action s were severely censured and most illiberal aspersions cast on characters of its members. Since thei r arriva l i n Pari s the y hav e bee n hel d a s prisoner s o n parole . Vice President o f legislatur e whe n i t lef t St . Mar c publishe d a pamphle t abou t political situatio n whic h confirm s Cutting' s information . H e enclose s a cop y for T J . A s TJ may no t hav e had opportunity t o acquain t himself with state of culture an d finance i n th e Frenc h par t o f St . Domingue , h e transmit s table s which h e wrot e fo r hi s amusemen t las t year , bein g wel l authenticate d an d published b y D e Marboi s i n 1789 . D e Marboi s state s tota l expor t dut y a t £ 6 , 9 2 4 , 1 6 7 - 1 9 - 1 1 , bu t equall y respectabl e authorit y say s thi s i s "th e amoun t actually collected; but to kno w wha t it ought to have been, one mus t add at least 25 ® Ct . o n accoun t o f th e quantit y o f Produc e illicitl y convey' d fro m th e Colony." Thus the whole revenue of the colony may be estimated at £ 9 , 3 2 9 , 9 3 417-11. Lat e estimat e o f populatio n give s 30,00 0 whites , 32,00 0 fre e person s of color , an d 400,00 0 Negr o slaves , bu t h e believe s latte r numbe r to o lo w because man y planters, to avoi d capitation tax, d o no t repor t "more than /3 or A of their Stock," so that there are actually supposed to be from 450 t o 500,00 0 slaves. - A gentlema n wh o ha s bee n comptrolle r o f th e custom s inform s hi m that trad e of colony i s carrie d o n b y 58 0 ship s directl y from Franc e averagin g 373 Vb tons , 11 0 Guineamen , 259 Spanis h ships, and 763 America n and other vessels, thes e figure s bein g provide d fro m accurat e informatio n fo r th e yea r 1789. "Th e illicit Commerc e takes of f Produc e sufficien t t o loa d 4 4 Ship s o f 300 Ton s burthe n each, pe r annum." 2
3
"I canno t help feeling intereste d in behalf of the persecuted Colonists. Indeed I thin k that ever y Fre e America n who indulge s Politica l Reflections mus t fee l himself peculiarly interested i n the Fat e of the valuabl e and flourishing Colony of St . Domingue , whic h a t som e futur e perio d ma y possibl y fal l withi n th e Jurisdiction of the Thirteen Unite d States! A t least one ma y venture to predict that suc h an intimate intercourse will on e da y b e establishe d betwee n them a s will mutually invigorate those principles of Constitutional Freedom which have apparently take n suc h deep roo t i n bot h Countries , and wil l b e productiv e o f that Reciprocal advantage which is the most durable cement of Political Union." He say s nothing o f the politica l state of Europe, particularl y France, becaus e T J ha s infinitel y bette r informatio n an d h e ha s littl e opportunit y fo r gainin g political intelligence . Bu t a s t o himself , h e i s mos t gratefu l fo r T J ' s kind in tentions to hav e hi m appointed consu l a t L e Havre. H e acknowledge s tha t h e "cannot afford t o accep t tha t Office " bu t wit h equa l cando r declare s tha t h e has always been ambitiou s to rende r all possible servic e to his countrymen and that h e woul d b e muc h gratifie d b y th e appointmen t "a s i t woul d she w th e World tha t I was honor' d with the Confidenc e o f the Father s of my Country. " He ha s lon g desire d t o fix himsel f there i n th e mercantil e line , a s th e cit y "i s now ver y flourishing an d it s Por t bid s fai r t o becom e on e o f th e mos t secur e [240]
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and commodiou s i n Europe . - I f the America n trade to thi s plac e revives , and I could form an advantageous connexio n her e I should be happy in the propose d appointment." But a s th e etiquett e o f th e Europea n world makes i t necessar y t o preserv e certain appearances , a s on e holdin g tha t offic e "shoul d b e abl e uniforml y t o support a decent , no t t o sa y a n elegan t styl e o f living, " as ther e i s n o salar y attached, an d a s hi s limite d finance s wil l no t permi t hi m t o bea r thes e extr a expenses, h e canno t accept . Further , th e offic e o f vice-consu l "i s a Feather in the Ca p of M . D e la Motte , an d I a m convince d hi s abilitie s ar e ever y wa y adequate t o th e discharg e o f all Consular Dutie s a t this Port." He doe s no t believ e i t necessar y t o appoin t a consu l i n ever y commercia l city. He has been told that Congress contemplates formin g three great consular departments i n France , i n eac h o f whic h a nativ e America n would b e consu l and wher e necessar y a vice-consu l appointed . H e think s thi s a judicious arrangement. The vice-consuls might be instructed to keep registers of all American vessels arrivin g — their names , tonnage , cargoes , officers , sailors , an d passen gers-from whic h abstract s coul d b e sen t t o th e consu l ever y month , t o b e transmitted fro m th e thre e department s t o th e secretar y of th e America n embassy i n Paris , wh o coul d selec t suc h part s a s though t necessar y t o infor m Congress. Suc h a record would revea l "the extent and importance of the Com mercial Intercours e betwee n Americ a an d Franc e . . . an d i t migh t furnis h Government wit h hint s tha t migh t prov e exceedingl y beneficia l wit h respec t to forming Commercial Treaties, or partial Regulations of Trade." If published, it woul d hel p individual s i n thei r tradin g ventures . Publicatio n o f name s o f passengers migh t lea d to discover y o f persons suppose d dead , thus preventin g much litigatio n ove r property . T J ' s superior sagacit y wil l sugges t othe r ad vantages o r perhaps discove r obstacle s makin g it impracticable. "Allow m e t o congratulat e yo u o n th e auspiciou s nuptial s o f your eldes t Daughter, an d to than k yo u fo r th e Intelligenc e tha t bot h sh e an d Mari a ar e in health ; ma y tha t invaluabl e Blessin g eve r giv e a zest t o al l their othe r E njoyments!" H e ha s agai n becom e a residen t o f L e Havre , an d i t wil l alway s make hi m happ y t o b e abl e t o rende r T J any service . I f he i s honore d wit h any letters , the y ma y b e addresse d t o himsel f or in car e of his friends Messrs. Le Mesurie r & Cie . RC (DNA : RG 59, MLR) ; mutilated , so that parts of quotations ar e supplied from FC (MHi : Cuttin g Papers). Recorded in S JL a s received 8 July 1791 .
F r o m Willia m K n o x Dublin, 19 Apr. 1791. A s state d i n his o f 26 Nov . last , he intende d writing only half-yearly , bu t recen t circumstance s cause hi m t o mak e earlie r communication. Impressment of seamen from American ships generally practised in England during lat e preparation s agains t Spain : "commonl y al l th e me n were taken , and i t wa s lef t t o b e prove d afterwards that the y were American s born. If the proofs wer e suc h a s a regulatin g captai n approve d o f the y were discharged , provided b y suffering s . . . and want o f provisions they ha d not bee n force d t o
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enter for his Brittanic k Majesty s service. . . . n o othe r circumstanc e than birth was admitted a s constituting a n American subject in England." He learned on 11th from Belfast that all sailors on five American vessels were taken by Captain Mackay of Inspector, sloo p of war. H e applied at once to Mr . Hobart, secretary to Lor d Lieutenan t who act s a s principal secretar y of state and who informe d him tha t onl y th e Lord s o f the Admiralt y could afford relief. O n his advic e h e applied t o Mr . Stephens , secretary , an d als o wrot e t o Belfas t urgin g ever y means to prevent sailors from being sent to Plymouth or Portsmouth. Yesterday in repl y from thence h e learne d all save five ha d been returned , and these had been sen t t o Plymout h a s Britis h subjects , althoug h som e o f the m ha d bee n married and settled a t Philadelphia 22 years . - H e immediately warne d American vessel s a t Limerick , Londonderry , Cork , an d Newr y bu t kne w o f n o impressments a t thos e ports . Thre e America n vessels wer e i n Dubli n whe n news cam e from Belfast, but their departure was hastened, an d before th e pres s on the evening of the 14t h they had cleared. - I t is an object of great consequenc e to America n commerce fo r regulation between U . S. and England determinin g American citizenshi p exclusiv e o f birth . I t is als o importan t that al l America n sailors comin g t o Britis h dominion s shoul d hav e thei r name s i n manifest s a s part o f ship' s atteste d papers , givin g birth , size , age , an d particula r proofs. Under existin g circumstance s a captai n ma y b e induce d t o swea r the y ar e American bor n whe n the y ar e not . A consu l requestin g releas e o f impresse d men o n oat h o f a captain may thereby mak e himself liable to ver y unfavorable imputations t o himsel f and his country. He recommend s a Mr . Pearc e o f Manchester , "a n artis t o f extraordinary merit" abou t t o sai l fo r Bosto n wh o ha d bee n induce d t o visi t Irelan d "b y a Mr. McCab e an eminent watchmake r of Belfast a man of considerable property, and o f grea t mechanica l genius. The y have latel y bee n associate d i n an application t o th e Parliamen t of thi s Countr y for encouragemen t t o a loom o f Mr. Pearce's construction, whic h is simple, cheap , and calculated to tur n ou t mor e work wit h th e labo r of one perso n tha n . . . b y two i n some articles and three in others . Thi s ma n will b e a great acquisitio n to ou r Country where the hig h price of labor operates as a bar to the establishing of manufactories." He encloses a paper showing capabilitie s of the inventio n and also the report of a committe e of the House of Commons on their petition. McCab e and Pearce are not satisfie d with term s offere d an d latte r goe s to America . Kno x di d not thin k prope r t o give hi m a letter bu t promise d t o infor m TJ of his plan : he "wil l . . . wait o n you in Philadelphia, when I do not Doubt, h e will giv e such proofs o f his bein g an highly valuable acquisition to the Unite d States, as to insure your protection and support." - Heav y storms during winter have very much injured American trade wit h Ireland , si x vessels , chiefl y fro m Philadelphia , have bee n lost , bu t no lives . Th e Clara, a large shi p fro m Ne w York , wa s wrecke d on 23d . Feb. 2 o r 3 mile s fro m Dublin . "I n disasters o f this kin d i t to o frequentl y happen s both o n th e Iris h an d Englis h coasts , tha t th e peopl e endeavo r t o plunde r all they can. " In this cas e whe n th e captai n asked him fo r protection , h e applie d to the Lor d Mayor , who provided a civil officer an d army guard, so that enoug h was recovered to pay expenses and wages of the men, who have all had passages provided fo r them t o thei r own country . RC (DNA : RG 59 , CD); at head of text: (same) ; with the followin g postscrip t not "(No.2)"; endorsed b y TJ as received 1 6 i n RC: "The only two printed papers I had July 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL . Dup l wer e enclosed in the original letter via Liv[242}
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erpool. -1 tak e the liberty of enclosing the dealers in linen and a professor o f natural copy of a Letter to Mr. Stephens Secretary philosophy o f Trinity College . The Comto the Britis h Admiralty , and his answer, mittee reported that the loom could weave by which it seem s pretty clearl y Demon- cotton an d line n "wit h mor e expedition , strated tha t th e Englis h Governmen t i s ease and perfection" than the common loom; Determined fo r th e presen t no t t o relin - that it was "simple in its construction, easquish the Idea, that no seaman born in his ily kep t i n order, " an d woul d no t cos t Brittanick Majestys Dominions can trans- "double the price of a common loom"; and fer his allegiance. Dublin May 7th. 1791"; that i t woul d b e highl y advantageou s t o endorsed by TJ a s received 15 Aug. 179 1 the line n an d cotton manufacture s o f the and so recorded in SJL . kingdom. Enclosures with Dupl: (1) Copy of Knox to Philip Stephens, 1 2 Apr. 1791 , Enclosures wit h RC : (1 ) Cop y o f ap- asking that instruction s b e give n a s soon proval o f Knox ' appointmen t a s consul , as possibl e t o preven t impressmen t o f signed b y Grenville fo r the King , 8 Nov. American seamen an d to restor e those al 1790, and registered by R. Hobart at Dub- ready taken. (2) Copy of Stephens to Knox, lin Castle, 4 Dec. 1790. (2) Receipt for £1- 21 Apr . 1791, statin g that directions had 12-6 from William Taylor, Dublin Castle, been sent by that post to Captain Drury of 17 Dec . 1790 , fo r enterin g Knox ' com - the Squirrel to discharge the impressed seamission. (3) Receipt for £2-5-0 fro m Wil- men provided he should have good reason liam Mossop , Dublin , 1 7 Dec . 1790 , fo r to believe that they were "actually Natives engraving consular seal. (4) Printe d sheet of an y o f th e province s belongin g t o th e issued b y Thoma s McCab e an d William United States"; and that the Lord s of the Pearce announcing that "Two Artists from Admiralty did not deem it necessary to give Belfast" had invented a superior loom for particular instructions to officers of the navy weaving linen and cotton by which a very not t o impres s such persons as they were good workman, who i n 6 4 hour s would "already restraine d from impressin g Forweave 30 yards of "900 Callic o on a loom eigners, and the natives of those provinces of the present Construction," would weave must be considered in that light." All en 59/4 yard s of the same quality on the new closures are in DNA: RG 59 , CD . one in 52 hours and 45 minutes; affidavits Knox di d not se e fit to infor m TJ tha t of "thre e intelligen t Weavers " substanti- a letter of recommendation to the Secretary ating the fact s wit h regard to th e present of Stat e o n behal f of William Pearc e had mode of working , together with those of been solicited by Thomas Digges. But, like "the Rev. Dr. Bruce, and Mr. David Man- many others, he had some reservations about son, Mathematician , of Belfast " with re- the self-appointe d sponso r o f Pearc e and gard to the new loom; two pieces of "Cal- other Englis h artisan s whom h e encourlico woven on the new Construction" were aged to emigrat e to Americ a - a n activity stated to be in Dublin in the hands of one which the laws of England and Ireland forof the artists. The inventors further stated bade. Knox had inquired of Joshua Johnthat in weaving linen their loom could pro- son about the man and Johnson, who had duce more than double the quantity in the known Digges and his family in Maryland, same time and of superior quality, as shown responded: " I a m always unwilling to say by th e eve n an d straigh t selvag e consis - any thin g o f a man , unles s I coul d that tently reproducibl e because don e b y ma- which i s pleasing : b e cautiou s o f T. D." chinery and not dependent o n "the manual (Johnson to Knox , 1 8 Apr. 1791, DNA: Dexterity of the Artist." They claimed that RG 59 , CD; MNP 167/1). For other comtheir loo m wa s "extremel y simpl e i n it s ments abou t Digge s and his letters o f inConstruction, not liable to go out of Order, troduction t o T J and the Presiden t rec and easily repaired," and at six to si x and ommending Pearce , see note to Digges to a half guineas woul d cost little more than T J , 2 8 Apr . 1791 . the presen t ones . (5 ) Printe d "Report on Knox' assumptio n tha t America n seathe Petitio n o f Thomas Macabe and Wilmen would continue to be impressed if they liam Pearsce, " dated 1 4 Feb . 1791 , b y a were native-bor n Britons, no matter how committee o f the House of Commons, givlong they had resided in the United States ing a n appraisal of their loom b y several as citizens, was well-founded. The doctrine
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1 9 A P R I L 17 of a n indefeasible allegianc e whic h could be severed only by consent of the sovereign had bee n imbedded in the common law for centuries (see note on impressment of Hugh Purdie and others , 17 Dec. 1790). TJ was one o f the first to challenge thi s doctrine and t o endeavor to replace it with the right
91
of voluntary expatriation "which nature has given t o al l men, of departing fro m the country in which chance, not choice, has placed them " (Summary View, 1114?; see
Vol. 1:121) . Thi s was a position which he never surrendered (see TJ t o Gallatin, 26 June 1806) .
T o T e n c h Cox e Apr. 20 . 1791 . T h : Jefferso n present s hi s compliment s t o M r . Cox e an d return s him th e tabl e o f shippin g wit h thank s fo r th e opportunit y o f ex amining it. H e send s fo r M r. Coxe's examination on e o f the returns, which T h : J. has require d half-yearly fro m ou r Consul s i n foreig n ports, an d wil l than k M r . Coxe fo r an y hint s fo r it' s improvemen t either b y insertion s o r omissions . RC (CtY) ; addressed : "Mr. Coxe" ; endorsed . Not recorded in SJL.
From T e n c h Cox e [Philadelphia], 20 Apr. 1791. He received T J ' s not e while a t breakfast. He will tak e up consular returns this evenin g an d note such ideas as worthy T J 's consideration. - H e enclose s abstrac t o f licensed fishing vessels , includin g all returns o n which relianc e ma y be placed. Greate r part of difference betwee n present an d last retur n apparently du e to deficient customhous e returns . Bu t it may be safely calculated total tonnage o f fishing vessels is 32,000 and probably [3]2,500 a s Rhode Islan d wa s not then i n union an d some smal l return s yet to b e received. He canno t refrai n from expressin g hi s "sensibility a t the receipt o f Mr. Jef ferson's not e o f Sunda y last , an d wherever consideration s o f fitness an d th e public goo d may occasio n th e President . . . t o deposit th e trust, he will dul y feel th e weight o f his obligation s t o Mr. Jefferson."-He ha s not lost sigh t of question o f storag e o f grai n i n Englis h ports , "bu t from th e infrequenc y o f speculations t o that Islan d an d the shyness o f the Englis h par t of the Trad e in Philadelphia he has not yet grounded himsel f i n the facts." RC (DLC) ; M S slightly tor n and one figurethat is missing has been supplie d conjecturally; endorsed by TJ a s received 20 Apr. 179 1 and so recorded in SJL .
T o Charle s Thomso n D E A R SI R Philadelphi
a Apr. 20 . 1791 .
M r . Madiso n an d mysel f hav e bee n i n th e constan t purpose , a s soon as the roads should get a little smooth, t o ride out some morning [244]
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and pa y ou r respect s t o you : th e lat e rain s hav e disappointe d u s i n that respect . The Philosophica l societ y hav e appointe d a committee, o f whic h you ar e named , t o collec t material s fo r formin g th e natura l histor y of the Hessia n fly, th e bes t means of preventing or destroying it &c . T h i s committee meets tomorrow. I therefore send the beare r express, in hope s yo u wil l find i t convenien t t o come . T h e meetin g shal l b e fixed t o an y hou r tha t ma y sui t you r convenience , i f yo u wil l b e s o good a s t o notif y i t t o m e b y a lin e b y retur n o f th e bearer . I shal l hope als o tha t yo u wil l d o m e th e favo r t o tak e you r dinne r wit h me, t o whic h I shal l endeavo r t o joi n th e othe r thre e member s o f the committee . T h e objec t o f th e meetin g i s t o pla n an d distribut e our operations . I hop e Mrs . Thompso n an d yoursel f enjo y goo d health. I t i s fortunat e fo r yo u tha t yo u ar e scarcel y withi n strikin g distance, or , i n m y habi t o f dail y ridin g I shoul d b e troublesom e t o you. Yo u wil l alway s mak e m e happ y b y callin g o n m e whe n yo u come t o town , an d i f it b e a t th e hou r o f three o r a little after , I ca n always offe r yo u soup , an d yo u wil l generall y b e solu s cu m solo . I am wit h grea t sincerit y Dea r Si r You r affectionate humbl e servt , TH: RC (DLC : Charle s Thomso n Papers); addressed: "Charle s Thomso n esquire" ; endorsed. Pr C (DLC) . It was T J himsel f who had propose d that the America n Philosophica l Societ y ap point a committee to study the Hessian fly. He wa s its chairman, and the other mem-
JEFFERSON
bers wer e Dr . Benjamin S. Barton , Dr . James Hutchinson, Charles Thomson, and Dr. Caspa r Wistar (APS , Procs., xxn , pt. 3 [Jul y 1885], 14,15,19). Fo r a comment on the committee's study, see Editorial Note and grou p o f document s concernin g th e northern journey o f T J an d Madison, at 20 May 1791.
F r o m Jeremia h Wadswort h Hartford, 20 Apr. 1791 . Enclose d paper is sent by desire of several merchants of Connecticut trading to Hispaniola . Capt. Johnson is a man of good character and hi s informatio n ma y b e relie d on. RC (DNA : RG 59, MLR) ; a t foo t of text: "Thomas Jefferson Esqr. Secretary of State"; addressed : "Th e Secretary of th e United State s Philadelphia" ; endorsed by T J a s received 3 0 Apr . 179 1 an d so recorded i n S J L . Enclosure: Affidavit b y Samuel Johnsto n o f Middletown , Conn. , stating tha t o n 1 Dec . 179 0 i n Port-auPrince h e place d i n "th e hand s o f Majo r Porter an American b y birth, then an Established Merchant there, a Cargo, to sell
on Commission" ; that o n evenin g o f 2 4 Dec. 179 0 Porte r died an d the nex t day "all th e Books , papers , and Merchandize belonging to him were taken Possession of by the Droi t d'aubain Officer, and after a few days . .. al l the property found in his possession, a s wel l hi s ow n a s . . . other peoples, wa s indiscriminately sold at Vendue, exceptin g som e horse s whic h re mained unsol d belongin g t o Capt . Free man o f New London " and Johnston; that
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a considerable "quantity of Cotten belong- was passe d int o Majo r Porter s Books , ing to a Gentleman of Curraçoa" in Por - amounted to Twenty seven thousand Livres ter's hand s on commission wa s also sold; west Indi a Currancy"; that, though he dethat som e tim e afte r thi s gentlema n ap- tained hi s vessels for almost tw o months peared, sued for his cotton, "an d the same after Porter's death, he "was not able to get Court which had denied the Americans their one Single Dollar from the Administrator"; property, that remaine d unsold, alth o ap- and that Many other persons from different ply'd for in the same way gave the whole parts of the Continent suffered more or less Amount of the Cotte n to its owner inde- by the Death of Major Porter in the sam e pendent of an Average"; that his own cargo way" (M S in DNA: RG 59, MLR; not "sold, and unsold the greatest part of which dated and not attested).
T o Benjami n Frankli n Bach e Apr. 2 2 1791 . T h . Jefferso n present s hi s compliment s t o M r . Bach e an d send s him thre e gazette s of Leyden . H e wil l sen d him five others (comin g to Feb. 22) a s soon as he has read them. H e congratulates Mr . Bach e on a n observation h e ha s heard very generally mad e o f the improve ment o f his paper within some time past. He still wishes some mean s could b e foun d o f makin g i t a pape r o f genera l distribution , thro' the states . T h e advertisements , perfectl y useles s there , occupyin g one hal f o f the paper , render s the transportatio n too embarrassing . T h : J . is no t printe r enough t o kno w i f they coul d b e throw n int o the las t hal f shee t (sa y page s 3 an d 4. ) whic h migh t b e tor n of f o r omitted for distant customers. M r. Bache will be so good as to excus e these officiou s hints , whic h procee d fro m a wish t o serv e him , and from a desir e o f seein g a purel y republica n vehicle o f new s estab lished betwee n th e sea t o f governmen t an d al l it's parts. RC (Frankli n Bache, West Chester, Pa., 1942); endorsed. No t recorded in SJL . The issues of the Gazette de Leide which T J enclose d were probably transmitted with
Short's dispatch of 25 Feb . 1791 , writte n from Amsterdam, which TJ had received only the day before the above was written. If so , thi s woul d explai n why he had no t finished readin g five o f the numbers.
From T e n c h Cox e [Philadelphia], 23 Apr. 1791. H e encloses som e remark s on the consular return, made with the greater freedom becaus e T J wil l consider before adoptin g them. H e also send s a n example o f the variation s in the form o f a return. No aspect to the check in favor of the revenue , whic h might b e introduced, appears in it . He has retained on e of Maury' s returns t o conside r th e application of these document s t o that purpose . [ 24 6 ]
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in additio n to the genera l instructions give n in hi s consula r circula r o f 2 6 Aug . 179 0 (see T J ' s circular s o f 1 3 Ma y 1791 , 3 1 May 1792 , 1 4 Nov . 1792 , an d 2 1 Mch . 1793). Tha t n o specifi c for m wa s adopte d during T J ' s tenur e a s Secretary of State i s indicated b y th e actio n o f hi s successor , Edmund Randolph, who in his circular letter o f instruction s t o consul s o f 3 1 Dec . 1794 enclose d T J ' s lette r of 26 Aug . 179 0 as evidenc e o f wha t informatio n wa s re quired, whateve r th e form .
R C ( D L C ) ; endorse d b y TJ as received 23 Apr . 179 1 an d so recorde d in S J L . The consula r form on which Coxe based his remark s was evidentl y on e submitte d by Maury , bu t i t ha s no t bee n found . A lthough T J wa s a s arden t a statisticia n a s Coxe an d fa r mor e devote d t o system , h e did no t adop t th e suggestion s her e ad vanced for a uniform and systematic mod e of consula r reporting . Non e o f hi s several circular letter s t o America n consul s re quired suc h a f o r m - o r indee d an y othe r
E N C L O S U R E
Remarks o n th e Consula r return , l. The "denominatio n o f Vessel" would be an useful, and not a difficult column. It ough t of course t o b e fille d wit h the wor d Ship o r Snow o r Brig o r Schooner or Sloop a s the fac t ma y be . 2. If th e colum n mentione d unde r hea d 1 b e introduced , tha t whic h i s no w entitled "Ship's Name " should b e varie d to Vessels name . 3. Between th e colum n fo r th e "Master's name" an d tha t heade d "whence" another colum n migh t b e introduce d t o she w "o f wha t place " th e vesse l is . Captain Cutts' s ship Betsey, fo r example, thoug h fro m North Carolina and for Pennsylvania, i s know n t o b e o f Biddefor d i n th e Distric t of Maine . Beside s the advantage o f minute informatio n for occasional use (a n object which merits unremitted attention ) thi s colum n woul d she w wher e th e privat e shipping o f the Unite d States i s owned, an d of course what ports and what states carry for the res t o f the Union , and what port s o r what State s giv e employmen t t o th e carriers. 4. The colum n "whence" thoug h properl y headed, might b e mor e instructively filled, i t i s conceived, b y the nam e of the Port fro m whence th e vessel ma y have arrived tha n th e nam e o f th e State . Th e commerc e o f particula r parts o f th e same state is much more in the hands of foreigners, than that of others. Norfol k and Alexandri a an d Washington an d Wilmington in North Carolin a ar e mentioned a s exemplifications . 5. The colum n "whithe r bound" might also , i t i s conceived , b e mor e instructively filled wit h th e nam e o f the port , tha n o f the Stat e o f destination . [247}
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6. The numbe r o f boy s employe d i n navigatio n exhibit s a n interesting fac t i n the stat e o f the Nurser y for Seamen an d i n regar d to th e mode s i n whic h w e obtain them : I t i s usefu l als o constantl y t o occasio n i n th e mind s o f Master s and owners of vessels the contemplation o f boys or apprentices. For these reasons the propriet y o f another colum n fo r th e "Numbe r of boys " is suggested. 7. A colum n fo r th e numbe r o f gun s migh t hav e it' s us e i n the beginnin g o f a war b y shewin g th e stat e o f preparatio n i n whic h ou r vessel s ar e whic h ar e caught abroad . I t migh t possibl y appris e u s earl y o f vessel s fittin g i n foreig n ports fo r privateer s unde r ou r flag, o r o f ou r ow n vessel s doin g so . I t woul d also she w u s th e precis e condition , i n th e materia l particular of arms, of suc h of our ship s a s ar e long employed abroad . In peace o r in al l cases o f unarmed vessels there wil l b e n o troubl e i n inserting a nought i n the column , and very little i n filling i t wit h th e numbe r of gun s i n time o f war. 8. A colum n expressin g "of what Nation" if though t proper , migh t als o b e inserted afte r th e colum n heade d "Exporters" On thes e tw o column s (No . 7 an d 8 ) i t ma y b e remarked , that i t i s no t uninteresting o r unimportan t t o know , wh o ar e ou r foreig n factor s an d th e shippers o f ou r supplies , whethe r citizen s o f th e Unite d State s sojournin g abroad, o r foreigners o f the countr y fro m whenc e the y ar e shipt, o r foreigner s not o f tha t country , wh o ar e enable d t o monopoliz e trad e b y dint o f capital, and wh o ma y b e th e servant s of privilege d mercantil e companies . 9. It migh t b e o f us e if the citizenshi p o f the Consigne e wer e mentione d i n a column heade d wit h the word s "o f what nation. " This column , if thought saf e and usefu l woul d com e mos t properl y befor e tha t fo r th e "Carg o outward. " 10. The colum n fo r th e "Carg o outward " admit s o f a n eas y an d ver y usefu l variation. I n the cas e o f th e Commerce , Capt . Dobel , fo r example , ther e ar e blended i n th e lis t o f 6 trunks , 1 Chest , an d 1 0 barrels , parcels o f printe d cottons, silks , wrought Iron , fustian , muslinet s &c . To a country tha t desire s to kno w accuratel y the natur e and sources of it's supplies and wherein the law s have hithert o necessaril y place d abou t tw o third s o f it' s import s unde r no n enumerated o r a d valore m duties , i t wil l b e foun d ver y usefu l t o mentio n th e number and kinds of packages, that contain the severa l species o f goods. If five trunks of printed cottons, one trunk of silks, one chest of muslinets and fustians, and te n barrel s of wrough t iro n were reall y the tru e descriptio n o f th e goods , it woul d b e wel l t o hav e i t s o inserte d in the accoun t o f them; an d so fa r as it is practicable the propriet y o f doing i t hereafte r i s submitted . It migh t preven t mistake s i n th e Inspectio n o f thes e return s if they shoul d give thei r abbreviations i n a way no t t o b e mistaken . I think i t woul d require mercantile knowledg e t o determin e wha t Mr . Maur y mean s b y th e mar k { 24 8 ]
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over stave s an d boards . H e certainl y mean s hundred s an d no t thousands, because the vessels would not, in several instances, contain the goods enumerated, i f the y wer e thousands. Th e letter s N . M . ar e intende d i t i s supposed, fo r naval measurement, bu t i t i s uncertain , though ver y material. A directio n t o includ e vessel s i n these returns , though no t from o r destined for America n ports wil l b e useful . I t i s probabl e howeve r tha t thi s i s already within th e Consul s instructions. A simila r return of foreign vessels arriving from and departing for the United States would b e useful, omittin g suc h columns a s are manifestly useless , o r the contents o f whic h might no t b e attainable . The return s migh t b e made , i f though t proper , quarterl y instea d o f half yearly. Frequen t and recen t informatio n i n th e presen t situatio n o f th e Com mercial affair s of the Unite d State s i s desirable . A sessio n o f Congress may b e lost, an d certai n conveyances fre e o f expenc e ar e to b e ha d from th e Nort h in October, whic h in January canno t b e ha d on accoun t o f the ice . MS (DLC) ; entirel y in Coxe's hand; undated .
F r o m Delamott e Le Havre, 24 Apr. 1791. H e is now gratefu l to captai n of Le Vendangeur fo r asking suc h high freigh t fo r T J ' s carriage s that h e di d not le t hi m have them . The paper s toda y announc e he r los s a t sea , thoug h th e cre w wer e saved . H e hopes Henrietta wil l b e mor e fortunate . — The presen t goe s b y Pennsylvania, Captain Harding , departin g tomorrow. Twelv e days ago h e informed Short of her departure , bu t h e ha s neithe r receive d a packet o f recen t dat e fo r T J nor heard of the arriva l o f the servan t to b e sent t o T J . Perhap s they wil l ye t arriv e in time . - Englan d i s armin g to suppor t the Turk s agains t Russia , whic h may bring peac e betwee n them . Bu t the natio n i s strongl y indispose d towar d Pitt for bringin g o n grea t expenditure s twic e i n s o brie f a time. H e ha s los t muc h of his popularity. — Delamotte ha s not yet concerned himself with establishment of agents i n hi s vicinit y bu t i s no w doin g so . Whe n don e h e wil l infor m T J , who ma y dispos e th e agent s directly. Consuls o f the Unite d State s ar e more embarrasse d than those of any othe r nation b y distresse d seamen . Whereve r fate places them , the y ar e farther from home an d aid given the m thu s o f more importanc e tha n for those of any othe r nation, bein g augmente d als o b y infrequenc y o f ship s t o conve y the m home . Their speec h als o confuses , an d a rascal fro m Irelan d wil l ge t th e ai d due a n American, especiall y i n France, wher e there ar e no Englis h consul s an d where they tak e th e America n consul fo r theirs : i t cost s the m onl y a lie . O r indeed an American , bein g suspecte d an d no t abl e t o mak e himsel f known , wil l no t get relief . Thi s confusio n ma y becom e o f suc h importanc e a s t o compromis e the Unite d State s wit h othe r power s i n case s suc h a s crim e o r othe r seriou s matters when th e consul s exercis e thei r authority on individual s thought t o b e American wh o tur n ou t t o b e English . Th e means t o obviat e thi s woul d b e t o let n o seama n embar k withou t a passport , t o b e signe d b y th e on e t o who m issued, certifyin g hi m to b e a n American citizen. [249}
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29 [Apr. ] Capt . Hardin g depart s tomorrow . Shor t inform s hi m tha t th e servant wil l g o b y anothe r vessel . - Mr . Cutting , whil e awaitin g better em ployment, work s with us . H e ha s show n Delamott e T J ' s letter, fro m which he learn s of Miss Jefferson' s marriag e and he felicitate s T J . H e has also rea d what T J says about the consulate , followed b y offers o n Delamotte' s par t and refusal o n his . H e know s the condition s governin g vice-consuls and he urge s T J t o insist , if the consulat e should be advantageous for him. RC (DNA : R G 59 , CD); i n French; endorsed by TJ a s received 8 July 179 1 and so recorded in SJL .
T o M a r y Jefferso n Philadelphia Apr . 24 . 1791 .
I hav e receive d m y dea r Maria , you r lette r o f Mar . 26 . I fin d I have counte d to o muc h o n yo u a s a Botanica l an d zoologica l cor respondent: fo r I undertoo k t o affir m her e tha t th e frui t wa s no t killed i n Virginia , becaus e I ha d a youn g daughte r ther e wh o wa s in tha t kin d of correspondenc e wit h me , an d who I wa s sur e woul d have mentione d i t i f i t ha d bee n so . Howeve r I shal l g o o n com municating t o yo u whateve r ma y contribut e t o a comparativ e esti mate o f the tw o climates , i n hopes it wil l induce yo u t o d o th e sam e to me . - Instea d o f waitin g t o sen d th e tw o vail s fo r you r siste r an d yourself round with the othe r things , I inclose the m wit h this letter . Observe tha t on e o f the string s i s t o b e draw n tight roun d th e roo t of th e crow n o f th e hat , an d th e vai l the n fallin g ove r th e bri m o f the ha t i s draw n b y th e lowe r strin g a s tight o r loose a s yo u pleas e round th e neck . Whe n th e vai l is no t chose n t o b e down , th e lowe r string als o i s tie d roun d th e roo t o f th e crow n s o a s t o giv e i t th e appearance o f a puffed bandag e fo r th e hat . I sen d als o inclose d th e green linin g fo r th e Calash . J . Eppes i s arrive d here. Presen t m y affections t o M r . R. you r siste r & niece . Your' s with tende r love , T H : JEFFERSON April 5 . Apricot s i n blossom . Cherry leafing . 9: Peac h i n blossom . Apple leafing . 11. Cherr y i n blossom . PrC (ViU) .
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T o G e o r g e Washingto n S I R Philadelphi
a Apr. 24 . 1791 .
I ha d th e honou r o f addressin g yo u o n th e 17th . sinc e whic h I have recieve d your s o f th e 13th . I inclos e yo u extract s fro m letter s received from Mr. Short . In one of the 7th. of Feb. Mr. Short informs me that he has received a letter from Mr. d e Montmorin, announcing to hi m tha t th e K i n g ha s name d Ternan t hi s ministe r here . - T h e questions o n ou r tobacco an d oil have taken unfavorabl e turns. T he former wil l pa y 50 . livre s the thousan d weigh t les s whe n carrie d in French tha n foreig n bottoms . Oi l is t o pa y twelv e livre s a kental, which amount s t o a prohibition o f the commo n oils , th e onl y kin d carried there . Tobacc o wil l no t fee l th e effec t o f these measure s til l time wil l b e give n t o brin g it to rights . They had only 20,000 hhds . in th e kingdo m i n Novemb . last , an d the y consum e 200 0 hhds . a month; so that they mus t immediately com e forward and make great purchases, an d no t having , a s yet , vessel s o f thei r ow n t o carr y it , they mus t pa y th e extr a duties o n ours . I have bee n puzzle d abou t the delay s require d by M r . Barclay's affairs . H e give s m e reaso n t o be tolerabl y assured , tha t h e wil l g o i n th e first vesse l whic h shall sail afte r th e las t da y o f May . Ther e i s n o vesse l a t presen t whos e destination woul d suit . Believin g tha t eve n wit h this , w e shal l ge t the busines s don e sooner tha n thro' any other channel, I have though t it bes t no t t o chang e th e p l a n . - T h e las t Leyde n gazettes giv e u s what woul d hav e bee n th e first objec t o f th e Britis h arm s had th e rupture wit h Spai n take n place . Yo u know tha t Admira l Cornis h had saile d o n a n unknow n destinatio n befor e th e Conventio n wa s recieved in London. Immediately on it's reciept, they sent an express after hi m t o Madeira , i n hope s o f finding hi m there. H e wa s gone , and ha d s o shor t a passage tha t i n 2 3 day s h e ha d arrive d i n Barbadoes, th e genera l rendezvous . A l l the troop s o f th e island s wer e collecting there , an d Genl. Matthew s wa s o n his way from Antigua to tak e comman d o f th e lan d operations , whe n h e me t wit h th e packet-boat whic h carrie d th e counte r orders . Trinida d wa s th e object of the expedition. Matthew s returned to Antigua, and Cornish is arrive d i n England . T h i s island , at the mout h o f the Oronoko , is admirably situate d fo r a lodgmen t fro m whic h al l th e countr y u p that river , an d al l th e Norther n coas t o f Sout h America , Spanish , French, Dutch , an d Portuguese , ma y b e suddenl y assailed . Colo. Pickerin g is now here , and will se t ou t i n two o r three day s to mee t th e Indians , as mentione d i n m y last . - T h e intimatio n t o Colo. Beckwit h has bee n give n b y M r . Madison. He me t i t on ver y [251]
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different groun d fro m tha t o n whic h h e ha d place d i t wit h Colo . Hamilton. H e pretende d ignoranc e an d eve n disbelie f o f th e fact : when tol d tha t i t wa s ou t o f doubt , h e sai d h e wa s positivel y sur e the distributio n o f arms had been without th e knowleg e an d agains t the orders of L d . Dorchester , and of the government . H e endeavore d to induc e a forma l communicatio n fro m me . Whe n h e foun d tha t could no t b e effected , h e le t M r . Madison perciev e tha t h e though t however informa l his character, he had not bee n sufficiently noticed : said h e wa s i n N . Yor k befor e I cam e int o office , an d tha t tho ' h e had no t bee n regularly turned over to me , ye t I knew hi s character. In fine h e promise d t o writ e t o L d . Dorchester th e genera l infor mation w e ha d recieve d an d ou r sens e o f it ; an d h e sa w tha t hi s former apologie s to Colo . Hamilto n had not bee n satisfactory t o th e government. - Nothin g furthe r from Moos e islan d nor the post s o n the Norther n borde r o f New-York , nor an y thin g o f th e las t wee k from th e Wester n country . 1
Arthur Campbel l ha s bee n here . H e i s th e enem y o f P . Henry . He say s th e Yazo o bargai n i s lik e t o dro p wit h th e consen t o f th e purchasers. H e explain s i t thus . The y expected to pa y fo r the land s in publi c pape r a t par , whic h the y ha d bough t a t hal f a crow n th e pound. Sinc e th e ris e i n th e valu e o f th e publi c paper , the y hav e gained a s muc h o n that , a s they woul d hav e don e b y investin g i t i n the Yazo o lands : perhap s more , a s i t put s a large su m o f speci e a t their comman d whic h the y ca n tur n t o bette r account . The y ar e therefore likel y to acquiesc e unde r the determinatio n o f the govern ment o f Georgi a t o conside r th e contrac t a s forfeite d b y non-pay ment. - 1 direc t this letter to be forwarded from Charleston to Camb den. T h e nex t wil l b e fro m Petersbur g t o Taylor' s ferry; and afte r that I shal l direc t t o yo u a t Moun t Vernon . I hav e th e hono r t o b e with sentiment s o f the mos t affectionat e respec t an d attachment Si r Your mos t obedien t & most humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON RC (DNA : R G 59, MLR); endorsed by Lear. Pr C (DLC) . Enclosures : Although T J ha d received eight letter s from Shor t since Washington' s departure (his public dispatches between 2 Dec . 179 0 an d 22 Feb. 1791) , the three extracts enclosed in the above letter were all taken from that of 16 Jan . 179 1 (see notes to that letter which identify the extracts). In his lette r to Washington of 1 0 Apr . 179 1 T J enclosed one extract fro m Short' s dispatch of 2 4 Jan. 1791 (se e not e 5 to that letter for identi fication of extract).
In a note to Tobias Lear dated "Sunday Apr. 24 . 1791." TJ explained his plan s for communicating with the President during his travel s southward: "Th: Jefferso n presents hi s compliment s t o Mr . Lear. On calculating the march of the President , (at 200 miles a week) he determines to direct this day's letter to Cambden , next Sunday's to Taylor' s ferry , an d this day fortnight's to Mount Vernon. The y wil l al l probabl y get a little ahead of him : bu t thi s is the best fault. Should he travel a little faster than is expected, so a s to get before his letters , they
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25 A P R I will never overtake him, conveyances across the country are so rare " (RC i n ViU; no t recorded in SJL) . Althoug h TJ communicated more regularly and more fully with Washington than did any other member of the administration , having faile d t o sen d his regular weekly lette r onl y three times while h e himsel f was travelling, his carefully calculate d plan for having his letters wait for Washington's arrival failed almost completely. O f the eleven letters TJ wrot e during Washington's travels, only those of the 2 d and 10t h o f April an d the 15t h of May were received by the President before he returne d to Moun t Vernon . This wa s partly due to the laxness of the postal service i n th e souther n state s an d partl y t o Washington's departur e fro m hi s sched uled route o n hi s return . Immediatel y on arriving hom e Washingto n wrot e Hamil ton a lon g lette r explainin g th e circum stances and informing him of his plans so that i f an y pressin g publi c matter s came
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up, his location a t a given tim e woul d be known. The letter closed "with affectionate regard," and nothing in it implied that the failure of communication was attributable to anythin g othe r tha n the reason s give n (Washington to Hamilton, 13 June 1791 , Syrett, Hamilton, vm , 470-1). By comparison, Washington's brie f letter to T J two days late r wa s almos t curt , closin g wit h "Your most obedien t Servant" (Washing ton to T J, 1 5 June 1791). Before this time the Presiden t was well aware of the publication of TJ's letter to Jonathan B. Smith and its criticism of heretical doctrines that had sprun g up , a fac t whic h mus t hav e influenced the difference in tone of the two letters as it undoubtedly di d the future relations betwee n TJ and Washington (se e Editorial Note and group of documents at 26 Apr . 1791). T J first wrot e "formally " an d the n changed it to read as above. 1
F r o m J . P. P . Derieu x Charlottesville, 25 Apr. 1791. Ha s just received T J 's o f 24 Mch . and is mos t grateful fo r wha t T J has writte n t o Fenwick . If his hopes are realized he wil l owe thi s t o T J alone . I f not , h e wil l hav e th e certaint y tha t nothin g i n th e world hencefort h coul d mov e thi s unrelentin g kinsma n from th e proceeding s of a n unjus t mother . Hence , whateve r th e outcom e o f T J ' s kin d effor t i n hi s behalf, h e wil l alway s be grateful . H e thanks TJ for the goo d news o f France, the mor e s o becaus e i t ca n b e depende d o n a s fro m hi m an d no t fro m th e distorted new s o f the gazettes . The constitution, i t seems, begin s to have good effect an d h e rejoice s wit h al l th e nation.-H e send s T J a lette r fo r Mde . Bellanger whic h he hope s wil l b e sen t t o Mr . Short as soon a s possible, sinc e it contain s matter s o n whic h h e await s a repl y wit h th e greates t impa tience. - Th e whea t harves t promise s a t presen t t o b e ver y fine . The y hav e lately ha d some very favorable showers , an d if it turns warm, th e cro p will b e considerable. H e ha s see n T J ' s mountain som e day s ag o an d ca n assur e him that "i l m'a par u l e l e plu s bea u de s Environs. " H e woul d hav e though t th e great drough t i n the nort h would have augmented th e pric e of wheat, bu t thi s was onl y gazett e news. - Mde . d e Rieux , very flattered by T J ' s kin d recollec tion, send s he r respect an d to thi s h e joins his greates t gratitude . RC (MHi) ; i n French; endorsed b y TJ as received 5 May 1791 an d so recorded in SJL.
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T o Willia m Shor t DEAR S I R Philadelphi a Apr . 25. 1791 . My lat e letters to yo u have been o f the 8th . 12th . 15th . an d 19th . of March . Your' s recieve d an d unacknoleged ar e as follow . No.49. date d Dec.2 . rec' d Apr.8. 14 51. 30. Jan. 16 . 20 52. 24. 4. 53. 28. 9. 54.
No.55. date d Feb.7 . rec' d Apr.23 . 56. 18 . 23 . 57. 22 . 23 . 58. 25 . 21 .
Those stil l missin g ar e Nos. 31 . 44 . I conside r th e Consula r conventio n a s securin g clearly our right to appoin t Consul s in the Frenc h colonies . T h e words 'état s d u roi' unquestionably exten d t o al l his dominions. I f they ha d been merel y synonimous wit h 'l a France' wh y wa s th e alteratio n made? When I proposed tha t alteration , I explaine d m y reasons , an d i t canno t b e supposed I woul d offe r a chang e o f languag e bu t fo r som e matte r of substance . Agai n i n th e translatio n i t i s 'dominion s o f France. ' This translatio n wa s submitte d t o M . d e Montmori n an d M . d e Reyneval, wit h a reques t tha t the y woul d not e an y deviatio n i n i t from th e original , o r otherwis e i t woul d b e considere d a s faithful . No par t was objecte d to . M . d e Reyneva l says w e mus t decid e b y the instrumen t itself, an d not b y the explanation s whic h took place . It i s a rule , wher e expression s ar e susceptibl e o f two meanings , t o recur to other explanations. Good faith is in favour of this recurrence. However, i n the presen t case , th e expressio n doe s not admi t of tw o constructions; i t i s co-extensiv e wit h th e dominion s o f th e king . I insist o n thi s onl y a s a reservation of our right, and not wit h a view to exercis e i t i f it shal l b e inconvenien t o r disagreeable t o th e gov ernment o f France . Onl y tw o appointment s hav e a s yet bee n mad e (Mr. Skipwit h at Martiniqu e and Guadaloupe and M r. Bourne in St. Domingue ) an d the y shal l b e instructe d no t t o as k a regula r Exequatur. W e certainly wish to press nothing on our friends which shall b e inconvenient . I shall hope that M. de Montmorin will order such attention s t o b e shew n t o thos e gentleme n a s the patronag e o f commerce ma y cal l for , an d ma y no t b e inconvenien t t o th e gov ernment. Thes e gentleme n ar e mos t pointedl y instructe d no t t o intermeddle, b y wor d or deed, wit h political matters. - M y lette r of Aug. [ 2 ] 1790 . t o M r . Carmichael wa s delivere d to hi m b y Colo . Humphreys. - T h e repor t yo u mentio n o f th e prospec t o f ou r captives a t Algier s bein g liberate d ha s no t take n it' s ris e fro m an y 1
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authoritative source . Unfortunatel y fo r u s ther e hav e bee n s o man y persons, wh o (fro m friendly or charitable motives, o r to recommen d themselves) hav e busie d themselve s abou t thi s redemption , a s t o excite grea t expectation s i n the captors , and render our countrymen in fac t irredeemable . We have no t a single operatio n o n foot for that purpose bu t wha t yo u kno w of . A n d the mor e al l voluntary interpositions ar e discouraged, th e bette r fo r our unhappy friends who m they ar e meant t o serve . You kno w ho w strongl y w e desir e t o pa y of f ou r whol e deb t t o France, an d that fo r thi s purpos e w e wil l us e ou r credi t a s fa r as i t will hol d good . Y o u know als o wha t ma y b e th e probabilit y of ou r being abl e t o borro w th e whol e sum . Unde r these disposition s an d prospects i t woul d griev e u s extremel y t o se e ou r debt pas s int o th e hands o f speculators , an d b e subjecte d ourselve s t o th e chicanerie s and vexations o f private avarice. We desire you therefore t o dissuad e the governmen t a s fa r a s yo u ca n prudentl y fro m listenin g t o an y overtures of that kind, an d as to the speculator s themselves, whethe r native o r foreign , t o infor m the m withou t reserv e tha t ou r govern ment condemn s thei r projects , an d reserve s t o itsel f th e righ t o f paying no wher e bu t int o th e treasur y of France, accordin g to thei r contract. I inclos e yo u a copy o f Mr . Grand' s not e to me , statin g th e con ditions o n whic h Dros t woul d come , an d als o a lette r fro m th e Secretary of the treasury expressing his ideas as to those terms, with which I agree . W e leav e t o you r agenc y th e engagin g an d sendin g Mr. Dros t as soon as possible, an d to your discretion to fix the terms, rendering th e allowanc e fo r expence s certain , which hi s first prop osition leave s incertain . Subsistenc e her e cost s abou t on e thir d o f what i t doe s i n Paris , t o a housekeeper . I n a lodgin g hous e th e highest pric e fo r a room an d boar d is a dollar a day fo r th e maste r and hal f tha t fo r th e servant . Thes e fact s ma y enabl e yo u t o settl e the articl e of expences reasonably. I f Mr. Dros t understand s assay ing, I should much rather confide i t to him, than to any other person who ca n b e sent . I t is th e mos t confidentia l operatio n i n the whol e business o f coining . W e shoul d expec t hi m t o instruc t a nativ e i n it. I thin k to o h e shoul d b e oblige d t o continu e longe r tha n a year if i t shoul d b e necessar y fo r qualifyin g other s t o continu e hi s op erations. I t i s no t importan t tha t h e b e her e til l Novembe r o r De cember, but extremely desireable then. He may come as much sooner as he pleases . We addres s t o M . L a Mott e a smal l bo x fo r yo u containin g a complete se t o f the journals of the antien t Congress , the act s o f th e [ 25 5 }
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last session o f the federa l legislature, and a continuation o f the news papers. -1 a m wit h grea t & sincer e esteem , Dea r Si r you r affec tionate frien d & humble servt , T H : JEFFERSON RC (DLC : Shor t Papers); endorse d by Short a s receive d 1 1 Jun e 1791 . Pr C (DLC). F C (DNA : RG 59 , DCI). Enclo sures: (1) Hamilton to T J, 1 4 Apr. 1791, returning the following. (2 ) Extract from Grand t o T J : "I f Mr. Droz be called to America for the Purpose of establishing a Mint there, it will be proper to make him acquainted with the Matter of which it is expected th e money is to be made, as well Gold and Silver as Copper, that he may if judged expedient , hav e al l the necessary Instruments mad e i n Paris. I n this Case they mus t b e paid for by the Minister o f the United States, to whom he engages to establish in the City where he may b e placed, a min t for the Coinage of such money as will be required, more economical in every respect, and mor e perfect than any hitherto known; those which he has made in England bein g superio r even t o the 6 pieces which Mr. Jefferson saw him coin . For this purpose he demands, to be paid to himself at Paris, or to his Heirs, the Sum of 1000 Louis, and to have all the Expenses of his Voyage, Support, &c. &c . wit h those of hi s Servant, defrayed, until his return to France. These ar e nearly the same Condition s o n which he contracted with Mr. Bolton, which will determine in Sept. next, when he shall be at liberty again to engage. If the Unite d States, to remove every ambiguity, should prefer the fixing a certain daily Sum fo r the Expenses of his Voyage, his remaining , and
Support in America, and those of his Servant also, it would be proper to fixit so as that he shall receive clear of every Expense the 100 0 Louis whic h he demands, an d this Sum mus t be augmented in proportion to th e Time he may be detained beyon d the year , which he presumes sufficien t to complete the Establishment" (PrC i n DLC; FC i n DNA: R G 59 , DCI) . The extrac t o f the second enclosur e is undated and it cannot be known with certainty from which of Grand's letters it was taken. It may indeed be a copy of the "projet d e Convention" with Droz which Grand enclosed in his lette r to TJ of 28 Aug. 179 0 and which , for reasons there stated, he had drafted for Droz. If so, it must have been this enclosur e (o r some adaptatio n o f it) which T J forwarded to the Secretary of the Treasur y the day after he received it, describing i t as a "note from Mr . Droz " (TJ t o Hamilton, 24 Nov. 1790) . Gran d wrote again on 2 Sep. 1790, but that letter, which TJ receive d on the 15t h of December, ha s not been found . It does not seem likely tha t th e extract wa s taken fro m it, since it was probably either a duplicate of that of the 28t h or merely a confirmatio n of the terms of the "projet de Convention" with Droz. T J lef t a blank in MS, and the date has been supplied. 1
F r o m Willia m Shor t D E A R S I R Pari s April 25 . 1791 . Our informatio n fro m Americ a i s a s whe n I las t wrot e t o you , that i s t o say , n o lowe r tha n you r lette r o f th e 23d . o f January . I have bee n waitin g wit h muc h impatienc e t o receiv e furthe r intel ligence fo r th e reason s whic h I hav e repeate d i n m y severa l letters . Since my last the nationa l assembly have extended t o their islands and al l their foreign possession s the decre e whic h abolished the droit daubaine i n France, a s you will se e b y the No. 104. o f the Moniteur, which wil l b e sen t b y th e wa y o f Flavre . T h e decre e i s t o hav e a [ 25 6 }
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retrospective effec t a s t o th e foreig n possession s s o a s to tak e plac e from th e tim e o f it s bein g passe d fo r France , viz . Aug . 6 . 1790 . No othe r alteration s hav e bee n a s ye t mad e o n th e decree s con cerning th e commerc e o f th e Unite d States . Wit h respec t t o th e duty o n oil s ther e i s a circumstance which i t i s prope r to mention . You know the different stage s through which this business has gone. I wa s i n Hollan d when th e reductio n too k plac e t o 6 . * the quinta l and thi s i t wa s observe d i n th e letter s t o m e pu t the m ver y nearly on th e sam e footin g a s under the arrêt du conseil. O n my observin g that b y i t the y wer e subjecte d onl y t o th e 7 . * 10 pe r barrel an d 1 0 sous pe r livr e an d tha t th e lette r o f M . d e Calonn e previous t o th e arrêt, abolishe d expressl y th e droit de fabrication a Fegard des huiles de baleine et spermaceti, it wa s answere d that althoug h th e importe r did no t pa y an y other duties , th e oil s pai d them internally , and that the registers of the far m which had been examine d by the committe e of commerc e prove d it : - an d furthe r that th e lette r o f the ministe r was o f no effect, the arrêt du Conseil havin g not confirme d expressl y the abolition.-Sinc e m y arriva l her e I hav e brough t togethe r th e Rapporteur o f the committee , an d Mr. Barrett. The y wer e no t abl e to satisf y eac h othe r b y thei r arguments. The y ar e both t o produc e their proofs a t the nex t meeting . T h e Rapporteur say s if he doe s no t shew b y extract s from the register s o f the far m that the oil s pai d the duties agreeabl e t o hi s not e sen t t o M . Ramon d (and whic h I for warded t o yo u i n m y No. 62.) h e wil l propos e t o th e assembl y t o reduce the m t o th e forme r value , an d that h e i s sur e o f succeeding . Of thi s howeve r I hav e m y doubts , a s I think the assembl y wil l b e prevented b y thos e intereste d i n th e nationa l fisheries fro m con senting t o a further reduction a t present. Tim e wil l certainl y effec t it, an d probabl y remov e entirel y th e dutie s o n th e importatio n o f this article . Accordin g to th e pric e a t whic h i t sell s a t presen t th e duty o f 6 . t t the quinta l i s abou t 2 0 pe r cen t o n it s value . Paris ha s bee n fo r eigh t day s pas t an d stil l i s i n a degre e o f fermentation o f whic h ther e i s n o example , a s wel l o n accoun t o f the caus e whic h give s ris e to i t a s its duration . - Yo u kno w tha t b y a decre e o f the nationa l assembly passe d las t year, such ecclesiastic s as refused t o tak e a n oath there prescribe d were to b e displace d and successors immediately appointed . A l l the Bishop s were of this class except thre e or four and a great number of inferior clergymen. Those who too k th e oat h an d supplanted th e nonjuror s are considered b y the devou t a s schismatick. Of course those wh o ar e really devotees, though friendl y t o th e revolution , an d al l those wh o ar e hostile t o the revolutio n whethe r devotee s o r not , refus e makin g us e o f th e [ 25 7 ]
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churches occupie d b y th e ne w priests . A s th e numbe r o f parishe s in th e capita l was muc h reduced , an d the supernumerar y churches were abou t t o b e sold , a societ y wa s forme d fo r purchasin g one o f them an d installin g i n i t priest s nonjurors. T h e administrator s of the departmen t considerin g that freedo m i n the exercis e o f religion was allowe d rente d a church to thi s society , unti l the formalitie s o f the sal e coul d b e completed . - I t wa s t o hav e bee n opene d eigh t days ago . T h e citizen s o f th e sectio n i n whic h th e churc h stand s assembled th e nigh t before , an d urged on by a curate who ha s taken the oat h an d a fe w factiou s people , decide d tha t i t wa s unconsti tutional t o ope n othe r catholic churche s tha n thos e establishe d b y the law . They accordingly had the door s shu t the nex t mornin g and refused admittanc e t o thos e wh o ha d rented it . T h e Mayo r accompanied b y th e gard e national e wen t t o th e churc h to obtai n a fre e entry bu t wer e unabl e o r unwillin g t o carr y thei r objec t int o exe cution. T h e mob remaine d assembled a t the doo r durin g the whol e day. N o attemp t wa s mad e t o dispers e the m an d no othe r violenc e used o n thei r part. T h e sam e da y mass was said in the King' s chapel by a priest nonjuror. Som e o f th e guard s ha d murmure d and shew n disposition s to preven t hi s Majesty' s passing t o th e chapel , bu t th e Marqui s de la Fayett e bein g called , ha d on e o f th e mutinou s arreste d and thu s procured tranquillit y for th e moment . Thes e circumstance s bein g known i n th e differen t quarter s an d amon g th e peopl e o f Pari s excited muc h uneasiness . Thei r alarm s were increase d b y th e em issaries o f thos e wh o wis h fo r disorder . T h e King' s refusin g fro m conscientious motive s t o mak e use o f priests who ha d subscribed to the law s which he himself had sanctioned, together with the marked predilections shew n i n favor o f the displace d Bishops, (al l of who m are hostil e t o th e revolution ) wer e considere d a s i n fac t changin g his principle s wit h respec t t o th e constitutio n an d a determinatio n to violat e th e oat h h e ha d taken t o maintai n it. Those wh o reflecte d sa w n o contradictio n i n th e King' s conduc t and ha d no doub t o f the purit y of hi s intentions . Bu t the peopl e o f Paris d o no t reflect . I t was know n tha t h e propose d goin g the nex t day t o pas s th e hol y wee k a t S t Cloud . Paper s wer e printe d an d circulated declarin g the K i n g a traitor, saying tha t relay s of horse s were prepared on the roa d that he migh t mak e his escape &c . When he go t int o hi s carriag e th e peopl e an d gard e national e i n rank s before th e horse s refuse d t o le t the m go . T h e Marquis de l a Fayette exerted himsel f i n vai n t o procur e a passag e fo r th e carriage-a n universal defectio n ha d taken place among th e gard e nationale. T h e [258 ]
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Marquis wa s insulte d an d menace d b y severa l who wer e i n a state of phrenzy. They wer e convinced the K i n g meant to make his escape and suppose d hi m a n accomplice . T h e K i n g remaine d in thi s sit uation i n hi s carriag e for tw o hours , durin g whic h tim e h e hear d from th e guard s an d peopl e aroun d his carriag e the mos t abusiv e expressions a s wel l agains t himsel f as th e Queen . H e a t lengt h de termined t o abando n th e pla n o f his departur e for tha t day . The nex t morning he went to the assembly and addressed them - i n the speec h herewit h inclosed. In it he persisted in his determination to g o t o St . Cloud , bu t a s yet h e ha s not renewe d the attempt . T h e national assembl y di d not dar e to censur e the conduc t o f the peopl e and th e guards , th e departmen t o f Pari s an d the municipalit y stil l less, bu t a s it wa s impossibl e fo r the tw o las t no t t o tak e som e ste p they addresse d th e K i n g t o assur e hi m tha t th e presen t unhapp y circumstances proceede d fro m the distrus t occasioned b y hi s bein g surrounded b y person s know n t o b e hostil e t o th e constitution . N o exertion wa s mad e t o find ou t othe r causes . Thi s conduc t o f th e assembly and members of administration is considered cowardly and base an d shew s clearl y that the y ar e guide d absolutel y b y th e wil l of the Pari s mob. - T h e persons most note d about the King' s person have quitted their places either of their own accord or by his request. T h e Marqui s d e l a Fayett e determine d immediatel y o n bein g disobeyed t o resign . H e employe d tw o day s i n takin g th e prope r arrangements fo r this purpos e an d then sen t hi s commissio n t o th e municipality. Immediatel y o n it s bein g know n a genera l conster nation sprea d itself throughou t Paris . Number s wer e preparin g to leave the city. Deputies from the several battalions went to his house to assur e hi m o f thei r attachmen t an d confidenc e an d thei r deter mination t o obe y n o othe r chief . T h e municipalit y in a body wen t also t o entrea t hi s remainin g at th e hea d o f the guard . In order t o avoid thes e sollicitation s h e ha d lef t hi s hous e an d di d no t retur n till midnight . H e foun d ther e th e municipalit y i n thei r habit s o f ceremony an d th e battalion s unde r arm s who ha d determine d no t to leav e hi s hous e withou t seein g him . He promise d his answe r for the nex t day , whe n h e wen t t o th e hote l d e vill e an d delivered th e speech inclosed . Fro m tha t tim e th e alarm s increased. T he proces sion of battalions to his house wa s without interruption . T he King' s journey t o St . Clou d an d th e openin g o f th e churche s rente d t o private societies , whic h were th e first cause s o f these disturbances, seemed entirel y forgotton. T h e great objec t wa s to induc e the Mar quis t o re-assum e th e command . T h e battalion s al l assembled an d subscribed a new oat h o f obedience to hi m and for the executio n o f [ 25 9 }
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the law . The y resolve d t o expe l suc h a s ha d bee n refractor y an d particularly a grenadier who fo r his leading opposition t o the King' s departure ha d bee n crowne d i n severa l o f th e patrioti c societie s o f Paris. Afte r s o muc h sollicitation , an d s o muc h apprehensio n o f ill entertained b y al l in the cas e o f his refusal , he determine d tw o day s ago t o receiv e agai n his commission . Thi s circumstanc e has excite d general satisfaction , an d s o lon g a s th e zea l o f the presen t momen t lasts wil l enabl e hi m t o comman d th e guar d without opposition . I t is certai n howeve r tha t [it ] canno t las t always , an d tha t h e mus t submit i n th e en d t o th e impulsion s the y receive . During th e crisi s whic h wa s attribute d b y mos t peopl e t o th e King's scruple s o f conscienc e an d appearanc e o f tergiversation , i t was manifest that the general attachment to him was subsiding daily. T h e curren t o f publi c opinio n wit h respec t t o th e King , an d wit h respect t o Royalt y i n genera l seeme d t o b e takin g a direction tha t threatened a ne w revolution , o r a t leas t indicate d tha t th e presen t would b e carrie d stil l further . T h e obnoxiou s person s aroun d th e K i n g bein g dismisse d had not suffice d t o chec k the progress . I n the addresses t o th e K i n g h e had been aske d also to notif y t o the foreig n courts hi s adhesio n t o th e ne w constitution . Yo u wil l se e the m i n the paper s sen t b y th e wa y o f Havre . I n thi s situatio n o f thing s a circular lette r writte n b y M . de Montmori n to th e King' s minister s at foreign court s was communicate d b y him to th e assembly . I sen d it herewith, and you will no t b e surprized that it should have excite d there a degree o f enthusiasm an d joy o f which there i s n o example . T h e mos t exaggerate d demagogue s wer e thos e who wer e mos t for ward in the expression o f their satisfaction an d thanks. A deputatio n was immediately sen t t o the K i n g t o expres s these sentiments o f the assembly, an d i t wa s wit h difficult y tha t th e whol e bod y coul d b e prevented fro m going . From tha t momen t th e publi c voic e ha s take n a change, an d th e sentiments o r expression s a t leas t o f loyalt y an d attachmen t t o th e King's perso n hav e succeede d t o th e mos t exagerate d idea s o f de mocracy. T h e da y afte r communicatin g th e lette r t o th e assembl y the K i n g accompanie d b y suc h o f hi s courtier s a s ar e known t o b e attached t o th e revolutio n wen t a s usua l to hea r mass a t hi s paris h where i t i s celebrate d b y a curate who ha s taken the ne w oath ; and thus ever y thin g fo r th e momen t i s restore d t o th e positio n i t wa s in fifteen day s ago , excep t tha t experienc e ha s no w prove d tha t n o opposition wil l b e mad e eithe r b y th e assembly , department , o r municipality t o an y movemen t o f the peopl e o r a part o f the peopl e of Paris . [260]
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I hav e though t i t prope r to giv e yo u thes e detail s thu s minutel y because the y wil l certainl y have much influence o n the affair s of this country i n future . On e effec t whic h i s alread y visibl e i s th e desir e it ha s give n man y o f th e member s o f th e assembl y t o finish thei r session an d quit a ground tha t the y forese e no w wil l no t b e alway s tenable. Thes e d o no t ye t mak e th e majorit y a s I believe , thoug h many are of a different opinion . I t is constantly repeate d no w b y th e popular members o f the assembl y tha t letter s o f convocation wil l b e issued in the cours e of the nex t mont h an d that the present assembl y will ceas e o n th e 14th . o f July . Advices ar e just receive d fro m th e Frenc h islands . The y ar e a s late a s th e 8th . o f Marc h an d bring an account o f the arriva l o f th e fleet an d troop s sen t ther e i n Februar y last . Ther e stil l remaine d much disorder . T h e regimen t whic h ha d bee n fo r som e tim e a t S. Doming o commande d b y M . Maudui t Duplessis wh o serve d i n America durin g the lat e war , had gone into a perfect stat e o f revolt and massacre d hi m whils t endeavourin g t o giv e the m th e expla nations the y exacte d respectin g hi s conduc t las t summe r whe n h e had mad e the m ac t agains t som e o f th e inhabitants.-Thi s insubordination seem s t o hav e bee n produce d b y th e troop s latel y sen t there, wh o togethe r wit h th e sailor s of the fleet, wer e i n ful l insur rection. T h e commandan t o f th e fleet an d th e officer s desir e t o b e recalled. T w o member s o f the municipalit y have arrive d i n France , sent t o giv e a n account o f the presen t disturbance s prevailing in th e island. A fe w day s before a n account o f these disorders was received here forty five o f th e member s o f th e colonia l assembl y kep t à la suite de rassemblée nationale, ha d signe d a retraction o f thei r error s and their submissio n t o th e decree s o f th e assembl y relativ e t o S . Do mingo. The y sollici t leav e t o retur n there . Nothin g ha s bee n ye t decided o n respectin g them , bu t the manne r in which their petitio n and retractio n wa s receive d shew s tha t th e assembl y i s happ y t o have a n opportunit y o f releasin g them , an d tha t i t wil l b e don e without opposition . Preparations fo r wa r an d negotiation s fo r peac e i n th e nort h o f Europe ar e goin g o n wit h redouble d activity . Ever y da y whic h passes without bringing peace renders war more probable. Denmark has throw n hersel f int o a postur e o f mediatio n whic h I thin k th e menacing power s wil l mak e us e of . T h e principa l basi s i s a modi fication o f the statu s qu o offere d b y Russi a and rejected by the triple alliance. T h e wa r is manifestly unpopula r in England. Shoul d the minister [261]
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not b e able to extricat e himself from prosecuting it , he wil l probabl y present som e objec t i n th e Mediterranea n to th e nationa l cupidit y so a s t o rende r i t mor e t o th e tast e o f the people , tha t i s t o sa y th e merchants o f London . T h e Frenc h Ministe r will leav e thi s plac e fo r Philadelphi a in th e course o f th e nex t month . T h i s lette r goe s b y th e Englis h packe t and wil l carr y yo u assurance s o f th e sentiment s o f attachmen t & respect wit h whic h I hav e th e hono r t o b e Dea r Sir , you r mos t obedient servant , W : SHORT PrC (DLC : Shor t Papers) ; at head o f sure : Montmorin's circular to French diptext: "No. 64"; badly faded, s o that som e lomats , 29 Apr. 179 1 (printed as enclosure words are illegible and have been supplied i n Otto to T J, 2 2 July 1791 ; Documen t from Tr (DNA: RG 59, DD). Recorded i v in group of documents at 26 Apr. 1791 in S J L a s received 23 July 1791 . Enclo - o n the Paine episode).
A p p o i n t m e n t s o f V i c e - C o n s u l s fo r Portugal Philadelphia, 26 Apr.-6 July 1791. Commissions by Ignatius Palyart, Consu l General for Portugal, appointing the following Vice-Consuls : under date of 26 Apr. 1791 , James Barr y fo r Maryland an d Virginia , Joh n Abram s for Ne w York State , Franci s Jame s Ve r Cnock e for South Carolina ; unde r dat e o f 6 July 1791 , Richard Codma n for Massachusetts. Trs (DNA : RG 59 , CD); four commis- thes e copies to TJ ha s been found. Palyart sions i n clerk's hand, signe d b y Palyart; ha d been appointed consul general for Porthe date for that of Codman is inserted in tuga l (see Palyart to T J, 5 Oct. 1790). the hand of Remsen. No letter transmitting
F r o m J o s e p h Fenwic k Bordeaux, 26 Apr. 1791. Encloses list o f vessels entere d an d cleared in last six months , togethe r wit h cop y o f his last . Sinc e then , dut y o n American fish oil reduce d fro m 1 2 to 6 ft per quintal , its present rate , but expects thi s t o be modified a s experience an d commercial interest require . Encloses list of duties prior to 1 Apr. and in force sinc e the 15th . RC (DNA : RG 59 , CD) ; in clerk's hand, signed by Fenwick; endorsed as received 9 July 179 1 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosures : (1) copy of Fenwick to T J, 2 2 Mch . 1791; (2) lists of vessels an d duties, not found .
[262 ]
F r o m Moustie r MONSIEUR à Berlin l e 26. Avril 1791 Les moyen s d e correspondanc e son t s i difficiles entr e l'Europ e e t l'Amérique, qu e j e commençoi s à désespére r d'obteni r mêm e de s preuves d e l'arrivé e d e me s lettre s dan s votre continent , lorsqu e j'ai reçu l a réponse don t vou s m'ave z honor é l e 3. de Décembr e dernier. Une lettr e de M. le President du 1er . 9bre. m'est parvenue en m ê m e tems. J e sui s bie n ais e d'apprendr e qu e l e derangemen t d e sant é qui vou s avoi t empêch é d e vou s occupe r es t entièremen t passé . J e suis trè s touch é de s regret s qu e vou s voule z bie n m'exprime r sur une contrariét é qu e j'a i éprouvée bie n vivemen t d e mo n coté , d e ce qu e l a fortun e m'ai t fai t croise r ave c vous , Monsieur , ave c qu i j'aurois e û tan t d e satisfactio n à pouvoi r passe r beaucou p d e mo mens qu e j'auroi s trouvé s à tous égard s bie n interessans . O n a vû récemment tan t d e jeu x d e cett e mêm e fortun e qu'i l n e fau t plu s repondre d e rien , ains i je n e renonc e pa s pou r toujour s à l'espoi r de vou s revoir . Quoiqu'i l arrive, j e repond s a u moin s d e l a duré e des sentimen s d'estim e e t d'attachemen t qu e j e vou s a i v o u é s . - J e suis bien convainc u de l a sincérité de s regret s qu e vou s m'exprime s sur le s délai s d e l a conclusion d e notr e constitution . Mai s ce qu'i l y a d e plu s malheureux , c'est qu e d e longtem s nou s n'auron s l a constitution qu i NOU S convient. Le s difficulté s qu i s e son t opposé s à l'établissement d'un e tell e constitutio n n'étoien t pa s insurmonta bles, mai s i l falloi t d e l a bonn e foi , d e l a probité , de s lumière s e t de l a vigueu r reunies . Tou t cel a s'es t trouv é epars ; tandi s qu e l'ambition, l'avarice , l'envie, l'orgueil , l a haine , l a fourberie , l e fa natisme, l a perseverance, la violence, l a terreur, l a fausse eloquence , l'audace s e son t combinées . Votr e opinio n es t l a mienn e depui s longtems. J'a i dit tou t hau t e t à gen s qu i auroi t p û e n fair e leu r profit. Qu'o n finisse e t qu'o n prenn e un e constitutio n quelconqu e à Pessai. L e plu s mauvai s gouvernemen t vau t toujour s mieu x qu e l'anarchie dan s laquell e nou s vivon s depui s 18 . mois . I l faut bie n que notr e natio n s e form e pa r sa propr e experience , puisqu'ell e n e veut pa s profiter de cell e de s autre s ni même d e celle s d e no s pères . J'ai parl é à des Sourd s lorsqu e j'ai voul u cite r le s Etat s Unis . No s energumenes regarden t votr e constitutio n ave c dédain . Il s en son t encore à s e pare r d e vo s rebuts , il s s e son t emparé s de s matériau x de votr e premier édifice pou r construire le leur . Quand chacu n sera bien la s de tou s le s tâtonnemen s auxquel s o n s'abandonn e ave c un e fureur aveugle , alor s on commencer a à douter, e t l e doute disposera à recevoi r l a vérit é à l a plac e d e l'erreu r qu i e n a pri s l e masque . [ 26 3 ]
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- N o u s n'avon s jusqu'àpresen t d e l a libert é qu e l e mot , mai s dans l e fai t c'es t l a licence e t l a tyrannie populaire qu i régnent . E n supposant l a vrai e liberté , c'es t à dir e cell e qu i garanti t l a sûret é personelle, e t le s propriétés , placé e dan s u n centre , j e pens e que , quoique nou s e n fussion s éloigné s autrefois , nou s e n somme s plu s éloignés aujourdhui , parc e que nou s nou s somme s portés davantag e à l'extrêm e opposé . A u reste , j e vou s expos e mo n opinion , qu i peut êtr e erronée , mai s à cou p sû r es t d e bonn e foi , ave c cett e liberté qu i appartien t toujour s à un homm e d e bie n dan s quelque s circonstances qu'i l s e trouve . J e n'aimoi s pa s l e regim e ancien , j e n'aime pas l'actuel, j'en espère u n meilleur à l'avenir. Mais, quoiqu'il en soit , dan s quelqu e pay s qu e c e soit , j e n e troublera i pa s le s gouvernements. L e pe u d e detail s qu e vou s m'ave z donné s su r votr e pay s m'intéressent infiniment . J'avoi s toujour s présum é qu e l e Cen s fe roit reconnoitre une population plu s considerable dans les Etats Unis qu'on n e supposoit . Vo s operation s seron t bonnes , o u d u moin s n'auront jamais de grand s inconveniens , parcequ'elle s seron t mûre ment réfléchie s e t pesée s d'avance . Vou s n'ave z pa s un e Assemblé e unique, qu i fait de s loi x comm e o n mont e à l'assaut. I l faut d'autre s moyens pou r prendr e un e bastill e qu e pou r construir e u n vast e edifice bie n ordonné . J e n'a i pas ét é heureux dan s l a seule tentativ e que j'ai e fait e pou r influe r su r la legislation Françoise . J'a i eû pou r moi de s Sages , sont-il s le s plu s forts ? Non, lorsqu e l a force consist e dans le s bras . Nou s avon s sacrifi é un e bell e branch e d e reven u e t brisé u n des lien s qu i nous attachoi t au x Etats Unis . I l y a des mau x qui n e s e reparen t pas . Votr e nation es t bie n différent e d e l a nôtre . Aussi faut-i l cultive r le frui t d e l a libert é d'un e autr e manièr e che z nous qu e che z vous ; j e croi s mêm e qu e pou r e n fair e usage , i l lu i faut u n apprê t san s leque l i l seroi t ains i qu e beaucou p d e plantes , nuisibles dan s leu r éta t naturel , qui n e son t salutaire s qu'après un e certaine preparation . La pêche, qu i es t u n poiso n dan s u n pays , es t un frui t bienfaisan t dan s u n autre . N'e n seroit-i l pa s d e mêm e d e la liberté ? Est-ell e l a mêm e che z u n peupl e nouvea u e t presqu e entièrement agricole , o u che z u n peupl e ancien , commerçant , agi oteur, e t e n grand e parti e citadin? O n n e m'accuser a pas d e n e pa s aimer m a patrie , n i d e n'êtr e pa s u n homm e trè s humain . Cependant, j e sui s loi n d e pense r e t surtou t d e vouloi r agi r comm e no s docteurs modernes . L e peuple Françoi s n e trouver a jamais en mo i un flatteur, pa r l a mêm e raiso n qu e j e n e l'a i jamai s ét é d e l a puissance. J e pense enfi n qu e l e peupl e doi t êtr e bie n gouverné , mais qu'i l n e doi t pa s gouverne r parcequ'i l n'en es t pa s capable . Il [264 ]
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doit donne r so n approbatio n au x loix , i l doi t mêm e indique r le s objets su r lesquels i l croit en avoi r besoin, elle s ne doiven t pa s avoir de forc e san s lui , mai s i l n e doi t pa s êtr e législateur . Quan d l a majorité penser a comm e cel a e n France , j e sera i à se s ordre s pou r les poste s périlleu x e t laborieux . Tan t qu'Ell e penser a autrement , je n e connivera i pas aux manoeuvres pa r lesquelles o n l a tourmente . Je jouis ici de beaucoup d e loisir et de tranquillité . O n ne manqu e de matière s à meditation s null e part . - O n es t tou t occup é d e pré paratifs d e Guerre , depui s l a Mediterranné e jusqu' à l a me r Bal tique, e t le s mer s d'Allemagn e e t Britanniques . Quidquid deliram reges pleatuntur achivi. J'ai ét é bie n surpri s qu e m a recompens e a u retou r de s Etat s Unis, puisqu'o n n e vouloi t pa s que j'y retournasse, ai t été la mission de Berlin . J e n e l'a i assurémen t pa s sollicitée . J'a i obéi, j' y fais d e mon mieux , j e pay e mo n tribu t d e l a manièr e qu'o n jug e l a plu s convenable. M a santé es t asse z bonn e parcequ'heureusemen t l'hive r a ét é singulièremen t doux . J e n'a i pa s ét é s i heureu x e n Amériqu e et c'es t la seule chos e dont , tou t compensé , j'aie lieu de m e plaindre. Quand vou s aure z de s moment s d e loisir , pense z à mo i e t donne z m'en de s preuves . C e sera toujours avec un vif intérêt qu e je recevrai de vo s nouvelle s e t d e celle s d e votr e pay s pa r vous , Monsieur , à qui j'a i vou é u n attachemen t e t un e estim e inaltérable . F . D E MOUSTIER Par notr e nouvea u protocole , nou s avon s suprim é l e Tai f honneur d'etre - M e s amitié s à M r . Maddison. RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ as received 16 July 179 1 and so recorded in SJL.
F r o m Willia m Shor t D E A R S I R Pari
s April 26 . 1791 .
Petit i s no w her e an d intend s goin g b y th e Frenc h packe t whic h will sai l fro m L'Orien t th e 15th . o f nex t month . H e insiste d o n 100. tt a mont h an d seeme d convince d fro m you r lette r tha t yo u would thin k it full y reasonable . O f course a s far as the arrangemen t depends o n m e hi s wages are fixed a t that rate . I had supposed fro m his letter s writte n whils t I was i n Hollan d that he woul d hav e bee n glad t o hav e gon e fo r less . T h e commissio n wit h whic h yo u charge d m e i n you r lette r o f Jan 24 . (th e las t whic h I hav e ha d th e pleasur e o f recievin g fro m you) i s executed an d I think wil l b e full y to you r satisfaction. I shall [ 26 5 ]
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send you by Petit the part you desired as well as the details respectin g it. I shal l sen d yo u als o you r reveille . - Chantero t i s makin g th e clock. T h e price he ask s is the sam e wit h that o f the sall e des vente s (15. guineas) . O f course I thought i t bes t t o emplo y him . It will b e done i n thre e week s an d immediatel y sen t t o Havre . Houdo n sen t the dres s som e tim e ago . I suppos e yo u wil l hav e see n Paine' s answer to M r . Burke o n th e French revolution . I t has mad e muc h nois e i n Englan d an d please s a goo d dea l here . Wha t surprize s me mos t i s tha t h e wa s no t pros ecuted fo r it , a s h e remaine d i n Londo n som e tim e afte r it s publi cation an d i t wa s th e opinio n o f abl e lawyer s tha t i t wa s libellou s in man y part s an d treasonabl e i n stil l more . I t i s muc h i n Paine' s style, tha t i s t o sa y incorrec t - wit h stron g expression s an d bol d ideas. Adieu . Y r . friend, W : SHORT RC (DLC) ; a t head of text: "Private"; endorsed by TJ a s received 23 July 1791 and s o recorded in SJL. Pr C (DLC : Short Papers). There i s irony in the fact tha t Short's critical comment on Paine's Rights of Man was written on the very day that TJ penned his famou s note to Jonathan B. Smith commending it in terms which brought acute embarrassment t o hi m (see note , T J t o Smith, following). Separate d from TJ and looking upon the revolutionary scenes from a differen t geographica l and philosophica l perspective, Short at this time exhibited an increasing departure from the views of his mentor concerning the direction in whic h the revolutionists wer e moving. Hi s comments on the revolution to his friend William Nelson wer e not only perceptive but also mor e fran k tha n he had been i n hi s letters to T J: "As far as I may judge from some newspapers which I have seen printed at N. York, an d from a few letters which I hav e recieve d it is much less approved there than they suppose in France, for they really consider themselves a s either treading i n our footsteps or soaring beyond us. The trut h seems to me to be that this revolution lik e al l others ha s changed wit h time its original aim which was good, justifiable an d praiseworthy, viz to limit th e Royal prerogative, check the monstrous and insupportable privileges of the clergy, no bility, gens de finance and the Parliaments, and t o take measures for preventing such abuses in future by establishing a perma -
nent form of government. The peopl e were willing in the beginning to have purchased this by paying all the immense deb t previously contracted : - Th e cour t wa s im prudent enoug h t o leave som e matters o f form unsettled, and one which was essential, th e mode of deliberation amon g the several orders. To settle this begot ill blood amongst them . These skirmishes gave the commons a n opportunity o f trying their own strength , o f feeling th e weakness of the two other orders arising fromtheir being haled by the people, of seeing the wavering timidity of the court . Their pretensions rose every da y and for a long tim e wer e just because i t was only askin g for the restoration of a greater number of those rights which nature gave them and whic h no government has a right to take away. The court seeing thi s progres s an d fearing it would have n o bounds determine d imprudently to put every thing on one stake. They placed guards at the door of the assembly to keep out the members. These assembled in an other place and bound themselves b y oath not to separate until they had given a constitution t o their country. This wa s wha t was desired by 23/24 of the kingdom. Mr. Necker's disgrace and banishment was the signal which brought these unequal parties into conflict. You kno w the principal events which followed . A s men an d particularl y large bodies of men become corrupted by power and love to domineer, the nationa l assembly has by degrees lost sight of their original objec t an d instead of considering themselves merel y as the passive channels
[ 26 6 ]
26 A P R I through which the organization of government wa s t o pass , instea d o f a body in tended merel y t o delegat e th e power s of government, the y hav e foun d i t mor e agreeable t o exercis e thos e powers themselves. An d of course for eighteen months past they have concerted in their body all those o f a n executive, judiciary , administrative and legislative nature . Accustomed to b e thu s mor e powerfu l an d more des potic than any individual could be because they suppos e themselve s immediatel y authorized by the national will, they can have no desir e t o descen d fro m suc h a n eminence, which ambition and avarice both conspire to render agreeable to them. No time is fixedfor their duration no limits to their powers, and yet the French consider themselves as perfectly fre e unde r such a government. Ther e i s n o act of injustice and tyranny that they hav e not committed, no contradiction of the first principles of free government into which they have not fallen, and still as they consult popularity, endeavour to please the canaille of Paris, and bear their ro d of iro n o n th e smalle r number only, the y ar e supporte d b y th e greater .
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. . . This is a black but as it appears to me a tru e pictur e o f th e presen t situatio n of France. Stil l I entertai n firm hope s that definitively a free governmen t wil l b e established there one way or another. It may cost much blood perhaps , but it seems to me the principles of liberty are so generally diffused at present, that whenever a whole nation can be consulted fairl y and quietly on the kin d o f government the y chus e to live under they will adopt one which though more or less perfect in the beginning, wil l still have freedom for its basis, and the means of perfectibility. It is true the immense population o f France , th e grea t numbe r o f poor wh o hav e nothin g t o fea r from disorder, their large army and their geographical position, ar e all principles which ma y vary the combinations on this subject, yet I think there are others which counterbalance them and which enable me to predict without pretending to the gift of prophecy, that France will acquire by this revolution the frees t governmen t i n Europe " (Short to Willia m Nelson , 2 1 Feb . 1791 ; R C i n NjP).
[ 26 7 }
Rights of Man T h e "Contes t o f B u r k e a n d Paine . . . i n A m e r i c a" I. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O JONATHAN B . SMITH, 26 APR. 1791 II. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O G E O R GE WASHINGTON , 8 MAY 1791 III. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O JAMES MADISON , 9 MAY 1791 IV. J A M E S MADISO N T O THOMAS JEFFERSON , 1 2 MAY 1791 V. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O THOMAS MAN N RANDOLPH , JR., 3 J U LY 179 1 VI. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O JAMES MONROE , 1 0 J U LY 1791 VII. JAME S MADISO N T O THOMAS JEFFERSON , 1 3 J U LY 1791 VIII. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O JOHN ADAMS , 1 7 J U L Y 1791 IX. J A M E S MONRO E T O THOMAS JEFFERSON , 2 5 J U LY 1791 X. JOH N ADAM S T O THOMAS JEFFERSON , 2 9 J U LY 1791 XI. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O THOMAS PAINE , 29 J U LY 1791 XII. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O JOHN ADAMS , 3 0 AUG. 1791 XIII. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O THOMAS PAINE , 1 9 J U NE 1792
E D I T O R I A L N O T
E
The wa y to mak e friend s quarre l i s to pit them in disputation unde r the public eye. - Thomas Jefferson to George Washington, 16 Apr. 1784
[Jefferson's] talent s and Information I know very well and hav e Ever believed in His honor, Integrity, his Love of his Country, and His friends. I may Say to you that his Patronag e o f Paine and Freneau and his Entangle ments wit h Character s and Politiks whic h hav e bee n Pernicious are and have long been a Source of Inquietude and anxiet y t o me . —John
Adams to Tristram Dalton, 19 Jan. 1797
What Jame s Monro e calle d "th e contest o f Burke an d Paine, a s reviv'd in America," bore a distinctly differen t characte r from its European counterpart. Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France an d Paine's Rights of Man, tw o of the mos t notabl e politica l tract s in the English language, se t forth i n memorable terms their authors' commitment t o diametrically opposed views o f man and society. I n England the heroic contest between these two eloquen t spokes 1
2
1 2
Monro e to T J, 25 July 179 1 (Document ix). Th e most thorough discussion of the controvers y in England over Burke's Reflections
and Paine' s Rights of Man i s R. R. Fennessy's Burke, Paine, and the Rights of Man (Th e
Hague, 1963) . Fennessy concedes that Rights of Man di d not bring about a revolt of the workers, but contends that it did play a part in the "political transformation of the modern world" (p. 246, 247, 250). N o comparable study of the public response i n America to [ 26 8 ]
E D I T O R I A L N O T
E
men wa s heralded when Burk e announced hi s stand even befor e hi s Reflections provoked Paine' s scathin g reply . Consisten t wit h hi s inbor n distrus t o f th e people an d his belie f i n a hierarchical orderin g of society, h e declare d earl y in 1790 tha t th e Frenc h ha d prove d themselve s th e ables t architect s o f rui n tha t ever existe d an d tha t "a n irrational , unprincipled . . . ferociou s blood y an d tyrannical democracy " ha d carrie d al l befor e them. Whe n hi s Reflections ap peared a fe w month s late r an d sol d thousand s o f copie s i n England , France , Italy, an d Germany, defenders o f hereditary monarchy hailed its autho r as th e champion o f thei r cause . I n th e natur e o f things , wit h revolutionar y flames sweeping throug h Europ e an d excitin g th e masses , Paine' s audienc e vastl y outnumbered Burke's , a s shown b y the number s of editions an d sales of copies . But the effect of the European contest could not be gauged by the convictions , the enthusiasms , o r th e number s o f thei r respectiv e audiences . I n France , i t was to b e expecte d tha t suc h ardent supporter s o f the revolutio n a s Jefferson' s friends th e abbé s Arnou x an d Chalu t woul d embrac e Paine' s Rights of Man as a defense o f th e human e principle s o f 177 6 an d 1789 , hopin g i t woul d d o for the Britis h people what Common Sense ha d done for America. So , too, wit h another friend , th e Chevalie r de Pio , wh o declare d tha t h e ha d burne d al l of his book s sav e thos e by Locke , Sidney , Rousseau , and Paine - thoug h he , lik e all diplomats, retaine d his Machiavelli. In England, i t was to b e expecte d tha t George I I I an d Pitt woul d loo k upo n Burk e wit h gratefu l eyes , that a flood of pamphlets attackin g hi m o r praisin g Paine woul d issu e fro m the presses , an d that th e workingmen' s club s woul d welcom e Rights of Man a s thei r politica l testament. S o als o coul d i t hav e bee n expecte d tha t Fo x woul d approv e an d Liverpool deprecat e Paine' s ech o o f th e Jeffersonia n doctrin e tha t th e eart h belongs i n usufruc t t o th e living : "Ever y ag e an d generatio n mus t b e a s fre e to ac t for itself, in all cases, a s the age s and generations whic h preceded it . . . . Man ha s n o propert y i n man ; neithe r ha s an y generatio n a propert y i n th e generations whic h ar e to follow." On th e Europea n scen e ther e were indee d fe w discernibl e o r lastin g con sequences o f this battl e o f the titans . Product s rather than provoker s o f an ag e of revolution , Burke' s Reflections an d Paine' s Rights of Man epitomize d it s agony an d its opposed philosophies bu t di d little if anything to alte r the cours e of events. Thei r contribution was to express in unforgettable term s what already stood fixed i n th e mind s o f thei r adherents , confirmin g the m i n thei r belief s and providin g the m wit h powerfu l weapon s o f propaganda. I n England, wit h 3
4
5
the two classi c works of Burke and Paine has yet bee n made . Davi d F. Hawke' s Paine (New York , 1974 ) i s a very usefu l an d perceptive biograph y o f a man who faile d in almost everythin g except a s one o f the greates t o f political propagandists. Speec h i n the Hous e o f Commons, 9 Feb. 1790, a n extract of which TJ cause d to be printe d in Fenno's Gazette of the United States, 1 May 179 0 (se e Vol . 16 : 260-2) . Burke's Reflections was published in Nov. 1790 . O n TJ's repor t to Pain e on events in France, the framin g of the Declaratio n of the Right s of Man, and the possibl e effec t of his lette r i n strengthening Burke' s convictions abou t th e revolutio n i n France, se e TJ to Paine, 1 1 July 1789 . Arnou x and Chalut to T J , 2 0 Ma y 1791; De Pio to T J , 2 2 Jul y 1791 . O n TJ's doctrine tha t th e eart h belongs to th e living , see T J to Madison , 6 Sep. 1789. Fennessy , Burke, Paine, and the Rights of Man, p . 263-6, present s a convenient listing of the many contemporary tracts and pamphlets on Burke's Reflections and Paine's Rights of Man. Fo r a graphic representation of the varying reactions of George III , Pitt, Fox, and others to Rights of Man, se e illustratio n of a popular cartoon in this volume. 3
4
5
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even th e workingmen' s club s choosin g th e pat h o f peacefu l reformation , th e most noticeabl e effec t wa s th e wav e o f prosecutio n o f author s an d publishers of writings thought t o b e subversive . Whe n Rights of Man wa s first published in Marc h 1791 , wit h five othe r editions appearin g in the next two months , th e government seriousl y considere d indictin g Pain e but refraine d from doing so . When th e secon d par t appeared early in 1792 , a royal proclamation was issued calling upo n magistrate s t o searc h ou t an d repor t upo n author s an d printers of seditiou s writings . Th e decre e embrace d al l dissident s - Josep h Priestley , Home Tooke , an d others-bu t Pit t admitte d i t wa s aime d a t Pain e becaus e his writings "struck at hereditary nobility . . . the destruction of monarchy and religion, and the total subversion of the established form of government." Lat e in Ma y Pain e wa s indicte d fo r seditiou s libel . Whe n his tria l wa s postponed , he fled to France and in December was tried in absentia as a "wicked, malicious, seditious, an d ill-dispose d person." H e wa s convicte d o f treasonabl e an d se ditious libel , declared to b e an outlaw, an d Rights of Man wa s suppressed. The persecutions agains t author s and publishers were severe, som e being convicte d and jailed. Bu t the wav e of hysteria aroused by the threat of subversive dangers soon bega n t o subside . Th e contes t o f Burk e an d Pain e i n Europ e wa s lik e another brillian t burst o f flam e adde d t o th e genera l conflagratio n alread y raging. 6
7
In America , wher e monarch y ha d bee n rejected , wher e th e workingme n labored on farms rather than in factories, and where the press was free, Burke's Reflections an d Paine's Rights of Man woul d certainly have aroused interest bu t would scarcel y hav e provoke d a nationa l controvers y i n a tim e o f peac e an d relative stability . Man y o f cours e woul d hav e take n thei r stan d wit h Burke . But surel y the majorit y of the America n people, onc e s o passionatel y arouse d by Common Sense an d stil l rememberin g it s epocha l effect , woul d hav e fel t otherwise. Instea d of becoming participant s in an expanding Europea n contest between an opponent of revolution and one who had contributed so dramatically to th e winnin g o f thei r own , American s generally migh t hav e don e n o mor e than welcome Paine' s Rights of Man a s another confirmation of their belief that they ha d opened a new er a in human annals. But on e o f thos e trivia l accident s o f history , bi g wit h unexpecte d conse quences, decree d otherwise. Wha t followed o n this side o f the Atlanti c was no t an ech o o f th e Europea n debate bu t a quit e differen t kin d o f contes t whic h aroused political passions al l the mor e becaus e i t raised fundamental question s about the fate of the new experiment in self-government. Her e the issue reached what Jefferso n calle d "th e hol y caus e o f freedom, " a concep t whos e religiou s overtones sugges t th e danger s o f those heresies an d schisms agains t whic h h e had warne d even befor e enterin g office. Now , withi n a few day s after Paine' s Rights of Man arrive d i n th e capital , Jefferso n becam e th e unexpecte d an d extremely embarrasse d surrogate for Paine. John Adams found himself silently occupying the rol e of Burke, wit h John Quincy Adams as Publicola defendin g him an d attackin g Jefferson . Th e America n version o f th e contes t o f Burk e and Pain e ha d persona l an d politica l consequence s tha t were importan t an d enduring. 8
Pitt' s repl y to a question b y Fo x on 2 5 Ma y 179 2 {Parliamentary History, xxix , 1513). T . B. and T. J. Howell , State Trials, xxii (London, 1817), 358; see also, Fennessy, Burke, Paine, and the Rights of Man, p . 242-4; Davi d F. Hawke , Paine, p . 250, 253-4 . Se e Editoria l Not e and TJ's respons e to the citizens of Albemarle, 1 2 Feb. 1790. 6
7
8
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I The firs t printin g o f Rights of Man appeare d i n Londo n o n 22 Februar y 1791, a date whic h prompted Pain e to tip the dedication t o the President int o the firs t boun d copies . Tha t issu e wa s recalled by the publisher within a fe w hours, bu t no t unti l mor e tha n a hundre d copie s ha d been sold . Anothe r publisher took ove r the sheets and brought ou t the first edition o n the 16th of March. Abou t fou r week s late r the first copies arrived in Philadelphia. One of these — Jefferson erroneousl y assume d i t wa s the only on e in the city —came into th e hands o f John Beckley , who lent i t to James Madison . Being on th e point o f departing for New York, Madiso n passed i t on to Jefferson wit h the request tha t i t be returned to Beckley "within the day." But Jefferson, havin g a mas s o f private and public busines s t o attend t o before h e and Madison lef t on their northern journey, had not finished reading it when Beckle y called for it. Beckle y mus t alread y hav e initiate d arrangement s fo r publication, bu t he allowed Jefferso n t o retain the copy and , perhaps tha t da y or the next, wrot e a note instructing him to forward it to the printer when he had done with it. Jefferson promptl y complie d b y sending i t to the person who m Beckle y ha d named. Urgenc y seeme d t o have marke d every ste p taken since Beckle y came into possessio n o f the pamphlet . Unhappil y for Jefferson, hi s own hasty com pliance wit h Beckley' s reques t brough t o n one of the most embarrassin g in cidents o f his life . The not e that Jefferson dashe d off was addressed to Jonathan Bayard Smith, whom h e mistakenly assume d t o be the brother of the ma n destine d t o bring out th e first America n edition o f Rights of Man, Samue l Harriso n Smith. Jefferson late r explained to Washington that he was "an utter stranger to J. B. Smith, bot h b y sight an d character." There i s no reason to doubt th e statement, bu t it is remarkabl e that h e did not know th e man t o who m hi s note was addressed . Smit h was a prominent Philadelphi a merchant. H e had bee n a zealou s supporte r o f the Revolution fro m th e beginning an d was active in civic an d political affairs . H e was a man o f varied cultural interests , bein g a trustee o f the Universit y of Pennsylvania and of the Colleg e o f New Jersey , o f which h e was a graduate. Bot h h e and Jefferson wer e activ e member s o f the American Philosophica l Society . Th e minute s o f the Society ar e not clear as to whether both were present at the smaller meetings where they could scarcely have avoided becomin g acquainted . But certainly both ha d been presen t a few weeks earlie r at the larg e gatherin g o f members wh o assembled i n the Hal l and marche d t o th e Germa n Luthera n Churc h fo r the memoria l tribut e t o Franklin. Unde r thes e circumstance s Jefferson' s certaint y tha t h e wa s ad 9
10
11
12
Beckley' s note has no t been foun d an d is not recorded in SJL. I t was enclosed in T J t o Smith, 26 Apr. 179 1 (Document i) , along with the copy of Rights of Man. Samue l Harrison Smit h (1772-1845) wa s the only son of Jonathan Bayard Smith ( 1742-1812) an d Susannah Bayard of Maryland, whose husband adopted her patronymic as his own middle name , doubtles s t o avoid confusion wit h anothe r Philadelphian , a Quaker, name d Jonathan Smith. TJ's error in mistaking the son for the brother ha s been perpetuate d b y almost al l who have writte n abou t th e episode. O n the correct relationship, see sketch of Jonathan Bayar d Smit h in D A B ; Index to P M H B o n the tw o Jonathan Smiths; and J.G.B. Bulloch , A history and genealogy of the families of Bayard, 9
10
Houstoun of Georgia, and the descent of the Bolton Family (Washington , 1919) .
T J t o Washington, 8 May 1791 (Document I I ) . Se e Editorial Note and group of documents at 26 Jan. 1791 ; Am. Phil. Soc, Procs., xxii (Jul y 1885) , 191-2 . 11
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dressing a stranger is surprising , though perhap s his assurance arose from th e nature o f Beckley' s direction s o r fro m hi s ow n undeniabl e haste . Bu t tha t h e wrote unde r the convictio n tha t h e wa s addressin g a stranger is confirme d b y his error in presuming Jonathan Bayard Smit h to b e the brothe r instead of the father o f the printer. Samuel Harriso n Smit h wa s the n ninetee n year s o f age , fou r year s ou t o f college, an d just abou t t o begi n hi s distinguishe d caree r as a publisher . I t i s not know n whethe r h e ha d hi s ow n printer y at thi s time , bu t i t seem s mos t likely tha t th e first American edition o f Rights of Man wa s printed in the sho p of Benjamin Frankli n Bache , John Beckley's close friend and political ally. On the 29t h o f Apri l Bache' s General Advertiser carrie d thi s announcement: 13
In th e Press , an d speedil y wil l b e publishe d b y Samuel Harrison Smith, and sol d b y al l Booksellers i n th e City , Rights of Man, Bein g a n answer t o Mr. Burke' s attack o n th e Frenc h Revolution : By Thoma s Pain e autho r of Common Sense . The wor k was indeed speedil y issued . Smith' s advertisement ha d appeared on Friday. Th e followin g Tuesday , th e 3r d o f May , th e General Advertiser an nounced tha t Rights of Man wa s tha t da y published . Exactl y on e wee k ha d elapsed since Jefferson transmitte d Beckley's copy of the pamphlet to the father of the publisher . Thus b y Wednesda y o r Thursda y a t th e latest , w e ma y assume , Jefferso n had received the three or four copies he had ordered. On opening th e pamphlet, he wa s "thunderstruck, " as h e late r describe d hi s feeling s t o Joh n Adams , t o read the publisher's preface. This unauthorized statement precede d even Paine's dedication t o Washington : The followin g Extrac t fro m a not e accompanyin g a copy o f thi s Pamphle t for republication , is s o respectabl e a testimony o f its value , tha t th e Printe r hopes the distinguished writer will excuse it s present appearance. It proceeds from a character equally eminent i n the council s of America, an d conversant in th e affair s o f France , fro m a lon g an d recen t residenc e a t th e Cour t o f Versailles i n th e Diplomati c department ; and , at the sam e tim e tha t i t doe s justice t o th e writing s o f Mr . Paine , i t reflect s hono r o n th e sourc e fro m which i t flows, b y directing the min d to a contemplation o f that Republican firmness an d Democrati c simplicit y whic h endea r thei r possesso r t o ever y friend o f the 'Right s of Man.' Then, wit h th e openin g sentenc e o f Jefferson' s not e t o Jonatha n B . Smit h omitted, there followed a direct quotation from the Secretary of State expressing extreme pleasur e tha t wit h th e republicatio n o f Rights of Man somethin g a t Presumabl y on the basis of rumor, the announcemen t declare d it to be a sufficient recommendation of the celebrated pamphlet that its strictures on the English constitution had caused its author to be persecuted and his work suppressed (General Advertiser, 29 Apr. 1791) . Th e advertisement wa s repeated i n the issue s o f 3, 6 , 8 , 10 , 12 , an d 14 May. Simultaneously, Andrew Brown announced in his Federal Gazette that he had been favored with a copy of Paine's pamphlet and promised to print it in full. H e added that "in an eminent degre e it deserves th e attention an d applause of all friends of freedom." The firstinstallment, preceded by the dedication to Washington, appeared in the Federal Gazette on 30 Apr . 1791 . Subsequen t number s followed o n 2, 3 , 4, 5 , 6 , 7 , 9 , and 10 May. Brow n probably obtaine d hi s cop y o f Rights of Man fro m someon e othe r than Beckley. 13
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last woul d b e sai d publicly against th e "politica l heresies" that had sprung up in th e Unite d States. In identifyin g th e Secretar y of State a s the on e wh o ha d transmitted "a copy of thi s Pamphle t fo r republication " and i n omittin g th e explanatio n tha t thi s had bee n don e a t Beckley' s desire , Smit h permitte d hi s reader s the plausibl e inference that it was Jefferson who had sponsored publication of the pamphlet. The inference , perhap s born of youthful enthusias m an d inexperience, wa s n o doubt unintende d an d certainl y unwarranted , but i t i s no t likel y tha t an y o f Jefferson's opponents in or out of government faile d to embrace it. Also, Smith's expressed hop e tha t th e Secretar y o f Stat e woul d excus e th e printin g o f th e extract amounted in fact to a public admission that he had not sought or received permission t o quot e it . O n thi s point , too , i t i s unlikel y tha t contemporar y readers mad e an y allowanc e fo r Smith' s disregar d of th e proprieties . Indeed , subsequent commentator s o n th e episode , i n varyin g terms , hav e describe d Jefferson's not e t o Smit h a s a n indiscretio n o f th e first magnitud e fo r s o ex perienced a politician. Bu t unde r the circumstance s it wa s quit e natura l fo r Jefferson to express pleasur e at the republication of a work which he felt woul d counter principle s and measures h e deeme d hostil e t o republica n government . He ha d never made any effort t o concea l his fears about th e tendenc y o f federal measures - eve n a t times , s o Hamilto n declared , expressin g himsel f withou t due regar d for delicacy. Ther e ca n be no doub t tha t Jefferson wa s extremel y mortified t o b e brough t ont o th e publi c stag e where , a s he tol d Washington , "to remain , to advanc e o r t o retire , will b e equall y agains t m y lov e o f silenc e and quiet , an d my abhorrenc e of dispute." But whil e h e genuinel y abhorre d public controversy, Jefferson' s expressio n of his politica l convictions eve n t o a stranger was characteristic . The indiscretion-or, mor e precisely , th e impropriet y - wa s tha t o f the publisher. Upo n 14
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T J to Jonatha n Bayar d Smith , 2 6 Apr . 179 1 (Documen t i) . Th e ful l titl e o f th e first America n printing , designate d o n th e title-pag e a s th e "Secon d Edition, " reads : Rights of Man: being an answer to Mr. Burke''s attack on the French Revolution, by Thomas Paine, Secretary for Foreign Affairs to Congress in the American War and author of the work intitled Common Sense. Philadelphia: Re-printed by Samuel Harrison Smith. M.DCC.XCl. Whil e TJ ordered three o r four copies of this edition , non e owned b y him is know n t o exist . Se e Sowerby , No . 2826 . I n its issu e o f 1 4 Ma y 179 1 Fenno' s Gazette of the United States drew the inferenc e explicitly b y announcin g tha t "Th e Secretary of State furnishe d the cop y o f Mr. Paine' s Pamphlet, fro m whic h th e secon d editio n wa s publishe d i n thi s city. " T he pape r the n quoted, withou t comment , th e "not e t o th e printer " from th e Secretar y o f State . Pre sumably becaus e h e feare d th e inferenc e woul d b e generall y accepted , T J categorically denied it s validit y ( T J to Randolph , 3 Jul y 1791 ; Documen t v) . See , fo r example, [ E . M . Sowerby], Library of Congress Qu. Jour., v m (Nov. 1950) , 83, 84 ; Edmun d an d Doroth y S . Berkeley , John Beckley (Philadelphia , 1973) , p . 58 . Hamilto n to Edwar d Carrington , 2 6 Ma y 179 2 (Syrett , Hamilton, xi , 429) . T J to Washington , 8 Ma y 179 1 (Documen t n) . I n his explanatio n t o Washington , T J himself properl y place d responsibilit y upo n Smith: h e sai d that h e ha d bee n brough t int o th e publi c dispute b y "th e indiscretio n of a printer " ( TJ to Washington , 8 Ma y 1791 ; Documen t n) . Ther e i s n o evidenc e tha t T J eve r reprove d Smith , directl y o r indirectly , for hi s unauthorize d us e o f th e not e t o his father. Indeed, when the secon d Philadelphi a edition appeare d later in the year, based on th e fourt h Londo n edition , Smit h mad e n o chang e a t al l i n hi s prefator y statemen t or i n the extrac t o f T J ' s not e as published i n the first edition. B y the en d o f the decade , T J ha d becom e a friend , admirer , an d patro n o f th e youn g publisher . I t wa s o n hi s 1 4
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young Smith , wh o admire d Jefferso n an d sough t onl y t o pa y tribut e t o hi s "Republican firmness and Democratic simplicity," must be placed responsibility for bringin g o n th e America n contest o f Burk e an d Pain e wit h it s dramati c intensification o f existing politica l cleavages. Th e unintended effec t wa s all the greater because th e publisher nowhere referre d to Jefferson b y name. Th e note of whic h h e printe d a n extract , Smit h state d wit h obviou s pride , wa s tha t o f the Secretary of State. He thus gave to Jefferson's privat e communication almos t the statu s o f a n officia l commendatio n o f Paine' s Rights of Man, transformin g a personal opinio n int o a pronouncement ex cathedra - s o i t was interpreted b y Publicola an d man y othe r o f Jefferson's opponent s - tha t thos e cherishin g dif ferent principles of government were guilty of heresy. This was Smith's ultimate impropriety. II Thus introduced , Paine' s Rights of Man fel l lik e a thunderclap o n th e quie t capital. The expressions o f the Secretar y of State more than the pamphlet itself , we ma y b e sure , took precedenc e i n the politica l gossip of the boardinghouses , the taverns , an d th e Philadelphi a dinne r tables . Th e firs t t o mak e thei r re sentment manifes t wer e those whom Jefferso n describe d i n his letter t o Wash ington a s "som e Anglomen " wh o though t hi s sanctio n o f Paine' s anti-monar chical idea s woul d giv e offense to th e Britis h government. Th e President, h e had good reason t o know , coul d no t fai l t o identif y th e principal s among those to who m h e allude d - Adams , Jay, Hamilton, Knox, an d many o f the Cincin nati. T o the Secretar y of the Treasury and his supporters in Congress, already concerned abou t Jefferson' s apparentl y growin g influenc e wit h Washington , his aspersion s o n heretic s wer e compounde d b y anothe r vexin g question . Ha d the Presiden t himsel f sanctione d Paine' s dedicatio n an d thu s len t hi s officia l patronage to the work? Even if Washington had been in the capital, the questio n could scarcel y have bee n pu t directl y t o him . But the British agent, Georg e Beckwith, whether acting on his own initiativ e or bein g prompte d b y hi s America n advisers , sough t th e answe r fro m th e President's secretary , Tobia s Lear . Thi s occurre d a t Marth a Washington' s soiree o n Frida y th e 6t h o f May , thre e day s afte r Rights of Man appeare d i n the bookshops . Th e feelings tha t ha d been arouse d ar e clearly reflected i n th e verbatim account Lea r gave to the President of his conversation wit h the Britis h agent. H e sai d it migh t furnis h Washington wit h a moment's amusement: 20
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B[eckwith]. Hav e you seen Mr. Paine's pamphlet in answer to Mr. Burke? L[ear]. I have no t ye t bee n favore d wit h a perusal o f the work ; but hav e read som e extract s fro m i t whic h hav e bee n publishe d i n the papers . urging that Smith moved to Washington and founded the National Intelligencer, the only one of TJ's several efforts t o found a truly national journal of information and discussion which met his hopes. O n his side, Smith did not hesitate to pronounce T J i n print - no t once but several times - a s the greates t o f Americans. T J t o Washington, 8 May 1791 (Documen t n). I n his privat e letter t o Short , 28 Jul y 1791 , T J identified thes e a s the sec t wh o favored government b y king, lords, and commons. Th e general meeting o f members of the Cincinnat i wa s being held in Philadelphia at the time Paine' s pamphlet appeared. Lea r t o Washington , 8 Ma y 179 1 (DLC : Washingto n Papers) . Lear sai d that he repeated the conversation in the same words as nearly as he could recollect. He enclosed a copy o f Smith's edition o f Rights of Man i n this letter. 2 0
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B. I observ e Mr . Paine has dedicate d i t to th e President . L . S o I understand. B. I am very much surprized at it; for it is always thought tha t the perso n to who m a book i s dedicate d approve s th e sentiment s therei n contained , a s well a s thei r tendency , an d I shoul d hop e tha t everything i n tha t Boo k di d not mee t th e President' s approbation. L . Why ? B . Becaus e there ar e many things i n it which reflect highl y o n the Britis h Government an d Administration, and as it i s dedicate d t o th e President , i t may lead to a conclusion that he approves of those things, and that the Author has his sanction for publishing them. Had Mr. Pain e dedicated this pamphlet to Genera l Washington , it would then hav e been considere d as addressed t o him i n his personal capacity, and would not have excited the sam e ideas that are produced b y it s bein g dedicate d t o the President of the United States; fo r I believ e i t will appea r somewhat singular , that a Citizen of the United States should writ e an d publis h a boo k i n a foreig n Country , containin g man y things highl y disrespectfu l t o th e Governmen t an d Administratio n o f th e Country wher e h e writes , and dedicate tha t boo k t o th e Chie f magistrat e o f his ow n Country . I t wil l naturall y appear to th e worl d that, fro m th e dedi cation, i t meet s th e approbatio n o f th e Chie f Magistrat e o f th e Countr y whereof th e write r is a citizen, an d I therefore conceiv e tha t Mr . Paine has not, in this instance, treated the President with that delicacy which he ought. L . A s I have no t rea d Mr. Paine's book I can say nothing wit h respect t o the sentiment s o r tendenc y o f i t relativ e t o th e Governmen t an d Administration o f Grea t Britain . Bu t i t i s wel l know n tha t th e Presiden t coul d no t have see n it , o r hav e ha d any knowledg e o f it s content s befor e i t wa s pub lished, it would therefore b e absurd to suppose , merely from the circumstance of its being dedicated to him, tha t h e approve s o f ever y sentimen t containe d in it. Upon this ground, a book containin g the most wicke d or absurd things might b e publishe d an d dedicated t o th e Presiden t withou t hi s knowledge , and thi s dedicatio n woul d b e considere d a s his havin g given hi s sanctio n t o them. Or , a book migh t b e writte n under the circumstance s which you have observed tha t Mr . Paine' s is , an d contai n man y unjus t an d unjustifiabl e strictures upo n th e governmen t an d governor s o f th e Countr y where th e writer resides , an d a dedicatio n o f i t t o th e Chie f Magistrat e o f hi s ow n Country would , accordin g t o you r idea , caus e suc h chie f Magistrat e t o b e considered a s th e patro n o f its autho r and the abetto r o f it s sentiments . - I f Mr. Pain e has , i n thi s instance , no t acte d wit h tha t delicac y an d propriety which h e ought , h e mus t answe r fo r i t himsel f to thos e wh o ar e authorized to cal l hi m to a n Account. B . True ! But , I observe , i n th e America n Edition, tha t th e Secretary of State ha s give n a mos t unequivoca l sanctio n t o th e book , a s Secretar y o f State. I t is no t sai d as Mr. Jefferson. L . I have no t see n th e American , no r any othe r editio n o f this pamphlet . But I wil l ventur e t o sa y tha t th e Secretar y of Stat e ha s no t don e a thin g which h e woul d no t justify. B. O n this subject you will consider that I have only spoken as an individual and a s a private person. L . I do no t kno w you , Sir , in an y othe r Character . B. I wa s apprehensiv e tha t yo u migh t conceiv e that , o n thi s occasion , I meant t o ente r th e lists , i n more tha n a private Character .
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At tha t momen t som e member s o f the Cincinnat i entere d th e roo m "i n form" to pa y thei r respects t o Mrs . Washington an d the conversatio n ended . But thi s was only a prelude to what Lea r was able to report about the events of th e nex t day . O n Saturda y the 7t h Edmun d Randolp h and his wif e dine d informally wit h Mrs. Washington. After dinner Lear repeate d t o the Attorne y General the substance of his conversation with Beckwith. Just as he concluded, someone called at the doo r fo r Randolph , who accompanie d th e calle r to Mrs. Trist's boardinghouse . Som e member s o f th e Virgini a delegation , includin g Madison, reside d at her establishment. S o di d Colonel Beckwith. The circum stances sugges t tha t Randolp h ma y hav e bee n calle d awa y fro m th e smal l gathering a t Mrs . Washington' s becaus e o f concern s arouse d b y Jefferson' s commendation o f Rights of Man. A t an y rate , whil e Randolp h wa s a t Mrs. Trist's, Beckwit h came i n and raised with hi m the sam e question s h e ha d put to Lear . H e mus t hav e don e s o i n mor e explici t terms , fo r Randolp h went a t once to inform Jefferson. From Randolph, perhaps from others as well, Jefferson must hav e learne d ho w "ope n mouthed " Hamilto n an d Beckwit h wer e i n thinking hi s not e "likel y to giv e offens e t o th e cour t o f London." He surel y would hav e agree d wit h Madiso n in thinking this a ridiculous fear. Beckwith himself, perhap s on advice from Hamilton, soon backed away from the positio n he ha d taken . Th e followin g Friday , agai n a t Mrs . Washington's soiree , h e called Lea r aside , expresse d apprehensio n tha t h e migh t hav e appeare d to o much concerne d abou t Paine' s pamphlet, an d repeated tha t he ha d only give n his opinion a s a private individual. He did not bothe r to repor t to Dorchester or Grenville his earlier concern about the presumed affront to the British court. But a more importan t objec t o f Randolph' s visit t o Jefferso n tha t Saturday evening wa s t o pu t t o hi m th e questio n tha t Beckwit h was fa r from alon e i n asking. Ha d he , a s Secretar y o f State , authorize d publicatio n o f hi s not e t o Smith? On obtaining the answer, Randolph sought out the President's secretary that sam e evening . Th e next da y Lea r wa s able to repor t to th e Presiden t that the Secretar y of Stat e ha d given th e Attorne y Genera l thi s assurance: 23
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Mr. Jefferso n sai d tha t s o fa r fro m havin g authorize d ['publicatio n o f th e extract from his note which appeared prefixed to . . . Paine's Pamphlet'], he was exceedingly sorr y to see i t there; not from a disavowal of the approbation which i t gav e th e work ; bu t becaus e i t ha d bee n sen t t o th e Printer , wit h the pamphle t fo r re-publication, without th e mos t distan t idea that he woul d think o f publishing any part of it. An d Mr. Jefferson furthe r added, tha t h e wished i t migh t b e understoo d tha t h e di d no t authoriz e th e publicatio n o f any par t of his note. Jefferson o f cours e coul d assum e fro m Randolph' s role as intermediary that Lear would report this much to Washington. But, acutely embarrassing though it was , h e ha d n o alternativ e excep t t o explai n himsel f to th e Presiden t i n hi s own words . Th e nex t day , Sunda y th e 8th , Jefferso n gav e a full an d explicit account t o Washington . Th e lette r wa s on e o f hi s weekl y officia l reports , bu t there wa s n o publi c event t o discus s excep t th e mortifyin g situatio n i n which he foun d himself . H e frankl y acknowledged tha t i n writin g the not e h e ha d had the autho r of Discourses on Davila i n mind and thought i t unquestionabl e 2 3 2 4 25
T J t o Madison, 9 May 1791 (Documen t m). Lea r to Washington, 22 Ma y 1791 (DLC : Washingto n Papers) . Lea r to Washington, 8 May 1791 (DLC : Washingto n Papers) . [ 27 6 ]
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that Adams would regar d the charg e of political heresy as meant t o injur e him in th e publi c eye . But , h e declared , Adam s wa s hi s friend , on e o f th e mos t honest an d disintereste d me n alive , an d eve n afte r hi s apostas y t o hereditar y monarchy an d nobility , the y differed , bu t differe d a s friend s should. Sinc e this undoubtedl y wa s th e wa y Jefferso n believe d friend s shoul d trea t thei r political differences , i t i s possibl e - a s he asserte d i n hi s lette r t o Madiso n th e next day-tha t i n conversatio n h e mad e fre e t o tel l Adam s h e wa s a heretic. But i t was on e thin g to d o thi s i n private and quite somethin g els e to sa y it in print for the whole nation to read. Knowing Adams as he did, Jefferson correctly assumed that he would regard the charg e of heresy as aimed at himself. " I hav e just reason , therefore, " h e wrot e Madison , "to thin k h e wil l b e displeased." The conclusio n wa s wel l grounded . 26
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Ill The Vice-Presiden t and Mrs. Adam s left Philadelphi a for Braintree on Monday the 2nd of May, the da y before Smith' s edition o f Rights of Man cam e from the press . Bu t copie s o f th e Londo n edition ha d become availabl e a few day s earlier an d s o Adam s ha d bee n abl e t o rea d the pamphle t befor e departing . Since that edition carrie d n o endorsement b y the America n Secretary of State, his response t o it was directed at the author's performance alone - an d was even more emphati c tha n th e opinio n h e hel d o f Common Sense. Benjami n Rush had aske d Adam s wha t h e though t o f Rights of Man — knowing alread y th e substance o f the answe r - an d Tobias Lear, wh o happene d to b e present, gav e the Presiden t a graphic account o f th e response . "Afte r a little hesitation, " h e wrote, th e Vice-Presiden t "lai d hi s han d upo n hi s breast , an d sai d i n a very solemn manner , I detes t tha t boo k an d it s tendenc y fro m th e botto m o f m y heart." Writin g afte r th e appearanc e o f Smith' s edition , Lea r added : "Thi s publication of Mr. Jefferson' s sentiment s respectin g Mr . Paine' s pamphlet wil l set hi m in direc t oppositio n t o Mr . Adams's political tenets." No on e wa s mor e acutel y awar e o f thi s tha n Jefferso n himself . Sometim e before hi s ow n departur e from th e capita l on th e 17t h o f May he endeavore d to conciliate his old friend by sending an indirect message through the Secretary of War. Thoug h it s natur e may b e gauge d onl y a s relayed by Knox , i t clearly agreed in substance wit h the explanatio n Jefferson ha d already given th e Pres ident. Kno x reporte d t o Adam s tha t Jefferso n ha d assure d hi m th e not e t o Smith wa s neve r intende d fo r publicatio n bu t ha d bee n writte n a s a kin d o f apology fo r th e detentio n o f th e pamphle t "longe r tha n th e impatienc e o f th e 28
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T J t o Washington, 8 May 1791 (Documen t n). T J t o Madison, 9 May 1791 (Documen t H I ) . Earl y i n 1776 , whe n i t wa s reported that Adams himself was author of Common Sense, h e thought i t manly and striking in style but deficient i n its ideas of government (Adams to Abigai l Adams, 1 9 Mch . 1776 ; MHi : AM) . Later, whe n he considered it "ridiculous t o as k an y question s abou t To m Paine s Veracity , Integrity o r an y othe r virtue," h e approve d onl y th e argument s i n Common Sense i n favo r o f independ ence - argument s which he himself had been "repeating again and again in Congress for nine months" (Adams, Diary and Autobiography, ed. Butterfield, H I , 330-5) . The cop y o f Rights of Man tha t Adam s read was ver y likel y the on e sen t hi m by William Temple Franklin (se e Frankli n to T J , 6 Apr. 1791) . Tha t copy had been sent some time before Frankli n wrote T J . Lea r to Washington, 8 May 1791 (DLC : Washingto n Papers) . 2 6
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printer woul d admit. " In making it clea r that thi s ha d been a borrowed cop y yielded u p a t th e printer' s insistence, Kno x reflecte d Jefferson' s desir e t o em phasize hi s rol e a s a mere channe l o f communicatio n an d to repudiat e tha t o f sponsor into which he had been cast by political opponents. S o also with respect to the charge of heresy. "Perhaps," Knox added, "the political heresies mentione d in th e prefac e t o th e America n edition o f Payne s pamphlet t . . . may occasio n some uneasiness . . . . B u t if this ide a wa s aime d a t your doctrine s i t ough t not t o creat e a moments pain . Conscious as yo u are , of the invariabl e pursuit of the publi c happiness, regulate d by the sobe r standar d of reason, it is not th e desultory ebulitio n o f this , o r that man' s min d tha t ca n diver t yo u fro m you r object. Fo r whil e huma n natur e shal l continu e it s cours e accordin g t o it s primary principles, there will be a difference o f judgment upon the same object s even among goo d men." Kno x ha d not bee n promp t i n passing th e messag e along, bu t th e assuranc e i t containe d an d th e appea l no t t o le t difference s o f opinion b e divisive reveal Jefferson's promptin g hand and his conciliatory purpose. Adams di d no t s o interpre t th e message . Th e deat h o f hi s goo d frien d Dr. Richard Price, he replied to Knox, had hurt him "more than the little flickerings of Politicks. " Then, revealin g bot h hi s sensitivenes s t o th e charg e o f heres y and hi s convictio n tha t i t ha d bee n inspire d by Jefferson' s politica l ambition , he added: 30
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The Prefac e t o Paine' s Nonsens e ha s occasione d muc h Speculation . I t i s thought rathe r early for Electioneering . My hea d I than k Go d is no t easil y diverted fro m it s View s no r m y hear t fro m it s Resolutions ; an d therefor e neither Pain e nor his Godfather will muc h affect me , an d I believe the y wil l affect th e Publi c as little. I t only grieve s m e that a Character who stoo d high is s o muc h lowere d i n th e publi c Esteem. The characte r for whom Adam s grieved was assuredly not the author of Rights of Man, bu t the one who m he designated a s Paine's godfather. Abigai l Adams , no less positive, echoe d he r husband's views. Everywhere , sh e wrote to Marth a Washington i n a glowing accoun t o f their homeward journey, they behel d th e face o f peac e an d contentmen t an d found th e peopl e happ y an d satisfied wit h their government . Bu t sh e note d th e exceptions : "Ther e ar e howeve r tw o inhabitants (env y an d jealousy) wh o ar e not perfectl y content , bu t a s they ar e characters fo r who m I hav e a n utte r aversio n I ca n onl y pitt y thei r foll y an d avoid them." Wit h he r husban d publicl y accuse d o f heresy , th e politicall y 34
I n hi s draf t o f thi s lette r Kno x firs t wrot e th e followin g an d then, realizin g its inappropriateness, deleted the words: "But over this small affair . . ." (Knox to Adams, 10 June 1791 ; Dft in MHi: Kno x Papers). A t this point Df t reads: ". . . that ought to give pain. " Kno x to Adams, 10 June 1791 (R C in MHi: AM). The full text is given in Adams, Works, ed. C. F. Adams, vm (Boston, 1853) , 503-4 . Adam s to Knox , 1 9 June 1791 (MHi : AM) . Abigai l Adams to Martha Washington, 25 June 1791 (MHi: AM). After the election of 1796, Abigai l Adams gave a more charitable but less accurate account of the feelings that ha d been aroused : "There neve r wa s any publick, or private, animosity between Mr. Adam s and Mr. Jefferson, upon the subjec t of Pains Rights of Man. Ther e wa s a disagreement o f sentiment. Mr . Jefferson 'does not loo k quit e thro the Deeds o f Men.' Time has fully disclosed whose opinion was well founded" (Abigail Adams to Elbridg e Gerry, 3 1 Dec . 1796 ; Collectio n of Nathanie l E . Stein, illustrated in Sotheb y Park e Bernet Inc. catalogu e o f sale, 30 Jan . 1979 , Lo t 1). 3 0
31
3 2
3 3
3 4
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astute wif e o f th e Vice-Presiden t felt n o nee d t o nam e th e tw o inhabitant s o r to identif y th e objec t o f envy a s the secon d highes t offic e i n the land. The Adamse s were far from alone i n believing tha t the charg e of heresy wa s born o f politica l ambition . Bu t Jefferson' s concer n ove r Adams ' "apostacy t o hereditary monarchy and nobility" had arisen even befor e th e ne w governmen t was forme d o r eithe r o f them hel d offic e unde r it . Th e seeds o f their political differences wer e plante d a t leas t a s earl y a s th e tim e o f Shays ' Rebellion an d soon germinated wit h the appearanc e of Adams' Defence of the Constitutions of Government of the United States i n 1787. Jefferso n regarde d that formidabl e treatise a s incontrovertible evidenc e o f Adams' belief in monarchy. This con viction wa s steadil y reinforce d b y al l he ha d observed o f Adams' writings and conduct afte r hi s retur n from Europe . I n 1790 , whil e passin g throug h Phila delphia o n hi s wa y t o assum e office , h e discusse d wit h Benjami n Rus h th e change that both had observed in Adams' political principles. This was a month before Discourses on Davila bega n appearin g in the Gazette of the United States. These essays , comin g fro m the pe n o f the Vice-Presiden t and being publishe d in newspaper s ove r a perio d o f a year , disturbe d Jefferso n eve n mor e tha n Adams' Defence had . Rush , alway s candi d and a devoted frien d of bot h men , did not hesitat e t o tel l Adam s of his and Jefferson's concern . "In my notebook I hav e recorde d a conversation tha t passe d betwee n Mr . Jefferson an d myself on the 17t h o f March, o f which you wer e the principa l subject, " he wrote. "We both deplore d you r attachmen t t o monarch y an d bot h agree d tha t yo u ha d changed you r principle s sinc e th e yea r 1776." I n a length y repl y i n whic h he deplore d th e stupi d an d mulish system s o f the Ancien t Dominion , Adam s made n o allusio n t o Rush' s conversation wit h Jefferson . Bu t h e denie d the n 35
36
37
Se e TJ to Adams, 20 Dec . 1786 , 6 and 23 Feb . and 1 Mch. 1787; TJ to Abigail Adams, 21 Dec . 178 6 an d 22 Feb. 1787; Abigail Adams to T J , 2 9 Jan. 1787 ; Adams to T J , 1 Mch. 1787. I t has been argued that TJ at first read Adams' Defence hastily, initiated plans for a French translation, and then permitted or connived at its "suppression" (Joyce Appleby, "The Adams-Jefferso n Ruptur e and the Firs t Frenc h Translatio n o f John Adams' Defence" AHR , LXXII I [Apr. 1968] , 1084-91) . Th e argument for the suppression - or , more precisely, the abandonment - o f the proposed translation is based on the plausible inference that the work was not regarded with favor by those in France who looked to America rather than to Englan d fo r it s mode l o f government . Willia m Shor t provided another cogent argument against translation: it was not the kind of work that would be read i n Paris, except perhaps among a few men of learning, who would prefer the original (Short to T J, 2 6 Mch. 1787) . It should be noted that TJ di d not initiate plans for the translation, but when proposals came to him he sought to obtain a good translator (Froullé to T J , 17 Feb. 1787; TJ t o Adams, 23 Feb. 1787). Ther e is no evidence that he did anything further i n connectio n wit h th e propose d translation , either t o promot e o r discourage publication. Rus h to Adams, 13 Apr. 1790 (Butterfield , Rush, I , 546) . I t is puzzling that Rush said the y ha d foun d thei r proof s i n Adams ' letter t o Willia m Hoope r o n a for m of government fo r Nort h Carolina . N o suc h lette r ha s bee n found , an d Adam s denie d knowledge o f it (same , i, 548, not e 10 , which contains a brief but excellent accoun t of TJ's relations with Rush). Possibl y Rush referred to a later newspaper or other printing of the "Hoope r version " of Adams' Thoughts on Government, which , while i t wa s the first o f several versions written in 1776 , differe d from all others and presumably is that which appeared in the Southern Literary Messenger, xm (Jan. 1847), 42-7. Se e Butterfield, Rush, i , 331-2. 3 5
3 6
3 7
Discourses on Davila first appeared in Gazette of the United States on 2 8 Apr . 179 0
and was concluded exactly a year later with the issue of 27 Apr . 1791.
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and alway s that h e ha d ever advocate d monarch y as a form o f government fo r the United States. Jefferson, however, never surrendered his conviction. "Ca n any on e rea d Mr. Adams's defence o f th e America n Constitutions," he aske d late i n life , "withou t seeins f tha t h e wa s a monarchist?" With Congres s in reces s an d most member s returne d home, wit h th e Pres ident, th e Vice-President , and al l head s o f departmen t sav e th e Secretar y of War absen t fro m th e capital , and with suc h seeker s o f politica l intelligence a s John Beckle y and George Beckwith touring New England , the angry passion s aroused by Jefferson's charg e of heresy see m t o have quieted down. Onl y a few squibs i n th e newspapers , aime d a t Burk e o r Pain e accordin g t o th e editors ' preferences, ha d appeared b y th e tim e Jefferso n lef t o n hi s month' s journey to the northward. Before departing , h e wrot e t o hi s Englis h frien d Benjamin Vaughan, expressin g confidenc e tha t eve n suppressio n o f Rights of Man coul d not prevent the ultimat e refor m of the Britis h syste m o f government. "W e have some name s o f not e her e wh o hav e apostatise d fro m th e tru e faith, " he ac knowledged, "bu t the y ar e few indeed , an d the bod y o f ou r citizen s ar e pure and insusceptibl e o f tain t i n thei r republicanism." This, however , wa s con fidence base d o n hop e an d intende d fo r Englis h consumption . Proo f o f it s validity ha d t o awai t th e nex t phas e o f th e America n contest o f Burk e an d Paine. That , unlik e th e first, wa s no t confine d t o th e partisa n gossi p o f th e capital bu t wa s wage d i n the newspaper s o f the nation . 38
39
40
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IV It wa s o n Wednesda y th e 8t h o f June , wit h th e publicatio n i n Benjamin Russell's Columbian Centinel o f the first of eleven essay s signe d Publicola, tha t the contes t move d fro m th e mor e o r les s hidde n maneuver s i n th e capita l t o the wider field of national debate. I n his opening numbe r Publicola pai d tribute to Burk e an d Pain e a s illustriou s character s equally devote d t o th e caus e o f liberty, bu t h e foun d th e former' s indiscriminat e censure o f th e Nationa l Assembly as objectionable a s the unqualified praise bestowed upon it by the latter. Thus assumin g th e rol e o f an impartia l seeker o f truth, Publicola the n turne d his attention t o the preface of Rights of Man containin g the note of the Secretary of State, which he said had been published in most newspapers . " I am somewhat at a loss to determine," he wrote, "wha t this very respectable gentlema n mean s by political heresies. Doe s h e conside r thi s pamphle t o f Mr . Payne' s a s th e canonical book o f political scripture ? As containing the true doctrine of popular infallibility, fro m which it would b e heretical to depar t in one singl e point . . . . I hav e alway s understood, Sir , that the citizen s o f these State s wer e possesse d of a full and entire freedom o f opinion upon all subjects civil a s well as religious; they hav e no t ye t establishe d an y infallibl e criterio n o f orthodoxy, eithe r i n church o r state : . . . and the onl y politica l tenet whic h the y woul d stigmatiz e with th e nam e o f heresy , woul d b e tha t whic h shoul d attemp t t o impos e a n opinion upo n thei r understandings , upo n th e singl e principl e o f authority. " The people , Publicola declared , were not dispose d t o rall y around the standard of any man. But if Paine were to b e adopted a s the hol y fathe r of their political 3 8 3 9 4 0 41
Adam s to Rush , 1 8 Apr. 1791 (MHi : AM) . T J t o Short , 8 Jan. 1825 . T J t o Washington, 8 May 1791 (Documen t n). T J to Vaughan, 11 May 1791. Se e also TJ to Littlepage , 29 July 1791 . [280 ]
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faith an d Rights of Man b e taken a s "his Papa l Bul l o f infallible virtue, " then this testamen t o f orthodoxy shoul d be examined an d if found to contain man y spurious texts , fals e i n their principle s an d delusive i n their inferences , th e apocryphal doctrine s shoul d b e expunged. Publicola close d hi s first essay o n a note of civility. Bot h Paine and Jefferson were entitled to the gratitude o f their country. A s for the latter: "He is a friend to free inquir y upon ever y subject , and h e will no t be displeased to see the sentiments whic h he has made his own, by a publick adoption , canvasse d wit h a s much freedo m a s is consistent wit h the reverenc e due to his character." In th e Columbian Centinel fo r the next tw o months Publicola canvasse d the sentiments o f Rights of Man o n a high leve l of public discourse, bu t with littl e reverence either for its ideas, its author, or its presumed sponsor. Hi s style wa s restrained, his analyses of Paine's arguments cogent , and his frequent allusion s to the American system of government laudatory . Paine was not only flagrantly in erro r in denying the existence o f a Britis h constitution, bu t had been prove d so when the glorious Congres s of 1774 defende d thei r rights "by the immutable laws of nature, the principles of the English Constitution, an d the several charters or compacts. " While Paine asserted that the National Assembly, exercising the whole powe r o f the nation , coul d d o anything , h e had also declare d tha t it could no t alter the constitution o r bind future generations . But , Publicola in sisted, whil e the British peopl e had "delegated their whole collectiv e powe r to a legislature , consisting of a king, lords, and commons" an d had included even the power of altering the constitution, neither a mere "mechanical horror against the nam e o f a king, or of aristocracy, no r a physical antipathy to the sound of an extravagan t title, o r to the sight o f an innocen t riband " could justify a people in layin g violent hand s upon so excellent a constitution. It s most seriou s defects arose no t from inheren t dangers , excep t i n the matter o f representation, but from a universa l venalit y an d corruption pervadin g al l classes o f men. The constitution ma y have been violate d by tyrants - monarchical , aristocratical , or democratical - bu t it was always necessary to return to the foundation o f natural and unalienabl e right . Th e America n people, th e most enlightene d an d mos t virtuous o n the globe, ha d demonstrate d this . Fo r sixteen year s the y ha d en dured tyrannical abus e and, being drive n at last to separation, had recited their sufferings t o the world to show ho w the misuse of delegated power had violated their natura l rights . Eve n "th e venerable characte r who drew u p this decla 42
ration, neve r coul d believ e tha t th e right s o f a nation , hav e n o othe r limits ,
than it s powers." Th e America n Constitution unite d al l of the advantages of those of France and England while avoiding the evils of both. Yet its delegatio n of the amendin g powe r t o Congress and the state legislatures was , "according to the ideas emanatin g fro m Mr . Paine, an d coming to us at the same time by reflection fro m the Secretary of State, . . . a very dangerou s politica l heresy." So also with the location of power to make war an d peace — "not the first instance in whic h Mr. Paine's principle s attack those of the constitutions o f his country. " But, Publicola concluded , i f the principles advocated b y the author o f Rights of Man shoul d i n any instanc e b e founded upo n eterna l truth, they shoul d be respected. A s for himself, h e remained unconvinced of Paine's infallibility. Let Th e Publicola essay s ar e most convenientl y accessibl e i n W. C. Ford's editio n of Writings of John Quincy Adams, i (New York, 1913), 65-110. They appeared in Benjamin Russell's Columbian Centinel o n 8, 11, 15, 18, 22 , 29 June; 2, 9, 13, 20, and 27 July 1791. 42
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the people , he urged , therefore "remai n immovably fixed a t the banner s of our constitutional freedom , an d not deser t the impregnabl e fortress of our liberties, for the unsubstantia l fabrick of visionary politicians." Thus did Publicola hur l the charge of heresy back at Jefferson, characterizing him a t the sam e tim e a s a visionary politician. His essays wer e no t intende d a s a defens e o f Burke' s Reflections o r eve n o f th e particula r form o f th e Britis h constitution. No r wa s Pain e himsel f th e primar y objec t o f attack . I t wa s th e prefatory note to Rights of Man whic h provoked Adams' cogent analysis of the pamphlet, makin g th e Secretar y of Stat e th e rea l target . Thi s i s indicate d i n the openin g essa y an d proved b y all that followed. Ha d not Jefferson , a friend to fre e inquir y upon ever y subject , civi l an d religious, haile d Paine' s repl y t o Burke a s th e canonica l boo k o f politica l scripture ? But ha d th e peopl e no t refused t o establis h an y infallibl e criterio n of orthodoxy , eithe r i n churc h or state? Wa s not th e onl y politica l tene t the y woul d stigmatiz e a s heretical on e which impose d opinion s solel y o n th e basi s o f authority? The question s wer e rhetorica l but their intent wa s clear. Publicola base d hi s attack o n proposition s th e America n people ha d pronounce d self-evident . H e appealed t o th e concep t o f natural , inalienabl e right s b y whic h the natio n had justified it s existenc e an d o n which , as a n immutabl e foundation , al l forms o f government rested. I n assertin g tha t th e legitimat e objec t o f al l governmen t was to promot e th e happiness o f the people , Publicola onl y echoe d th e rhetoric of the revolutionar y generation. I n tracing principles of right and justice back many centuries to the customary law of the Anglo-Saxons, he reflected opinion s Jefferson himsel f had expressed abou t the earlie r and uncorrupted British con stitution. An d i n declarin g that th e onl y securit y agains t tyrannica l abuses o f delegated powe r la y i n th e honest y an d enlightened spiri t o f th e people , h e consciously o r unconsciously paraphrase d the vie w expresse d i n Notes on Virginia tha t i t i s "th e manner s an d spiri t of a people whic h preserv e a republic in vigour." I n these an d other respect s Publicola astutel y chos e the commo n ground. His purpose, he declared, was to examine those ideas set forth in Rights of Man "which , are supposed to be directly opposite to principles acknowledged by th e constitution s o f ou r country. " In othe r words , i t wa s th e Secretar y of State who , i n the nam e o f orthodoxy an d by a n authoritarian pronouncement, had give n officia l sanctio n t o politica l heresy . Standing on this solid ground of generally accepted principles , Publicola pu t Jefferson's defender s a t a disadvantage, thereb y turnin g the contes t o f Burk e and Paine into a n intensely partisa n newspaper wa r marked by angry personal abuse. Th e essays, Benjami n Russell declared , had been reprinte d in all of the most respectabl e newspaper s t o th e southward . "Hi s animadverters , no t an swerers," he added , "swar m like Bees; and , like Drone-Bees, the y onl y buz." ' Brutus i n the Columbian Centinel an d Agricola, A Republican, The Ploughman and The Watchman i n the Boston Independent Chronicle wer e among those who sought t o answe r Publicola b y chargin g hi m wit h advocatin g monarch y and aristocracy. I n Massachusetts, i n Pennsylvania, in Virginia, an d elsewhere th e 43
44
4 5
Thi s was the tenth number of Publicola and, to judge from this concluding passage, was evidently intende d to be the last. But the number and violence of attacks upon the essays - " a torrent of abuse," Adams called it - provoke d him to add an eleventh number in rebuttal. See below . 4 3
4 4
Notes, ed . Peden , p . 165 . ^
Columbian Centinel, 2 Jul y 1791 .
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numbers and the anger of those making the charge were all the greate r becaus e most peopl e share d Jefferson's belie f tha t Joh n Adam s wa s Publicola. Whe n this wa s asserte d i n th e newspapers , Benjami n Russell fel t oblige d t o assur e the publi c tha t th e Vice-Presiden t had "n o mor e concer n i n th e publication , than th e autho r o f ''Rights of Man' himself." Jefferso n believe d thi s t o b e an equivocation. Th e denial was no t generall y credited , he asserted , becaus e Adams himsel f ha d no t mad e i t an d becaus e th e styl e an d sentiment s indicate d that Publicola an d th e autho r o f th e Defence an d o f th e Discourses on Davila were th e same. The "hos t o f writers " who ha d arisen to defen d Pain e and Jefferson cause d Publicola t o ad d a final essa y t o th e te n alread y published . Sinc e thes e ha d "called fort h a torrent o f abuse , no t upo n thei r rea l autho r no r upo n th e sen timents the y express , bu t upo n a supposed author , and supposed sentiments, " Publicola fel t oblige d t o den y tha t the Vice-Presiden t either wrote o r corrected them or gave his sanction to an y opinions h e had advanced. Further, the essay s did not , as one of his attacker s had asserted, " 'go to the press under the assumed patronage o f hi s son. ' " With thi s emphati c denial , Publicola the n challenge d all wh o ha d written "in support o f Mr . Paine' s infallibility, to produc e a single passage . . . whic h ha s th e mos t distan t tendenc y t o recommen d eithe r a monarchy o r a n aristocrac y t o th e citizen s o f thes e States. " H e ha d neve r intended, h e asserted , t o defen d th e corruption s of the Britis h system , o r even to support its principles in theory except insofa r as these had been incorporated in th e America n Constitution. The challeng e coul d no t b e successfull y me t o n th e groun d chosen b y Publicola, bu t this did not affect th e outcome. Joh n Adams stood fixed in the public mind as Publicola, an d some thought Jefferso n himsel f had written the attack s by Brutus, Agricola, Philodemus, an d others. Thu s the lines were drawn, with the Vice-Presiden t and th e Secretar y of Stat e place d i n publi c confrontatio n over fundamental principles of government. Th e merits of Publicola's argument s were virtuall y ignored b y th e press , whil e Adam s i n th e genera l vie w coul d not escape the stigma of political heretic. "It i s a circumstance highly honourable to th e politica l characte r of ou r country, " proclaimed an editoria l i n Brown's Federal Gazette, "tha t a n host of enlightened writer s have arisen , in every part of th e Unite d States , t o oppos e th e abominabl e heresies of Publicola" Th e opinion wa s quoted o r echoed i n many other newspapers throughout th e country. Russell' s Columbian Centinel an d Fenno's Gazette of the United States wer e the principal journals to take a stand on the side of Publicola. Th e bitter partisan warfare continue d throughou t th e summe r and, as the openin g o f the Secon d Congress approached , it becam e clea r that the America n contest of Burke and Paine ha d produced som e ver y significan t results , personal and political. 46
47
48
49
50
Same . T J t o Monroe, 1 0 July 179 1 (Documen t vi). As late as 1793 a London edition of the essays of Publicola appeared in pamphlet form as An answer to Paine's Rights of Man. By John Adams, Esq. (London, 1793) . Madiso n wa s quic k t o not e that th e styl e o f Publicola was not that of John Adams. 46 47
4 8
Columbian Centinel, 2 7 Jul y 1791 .
T J t o Monroe, 1 0 July 179 1 (Documen t vi) ; TJ to Adams, 17 July 179 1 (Doc ument v m ). 49
5 0
Federal Gazette, 1 1 Jul y 1791 .
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The firs t and most obviou s consequenc e wa s that the long-standin g politica l divergencies o f Adams and Jefferson were confirmed and brought t o th e poin t of open rupture . Jefferson kne w a t the outse t that hi s charge o f heresy woul d be interprete d bot h b y Adam s and the publi c as aimed at the Vice-President, and h e vainl y hope d tha t publicatio n o f hi s not e woul d b e littl e noticed . Bu t on hi s retur n fro m th e norther n journey , afte r readin g severa l number s o f Publicola an d finding himsel f charge d wit h havin g sponsore d Rights of Man and proclaime d Paine's infallibility , he finally brough t himsel f after muc h ag onizing t o appea l t o Adam s no t t o misconstru e hi s motive s merel y becaus e Publicola an d a hos t o f writer s had place d the m a s antagonist s o n th e publi c stage. Hi s explanation o f the origi n of his note was essentially th e sam e a s that he ha d give n t o Washington . H e frankl y acknowledge d tha t h e an d Adam s differed about th e best form of government, bu t they differe d a s friends should. Perhaps to spare Adams' feelings, h e did not indicate that the charge of political heresy ha d been inspire d largely b y Discourses on Davila o r that he, lik e mos t others, ha d assumed Adam s to b e Publicola. Th e main thrust of his lette r wa s conciliatory, written from a conviction that truth, between candid minds, could never d o harm. Adams graciousl y accepte d thi s explanatio n o f Jefferson's motives . H e professed no t t o kno w wha t for m o f governmen t Jefferso n preferre d and , lik e Publicola, challenge d anyon e t o find anythin g i n hi s writing s advocatin g th e establishment o f a monarchica l syste m fo r th e Unite d States . But , fa r fro m placing responsibilit y fo r th e bitte r contes t wher e Jefferso n had , h e trace d it back t o th e "Strikin g . . . recommendation" of Rights of Man whic h had bee n so industriously propagated throughout th e country. This, h e asserted, had led the public to regard it as a direct and personal attack upon himself. T o be sure, Adams blame d th e misconduc t o n th e printe r for havin g sow n th e seed s o f more evils than he could ever atone for. But while this was a regrettable breach of confidence, h e mad e i t clea r that th e printe r had only expose d to th e publi c the true source of all of the bitter consequences. Th e question asked everywhere, he insisted , "wa s Wha t Heresies ar e intended b y the Secretar y of State?" And everywhere th e answe r propagate d b y pres s an d partisan s wa s false . I t wa s Jefferson's charge of heresy and his sponsorship of Rights of Man, Adam s clearly believed, tha t ha d brough t o n a displa y o f ambition , intrigue , an d unbridled political rivalries which he regarded as the most alarming he had ever witnessed. In citin g particula r evidences o f thes e partisa n animosities, h e wa s carefu l t o confine hi s observation s largel y t o th e "Ston e Hous e Faction " of Boston , le d by Joh n Hancoc k and Samue l Adams , and to indicat e tha t i t wa s th e forme r who wa s seekin g electio n a s Vice-President. It was in this state of things, afte r his enemie s an d rivals ha d se t u p a hu e an d cr y agains t him , overwhelmin g him wit h "flood s an d Whirlwind s of tempestuou s abuse , unexample d i n th e History o f thi s Country, " Adam s declared , tha t Publicola ha d com e forward. He suppose d hi s defende r ha d don e s o becaus e h e though t Paine' s pam 51
T J t o John Adams, 17 July 179 1 (Documen t vm). The essays of Publicola appeared in the Gazette of the United States between 1 8 June and 6 Aug. 1791 . When TJ wrote Adams he had only seen the first seven essays. H e of course knew at this time that the Columbian Centinel o f 2 July 179 1 ha d denied that John Adams was Publicola, for the denial had been promptl y published in Philadelphia papers . 51
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phlet - and , by implication, Jefferson's recommendatio n o f it - ha d been "mad e Use o f a s a n Instrument to destro y a Man, for who m h e ha d a regard, whom he though t innocent , an d i n th e presen t momen t o f som e importanc e t o th e Publick." The lon g lette r reveale d ho w deepl y Adam s had bee n hurt , bu t h e closed with an affecting reaffirmatio n of his long-standing friendship and esteem for Jefferson. "I t was hig h time, " he declared , "that yo u an d I should com e t o an explanatio n wit h eac h other." But th e effor t o f th e tw o me n t o achiev e a friendl y understandin g failed . Adams' suppositio n tha t Hancoc k wa s hi s arch-riva l ma y onl y hav e bee n in tended t o spar e Jefferson' s feelings , fo r i t wa s th e Vice-Presiden t an d th e Secretary o f Stat e —as Jefferso n ha d pointe d ou t an d a s th e publi c a t larg e knew ful l w e l l - w h o ha d bee n brough t o n stag e a s politica l antagonists , no t Adams an d Hancock . Adam s o f cours e understoo d this . Hi s lette r t o Henr y Knox ha d name d Jefferso n godfathe r t o Pain e becaus e o f hi s commendatio n of Rights of Man an d ha d hel d him , no t Hancock , guilt y o f prematur e elec tioneering. Hi s circumlocution may have been accepte d fo r what it was had he not trace d all of hi s suffering s t o th e charg e o f heresy whic h his enemie s and rivals ha d employe d a s a n instrumen t t o destro y hi m politically . Thus , hi s argument implied, the weapon ha d been forge d b y Jefferson an d the Janizaries who had wielded it and every other kind of falsehood ha d called forth Publicola as the valian t defender o f his innocence . This , adde d to Publicola^ indictmen t of the Secretar y of Stat e a s officia l sponso r o f Paine' s heresies, wa s mor e than Jefferson coul d accep t i n silence . 52
Aroused to th e poin t o f indignation, h e replie d by namin g Publicola a s "the real aggressor i n this business," knowing as he did so that John Quincy Adams was th e repute d autho r o f th e essays . I t wa s Publicola, h e declared , wh o ha d misconstrued "a figurative expression" in his note and had brought hi m befor e the publi c by name. This , no t th e publicatio n of his note, had provoked a host of writers to attack the Vice-President on the presumption that he was Publicola. Jefferson wa s incorrec t i n sayin g tha t no t a singl e wor d ha d bee n publishe d on th e subjec t unti l th e appearanc e o f Publicola, bu t hi s accoun t o f th e first phase o f th e contes t wa s neare r th e trut h tha n Adams ' version . Publicola, selecting a s his target th e on e wh o ha d made th e charg e of heresy, had indeed provoked th e response s o f Brutus an d a host o f others throughou t th e nation . But in his effort t o exculpate himself and to place responsibility upon Publicola, Jefferson di d s o a t th e expens e o f truth when h e declare d to Adams : "Indeed it wa s impossibl e tha t m y not e should occasio n you r name t o b e brough t int o question; for so far from naming you, I had not even i n view any writing which I migh t suppos e t o b e yours." Thi s wa s i n direc t contradictio n t o wha t Jefferson ha d told th e Presiden t onl y a few day s after his note appeared at the head o f Rights of Man. I n writing that note , h e frankl y admitted, h e no t onl y had in mind Adams' Discourses on Davila bu t also, long before Publicola arouse d a stor m o f controversy , h e wa s certai n Adam s would interpre t i t a s aime d at himself. Adams, wh o wa s neithe r please d no r persuade d b y th e argumen t tha t hi s son wa s th e aggresso r an d tha t Jefferso n wa s "a s innocen t in effect a s . . . i n intention," did not deig n t o reply . The personal an d political rift betwee n th e two ol d friend s gre w wide r an d deeper , makin g impossibl e a resumptio n o f 53
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their friendship until Benjamin Rush brought them together twenty year s later. Even then , although the y close d thei r careers with the mos t elevate d exchang e of political and philosophical correspondence i n American literature, they never truly succeede d i n recapturin g thei r earlie r trus t an d confidence-o r i n ex plaining themselve s t o eac h other. 54
The nationa l debate betwee n Publicola an d his adversarie s thus fixed Joh n Adams i n the publi c mind, however unjustly , as an advocate o f a monarchica l form o f governmen t fo r th e Unite d States . I n consequence, a s James Monro e saw immediately, Jefferson' s statur e as a champion of the republican cause had been vastl y magnified . Lookin g ahea d t o th e comin g election s whe n publi c opinion woul d disclos e itself , h e pointe d ou t tha t Jefferso n ha d been give n a n opportunity t o cas t hi s ai d an d talent s o n th e popula r sid e o f th e scales . Jef ferson's politica l sentiment s ha d neve r bee n questioned , Monro e concluded , but the y ha d bee n "mad e know n a s wel l b y th e shor t not e prefix t t o Paine s pamphlet, a s a volum e coul d d o it." Alexande r Hamilton wa s als o quic k t o read th e politica l portents , whic h to hi m were ominous . A t th e beginnin g o f the newspape r controversy , Jefferso n quote d hi m a s sayin g tha t Adam s had been impruden t in stirring up the questio n an d as predicting that "his busines s is done." Severa l weeks late r Hamilton revealed the dept h o f his concer n b y making a persona l cal l o n Jefferson . Afte r givin g a fran k an d rathe r formal statement o f hi s ow n politica l views , h e too k pain s to dissociat e himsel f from Adams and his writings, particularly his Discourses on Davila, whic h he thought tended t o weaken the national government. H e had no doubt Adams' intention s were pure, but, he added : "whoever b y his writings disturbs the presen t order of things , i s reall y blameable , howeve r pur e hi s intention s ma y be." I t wa s at this time , s o Hamilto n later informed Washington, that he had been instru mental i n preventin g tw o o r thre e person s fro m makin g " a very sever e an d systematic attac k upo n Mr . Jefferson " becaus e o f th e persecutio n o f Adam s resulting from the note in Paine's pamphlet. Suc h an exercise of restraint was 55
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Se e The Adams-Jefferson Letters The complete correspondence between Thomas Jef-
ferson and Abigail and John Adams, ed . Leste r J . Cappo n (Chapel Hill , 1959). Monro e to T J , 25 Jul y 1791 (Documen t ix). T J t o Monroe, 10 July 1791 (Documen t vi). TJ' s note s of a conversation with Hamilton, 13 Aug. 1791. Hamilto n to Washington , 9 Sep . 1792 (Syrett , Hamilton, XII , 348). Even a s he wrote this , Hamilto n also, a s Catullus, accuse d Jefferson o f having eagerly seize d th e opportune appearanc e of Rights of Man "t o answer the doubl e purpos e of wounding a competitor and of laying in an additional stock of popularity; by associating and circulating the name of Thomas Jefferson, with a popular production of a favorite writer, on a favorite subject." He accuse d TJ of lendin g hi s auspice s a s Secretar y of Stat e because , bein g linked to the dedication to the President, it would appear that Rights of Man wa s being promoted o r at leas t patronize d b y th e government . H e als o insinuate d that T J had inspired Smith' s encomium upo n himsel f by expressing his approval of Rights of Man in such a manner as was "calculated not only to do justice to the writings of Mr. Paine, but to do honor to Mr. Jefferson; by directing the mind to a contemplation of that republican firmness an d democratic simplicity, whic h ough t t o endear him to ever y frien d to th e 'Rights o f Man. ' " This , Hamilto n added , wa s a signal s o wel l understoo d b y TJ's partisans that a general attack immediately began : "The newspapers in different State s resounded with invective and scurrility against the patriot, who was marked out as the object of persecution, and if possible of degradation." Adams, in brief, had been designated 55
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surely no t to protec t Jefferson , a s Hamilton implied . I t testified rathe r to hi s clear perceptio n tha t suc h a concerted attac k woul d onl y hav e adde d fue l t o the flames an d made th e Secretar y o f Stat e loo m eve n large r i n the public estimation. Jefferson himsel f wa s highl y gratifie d wit h th e overwhelming respons e o f the peopl e as reflected i n the press. " I thank god, " he wrote Paine , "that the y appear firm i n their republicanism , notwithstanding th e hopes an d assertion s of a sect here , hig h i n names, bu t small in numbers." He gave full credi t for this to the timely appearance of Rights of Man. S o did Otto, the French minister, who had long been annoyed by Discourses on Davila an d what he called Adams diatribes agains t th e revolution i n France an d the proceedings o f the Nationa l Assembly. H e had responded to these with great moderation , he reported, bu t the publi c ha d asserted itsel f wit h les s reserve . "Th e gazette s aboun d wit h political dart s of verse an d epigram agains t Mr . Adams," he wrote, "an d it is generally believed that the Vice-President will lose his place at the first election. It is Mr. Paine in particular who ha s brought abou t thi s revolution in spirits. " But th e salutary effect o f Rights of Man, h e added, ha d been greatl y increased by the arrival of Montmorin's instructions containing the King' s circula r to all French diplomat s signifyin g hi s acceptance o f the constitution. Thi s unprec edented documen t h e had transmitted to the Secretary of State an d promised to dra w the attention o f the publi c to its importance i n every wa y possible. When Georg e Hammon d arrived a s minister from England , he , too, reported that Paine's pamphlet ha d produced a very open "diversity " between Jefferso n and Adams . "The latter Gentlema n in conversation (an d I understand also in writing)," he added, "is very warm in his animadversions upon that event, an d in hi s defence o f the Britis h constitution." 59
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Paine's Rights of Man wa s indeed an essential factor in the sequence o f events, but i t was Samuel Harriso n Smith' s imprope r us e of Jefferson's not e t o his father and Publicola^ respons e to it which triggered the national debate, bringing immens e popula r suppor t t o Jefferso n an d stamping upo n Joh n Adam s the undeserve d but enduring appellation of monarchist. For years to come, and especially a s the pivotal electio n o f 1800 approached, Adams ' political opponents di d their bes t t o reviv e th e polemics o f 1791. Hi s honest ange r and indiscreet expressions di d little if anything to mitigate th e effect o f their efforts . "Of course, " wrot e Gouverneu r Morri s i n 1800 , "the democrats an d their demagogues, hav e ha d just caus e t o complain of the manne r in which mone y is raised, and our expenditure i s far from economical, s o that no applause is to be expecte d o n that score . - Bu t th e thing, which , in my opinion, ha s done most mischie f t o the federal party , i s the ground give n b y some o f them t o 62
as clearl y as if he had bee n named : the javelin thrown b y TJ "went directl y to its
destination" (Catullus No . m appeared in Gazette of the United States, 2 9 Sep . 1792 ;
Syrett, Hamilton, xn , 501-4). T J t o Paine, 29 July 179 1 (Document xi) . See also TJ to Paine, 19 June 179 2 (Document xm). Ott o to Montmorin, 23 July 179 1 (DLC: Adam s Transcripts). Se e also Otto to T J , 2 2 July 1791 . Hammon d to Grenville, 1 Nov. 179 1 (BL: Dropmor e Add. MSS 58939). A s late as 1823 Tenc h Coxe, writing as Sherman an d Greene, sough t to attach the label "monarchist" to John Quincy Adams because he had written the Publicola essays (Jacob E . Cooke , Tench Coxe and the early Republic [Chape l Hill , 1978] , p. 517n.). 5 9
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believe, tha t the y wis h t o establis h a monarchy." Adam s wa s b y n o mean s the onl y on e wh o ha d provide d suc h ground s fo r th e opposition , bu t h e wa s unquestionably les s reserve d i n expressin g hi s politica l sentiment s tha n an y other membe r o f his party. With the newspapers of the nation keeping Jefferson and Adams at the center of th e stage , i t i s understandabl e tha t anothe r an d perhap s mor e importan t consequence ha s escape d notice . Thi s concerne d th e relation s o f Washingto n and Jefferson . Th e controvers y opene d jus t a t th e tim e Hamilto n an d hi s supporters began t o be increasingly apprehensive that Jefferson's influence with the Presiden t was i n the ascendant . Th e return of Adams' son-in-law, Willia m S. Smith , and th e failur e o f hi s unofficia l missio n t o Englan d coincide d wit h the appearanc e of the firs t essay b y Publicola an d thus tended t o confir m these fears. Hamilton' s cal l o n Jefferso n an d hi s expres s disapprova l o f Adams ' writings wa s perhap s anothe r indicatio n o f hi s anxiet y abou t th e growin g influence o f th e Secretar y o f State . Washingto n wa s undoubtedl y concerne d from th e outse t ove r the divisiv e controversy . O n his return to Moun t Vernon from hi s souther n tour and before h e ha d received Lear' s lette r informin g him of hi s conversation s wit h Beckwit h and Randolph , he aske d particularl y that a copy of Paine's Rights of Man b e sent by post so as to reach him at Georgetown, obviously to enable him to read the pamphlet on his journey back to the capital. T o Jefferson's promp t and candid explanation of his note to Smith, Washington returned onl y a n ic y silence . I t i s no t know n whe n h e receive d Jefferson' s explanation, though i t was probably some time afte r his arrival i n Philadelphia at th e heigh t o f wha t Monro e calle d "th e fever. " Surprisingly , but perhap s because o f th e widesprea d popula r support bein g give n t o Pain e an d becaus e of what he had done for the America n people in the struggl e fo r independence , Jefferson, wit h the concurrenc e of Madison and acting indirectly through E d mund Randolph , recommended th e autho r of Rights of Man fo r appointmen t as postmaster general . I t is no t surprising , however, tha t th e recommendatio n was ignored - th e appointmen t wen t instea d to on e wh o becam e a n implacable opponent o f Jefferso n an d al l that h e stoo d for , Timoth y Pickering. When, even befor e th e America n contest o f Burke an d Paine quieted down , Jefferso n added t o hi s publi c commendatio n o f Rights of Man th e bestowa l o f political patronage o n Phili p Frenea u to hel p foun d th e National Gazette, h e plante d another fertil e see d of doubt i n the President' s min d which germinated i n th e even mor e bitte r an d divisiv e controversie s o f 1792. I t wa s i n th e mids t o f those turmoil s tha t Washington , deepl y angere d b y Freneau' s attacks, finall y acknowledged Paine' s letter o f the precedin g year and his gift o f fifty copie s of Rights of Man. Th e lette r wa s a n acknowledgment , no t a response , an d ob viously the dela y reflecte d Washington' s concern over the controvers y and was not attributable, as he explained, merely to the pressure of official duties. Ther e 63
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Gouverneu r Morris to Rufus King, 4 June 1800 (Jare d Sparks, Life of Gouverneur Morris, m [Boston, 1832] , 128) . Se e Editoria l Not e and group of documents a t 1 5 Dec. 1790 . Washingto n to Lear , 1 9 June 179 1 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 302). Whe n TJ learned that Samue l Osgood's resignatio n ha d created a vacancy in the office, h e informed Madison that he would "press Paine for it." Madison approved, but it was Edmund Randolph who actually submitted the nomination to Washington, along with the names of other candidates (se e not e to TJ to Madison, 10 July 1791) . Se e Editoria l Note and group of documents a t 4 Aug. 1791 . 6 3
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was no mention of the dedicatory letter in the pamphlet. But Washington closed with a n affirmation o f his own sentiments : " I rejoice in the informatio n of your personal prosperity ; and as n o on e ca n feel a greater interes t i n the happines s of mankind than I d o . . . i t i s th e first wish o f my heart, that the enlightene d policy o f the presen t ag e ma y diffuse t o al l men those blessings, t o whic h they are entitled , an d lay the foundatio n o f happiness fo r futur e generations." The evidenc e i s largel y hidde n i n Washington' s silence , but , viewin g th e relationship o f th e tw o me n durin g th e remainde r o f Jefferson' s tenur e a s Secretary o f Stat e an d ove r th e ensuin g years-marke d as the y wer e b y th e publication o f the lette r t o Mazze i and other incident s whic h led ultimately t o the withdrawa l of Washington' s friendshi p - i t i s difficul t t o escap e th e con clusion tha t th e deterioratio n o f th e bond s o f friendship , trust , an d affectio n that onc e existe d betwee n th e centra l figure o f th e Revolutio n an d th e preeminent spokesma n fo r its mora l and philosophical proposition s ha d its origin in th e unauthorized publication of Jefferson's lette r to Jonathan Bayard Smith. The Pain e episod e ha d on e othe r lastin g effect . I t mad e Jefferso n extraor dinarily sensitive t o the possibilit y that his private letters might improperl y get into print . The not e t o Jonatha n Bayar d Smit h wa s th e first an d on e o f th e most excruciatingl y embarrassin g of suc h incidents , bu t i t wa s b y n o mean s the last . When hi s word s were garble d an d misused fo r partisa n purposes, a s in th e cas e o f th e famou s lette r t o Mazzei , Jefferson suffere d intensely . I t wa s to John Adams himself that, late in life, he expressed his feelings on the subject most emphatically . Reading , he declared , was hi s delight . The n h e added : "I should wish never to put pen to paper; and the more because o f the treacherous practice some people have o f publishing one's letters withou t leave . L d . Mans field declared i t a breach of trust, and punishable a t law . I think i t shoul d b e a penitentiary felony." Once , writing to a trusted political confidant, Jefferso n agreed tha t a n earlier letter o f his might b e show n t o " a few well tried friends" but the n suggeste d tha t i t b e throw n int o th e fire becaus e hi s confidenc e ha d been s o ofte n abuse d an d because h e ha d suffered s o muc h in being exhibite d before th e publi c i n term s no t mean t fo r them . " I recieve letter s expresse d i n the mos t friendl y an d even affectionat e terms, " he added , "sometime s perhaps asking my opinion o n som e subject. I cannot refus e to answer such letters, nor can I do it dryly and suspiciously. Among a score or two of such correspondents, one perhap s betrays me . I feel i t mortifyingly ; bu t conclud e I had better incur 68
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Washingto n to Paine, 6 May 1792 (Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxn, 38-9). Although there is a text of this letter in TJ's han d in D LC an d an entry under its date in SJP L reading "G . W . to Thos . Paine" - tw o fact s which would seem to justify the inferenc e that Washington asked TJ t o draft the response to Paine - th e text is of such a character as to prove that it is not a composition draf t but that TJ was only copying from Washington's missin g RC . Th e most plausibl e assumptio n i s tha t Washingto n showe d th e letter to T J befor e dispatchin g it and that TJ mad e an unusual abbreviated copy of it. Washington's letter was in response to Paine's of 21 Jul y 1791 , accompanied by fifty copies of Rights of Man, whic h Paine wished the President to distribute to TJ an d others . When the second part was published early in 1792 , Pain e sent a dozen copies to Washington, hal f o f whic h wer e intende d fo r T J (Paine t o T J , 13 Feb . 1792 ; Pain e t o Washington, 1 3 Feb . 179 2 [DLC : Washingto n Papers] ; TJ to Paine , 1 9 June 179 2 [Document xm] ; see Sowerby , No. 2826) . T J t o Adams, 1 June 1822. Ironically, both this letter and Adams' reply of 11 June 1822 were published in the Daily National Intelligencer, 23 Dec. 1822. Why o r by whom this was done is not clear. 68
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one treachery, than offend a score or two o f good people. I sometimes expressl y desire that my letter ma y not be published; but this is so like requesting a man not t o stea l o r cheat, tha t I a m ashamed o f it afte r I hav e don e it." T he characteristic comment i s revealing. As a man of honor, torn between hi s desire to state hi s views on government wit h candor and his fear that his words migh t be exploite d b y politica l opponents , a s in the Pain e an d Mazzei incidents , Jefferson nevertheles s di d not permi t his inner distress to be stifling. Throughout lif e h e continued t o express hi s views vigorousl y an d eloquently , thoug h at times he thought i t prudent not to reveal all of his feeling s t o a correspondent whom h e did not know wel l o r in whose discretio n he did not have ful l con fidence. 70
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T J to Nathaniel Macon, 23 Nov. 1821. I n another remarkable letter writte n th e same year, TJ expressed his feelings emphatically : "But let me beseech you , Sir, not to let this letter get into a newspaper. . . . The abuse of confidence b y publishing my letters has cost m e more than all other pains , and makes me afraid to put pen to paper in a letter of sentiment. I f I have done it frankly, in answer to your letter, it is in full trust that I shall not be thrown by you into the Arena of a newspaper" ( TJ to C. Hammond , 18 Aug. 1821) . Se e also TJ to John Norvell, 11 June 1807 . See , for example, T J to Horatio Gates Spafford, 1 0 Jan. 1816 , i n which he first expressed at some length his views about the attacks made upon him by "pious whining, hypocritical canting, lying and slandering" clergy and then, prudently, excised the whole passage. Spafford , however, wa s one who had the courtesy to ask permission to quote an extract from one of TJ's letters. 7 0
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L T h o m a s Jefferson t o J o n a t h an B. Smith Apr. 26 . 1791 . T h : Jefferso n present s hi s compliment s t o M r . Jonathan B. Smith , and i n consequence o f the inclose d note and of Mr. Beckley' s desire he send s hi m M r. Paine's pamphlet. H e is extremely please d to find it wil l b e re-printe d here, an d tha t somethin g i s a t lengt h t o b e publicly sai d agains t th e politica l heresie s whic h hav e sprun g u p among us . H e ha s n o doub t ou r citizen s wil l rall y a secon d tim e round th e standar d of Commo n sense. He beg s leave t o engag e three o r four copies o f the republication. 1
RC (DLC : Jonathan Bayard Smith Pa pers); endorsed, in part: "Communicatin g a copy o f Paine's Rights of Man fo r pub lication." Not recorded in SJL. Enclosure: In additio n to the copy of Rights of Man, T J enclose d Beckley's note requesting that it b e forwarded. The not e has not been found an d is not recorded in S J L, but i t was probably written and received on the same day TJ wrote the above .
In his letter to Randolph, TJ said that he thought so little of this note that he "did not even retai n a copy of it" ( T J to Randolph, 3 July 1791 ; Document v). Onl y the two preceding sentences were published by Smith in his edition of Rights of Man. Thes e were quoted exactly except for the use of the firstperson instead of the third at the beginning of each sentence.
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I L T h o m a s Jefferson t o Georg e Washington S I R Philadelphi
a May 8.1791 .
T h e las t wee k doe s no t furnis h on e singl e publi c even t worth y communicating to you : so that I have only to say 'all is well.' Paine's answer t o Burke' s pamphlet begin s t o produc e som e squib s i n ou r public papers . I n Fenno' s pape r the y ar e Burkites , in th e other s Painites. On e o f Fenno' s wa s evidentl y fro m th e autho r o f th e dis courses o n Davila . I a m afraid th e indiscretio n o f a printe r ha s committed m e wit h m y frien d M r. Adams, for whom, a s one o f th e most hones t an d disintereste d me n alive , I hav e a cordia l esteem, increased b y lon g habit s o f concurrenc e i n opinio n i n th e day s o f his republicanism : and eve n sinc e hi s apostac y t o hereditar y mon archy an d nobility , tho ' w e differ , w e diffe r a s friend s shoul d do. - Beckle y had the onl y cop y o f Paine' s pamphlet , an d lent i t t o me, desirin g whe n I shoul d hav e rea d it, tha t I woul d sen d i t t o a Mr. J . B . Smith , wh o ha d aske d i t fo r hi s brothe r t o reprin t it . Being a n utter stranger to J . B . Smith, both b y sight an d character, I wrot e a note to explai n to hi m why I ( a stranger to him ) sent hi m a pamphlet , t o wit , tha t M r . Beckley had desired it; and to tak e of f a littl e o f the drynes s o f the note , I adde d tha t I wa s gla d t o find i t was t o b e reprinted , tha t somethin g woul d a t lengt h b e publicl y said against th e political heresies whic h had lately sprung up amon g us, an d tha t I di d no t doub t ou r citizen s woul d rall y agai n roun d the standar d o f Commo n sense . Tha t I ha d i n m y vie w th e Dis courses o n Davila , whic h hav e filled Fenno' s paper s fo r a twelve month, withou t contradiction , is certain. But nothing wa s eve r fur ther from my thoughts than to become myself the contradictor before the public . To m y grea t astonishmen t however , whe n th e pamphle t came out , th e printe r ha d prefixe d m y not e t o it , withou t havin g given m e the most distan t hint of it. M r. Adams will unquestionabl y take t o himsel f th e charg e o f politica l heresy , a s consciou s o f hi s own view s o f drawin g th e presen t governmen t t o th e for m o f th e English constitution , an d I fea r wil l conside r m e a s meanin g t o injure hi m i n th e publi c e y e . - I lear n tha t som e Anglome n hav e censured i t i n anothe r poin t o f view , a s a sanction o f Paine' s prin ciples tend s t o giv e offenc e t o th e Britis h government . Thei r rea l fear howeve r i s tha t thi s popula r an d republica n pamphlet, takin g wonderfully, i s likel y a t a singl e strok e t o wip e ou t al l the uncon stitutional doctrine s whic h thei r bell-weathe r Davil a ha s bee n [291 ]
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preaching fo r a twelvemonth. I certainly never made a secret o f my being anti-monarchical , and anti-aristocratical : bu t I a m sincerel y mortified t o b e thu s brough t forwar d on th e publi c stage, wher e t o remain, t o advanc e o r t o retire , wil l b e equall y agains t m y lov e o f silence an d quiet , an d m y abhorrenc e o f dispute . -1 d o no t kno w whether yo u recollec t tha t th e record s o f Virgini a wer e destroye d by th e Britis h i n the yea r 1781 . particularl y th e transaction s of th e revolution befor e tha t time . I a m collectin g her e al l th e letter s I wrote t o Congres s while I was i n the administratio n there, and this being don e I shal l the n exten d m y view s t o th e transaction s of m y predecessors, i n orde r to replac e th e whol e i n th e publi c office s i n Virginia. I think tha t durin g my administration , say betwee n Jun e 1. 1779 . an d Jun e 1 . 1781 . I ha d th e honou r o f writin g frequen t letters t o yo u o n publi c affairs, which perhaps ma y b e amon g you r papers a t Moun t Vernon . Woul d it b e consisten t wit h an y genera l resolution yo u hav e forme d a s t o you r papers , t o le t m y letter s o f the abov e perio d com e her e t o b e copied , i n orde r to mak e the m a part o f th e record s I a m endeavorin g t o restor e fo r th e state ? O r would thei r selectio n b e to o troublesome ? I f not, I woul d be g th e loan of them, under an assurance that they shal l be taken the utmos t care of , an d safely returne d to thei r presen t deposit . The quie t an d regula r movemen t o f ou r politica l affair s leave s nothing t o ad d bu t constan t prayer s for you r health & welfare an d assurances o f th e sincer e respec t an d attachmen t o f Si r Your mos t obedient & most humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSO N RC (DNA : RG 59, MLR) ; addressed : "The Presiden t o f th e Unite d States . T o be put into the mail for Petersburg the post master at which place is desired to forward it b y the firs t saf e conveyance t o Taylor's ferry o n th e Roanoke , ther e t o awai t th e arrival o f th e President" ; postmarke d " 9 MA" an d "FREE" ; dockete d b y th e post master at Petersburg as received there 1 4 May an d forwarded ; endorse d b y Washington. Pr C (DLC). F C (DNA: RG 59, SDC).
peared in the issue of 7 May unde r a Boston dateline o f 2 3 Apr . 179 1 an d bor e th e heading "Th e beautiful an d sublime o f
Blackguardism." I t conclude d wit h thi s allusion to the events of the preceding October: "The actual murder of the King and Queen and their child, was wanting to the other auspiciou s circumstance s o f thi s 'beautiful day.' Th e actua l murde r of th e Bishops, though called for by so many holy ejaculations, wa s als o wanting . A groupe of regicide and sacrelegious slaughter , was indeed boldl y sketched , bu t i t wa s onl y The squi b in Fenno's Gazette of the United sketched. I t unhappily was left unfinished, States, which TJ erroneously suppose d t o in thi s grea t history-piec e o f the massacr e have been written b y John Adams, was a of innocents. Wha t hardy pencil of a great satiric piece on a sermon by Richard Price master, fro m th e schoo l o f th e rights o f as mentioned i n Burke's Reflections. It ap- men, will finish it, is to be seen hereafter."
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I I I . T h o m a s J e f f e r s on t o J a m e s M a d i s o n DEAR S I R Philadelphi a May . 9. 1791 . Your favo r o f the 1st . cam e t o han d o n th e 3d . M r . Freneau has not followe d it : I suppos e therefor e h e ha s change d hi s min d bac k again, fo r whic h I a m reall y sorry . I hav e no w befor e m e a hug e bundle o f letters , th e onl y busines s betwee n m e an d my departure . I thin k I ca n b e throug h the m b y th e en d o f th e week , i n whic h case I wil l b e wit h yo u b y Tuesda y o r Wednesday, i f nothing ne w comes i n t o dela y me . Rittenhous e wil l probabl y no t go . H e say s he canno t find a goo d horse . I shal l propose t o yo u whe n w e tac k about fro m th e extremit y o f ou r journey , instea d o f comin g bac k the sam e way , t o cros s ove r throug h Vermon t to Connecticu t rive r and dow n tha t t o New-haven , the n throug h Long-islan d to N . Y . and s o t o Philada . B e thi s howeve r a s yo u will . Ou r new s fro m Virginie is principally of deaths, to wit, Colo. B. Harrison of Barclay, Turner Southall , Dixo n th e printer , Colo . Overto n o f Hanover , Walker Gilme r so n o f the Doctor . A Pete r Randolph of Chatsworth has ha d a fit o f madness , whic h h e ha s recovere d from . Whea t ha s suffered b y drought : ye t i t i s tolerabl y good . T h e frui t no t entirel y killed. A t thi s plac e littl e new . - F . Hopkinso n lie s a t extremitie s with regular epileptic fits, fro m which they thin k he cannot recover. Colo. Hamilto n se t ou t to-da y fo r Bethlehem . Hav e yo u see n th e Philadelphia editio n o f Paine's pamphlet? You know yo u lef t Beckley's cop y i n m y hands . H e calle d o n m e fo r it , befor e I ha d quit e finished it , an d desire d m e whe n don e t o sen d i t t o J . B . Smit h whose brothe r was t o reprin t it. When I was proceedin g t o sen d it , I foun d i t necessar y t o writ e a note to M r . Smith to explai n wh y I, a perfec t strange r to him , sent hi m the pamphlet . I mentione d i t t o be b y the desir e of Mr. Beckley , and to take off a little of the drynes s of the note , added current o calamo, that I was please d t o find i t wa s to b e reprinte d here , tha t somethin g wa s a t lengt h t o b e publicl y said against the political heresies which had of late sprung up amon g us, no t doubtin g bu t tha t ou r citizen s woul d rall y agai n roun d th e standard of Common sense. I thought n o mor e o f this an d heard no more til l th e pamphle t appeare d t o m y astonishmen t wit h m y not e at the hea d of it. I never saw J . B. Smith or the printe r either befor e or since . I ha d i n vie w certainl y th e doctrine s o f Davila . I tel l th e writer freel y tha t h e i s a heretic, bu t certainl y neve r mean t t o ste p into a public newspape r wit h tha t i n m y mouth . I have just reaso n therefore t o thin k h e wil l b e displeased . Colo . Hamilto n an d Colo. Beckwith ar e open mouthe d agains t me , takin g it i n anothe r view , [ 29 3 ]
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as likely to giv e offence t o th e cour t o f London. H . adds further that it mark s m y oppositio n t o th e government . T h u s endeavorin g t o turn on the governmen t itsel f those censures I meant fo r the enemie s of the government , t o wi t thos e wh o wan t t o chang e i t int o a mon archy. I hav e reaso n t o thin k h e ha s bee n unreserve d i n utterin g these sentiments . - 1 sen d yo u som e letters recieve d fo r you . Adieu . Yours affectionately , T H : JEFFERSO N P.S. F . Hopkinson i s dead . - Rittenhous e ha s agree d thi s afternoo n to g o wit h m e a s fa r as Ne w York . RC (DLC : Madiso n Papers). Pr C (DLC) ; lack s postscript .
I V . J a m e s Madiso n t o T h o m a s Jefferso n D E A R SI R N
. Yor k Ma y 12. 1791 .
Your favo r o f th e 9th . wa s receive d las t evening . T o m y thank s for th e severa l inclosure s I mus t ad d a reques t tha t th e lette r t o Baynton whic h cam e i n on e o f them ma y b e hande d t o hi m b y on e of you r servants . T h e director y wil l poin t ou t hi s habitation . I ha d see n Payne' s pamphle t wit h th e prefac e o f th e Philada . Editor. I t immediatel y occurre d tha t yo u wer e brough t int o th e Frontispiece i n th e manne r yo u explain . Bu t I had not foresee n th e particular us e mad e o f i t b y th e Britis h partizans . Mr . Adams ca n least o f all complain. Unde r a mock defenc e o f the Republica n Con stitutions o f thi s Country , h e attacke d the m wit h al l th e forc e h e possessed, an d this i n a book wit h hi s nam e t o i t whils t h e wa s th e Representative o f his Countr y at a foreign Court . Sinc e he ha s bee n the 2 d . Magistrate in the ne w Republic , his pen ha s constantly bee n at wor k i n the sam e cause ; an d tho' hi s nam e ha s no t bee n prefixe d to hi s antirepublica n discourses, th e autho r has bee n a s well know n as i f that formalit y ha d bee n observed . Surel y if it b e innocen t an d decent i n on e servan t o f the publi c thu s t o writ e attack s agains t it s Government, i t ca n no t b e ver y crimina l or indecen t i n anothe r t o patronize a writte n defenc e o f th e principle s o n whic h tha t Gov ernment i s founded . T h e sensibilit y o f H[amilton] and Bfeckwith] for th e indignit y t o th e Brit : Cour t i s trul y ridiculous . I f offenc e could b e justl y take n i n tha t quarter , wha t woul d Franc e hav e a right t o sa y t o Burke' s pamphlet, an d th e Countenanc e give n t o i t and it s author , particularly by the K i n g himself ? What in fact migh t not th e U . S . say , whos e revolutio n an d democrati c government s come in for a large share of the scurrilit y lavished on those of France. 1
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I d o no t forese e an y objectio n t o th e rout e yo u propose . I ha d conversed wit h Beckle y o n a trip to Bosto n &c . and stil l have tha t in view , bu t th e tim e i n vie w fo r startin g from this place , wil l leav e room fo r th e previou s excursion . Healt h recreatio n an d curiosit y being m y objects , I ca n neve r b e ou t o f m y way . Not a word of news here . My letter s fro m Virginia sa y little mor e than those you had received. Carringto n say s the return s have com e in prett y thickl y o f lat e an d warran t the estimat e founde d o n th e Counties name d t o m e som e tim e ago . A s wel l a s I recollect , thes e averaged upward s o f 800 0 souls , an d wer e consider' d b y hi m a s under th e genera l average.-Yrs . affecly., J s . MADISON JR. RC (DLC : Madiso n Papers); a number of interlineations and deletions, at least one of which was made by Madison late in life (see below). Recorded in S JL a s received 14 May 1791.
A t thi s poin t Madiso n interline d "Hammond-Bond" late i n life, thu s mistaking the initials " H an d B" fo r Georg e Hammond and Phineas Bond. 1
V . T h o m a s J e f f e r s on t o T h o m a s M a n n R a n d o l p h , J r. DEAR S I R Philadelphi
a July 3 . 1791 .
I wrot e t o Mari a thi s da y sennight , an d t o Marth a thre e day s before, t o wi t Jun e 23 . I n thi s lette r I aske d informatio n t o b e obtained fro m Colo. Lewis relativ e to m y tobo. of which I had heard nothing. Bu t having received the da y after a letter from him, givin g me ful l information , I mentione d i n min e t o Maria , tha t n o notic e should b e take n o f m y desir e expresse d i n th e lette r t o he r sister . Lest an y acciden t shoul d hav e happene d t o th e lette r t o Maria , I repeat her e tha t n o enquir y o f Colo . Lewi s i s necessary . T h e Presiden t i s no t ye t arrived ; bu t w e expec t hi m the da y afte r tomorrow. H e ha s probabl y protracte d hi s journe y s o a s t o avoi d the ceremonie s o f tomorrow. - W e expec t dail y to hea r the even t o f the expeditio n unde r Genl . Scot t int o th e India n country . Perhap s you wil l hea r i t soone r tha n w e shall . - Havin g nothin g t o com municate i n the lin e o f public news, I will stat e somethin g personal . You wil l observ e b y th e inclose d an d precedin g papers , tha t I a m mentioned o n th e subjec t o f Paine's pamphle t o n th e right s o f man: and yo u wil l hav e see n a not e o f min e prefixe d t o tha t pamphlet , whence i t ha s bee n inferre d tha t I furnishe d th e pamphle t t o th e printer and procured it's publication . Thi s i s no t true . T he fact wa s this. M r . Beckley ha d the onl y cop y o f that pamphle t i n town . H e [ 29 5 }
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lent i t t o M r . Madison, wh o len t i t t o m e unde r th e injunctio n t o return i t t o Beckle y withi n th e day . Beckle y cam e fo r i t befor e I had finished readin g it, an d desired, as soon a s I had done, I woul d send i t t o a M r . Jonathan B . Smit h whos e brothe r wa s t o reprin t it. Bein g a n utte r strange r t o Mr . J. B. Smith , I explaine d t o hi m in a note tha t I sen t th e pamphle t t o hi m b y orde r o f Mr . Beckle y and, t o tak e of f somewha t o f th e drynes s o f th e note , I adde d 'tha t I wa s gla d t o find i t wa s t o b e reprinte d here &c . as yo u hav e see n in th e printe d note . I though t s o littl e o f thi s note , tha t I di d no t even retai n a cop y o f it : an d withou t th e leas t informatio n o r sus picion tha t i t woul d b e published , ou t i t come s th e nex t wee k a t the hea d o f th e pamphlet . I kne w immediatel y tha t i t woul d giv e displeasure to some gentlemen, fas t by the chair of government, wh o were i n sentimen t wit h Burke , an d a s muc h oppose d t o th e senti ments o f Paine. I could not disavo w m y note, because I had written it: I coul d no t disavo w m y approbatio n o f th e pamphlet , becaus e I was full y i n sentimen t wit h it : an d i t woul d hav e bee n triflin g t o have disavowed merel y the publicatio n of the note , approving at the same tim e o f th e pamphlet . I determine d therefor e t o b e utterl y silent, excep t s o fa r as verbal explanation s coul d be made . T h e Vic e president, wh o i s a t Boston , too k u p th e cudgel s unde r th e nam e of Publicola. He is in turn assailed by a host of republican champions. I thin k i t probabl e h e wil l b e aide d b y som e o f hi s compeers , but , more cautiou s tha n him , they wil l mas k themselve s better . Fo r my part I am determined t o le t the m writ e an d wrangle a s they please , without intermeddlin g i n wor d o r deed . I a m unabl e a s ye t t o fix a time fo r m y tri p to Virginia . I t mus t depend o n th e movement s o f the President . I foresee nothin g i n th e public affairs which threatens impediment. Presen t me affectionatel y to m y daughters , an d believ e m e t o b e Dea r Si r Yours sincerely , TH: JEFFERSON RC (DLC) .
V I . T h o m a s Jefferson t o J a m e s M o n r o e D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a July 10 . 1791 .
Your favo r of June 17 . ha s bee n dul y recieved . I am endeavorin g to ge t fo r you the lodging s Langdo n had. But the landlor d is doubt ful whethe r h e wil l le t the m a t all. If he wil l not , I wil l endeavo r t o do th e bes t I can . I ca n accomodat e yo u mysel f wit h a stabl e an d coach house withou t an y expence, a s I happen t o have two o n hand: [ 29 6 ]
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and indee d i n m y ne w on e I have ha d stalls enough prepare d for 6 . horses, whic h ar e 2 mor e tha n I keep . O f my succes s i n procuring rooms I shall bring you new s myself , tho ' as yet th e tim e o f my visit to Albemarl e is unfixed . M r . Madison wil l bot h g o an d come wit h me. H e is at present a t New York . Hi s journey with me to th e lake s placed him in bette r healt h than I have see n him: but th e lat e heat s have brough t o n som e biliou s dispositions . T h e paper s whic h I sen d M r . Randolp h weekly , an d whic h I presume you see, wil l hav e shewn yo u what a dust Paine' s pamphlet has kicke d u p here . M y las t t o M r . Randolp h wil l hav e give n a n explanation a s t o mysel f whic h I ha d no t tim e t o giv e whe n I sen t you the pamphlet. A writer under the name of Publicola, in attacking all Paine' s principles , is ver y desirou s o f involvin g m e i n th e sam e censure with the author . I certainly merit the same , fo r I profess th e same principles ; bu t i t i s equall y certai n I neve r mean t t o hav e entered a s a volunteer int o th e cause . M y occupations d o no t permit it. Som e person s her e ar e insinuatin g tha t I a m Brutus , tha t I a m Agricola, tha t I am Philodemos &ca . &ca. I am none of them, bein g decided no t t o writ e a wor d o n th e subject , unles s an y printe d imputation shoul d cal l fo r a printe d disavowal , t o whic h I shoul d put m y name . A Bosto n pape r ha s declare d tha t Mr . Adams 'ha s no more concern in the publicatio n of the writing s of Publicola than the autho r of the Right s of man himself.' I f the equivoqu e her e wer e not intended , th e disavowa l i s no t entirel y credited , becaus e no t from M r . Adams himself, an d because th e stil e an d sentiments rais e so stron g a presumption . Beside s t o produc e an y effect , h e mus t disavow Davila , an d the Defenc e o f the America n constitutions. A host o f writer s have rise n i n favo r o f Paine , an d prov e tha t i n thi s quarter a t leas t th e spiri t o f republicanis m is sound . T h e contrary spirit o f the hig h officer s o f governmen t i s mor e understoo d tha n I expected. Colo . Hamilton , avowing tha t h e neve r mad e a secret o f his principles , ye t taxe s th e imprudenc e o f Mr . Adam s i n havin g stirred th e questio n an d agrees tha t 'hi s busines s i s done. ' Jay , covering th e sam e principle s unde r th e vai l o f silence , i s risin g steadily o n th e ruin s of his friend . - T h e bank filled an d overflowe d in th e momen t i t wa s opened . Instea d o f 2 0 thousan d shares , 2 4 thousand wer e offered , an d a great man y unpresente d wh o ha d no t suspected tha t s o muc h haste wa s necessary . T h us i t is that we shall be payin g 13 . pe r cen t pe r ann . fo r 8 . million s o f pape r mone y instead o f havin g tha t circulatio n o f gol d an d silve r fo r nothing . Experience ha s prove d t o u s tha t a dolla r o f silve r disappear s fo r every dolla r o f pape r emitted : an d fo r th e pape r emitte d fro m th e [ 29 7 ]
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bank 7 . pe r cent profit s wil l b e receive d b y th e subscriber s for it a s bank pape r (accordin g t o th e las t divisio n o f profit s b y th e Phila delphia bank ) and 6. pe r cent o n th e publi c paper of which it i s th e representative. No r i s ther e an y reaso n t o believe , tha t eithe r th e 6 millions o f publi c pape r o r th e 2 . million s o f speci e deposite d wil l not b e suffere d t o b e withdrawn , an d th e pape r throw n int o cir culation. T he cash deposited b y strangers for safe keeping wil l probably suffic e fo r cas h demands . Ver y fe w subscriber s hav e offere d from Virgini a o r N . Carolina , whic h give s uneasines s t o H . I t i s impossible t o sa y wher e th e appetit e fo r gamblin g wil l stop . T h e land-office, th e federa l town , certai n scheme s o f manufacture , ar e all likel y to be converted into aliment for that rage. - Bu t this subject is to o copiou s fo r a lette r an d mus t b e reserve d fo r conversa tion. - T he respite from occupation whic h my journey procured, has entirely remove d m y head-aches . Kis s an d bles s Mrs . Monroe an d Eliza fo r Dea r Si r Yours affectionately , T H : JEFFERSON RC (NN) . PrC (DLC) .
V I I . Jame s Madiso n to T h o m a s Jefferson DEAR SIR N . York July 13 . 1791 I receive d las t evenin g you r kin d enquirie s afte r m y health . M y last wil l hav e informe d yo u o f th e stat e o f i t then . I continu e t o b e incommoded b y severa l differen t shape s take n b y th e bile ; bu t no t in a degree tha t ca n no w b e calle d serious . I f the presen t excessiv e heat shoul d no t augmen t th e energ y o f the cause , I consider mysel f as i n a good wa y t o ge t ri d soon o f it s effects . Beckley ha s just go t bac k from his Easter n trip . H e say s tha t th e partizans o f Mr . Adam' s heresies i n that quarte r are perfectly insig nificant in point of number - tha t particularly in Boston he is become distinguished fo r hi s unpopularit y - tha t Publicol a is probabl y th e manufacture o f hi s so n ou t o f material s furnishe d b y himself-an d that th e publicatio n i s generall y a s obnoxiou s i n Ne w Englan d a s it appear s t o b e i n Pennsylvania . I f Youn g Adam s b e capabl e o f giving th e dres s in which publicola presents himself , i t is very probable h e ma y hav e bee n mad e th e Edito r o f his Father' s doctrines. I hardly thin k th e Printe r would s o directl y disavo w th e fac t i f M r. Adams wa s himsel f the writer . There is mor e o f method als o i n th e arguments, an d muc h les s o f clumsines s an d heavines s i n th e stile , [ 29 8 ]
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than characteriz e his writings . I mentione d t o yo u som e tim e ag o an extrac t fro m a piec e i n th e Poughkepsi e paper , a s a sensibl e comment o n M r . Adams' doctrines. T h e whol e ha s sinc e bee n re published here , an d i s evidentl y fro m a better pe n tha n an y o f th e anti-publicolas I have seen . I n Greenleafs paper of today i s a second letter from the sam e quarter , which confirms the characte r of I have given o f th e author . We understan d here tha t 80 0 share s i n th e Ban k committe d b y this Cit y t o M r . Constable, have bee n exclude d b y th e manne r i n which th e busines s wa s conducte d - tha t a considerabl e numbe r from Bosto n me t wit h th e sam e fat e - an d that Baltimor e has bee n kept ou t i n toto . I t i s al l charge d o n th e manœuver s o f Philada . which i s said to hav e secured a majority of the whol e t o herself . T h e disappointed individual s are clamorous of course, and the languag e of the plac e mark s a general indignatio n o n th e subject . I f it shoul d turn ou t tha t the card s were packed , for the purpos e o f securing the game t o Philada . - o r eve n tha t mor e tha n hal f th e Institutio n and of course the whol e directio n of it have falle n int o th e hand s o f that City, som e wh o hav e bee n loudes t i n thei r plaudit s whils t the y expected t o shar e in the plunder , will b e equall y so i n sounding th e injustice of the monopoly , an d the dange r of undue influenc e o n th e Government. T h e packe t i s no t ye t arrived . B y a vessel arive d yesterday news papers ar e receive d fro m Londo n whic h ar e sai d t o b e late r tha n any ye t com e t o hand . I d o no t find tha t an y particula r fact s o f moment ar e hande d out . T h e miscellaneou s article s com e t o m e thro' Child' s paper , whic h yo u ge t soone r tha n I coul d rehears e t o you. I t ha s bee n sai d her e b y th e Anglican s tha t th e President' s Message t o Congres s o n th e subjec t o f th e commercia l dispositio n of G . B . ha s bee n asserte d openl y b y M r . Pitt t o b e misrepresenta t i o n - a n d a s i t woul d naturall y b e trace d t o Govr . Morri s i t ha s been suggeste d tha t h e fel l int o th e hand s o f th e Chevr . Luzern e who ha d th e dexterit y t o pla y of f hi s négociation s fo r Frenc h pur poses. I hav e reaso n t o believ e tha t B-ck-t h ha s ha d a han d i n throwing these things int o circulation . -1 wis h you success wit h all my hear t i n you r effort s fo r Payne . Beside s th e advantag e t o hi m which h e deserves , a n appointmen t fo r him, at this momen t woul d do publi c goo d i n variou s ways . Alway s & truly yours, J s . MADISON JR. RC (DLC : Madison Papers); addressed; Jul y 14" ; endorsed by TJ as received 16 franked "Free" and postmarked: "N YORK Jul y 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL . The [299 ]
RIGHTS OF address shee t contain s a column o f brief pencilled notes by T J, a s follows: "/harvest /Prussia' s /price o f tobo. media[tio]n . /Freneau /Denm[ark ] / T . P . [Thomas Paine] /Empress . St. Doming o Congres s Franc e /Scott. /Mazzei." This wa s a list of topics TJ made for his response. All , whether checked or not, are alluded to in TJ t o Madison, 21 July 1791.
MAN ciples o f libert y fro m beginnin g t o end." Then A Customer turned to his real object, the writing s of John Adams, particularl y his Defence an d hi s Discourses on Davila.
Adams' writings, he advised, "must be read with some grains of allowance. There is a great deal of learning, and a great number o f usefu l an d wise principle s of government brought into view; but . . . h e is attached to aristocratica l and monarchica l principles. M y belief is founded o n an attentive examinatio n o f his writings . Thi s great maste r of politics i s frequently, and As indicated in the Editorial Note to the pretty directly, inculcating a skepticism as group o f document s o n th e wa r crisis of to th e goodnes s o f republica n govern 1790, a t 1 2 July 1790 , i t wa s Hamilton ments, and a belief of the utility of heredwho suggested to Beckwit h that Gouver - itary monarchy, in terms which cannot but neur Morris had fallen under the influence excite i n th e breas t o f those wh o ar e atof La Luzern e and thus contributed to the tached t o th e one , an d wh o despis e th e coolness of the British ministry. Washing - other, a painfu l regret , an d livel y indig ton's message to Congress about the failure nation. I wish to make a firmstand against of Morris' mission not only alarmed Ham - such pernicious tenets. They are as directly ilton an d his supporter s bu t als o mad e it in the face of our institutions and manners, easier for Beckwith, almost a year after the as they are repugnant to ou r feelings and event, t o accep t an d repea t th e accoun t happiness." The Discourses on Davila, lik e which placed the blame upon Morris rather all o f Adams ' other writing , revealed ex than upo n th e rea l autho r (se e Editoria l tensive learning and superior talents. They Note an d grou p o f document s o n com - also pointe d ou t on e excellen t trut h that mercial and diplomatic relations with Great had lon g sinc e bee n embodie d i n th e Britain, a t 1 5 Dec . 1790) . B y th e tim e American constitution s - th e wisdo m o f Madison hear d the rumor , responsibility dividing the executive, legislative , an d jufor its origin would seem to have been firmly dicial powers. But, A Customer added, "his writings hav e als o inculcated , cherished, fixed upo n Beckwith . The tw o letter s fro m th e Poughkeepsie and propagated one abominable heresy that Journal whic h impressed Madison so much monarchy an d aristocracy are compatible were published in the issues of 21 May and with permanen t freedom , an d probabl y 20 June . Althoug h h e an d T J passe d essential t o a wise, happy , an d perfectl y through Poughkeepsie onl y two days after balanced constitution." T J, Rush, and others the first letter appeared, Madison - an d of then and later would have agreed with the course T J - onl y sa w it and the late r one author's observatio n tha t Adam s ha d when they were reprinted in the New-York undergone, "since his residence in Europe, Journal o f 2 and 13 July 1791. The author a ver y grea t chang e i n hi s politica l prin concealed his identity under the fictionthat ciples." A Customer als o anticipate d TJ' s the letters were written by a correspondent later argumen t wit h Adam s over th e es abroad who was supposed to be instructing sential components of a natural aristocracy. an American youth in a course of political Adams, in his Defence, had pointed out that studies. Th e contributor, who affecte d t o the source s o f inequalit y i n ever y soci be merel y th e channe l of communication ety - wealth , birth, and merit - constitute d but was the actua l author, signed himself a natura l aristocracy , a body of men conA Customer. He advised the student - tha t taining the greatest collection of virtues and is, the publi c - t o imbibe deeply the writ- talents i n a free government . "Fam e and ings on the American constitutions an d to Fortune may be, and frequently are heredform a n abiding attachment t o them . He itary," A Customer observed , "bu t this i s recommended first The Federalist, which, the first time I hav e eve r hear d a grave though written in haste and on the spur of philosopher pronounce virtue and abilities the occasion, he considered "full of correct to be so." method, soun d sense, and luminous prinThe first letter conclude d b y thanking
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RIGHTS OF Adams for his years of labor and warnin g against the evils to which free government was exposed. "But, " A Customer added, "I wish h e woul d als o war n u s agains t th e dangers of the opposite coast, to which he is steerin g ou r politica l vessel . . . . Hi s writings hav e certainl y th e tendenc y (whatever ma y be hi s intention ) t o make people wear y o f republica n government , and to sigh for the monarchy of England. To inculcate the doctrine, that men are not fit to choos e thei r ow n rulers-tha t frequent election s ar e dangerou s - tha t dis tinctions, no t o f virtue and talents, bu t of birth and fortune, are essential to the order of governmen t - tha t riche s an d famil y should be the titles to preferment, and poverty the object of contempt. Suc h doctrines are deemed heresies in American politics." A Customer's two letters , published before Publicola's first number appeared, provided a carefully reasoned close to the first and less acrimonious phase of the contest of Burke and Paine in America. The second letter put the fictitiousyouth to whom it wa s supposedl y addresse d o n guard , warning him that, while Adams as a patriot and philosopher stood high and illustrious because of his signal share in effecting th e revolution and in concluding the Treaty of Peace, his opinions, like those of all others, were th e prope r objec t o f criticis m and inquiry. A Customer the n proceede d t o examine Adams ' writings , t o challeng e his doctrine s b y citin g historica l evi dence-including citation s o f Clarendon , Blackstone, Notes on Virginia, an d other works - an d contradicted Adams assertion (later repeated in his address as President 1
to the youn g workingme n of Philadelphia,
greatly to TJ's indignation) that "The science of government has received very little improvement sinc e th e Greek s an d Romans." On the contrary , declared A Customer, this wa s an age o f political experimentation. Out of their own experience - th e record o f Connecticut , fo r example , i n choosing their governors for a century and a half "with perfect harmony and . . . with the most undeviating discretion" - Amer icans ha d a righ t t o conclud e tha t self -
MAN government wa s possible. "But, " he con cluded, "admittin g that it is still a matter of experiment, the cause of liberty, and o f human happiness, requires that we should make the experimen t wit h every possibl e advantage. It is not fair dealing for our most respectable writer s to anticipat e the decision, and give a wrong bias to the trial.. . . It woul d b e deeme d a n od d wa y o f encouraging a merchan t t o adventur e hi s stock in foreign trade by recounting to him nothing but bankruptcies and shipwrecks; or t o animat e th e soldie r t o war , by de tailing onl y defeats , imprisonmen t an d death." The identity of A Customer has not been discovered. H e wa s obviousl y a ma n o f learning, wel l versed in classical writings on government , and-a s th e interna l evidence proves - i n law and jurisprudence as well. His letters were judicious, cogent, and restrained but forceful. His argument that Adams' writing s tende d t o weake n th e public confidence i n government wa s one that Hamilton himself employed a few weeks later (se e Editoria l Note) , bu t clearl y the Secretary of the Treasury would not have penned man y o f A Customer's passages . Since thes e tw o carefull y reasoned , judi cious critiques of Adams' writings were first published i n Poughkeepsie , an d considering their substance an d style, it is plau sible to suppose that Chancellor Robert R. Livingston ma y have writte n them. Thi s supposition i s given some confirmation by the fact that, after the Publicola essays began to appear , Livingston did compose a lengthy manuscript condemning the "new order of advocates of monarchy." The piece bears the title "Reflection s o n Monarchy " and wa s a direct outcom e o f th e secon d phase of the controversy triggered by Publicola (MS in NHi: Robert R. Livingsto n Papers; cite d b y Alfre d F . Young , The
Democratic Republicans of New York [Chapel
Hill, 1967] , p . 208) . Th e identit y o f A Customer, however, unfortunately remains in the realm of conjecture. His essays were deservedly reprinte d i n variou s newspa pers, including the Virginia Gazette.
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V I I I . T h o m a s Jefferson t o J o h n A d a m s D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a July 17 . 1791 .
I hav e a dozen time s take n up my pen to writ e to yo u and as often laid i t dow n again , suspende d betwee n opposin g considerations . I determine howeve r t o writ e fro m a convictio n tha t truth , betwee n candid minds , ca n neve r d o harm . T h e first o f Paine' s pamphlet s on th e Right s o f man , whic h cam e t o han d here, belonge d t o M r . Beckley. H e len t i t t o M r . Madison wh o len t i t t o me ; an d while I was readin g i t M r . Beckle y calle d o n m e fo r it , and , a s I ha d no t finished it , h e desire d me a s soon a s I should have don e so , t o sen d it t o M r . Jonathan B . Smith , whose brothe r mean t t o reprin t it. I finished readin g it, and, as I had no acquaintance with Mr. Jonathan B . Smith , propriety require d that I shoul d explai n t o hi m wh y I , a stranger to him , sent hi m the pamphlet . I accordingly wrot e a note of complimen t informin g hi m tha t I di d i t a t th e desir e o f M r . Beckley, and , to tak e of f a little o f the drynes s o f the note , I adde d that I wa s gla d i t wa s t o b e reprinte d here an d that somethin g wa s to b e publicl y sai d agains t th e politica l heresie s whic h had sprun g up amon g u s &ca . I thought s o littl e o f this note that I did not eve n keep a cop y o f it : no r eve r hear d a tittl e mor e o f i t till , th e wee k following, I was thunderstruc k with seein g i t com e ou t a t the hea d of th e pamphlet . I hope d howeve r i t woul d no t attrac t notice . Bu t I foun d o n m y retur n from a journey of a month tha t a writer came forward unde r th e signatur e o f Publicola , attackin g no t onl y th e author an d principle s o f th e pamphlet , bu t mysel f a s it' s sponsor , by name. Soo n afte r came hosts of other writers defending th e pam phlet an d attackin g yo u b y nam e a s th e write r of Publicola . T h u s were ou r name s throw n o n th e publi c stag e a s publi c antagonists . That yo u an d I diffe r i n ou r idea s o f th e bes t for m o f governmen t is well known to u s both: bu t w e hav e differed a s friends shoul d do , respecting th e purit y o f eac h other' s motives , an d confinin g ou r difference o f opinion to privat e conversation. A n d I can declare with truth i n the presenc e o f the almight y tha t nothin g wa s furthe r from my intention o r expectation tha n to have had either my own o r your name brough t befor e th e publi c o n thi s occasion . T h e friendshi p and confidenc e whic h has s o lon g existe d betwee n u s require d this explanation fro m me , an d I kno w yo u to o wel l t o fea r any miscon struction o f th e motive s o f it . Som e peopl e her e wh o woul d wis h me t o be , o r to b e thought , guilt y o f improprieties, have suggeste d that I wa s Agricola , that I wa s Brutu s &c . &c . I neve r di d i n m y life, either by myself or by any other, have a sentence o f mine inserted [ 30 2 ]
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in a newspaper without puttin g m y name to it ; and I believe I never shall. While th e empres s i s refusin g peac e unde r a mediatio n unles s Oczakow an d it's territory be cede d t o her , she i s offerin g peac e o n the perfec t stat u qu o t o th e Porte , i f they wil l conclud e i t withou t a mediation . Franc e ha s struc k a sever e blo w a t ou r navigatio n b y a differenc e o f dut y o n tobacc o carrie d i n ou r an d their ships , an d by takin g fro m foreig n buil t ship s th e capabilit y o f naturalization. She ha s place d ou r whal e oi l o n rathe r a bette r footin g tha n eve r by consolidatin g th e dutie s int o a singl e on e o f 6 . livres . The y amounted befor e t o som e sous over that sum . I am told ( I know no t how truly ) tha t Englan d ha s prohibite d ou r spermacet i oi l alto gether, an d wil l prohibi t ou r whea t til l th e pric e ther e i s 52 / th e quarter, whic h it almost neve r is. We expect hourl y to hea r the true event o f Genl . Scott' s expedition . Report s giv e favorabl e hope s o f it. B e s o goo d a s t o presen t m y respectfu l compliment s t o Mrs . Adams an d to accep t assurance s of the sentiment s o f sincere esteem & respec t wit h whic h I a m Dea r Sir Your frien d & servant, T H : JEFFERSON RC (MHi : AM) ; a t foot of text in Adams' hand: "reed, at Boston July 28, 1791 ansd. July 29. " Pr C (DLC) .
I X . J a m e s M o n r o e t o T h o m a s Jefferson D E A R S I R Wmsbur
g July 25 . 1791.
Your favo r o f th e 10th . foun d m e her e upo n th e busines s men tion'd i n m y last . I lef t Mrs . M . a t Monticell o t o remai n til l m y return. I have been here near three weeks and shall leave it tomorrow on m y wa y back . We hav e gon e thro' the business , allotte d t o eac h his dut y an d are to mee t agai n in Fredbg. o n the 5th . o f Octr. next . A par t of our duty wa s t o consolidat e (whe n man y wer e drawn ) all the act s o n on e subject . T h e object , t o mak e the la w mor e perspicuous, b y drawin g its scatter' d parts into on e vie w an d repealing all preceding laws on suc h subject. A questio n aros e in the Committe e whether the y wer e boun d b y thi s t o prepar e a bil l conformabl e t o the la w a s i t stands , o r provide d the y confin' d themselve s t o th e subject, migh t propos e o n i t an y ne w projec t the y though t fit. O f the latte r opinio n wer e Tazewel l Tucker an d Lee , Prentis Nelso n and mysel f of the former. We were willing however that any member who conceiv' d th e polic y defectiv e migh t prepar e a bill fo r the pur pose o f amendin g it , whic h (havin g th e approbatio n o f th e Com [ 30 3 ]
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mittee) migh t accompan y the other with the preference of the board, thus givin g th e legislatur e a fair alternativ e between them . I n point of importanc e an d labo r th e busines s i s prett y equall y divide d be tween th e members , bu t ho w thes e gentleme n abov e referr' d to , particularly Tucke r an d Lee , will execut e thei r par t in this respec t is doubtful; w e shal l observe th e principl e contended fo r on ou r part strictly. - A n attemp t wa s mad e t o protrac t our meeting until l that of th e Assembly , t o hav e i t likewis e a t Richmond , with a vie w b y managment o f procurin g admission int o th e hous e fo r th e purpos e of supportin g th e report . Thi s ha s bee n urg' d by mos t o f them an d altho th e tim e o f meetin g ha s bee n yeilded , ye t th e othe r objec t i s not abandon'd . I t i s sough t n o doub t wit h othe r view s b y severa l than merely that of explaining the bill s that will be submitted. Som e of the m certainl y wis h t o avai l themselve s o f suc h a n opportunit y of gainin g th e goo d wishe s o f tha t bod y fo r othe r purposes . - T h e contest of Burke an d Paine, as reviv'd in America wit h the differen t publications o n eithe r sid e i s muc h th e subjec t o f discussio n i n all parts o f this state . Adam s is universall y believ'd t o b e th e autho r of Publicola an d th e principle s h e avows , a s wel l a s thos e o f M r . B . a s universall y reprobated. T h e characte r of th e public k officer s is likewis e prett y wel l known . A t first it wa s doubte d whethe r yo u would no t b e compelPd to giv e your sentiments full y to the publick, whether a respec t fo r yoursel f an d th e public k opinio n woul d no t require i t o f you . Whils t th e feve r wa s a t th e heigh t th e opinio n preponderated i n favo r o f it . A t presen t i t appear s unsettled , espe cially a s Adams is no t th e avow' d autho r of Publicola, an d so man y writers hav e take n u p th e subjec t i n you r favor . You r othe r en gagements whic h emplo y s o muc h o f you r tim e necessarily , ar e certainly to be taken into the calculation and must have great weight . T h e public k opinio n howeve r wil l befor e lon g full y disclos e itsel f on th e subjec t o f government , an d a s a n opportunit y ha s an d i s i n some measure offer'd you to give the aid of your talents and character to th e republica n scale, I am aware you mus t have experience som e pain in repressing your inclinations on the subject . You r sentiment s indeed, i f they ha d bee n previousl y questioned , ar e made know n a s well b y the shor t note prefixt to Paine s pamphlet, a s a volume coul d do it . - Dr . Le e i s almos t th e onl y ma n I hav e hear d answe r tha t pamphlet o r suppor t tha t o f hi s antagonist . T i s sai d howeve r tha t his whol e famil y ar e in harmon y wit h him. I a m particularly thankful for your attention t o ou r accomodation . We shal l be happ y i n whatever yo u d o i n that respec t an d the mor e so th e neare r you plac e u s t o yourself . Remembe r me t o M r . Mad[ 30 4 ]
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ison. We are on our plantation surrounded by trees &ca . Ver y affecy . I a m dea r Si r sincerely yr . friend & servant, JAS. MONRO E RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 4 Aug. 1791 and so recorded in SJL.
X . J o h n A d a m s t o T h o m a s Jefferso n DEAR SI R Braintre
e July 29. 179 1
Yesterday, at Boston, I received your friendly Letter of July 17th . with grea t pleasure . I give full credi t to you r relation of the manner, in whic h you r not e wa s writte n an d prefixe d t o th e Philadelphi a edition o f Mr . Paine s pamphle t o n th e right s o f Man : bu t th e mis conduct o f th e person , wh o committe d thi s breac h o f you r confi dence, b y making it publick, whatever were his intentions, has Sown the Seed s o f more evils , than he ca n ever attone for. T h e Pamphlet , with you r name , t o S o Strikin g a recommendatio n o f it , wa s no t only industriousl y propagate d i n Ne w Yor k an d Boston ; but , tha t the recommendatio n migh t b e know n t o ever y one , wa s reprinte d with grea t car e i n th e Newspapers , an d wa s generall y considere d as a direc t an d ope n persona l attac k upo n me , b y countenancin g the fals e interpretation of my Writings as favouring the Introduction of hereditar y Monarch y an d Aristocrac y int o thi s Country . T h e Question ever y wher e wa s Wha t Heresies ar e intended b y th e Sec retary o f State ? T h e Answe r i n th e Newspaper s was , T h e Vic e Presidents notion s o f a limite d Monarchy , a n hereditar y Govern ment o f K i ng an d Lords, wit h only electiv e commons . Emboldene d by thes e murmur s soo n afte r appeare d th e Paragraph s of a n un principled Libelle r i n th e Ne w Have n Gazette , carefull y reprinted in th e paper s o f Ne w York , Bosto n an d Philadelphia , holding u p the Vic e Presiden t t o th e ridicul e o f th e World , fo r hi s meanness , and t o thei r detestatio n fo r wishin g t o Subjugat e th e Peopl e t o a few Nobles . Thes e wer e soo n followe d b y a forma l Speec h o f th e Lieutenant Governo r o f Massachusett s ver y Solemnl y holdin g u p the Ide a o f hereditar y Power s an d cautionin g th e Public k agains t them, a s i f they wer e a t that momen t i n the mos t imminen t dange r of them. Thes e Things were al l accompanied with the mos t marked neglect, both o f the Governo r and Lieutenant Governor of this Stat e towards me ; an d altogether opperate d a s an Hue an d Cry t o al l my Ennemies and Rivals, t o the ol d constitutional factio n o f Pensilvania in concer t wit h the lat e Insurgent s of Massachusetts, bot h o f who m consider m y Writing s as th e Caus e of thei r overthrow , t o hun t m e [ 30 5 ]
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down lik e a hare, if they could . - I n thi s Stat e o f Things, Publicola, who, I Suppos e though t tha t M r . Paines Pamphle t wa s mad e Us e of a s a n Instrumen t to destro y a Man , for who m h e ha d a regard, [whom] h e though t innocen t an d in the presen t momen t [of ] Som e importance t o th e Publick , came forward. You declar e ver y explicitl y tha t yo u neve r did , b y yoursel f or b y any other, have a Sentence o f yours inserted in a Newspaper, withou t your nam e t o it . A n d I , wit h equa l franknes s declar e tha t I neve r did, eithe r b y mysel f o r b y an y other , hav e a Sentenc e o f min e inserted in any Newspaper Sinc e I left Philadelphia . I neither wrot e nor corrected Publicola. T he Writer in the Composition of his Piece s followed hi s ow n Judgment , Informatio n an d discretion , withou t any Assistanc e fro m me . You observ e "Tha t yo u an d I diffe r i n our Ideas of the bes t for m of Governmen t i s wel l know n t o U s both. " But , my dea r Sir , you will giv e me leav e t o Say , that I do no t kno w this . I know no t wha t your Ide a is o f the bes t for m o f Government. You and I have neve r had a Serious conversatio n togethe r that I can recollect concernin g the natur e o f Government . T h e ver y transient hints tha t hav e eve r passed between U s, have bee n jocular an d Superficial, without eve r coming t o an y explanation . I f You Suppose tha t I have o r ever had a design o r desire, of attempting t o introduce a Government of K i n g , Lords an d Common s [or ] i n othe r Word s an hereditary Executive or an [h]ereditary Senate, eithe r into the Governmen t of the Unite d States, o r that o f any Individua l State , i n this Cofountry,] You are wholly mistaken . Ther e i s no t Suc h a Thought expresse d o r inti mated i n an y publi c writin g o r privat e Lette r o f mine , an d I ma y Safely challeng e al l Mankind to produc e Suc h a passage an d quote the Chapte r and Verse . I f you hav e eve r pu t Suc h a Construction on an y T h i n g o f mine , I be g yo u woul d mentio n i t t o me , an d I will undertak e to convinc e you , tha t i t has n o suc h meaning. Upo n this occasio n I wil l ventur e t o Sa y tha t m y unpolishe d Writings , although the y hav e bee n rea d by a sufficient Numbe r o f Person s t o have assiste d i n crushing the Insurrectio n of the Massachusetts , th e formation o f th e ne w Constitution s o f Pensilvania , Georgi a an d South Carolin a an d in procurin g the Assen t o f all the State s t o th e new nationa l Constitution , Ye t the y hav e no t bee n rea d b y grea t Numbers. O f the fe w wh o hav e taken the pain s to rea d them, Som e have misunderstoo d the m an d others hav e willfull y misrepresente d them, an d thes e misunderstanding s an d misrepresentation s hav e been made the pretence for overwhelming me with floods and Whirlwinds o f tempestuou s abuse , unexample d i n th e Histor y o f thi s Country. 1
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It i s though t b y Some , tha t M r . Hancocks friends ar e preparing the way , b y m y destruction , fo r hi s Electio n to th e Plac e o f Vic e President, an d tha t o f M r . Samuel Adam s t o b e Governo r of thi s Commonwealth, an d then th e Ston e Hous e Factio n will b e sur e of all th e Loave s and Fishes, i n the nationa l Government and the Stat e Government as they hope. T h e opposers o f the presen t Constitution of Pensilvania , the Promoter s o f Shase s Rebellio n an d County Resolves, an d man y o f th e Detester s o f th e presen t nationa l Govern ment, wil l undoubtedl y ai d them. Man y Peopl e thin k to o tha t n o small Shar e of a foreign Influence , in revenge fo r certain untractable conduct a t th e Treat y o f Peace , i s an d wil l b e intermingled . T h e Janizaries o f thi s goodl y Combination , among who m ar e thre e o r four wh o hesitat e a t n o falshood , hav e writte n al l th e Impudenc e and Impertinence , which have appeare d in the Bosto n Paper s upon this memorabl e Occasion. I mus t own to you that the daring Traits of Ambition and Intrigue, and thos e unbridled Rivalries which have alread y appeared, are the most melancholly , an d alarmin g Symptoms tha t I hav e eve r See n in thi s Country : an d if they ar e to b e encouraged t o procee d in their Course, th e Soone r I am relieved from the Competitio n the happier I Shal l be . I than k you , Si r very Sincerel y fo r writin g to m e upo n thi s oc casion. It was high time that you and I should come to an explanation with each other. T he friendship which has Subsisted for fifteen years between U s , withou t th e Smalles t Interruption , and untill thi s oc casion withou t th e Slightes t Suspicion , eve r ha s bee n an d Stil l is , very dea r to m y heart . There i s no offic e whic h I would no t resign , rather tha n giv e a just occasio n fo r on e frien d to forsak e me . You r motives fo r writin g to me , I hav e no t a doubt wer e th e mos t pur e and th e mos t friendl y an d I hav e n o suspicio n tha t yo u wil l no t receive thi s explanatio n fro m m e i n th e sam e candi d Light. I than k Yo u Si r fo r th e foreig n Intelligenc e an d be g leav e t o present Y o u with the friendl y compliments o f Mrs . Adams , as well as the repeate d Assurance s of the friendship , Esteem and respect o f Dear Si r Your mos t obedien t an d mos t humbl e servant , JOHN ADAM S 2
RC (DLC) ; slightl y mutilated , s o tha t some words and parts of words have been lost; these have been supplied from FC and placed within brackets; at foot of text: "The Secretary of State o f the Unite d States of America"; endorsed b y TJ as received 1 1 Aug. 179 1 an d s o recorde d i n S J L . FC (MHi: AM) ; i n the hand of Adams' young-
est son , Thoma s B . Adams . Fo r sligh t variation in the texts, see notes below. The UNPRINCIPLED LIBELLE R I N TH E NE W
HAVEN GAZETTE , whos e satiri c squib appeared in its issue of 18 May 1791, charged Adams with being parsimonious. "The lib erality of that gentleman," the anonymou s
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author declared, "is worthy of notice. On been in stipulating his Salary." The piece his tou r between Philadelphi a and Boston was copie d by newspapers throughout the his progres s was impede d by means of a country, especiall y i n th e middl e an d dangerous bridge being taken up to repair. southern state s (se e Donal d H. Stewart, The alacrit y of the laborers . . . soon fur- The opposition press of the Federalist period nished the Sage with a temporary passage [Albany, 1969] , p . 831n.) . Se e TJ' s re for himself , family , an d retinue ; which sponse to Adams' allusion to the New Ha demonstrated their esteem for so illustrious ven piec e ( T J t o Adams , 30 Aug . 1791; a character . - An d i n token o f respect for Document xn). the attentio n shew n him , h e generously conferred on the laborer s one quarter of a M S mutilated and par t o f thi s word dollarU whic h must be considere d a ver y editorially supplied ; FC omit s th e phrase liberal compensatio n t o si x o r eight me n "in thi s Country." for a n hour's service, especially whe n we F C ends at this point. consider how parsimonious Congress have 1
2
X L T h o m a s Jefferso n t o T h o m a s Pain e DEAR S I R Philadelphi
a July 29 . 1791 .
Your favo r o f Sep . 28 . 1790 . di d no t com e t o m y hand s til l Feb . 11. an d I have no t answere d i t soone r because i t sai d you woul d b e here i n th e Spring . Tha t expectatio n bein g past , I no w acknoleg e the reciept . Indee d I a m gla d yo u di d no t com e awa y til l yo u ha d written you r 'Right s o f man. ' Tha t ha s bee n muc h rea d here, wit h avidity an d pleasure . A write r unde r th e signatur e o f Publicol a attacked it . A hos t o f champion s entere d th e aren a immediatel y i n your defence . T h e discussio n excite d th e publi c attention , recalle d it to the 'Defenc e o f the America n constitutions' an d the 'Discourse s on Davila, ' which i t ha d kindl y passe d ove r withou t censur e i n th e moment, an d very genera l expression s o f their sense have bee n no w drawn forth ; an d I than k go d tha t the y appea r fir m i n thei r repub licanism, notwithstanding th e contrar y hopes and assertions o f a sect here, hig h i n names , bu t smal l i n numbers . Thes e ha d flattered themselves tha t th e silenc e o f th e peopl e unde r th e 'Defence ' an d 'Davila' wa s a symptom o f their conversio n t o th e doctrin e o f king , lords, an d commons . The y ar e checke d a t leas t b y you r pamphlet , and th e peopl e confirme d i n thei r goo d ol d faith . Your observations o n the subjec t of a copper coinage have satisfie d my min d o n tha t subject , whic h I confes s ha d wavere d befor e be tween difficulties . A s a different pla n is under consideratio n o f Con gress, an d wil l b e take n u p a t thei r meeting , I thin k t o watc h th e proper moment , an d publis h you r observation s (excep t th e Note s which contai n fact s relativ e t o particula r persons whic h I presum e you woul d dislik e t o se e published , an d whic h ar e not necessar y t o establish th e mai n object,) addin g you r name, becaus e i t will attract [ 30 8 ]
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attention an d giv e weigh t t o th e publication . A s thi s canno t tak e place unde r fou r months , ther e i s tim e fo r yo u t o forbi d me , i f i t should b e disagreeabl e t o yo u t o hav e th e observation s published , which howeve r I hop e i t wil l no t be . Genl. Scot t ha s jus t returne d fro m a succesfu l expeditio n agains t the Indians , havin g kille d 3 2 warrior s an d take n 58 . wome n an d children, an d burn t severa l towns . I hop e they wil l no w consen t t o peace, whic h i s al l w e ask . - Ou r fund s ar e nea r par ; th e crop s o f wheat remarkeabl y fine; an d a grea t degre e o f genera l prosperit y arising fro m 4 . year s successiv e o f plentifu l crops , a grea t diffusio n of domesti c manufacture , a retur n t o economy , an d a reasonable faith i n th e ne w government . -1 shal l b e happ y t o hea r fro m you , and stil l mor e s o t o se e you , bein g wit h grea t & sincer e estee m D r . Sir You r frien d & servt , T H : JEFFERSON 1
limits of his confidence i n Paine' s discretion. Late i n November , afte r receivin g th e Surprisingly, i t wa s Willia m Short' s above letter, Paine wrote to his friend John breach of TJ' s confidenc e whic h enabled Hall: " I have receive d a letter fro m Mr. Paine to giv e Hal l th e erroneou s impresJefferson wh o mentione d th e grea t ru n sion tha t John Adams was Publicola. On [Rights of Man] ha s had there. It has been the day before T J wrote the above letter , attacked by John Adams, who has brought he gav e Shor t a brief account o f the en an host about his ears from all parts of the thusiastic receptio n o f Paine' s pamphlet , Continent. Mr . Jefferso n ha s sen t m e the attack on it by "a writer under the name twenty-five different answers to Adams who of Publicola," and the response "by a host wrote under the name of Publicola" (Paine of republica n volunteers. " H e als o ex to Hall , 2 5 Nov . 1791 , Phili p S. Foner, pressed his fear that "the honestest ma n of The complete writings of Thomas Paine, n the party will fal l a victim to his imprud [New York , 1945] , 1322) . Paine' s mis - ence on this occasion" - a n expression which representation o f TJ's lette r le d David F . pointed unmistakably to Adams. But even Hawke, Paine, p. 234, to the conclusion that with a correspondent in whom he had imT J , i n spreading rumor for fact about the plicit confidence, T J too k pains to encode authorship of the Publicola essays, had done the passage o f his letter naming Adams as his friend Adams a great disservice . Thi s first amon g those hoping "to make way for gossip, he added, "sealed Paine's hatred of a king, lords and commons" in the United Adams and Paine ever after pursue d Ad - States (T J t o Short, 28 July 1791) . Short ams with the ferocit y h e usuall y reserved sent t o Pain e a copy o f this privat e letter for kings. " Paine , however , neede d n o and also forwarded to him the collection of prompting on this score. He had long since anti-Publicola clippings from Bache's Genjoined T J , Rush , an d others i n thinking eral Advertiser (Paine to Short, 2 Nov. 1791, that Adams had changed his political prin- Foner, Writings of Paine, II , 1320) . Fro m ciples since 1776. Indeed, at this time, Paine TJ's lette r t o Shor t and from these clipboasted: " I ha d John Adams in my mind pings, Paine drew the inference that John when I wrote [Rights of Man] an d it has Adams was Publicola an d passed the unhit as I expected" (Paine to William Short, founded suppositio n o n to his friend Hall. 2 Nov . 1791 , Foner , Writings of Paine, n , He also gave him the false impression that 1320, fro m R C i n PHi). Fa r from identi- it wa s T J himself who ha d sent hi m the fying Adams as Publicola in the above let- anti-Publicola pieces. ter, TJ carefully concealed his opinion on Paine's "Thoughts on the Establishment the subject , thereb y silentl y definin g th e of a Mint" was enclosed in his letter to T J PrC (DLC) .
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RIGHTS OF of 28 Sep. 1790 and is printed there. When Paine next wrote, he did not mention re ceipt o f the abov e lette r o r comment on TJ's suggestion , perhap s because he was so disturbed over the appointment of Gouverneur Morris as minister to France (Paine to T J , 1 3 Feb. 1792). I n the meantime, T J mad e the essay on the mint availabl e to Freneau , wh o published it i n the National Gazette, 17 Nov . 1791 . Th e origina l
manuscript has not been found, and so the names that TJ deleted cannot be known
MAN with certainty , but thes e mus t hav e included that of Robert Morris, whose plan for coinage had been criticized by T J. The name o f Gouverneu r Morris , wh o ha d written on the subject, may also have ap peared in the text (see Editorial Note and group of documents on coinage, at end of Apr. 1784) . Thi s word interlined in substitution for "great degree of," deleted. 1
X I I . T h o m a s J e f f e r s on t o J o h n A d a m s M Y DEA R SI R Philadelphi
a Aug. 30. 1791 .
I recieve d som e tim e ag o you r favo r o f Jul y 29 . an d wa s happ y to find tha t yo u sa w i n it' s tru e poin t o f vie w th e wa y i n whic h I had been draw n into the scene whic h must have been so disagreeabl e to you . T h e importanc e whic h yo u stil l see m t o allo w t o m y note , and th e effec t yo u suppos e i t t o hav e ha d th o unintentiona l i n me , induce me to she w yo u that it really had no effect. Paine' s pamphlet, with m y note , wa s publishe d her e abou t th e 2d . wee k i n May . No t a wor d eve r appeare d i n th e publi c paper s her e o n th e subjec t fo r more tha n a month ; an d I a m certai n no t a wor d o n th e subjec t would eve r hav e bee n sai d ha d no t a writer , unde r th e nam e o f Publicola, a t lengt h undertake n t o attac k M r . Paine' s principles , which wer e th e principle s o f th e citizen s o f th e U . S . Instantl y a host o f writers attacked Publicola in support o f those principles. He had though t prope r t o misconstru e a figurativ e expressio n i n m y note; and these writer s so fa r noticed m e a s to plac e th e expressio n in it's true light. But this was only an incidental skirmish preliminary to th e genera l engagement , an d the y woul d no t hav e though t m e worth naming, had not he thought prope r to brin g me on the scene . His antagonists , ver y criminally in my opinio n presume d yo u t o b e Publicola, an d o n tha t presumptio n hazarde d a persona l attac k o n you. N o perso n sa w wit h mor e uneasines s tha n I did , thi s unjus tifiable assault , an d the mor e so , whe n I sa w i t continue d afte r th e printer had declared you were no t th e author . But you will perceiv e from al l this, m y dea r Sir , that m y not e contribute d nothin g t o th e production of these disagreeable peices . A s long as Paine's pamphlet stood o n it' s ow n feet , an d o n m y note , i t wa s unnoticed . A s soo n [310]
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as Publicol a attacke d Paine , swarm s appeare d i n hi s defence . T o Publicola the n an d no t i n th e leas t degre e t o m y note , thi s whol e contest i s t o b e ascribe d and al l it's consequences . You spea k o f th e execrabl e paragrap h in th e Connecticu t paper. T h i s it is true appeared before Publicola . But it had no more relation to Paine' s pamphlet an d my note, than to th e Alcoran . I am satisfie d the write r o f i t ha d neve r see n either ; fo r whe n I pas t throug h Connecticut abou t th e middl e o f June , no t a cop y ha d eve r bee n seen b y anybod y eithe r i n Harfor d o r New Haven , nor probably in that whol e state : an d that paragrap h was s o notoriousl y th e revers e of the disinterestednes s o f character which you are known to possess by ever y bod y wh o know s you r name , tha t I neve r hear d a perso n speak of the paragraph but with an indignation in your behalf, which did yo u entir e justice . T h i s paragrap h then certainl y di d no t flow from m y note , an y mor e tha n th e publication s whic h Publicol a produced. Indee d i t wa s impossibl e tha t m y not e shoul d occasio n your nam e t o b e brough t int o question ; fo r so fa r from naming you, I ha d no t eve n i n vie w an y writin g whic h I migh t suppos e t o b e yours, an d th e opinion s I allude d t o wer e principally those I ha d heard in common conversatio n fro m a sect aimin g at the subversio n of the presen t governmen t t o brin g in their favorite for m of a King , lords, an d commons . 1
T h u s I hope , m y dea r Sir , that yo u wil l se e m e t o hav e bee n a s innocent in effect as I wa s i n intention . I wa s brough t befor e th e public without m y own consent , an d from the first moment o f seein g the effor t o f th e rea l aggresso r i n thi s busines s t o kee p m e befor e the public , I determine d tha t nothin g shoul d induc e m e t o pu t pe n to pape r i n th e controversy . T h e busines s i s no w over , an d I hop e it's effect s ar e over , an d tha t ou r friendshi p wil l neve r b e suffere d to b e committed , whateve r us e other s ma y think prope r to mak e o f our names . T h e even t o f th e King' s flight fro m Pari s an d his recaptur e wil l have struc k yo u wit h it' s importance . I t appear s I thin k tha t th e nation i s firm within , and it onl y remain s to se e whethe r ther e wil l be an y movemen t fro m without . I confes s I hav e no t change d m y confidence i n th e favourabl e issu e o f that revolution , becaus e i t ha s always reste d o n m y ow n ocula r evidenc e o f th e unanimit y o f th e nation, an d wisdom o f the Patrioti c party in the nationa l assembly . T h e las t advice s rende r i t probabl e tha t th e empero r wil l recom mence hostilitie s agains t th e Porte . I t remains to se e whethe r E n g land an d Prussi a wil l tak e a part. Present m e t o Mrs . Adams wit h [311}
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all th e affection s I fee l fo r he r an d b e assure d o f thos e devote d t o yourself by , m y dea r Si r your sincer e frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON RC (MHi : AM) ; endorsed. PrC (DLC) . The EXECRABL E PARAGRAPH I N THE CONNECTICUT PAPE R i s identified an d quoted in the note to Adams ' letter to TJ of 29 Jul y 179 1 (Documen t x) .
X I I I . T h o m a s J e f f e r s on t o T h o m a s Paine D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a June 19. 1792 .
I receive d wit h grea t pleasur e th e presen t o f you r pamphlets , a s well for the thing itself as that it was a testimony o f your recollection. Would yo u believ e i t possibl e tha t i n thi s countr y ther e shoul d b e high an d importan t character s who nee d you r lesson s i n republi canism, an d who d o no t hee d them ? It is bu t to o tru e that w e hav e a sec t preachin g u p an d pantin g afte r a n Englis h constitutio n o f king, lords , and commons, an d whose head s ar e itching for crowns, coronets an d mitres . Bu t ou r people , m y goo d friend , are firm an d unanimous in their principles of republicanism, and there is no bette r proof o f i t tha n tha t the y lov e wha t yo u writ e an d rea d i t wit h delight. T h e printer s seaso n ever y newspape r wit h extract s fro m your last , a s the y di d befor e fro m you r first par t o f th e Right s o f man. The y hav e bot h serve d her e t o separat e th e whea t fro m th e chaff, an d t o prov e tha t th o th e latte r appear s o n th e surface , i t i s on the surfac e only. T h e bulk below i s sound and pure. Go on the n in doin g wit h you r pe n wha t i n othe r time s wa s don e wit h th e sword; she w tha t reformatio n i s mor e practicabl e by operatin g o n the min d tha n o n th e bod y o f man , an d b e assure d that i t ha s no t a more sincere votary, nor you a more ardent well-wisher than, Dear Sir, You r frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC); at foot of text: "Thos. Paine esq." Th e pamphlet s tha t T J acknowledged were six copies of the second part of Rights of Man. Pain e had sent Washington a dozen copies, designating half of them for T J (Pain e to T J , 1 3 Feb. 1792 ; Pain e to Washinton, 1 3 Feb . 1792 , D L C : Washington Papers ; see Sowerby , No. 2826) . It is significant tha t TJ allowed another decade t o pas s befor e h e agai n wrot e t o
Paine. Durin g thi s critica l perio d h e allowed al l o f Paine' s variou s letter s t o g o unanswered (Pain e to T J , 20 Apr . 1792; 10 Oct. 1793 ; 1 Apr. an d 1 0 May 1797 ; and 1,4 , 6 , and 16 Oct. 1800). The reason seems obvious. A failur e at almost every thing save his great achievements a s a political propagandist , Pain e succeeded ulti mately in alienating himself not only from such forme r friend s a s Washington , Adams, and T J, but from the mainstrea m of
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28 A P R I events in England, France, and the United States as well. More and more he became obsessed with the ide a that the American national characte r had deteriorated. "The neutral power s despis e he r for her meanness and her desertion o f a common interest," he wrote TJ i n 1797, "England laughs at her for her imbecility, and France is enraged at her ingratitude and sly treachery" (Paine to T J, 1 Apr. 1797). Hi s hatred of the Federalists was so violent as to suggest
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mental derangement, leadin g him into the seditious ac t o f plannin g th e conques t o f the United States by France. His letters of 1800 were such that TJ fel t obliged, shortly after becoming President , to restate his inaugural pledge and to warn Paine that the United States would not become involved in European contests - even , he added, "in support o f principle s whic h w e mea n t o pursue" (TJ t o Paine , 1 8 Mch. 1801).
F r o m Franci s E p p e s Bermuda Hundred, 27 Apr. 1791. Ha s consulte d al l ou r lawyer s o n The Prince of Wales and , on the basis of Wayles' letter of 14 May 1772, the y "appear all ver y clea r i n thei r opinion s tha t th e Executor s . . . wil l b e answerabl e fo r the amount of the . . . cargo. " The trial will be brought on in October if possible. "I hop e yo u wil l b e i n Virgini a a t tha t tim e a s I shal l stand muc h i n nee d o f your advice an d assistance. . . . You will b e pleas' d to conside r [Wayles ' letter] and inform m e wha t yo u thin k of it. Jac k ea r this mus t b e wit h you . Fo r gods sake indeavou r t o impres s o n hi s min d th e necessit y o f hi s qualifyin g himsel f for some profession whic h will inable him to git his bread for shou'd this busines s go agains t u s i t wil l no t b e i n m y powe r t o d o muc h fo r him . We ar e all well and unit e i n wishin g yo u ever y blessin g thi s worl d affords. " RC (ViU) ; endorse d b y TJ as received 10 May 1791 an d so recorded in SJL . For the lawyers' opinions on the liability
of the estate of John Wayles in the matter of The Prince of Wales, se e not e to Skip with's letter to T J, 7 Apr. 1791 , and TJ's reply to Skipwith , 6 May 1791 .
F r o m T h o m a s Digge s S l R Belfas t 28 Apri l 1791 . I wrot e yo u o n th e 24th . Ins . an d a m sorr y t o pu t yo u t o th e trouble o f readin g a secon d lon g Lette r nearl y upo n th e sam e Sub ject. I t i s o f suc h importanc e t o th e Manufacture s o f ou r Countr y as t o insur e m e you r forgiveness . T h e Artis t Mr . Wm . Pearce , mentiond i n m y forme r Lette r an d whos e work s yo u wil l hav e described a t th e en d o f thi s Letter , ha s finally determin d t o g o fo r America wit h hi s Invention , an d t o fix there ; A n d I hav e s o littl e time befor e th e Vesse l sail s t o addres s T h e Presiden t an d yoursel f on th e subjec t o f Pearc e an d McCab e gettin g a Paten t o r premiu m for thei r work , tha t I hop e yo u wil l escus e hast e an d inaccuracys . I befor e wrote You tha t a Box wa s forwarde d to Mr . Geo . Woolse y Merchant o f Ne w Yor k an d a relatio n o f McCabes , containin g th e [313]
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materials an d specification s fo r a ne w Invente d doubl e Loom , an d so sen t Fo r the Inspectio n o f the Presiden t an d yourself a s to obtai n for th e Inventor s Pearc e an d McCab e a Patent , o r suc h exclusiv e Benefit a s the Law s o f America provid e fo r Artists who furnis h ne w and useful l Inventions . At tha t tim e I had m y E y e upon Pearc e an d a strong hop e o f hi s going, bu t a s Hi s doin g s o muc h crash d wit h th e presen t Interes t of hi s Partne r McCabe, I wa s necessiate d t o writ e t o Yoursel f and the Presiden t i n th e stil e I the n di d as if Pearce was not to go. H e is now , ver y muc h t o m y satisfactio n an d pleasure , s o engage d a s not t o b e abl e t o recede , withou t a forcibl e sto p fro m th e Govern ment, wh o ar e makin g Law s an d tryin g al l possible mean s t o sto p the Emigratio n of Artists and their Tools. -1 nee d no t tel l Yo u that it i s no t onl y difficul t t o ge t suc h away , bu t highl y dangerou s t o those concerned ; Therefor e th e mor e secre t i t i s kep t th e better . Pearce wil l bea r thi s Lette r t o Yoursel f an d a simila r on e t o th e President; togethe r wit h th e bo x befor e mentioned . Fo r fea r o f a miscarriage o f m y forme r Lette r I wil l anne x t o thi s a duplicat e o f my descriptio n o f hi s sundr y Loom s &ca. , a s als o t o infor m Yo u that th e Bo x contain s a pair of doubl e Temple s nea r 7 ft . i n lengt h for spreading a t the sam e tim e tw o piece s of Lini n o r Callico on on e Loom, als o a se t o f Headles , Elbo w an d Shuttl e fo r Line n &ca . I have on e satisfactio n tha t shoul d the y miscarry , Pearce i f H e live s can mak e ever y ato m o f the m (whic h I believ e n o othe r ma n ca n do) an d with H i m goes two ingeniou s workmen, Jameson an d Hall , who ca n mak e mos t kind s o f machiner y suc h a s spinin g Jennys , Billys, mules , Cardin g machine s &ca . an d the y wil l b e excellen t seconds t o Pearc e wh o ha s bee n twic e o r thric e bese t her e b y E missarys fro m Mancheste r t o inveigl e Hi m bac k t o England , an d I doubt no t bu t the y wil l follo w hi m fo r lik e purpose s t o America . He put s hi s trus t i n the Presiden t an d in Yo u to who m i t i s wit h alacrity I have give n ever y testimonia l i n m y powe r o f his industry , sobriety, wort h an d extraordinar y [talent s thoug h h e i s low-bre d and a n ? ] illiterat e man . H e i s no t ric h th o a n Indépendan t ma n having [ a sum ?] of money left in the hands of a friend in Mancheste r on who m h e ca n draw , (whic h H e ha s don e t o m e fo r th e advanc e of gettin g hi m an d the othe r tw o ou t an d for passag e money &ca.) . He ha s a wif e an d Famil y i n Englan d wh o wil l soo n follo w him , and I trus t hi s invitation s wil l lea d a numbe r o f mechani c Artist s to follo w hi s fortunes . - 1 hav e give n H i m introductor y Letter s t o Mr. Seto n o f N York , Conyngha m & Nesbet, Governo r Dickinson, my Brothe r a t m y hom e nea r Mt . Vernon , Colo . Fitzgeral d &ca. [314]
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but wit h Expres s order s tha t n o on e shal l hav e acces s t o th e Bo x but th e Presiden t an d yourself , fo r th e disclosur e of i t t o a n ingeniou s artist o r goo d drawe r migh t pirat e fro m McCab e an d Pearc e thei r Invention. - H e want s nothing bu t health , waterfall , woo d an d Iro n to carr y hi m thro ' an y Manufactor y an d bein g delighte d wit h m y description o f ou r River s an d Fall s &ca . i t i s wit h m y advic e H e will wai t upo n M r . Dickinso n an d loo k a t th e Brandywin e mill s &ca. &ca . I hop e b y tomorro w H e wil l b e a t Se a an d i n safety . I t give s m e great pleasur e t o hav e bee n th e mean s o f gettin g s o valuabl e a n Artist t o ou r Countr y an d I canno t to o strongl y recommen d Hi m to You r patronag e an d ever y othe r ai d H e ma y want . I a m wit h great respec t & Estee m Y r . Obedt . & ver y Hie . Serv. , THOS. DIGGE S If I ca n i n any way assis t o r hel p You , I hope Yo u won t spar e You r commands. I shal l b e i n Englan d til l Sepr . nex t an d an y directio n will b e t o car e o f M r . Josa . Johnso n America n Consu l London , th o my sta y wil l b e chiefl y i n Yorkshir e an d th e manufacturin g town s of England . -1 hav e wrot e til l I a m nearl y blind . RC (DLC) ; to p of firstleaf worn so that some words are lost an d have been give n conjecturally in brackets (supplied), being based on simila r expressions in other letters by Digges. Recorde d in S J L a s received 12 July 1791 . Enclosure: Digges' description o f Pearce's inventions, togethe r with some information abou t th e ma n and his claims, in part as follows: "Pearce came last from Doncaste r i n Yorkshire , an d i s th e artist wh o erecte d th e famou s mill s o f Messrs. Cartwright s of that place , which dress th e wool , spin s an d weaves i t int o Broad Clot h b y forc e o f water, steam , or horse (whe n I sa w th e works , they wer e forc'd by an Ox or Bull) an d the Proprietors were making a fortune by it. - H e als o was th e invento r o f Arkwright s Spining and weavin g Machinery . .. but was robbd of his inventio n by Arkwright (then a hairdresser and since made a Baronet from his Wealth) But Pearce and a Mr. Thos. Hayes, then a joint Artist in the work broke Arkwrights patent 'tho not till after he acquired a larg e fortun e b y it. " There followed a description o f Pearce' s improvement s o n his four types o f looms, th e las t o f which was "for weaving three pieces o f Thickset or Corduroy s at once, wit h a n additional
invention of a flatpiece of Iron with Cutters to cu t th e Thickse t as h e wov e o n (th e Expence of cutting Thickset is 1 Vkl. or 2d. pr yard) . I did not see the cutting [work, but the] Pieces were all of Cotton of about 900 fine and nine yards pr. day was easy work. This was his neatest an d best looking Loom , bu t the Lini n on e i s far more valuable to thi s Country , and His Check one the more ingenious. . . . The intention of Messrs. Pearce and McCabe was to get a premiu m from the Iris h Parliamen t for these vas t improvement s i n manufacture, but after a long attendance and producing every possible and convincin g proofs of their Utility, They were foild by a party (. . .); and b y a trick i n Jobbing, (fo r there is no publick works done in this Country without it s becomin g a Job). Ireland i s likely to loos e not onl y th e inventio n bu t so ingenious an Artis t as Pearce. He will I trust be a blessing to Ou r Country , where from the dearnes s an d high pric e of Mechanic wages, all Manufacture must at firstreceive a Check; But by the aid o f such Machinery and mil l wor k as Pearce's , He will make wood and water, SL vast substitute fo r manual Labour " (M S i n Digges ' hand , undated, in D L C : TJ Papers, 63: f. 10951 ;
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28 A P R I a wor d or two heavil y score d ou t an d indecipherable, a s indicate d b y th e angl e brackets; MS worn at top of leaf and som e words ar e lost , bein g give n i n bracket s [supplied] fromasimilar document of which a descriptio n follows) . Ther e i s anothe r description o f Pearce' s loom s an d o f hi s relation wit h McCab e whic h i s almos t identical with the enclosure just described except for the finalparagraph, which reads: "On Mr . Pearce' s disappointment here , and becoming vex d wit h th e Ruler s o f thi s Country, I got Hi m with som e difficulty , and n o little dange r to Embar k for America. A n Express was sen t from Dublin to stop Him, an d th e vessell was twice boarded and stop d i n which H e went b y the Cut ters. I saw him safe away in the Bri g En deavour Capn. Seward belonging to Portsmouth N H and who saild from hence th e 3d. o f May for New York . Hi s wish is to Establish himself where a water fall in the vicinity o f an y grea t tow n ca n b e easil y obtained. H e took out with Him th e working artist who made his Looms (Mr. Jameson, wh o i s Brother to Messrs . Jameson s Merchts Iron monger in London), also Jno. Hall anothe r artist ; and H e wen t recom mended (hi s purpose bein g first to obtai n a Paten t in America) to The President, to Mr. Wm . Seton N . York , Mr . Thos. Jefferson, Govr . Dickinson , Conyngha m & Nesbit Phia , to Colo. Fitzgerald Alexa; Geo Diggs &ca . & ca. an d als o t o Mr . Thos Russell Boston. Hi s wish is to b e near the Fcedral Town and He is bent upon looking at the Falls of Potowmack fo r His mill station before he fixes. T.D. " (M S in DNA: RG 59 , MLR ; undate d bu t afte r 3 May 1791 an d obviousl y addresse d neithe r t o Washington no r to T J. Its presence i n the departmental files suggests that the recipient forwarded it either to the President or to the Secretar y of State. The reference t o Pearce's desire to locate near Federal City and a t the Fall s o f the Potoma c indicate s that th e mos t likel y recipien t wa s Henry Lee, wh o hoped to establish manufacturing and commercia l enterprises at that site; see Lee t o T J , 6 Mch. 1789 an d note to TJ's opinion o n Virginia's textile proposal, at 3 Dec. 1790 ; Digges enclosed a similar document i n hi s lette r t o Washingto n o f 1 2 July 1791 , DNA : RG 59, MLR. ) Thomas Attwood Digge s (1742-1821) , scion o f a prominen t Catholi c famil y o f
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Maryland whose seat lay across the Poto mac from Mount Vernon, was trusted least by those who knew him best. The known testimony o f contemporaries - wit h one very notable exceptio n - wa s unanimousl y ad verse. Benjami n Franklin' s famou s ap praisal wa s s o damning an d so curren t at the tim e tha t Horac e Walpole recorde d it in hi s journals. On learnin g tha t Digge s had embezzle d charitabl e funds place d in his hands for the relie f of suffering American prisoners , Frankli n declare d i n outrage: "We have no name in our Language for suc h atrociou s Wickedness . I f such a Fellow is not damn'd it is not worth while to kee p a Devil " (Frankli n t o Willia m Hodgson, 1 Apr . 1781 , D L C : Frankli n Papers, printed in Francis Wharton, Dipl. Corr. Am. Rev., iv, 345-6 ; Walpole' s paraphrase - "tha t if Digges was not damne d the devil would be useless" - appear s in his Journal fo r Mch . 1782 , Franci s Steuart , ed., The Last Journals of Horace Walpole
[London, 1910], p. 422). Joshua Johnson, who ha d know n Digge s wel l i n London before the war , advised Willia m Knox to "be cautious of T. D. " (Johnson to William Knox, 1 8 Apr. 1791, DNA : RG 59 , CD , MNP 167/1 ; se e not e to Kno x to T J , 1 9 Apr. 1791) . Eve n Bisho p Carrol l o f Bal timore, wh o di d no t kno w Digge s a t all but wa s well awar e of his general reputation in Maryland, felt called upon to warn the Archbisho p of Dubli n against hi s intrigues i n "coalitin g Catholic s with Presbyterians" in norther n Ireland . Acknowledging that his family and connections wer e of the first respectability an d that Digges himself was a person of "amazing address," Carroll declared that in his early youth he had bee n guilty o f misdemeanors "indicating roote d depravit y . . . and his friends, to rescu e hi m fro m th e hand s o f justice, and themselve s from dishonour, sen t him out o f the country " (Carroll t o th e Arch bishop o f Dublin , 1 6 Apr . 1792 , quote d in Lyn n H. Parsons' "The Mysterious Mr . Digges," WMQ, xxii [July , 1965] , 490-1 , from Moran' s Spicilegium Ossoriense [Dublin, 1884] , 511-12) . The on e exceptio n amon g Digges ' distrusting contemporaries wa s the President of the United States. Lon g a neighbor and friend o f th e family , Georg e Washingto n said he had "no hesitation in declaring that the conduc t o f Mr . Thoma s Digge s to wards th e Unite d State s durin g th e wa r
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28 A P R I . . . and since so far as the same has come to my knowledge has not been only friendly, but I might add zealous." Washington believed, bu t di d no t asser t a s a fact, tha t during the war h e had receive d useful communications directly from Digges and also through captives he had helped to escape, sent at "extreme hazard of discovery." But this distinguishe d testimonial , prudentl y qualified as it was, only revealed Washington's lack of personal knowledge of Digges' true character . "Until yo u mentione d th e doubts . . . entertained of Mr. Digges ' attachment to his country, " Washington wrote to hi s frien d Joh n Fitzgerald , "I had no idea o f it s bein g questioned. " I n another important respec t Washington' s testimo nial was an unintende d confirmation of the general estimate of Digges' role during the war. Fo r th e fact is that legal proceeding s had bee n instituted to have Digges' Maryland estate confiscated o n the ground that he had remained loyal to England and had served th e enemy . Washingto n spok e therefore a s a character witness and at the request of counsel for the defense. Fitzger ald wa s confident that the President would not only do justice to Digges' character as a patriot , "bu t perhap s sav e a n Estate to the descendants of an old friend and Neigh bour, an d to a family whic h . . . I have every reason to believe you honor with your friendship." Washington readily complied, but wit h a n opinio n whic h raise d more questions tha n i t answered . Whateve r its value as legal evidence, the powerful influence o f it s autho r undoubtedl y helpe d Digges retai n possessio n o f hi s ancestral patrimony (Fitzgeral d to Washington , 1 4 Apr. 1794 , RC i n D L C : Washingto n Papers; Washingto n t o Fitzgerald , 27 Apr. 1794, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxm, 3402; in a postscript Washingto n adde d that he ha d talked with John Trumbull, wh o said that he wa s wel l acquainted with Digges in Londo n and that h e "alway s appeared well attache d to . . . the Unite d States"). Washington's testimony ma y have enabled Digges to live out his finaldays as a Maryland planter . Bu t i t coul d no t swa y th e verdict of history. Digges absented himself from his native land for more than thirty years, during most of which time hi s known activities served only t o rais e suspicion s abou t wha t re mained hidden from the record . Like th e famous double-agent , Edwar d Bancroft ,
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another American expatriate whom he knew in London , Digges claimed to be a doctor, possessed affable manners, was admitted to respectable circles , and even wrot e a mediocre nove l whos e chie f titl e t o remembrance is the doubtful clai m that it was the first b y an American . But there the parallel ends. Bancroft, a man of many talents, was so supremely skilled at deception tha t his treasonable activitie s remained hidden for a century , whil e Digges , a n adventurer without an y distinguishin g competence , earned almost at once the well-merited distrust o f those who kne w him. With good reason he was accused at the time of being a liar, a speculator, a trader with the enemy, and a secret agen t o f the Britis h govern ment. Th e judgment o f historians - agai n with a single exceptio n - ha s overwhelm ingly sustained that of his contemporaries . Every ne w accessio n o f evidence ha s also confirmed th e verdict . Eve n Digges ' sole scholarly defender , Willia m Bel l Clark , conceded tha t h e embezzle d fund s in tended for th e relief of prisoners and sought to excuse this on the ground that failure of remittances fro m home "forced Digges to substitute ingenuit y fo r integrity" (Clark, "In Defens e o f Thoma s Digges, " PMHB , LXXVII [Oct . 1953] , 381-438 ; fo r th e at tribution to Digges of Adventures of Alonso [London, 1774], see Robert H. Elias, "Th e First American Novel," Amer. Lit., xn [Jan . 1941], 419-34 , reprinte d as an introduction to a facsimile edition of the novel [New York, 1943] , an d Rober t H . Elia s an d Michael N . Stanton , "Thoma s Atwoo d Digges and Adventures of Alonso," Amer.
Lit., XLI V [Marc h 1972], 118-22 ; fresh information abou t Digges ' intrigue s i n Ire land, raisin g new suspicions , i s presented in Lyn n Hudso n Parsons ' "The Mysteri ous Mr . Digges, " WMQ , XXI I [Jul y 1965] , 486-92). There i s abundan t evidence , a s Washington correctl y testified, tha t Digges did much to encourage artisan s to emigrate to America and t o take with them models and drawings o f variou s kind s o f machinery. What Washingto n overlooked , however , was tha t thi s wa s a feloniou s endeavo r against whic h Great Britai n for a centur y had enacte d laws with increasingly severe penalties (i.e., £500 sterling fineand twelv e months i n prison, under the then prevailing laws of both Great Britain and Ireland; see Davi d J . Jeremy , "Britis h Textil e
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refrain fro m emigrating . Thi s coul d only have meant that Pearce had made a binding agreement with Digges. Th e suggestion is also supporte d b y Digges ' clai m that h e had advance d passag e mone y fo r Pearce and his two companions. But when Pearce arrived in the United States, it was William Seton who personally gave Pearce $120 for passage and other expenses because Digges had asked him to extend his patronage and protection to the mechanic (Seton to Hamilton, 1 1 June 1792 , same , xi, 506-7). Pearce, bearing Digges' several letters of introduction whic h sough t t o mak e th e President, the Secretary of State, and others his secret accomplices, arrive d at a propi tious moment . A t that time , unknow n to all bu t a few, a small group of capitalists, speculators, an d public officials, centere d chiefly i n New Yor k and favored with the powerful influenc e o f the Secretar y of the Treasury, wa s tryin g to giv e realit y to a dream of American manufactures long entertained by Tench Coxe. The result was the creation of the Society for Establishing When Digge s mad e a similar appeal to Useful Manufacture s (SUM) at the Fall s T J i n 1788, he received not only the blunt of the Passaic. Some of those involved looked response tha t othe r tha n cotton manufac - upon Alexande r Hamilto n a s th e tru e turing wa s impracticabl e i n th e Unite d founder and he undoubtedly wa s the towStates, but also the unequivocal declaration ering figure in the enterpris e (see, fo r exthat i t wa s "not th e polic y o f the govern - ample, Archibal d Merce r to Hamilton , 6 ment . . . t o give any aid to works of that Apr. 1792 , an d Elias Boudino t t o Ham kind" (TJ to Digges, 1 9 June 1788; Digges ilton, 26 Mch. 1793, Syrett, Hamilton, xi, to T J , 1 2 May 1788; Henry Wyld to T J , 247-8; xiv , 245-6 ; fo r a careful appraisa l 20 Ma y 1788) . Thi s wa s no t enoug h t o of Coxe's role as the pioneerin g advocate , discourage suc h a n enthusiast a s Digges . see Jaco b E. Cooke , "Tench Coxe, AlexEarly i n 1791 , afte r a committe e o f th e ander Hamilton and the Encouragement of Irish House of Commons had reported fa- American Manufactures," WMQ, XXXH [July vorably o n Pearce' s invention o f a simple 1975], 369-92). Thi s conjunction of events loom capable of weaving a double we b si- was fortunate fo r the Secretary of State as multaneously, Digge s mad e himself spon- well as for the ingenious emigrant. It wa s on the 12t h o f July tha t Pearce sor, promoter , and , a s th e evidenc e sug gests, exploiter of the inventor. Pearce was presented himsel f wit h hi s tw o mos t iman ingeniou s artisan , unlettered, imprac- portant letters of introduction at the homes ticable, and intemperate. But Digges, who of the President and the Secretary of State. made th e highl y implausibl e clai m tha t If h e bore Digges' lette r of 24 Apr . 1791 Arkwright an d Cartwright ha d got thei r as well as the above, no copy of it has been machines by robbing Pearce of his inven- found and none of that date is recorded in tions, cam e to loo k upo n the mechani c as SJL. T J never answered Digges an d ha d "somewhat lik e a secon d Archimedes " no need to d o so. Fo r on that sam e after(Digges to Hamilton, 6 Apr. 1792 , Syrett, noon he received a note on the same subject Hamilton, xi , 244-5). Th e suggestion that from th e President . "If Mr . Pearc e merits Digges may have exploited Pearce and other the character given hi m by T: D.," wrote artisans whom he urged to emigrate is found Washington, "he will unquestionably merit in th e abov e letter , i n whic h h e asserte d encouragement, an d you ca n pu t hi m in that Pearce was so engaged as not able to the way to obtain it" (Washington to T J , Technology Transmissio n to th e Unite d States," Business Hist. Rev., XLVII [Spring 1973], 24-6). This undeniable activity may have been inspired by patriotic feelings, as Washington believed , bu t th e abundan t evidence set forth in Digges' letters, flawed as it was by prevarication, unfounded claims, and poor judgment, suggest s that h e had other an d les s elevate d object s i n view . Among these, a s Digges candidl y admitted, was the desire to "get over some Tenantry, an d among the m Artists , to fix on lands I possess both in Virginia and Maryland not far from the new Federal Town" (Digges to Hamilton, 6 Apr. 1792 , Syrett, Hamilton, xi , 242) . Perhap s also Digge s thought t o rehabilitat e hi s reputatio n a t home b y a n activit y whic h migh t b e regarded b y som e a s disintereste d publi c service. But, however worthy his public or private motives , Digge s wa s nevertheles s engaged in industrial espionage of a criminal nature. This he compounded b y seeking t o enlis t a s accomplice s th e highes t officers o f his own government .
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publication). But Washington's terse command required the Secretary of State to go beyond his legal duty as patent officer and to give official encouragemen t t o a person undeniably guilt y o f a felony. Thi s pre sented a har d dilemma for one as scrupu lously carefu l as TJ in separating public office fro m privat e interest. A significant indication of his attitude in facing this ethical proble m is that he retained no single copy or record of his letters concerning the matter. The answer he gave to Washing ton-very likel y an oral report-can only be conjectured . But of the nature of the solution which, fortunately, he found close at hand, there can be no doubt. T J ha d long been aware that Washington believed "th e introduction of the lateimproved Machines to abridge labour, must be of almost infinite consequence to America" (Washingto n to T J, 1 3 Feb. 1789) . He also knew that a year later, in addressing th e second sessio n o f the First Con gress, the President had declared the safety and interest of a free peopl e required the promotion of "such manufactories, as tend to render them independent o n others for essential, particularly for military supplies" (First Annual Address, 8 Jan. 1790 , Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxx, 491-2). I n con sequence o f Washington' s recommenda tion, the House of Representatives had called upon the Secretary of the Treasury to prepare a plan for the encouragement and promotion o f manufactures. Why , then, ha d Washington no t calle d upo n Hamilton , whose thinking on the subject so closely paralleled hi s own, instead o f referring Pearce to TJ whos e opinions on the subject were quit e different ? Th e President's action, if limited to the mere matter of granting a patent, would have been understandable. But since it commanded the extension of official patronage and encouragement to the Britis h artisan , TJ could scarcely reing a n advertisement in Federal Gazette, 24 lieve himself of the problem by asking the Mch. 1791 , an d claiming Parkinson ha d Secretary o f the Treasur y t o do what he thus "announce d that the American gov - himself ha d bee n directe d t o do. Fortuernment had officially endorsed his evasion nately, Tench Coxe had recently sent him of those English laws to prevent emigration a copy o f his plan for a manufacturing esof artisans and purveyance of industrial setablishment (Cox e to T J, 1 5 Apr. 1791). crets"; this is incorrect even a s inference: This presented the opportunity TJ neede d no suc h statemen t appear s in the adverand he immediately turned Pearce over to tisement and, if it had, would not have been Coxe, thu s approachin g his Cabinet colallowed by the Commissioners of Patents league in a characteristically indirect manto who m i t had been submitte d prio r to ner. Under a covering note to Coxe, writ-
12 July 1791 , enclosin g Digges ' lette r to him). This may have been predicated upon a condition , bu t it was unquestionably a command, phrased in a manner Washington ha d neve r befor e employe d wit h his Secretary of State. One can only imagin e TJ' s feeling s o n receiving thi s unequivoca l directive . Just a few months ha d elapsed sinc e the Secretary of State an d the Attorney General had formall y counselle d th e Presiden t against holdin g communicatio n wit h an artisan exportin g machine s an d models because such exports were against the law. On that occasion, the appeal had come from the Stat e of Virginia an d required an official respons e (se e TJ' s opinion at 3 Dec . 1790, initiall y approvin g the President's cooperation bu t later replacing this wit h his an d Randolph's opinio n agains t involvement; se e Vol. 18 : 124n.). Pearce' s appeal, particularl y in enjoining secrecy , was of a different characte r altogether. Before the week wa s over , T J would learn that the American consul i n Dublin had deemed it improper to give Pearce a letter of introduction (Knox to T J, 1 9 Apr. 1791). Now, however, the President of the United States had required the Secretar y of State to patronize a man who, however worthy, had violated British laws inculpating those who would give such encouragement. What T J wa s directed to do went beyon d the official dut y of the Secretar y of State and the other Commissioners of Patents to examine models and grant patents. That was an unavoidabl e obligatio n requirin g ad herence to the specific term s of a law applicable to all, citizens and aliens alike, A patent had in fact recently been granted to George Parkinson , another Britis h emi grant who claime d to possess a "Knowledge of all the Secret Movements use d in Sir Richard Arkwright's Patent Machine" (Cooke, WMQ, xxxii [July 1975] , 381, cit-
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28 A P R I ten the same day, he received Washington's command (but not found and not recorded in SJL), T J transmitte d the letter Digges had written to the President recommending Pearce. Cox e responded wit h enthusias m the next day, promising "to fix a man who appears of so much importance to the United States" (Cox e t o T J , 1 3 July 1791 , an d note). He was as good as his word and saw to i t that Pearc e came t o th e attentio n o f the Secretary of the Treasury. This assured the futur e o f the artisa n for the nex t tw o years, unde r officia l patronag e privatel y bestowed. Cox e himsel f dre w u p the pe tition t o th e Commissioner s of Patents of "William Pearce, late of. . . Great Britain, but no w o f the cit y of Philadelphia, manufacturing machin e maker. " The application described the various machines Pearce had invented or improved and promised to prepare "models , description s an d drawings . . . i n so intelligible an d complete a manner a s full y t o compl y wit h th e req uisitions of the act of Congress to promote the usefu l Arts. " The claime d invention s were minor except for one Pearce said had been contrive d during a short stay in Ireland, called a "mulitplier" - a term here used for the firsttime and which Coxe may have suggested - "capabl e of weaving two, three and perhaps more piece s o f goods at on e time" (undate d draft , bu t befor e 7 Dec . 1791, i n Coxe's hand, addressed "T o the honorable Thomas Jefferson, Henry Knox, and Edmun d Randolph," PHi: Coxe Papers; a document listing Pearce's machines in much the same terms is in DLC: Ham ilton Papers and is printed in Syrett, Hamilton, ix, 86n.). Thus i t wa s tha t th e Secretar y o f th e Treasury, through TJ' s referra l o f Pearce to Coxe , becam e th e artisan' s sponsor . Hamilton was in Philadelphia at the tim e of the exchange between TJ an d Coxe, but immediately thereafter he went to New York and receive d fro m th e director s o f SUM full authority to negotiate a charter, secure artisans, and make public the plan s of the new enterprise through a prospectus which he drafte d (Davis, Essays in the earlier history of American corporations, I , 370, 373 -
4; Hamilton's Prospectus, which appeared in various newspapers, i s in Syrett, Hamilton, ix , 144-53) . Withi n a month Ham ilton ha d advanced $100 t o Pearc e in behalf of SUM for the construction of "certain
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machines an d model s o f Machine s t o b e delivered to... Alexande r Hamilton" (same, xi, 85-6) . Earl y i n September Pearc e began constructing his looms and other machinery in two "stores" rented by Hamilton from John Nixon. The next mont h Ham ilton rented two additional places of Nixon for the sam e purpose . Altogether , withi n the year he had advanced to Pearce the not inconsiderable su m of $2,340.90 . Pearce ha d no t brough t wit h hi m th e drawings and models which Digges sought to mak e accessibl e onl y t o th e Presiden t and the Secretary of State, but had left these in Ne w Yor k i n th e custod y o f Willia m Seton, cashie r of the Ban k o f New York . On the basis of a letter written a year later by Seton, who had advanced funds to Pearce for passage an d other expenses, Davi s and other authorities have accepted at face value his statement tha t TJ ha d given him written assurance "all charges would be thankfully repaid" (Seton to Hamilton, 11 June 1792, Syrett, Hamilton, xi , 506-7). I n this Seton wa s mistaken , confusin g instruc tions from Tench Coxe with supposed assurances given directly by T J. I n his letter to T J of 1 3 Jul y 179 1 Cox e enclose d a letter from Pearce to Seton authorizing him to delive r the tw o boxe s of drawings and models t o suc h person as the Secretar y of State shoul d direct . A t th e botto m o f Pearce's letter TJ appende d a note to Seton containing nothin g mor e than an authori zation t o hi m t o tur n th e boxe s ove r t o Coxe. Thi s i s the onl y communicatio n o f any sor t T J is know n t o hav e writte n at any time to Seton. Coxe had no alternative but t o tak e responsibilit y fo r Pearce' s models. But in transmitting Pearce's letter, he accompanie d i t wit h anothe r i n which he made this quite unauthorized statement: "The charge I will procur e from the Secretary of State and remit to you" (Coxe to Seton, 1 5 Jul y 1791 , PHi : Coxe Papers; see note to Coxe to T J, 1 3 July 1791). T J of course had no authority - an d certainly no inclination - t o pledge funds for Pearce on behalf of either the government or SUM. Seton's statemen t t o Hamilton , unsup ported by any corroborative testimony and contradicted by all of the known evidence, cannot warran t th e assertio n tha t T J "backed Coxe's request to reimburse Pearce for his expenses by assuring William Seton . . . that 'al l charges,' including the Eng-
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lishman's passag e t o America , 'woul d b e thankfully repaid ' " (Cooke , WMQ , XXXI I [July 1975] , 388n.; see also Cooke, Tench Coxe, p . 195-6n.) . I t was Coxe , not T J , who asked Seton to pay Pearce's expenses, knowing full well that Hamilton would back the request - as , ultimately, he did (on the record of Hamilton's sponsorship of Pearce in this and other matters, see Syrett, Ham-
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. . . throughou t the United States" (Gazette of the United States, 6 June 1792 ; als o in the National Gazette, 4 June) . Al l that is known of Pearce indicates that he was not endowed wit h entrepreneurial qualities but was instead a rather ingenious artisa n who needed guidance. This , adde d to th e fac t that th e newspape r i n which this promotional appeal appeared was under the speilton, ix, 85-6 , 184 , 214 , 490 , 509 ; x , 345 cial patronage of the Secretary of the Treas6; xi, 241-6, 247-8 , 445 , 566 ; xii, 22, 45, ury, suggests the likelihood that the guiding 83, 141-2 , 217-8; xiv, 189 , 245-6, 253-4 , hand behind the glowin g testimonia l was 302-3, 318-9 , 419-21 ; xv , 107-8 , 328-9 , that of Hamilton himself. Certainly his con391; se e als o Carrol l W . Pursell , Jr. , cern for SUM, the success of which he had "Thomas Digges and William Pearce: A n so much at heart that he had declared his Example o f th e Transi t o f Technology, " own reputation was committed, wa s deep WMQ, xxi [Oct. 1964], 551-60) . enough t o promp t suc h a nationa l effor t Hamilton's patronage of Pearce and other (Hamilton to Seton, 25 May 1792, Syrett, immigrant artisans whom h e engaged for Hamilton, xi , 425) . SUM an d his zea l in promotin g tha t enIt seems even more likely that it was the terprise wer e inseparabl y connected wit h Secretary of the Treasury who, two weeks his remarkabl e Report o n Manufactures, later, inspired an inspection of Pearce's eswhich had been under preparation for over tablishment by a much more distinguished a yea r and which woul d b e presente d a t group. "O n Tuesday last," the Gazette of the approaching session o f Congress. Just the United States reported on 9 June 1792, as the creation of SUM was expected by its "the Presiden t o f th e Unite d States , and principal founde r t o demonstrat e th e ad- his Lady, attended by the Secretary of State, vantage t o the nationa l economy of meas- and the Secretary of the Treasury and his ures advocated in the Report, so Hamilton Lady, visited Mr. Pearce's Cotton Manuhoped to gai n further support for his pol- factory. Th e President attentively viewe d icies by displaying, in the heart of the cap- the Machinery , &c. and saw the busines s ital, the effectiveness of Pearce's labor-sav- performed in its different branches - whic h ing machinery. Being well acquainted with received his warmest approbation." But this the President's interest in the developmen t early instanc e o f th e powe r o f th e presiof essential American manufactures, he could dency in the bestowal o f approval was unnot have been unaware of the value of such availing. Th e great nationa l enterprise at a practical demonstration. Thus, under his Passaic to which Hamilton had so wholly guidance an d support , Pearce' s "Cotto n committed himself was a generation ahead Manufactory" was in operation a t No. 1 3 of its time. As TJ ha d warned Digges four Penn Street just at the time when the Re- years earlier, land was too cheap and labor port on Manufactures was before Congress too dear in America to promise success for and under attack by Madison and others. such undertakings . T o thes e underlying Shortly after the session ended, a group of factors wa s adde d th e visionar y planning thirteen Philadelphia weavers inspected the of L'Enfant, the haphazard management of establishment an d gav e publi c testimon y Duer, and the ineffectiveness o f some of the of their findings . Pearc e himself wa s no t artisans. Withi n a few month s Hamilto n by trade a weaver, but the inspecting group soon came t o regar d Pearce as "unsteady agreed unanimousl y tha t "hi s abilitie s in . . . and incapable of being kept within any mechanism are superior to any we ever saw, bounds o f order or oeconomy" (Hamilto n especially i n hi s doubl e loom. " The y ex- to Nichola s Low , 1 5 Apr . 1793 , Syrett , pressed the hope that this and other of his Hamilton, xiv , 318-19) . I n the followin g improvements would "soon come into genyear Pearce proved the poin t b y meriting eral use, and be found of great utility in the dismissal and absconding with some of the United States." They also hoped that, since machines fo r whic h Hamilto n ha d ad their testimony was addressed to the public vanced money. These were recovered, but good, it would be inserted in "newspapers Pearce, hoping t o establish a manufactur -
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28 A P R I L 17 ing plant at the Fall s of Brandywine, met with misfortune and disappeared from historical record. T J wa s silen t abou t th e inspectio n o f Pearce's manufactor y i n th e summe r o f 1792. He must, however, have been interested in the improved machinery, whatever he ma y have though t o f the politica l implications of an establishment s o zealously promoted by the Secretary of the Treasury. Earlier, i n respondin g t o Willia m Knox ' recommendation of the artisan, TJ ha d remarked: "We consider Mr. Pearce as a valuable acquisition , an d shal l cheris h him accordingly" (TJ t o Knox, 31 May 1792). But this carried the tone of politeness rather than conviction. So far as the record shows, T J extende d n o encouragemen t sav e t o express an interest later in a cotton gin of Pearce's design. But this soon gave way to his greater interest in the invention of El i Whitney (TJ t o Pearce, 15 Dec. 1792; T J to Whitney, 16 Nov. 1793) . Even the specific directive from the President to extend encouragement t o th e artisa n he avoide d by diverting the responsibilit y to hi s colleague in the Cabinet , who he must have known would eagerly embrace it.
91
Within a month afte r h e ha d done so , T J receive d a long and learned essay from a Frenc h émigr é urgin g tha t th e risin g American empir e insur e its futur e great ness b y lendin g it s suppor t t o infan t industries; that it encourage Europea n artisans to emigrat e t o th e Unite d States by paying thei r passag e an d offerin g the m premiums; an d that i t endeavo r t o mak e itself independent of foreign nations for the manufactured article s its expandin g pop ulation required. In some respects this argument o f the ne w citize n went eve n be yond th e positio n o f Washingto n an d Hamilton t o whic h TJ had been s o consistently opposed. Yet the Secretary of State, to whom the essay was addressed, caused it to b e translated and silently released to Freneau's National Gazette shortly befor e Hamilton submitte d hi s Repor t on Man ufactures to Congress. The Secretary of the Treasury could have had little difficulty in guessing by whose hands this argument so corroborative of his own policies was made public. Fo r a possible explanatio n o f th e motives that led TJ t o take such an anomalous action, see Editorial Note and group of documents a t 4 Aug. 1791 .
F r o m Pierr e G u i d e Baltimore, 28 Apr. 1791 . Hi s first concer n o n arrivin g ther e wa s t o infor m T J an d to forwar d dispatches give n t o hi m a t Marseille s by Mr . Cathalan a t the en d o f Jan . The y woul d hav e com e sooner , bu t h e wa s blow n of f cours e by a northwes t win d o n 8 Mch . fro m th e latitud e o f th e Bermuda s to Ca p Français. Th e damag e wa s s o grea t tha t h e wa s oblige d t o abando n hi s ship , under th e Savo y flag, an d to plac e a part of hi s carg o o n a French ship . - H e encloses letters of recommendation fro m Etienne Cathalan and from his brother Jean Baptist e Guide , who ha d the hono r o f meeting T J at Turi n i n 1788 , a s he himsel f did. These cal l upo n T J to besto w hi s esteem an d protection . His brother informed TJ o f the purpose of his voyage: to gain local knowledge for beginnin g a happy an d extensive trad e betwee n th e Unite d States an d the realm of Sardinia. Lea f tobacco i s America's object o f export, bu t to encourag e merchants i n it , articles imported unde r the America n flag must b e admitte d as those of the mos t favore d nation, since TJ will kno w that the America n flag has bee n an d i s s o favore d i n al l Sardinia n ports : fo r severa l ship s consigne d to his brother at Nice have been successfull y exempte d fro m all duties whateve r through hi s care . Guid e wil l se e wit h grea t satisfactio n tha t hi s observation s "à V[otre ] Excellence ] n e lu i déplussen t pa s e t qu e So n amou r pou r l'accroissement e t l a prospérit é d u commerc e l a portâ t à fair e accorder , s'i l sera possible , au x liaison s naissante s qu e nous e allon s entreprendr e ave c l e
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Pavillon Savoyard , le s facilité s e t L a protection don t ell e daign a nous flatter à Nic e lors de So n passage pou r Turin." When he arrives in Philadelphia next month, h e wil l as k a few moment s o f TJ' s preciou s time, fo r his brother and he ar e convince d o f th e succes s o f thei r enterpris e if the y ca n begi n unde r auspices a s happ y and as efficaciou s a s those o f T J . - C a t h a l a n ha s delivered to hi m si x barrel s o f olive plant s and a box whic h he think s is fo r TJ or the Agricultural Societ y of Philadelphia, consigne d to Rober t Gilmo r & Co. fro m whom h e hope s the y ma y b e receive d in goo d state : h e too k th e bes t car e of them possible . H e enclose s a summary of the first Savoyar d carg o dispatched to th e Unite d States i n the hop e that , if he finds something tha t could please T J ' s taste , h e woul d s o infor m him, being convince d that T J would no t b e offended b y a n offer "auss i sincere que naive." RC (DLC) ; a t foot of text: "S. E . Monsr. De Jefferso n ministr e des affaire s étran gères a Philadelphie"; endorsed by TJ a s received 30 Apr. 179 1 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure s ("les plys"): (1) Stephen
Cathalan, Jr., to T J, 22 (two) and 2 6 Jan . 1791, on e o f the former being a letter of recommendation of Pierre Guide; (2) Jean Baptiste Guide to T J, 1 7 Jan. 1791 .
T o Willia m Smit h DEAR S I R Philadelphi
a Apr . 28 . 1791 .
As th e tim e allotte d fo r M r . Eppes' s sta y her e i s shor t i n pro portion t o th e object s o f it, I am desirou s o f husbanding ever y hou r of i t possible . Les t I shoul d no t hav e explaine d mysel f sufficientl y as t o hi s object s a t th e college , I tak e th e libert y o f doin g i t now . In Mathematic s h e possesse s alread y th e firs t 6 . an d th e 11th . an d 12th. book s of Euclid (havin g been four times over them i n differen t schools) plai n trigonometry , an d a s fa r a s Quadrati c equation s i n algebra. T h e latte r ma y b e usefull y carrie d to Cubi c equation s (fo r the highe r part s o f Algebra, and fluxions, tho ' charmin g to possess , would tak e mor e tim e tha n h e no w ha s t o spare ) ther e remain s als o to b e acquire d th e Coni c sections , spherica l trigonometry , Astron omy, an d t o atten d a cours e o f natura l philosoph y chiefl y fo r th e experimental part . Whenever D r . Smith' s clas s i s engaged o n thes e objects, M r . Eppe s wil l atten d him , layin g asid e ever y thin g els e for that purpose. Wheneve r the class is engaged about subject s whic h Mr. Eppe s possesses already , I shoul d b e gla d t o hav e hi m a t home that h e ma y b e pursuin g thos e branche s o f reading i n whic h I shall occupy him . I hav e take n th e libert y o f statin g m y views , relyin g on you r goodnes s t o forwar d the m a s fa r a s ca n b e done , an d hav e the honou r t o b e wit h grea t esteem , Sir , your mos t obedt . humbl e servt, T H : JEFFERSON RC (PHi) . Pr C (DLC) ; mutilated , the right half of leaf being lost.
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F r o m Sylvanu s B o u r n e Cape François, 29 Apr. 1791. Arrive d and presented credential s on 1 6 Mch. Still await s recognitio n "bu t canno t obtai n an y decision o f the business : bein g constantly pu t of f b y th e mos t equivoca l an d evasiv e Conduc t o n thei r part. One Day am informed that the Convention does not extend to the Colonies - th e next tha t a s m y Commissio n i s unacompanie d b y a lette r fro m th e Secy , o f State, the y canno t acknowledg e it s authenticity , an d agai n tha t a s th e Con vention ha s neve r bee n transmitte d t o the m fro m Franc e the y ar e no t boun d to notice it . I am sent from the assembl y to the Govr. th e Govr . to the assembl y without obtainin g satisfactor y answer from either." He conceives suc h conduct to be i n direct violation o f Art. 2 9 o f the commercia l treaty and of the Consula r Convention. Request s instruction s an d a letter t o th e Governo r General spe cifically obviating their objections. Withou t this he doubts he can be established in fac e o f determine d oppositio n fro m admiralt y officer s wh o wil l "los e fee s which the y ar e eve r read y t o extor t fro m ou r Countrymen . . .. I hav e eve r made m y officia l establishmen t th e groun d wor k o f m y mercantil e on e an d without th e forme r I shall lose many expected advantages. " Thi s an d exaction of droit d'aubaine sho w th e colonists' opposition t o operation of any treaty. Onl y a few week s ag o th e propert y o f an America n consignee who die d a t Port-auPrince wa s seize d a s a n escheat . He i s chagrined that Congres s has again lost th e Consula r bill , thu s placing public officers i n a disagreeable predicament : "principles of liberal policy ought not t o b e thu s neglected. " Politics in this island excites in turn pit y and indignation. The northern and southern part s are bitterly opposed, whil e principle s and motives "ar e clouded in mystic darkness." Both with equal fervor profess attachmen t to the National Assembly bu t diffe r muc h i n evidenc e o f it. Deputie s ar e daily expected . Questions whether the philanthropist can view the French conduct as leading these people from despotis m t o freedom . Hope s t o hea r from T J by th e "firs t conveyance." RC (DNA : RG 59, CD) ; endorse d by T J a s received at Bennington, Vermont, 4 June 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL . Only four days before Bourne made this first report o f hi s difficult y i n obtainin g recognition, TJ expresse d the view that the United States had a clear right to appoint consuls in the French West Indies (TJ t o Short, 25 Apr. 1791). He had in fact held this position durin g the negotiations leading to th e Consula r Conventio n of 1788 . But, anticipatin g that there would be objections, h e cautione d bot h Shor t an d Bourne not to press the claim if the French government shoul d findit inconvenient or disagreeable t o gran t it (se e TJ' s circula r to consuls, 1 3 May 1791, and note on the one sent to Bourne; see also TJ t o Bourne, 14 Aug. 1791). This was characteristic of
his style o f diplomacy, as it was of Montmorin's. O n learning of the proble m presented b y Bourne' s appointmen t an d on being given the mistaken information that an exequatu r ha d bee n granted , Mont morin declared that this action placed the government i n "un grand embarras" and gave instructions that the governor general be directed to consider it as non-avenu. At the same time, in pointing out that this was an exercise of sovereignty which could only belong t o the monarch, he urged that any discussions tha t woul d be disagreeable t o the United States be avoided (Montmorin to Thevenard , 30 Jul y 1791 ; Thevenard to Montmorin, 21 July and 18 Aug. 1791, Arch. Aff . Etr. , Corr.-Pol. , E.-U. , xxxv ; photocopies in D L C ). Earlier , on learning that Bourn e and Skipwit h had bee n ap pointed consuls in the islands, he had given
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1
emphatic instruction s t o Otto t o make it Indie s excep t wit h respec t t o th e droit clear to TJ that their nominations shoul d cf aubaine (Montmori n t o Otto , 1 3 Nov . remain without effect and that the Consular 1790 , same) . Convention did not include the French West
F r o m Charle s Françoi s d'Anmour s Baltimore, 29 Apr. 1791. Introducin g an d recommending t o T J 's "special protection" M. Pierre Zacharie of Lyons, an "ingenious mechanicia n of a family that has produced many men of merit in the mechanical branch of mathematicks, and who have receive d . . . several rewards and privileges." H e is the inventor of a machine t o clean harbors , found o n examination ther e t o be superior to a number o f others. H e goes to Philadelphi a to solicit "a n Exclusive patent for Establishing i t i n all the harbour s o f the U. States," conveyin g wit h hi m a model whic h he will submi t t o T J . "As I know , Sir , how familiar ever y Branc h o f Knowledge i s to yo u an d with wha t Zea l yo u Protect an d Promot e ever y objec t o f public utility , I have on thes e two Principles, taken upo n m e to recommend bot h th e machine an d its invento r t o you r Patronage ; Knowin g no t a better Judg e o f the merit of the one , and a more judicious an d Benevolen t Protecto r o f the latter. " RC (DNA : R G 59 , MLR); endorsed by t o "Pete r Zacharie " for his machine for T J a s received 4 Ma y 1791 and so re- cleanin g dock s or harbors (List of patents corded i n S J L . granted
.. .from April 10,1790, to Decem-
On 24 Nov. 179 1 a patent wa s granted
ber 31, 1836 [Washington , 1872]) .
F r o m L o u i s G u i l l a u m e Ott o S l R , Philadelphia , 29th April , 1791. In consequenc e o f orders which I have received from his Majesty, I hav e th e hono r herewit h t o transmi t t o yo u th e la w whic h fixes the dispositio n o f the colour s i n the differen t kind s of flags, o r other customary mark s of distinction amon g ship s o f war and commercial vessels o f the Frenc h nation . I request th e favo r o f you t o mak e thi s law know n i n th e port s o f the Unite d States . A n d have th e honou r to be , Wit h respectfu l attachment , Sir , You r mos t humbl e an d Obedient servant , OTT O Text of letter and enclosures fromBrown's
other customary marks of distinction among ships of war, and commercial vessels," conscript of either having been found in DNA: sisting o f six Articles and a command to RG 59 , NL or elsewhere. Enclosures : (1 ) all tribunals , administrativ e bodies , and Full tex t o f the law of 31 Oct . 1790 a s municipalities to have the law "transcribed approved by Louis XVI in accordance with in their registers, read, published, and posted the decree of the National Assembly of 24 up i n thei r respectiv e district s an d De Oct. 179 0 "Fixing the Disposition o f the partments, and to execute it as a law of the Colours in the different kind s of Flags, or Kingdom." The first Article , which dis -
Federal Gazette, 4 Ma y 1791 , n o manu -
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29 A P R I placed the Bourbon white flagwith its fleursde-lis an d substitute d fo r i t th e nationa l tricolor, read: "The Jack shall be composed of three equal stripes and placed vertically: The on e neares t the staf f shall be red, the center one white , and the third blue." (2) Proclamation of the King , 3 1 Oct . 1790 , announcing the law of that date which determined the for m of the Frenc h national
L 179
1
flag, commandin g all ships of war and commercial vessel s t o confor m t o it s stipula tions, and , after notification t o foreign nations, forbidding all French vessels after 1 Apr. 179 1 t o use "any other than the National Flag." In S J L, T J recorded receipt of Otto's letter and enclosures o n 30 Apr. 1791.
F r o m Pierpon t E d w a r d s New Haven, 30 Apr. 1791. Enclose s first code of laws enacted in Connecticut, published 1672 . Ther e ar e no law s extan t o f earlier date, perhap s becaus e th e charter obtaine d b y Gov . Winthro p fro m Charle s I I i n 1662 , incorporatin g and unitin g colonie s o f Hartfor d an d Ne w Have n whic h unti l then ha d bee n distinct and totally independent o f each other, was procured without permissio n of Ne w Haven , whic h fo r severa l year s refuse d t o ac t unde r th e charter . The dispute wa s settled abou t 1672 , an d it is said this code was enacted immediatel y thereafter. - H e als o enclose s revise d cod e o f 170 2 an d al l law s fro m the n t o 1744. Th e law s fro m 167 2 t o 170 2 no t reenacte d i n revision o f that year , and those between 174 4 an d 175 0 ar e needed t o complet e T J ' s collection . H e does not despai r o f bein g abl e t o procur e them. H e encloses , a s requested , hi s bil l of expenditures . RC (DNA : RG 59 , MLR) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 5 May 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
From Richar d Hanso n Petersburg, Virginia. 30 Apr. 1791. H e ha s receive d T J ' s of 5t h inst . an d that o f 7 Nov. , whic h woul d hav e bee n "answere d i n cours e ha d yo u no t mentioned writin g me again soon." He notes T J 's making such an advantageou s sale of his tobacco. Farel l & Jones, owin g a debt t o Colo . Edward Carter , gave power t o Dobso n t o receiv e i t an d Hanso n pai d latte r T J ' s first bond "a s i t could mak e n o differenc e t o you , wit h who m yo u wil l pleas e t o settl e it." - A s for givin g u p T J ' s bond s an d takin g Ronald' s plu s mortgag e o n land s a s security, thi s "i s wha t I canno t thin k o f doing , fo r I can assur e yo u tha t you r Bonds withou t securit y i s preferabl e wit h m e t o an y other s wit h Security . Besides, h e migh t pa y yo u soone r tha n me. " If indulgence i s needed, T J may be assured of having a reasonable time as bonds fal l due. H e hopes his declining to exchang e bond s wil l no t b e t o T J ' s disadvantage, bu t i t woul d no t b e t o Jones' interes t t o d o so . RC (MHi) ; endorsed b y TJ as received 1 0 May 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
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F r o m Davi d Humphrey s Mafra, Portugal. 30 Apr. 1791. O n 13t h Samue l Harrison , a t instanc e o f Jacob Dohrman, sent messenger fro m Lisbon to inform Humphreys that Dominick Joyce , merchan t of Philadelphia , ha d written his brothe r Edward Joyc e on 2 5 Feb. : "A Minister is appointe d t o your Court ; Colo . Humphreys is th e person." Thi s an d thre e other s fro m Philadelphi a receive d i n extraordinary manner. An American brigantine, Peggy, Capt . Jacob De Hart , of Philadelphia was see n of f the Tagu s on 6th . T w o o r three day s late r the letter s wer e foun d on beac h a t Cascaies , an d o n 12t h the y appeare d a t th e Exchange , broke n open. He ha s receive d lette r fro m Carmichae l o f 1 5 Apr . saying nothin g material had ye t take n place . A violen t biliou s an d nervou s disorde r ha s kep t hi m i n bed last ten days, but he is recovering. He says: " 'I write now with a trembling hand, and am obliged t o paus e a t every line. The Bile destroys m y Spirits, an d the Cholic , an d the Emetic s . . . shatter my Nerves. Grea t Change s have taken place here' " - Campomane s removed from Council an d given sinecur e - man y other removal s an d promotions , abou t whic h h e says : " 'were w e tete à tete I might b e abl e to develop e the cause. ' " He then proceeds: " 'You see tha t there are strong appearance s o f the wa r spreading in the North . I can never believ e that G. Britain i s really in earnest. Al l depends o n Potemkin : the Empres s has been firm hitherto, and I scarce think that money wil l bu y him. - Thi s Country is lulle d int o perfec t Security ; and th e Disarmamen t is complete . - 1 hav e n o official letter s sinc e thos e yo u brough t me. ' " Bulkeley write s o n 2 5 th tha t Britis h consu l a t Elsinor e say s genera l peac e soon expected . Vagu e report s sa y Empres s aims to g o onl y t o Constantinopl e to sho w Englan d her prowess , an d the Port e tha t i t ha s bee n deceived . Mor e certain that English fleet is vigorously preparing , and King's bounty t o seame n extended t o 3 0 May . - "Her e al l i s peac e an d quietness , withou t innovation . A fe w Pasquinade s agains t Administratio n have . . . lately bee n paste d u p i n Lisbon. Th e only Trai t i n the Queen' s characte r which the Author s could find susceptible o f being Caricature d was her great veneratio n for the Lad y Abbes s of th e Ne w Convent . I believ e th e Quee n reall y merit s th e estee m o f th e Portuguese Nation. " Rain s hav e bee n plentiful , promis e o f harvest good , and price of wheat fallen. He sends thi s under cover to George C . Fo x in Falmouth, through Bulkeley. RC (DNA : R G 59 , DD); at head of text "(No. 17). " Tr (same). Recorded in S JL as received 22 June 1791 .
F r o m T h o m a s M a n n R a n d o l p h , J r. DEAR SIR , Monticell
o Apri l 30t h 1791 .
We ar e unhapp y a t no t bein g abl e t o transmi t yo u a s regula r accounts fro m Monticell o a s yo u ar e desirou s o f having . T h e dis continuance o f th e pos t throw s u s entirel y o n th e Waggon s fo r th e conveyance of our letters, a method not onl y irregular but extremel y [ 32 7 ]
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uncertain. I t i s particularl y painful t o u s t o b e frequentl y i n doub t from the sam e cause about th e state of your health as there is nothin g in whic h we ar e so muc h interested . You r lette r o f the 17th . Marc h reached Monticell o o n th e 19t h o f Apri l an d w e ofte n receiv e 2 o r 3 packet s a t once . A sur e opportunit y b y mean s o f Bo b wh o goe s to Fredericksbur g o n a visi t t o hi s wife , induce s u s al l t o writ e a t the sam e time . I a m sorr y to le t yo u kno w tha t I have littl e hope s o f arrivin g a t any thing absolutely conclusiv e this year, on the question concernin g the Opossum . Being unluckily misinformed with respect to the tim e of the appearance of the young in the false pouch I was not extremel y anxious to procure subjects till the first weeks o f March had elapsed. Of fou r whic h I hav e examine d on e wa s i n n o wa y pregnant , th e young o f th e othe r 3 wer e hangin g a t th e teat s i n th e fals e pouch , but wer e muc h larger , even thos e o f the smalles t brood , tha n a pea or a bea n o f whic h siz e i t i s sai d the y hav e bee n see n i n th e sam e situation. T h e first ha d bee n take n i n th e middl e o f Winte r befor e it had intercourse with the male and was kept alive till the beginnin g of April: the teats had the usual appearance of those of barren animals but th e fals e pouc h wa s a s complete i n every respec t a s in the othe r subjects. Fro m thi s i t appear s tha t M r . Rittenhous e wa s misin formed. - T h e young opossum s kep t themselves a t the teat by pressing the extremit y o f it betwee n th e tongu e and the en d o f the uppe r jaw: a n attemp t t o separat e the m fro m i t b y drawin g them forcibl y away woul d hav e occasione d a considerabl e laceration , i t wa s evi dent; bu t b y openin g th e mout h gentl y wit h th e en d o f a pin the y were removed without th e smalles t mark s of violence, alth o the mos t particular attentio n wa s bestowed . Fro m th e mos t accurat e obser vation o f 10 , whic h wa s th e numbe r o f th e younges t brood , n o connecting membran e coul d b e discovered . T h e littl e animal s o f that brood even whe n remove d i n this manner from the false pouch , if place d nea r it, easil y foun d thei r way i n again ; yet the y appea r t o be as imperfect a s the fetus in the large r Quadrupèdes a considerable time befor e it s birth . Severa l of them ar e preserved in Spirit s to b e submited t o you r inspection. - T h e internal organs o f generation i n the Opossum are perfect i n every respect. T he Uterus Tyson I think, has remarke d t o hav e tw o cavities : thes e cavitie s howeve r com municate wit h each othe r a t some distance fro m the neck . Sinc e m y dissection i t ha s occurre d to m e tha t ther e migh t b e a passage fro m some par t o f th e Vagin a to th e fals e bell y an d thi s shal l b e on e o f the chie f object s o f m y nex t enquiry . I recollecte d Mr . Madison s idea o f a communication betwee n th e Uteru s directl y an d the fals e [ 32 8 ]
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belly bu t am convinced that there is no suc h passage. A wa y leadin g from som e par t o f th e Vagin a is muc h mor e probable . T h e en d a t which m y dissection s immediatel y aime d wa s th e discover y o f a gravid Uterus , a s tha t woul d hav e afforde d decisiv e proo f i n favo r of th e Opinio n o f severa l Europea n Naturalists (vid . Bonne t Con templation d e l a Nature V . 3 . p.45. note ) viz . tha t th e tim e o f ges tation i s extremel y shor t wit h th e Opossu m an d that parturitio n is with i t a kind o f natura l Abortion . I shal l have i t i n m y powe r soo n t o giv e yo u a more minut e an d particular accoun t o f m y observation s wit h an y thin g ne w whic h may occur . I a m sorry not t o b e abl e to giv e you a good account o f the Diar y you desire d m e t o keep . I coul d onl y find on e Thermomete r i n Richmond fo r Sal e whic h wa s short , badl y graduate d an d a t a n exorbitant price . I sen d yo u observation s durin g the presen t mont h made wit h th e ol d Spiri t o f Win e Thermomete r in th e Study . Within 1s t h . afte r Sunris e las 44.f April 1 . 29. 3 2. 29.1 . 48.f. 3. 29.2 . 4. 29.2 . 5. 29.3 . 6. 29.4 . 7. 29.3 . 8. 29.4 . 9. 29.4 . 10. 11. 29.3 . 12. 29.2 . 13. 29 . 14. 28.8 .
34.f. 40.f. 43.f. 44.f. 44.f. 44.f. 43.f.
15. 28.9 . 16. 17. 28.9 . 18. 29 . 29.
49.f. r. 47.c.a.r. 45.f.
30. 29.3 .
6 I.e.
48.f. 54.c. 64.c. 55.f.
t h . bef . Sunse t Leontodon taraxacu m fl. Violae. 1,2,3.
29.2. 43.f. 29.2 48.f. Silen e - .Fragari a Vesca . 29.3. 48.c. Caprimulgu s Europ. ap . 29.4. 48.f.
29.1. 66.f. 28.9. 56.f.a.r.& th . Hirundo purpurea. 28.9. 28.9. 29. 29.3.
45.r. 47.c. 50.f. 64.c. Turdu s Rufus . Hirund o Pelasgia. 62.c.a.r. Laniu s Tyrannus . 29.3. Trochilus { 32 9 ]
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Colub. P a r u s - . P l . Chionanthu s Virg . Cypripediu m Calc . Cratae gus Cru s g a Moru s Rubra . Hyacin . comosus . Aquilegi a Canad . Prunus Virg . Magnoli a 3 pet . &c . betwee n 1 8 an d 30 . T h e Chas m is occasione d b y a tri p t o Varina . I hav e onl y note d th e bird s an d a fe w plants , suc h o f eithe r onl y a s appeare d o n th e to p o f th e Mountain. Dea r Si r you r mos t aff . & obed . Servt . T H : M . RANDOLPH just sufficien t t o admi t th e teat , th e eyes covered wit h a membrane a s i n puppies . When they wer e taken from the teat they crawled about very well and attempted t o Rittenhouse's opinio n abou t th e fals e get int o the false belly again or to conceal pouch of the opossum is given in TJ's letter to Randolp h of 24 Feb . 1791 an d in that themselves in the hair. Their faeces wer e plain to b e see n of 6 Apr. 179 1 T J felt tha t thi s wa s an n erroneous conclusion . Immediatel y on re- in the false belly. The uterus 4 j ceiving the above letter , he made it avail- is double in this shape, comable to Rittenhouse (T J t o Rittenhouse, 8 municating together. " May 1791). In DLC: TJ Papers , 96:16488 The meteorological reading s given above there is an undated memorandum in Ran- were made to accord with the pattern and dolph's hand which may have been a par t abbreviations employed by TJ i n his letter of the abov e lette r o r may hav e bee n in- to Randolp h of 2 4 Feb . 1791 . BO B wa s cluded later in one of the many letters from Robert Heming s (b . 1762) , a Monticello TJ's son-in-la w o f which copies hav e not slave and one o f the twelve childre n bor n been found. The note reads as follows: "The to Betty Hemings, whose famil y formed a teat is compressed at its extremity between part o f Marth a Wayle s Jefferson' s patri the end of the tongue and the extremity of mony (se e Betts , Farm Book, p . 15 , 451 ; the uppe r jaw. 9 o r 1 0 youn g one s were Betts an d Bear , Family Letters, p . 63-4 , separated withou t an y appearanc e o f lac- n.3). Bob, who was eventually freed by T J, eration. Th e orifices o f the ear s were not was give n suc h freedom of travel that at open i n the young. The nostrils were, the times hi s maste r did not kno w wher e he jaws grow n togethe r excep t a small hole was (T J t o Fitzhugh, 24 Aug . 1790) . RC (MHi) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 7 May 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
G
F r o m Pete r C a r r M Y D E A R S I R Monticello . May . 1 . 179 1 My silenc e hithert o ha s proceede d fro m a suppositio n tha t yo u had littl e leisur e t o atten d t o an y thin g bu t th e dutie s o f you r offic e and I lear n fro m Colo . Monro e tha t thi s suppositio n ha s bee n wel l founded. M y tim e sinc e you r departur e ha s bee n employe d prin cipally i n th e stud y o f th e la w followin g th e cours e yo u marke d out . T h e evening s have bee n divide d betwee n History , Philosophy , an d Poetry. I am a t present reading the 2d . vo l o f L d . Raymond' s Reports and a m o f opinio n tha t mos t o f th e adjudication s o f Hol t wil l stan d their groun d a s lon g a s Englis h jurisprudenc e shal l depen d o n th e maxims an d doctrine s o f th e commo n law , o r shal l b e supporte d b y justice an d equity . Vaugha n i s a mos t excellen t Reporter , an d re [ 33 0 ]
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Colub. P a r u s - . P l . Chionanthu s Virg . Cypripediu m Calc . Cratae gus Cru s g a Moru s Rubra . Hyacin . comosus . Aquilegi a Canad . Prunus Virg . Magnoli a 3 pet . &c . betwee n 1 8 an d 30 . T h e Chas m is occasione d b y a tri p t o Varina . I hav e onl y note d th e bird s an d a fe w plants , suc h o f eithe r onl y a s appeare d o n th e to p o f th e Mountain. Dea r Si r you r mos t aff . & obed . Servt . T H : M . RANDOLPH just sufficien t t o admi t th e teat , th e eyes covered wit h a membrane a s i n puppies . When they wer e taken from the teat they crawled about very well and attempted t o Rittenhouse's opinio n abou t th e fals e get int o the false belly again or to conceal pouch of the opossum is given in TJ's letter to Randolp h of 24 Feb . 1791 an d in that themselves in the hair. Their faeces wer e plain to b e see n of 6 Apr. 179 1 T J felt tha t thi s wa s an n erroneous conclusion . Immediatel y on re- in the false belly. The uterus 4 j ceiving the above letter , he made it avail- is double in this shape, comable to Rittenhouse (T J t o Rittenhouse, 8 municating together. " May 1791). In DLC: TJ Papers , 96:16488 The meteorological reading s given above there is an undated memorandum in Ran- were made to accord with the pattern and dolph's hand which may have been a par t abbreviations employed by TJ i n his letter of the abov e lette r o r may hav e bee n in- to Randolp h of 2 4 Feb . 1791 . BO B wa s cluded later in one of the many letters from Robert Heming s (b . 1762) , a Monticello TJ's son-in-la w o f which copies hav e not slave and one o f the twelve childre n bor n been found. The note reads as follows: "The to Betty Hemings, whose famil y formed a teat is compressed at its extremity between part o f Marth a Wayle s Jefferson' s patri the end of the tongue and the extremity of mony (se e Betts , Farm Book, p . 15 , 451 ; the uppe r jaw. 9 o r 1 0 youn g one s were Betts an d Bear , Family Letters, p . 63-4 , separated withou t an y appearanc e o f lac- n.3). Bob, who was eventually freed by T J, eration. Th e orifices o f the ear s were not was give n suc h freedom of travel that at open i n the young. The nostrils were, the times hi s maste r did not kno w wher e he jaws grow n togethe r excep t a small hole was (T J t o Fitzhugh, 24 Aug . 1790) . RC (MHi) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 7 May 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
G
F r o m Pete r C a r r M Y D E A R S I R Monticello . May . 1 . 179 1 My silenc e hithert o ha s proceede d fro m a suppositio n tha t yo u had littl e leisur e t o atten d t o an y thin g bu t th e dutie s o f you r offic e and I lear n fro m Colo . Monro e tha t thi s suppositio n ha s bee n wel l founded. M y tim e sinc e you r departur e ha s bee n employe d prin cipally i n th e stud y o f th e la w followin g th e cours e yo u marke d out . T h e evening s have bee n divide d betwee n History , Philosophy , an d Poetry. I am a t present reading the 2d . vo l o f L d . Raymond' s Reports and a m o f opinio n tha t mos t o f th e adjudication s o f Hol t wil l stan d their groun d a s lon g a s Englis h jurisprudenc e shal l depen d o n th e maxims an d doctrine s o f th e commo n law , o r shal l b e supporte d b y justice an d equity . Vaugha n i s a mos t excellen t Reporter , an d re [ 33 0 ]
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markable I think for the soundnes s an d perspicuity o f his decisions . His deduction s ar e strictl y logica l an d on e ma y easil y se e h e ha s been ver y conversan t wit h Euclid . During th e sessio n o f th e distric t cour t i n Charlottesvill e I at tended i n orde r to gai n som e knowledg e o f the practica l part of th e law; bu t foun d th e proceeding s conducte d i n s o differen t a manner from wha t I ha d bee n taugh t b y book s o n th e subject , tha t I fea r I gained bu t little . I kno w no t wha t metho d a youn g ma n shoul d pursue to becom e acquainte d wit h this par t of the law . I t would b e a ver y awkwar d thing t o hav e i t t o lear n after h e come s t o th e bar , and ye t I se e n o othe r mor e eligibl e means . An y thin g whic h yo u shall say on this subject will b e acceptable an d shall be duly attende d to. I sa w M r . Maur y a fe w day s ag o an d enquire d o f Dabney' s progress & c , &c . Hi s account s ar e extremely flattering, bot h wit h Respect t o hi s genius , application , an d judgment. Hi s disposition s are withou t a fault . You wer e s o goo d whe n yo u first returne d fro m Europ e a s t o direct tha t som e debt s whic h wer e lef t unpai d by m e i n Wmsburg. should b e discharged . I t is painful to m e t o infor m you tha t thi s ha s not bee n done , an d tha t I se e ver y littl e probabilit y o f it s bein g accomplished soon. Afte r your unbounded beneficence i t may appear to argu e a want o f delicacy i n me t o troubl e yo u o n this subject , bu t I a m sur e yo u wil l excus e i t whe n yo u conside r tha t a regar d fo r my ow n reputatio n ha s bee n th e inducement . M y mothe r dre w a n order som e tim e ag o o n Colo . Lewi s fo r 6 0 £ , whic h h e say s shal l be pai d whe n you r creditor s pa y him . Garland Jefferson i s a close studen t an d goes on hopefully. I trust we shal l se e yo u i n Virgini a thi s autumn . Adie u m y D r Si r an d believe m e t o b e yr . unalterable & affectionate friend , P E T E R CAR R RC (ViU) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 7 May 179 1 an d s o recorded in SJL.
T o Jame s Curri e DEAR SIR Philadelphi a May 1 . 1791 . T h i s wil l b e delivere d yo u b y M r . Cassinov e a gentlema n fro m Holland of distinction, wealth and merit. An acquaintance of a year's standing enable s m e t o bea r particula r testimony t o hi s wort h a s a man, an d hi s talent s a s a ma n o f business . Desirou s tha t stranger s of not e shoul d hav e opportunitie s o f knowin g th e rea l characte r of my countryme n whic h I kno w wil l no t suffe r on the whole whe n [331]
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compared with any others, I take the liberty of asking your attention s to him , an d tha t yo u wil l b e s o goo d a s t o mak e hi m know n t o others whose acquaintanc e may be agreeable t o him. I am with grea t & sincer e estee m Dea r Si r Your frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . MR. CASSINOVE : Théophil e Cazenov e (1740-1811), a n investment agen t for several Amsterdam banking houses, wh o was about t o tak e a "petit trot " into Virgini a and Maryland . He reported to a friend that their little clu b had scattered, tha t Count Andriani ha d given u p the projec t of getting himself scalped and wa s off for Quebe c and Newfoundland , an d that all was tranquil i n Philadelphia except tha t the beautiful an d amiabl e Mrs . Bingham wa s ill, thus afflictin g al l (Cazenov e t o Edwar d
Campbell, 25 Apr. 1791, Cazenove Letter Book, City Archives of Amsterdam). The circle in which Cazenove moved included Alexander Hamilton as its most important figure, bu t it did not include T J , wh o for a brie f period had also been an admirer o f Anne Willing Bingham while in Paris. On thi s dat e T J wrote letter s o f introduction t o Cazenov e addressed to Currie , McClurg, Governo r Randolph , Thomas Mann Randolph , and Bushrod Washing ton. Th e text o f th e las t exist s onl y i n a fragment (Pr C i n D L C: T J Papers, 69, f. 11948).
T o Willia m D r a y t o n SIR Philadelphi
a May 1 . 1791 .
My mortificatio n ha s bee n extrem e a t th e delay s whic h hav e at tended th e procurin g the oliv e plant s s o lon g ag o recommende d b y myself, s o lon g ag o agree d t o b y th e agricultura l society, an d fo r which thei r mone y ha s bee n s o lon g lyin g i n th e hand s o f a banker at Paris. I assure you Si r that m y endeavor s hav e bee n unremitting . In additio n t o th e first smal l parce l which wer e sen t soo n afte r th e reciept o f you r orders , I hav e no w th e pleasur e t o infor m yo u tha t a secon d carg o i s arrived at Baltimore consisting o f 6. barrel s which contains 40 . youn g oliv e tree s o f th e bes t species , t o affor d grafts , and a bo x o f olive s t o so w fo r stocks . T h i s I orde r o n immediatel y to Charlesto n to th e car e o f Messrs . Brailsfor d & Morri s fo r you , and I inclose herewit h a copy o f the direction s give n fo r the manne r of treatin g them . A thir d carg o i s o n it' s wa y fro m Bordeaux , bu t for wha t por t I hav e no t learned . T h i s consist s o f 2 . barrel s con taining 44 . oliv e tree s o f whic h 2 4 ar e ver y y o u n g . - I shal l im mediately writ e t o m y corresponden t a t Marseille s to sen d anothe r cargo th e ensuin g w i n t e r . - I delivere d t o M r . Izar d a barre l o f Mountain rice of last year's growth, whic h I recieved from the island of Banana s on th e coas t o f Afric a an d whic h I desire d hi m to shar e with yo u fo r the us e o f the society . T h e attention no w payin g to th e sugar-Maple tree promise s u s an abundant supply o f sugar at home : [ 33 2 ]
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and I confess I loo k wit h infinit e gratificatio n t o th e additio n t o th e products o f the U . S . o f three suc h article s a s oil, sugar , an d uplan d rice. T h e las t I value , i n th e hop e i t ma y b e a complete substitut e for th e pestiferous cultur e o f the we t rice . -1 hav e th e honou r t o b e with grea t respec t Si r Your mos t obedien t & most humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON P r C ( D L C ) . Enclosure : "Memorandu m for the Oliv e Tries" transmitted in Cathalan' s first letter o f 2 2 Jan . 179 1 an d summarize d there.
T o Rober t G i l m o r & C o m p a n y G E N T L E M E N Philadelphi a May 1 . 1791. I a m jus t informe d tha t ther e i s arrive d at Baltimor e addresse d to yo u b y M r . Cathala n o f Marseille s 6 . barrrel s containing Oliv e trees, an d a ches t containin g olive s t o sow , fo r me . I mus t be g th e favor o f yo u t o sen d the m b y th e first vesse l t o Charlesto n (S . C . ) addressed 't o Messieur s Brailsfor d & Morri s for M r . Drayton. ' A s the succes s o f thi s endeavou r t o introduc e th e cultur e o f th e oliv e tree into the U . S . depends on the plant s arrivin g at their destinatio n in du e season , an d tha t i s no w passin g fas t away , I mus t be g you r attention t o sen d the m b y the ver y first vessel boun d fro m you r por t to that . An y expence s whic h ma y no t b e payabl e a t th e por t o f delivery accordin g t o usage , I wil l answe r o n you r notifyin g the m to me . I have th e honou r t o b e Gentleme n You r most obedt. humbl e servt, T H : JEFFERSON P r C ( D L C ) ; a t foo t o f text : "Messrs . Robert Gilmo r & co." Enclosure: T J to Guide , 1 May 1791 . Robert Gilmo r & Co. responded t o th e above on 3 May 1791, saying that the letter enclosed fo r Guide would be given him the next day; that, as directed by Cathalan, the y immediately shippe d th e olive s an d oliv e
trees to Brailsfor d & Morris by the Fanny, Capt. Vickery , wit h instructions to deliver them t o Drayton ; that sh e woul d sai l wit h the first wind ; that the y ha d give n particular direction s t o Capt . Vicker y "t o tak e care of them and to give them the air " whe n weather permitted ; an d tha t n o expense s had bee n incurre d ther e ( R C in M H i ; en dorsed b y TJ as received 6 Ma y 179 1 an d so recorde d in S J L ) .
T o Pierr e G u i d e S l R Philadelphi
a May . 1.1791 .
I receive d las t nigh t you r favo r o f Apr . 28 . a s wel l a s thos e o f your brothe r an d Mr . Cathalan , and experienc e a t th e sam e tim e [ 33 3 ]
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regret fro m th e acciden t t o you r vessel , an d th e pleasur e o f seein g a commencemen t o f commerc e betwee n th e dominion s o f hi s Sar dinian majest y an d th e Unite d states . Ho w fa r the assortmen t yo u have brough t ma y answe r here , I a m no t merchan t enoug h t o say ; but th e pruden t resolutio n o f establishin g yoursel f i n Americ a wil l soon enable you to assort your cargoes to the demand. No distinctio n being mad e her e betwee n th e vessel s o f different nations , your s are of cours e receive d o n a n equa l footing . Yo u will soo n als o se e Sir , that th e law s o f this countr y operat e s o equall y o n ever y man , as t o place ever y on e indépendan t o f th e protectio n o f another , an d d o for al l what i n othe r countrie s i s done partiall y by th e protectio n o f the great . Hence , Sir , that protectio n whic h you ar e pleased t o as k from me , an d whic h shoul d certainl y b e exercised , coul d ther e b e occasion fo r it , wil l b e limite d to m y goo d wishes fo r the succes s o f your undertakings, and recommendations o f you to others wheneve r occasions shal l occur . T h i s I shal l chearfull y d o fro m motive s o f regard to yourself and brother, as well as wishes t o se e ou r countries connected usefull y t o both . -1 than k yo u fo r the communicatio n o f your invoice. M y wants in that way are confined t o the consumptio n of a small family . I looke d ove r th e invoic e wit h som e eagernes s i n hopes o f finding i n i t som e o f th e kin d o f win e whic h I dran k a t Turin unde r th e nam e o f Nebiule . Shoul d yo u b e able , wit h con venience, t o order , i n an y o f your futur e invoices , five o r si x doze n bottles of that, du meilleur cru, I will tak e them thankfully . -1 shal l be gla d t o se e yo u whe n yo u com e t o Philadelphia . I n th e mea n time if any vessel were coming round from Baltimore to Philadelphia I shoul d be glad to recieve the article s mentioned below , th e amoun t of which shall be remitted to you as soon as you shall make it known to me. M y object wit h respect to the win e bein g merel y to distribute it here in the bes t houses , i n order to recommen d it from it's quality, which I kno w t o b e good , an d fro m it' s price , I wil l be g th e favo r of yo u t o le t m e kno w a t wha t pric e I ma y sa y t o the m tha t i t ca n be procure d in future. - I thank you fo r your particular attention t o the oliv e trees , an d I writ e t o Messrs . Robert Gilmo r & co. t o shi p them of f immediatel y fo r C h a r l e s t o n . - I shall be absen t fro m Phil adelphia fro m th e middl e o f thi s mont h t o th e middl e o f th e next . If yo u coul d sen d m e b y th e first stag e (i f th e packag e wil l bea r land-carriage) a single doze n o f the V in vieux de Nice, and the price, perhaps I ma y procur e further orders from henc e befor e I go . I am with grea t regard , Sir, your mos t obedt . humbl e servt. , T H : JEFFERSO N [ 33 4 ]
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3. douzaine s d e bouteille s de V i n vieux roug e de Nice . Douz e livre s de figues Marseillaise s e n boite s (o u environ) . Douz e livre s (o u environ) d e Raisin s sec d e Smyrne . PrC (DLC) . NEBIULE : Fo r TJ's descriptio n of this wine, see Vol. 11 : 435.
F r o m M a r y Jefferso n D E A R PAPA Monticell
o May l
As Bo b i s goin g dow n th e countr y t o morro w w e shal l al l writ e to yo u b y thi s opportunity . W e expec t jenny an d nanc y Randolp h here i n July. M r. Randolph has bough t a horse calle d m y hear t an d a saddle fo r me t o rid e out o n als o a pretty whip . M y niece is prettie r and prettie r everyday . T h i s plac e i s beautifu l now . T h e peache s cherrys an d strawberrie s ar e very bi g allread y an d there ar e a grea t number. Adie u m y dea r Pap a I a m you r affectionat e daughte r M A R Y JEFFERSON RC (MHi) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 7 May 1791 and so recorded in SJL. Some punctuation has been supplied . For identification of the slave BOB (Robert Hemings), see note to Randolph to T J , 30 Apr . 1791 . JENN Y an d NANC Y wer e Virginia and Anne Cary Randolph, daughters of Col. Thoma s Mann Randolp h and sisters of Mary's brother-in-law. Two years after the above letter was written, Nanc y
became involved in the notorious affair at Bizarre, about which much has been written withou t dispellin g all of the misconceptions that have arisen. The most reliable account is to be found in the editorial note by Charles T. Cullen and Herbert A. Johnson, eds. , The
Papers of John Marshall
(Chapel Hill, N.C., 1977), n, 161-78, which contributes new information and proves that Commonwealth v. Randolp h wa s no t in fact a trial but a hearing .
F r o m J a m e s Madiso n D E A R SIR N
Yor k Ma y 1. 1791 .
Finding o n m y arriva l a t Princeto n tha t bot h Doer . Witherspoo n and Smit h ha d mad e excursion s i n th e Vacation , I ha d n o motiv e to detai n m e there , an d accordingl y pursuin g m y journey I arrived here the da y after I left Philada . My first object wa s to se e Dorhman . He continues t o wear the face of honesty, and to profess muc h anxiet y to discharg e th e claim s o f Mazzei , bu t acknowledge s tha t al l hi s moveable propert y ha s bee n brough t unde r suc h fetter s b y lat e misfortunes tha t n o par t o f i t ca n b e applie d t o tha t use . Hi s chie f resource consiste d o f mone y i n Londo n whic h ha s bee n attached , [ 33 5 ]
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1
improperly a s h e says , b y hi s brother . Thi s calamit y brough t o n him a protest of his bills, and this a necessity o f making a compromise founded o n a hypothecation o f his effects. Hi s present relianc e is o n an arrangemen t whic h appeal s t o th e friendshi p o f his brothe r an d which he supposes his brother will no t declin e whe n recovered from the misapprehensions which led him to lay his hands on the property in London. A favorabl e turn o f fortune ma y perhaps open a prospect of immediat e ai d to Mazzei , but a s fa r as I ca n penetrat e h e ough t to coun t bu t littl e o n an y othe r resourc e tha n th e ultimat e securit y of the Wester n township. I expect t o have further explanations how ever fro m Dorhman , and ma y the n b e bette r abl e t o judge . I hav e seen Freneau also and given him a line to you. He sets out for Philada. today o r tomorrow, thoug h i t is no t improbabl e that he ma y halt in N . Jersey . He is in the habit I find of translating the Leyde n Gazette and consequentl y mus t b e full y equa l t o th e tas k yo u hav e allotte d for him. H e ha d supposed tha t beside s this degre e o f skill , i t migh t be expecte d tha t h e shoul d b e abl e to translat e with equal propriety into French , an d unde r thi s idea , hi s delicac y ha d take n a n insu perable objectio n t o th e undertaking . Being now se t righ t as to thi s particular, an d bein g mad e sensibl e o f th e advantage s o f Philada . over N. Jersey for his private undertaking, his mind is taking another turn; and if the scantines s o f his capital, should not b e a bar, I think he wil l establis h himsel f in the former . A t all events he wil l giv e hi s friends ther e a n opportunit y o f aidin g hi s decisio n b y thei r infor mation an d counsel . T h e mor e I lear n o f hi s characte r talents an d principles, th e mor e I shoul d regre t hi s buryin g himself i n th e ob scurity h e ha d chosen i n N . Jersey . I t is certai n that ther e i s no t t o be found i n the whol e catalogu e o f American Printers , a single nam e that ca n approac h towards a rivalship . I sen d yo u herewit h a Copy of Priestley's answer to Burk e whic h has bee n reprinte d here. Yo u will se e b y a note pag e 5 6 ho w you r idea of limiting the righ t to bin d posterity i s germinating unde r th e extravagant doctrine s o f Burk e o n tha t subject . Paine s answe r ha s not ye t bee n receive d here. T h e moment i t ca n be go t Frenea u tells me i t will b e publishe d in Childs' paper. It is said that the pamphle t has bee n suppresse d i n England , an d tha t th e autho r withdre w t o France before o r immediately afte r its appearance. T h is ma y account for hi s no t sendin g copie s t o hi s friend s i n thi s Country . From conversation s whic h I have casuall y heard , it appear s tha t among th e enormitie s produce d b y th e spiri t o f speculatio n an d fraud, a practic e i s spreading , o f takin g ou t administratio n o n th e [ 33 6 ]
1 M A Y 179
1
effects o f decease d soldier s an d othe r claimant s leavin g n o repre sentatives. B y thi s thiever y i f not prevented , a prodigious su m wil l be unsave d b y th e public , an d rewar d the wors t o f it s Citizens . A number o f adventurer s ar e alread y engage d i n th e pursuit , an d a s they easil y ge t securit y a s administrator s and a s easil y ge t a Com mission on the usua l suggestion of being creditors, they desir e noth ing more than to ascertain the name of the party deceased o r missing, trusting t o th e improbabilit y o f thei r bein g detecte d o r prosecute d by the public . It cannot bu t have happened an d is indeed a fact well understood tha t the unclaime d dues fro m the U . S. are of very great amount. Wha t a doo r i s her e open , fo r collusio n als o i f an y o f th e Clerks i n th e Accoun t office s ar e no t proo f agains t th e temptation ! We understood i n Philada. that during the suspension o f the Ban k Bill i n the hand s o f the President , its partizans here indulged them selves i n reflection s no t ver y decent . I hav e reaso n t o believ e tha t the licentiousnes s o f th e tongue s o f speculator s an d Torie s far ex ceeded an y thin g tha t wa s conceived . T h e meanes t motive s wer e charged o n him , an d th e mos t insolen t menace s hel d ove r him , i f not i n th e open streets , unde r circumstance s no t les s markin g th e character o f th e party . In returnin g a visit t o Mr . K i ng yesterday , ou r conversatio n fel l on th e Conduc t o f G . B . toward s th e U . S . whic h h e evidentl y laments a s muc h a s h e disapproves . H e too k occasio n t o le t m e understand, tha t altho ' h e ha d bee n avers e t o th e appearanc e o f precipitancy in our measures, he should readily concur in them afte r all probabilit y shoul d b e over , o f voluntary relaxations i n the meas ures of the othe r party ; and that the nex t sessio n o f Congress woul d present suc h a crisi s i f nothin g t o preven t i t shoul d intervene : H e mentioned als o tha t a youn g gentlema n her e ( a so n o f W . Smit h now C h : Justice of Canada) gives out, as information from his friends in Englan d tha t n o Ministe r will b e sen t t o thi s Country , unti l on e shall hav e previousl y arrive d there . Wha t credit ma y b e du e t o thi s person o r hi s informer s I d o no t know . I t shew s a t leas t tha t th e conversation and expectations whic h lately prevailed are dying away. A though t ha s occurred on the subjec t of your mechanism for th e table, whic h i n m y idl e situatio n wil l suppl y m e wit h anothe r par agraph, i f o f n o othe r use . T h e grea t difficult y inciden t t o you r contrivance seemed t o be that of supporting the weight o f the Casto r without embarrassin g the shortenin g an d lengthening o f the move able radius. Might no t thi s b e avoide d b y suspending th e Casto r b y a chai n or chor d on a radius above, an d requiring nothing mor e o f [ 33 7 }
1 M A Y 179
1
yours tha n t o mov e th e swingin g apparatus: thus . A . B . moveable o n a shoulde r a t A . woul d b e a nec essary brace , and mus t allo w C D. to pas s thro ' i t an d pla y fro m a t o b a s th e tong s ar e shortne d o r lengthened. T h e use of C D. woul d be t o connec t F . G . an d th e tongs , so a s t o mak e the m mov e togethe r on the commo n perpendicula r axis. As th e distanc e fro m C t o D mus t vary wit h th e protractio n o f th e tongs, th e connectin g ba r ought t o be lon g accordingly , an d pas s through withou t bein g fixed t o th e tongs. It s office woul d i n that stat e be sufficientl y performed . T h e objection s t o thi s pla n ar e 1 . T h e height o f th e perpendicula r axis necessar y t o rende r the motio n o f the Casto r easy, and to diminish the degree i n which it would moun t up a t th e en d o f th e table . Perhap s thi s objectio n ma y b e fatal . 2 . T h e necessit y o f adjustin g th e frictio n o f th e tong s s o a s no t t o b e inconvenient t o th e hand , an d b e sufficien t t o sto p an d hol d th e castor at an y par t of the table . I n this poin t o f vie w perhap s a slid e on a spring would b e bette r tha n the tongs. I n that case C D. might be fixed, an d not moveabl e i n the brace . - B y projectin g F . G . t o H. the casto r migh t b e mad e t o swin g perpendicularl y not a t th e par t of the tabl e leas t distant , bu t a t the mea n distanc e fro m the Center, and the differenc e betwee n it s greates t an d least elevatio n an d pressure diminished . Bu t inconvenience s o f anothe r sor t migh t b e in creased b y thi s expedient . I f the tong s o r slid e wer e t o b e place d not horizontally , bu t inclinin g s o a s t o lesse n th e effec t of the pressur e of the Casto r without bein g les s moveabl e by the hand, the 2d objection migh t b e lessened. I t would in tha t cas e b e o f les s consequenc e t o projec t th e uppe r radius as proposed. I am afraid you will hardly understand what I hav e attempte d t o describe , an d I hav e no t tim e if the thin g deserve d it , t o writ e th e lette r ove r agai n fo r the presen t mail . RC (DLC : Madiso n Papers); unsigned; endorsed b y TJ as received 3 Ma y 179 1 and so recorded in SJL; vers o of last page also contains TJ' s pencille d notes of subjects t o b e treate d i n hi s repl y of 9 May
1791. Enclosure: Joseph Priestley's Letters
to the Right Honourable Edmund Burke, occasioned by his Reflections on the Revo-
lution in France, &fc . (Birmingham, 1791). The cop y tha t T J later acquired was the
[ 33 8 ]
1 M A Y 179 1 reprint of the third edition by Hugh Gaines (New York, 1791). See Sowerby, No. 2544. For TJ's "idea of limiting the right to bind
posterity," see Editorial Note and group of documents at 6 Sep. 1789.
T o Jame s McClur g M Y DEA R DOCTO R Philadelphi a May 1 . 1791. T h e beare r hereof , M r . Cassinove, a gentlema n fro m Hollan d o f distinction, wealt h an d merit, bein g t o pa y a visit t o Richmon d and Norfolk, I a m desirou s o f makin g hi m know n t o th e me n o f wort h of my ow n country , an d them als o t o him . O n this principl e permi t me t o brin g you an d him together, persuaded yo u wil l find a mutual gratification i n eac h other' s society . H e i s particularl y connecte d with th e Va n Staphorsts , banker s o f th e Unite d State s a t Amster dam, an d ver y peculiarl y skille d i n tha t lin e o f business . I a m gla d to avai l mysel f o f ever y occasio n o f bringin g mysel f t o you r recol lection, o f assurin g yo u tha t tim e ha s continue d t o fortif y thos e sentiments o f estee m & attachmen t whic h wer e inspire d i n earlie r life, an d whic h wil l continu e t o it' s lates t hour s wit h dea r Si r You r sincere frien d & servt , T H : JEFFERSO N PrC (DLC) . Se e note to T J t o Currie , this date.
T o Jame s Maur y D E A R SI R Philadelphi
a May 1.1791 .
Mr. Coxe , Assistan t secretar y o f our treasury, interests himsel f i n behalf o f a M r . Parkinso n here, whos e famil y i s i n you r neighbor hood, an d who i s desirous o f having them brough t here . I will thank you fo r you r attentio n t o an y thin g Mr . Cox e ma y desir e o n thi s subject, an d as he i s not know n t o you , I take a pleasure i n assurin g you tha t hi s fait h an d hi s abilit y t o compl y wit h whateve r h e ma y engage o n behal f o f M r . Parkinso n ma y b e counte d o n wit h th e utmost certainty and punctuality. - 1 am , Dear Sir, with great esteem & attachmen t You r sincer e frien d & humble servt , T H : JEFFERSO N PrC (MHi) . Early in 1790 Tench Coxe had entered into partnershi p with the Englis h artisa n George Parkinson, who claimed to possess "the Knowledg e o f al l the secre t Movements use d i n Si r Richar d Arkwright' s
Patent Machine" and who agreed to construct a model with his improvements upon it by which hemp, flax,wool, and silk could be woven into fabrics as well as cotton. The articles o f agreemen t provide d tha t th e partners woul d shar e in all patent rights and profits and that Cox e would arrang e
[ 33 9 ]
1 M A Y 179 1 for th e passage of Parkinson's family from Liverpool t o Philadelphi a (Article s o f agreement, 1 1 Jan. 1790, PHi : Cox e Pa pers; see Jaco b E. Cooke, "Tench Coxe, Alexander Hamilton, and the Encouragement o f America n Manufactures, " WMQ , XXXII [Jul y 1975] , 381, n. 45, where it is stated that Coxe arranged fo r the family's passage through James Maury). While TJ took n o part in aiding the immigration o f British artisan s because i t wa s forbidden by law , Coxe had recently saved him from the embarrassment of having to do so be-
cause the President had directe d it (see note to Digges to T J, 28 Apr . 1791) . Because of thi s and other instances in which Cox e had bee n useful to hi m - especiall y his assistance in the preparation of TJ's Report on Fisheries - T J wa s no doubt pleased to reciprocate by lending his good offices i n a matter which did not contravene British law. Cox e also applied directly to Maury, who mad e th e necessar y arrangement s (Coxe to Maury , 4 Ma y 1791; Maur y to Coxe, 29 July 1791 , PHi : Cox e Papers).
T o Beverle y R a n d o l p h D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a May 1.
The beare r hereof , M r . Cassinov e bein g o n a visi t t o Richmon d and perhap s Norfolk , I tak e th e libert y o f presentin g hi m t o you r notice. H e i s a gentlema n o f distinctio n an d meri t fro m Holland , and unde r particula r connections wit h th e Va n Staphorsts, banker s of th e Unite d State s a t Amsterdam . Satisfie d tha t yo u wil l find a gratification i n hi s society , an d tha t an y attention s yo u shal l b e pleased t o she w hi m wil l b e entirel y merite d an d justifie d o n hi s part, I shal l onl y ad d tha t the y wil l b e considere d a s a n obligatio n on hi m wh o ha s th e hono r t o b e wit h sentiment s o f grea t & sincer e esteem & attachment You r Excellency's Most obedt. & Most humbl e servt., T H : JEFFERSO N PrC (DLC) ; a t foot of text: "Governr. Randolph." See note to TJ to Currie, this date.
T o Thoma s Man n Randolp h M Y DEA R FRIEN D Philadelphi a May 1. 1791 . Permit m e t o introduc e t o yo u th e beare r hereo f M r . Cassinove , a gentlema n fro m Hollan d o f distinctio n an d worth , wh o i s payin g a shor t visi t t o Richmon d and the lowe r part s o f Virginia . Yo u will find i n hi m th e polishe d manner s o f a travelle r wit h th e plainnes s of retirement . Desirou s tha t h e shoul d se e ou r countr y advanta geously, and particularly the charm s of our country-situations, I will ask o f yo u t o tak e hi m a da y t o Tuckahoe , whe n yo u shal l b e happening t o visi t i t yourself, wher e h e ma y se e tha t hospitalit y an d comfort whic h is so peculiarl y ours. Presen t m y affectionate respect s
[ 34 0 ]
1 M A Y 179
1
to Mrs . Randolph & the famil y and accept assurance s of the sincer e esteem & attachment o f Dea r Si r Your affectionat e frien d & servt, TH: J EFFERSON PrC (MHi) . Se e note to T J t o Currie , this date.
T o Thoma s Man n Randolph , J r. D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a May. 1 . 1791 .
I hav e t o acknowleg e th e reciep t o f your favour of Apr . 7 . whic h came t o han d o n th e 20th . I hop e m y letter s o n th e subjec t o f m y tobacco hav e go t t o han d i n tim e t o preven t an y contrac t ther e interfering wit h the sal e I made here . I learn that 4. hhds . mor e are coming on. Being entitled to the highest pric e given before payment , I believ e I shal l b e sur e o f 5 A dollar s whic h wil l nea t m e 29/ 3 Virginia money . You r shipmen t t o Londo n and M r . Madison's t o Liverpool wil l giv e us a fair trial of the markets - W e are still settin g before fires here . T h e frui t i n thi s countr y i s untouched . I than k you fo r havin g replace d m y dea d trees . I t i s exactl y wha t I woul d have wished. I shall be glad to hear how th e whit e wheat, mountainrice, Pacca n an d Suga r maple s hav e succeeded . Evidenc e grow s upon u s tha t th e U . S . ma y no t onl y suppl y themselve s th e suga r for thei r ow n consumptio n bu t b e grea t exporters . I hav e recieve d a carg o o f oliv e tree s fro m Marseilles , which I a m orderin g o n t o Charleston, s o tha t th e U . S . have a certain prospect tha t suga r and oil wil l b e adde d t o thei r productions. N o mea n addition . I shall be glad to hav e a pair of puppies o f the Shepherd' s dog selecte d fo r th e President. - A committe e o f th e Philosophica l societ y i s charge d with collecting material s for the natural history of the Hessian fly. — I do no t thin k that o f the weavi l o f Virgini a ha s bee n ye t sufficientl y detailed. Wha t do yo u thin k o f beginning t o tur n you r attention t o this insect, i n order to giv e it's history to th e Phil , society ? I t would require som e summer s observation s - Bartra m her e tell s m e tha t i t is one an d the sam e insec t whic h by depositing it' s egg i n the youn g plumbs, apricots , nectarines an d peaches render s them gumm y an d good fo r nothing . H e promise s t o she w m e th e insec t thi s sum mer. -1 lon g t o b e fre e fo r pursuit s o f thi s kin d instea d o f th e de testable one s i n whic h I a m no w labourin g withou t pleasur e t o myself, o r profi t t o others . I n shor t I lon g t o b e wit h yo u a t Monticello. Gree t al l the famil y tenderl y fo r me . Yours , dea r Sir , affectionately, T H: J EFFERSON l
[341]
1 M A Y 179 1 PrC (DLC) . No t recorded in SJL , unless the entry there on this date for a (missing) lette r to Martha Jefferson Randolph was made in error, as is probable in view of TJ's practice of rotating his letters to his
two daughter s an d son-in-law . Randolph's "favou r o f Apr. 7." has no t been foun d bu t is recorde d i n S JL as re ceived 2 0 Apr. and as dated 4 Apr . 1791 .
F r o m F u l w a r Skipwit h St. Pierre, 1 May 1791. The lack o f an exequatur and tardiness of Congress in framing instructions or providing for consuls, the troubles of this island and consequent losse s i n commerce, adde d t o the exhausted stat e o f his finances, have drive n hi m to th e mortifying resolutio n t o retur n to Americ a unti l the obstacles ca n be removed and Congress "think proper to regulate the Consular Powers and Privileges." - Befor e the government her e will recognize eithe r his commission o r the Convention [o f 1788], officia l notificatio n o r an exequatur must b e receive d fro m France . H e ha s writte n Mr . Short bu t has had no reply. - T h e reason s fo r Congress' neglect o f consuls bes t know n to that hon orable body, bu t he thinks appointments t o French colonies prematurel y made. Those holdin g suc h commission s suffe r hardship , occupying a s they d o "th e bare shadow s o f empt y an d expensiv e places , withou t profi t o r Privi leges." - Th e arrival of a formidable land and sea force has provided an unnatural calm. "Unde r th e winnin g mask s o f th e words libert y an d Patriotism, the ambitious an d designing ar e still i n movement, an d in their train hav e gaine d a her d of fanatics, wh o feel n o bounds t o their rancour. " The soldier y canno t be truste d an d security i n enforcing orde r b y no means certain . - [P.S.: ] By decree o f the Nationa l Assembly , th e por t o f Trinit y i s ope n t o Americans without limitatio n as to time; that of Fort-Royal [Fort-de-France] , the governor with consen t o f the counci l has declared free unti l after the hurricane months. It i s his opinion an d that o f most me n here tha t "th e Planting interes t wil l obtain a decree o f the Nation s fo r its remaining open. " R C ( D N A : R G 59, C D , T/431) ; en - a letter from St. Pierre (Martinique) of May dorsed b y TJ as receive d 2 1 Jun e 179 1 1 , 1791 " ( T r i n D L C : T J Papers , and s o recorde d i n S J L . T he postscript 59:10208) . P r C of Tr ( D L C : T J Papers, appeared i n Brown's Federal Gazette of 7 63:10976) ; endorse d b y T J : "Frenc h W. July 179 1 unde r th e heading "Extrac t o f Indies. "
T o G e o r g e Washingto n S I R Philadelphi
a May. 1. 1791.
I ha d th e honou r o f addressin g yo u o n th e 24th . Ult . whic h I presume yo u wil l hav e recieved at Cambden. T he present i s ordered to g o fro m Petersbur g to Taylor' s ferry . I think i t bette r m y letter s should b e eve n som e day s ahea d o f you , knowin g tha t i f they eve r get int o you r rea r the y wil l neve r overtak e y o u . - I writ e t o da y indeed merel y a s th e watchma n cries , t o prov e himsel f awake , an d that al l i s well , fo r th e las t wee k ha s scarcel y furnishe d an y thin g [ 342 ]
1 M A Y 179
1
foreign o r domestic worth y your notice. Truxto n is arrived from th e E . Indie s and confirms the check by Tippoo-Saib on the detachmen t of Colo . Floyd , whic h consiste d o f between 3 . an d 4000 men . T h e latter lost mos t o f his baggage and artillery, an d retreated under the pursuit o f th e enemy . T h e los s o f me n i s pretende d b y thei r ow n papers t o hav e bee n 2 , o r 30 0 only . Bu t th e los s an d characte r of the officer s killed , make s on e suspec t tha t th e situatio n ha s bee n such a s to forc e th e bes t officer s t o expos e themselves th e most , an d consequently tha t mor e me n mus t hav e fallen . T he main body wit h General Meadows a t their head are pretended to be going o n boldly . Yet L d . Cornwalli s i s goin g t o tak e the field i n person. Thi s shew s that affairs are in such a situation as to giv e anxiety . Upo n the whol e the accoun t recieve d thro ' Pari s prove s tru e notwithstandin g th e minister ha d declare d to th e hous e o f Commons , i n hi s place , tha t the public accounts were without foundation, an d that nothing amiss had happened . Our loa n i n Amsterda m fo r 2Vs > millio n o f florins filled i n tw o hours an d a half afte r i t wa s opened . The Vice-presiden t leave s u s tomorrow . W e ar e tol d tha t M r . Morris get s £ 7 0 , 0 0 0 . sterl . for th e land s h e ha s sold . A Mr . Nobl e ha s bee n here , fro m th e countr y wher e the y ar e busied with the Sugar-mapl e tree. H e thinks Mr. Cooper will bring 3 0 0 0 £ ' s wort h t o marke t this season , an d gives th e mos t flattering calculations o f wha t ma y b e don e i n tha t way . H e inform s m e o f another ver y satisfactory fact , tha t les s profi t i s mad e b y convertin g the juic e int o spiri t than int o sugar . H e gav e m e specimen s o f th e spirit, whic h i s exactl y whiskey . I hav e arrive d a t Baltimor e from Marseille s 40. oliv e tree s o f th e best kin d fro m Marseilles , and a box o f the seed . T h e latter to raise stocks, an d th e forme r cutting s t o engraf t o n th e stocks . I a m or dering the m o n instantl y t o Charleston , where i f they arriv e i n th e course o f thi s mont h the y wil l b e i n time . Anothe r carg o i s o n it' s way fro m Bordeaux, so tha t I hope t o secur e the commencemen t o f this culture and from the best species . Suga r and oil will b e no mean addition to the article s of our culture. -1 hav e the honour to b e with the greates t respec t an d esteem, Sir , your most obedt . & most humble servt. , T H: J EFFERSON RC (DNA : R G 59, MLR) ; addressed : mail" ; postmarked : "FREE " an d " 2 MA" ; "The Presiden t o f th e Unite d States . T o endorse d by Washington. Pr C (DLC) . F C be lodged at Taylor's ferry on the Roanoke. (DNA : RG 59, SDC). To whic h place th e post-maste r at Petersburg i s desire d t o forwar d i t b y th e first MR . NOBLE an d MR . COOPER: Arthu r private conveyance . - Fo r th e Petersbur g Nobl e was an associate of William Cooper,
[ 34 3 ]
1 M A Y 179
founder o f Cooperstow n an d arden t promoter o f wha t ha s aptl y bee n calle d th e "Maple Suga r Bubble " of th e lat e 18t h century (Butterfield , Rush, I , 597n.; se e also Butterfield , "Judg e Willia m Coope r (1754-1809): A Sketc h o f hi s Characte r
1
Vaughan had been. H e sent a copy of Re-
marks on the manufacture of maple sugar
to the British ministry, with the result that the subject was discussed in Hawkesbury's Report to the Priv y Council early in 179 1 (Bond to Leeds, PRO , F O 4/8, f. 263-71). and Accomplishment, " New York History, Benjamin Rus h sough t t o bolste r TJ's xxx [Oct . 1949] , 385-408 ; an d Alfre d hopes with the hope of still further benefits Young, The Democratic Republicans of New to b e derive d from maple sugar . I n what York [1967] , p . 262-7) . A s his letter s of purported to b e a letter t o T J written at this date to Drayton, Randolph, and Wash- his request, Rus h claime d that liquor s he ington make clear, TJ wa s one of the mos t had prepare d in test s fo r it s strengt h i n optimistic advocates of the manufacture and tea - sample s of which were consumed by use o f mapl e sugar , no t eve n excludin g Alexander Hamilton, Henry Drinker, and Tench Coxe and Benjamin Rush . TJ wa s several ladies - woul d even preven t worm familiar with Coxe's estimate in 1790 , based diseases in children. He also pointed to the on th e unrealisti c figures of Cooper , that relief from pain Franklin ha d experienced the sugar consumption of the United States after ingestin g larg e quantitie s o f blackcould be met by families engaged in home berry jam. H e suggested that maple trees manufacture o n onl y 263,00 0 acres-a n should b e protecte d b y la w an d that th e estimate which Coxe conceded had " a wild manufacture o f suga r shoul d b e encour and visionar y appearance " (reprinte d in aged b y governmen t bounties . Lookin g Coxe's View of the United States [Phila upon thi s ne w spectacl e i n ligh t o f "th e delphia, 1794], p. 78-82). In the same year present openin g prospect s i n huma n af "a societ y o f gentlemen " i n Philadelphia fairs," Rush thought it would be the means published Remarks on the manufacture of of making the slave trade unnecessary. He maple sugar: with directions for its further closed his eloquent ple a by declaring that improvement (Philadelphia, 1790) . TJ ob- T J use d "no other sugar in his family than tained a copy and woul d surely have agreed that which is obtained from the sugar Ma with th e authors ' opening sentence : "H e ple tree." He added, with some exaggerawho enable s anothe r to obtai n an y neces- tion, that TJ had already "planted an orsary o f life , eithe r cheape r o r more inde- chard of maple trees on his farm in Virginia" pendently than heretofore, adds a new source (Rush t o T J , 1 9 Aug . 1791 ; Am . Phil . of happiness to man; an d becomes more or Soc, Trans., m [1793], 64-79). This proless useful, in proportion to the number of duction was in fact an essay, addressed less those who participate in the benefits of his to T J than to member s o f the American discovery" (fo r descriptio n o f TJ' s copy , Philosophical Society . I t cannot therefor e see Sowerby , No. 1224) . be regarded as being a part of the Jefferso n But, whil e joining in the sanguine belief canon excep t i n th e for m o f address . N o that a new an d extensiv e field ha d been manuscript cop y o f i t ha s bee n found , i t opened i n what the authors declared to be was never acknowledged by T J, and there the cause of humanity, TJ went further an d is no record of it in SJL. Three months after the above letter was saw i n thi s favore d produc t a usefu l in strument o f policy. Henc e his indirect al- written, Cooper and Noble sent Washinglusion to it in a private letter to Benjami n ton samples of maple sugar and expressed Vaughan which was clearly intended as a the belief that "a sufficient quantit y of this warning that the maple tree might enable sugar may b e made in a few years to supply the United States to be no longer depend- the Unite d States" (Cooper and Noble t o ent o n th e Britis h Wes t Indie s for sugar Washington, 7 Aug . 1791 , D L C : Wash(TJ t o Vaughan , 2 7 Jun e 1790) . Th e ington Papers) . Washington plante d maBritish consu l i n Philadelphia , less opti - ples at Mount Vernon in 179 2 bu t he evmistic tha n TJ about th e possibilit y that idently di d not shar e the optimisti c belief enough suga r could be produce d to meet of T J, Coxe , Rush, Cooper, and other s that the American demand and also to provide sugar from the maple would displace that an articl e o f export , nevertheles s wa s a s from cane. concerned abou t th e potentia l threa t a s
[ 34 4 ]
T o Davi d Humphrey s D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a Ma y 2d. 1791.
T h e beare r hereo f M r . Joh n Wilcock s junr. havin g i n contem plation t o visi t differen t Countrie s of Europe , an d perhap s tha t o f your Residence , wit h a vie w t o commercia l arrangements , I tak e the libert y of informing you that he i s a citizen of the Unite d States , son o f M r . Wilcock s th e Recorde r o f Pennsylvania , an d o f a re spectable character . As such I beg leav e to mak e him known to you, and to recommen d him , should he hav e occasion , t o tha t patronag e which th e Citizen s of the Unite d States wil l naturall y look fo r from the Representativ e o f thei r Countr y i n foreig n p a r t s . - I hav e th e honor t o b e wit h sentiment s o f grea t respec t an d attachment, Dea r Sir You r Mos t Obedien t an d Most humbl e Servant , TH: JEFFERSON RC (NjP) ; i n hand o f George Taylor , foo t of text: "Mr. Short . Mr . Carmichael . except for signature; addressed by T J: "Col . Col . Humphreys." Entry in SJL also shows Humphreys Lisbon" ; endorsed . Pr C tha t identical letters were sent to Short and (DLC); i n Taylor's hand , no t signed ; at Carmichael .
F r o m Willia m Shor t D E A R S I R Pari
s May 2. 1791.
I wrot e t o yo u o n th e 26th . o f las t mont h b y th e Englis h packe t and mentioned t o you that Petit had been her e some time and would go b y th e Frenc h whic h sail s th e 15th . fro m L'Orient . B y th e ar rangement o f th e stage s h e finds tha t h e shal l b e oblige d t o leav e this plac e th e 5th . O f course m y letter s t o yo u b y hi m wil l no t b e of s o lat e a date a s I ha d hoped . I intende d i f he woul d no t accep t 3 A> louis a month t o hav e lef t the matter to have been arrange d betwixt yo u and him on his arrival. I foun d hi m howeve r startle d at the ide a o f this sum , an d so deter mined o n the lOO.t t an d so sur e you would think it fully reasonable , after you r lette r t o him , tha t I agree d wit h hi m a s fa r as depende d on m e tha t th e wage s shoul d b e fixed a t tha t rate . H e understand s it exclusiv e o f hi s food . I wa s sur e tha t o n arrivin g a t Philadelphia he woul d have insiste d o n the sam e an d I knew yo u would not hav e disputed i t wit h hi m afte r h e ha d crosse d th e Atlantic . I hop e yo u will bot h b e satisfie d an d a m onl y sorr y tha t you r separatio n ha s been prolonge d til l now , th e mor e s o a s fro m you r letter t o Peti t i t would see m a s i f yo u ha d expecte d I shoul d hav e remove d an y difficulties h e migh t hav e had. l
[ 34 5 ]
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I sen d yo u b y Peti t th e remain s of what I recieved for you, agree ably t o you r desire . T h e secrec y yo u requeste d i s full y observed . I put th e objec t int o M . d e Gautier' s hands. H e separate d wit h hi s own hand s an d in my presence , th e picture herewith sent. I t is no t mended becaus e I di d no t chus e t o le t i t g o ou t o f m y hand s here , where i t woul d b e wel l known ; an d becaus e i t wil l b e easil y pu t together i n America . Gautie r ha d th e diamonds dispose d o f fo r 9405. t t as yo u wil l se e b y th e accoun t whic h I shal l ge t fro m hi m and inclose t o yo u in this letter . Sequevill e recieve d immediately o n his putting th e pictur e into m y hand s (h e woul d no t tak e it sooner ) 800.* wit h whic h h e wa s perfectl y satisfied . - Toloza n is a t Lyon s and expecte d her e daily , whic h ha s prevente d m y writin g to him . Immediately on his return I shall see him and present him the 1200.t t that i s t o sa y as k hi s permissio n t o pu t thi s su m int o th e hand s o f his Jewelle r in orde r that h e ma y furnis h such a box a s ma y pleas e him. T h i s I a m tol d i s th e manne r which i s use d wit h him. 1
1
T h e wine s &c . hav e bee n pai d fo r b y M . Gran d o n m y order . These sum s wil l b e deducte d fro m th e 9405.+ t an d th e bil l o f ex change o f 500 an d odd livre s you sen t m e las t winter. T he rest wil l be remitte d t o V . Staphors t & Hubbar d to b e kep t fo r you . Yo u may therefore settl e this matter with the President ] as to the wines : when hi s bill s o f exchang e shal l arriv e the y shal l b e depose d als o with Staphors t & Hubbard , a t you r dispositio n o r tha t o f th e P accordin g as yo u ma y direct. I a m muc h mortifie d t o lear n fro m M . d e l a Mott e tha t h e wa s obliged t o kee p you r carriage s durin g th e whol e winte r an d tha t they hav e bee n forwarded , with the othe r article s sent yo u onl y thi s spring. You will recieve by Petit your reveille watch mended by Chanterot who assure s m e i t i s no w i n perfec t order . H e i s makin g the cloc k for 15 . louis . H e assure s m e als o wit h respec t t o i t that h e doe s no t gain a so l an d tha t i t i s altogethe r fo r th e hono r an d pleasur e o f serving you . I t wil l b e sen t a s soo n a s finished, b y wate r t o Havre. - Peti t carrie s also a packe t o f book s pu t int o m y hand s fo r you b y M . d e l a Land e o f th e academ y o f Sciences . H e recieve d them fro m Turin . M . d e Condorce t ha s promise d m e als o a cop y of the memoria l which induce d th e Bisho p o f Autu n to chang e hi s plan o f establishin g th e standar d of weight s an d measures , an d o n which th e decre e o f th e assembl y i s founded . I f I reciev e i t i n tim e it shal l b e forwarde d t o yo u wit h thi s letter . - T h e supplemen t t o your repor t has bee n delivere d to th e severa l person s t o who m yo u sent it . - T h e newspaper s a s usua l wil l b e sen t b y Peti t an d als o a [ 34 6 }
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few number s of a new journa l calle d logo graphique. I t is written o n a ne w invente d pla n approve d b y th e assembl y o n a repor t o f th e academy o f sciences. A numbe r of people sit roun d a table an d each writes one o r a few word s and by a stroke of the kne e communicate s to hi s neighbou r wher e h e i s t o begin , s o tha t i n thu s runnin g th e words round the tabl e a number of writers together keep pac e wit h the speaker . T h e journal i s i n muc h vogu e o n accoun t o f it s exact itude an d I therefor e sen d i t t o you . -1 thin k i t woul d b e prope r also tha t yo u shoul d hav e th e procès verbaux o f th e assembly . T h e work i s immensel y voluminou s an d a s dela y wil l b e attende d wit h no inconvenienc e I shal l awai t your orders on th e subject , or rather hope yo u wil l giv e the m t o m y successor , a s the ide a o f remaining in th e present situatio n month s longe r woul d b e insupportable . I d o no t mea n b y thi s tha t m y wishe s hav e entirel y an d suddenl y changed. Bu t taking it for grante d from your letters tha t I shall no t be appointe d her e I wis h muc h t o qui t a posture whic h canno t b e agreeable i n itself, an d which becomes less so every day, by the ide a that whe n withdraw n in order to giv e place to another , the opinio n which is unavoidable, that it is want of merit in me wil l b e increased in proportio n t o th e lengt h o f tim e I hav e remaine d here . Thos e instances ar e common wher e thi s kin d o f residence an d experienc e give such a preference t o th e charg é pa r interim that he i s preferred in oppositio n t o th e birt h fortun e &c . of his concurren t and that i n countries where birth and fortune are powerful arguments. - I n case s where suc h argument s hav e n o weigh t o r d o no t exist , an d i n a country where the experienc e an d knowlege o f foreign countrie s are more rar e tha n i n an y other , th e chance s i n favor o f the charg é pa r interim ar e such that n o perso n ca n be brough t t o entertai n a doubt of hi s succeedin g an d wil l b e sur e whe n th e proo f come s o f thei r error that it could only have arisen from his demerit. I do not mentio n these as reasons which should have any influence on the appointmen t but onl y a s having muc h weigh t i n makin g me wis h that i t shoul d be decide d a s soo n a s possible , an d eve n tha t i t shoul d hav e bee n decided immediatel y o n you r return t o Americ a an d determination to remai n there. -1 stil l howeve r suppos e wit h yo u tha t dela y wil l be favorabl e t o me . A n d I imagin e tha t afte r havin g acte d her e fo r some time withou t a superior, I should be mor e likel y than anothe r who had not done this to obtain an appointment o f an inferior grade. That a t th e Hagu e I suppos e wil l b e o f tha t sort . Stil l wha t yo u mention i n your letter o f Jan. 24. 1 shoul d accept rathe r than noth ing, no t fro m a desire to b e i n Europe, bu t from a wish not to retur n to Americ a befor e m y famil y an d affair s shoul d b e i n a differen t 2
[ 34 7 ]
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position fo r i t i s impossibl e fo r m e t o persuad e mysel f tha t I coul d succeed a s yo u imagin e 1 8 month s henc e i n Virginia . Diplomatic k appointments i n smal l towns bein g muc h more i n evidence tha n in such place s a s Pari s o r London , those o f a n inferio r grad e ar e stil l more disagreeabl e there . M y first desire wa s t o hav e remaine d here as I expresse d i t formerl y muc h to o fully . Thi s ha s bee n muc h diminished since, first by the position o f the country in general which renders it impossible fo r me o r any body els e to b e essentially usefu l for th e present , an d secondl y b y th e positio n o f m y friends , al l o f whom ar e rendered unhappy b y th e menacin g aspec t o f affair s and many absolutel y ruine d b y th e effect s o f th e revolution.-Further disorders which seem t o me inevitable and which are looked forward to wit h horror , thro w a gloo m an d anxiet y o n th e societ y o f Pari s that renders its residence painfu l in the extreme . A l l those who hav e not take n to o activ e a par t i n th e revolutio n t o b e abl e t o leav e it , and wh o hav e mean s o f subsistin g abroa d are preparin g to g o ou t of th e country . T h e peopl e ofte n us e violenc e t o preven t thei r de parture. Thi s increase s th e apprehension s an d consequen t emigra tions. T h e evi l augmentin g daily , i t i s feare d th e peopl e wil l soo n insist o n th e assembly' s passin g a decre e fo r prohibitin g furthe r emigrations an d recallin g thos e wh o ar e absent , unde r penalt y o f double taxes , o r some other mor e violen t means . - Thi s situatio n o f things a s you wil l easil y concieve render s the residenc e o f Paris very different fro m wha t i t wa s formerl y an d increase s ever y da y wit h me a wish that I had left it last year, and been enabled by the situatio n of m y famil y an d affair s t o hav e gon e an d settle d mysel f a t hom e agreeably t o m y wishes . Another disagreeabl e circumstanc e arisin g from th e presen t un certainty o f m y positio n an d the expectatio n o f recievin g ever y da y information respectin g it , i s th e impossibilit y o f takin g an y fixed arrangement. Since my return from Holland I have lodged in an hotel garni a s I mentione d t o you . M y appartmen t cost s m e I2V 2 loui s a month. I di d no t thin k i t prope r t o tak e a n hous e o r furnishe d lodgings b y th e quarter , because i t wa s probabl e ever y da y that th e next woul d brin g some decisiv e intelligence , an d because I did no t know whether the rent was to be allowed me in the present situation. I kno w tha t unde r the presen t syste m i t i s no t t o b e allowe d i n th e cases wher e ther e i s a n outfit . Bu t i n th e cas e o f a temporar y ap pointment I suppos e o f cours e n o outfi t wil l b e allowed . - Wit h respect t o m y journey to Hollan d also I forgot t o as k you wha t yo u had don e i n a simila r case . I hav e charge d onl y fo r th e expence s absolutely occasione d b y the journey, viz. T he purchase of a carriage [ 34 8 ]
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and pos t horses . T h e carriag e was m y ow n whic h I hav e charge d the sam e pric e fo r tha t I ha d refuse d fo r i t te n day s befor e I wa s ordered t o tak e thi s journey. T h e taver n expences o n th e roa d and at Amsterdam for myself and servant I have considere d a s my own . I mentione d t o yo u i n my las t how th e affai r of oils stoo d and th e difference o f opinio n betwee n th e Rapporteur du comité an d M r . Barrett, an d the assuranc e of the Rapporteu r of getting a reduction made i f it wa s foun d tha t th e America n oils pai d no interna l duties. I hav e a n extrac t a t lengt h fro m th e register s o f th e far m whic h expresses thei r exemptio n fro m suc h duties . I hav e thi s momen t recieved i t s o tha t I d o no t kno w wha t th e Rapporteu r will sa y t o it. I hav e littl e hope s o f hi s succeedin g howeve r bein g persuade d that th e sam e cause s whic h first induced the committe e t o prohibi t American oil s altogethe r an d the n t o impos e a dut y o f 12.t t an d finally t o fix i t a t 6.i t wil l preven t th e assembl y a t presen t fro m lowering it . Stil l i t i s prope r tha t i t shoul d no t b e lef t unessayed , and I shal l accordingl y she w th e register s t o th e Rapporteur , who on hi s sid e wa s als o t o hav e the m examined . I mentione d t o yo u that th e dut y o f 6.t t a t th e presen t pric e wa s abou t 20 . pe r cent . Tobacco of the first quality is from 40.tt t o 45.it th e quintal exclusive of the duty , s o tha t a s ye t th e decree ha s bee n favorabl e t o th e sal e of tha t article . T i m e onl y ca n she w ho w fa r the hom e cultivatio n will b e prejudicia l to it . Next t o you r own silence , whic h I had supposed woul d have bee n prevented b y you r ow n experienc e an d suffering s here , an d which I ha d fondl y allowe d mysel f t o hop e woul d hav e bee n obviate d b y your friendship for me, wha t surprize s me mos t i s the bein g s o lon g without hearin g a singl e wor d fro m th e Secretar y of th e treasury . He canno t bu t kno w ho w dea r this cost s the U . S . T he first loan o f 3. million s pai d nea r a years interes t befor e i t wa s employed . Tha t was unde r particula r circumstances. T h e loa n whic h I hav e mad e has now pai d from one t o thre e month s interest . I t was known suc h a loa n wa s t o b e mad e an d interes t i s stil l goin g o n o n a debt i t i s probably intende d t o re-imburs e a par t of . Whethe r thi s paymen t of doubl e interes t i s intende d o r no t I kno w not . I n any even t an d to whateve r us e i t ma y b e intende d t o b e appropriate d it seem s t o me a mos t extraordinar y circumstance tha t n o order s shoul d hav e been given , eithe r t o pa y i t her e o r t o remi t i t t o America . I t i s impossible t o conciev e tha t th e objec t o f th e loa n coul d hav e bee n to hav e remaine d i n th e hand s o f th e banker s at Amsterdam . Had it bee n mad e a s soo n a s I wen t t o Amsterdam , there woul d hav e been no w five month s interes t pai d o n i t uselessly . - Unles s mor e [349 ]
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celerity i s use d i n futur e th e loan s t o b e mad e b y th e U . S . wil l become a n increased burthen instead of a relief. I n my las t letter t o the Secretary of the Treasury I stated the present situation of American credit i n Europ e an d the mean s o f derivin g the greates t advantag e from i t whe n th e diplomatic k appointment s t o thi s place , London and th e Hagu e shal l hav e bee n made . Shoul d none b e mad e t o th e latter plac e the n th e sam e power s o r suc h power s a s ar e though t necessary migh t b e confide d t o thos e a t th e tw o othe r courts . I suppose n o individua l would consen t t o ac t alon e i n suc h a case. In my letters which have gone through the post I have been averse to speakin g to yo u concernin g the presen t situatio n o f the Marqui s de l a Fayette . H e ha s committe d severa l error s i n th e comman d which h e ha s ha d an d which fortune seeme d t o hav e place d i n hi s hands fo r the preservatio n of his country . Bu t these error s hav e all proceeded fro m his extrem e honest y an d delicacy. Unwillin g to ac t on th e cour t b y terror , h e ha d no othe r mean s o f preventin g the m from doin g man y things disagreeabl e t o th e people . Unwillin g also not t o appea r t o hav e th e cour t a t hi s order s h e wa s oblige d t o submit t o responsabilit y for actions no t unde r his control. Desirous of pleasin g al l partie s h e ha s alternatel y displease d all . In order t o lead his followers b y persuasion he was often obliged t o make promises that he coul d not perfor m or encourage hope s that he could not realize. Unde r these circumstance s his popularit y and of course hi s force has been declining for some time. In the late instance of opening churches fo r th e no n juror s an d th e departur e o f th e K i n g fo r St . Cloud, h e wa s oblige d t o com e t o a n issu e wit h hi s guard s wh o almost unanimously took th e opposit e side of the question , no t from a wan t o f confidenc e i n him , bu t becaus e th e confidenc e wa s no t sufficient t o counterac t thei r ow n feeling s an d sentiments. Hi s resignation shewe d the y wer e mor e attache d t o hi m tha n an y other . In orde r t o induc e hi m t o re-assum e th e comman d the y hav e al l taken a ne w oat h o f obedience . A t th e sam e tim e th e nationa l as sembly, th e departmen t an d municipality all sided with the people , or a t leas t di d nothin g t o oppos e thei r conduct . Unde r thes e cir cumstances nothin g bu t th e Marquis' s known patriotis m an d dis interestedness coul d hav e supporte d him . An y othe r woul d hav e been considered as a traitor and condemned a s such. Not withstanding the ne w oat h i t canno t b e doubte d tha t o n an y simila r occasio n and as soon as the present zeal shall be passed he would be disobeye d again. T h e demagogues o f the assembly , vi z Lameth , Barnav e an d Duport ar e his mos t violen t enemies . The y ar e taking much pain s as the y hav e don e fo r som e tim e t o thro w suspicion s o n hi s patri [ 350 ]
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otism. T h e new oat h is much censured by them a s unconstitutional, and the Marqui s blamed for admitting it. Time and their continue d efforts wil l probabl y succeed . H e see s i t wheneve r h e ha s tim e t o look forward . By a false delicac y h e refuse d fro m th e beginnin g t o recieve a salary or any part of his expences. The y have been immense , and i t i s no t doubte d tha t hi s fortun e wil l b e entirel y los t an d dis sipated. Mde. de la fayette feels this most sensibl y and is exceedingl y distressed a t it . He r devotio n an d he r attachmen t t o he r husban d are in a constant conflic t an d render her, notwithstanding he r really uncommon fortitud e an d courage, th e mos t unhapp y of women. O n the whol e I fea r th e Marqui s wil l los e hi s popularit y (thoug h h e will certainl y alway s retai n th e lov e an d estee m o f al l wh o kno w him well) . I a m sur e h e wil l los e hi s fortun e an d perhap s no t liv e to se e hi s countr y enjoyin g a government tha t wil l secur e it s peac e and happiness. - H e was induced to separate from the Lameths Duport &c. to whom a s you know he was much attached, by designing me n who wishe d to form a party that they migh t gover n an d by it gover n the assembly . The y kne w th e influenc e o f th e Marqui s an d hi s pliancy also . T h e part y did not succeed . I t on th e contrar y rivetted the popularit y o f th e Jacobins , and no w thos e me n wh o mad e th e Marquis d e l a Fayette qui t them , an d prevented hi s rejoinin g them as h e ofte n wished , finding tha t th e Jacobin s wil l throughou t th e kingdom influenc e th e ensuin g elections , hav e abandone d hi m t o return t o tha t class . T h e principa l o f thes e ar e th e Abb é Sieyes , Bishop o f Autun , Roederer. Condorce t als o ha s joined them . T h e Marquis d e l a Fayette an d Duk e d e l a Rochefoucault refus e a s ye t to follo w them . - T h e Marqui s feels no w a s he ha s lon g don e tha t he wa s wron g i n quittin g tha t club , bu t h e think s i t woul d b e indelicate a t presen t t o retur n there a s hi s mos t bitte r enemie s ar e the chief s o f it . Unfortunatel y mos t o f th e gard e national e (an d all the people ) conside r i t a s th e receptacl e o f th e pures t patriotism , and ar e dispose d t o se e wit h a n evi l ey e thei r commandan t wit holding himsel f fro m it . I mentione d t o yo u i n a forme r lette r tha t Parke r ha d becom e bankrupt. I fear much that I shall suffer i n his downfall. T he mone y which I had for some time had idle in Mr. Grands hands and which I ha d also len t t o yo u fo r Congres s during the tim e tha t M . Gran d refused t o mak e furthe r advances , I committe d t o Parke r i n Jun e 89. i n orde r t o ves t i t fo r m e i n th e America n f u n d s . -I ha d n o anxiety abou t i t unti l al l o f a sudde n I learne d th e embarassmen t into which his affairs had gone. I know no t yet how i t will be settled . If he can prevent m y losing I have no doubt h e wil l d o it. His agents [351}
2 M A Y 179 1 in Americ a i t i s sai d ar e th e principa l caus e o f hi s failure . I shal l suffer als o muc h I fea r b y Colo . Skipwith s havin g kep t m y mone y in hi s hand s instea d o f layin g i t ou t i n certificates , agreeabl e t o hi s solemn promis e an d my positiv e instruction s afte r h e ha d sollicite d from m e suc h instructions . Ha d he don e a s I wishe d I migh t no w be settle d i n Americ a an d even o n th e easter n sid e o f the mountain s with som e degre e o f comfor t an d satisfaction.-A t presen t I mus t confine mysel f to regre t s o goo d an opportunity lost , an d which wil l certainly neve r return , an d endeavour t o confor m mysel f to circum stances. Whateve r the y ma y b e I be g yo u t o b e assure d tha t m y sentiments fo r yo u wil l neve r change , tha t m y gratitud e fo r forme r proofs o f your friendship & attachment i s unalterable, and that noth ing ca n preven t m y remainin g m y dea r Sir , mos t sincerel y you r friend & servant, W : SHORT RC (DLC) ; a t head o f text: "Private"; were accepted. TJ's instructions about what endorsed by T J as received 1 9 Jul y 1791 to do with the diamonds were given in his and so recorded in SJL. Pr C (PHi). En- letter to Short of 24 Jan. 1791 (see Vol . 16: xlii i an d 362-3). Afte r receivin g the closures: Gautier' s account o f the sale of some "objects" (identifie d below ) ha s no t above letter, TJ carefull y obliterated some been found, bu t on 22 Apr. Gran d & Cie . words that would have revealed the nature informed Short that 9,405 livres had been of the object and what had been done with received for their sale and credited to TJ's it (see note 1 below). The person who removed the stones from the picture and had account (R C i n DLC: Shor t Papers) . them sold in Amsterdam was Jean Antoine The "object" about which Short was re- Gautier, a member of the banking firmof quired to exercise such secrecy was a min- Grand & Cie. TJ had known hi m while iature o f Louis XVI , surrounde d by dia- in France and had respect fo r him. monds, whic h was presented to TJ when it became known that he would not return T J obliterate d the two preceding words, to France as minister. Such traditional gifts which have been supplie d from PrC . to departing envoys were given by the king Shor t added the word "precarious" and and, i n the case o f Adams and Franklin, then deleted i t in RC bu t not in PrC. 1
2
F r o m Causi n Paris, "rue neuve Ste. Martin. No.18." 3 May 1791. It is the tender an d sad cry of a father and mother for a son that moves them to appeal to TJ on account of one o f their children, who departe d from Le Havre 12 May 1790 under care of th e Sciot o Company . The y hav e receive d n o new s o f him sav e on e lette r from Mr. De Boine, who says he saw him in Philadelphia. Because of this the y beg T J to aid hi m i n returning to France. I f he is not found o r is in danger, their inten t t o mak e hi m free an d happ y wil l b e seen b y the enclosed extrac t of a n act, duly atteste d b y a notary, as well a s a letter o f their son, who bears the dee d an d a letter fro m Mr . Playfair. "Nou s adresseron s no s Voeux à l'être Supreme qu i veille à la conservation de s Jours prétieux d e Monsieur." RC (DNA : R G 59 , MLR); endorsed by TJ a s received 19 July 179 1 and so recorded in SJL . [ 35 2 }
F r o m Condorce t [Paris, ca. 3 May 1791.] H e encloses a copy o f a report made to the Academ y of Sciences o n th e determinatio n o f a unit of measure. T J will perceiv e therei n their reason s fo r rejectin g th e mor e simpl e ide a o f takin g th e lengt h o f th e pendulum fo r the uni t an d availing themselves instead o f the fortunat e circum stance whic h place d withi n thei r reac h th e onl y meridia n lin e o f neithe r to o great no r to o smal l a n extent , terminate d b y th e se a a t it s tw o extreme s an d intersected b y th e 45 ° of latitud e a t abou t one-thir d o f it s length . As a resul t o f th e decre e o f th e Nationa l Assembl y adoptin g th e principle s of th e report , th e Academ y ha s create d fiv e committees . Th e first , consistin g of Messrs . Cassini , Méchain , an d L e Gendre , i s t o mak e th e astronomica l observations an d measure the triangles. The second, Messrs . Monge an d Meusnier, i s t o measur e th e angles . (Particula r circumstances hav e induce d hi m t o associate himsel f wit h thes e tw o committees. ) A third , Messrs . Bord a an d Coulomb, is to make observations o n the pendulum. A fourth, Messrs. Lavoisier and Abb é Hauy , i s t o determin e th e weigh t o f a give n quantit y o f distille d water. And the fifth, Messrs. Tillet, Brisson, and Vandermonde, is to determin e the relatio n o f th e ancien t weight s an d measure s t o th e tois e an d th e pound . These committee s ar e t o begi n thei r operation s immediately . Condorce t wil l keep T J informed o f th e results . He offer s thanks for the tw o work s TJ was kind enough to sen d him. "They will instruc t u s i n al l that i s neede d fo r th e succes s o f ou r commo n aims . You have provide d goo d proof s o f th e results . Permi t m e t o coun t mysel f amon g those wh o wil l shar e the m an d accep t th e assuranc e o f m y respect." 1
RC (NNP); undated but written on either 2 o r 3 Ma y 179 1 (Short' s letters o f these dates refer to i t first as promised and then as enclosed); endorse d b y TJ as received on 1 9 July 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL. Tr (DLC) ; i n Georg e Taylor' s hand; at head of text: "Letter from M. de Condorcet perpetual Secretary of the academy of Sciences a t Pari s t o Mr . Jefferson, receive d 19 July 1791. " The English translation in Tr omits the finalparagraph. RC translated by the Editors . Philip Frenea u ha d no t ye t becom e translator for the Department of State when T J receive d th e abov e lette r an d it s en closed Rapport (printe d below) . Bu t i t i s clear beyond doub t tha t the translatio n of both document s employe d b y the clerk of the Department of State in making the copies presente d her e wa s prepare d b y TJ himself and was very likely in the form of a rough draft. This is proved beyond question b y the us e of "it's" for the possessive, by the beginning o f some sentences with a lower cas e letter , b y clerica l errors made in th e text s prepare d b y th e copyist , b y
interpolations o f clarifyin g phrase s no t in the original , and above all by the scrupulous accuracy , concisenes s o f expression , and translatio n s o smoot h and unmistakable i n style tha t i t does not appea r to b e such. Freneau , a s show n b y document s translated b y him , coul d no t concea l th e hand of the translator even in subjects less scientific an d technical than the principles of metrology . Bu t T J , i n th e ac t o f converting French into English from the execrable handwriting of Condorcet as well as from th e philosophica l expression s o f th e Rapport, revealed his own profound knowledge of the subjec t - and , i n so doing, ex posed himsel f a s on e wh o execute d th e (missing) translation employed by the copyist. H e also di d so i n the exclusio n fro m the finalparagraph of Condorcet's letter of the complimentary allusion to his own classic Repor t on Weights an d Measures. This omission, together with the nature of the captions give n t o Condorcet's letter and th e Rapport as translated, suggest that T J cause d a departmental cler k t o tran scribe both documents becaus e he contemplated releasing the texts to the press . He
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3 M A Y 179 may als o hav e though t thereb y t o mak e them available to Rittenhouse or to members of the America n Philosophical Society. Th e originals wer e no t presente d t o the Society and no copy of the translations has been found i n contemporary newspapers. If TJ di d not in fact communicate to the publi c th e translation s h e ha d s o laboriously prepared , the reaso n fo r withholding them coul d not hav e arisen from any lac k of interest in the subject. His own hope for a universal and decimalized system of weights, measures, and coinag e based on a unit of measure accessible to all nations was one he pursued all hi s lif e (see Editorial Note and group of documents o n his Report o n Weight s an d Measures , 4 Jul y 1790). Th e reason is rather to b e sought in th e nature of the Academy of Sciences' Rapport.
That documen t wa s submitte d t o th e National Assembl y o n 2 6 Mch . 179 1 a s one consonant wit h the stipulations in the decree o f the previou s yea r on the report prepared by the Bishop of Autun: that, to achieve uniformit y o f weight s an d measures, a natural and invariable unit of measure shoul d be fixed;that the only means of extending this system to other nations would be to ge t the m to agre e to the sam e unit; and that , in choosing it , nothing o f an arbitrary nature should be permitted nor the particular situatio n o f an y peopl e o n th e globe considered . Th e uni t propose d b y Talleyrand wa s th e pendulu m vibratin g seconds at 45° latitude. TJ received news of Talleyrand' s proposal an d o f th e Na tional Assembly' s decre e jus t a s h e wa s completing hi s ow n Repor t to Congress. He welcome d the choice of latitude 45° as the standar d and immediately accepte d it in substitutio n fo r his ow n choic e o f latitude 38°. He did so in the hope that this would result in a common measure on which
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the systems of both nations would be based (TJ t o Short, 26 Jul y 1790) . I n his letter submitting the Rapport o f the Academy of Sciences t o th e Nationa l Assembly, Con dorcet no t onl y asserte d tha t i t me t th e stipulations o f th e previou s year ; he als o claimed that the spirit of enlightenment and the progress of fraternity among all peoples was its object : "The operation whic h the Academy proposes is the greatest ever undertaken, an d it ca n only brin g honor to the nation which will execute it. Th e Acad emy . . . desires , i n a word , tha t i f the principles and detail s of this operation could pass alone to posterity, it would be impossible t o tel l b y wha t natio n i t ha d been ordered or executed. Th e establishment of uniformity of measures is of such great utility and importanc e that it should be acceptable to all peoples. . . . The Academy feels that it mus t embrace the view s of all me n and all centuries " (Condorcet to the President of the National Assembly, undated; translation b y the Editor s fro m Procès-Verbal, 26 Mch . 1791, p . 12-14) . Despite th e gran d sentiments, th e rec ommendations of the Academy of Sciences represented a retreat fromthose advanced by Talleyran d a yea r earlier . T J thor oughly disapproved the plan, found it "un catholic," and, with blunt candor, gave his opinion to Condorcet: "I would rather have seen you depart from your Catholicism in religion than in your Philosophy" ( TJ to Condorcet, 3 0 Aug . 1791) . Hi s obvious disappointment at this turn of events would seem to have provided sufficient reaso n for withholding Condorcet's letter and the report of the Academy of Sciences from the public. Thi s paragrap h i s omitte d i n TJ's translation. 1
E N C L O S U R E
Report t o the Academ y of Sciences on a Uni t o f Measur e [Paris, 1 9 Marc h 1791 ] The ide a o f founding th e whol e Scienc e o f measur e upo n a n unit o f lengt h taken fro m nature , presente d itsel f t o mathematician s fro m th e momen t tha t they kne w th e existenc e o f such an unit, an d the possibilit y o f determining it :
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they sa w tha t thi s wa s th e onl y mean s o f excluding ever y thing arbitrar y from the system o f measures, and of being sur e of preserving it at all times the same , without it' s being subjecte d to uncertainty from any event short of a revolution in th e presen t syste m o f nature . The y judge d als o tha t suc h a syste m no t belonging exclusivel y t o any particular nation, might eventually b e adopted b y all. Indee d were we t o adop t fo r an unit the measur e of any particular country, it woul d b e difficul t t o assig n t o th e other s reason s o f preferenc e sufficien t t o over-weigh tha t degre e o f repugnance no t philosophical , perhaps, bu t a t leas t very natural , whic h al l nation s hav e agains t a n imitatio n whic h implie s a n acknowledgment o f a certain inferiority. There would then be as many measures as there are great nations . Besides , were nearly the whol e o f them to adopt any one of these arbitrary standards, numberless accidents easy to be foreseen woul d produce doubts o f the true admeasurement of the standard. And as there would be n o exac t mean s o f testin g it , ther e would , i n time , b e a disagreemen t i n these measures . Th e diversit y whic h exists a t thi s da y amon g thos e i n us e i n different Countrie s is no t s o muc h owin g t o a n origina l diversit y existin g a t the perio d o f thei r first establishment, a s t o change s occasione d i n proces s o f time. I n short , littl e woul d b e gaine d eve n i n a singl e nation , b y preservin g any one o f the unit s o f length therei n used, sinc e i t would b e stil l necessar y t o correct the othe r imperfection s o f the syste m o f measures, an operation whic h would b e nearl y as inconvenien t fo r the greate r par t o f them. The unit s which appear hiost prope r for serving as the basis of measure, may be reduce d to three , th e lengt h o f the pendulum ; a quadrant of the Equatoria l circle; an d lastly a quadrant of a terrestrial meridian. The lengt h o f the pendulu m has appeared in general to meri t preference, a s it possesse s the advantag e o f bein g mor e easil y determined , an d consequentl y more easily tested or verified, whenever accidents to the Standard should render it necessary . Ad d to this , that those who shoul d adopt thi s measur e already in use wit h anothe r nation , or , who afte r having adopted i t should have occasio n to verif y it , woul d no t b e oblige d t o sen d observer s t o th e plac e wher e th e operation woul d hav e bee n first made . In fac t th e la w o f th e length s o f th e pendulu m i s sufficientl y certai n an d sufficiently confirme d b y experienc e t o b e employe d i n operation s withou t danger o f sensibl e error ; an d eve n i f w e wer e t o disregar d thi s law , stil l a comparison of the differenc e i n the length s o f pendulums, onc e executed coul d always b e verified , an d thus th e uni t o f measur e becom e invariabl e for al l the places wher e th e compariso n shoul d hav e bee n made ; an d thu s w e migh t immediately rectif y an y accidenta l chang e i n th e Standards , or find the sam e unit o f measur e a t an y momen t whe n w e shoul d resolv e t o adop t it . Bu t w e shall se e hereafte r tha t thi s las t mentione d advantag e ca n be mad e commo n t o all natural measures, and that we may employ the observations on the pendulum to verify them, although suc h observations hav e not serve d as the basis for their determination. In employin g th e lengt h o f the Pendulu m it seem s natura l t o prefe r that o f the simpl e pendulum , whic h vibrate s second s a t the fort y fifth degree o f Lat itude. Th e la w o f th e length s o f simpl e pendulum s fro m th e Equato r t o th e Pole, performin g equa l vibrations , i s suc h tha t tha t o f th e pendulu m a t th e forty fifth degree i s precisel y th e mea n o f al l these lengths , tha t i s t o say , i t i s equal t o thei r su m divide d b y thei r number: it i s equall y a mean betwee n th e two extreme s take n the on e a t the pole , th e othe r a t the equator , an d between any tw o length s whateve r correspondin g a t equa l distances , th e on e t o th e
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north, th e othe r t o th e sout h o f th e sam e parallel . I t woul d no t the n b e th e length o f th e pendulu m unde r an y determinat e paralle l which woul d i n thi s case b e th e Uni t o f measure , bu t th e mea n lengt h o f the pendulums , unequa l among themselves , whic h vibrate seconds i n the differen t Latitudes . We mus t observe , however , tha n a n uni t o f measur e thu s determine d ha s something arbitrar y i n it : th e secon d o f tim e i s th e eight y si x thousan d fou r hundredth par t of a day, and consequently a n arbitrary divisio n of this natura l unit; s o tha t t o fix th e uni t o f lengt h w e no t onl y emplo y a heterogeneou s element (time ) bu t a n arbitrar y portio n o f it. We might , indeed , avoi d thi s latte r inconvenienc e b y takin g fo r uni t th e hypothetical pendulu m whic h shoul d mak e bu t a single vibratio n in a day, a length whic h divide d int o te n thousan d million s o f part s woul d giv e a n uni t for commo n measure , o f abou t twent y seve n inches ; an d this uni t woul d cor respond with a pendulum which should make one hundred thousand vibrations in a day: but still the inconvenience woul d remain of admitting a heterogeneous element, an d of employing tim e to determin e a n unit of length, o r which is the same in this case, the intensit y o f the force of gravity at the surfac e of the earth. Now i f it b e possibl e t o hav e a n uni t o f length , whic h depend s o n n o othe r quantity, i t woul d see m natura l t o giv e i t th e preference . Besides , a n uni t o f measure take n fro m th e eart h itself ha s th e advantag e o f bein g perfectl y anal ogous to al l the actua l measures whic h for the commo n use s of life w e tak e o n the earth , suc h a s th e distance s betwee n certai n point s o f it' s surface , o r th e extent o f portion s o f tha t surface . I t i s muc h mor e natura l i n fac t t o refe r th e distance o f on e plac e fro m another t o a quarter of a circle of the earth , than t o refer i t to th e lengt h o f the pendulum . We hav e though t i t our duty the n t o decid e i n favour of this specie s o f unit, and the n agai n t o prefe r a quarte r of a meridia n to a quarte r of th e equator . The operation s necessar y t o determin e thi s las t elemen t canno t b e execute d but i n countries s o distan t fro m u s that they occasio n expense s and difficultie s far above th e advantage s whic h could be hoped fro m them; the verification s of them, wheneve r the y shoul d b e deeme d necessar y woul d b e mor e difficul t fo r all nations , a t leas t til l th e tim e whe n th e progres s o f civilizatio n shal l reach the inhabitant s unde r th e equator , a time unfortunatel y ver y distan t fro m us . The regularit y o f thi s circl e i s no t mor e certai n tha n th e similitude , o r th e regularity o f the meridians. The lengt h o f th e celestia l arc corresponding wit h th e spac e measured , i s less susceptibl e o f bein g determine d wit h precision : in shor t w e ma y sa y tha t every natio n belong s to on e o f the meridian s of the earth , but tha t only par t of them ar e situated unde r the equator . The quarte r of a meridian of the eart h then woul d be a real uni t of measure, and th e te n milliont h par t of i t woul d b e th e uni t fo r commo n use . I t will b e seen here that we renounc e th e ordinar y division of the quarte r of the meridian into ninet y degrees , o f th e degre e int o minutes , o f th e minut e int o seconds ; because w e coul d no t retai n thi s ancien t divisio n withou t breakin g in o n th e unity o f th e syste m o f measures , sinc e th e decima l divisio n answerin g t o th e arithmetical scal e ough t t o b e preferre d for th e measure s i n common use , an d thus we shoul d have, fo r those of length only , tw o system s o f division, the on e of whic h woul d b e adapte d t o th e grea t measures , an d the othe r t o th e smal l ones. Fo r example, th e leagu e could no t b e a t the sam e tim e a simple divisio n of a degree, an d a multiple o f the toise in round numbers. The inconveniencie s of this doubl e syste m woul d b e perpetual , whereas those of changing i t woul d [ 35 6 ]
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be temporary , an d the y woul d fal l principall y on a smal l numbe r o f person s accustomed t o calculation ; an d w e hav e imagine d tha t th e perfectio n o f th e operation ough t no t t o b e sacrifice d to a n interest whic h in man y respect s w e may conside r a s personal. In adoptin g thes e principle s we introduc e nothin g arbitrar y int o th e syste m of measures , excep t th e arithmetica l scale b y whic h their division s mus t nec essarily b e regulated . Als o i n tha t o f weights , ther e wil l b e nothin g arbitrar y but th e choic e o f a substance homogeneou s and easy t o b e alway s obtained i n the sam e degre e o f purit y an d densit y t o whic h w e mus t refe r th e weigh t o f all othe r substances ; a s fo r instance , if w e shoul d fo r a basi s chus e distille d water weighed in vacuo, o r reduced to th e weigh t i t would b e of in vacuo, and taken a t th e degre e o f temperatur e a t whic h i t passe s fro m a soli d t o a fluid form. T o thi s sam e degre e o f temperatur e al l the rea l measure s employe d i n the operation s shoul d hav e relation ; so tha t i n th e whol e syste m ther e woul d be nothin g arbitrar y bu t tha t whic h i s s o o f necessit y an d from th e natur e of things. An d even th e choic e o f this substance an d of this degree of temperature is founde d o n physica l reason, and the retainin g the arithmetica l scale, i s prescribed by a fear of the danger to which this change in addition to all the others, would expos e the succes s o f the whol e operation . The immediat e mensuratio n o f a quarte r of a meridian of th e eart h woul d be impracticable, but we may obtain a determination of it's length by measuring an arc of a certain length, an d inferring from thenc e th e lengt h o f the whole , either directly , o r b y deducin g fro m thi s mensuratio n th e lengt h o f a n arc of the meridia n corresponding to th e hundredt h part of the celestia l arc of ninet y degrees, an d s o take n a s tha t on e half o f thi s arc should b e t o th e sout h an d the othe r t o th e nort h of the fort y fifth parallel. I n fact, a s this arc is the mea n of those which from the equator to the pole answer to equal parts of the celestial arc, o r which is th e sam e thing , t o equa l distance s o f latitude, b y multiplyin g this measur e b y a hundred , w e shal l find th e lengt h o f th e quarte r o f th e meridian. The increas e o f lengt h i n these terrestria l arcs follow th e sam e la w a s those of th e pendulum , an d th e ar c which answers t o thi s paralle l is a mean o f all the others , i n like manner as the pendulu m of the forty fifth degree is the mea n of all the othe r pendulums . It may be objected here that the law of the increments of length of the degrees from th e equato r toward s th e pol e i s no t s o wel l ascertaine d a s tha t o f th e increments of the pendulum; although both are founded on the same hypothesi s of the ellipticit y o f the meridians . It might b e sai d that it has not bee n equall y confirmed b y observations; bu t 1st . there exists n o other method o f finding the length o f a quarte r of a circl e of th e earth . Secondly , ther e result s fro m i t n o real inexactitude, sinc e we hav e the immediat e lengt h o f the arc measured with which tha t deduce d fro m i t wil l alway s hav e a know n relation . Thirdly , th e error which might b e committed i n determining the hundredth part of a quadrant o f th e meridian , would no t b e sensible . Th e hypothesi s o f th e ellipticit y cannot b e far from reality in the arc whose length shoul d be actually measured: it wil l represen t necessarily , wit h sufficien t exactness , th e smal l portion o f th e curve almos t circula r an d a little flatened, whic h forms thi s arc . And fourthly, if thi s erro r coul d b e sensible , i t migh t o f necessary consequenc e b e corrected by th e sam e observations . Ther e coul d b e n o erro r bu t suc h a s coul d no t b e appreciated b y observations . The large r the measure d arc is, the mor e exact woul d b e the determination s
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resulting therefrom . I n fact th e error s committed i n th e determinatio n o f th e celestial arc, or even i n the terrestria l measurement s an d that o f the hypothesi s will hav e th e les s sensibl e influenc e o n th e result s i n proportio n a s thi s arc is of greater extent. In fine there is an advantage i n the circumstance that the tw o extremities happe n t o be , th e on e t o th e South , th e othe r t o th e Nort h o f th e parallel o f forty five degrees , a t distances , whic h without bein g equal , ar e no t too disproportionate . We wil l propos e the n a n actual mensuration o f an arc of the meridia n from Dunkirk t o Barcelona , comprising alike mor e tha n nine degree s and an half: this ar c will b e o f quit e sufficien t extent , an d there wil l b e abou t si x degree s of i t t o th e north , an d thre e an d a half t o th e sout h o f th e mea n parallel . T o those advantages i s added that o f having it's two extrem e point s equall y i n th e same leve l o f th e sea : i t i s t o satisf y thi s las t conditio n whic h give s point s i n the sam e level , invariabl e and determined b y nature , to increas e th e exten t o f the arc to b e measured in order that it may be divided in a manner more equal; in fine t o exten d i t beyon d th e Pyrennees , an d fre e i t fro m an y inaccuracies which their effect on the instruments might produce, that we propose to prolong the measure to Barcelona . Neithe r in Europe nor in any other part of the world (without measurin g a n arc of muc h greate r extent ) ca n a portion o f meridian be foun d whic h wil l satisf y th e conditio n o f having it's tw o extrem e point s i n the level of the sea, and at the same time that of traversing the forty fifth parallel, unless i t be th e on e no w proposed , o r another westward of this an d extendin g from th e coas t o f Franc e t o tha t o f Spain . Thi s las t arc would b e mor e equally divided by the paralle l of forty five degrees; bu t we hav e preferre d that which extends from Barcelon a to Dunkirk , becaus e i t i s i n the trac k o f the meridian already trace d i n France , tha t ther e exist s alread y a n admeasuremen t o f thi s arc fro m Dunkir k t o Perpignan , and tha t i t i s som e advantag e t o find i n th e work alread y done a verification o f that no w t o b e executed . I n fact, i f in th e new operation s w e find i n th e distanc e fro m Perpigna n to Dunkir k th e sam e result i n al l it' s parts , w e shal l hav e a reaso n th e mor e fo r countin g o n th e certainty o f these operations . Shoul d there b e foun d an y variations , by exam ining what are the causes, and where the error is, we shall be sure of discovering those causes an d of correcting the error . Beside s i n following thi s direction w e cross the Pyrennee s wher e the y ar e more passable . The operation s necessar y fo r this wor k will b e first , to determin e th e differ ence o f Latitud e between Dunkir k an d Barcelona, and in genera l t o mak e o n that lin e al l the astronomica l observation s whic h shal l b e deeme d useful . 2d . to measur e th e ol d base s whic h were use d fo r th e measur e o f a degree mad e at Paris , an d fo r th e purpos e o f th e ma p o f France . 3d . t o verif y b y new observations th e suit e o f th e triangle s whic h wer e use d fo r measurin g th e meridian, and to extend them to Barcelona. 4th. to make at the forty fifth degree observations fo r determinin g th e numbe r o f vibration s whic h a simpl e pen dulum equa l t o th e te n milliont h par t of the ar c of the meridia n will mak e in a day in vacuo at the sea-side , an d in the temperatur e of ice beginning t o melt , in orde r that, this number being onc e known, the measure may be found again at an y tim e b y observation s o n th e pendulum . B y thes e mean s w e unit e th e advantages o f the syste m whic h we hav e preferred , and of that which takes for it's uni t th e lengt h o f the pendulum . Thes e observation s ma y b e mad e befor e this te n milliont h part is known : having i n fac t th e numbe r of vibration s of a pendulum o f a given length , i t wil l suffic e t o kno w afterward s the proportio n 1
2
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of thi s lengt h t o thi s te n milliont h par t i n orde r t o deduc e fro m thenc e wit h certainty th e numbe r required . 5 th. t o verif y b y new experiments , carefull y made, th e weigh t i n vacu o o f a give n quantit y o f distille d wate r take n a t th e freezing point . An d lastly , t o reduc e t o th e presen t measure s o f lengt h th e different longitudinal , superficia l an d soli d measure s use d i n commerce , an d the differen t weight s i n use, t o th e en d that w e ma y b e abl e afterwards, by th e simple rul e o f three , t o estimat e th e new measure s whe n the y shal l b e deter mined. We se e tha t these different operation s requir e six separate commissions, eac h charged wit h on e o f these portion s o f the work . Thos e t o who m th e academ y shall trus t th e wor k shoul d b e require d at th e sam e time , t o explai n t o the m the metho d whic h they propos e t o follow . In thi s first Report we hav e confine d ourselve s t o wha t relate s to th e uni t of measure. W e propos e i n anothe r t o presen t th e pla n o f the genera l Syste m t o be establishe d upo n thi s unit . I n fact, thi s first determination require s preliminary operation s whic h will tak e time, an d which should be previousl y ordered by the Nationa l Assembly. We have nevertheles s sufficientl y meditate d o n thi s plan an d the result s o f the operations , a s well fo r the measur e o f the arc of th e meridian, a s for the weigh t o f a given quantit y o f water, are known s o nearly, that w e ma y asser t a t present , tha t i n adopting th e uni t o f measur e whic h w e have proposed, a general system ma y be formed, in which all the division s may follow th e arithmetica l Scale, an d n o par t of i t embarra s our habitua l usages : we shal l onl y sa y a t presen t tha t thi s te n milliont h par t o f a quadran t o f th e meridian which will constitut e ou r common uni t of measure will not differ from the simpl e pendulu m bu t abou t a hundred and fort y fifth part ; an d that thu s the on e an d th e othe r uni t lead s t o system s o f measur e absolutel y simila r i n their consequences . We hav e not thought it necessary to wait for the concurrence of other nation s either i n decidin g upo n th e choic e o f the uni t o f measur e o r i n beginnin g th e operations. I n fac t w e hav e exclude d fro m thi s choic e ever y arbitrar y deter mination: we hav e admitted n o elements but those which belong equally to all nations. T h e choic e o f th e fort y fifth degre e o f Latitud e was no t determine d by th e positio n o f France , i t i s no t her e considere d a s a fixed poin t o f th e meridian, bu t onl y a s that to whic h the mea n lengt h o f the pendulum , and the mean length o f a given division of that circle correspond: in fine we have chose n the onl y meridia n wherein an arc can be found terminatin g at both it' s extremities a t th e leve l o f th e ocean , an d cu t b y th e mea n paralle l withou t bein g o f too grea t extent, which would render it's actual mensuration too difficult . Ther e is nothin g her e the n whic h may giv e th e smalles t pretenc e fo r reproachin g us with a n affectation o f pre-eminence. We conclud e therefor e t o presen t thi s Repor t t o th e Nationa l Assembly , praying it to orde r the propose d operation s an d the measure s necessary fo r th e execution o f those whic h must b e mad e o n th e territorie s of Spain . Done a t the Academ y th e 19th . o f Marc h 1791 . BORDA L A GRANG E L A PLAC E MONGÉ CONDORCET
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I certif y th e above copy to b e conformable t o the Original , and to the decisio n of th e Academy . Pari s March 21st. 1791 . CONDORCET, PERPETUA L SECRETAR Y PrC (DLC) ; i n hand of George Taylor ; A clerica l error . Th e passag e i n th e at head of text: "A Report made before the Rapport reads : " . . . un pe u plu s d e neu f Academy o f Science s th e 19t h o f Marc h degré s et demi." The error must have been 1791, o n the choic e of a unit of measure." tha t of the transcribing clerk in view of the Translated by TJ fro m Rapport sur le choix meticulou s accuracy of TJ's translation . dune unité de mesure lu à tAcadémie des Th e Rapport doe s no t includ e th e Sciences le 19 mars 1791 (Paris , 1791) , equivalen t o f the phras e "o f forty five deprinted by order of the National Assembly grees. " TJ obviously made thi s interpola and appende d t o it s Procès-Verbal fo r 2 6 tio n fo r the sak e of clarity. Mch. 1791 . 1
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F r o m Benjami n Hawkin s D E A R S I R Warre
n in NC 3rd. of May 179 1
I ha d th e pleasur e t o receiv e th e lette r yo u di d m e th e hono r t o write t o m e o f the 1st . o f april enclosin g som e o f the scarle t bloso m beans; A nd the acts of the last Session of Congress under an envelop e franked b y you, for which I request you to accept my thanks. I wish you an d Mrs. Trist ma y have bee n a s fortunate wit h your beans a s I a m with mine, th e larges t an d middle sized are up and promising; I immagin e th e larges t t o b e th e carnealla . The unfortunat e mistak e of the Virginian s wil l hav e disagreeabl e consequences. T h e Indian s hav e n o Ide a o f expiatio n othe r tha n blood fo r blood , an d they ris k ever y thin g t o obtai n it . Having bee n unwel l sinc e m y retur n fro m Philadelphi a I hav e not been from home o r had an opportunity of hearing the sentiment s of man y o f th e peopl e o f thi s Stat e o n th e act s o f th e federa l Leg islature. Som e peopl e o f Virgini a an d o f thi s Stat e ar e o f Opinion that th e minorit y ar e eve r i n th e right . The y spea k o f Jackso n as being lef t ou t b y the peopl e o f Georgia wit h astonishment, he bein g the mos t virtuous , the mos t eloquen t an d best informe d man in th e house o f representatives. That spiri t of rudeness which blazed out a t the las t session o f our Legislature seems Perfectl y stifled, the actors therein being ashamed of their conduct and desirous it should be forgotten. - Wit h the mos t affectionate regar d I hav e th e hono r Dea r Si r Y r . most obedien t Servant, B
ENJAMIN H AWKINS
RC (MHi) ; addressed : "Th e Honbl e Petersburg" ; postmarked: "Petersburg May Thomas Jefferson Esqr . Secretar y of State 6" ; endorse d b y T J as receive d 1 2 Ma y Philadelphia. Fav'd by Mr. D e Corbean to 179 1 an d so recorded i n SJL . [ 36 0 ]
3 M A Y 179 James Jackso n (1757-1806), nativ e of England and representative from Georgi a in the first Congress, was not re-elected to the second . H e conteste d th e electio n o f Anthony Wayn e and the sea t wa s thereupon declared vacant. He twice serve d as Senator fromGeorgia. Jackson was a strong
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opponent o f th e Yazo o fraud , a lawyer known for his impassioned eloquence, and a man of not inflexible political principles. Hawkins' encomiums to his virtue, his eloquence, an d his learning were obviously tinged wit h derision.
F r o m Davi d Humphrey s Mafra, Portugal, 3 May 1791 . Acknowledgin g receipt by express from Bulkeley o f T J ' s o f 1 5 Mch . - A s minister , " I can onl y rel y o n m y ow n zea l and the candou r o f thos e . . . concerne d i n administrin g the Governmen t o f m y Country: an d . . . i t i s a peculia r felicit y tha t m y communication s ar e t o b e made throug h a n Offic e entruste d t o a Perso n fro m whos e Instructio n and Indulgence, I know , I hav e ever y thin g t o hope. " H e wil l presen t lette r o f credence withou t los t time . Th e articles i n T J ' s letter "wil l mee t wit h du e attention." He forwards English papers, brought by messenger wh o left Lisbo n at one o'cloc k thi s morning. By him he received Dohrman's letter, this momen t answered: copie s o f bot h enclosed , a s wel l a s lis t o f arrival s sen t b y Harrison . He enclose s duplicate o f his last. " I a m extremely oblige d b y you r attention i n sending m e a complete se t o f th e Laws , togethe r wit h the entir e serie s o f th e Gazette o f th e Unite d States . Scarcel y any thin g coul d hav e bee n mor e use ful-nothing mor e acceptable. " P.S . H e wil l writ e i n a fe w day s t o T J and Lear. Moderatio n o f demand s o f Empres s of Russi a show n i n rescrip t in on e of the papers . RC (DNA : RG 59, DD); at head of text: "(No. 18)" ; endorsed by TJ a s received 22 June 179 1 an d s o recorde d i n SJL . T r (same). Enclosures: (1) Jacob Dohrman to Humphreys, congratulating him on his appointment a s minister and recommending vice-consuls wh o ha d serve d th e Unite d States, particularl y Samue l Harriso n (Dohrman to Humphreys, Lisbon, 2 May 1791; T r in French) . (2 ) Humphrey s to Dohrman, acknowledgin g th e foregoing , requesting that consulate business be conducted b y sam e person s unti l he receive s further instruction s from the Secretar y of State, and adding: "it is incompatible with the Syste m adopte d b y the Suprem e Ex ecutive to name any Foreigners as Consuls General. . . . The Secretar y of Stat e has only informed me, 'we shall name a Consul for the Por t of Lisbon as soon as a proper Native shal l occur.'-Th e distinguishe d services o f you r brothe r hav e bee n ac knowledged b y th e America n Govern ment: those of yourself (since his departure for America ) are not , I trust , unknow n
there. - I a m returning to Lisbon; and desire you will do me the favor of dining with me on Sunday next at Williams's Hotel. I have also to desire you will invite Mr. Harrison an d all the Captain s of the Vessel s from America" (Humphreys to Dohrman , Mafra, 3 Ma y 1791) . (3 ) Harrison' s un dated list of American vessels and cargoes in Lisbon: Laurel, Jame s Wharton (wheat); Betsey, James Eagleston (flour for Bilboa); Two Brothers, Joh n Hall (wheat) , all fro m Philadelphia; Venus, Caleb Green, and Good Hope, Joh n Burke, bot h fro m Alexandri a and both laden with corn. One vessel had arrived the night before for which Harrison had no information (Trs of all three enclosures i n Humphreys ' hand in DNA : R G 59, DD ; FCs o f all in same). Neither Humphreys' letter nor its enclosures conveyed hi s real views on consular appointments. A s many another diplomat who enjoyed close personal relations with an incumben t Presiden t ha s don e since , Humphreys in this and other instances ex-
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3 M A Y 179 pressed himsel f mor e freel y t o th e Chie f Executive tha n to th e Secretar y of State . A few days later, in a letter marked secret, he wrot e Washingto n abou t consula r appointments i n Spain lest hi s letters t o the Secretary o f Stat e "shoul d hav e bee n s o inexplicit a s to leav e you r mind in doub t respecting the merits or pretensions of those persons." He professed t o be disinterested in th e decisio n an d onl y desirou s o f removing "embarrassments" from Washing ton's mind . Th e Dohrmans , he thought , might be considered because of their services during and after the war. Though Jacob Dohrma n did no t see m t o expec t a n appointment, he earnestly wished Harrison to b e mad e vice-consu l unti l a nativ e American coul d be named, being anxiou s himself to have a share in the consignmen t business. Humphrey s pointe d ou t tha t Harrison had done all of the consulate business in Lisbon for some years and, on the basis o f persona l knowledge , h e believe d him "active , faithful , an d intelligen t i n business and worthy of a vice-consular appointment unti l a n America n coul d b e named consul " —which, h e adde d point edly, "wil l now, o f course, be the case unless order s ma y b e receive d t o th e con trary." Then he revealed his real preference: "Mr. John Bulkeley is my very good friend. He ha s take n uncommo n pain s t o she w civilities t o me , an d continue s t o d o th e same. O n every occasio n evincin g his politeness, hospitality and disposition to serve me. He is one of the wealthiest Merchants of the Factory , and a man well verse d in business. I understand he ha s applied for the America n Consulship. Indeed, he has intimated th e sam e t o me , an d produced to my view a letter from Mr. Thomas Russel of Boston in answer to one from himself on the subject . Mr . Bulkeley has made a principal par t of his fortune i n the American Trade; and from a desire of extending his connection s i n it , ha s doubtles s bee n useful to other Americans as well as to me: I conceiv e hi m to b e a good Englishma n and a true Merchant, in heart. - I n time of the war , h e conducte d i n genera l pru dently: not , howeve r (a s I hav e under stood) without being concerned in an English Privateer." In conclusion, Humphreys
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protested hi s disinterestednes s perhap s a bit to o much : "Truth, an d the interes t of the Republi c are my only objects . I write at th e desir e o f n o Person , no r wit h th e knowledge o f any one. - Fo r I can have no possible interes t in the matter, nor the remotest byas to an option, distinct fromwhat may comport with the public weal" (Humphreys t o Washington , "Secret" 1 2 May 1791; R C i n D L C: Washingto n Papers). John Bulkeley was indeed a good friend of Humphreys and some years later became his father-in-law . H e wa s a member o f a prominent Ne w Englan d famil y who had remained loyal during the Revolution, but Humphreys clearl y thought tha t a s a native-born American there was no legal bar to his being made consul and that, as with many others, his disaffection t o the patriot cause di d no t disqualif y hi m fo r office . Bulkeley ha d in fact applie d for the post, and his candidacy had been supporte d by influential Congressmen and merchants. T J thought hi m a man of good character and later placed orders for wine with his firm. But, knowin g tha t h e had sided wit h the British i n the Revolution , he ha d already advised Washingto n tha t "hi s birt h and sentiments see m t o se t hi m aside." In acknowledging Humphreys ' letters o n th e subject, neither T J no r Washington commented upo n hi s observation s an d rec ommendations concernin g consula r ap pointments. Afte r all, matters of patronage lay beyond the province of a diplomat. The post at Lisbon was first offered to Stephen Moylan of New Jersey and finally,in 1792, given to Edward Church of Georgia, who in 179 0 ha d been appointed consul at Bilbao bu t ha d no t bee n received . Rober t Morris and the mercantile communities of Philadelphia and New York had also failed to ge t thei r candidate appointe d (se e Ed itorial Note on consular problems, Vol. 19: 308-13 and Documents i and in; TJ's undated memorandu m o n consular commissions, D L C: TJ Papers , f. 11903; Church's Commission, 5 May 1792, DNA : RG 59 , CC; JEP, 1,121; TJ t o Humphreys, 13 July 1791; Washington to Humphreys, 20 July 1791, Writings, ed. Fitzpatrick, xxxi, 31721).
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F r o m W i l l i a m Shor t D E A R S I R Pari
s May 3. 1791 .
T h e fermentatio n o f Pari s whic h I mentione d t o yo u i n m y las t has continue d subsidin g sinc e tha t time . Bu t th e regulatio n o f th e department fo r rentin g an d sellin g churche s t o th e catholic s wh o adhere t o th e priest s non-jurors , and the departur e o f the K i n g fo r St. Clou d remai n suspended . T h e regulatio n o r arrêté o f th e de partment whe n sen t t o th e nationa l assembl y wa s referre d to th e committee o f the constitution . I t was th e mean s o f avoiding t o pro nounce o n i t unti l it coul d b e see n whethe r i t coul d b e carrie d int o execution, tha t i s to say , whethe r th e peopl e of Paris woul d consen t to it . T h e repor t i s t o b e mad e no w i n a day o r two an d is i n favo r of the department . Shoul d that pas s quietl y th e K i n g wil l probabl y attempt agai n to g o t o St . Cloud, an d unless there should arise some new caus e o f popular disquietude n o oppositio n wil l b e made . T h e Marquis d e l a Fayett e wil l us e hi s influenc e i n favo r o f it . A s ye t the zea l excite d amon g th e gard e national e o f Pari s b y hi s resig nation, an d hi s resumptio n o f th e comman d a t thei r sollicitation , still continues . I n the natur e o f thing s thi s canno t las t always ; bu t it wil l las t longe r wit h hi m tha n an y othe r perso n whatever . I fea r that th e governmen t wil l no t b e organise d i n tim e t o secur e an d inforce peace an d good order as soon as the influenc e an d popularity of the Marquis , b y whic h the peopl e hav e hithert o bee n persuade d into i t i n som e degree , shal l have ceased-o r i f organised, wil l no t be found adequate t o those purposes. T h e parties (which are already pronounced) wil l b e violen t an d strong, th e governmen t feebl e - o f course disorde r an d confusio n unti l experienc e shal l hav e pointe d out t o th e majorit y th e onl y tru e an d permanen t remedy , a wel l established constitutio n an d a governmen t sufficientl y energeti c t o control the factiou s an d turbulent. This wil l certainly happen soone r or later. T he liberty of the press , and the genera l informatio n o f th e present ag e wil l probabl y accelerat e tha t term , and give reasonabl e hopes, I think , tha t anarch y and factio n formerl y th e roa d t o des potism, ma y no w lea d to a free government . T h e inhabitant s o f th e capita l ar e i n a stat e o f muc h jo y an d contentment occasione d b y the abolitio n o f the barrier s o f Paris. B y the decre e o f th e assembl y yo u kno w al l dutie s cease d th e 1st . o f this month . A processio n o f th e municipalit y an d gard e national e made th e roun d accompanie d b y musi c an d numberles s crowd s o f people an d had the iro n grates take n down . I inclose yo u a tariff o f the principa l dutie s paid . T he committee o f imposition thin k it wil l [ 36 3 }
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be eas y t o suppl y th e plac e o f th e variou s article s o f revenu e sup pressed, b y a direct tax o f 300 millions , an d indirect ones of nearly as muc h more , forme d an d collecte d o n differen t principle s mor e easy an d more agreeabl e t o th e people . - I t is a great an d hazardous experiment o f whic h th e succes s i n th e first instanc e i s a t leas t questionable. I informe d yo u tha t o n th e repor t o f the academ y o f Science s th e Bishop of Autun had changed his plan respecting weights and measures. T h e assembly hav e adopte d i t a s it stand s a t present. I inclos e it t o yo u wit h a letter fro m M . Condorce t for yo u whic h he sen t t o me ope n a s yo u wil l receiv e it . I thin k i t highl y probabl e th e pla n will b e defeated b y Spain's not admittin g the Frenc h commissioner s into tha t Kingdom . T h e jealousy o f th e cour t agains t ever y thin g or person comin g fro m France , an d particularly connecte d wit h th e national assembly , i s beyon d al l conceptions . Yo u wil l se e b y a n office o f th e Spanis h Ambassado r communicate d t o th e assembly , (in th e Moniteur ) tha t a lin e o f troop s i s forme d b y Spai n o n th e frontiers o f France. I t is said also that the cour t have suc h an horror of ever y thin g tha t ha s th e appellatio n o f assembly , tha t the y hav e forbidden tha t o f the ban k of St. Charles , les t somethin g appertain ing t o revolutio n principle s should gro w ou t o f it . There i s n o doub t tha t th e finances o f tha t countr y ar e i n a de clining state . T h e presen t ministr y are prodigal an d wil l no t amel iorate them . Thu s foreig n broil s or internal disorders will probabl y present er e lon g favorabl e opportunitie s fo r thos e wh o hav e diffi culties t o settl e wit h tha t country . I hav e ha d onl y distan t conver sations wit h the Spanis h Ambassador relative to the Mississip i since my return from Holland and that without th e appearanc e of seekin g them, an d i n presenc e o f indifferen t persons . I observe d tha t h e extolled much the importance of the Floridas, and seemed to consider them as most valuabl e acquisitions. This wa s in answer to a question of an enemy t o th e presen t revolutio n here , wh o i n considering th e late war as a most distressin g one fo r France, aske d the Ambassador what Spai n had gaine d b y it . Yo u will recollec t wha t I mentione d formerly concernin g hi s ide a o f territory . No . 44 . I t i s impossibl e to for m a n opinio n wit h certaint y o n suc h desultor y conversation s but a s far as one ma y be forme d I think, if war had taken place wit h England th e Ambassado r woul d hav e bee n fo r purchasin g th e friendship o f the U . S . at any pric e but tha t a s i t i s he woul d no t b e for acquirin g it b y a cessio n o f territor y no r eve n a cessio n o f th e navigation o f the Mississipi . - No t knowin g what would be the sen timents o f th e U . S . under presen t circumstances , I have though t i t {364 }
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best no t t o she w to o muc h anxiet y i n soundin g th e Ambassador . T h e extrac t o f you r lette r t o Carmichael , a s yo u wil l suppose , ha s not bee n communicate d t o th e perso n yo u mentioned . The Ambassado r is very anxious tha t a good understanding should be preserve d wit h th e U . S . an d particularl y that hi s cour t shoul d know precisel y wha t ar e thei r intention s wit h respec t t o th e Mis sissipi. H e tol d m e tha t h e ha d recommende d on e o f hi s friend s t o be sen t a s ministe r t o th e U . S . But tha t o n furthe r informatio n h e had withdraw n thi s recommendatio n i n favo r o f th e Spanis h gov ernor o n ou r Wester n frontier , an d tha t h e hope d h e woul d b e appointed, althoug h h e di d no t kno w him . H e observe d tha t h e thought himsel f boun d t o mak e thi s sacrific e o f hi s friendshi p i n a case wher e i t wa s s o necessar y t o hav e a perso n wel l acquainte d with th e U . S . an d particularl y the wester n country . - Thi s con vinced m e tha t h e wa s fo r makin g full inquir y into ou r disposition s and particularl y the disposition s o f th e wester n inhabitant s befor e any thing decisive bein g done . H e has probably hopes that they ma y be induce d t o becom e Spanis h subjects i n orde r to obtai n th e nav igation o f th e Mississipi , an d the n contribut e t o preclud e fro m i t the citizen s o f th e U . S . tha t thei r advantage s ma y b e th e greater . His anxiety to have the Governor of that Country appointed minister is a strong indicatio n that h e i s for the pla n being pursued . -1 hav e no intelligenc e fro m M r . Carmichae l sinc e h e ha s recieve d you r instructions. On e o r tw o shor t letter s whic h h e ha s writte n t o m e say nothin g tha t ha s an y relatio n t o tha t subject , althoug h on e o f them wa s b y a private hand . I suppos e therefor e tha t nothin g ne w has occurred , or whic h i s mor e probable , tha t h e migh t no t thin k it prope r or necessary t o communicat e i t to me . I lear n accidentally by a person fro m Madri d tha t Colo . Humphries passed abou t thre e weeks ther e o n hi s wa y t o Lisbon . T h e las t intelligenc e I recieve d from hi m was o n hi s arriva l i n London . He the n mentione d h e wa s about t o embar k for Lisbon . I mentione d t o yo u i n m y las t th e extensio n o f th e decree abol ishing th e droit daubaine, a s yo u wil l se e b y th e journal s o f th e assembly herewit h sent . Sinc e the n nothin g furthe r has bee n don e in an y thin g whic h concern s ou r commerce . Wit h respec t t o th e difference o f dut y pai d b y Frenc h an d American vessels importin g tobacco I have written to M. de Montmorin by his desire reclaiming against it on the principle of its being so great as to exclude America n vessels fro m participatin g i n th e transportatio n o f thei r ow n pro ductions, th e freigh t o f an hogshead o f tobacco bein g no t mor e than 40.* whils t th e exces s o f dut y pai d b y a n America n vessel i s 50.i t [ 36 5 ]
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He ha s answere d m e tha t h e ha s sen t m y lette r t o th e ministe r o f finance an d th e diplomatic k committee . Thi s committe e togethe r with those of imposition an d commerce ar e to consul t o n i t the nex t week a s I lear n fro m th e Duk e d e l a Rochefoucauld. M . d e Mont morin desire s muc h t o hav e th e America n an d Frenc h vessel s pu t on th e sam e footing , havin g alread y give n instruction s t o reclai m against th e excéden t tonnag e to whic h French vessel s are subjected in th e port s o f the U . S . Ternant als o i s exerting himsel f much with the committee s i n order to induc e them to treat the production s and shipping o f th e U . S . more favorably . I observ e tha t h e i s muc h dispose d t o se e a treaty o f commerc e entered int o wit h Americ a an d think s tha t governmen t ar e full y authorized t o d o it . I d o no t suppos e i t prope r to troubl e yo u wit h my idea s o f treaties o f commerce i n general, for several reasons, bu t with respec t t o on e wit h thi s countr y i n particula r i n it s presen t situation, I cannot help observing that much caution should be used. Until governmen t shal l hav e acquire d a degree o f influenc e whic h it i s fa r fro m havin g a t presen t i t wil l b e doubtfu l whethe r thei r engagements would b e confirmed , an d probably would no t b e con firmed i f suc h article s wer e entere d int o respectin g thei r Island s particularly a s th e U . S . should certainl y insist on . O n the contrar y when th e governmen t shal l becom e sufficiently vigorou s t o lea d th e assembly, th e momen t wil l b e mor e favorabl e an d shoul d no t b e lost. Eve n the n perhap s a treaty shoul d be confine d t o a few leadin g points. Tim e canno t bu t strengthe n th e demand s o f the U . S . Thei r increasing number s and commerce an d general prosperit y wil l ren der thei r connexion s mor e valuable , an d wha t wil l hav e stil l mor e influence wil l render their friendship more necessary to those nations who hav e possession s i n th e West-Indies . I t wil l b e see n tha t th e U . S . withou t desirin g to have possessions there themselves wil l hav e it in their power to keep them in the hands of those nations to who m they ar e attached, an d they wil l b e attached to those who offe r the m the greates t commercia l advantages there . Franc e o f cours e wil l b e for inlistin g u s b y ou r interes t i n th e guarante e o f he r possession s in th e island s instea d o f havin g i t o n pape r only . Time als o wil l tak e th e inhabitant s o f th e colonie s mor e ou t o f the hand s o f th e merchant s o f Bordeau x an d Nantes , an d rende r these als o les s influentia l i n th e assembly , b y renderin g the m les s necessary t o th e establishmen t o f th e constitution.-Th e Frenc h citizens o f influenc e wh o ar e owner s i n th e island s an d o f cours e desirous t o exten d th e libert y o f commerc e a s muc h a s possibl e [ 36 6 ]
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submit t o th e merchant s o f thi s countr y becaus e the y thin k thei r influence essentia l t o th e revolution . T h e inhabitant s o f the island s themselves wh o ar e here wis h muc h fo r freedo m o f commerce, bu t they ar e oblige d t o unit e wit h th e merchant s an d submi t t o thei r terms, thoug h thei r natura l enemies , i n orde r t o secur e tw o othe r points whic h they hav e muc h more a t heart - 1 . T h e subjecting th e gens de couleur, fre e an d landholders , t o th e whit e citizens , tha t i s to sa y allowing them t o fix in their colonial assemblies th e privilege s which those are to enjoy. 2. The continuation of the slave trade. - Unti l these two point s ar e finally settle d th e islander s will unit e wit h th e merchants o f F r a n c e . - B y thei r join t influenc e the y wil l succeed . T h e committee s t o who m th e first o f thes e question s wa s referre d agreed las t night i n a report which leaves t o th e colonia l assemblie s the decisio n o f ever y thin g relativ e t o th e stat e o f persons. Thi s i s provisional an d pronounce s formall y wha t th e forme r decree ha d left t o b e interprete d a s eac h shoul d chuse , an d thu s gav e ris e t o the disturbance s whic h hav e sinc e take n place . No intelligenc e ha s been recieve d from the West-Indie s since that I mentione d i n my last . It appears that the troops an d fleet sent wer e in suc h a stat e o f insubordinatio n tha t the y coul d no t b e counte d on. I thin k the y wer e sen t fro m henc e wit h a n intentio n t o mak e them inforc e severel y th e wishe s o f the mothe r countr y and that th e regulations wit h respect t o commerc e particularl y woul d have bee n strictly carrie d int o execution . T h e longe r th e inhabitant s ar e ac customed t o th e presen t stat e o f things th e mor e difficul t i t wil l b e to shu t thei r port s altogether . I a m sorr y t o hav e hear d nothing furthe r fro m yo u sinc e I men tioned the minister's idea with respect to the appointment o f Consuls in th e islands . Nothin g mor e ha s passe d betwee n hi m an d m e re specting this . I kno w no t ho w fa r yo u woul d wis h t o insis t o n i t under presen t circumstances . I f the ministe r i s pushe d a t presen t he woul d certainly refuse it . Perhap s it might ente r int o you r view s to obtai n th e refusa l explicitly. I hope I shal l soo n hear from you o n this subject . M r . Skipwith has writte n to m e tha t neithe r th e Gov ernor or any person at Martinique has any cognizance o f the consular convention, an d desire s I wil l tak e measure s fo r procurin g him a n exequatur. T h i s wil l b e suspende d o f cours e fo r you r orders. I sen d yo u severa l publication s whic h hav e appeare d her e o n colonial subjects . Unfortunatel y fo r th e present , th e persona l interests o f those wh o ar e to decid e o n the m ar e too muc h concerned t o admit o f lights fro m discussion . Yo u will se e tha t som e o f them ar e [ 36 7 }
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in favo r of a free commerce , an d you wil l easil y judge o f the weigh t that wil l b e give n t o these arguments b y the merchant s of Bordeaux or Nantes . I enclos e yo u a paper given m e by the Imperia l Charg é des affaire s to whic h h e beg s you r attention . I t wil l explai n itself . I hav e hear d nothing o f th e affai r of Schweighause r & Co. sinc e you lef t thi s plac e unti l th e inclose d pape r wa s pu t int o m y hand s some time ag o b y one o f the part y concerned with a request I would forward i t t o you . H e urge d m e muc h t o giv e hi m a n orde r to sel l the arms , and seemed t o think it extraordinary that I declined doin g any thin g i n it . As ye t i t has been impossibl e fo r me to ge t fro m Dupré th e meda l he i s makin g for M . d e l a Luzerne , althoug h on e sid e wa s finished many months ago . T h i s delay is occasioned b y his employing himself in oppositio n t o severa l othe r artist s to obtai n th e engravin g o f th e dyes fo r th e ne w coinag e decree d b y th e nationa l assembly. H e ha s given m e hi s wor d however tha t I shall have i t i n the cours e o f thi s month an d I coun t o n it . May 4 . I hav e informe d yo u o f th e cause s o f differenc e betwee n this countr y an d the Pop e i n spiritual matters. Afte r much delay h e has sen t th e Bre f whic h I inclos e you , an d whic h i s considere d a s the harbinge r o f excommunicatio n agains t th e bishop s an d priest s who supplan t th e non-jurors . I f w e ma y judg e o f th e peopl e i n general fro m those i n Pari s i t wil l hav e littl e effect . The y yesterda y dressed u p a figure i n stra w representing th e Pop e wit h his bre f in one han d and they sa y a crucifix i n the other , a n inscription on hi s back o f guerre civile. Afte r parading him in the garde n o f the Palai s Royal h e wa s burn t to th e grea t satisfactio n o f the immens e crowd s present. Intelligenc e ha d been recieve d the da y before tha t the Pop e refused t o reciev e M . d e Segu r wh o wa s abou t t o leav e Pari s i n order t o g o an d resid e a t Rom e a s successo r t o th e Cardina l d e B e r n i s . - D u r i n g thes e circumstance s th e assembl y wa s employe d in discussin g the questio n whethe r Avigno n and the Comta t should be recieve d a s par t o f th e Kingdo m o f France . T h e tw o partie s i n that countr y tha t i s t o sa y thos e fo r an d those agains t th e reunio n to Franc e ar e no w i n a stat e o f wa r an d hav e bee n fo r som e time . Deserters fro m th e Frenc h army , the Frenc h partisan s a t Avigno n and citizen s o f th e neighbourin g departments , hav e ru n ove r th e Comtat, carried devastation with them wherever they met oppositio n and force d th e inhabitant s to declar e in favor of France . Carpentra s is no w besiege d b y thi s arm y o f plunderer s fo r th e sam e purpose . T h e questio n o f the reunio n has bee n lon g befor e th e assembl y an d [ 36 8 ]
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referred t o tw o o f th e committees . Thi s stat e o f thing s rendere d a decision indispensable . T h e report o f the committee s mad e o n Sat urday las t wa s fo r the re-unio n and there seeme d n o doub t i t woul d be adopted . Yo u will se e th e debate s i n th e paper s inclosed , a s far as las t night . T h e questio n wa s decide d a fe w hour s ag o b y yea s and nays , b y a considerabl e majorit y agains t th e reunion . T h e as sembly ros e after determining this point. The y have not ye t decide d what measure s the y wil l tak e fo r stoppin g th e disorders , whic h prevail i n th e Comta t occasione d b y Frenc h citizens , an d whic h threaten also the French territory. If I recieve the papers before Peti t leaves thi s to-morro w I wil l forwar d them t o you . I lear n in the instan t tha t th e hous e o f Clermont-Tonner e on e o f the members o f the assembl y who wa s most violen t i n his oppositio n to the reunio n has been surrounde d by a mob for some harsh expressions use d i n hi s speech , an d wit h difficult y prevente d fro m bein g plundered b y th e arriva l o f th e gard e national e wh o persuade d th e people no t t o procee d t o extremities . Letters receive d t o da y fro m Vienn a by som e o f the member s o f the Corp s diplomatiqu e mentio n tha t the Russia n ambassado r there had just recieve d intelligenc e o f a considerable victor y gaine d ove r the T u r k s nea r Brailow, in whic h there wer e 3 o r 4000 prisoners . I observe d tha t th e person s presen t whe n on e o f thes e letter s wa s received, an d particularl y the ne w envoy o f Poland , suppose d th e affair ha d bee n muc h exaggerate d b y th e Russia n ambassado r a t Vienna. I suppose i t certain however tha t an engagement has taken place, and that the Russians were victorious. This may be considered as th e openin g o f th e campaign , an d woul d see m t o rende r peac e less probable . Stil l a s th e T u r k s wil l probabl y no t b e consulte d I think ye t i t wil l b e conclude d b y th e mediatio n o f Denmark . It i s believed tha t Englan d an d Prussi a hav e alread y moderate d thei r pretensions. T h e Empres s certainl y wishe s muc h fo r peace , an d finding no w tha t the T u r k s ar e disposed t o prefer another campaign to a separat e negotiation , I thin k sh e wil l negotiat e throug h Den mark i n modifyin g th e stat u quo . I a m informed that th e pla n which the committee s o f the colonie s &c. inten d proposin g t o th e assembl y a s agreed o n the nigh t befor e last i s t o hav e a congress assemble d i n th e Wes t Indie s o f deputie s from th e severa l island s wh o ar e t o propos e a constitutio n fo r th e colonies t o b e submitte d t o th e nationa l assembly, tha t this congres s shall particularl y have the initiativ e in deciding VEtat des personnes in th e island s viz . th e right s o f th e gens de couleur libres, an d th e condition o f slave s an d the slav e trade . T h e footing o n whic h their [ 36 9 ]
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commerce i s to b e place d is als o to b e propose d b y the Congres s t o the consideratio n o f the nationa l assembly. T h i s i s all that has tran spired fro m the committe e an d is vague . The y desire much to kee p their decisio n unknow n unti l the y propos e i t t o th e assembl y an d they wil l the n endeavou r t o ru n it throug h tha t bod y withou t dis cussion a s they hav e done in two simila r instances. I suppose i t best not t o appea r too sollicitou s abou t collectin g th e resul t o f the com mittees, a s th e U . S . ar e considered wit h muc h jealousy b y severa l of th e members . The y ar e sur e tha t w e hav e project s o f conques t and a thousand othe r wil d ideas. I t is expecte d tha t thi s repor t wil l be mad e t o th e assembl y immediatel y an d of course published. Y ou shall b e informe d of its result in due time. I have found the deputie s of the colonie s dispose d o f themselves t o g o a s far as possible i n their demands respectin g thei r commerce, bu t read y to giv e them al l up to secur e the slav e trade and the dependenc e o f the gens de couleur. The Ministe r of marin e resigne d som e day s ago . T h e reaso n h e gave was that the colonie s wer e no t separate d from his department . He considere d himself inadequate to the place in its present situation. No successo r i s ye t named . M . L e Hoc an d M . L e Brasseur, bot h formerly employe d unde r former ministers, are generally spoke n of , and eve n D e Moustie r i s mentione d b y some . I sen d you a mémoire of M. D u Crest against the Duke of Orleans. I hav e bee n oblige d t o tak e a copy whic h has bee n used , no t bein g able t o find a new one . I have neve r rea d it bu t understan d it give s a particula r account o f Arkwright's spinnin g machines and suppos e it ma y b e therefor e useful . I t i s o n tha t accoun t tha t i t i s sent . I tak e th e libert y of inclosing yo u a letter fo r the Secretar y of th e Treasury whic h I as k th e favo r o f yo u t o giv e him . M y las t fro m him wa s Sep . 1 . 9 0 an d from yo u Jan . 23 an d 24. 91 . - I hav e th e honor t o b e wit h sentiment s o f th e mos t perfec t respec t & attachment, Dea r Sir Your mos t obedien t & most humbl e servant , W : SHORT PrC (DLC : Shor t Papers) ; at hea d of text: "No. 65"; extremely faded and blurred , so that some words have been supplied from Tr (DNA : R G 59 , DD). Recorde d in S J L as received 1 9 July 1791 . Enclosures : (1) Condorcet t o T J , ca . 3 Ma y 1791 , wit h the report of the committee of the Academy of Sciences o n a unit of measure which is printed as an enclosure t o tha t letter ; (2 ) The Marqui s d e Ducrest , Mémoire . . . contre M. D'Orléans (Paris , 1791) ; se e Sowerby, No . 228 7 fo r a descriptio n o f
TJ's copy ; (3 ) Pop e Piu s V I (Giovanni Angelo Braschi [1717-1799]), Bref du Pape
Pie VI . . . au sujet de la constitution civile du clergé, décrétée par F Assemblée Na-
tionale (Paris , 1791) ; se e Sowerby , No . 2589; (4 ) Short to Alexander Hamilton, 4 May 179 1 (printe d i n Syrett , Hamilton, vm, 324-5) . Short's dispatch No . 4 4 wa s that o f 21 Oct. 1790 . Th e extract of TJ's LETTE R TO CARMICHAEL was taken from that of 2 Aug.
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4 M A Y 179 1790. T J directed Shor t to submi t it , together wit h othe r papers , t o Montmori n (TJ t o Short , 1 0 Aug . 1790 ; Se e Documents ii and vi in group on the war crisis, at 1 2 Jul y 1790) . COMTA T (o r Comta t Venaissin) i s th e regio n i n southeaster n France bounde d b y Dauphiné , Provence , and Languedoc ; i t wa s unde r papa l rule from 1274 t o 1791 . O n th e Diplomati c Medal t o b e execute d b y DUPRÉ , se e TJ to Short, 30 Apr . 179 0 (als o Vol. 16: xlixlii). It is scarcely surprising that Short failed to send TJ a copy of his protes t against the decree of the National Assembly subjecting tobacco importe d i n America n vessels t o prohibitive duties . Montmori n ha d re quested Shor t to mak e such a representation, and, a s he had alread y instructed Otto to protes t agains t discriminator y tonnage duties laid on French vessels in ports of the United States, i t is clear that he desired it to be expressed i n equally vigorou s term s so a s t o achiev e authorizatio n fo r a ne w treaty of commerce. Short complied by employing expression s T J would no t likel y have used . Afte r protestin g tha t th e to bacco decre e amounte d t o a perfec t pro hibition against American vessels carrying this articl e of commerce , Shor t conveye d what could only be regarded as a threat of retaliation: "I cannot allo w mysel f . . . t o believe tha t it was the intention o f the national assembl y t o hav e pronounce d thi s prohibition, because it would not have been just, becaus e i t woul d b e extendin g th e principle o f th e navigation-ac t muc h be yond what has been done by other nations, even that whose principles on this subject have been so often and s o justly condemned by the National Assembly - an d becaus e it would invit e to , an d eve n necessitate , counter-restrictions on th e part of the United
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States; or in other words, would again lay the foundation fo r those fiscal shackles and embarassments which the National Assembly hav e so wisely and victoriousl y attacked on al l othe r occasions . - Takin g i t fo r granted therefore . .. that if the multiplicity of important and pressing concerns which occupy th e Nationa l Assembl y shoul d allow them to examine the effect of this part of the decre e i n its variou s consequences , that they would modify i t in their wisdom so a s t o preven t it s weakenin g th e com mercial ties of the two countries, I take the liberty of asking you to submit to them the considerations abov e stated . -1 kno w that the dutie s t o whic h French merchandise s and vessel s are subjected in the United States were mentione d b y som e a t th e tim e o f passing this decree; bu t I cannot suppose that moderat e dutie s impose d o n foreig n manufactures agreeabl y t o th e commo n usage of countries, and a tonnage duty on foreign vessel s appropriate d t o purpose s necessary fo r thei r accomodatio n i n th e American ports, could have been the cause of duties such as ar e impose d by this decree on th e production s o f th e America n soil (and whic h amoun t t o muc h mor e tha n 100. p. cent) and of the real prohibition of American vessels " (Shor t to Montmorin, 6 Apr. 1791; R C i n Arch. Aff. Etr. , Corr . Pol., E.-U. , xxxv ; photocopie s in DLC) . Montmorin acknowledged Short' s protest on 29 Apr . 179 1 an d said that he had sent copies to De Lessart and t o the Diplomatic Committee. The result of the consultation s of this and othe r committees was the decree of the National Assembly calling for a new treaty of commerce (Farb é to Montmorin, 18 June 1791 , same) . Se e Editorial Not e and grou p o f document s o n th e Frenc h protest agains t th e Tonnag e Acts , a t 1 8 Jan. 1791 .
F r o m Françoi s A n d r é Danica n (Philidor) Paris, "Rue maçon St. André No. i [ 5 ? ] 4 May 1791. H e enclose s a n important mémoir e o n th e manufactur e o f arm s abou t whic h T J knows, an d the repor t of a commission name d by the Academ y of Sciences a t the invitatio n of th e Ministe r o f Wa r to examin e lock s an d th e new mean s o f manufactur e employed t o achiev e identit y o f for m an d precisio n i n th e part s o f locks , "c e
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qui fai t l e précieu x d e cett e découvert e pou r l e Servic e des Troupe s dans tous les ca s l e moi n à port é d e trouve r de s ressource s pou r le s reparer , e t qu'i l seroit possibl e d e fair e Jouir l e pay s d e pai x qu e vou s habitez. " RC (DNA : R G 59 , MLR); slightl y mutilated; endorsed by TJ a s received 19 July 1791 an d so recorded in SJL . Philidor wa s th e nam e o f a famil y o f French musician s whos e prope r surname was Danican, the former bestowed reput edly b y Loui s XII I i n th e 17t h century. The perso n who signed the above letter as Philidor wa s Françoi s Andr é Danica n (1726-1795), th e leadin g ches s playe r of
his time , whose VAnalyze des échecs marked an epoc h i n the histor y o f the game . TJ owned a copy of the work (Sowerby, No. 1173). Since Philidor was a composer and shared TJ's interes t in the manufacture of arms o n th e principl e of interchangeabl e parts, the two may have met in Paris. For TJ's effor t t o promote use by the Army of the United States of guns manufactured on this principle, see hi s letters to Kno x and Jay o f 1 2 and 17 Sep. 1789 .
F r o m Pierr e G u i d e Baltimore, 5 May 1791. Acknowledgin g wit h deep gratitude TJ' s flattering letter o f 1 May . H e i s n o les s gratefu l fo r T J ' s wishes fo r th e succes s o f hi s venture i n extendin g trad e wit h Sardinia . Wha t h e say s abou t equalit y o f admission o f al l foreigners i s no t ver y consolin g sinc e hig h dutie s fal l heavil y on som e o f their articles, but i t i s necessary to b e patien t a s it is the la w of the l a n d . - H e i s mos t gratefu l fo r T J ' s order fo r wine , figs, an d raisins . H e i s sending b y th e stag e a doze n bottle s o f th e Vi n Vieux Roug e d e Nic e an d a box o f dry Smyrna raisins . The Marseillaise figs were all spoiled b y the lengt h of the voyage , an d he does not think it will do to sen d those of Provence, which are commo n an d not wel l preserved. By the first occasion he will sen d the othe r two dozen bottles of wine, which he sells at four gourdes pe r dozen. The raisins, being "u n objet d e m a pacotille," he ask s TJ to accep t an d hopes he wil l find them to hi s taste. H e did not brin g any Vin de Nebiule , bu t he wil l hav e some by th e first shi p hi s brothe r dispatches . He see s tha t T J is goin g t o spen d a coupl e o f month s i n th e countr y an d will not return to Philadelphia until mid-July. Hi s affairs will detain him longer than expected , an d when h e goe s there h e hopes he wil l b e abl e to presen t hi s respects to T J . - P.S . H e will hav e to bu y a ship here to sen d to Nic e an d thus will hav e t o retur n home unde r an America n flag. He ask s TJ to infor m him if i t wil l b e possibl e t o obtai n thi s flag an d to hav e i t unde r th e comman d o f Captain Barrett, who accompanies him and about whom his brother has spoken to T J . Barret t intend s t o establis h himsel f o n th e Continent . Guid e wil l b e grateful if TJ will hav e th e kindnes s t o ai d him i n thi s an d to infor m hi m o f the cours e t o take . RC (DLC) ; addressed : "Sir Th . Jefferso n Secretar y of State Philadelphia"; endorsed by TJ a s received 8 May 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
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T o D a v i d Ros s S l R Philadelphi
a May. 6. 1791 .
It has not bee n til l no w tha t I have been abl e to turn m y attentio n again t o th e account s i n disput e betwee n us , t o you r remark s o n them, th e letter s therewit h sent , an d M r. Nicolson's explanatio n o f the articl e o f tobacc o delivere d M r . Elder . Thi s las t satisfie s m y mind, tha t the tw o heav y hogshead s suppose d t o b e omitte d i n th e credits, no t havin g bee n delivere d t o M r . Nicolso n ough t t o b e omitted. T h i s make s a differenc e i n th e settlemen t o f m y mone y bond. T h e letters sen t wit h your remarks, satisf y m e that the article of cash £ 1 5. Dec . 15 . 1781 . wa s to b e paid for in tobacco and render it probabl e tha t th e articl e of sal t £ 2 8 - 1 9 Dec . 2 . 1782 . wa s s o t o be pai d for, an d nothing else . A close r examinatio n o f the account s have shewn m e tha t the followin g fou r articles, viz. 1783 . Aug . 30 . 25/Nov. 7 . £ 3 - 0 - 5 1784 . Mar . 26. £ 1 - 1 6 . Jul y 1 . £ 5. making £ 1 1 1-5 shoul d hav e bee n entere d i n th e Open account I sen t you . A s the correctio n of these article s would have bee n troublesom e t o th e Arbitrators, an d I though t i t m y dut y t o sav e the m al l the troubl e I could , I have undertake n to cop y ane w th e statement s I sent you , making th e abov e alteration s i n them. I have als o accomodate d th e Observations to the corrected statements an d recopied them. To th e whole I have added a Reply to your Remarks. Copie s of these papers are no w makin g out , an d shal l b e sen t yo u a s soo n a s ready . T h e accounts wil l no t diffe r fro m thos e sen t yo u formerl y i n a singl e article excep t thos e abov e pointe d out , an d i n th e omissio n o f th e erroneous charg e o f 1783 . Dec . 13 . £ 4 - 1 0 . correcte d b y a credi t 1784. Ma y 4. £ 4 - 1 0 . PrC (CSmH) .
T o H e n r y Skipwit h D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a May 6. 1791 .
I hav e dul y recieve d your favor o f Apri l 7 . o n th e subjec t of Mr . Wayles's responsibilit y fo r hi s joint-consigne e i n th e cas e o f th e Guineaman. I have neve r considered this subjec t methodically, and therefore hav e not absolut e confidenc e i n the opinio n I have formed on a superficial view o f it . M y idea s howeve r I wil l hazar d t o you , however informal. It i s a principl e in la w tha t joint-interests an d joint-powers pas s [ 37 3 ]
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over to th e Survivo r o n the deat h o f one o f the person s joined. Suc h is th e cas e o f joint-tenancy, joint-obligor s (i f there b e n o word s o f severalty) joint executors, joint-commissioners, joint-trustees, jointattornies, joint-consignee s &c . To thi s rul e I believ e ther e i s no t a single exception . Whe n survivorshi p takes place , th e interes t an d authority passe s ove r completel y t o th e survivor ; none remain s i n the representative s o f th e deceased , an d consequentl y n o responsi bility. Excep t indee d a s t o th e doing s o f thei r testator . I f he wa s guilty o f an y thin g wrong , personally , his representative s mus t an swer it . T h u s w e ar e answerabl e fo r monie s actuall y receive d b y Mr. Wayles . - Ha d an action been brough t durin g Colo. Randolph's life, it is known they coul d not hav e joined us in the action , becaus e one obligo r canno t b e sue d jointly wit h th e executor s o f th e other , the partie s standing , a s th e la w term s it , i n differen t degrees . T h e action then , a s to us , wa s certainl y suspended durin g the survivorship o f Colo . R . an d i t i s a principl e in la w tha t a personal action , once suspended , i s gon e forever . T h i s bein g th e decisio n o f the Commo n law, is it a case i n which Equity wil l interfere ? 1 . I f it di d interfere , i t woul d clearl y b e t o relieve us . Bu t 2 . i t i s no t a case i n whic h it ca n interfere , becaus e it woul d b e t o controu l a principle of th e commo n la w i n th e ver y case wher e i t wa s intende d t o operate , whic h woul d amoun t t o a repeal o f it. T h i s i s beyon d th e power s o f a court of equity. - S o far then a s this questio n stand s o n genera l principles, we ar e clear. T he question then occurs whether there have been any covenants, written or verbal , t o controu l th e genera l rule s o f th e law , an d to produc e a covenanted responsibilit y wher e there was no lega l one . I suppos e the cas e t o hav e bee n thus . A compan y o f Guine a merchant s sen d a shi p t o th e coas t o f Afric a [i n 1771 . I tak e fo r granted] Farrel l and Jones , desirou s o f obligin g tw o customers , Mr . Wayle s an d Colo. Randolph , obtai n th e consignmen t o f thi s carg o t o the m i n Feb. 1772 . an d then infor m th e consignee s o f it . M r . Wayles May 14. write s th e lette r yo u mentio n i n answe r t o theirs . The y migh t recieve thi s th e middl e o f June . A t thi s tim e th e vesse l mus t hav e been o n her way here, for she arrive d in 10 . o r 11 . weeks after . T h i s renders i t nearl y certain tha t th e consignmen t wa s previou s t o th e reciept of Mr. Wayles' s letter, an d of course was not i n consequenc e of it. Tha t lette r ca n onl y b e considere d therefor e a s a confirmation of wha t F . & J . had stipulate d fo r th e consignee s fo r who m the y became securities . The y coul d well mak e themselves responsibl e t o the consignor s fo r th e doing s o f bot h consignee s an d this the y did ; but it was impossible the y coul d covenant that one consignee should 1
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be responsibl e fo r th e other . Thi s woul d hav e bee n voi d a s a re s inter alio s acta . Accordingly it ha s neve r bee n pretende d tha t ther e was an y suc h specia l covenant . The n th e letter , considere d a s a confirmation o f th e covenant s o f F . & J . cannot hav e produce d a joint-responsibility whic h is no t i n thes e covenants . Wa s the lette r intended a s an original obligation o f securityship by Mr . Wayle s for Colo. R . ? 1 . F . & J . ha d no t desire d an y suc h securityshi p fro m Mr. Wayles , and it i s no t probabl e he woul d hav e undertake n it s o very wantonly . 2 . T h e lette r purport s no suc h intentio n i n him : it is only expressiv e o f a general assurance that they wil l d o their best. 3. T h e law, to establis h an obligation, require s that there shal l hav e been a clear and unequivocal intentio n i n the min d of the party , t o enter int o th e obligation , tha t ther e shoul d hav e bee n a n animus s e obligandi. 4 . Ha d M r . Wayles solemnl y sai d (th e contrac t havin g been previously entered into by F. & J. an d the consignment actuall y made) ' I oblige myself , i n consideratio n o f what you have done, t o be responsible for Colo. R. ' it would have been void, as being merely voluntary. T h e consideratio n fo r th e pact , t o wit . tha t F . & J. had done so and so, bein g pas t an d executed , coul d no t foun d a n obli gation. S o if a man in consideration of a marriage already taken place, covenants o r conveys; it is merely voluntary, a nudum pactum which will no t rais e a right. Cuningham's L. diet , bein g a t my hand I find there under the head of'Consideration' the case of Tutthill v. Roberts cited fro m Freema n 344. a decisio n b y Hal e tha t in consideratio n that on e wa s boun d fo r hi m fo r mone y owing , h e di d bargai n and sell: thi s i s n o goo d consideration. ' Then i f Mr. Wayle s 'in consideration tha t F . & J. were boun d fo r him for mone y &c . had undertaken t o d o s o an d so , thi s i s n o goo d consideration. ' I d o thin k therefore tha t ther e i s n o genera l principle s either o f la w o r equit y which produc e a cross-responsibility, that there has been no special undertaking whic h has don e it ; not b y F . & J. because the y coul d not d o it , an d I a m satisfie d the y hav e no t pretende d t o covenan t any suc h thing; nor b y M r . Wayles, because hi s lette r ha d no suc h thing i n view , an d woul d hav e bee n voluntar y an d voi d i f i t ha d intended it . I hav e n o fea r bu t tha t th e act s o f consignmen t an d securityship, passed between the owner s and F. & J ., wer e previous to the reciep t of Mr. Wayles' s letter, probabl y previous to their own letter o f Feb . 3 . I ha d i n th e yea r o f M r . Wayles's deat h th e bes t law-authority t o sa y ther e wa s n o responsibilit y o n ou r part on th e general principle s o f law . - Stil l i t i s m y opinio n w e shoul d tak e every possibl e ste p t o subjec t Colo . R' s property, onl y takin g care to d o nothin g ne w whic h ma y rende r u s liabl e i f w e ar e no t s o ;
[ 37 5 ]
6 M A Y 179 1 already. - T h e marshallin g o f hi s asset s wil l b e a n importan t cir cumstance t o atten d t o becaus e i f F. & J. cannot a s British creditor s come o n hi s land , le t al l th e creditor s wh o ca n com e o n them , b e forced o n them , tha t th e persona l estat e ma y b e lef t fo r th e simpl e contracts. I shal l b e happ y t o hea r tha t Mrs . Skipwith' s sta y a t Richmond has bettere d he r health, an d that th e tri p to th e Swee t spring s shall do i t stil l more . I a m sur e he r friend s a t Monticell o wil l b e mad e happy b y seein g he r there . Woul d t o go d I coul d b e o f th e party . It shal l b e s o on e o f thes e days , withou t ye t sayin g when . I woul d not giv e on e hou r o f domesti c an d friendly societ y fo r a n ag e o f m y present state . Presen t m e affectionatel y t o Mrs . Skipwit h an d th e young people , an d accep t assurance s o f th e sincer e estee m & at tachment wit h whic h I a m Dea r Si r Your sincer e frien d & servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (CSmH) . 1
Bracket s in text .
F r o m J a m e s Sulliva n Boston, 6 May 1791. Recommends for consular appointment Samue l Cooper Johonnot, grandso n an d only mal e descendan t o f "the lat e America n Patriot Doctor Cooper. " Johonnot "ha s had his education in France . . . has read L a w under m y direction, an d has been abou t thre e year s at the bar. His conduct has added much to the partiallity I general[ly] feel for my pupils." He has had a cal l t o Demarara , an d if the President intend s t o appoin t a consul ther e or in th e port s o f Essequibo , Berbice , o r Surinam , Sulliva n wil l hol d himsel f responsible fo r his conduct , "havin g th e mos t unreserve d confidenc e i n his honor an d integrity." RC (DLC : Washingto n Papers) ; en- ams" (Clifford K . Shipton , Sibley's Harvard dorsed b y TJ as received 1 2 May 179 1 Graduates, xi [Boston, 1960], 189-213 , at and so recorded in SJL . p. 211). Cooper sent Johonnot to France, but whethe r th e primary objec t wa s th e Johonnot's grandfather, Samuel Cooper young man' s educatio n o r Cooper's ow n ("Silver-Tongued Sam") , was the famous ardent support of the Frenc h allianc e is a clergyman and patriot of Boston who ha s question. Johonno t wa s graduated from been described in a none too sympathetic Harvard in the class of 1783, th e year o f but very illuminating biographical sketch his grandfather's death. He was appointed as having made a contribution to the Rev- consul to Demarara on 2 Mch. 179 3 (JEP , olution "fa r greater than that of Paul Re- i, 135 , 136) . vere, perhaps as great as that of Sam Ad -
[ 37 6 ]
F r o m B a r b i e r Demarai s Boston, 7 May 1791 . H e enclose s a lette r sen t t o hi m b y Mlle , d e Brun y from Guadeloup e fo r Mile . Jefferson . H e woul d hav e bee n please d t o presen t it t o he r i n accordanc e wit h hi s promise , bu t publi c an d privat e affair s caus e him t o retur n to Guadeloup e immediately . H e plan s t o retur n soon t o "votr e bonne e t agréabl e patrie " and to brin g fresh new s t o Mile . Jefferson fro m her friend. RC (ViW) ; endorsed b y TJ as received 1 7 May 1791 an d so recorded in SJL. Th e enclosed lette r from Mlle, de Bruny, a friend and schoolmate o f Martha Jefferson a t the Abbaye Royale de Pentemont, ha s not bee n found .
F r o m Alexande r Hamilto n Treasury Departmen t Ma y the 7th . 179 1 T h e Secretar y o f th e Treasur y ha s th e hono r t o infor m th e Sec retary o f Stat e tha t ther e ar e i n th e ban k o f Nort h Americ a Bill s a t ten day s sigh t fo r th e su m o f 32,17 5 Guilders , whic h th e Cashie r is directe d t o hol d fo r him . A warran t i s enclose d fo r th e su m o f 13000 dolls, i n hi s favor , the mone y for whic h is intende d to procur e those bill s fo r th e Purpos e o f obtainin g a recognitio n o f th e treat y with th e ne w Empero r o f Morocco . RC (DLC) ; i n a clerk's hand; endorsed by TJ as received 7 May 1791 an d so recorded in SJL . T J ha d requested fund s for the mission to Morocco in his letter to Hamilton of 12
Mch. 1791. The delay of almost two months in meetin g th e reques t wa s cause d b y Thomas Barclay' s financial difficulties , which postponed hi s departure (Barclay to T J , 1 9 Apr. 1791).
T o Tobia s Lea r May 7 . 1791 . T h : Jefferso n present s hi s compliment s t o Mr . Lear : h e ha s bee n calculating th e marc h o f th e Presiden t a t 200 . mile s a wee k an d h e makes i t a s follows . May 20 . h e wil l b e a t August a 24. a t Cambde n 26. Charlott e 27. Salisbur y 28. Sale m 30. Guilfor d 31. Hillsboro ' [ 37 7 ]
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June 1 . Harrisbg . 2. Taylor' s ferr y 7. Fredsb g 8. Mt . Vernon. On thi s vie w h e i s o f opinio n tha t tomorrow' s letter , pu t int o th e Petersburg mail, may be tolerably certain of getting to Taylor's ferry before th e 2d . o f June , a s h e believe s ther e canno t b e a fortnigh t without a private conveyance occurrin g from Petersburg to Taylor' s ferry. H e intend s s o t o direc t hi s ow n lette r o f tomorrow . RC (ViHi) . No t recorde d in SJL .
T o Pete r C a r r D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a May 8. 1791 .
I recieve d las t nigh t you r favor of the 1st . instant , your judgment of L d . Hol t i s certainl y right . H e i s th e greates t lawye r Englan d ever had, except Coke . Vaugha n is a most learne d and clear headed reporter. Yo u will find wha t yo u hav e t o rea d henceforward muc h lighter, than what you have passed; much less matter in more words. A volum e ever y fortnigh t o r thre e week s ma y b e rea d o f th e re maining reporters, common law and chancery. L d. Kaim' s principles of equity , Blackston e an d Hawkins' s P . C . will tak e time . Fo r th e practical part , i t wil l b e necessar y t o rea d som e practica l books . There ar e some published since m y tim e whic h I am told are bette r than th e older . Howeve r attendanc e a t th e Albemarl e court s wil l still b e o f som e service , howeve r slovenl y th e practic e there . Wer e you t o undertak e t o dra w th e declarations , plea s &c . o f som e on e of th e lawyer s fo r tha t court , an d t o atten d a t th e clerk' s table t o answer t o th e case s a s called , it woul d b e beneficial . M r . J. Walker of Orange would b e instructiv e to yo u i n this way , a s he i s a skilfu l pleader.— I a m muc h please d t o hea r o f Dabney' s progress , an d dispositions. - Whe n I left Monticell o I was oblige d t o marshal l the monies whic h wer e t o b e pai d on particula r monies whic h wer e t o be recieved . I se e i n a copy o f my memorandum s tha t £ 7 2 . due fo r you i n Williamsburg , and the balanc e du e fro m you r father's estat e to D r . Walker , whateve r i t migh t be , wer e allotte d t o b e pai d ou t of monie s t o b e raise d b y th e sal e o f wheat , corn , an d pork , an d from som e debts to b e collecte d whic h however wer e though t t o b e in hand s whic h woul d pa y the m prett y readily . Perhap s they hav e been les s s o tha n wa s expected . Som e failur e of this kin d ma y hav e produced the dela y o f payment o n the par t of Mr. Lewis , o r perhaps [ 37 8 ]
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some persons t o who m mone y wa s t o b e pai d from the sam e funds , have swep t of f th e first collections . T h e fun d wa s abundantl y suf ^ ficient whe n collected . I shal l hop e tha t furthe r progres s i n thi s collection wil l hav e relieve d o r wil l soo n reliev e you r anxiety . Yo u may b e assure d tha t i n ever y even t th e mone y destine d fo r tha t payment shall be sacredly applied to it's destination: and I am assured the dela y canno t b e long . M y unfortunat e losse s o f propert y an d particularly b y the paper-mone y fo r which my land s were sol d wit h a vie w t o pa y off Mr . Wayles' s debt, leav e this work to b e done over again, an d al l my tobacco s mortgage d a s i t wer e fo r tha t object . I t consequently cripple s al l m y wishe s an d endeavor s t o b e usefu l t o others, an d obliges me t o carr y o n ever y thing starvingly. I am with great & sincere estee m Dea r Si r Your affectionat e frien d & servt. TH: JEFFERSON RC (ViU) . Pr C (MHi) .
T o J . P . P . Derieu x D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a May. 8. 1791 .
Your favo r o f Apr . 25 . cam e t o han d thre e day s ago . T h e lette r to Madame Bellanger will g o b y the Frenc h packe t which sails from N . Yor k thi s week . B y advice s fro m Franc e o f the las t o f Februar y matters wer e goin g o n perfectl y well ; her e an d ther e (particularly in Alsace , and at Strasburg ) some commotion , bu t quie t ver y gen erally established elsewhere ; the revenues beginnin g t o becom e pro ductive, th e reciep t greate r than the expence , th e churc h lands selling generall y 50 . percen t abov e thei r estimate d value , assignat s a little abov e par . T h e clerg y ha d no t ye t com e i n an y considerabl e degree int o th e ne w ecclesiastica l establishment , an d I rather think the greate r par t of them wer e no t likel y to d o so , befor e th e las t day allowed them . I n this cas e the y wer e t o stan d absolutel y deprived , and successor s t o b e appointed . Howeve r in all the citie s th e peopl e were agains t them , s o tha t nothin g i s apprehende d beyon d som e little commotion s i n countr y place s wher e th e peopl e ar e ignoran t and happe n to have an affection fo r their curate. Be pleased to present my respect s t o Madam e d e Rieu x an d t o accep t assurance s o f th e esteem & attachmen t wit h whic h I a m Dea r Si r Your mos t obed t humble servt , TH: JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) .
[ 37 9 ]
T o Maxce y E w e l l S I R Philadelphi
a May 8. 1791 .
Your letter s t o M r . Madison and myself have bee n dul y recieved. We went togethe r to the Auditor's office, an d enquired into the stat e of you r claim . T h e Audito r turne d t o you r certificat e whic h ha d come o n fro m M r . Hopkins , an d wa s properl y certified : bu t th e whole o f the certificate s whic h stan d i n Majr . Claiborne' s accounts as your s does , ar e oblige d t o wai t til l hi s account s com e o n fro m Richmond. Thes e w e wer e tol d waite d onl y fo r a safe conveyance , so tha t you r claim will no t b e delaye d longe r tha n the form s render necessary. Stil l i t i s m y opinio n yo u canno t coun t o n i t fo r a n immediate relief . I shoul d hop e tha t i n th e cours e o f the presen t yea r it migh t b e obtained . I shal l b e alway s read y t o d o an y thin g fo r you i n i t tha t I can . I a m Si r Your ver y humbl e servt. , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) .
T o Mar y J e f f e r s o n M Y dEA
R MARIA Philadelphi
a May 8 . 1791.
Your lette r o f Apr . 18 . cam e t o han d o n th e 30th . Tha t o f May 1.1 recieve d last night. B y the stag e which carries this lette r I sen d you 12 . yard s o f stripe d nankee n o f th e patter n inclosed . I t i s ad dressed to th e car e of Mr . Brow n merchan t in Richmond , and wil l arrive there with this letter. Ther e ar e no stuff s her e of the kin d yo u sent. April 30 . th e lila c blossomed . May 4 . th e gelde r rose , Dogwood , Re d bud, and Azalea were i n blossom. W e have stil l prett y constan t fires here. I shall answer M r. Randolph's lette r a wee k hence . I t wil l b e th e las t I shal l writ e t o Monticello fo r som e weeks , becaus e abou t thi s da y sennigh t I se t out t o joi n M r . Madison a t Ne w York , fro m whenc e w e shal l g o up to Alban y and Lake-George, the n cros s over to Benningto n an d so throug h Vermon t t o th e Connecticu t river , dow n Connecticu t river b y Hartfor d t o New-haven , the n t o Ne w Yor k an d Philadelphia. Tak e a map an d trac e thi s rout . I expec t t o b e bac k i n Phil adelphia abou t th e middl e o f June . -1 a m gla d yo u ar e to lear n t o ride, bu t hope you r horse i s very gentle, an d that yo u wil l neve r b e venturesome. A lad y should never ride a horse which she migh t no t safely rid e without a bridle. I long t o b e wit h you all . Kiss th e littl e [ 38 0 ]
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one ever y morning for me, an d learn her to run about befor e I come . Adieu m y dear . Your' s affectionately , T H: J EFFERSON PrC (ViU) ; a t foot of text: "M. Jefferson."
T o M a r t h a Jefferso n R a n d o l p h M Y D E A R D A U G H T E R Philadelphi
a May 8. 1791 .
Your lette r o f Apri l 13. tho ' i t cam e t o han d on th e 30th . i s ye t to b e acknowleged . Tha t o f Ma y 1 . I receive d las t night , withi n seven day s o f it's date . T h e post from Richmon d comes I believe i n 4. day s at this seaso n o f the year , so tha t ou r correspondence migh t be ver y promp t i f yo u ha d a regula r pos t fro m Charlottesvill e t o Richmond. I thank you fo r all the smal l news o f your letters, whic h it i s ver y gratefu l t o m e t o recieve . I a m happ y t o find yo u ar e o n good term s wit h you r neighbors . I t i s almos t th e mos t importan t circumstance i n life , sinc e nothin g i s s o corrodin g a s frequentl y t o meet person s wit h who m on e ha s an y difference . T h e ill-wil l o f a single neighbo r i s a n immens e drawbac k on th e happines s o f life , and therefor e thei r good wil l canno t b e bough t to o dear . - T h e loss of my vis-a-vis, coming roun d by water from Richmond to this place taught m e tha t i t wa s bes t t o trus t nothin g tha t wa y durin g th e boisterous month s o f th e winte r an d spring . I a m afrai d I hav e a second lesso n o f th e sam e kind , a s I ha d 4 . hhds . o f tobacc o o n board a Capt . Stratton , wh o wa s t o sai l fro m Richmon d 3. week s ago, bu t i s no t arrive d here . O n boar d him wer e J . Eppes's book s and baggage. I fear he mus t b e lost . I had been particularl y waitin g for him, as being a very careful man and going directly to Richmond, to sen d th e Mattrasse s &c . Tomorro w howeve r I wil l hav e th e packages finished, an d sen d the m b y an y othe r conveyanc e whic h occurs. The y wil l contai n a s follows . 6. mattrasses . 1
A packag e o f James's beddin g fro m Paris . T o b e kep t fo r him. do. Sally' s do . T h e Encyclopedi c 5 ' fo 1 acitus. Journaux d e physiqu e Magazin de s modes . Sacontalâ. fo Calash u f f o n
r M r . Randolph.
r yourself . [381 ]
8 M A Y 17 9 1
Anacharsis fo r Maria . Herrera. 4 . vols . ) . History o f Florida . 2 . vols . >
t
0
b
e
_ . _ . .. . deposite d i n m y library .
Acosta ) A bo x containin g 2 . pane s o f glas s fo r Mrs . Lewis . Some Windso r chairs if the vesse l ca n tak e them . I a m mad e happ y b y Petit' s determinatio n t o com e t o me . I ha d not bee n abl e t o assum e th e nam e o f a housekeeper fo r wan t o f a real housekeeper. I did not look ou t for another, because I still hope d he woul d come . I n fac t h e retire d to Champaign e to liv e wit h hi s mother, an d afte r a shor t tim e wrot e t o M r . Shor t 'qu'i l mouroi t d'ennui.' an d wa s willin g t o come . I shal l acknowleg e th e receip t of M r . Randolph' s lette r nex t week . Adieu , m y dear , wit h affec tionate estee m t o yo u both . Your's , TH: JEFFERSON RC (NNP) . PrC (MHi) . Martha's letter Thu s in MS. Whether this is the corof 1 8 Apr . 179 1 i s recorde d i n S J L a s rect date or whether TJ erre d in the S J L received on the 30th , bu t it has not bee n entry canno t b e determined . Th e former found. Her letter of 1 May 1791 is recorded seems more likely, since that is the date of in S J L a s received on the 7th of May, but Mary's letter, also received on the 30th. it is also missing. 1
T o D a v i d Rittenhous e D E A R S I R Ma
y 8.1791.
You mentione d t o m e once , informatio n whic h you ha d recieved and which satisfied yo u that the pouc h o f the Opossu m disappeared after weanin g th e young . A s I kne w tha t Mr . Randolph intende d this sprin g to mak e observations o n tha t anima l I communicated t o him you r informatio n tha t h e migh t pa y particula r attention t o it . You will see what he says. T ho a single observation is not conclusive , yet th e memor y remain s strong wit h m e that , whe n a boy, w e use d to amus e ourselve s wit h forcin g ope n th e pouc h o f th e Opossum , when having no young, and the Sphincter was so strongly contracted as to rende r it difficul t t o find wher e w e wer e t o ente r ou r fingers, and extremel y difficul t t o introduc e them . - T h e diar y of th e flowering o f plants an d appearance o f birds may amus e yo u a minute. I observe th e marti n appeared ther e th e 14th . o f April . Her e i t wa s the 21st . thi s year , an d exactl y o n th e sam e da y a t Ne w Yor k th e last year . T h e objec t o f thi s diar y is t o she w wha t bird s disappear in winte r an d when , an d als o t o enabl e u s t o for m a comparativ e view o f the climate s o f that an d this place , fo r I was t o hav e kep t a [ 38 2 ]
8 M A Y 179
1
similar diar y here ; but a town situatio n doe s not admi t of it. -1 a m Dear Si r Your's affectionately , T H: J EFFERSON RC (J. M. Fox, Philadelphia, 1946); addressed: "Mr. David Rittenhouse." PrC (DLC). Enclosure: Randolph to T J , 30 Apr. 1791.
F r o m D a v i d Rittenhous e D R S I R Ma y 8th 179 1 I than k you for a Sight of Mr . Randolph' s Letter. I must Confes s I wa s please d wit h M r . Neville's accoun t o f the Opossum , becaus e it seeme d t o remov e ever y difficult y o n the Subjec t and at the sam e time mor e nearl y t o connec t th e Vegitabl e an d anima l economy . But I well know with what caution we ought t o recive the testimon y of an y individual . M r. Randolph's observations howeve r doe s no t shew tha t th e youn g ha d bee n actual y exclude d b y it s paren t an d exposesed t o th e ope n ai r before the y entere d th e fals e belly , which is the thing that appears to m e s o very improbable, tho' indeed their finding thei r wa y bac k agai n int o it , whe n removed , take s awa y much o f tha t improbability . Neither doe s M r . Randolph's account absolutely contradic t the disappearin g of the pouc h afte r it s having Nourished a sett of Young, becaus e his Oppossum might have bee n a Young female that never had brought forth. I hope he will continu e his attentio n t o thi s curiou s subject. I sometim e ag o wrot e t o Isaa c Zane o f Winchester, o n thi s matter , bu t no t receive d any answer . I shall set dow n belo w th e Correspondin g observations on Barometer and Thermomete r with those of Mr. Randolph , tho' some allowance ought t o mad e for the time o f day, as mine were I suppose generall y made on e hou r earlier . Your s sincerely , D . R ITTENHOUSE
April 1
. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
B. T . 30.0 - 4 0 -48 30.1 - 3 3 30.1 - 3 1 30.05-40 30.3 - 3 4 30.25-38 -41 30.27-36
RC (DLC) ; endorsed by
11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 17. 18. 30.
B. 30.1 29.8 29.5 29.55 29.5 29.5 29.75 29.8
T. -42 -40 -60 -42 -45 -50 -49 -52
as received 8 May 1791
[ 38 3 ]
at 3 o C l o c k - 7 6 °
so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Willia m Shor t D E A R S I R Pari
s May 8. 1791 .
This lette r goe s b y pos t i n orde r t o overtak e Petit , wh o i s th e bearer of my No . 65. , a t L'Orient . Yo u will lear n with pleasure that the committe e o f constitutio n mad e thei r repor t yesterda y o n th e subject o f freedom , o f religion , (i n consequenc e o f the proceeding s of the departmen t o f Paris denounced t o th e assembl y a s mentione d already) and that it obtained the most complete triumph . T he Bishop of Autu n whos e excommunicatio n i s commence d b y th e hol y se e was th e reporte r of the committee : an d after execratin g th e ter m of toleration a s tyrannical , since i t suppose d th e righ t o f prohibition , established a s a natura l righ t thi s mos t unbounde d libert y i n th e expression o f religiou s opinion s whethe r b y worshi p o r other w i s e . - H i s repor t a s wel l a s a speec h o f th e Abb é Seye s o n th e subject ar e ordere d t o b e printe d b y th e assembl y an d shal l b e forwarded t o you . I t i s no t surprizin g that suc h sentiment s shoul d be expressed b y two philosophers . Bu t it is really so that they shoul d be received in such a manner as well by the coté droit of the assembly , as th e peopl e i n th e galleries , tha t neithe r th e ecclesiastic s o r th e Jansenists venture d t o ope n thei r mouth s agains t them , excep t in deed two , wh o wer e hisse d fro m th e beginnin g t o th e en d o f their speeches. I t remain s stil l t o b e see n wha t th e peopl e ou t o f door s will d o whe n th e churche s rente d t o thos e wh o follo w th e priest s non jurors shal l b e opened . I t i s highl y probabl e the y wil l follo w the impulsio n o f the assembly , bu t i f they d o no t neithe r the assem bly, no r department , no r municipalit y wil l ente r int o competitio n with them fo r carrying into execution th e decre e fo r the free exercis e of th e catholi c religion , b y wha t the y no w cal l non conformists o r non-jurors. T h e enemie s o f the Marqui s de l a fayette an d of good order have already begu n a n attac k o n him . The y ar e unwillin g t o awai t th e natural declin e o f his popularit y which must necessaril y com e wit h time. On e o f th e 4 8 section s ha s assembled , an d instigate d b y a demagogue o f th e part y o f th e Lameth s who i s als o a membe r o f the departmen t o f Paris , resolve d tha t havin g resigned hi s commis sion h e coul d n o longe r b e considere d a s commandan t o f the gard e nationale unti l re-elected b y the sections , an d that all the act s which he shoul d d o i n that quality , until they shoul d hav e expresse d thei r wish i n thei r assemblies , wer e usurpatio n an d tyranny . Thi s reso lution wa s printe d yesterda y an d sen t t o th e othe r sections . The y have no t ye t assemble d bu t the y wil l al l a t presen t b e agains t th e [ 38 4 ]
William Shor t Joshu
a Johnso n
Sketch o f th e Federa l City , 179 1
L'Enfant's Pla n o f the Sea t o f Government , 179 1
Title-page o f Paine' s Rights of Man
Endorsement o f Paine' s Rights of Man
Vocabulary o f th e Unquacho g Indian s (below)
George Beckwit h
8 M A Y 179
1
one whic h has taken thi s resolution . T h i s oppositio n wil l o f course rather prolon g th e popularit y of the Marqui s tha n otherwise . T h e repor t of the colonia l and other committees mentione d i n my last was made yesterday. T he reporter insisted much on the necessit y of adoptin g i t withou t adjournment , as the y ha d hitherto don e o n subjects o f th e kind . I t appeare d howeve r tha t th e disposition s o f the assembl y ha d changed. T h e propositio n t o decre e withou t dis cussion wa s recieve d wit h indignation , althoug h founde d i n tw o precedents. I t was decided b y a great majority that the repor t of the committees shoul d be first printed and then discusse d in the assem bly. T h e propositio n o f th e committee s wa s t o confir m the decre e of th e 12th . o f Octobe r las t an d t o assembl e a comité-générale o f deputies fro m al l the island s i n the Frenc h par t o f the islan d of St . Martin, t o decid e o n a n uniform plan as to the état de personnes viz. gens de couleur t o b e submitte d t o th e nationa l assembly. T h i s ad journment fo r discussion is considered as a kind of victory, b y those who ar e for th e fre e o f al l colours havin g the sam e privileges . Stil l the poin t i s doubtful. - Permanen t regulations of commerce will no t be entere d int o unti l thi s questio n i s settled , an d i t wa s probabl y the intention o f the committees tha t the Islander s should recieve on e as the pric e of the other . I mentione d t o yo u i n m y las t tha t th e Pop e refuse d t o reciev e M . d e Segu r as ambassador. T he reason given a s appears by a letter from M. de Montmori n to the Nuncio , communicated to the assem bly i s tha t th e Pop e wil l reciev e n o ambassado r who ha s taken th e oath prescribed , without restriction . M. de Montmori n observes i n this lette r tha t th e K i n g hope s ther e ha s bee n som e erro r i n th e business, a s i t woul d b e a means o f breaking off al l communication between the holy see and the French monarchy, and that not sendin g an Ambassado r to Rom e "La dignité de la nation et celle de S. M. ne lui permettraient plus de conserver un nonce du Pape a Paris " T he letter ends wit h this sentence. "S. M. cependant par égard pour S. S. a par une attention particulière pour V. E. suspendu le depart de M. de Segur en attendent votre réponse, pour prendre le parti que le soin de sa dignité rendrait indispensable." T h e die t o f Poland have come to a determination to giv e the right of citizenship to the Bourgeois o f the Republick . The y hav e adopte d the invers e syste m o f France . Instea d o f takin g th e nobilit y fro m those wh o possesse d i t the y hav e give n i t t o thos e wh o ha d it not . T h e bourgeoi s have now the privileges of nobility, this being granted by an assembly of nobles almost unanimously and of their own accord is a strong proo f o f the progres s o f philosoph y eve n i n tha t region . 1
[ 38 5 ]
8 M A Y 179 1
It i s reporte d an d generall y believe d tha t o n th e Britis h Charg é des affaire s a t Copenhage n announcin g t o tha t cour t tha t a fleet of thirty ship s o f th e lin e o r mor e woul d b e sen t int o th e Baltic , an d that his court flattered itself they woul d b e recieved into the Danish ports an d find there th e supplie s whic h should b e necessary , order s were immediatel y give n t o ar m i n thes e ports . T h e activit y wit h which i t i s sai d to b e doin g als o woul d see m a s i f Denmark mean t to b e read y t o ac t independently . Stil l i t i s certai n that expose d a s that countr y i s b y lan d an d b y wate r t o Prussi a an d England , al l that ca n b e hope d fo r b y Russi a i s a perfect neutrality . There i s n o doubt tha t th e disposition s o f th e cour t i f the y coul d b e followe d would b e warml y in favo r o f th e Empress . T h e Baro n Blom e tol d me yesterda y tha t th e Englis h fleet woul d b e admitte d int o th e Danish port s i f the y insiste d o n it , bu t tha t i t woul d probabl y b e with muc h precaution , suc h a s recievin g a few ship s a t a time &c . T h e Russia n ministe r her e seem s t o us e affectatio n i n sayin g t o every bod y tha t wa r wil l certainl y tak e plac e i n th e North . T h e English Ambassado r o n th e contrar y i s moderate , expresse s hi s doubts, say s it is possible the y ma y be forced into the war, and other things o f the kind. H e does not pretend to deny that it is exceedingl y unpopular i n England , an d i t i s eviden t tha t h e consider s i t a n impolitic step. T h e English cabinet are probably of the same opinio n since the ultimatu m last sent t o Berli n t o b e concerte d and accepte d there and then forwarde d to Petersburg contains modifications. T h e English Ambassado r too k s o muc h pain s t o convinc e ever y bod y that they wer e not th e cause of the resignation of the Duke of Leeds, that h e persuade d full y mos t peopl e tha t the y were . T h e prospec t o f thi s wa r occasion s a stron g preferenc e i n favo r of American shipping. Still I observe from the late list of those which have passe d th e soun d tha t muc h th e greates t numbe r i s a s usual, English, I mea n i n proportio n t o thos e o f othe r nations . I have th e honor t o b e wit h sentiment s o f th e mos t perfec t respec t & attachment, Dea r Sir your mos t obedien t humbl e servant , W: S H O R T PrC (DLC : Shor t Papers) ; a t head of text: "No. 66*" ; badly faded, and some il legible words and phrases have been supplied fro m Tr (DNA: R G 59 , DD) . Recorded in S JL a s received 19 July 1791.
1
Thu s in PrC and Tr. Montmorin' s let-
ter a s recorded in Archives Parlementaires,
xxv, 587-8 for the session of 5 May 1791 has "et attendra.'''
[ 38 6 ]
F r o m G e o r g e Washingto n S l R Charleston
, May 8th. 1791 .
The roun d of business an d of ceremony, whic h now engage s my attention, onl y allow s me leisur e to acknowledge th e receip t of your letter of the 10th . o f last month, which will receive a more particular consideration.-I am , wit h grea t esteem , Sir , Your mos t obedien t Servant, Go : W ASHINGTON RC (DLC) ; i n hand of William Jackson rive d at Albany only on the morning of the except fo r signature ; endorsed b y T J as 26th , having lodged the previous night at received a t Albany 25 Ma y 179 1 an d so Kinderhook , 20 miles below the city, recorded in SJL. I n this TJ erred : he ar -
T o Thoma s Leipe r S l R Philadelphi
a May 10. 1791 .
Capt. Stratto n arrive d las t nigh t wit h th e 4 . hhds . o f tobo . fo r which I gav e yo u th e bil l o f ladin g some tim e ago . H e wil l cal l o n you to-day . I shoul d lik e tha t i t wer e examined , becaus e I believe , from th e marks , tha t i t is of the Bedfor d tobo. -1 mentione d t o yo u sometime ag o tha t I believe d I should have occasio n fo r about 400 . Dollars o f thi s money , t o b e obtaine d b y discoun t a t th e bank . A s I leav e tow n abou t th e las t o f the wee k o n a journey Northwardly, during whic h I shal l nee d thi s money , I will be g th e favo r of a note for tha t su m in a form négociabl e a t the bank . -1 mus t be g tha t th e painters may be ready to g o t o wor k on Monday, that the smel l may be vanishe d before m y return . I a m Si r Your ver y humble servt , TH: J EFFERSON PrC (MHi) .
T o Willia m Shor t D E A R S I R Philadelphia
. Ma y 10 . 1791 .
I wrot e yo u o n th e 25th . o f April . Sinc e tha t dat e nothin g ha s occurred wort h communication . O n thi s day , i n consequenc e o f orders given, w e expec t a sudden incursio n will b e made from K e n tuckey int o th e India n countr y b y a corp s whic h wil l retur n im mediately, an d others repea t the sam e thing successively, til l a force shall b e collecte d sufficien t t o mee t an y number s th e enem y ca n [ 38 7 ]
10 M A Y 1 7 9 1
bring int o th e field. S o tha t b y a greater , i f no t b y th e smaller , movements w e ma y hop e t o brin g the m t o peace . You wil l se e b y th e paper s sen t herewit h tha t th e publi c stock s here maintai n thei r groun d prett y equally . I a m i n hopes they ma y be considere d a s now stationary , a circumstance muc h to b e desire d in orde r to put an end to the spirit of gambling whic h their vibrations had produced . I se t ou t i n a few day s o n a n excursion Northwardly , fro m whic h I shal l not retur n till th e middl e o f next month : consequentl y I shall not til l the n writ e t o yo u again . -1 a m with grea t & sincere esteem , Dear Si r your affectionat e frien d & humble servt , TH: JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA : RG 59, DCI) . Recorde d in SJ L a s a public letter.
T o Pierpon t E d w a r d s S l R Philadelphi
a May 11 . 1791 .
I hav e dul y recieve d you r favo r o f Apri l 30 . togethe r wit h th e volume o f laws accompanyin g it : and have no w th e honou r t o remi t you a pos t bil l fo r 15 . dollar s 25 . cent s fo r you r reimbursement , according t o th e accoun t sent . Anxiou s t o carr y thi s collectio n o f the law s o f all the state s to a s perfect completio n a s possible, a s wel l for the us e o f the genera l government , a s for placing in a safe deposit one cop y o f th e law s o f al l the state s to whic h the y ma y themselve s be gla d t o recu r hereafter , I tak e th e libert y o f sollickin g a contin uance o f you r attentio n t o th e subject , an d o f addin g assurance s o f the estee m & respect wit h whic h I am Si r Your mos t obedt. & most humble servt , TH: JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; a t foot o f text: "Mr. Pierpont Edwards , Ne w haven. " FC (DNA: R G 59, PC C No . 120) .
T o Jame s Lyl e D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a May 11 . 1791 .
In orde r to make provision for the paymen t o f my debts to yoursel f and Farrel l & Jones, I sold a tract of land to M r . Ronald for £ 1 0 7 6 . pounds sterling , on e hal f payabl e Jan . 1 . 1796 . th e othe r hal f Jan. 1. 1797 . wit h interes t o n th e whol e fro m Oct . 5 . 1790 . Fo r the on e half, I retai n a mortgag e o n th e land s sold ; fo r th e othe r hal f h e mortgaged a moiet y o f hi s Beaverda m land s value d a t th e doubl e [ 38 8 ]
11 M A Y 179
1
of th e bond ; s o tha t I hav e mortgage s o f th e valu e o f doubl e th e sum due . T o propos e you r takin g thes e bond s an d mortgage s a s payment o f m y deb t t o Kippe n & co . i s indee d a propositio n t o postpone th e time s o f paymen t a s settle d betwee n us , bu t i t offer s in consideration of those delays a better security, to wit bonds backed by mortgage s i n exchang e fo r m y simpl e bonds , an d whatever per sonal confidenc e yo u migh t hav e i n me, I am not immortal , and th e discharge o f m y bond s ma y fal l int o othe r hands . I t woul d b e a n infinite relie f t o m y mind , an d th e greates t favou r i n th e worl d i f you woul d tak e thes e tw o bond s an d mortgages in discharge of my bonds. Ther e woul d be a small matter overpaid to be refunded whe n recieved. I f this canno t b e don e a s t o bot h le t m e beseec h yo u t o take the on e payabl e Jan. 1 . 1796 . i n lieu of your two las t payments . It wil l dela y th e last , which is the greates t bu t five months, an d wil l be infinit e relie f to me . I thin k I a m sur e tha t Mr . McCau l woul d do i t wer e h e here , an d wil l approv e i t i f don e b y you : becaus e i t serves me , an d better s th e securit y fo r th e debt . You r answe r wil l oblige Dea r Si r your mos t obedt . humbl e servt , T H : J E F F E R S O N PrC (MHi) . On th e da y before th e abov e lette r was written, TJ ha d received Richard Hanson's flat refusa l o f the sam e proposal , a disappointment tha t coul d hardl y hav e bee n lessened b y the statemen t o f Hanson that he would rather have TJ's bond unsecured
than that of anyone else with security (T J to Hanson , 5 Apr . 1791; Hanso n to T J , 30 Apr . 1791) . A n entry i n S J L shows that TJ received on 21 Jun e a reply from Lyle dated 20 May 1791, but the letter has not been found. TJ's agreement with William Ronald, purchaser of the Elk Hill lands, is printed at 5 Oct. 1790 .
T o J a m e s Maxwel l S I R Philadelphi
a May 11.1791 .
Being abou t t o leav e town , an d not likel y to return till the middl e of next month , I am to acknowleg e th e reciep t o f your favor of Apr . 2. an d t o as k o f you , i f yo u shoul d forwar d the cyde r withi n tha t period, tha t yo u wil l b e s o goo d a s to addres s i t wit h you r letter t o 'Mr. Henr y Remsen , chie f cler k o f th e Secretar y of stat e a t Phila delphia,' wh o wil l remi t th e amount : otherwis e i f addressed t o m e the lette r woul d remai n unopene d til l m y return . I a m afrai d th e weather i s gettin g ful l war m fo r it' s removal : however o f thi s yo u are th e bes t judge , an d wha t eve r yo u d o herei n wil l b e thankfull y acknowleged b y Si r Your mos t obedt . humbl e servt , TH: JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) .
[ 38 9 ]
T o D a n i e l Smit h S l R Philadelphi
a May 11 . 1791 .
In acknowlegin g th e reciep t o f you r favo r o f Mar . 1 . I tak e oc casion at the same time to answer the query it proposed by observin g that the reports from your office should contain periods of six month s each. I t would b e wel l that they shoul d end on the las t days of June and December . Havin g nothing interestin g t o communicat e I shall only ad d assurance s o f th e estee m wit h whic h I a m Dea r Si r You r most obedt . humbl e servt , TH: JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA : RG 59 , PC C No . 120) .
T o J a m e s Strang e S l R Philadelphi
a May 11.1791 .
Your favo r o f Apr . 30 . ha s bee n dul y recieved . M y separatio n from my books an d papers of account, which are in Virginia renders it impossibl e t o giv e an y definitiv e answe r here . I g o hom e onc e a year with a view t o atten d to m y private affairs, and shall be at hom e in th e mont h o f Septembe r nex t whe n I wil l atten d t o th e subjec t of you r lette r an d writ e t o you . I n the mea n tim e I woul d observ e to yo u tha t I a m no t th e perso n t o b e applie d t o i n th e accoun t against m y father' s estate . I t probabl y i s fo r article s furnished afte r my interest s wer e separate d fro m tha t estat e whic h wa s abou t th e year 1764 . M r . Joh n Nichola s o f Buckingha m i s th e onl y actin g executor, an d ca n poin t ou t th e person s responsibl e fo r th e ac count. - W i th respec t to those against mysel f and m y mother, I shall be gla d to reciev e copie s o f the accounts , unde r what factor s an d at what place s the y arose , becaus e i t wa s th e nam e o f the facto r gen erally an d no t o f th e firm whic h wa s know n t o th e dealer . Thes e may b e sen t t o m e her e b y pos t mor e safel y tha n elsewhere . -1 a m Sir You r ver y humbl e servt , TH: JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) . Recorded in S JL a s "for Donald Scott & Co." Strange' s letter of 30 Apr . is recorded in S J L a s being from Richmond and as received 7 May 1791, bu t has not been found.
[ 390 ]
T o B e n j a m i n V a u g h an D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a May 11 . 1791 .
It i s rar e tha t m y publi c occupation s wil l permi t m e t o tak e u p the pe n fo r m y privat e correspondencies howeve r desireabl e t o me . This mus t b e m y apolog y fo r bein g s o lat e i n acknowlegin g th e reciept o f your favors o f Sep . 2 1 Oct . 21. Dec . 2 . an d 16 . an d Jan. 6. T h e parcel s of Mountain rice from Timo r cam e t o han d too lat e in th e las t seaso n t o produc e seed . I hav e sowe d thi s sprin g som e of the same , bu t i t has not ye t com e up. I was fortunate i n recieving from th e coas t o f Afric a las t fal l a cask o f Mountai n ric e o f the las t year's growth . Thi s I have disperse d int o man y hands , havin g sen t the mas s o f i t t o S . Carolina . T h e informatio n whic h accompanie d this cas k wa s tha t the y hav e ther e (o n th e coas t o f Africa ) 3 . kind s of Mountain rice , whic h sowe d a t th e sam e time , come s to harves t a mont h distan t fro m eac h other . The y di d no t sa y o f whic h kin d that i s whic h was sen t t o me . T h e kin d whic h ripens quickest wil l surely find su n enoug h t o ripe n it i n ou r middl e states . I than k you , m y dea r Sir , for th e Sacontalâ , an d fo r Smeaton' s book: bu t th e latte r i s o f a valu e whic h oblige s m e t o reques t yo u to pu t mor e reasonabl e bound s t o you r liberalities, neither the stat e of the science s no r o f the art s here puttin g i t i n m y powe r t o fulfil l that reciprocit y whic h m y wishe s woul d lea d m e t o . - T h e Revo lution o f France doe s not astonis h m e s o muc h as the Revolutio n o f Mr. Burke . I wish I could believe th e latte r proceeded fro m as pure motives a s the former . Bu t what demonstratio n coul d scarcel y have established before , les s than the hint s o f Dr. Priestl y and M r. Paine establish firmly now . Ho w mortifyin g tha t thi s evidenc e o f the rot teness o f hi s min d mus t oblig e u s no w t o ascrib e to wicke d motive s those actions of his life which wore the mask of virtue and patriotism. T o judg e fro m wha t w e se e published , w e mus t believ e tha t th e spirit o f tory ism ha s gaine d nearl y the whol e o f the nation : that th e whig principle s ar e utterl y extinguishe d excep t i n th e breast s o f certain description s o f dissenters . Thi s sudde n chang e i n th e prin ciples of a nation would be a curious morsel in the history of man. - W e have som e name s o f not e her e wh o hav e apostatise d fro m th e tru e faith: bu t the y ar e few indeed , an d the bod y o f our citizens ar e pure and insusceptible o f taint in their republicanism. M r. Paine's answer to Burk e wil l b e a refreshing shower t o thei r minds. I t would bring England itsel f t o reaso n an d revolutio n i f i t wa s permitte d t o b e read there . Howeve r th e sam e thing s wil l b e sai d in milde r forms , will mak e their way among th e people , and you must reform at last. [391 ]
11 M A Y 1 7 9 1
We hav e grea t reaso n t o b e satisfie d wit h th e trai n o f ou r affairs . Our governmen t i s goin g o n wit h a firm and steady pace , ou r taxes , increasing with ou r population, ar e always ahead of our calculations , favorable season s fo r severa l year s pas t hav e give n grea t crop s o f produce, an d the increas e o f industry, economy , an d domestic manufacture ar e ver y sensible . Ou r credi t bot h a t hom e an d abroa d i s equal t o ou r wishes . S o tha t o n th e whol e w e ar e i n a s prosperou s a wa y a s a natio n ca n wel l be . T h i s shew s th e advantag e o f th e changeableness o f a constitution . Ha d ou r forme r on e bee n unal terable (pardo n th e absurdit y o f the hypothesis ) w e mus t hav e gon e to rui n wit h ou r eye s open. - W e ar e in hopes the operation s o f thi s summer wil l bring our savage neighbors t o accep t ou r peace, friend ship an d goo d offices, whic h i s al l we desir e o f them. I f you se e L d. Wycombe sometime s presen t m y estee m to him ; so als o an d ever t o Dr. Price . I am Dea r Si r with sincer e attachmen t You r mos t obedt . & mos t humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON The cop y of the greatest Sanskrit drama, Sakuntala, b y Kalidasa , th e grea t Hind u poet of the fifthcentury A.D., which Vaughan sent to TJ wa s the translation by Sir Wil liam Jone s (1746-1794) , publishe d i n TJ's lette r to the printer of Paine's Rights London in 179 0 (Sowerby, No. 4435). TJ of Man, wit h its indirect allusion to John probably wa s les s enthusiasti c about this Adams' political heresies, had been an in - work than Vaughan was (see Vaughan to discretion, bu t th e mor e veiled reference T J , 2 1 Sep. 1790). But, as his allusion t o here was calculated. So also was the glow- it indicates , he fully appreciated the copy ing accoun t of the firm and steady pace o f of the work by John Smeaton (1724-1792), the government, about whose divisions and the Englis h engineer : A narrative of the conflicting policies no one was more trou- building and a description of the construction bled at this moment than T J. Bot h com - of the Edystone Lighthouse (London , 1791 ; ments, like his earlie r intimation to Vaughan Sowerby, No. 4213). that mapl e sugar would make the nation The Rev . Richar d Price , who m TJ independent of the British sugar islands for greatly admired, never received TJ's felicthat commodity, were intended for English itation. H e died less than a month before consumption. the above letter was written .
RC (Mrs . Langdon Marvin , Hallowell , Maine, 1944) ; addressed : "Benjami n Vaughan esq . Jefferie s squar e London" ; endorsed. Pr C (DLC) .
T o J e r e m i a h W a d s w o r th S l R Philadelphi
a May 11. 1791 .
I hav e dul y recieve d you r favour o f April 20 . T h e exemption fro m the Droi t d'Aubain e i n th e Frenc h Wes t Indies , ha s bee n fo r som e time pas t a subjec t o f attention . A s th e Nationa l assembl y wer e abolishing i t in France fo r al l nations , I desire d ou r Charg é de s affaires ther e t o se e tha t th e decre e shoul d b e extende d t o al l th e dominions o f France . Hi s letter s assur e m e tha t i t wil l b e done , s o [ 39 2 ]
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as t o remov e thi s grievanc e hereafter . Wit h respec t t o th e past , I believe i t ha s bee n judicially determine d i n Franc e tha t th e exemp tion give n b y ou r treaty di d not exten d t o thei r foreign possessions . Should M r. Johnston howeve r b e disposed t o try this matter, it wil l be requisit e fo r him to obtai n fro m Por t au prince an authenticate d record o f the proceeding s i n his case . I t would see m als o tha t thos e in th e cas e o f th e gentlema n o f Curraco a migh t b e useful . Thes e should b e transmitte d t o som e perso n i n Pari s t o sollici t th e gov ernment fo r him . Tho ' i t i s no t permitte d tha t ou r Charg é de s affaires there , o r an y where , shoul d ac t a s th e privat e agen t o r sol icitor fo r an y individual , ye t h e wil l len d hi s ai d an d influenc e whenever i t ma y b e jus t an d useful , b y officia l application . I hav e the honou r t o b e wit h grea t esteem , Sir , your most obedt . and mos t humble servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; at foot o f text: "Honble. Jeremiah Wadsworth." FC (DNA : RG 59, PCC No. 120) .
To Willink , Va n Staphorst 8c Hubbar d G E N T L E M E N Philadelphi
a May 11. 1791 .
I hav e no w befor e m e you r favour s o f Sep . 3 . an d 30th . an d approve of your compliance wit h M r. Short's draughts therein mentioned. T h e erro r t o you r prejudic e o f on e hundre d florin s i n m y draught o f Ma y 3 . 1789 . I wa s no t abl e t o correc t til l m y paper s arrived fro m France , an d could b e opened , s o a s to rectif y th e sam e error a t th e sam e tim e i n m y publi c accounts . T h i s bein g don e I have paid the hundred florins with interest to this day to M r. Leroy, to wi t fort y five dollars , exchange @ 40. cent s th e florin, interes t 6 . per cent , pe r annum . Alway s mindfu l o f you r civilitie s an d kind nesses, I shal l be happ y i n ever y occasio n o f rendering you service , & o f provin g t o yo u th e estee m wit h whic h I hav e th e honou r t o be Gentleme n You r mos t obedt . humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; recorded in SJL as "private." On this date Leroy & Bayard acknowledged TJ's paymen t of $45 and credited the amount to the Amsterdam firm (M S i n DLC).
To Willink , Va n Staphorst & Hubbar d G E N T L E M E N Philadelphi
a May . 11 . 1791 .
In m y lette r o f Mar . 19 . I inclose d yo u th e Treasurer' s bil l o n you fo r ninet y nin e thousan d curren t gilders , erroneousl y callin g { 39 3 }
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1
them ninet y thousand , an d afte r specifyin g wha t call s wer e t o b e answered fro m them i n the first instance , I mentioned tha t I woul d at a future day send further and final instructions for the applicatio n of th e whol e sum . T h i s i s destine d t o pa y th e salarie s o f Colo . Humphreys, M r . Short, M r. Carmichael an d M r. Dumas, the thre e former being allowe d four thousand five hundred dollars a year, and Mr. Duma s th e su m yo u hav e heretofor e pai d him ; as als o certai n contingent expence s for postage, couriers &c. defined t o them eithe r in genera l o r occasional instructions . Yo u will therefor e b e please d to answe r their draughts fo r their salaries and contingent expences , taking o n ourselve s th e trus t in their discretion a s to th e amoun t o f their draught s fo r contingen t expences . A s the y ma y a t time s b e charged wit h specia l commission s fro m othe r department s fo r dis bursements no t to b e made ou t o f this fund, be pleased, in arranging the epoch s an d form s o f thei r draughts , t o desir e tha t th e draugh t when chargeabl e o n thi s fun d mus t expres s tha t i t i s to b e pai d 'for the departmen t o f state. ' M y separat e responsibilit y fo r thi s fun d forbids m y permittin g an y disbursement s t o ente r int o th e accoun t which d o no t belon g t o it . I must be g th e favo r of you als o t o mak e up you r accoun t t o th e clos e o f th e las t da y o f Jun e thi s presen t year, int o whic h n o expence s ar e to ente r whic h precede d th e 1st . day o f Jul y 1790 . thes e bein g th e date s o f the appropriatio n of th e law. I inclose you a duplicate of the treasurer's bill for 99,000 gilders, and a m wit h grea t estee m Gentleme n You r mos t obedien t & mos t humble servt .
T H : JEFFERSON
PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA : RG 59 , DCI) . Enclosure: Dup l o f Treasurer's bill , trip licates o f whic h Coxe had transmitted to T J alon g with copies of the letter of advice, suggesting that these might be "connected by wafers to the Bill s for 99000 Guilder s on Amsterdam " (Coxe t o T J , 19 Mch. 1791; PHi : Cox e Papers) . Letters o f advic e wer e usually , though not always , sent separately , and properly , in advance of bills of exchange, but whether T J followe d Coxe' s advice to attach them to the bills is not known. The bankers called TJ's attention not to the error he had made in the amoun t bu t to the fact that he had failed t o endors e th e bill . The y therefore requested tha t " a second properl y transferred" be sent (Willink , Van Staphorst & Hubbard to T J, 20 May 1791; RC in DNA: RG 59 , AR ; recorde d in S J L a s received
4 Aug . 1791) . Immediatel y o n receiving this request , T J forwarde d th e bil l fo r 99,000 guilder s an d added: " I hope you will have recieved my letter of May 1 1 . . . . and tha t you r accoun t o f thi s fun d from July 1 . 1790 . t o June 30. 1791 . inclusive is on it' s wa y to m e that I may recieve it in time to lay before Congress at their meeting. - Les t I shoul d hav e omitte d als o t o endorse th e 1st . an d 2d . o f th e bill s for 32,175 currt. gilders, I enclose you a triplicate o f that dul y endorsed" ( TJ to Wil link, Va n Staphorst & Hubbard, 5 Aug. 1791; Pr C i n D L C; F C i n DNA: R G 59 , DCI). I n this hope TJ was disappointed. The bankers sent the account on receiving the abov e letter , bu t i t reache d TJ only after the adjournment of Congress and after he ha d written a stern admonitio n (Wil link, Van Staphorst & Hubbard to T J, 2 4 Oct. 1791; see TJ's letter of 23 Jan. 1792) .
[ 39 4 ]
T o B e n j a m i n S. B a r t o n a n d O t h e r s Thursday Ma y 12 . 1791 .
T h : Jefferson presents his respects to the gentlemen o f the committe e on th e Hessia n fly, an d pray s thei r attendanc e a t th e Hal l o f th e Philosophical society tomorro w (Friday ) a t half after seven P . M . H e has conjectured that that hour will b e most convenien t t o them , and that no t a moment o f thei r tim e ma y b e los t unnecessarily , he wil l attend himsel f a t th e ver y momen t precisely , an d fo r thei r ow n convenience ask s th e sam e o f them. H e leave s tow n o n Sunda y fo r a month , t o se t ou t o n a journey whic h wil l carr y hi m throug h N . York an d th e whol e o f Lon g island , wher e thi s anima l ha s rage d much. H e i s therefor e anxiou s t o tak e wit h hi m the decisio n o f th e committee an d particularly prays of Dr . Barto n to hav e hi s querie s prepared t o presen t t o them . RC (MB) ; addressed : "Doctor Barton 55. Nort h 2d street." Not recorde d in SJL .
F r o m Willia m M u r r a y S l R Lexingto
n May 12th . 1791 .
I wa s honore d wit h you r lette r o f th e 22d . o f Marc h an d it s inclosures b y Governo r St . Clair . -1 hav e mad e ever y enquir y i n my powe r int o th e busines s o f O Fallo n an d believ e th e followin g to b e a true state of it. H e cam e int o thi s Countr y about th e Mont h of April las t as the agent of what he called the South Carolina Yaszo u company. H e gave out that this Company had made a large purchase of Lan d fro m th e Stat e o f Georgi a and that the y woul d giv e grea t encouragment t o suc h a s woul d remov e ther e fro m thi s Country . Finding tha t h e coul d no t obtai n a sufficien t numbe r o f settler s i n this way , abou t th e Mont h o f Septembe r h e change d hi s pla n and determined to rais e a Body o f Troops but o n wha t terms I have not been informed. In consequence o f this resolution he named a number of Officer s t o who m h e gav e Commission s simila r to th e on e yo u transmitted to me ; contracted for a large quantity o f Military Store s and fo r considerabl e supplie s o f provision s an d dre w bill s fo r th e amount o f th e whol e o n th e Compan y i n Charlestown . Hi s bill s were proteste d an d th e person s wh o wer e t o hav e furnishe d th e supplies the n refuse d t o delive r them. I t is said that the Officer s had engaged th e numbe r o f me n the y ha d stipulate d t o rais e an d tha t nothing wa s wantin g bu t th e supplie s t o se t the m i n motion , bu t 1
[ 39 5 ]
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they havin g bee n befor e disguste d wit h O Fallo n deserte d hi m to a man a s soo n a s they hear d that hi s bill s had been protested . A t th e time thes e peopl e engage d wit h hi m i t wa s no t know n tha t h e intended t o mak e thi s settlemen t i n oppositio n t o th e genera l Government: O n the contrar y it wa s suppose d b y th e adventurer s that the Compan y ha d a lega l righ t t o th e land s unde r thei r purchas e from Georgi a and that b y removin g t o tha t lan d they woul d offen d none bu t th e Spaniard s and Indians. T h e whol e o f thi s busines s wa s conducte d quietl y an d withou t any publi c meetin g tha t I hav e ye t hear d of . Unde r these circum stances I am o f opinion tha t O'Fallon' s conduct ca n only b e consid ered a s a conspirac y o r a n intentio n t o lev y Wa r and that , a s th e War wa s neve r actuall y levied , i t canno t amoun t t o treason : tha t i t cannot b e treaso n becaus e th e Wa r was no t intende d agains t th e United State s bu t onl y agains t thei r allies , an d tha t i t canno t b e treason i f th e Countr y which i t wa s t o b e carrie d o n i s ou t o f th e limit o f the Unite d States. - N o suc h Assembly or meeting ha s eve n been hel d b y thes e peopl e a s fa r a s m y informatio n goes , a s coul d legally b e denominate d a n unlawful l assembly a rout o r a riot. From thi s vie w o f th e subjec t an d i n consequenc e o f M r . Ran dolph's Opinio n I consulte d wit h th e Attorne y Genl . fo r th e Stat e within thi s District . He viewe d th e matte r i n sam e ligh t tha t I di d and sai d that a s a Stat e office r h e ha d nothin g t o d o wit h it , a s th e only fac t whic h appeare d t o hi m wa s th e givin g a Commissio n t o raise me n fo r a purpos e t o b e execute d ou t o f th e limit s an d juris diction o f the State . Upo n th e whol e I have Judge d i t mos t prope r not t o se t o n foo t an y prosecutio n agains t O Fallo n until l I receiv e your furthe r directions . - T h e situatio n i n whic h h e i s a t thi s tim e has serve d t o confir m m e i n thi s resolution . H e i s totall y withou t friends partizan s or Money an d mus t sin k int o obscurit y unles s h e should b e mad e a n objec t o f importanc e b y a prosecutio n whic h could not b e supported. -1 wil l kee p a n attentive ey e o n his conduc t and i f h e take s an y ne w step s o r i f an y alteratio n i n th e busines s shall tak e plac e whic h wil l mak e i t prope r to d o so , I wil l instantl y institute a prosecution agains t him . If i t shal l b e though t b y Governmen t necessar y t o institut e on e against hi m fo r wha t h e ha s alread y done, I shal l be read y to d o it , but must reques t tha t the Attorne y Genl . fo r the Unite d States ma y be directe d t o poin t ou t th e kin d o f prosecution whic h ought t o b e carried on . A s thi s i s a new an d untrodden pat h unde r the presen t Government I flatter mysel f I shal l stan d excuse d i n waitin g fo r further directions ; and in requesting tha t th e busines s ma y b e com [ 39 6 ]
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menced unde r th e opinio n o f a Gentleman o f superio r abilitie s an d experience t o wha t I preten d t o possess.- I hav e th e hono r t o b e with th e greates t respec t & Esteem si r yr. mst. Obedien t an d Ver y Humble sert. , WILLIA M MURRA Y N . B . I hav e publishe d th e President' s proclamatio n an d hav e n o doubt i t wil l effectuall y preven t an y attemp t t o rene w th e scheme . W. M . RC (DNA : R G 76 , Tennessee Claims); endorsed by TJ a s received 9 Aug. 1791 and so recorded i n SJL . The opinion of the Attorney General in the O'Fallon matter, which TJ helpe d prepare, specificall y stated that the prosecution be for a riot unless available testimony would "clearl y subjec t him to th e charge of treason" (see opinion , 1 4 Feb . 1791). T J sen t a copy of this opinion to Murray in his letter of 22 Mch. 1791, together with a cop y of the President' s proclamation o f
19 Mch . 1791. T J did not repl y to th e above letter, but undoubtedly he approved the decision to le t O'Fallo n sin k int o oblivion without being prosecuted. He must have mad e thi s recommendatio n t o th e President, for Lear returned Murray's letter with the comment that "the Presiden t . . . knows of nothing more to be done in the business" (Lear to T J, 1 5 Aug. 1791; PrC i n DNA: R G 59 , MLR) . This word omitted in RC though clearly intended. 1
Official Instruction s fo r T h o m a s Barcla y S l R Philadelphi
a May 13th. 179 1
You ar e appointed b y th e Presiden t o f the Unite d State s t o g o t o the Cour t o f Morocc o fo r th e purpos e o f obtainin g fro m th e ne w Emperor a recognition o f our Treaty with his father. As it is though t best tha t yo u shoul d g o i n som e definit e character , that o f Consul has bee n adopted , an d yo u consequentl y receiv e a Commissio n a s Consul fo r th e Unite d State s i n th e dominion s o f th e Empero r of Morocco, whic h having bee n issue d durin g the reces s o f the Senat e will o f cours e expir e a t th e en d o f thei r nex t session . I t ha s bee n thought bes t however no t to insert this limitation in the Commissio n as being unnecessary , an d it migh t perhap s embarrass . - Befor e th e end o f th e nex t sessio n o f th e Senat e i t i s expecte d th e object s o f your missio n wil l b e accomplished . Lisbon bein g th e mos t convenien t por t o f correspondenc e be tween u s an d Morocco , sufficien t authorit y wil l b e give n t o Col : Humphreys, Residen t fo r the Unite d States a t that place, over fund s in Amsterda m for the object s o f your mission. O n him therefore yo u will dra w for the sum s herei n allowed, o r such parts of them a s shall be necessary . T o tha t por t to o yo u ha d bette r procee d i n th e first [ 397 }
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vessel whic h shal l b e goin g there , a s i t i s expecte d yo u wil l ge t a ready passag e fro m thenc e t o Morocco . On you r arriva l i n Morocc o soun d you r ground , an d know ho w things stan d a t present . You r forme r voyag e ther e havin g pu t yo u in possessio n o f th e character s through who m thi s ma y b e done , who ma y bes t b e use d fo r approachin g the Empero r an d effectin g your purpose , yo u ar e lef t t o us e you r ow n knowledg e t o th e bes t advantage. T h e objec t bein g merel y t o obtai n a n acknowledgmen t o f th e Treaty, we rel y that you will be able to do this, giving very moderate presents. A s th e amoun t o f thes e wil l b e draw n into preceden t o n future simila r repetitions o f them , i t become s important . Ou r distance, ou r seclusion fro m the ancien t world , it's politics an d usages , our agricultura l occupation s an d habits, our poverty, an d lastly our determination t o prefe r wa r i n al l case s t o tribut e unde r an y for m and to any people whatever, will furnish you with topics for opposin g and refusin g hig h o r dishonorin g pretensions , t o whic h ma y b e added th e advantage s thei r peopl e wil l deriv e fro m ou r commerce , and thei r Sovereig n fro m th e dutie s lai d o n whateve r w e extrac t from tha t country . Keep u s regularly informed o f your proceedings an d progress, b y writing b y ever y possibl e occasion , detailin g to u s particularl y you r conferences eithe r privat e o r public , an d th e person s wit h who m they ar e held. We thin k that Francisc o Chiappe has merite d wel l o f the Unite d States by his care of their peace an d interests. H e has sent an account of disbursements fo r us amounting t o 39 4 dollars . Do no t recognis e the account , becaus e w e ar e unwilling, b y doin g that , t o giv e hi m a colou r fo r presentin g large r ones hereafter, fo r expence s whic h i t is impossibl e fo r u s t o scrutiniz e o r controul . Le t him understan d that ou r laws oppos e the applicatio n o f public money s o informally; but i n you r presents , trea t him handsomely , s o a s not onl y t o cove r this demand , bu t g o beyon d i t wit h a liberality which ma y fi x hi m deeply i n our interests. T he place he holds near the Emperor renders his friendshi p peculiarl y important. Le t us hav e nothin g furthe r t o do wit h his brother s or any othe r person . T h e money whic h woul d make on e goo d friend , divide d amon g severa l wil l produc e n o at tachment. T h e Empero r ha s intimated that he expect s an Ambassador from us. Le t him understand that this ma y b e a custom o f the ol d world, but i t is not ours : that we neve r sen t a n Ambassador to an y Nation. You ar e t o b e allowe d fro m th e da y o f you r departur e til l you r [ 39 8 ]
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1
return 166 % dollar s a mont h fo r you r tim e an d expences , addin g thereto you r passag e mone y an d se a store s goin g an d coming . Remain i n your post till the 1st . o f April next , an d as much longe r as shall be necessary to accomplish the object s o f your mission, unles s you shoul d receiv e instruction s fro m henc e t o th e contrary . With you r commissio n yo u wil l receiv e a Lette r to th e Emperor of Morocco , a cyphe r an d a Lette r to Col : Humphreys.-I hav e th e honor t o b e wit h grea t estee m Si r You r mos t obedien t & mos t humble servan t PrC of missing RC (DLC) ; in Remsen's hand, unsigned. Tr (NjP); entirely in clerk's hand; dockete d i n part : "for Col o Humphreys." FC (DNA : RG 59 , DCI) . Enclo sures: ( 1 ) Commission to Barclay as consul for Morocco, 31 Mch. 1791 (F C in DNA: RG 59 , CC) . (2 ) Washington' s lette r t o the Empero r of Morocco, 3 1 Mch . 1791 : "Great and magnanimous Friend . - Sepa rated b y a n immens e Ocea n fro m th e the more ancient Nations of the Earth, and little connecte d wit h thei r Politic s o r Proceedings, w e ar e lat e i n learnin g th e Events which take place among them, and later in conveying t o them our Sentiment s thereon. - Th e Death of the late Emperor, your Fathe r and ou r Friend , o f gloriou s Memory, is one of those Events which, tho' distant, attract s ou r Notice an d Concern. Receive, great and good Friend, my sincere Sympathy with you on that Loss; and permit m e a t th e sam e tim e t o expres s th e Satisfaction wit h which I learn the Accession o f s o worth y a Successor t o th e Imperial Throne of Morocco, and to offer you the Homag e o f m y sincer e Congratula tions. May the Days of your Majesty's Life be many and glorious, an d may they ever mark the JEra. during which a great Peopl e shall have been most prosperous and happy under th e bes t an d happies t o f Sover eigns. - Th e late Emperor, very soon after the Establishmen t o f ou r Infan t Nation , manifested hi s royal Regard and Amity to us b y man y friendl y an d generou s Acts, and particularl y by th e Protectio n o f our Citizens in their Commerce with his Subjects. An d as a further Instance of his Desire to promot e ou r Prosperity and Intercourse wit h his Realms, he entered int o a Treaty o f Amity and Commerce with us, for himself and his Successors, to continu e Fifty years. The Justice and Magnanimity
of your Majesty leave us full of Confidence, that thi s Treat y will mee t your royal Patronage also ; and it will give me great Satisfaction to be assured, that the Citizens of the Unite d State s o f America may expect from your Imperial Majesty, the same Protection an d Kindness, which the Example of your Illustrious Father has taught the m to expect from those who occupy the Throne of Morocco, and to have your royal Wor d that they may count o n a due observanc e of the Treaty which connects the two Nations in friendship. - Thi s will be delivered to you r Majest y b y ou r faithfu l citize n Thomas Barclay, whom I name Consul for these Unite d State s i n th e Dominion s o f your Majesty, and who to the integrity and knowledge qualifying hi m for that Office , unites the peculiar advantage of having been the Agent through whom our Treaty with the late Emperor was received. I pray your Majesty t o protec t hi m i n th e exercis e o f his functions fo r the patronage o f the commerce betwee n our two countries , an d of those wh o carr y i t on.-Ma y tha t God , whom we both adore , bless your Imperial Majesty with long life, health and success, and have yo u always, Great and magnanimous Friend , unde r hi s hol y keep ing. - Writte n at Philadelphia the thirty first day o f Marc h i n the fifteenth year of our sovereignty an d independence, fro m Your good and faithful friend George Washington b y th e Presiden t Thoma s Jefferson " (FC i n D L C ; entirel y i n Remsen' s hand; RC, als o in his hand but signed b y Washington an d attested by T J , wa s in possession of a private individual in Australia in 1973; Tr in DNA: RG 59, GRSD; all texts of th e enclosur e ar e thos e o f th e secon d version described below). TJ drafted Barclay's instruction s a s wel l a s the lette r t o the Emperor. He submitted these to Wash-
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13 M A Y 1 7 9 1 ington, who , as an entry in SJPL shows , returned the m i n a covering not e o f 10 March 179 1 (Washington's not e is missing). Subsequently, when Barclay pointed out that if he were given no rank he would be receive d a s an ambassador an d com mensurate gift s woul d b e expected , TJ thereupon advised that he be sent as consul and submitted a blank commission for that purpose. H e also drafted another letter to the Empero r not otherwise differen t from that signed by Washington "but as having a claus e of credence i n it" ( TJ to Washington, 27 Mch. 1791) . Washington signed both an d left i t to TJ to decide whethe r the commissio n coul d b e issued withou t the approval of the Senate (Washington to T J , 1 Apr. 1791) . Th e text o f the discarded letter to the Emperor which Washington signed early in March has not been found.
In voicing the policy of the governmen t giving preferenc e t o "war in all cases to tribute under any form and to any people whatever," TJ expressed hi s own settled conviction, though eve n at the moment of making the declaration the position he had consistently hel d wa s being erode d (see Editorial Not e to group of documents on trade with the Mediterranean, at 28 Dec. 1790). Th e instructions here given, while issued in pursuance of law, also conflicted with his equally consistent view that a treaty represented the compact of two sovereig n powers and could not be affected by a change in the form of the government o f either or by a succession to the throne. But the secret instruction authorizing the expenditure of $10,000 i n gifts fo r the purpose o f confirming a treaty already negotiated wa s in effect onl y th e payment o f tribute under another guise.
Confidential Instruction s for T h o m a s Barcla y May 13th . 1791. A privat e instruction which M r. Barclay is to carry i n his memory, and no t o n paper , les t i t shoul d com e int o imprope r hands. We rel y that yo u wil l obtai n th e friendshi p o f the ne w Emperor , and hi s assurances that th e Treat y shal l b e faithfull y observed , wit h as littl e expenc e a s possible . Bu t th e su m o f ten thousan d dollar s is fixed as the limi t which all your donations togethe r are not to exceed . PrCofmissingRC(DLC);inRemsen s (DNA : RG 59, DCI) . Th e text i n Pr C hand, unsigned. Tr (NjP) ; in clerk's hand, (an d of course in that of the missing RC ) on verso of last page of copy of letter dock- i s give n o n a separate shee t fo r obvious eted i n part: "for Colo . Humphreys. " F C reasons . ,
T o Francisc o C h i a p p e S I R Phila
. Ma y 13 . 1791 .
Since m y entranc e int o th e offic e o f Secretary of state I have bee n honoured wit h severa l o f you r letters , an d shoul d soone r hav e ac knoleged th e reciep t o f the m bu t tha t I hav e from tim e t o tim e ex pected th e presen t occasio n woul d occu r soone r tha n i t ha s done . [400 ]
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I a m authorised to expres s t o yo u the satisfactio n o f the Presiden t at th e zea l an d attentio n yo u hav e shew n t o ou r interest s an d t o hope a continuance o f them . Mr. Barcla y i s sen t i n th e characte r o f Consu l o f th e U . S . t o present ou r respects to his imperial Majesty for whom he has a letter from th e President . W e hav e n o doub t h e wil l receiv e you r ai d a s usual t o impres s th e min d o f th e empero r wit h a sense o f ou r hig h respect an d friendship fo r hi s perso n an d character, and to dispos e him t o a cordial continuance o f that goo d understanding so happily established wit h hi s father . Our manner of thinking on all these subjects is so perfectly know n to Mr . Barclay , tha t nothin g bette r ca n b e don e tha n t o refe r yo u to hi m fo r informatio n o n ever y subjec t whic h yo u migh t wis h t o enquire into. 1 a m with grea t estee m Si r Your mo . ob . & mo. hbl e servt. 1
Dft (Lloy d W . Smith , Madison , N . J ., 1946); a t foo t o f text : "Mr . Francisco Chiappe"; docketed by Remsen. PrC o f R C in Remsen' s hand ( D L C ) . F C ( D N A: R G 59, D C I ) . T J i n fac t ha d no t receive d an y letter s addressed to him by Francisco Chiappe since becoming Secretar y of State: all during that period had been written to Jay as Secretary for Foreig n Affair s o r t o Washingto n a s "President o f Congress. " Thes e wer e si x in numbe r an d covered th e perio d fro m 3 Aug. 179 0 to 8 Nov. 1791 . Al l ar e in D N A :
R G 360 , P C C No. 9 8 (M-247/125 ) an d are noted where transmitted to T J (see , fo r example, Lea r t o T J , 9 Jul y 1791 ; als o Editorial Not e o n commerc e i n th e Med iterranean, at 28 Dec. 1790) . Although both Francisco and Giuseppe Chiappe sent sev eral letter s t o th e Presiden t subsequen t t o this date which are to be found in the sam e series, the above communicatio n closed th e official relationshi p wit h th e brother s (se e TJ's instructions to Barclay, 1 3 May 1791) . I n Dft a t this poin t T J deleted th e fol lowing: "He will particularly explain to you." 1
C i r c u l a r t o C o n s u l s a n d V i c e - C o n s u ls S I R Philadelphi
a May 13th . 1791 .
You wil l readil y conceiv e tha t th e unio n o f Domesti c wit h th e Foreign affair s unde r th e Departmen t o f State , bring s o n th e hea d of thi s Departmen t suc h incessan t calls , no t admittin g delay , a s oblige him to postpon e whatever wil l bea r postponing; hence , thoug h it i s importan t tha t I shoul d continu e t o receiv e fro m tim e t o tim e regular information fro m you of whatever occurs within your notic e interesting t o th e Unite d States , ye t i t i s no t i n m y powe r t o ac knowledge th e receip t o f you r letter s regularl y a s the y come . I mention thi s circumstanc e tha t yo u ma y ascrib e th e dela y o f ac knowledgment t o th e rea l cause , an d tha t i t ma y no t produc e an y relaxation o n you r par t in makin g all those communication s whic h [401 ]
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it i s importan t shoul d b e received , an d whic h gover n ou r proceed ings, thoug h i t i s no t i n m y powe r t o not e i t t o yo u specially . I ha d hoped tha t Congres s at their last Session woul d have passe d a bil l for regulating the functions o f Consuls. Suc h an one wa s befor e them; but there being a considerable difference o f opinion as to some of it's parts, it was finally los t b y the shortnes s o f the Session , whic h the Constitutio n ha d limite d t o th e 3d . o f March . I t wil l b e take n up agai n a t th e ensuin g Sessio n o f Octobe r next ; i n the mea n tim e you wil l b e please d t o gover n yoursel f b y th e instruction s alread y given. In genera l ou r affair s ar e proceedin g i n a trai n o f unparallele d prosperity. T h i s arise s from th e rea l improvement s o f ou r Govern ment, fro m th e unbounde d confidenc e repose d i n i t b y th e people , their zeal to suppor t it , and their conviction tha t a solid union i s th e best roc k of their safety, fro m the favorabl e season s whic h for some years pas t hav e co-operate d wit h a fertile soi l an d genia l climat e t o increase th e production s o f agriculture , an d fro m th e growt h o f industry, econom y an d domesti c manufactures . S o tha t I believ e I may say with truth that there is not a Nation under the su n enjoying more presen t prosperity , no r wit h mor e i n prospect . The Indian s on ou r frontier indeed, stil l continue t o cu t of f straggling individual s o r familie s fallin g i n thei r way . A n expeditio n against the m th e las t summe r wa s les s successfu l tha n ther e wa s reason t o expect : w e los t i n i t abou t 10 0 men . T h e operation s o f the presen t summe r will mor e probabl y bring them t o peace , whic h is all we desir e of them, it having been a leading object of our present Government t o guarant y the m i n thei r presen t possessions , an d t o protect thei r persons wit h the sam e fidelity whic h is extended t o it' s own Citizens : we as k nothing o f them bu t tha t the y wil l accep t ou r peace, friendshi p an d services ; an d w e hop e soo n t o mak e the m sensible o f this , i n spit e o f th e incitement s agains t u s whic h the y have bee n s o muc h th e dupe s of . Thi s i s th e genera l stat e o f ou r affairs a t present, a s faithfully a s I am able t o t o giv e it . -1 a m wit h great estee m Si r Your mos t obedien t an d Mos t Humbl e Servant , T H : JEFFERSO N RC (Mrs . Laussa t R. Rogers , New Castle, Del. , 1962); in Taylor's hand; at foot of text : "James Yard Esqr. " Pr C (DLC) ; in clerk' s hand , unsigned ; at foot o f text: "Nathaniel Barrett , Edwar d Church , Ebenezer Brush, John Street, James Yard" (the five t o whom the circular was sent in the form give n above) . F C (DNA: RG 59,
DCI); a t head of text: "(Circular) T o the Consuls an d Vice Consul s o f the Unite d States"; a t the foo t o f text ar e listed the foregoing five persons, together wit h the names and location s of te n consul s and viceconsuls to whom the circular was sent as above with additions as given below (additions described as postscripts in FC but,
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13 M A Y 1 7 9 as indicated by some surviving recipients' copies, incorporated in the body of the letter immediatel y followin g th e tex t o f the circular): (1) To Sylvanus Bourne, consul at His-
paniola: "Havin g received n o lette r from you since Novr. 30. I presume you are at the place of your residence. Particular reasons render it improper to pres s a forma l acknowledgement o f ou r Consul s in th e French Colonies; for this purpose we must wait till circumstance s shall render it less inconvenient t o thei r government : i n the mean tim e a s t o everythin g essentia l th e same attention will be paid to yourself, your representations, and applications as if you were formally acknowledged. I am to recommend to you in the strongest term s not to intermeddle in the least by word or deed in th e interna l disputes o f the Colony , or those with the Mother Country. Consider this as a family affair with which we have neither the right nor the wish to intermeddle. We shall expect however narratives of them fro m tim e t o time " (i n additio n t o FC, from which this and following addenda are taken , thes e text s o f th e circula r t o Bourne exist: RC in CtY, in Remsen's hand except for signature; Dupl in NjP, i n Taylor's han d excep t fo r signature ; Pr C in Remsen's hand in D L C ).
1
(5) To William Knox, consul at Dublin:
"After acknowledgin g th e receip t of your favor of November 26. I have only to add assurances of the esteem with which I a m &c." (Pr C i n clerk's hand in D L C ). (6) To John M. Pintard, consul at Ma-
deira: "Your favors of November 26. Jan uary 23. February 10. and 11. are received and thei r contents duly noted. The matter suggested in the firs t of these and also in the las t wil l depen d o n the Consula r bil l to be past. I am happy to lear n the manifestations o f th e friendshi p o f th e Portu guese Government towards us which you mention: they may certainly count on corresponding dispositions on our part" (PrC in Remsen' s hand in D L C ). (7) To Joshua Johnson, consul at London:
"Your favors of November 2. 3. 5. 15 . 30. February 25. and 26. hav e been received, and thei r contents duly noted . Th e want of coercive powers over American masters and mariners therein truly stated must await the passag e o f the bil l befor e mentioned , and you r jurisdiction ove r them til l then, be considered as merely voluntary. For the same bill als o must wait that part of your account whic h relates to th e expense s attending th e recognitio n o f your Commis sion, its publication &c. being £10. 8 , no law a s yet passe d having provided for the reimbursement of these charges; and a s the (2) To Fulwar Skipwith, consul at Martinique: thi s addendum is the same as that reimbursement in your case would form a precedent fo r al l others, an d that too , i n to Bourne, preceding, except for this initial countries where their extent is unknown, sentence: "Your favors of August 30, Sepit mus t b e suspende d til l determine d b y tember 18 . October 10. and February 10 . have bee n dul y received" (RC i n CtY , in the Consular bill. Having found it impracticable to obtai n a bill o f exchange fo r so Taylor's hand except for signature; PrC in small a sum as £3.6.7 sterling , the amount D L C , unsigned) . of the residue of the account, I have given (3) To Joseph Fenwick, consul at Borthe money to Mr. Russell, the bearer hereof deaux: "You r favor s o f Novembe r 4 . 6 . for you " (R C i n DNA : RG 59, CD , i n December 8 . an d January 15 . hav e bee n received and their contents duly noted" (PrC Remsen's hand , except fo r signature ; endorsed a s receive d 2 9 Jun e an d a s anin Taylor' s hand in D L C ). swered 1 0 Aug. 1791 ; Pr C i n D L C, un(4) To James Maury, consul at Liverpool: signed). "Your favor s o f Novembe r 1 . 6 . 20 . an d (8) To Stephen Cathalan, vice-consul at March 2 . ar e received and their contents duly noted . I shal l no t b e abl e t o com - Marseilles: "You r favor s o f Septembe r 1 . municate to you the ultimate form for your 25. an d January 22. 26 . ar e received and their contents duly noted. - Th e oliv e plants returns, til l I receiv e th e observation s o f the other Consuls. In the mean time, if the by Mr. Guid e have arrived at Baltimore. I pray yo u to sen d a s early as you ca n the owners of the carg o in and out canno t be ensuing fall as many more as will make the known readily, we must be contented with cost of the whole amount to what I at first the names of the Consignee and exporter, though th e forme r woul d b e preferable " desired, observin g th e direction s already given fo r you r reimbursemen t an d their (PrC i n Taylor's hand in D L C ).
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13 M A Y 1 7 9 1 destination and address" (PrC in Remsen's hand in DLC) .
(9) To Delamotte, vice-consul at Le Havre:
"Your favor s of July 15 . August 22 . 27 . September 13 . 22. October 28. November 20. 21. have been receive d and their contents noted. With respect to your disbursements fo r Benjamin Huls , a n America n sailor, b e so good a s to la y the account before Mr . Shor t wh o is authorize d to reimburse them" (PrC in Taylor's hand in DLC). (10) To Thomas Auldjo, vice-consul for
Poole: "Your favors of October 5. 28. No vember 4. 7. and 23. have bee n receive d and thei r content s dul y noted " (Pr C i n Taylor's hand in DLC) . In addition to the foregoing, th e circular was sent to C.W.F. Dumas , agent at Th e Hague, wit h the following addendum : " I am to acknowledge th e receipt of your favors of April 2 . May 8. 17 . 26. July 10. 14. September 7. 30. October 19. November 23. December 6. and 11.1 now receive the Leyde n gazette wit h grea t regularity by the British packet , an d thank you fo r your attention t o this wit h a request that it ma y be continued. - Ther e is no doubt it would be desireable for us to receive our intelligence fro m Europe through a chan nel of our own, bu t the expence of an es tablishment o f packet-boats woul d be be yond th e valu e o f th e objec t fo r us, considering that our connection wit h Eu -
rope is less political than commercial, an d that information of the latter kind may come safely throug h an y channel. In fac t i f we attend to the whole amount of our civil list, we shal l find that the expence of packetboats would make a very sensible addition to it. The idea therefore, though good, must be suspende d ye t awhile . - Accep t m y thanks on the part of Government for the copy of Rymer you have been s o good a s to send us, and which is duly received, and be assure d of the sincere estee m an d at tachment wit h which I have the honor to be, Sir Your most obedient & most humble Servant" (RC i n D L C, i n Remsen's hand except for signature; FC i n Taylor's hand in DNA: R G 59 , DCI) . TJ's report of the unbounded confidence of the peopl e in the government, lik e th e similar expressions in his letter to Vaughan written two days earlier, concealed his own concerns and the deep sectional and political divisions which posed genuine dangers to national cohesiveness. Here , on a wider scale, he was using the consular establishment to portray conditions which revealed his hopes rather than reality and to spread these optimistic hopes abroad. At least one member of the consular body acte d in accord with the unexpressed intent and caused this part of the instructions to be published (see Delamott e t o T J, 2 5 July 1791) .
T o Alexande r Donal d D E A R S I R Philadelphi a May 13. 1791 . My publi c occupation s rarel y permi t m e t o tak e u p th e pe n o f private correspondence . I hav e stil l therefor e t o acknoledg e th e re ciept o f your favors o f Oct. 5. 25 . an d Jan. 6. 1 find tha t a t the dat e of th e las t yo u ha d no t ye t receive d min e o f Nov . 25 . coverin g a letter t o M r . Short. T h is I hope has fulfilled you r wish a s far as th e unsettled stat e o f thing s i n Franc e permitted . T h e farm s being pu t down, an d nothin g els e pu t u p a s fa r a s I ye t know , I thin k th e general lette r t o M r . Shor t wa s th e bes t measur e I coul d adopt . When a Regi e shal l b e established , i f ther e b e amon g the m an y acquaintance o f min e I shal l giv e yo u a lette r t o hi m wit h tha t pleasure i t eve r give s m e t o b e usefu l t o you . I find a s I advanc e i n [404 ]
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life I becom e les s capabl e o f acquirin g new affection s an d therefor e I lov e to hang by my old ones. In general I shall endeavor t o impres s on th e Frenc h governmen t th e polic y o f recievin g n o tobacc o fro m this country, but directly, and in French o r American bottoms ; therefore m y effort s t o serv e yo u mus t b e consisten t wit h tha t idea. - Tobacc o i s lo w i n Virginia , bu t I have sol d min e her e fo r 5 . dollars, fro m whic h deduc t hal f a dollar the expenc e o f bringin g i t here. Wheat has been generall y a t a dollar and from that to a French crown, a t this place, through the winter . T he spring has been rather dry; howeve r th e ne w crop s o f grai n have no t suffered , materially . We hav e n o publi c new s wort h detailing . Death s i n Virgini a ar e Colo. Harriso n o f Barclay , Turne r Southall , J . Dixo n th e printer , Colo. Overto n o f Hanover . T h e marriage of Mr . Tucke r wit h Mrs. Carter o f Corotoman , taken plac e o r about t o tak e place , i s perhap s new t o you . T o thi s I will ad d what i s not new , tha t I am with grea t & sincer e estee m Dea r Si r Your frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON Bordeaux wines . 1. Red . Ther e ar e 4 . crop s whic h ar e bes t an d dearest , t o wi t Chateau-Margaux, all engaged to Jernon a merchant. Tour de Segu r belonging t o Monsieur Miromenil, 125 . tons . Hautbrion , two thirds of whic h ar e engaged ; th e othe r thir d belong s t o th e Coun t d e Toulouse a t Toulouse , an d D e l a Fit e belongin g t o th e Presiden t Pichard a t Bordeaux . T h e las t ar e in perfectio n a t 3 . year s old , th e three first no t til l 4 . years . The y cos t abou t 1500 .tt th e tu n whe n new, an d fro m 2000 .it t o 2400 . tt whe n read y fo r drinking . - T h e best re d wine s afte r th e 4 . crop s ar e Roza n belongin g t o Madam e de Roza n (who supplie s me) , Dabbadi e o u Lionville , l a Rose, Quirouen, Durfort . Thes e cos t 1000 . t t new, an d I believ e 1500 . tt t o 1750.tt fit fo r use . Thes e wine s ar e s o nearl y equa l t o th e 4 . crop s that I d o no t believ e an y ma n ca n distinguis h the m whe n dran k separately. 2. Whit e wines. T h e wines mad e i n the Canto n of Grave are most esteemed a t Bordeaux . T h e bes t crop s ar e 1 . Ponta c belongin g t o M . d e Lamont , 400.tt th e ton , new . 2 . St . Brise belongin g t o M . d e Pontac, 350 .it th e to n new . 3 . d e Carboniu s belonging t o th e Ben edictine monks . The y never sel l new , an d when ol d they ge t 800 .it the t o n . - B u t th e whit e wine s mad e i n th e thre e parishe s abov e Grave ar e mor e esteeme d a t Pari s tha n th e vin s d e Grave . Thes e are 1 . Sauterne , the bes t of all, belonging t o M . de Luz-Saluc e (wh o supplies me ) 300. tt th e to n ne w an d 600 . t t old . 2 . Prignac . T h e [405 ]
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1
best i s th e Presiden t d u Ro y ['s] . Sam e price . 3 . Barsac . Bes t i s th e President Pichard's . Same price . Add t o al l these price s 5 . sou s for bottle s and bottling . Yo u have no occasio n fo r a letter. T h e only introductio n an d the sufficien t on e is th e cash . I f you shoul d appl y t o Madam e d e Rosa n or Monsieu r de Luz-Saluce , i f thei r stoc k o f goo d win e shoul d b e low , i t ma y add a n inducemen t t o the m t o nam e me . I n al l case s th e owne r i s the perso n t o b e applie d to . H e wil l eithe r sen d yo u none , o r good. He neve r adulterates , becaus e h e woul d b e a felo d e s e t o d o it . A ll the person s liv e a t Bordeau x wher e no t otherwis e mentioned . PrC (DLC) .
T o Davi d Humphrey s D E A R SIR Philadelphia , Ma y 13th . 1791 . Mr. Thoma s Barcla y i s appointed b y th e Presiden t o f the Unite d States t o g o t o Morocc o i n the Characte r o f Consul fo r the Purpos e of obtainin g fro m th e ne w Empero r a Recognitio n o f ou r Treat y with hi s Father. Ten thousan d dollar s are appropriated for Present s i n suc h For m and t o suc h Person s a s M r . Barcla y i n hi s Discretio n shal l thin k best; an d h e i s t o receiv e fo r himsel f a t th e rat e o f T w o thousan d Dollars a year an d hi s Se a expenses . It i s though t bes t tha t th e mone y fo r thes e Purpose s shoul d b e placed unde r you r Controul , and that M r . Barclay shoul d dra w o n you for it. Thirty tw o thousand , on e hundre d and seventy five Gild ers curren t ar e accordingly lodge d i n th e Hand s o f ou r Banker s in Amsterdam, an d the y ar e instructe d t o answe r you r Draught s t o that amount , yo u notifyin g the m tha t the y ar e to b e pai d out o f th e Fund o f March 3rd. 1791 , tha t thi s accoun t ma y b e kep t clea r of all others. Yo u wil l arrang e wit h M r . Barcla y th e manne r o f makin g his Draught s s o a s t o giv e yoursel f Tim e fo r raisin g the mone y b y the Sal e o f you r Bills . A Confidenc e i n you r Discretio n ha s induce d m e t o avai l th e Public of that, in the Transaction of this Business, and to recommen d Mr. Barcla y t o you r Counse l an d Assistanc e throug h th e whol e o f it. I inclos e yo u on e Se t o f th e Bill s fo r 13,00 0 Dollar s beforemen tioned, an d a Copy o f m y Lette r to th e Bankers . Duplicates wil l b e sent to the m directly . I have the Hono r to be , wit h grea t an d sincere Esteem Dea r Sir , Your mos t obedien t an d Mos t humbl e servant , T H : JEFFERSON [ 40 6 ]
13 M A Y 1 7 9 1 RC (NjP) ; in clerk's hand except for signature; endorsed . Df t (Lloy d YV . Smith , Madison, N.J. , 1946) ; on recto of Dft of letter to Willink , Va n Staphorst & Hubbard o f thi s date ; dockete d i n Remsen's hand. Pr C of R C (DLC) ; unsigned . F C
(DNA: R G 59, DCI). Althoug h no enclosure other than the bills of exchange is referred to, T J di d enclose copies of his official an d confidentia l instructions to Barclay of thi s date (both in NjP) .
T o Willia m Shor t DEAR Sl R Philadelphi a Ma y 13 . 1791 . The beare r hereo f M r . James Jone s proposin g t o visi t Pari s in a tour o f travel , I tak e th e libert y o f recommendin g hi m t o you r acquaintance an d friendly offices. T h e general wort h of his character will sufficiently recommen d hi m to you, and you will probably deriv e particular satisfactio n fro m conversin g wit h hi m o n th e subjec t o f New Orleans , wher e havin g reside d 20 . years , h e wil l b e abl e t o satisfy you r curiosit y o n th e subjec t o f tha t countr y s o interestin g and s o littl e know n t o us . I a m wit h grea t & sincer e estee m Dea r Sir You r affectionat e frien d & servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) .
T o Willink , V a n Staphorst , & H u b b a rd G E N T L E M E N Philadelphia
, May 13th. 1791 .
Congress having thought proper, by their Act of March 3rd. 179 1 to establis h a Fun d fo r a particula r Purpose , whic h i s unde r m y Direction, I no w enclos e yo u Bill s fo r Thirt y tw o thousand , on e hundred an d sevent y five curren t Gilders , to b e credite d t o m e i n a specia l Accoun t separat e fro m al l others , an d whic h ma y b e dis tinguished a s tha t o f th e Fun d o f March 3rd: 179L Wheneve r I either remi t o r dra w o n yo u fo r thi s Fund , I wil l speciall y nam e it . Colonel Humphreys , ou r Residen t a t th e Cour t of Portuga l i s dul y authorized t o dra w o n thi s Fund , an d you ar e desired t o answe r hi s Draughts t o an y amoun t withi n th e Su m whic h shal l b e i n you r Hands fo r this particula r Fund. H e wil l always advis e yo u whe n hi s Draughts ar e o n thi s account . I hav e th e Hono r t o be , Gentlemen , Your mos t obedien t humbl e Servant , Tr (NjP) ; in a clerk's hand, unsigned. PrC (DLC) ; in clerk's hand; "(Duplicate)" a t top of page. F C (DNA : R G 59 , DCI) .
[407 }
T o Jame s Lackingto n S I R Philadelphi
a May 14. 1791 .
My remova l fro m Pari s to thi s plac e ha s probabl y bee n the caus e of th e intermissio n i n m y recievin g you r hal f yearl y catalogue s a s usual. I wil l be g th e favo r o f yo u t o resum e th e practic e o f sendin g them t o me , changin g th e forme r addres s t o tha t o f 'Thoma s Jef ferson Secretar y of state Philadelphia, to th e car e of Messrs. Donal d and Burton merchts. London. ' On sending the m t o Messrs . Donal d and Burto n whos e residenc e th e Londo n Director y state s t o b e Angell cour t Throgmorto n street , the y wil l be regularl y forwarde d to me , an d i t wil l generall y b e i n m y powe r t o lodg e my orde r wit h you withi n 3 . o r 4 . month s after . I a m Si r Your humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSO N PrC (MHi); at foot of text: "Mr. J. Lackington , bookseller, No. 46-47. Chiswell street, Moorfeilds."
From Jame s Lyon s S l R Hanove
r town. Ma y 14th. 1791 .
I received , a fe w week s past , a lette r fro m D r . Curri e o f Phila delphia, informin g m e o f hi s preparin g fo r th e press , a histor y o f the disease s which occur in the differen t part s of America and which will b e printe d next month. A s the desig n i s laudable, an d the wor k may b e useful , tho ' h e i s quit e unknow n t o me , I have endeavoure d to compl y wit h hi s reques t fo r m y assistance , b y givin g hi m suc h information o n th e subject , a s I could fro m th e shor t notic e an d th e interruption o f Medica l practice . T h e pleasure , whic h yo u hav e always appeare d t o enjoy , i n communicatin g informatio n yourself , and i n assistin g those , wh o endeavoure d th e same , ha s induce d m e to addres s th e inclose d t o you , a s i t wil l b e conveye d easily , I hope, and sav e th e considerabl e expenc e o f postage, withou t bein g an y t o you. Tha t i t ma y no t b e though t a n unwarrantabl e liberty wil l giv e considerable satisfaction ; an d a t th e sam e tim e i t afford s a pleasin g opportunity o f assuring you, that I am, Sir, With the mos t respectfu l regard, You r ver y humbl . Servt. , JAS . LYONS RC (ViW) ; addressed : "Th e Honbl e Thomas Jefferson Esqr. Secretar y of State Philadelphia"; endorsed by TJ a s received at Bennington , Vt., 4 Jun e 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
The work in preparation was An histor-
ical account of the climates and diseases of the United States (Philadelphia , 1792 ) b y
William Curri e (1754-1828) , a privately trained surgeo n wh o engage d i n contro-
[408]
14 M A Y 1 7 9 1 versy with Benjamin Rush (L . H . Butter -
field, ed. , Letters of Benjamin Rush, n ,
674n.). Curri e was a founding member of the College of Physicians and was electe d to the American Philosophical Society the
year his work was published. So far a s the record indicates , TJ did not respon d to Lyons' letter or engage in correspondence with Currie.
T o Thoma s Man n Randolp h D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a May 14. 1791 .
I receive d you r favo r b y Capt . Heath , an d notic e wha t i s sai d therein o n th e subjec t o f th e Marquee . Capt . Singleto n ha s bee n certainly misinforme d a s t o th e deliver y o f i t a t Monticello . Yo u know i t wa s i n th e summe r o f 1782 . I wa s a t hom e th e whol e o f that summer . M y situatio n a t tha t tim e enable s m e t o sa y wit h certainty tha t I wa s no t fro m hom e on e da y fro m th e tim e th e Marquee wa s borrowe d til l lat e i n the fal l whe n I went t o Ampthill to hav e m y childre n inoculated. It' s delivery at Monticello therefor e is impossible . O n m y retur n from Ampthil l I se t ou t fo r thi s plac e under a n appointmen t t o g o t o Europe . I lef t i t amon g m y writte n instructions t o hav e applicatio n mad e t o yo u fo r th e Marque e les t some accident shoul d happen to it . I have a strong idea too o f having either spoke n o r writte n t o yo u o n th e subject , eithe r the n o r th e ensuing yea r when I passed abou t 4 . month s i n Virginia befor e m y final departure from it. I f Capt. Singleto n wil l b e s o goo d as to stat e the proof s o f the delivery , i t may pu t u s into a train o f investigation , to find wher e th e los s ough t t o fall . O n yo u i t canno t be : o n m e I know i t t o b e impossible . Perhap s it ma y b e trace d to som e perso n responsible t o P.R.' s estate . I a m jus t settin g ou t o n a Month' s journey t o th e Northward . M y affectionat e respect s t o Mrs . Ran dolph an d a m wit h grea t estee m Dea r Si r You r sincer e frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; at foot of text: "Colo. TM Randolph. "
T o Willia m Shor t D E A R S l R Philadelphi
a May 14. 1791 .
The beare r hereof Mr . Russel l proposing t o visi t Paris , I take th e liberty o f introducin g hi m t o you r notice . Hi s fathe r i s th e mos t eminent merchan t i n Boston , I migh t perhap s hav e sai d i n th e United states : hi s brothe r I believ e yo u kne w i n France . T h o les s [409 ]
14 M A Y 1 7 9 1
acquainted wit h himsel f I a m authorise d t o assur e yo u h e wil l d o justice t o an y mark s o f attentio n yo u wil l b e s o goo d a s t o she w him, whic h wil l als o b e considere d a s a n obligatio n o n Dea r Si r Your frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSO N PrC (MHi) .
F r o m Si r J o hn Sinclai r Whitehall, 14 May 1791. H e send s hi s bes t compliments , enclose s som e papers, and asks their acceptance by T J . A s to the Cor n Laws , "the y will no t probably agree, " bu t h e sincerel y wishes fo r som e commercia l arrangement between th e tw o countries. RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ a s received Tench Coxe. See Cox e to T J , 1 9 July 1791, and Vol . 18 : 367n. Contrary to Sinclair's 16 July 179 1 and so recorded in SJL. expectations, T J was in close agreement T J share d th e paper s enclosed in this with hi m on the Cor n Laws . Se e T J to and a previous letter (25 Dec. 1790) wit h Sinclair, 24 Aug . 1791 .
T o T h o m a s Sumte r D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a May 14. 1791 .
I a m reall y mortifie d a t th e accoun t I a m oblige d t o giv e yo u o f the fat e o f the ore s yo u confide d t o m y care . I gave the m yo u kno w to Coun t Andriani whos e regula r chemical education, an d his fond ness fo r tha t study , togethe r wit h hi s leisure , induced m e t o expec t an attentiv e an d scientifi c analysi s o f them . I enquire d o f hi m con tinually fro m tim e t o time , an d h e alway s tol d m e h e wa s tryin g them wit h solvents, an d that the solutio n wa s going on. Being about to tak e a journey myself, I sen t tw o day s ag o t o hi s lodging s t o as k the resul t o f hi s experiments , o r a t leas t th e prospec t o f th e result . T o m y surpris e m y messenge r brough t m e wor d tha t h e ha d lef t town o n a long journey . I wil l certainl y know o n hi s retur n some thing definitive: bu t I confess t o you I expect h e has failed of succes s in hi s tria l o f them . We hav e nothin g ver y interestin g o r lat e fro m Europe . T h e revolution i n France wa s stil l going on steadily , an d securely. Englan d and Prussi a endeavorin g t o dominee r Russi a int o a peace wit h th e Porte o n thei r ow n terms : an d Russi a shewin g n o symptom s o f attention t o them. Burke' s pamphlet an d the answer s to him occup y much attentio n ther e an d here. Payne' s an d Priestly's are excellent . The forme r is the bes t thin g it's author ever wrote. - Yo u mentione d [410}
15 M A Y 179 1
to m e tw o instance s o f Volcani c eruption i n Carolina . I mus t be g of you t o tak e th e troubl e o f collecting al l the fact s yo u ca n relative to these , an d t o b e s o goo d a s t o communicat e the m t o me . T h i s phaenomenon i s so absolutely unprecedente d i n our part of America as t o excit e muc h attention . - I hav e th e hono r t o b e wit h grea t & sincere estee m Dea r Sir Your mos t obedien t & most humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; a t foot of text: "General Sumpter."
T o Jame s Curri e D E A R S l R Philadelphi
a Ma y 15 . 1791.
I deferre d making another application to Potte r till Doctr . Griffi n had s o long overrun the time of his arriva l that I thought i t desperate and the n wen t t o Potte r an d shewe d hi m D r . G.' s letters . H e ex pressed his astonishment an d assured me i n the mos t pointe d term s that he ha d no propert y of his in his hands but th e win e mentione d before, an d tha t h e di d no t kno w i n whos e hand s hi s certificate s were. Hi s languag e wa s pointed , bu t ther e wa s somethin g i n hi s looks, whic h cannot b e describe d and which left m e i n some doubt . On returnin g from him I learne d that D r . G. had been tw o day s in town. Nex t da y I calle d a t hi s lodgings . No t a t home . Again , h e was a t dinner . I the n wrot e a note an d asked a meeting. H e calle d on m e an d assure d m e tha t h e wa s takin g measures , an d i n a fe w days would arrange your bills. I waited till the day before yesterday , and a s I was to leave town to-day o n a journey of a Month Northward, I the n wrot e t o desir e h e woul d tak e som e final arrangement . N o answer. I calle d ther e twic e yesterday . No t within . Twic e to-da y one answe r wa s h e wa s gon e int o th e country , an d the secon d tha t he ha d no t bee n i n th e hous e fo r 2 . o r 3 . days . T h i s alarme d me, and o n enquir y I foun d h e wa s becom e invisible ; an d I a m no w satisfied he means to do nothing. T h i s is Sunday. I will go tomorro w and hav e his bills regularly protested, and as I set out in the afternoo n I wil l leav e the m i n the hand s of Mr. Henr y Remsen to cal l an d call again t o se e i f an y thin g ca n b e done , til l yo u shal l hav e tim e t o answer thi s an d sa y wha t yo u woul d hav e done . Wer e i t m y case , and wer e I disposed t o pus h the matte r legally and knew o f no othe r property, I would, on the hesitation I thought I discovered in Potter's countenance, lev y a n attachment i n his hands, and risk th e expenc e of guessing wron g against the chanc e of his really holding the property. I t i s kep t secre t merel y t o avoi d it' s bein g attached . -1 writ e [411]
15 M A Y 1 7 9 1
so fa r now , becaus e I hav e mor e tim e a t thi s momen t tha n I shal l have tomorrow . Bu t I wil l no t clos e m y lette r til l th e momen t o f my departure , that I may giv e you th e las t intelligence. Direc t your answer to 'Mr . Henr y Remsen chief clerk of the Secretar y of State' s office. Marke t Street 274. ' May 16 . I hav e calle d agai n o n Potter . H e assure s m e h e ha s never see n D r . Griffi n yet , an d I fee l mysel f bette r satisfie d tha t h e has nothing i n his hands but the wine. Stil l that furnishes a sufficien t ground fo r a n attachmen t whil e yo u tak e th e chanc e o f their bein g something more . H e point s ou t tw o othe r broker s an d a Vendue master, who m h e think s likely to hav e propert y i n their hands. No t having tim e no w t o searc h int o thi s I hav e ha d th e bill s proteste d for non-acceptanc e (an d pai d 1 D.2 7 cents ) s o tha t yo u ma y brin g an actio n i f you pleas e tho ' the y ar e not due . I leav e the m wit h M r. Remsen wh o wil l searc h fo r th e property , bu t d o nothin g mor e unless yo u orde r it. I f you coul d find propert y i n Virgini a i t woul d be bette r t o procee d there . I a m wit h grea t estee m D r . Si r You r friend & servt, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) ; at foot of text: "Dr. Currie. "
T o Franci s E p p e s D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a May 15.1791 .
Jack's letter s wil l hav e informe d yo u o f hi s arriva l her e saf e an d in goo d health. Capt . Stratto n is als o arrived , who m w e considere d as lost . You r favor s o f Apri l 5 . an d 27 . ar e recieved . I ha d jus t answered a letter of Mr. Skipwith' s on the subjec t of the guineaman , and therefore sen d yo u a copy o f that b y way o f answer to you r last. I shal l be i n Virgini a i n October, but canno t ye t sa y whether I shall be abl e t o g o t o Richmond. Jack i s no w se t i n t o wor k regularly . H e passe s fro m 2 . t o 4 . hours a day a t th e College , completin g hi s course s o f sciences , an d 4 hour s at the law , besides thi s he wil l writ e an hour or two t o learn the stil e o f busines s an d acquir e a habi t o f writing , an d wil l rea d something i n history and government. T h e course I propose fo r him will emplo y hi m a couple o f years. I shall not fai l t o impres s on hi m a du e sens e o f th e advantag e o f qualifyin g himsel f t o ge t a livin g independently o f othe r resources . A s ye t I discove r nothin g bu t a disposition t o appl y closely . I se t ou t tomorro w o n a journey o f a month t o Lake s George , Champlai n &c. and having yet a thousand [412]
15 M A
Y 179 1
things t o d o I ca n onl y ad d assurance s o f th e sincer e estee m wit h which I a m D r . Si r Your affectionat e frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) . Enclosure : Copy of TJ t o Skipwith, 6 May 1791.
T o Elizabet h Wayle s E p p e s M Y DEA R M A D A M Philadelphi
a May 15. 1791.
I receive d you r favo r o f Apr . 6 . b y Jack , an d m y lette r o f thi s date t o M r . Eppes will infor m you that h e i s well unde r way. I f we can kee p hi m ou t o f love , h e wil l b e abl e t o g o strai t forward, and to mak e good way. I receive wit h real pleasure your congratulation s on m y advancemen t t o th e venerabl e corp s of grandfathers, and can assure yo u wit h trut h tha t I expec t fro m i t mor e felicit y tha n an y other advancemen t eve r gav e me . I onl y wis h fo r th e hou r whe n I may go , an d enjo y i t entire . - I t wa s m y intentio n t o hav e trouble d you with Maria when I left Virginia in November, satisfie d i t woul d be bette r for her t o b e wit h you . Bu t th e solitud e o f her sister , an d the desir e o f keepin g the m unite d i n tha t affectio n fo r eac h othe r which i s to b e th e bes t future foo d of their lives induce d me to leav e her a t Monticello ; an d the rathe r as I proposed t o brin g her here a s soon as I can find a good situation fo r her. In answer to a paragraph of Mr . Eppes' s letter o f Apr . 5 . tha t i t had been sai d I did not leav e her wit h you fo r fear it should b e too troublesome , I assure you tha t reason ha d n o operatio n wit h me . I kno w tha t wit h suc h mind s a s his an d yours , troubl e i s a pleasur e whe n i t i s t o serv e ou r friend s living o r dead . I kno w yo u bot h to o wel l t o hav e a hesitatio n o n that account, an d the freedom s I have taken in that way have prove d it. Adie u m y dea r dea r madam . Your s affectionately , T H : JEFFERSON Tr (ViU) ; 19th-centur y transcript. Ironically, TJ's desire to keep Jack from falling in love so that he would not be di verted from his studie s - somethin g he ha d himself experience d a t abou t th e sam e age - wa s defeate d by hi s pla n to bring Polly to Philadelphia. The tw o had know n each other a s childre n a t Eppington , wher e Elizabeth Wayle s Eppes had been such a a devoted surrogate mother that Polly "ma y
be sai d t o hav e bee n a n Eppes i n spirit before she became one in name" (Malone , Jefferson, HI , 239). On hi s return to Philadelphia in the autum n of 1791, T J brought Polly with him, an d th e affectio n of the two cousins for each other was give n fresh stimulus. Jac k wa s then eightee n an d Polly thirteen. The y wer e married during TJ' s first yea r as Vice-President, wit h hi s un qualified approval.
[413}
T o D a n i e l L . H y l t on D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a May 15. 1791 .
By Capt . Stratto n I hav e recieve d th e 4 . hhds . o f tobo . Amon g these i s on e o f thos e whic h ha d bee n injure d b y fire, an d serve s sufficiently t o she w tha t tobacc o o f that qualit y canno t b e sol d her e at any price. I must therefore as k your particular attention tha t there be n o mor e o f th e fired tobacc o sen t here . I understoo d ther e wer e about 14,000fc. , sa y 1 2 hhds. fired. Should there be no other mean s of distinguishin g the m fro m th e good , I mus t b e a t th e expenc e o f having the m opene d an d examine d a t Richmond . I suppos e the y will have been inspecte d a t Lynchberg. Just setting ou t on a journey and a thousand thing s crowdin g o n m e I have onl y tim e t o presen t my affection s t o Mrs . Hylton an d assur e yo u o f th e sincer e estee m of D r . Si r Your frien d & servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) .
T o th e M a y o r o f Philadelphia May 15 . 1791 .
T h : Jefferso n present s hi s compliment s t o th e Mayo r of the city . He ha d understoo d ther e wa s a subscriptio n pape r fo r th e relie f of the sufferer s b y th e lat e fire, whic h wa s handin g abou t town , an d expected h e shoul d hav e me t i t i n turn . No t havin g a s ye t see n i t and bein g abou t t o leav e tow n h e ask s permissio n t o pu t int o th e hands o f the Mayo r the inclose d not e fo r 25. dollar s to b e dispose d of wit h th e othe r donation s fo r th e sam e purpose . RC (Dr . Joh n A. Munroe, Santa Monica, Calif. , 1951) . No t recorde d i n SJL . The address cover is missing, but the note was sent to John Barclay, who was mayor of Philadelphia at the time. On the evening of May 11t h fire broke out in a livery stable on Dock Stree t nea r
Third an d spread rapidly. By midnight a score of wooden houses in the vicinity were in flames,and many people had been rendered homeless . Committee s wer e ap pointed to collect subscriptions for the distressed, and a benefit performance was given in th e Sout h Street Theater (Schar f and Westcott, History of Philadelphia, i , 467) .
T o T h o m a s M a n n R a n d o l p h , J r. D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a May. 15 . 1791.
Your favo r of April 30 . cam e to hand on the 7th . inst. and I thank you fo r your information relativ e to th e Opossum , which I hope th e [414 }
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1
next seaso n wil l enabl e yo u t o complete . Yo u may coun t i t a s for tunate tha t s o interestin g a n investigatio n remain s stil l to b e made , and that , bein g mad e wit h car e and science , i t canno t fai l t o attrac t general notice . - I n m y lette r o f las t wee k I mentione d m y fea r tha t Capt. Stratto n wa s lost , wit h J . Eppes' s baggage an d 4 . hhds . o f my tobacco. H e is since arrived , an d will sai l tomorrow fo r Richmd . He has received on boar d the followin g parcel s addressed to the care of M r . James Brow n merchan t a t Richmond. T I . No . 1 . A bo x o f books , t o wit . Encyclopedi c Buffon . Tacitus , and Journau x de Physiqu e fo r yourself . Sacontalâ an d th e Magazin s de s mode s fo r Pats y Anacharsis fo r Maria . Herrera. T h e histor y o f Florida, an d Acosta to b e pu t into th e library . No. 2 . A bo x wit h 7 . Venetia n blinds fo r the window s a t Monticello. 3. A box , containin g you r harness . 4. A bo x o f line n an d stocking s o f mine . T h e latte r articl e will furnish a good deal of employment fo r Bet if opene d and give n ou t t o her . 5. A bale , containin g 4 . mattrasse s fo r th e house , a calash for Pats y an d 12 . yds . stripe d Nankee n fo r Maria . I thought i t safes t t o sen d thi s las t b y Stratton , and no t by th e stage s a s I ha d propose d i n m y lette r t o her . 6. A bale , containin g 2 . mattrasse s fo r the house , an d a box with tw o panes o f glas s fo r Mrs . Lewis . 7. A bale , containin g Sally' s beddin g fro m France . N . B . James' s beddin g i s i n on e o f the bales ; I don' t kno w which. A doze n an d a half Windsor chairs . They ar e loose an d will probabl y b e rubbed . I hop e m y tobo . wil l al l come o n no w a s soon a s possible, excep t that whic h wa s fired. On e o f thos e hhds . Stratto n brough t wa s o f this kind , an d canno t b e sol d her e a t all . I wil l than k yo u t o desir e Mr. Lewi s t o tak e effectua l measure s t o retai n there th e fired tobo . as, shoul d i t com e here , I shal l b e oblige d t o sen d i t bac k agai n t o Richmond, whic h wil l cos t a dolla r a hundred , th e comin g an d going. I a m afrai d my lette r o f Feb . 9 . t o Mr . Lewi s neve r go t t o hand. T h e object s o f i t wer e t o infor m hi m o f th e sal e o f m y tobo . here, t o pres s a final settlement o f m y bargai n wit h Ronald , and t o advertize th e Elkhil l land s fo r sale . No t havin g see n th e advertise ment in Davies's paper, has excited m y fear that the letter miscarried. [415]
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Perhaps i t ma y hav e bee n pu t int o som e othe r paper . Fo r fear i t should hav e miscarrie d I wil l ad d th e sam e for m fo r th e advertise ment a t the en d o f this letter . Tha t o f Feb . 9 . wa s importan t for th e other tw o object s also . I t certainly ought to hav e go t t o han d befor e the date of your letter of Apr. 4 . wherei n you say he was still waiting my directions relative to the tobacco. I set out tomorrow on a journey to lakes George and Champlain, down Connecticut river, and through Long islan d bac k t o N . Yor k an d thi s place , s o tha t yo u wil l no t hear fro m m e fo r a month t o come . I inclose yo u Bache' s as well a s Fenno's papers . Yo u wil l hav e percieve d tha t th e latte r i s a paper of pur e Toryism, disseminatin g th e doctrine s o f monarchy, aristocracy, an d the exclusio n o f the influenc e o f the people . W e have bee n trying t o ge t anothe r weekly or halfweekly paper se t u p excludin g advertisements, s o tha t i t migh t g o throug h th e states , an d furnish a whig-vehicl e o f intelligence . W e hope d a t on e tim e t o hav e per suaded Frenea u t o se t u p here, but failed . In the mea n time Bache' s paper, th e principle s of which were alway s republican, improves in it's matter . I f we ca n persuad e hi m to thro w al l his advertisement s on on e leaf , b y tearin g that off , th e lea f containing intelligenc e ma y be sen t withou t over-chargin g th e post , an d b e generall y take n instead o f Fenno's . I wil l continu e t o sen d i t t o you , a s i t ma y no t only amus e yourself , bu t enabl e yo u t o oblig e you r neighbors wit h the perusal . My lov e t o Marth a an d Maria, an d be assure d yourself of th e sincer e attachmen t o f Dea r Si r Your's affectionately , T H : JEFFERSON F O R S A L E . . . . Note. I would leav e M r . Lewis t o decid e whethe r it i s bes t t o mentio n th e pric e o f th e land s i n th e advertisement . I f he think s not , tha t ma y b e struc k out, an d inser t instea d o f i t 'th e purchase mone y t o b e pai d b y instalment s i n 1793 . 4 . 5 . 6. ' wit h interest fro m th e delivery , &c. 1
RC (DLC) . Fo r th e text of the advertisement, see note to TJ t o Nicholas Lewis, 9 Feb. 1791 , Vol. 19 : 264 . 1
T o G e o r g e W a s h i n g t on SIR Philadelphi
a May 15. 1791.
We ar e stil l withou t an y occurrenc e foreig n o r domesti c wort h mentioning t o you . I t is sometime sinc e an y news ha s been recieve d from Europ e o f th e politica l kind , an d I hav e bee n longe r tha n common withou t an y letter s fro m M r . Short.
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Colo. Hamilto n ha s take n a tri p t o Bethlehem . I thin k t o avai l myself als o o f th e presen t interva l of quie t t o ge t ri d of a headac h which i s very troublesome, b y giving mor e exercise to the bod y an d less to th e mind . I shall se t ou t tomorro w for New York , wher e M r. Madison i s waitin g fo r me , t o g o u p th e Nort h river , an d retur n down Connecticu t rive r an d throug h Long-island . My progres s o f the Nort h rive r wil l b e limite d b y th e tim e I allo t fo r m y whol e journey, whic h is a month. S o that I shall turn abou t wheneve r that renders it necessary. I leave orders , in case a letter should come from you coverin g the commissio n fo r Colo . Eveleigh' s successor, tha t i t should b e opened , th e grea t sea l pu t t o it , an d then give n out . M y countersign ma y b e adde d o n m y return . I presum e I shal l b e back here abou t th e tim e o f you r arriva l a t Mount-Vernon , where yo u will reciev e thi s letter . T h e deat h o f Judge Hopkinso n has mad e a vacancy fo r yo u t o fill. Shoul d I pic k u p an y thin g i n m y journey, I wil l writ e it to yo u fro m time t o time . I have the hono r to b e wit h sincere respec t & attachment , Sir , you r mos t obedien t an d mos t humble servt. , T H : JEFFERSON RC (DNA : RG 59, MLR) ; a t foo t of text: "Th e Presiden t o f th e U.S." ; ad dressed: "Th e Presiden t o f th e Unite d States. To be sent to Mount Vernon"; post-
marked "15 MA " and "FREE"; endorsed by Washington. Pr C (DLC) . F C (DNA : RG 59, SDC) .
T o Willia m C a r m i c h a e l S l R Philadelphi
a May 16 . 1791 .
Mr. Swanwic k informs m e tha t th e hous e o f Morris , Willin g & Swanwick hav e suffere d a ver y considerabl e los s i n th e por t o f St . Andero, b y a n abus e o f office , i n havin g a carg o o f cor n throw n overboard a s being bad , when i t was i n fact perfectl y good . I kno w that in some countries o f Europe i t is often difficul t t o obtai n justice against person s protecte d b y cour t favor . I n this , a s i n al l othe r instances wher e ou r citizen s shal l hav e occasio n t o see k justic e i n the countr y o f your residence, I would wis h you t o interfer e just s o far as by the influence o f your character to counterbalance the undu e protection o f their opponents, s o a s that equa l and impartial justice may b e don e them . T h e regulatio n b y whic h the y suffe r i n th e presen t instance , is , in it' s natur e extremel y susceptibl e o f abuse , an d prevails , as I a m told onl y i n th e port s o f th e ba y o f Biscay . T h e patronag e o f ou r commerce bein g th e chie f objec t o f ou r diplomati c establishment s abroad, yo u woul d rende r that an essential servic e could you obtai n [417]
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a repea l of this regulation, or an impartial exercis e o f it, if the repeal cannot b e obtained ; an d i n an y event , a permissio n t o re-expor t a cargo of grain condemned. I have the honour to be with great estee m & respec t Si r Your mos t obedt . & most humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA : R G 59 , DCI) . If Swanwick's information was given by letter, no copy of it has been found, and i t
is no t recorded in SJL. Fo r a comparabl e complaint o f abus e at the hand s of those "protected by court favor," see Swanwick to T J, 1 4 Dec. 1790 .
T o Pierr e G u i d e S l R Philadelphi
a May 16. 1791.
Being i n th e momen t o f settin g ou t o n m y journey , I hav e just time t o acknoleg e th e receip t o f you r favo r o f th e 5th . inst . an d t o note your information tha t yo u ha d sent of f b y the stag e o f that da y a cas e o f wine an d some raisin s for me. O n repeated enquirie s at th e different stage-offices , I find it has never arrived here which I though t necessary t o mentio n t o yo u i n orde r to excite you r enquirie s afte r it, a s i t ma y hav e bee n lef t somewher e o n th e road . I a m i n hope s before m y retur n tha t whic h come s b y wate r wil l b e als o com e t o hand. I a m wit h grea t estee m Si r Your mos t obedt . humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) .
T o Willia m H a y D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a Ma y 16 . 1791.
I hav e this morning had a conversation with M r. Dobson a bookseller o n th e subjec t o f you r Encyclopédie ; I tol d hi m i f he coul d dispose o f it at such an advance as he sell s hi s ow n book s at , so tha t you might ge t somethin g lik e first cost fo r first cost yo u would take it i n books . H e think s i t possible , an d wil l endeavo r t o dispos e o f it. H e think s th e chanc e woul d b e bette r i f th e book s wer e here . Yet I doub t whethe r i t i s certai n enoug h t o g o t o th e expenc e o f sending the m befor e a purchase r offers. -1 canno t hel p supposin g you migh t find a purchaser in Virginia, o n you r assuring them tha t I wil l hav e th e remainde r imported fo r the m (the y advancin g th e money) whic h I wil l chearfull y do . I wil l als o b e stil l o n th e look out fo r a purchaser myself. I am this momen t settin g ou t o n a lon g [418]
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journey, an d can therefore onl y ad d assurances o f the sincer e estee m with whic h I a m Dea r Si r Your mos t obedt . humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) .
T o Nichola s Lewi s DEAR S I R Philadelphi
a May 16. 1791 .
When I wrote t o Mr . Randolph yesterday I did not thin k I shoul d have tim e t o writ e t o you , an d therefor e pu t int o hi s lette r som e articles fo r yo u t o whic h I mus t refe r you . T h e presen t i s merel y t o cover a letter o f John Jefferson's whic h will explain to you his reques t to b e stil l assiste d i n th e recover y o f hi s rights . I wil l thank yo u t o have hi m furnishe d wit h wha t ma y b e necessar y t o enabl e hi m t o recover hi s own . T h e metho d yo u too k befor e appear s t o m e th e best, that of undertaking to pay his lawyers &c. rather than to delive r the money to him, as I understand that he is not alway s in a conditio n to tak e car e o f it . I a m anxiou s t o lear n wha t succes s Wilso n ha s had i n th e collectio n o f th e monie s w e depende d o n hi m for . M y affectionate respect s t o Mrs . Lewis , an d a m D r . Si r You r sincer e friend & servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) . Th e enclosed lette r fro m barrassment s and TJ' s instructions to Lewi s John Jefferson of Cumberland has no t been fo r assistance in relieving them, see John found, but it was dated 28 Feb. 179 1 and Jefferso n t o T J , 7 Jan . 1790, an d TJ' s is recorde d in S J L a s receive d 21 Apr . reply , 14 Feb. 1790 . See also TJ to Lewis, 1791. For other aspects of his financia l em- 7 Mch. 1790 .
Jefferson's Instruction s fo r H e n r y R e m s e n , J r. May 16 . 1791 .
Letters whic h com e i n tim e t o reac h Alban y befor e th e 25th . instant ma y b e sen t t o Albany . N o newspaper s t o b e forwarded , except Fenno's . If a lette r come s fro m th e President , whic h seem s t o cove r th e commission fo r M r . Eveleigh' s successor , Mr . Remse n wil l b e s o good as to ope n it, pu t th e grea t sea l t o it , an d send i t to th e person , with a n assuranc e tha t I shal l countersig n i t o n m y return . I n th e mean tim e h e ca n act . Mr. Remse n wil l b e s o goo d a s t o reciev e a chec k o n th e ban k 1
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for 35 . Dollars , of whic h o n th e clos e o f the mont h 10 . Doll , ar e to be paid to Francis, 10 . D . to Philip and 5. D . to Brown . T h e residue is mean t t o cove r an y littl e demand s arrivin g durin g my absence . I expec t som e parcel s o f win e fro m Bordeau x fo r th e Presiden t and myself . M r Lea r wil l reciev e th e President' s a s also a parcel for him fro m Havre . I d o no t kno w th e quantit y o f mine , whic h wit h the incertaint y o f it' s comin g a t al l prevents m y leavin g th e duties . If i t shoul d arriv e a s ther e woul d b e dange r o f it' s spoilin g i n a warehouse, perhap s M r. Delany wil l le t i t com e t o m y ow n cellars, on assuranc e that I wil l settl e th e dutie s o n m y return . I expec t 3 doz . o f win e (a s a sample ) fro m Baltimore . Perhap s part o f i t ma y com e b y th e stage . Als o som e cyde r fro m Norfolk . T h e freigh t wil l b e t o b e paid . M y tobo . a s i t comes , t o b e receive d b y M r . Lieper wh o wil l b e so goo d a s t o pa y th e freigh t i n m y absence . I leav e wit h M r . Remsen M r . Griffin's bil l o n Potter , protested . I hav e take n th e libert y to desir e D r . Currie t o infor m M r. Remsen what he would have done with them, an d I will pra y him to execut e what h e shal l desire. Als o t o enquir e i f Griffin ha s an y propert y i n the hand s o f th e person s whos e name s I giv e t o M r . Rem sen. - Griffi n ha s promise d mos t solemnl y tha t h e will , durin g th e present wee k pu t int o Mr . Remsen' s hand s pape r t o th e whol e amount of the bills. He will need pushing. Perhaps it may be prudent not t o pus h s o har d a s t o indispos e hi m absolutely . I t i s ver y de sireable t o find ou t wher e hi s propert y is , ye t s o secretl y a s tha t h e shall no t kno w it . RC (Lloy d W . Smith , Madison, N.J. , 1946); at head of text: "Memoranda"; endorsed by Remsen: "Mr. Jefferson's directions Ma y 16th . 1791. " No t recorde d in SJL.
T J first wrot e "Letter s which com e before the 18th . instant may be sent to me at Ne w York . Thos e whic h come befor e the 22d. may be sent to Albany" and then altered it to read as above. 1
T o Joh n Vaugha n May 16 . 1791 .
T h : Jefferso n present s hi s compliment s t o M r . Vaughan. He ha s sent on e o f Argand's double lamp s to M r . Bringhurst to hav e wickracks fixed t o it , and has directed him to delive r it to Mr . Vaughan , when done, fo r the use of the Philosophical society whos e acceptanc e of i t h e asks . H e presume s tha t i f suspended ove r th e middl e o f th e table i t wil l sufficientl y ligh t it . RC (PPAP) ; addressed : "Mr. Vaughan. " Not recorded in SJL . [420]
F r o m Davi d Humphrey s Lisbon, 17 May 1791 . H e was presented t o the Queen on the 13th , delivered his letter of credence, and , with the approval of the Minister of Foreign Affairs , expressed hi s discours e i n English , a copy o f whic h he encloses . Th e Queen , surrounded a t th e publi c audience b y he r ministers, the diplomati c corps , th e nobility, th e chie f officer s o f th e departments , an d man y ladie s o f th e court , replied "on the spot. . . vivâ voce, 'He r wish that the United States of America might i n retur n enjoy al l manner o f prosperity. ' " He als o enclose s a letter o n the subjec t from the Ministe r for Foreign Affairs. Thi s wa s the birthda y of the Prince o f Brazil, wh o assiste d i n the ceremony , an d also the anniversar y of th e Queen's coronation, circumstances which caused "the numerous Company and splendid Gal a o f th e Court . Grea t promotion s too k place ; an d undissemble d satisfaction wit h He r Majesty, and the mil d and happy administratio n o f Her Government seemed universally to p r e v a i l . . .. P.S. I flatter myself with having opportunities, hereafter , o f demonstratin g i n th e mos t unequivoca l manne r every thin g I hav e asserte d respectin g th e mil d Governmen t an d prosperou s state of Portugal." RC (DNA : R G 59 , DD); a t head of text: "(No. 19)" ; endorse d by TJ a s received 24 Aug. 179 1 an d s o recorde d i n SJL . T r (same). Enclosures : (1 ) Cop y o f Hum phreys' speech o n bein g presente d t o th e Queen, 1 3 May 1791: "May i t please your Majesty! Although it has been my firstcare to become sufficiently acquainte d with the Portuguese language , t o understan d th e glorious exploits of Your Majesty's Ancestors recorded in it: yet I feel myself peculiarly distressed, at this instant, in not being able to explain , in that language, m y sensibility o f the hono r conferre d on me , by being place d near their AUGUS T DESCEND ANT and the Inheritor of all thei r VIRTUES , as the firs t Representativ e t o thi s Court , from th e America n Nation. —With equal pain, I find myself unable to express, in the same tongue, the distinguished friendship of the Unite d State s o f Americ a fo r your Majesty: and particularl y the grateful sense they entertain of the Orders, your Majesty has so repeatedl y given , fo r your fleetsto protect America n ships fro m th e hostil e attacks o f th e piratica l Power s o f Bar-
bary.-For myself , i t wil l constitut e th e greatest felicit y o f m y life , an d the mos t pleasing reflection to the latest period of it ; if, in being the faithful Organ of expressing the sens e o f m y Country , I may , i n any degree, be the humble Instrument of promoting a n extensive , happ y an d durable intercourse betwee n th e Subject s of your Majesty, an d th e Citizen s of th e Unite d States of America. - An d a s I have a sincere pleasure in believing, that there do not exist, a t this moment, on the face of the globe, any tw o Nation s i n more prosperou s cir cumstances; s o I a m equall y happ y i n a conviction, there are no two nations better calculated to promot e th e mutua l Interest and essentia l Prosperit y o f eac h Other" (DNA: R G 59 , DD). (2 ) English and Por tuguese texts (both i n Humphreys' hand , as is the foregoing speech to the Queen) of Luis Pint o d e Souz a t o Humphreys , 17 May 1791 , acknowledging his of the 11t h with the copy of the speech which he "had the hono r o f bringin g by a translation to Her Roya l Understanding" (same) .
F r o m Georg e C . Morga n Hackney, [England], 17 May 1791. H e woul d no t hav e presume d o n a n acquaintance o f tw o o r thre e hour s ha d h e no t know n T J ' s respect fo r hi s uncle, Dr. Price, and his readiness to cooperate wit h him in serving two worth y
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gentlemen. Ha d h e live d a fe w week s longer , h e woul d hav e applie d t o T J himself. Th e bearer s are men o f property an d grea t integrity . The y leav e ben eficial connection s i n England to ente r o n flattering prospects o f trade between the southern states and different part s of Europe. They conceive a n introductio n to "Mr . Washingto n ma y b e o f much Service to their Interest," and if TJ coul d procure this honor for them, his object i s achieved. - H e does not know whethe r his uncl e eve r acknowledge d T J ' s "little Treatis e o n Weight s an d Measures . He wa s muc h delighte d wit h th e Work , an d stil l mor e wit h th e evidenc e i t conveyd tha t Dr . Franklin' s retiremen t di d no t remov e Philosoph y fro m th e Government o f America." - H e perceives fro m Notes on Virginia T J ' s fondnes s for the art s as well as for scientific works . The former "are low, ver y low indee d in thi s countr y a t present, " bu t h e woul d b e prou d t o gratif y T J wit h an y productions arousin g hi s curiosity . "How rapidl y i s th e prospec t o f thing s brightenin g i n France ! Whe n I ha d the pleasur e o f callin g upo n yo u i n Paris , a mos t fier y stor m seem' d t o b e gathering. Bu t you sa w further thro' the reignin g Darknes s and confusion tha n myself, an d the friend s o f Mankin d have t o rejoic e tha t Libert y i s likel y t o b e establish'd wit h th e bloo d o f thos e Million s whic h yo u estimate d a s Triflin g Means i n th e purchas e o f s o grea t a n Object." "In this Countr y the spiri t of reformation i s spreading ver y impetuously, no r has Mr . Payn e th e renowne d Autho r o f commo n Sens e contribute d a smal l portion o f Fuel t o th e flame tha t i s kindling. Hi s answer to Mr . Burke is i n all Hands. It is read in all Circles. It makes converts amongst all Parties. Thousands of it have bee n sold i n England, and I am assured that i n Ireland and Scotland, the printin g Pres s i s to o slo w i n it s Operation s fo r th e Avidit y o f th e peo ple. - Mr . Burk e raves i n th e Hous e o f Common s an d H e find s tha t bot h hi s friends an d th e Worl d desert him . No r d o th e King' s Minister s giv e an y ea r to hi s ver y ope n Advance s o f Goo d Wil l an d Friendship. Bu t whil e h e i s indulging hi s Rage , Hi s Prid e wil l no t allo w hi m t o mentio n th e Objec t o f i t by hi s Name . I n short , hi s unpitie d an d disregarde d Fur y i s perhap s on e o f the mos t sure testimonies of that genera l Revolutio n whic h is now takin g Place in th e politica l partialities an d Opinion s o f the Publick." "The Genera l silence wit h whic h your government hav e regarde d the strug gles of the Nationa l Assembly , i s what the Friend s of America here would wis h to accoun t fo r honorably t o thei r Characte r as Citizens of the World. M y Uncl e was amongst the rest who wish'd to have some reason assign'd for this singularity, besides suc h a s ar e derive d fro m partia l Interest s an d loca l Considerations . Those American s wh o plea d you r cause , urg e th e gratitud e Yo u owe t o th e Court o f Versailles, and the prudence o f not committin g Yourselve s in a dubious Cause. I hope your zeal for the Happiness of the World will have better advocate s in th e Ear s o f futur e generations . . . . wit h th e mos t unfeigne d Respec t fo r Your Characte r and distinguishe d Talents , Yr . Hbl e Servt. " 1
2
RC (ViW) ; addressed : "Mr . Jefferson, Minister o f Stat e i n the Unite d State s o f North America Philadelphia"; endorsed by T J a s receive d 1 9 Nov . 179 1 an d so recorded i n SJL . T J brackete d on e para graph (se e not e 2 ) an d dispatche d i t t o Freneau with the following pencille d note on address leaf: "Perhaps Mr. Freneau may think th e paragrap h marked within to b e
worth a place i n his paper. The names of the person s fro m an d to who m th e lette r was writte n no t t o b e mentioned. " Wit h several grammatica l emendation s an d the addition of one sentence not in the original, Freneau published the passag e in the National Gazette of 2 1 Nov . 1791 , givin g it a
fictitious dat e and describing it as "Extract of a letter fro m Hackney , England , Sep-
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20 M A Y 179 1 A t this point Freneau inserte d in the tember 2." See Editorial Not e and grou p published versio n a sentenc e no t i n the of documents at 4 Aug. 1791 . original: "It i s remarkable that in his deT J ha d known and befriended Morga n bates he frequently refers to Paine's book, in Paris (Morgan to T J, 1 1 July 1789; T J and thereby shews how much it galls him." T J brackete d this paragraph at beginto Price, 12 July 1789; Price to T J, 3 Aug. ning and end as the one to be printed by 1789). Freneau. 1
2
T o Thoma s Leipe r S l R Ne
w Yor k Ma y 19. 1791.
T h e da y I lef t Philadelphia , I wen t fo r th e first tim e u p int o th e book-room whic h M r . Carstair s i s building , an d then fo r th e first time als o observe d h e ha d left n o plac e fo r the chimney . O n asking an explanation I found that some how o r other he had taken a notion from th e beginnin g tha t ther e wa s t o b e none . I a m sur e he ha d it not fro m me . I t is possibl e tha t I ma y not hav e particularl y spoke n of th e chimney , lookin g o n i t a s a thin g o f course , bu t I certainly never gav e hi m th e ide a o f havin g none . I mean t t o hav e spok e t o you about it, but sa w you only for a moment, an d did not then think of it . M r . Carstair s say s ther e wil l b e n o difficult y i n fixing th e chimney, an d promised to spea k t o yo u abou t it . I hav e though t i t better t o writ e t o yo u tha t i t ma y b e don e whil e yo u hav e th e bricklayers and materials on the spot . I am in hopes they ar e already painting th e insid e o f th e house , an d tha t I shal l find ever y thin g finished o n m y return . I a m Si r Your ver y humble servt . T H : JEFFERSO N PrC (MHi) .
F r o m th e A b b é s A r n o u x a n d C h a l u t Paris 20 . ma i 1791.
Notre legislatur e tan t attendue , tan t désiré e e t à l a fin obtenue , tend à sa fin, notre cher Monsieur, et notr e Constitution est presqu e achevée. L e mois d e juillet prochain verra l a fin et l'achèvemen t d e l'une e t d e l'autre , e t dan s c e mêm e tem s l a nouvell e legislatur e succédera à l'ancienne . S i notr e constitutio n n'es t pa s parfaite , l e tems, l'expérience , l a reflexion e t d e nouvelle s lumière s l a rendront moins imparfaite . L a perfectio n absolu e n'es t pa s l e partag e d e L'homme, mai s avec cette Constitution nous seron s heureux. Com ment n e l e serion s nou s pas ? Nous somme s maintenan t tou s égau x {423]
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en droit s pa r la loi; nous Tétion s pa r la nature. Le despotisme nou s en avoi t privés . L e s privilege s de s province s e t de s homme s son t abolis. Ce s distinctions impolitiques , immorale s e t odieuse s d e no bles, d e roturier s et d e serfs , on t dispar u de l a surface de l a France . L e Clerg é es t deven u Citoye n et se s richesses , que l a Cupidité avoi t arrachées d e l'ignoranc e e t d e l a Superstitio n de s peuples , serven t à paye r no s dete s e t nou s sauven t d'un e banqueroute . L a magistrature n'es t plu s héréditaire . L a peuple pa r se s électeur s nomm e ses magistrat s payé s pa r la nation, e t leur s jugements n e son t plu s infectés d'un e Criminell e Cupidité . No s éveché s son t réduit s pres que à moitié, e t fixés a u nombre d e quatre-ving t deux . Le s anciens eveques on t ét é remplacé s à l'exceptio n d e deux , i l y e n a soixant e et di x nouveau x e n plein e activit é qu e l e peupl e a nomm é pa r se s électeurs, e t ce s nouveau x eveque s remplissen t leu r place à la satisfaction e t à l'édificatio n d u peuple . Le s ancien s n'oseroien t pa s paroitre dan s leu r vill e episcopale . Leu r luxe , leu r oisiveté , leur s moeurs Le s avoit rendus méprisables. L e Roi, dans l'ancien regime, les nommoit , c'es t à dir e Le s ministres, les favori s e t le s Catin s d e la Cour . L e s eveque s n'étoien t qu e le s fruit s d e l'intrigue , d e l a Cabale e t d e l a faveur; ce qu'o n cherchoi t le moin s dan s Leu r choi x étoit le s talent s e t Le s vertus. Nous somme s libre s comm e vous , no s Loi x nouvelle s nou s as surent notr e Liberté , e t notr e obéissanc e à ces même s loi x nou s l a conservera. No s regards , depui s votr e revolution , étoien t amou reusement tourné s ver s vous, nou s admirion s vos loix , votre liberté , et nou s nou s plaignion s d e n e pa s joui r ic i de s même s avantages . Notre revolutio n a fai t cesse r no s plaintes , nou s somme s devenu s Citoyens, e t l a port e d u bonheu r nou s es t ouverte . Nou s Somme s heureux, nou s l e seron s davantag e à l'avenir . Le s secousse s d e l a revolution on t agit é le s esprits , l e Calm e commenc e à s'établir , i l ne rester a bientô t plu s qu e l'inquiétud e Salutair e de l'amou r de l a Liberté qu i Contien t tous le s pouvoir s délégués . Avec le s Sentiment s d e l a philosophie qu e vous nou s Connoissez, il nous est impossible de ne pas désirer que la revolution qui a Abattu le despotism e e n Franc e L e fasse disparoîtr e che z tou s no s voisin s et su r la Surfac e du mond e entier . Croirez-vous que des membre s de l a chambre des pair s et de cell e des Commune s d'angleterre condamnen t notr e revolution ? Cela es t Cependant vrai . Le s angloi s membre s d u parlemen t son t presqu e tous Aristocrate s et l a majorit é es t vendu e a u gouvernemen t qu i paye Cett e prostitutio n pa r tou s le s emploi s Corrupteur s qu e l a nation a laissé s à l a dispositio n d u Roi . Le s angloi s ennemi s d e [424 ]
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notre revolutio n n'on t prospér é qu'ave c le s avantage s d'u n gou vernement moin s vicieu x qu e l e nôtre . Il s voyent ave c douleu r qu e notre Constitutio n nou s me t au-dessu s d'eux , e t qu e nou s somme s affranchis de s vice s politique s qu i tô t o u tar d leu r feront perdr e l e peu d e libert é qu i leu r reste. M . Payne , votr e Concitoyen , dans u n ouvrage plei n d e l a logique, d e l a raison, et d e l a Connoissance de s droits de s homme s e t de s Sociétés , vien t d e prouve r que M . Burk e n'est qu'u n so t e t qu'u n ignorant , o u bie n qu'u n homm e d'un e in signe mauvais e foi . Ce t ouvrag e vou s es t san s dout e parvenu , i l a fait fortun e ici , e t i l pourroi t êtr e Contr e l e gouvernemen t angloi s ce qu' a été son Livr e d u Sen s Commun. Les papier s angloi s e t françoi s vou s parviennent . I l y a dan s le s premiers un e partialit é qu i révolte , i l sembl e qu e le s journaliste s soient payé s pou r Calomnie r L a france, s a revolution , s a Consti tution. Vou s Connoisse z L'espri t e t le s principe s d e L'assemblé e nationale. Le s mensonge s de s journaliste s n e fon t qu'excite r votr e pitié, mai s le s ignorant s adopten t le s mensonge s imprimés . Le s journaux françoi s s e son t multiplié s à u n poin t étonnant , i l y e n a chaqu e jou r un e Centain e qu i son t Crié s à tue-tet e dan s toute s les rues et su r toutes les places . Le s trois quarts ne Contiennen t qu e des chose s fausses , de s Calomnies , de s erreurs , de s personnalité s Contre de s gen s d e tou s le s états , contr e l'assemblé e nationale , contre l e Roi , Contr e le s Ministres , Contr e l a Religio n e t Contr e Dieu même . Le s Passions se nuancent selo n Le s différents interests . E n general , tou t c e qu i étoi t privilégié , tou t c e qu i étoi t nobl e o u eglisier riche , tou t c e qu e étoi t magistrat , tou t c e qu i tenoi t à l a Cour e t à se s abu s es t ennem i d e l a revolution . Le s ami s d e l a revolution écriven t pour , Se s ennemi s écriven t contre ; c'es t à l a raison, c'es t à l a reflexio n à discerne r l e vra i d u faux . Quan t au x décrets d e l'assemblé e nationale , i l faut les juger selon Leu r conten u et Le s avoi r tel s qu'il s on t ét é rendus . Ave c L a Libert é d e l a presse, ave c de s ami s e t de s ennemis , l e vra i e t l e fau x circulen t également. Malgr é le s ma l intentionnés , malgr é le s anticitoyens , la franc e rester a libre . L e peupl e sen t tou t l e pri x d e l a libert é e t aucune puissanc e humain e n e pourroi t étouffe r c e Sentiment . I l a secoué l e joug d e l a Superstition ; il brave , i l se moqu e de s foudre s de rome , le s menace s d e cett e cou r jadis si redoutable n'exiten t qu e son mépris , i l a v u l e renouvellemen t de s ancien s eveque s ave c l a Satisfaction qu'inspir e la retraite d'un homme qu'o n Crain t e t qu'o n n'estime pas . I l a reç u le s nouveau x Eveque s ave c de s demonstra tions d e joye qu'o n n'avoi t jamais témoignée au x anciens : jugez pa r Là s i l a nouvelle Constitutio n civil e d u clerg é L u i deplait. 1
[425 ]
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Vous nou s ave z Souven t di t qu e s i vou s avie z à choisir entr e u n bon gouvernemen t e t l e jugemen t pa r le s Jurés , vou s préférerie z ce dernier au premier. Nous avon s l'un et l'autre. Tout ce qui regarde le jugement pa r les jurés es t décrété , e t avan t la fin de juin prochai n Les procè s criminel s n e seron t pa s jugés autrement . Il n e rest e d e l'ancie n regim e e t d e l'ancie n gouvernemen t qu e l e Souvenir de s mau x qu'il s nou s on t Causé s pou r nou s garanti r d e Leur retour . L e s Ministre s S i fiers S i despote s son t aujourdhu i honnêtes e t obéissant s à l a loi . I l es t vra i qu e leu r administratio n par l a raison e t pa r la loi es t plu s pénibl e qu e pa r l'arbitraire . M . l e Princ e de Cond é e t M . D'Artois, frère d u Roi, sont fugitif s depuis l e premier jour de la revolution. L e premier est e n Allemagn e et l'autr e à T u r i n . Il s son t désespéré s d e tou t c e qu i s e pass e e n france. Il s étoien t sou s l'ancie n regim e de s homme s puissants , il s faisoient ouvri r le tréso r publi c o ù il s prennoien t d e quo i satisfair e à leu r extravagant e prodigalité . Leu r profusio n étoi t for t avanta geuse à leu r alentour . Livré s à leur s flateurs, ayan t tou s le s vice s à leu r service , il s n'etoien t occupé s qu e de s objet s d e leu r imagi nation e t d e leur s sens . Rie n n e le s contenoit , leu r volont é étoi t leur seule L o i . Par la nouvelle Constitution , ils ne son t plu s qu e de s Citoyens soumis au x mêmes Loix , il s ne disposeront plu s des revenu s publics. Il s auron t le s leurs , asse z grand s s'il s son t sage s e t éco nomes; enfin , il s étoien t de s despotes , e t il s n e peuven t plu s êtr e que de s homme s libres , dependants comm e le s autre s de l a loi. S'il s pouvoient suscite r de s ennemi s à l a franc e pou r y rétabli r l'ancie n regime, il s s e mettroien t à l a tet e d'un e armé e pou r assouvi r leu r rage. Il s ont beaucou p d e mécontent s ave c eux , mai s les mécontent s ne peuvent fair e que des efforts impuissant s pour l'exécution d e leurs ridicules projets. Nous avons , independemmen t de s troupe s réglées , plus d e deu x million s d e Citoyen s sou s le s arme s qu i préfèren t l a mort à l'esclavage . Ave c cett e forc e redoutable , qu i peu t nou s at taquer? Nou s senton s trè s bie n qu e le s roi s voyen t ave c douleu r notre revolution e t les principes de notre Constitution. Ils Craignent que le s grande s vérité s qu i Circulen t dans tout e l'europe n e fassen t ouvrir les yeu x de s peuple s asservis . Ils auront beau faire, la lumièr e percera partout . Le s Société s doiven t rentre r dans L'usag e d e tou s les droit s qu'o n leu r a volés . L a Libert é d e Conscienc e e t d e religio n es t établi e parm i nous , la diversit é de s opinion s religieuse s n e ser a plu s u n moti f d e per secution. Convene z qu e notr e raiso n a fait de grand s progrè s depui s peu d'années . D e quelqu e religio n qu e soi t u n homme , i l aur a l e droit d e prétendr e à toute s le s places . Le s absurdité s alloien t s i [426 ]
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loin che z nou s qu'i l falloi t u n Certifica t de Catholicit é pou r avoi r la permission de vendr e d u Sel à petites mesures. Nou s avon s banni de notre Langue le mot tolerence, parc e qu'il est absurde de l'employer pour l'exercic e d'u n droit . Chacu n ser a religieu x à s a manière . L a seule chos e qu i vous déplair a peu t êtr e e t qu i est légalemen t établie , c'est qu e l a natio n Salari e exclusivement le s fonctionnaire s public s du Cult e Commun . Il est quelqu e foi s util e d e transige r ave c Le s préjugés. Nou s Sçavon s qu e che z vou s le s chose s à Ce t égar d n e sont pa s su r l e m ê m e pied . Cependan t vou s ave z de s ministre s d e la religion qu i ont de s terre s qui leur Servent de Salaire s et qu e Ces terres on t ét é Concédées , o u pa r le s parroisse s o u pa r l'état . L e s lumières ave c L e tems Corrigeron t des abu s qu'i l seroi t dangereu x d'abolir dan s l e momen t present . Nous penson s qu e M . Shor t vou s fai t parveni r tous le s décret s de L'assemblé e nationale . C'es t pas ses décret s qu e vou s L a jugerez, et votr e jugemen t ser a d'autan t plu s sû r qu e vou s Connoisse z l a france, qu e vou s L'ave z vu e dan s l e tem s de s plu s grand s abu s e t sous l e regim e l e plu s despotique . Vou s ave z conn u no s moeurs , vous ave z v u le s premier s tem s d e l a revolution . Toute s ce s con noissances son t bie n nécessaire s pou r juger ave c Connoissanc e d e Cause notr e revolutio n e t notr e Constitution . Il es t heureu x pou r nou s d'avoi r empêch é un e guerr e Civil e qu e les Aristocrate s auroient bie n voul u exciter , mai s l'espri t d u peupl e étoit tro p décid é pou r L a Liberté . I l n'étoi t pa s possibl e d e l e tromper e t d e l'égarer . I l faut qu e no s ennemi s intérieur s contien nent leur rage et se bornent à Leurs vain s désirs. Un jour ils béniron t avec l e peupl e un e revolutio n qu i a assur é leur s personne s e t leur s propriétés, avantag e don t il s n e jouissoien t pa s sou s L'ancie n re gime. Nous ignoron s si , dan s vo s état s unis , le s gen s d e Couleu r nés des père s e t mère s Libre s jouissen t che z vou s d e tou s le s droit s d e Citoyens actifs . Nou s Sçavon s qu e che z le s angloi s ce s droit s n e leur son t pa s assurés . L'assemblé e vien t d e décréte r qu e le s homme s de Couleu r nés des père s e t mère s libres , en payan t le s taxe s pres crites pa r la loi, son t déclaré s Citoyen s actifs e t eligibles . C e décre t n'a pa s ét é rend u san s de s grande s opposition s d e l a par t de s dé putés d e no s isles , mai s l a justice e t l a vérité on t triomphé . Comm e les gen s d e Couleu r sont plu s nombreu x qu e le s blancs , c e décre t les attacher a davantag e à notr e Constitutio n e t il s seron t pa r l à plus intéressé s à la deffense d e no s isle s e t à leur prospérité . Il es t tem s qu e nou s finission s un e lettr e qu i n'es t dej a que tro p Longue. L e s affaire s d e votr e plac e auroien t d û nou s porte r à [427 ]
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abréger. I l n'est pa s facil e d'arrête r un e plum e su r un e matièr e s i intéressante pou r nous e t pou r l'espèc e humaine . Le s gens heureux aiment à parle r de leu r bonheur , comm e le s malheureu x aimen t à entretenir d e leur s maux . Ceux-c i le s radoucissen t e t le s premier s l'augmentent. Qu e ne nou s est-i l permis d'espérer qu'u n jour toutes les Société s politique s n e seron t plu s livrée s au x brigandage s d e la tirannie ? Il faudroit pou r cel a éteindr e dan s l'homm e l a Soi f de s richesses e t d e l a domination , e t l'éclaire r su r l a justice, seul e bas e du bonheur . I l faudroi t lu i fair e envisage r l'agricultur e comm e l a Source d e tout e prospérit é morale , politiqu e e t civile , e t le s art s comme de s principe s Corrupteur s S'ils n e son t pa s Contenu s dan s des juste s limites . Nou s n e voulon s pa s Condamne r les homme s à ne fair e usag e qu e d e l a hach e e t d e l a Scie . Cett e austérit é n' a jamais conven u qu'au x Spartiates , mais nous voudrion s qu'u n Lux e moins immodér é contentâ t no s désirs . L a modestie e t l a Sobriét é qui Conviennen t tan t au x particulier s conviennen t auss i à toute s les Sociétés . Nou s voudrion s qu e l e travai l fu t pa r la nécessit é de s choses l e Saint devoir des hommes d e toutes les Classes, pour bannir la Criminell e oisiveté , mèr e d e tou s le s vices . L'histoire de tous les tems sembl e n e pas nous permettre d'espére r ce nouve l ordr e d e choses . Le s Société s s e Corrompen t en vieillis sant e t i l fau t rependr e de s torrent s d e San g pou r le s régénérer . Nous espéron s Cependant . L e desespoi r nou s rendroi t plu s mal heureux, e t l'espéranc e es t notr e Soulagemen t e t notr e bonheur . C'est ains i que nou s terminon s notr e Lettre . Nous voudrion s écrir e e n mêm e tem s à M . Adam s e t à M. Jay. Voudriez-vous permettr e qu e Cett e Lettr e Leu r fu t Commun e e t leur fair e parveni r L'assurance de notr e estim e e t d e notr e amitié , avec no s hommage s respectueu x pou r Mde . Adam s e t pou r Mde . Jay. Nous Comption s d e vou s envoye r encor e deu x volume s de s ou vrages posthumes d e notr e am i L'abbé d e Mably , mais l'impression n'en est pas achevée. D ès qu'ils seront imprimés nous aurons LTionneu r de vou s e n envoye r troi s exemplaires , u n pou r vous , e t le s deu x autres pou r M . Adam s e t pou r M . Jay. Quand vo s affaire s vou s permettron t d e nou s donne r d e vo s nou velles e t d e celle s d e votr e païs , vou s nou s fere z u n véritabl e plaisir . Quand nou s pourron s fair e quelqu e chos e qu i vou s soi t agréable , nous somme s à vos ordre s e t à votre Service . Vous nou s trouvere z toujours disposé s à vou s témoigne r le s Sentiment s d'estim e e t d'amitié qu e vou s nou s ave z inspiré s e t ave c lesquel s nou s avon s [428 ]
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L'honneur d'êtr e Monsieu r vo s trè s humble s e t trè s obéissant s Serviteurs, CHALUT ARNOU X M . L'ambassadeu r d e franc e auprè s d e votr e Congrè s a bie n voul u Se Charge r d e cett e Lettre . Vou s sere z bie n Conten t d e so n Espri t et d e so n Coeur . Vous trouverez en L u i un homm e Sage qui remplir a sa missio n à l a Satisfactio n d e l a franc e e t de s état s unis . So n dési r est d e Concouri r efficacemen t à l a prospérit é de s deu x nations . Toute s a politiqu e Consister a dan s l a vérit é e t dan s le s avantage s respectifs. Vou s l e Connoisse z e t vou s avez Sûremen t su r so n Compt e les même s Sentiment s qu e nous . RC (DLC) ; in the hand of Arnoux; consisting o f four leave s (f . 11129-32) , wit h "No.l" written at the head of the first and "No. 2" at the beginning o f the third (se e note 1); endorsed by TJ o n verso of fourth leaf a s receive d 9 Aug . 179 1 an d s o recorded i n SJL . Followin g thi s i s a misplaced leaf , undate d an d in th e hand s of Arnoux, T J, an d an unidentified person (f. 11133, endorse d b y T J : "Arnoux an d Chalut"). On the recto of this leaf is a memorandum b y Arnou x describin g "Balsamum Canadense . . . un e résin e plu s o u moins liquide, presque sans couleur et sans odeur, mai s d'un gou t de therebentin e l e plus agréable," believed to have come from a specie s o f spruc e foun d i n Canad a and Virginia. Thi s note was written on behalf of TJ's friend s th e Devilles , wh o desired him t o procur e four to si x pound s o f the balm. The memorandum must have been given t o hi m on th e ev e o f his departure from France. Belo w Arnoux ' memorandum TJ wrote variou s notes in which he tried t o identif y th e specie s o f tree . Hi s notes were taken from St. Germain's Ma-
notation b y TJ o n f. 11133 , there appears the following in an unidentified hand: "No. 26 Hanove r Square 8/ per tb." This note was written by someone in New Yor k directing T J to th e plac e wher e th e balm could be procured, which happened to be the establishmen t o f Olive r Hul l & Son, druggists, next door to the book store and printery of Hugh Gaine. Within two weeks after his arrival in New York in the spring of 1790, T J wa s able to report to Arnoux and Chalut tha t h e ha d found i n the city "the genuine Balsamum Canadense brought from Canada" and that it would be sent by the first vessel going directly to L e Havr e (TJ t o Arnoux and Chalut, 5 Apr. 1790). Three weeks later he purchased three quarts of the balm for 24 shillings, and late in May he informed Short that he had sent about "V2 doz tb". of Balsamum Canadense for Mr. Deville" by Crèvecoeur ( T J t o Short , 27 May 1790; Account Book, 25 and 26 Apr. 1790). The shipment arrived and was presented to Deville by Short on TJ's behalf (Short to T J, 9 Sep. 1790). The misplaced leaf therefore belong s in the period 1789 1790 an d should have been noted there.
Linnaeus' Systerna Naturae, an d from his investigation h e concluded that if the tree were not on e o f two specie s describe d by Linnaeus an d Clayton, "it does not gro w in Virginia." Since the works he consulted were acquire d by him in Pari s an d since his books di d not arriv e in America unti l the autum n o f 1790 , i t follow s tha t thi s attempt at identification was written down before h e left Pari s in 1789 . Beneat h this
This lette r close s TJ' s correspondence with Arnou x and Chalut , th e tw o abbé s whose engagin g manners , hospitality, and learning had won hi s respec t an d friendship soon after his arrival in Paris. TJ probably met them through John and Abigai l Adams, wh o als o ha d warm and friendly relations with them. The y taught Adams French, an d he had wondered wit h some amusement whether they were spies, since
nuel des Végétaux, Miller' s Dictionnaire des Jardiniers, Clayton' s Flora Virginica, an d
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20 M A Y 179 1 they ha d high connections an d associated with members of the court (Adams, Diary, éd., L . H . Butterfield, n, 306; iv, 59-60). The abbés quite innocently suggested that T J shar e this letter with Adams and Jay, another American friend of theirs, but it is virtually certain that he did not show it to either. Their glowin g optimis m about the course of the revolution, their extravagant praise of Paine and denunciation of Burke, and thei r tribut e t o America n achieve ments in law and liberty arrived at a time when TJ was agonizing ove r his relationship with Adams because o f his praise o f Paine's Rights of Man an d the ensuing public furor. The first letter he wrote Adams after receiving the above was one in which he exculpate d himsel f an d blamed Publicola without realizin g that he was placing the blame upon John Quincy Adams (T J to Adams , 30 Aug. 1791) . I n that lette r he reaffirmed his confidence in the outcome of the revolution , but based this upon hi s own observation s an d did not refer at al l to the letter from their mutual friends Ar noux and Chalut. The good abbés' enthusiasm for the revolutionary cause must indeed hav e seeme d too far removed from reality for TJ t o have made it available to the publi c throug h Bache' s General Advertiser o r Freneau' s National Gazette, as
he occasionall y di d with other communications. After Ternant, who bore the letter, gave him the information promised by Short about various interests in the National As-
sembly tha t ha d prevented an y modification of the tobacco an d other decrees, T J must hav e confine d th e abbés' optimis m to his files (Short to T J, 6 June 1791) . T J undoubtedl y retaine d his feeling for affection an d respect for the two abbé s for their "kindnesse s beyon d number, " their patriotism, and their "love of mankind i n general" which he said he would always remember ( T J to Arnoux and Chalut, 5 Apr. 1790) . But he did not respond to this letter. Nor , evidently , di d he receive the two final volume s o f Abb é d e Mably's Œuvres posthumes which they promised to send and which appeared later in the year (Sowerby, No. 2404; T J ha d the firsttwo volumes, publishe d in 1790) . It is not surprising that the abbés should have recalled TJ's oft-expressed views about the fundamenta l importanc e of juries. He had guided their reading on the subject and was perhaps the more insistent in expressing views he held then and always because he ha d feared that the constitution bein g framed b y the National Assembl y woul d not include a guarantee of trial by jury. He thought th e French wer e "not sensibl e of it's value" (TJ t o Arnoux, 19 July 1789; T J t o Price, 8 Jan. 1789) . Th e two leaves headed "No. 1 " end at this point and are followed by those marked "No. 2." From this it appears that the letter originally consiste d o f two sheets of four pages each. 1
F r o m Samue l Blackde n D E A R S I R Pari s May 20th. 1791 I woul d not trespass upon your time which is so usefully employe d in th e servic e o f th e public , an d s o muc h t o you r ow n honor , i f I did no t believ e tha t yo u woul d thin k m e guilt y o f a want o f confi dence in your goodness and that I am insensible t o th e pleasur e and alacrity with which you undertake and serve your country and your friends. I f I tak e to o muc h libert y yo u wil l pardo n me , whe n yo u reflect tha t i t proceed s fro m you r ow n behavio r toward s me , tha t I am embolden' d t o address you upon a subject which is of importance to ou r country , t o posterity , an d to th e worl d at large . Our inestimabl e frien d M r. Barlow, cam e to Europ e upo n a speculation whic h ha s no t altogethe r succeeded , whateve r i t ma y d o i n [430]
20 M A Y 179
1
future, an d in consequenc e o f new arrangements , mad e b y hi s ow n desire an d concurrence , he i s a t libert y t o pursu e an y othe r objec t that presents . T o a judge lik e you, I need no t spea k o f the Talents of our friend, they nee d n o eulogium , bu t fro m th e mos t intimat e acquaintanc e with him, for three year s under the sam e roof , I may b e bol d to say , that a more worth y man does not exist , no r a firmer son o f universal liberty. H e i s n o trimme r in Franc e fo r the smile s an d favors o f th e great, no r has h e t o pleas e th e Aristocrat s ever bee n hear d to sa y a single wor d agains t th e constitution , o f ou r happ y country . Tha t has bee n lef t t o a speculatin g membe r o f a former Congress , and a Governor wh o neve r ha d a Government . I f our countr y lose s M r. Barlow throug h th e embarassment s o f hi s fortune , sh e lose s a dia mond o f the brightes t water . Mr. Barlo w is incline d t o write , bu t t o writ e wel l a man shoul d be at his ease. T h e inconveniences attendan t upo n a want of fortune, call of[f ] th e attentio n o f th e min d fro m th e projec t upo n whic h i t ought to dwell. Poems an d plays it is true have been wrote in garrets, and history s hav e bee n wrot e i n prison s bu t i t i s eas y t o perceiv e that the geniu s wa s crampe d and that employment mor e than Fame was th e objec t o f th e writing . If meri t of every sort could claim the attentio n o f our country M r. Barlow coul d no t b e overlook' d bu t a s tha t i s no t alway s th e cas e to who m shal l we appl y bu t t o th e Wis e an d th e good , an d happy is our lot tha t w e ma y addres s our persuasions i n a Government, in a plai n an d simpl e stil e (freedo m know s n o intrigue ) an d thric e happy ar e w e i n thi s distan t corne r of th e Earth , t o kno w tha t w e have stil l existin g Ou r Washingto n ou r Jefferso n an d ou r Knox , whose Patriotis m is too arden t to suffe r the history of the revolutio n to expir e i n th e Vapi d page s o f a Soulé s o r a Gordon. T he doing s of ou r Congres s ar e worth y o f a n inspire d pe n (i f an y suc h eve r existed). Bu t t o mak e i t Sur e that posterit y ma y no t b e i n Wan t of a recital which will be read, and which wil l fix thes e events o n thei r minds, i t i s t o b e wishe d tha t thos e transaction s ma y b e Assigne d to th e pe n o f a Barlow. T o d o the n m y dea r Si r what ou r countr y wants , wha t posterit y have a right to expec t an d look for , an d what ou r friend is qualifie d to perform , wil l yo u us e you r endeavour s t o pu t hi m i n suc h a situation a s wil l i n th e interval s o f hi s duty , affor d hi m a n Opportunity o f writing Upon th e mos t importan t even t that occur s in th e history o f Mankind, a n event which has put Europ e i n Motion, and which wil l probabl y b e fel t throughou t th e world . T h e idea s o f freedom begi n alread y to b e fel t eve n i n Poland. [431}
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1
Many thing s mus t offe r i n you r departmen t tha t woul d accor d with thi s Nationa l object , an d I fee l a confidence tha t yo u wil l no t be offende d a t m y writin g i n favo r o f a man , wh o i s a n honou r t o his country , an d who ma y prov e i n hi s writing s how usefu l h e ca n be t o Mankin d whe n favor d b y suc h patronage . - Mrs . B . desires me t o presen t he r respectfu l compliment s t o yo u an d you r dea r Children wit h whic h I am Dear Sir Most respectfull y you r Obliged hble servant , S . BLACKDEN RC (DLC : Washingto n Papers); at head of tex t i n Remsen' s hand : "S. Blackden. On Joe l Barlow' s situation"; endorsed by T J a s receive d 9 Aug . 179 1 an d s o re corded in SJL . It i s not know n if this appeal prompted T J t o recommen d Barlo w fo r appoint ment, bu t h e did give the lette r t o Washington an d a yea r late r mentione d tha t Barlow was one of those whom he had rec-
ommended t o the President (T J t o Washington, 9 Sep. 1792) . The GOVERNO R WH O NEVER HAD A GOVERNMENT was obviously Gouverneur Morris. Th e SPECULATIN G MEMBE R O F A FOR MER CONGRES S ha s no t bee n identified , though it is clear that Blackden supposed T J woul d guess his identity fro m the tw o clues provided.
T o Josep h Willar d S l R Ne
w Yor k Ma y 20. 1791 .
I hav e the hono r to inclos e yo u a packet which came from Franc e under cove r t o me . I recieve d severa l times , whil e i n France , tw o copies , i n sheets , of certai n book s printe d i n th e king' s press , an d whic h ha d bee n procured from him as a present to two o f our colleges by the Marqui s de Chastellux . I kne w fro m thi s gentlema n himsel f that th e colleg e of Virgini a wa s on e t o whic h suc h a present wa s ordered , bu t ha d no informatio n a s t o th e 2d . copy . I therefor e forwarde d i t fro m time t o tim e t o Doctr . Frankli n wh o ha d recieved and forwarded it while i n France , takin g fo r grante d h e kne w it' s destinatio n an d would send it on from Philadelphia. At the time of his deat h however there remaine d one o f these parcel s in his hands , which was sen t t o me i n Philadelphi a by hi s family . I hav e som e ide a tha t your s wa s the colleg e to whic h this 2nd. cop y wa s given . Howeve r of this yo u Sir ca n giv e m e information , a s i n that cas e yo u mus t hav e bee n i n the cours e o f recievin g them , an d I wil l than k yo u fo r tha t infor mation. I f it be t o your' s that the presen t goes , it shal l b e forwarded as soo n a s I retur n t o Philadelphia . I hav e th e hono r t o b e wit h great respec t & esteem , Sir , You r mos t obedt . an d mos t humbl e servt, T H : JEFFERSON (432 ]
20 M A Y 179 PrC (DLC) .
1
in C . Seymour Thompson, "The Gift o f
T J wa s mistake n i n thinkin g that th e parcel of books in Franklin's custody at the time of his death was intended for Harvard College. I t wa s destine d instea d fo r th e College of Philadelphia. While in America the Marqui s d e Chastellu x ha d bee n awarded honorary degrees by the latter institution and by the College of William and Mary. On his return to France, he was instrumental i n persuadin g Loui s X V I , through Vergennes, to present to these two colleges a number of works on history, science, geography , an d exploration, among them man y tha t wer e issue d b y L'Imprimerie Royale. Most of the 100 volumes given to the College of Philadelphia have survived and all of the works are listed
Louis XVI, " University of Pennsylvania
Library Chronicle, u (1934), 37-48 , 60-7 . Only two o f those given to the College of William and Mary remain (see Travels in North America . . .by the Marquis de Chas-
tellux, ed . Howar d C. Rice, Jr . [Chapel Hill, 1963] , i, 310-311; n , 606). An entry in S JL show s that Willard answered the abov e lette r o n 1 5 Oct . 179 1 (recorded a s received 1 Nov. 1791) , bu t his reply has not bee n found . Sinc e none of the volumes given to the College of Philadelphia b y Loui s X V I was issue d later than 178 3 an d since there is no record o f any additio n t o th e gif t afte r the original shipment wa s receive d in 1784 , i t seems that the institution for which the parcel was intended was not the recipient.
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The Norther n Journey of Jefferson an d Madison I. JEFFERSON' S JOURNAL O F T HE TOUR, [2 1 MAY-1 0 J U NE 1791 ] II. JEFFERSON' S NOTES O N T HE HESSIA N F L Y , [2 4 MAY-1 8 J U N E 1791 ] III. THOMA S J E F F E R S O N T O HENRY REMSEN , JR., 28 MA Y 179 1 IV. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O MARY JEFFERSON , 3 0 MA Y 179 1 V. THOMA S J E F F E R S O N T O MARTHA JEFFERSO N RANDOLPH , 3 1 MA Y 1791 VI. THOMA S J E F F E R S O N T O THOMAS MAN N RANDOLPH , JR. , 5 J U NE 179 1 VII. THOMA S JEFFERSO N T O G E O R GE WASHINGTON , 5 J U NE 179 1 VIII. JEFFERSON' S VOCABULARY OF T HE UNQUACHO G INDIANS , [1 4 J U N E 1791 ] IX. JEFFERSON' S T A B LE O F DISTANCE S AN D RATING O F INNS , 17 MAY-19 J U N E 179 1
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There was every appearance of a passionate courtship between th e Chancello r - Bur r - Jefferso n and Madison when the two latter were in Town. Delenda est Carthago I suppos e i s th e Maxi m adopted wit h respec t t o you . They ha d better b e quiet , fo r if they succee d the y wil l tumble the fabric of the government in ruins to the ground. Upon this subject however, I cannot say that I have the smallest uneasiness. You are too well seated in the hearts of the citizen s o f the norther n and middle state s t o b e hunted down by them. - Robert Troup to Alexander Hamilton, 15 June 1791
Long befor e Hamilton' s friend Robert Troup mad e thi s observatio n h e had become convince d tha t th e enemie s o f th e Secretar y o f th e Treasur y wer e resolved to defeat hi s policies b y destroying him politically. He saw this danger most ominously manifested in the southern states, particularly in Virginia. Now , as Jefferson an d Madison paused i n Ne w Yor k Cit y a t th e beginnin g o f their northward journey and were see n i n company with Chancellor Livingston and Aaron Burr , Trou p onc e agai n attribute d to Hamilton' s opponents th e mott o of destructio n — Delenda est Carthago. A coalitio n o f the Livingston s and th e Clintonians ha d just enable d Bur r t o defea t Hamilton' s father-in-law, Senator Philip Schuyler , and had give n a new aspec t t o th e politic s o f Ne w York . I n these circumstance s th e cordialit y exhibite d betwee n th e Virginian s and th e victorious Ne w Yorker s seeme d t o Hamilton' s friend s evidenc e o f a plo t t o extend th e oppositio n b y creatin g a sectional alliance. 1
Trou p had used the phras e in his letter to Hamilto n of 1 9 Jan. 1791 i n which he warned that "We are going headlon g int o the bitterest oppositio n t o the General Government" (Syrett, Hamilton, vu , 445; vm, 478-9). His comment quoted above was written on the da y Madison and Jefferson arrive d back in New York , bu t the allusio n was to their earlier stay i n the city . Se e als o Due r to Hamilton , 19 Jan. 1791 an d Tillary t o Hamilton, [Jan . 1791] (same , vu, 442-3, 614-16) . 1
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The "passionat e courtship " which gave ris e to th e suspicion , if it existe d a t all, wa s certainl y brief. Jefferso n arrive d i n Ne w Yor k lat e o n Ma y 19th , tw o days behin d schedule , an d stoppe d a t Elsworth' s boardinghouse i n Beekman Street. Ther e h e joine d Madison , wh o ha d bee n i n th e cit y sinc e lat e April . Early o n the morning of the 21st, afte r dispatching his servant James Hemings to Poughkeepsi e wit h th e phaeto n an d his an d Madison' s horses , h e boarde d Captain Joh n Cooper' s sloop wit h Madiso n an d starte d u p th e Hudson . Jef ferson ha d spent onl y a single da y i n the city , during which time h e bough t a book an d attende d t o severa l errands . He an d Madiso n mus t hav e see n Liv ingston an d Burr , an d the y unquestionabl y me t Phili p Frenea u at dinner , possibly whe n al l o f thos e suspecte d o f engagin g i n politica l intrigu e wer e present. Robert Trou p wa s no t th e onl y one , o r indee d th e first , t o entertai n suc h suspicions. T wo days after the travellers left the city the British Consul General, Sir John Temple, warned the Duk e of Leeds that the "part y and Politicks" o f the Secretar y of State were gaining ground and that he and Madison had "gone to th e Easter n States , ther e to proselyt e a s far as they ar e able to a commercial war wit h Grea t Britain." Lor d Dorchester' s agent an d Hamilton's confidant , George Beckwith , shared these suspicions . Onl y a fe w week s earlie r he ha d received throug h Madiso n a ster n messag e fro m th e Presiden t an d had bee n rebuffed whe n h e sough t t o obtai n from Jefferson th e sam e kind of recognition Hamilton had accorded him. Convinced that hidden political motives prompte d Jefferson's travels , Beckwith decided t o make a countervailing move. "[B]ein g no strange r to th e plan s of this gentleman, " h e reporte d to Lor d Grenville , "I esteemed i t m y dut y i n th e presen t critica l conditio n o f th e interest s o f th e Empire an d in this country , to preced e Mr . Jefferson i n New England , an d it gives me much satisfaction t o find, that my declarations to different individuals with who m I thought i t necessar y t o convers e freel y hav e accorde d perfectl y with th e assurance s recently give n t o Colone l Smith in London." It i s scarcel y surprisin g that Beckwit h foun d suc h perfec t accor d amon g those wit h who m h e wa s i n th e habi t o f conversin g freely , suc h a s Willia m Samuel Johnson, Philip Schuyler, John Jay, Jeremiah Wadsworth, and others who oppose d Jefferson' s principles . This seeme d al l the more obvious t o Ham ilton's supporter s since the Secretar y of State was then the embarrasse d center of controversy becaus e h e ha d publicly praised Paine's Rights of Man an d had denounced politica l heresie s tha t ha d sprun g up. Th e opinion s expresse d t o 2
3
4
5
Templ e to Leeds , 23 Ma y 1791 (PRO : F O 4/12) . Se e Editorial Note and Document iv in group of documents a t 4 Apr . 1791 . Beckwit h t o Grenville , 1 4 Jun e 179 1 (PRO : F O 4/12). O n the assurance s given Smith by Grenville, see Editoria l Note and group of documents a t 15 Dec. 1790 . Se e Editoria l Not e an d grou p o f document s a t 2 6 Apr . 1791 . Beckwit h was s o concerned abou t th e dedicatio n o f Rights of Man t o th e Presiden t an d TJ' s public endorsement o f the work that he called on Tobias Lear and Edmund Randolph to voice his objections (Lea r to Washington, 8 May 1791, D L C : Washingto n Papers). Jeremiah Wadsworth was one of those Beckwith visited in Connecticut, taking satisfaction in being able to assur e him, as he doubtles s di d others, tha t "th e bes t dispositio n exist s i n our government t o establis h an amicable connexion, betwee n th e tw o countries , upon fair and libera l principles " (Beckwith to Wadsworth , 31 Ma y and 1 4 Jun e 1791 , CtHi : Wadsworth Papers) . On the ineffectivenes s o f Beckwith' s effort i n th e fac e o f rising popular feelings abou t British policies, see Charles R. Ritcheson, Aftermath of Revolution (Dallas, 1969) , p . 122 . 2
3
4
5
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Beckwith were perhaps similar to those voiced by Pierpont Edwards at a dinner in Connecticut , which include d among thos e presen t th e governor, member s of th e Council , an d some o f the Hartfor d Wits . "A t this Table, " Nathanie l Hazard reported to Hamilton, "Mr. Edward s ridiculed J —n an d M—n's Tour, in whic h the y scoute d silentl y thro ' the Country, shunnin g the Gentry, com muning with and pitying the Shayites , and quarreling with the Eatables; nothing goo d enoug h fo r them." H e adde d tha t i f souther n smok e provoke d a northeast gale , the poet John Trumbull, wh o was among those present, woul d give thei r journey "A Canto . .. of stinging satire." Although severa l newspaper s alon g th e rout e announce d th e presenc e o f Jefferson an d Madison, satirica l commen t an d attribution of political motive s have no t bee n foun d i n their notices . Wha t appear s a t firs t glanc e t o b e an exception t o this wa s the comment o f an Albany paper: 6
7
On Thursday last this city was honored with the presence of Mr. Jefferson , Secretary of State, accompanied by the Charles Fox of America, the celebrated Madison. W e ar e informed they ar e going north , as far as Lake Champlain , and the n acros s the fifteenth Constellation, eas t t o Connecticut river . This announcement , whic h by its allusion to Fox correctly cast Madison in the role of leader of the opposition , wa s widely copie d by other newspapers. Give n the politica l bias of the editors , reader s of Fenno's Gazette of the United States perhaps interprete d thi s a s satire , whil e thos e o f Childs an d Swaine's Daily Advertiser migh t hav e rea d it as praise. It was in fact offere d i n high tribut e by Barber' s Albany Register, a journal ardentl y opposed to Federalist policies. There wa s indeed additiona l editoria l comment i n the same issu e whic h sympathetic newspaper s suc h as Neale an d Lawrence' s Burlington Advertiser an d Bache's General Advertiser copie d but which Fenno's Gazette of the United States and othe r paper s of Federalist persuasio n understandabl y omitted: 8
It is to be regretted tha t their short stay in this city deprived our principal characters fro m payin g tha t respectfu l attentio n du e to thei r distinguishe d merit. Whil e the President i s exploring on e extremity o f the empire, thes e enlightened patriot s ar e doing th e same i n the other. - Ho w differen t thi s 6 7
Hazar d to Hamilton, 25 Nov. 1791 (Syrett, Hamilton, ix , 534).
Quote d in the Ne w Yor k Daily Advertiser, 6 June 1791 , i n the Federal Gazette of 8
June 1791 , an d in the Gazette of the United States, 8 June 1791 , al l under an Alban y dateline o f 30 May. The only newspaper s publishe d in Albany at the time wer e the Albany Gazette and the Albany Register. N o issue of the latter for Monday 30 May 179 1
has been found . Bu t both of the passage s quote d abov e ma y safely b e attributed to i t because the Albany Gazette of that date contains no mention o f the presence of TJ an d Madison; because of the known political sympathies of the Albany Register; and because all newspapers quoting part or all of the passages assig n the same Albany dateline. On 21 May 1791 the Daily Advertiser announce d TJ' s arriva l in New Yor k o n th e preceding day and his plan to make a tour northward accompanied by Madison. The
Federal Gazette of 25 Ma y 179 1 an d the Poughkeepsie Journal o f 26 Ma y 179 1 mad e a similar announcement . S o di d th e Hudson Weekly Gazette o f 2 6 Ma y 179 1 an d th e
Lansingburgh American Spy of 27 May 1791 . For Richard Peters ' comment o n th e comparison of Madison with Fox, see his letter to T J, 2 6 June 1791 . Bache' s General Advertiser, 29 June 1791 , take n from the Burlington Advertiser of 21 June , which in turn publishe d the passage unde r an Albany dateline fo r 30 May . For reason s give n i n the preceding not e bot h passage s hav e bee n attribute d to the opposition newspaper , the Albany Register. 8
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from th e leaders o f the old corrupted empire s o f the east, (Pit t excepted ) who are wallowing in every species o f dissipation, regardless of the happiness or prosperit y o f their country , whil e our s ar e industriously pryin g into an accurate knowledge o f the situatio n of every par t of the unio n from personal observation. With such men at the helm we passengers ca n promise ourselves nothing les s than a prosperous an d pleasant voyage . There wer e eve n mor e expression s o f gratification tha t th e ship o f state was fortunate enoug h t o be commanded b y such statesmen a s Washington, Jefferson, an d Madison, bu t the maritim e metapho r neede d n o elaboration . T he Federalist Albany Gazette di d not even notic e th e presence o f the Virginian s in th e city. After his return to New York , Madison learned of the accusation by Hamilton and other s tha t Jefferso n ha d tried to have Tenc h Coxe appointe d a s Comp troller o f the Treasury . H e cited thi s a s not the only instanc e o f "the most uncandid an d unfounde d thing s o f a like tendenc y havin g bee n throw n int o circulation." Th e allusio n mus t hav e bee n t o such suspicion s a s those voice d by Troup , Trumbull , an d others. N o evidence ha s been foun d to indicate that Hamilton himsel f share d or expressed thes e suspicions . Bu t i t was left t o hi s son t o give them permanen t form . I n John C . Hamilton's view, ther e wa s no doubt tha t the travellers, after frequen t interview s wit h Livingsto n and Burr , visited Governor Clinton "under the pretext of a botanical excursion to Albany, thence extende d thei r journey t o Vermont , and , havin g sow n a few tares in Connecticut, returne d to the seat o f government." This interpretation , base d upo n th e letter s o f Trou p an d Hazard whic h Hamilton foun d i n his father's papers , not only fixe d Federalis t suspicions in American histor y bu t also provoke d a n unending debat e ove r thei r validity. Some, acceptin g thi s versio n without question , hav e built upon it . Their vie w of the "botanizin g excursion" is that Jefferson an d Madison, in studying "C/m tonia borealis and other hardy perennials in Ulster county and the neighborhoo d of Albany, " too k th e first and mos t importan t ste p in forming a nation-wid e opposition part y through the creation of an alliance of New Yor k an d Virginia republicans. Others , basin g thei r conclusion s o n the tota l absenc e o f an y comment o n political affair s by Madison or Jefferson durin g their journey or any subsequen t writte n evidenc e t o sustai n th e view tha t a partisan alliance had bee n established , hav e conclude d tha t th e trip "had no other objec t tha n a temporar y relaxatio n from publi c cares." Stil l others , recognizin g tha t the 9
10
11
12
Madiso n to T J, 2 4 July 1791 ; see also Editorial Not e and group of documents at 16 Apr . 1791 . Joh n C. Hamilton' s documentary biography of his father, History of the Republic of 9
10
the United States, as traced in the writings of Alexander Hamilton, i v (New York , 1859) ,
506. Moriso n and Commager, The growth of the American Republic, I (New York, 1937) , 230; this interpretation remains unmodified in the 197 7 edition . See also Morison, The Oxford history of the American people (New York , 1965) , p . 331. Wilfred E . Binkle y thought th e intersectional entente set the permanent patter n of the part y and that the "two statesmen-politician s extende d thei r journey into Ne w England, conferre d with state leaders , an d knit the local following s int o th e Republican coalition" {American 11
political parties: Their natural history [New York , 1962] , p. 78).
Willia m C. Rives, Life and times of James Madison, m (Boston , 1868) , 191 . Thi s apparently was the firstrebuttal of the vie w set forth by John C. Hamilton. Henry S . 12
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two statesme n coul d scarcel y hav e faile d t o inquir e abou t politic s o r even t o promote thei r ow n ideas o f government, hav e hel d tha t the y ha d no clearly defined politica l objectiv e i n view, leas t o f all any intention o f cementing alli ances or creating a national opposition party . "Hamilton and his friends," writes one o f Jefferson's biographers , "imagine d politica l intrigu e wher e ther e was none... ! If any alliance or bargains were struck, with Livingston, Burr, Clinton , or anyone , the y wer e ver y secre t indeed , fo r they lef t n o traces." This conclusio n seem s entirel y warranted . Yet, while th e interpretation of those wh o reject th e ide a o f political plottin g seem s t o accor d best wit h the known facts, eve n the admission that political concerns were not wholly absen t from th e mind s o f the travellers has not bee n sufficientl y comprehensive . I n accepting Jefferson' s suggeste d outlin e o f the itinerary - whic h th e travellers adhered t o bot h a s to rout e an d timing - Madiso n wrote : "Healt h recreation and curiosit y bein g m y objects, I can never b e out of my way." Thi s i n al l respects coincide d wit h th e aims o f Jefferson, wh o after a winter an d sprin g of drudgery had suffered attack s of his periodi c headaches. Bu t "curiosity " for both of the philosopher-statesmen include d politics in its broadest sens e as well as partisanshi p i n it s narrowe r meaning . Politica l inquir y fo r bot h wa s an integral par t of their being an d therefore, i n the nature of things, coul d not be suspended durin g the northern journey. To suppose tw o men so constitute d and so opposed to the tendency o f national measures could have set aside their primary concern s eve n o n a tour of recreation is to embrace a contradiction in terms. On e o f the clearest indication s tha t th e tour of relaxation did not mean the exclusio n o f political interests i s to be found in Jefferson's direction s abou t forwarding hi s official mail . Th e only newspape r tha t he asked to be included with hi s letters wa s Fenno's Gazette of the United States. Thi s obviousl y was not becaus e h e admired its position bu t because h e wished to be kept informe d of any moves of his politica l opponents, particularl y an y comments tha t migh t be publishe d concernin g his praise of Paine's Rights of Man. 13
14
I Ironically, i t wa s the Britis h agen t Georg e Beckwit h wh o came close r t o describing one of the primar y object s Jefferso n ha d in mind than any contemRandall, in a comment publishe d the year before Hamilton' s work appeared, dismissed the journey with the remark tha t TJ' s "private memoranda of the journey are hardl y worth transcribing" (Life of Thomas Jefferson, n [New York , 1858] , 10). Merril l Peterson , Thomas Jefferson and the new nation (New York , 1970) , p. 439 40. Others who share this view, with varying degrees of emphasis, are: Philip M. Marsh, "The Jefferson-Madiso n Vacation, " PMHB, LXX I (Jan . 1947) , 20-2 ; Dumas Malone, 13
Jefferson, ii , 359-63; Adrienne Koch, Jefferson and Madison: The great collaboration (New
York, 1950) , p. 115-16; Brant, Madison, m , 336-40; Dumbauld, Tourist, p. 172-7, 237-
8; Noble E . Cunningham, The Jeffersonian Republicans: The formation of party organi-
zation, 1789-1801 (Chape l Hill , 1957) , p . 11-12 ; Alfre d F . Young, The Democratic Republicans of New York: The origins, 1763-1797 (Chape l Hill, 1967) , p. 194-201 . The last presents the most careful analysis of the political aspects of the journey and concludes: "The first leg of the . . . trip [in New Yor k City] unquestionably was political. The rest very likely was not." Madiso n to T J, 1 2 May 1791. For years Madison had wished to make a tour o f the uppe r Hudson and the eastern states and had so expressed himsel f to TJ after an earlier period of sedentary occupations (Madiso n to T J, 7 and 15 Sep. 1784) . 1 4
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porary an d most subsequen t commentators . "Mr . Jefferson' s views, " he wrot e to Grenville , "hav e bee n t o fee l th e puls e o f th e countr y an d t o advocat e hi s favorite object s i n behal f o f France." O n bot h count s thi s wa s characteristic of Jefferson . Suc h ha d bee n hi s purpos e i n 178 4 whe n h e travelle d through the eastern states and conversed with leading public figures in preparing himself to promot e trad e wit h Franc e i n behal f of th e fisherie s an d the grai n and salt provisions o f Ne w Englan d a s wel l a s the tobacc o an d timber of the souther n states. O n tha t preparator y excursion h e ha d bee n cordiall y received i n Ne w York an d i n th e commercia l center s o f Ne w England. S o als o whe n h e re turned to the Unite d States in 1789 , on e o f his purposes was to possess himself anew o f th e spiri t and ideas o f hi s countrymen . " I know onl y th e Americans of the yea r 1784, " h e wrot e t o Davi d Humphreys. "They tell m e thi s i s to b e much a strange r t o thos e o f 1789." Th e shoc k h e ha d experience d earl y in 1790 a t th e dinne r table s o f th e capital , wher e h e hear d politica l view s s o different fro m thos e si x year s earlier, could onl y hav e magnifie d hi s desir e t o know whether the spirit of the people had also changed. The measures adopte d by the Firs t Congres s - th e impost , th e assumptio n o f state debts , th e adoptio n of the excis e tax , the creatio n of the nationa l bank - undoubtedl y deepene d hi s concern. Hamilton' s refusa l t o accommodat e Franc e o n th e relativel y trivia l question o f the tonnage dues ; the views on government whic h he had expressed at the Cabine t meeting o n Apri l 11th; those advanced b y Adam s at th e sam e time an d i n hi s Discourses on Davila; eve n Noa h Webster' s ridicul e o f hi s proposed standar d of measur e - al l serve d to mak e Jefferso n mor e anxiou s t o ascertain th e tempe r o f the genera l public. "Are th e peopl e i n you r quarter, " he aske d Chancello r Livingston early in 1791, "a s wel l contente d wit h th e proceeding s o f ou r government , a s thei r representatives sa y the y are?" H e kne w wel l enoug h wha t wa s bein g sai d in the Sout h an d West an d was apprehensiv e o f th e consequences . Livingston' s answer brough t som e encouragemen t a s to wha t h e migh t fin d i n the North : "Our delegate s deceiv e themselve s i f the y believ e tha t thei r constituent s ar e satisfied wit h al l the measure s o f government." Bu t Livingsto n also pointe d to th e dange r o f a sectiona l cleavag e o n al l important measures , thu s b y im plication pointin g t o th e desirabilit y of suc h a coalition o f dissident s betwee n North and South as had brought a measure of success to the effort s o f the Ne w York opposition. Befor e Congress adjourned Jefferson had talked of the heresies of some , bu t professe d t o believ e tha t th e grea t mas s o f th e peopl e were un tainted. O n s o vita l a question , however , reassuranc e could scarcel y b e ob tained a t th e sea t o f government . I n 1789 , afte r Congres s ha d adjourned , Washington himsel f ha d undertake n a tour throug h th e easter n state s "t o ac quire knowledg e o f th e fac e o f th e Country , th e growt h an d agricultur e 15
16
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Beckwit h to Grenville, 1 4 June 1791 (PRO : F O 4/12) . Se e Editoria l Not e an d group o f documents o n norther n commerce a t May-July 1784. T J t o Humphreys , 18 Mch. 1789. Se e Editoria l Note s and grouped document s o n th e Frenc h protes t ove r tonnag e views and on unofficial diplomacy, at 18 Jan. and 4 Apr. 1791 . See also TJ t o Madison, 10 Jan. 1791 . T J t o Livingston , 4 Feb. 1791. Livingsto n to T J , 2 0 Feb . 1791. T J t o Mason, 4 Feb. 1791. 15
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thereof - an d th e tempe r an d dispositio n o f th e inhabitant s toward s th e ne w government." Thi s takin g of the puls e o f the people , a s Beckwith expressed it, was also one o f the principal objects of the journey of Jefferson and Madison. But wher e Washington had found this difficult becaus e o f the publi c attention s showered upo n hi m everywher e h e went , the y coul d gaug e the dispositio n o f the people best by avoiding ceremony an d conversing as much as possible wit h farmers, ferrymen , blacksmiths, tavern keepers , and , occasionally, newspape r editors an d political leaders. This i s precisel y wha t Jefferso n an d Madiso n did , neithe r seekin g ou t no r avoiding th e politica l leader s o f eithe r party , excep t perhap s i n Connecticut. There i s n o evidenc e tha t the y sa w Governo r Clinton at all . While in Albany they were cordiall y received b y Phili p Schuyler, who went beyon d th e cal l o f civility i n extendin g courtesies , bu t neithe r Jefferso n no r Madison referred to this visi t wit h th e mos t distinguishe d politica l figure the y ar e known t o hav e met o n thei r travels. I n Vermont they were guest s of Governor Moses Rob inson, a n ardent republican who ha d just been electe d t o th e Senate . Th e only reference Jefferso n mad e t o th e visi t concerned a balsam tree a t the governor' s home whic h he late r identified a s "th e balsa m poplar, Populous balsamifer s of Linnaeus." Th e stunnin g beaut y o f Lak e George ; th e fragranc e of the wil d azalea; the forest s o f white pine , hemlock , balsam , and birch; th e mosquitoes , gnats, fleas , rattlesnakes , an d squirrels ; the cherries , gooseberries, an d strawberries i n abundance ; th e historica l sites o f th e Revolutio n suc h a s Saratoga , Ticonderoga, Crow n Point , an d Bennington; th e qualit y o f the tavern s alon g the way ; the far m products o f the Connecticu t valley-these an d other aspect s of the country they wer e seeing fo r the firs t time were what the travellers noted in thei r spars e record s of the journey. 22
23
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II But th e silenc e i n th e document s doe s no t mea n tha t politic s di d no t ente r into th e discussion s alon g th e way . Beckwith' s observatio n abou t Jefferson' s Washington , Diaries, ed . Fitzpatrick , iv , 14 . Washington sought and received the approval of his proposal from Hamilton, Knox, Jay, and Madison (same, iv, 16 , 17) . Alfre d F . Young , The Democratic Republicans of New York (Chape l Hill , 1967) , p. 199, quotin g i n part Schuyler's letter t o hi s son : "I have intreated Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Madiso n to take beds with you on their way to Lak e Champlain. They are intitled to an d will receiv e you r best attentions. - B e s o goo d as to accompan y them ove r the grounds occupied . .. b y the American and British Armies previous to the surrender of the latte r and point ou t th e groun d on whic h the britis h piled their arms. - O n their return the Gentlemen will proceed from your house to Bennington. Pray give them the road" (Philip Schuyler to John B. Schuyler, 26 May 1791, NN: Schuyler Papers). They did not stay overnight wit h either Schuyler or his son, despite th e offer o f hospitality. T J t o Madison , 21 Jun e 1791 . Madiso n and TJ breakfaste d at Dewey's tavern in Bennington on the morning of June 4th. Their coming had been anticipated because of announcement o f their plans in newspapers alon g the Hudson , one o f which Anthony Haswell published in the Vermont Gazette of 6 June 1791 under a Lansingburgh dateline of May 27th. This advance knowledge perhap s led to Robinson's invitation. - Th e presence of the governor and his guests at the Congregational Church later brought forth a number of newspaper squibs . One , undoubtedly founde d i n nothin g mor e substantial than political bias, quoted both TJ an d Madison as saying they had not attended church in years (Sketch of Moses Robinson in A. M. Hemenway, The Vermont Historical Gazetteer, i [Burlington , 1868] , 168-9) . Bot h me n ha d i n fac t attende d th e memoria l services in Christ Churc h on 1 Mch. 1791 fo r Benjamin Franklin. 2 2
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desire t o promot e hi s favorit e object s i n behalf of France finds suppor t i n wha t the traveller s saw i n the recentl y establishe d whalin g por t o f Hudson , wit h it s textile mil l fo r th e manufactur e o f sailclot h an d it s thrivin g distiller y capabl e of producing for export a thousand hogshead o f rum annually. While at Hudson, Jefferson sough t t o persuad e Captai n Set h Jenkins , principa l founde r o f th e port, tha t bette r spirit s coul d b e mad e fro m win e tha n fro m molasses . I n hi s view thi s woul d hav e ha d th e doubl e advantag e fo r th e Unite d State s o f in creasing trade with Franc e and of lessening dependenc e upon th e Britis h Wes t Indies fo r sugar . Jenkin s remaine d unconvince d becaus e o f the highe r cos t o f imported wines. Bu t the very fact that Jefferson advance d the suggestion shows , as di d hi s treatis e o n th e whal e fisher y an d man y o f hi s stat e papers , tha t h e was thinkin g o f trad e a s a n instrumen t o f politics. Doubtles s th e ide a wa s inspired by wha t h e sa w a t Hudson rathe r than bein g a planned objective , bu t the inciden t illustrate s wel l th e fac t tha t alon g th e rout e h e wa s aler t t o an y opportunity t o advanc e hi s policies . A t Waterfor d o n th e sam e da y h e pai d particular attention t o th e operatio n o f a nail manufactor y - somethin g h e late r introduced a t Monticello - an d perhaps too k som e satisfaction i n observing a n infant industry which promised to decrease stil l further American reliance upon British manufactures . The politic s o f commerce als o becam e apparen t when Jefferso n an d Madison arrived i n Bennington . Anthon y Ha s well, edito r o f th e Vermont Gazette, wa s a zealou s republica n wh o welcome d th e traveller s i n phrase s echoin g thos e of the Albany Register publishe d a week earlier: 25
26
How enlightene d i s the polic y o f American legislators an d statesmen, i n thus acquainting themselve s with th e stat e of population, situation , an d extent of the empir e t o whic h thei r abilitie s ar e devoted; b y thes e mean s the y obtai n a personal knowledge of the abilitie s and prejudices of the citizens o f differen t parts, and find the sures t mod e of reconciling differences , fro m investigatio n of the cause s whenc e the y orginate . As a n editorial in HaswelPs paper of June 13t h noted , th e Virginian s candidly discussed publi c question s durin g their paus e i n th e Vermon t capital: Monday mornin g las t th e secretar y o f stat e t o th e america n union , an d mr. Maddison , membe r o f congres s fro m Virginia , lef t thi s tow n o n thei r way to Connecticut. They expressed grea t satisfaction wit h the country through which the y ha d passe d o n thei r tour ; an d fro m th e affabilit y an d polit e attention the y pai d th e citizen s o f Bennington , an d doubtles s thos e o f th e different place s the y visite d o n thei r rout , i t i s reasonabl y t o b e presumed , they not only ingratiated themselves deeply with the discerning, but obtained , unreservedly, th e sentiment s o f the people , and secured to themselves a fund of politica l knowledge , whic h canno t fai l t o rende r the m mor e essentiall y serviceable t o thei r country . The y attende d publi c worshi p o n th e Sabbath , and lef t th e tow n befor e sunris e th e nex t morning . Examples , lik e these , speak th e gentlema n o f goo d breeding , an d th e ma n o f business , an d ar e worthy o f imitatio n b y al l ranks an d description s o f me n i n ou r republic. I n his discussion s wit h Jenkins , TJ also brough t u p th e subjec t o f th e fisheries trade. On his return he sent him a copy of his report, which Jenkins found commendabl e (TJ t o Jenkins, 21 Jun e 1791 ; Jenkins to T J , 5 July an d 7 Nov. 1791) . Vermont Gazette, 6 June 1791 ; als o printe d in New-York Journal, 1 5 June 1791 , under Bennington dateline . 25
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Having pai d them thi s tribute , Haswel l then touche d upo n a subject which almost certainl y had been inspire d by Jefferson : It i s reporte d fro m goo d authority , tha t accurat e calculation s hav e bee n made, b y whic h it i s ascertained beyond a doubt, tha t ther e ar e maple tree s in th e inhabite d parts of the unite d states , mor e than sufficient, wit h careful attention, t o produc e suga r adequat e t o th e consumptio n o f its inhabitants . It is likewise said, that refineries are about being established, by some wealthy foreigners, resident i n th e union : b y who m agent s wil l b e establishe d i n different parts , who wil l loa n out kettles, &c . on reasonable terms, to person s unable t o purchase . Wit h thes e agent s cas h wil l likewis e b e lodge d t o pur chase al l the ra w suga r i n thei r power . Thi s scheme , prosecute d t o effect , cannot fail to be extensively beneficia l to the community, but in the meantime, attention t o ou r suga r orchard s is essentiall y necessar y t o secur e th e inde pendence o f our country. The concludin g sentence echoed wha t Jefferson had written to a British friend exactly a yea r earlie r about th e suga r mapl e industry , expressin g confidenc e that the natio n coul d produce enoug h no t onl y t o mee t its own need s but als o to provid e a surplu s fo r export . Tha t overl y optimisti c estimat e wa s i n th e nature o f a warning to Grea t Britai n tha t th e Unite d State s woul d n o longe r be dependen t upo n th e can e suga r o f th e Britis h Wes t Indies . Thi s happ y prospect, Jefferson ha d pointed out , resulte d from "late difficulties i n the sugar trade" - a circumlocutio n fo r th e exclusionar y provision s o f th e Britis h Navi gation Ac t whic h h e di d no t nee d t o explai n t o hi s frien d i n England. Bu t now, mor e realistically , he shifte d th e emphasi s b y warnin g the Vermonter s that carefu l attention t o th e plantin g an d cultivation o f maple orchard s would be necessar y t o produc e eve n enoug h t o mee t th e domesti c demand . Whil e at Bennington h e se t th e exampl e b y orderin g suga r mapl e see d an d declaring his intentio n t o creat e a n orchar d at Monticello . Thi s wa s a n ac t o f officia l encouragement a s well as personal interest, bor n of the "Maple Sugar Bubble" created by suc h promoters a s William Coope r and Benjamin Rush. Bu t it did for th e tim e bein g arous e th e interes t o f othe r Vermonter s besides th e edito r of th e Vermont Gazette. Josep h Fay , from who m Jefferso n ordere d hi s seed , promised t o plan t a regular orchard the nex t sprin g and to encourag e other s to d o so. Knowing Vermont' s clos e relationshi p wit h Canad a an d havin g recentl y informed Washington about clashe s between Americans and Canadians on th e northeastern boundary, Jefferson i n his political inquiries also touched o n that subject. This i s made clear not only in his report to Washington written during the paus e i n Bennington , bu t als o i n wha t th e edito r o f th e Vermont Gazette had to say in the same editorial in which he remarked about the fund of political knowledge th e traveller s had acquired: 27
28
29
T J t o Vaughan, 27 June 1790. TJ emphasize d the same point in his letter to Joseph Fay, 3 0 Aug . 1791 . Vermont Gazette, 1 3 June 1791 ; Joseph Fay to T J , 9 Aug. 1791 . O n the "Maple Sugar Bubble," see Letters of Benjamin Rush, ed . L . H . Butterfield, I (Princeton, 1951), 587-99. Se e als o Rus h to T J , 1 0 July 1791 , a n essay T J had probably suggested on the eve of the northern tour . Se e TJ to Washington, 5 June 1791; Vermont Gazette, 13 June 1791 . 2 7
28
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It i s foun d t o b e a question among th e souther n politician s o f th e union , whether, i f Canada, Nov a Scoti a &c. should throw of f their foreign depend ence, it would be policy to annex these provinces to the already wide extende d empire o f th e Unite d States , o r le t the m for m a n independen t republic : Among norther n politicians the annexin g o f Mexico an d Peru t o th e union , should the y assum e independenc e o f Europea n domination, i s a questio n equally important. Haswell went on to point out that the late generous act s of Great Britain relating to Canad a prove d that they ar e convinced their former conduct was wrong, in assuming a right to ta x i n al l case s whatsoever ; the y no w relinquis h the righ t t o ta x i n an y case whatever . Th e reason . . . i s obvious - th e flame of liberty burns bright in France , th e grea t bod y o f Canadian s retai n their partialities therefore, fo r the mother country, when they see the shackels of despotism shake n off there, and reflec t o n th e advantag e o f republica n governments , enjoye d b y thei r neighbors. The word s wer e Haswell's , bu t the y mus t hav e bee n inspire d by Jefferson' s inquiries concernin g Canadia n affairs. As th e visitor s enjoyed th e hospitalit y o f Governor Robinso n in the hillsid e mansion overlookin g th e Walloomsa c river , Anthon y Haswel l an d other s o f congenial politica l sentiment s mus t hav e bee n amon g th e company . Anothe r leading citizen with whom the visitors discussed politics freely was Joseph Fay, who a s Secretar y o f Stat e fro m 177 8 t o 178 1 ha d take n a leadin g par t i n negotiating th e entent e betwee n Vermon t and Canada durin g the war . Alexander Hamilton , with good reason, considered hi m to b e on e o f the tw o mos t important individual s i n th e state. Perhap s a t Governo r Robinson's table , certainly i n a conversatio n wit h Fa y present , a fa r mor e immediat e politica l topic tha n relation s wit h Canad a o r promotio n o f th e suga r industr y cam e up - th e controvers y o n bot h side s o f the Atlanti c over Paine's reply to Burke . The fac t tha t suc h a subjec t coul d hav e bee n broached , howeve r casually , i s confirmation of Haswell's public statement tha t political conversations wit h the distinguished traveller s had been carrie d on without reserve . As had happened during the Cabine t meeting o n Apri l 11 , th e merit s of the Britis h constitutio n came under discussion. Fay , who carrie d on an extensive correspondenc e wit h Canadians, defende d th e Englis h syste m o f government , thoug h whethe r h e did s o i n term s suc h a s Adam s an d Hamilto n ha d use d a t Jefferson' s dinne r table i s no t known . Jefferso n o r Madison or both mus t hav e mad e a respons e turning th e discussio n t o Paine' s Rights of Man. I n any case , soo n afte r the y departed, Fay acquired a copy o f the controversia l work and was s o impresse d by it s republica n arguments an d it s criticis m of th e Britis h governmen t tha t he wrot e Jefferso n an d formall y retracte d the contrar y sentiments h e ha d ex pressed in their discussions a t Bennington. No w a thorough convert , he hailed the revolutionar y movement s i n France , Poland , an d elsewher e i n Europe , considered the Unite d States wit h its republican system t o be the most favore d power o n earth , and concluded b y askin g that h e b e give n "earl y information of th e Politick s o f th e day. " Jefferso n ha d alread y subscribe d t o Haswell' s 30
Hamilton' s remarks on a New Yor k Ac t acknowledging the independence o f Vermont, 28 Mch . 1787 (Syrett , Hamilton, iv , 134) . 3 0
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Vermont Gazette an d he ha d asked Fa y to hav e th e Quebe c pape r also sen t t o him o n a regular basis. Fa y promised that thes e woul d com e free o f charge. During thei r week-end sta y i n Benningto n th e Virginian s joined Governor Robinson i n attendin g service s a t th e Congregationa l church , whos e pasto r was th e Rev . Jo b Swift , graduat e o f Yale , discipl e o f Timoth y Dwight , and , like him , so convince d o f the infidelit y o f Jefferson tha t durin g his presidenc y he omitted th e customar y prayer for the chie f executive. Wit h Vermont having just bee n admitte d t o th e union , it s capita l was th e cente r o f intens e partisa n contests and, with suc h controversial political visitors in the congregation , th e pastor, a pruden t man , probabl y confine d himsel f t o hi s usua l doctrina l sermon. Havin g lately been oblige d t o differ with Nathaniel Chipman and Lewis R. Morris , th e Vermon t commissioner s wh o ha d assume d tha t admission o f the state to the union was a matter to be negotiated as between sovereign states , Jefferson ver y likely had sought no communicatio n wit h the two Federalists. Given th e stat e of partisan feelings in Vermont at the time , thi s is understandable. Bu t all the evidenc e indicate s tha t nowhere els e on the entir e journey did the traveller s find themselve s i n suc h a congenia l politica l climat e o r discus s public affair s s o unreservedl y a s whe n the y stoppe d a t Benningto n an d con versed with such republicans as Moses Robinson, Anthony Haswell, and Joseph Fay. I n old ag e Jefferso n remembere d tha t th e roa d from Saratog a to North ampton was mostly desert , but it was that part of the route which had produced the mos t extende d evidenc e o f their political discussions alon g th e way. As the y crosse d ove r into th e ric h Connecticu t valley, whose abundant produce Jefferso n ha d trie d s o har d t o promot e i n France , th e politica l climat e changed and so did the record left by the travellers. On entering the prosperous, well-settled Connecticu t valley, Jefferson brough t his journal to an abrupt end. No recor d survives of what he may have thought o f the region o f the Shaysites , of the ne w colleg e at Williamstown, of the embryoni c manufactures at Springfield and Hartford , o r of the progres s o f commerce a t New Haven . Next t o th e last o f hi s trave l note s ha d bee n writte n just tw o day s befor e reachin g Ben nington. Fro m ther e o n th e onl y not e he adde d wa s a t Middletown wher e h e observed a n "Axis in peritrochio" such as he ha d seen in Holland. Although the traveller s spent tw o night s i n Hartford , possibl y becaus e Madison' s hors e was disabled , ther e ca n b e littl e doub t tha t Pierpon t Edward s wa s right i n saying that the y shunne d th e gentry , meanin g o f course suc h leading political figures as Oliver Wolcott, Senators Ellsworth and Johnson, and Representatives Sherman, Trumbull, and Wadsworth. There had been little communion amon g them eve n a t th e sea t o f governmen t an d th e tota l absenc e o f an y recor d of discussions wit h the m a s Jefferso n an d Madiso n travelle d quickl y and unob trusively through the state was to b e expected. Representativ e William Lough ton Smit h o f Sout h Carolina , on e o f Hamilton' s supporters , wa s a t thi s tim e also makin g a tou r o f Connecticut . He , lik e Beckwith , was welcome d a t th e home o f Jeremia h Wadsworth. Bu t suc h hospitalit y a s Phili p Schuyle r had 31
32
33
34
35
31 3 2
Fa y t o T J , 9 Aug. and 2 0 Sep . 1791 ; T J t o Fay , 3 0 Aug . 1791 .
Isaa c Jennings, Memorials of a century. . . . The early history of Bennington, Vt. and
its First Church (Boston , 1869) , p . 92-9. Se e note 24. Se e Editorial Not e and documents o n the admission of Vermont and Kentucky, at 4 Mch . 1791. Chipma n resided at Tinmouth and Morris at Springfield. T J t o Ellen Wayle s Coolidge, 27 Aug . 1825 . Se e TJ' s Note s of his tour through Holland in 178 8 (Vol . 13: 9). 3 3
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extended a t Alban y was evidentl y no t offere d t o th e Virginian s or sough t b y them. A fe w months earlier John Trumbull made a comment which helps to explain why thi s wa s so . "Maddiso n i n hi s constan t oppositio n t o ever y pla n o f th e Secretary o f th e Treasury, " h e ha d writte n t o Joh n Adams, "seems dwindled from th e Grea t Politicia n we onc e supposed him , to th e insignifican t leade r of an impotent Minority . No ma n ever more mistook hi s real Interest, or the lin e of policy h e ough t t o hav e pursued . H e ha s los t al l hi s popularit y i n thi s quarter." I t did not diminis h the Connecticut politicians' hostility to Madison when the y sa w hi m travelling in the compan y o f the Secretar y of State, whos e republican principle s and opinions o n America n foreign policy , o n education , on religion , an d o n th e separatio n o f churc h and state ha d lon g bee n know n to th e publi c throug h hi s Notes on Virginia, thu s makin g hi m perhap s eve n more a n objec t o f partisa n animus tha n Madison . Som e observers , the n an d later, attribute d Madison's supposed defectio n fro m his principles to th e influence exerted b y Jefferson o n this journey. But Madison had been leadin g th e opposition t o Hamiltonian measures long before Jefferson lef t France , and what made th e Connecticu t Federalist s increasingly hostil e towar d th e tw o collab orators wa s th e mountin g evidenc e tha t the y di d no t spea k fo r a n impoten t minority. 36
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Ill One o f th e primar y object s Jefferso n ha d in min d in plannin g the tri p wa s to undertake a systematic stud y o f the Hessia n fly and the means o f preventing its ravages . Thi s inquir y produce d on e o f th e longes t record s o f th e journey and resulte d i n frequen t stop s an d man y interview s wit h farmer s and other s along th e way . Jefferson' s investigatio n o f th e insec t wa s prompte d b y hi s scientific curiosit y and his concern for the country's agriculture. But it was also touched wit h politica l concerns , bot h i n respec t t o th e nationa l econom y an d to hi s desir e t o offse t th e effec t o f actions take n b y Grea t Britain . His interes t i n th e subjec t wa s o f lon g standing . I n 178 8 America n wheat production had been severel y reduce d by the insect which in the Unite d States came t o b e calle d th e Hessia n fly. T o preven t infectio n o f Britis h crops , th e government issue d a n Order in Council o n 25 Jun e 178 8 temporaril y prohibiting importation of American wheat. A t the same time it requested Si r Joseph Banks, Presiden t o f the Roya l Society , t o stud y th e problem . Thi s actio n ha s been regarde d a s on e bor n o f har d necessit y becaus e o f Britain' s dependenc e on American grain, but whic h Jefferson "rathe r typically" viewed as the result of a deep-laid plot. Actually , being les s concerned about the Britis h embarg o than abou t th e publi c spreadin g o f " a groundless alar m i n those Countrie s in Europe where [American grain was] constantly and kindly received," Jefferson believed i t to b e a hostile ac t grounde d i n ignorance. As h e ha d pointe d ou t i n 1789 , th e Hessia n fly neve r existe d i n th e grai n 38
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Joh n Trumbull (1750-1831 ) t o John Adams, 5 Feb. 1791 (MHi : AM) . Alber t J. Beveridge , Life of John Marshall, n (Boston, 1916) , 79; Beveridge based his conclusion o n what he called an excellent accoun t of the journey and of Madison's "defection" in Sydney H. Gay's James Madison (Boston , 1895) , p. 184-5 . Charle s R. Ritcheson, Aftermath of Revolution (Dallas , 1969), p . 200. T J t o Vaughan, 17 May 1789 . 3 6 3 7
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and coul d no t therefor e b e importe d i n shipment s o f wheat . A t tha t tim e h e had neve r see n th e insec t an d hi s assertio n wa s base d o n wha t h e ha d just learned from the report of a conversation between Sir Joseph Banks and Thomas Paine i n whic h the latte r had made th e sam e point . Whe n Banks replied that the actio n wa s take n agains t th e weevil , no t th e Hessia n fly, Paine challenge d the government' s actio n o n th e groun d tha t th e forme r insec t ha d existed fo r decades i n America whereve r wheat wa s grown an d yet n o prohibition against importing it had resulted. It was shortly thereafter that Banks made his report to th e Priv y Council , basin g hi s observation s i n larg e par t o n informatio n received from George Morgan, Jeremiah Wadsworth, Samuel L. Mitchill , and other Americans , including Paine. Durin g the Britis h embarg o th e pric e of wheat in London rose to above 40 shilling s a bushel, while American exporter s were sellin g i t i n othe r part s o f Europ e a t roughl y a tenth o f tha t amount. Jefferson wa s joine d b y man y America n farmers an d shipper s i n expressin g hostility t o a n act o f the Britis h governmen t whic h denied the m acces s t o th e more profitabl e market . Just befor e leavin g France , h e adde d t o hi s librar y a work o n th e subjec t b y th e distinguishe d Frenc h agriculturalist , Duhamel du Monceau: Histoire dun insect qui dévore les grains de V Angoumois; avec les moyens que Fon peut employer pour le détruire. A t th e sam e tim e h e bough t Arthur Young' s Proceedings of His Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, and information received, respecting an insect supposed to infest wheat of the territories of the United States of America. Th e latter work embodied the results of Si r Joseph Banks ' investigation . Bot h serve d to strengthe n Jefferson' s con viction tha t th e Britis h embargo , eve n thoug h temporary , wa s no t a friendly act. 40
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Against thi s background , despite th e bountifu l whea t cro p of 1790-tha t o f Pennsylvania was virtually undamaged - Jefferso n propose d that the America n Philosophical Societ y undertak e a systematic stud y o f the Hessia n fly. As early as 176 8 th e Societ y ha d urge d it s Committe e o n Husbandr y t o "conside r whether any Method can be fallen on for preventing the damage done to Wheat, by wha t i s calle d th e Fly, " but nothin g ha d resulted. A t a meetin g o f th e Society shortl y before embarkin g on the northern tour, Jefferson propose d that a selec t committe e b e appointe d t o collec t material s on th e natura l histor y o f the insec t an d the bes t means o f combatting it . The committee, whos e charg e was considerably enlarged by the addition of the clause "and whatever else may be interesting to agriculture," consisted of Jefferson as chairman, Dr. Benjamin S. Barton , Dr. James Hutchinson, Charles Thomson, and Dr. Caspa r Wistar. Jefferson summone d a meetin g o f th e committe e o n th e 21s t o f April . N o record of its proceedings ha s been found. But for discussion at the next meeting , 44
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scheduled for the 13t h of May, he particularly requested that Barton bring "his queries" - presumabl y suc h a s had been propose d a t th e first meeting. Thi s request must have been prompted by his desire to make use of the questionnaire on th e norther n tour, o n whic h he expecte d t o embar k two day s later. Jefferson's note s on th e Hessia n fly taken dow n durin g the journey suggest the nature of Barton's queries. What were its characteristics from egg t o insect? When di d it first appear? W^hat damage ha d been suffered ? Di d it attack othe r grains tha n wheat ? What mean s o f preventio n ha d bee n trie d and with wha t success? And , reflectin g Jefferson' s politica l concerns , wa s i t eve r know n t o attack th e grai n or b e transporte d with it ? The first stage o f the journey wa s by wate r from Ne w Yor k t o Poughkeepsie , bu t Jefferso n bega n hi s inquiries on th e 21s t o f May, perhaps as they moore d fo r the nigh t a t Conklin's tavern. Above Poughkeepsi e h e obtaine d fro m on e Conra d Lashe r som e o f his mos t reliable information . Fro m the n o n throughou t th e journey, even afte r h e ha d parted fro m Madiso n i n Ne w York , hi s inquirie s about th e Hessia n fly wer e pressed upo n farmers , blacksmiths , taver n keepers , an d suc h dignitarie s a s Philip Schuyler , Moses Robinson , Joseph Fay , William Floyd , an d Sylvester Dering, who m Jefferso n value d a s on e wh o ha d been "particularl y serious i n his observations." Whateve r suspicions the Federalists might have entertained about th e narro w partisan aims o f th e journey , there ca n b e n o questio n tha t this systematic investigatio n o f the Hessia n fly was one o f the principa l object s Jefferson ha d in view . 46
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Nor can there be any doubt that his persistent questioning brough t response s far beyon d th e answer s tha t h e recorde d i n hi s note s alon g th e way . Afte r returning home he received a number of communications from those with whom he ha d talked on th e journey and from some who ha d only hear d of his investigation. Amon g th e author s o f thes e volunteere d comment s wer e som e wh o had furnished information to Si r Joseph Banks , suc h as George Morgan. On this subjec t o f general concer n there wa s n o trac e of a partisan animus amon g those wh o trie d t o giv e assistance . Eve n suc h a stou t Federalis t as Jeremiah 48
T J t o Thomson, 20 Apr . 1790 ; T J t o Barton and others, 1 2 May 1791. Se e TJ's note s on the Hessian fly (Document II) . Georg e Morgan (1743-1810) wa s a member of the American Philosophical Society who carried on an experimental farm at "Prospect" in Princeton. He was the author of several articles on the Hessian fly which appeared in the American Museum i n 1787 and other periodicals. The first of his communications to come to TJ wa s a copy of his "Letter to a Gentleman Farmer of Virginia," dated 31 Jul y 1788 . Th e second was his letter of 26 Aug . 178 8 t o Si r John Temple, written at Temple's request in consequence o f the Order in Council prohibiting importation of American wheat. While agreeing with the opinion of Lasher and others that well-manured soil and the bearded wheat were sound preventive measures , Morgan believed tha t the insec t was brought i n by the Hessians and claimed credit for himself and a friend for having named it the Hessian flyas expressive of their sentiments o f the "tw o Animals " - a designation the y had industriously spread in the hope of passing it down "with all possible Infamy as a useful National Prejudice." He added: "It is now become the most opprobrious Term our Language affords and the greatest affront our Chimney Sweepers and even our Slaves can give or receive, is to call or b e calle d Hessian " (Tr of bot h document s i n Morgan' s hand , endorse d b y John Vaughan a s "Fo r the Committe e o f th e America n Philosophical Society" ; DLC : TJ Papers, 41: 7075-8 , 42 : 9197-9202). Vaugha n presumably transmitted Morgan's two communications t o T J in person , fo r n o coverin g lette r ha s bee n foun d an d none is recorded in SJL . 4 6
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Wadsworth evidentl y len t hi s han d t o th e business , althoug h probabl y indi rectly. Shortl y after Jefferson returne d to Philadelphia he received a letter from Wadsworth whic h ha s no t bee n foun d bu t whic h mus t hav e covere d on e o n the subjec t from William Robinson. In 1776 Robinso n had examined the insec t in it s variou s stages wit h "a n excellent microscope " and was convince d i t had always bee n presen t bu t som e unknown natura l phenomeno n ha d caused it t o multiply an d spread, as was "th e Cas e wit h th e canke r Worm, an d thousand s of othe r insects , whic h n o bod y conceive s t o hav e bee n imported." Anothe r firm Federalist, Senator John Laurance of New York , asked Samuel L. Mitchil l for hi s opinion . Th e resultan t "Shor t Memoi r o n th e Wheat-Insect, " date d Long Islan d 2 3 Jun e 1791 , attribute d th e nam e t o th e countr y people , wh o were "ever fond of ascribing every thing disagreeable to the Germans." Mitchill thought i t understandabl e that th e Britis h governmen t ha d been apprehensiv e about th e possibilit y o f importin g th e insec t wit h America n grain. But whe n Lord Dorcheste r had raised the questio n concernin g imports fro m Ne w Yor k and Vermont , he ha d assured him "tha t mos t certainl y there wa s no Danger" Mitchill also asserted that no effective preventive measures had been discovered, attributed their recent decline to "their Spontaneous disappearance, " and thought only two facts had been clearly established: that the soil should be well manured and th e see d sowe d a s lat e i n the autum n a s possible. Jefferson di d not acknowledg e thes e letters, perhap s because - wit h the pos sible exceptio n o f tha t fro m Wadswort h - the y ha d com e t o hi m indirectly . Although h e devote d a grea t dea l o f tim e t o th e subjec t durin g the journey, he wa s awar e tha t suc h a n investigatio n woul d requir e much mor e tim e an d effort tha n h e ha d bee n abl e t o giv e t o i t i n hi s hurrie d travels . To assis t th e American Philosophica l Society' s effort-an d n o doub t t o tr y t o arous e th e interest o f hi s son-in-la w - h e urge d tha t youn g Randolp h devote himsel f t o similar inquiries. Th e contribution s tha t Jefferso n value d mos t an d di d acknowledge wer e those of Ezra L'Hommedieu , Jonathan Havens, and Sylvester Dering. I n thankin g the m fo r thei r communications , h e sai d h e though t i t probable th e committe e woul d continu e it s inquirie s through anothe r year. Some month s late r the committe e me t a t his reques t an d adopted a resolution calling upo n al l person s havin g an y informatio n abou t th e natura l histor y o f the insec t "t o communicat e th e sam e b y lette r addresse d to Thoma s Jefferson, Esq. Secretar y of Stat e t o th e Unite d States. " I n order to mak e th e appea l a s broad as possible, th e committe e compile d a series o f queries to elici t the kin d of information desired . Th e resolutio n an d questionnaire wer e release d t o th e press with the suggestio n that "The republication of these Queries throughout the Unite d State s ma y essentiall y promot e th e interes t o f agriculture." The response wa s minimal, with one Pennsylvania n addressing his answers to Cas49
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Robinso n t o Wadsworth , 29 Jun e 179 1 (R C in D L C : T J Papers, 65 : 11213 ; endorsed by T J: "Hessia n fly"). M S i n MitchilP s hand, D L C : T J Papers, 65: 11198-9 . MitchilP s Memoir was enclosed i n his lette r t o Joh n Vaughan, 23 Jun e 179 2 (DLC : endorse d b y Vaughan and by TJ) . T J to Randolph, 1 May 1791. LHommedie u t o T J , 1 0 Sep . 1791 ; Haven s and Sylvester to T J , 1 Nov. 1791 . See T Ps responses o f 22 Dec . 1791 . Se e the committee's announcemen t an d questionnaire under 7 June 1792 , printed in Freneau's National Gazette for 1 4 June 179 2 an d other papers. 4 9
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par Wistar an d evidently askin g that his name b e withheld. Evidences of the reappearance of partisan feelings in this hard-fought electio n yea r may be foun d even i n journals which published the committee' s appea l and in the response s addressed no t t o th e Secretar y of Stat e bu t t o th e Secretar y of th e American Philosophical Societ y - a n institutio n alread y earning for itsel f th e reputatio n of being undul y republica n in spirit. Perhaps becaus e o f th e approachin g "evanishment " o f th e Hessia n fly an d because o f th e chairman' s increasingly arduou s officia i duties , th e committe e never submitte d a report . Th e archive s o f th e Societ y d o no t contai n eve n a copy o f the questionnair e o r any record of the committee' s proceedings . Al l of the material s gathered unde r its auspice s remaine d in the files of the chairman who ha d negotiated the investigation . Bu t the episode , marke d by Jefferson' s insistent inquirie s on a lon g an d arduou s journey, stand s a s anothe r o f man y examples illustrating his conviction of the fundamentally important relationship between scientifi c inquir y and the principa l object s o f government . 54
IV Jefferson's chie f objec t o n th e las t stag e o f th e journey, s o h e informe d th e members o f th e Society' s committee , wa s t o continu e hi s inquirie s about th e Hessian fly. H e therefor e propose d t o trave l fro m Connecticu t throug h "th e whole o f Lon g Island , wher e thi s anima l [had] rage d much." He di d in fact pursue hi s investigation s there . But the n anothe r and more compelling attractio n appeared which had nothing a t all to d o wit h politics o r the natura l histor y of an insect. O n the 12t h of June, afte r a n all-nigh t crossin g o f th e sound , Jefferso n an d Madiso n lande d at Oysterpond Point on Gardiner' s Bay. That da y and the next they proceede d across the islan d to th e sout h shor e an d on th e 13t h lodge d at Downs' tavern seven mile s from the sea t of General Willia m Floyd. O n the 14t h they departed early, arrivin g a t Masti c in tim e t o breakfas t wit h thei r ol d friend . Doubtles s they woul d hav e pushe d o n afte r a brie f visi t wit h Floyd , fo r Jefferso n wa s pressed t o retur n to Philadelphia . But whil e ther e h e learne d that nearby , at the smal l settlement of Pusspâtuck, ther e was a remnant of an Algonkian tribe, the Unquachog Indians. The result was that Jefferson an d Madison spent mos t of th e da y wit h Floyd , wh o conducte d hi s guest s t o th e settlement . There , perhaps befor e the y returne d t o din e wit h hi m i n th e afternoon , Jefferso n recorded wha t tw o age d wome n o f the tribe and a young gir l gav e him as th e Unquachog equivalen t o f some two hundre d English words . That thi s was an unplanned, impromptu performance is proved by the char acter o f the documen t o n whic h Jefferson se t dow n th e vocabulary . If he had anticipated such an opportunity before leaving Philadelphia, he doubtless woul d have prepare d in advanc e a list o f Englis h word s o f common usag e simila r to those containin g a somewha t large r number h e employe d o n othe r occasion s for use by friends and government official s i n recording other dialects. Without one o f thes e mor e systemati c form s a t hand , h e wa s oblige d t o recor d th e Unquachog vocabulary on the blan k space o f the cove r of a letter addresse d t o 55
Undate d letter from Chester county, Pennsylvania, to "Dear Caspar" (RC in D L C : T J Papers , 80: 13,926 ; endorse d b y TJ as "Anon"; given i n summary in note to the committee's questionnaire , 7 June 1792) . T J t o Barton and others of the committee, 1 2 May 1791. 5 4
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himself, perhap s tha t o f a n invitatio n h e ha d receive d alon g th e rout e o f hi s travels. T h e arrangemen t o f th e word s followe d i n genera l hi s accustome d categories, bu t wit h variation s which suggest a compilation draw n from memory rathe r tha n on e execute d i n advance. Affair s o f stat e awaite d hi m i n Philadelphia, bu t thes e coul d b e postpone d a t leas t fo r a few hour s i n the fac e of suc h an exigent appea l to deep-roote d intellectua l interests . For the fac t is that the history and languages o f the American aborigines had engaged Jefferson' s interes t fro m earl y yout h an d woul d remain wit h hi m throughout life . Eve n a s a youngster h e had excavated an Indian burial mound , employing th e stratigraphi e metho d whic h h e conceive d fa r in advanc e o f it s time. H e ha d als o forme d a n opinio n earl y i n lif e whic h h e neve r surren dered - tha t knowledg e o f the aborigina l languages woul d b e th e mos t certai n evidence o f th e Indians ' origins whic h coul d b e produced . H e thought i t lamentable tha t s o man y tribe s ha d becom e extinc t "withou t ou r having previously collecte d an d deposited i n the records of literature, the general rudiments at leas t o f the language s the y spoke. " The mos t arden t collector an d advocat e of the preservation o f historical records of his time , Jefferso n suggeste d that if vocabularies o f al l th e language s spoke n b y th e nativ e American s were "de posited i n all the public libraries, it would furnish opportunities t o those skilled in th e language s o f the ol d world to compar e them . . . and hence t o construc t the bes t evidenc e o f th e derivatio n o f thi s par t o f th e huma n race. " He ha d already convince d himsel f tha t th e radica l difference s i n languag e amon g th e Indians wa s i n the orde r of twenty t o on e a s compared with those of Asia. O n the basi s of this supposition, whic h he accepted a s fact, he concluded that their origin wa s o f greate r antiquit y tha n that o f the Asiatics. 56
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Because h e s o deepl y regrette d th e disappearanc e o f man y tribe s an d wit h them thei r languages, Jefferso n ha d lon g sinc e urge d suc h informe d person s as Benjami n Hawkins and Thomas Hutchin s to recor d Indian vocabularies. "This," h e ha d assure d Hawkins , "i s a n objec t I mea n t o pursue , a s I a m persuaded tha t th e onl y metho d o f investigatin g th e filiatio n o f th e India n nations i s b y tha t o f thei r languages." Th e presenc e o f th e dwindlin g trib e at th e Pusspâtuc k settlemen t alon g th e rout e o f thei r travel s gav e Jefferso n the chance to do what he had so long been asking others to help him accomplish. It i s almos t certai n tha t thi s wa s no t onl y th e first India n dialec t tha t h e personally recorde d bu t als o th e onl y one. Th e Unquacho g vocabular y ha s 58
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Se e Document vu. Notes, ed. Peden, p. 97-102. Se e TJ t o Ezra Stiles, 1 Sep. 1786, in which he repeats the argument that Asiatics were descended fro m American Indians, basing this on "the single Fact " of the greate r diversity of radical languages amon g the latter. T J t o Hawkins , 28 Dec . 1783 ; T J to Hutchins , 29 Dec . 1783 . Bot h letters are missing, bu t entrie s i n S J L reveal their subject . So , too , doe s Hawkins ' response i n which he promised that the vocabularies would be confined to "the most common objects in nature" (Hawkins to T J , 1 4 June 1786) . T J t o Hawkins , 4 Aug . 1787 . T J reiterated this convictio n man y times; see , fo r example, TJ to John S. Vater, 1 1 May 1811. A second Algonkian vocabulary has been erroneously attributed to him; see Franklin Edgerton, "Note on Early American Work in Linguistics" (APS, Procs., LXXXVI I [1944], 25-34). Th e error resulted from a notation mad e by Du Ponceau, who in transcribin g a collection o f Indian vocabularie s in 182 0 include d one whic h he designated a s "Vo cabulary of the Delaware s of New Jersey " and described as recorded "Decemb. 1792 . Mr. Thos . Jefferson" (Du Ponceau's MS "Indian Vocabularies," p. 42-5; PPAP) . 5 6 57
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not bee n publishe d heretofore , althoug h Alber t Gallatin mad e us e o f som e of its word s i n hi s remarkabl e compilation an d comparativ e stud y o f aboriginal languages, A synopsis of the Indian tribes . . . in North America. From th e tim e h e firs t discusse d India n linguistic s i n Notes on Virginia Jefferson pursue d hi s ques t a t ever y opportunity . H e als o becam e mor e an d more anxious to insur e preservation of the material s he had gathered. B y 180 0 his concer n wa s suc h a s to promp t hi m to tak e actio n fo r their safety. " I have now mad e u p a large collection, " he wrot e Benjami n Hawkins in 1800 , "an d afraid to ris k i t an y longer , les t b y som e accident i t might b e lost , I am abou t to prin t it. . . . I propose thi s summer to arrange my vocabularies for the press, and I.wis h to place every tongue in the column adjacent to it's kindred tongues." He mad e som e progress o n th e tas k despite th e turbulen t political activities of that electio n year , bu t th e responsibilitie s o f th e presidenc y interrupte d hi s effort. B y 1806 , however , h e though t h e ha d made suc h progress tha t within a yea r or two h e woul d b e abl e t o publis h the result. Bu t in the las t yea r of his presidenc y th e crise s i n publi c affair s were s o pressin g a s t o preven t hi s completion o f wha t woul d hav e bee n th e firs t America n compilatio n fo r a comparative stud y o f India n languages . Hi s collection, the n numberin g abou t fifty vocabularies, ha d bee n augmente d b y thos e brough t bac k b y Lewi s an d Clark. Thes e h e ha d not bee n abl e to ad d to hi s parallel-column digest and so he decide d t o pu t of f the tas k unti l after h e ha d returned to Monticello . Under the circumstance s this was no doubt unavoidable , bu t his long labors were chiefl y i n vai n becaus e o f wha t h e correctl y termed a n irreparabl e misfortune. A s h e lef t th e presidenc y h e cause d th e entir e collection , includin g both his digest and the original vocabularies, to be packed in a box of stationery and shippe d by water with about thirty other parcels of his personal belongings . This single package, containing irreplaceable manuscripts he had gathered over the pas t thirt y years, attracte d the attentio n o f th e boatmen , perhap s becaus e of its weight an d presumed valuable contents. Thes e were indeed precious but not t o thos e who ma y have bee n lookin g fo r liquor or silver. Out of ignorance and disappointment , a s vandal s ha d done wit h irreplaceabl e records ove r th e centuries, the culprit s threw the content s into th e river . Som e leave s an d fragments o f th e vocabularie s floated ashore an d were late r found i n th e mud . In his initia l reactio n t o th e tragi c loss , Jefferso n though t thes e were s o fe w an d so deface d tha t n o genera l us e coul d b e mad e o f them. Bu t some years later he presented all that had survived to the American Philosophical Society, where 61
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revised edition of hi s New views of the origin of the tribes and nations of America (Phil -
adelphia, 1797) , whic h he had dedicated to T J and in which he took issue wit h TJ' s theory that the American aborigines were of greater antiquity than the peoples of Asia. Barton asked not for TJ's complet e vocabularie s but only for a "good selection o f about ten or twelve words from each of them" (Barton to T J, 1 4 Sep. 1809) . The part of the collection save d wa s greate r tha n T J indicated. H e len t a fragmen t o f th e Pawne e vocabulary compiled by Meriwether Lewis becaus e Barto n had said that he had not a word of that language. T J asked that this be returned. Obviously, as this and his subsequent actio n proved, he properly valued the remnant that had been salvaged.
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over the year s Du Ponceau, Gallatin, an d other scholars were able to mak e use of them. Amon g th e survivin g documents wa s Jefferson' s sixty-pag e digest , mutilated and mud-stained, whic h he ha d been unabl e to complet e durin g the political turmoil s of hi s fina l year in the presidency. The vocabular y of the Unquachog s als o survived, but it showed n o evidenc e of having been staine d b y water or mud. Perhaps this was because i t had bee n kept among th e notes of the Hessia n fly and other records of the northern tour. Appropriately enough , i t owe d it s existenc e t o th e earlie r accident whic h had brought Jefferso n an d th e thre e Unquacho g wome n together . Eve n a t tha t time thei r failure to produc e equivalent s fo r cow, horse, sheep, and other word s of common usag e indicate d that their grasp of the native tongue had weakened. Jefferson wa s tol d tha t th e dialect s o f th e Shinicock s an d Montauk s o n th e eastern par t of Lon g Islan d were sai d t o b e s o differen t fro m tha t o f th e U n quachogs tha t th e peopl e o f these Algonkia n tribes coul d scarcel y understand one another. H e perhaps regretted that he was unable to compile vocabularies for all three, bu t he di d set dow n th e sol e surviving record of the dialec t of the Unquachogs, doin g s o almos t a t th e momen t o f it s extinction . Thi s wa s th e one endurin g achievement o f the famou s excursion . And it does after all have one sligh t tinge of those political connections whic h have bee n see n b y contemporar y an d subsequent commentator s a s evidence o f hidden motive s o n th e par t of Jefferson an d Madison. The detached cove r o n which the Unquacho g vocabulary is recorded bears this address: "The Honble. Thomas Jefferso n Esqr. " Th e handwritin g is tha t o f Chancello r Livingston. The lette r i t covere d ha s evidentl y no t bee n preserved , bu t on e ma y surmis e that it was an invitation perhaps to din e wit h Bur r o n May 20th whe n the tw o travellers wer e preparin g to depar t northward . Jefferson's hirin g a coac h o n that da y woul d see m t o suppor t suc h a conjecture. I f so, thi s woul d indicat e that th e initiative , whethe r fo r purpose s o f politica l discussio n o r merel y fo r hospitality, wa s take n b y the Chancellor , not b y the Virginians . I n either cas e the inciden t wa s o f little moment . 65
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But health , recreation, and curiosity about al l aspects o f the countr y through which Madison and Jefferson travelled , including especially the state o f politics and partisa n attitudes, were object s tha t ha d bee n successfull y achieve d i n a journey whic h has been inaccuratel y described as a leisurely one. T h e sever e 68
T J t o Du Ponceau, 17 Nov. an d 30 Dec. 1817 . Fo r some treatments of T Ps stud y of Indian languages, se e Clar k Wissler , "The American Indian and the America n Phil osophical Society, " APS , Procs., LXXX V (1942) , 189-204 ; Alber t C. Baugh, "Thoma s Jefferson, linguisti c liberal, " in Studies for William A. Read, N . M . Caffee an d T. A. Kirby, eds . (Louisiana , 1940) , p . 88-108; Mabe l Morris, "Jefferson an d the language s of the American Indians," Modern Language Quarterly, vi (1945), 31-4. Se e also, H. C . Montgomery, "Thomas Jefferson as a philologist," Am. Jour. Philology, LXV (Oct. 1944) , 367-71. Se e illustratio n of one o f the relatively undamaged pages showing T P s method of compiling the parallel-column digest. Gallati n referred to T Ps comment about the linguistic differences of the Unquachogs, Shinicocks, an d Montauks, but expresse d th e opinio n tha t thei r languages seeme d t o differ more from those of New Englan d than from each other (AAS , Trans, and Colls., ii [Cambridge , 1836], 42). T J travelle d in all 920 mile s in 33 days. Considering the fact that he and Madison tarried two days in New Yor k going and coming, one day each at Albany, Bennington, 6 5
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headache whic h Jefferson ha d experienced durin g the winte r and spring vanished with the escap e fro m official drudgery . The political leaders with who m the travellers had had frank and extended conversation s i n Vermont gave them reason for more optimism than anything they encountered elsewhere. The chilly political climat e o f Connecticu t the y n o doub t expected , an d whil e Madiso n was disappointed fo r reason s o f health i n no t bein g abl e t o carr y ou t hi s plan to visi t Massachusetts, John Beckley had been feelin g th e politica l pulse o f the people there an d was abl e to giv e encouraging reports. N o partisa n alliances had bee n effecte d i n Ne w York , bu t th e mos t importan t politica l effort o f th e trip wa s on e whic h Troup , Trumbull , an d othe r Hamilto n supporter s faile d to mention . Thi s wa s th e hop e Jefferso n an d Madiso n entertaine d tha t the y would succee d i n persuadin g Phili p Freneau to establis h a n opposition news paper at the sea t o f government tha t would be national in scope. Th e breakfast at whic h Jefferso n me t Madison' s Princeto n classmat e fo r th e first tim e wa s perhaps decisive in giving reality to this hope. Wit h the opening o f the Second Congress Freneau' s National Gazette wa s inaugurated , givin g th e Federalists more to be concerned about than any alliance they supposed had been arranged between th e Virginian s and the Ne w Yor k republicans. 69
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and Hartford, and spent a day and a half making little progress on Lake Champlain, this meant that the average day's travel was well over 30 miles, some of it over very rough terrain. Th e time consume d alon g the wa y in making inquiries about the Hessia n fly, in inspectin g th e thrivin g port o f Hudson , in tourin g th e battlefields , i n makin g the Unquachog vocabulary, and in purchasing shrubs at Prince's nursery in Flushing make the distance travelled all the more impressive. Beckle y reported that John Adams' popularity in Boston had declined and that the articles of Publicola appeare d to b e "as generally obnoxious i n New Englan d as . .. i n Pennsylvania" (Madison to T J , 1 3 July 1791) . Se e Freneau to T J, 4 Aug. 1791, i n which he refers to his discussion in New York with T J an d Madison about establishing the paper. 6 9
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I . Jefferson' s J o u r n a l o f th e T o u r 1 7 9 1 . [21 May-1 0 June 1791 ] May 22 . Conklin' s i n th e highlands . Foun d her e th e Thuy a Occi dentalis, calle d Whit e ceda r an d Silverfir , calle d hem lock. [Th e forme r wit h a n imbricate d leaf , th e latte r with singl e pinnate d leaves . Als o th e Candleberr y myrtle. 23. Poughkeepsie . T h e Whit e pin e [5 . leaved ] Pitch-pin e [3 . leaved] Juniper [ a shru b with decumbent stems about 8 f . long , wit h singl e leave s al l roun d th e stem , an d berries use d fo r infusin g gin. ] 24. Claverac . Azalea , [wil d honeysuckle rose-coloured, o n stem s 4. f . hig h loade d richl y wit h larg e flowers o f a strong , pink fragrance . T h e y sa y i t bear s a n appl e eateable ] 1
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27. Hudson . A manufactur e of Duck beginning . 1000 . barrels of salte d herrin g exported annually . A distiller y from which 100 0 hhd s o f ru m are annually exported . Waterford. Sa w nail s mad e b y cuttin g the m wit h a pai r of shear s fro m th e en d o f a ba r of iron , th e thicknes s of whic h corresponde d wit h th e thicknes s o f the nail , and it' s breadt h wit h th e length . W e sa w 120 . cu t of f in a minute, an d 24. heade d i n a minute, which would amount t o 20 . a minute cu t of f an d headed. Bu t the y make habituall y abou t 4000 . a day. T h e iro n forme d into bar s costs abou t 5 0 pe r cen t mor e tha n nai l rod . T h e sheer s cost 9. dollars. T he bit is sometimes welded to th e sheers , sometime s fixed o n wit h screw s so a s t o be take n of f to b e ground . The y are made a t Lebanon in N . York . T h e lever vice fo r heading i s very simple. Cohoes. Suga r maple . 28. Stil l water . Polypod . Saratoga. Groun d oak . Fort Edward . T h e smal l re d squirrel . 29. Lak e George . Honeysuckl e [Lonicera ] wild cherr y with single fruit , the blac k gooseberry , Velve t Aspen , cot ton Willow , pape r birc h o r whit e birch , bass-woo d wild rose, Spruc e pine wit h single leave s al l round the stem 1/ 3 I . long, wit h abundance of sugar maple pitch pine, white pine , silve r fir, thuya, red cedar. The Thuy a is muc h covere d wit h a species o f lon g mos s o f a foot long generally , bu t sometime s 4.f . Strawberrie s now in blosso m an d young fruit . T h i s lak e is formed by a contour of mountains into a bason 36. mile s lon g an d fro m 1 . t o 4 . mile s wide , th e hil l sides shelvin g dow n t o th e wate r edge an d onl y her e and there leavin g small intervals of low land , tolerably good. No w an d the n ar e precipice s o f roc k formin g the ban k o f th e lake , a s wel l a s hangin g ove r i t i n immence heights . On e o f these i s famou s &c. [fame d by th e nam e o f Rogers' s rock , the celebrate d partisan officer o f that name having escaped the pursui t of Indns. by slidin g dow n i t whe n covere d wit h snow , an d es caping acros s th e lak e the n froze n over . T h e neigh borhood o f thi s lak e i s health y bu t ther e ar e fe w in habitants o n it. ] It' s water s ver y clear , excep t jus t a t the Nort h end , aboundin g wit h salmon-trou t o f 7.1b . 2
3
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weight, speckle d o r re d trout , Osweg o bas s o f 6 . o r 7.1b. weight , roc k bass , yello w perch . Ther e ar e sea gulls in abundance, loons and some wild-ducks. Rattle snakes aboun d o n it' s borders . T w o whic h w e kille d were o f a sutty dar k colour , obscurel y checkered . It is infested wit h swarm s of musketoe s an d gnats , an d 2 kinds o f bitin g fleas. I t i s prett y muc h intersperse d with smal l islands. I t closes wit h ic e abou t th e las t o f December an d open s fro m th e 15th . t o th e 20th . o f April. T h e difference betwee n th e heigh t o f it's wate r in sprin g an d fal l i s abou t 2 . feet . Ther e i s n o lim e stone immediatel y o n th e lak e bu t abundanc e i n th e neighborhood o n th e Eas t side . 31. Lak e Champlài n i s a much large r but les s pleasant wate r than L . George. I t i s abou t 11 0 mile s lon g an d from one t o 15 . mile s broad . I t i s narro w and turbid from Ticonderoga to beyon d the Spli t rock about 30 . miles , where it is said to widen and grow more clear. It yields cat fis h o f 2 0 lb . weight , sturgeon , an d salmon , als o the fish foun d i n L . George excep t th e trou t bu t i n smaller quantities , an d it i s les s infeste d wit h muske toes an d insects . T h e Easter n ban k i s o f limeston e laminated lik e slate , o n th e Wester n side i s none , an d it i s remarkeabl e that t o th e Westwar d of thi s an d L. George, th e peopl e ar e obliged t o com e t o the m fro m great distance s fo r thei r limestone . T h e Wester n en d is close d b y hig h mountain s o f ver y indifferen t lands , on th e Eas t sid e th e land s ar e champaign , th e Gree n mountains risin g out o f them a t the distanc e o f 2 0 o r 25. mile s an d runnin g parallel with th e lak e a s fa r as the sigh t extends . Thes e land s ma y b e calle d good , and begi n t o b e thickl y seated . T h e growt h o n bot h sides th e lak e muc h th e sam e a s o n lak e George , t o which ad d the yello w o r 2. leave d pine, an d the thistl e in muc h abundanc e a s t o embarras s agricultur e i n a high degree . T h i s lak e is conjectured to b e abou t 10 0 f. lowe r tha n L . George; th e differenc e o f it' s leve l i n spring an d fal l i s abou t 3 . f . I t close s wit h ic e abou t the las t of November, an d opens a few day s before lak e George. I t is to b e note d tha t we hav e see n n o poplar, dogwood, no r redbud since w e hav e passe d th e high lands, nor any fruit trees but apples and here and there 4
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a cherr y tree . W e hav e see n n o persimmon s i n an y place sinc e crossin g th e Hudson . June 2 . Fro m L . George t o Sand y hill th e first thre e o r 4 . mile s are ove r hig h hill s whic h woul d see m avoidabl e b y following a valle y o n th e Easter n side . T h e hill s ar e sandy an d poor . T h e residu e o f th e roa d i s alon g a high plain of sand, limestone an d round pebble crosse d by 2 o r 3. creek s which seem sufficientl y copiou s an d elevated t o admi t a cana l o f navigatio n t o L . George on th e Nort h an d th e Hudso n o n th e South , 8 mile s distant i n tha t part . T h e plain s ar e pin e barrens . We pass Wing' s fall s an d Sand y hil l fall s o f abou t 3 5 o r 40. f . eac h o n a bed o f limeston e i n horizonta l strata. 3. Fro m Sand y hil l t o For t Edwar d an d McNeaP s ferr y 14 . miles alon g th e rive r side : som e goo d lowlands , th e highlands indifferent . Middletown. Axi s i n peritrochi o fo r drawin g water . T h e wheel 6 . f . diamete r has the rop e wound round it with the bucket , th e axi s 8 . I . diamete r ha s a weigh t ap pended sufficien t t o balanc e th e bucke t o n th e whee l when full of water. This weight descend s to the ground outside o f the wel l whe n th e bucke t i s draw n up, and when yo u sen d dow n th e bucke t yo u win d u p th e weight. 5
MS (DLC : T J Papers , 69 : 11910) ; written in TJ's minuscule hand on a single leaf, wit h al l bu t final six line s o n recto; brackets in MS, the firstnot closed. Later, on th e almos t blan k verso, T J made additions to his notes on the Hessian fly,this part being confined t o his observations in New Jerse y on his return (see Documen t ii, note 3). Th e initia l entry , whic h T J deleted , read: "May 21. Toppan sea. Upper end." 1
A t this poin t T J wrote an d then de leted: "Ver y fe w inhabitant s aroun d the lake." Th e passage enclosed was entered several lines below followin g th e phrase ". . . interspersed with small islands." It has been placed here as a continuation of the incomplete allusion, as TJ obviousl y intended . T J first wrot e an d the n delete d th e words "in the highest degree. " Thes e two word s interlined in substitution for "Fort Edward," deleted. 2
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I I . Jefferson' s Note s o n th e H e s s i a n F l y [24 May-1 8 Jun e 1791 ]
Conrad Lasher . 16 . mile s abov e Poughkeepsie . T h e Hessia n fly remains o n th e groun d amon g th e stubbl e o f th e ol d wheat . A t [456]
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ploughing tim e fo r sowing th e ne w cro p they ris e in swarms before the ploug h horses . Soo n afte r th e whea t come s up the y la y the eg g in it , o f the siz e o f a nit, an d will crac k lik e it. H e suppose s the ol d fly dies in the winter . In the sprin g they begi n t o grow . [ I saw them just belo w th e highland s o n th e 21st . o f Ma y i n th e wor m state , about a s lon g a s a grai n o f rye , an d on e thir d it' s volume. White , smooth and transparent.] In June the Chrysalis bursts and the insec t comes out , brow n lik e a flax seed, a little longer , an d with wings . The eg g i s found from the joint nearest the ground . He has counte d 120. o n one stalk , always under cover of the blade. T he stem decay s in tha t part , turn s yellow, th e blade s becom e erect, an d the plan t dies. T h e farmer s have foun d a remed y i n wha t the y cal l th e ne w sort of wheat whic h is a white bearde d wheat equa l in quantity and quality t o an y kin d the y eve r tended . I t has a more vigorou s stalk . He trie d by highl y dungin g a piece o f groun d to giv e th e ol d kin d of whea t vigou r enoug h t o resist . Fo r a while i t promise d fair, bu t the insec t go t th e bette r a t lengt h an d he mad e n o mor e fro m that than an y other . The y ar e never i n the grai n or chaff. H e thinks the fly does not generall y remain in the straw when carrie d to the stack. Yet i n on e instanc e o n threshin g a stack i n th e spring , there wer e some foun d i n th e straw . H e think s they ha d no wing s an d conse quently thinks they were dead. They hav e two wing s naturally . T he fly harms nothing . 1
2
The cro p of the growt h o f 178 5 wa s the firs t attacked. However that yea r they mad e a good deal. I n 86. the y destroye d all . So als o in 87 . an d 88 . Thes e wer e th e thre e year s of it's principa l rage . In 1789. hi s cro p was o f the ne w wheat . I n 90. h e ha d no insect , no r is there any this year 91. Hi s neighbor who continue s th e ol d wheat had som e flies i n 89 . bu t no t s o a s to injur e hi s crop. He neve r saw an instanc e o f i t i n th e ne w whea t bu t i t ha s attacke d ry e a little . But neve r an y thin g els e tha t h e know s of . Pulvar. 23 . mile s abov e Lashar's . T h e fly came first in 1787 . int o this neighborhood and destroyed the crops of 87. 88 . 89. T he people got th e ne w sor t o f wheat whic h had a stronger stalk. Some tende d that an d th e ol d kin d a t th e sam e time . T h e ol d woul d b e al l de stroyed and the new a little touched. Generall y from 5. to 20 worm s to a stem . T h e sprin g whea t mor e totall y destroye d tha n th e fal l wheat. I t attacke d rye a little, oat s a very little . Ther e wer e a very few flies i n 90. Non e this year 91. Ther e woul d seem t o b e the bes t prospect possible o f a good crop and then the moment i t was getting into th e ea r i t woul d al l fall . T h e ol d kin d o f whea t i s no w ri d of [457 ]
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them. T h e wor m is a t first white, the n become s brow n and a little bigger tha n a flea, the n i t burst s it's cas e an d comes ou t a fly with two wing s abou t th e beginnin g o f June . Kenderhook. Shethar . A field of rye which he sowed in the spring for pastur e was totall y destroyed . I n 178 8 wa s th e first mischief he had done . No t certai n i f an y fly appeare d th e yea r before . The y prevailed littl e her e whe n a t th e worst . H e think s tha t the y neve r destroyed abov e on e tent h takin g the neighborhoo d i n general. A ll gone now . Moore. 8 mile s fro m Albany . T he fly wa s first see n i n 1787 . A few only . 178 8 the y di d th e mos t mischeif . I n 178 9 less . I n 179 0 they wer e onl y i n two o r three places an d very few. Non e thi s year. Some person s insis t o n havin g foun d th e fly i n thei r stack s i n th e spring when they went to threshing. Others suppose them mistaken, and tha t i t wa s som e othe r fly. [Thi s prove s tha t bu t a few a t an y rate survive d winter.] Albany. Genl . Schuyler . Ther e migh t perhap s b e som e fe w i n this neighborhoo d i n 87 . bu t i n 88 . abou t 1/1 0 o f the whea t o f th e neighborhood wa s destroyed. I n 89 muc h less. Perhap s none i n 90 . This yea r certainly none . Waterford. Gregory . Firs t appeare d i n 88 . The n th e mos t mis chief. I n 89 . ver y few. Non e sinc e Benjamin. 11 . miles above Waterford. Sam e exactly as Waterford. Still-water. D r. Willard. 15 . miles above Waterford. T he principal mischief wa s don e i n 1788 . H e ha s hear d that a fe w wer e see n i n 1787. Ther e wa s ver y littl e injur y i n 89 . Non e since . Saratoga. M r . Schuyler . He understoo d a fe w wer e see n i n 87 . In 88 . the y injure d the Sprin g barle y and nothing else . I n 89. the y did th e sam e a s t o Sprin g barle y bu t i n a stil l les s degree . Non e since. F[ort] Edward . T h e fly wa s know n her e i n 88 . an d 89 . bu t no t enough t o d o perceptibl e damage . Sandy hill . 2 mile s above , do . F[ort] George . Neve r her e a t all. Cambridge. Ha d a few i n 1789 . 90 . Hav e heard of some this year, but neve r di d an y sensibl e injury . The y showe d themselve s rathe r more i n Sprin g grain . Co l vin. Bennington. Ha d a fe w i n 89 . 90 . Hav e no t hear d if ther e ar e any thi s year . Never di d an y injury . Dewey . Fay . Robertson . Pitsfeild an d Dalton . I n 8 8 first know n bu t no t t o d o mischief . In 89 . abou t on e thir d o f the whea t i n the neighborhoo d destroyed . In 90 . a few bu t n o harm . Thi s yea r have no t hear d of any. [ 45 8 ]
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Northampton. I n 88 . first know n bu t di d n o harm . I n 89 rathe r more, bu t no t sensibl y injurious . In 90 stil l a few. Thi s yea r none . W. Springfeild . Som e wer e see n i n 8 7 bu t di d n o injury , ye t i t spread such an alarm that few people sowed wheat . They substituted rye i n thei r grounds . T h e fe w wh o sowe d whea t howeve r ha d a s good a s eve r i n 88 . The n i n 8 9 ever y bod y sowe d agai n an d n o harm done . Som e sa y ther e ar e a few thi s year. [Ju]ne 10 . Sido n hill nea r Middletown. They appeared here first in 84 . an d did extrem e mischie f that yea r and 85 . an d 86 . tha t th e informant lef t of f sowin g whea t i n 87 . 8 . 9 . I n 9 0 h e ha d a goo d crop o f th e sowin g o f 8 9 an d n o fly. Thi s yea r he know s o f n o fly. Stranton's 5 mile s fro m Guildford . The y appeare d her e first i n 1786. bu t di d not ver y much injur y tha t year . But every yea r sinc e they have destroyed 1/ 3 o r 1/2 and are as many this year as ever. They got th e ne w kin d o f bearde d whea t las t yea r an d this yea r a small quantity. The y hav e no t injure d tha t mor e tha n rye . The y hav e sometimes touche d th e ry e a little. Hav e no t meddle d wit h oats . [G]uilford. The y cam e her e abou t 86 . an d have don e muc h mischief i n th e ol d wheat . Oyster pon d point . The y cam e her e abou t 86 . Hav e don e muc h mischief ever since. T he yellow bearde d wheat has been introduced. That i s stron g an d attacke d abou t a s muc h a s ry e is . I f that whea t gets the star t they canno t hurt it. Has heard of none this year. Rufus Tupple. Southold. 1 5 miles from Oyster pond point. Mrs. L'hommedieu's . The fly cam e her e i n 85 . an d destroyed th e crop s o f tha t year , 86 . and 87 . T h e n the y go t th e yello w bearde d whea t whic h resiste d them in a great degree but not entirely. But they go t a piebald wheat from Goshen which they neve r touched an d it is a fine white wheat . Besides thi s th e farmer s finding tha t th e fly destroye d al l weakl y wheat go t int o th e practic e o f manurin g highly whic h contribute d very muc h t o preven t th e ravage s o f th e fly b y makin g th e whea t too vigorou s fo r them : s o tha t b y th e improvemen t o f manur e th e country reall y has bee n benefited . I n 88 . 89 . 90 . n o mischie f done worth speakin g o f bu t i n th e ol d land s an d ol d kind s o f wheat . I n these ther e ar e some thi s year . T h e fly lay s a maggot (no t a n egg) i n th e youn g whea t nea r th e root. T h i s become s i n th e winte r an d sprin g a cocoon. Resemble s flax see d an d eat s itsel f ou t o f it' s coa t i n Ma y o r Jun e an d come s out a fly. T h is fly appeared first in Flatbush near where the Hessian s landed and the yea r after they landed , and they hav e travelled about 20 mile s a year, more o r les s accordin g to th e winds . [459 ]
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T h e yello w bearde d wheat wa s foreign whea t taken by the Britis h (not know n fro m whom ) a bushel o f whic h wa s sowe d b y a miller accidentally. T h e fly canno t g o Westwardl y becaus e repelle d b y th e West wardly winds . Colo. Dearin g of Shelter Isld. ha s been particularl y seriou s i n his observations o n thi s fly. Riverhead. Griffin . Fl y wa s neve r a t thi s place , no r fo r 4 o r 5 miles al l around it. Beyond that distance i n every direction a plenty. T h e reaso n unassignable . Thi s i s 18 . mile s fro m Southold . Morichie's. Downs's . Cam e into this neighborhood i n 85. H e had a ver y fe w tha t year , bu t no t t o d o sensibl e injury . Ha s ha d non e since. T h is neighborhood fo r some miles never affected b y it. Cannot account fo r it . Genl. Floyd . H e observed that the fly travelled from West to Eas t about 2 0 mile s a year, but h e wen t a journey N . E . an d found the y travelled muc h mor e i n tha t directio n becaus e i t wa s goin g befor e the wind , for at the seaso n o f their being abl e to fly the S.W . wind s prevail. T h i s i s th e reaso n the y g o slowl y t o th e Westward. Terry's. 2 2 mile s fro m Genl . Floyd's . T he fly cam e her e i n 85 . and destroye d som e fields o f whea t entirely . Howeve r the y hav e never prevaile d on th e S . sid e o f th e islan d near as muc h a s o n th e N . side . The y hav e fo r man y year s sowe d th e bearde d wheat . N o fly thi s year . Hamstead. A fe w her e thi s year . Flushing. Prince . T h i s insec t first appeare d a t thi s place . T h e Hessians wer e statione d her e i n 76 . an d in 77 : the insec t appeared . It wa s ver y slo w indee d i n it' s first extensions , no t gettin g beyon d the limit s o f thi s neighborhoo d fo r som e years . H e confirm s th e account o f th e origi n o f th e yello w bearde d whea t give n b y L'hommedieu. I t was first sow n b y a miller in this neighborhood. Richmond. The y cam e her e a yea r o r tw o afte r th e war . The y destroyed 3 crops . H e (Turner ) though t tha t thei r genera l perio d every wher e wa s o f 3 years . T he bearde d whea t no t hur t by them . South Amboy. They came here about 2 year s after the war . Have made genera l destructio n eve r sinc e amon g th e ol d wheat , bu t no t the bearded . T h i s i s a sandy countr y an d bu t littl e whea t raised. A smith' s sho p 6 mile s fro m S . Amboy . The y cam e her e i n 83 . or 84 . an d hav e destroye d 7 crop s o f the ol d kin d o f wheat. Ther e have bee n fewe r fo r 3 year s pas t th o ther e ar e stil l some . H e sa w this yea r a feil d sow n par t wit h th e ol d wheat , par t th e bearded . 3
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You migh t trac e th e ver y furro w wher e the y changed . T h e ol d destroyed, th e bearde d not hurt . Williamson. 14 . mile s fro m S . Amboy . T h e las t goo d cro p o f wheat he has had was the summer after the peace. T he year following all wa s destroyed , an d s o afterward s every yea r in a greater o r les s degree. T h e y fluctuate, prevailin g less som e years , more th e next . Last yea r for instance, they di d little injur y here . T h is yea r they wil l destroy tw o thirds . T h e bearde d whea t i s attacked , bu t les s tha n the other . I f wheat b e sow n earl y in th e fal l the y wil l destro y i t i n the fall . I t is bette r therefor e sow n late . Abou t a month ag o h e sa w some o f the insect s i n th e gree n chrysalis , other s i n th e brow n and the empt y chrysali s of others , th e fly havin g eate n itsel f out . I t i s when th e chrysali s has turne d brown that i t resemble s flax seed . I foun d her e som e o f th e cocoon s ful l an d som e empty . The y were al l of th e siz e an d color o f flax seed . Allentown. 1 4 mile s fro m Burlington . T h is th e 5th . harves t attacked here . 2/ 3 wil l b e los t thi s year , t o wi t al l th e ol d kin d o f wheat and a little of the bearded . Last yea r the los s was still greater. T h e bearde d wheat produces less, is more difficult to cut and thresh, and th e chaf f is useless . MS (DLC : T J Papers, 69: 11907-9) ; the firs t part of the note s was written b y T J i n four columns on recto and verso o f a folde d addres s cover , postmarke d an d addressed "Hble Thos. Jeff[e]rson Phila delphia" in hand which appears to be that of Barbier Demarais, whose letter of 7 May 1791 wa s received by TJ on the day he departed from Philadelphia. The second part, from17 to 19 June, was added to the verso of TJ's Journal of the Tour (see note 3 below and note to Document i). Brackets for first and second passages i n MS . One document o n TJ's investigatio n of the Hessia n fly is an undated anatomical description of the insect which has hitherto been assigne d to 1791 but which was almost certainly written in June 1792. Thi s consists of a single leaf and has the following at the top of its verso (DLC: TJ Papers , 69: 11909) : June 1 . Mr . William s brough t severa l stalks with the Chrysalis of the Hessian fly in them, most were of the flax seed colour, one only was pale green.
5. a flyfound hatched in the morning, qu : how long[?] at 9. aclock laid eggs. 14. 3 . do. hatched . 15. 1 . do. From this it is clear that TJ wa s conducting a n experiment ove r a period o f tw o weeks an d that thi s coul d no t have occurred while he and Madison were on their journey. On 1 June 1791 the y were at the head of Lake George where the fly had not been see n i n two years. The "Mr. Williams" who brough t T J the wheat stalks was probably Jonathan Williams, who in the spring of 1792 was in Philadelphia and who attende d meeting s o f the America n Philosophical Society whe n TJ was present. A t that tim e th e Committee o f th e Society of which he was chairman drew up and published its series of queries calling upon all persons having information about the natura l histor y o f the insect t o communicate the same to T J. TJ' s anatomical description of the fly must therefore have been written at that time. It is given as a note t o th e Committee' s questionnaire , which is dated 7 June 179 2 (see note to
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that document ; also TJ to Thomson , 2 0 Apr. 1791) .
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straight up " and then altered th e passage to rea d as above. A t this point TJ wrote "Contd." The continuation o f hi s note s o n th e Hessia n fly, consisting of all tha t follows, was written on the verso of his Journal (see not e to Document i) . 3
T J firstwrote " . .. grain of wheat and half as thick" and then altered the passage to rea d as above. T J first wrote " . . . th e blade s stan d 1
2
I I I . T h o m a s Jefferson t o H e n r y R e m s e n , J r. D E A R SI R Saratog
a May 28 . 1791 .
I recieve d a t Ne w Yor k an d Alban y th e letter s an d paper s yo u were s o kin d as t o forwar d thither. I a m s o fa r on m y journey, an d am no w abl e t o calculat e wit h som e probabilit y m y futur e cours e and progress . I shal l go Northwardl y stil l three day s an d then tac k about, g o t o Benningto n t o Connecticu t river , the n dow n tha t an d thro L o n g island to N . Y . and Philadelphia . I expec t t o b e a t Bennington th e 5th . o f June, a t Hartfor d the 10th . an d at N . Yor k th e 18th. an d shal l b e gla d t o reciev e a t thos e place s m y letters , an d Fenno's newspapers . Inconvenientl y situate d fo r writin g I can onl y add assurance s o f the estee m with which I am Dear Sir Your obedt . humble servt , T H : JEFFERSO N RC (MdHi) ; addressed : "Mr . Henr y whe n h e arrive d o n th e 19th . Th e onl y Remsen Philadelphi a Marke t stree t No . lette r recorded as received at Albany, which 270"; franked; postmarked: "ALBANY " and h e reached o n the mornin g o f the 26th , i s "1 iv [JUNE]" ; endorsed by Remsen a s re- Washington' s brie f not e o f 8 Ma y 1791 . ceived 7 June 1791 . No t recorded in SJL. Th e papers that he mentions no doubt included Fenno's Gazette of the United States So far as the entries in S JL indicate , T J whic h h e particularl y aske d t o hav e for did no t receiv e an y letter s i n Ne w Yor k warded .
I V . T h o m a s Jefferson t o M a r y Jefferso n M Y D E A R M A R I A Lak
e Georg e Ma y 30 . 9 1 .
I di d no t expec t t o writ e t o yo u agai n til l m y retur n to Philada. , but a s I thin k alway s o f you , s o I avai l myself o f ever y momen t t o tell yo u s o whic h a lif e o f busines s wil l permit . Suc h a momen t i s now offere d whil e passin g thi s lake an d it' s border , o n whic h w e have just landed , ha s furnishe d the mean s whic h the wan t o f pape r would otherwis e hav e denie d me . I writ e t o yo u o n th e bar k o f th e 1
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Paper birch , suppose d t o b e th e sam e use d b y th e antient s t o writ e on befor e th e ar t o f makin g pape r wa s invented , an d whic h bein g called th e Papyrus , gav e th e nam e o f pape r t o th e ne w invente d substitute. I writ e t o yo u merel y t o tel l yo u tha t I a m well , an d t o repeat wha t I hav e s o ofte n befor e repeate d tha t I lov e yo u dearly , am alway s thinkin g of yo u an d place muc h o f the happines s o f m y life in seeing yo u improved in knowlege, learne d in all the domesti c arts, useful to you r friends and good to all . To see yo u in short place your felicit y i n acquirin g the lov e o f thos e amon g who m yo u live , and withou t whic h no bod y ca n ever be happy. Go on then m y dear Maria i n you r reading , i n attentio n t o you r music , i n learnin g t o manage th e kitchen , th e dairy , th e garden , an d othe r appendage s of th e houshold , i n sufferin g nothin g t o ruffl e you r tempe r o r in terrupt tha t goo d humo r whic h i t i s s o eas y an d s o importan t t o render habitual , and b e assure d that you r progres s i n thes e thing s are object s o f constan t praye r with your' s affectionately . Dft (MHi) ; writte n on paper, with numerous interlineations and deletions. Th e RC, writte n on birc h bark , ha s not bee n found. TJ's remar k tha t h e woul d hav e bee n denied th e opportunit y t o writ e Mar y if birch bar k ha d not bee n availabl e needs qualification. Tha t pape r was scarc e and that he carried little with him is proved by the scraps on which he recorded his travel notes, his comment s on th e Hessian fly,and his vocabular y of the Unquachogs. But whil e all thre e of his letters to Mary, Martha, and
his son-in-law were written on bark, drafts of each of these were firstwritten on paper, as wer e th e letter s t o Washingto n an d Remsen. He did not usually prepare drafts of his letters to his children, but in thi s case he evidentl y wishe d t o hav e th e text s in final for m before copyin g them on bark. A t this poin t T J wrote th e followin g and the n deleted it: "which I desire you to take your map and look for." The deletion was obviousl y mad e becaus e T J remembered he had already made the suggestion (see T J t o Mary Jefferson, 8 May 1791). 1
V . T h o m a s Jefferson t o M a r t h a Jefferson Randolp h M Y D E A R M A R T H A Lak
e Champlai n May . 3 1
I wrot e t o Mari a yesterday , whil e sailin g o n Lak e George , an d the sam e kin d o f leisur e i s afforde d m e toda y t o writ e to you . Lak e George i s withou t compariso n the mos t beautifu l wate r I ever saw : formed b y a contour o f mountain s int o a bason 3 5 mile s long , an d from 2 t o 4 mile s broad , finely intersperse d with islands , its water s limpid a s chrystal and the mountai n side s covere d wit h ric h grove s of Thuya, silve r fir, white pine , Aspe n and paper birch dow n t o th e water edge, her e an d there precipice s o f rock to checque r the scen e [463 ]
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and save it from monotony. A n abundance of speckled trout, salmon trout, bas s an d other fish wit h which it is stored, have adde d to ou r other amusement s th e spor t o f takin g them . Lak e Champlain , th o much larger , is a far less pleasant water. I t is muddy, turbulent, and yields littl e game . Afte r penetratin g int o i t abou t 2 5 mile s w e hav e been oblige d b y a head win d an d high se a t o return , havin g spen t a da y an d a half i n sailin g o n it . W e shal l take ou r rou t agai n thr o Lake George, pass thro Vermont down Connecticut river, and through Long islan d to Ne w Yor k an d Philadelphia . Our journey hithert o has bee n prosperou s an d pleasan t excep t a s t o th e weathe r whic h has bee n a s sultr y ho t throug h th e whol e a s coul d b e foun d i n Carolina o r Georgia . I suspec t indee d tha t th e heat s o f Norther n climates ma y b e mor e powerfu l tha n thos e o f Souther n one s i n proportion a s the y ar e shorter . Perhap s vegetatio n require s this . There i s a s muc h feve r an d agu e to o an d othe r biliou s complaint s on Lak e Champlai n a s o n th e swamp s o f Carolina . Strawberrie s here ar e i n th e blossom , o r jus t formed . Wit h yo u I suppos e th e season i s over . O n the whol e I find nothin g an y where els e in poin t of climate whic h Virginia nee d env y t o an y par t of the world . Here they ar e locke d u p i n ic e an d sno w fo r si x months . Sprin g an d autumn, whic h make a paradise of our country, are rigorous winte r with them , an d a Tropica l summe r break s o n the m al l a t once . When w e conside r ho w muc h climat e contribute s t o th e happines s of our condition, by the fine sensations i t excites, an d the production s it i s th e paren t of , w e hav e reaso n t o valu e highl y th e acciden t o f birth i n suc h a n on e a s tha t o f Virginia . From this distance I can have little domestic t o write to you about . I mus t alway s repeat ho w muc h I love you. Kis s th e littl e Ann e fo r me. I hope sh e grow s lustily , enjoy s goo d health, an d will mak e u s all an d lon g happ y a s th e cente r o f ou r commo n love . Adie u m y dear. Your' s affectionately , TH: JEFFERSON R C ( N N P ) ; on birch bark, covered with silk crepeline because of its extreme brittleness. Dft (MHi) ; o n paper , having a number of deletions, interlineations , and slight variations in phraseology .
V I . T h o m a s Jefferson t o T h o m a s M a n n R a n d o l p h , J r. D E A R S I R Benningto
n i n Vermont June 5. 1791 .
Mr. Madiso n and myself are so fa r on th e tou r we ha d projected. We have visited in the course of it the principa l scenes of Burgoyne's [ 46 4 }
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misfortunes, t o wi t th e ground s a t Stil l wate r wher e th e actio n o f that nam e wa s fough t an d particularly th e breastwork s which cos t so muc h bloo d t o bot h parties , th e encampment s a t Saratog a an d ground where the Britis h pile d their arms, and the field of the battl e of Bennington, abou t 9 mile s fro m thi s place . W e hav e als o visite d Forts Willia m Henr y an d George , Ticonderoga , Crow n poin t &c . which have been scene s of blood from a very early part of our history. We wer e mor e please d howeve r wit h th e botanica l object s whic h continually presente d themselves . Thos e eithe r unknown o r rare in Virginia wer e the Suga r maple in vast abundance, the Thuya , silve r fir, Whit e Pine , Pitc h pine , Spruc e pine , a shrub with decumben t stems whic h the y cal l Junaper , an Azale a ver y differen t fro m th e Nudiflora, wit h ver y larg e cluster s o f flowers, mor e thickl y se t o n the branches , o f a deepe r re d an d hig h pink-fragrance . I t i s th e richest shru b I have seen : th e hone y suckl e of the garden s growin g wild o n th e bank s of Lak e George , th e pape r birch, a n Aspen wit h a velvet leaf , a shrub willow with downy catkins , a wild gooseberry , the wil d cherry with the singl e frui t (no t th e bunc h cherry), straw berries i n abundance . From th e Highland s t o th e lake s i t i s a limeston e country . I t i s in vas t quantitie s o n th e Easter n side s o f the lakes , but non e o n th e Western sides . T h e Sand y hil l fall s an d Wing' s fall s tw o ver y re markeable cataract s o f th e Hudso n o f abou t 35 . o r 4 0 fee t each , between For t Edwar d an d For t George , ar e o f limestone , i n hori zontal strata . Those o f the Cohoe s o n th e Wes t sid e o f the Hudso n and o f 70 . fee t heigh t w e though t no t o f limestone . W e hav e me t with a smal l re d squirrel , o f th e colou r o f ou r fo x squirre l wit h a black strip e on eac h side, weighin g abou t si x ounce s generally , an d in suc h abundance, o n Lak e Champlai n particularly , a s that twent y odd wer e kille d a t th e hous e w e lodge d i n opposit e Crow n poin t the mornin g w e arrive d there , withou t goin g te n step s fro m th e door. W e kille d three whic h wer e crossin g th e lakes , on e o f the m just a s h e wa s gettin g ashor e wher e i t wa s thre e mile s wide , an d where, wit h the hig h wind s the n blowing , h e mus t hav e made i t 5 . or 6 miles . I thin k I asked the favo r of you to sen d for Anthony in the seaso n for inoculation , a s well t o d o wha t i s necessar y i n the orchar d as t o pursue the objec t o f inoculating al l the Spontaneou s cherr y trees i n the fields wit h goo d fruit. We hav e no w go t ove r about 40 0 mile s o f our tour, and have stil l about 45 0 mor e to g o over . Arrivin g her e on the Saturda y evening, and th e law s o f the stat e no t permittin g u s t o trave l on th e Sunda y [465 ]
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has give n m e tim e t o writ e t o yo u fro m hence . I expec t t o b e a t Philadelphia by the 20th . o r 21st. I am with great & sincere esteem, dear Si r yours affectionately , T H : JEFFERSON RC (NNP) ; writte n on birc h bark . Df t (DLC); o n paper . Vermont had onl y recently passed a law permitting any magistrate to authorize travel on Sunda y for persons requesting a pass . Being the governor's guests, TJ an d Mad ison obviously preferred to respect the law
and custom s of the state. Besides, on this week-end they were enjoying frankpolitical discussions with Governor Robinson, the edito r of the Vermont Gazette, and other figures (se e Editorial Note). ANTHONY was a slave at Monticello .
V I I . T h o m a s J e f f e r s on t o G e o r g e Washington SIR Benningto
n June 5. 1791 .
In m y last letter from Philadelphia, I mentioned tha t Mr. Madiso n and mysel f wer e abou t t o tak e a tri p u p th e Nort h rive r a s fa r a s circumstances shoul d permit . T he levelness o f the road s led us quit e on t o Lak e George , wher e takin g boa t w e wen t throug h that , an d about 2 5 mile s int o Lak e Champlain . Returning then t o Saratoga , we conclude d t o cros s ove r thro ' Vermont to Connecticu t rive r an d go dow n tha t instea d o f the Nort h rive r which we ha d already seen , and w e ar e so fa r on tha t rout . I n the cours e o f our journey w e hav e had opportunitie s o f visiting Still water, Saratoga, Forts W m. Henry and Georg e Ticonderoga , Crow n point , an d th e scen e o f Genl . Starke's victory . I hav e availe d myself o f such opportunities a s occurred to enquir e into the ground s o f the report that something disagreeabl e ha d taken place i n the vicinitie s o f the Britis h posts . I t seems to hav e bee n th e following incident . The y ha d hel d a small pos t a t a blockhouse o n the Nort h Hero , an island on th e Vermon t side o f Lak e Champlain, and somethin g furthe r Sout h tha n thei r principa l post a t th e Poin t au fer . T he Maria, hithert o statione d a t the latter , for Custom-hous e purposes, wa s sent to the Block-house , an d there exercised her usual visits o n boat s passin g t o an d fro m Canada . T h i s bein g a n exercis e of power furthe r within our jurisdiction became th e subjec t of notic e and clamou r wit h ou r citizen s i n tha t quarter . T he vesse l ha s bee n since recalle d to th e Poin t a u fer, an d being unfi t fo r service , a ne w one i s t o b e buil t t o perfor m he r functions . Thi s sh e ha s usuall y done a t th e Poin t a u fe r wit h a goo d dea l o f rigour , bringin g al l [466]
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vessels to a t that place , an d sometimes under such circumstances of wind an d weather a s to hav e occasione d th e los s o f two vessel s and cargoes. Thes e circumstance s produc e stron g sensation s i n tha t quarter, an d no t friendl y t o th e characte r of ou r government . T h e establishment o f a custom-house a t Alburg, nearl y opposite to Poin t au fer , has give n th e Britis h considerabl e alarm . A groundles s stor y of 200 American s seen in arms near Point au fer, has been th e cause , or th e pretext , o f their reinforcing that plac e a few day s ag o wit h a company o f men fro m St . John's . It is sai d here they hav e calle d in their guar d from the Block-house , bu t th e informatio n i s no t direc t enough t o comman d entir e belief . On enquirin g into the disposition s i n Canada on the subject of the projected form of government there , we learn , that they ar e divided into tw o parties ; the Englis h wh o desir e somethin g lik e an Englis h constitution bu t s o modelle d a s t o oblig e th e Frenc h t o chus e a certain proportio n o f Englis h representatives , an d the Frenc h wh o wish a continuanc e o f th e Frenc h laws , moderate d b y som e en graftments fro m the Englis h code. T h e judge of their Common pleas heads th e forme r party , and Smit h the chie f justice secretl y guide s the latter . We encounte r th e Gree n mountain s tomorrow , wit h cavalr y in part disabled, so as to render our progress a little incertain. I presume however I shal l be i n Philadelphia in a fortnight. I have the honou r to b e wit h sentiment s o f th e mos t perfec t respec t an d attachment , Sir, You r mos t obedien t & most humbl e servant , TH: JEFFERSON RC (DNA : R G 59, MLR); endorsed by Washington. Pr C (DLC) . T r (DNA: RG 59, SDC). Th e existence of the press copy is the only — though conclusiv e - evidenc e that TJ carrie d his portable copying press on the journey, just as he did in travelling
through souther n Franc e i n 1787 . Sinc e he ha d promise d Washingto n t o inquire into the matters here reported, he no doubt carried th e pres s specificall y fo r th e pur pose o f recordin g such official report s as this.
V I I I . Jefferson' s V o c a b u l a r y of th e Unquachog Indian s [14 Jun e 1791 ]
Unquachogs. Abou t 20 . souls . The y constitute th e Pusspâtoc k set tlement i n th e tow n o f Brookhave n S. sid e o f Lon g island . The languag e the y spea k i s a dialec t differin g a littl e fro m th e [467 }
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Indians settle d nea r Southampto n calle d Shinicock s and als o fro m those o f Montoc k calle d Montocks . T h e thre e tribe s ca n barel y understand eac h other . cow. cowse n horse, hosse s sheep, sheeps . hog. hog . dog. arsu m -fox. squirrute s -squirrel, rnoccas. - rabbe t moh-tu x -deer, hât k - b i r d , aswâssas . - c r o w , concônchus . gull, arrâ x -goose, hakéna h -eagle wéquaran . - d u c k , nanâsecus . -dove, ma-owks . - f i s h hawk , manamaquas . - q u a i l , ohôcotee s -partridge, âpacu s whippoorwill. whâcorees . -snake, skw k - bu g seuk r worm, huque r -fly. muchâwas . musketo. murrâquitc h -tree, péewye . -pine, c w - o a k . huchemus . -hiccory. wusqua t appletree. appeesanck . peach tree , péachesanc k cherry tree , chérrysanck . -grape, câtamenôn . plumb tree , sassémenac . strawberries, wotahomon . - mulberr y tree , accacumenoc . rose, wôsowancon . Indn. corn , sowhawmen .
- t u r k e y nahiam . chicken, kekeeps . potato, panac . squash, âscoo t wheat, marooma r -bread, ap . mouse, poquâtta s rat. n o name . rye. ry e -oats. oats . tobacco, tobac . hominy, samp . meat, w é e o w s . -stone, sun . - clay.jpuckw e - Isquoin t sand yaac -water, nu p - d i r t , puckw é the whol e world , wâame pamakfu. - s k y . ke-is k - c l o u d , pamayauxe n - r a i n , sukeru n - snow , soâchp o - i c e . copât n - h a i l , moséca n - s u n . hâquaqu a - m o o n , neépa . - s t a r , arâqusa c -fire. ruht . yuht . whale oil . puttapapum . greese. pum . whale, puttap . - f i s h , opéramac . oyster, apoonahac . clam, poquahoc . - a man . run.
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- w o m a n , squah . - c h i l d , peewutstu t - b o y . macuchax . lad. rungcump . - g i r l , squâsses . lass, yunksquas . - h e a d , okéyununc . - h a i r , wé-us k -eyes, skésuc . -nose, cochô y -mouth, cutto h -teeth, képu t - l i p s , kussissit . - c h i n , coturhpca n -cheek, canânn o - e a r . catawoc . - n e c k , keésquish . shoulder, péqua n - a r m . coput-t e elbow, keésquan . - h a n d , cofitch é -finger, cofitcheus . - n a i l , cocâssa c - b a c k , cupsqua n skin, cuttaqura s -belly, crâckis h hip. coruca n - t h i g h , copôma c knee, cucuttu c - l e g . corâun . -foot, cusseé d - grt . toe . cumsquaussee t - littl e toe . peewasticonsee t - fathe r cw s - mothe r cwc a - brothe r contàyu x - sister , keéssum s - child , neechuntz . aunt cacâca s uncle nisséi s G r fathe r numpsoon k G r . mother , nânna x
N J O U R N E
Y
-husband, ks-harhp s -wife, keé-u s gr. child , côwhee s - m i l k , wampachu-un k peas, n o name . beans, mais-cussee t - b l a c k , shickayo . - w h i t e , wampay o - r e d . squay o -yellow, weesa-way o - b l u e , seewamp-way o -green, uscusquây o -rainbow papuhmuncsun c bow. atump . arrow, neep . tomahawk, chékenas . a pot . coquée s a bed . apunn a a blanket , aquéewants . axe. ochégan . -house, weécho . door, squnt . chimney, hamâne k gourd, (quai) whorâmmok . watermelon, waghti whorammok wampum, whampump . mocassens. mocussenu s - good , woréeca n - b a d . mattateayuh . -clever, weâyuh . -handsome, woreeco . - ugly , neeh o wuchayu k a cros s (angry) fellow . cheeâscota. - a rive r seépu s -ocean, cutstu k a bay . petâpag h - t o walk , copumusa h - t o stand , cotofe r - t o li e down , cutchéepu r - t o sit . kiummatap . [469]
T H E N O R T H E R
N J O U R N E
Y
10. payac. 11. nâpan-naquu t 12. napan-ee s 13. napan-u s 14. nâpan-yôu t 15. napan-nap â 16. napan-nacuttah. &c. t o 19 . 20. neésun-cho g 21. neesu n chognaquu t 30. sowuncho g 40. yauhwunchô g 50. napâatsunchôg . 60. nacuttahtsuncho g 70. tumpawatsunchog . &c. (100 norit sunchog) - 1 0 0 . noquu t pasi t - 200 . nee s pas u (300) (god) god . mânto . a grea t god . masakéetmûnd . devil, mâttateâshe t , pataquahamoc . , wowosumpsa .
- t o run . quâquee s - t o break , pwksa — to bend , co-unkarunneman to cu t wit h a knife. poqueslmman. to cu t wit h a n axe . poquatâhaman - t o kill , wuhnsa . war. ayutôwa c -peace, weéhsaa c to hunt , peénsaac . - I . né e - y o u . ke e - h e . naâcum . {she. wéena) - s m a l l peéwâts u 1. naqûu t 2. née s 3. nu s 4. yau t 5. p a [or ] napâ a 6. nacutta h [or ] cutta h 7. tumpaw a 8. swah . -thunder 9. nwr e -lightening
T h e orthograph y i s English . Thi s Vocabular y was taken b y T h : J. June 13 . 1791. i n presenc e o f Jame s Madiso n an d Genl . Floyd . There remai n bu t thre e person s o f thi s trib e no w wh o ca n spea k it's language . Thes e ar e ol d women . Fro m tw o o f these , brough t together, thi s vocabular y wa s taken . A youn g woma n o f th e sam e tribe wa s als o presen t wh o kne w somethin g o f th e language . 1
MS (PPAP) ; writte n o n an address lea f i n his volume of "Indian Vocabularies Colentirely i n TJ' s hand excep t fo r th e ad - lecte d September 1820, " p. 46-8 . dress: "Honbl e Thoma s Jefferso n Esq. " which i s i n th e han d o f Rober t R . Liv Thus i n MS . The trave l note s in th e ingston (see Editorial Note). Tr (same); in Accoun t Boo k sho w that T J "visited th e hand of Peter S . Du Ponceau, transcribe d Unquacho g Indians " on the 14th . 1
[470]
I X . Jefferson' s T a b l e o f Distance s a n d Rating o f Inn s [17May-19 Jun e 1791 ] miles mile s water lan d May 17 . Philadelphi a t o 19. Eliz . tow n poin t 80 ferry t o N . Yor k 9 23. Poughkeepsie . Hendrickson V 8 Lasher's* 1 Swartz's 1 Katchum's 4 24. Pulvar's — 5 Claverack* 8 Hudson* 4 25. Kenderhook — 1 Miller's 8 Moore's 4 26. Albany * 8 Troy 6 Lansingboro' 2 Waterford + 2 Peeble's 4 27. Benjamin' s — 7 D r . Willard' s at Stillwate r 4 Ensign's* 4 Saratoga 6 McNeaPs ferr y + 3 28. For t E d w d . — Baldwin' s 1 Sandy hil l fall s + Deane' s 3 Wing's fall s 4 Halfway broo k 1 29. Ft . Georg e + Hay' s 7 Lake Georg e 3 Ticonderoga Hay' s + 3 30. Crow n poin t 1 further int o th e lak e 8 31. * good +
midling -
ba d
[471]
. 3 6 2
4
1
6 5
T H E N O R T H E R
N J O U R N E
Y
miles mile s water lan d June. 1 . bac k t o For t Georg e 6 2 2. Saratog a 2 3. Cambridge . Colvin' s 1 Sickle's (battl e o f Bennington ) 6 4. Bennington . Dewy's * 9 Bennington t o Williamstown . Kiblock' s 1 Sloane's 4 New Ashfeil d 4 Lanesboro' Wheeler's * 6 Pittsfeild 6 June. 6 . Dalton . Mrs . Marsh's 4V 7. Northampto n Pomeroy's * 3 West Springfeil d Stebbins' s + 1 Suffeild. Hitchcock's * 9 Windsor 1 8. Hartford . Fred . Bull's * 8 Weathersfeild 4 Middletown. Bigelow' s 4- 1 Durham 8 10. Strandford' s — 7 11. Guilfor d Stone + 8 Oysterpond poin t 3 5 12. Southold . Mrs . Peck' s + 1 Hubbard's 8 Riverhead* Griffin' s 1 13. Moritchie' s Downs' s + 1 Colo. Floyd' s 7 Hart's + 1 14. Terry' s + 9 Strong's 6 Udell's 6 Bethpeg 1 Hamstead 9 15. Jamaic a 1 Brooklyn 1 16. Ne w Yor k 1 Pauler'shook l V i Bergen poin t 9 Staten islan d 3/ 4 [472 }
9 5
4
2 4 8 At 0 l
1
6 0 2 3
0 0 2
21 M A Y 1 7 9
1 miles mile s water lan d
Richmond Billing's poin t Perth Ambo y 17. Sout h Ambo y 1 Spotswood Williamson's Cranberry 18. Allentow n Crosswick's Bordentown Burlington Duns's ferr y
6 9 '4
10 4 6 11 4 4 11 4
the ferr y 3/ 19. Philadelphi a
4 16_ 256 +
This calculation of distances with rating of inns where Madison and TJ lodged or dined is extracted fromthe Account Book (NN), wher e i t wa s entere d a t 2 0 Jun e 1791 after TJ arrive d back in Philadelphia. It bear s the captio n "Th e stages and distances o f my journey." T J di d no t begi n t o rat e the inn s and taverns along the wa y until he had joined Madison in New Yor k and ceased to do so the da y befor e the y parted . Th e highes t ratings, understandably, were given to those establishments i n the well-settle d part s of the Hudso n an d Connecticut valleys . Although Pierpont Edwards had said that the travellers grumbled at the "Eatables " and found nothing goo d enough for them (se e Editorial Note), Connecticut inns with one exception were given TJ's top rating. Some indication o f his criteria for the three cat-
6 6 4 = 92
0
egories may perhap s b e foun d i n the inn where he and Madison stopped a t Ticonderoga, located on the lake shore near Fort Ticonderoga in a stone building that had been know n as "The King's Store." This inn wa s operate d b y th e wif e o f Charles Hay (brother of Udney Hay, who had been deputy quartermaster at Ticonderoga during the Revolution). Mrs. Hay was a native of Quebe c an d sh e ha d operate d a n inn there. Whe n Isaac Weld stopped a t Mrs. Hay's Ticonderoga establishment only a few years after TJ an d Madison were there, he was greatly surprised and pleased with both the service and the food, attributing this to her being a native of French Canada (Isaac Weld, Travels, I [New York, 1799] , 293). T J , perhap s judgin g Mrs . Hay's cuisine by hi s ow n Frenc h standards , rate d her place only as "middling."
F r o m Charle s Carte r M Y D R . F R I E N D Ludlo w Town 21st Ma y 9 1 Without an y apology , fo r thi s intrusion , I be g leav e t o engag e you i n matte r tha t deepl y concern s me , an d m y Family . You r ver y [473 }
21 M A Y 179
1
kind lette r t o you r relatio n Mrs . C whe n yo u wer e i n Virgini a has induced m e t o tak e thi s liberty . M y secon d So n ha s compleate d hi s Classical Education , under th e Revd . Thomas Ryan ; and is desirou s of studying Physics . I wish t o sen d hi m to Philadelphia , rathe r than a foreig n Country , believin g h e ca n receive , a s muc h instructio n there, a s at any othe r place . Som e of my acquaintanc e hav e enquire d the terms . Doctr . Rus h demand s a Fe e o f 1 0 0 £ P . C . Bond an d Shippen 8 0 £ . B y som e I a m recommende d t o one , an d b y other s to another . Bu t b y letter s from M r . T h s. Fitzhugh Knox a Relation, of our Friend of Chatham who no w lives , i n the T o w n o f and studies under a Docto r Barton , I a m induce d t o believe , thi s Fe e i s exor bitant. Doctr . Barto n i s professo r o f Botan y an d Natura l History , stands hig h i n th e Physica l line , an d th e Hea d o f th e Dispensary , and on e o f th e Attendants , o n th e Hospital . M r . Kno x live s i n hi s Family, has access , t o hi s librar y and attends with him , his Patients . T i s suppose d h e wil l gai n a s muc h experience , a s i f h e ha d paid , the exorbitan t Fees . A n d fo r thi s h e pay s 5 0 £ P . C . I wis h t o hav e advice o n th e matter . A n d tha t you l b e s o obliging , a s t o le t m e know i n eithe r case , th e expence . T h e Bo y i s 1 7 year s o f age , i s very fon d o f hi s Books , t o whic h h e ha s devote d hi s whol e time . I have ha d hi m Enoculated . I som e time sinc e ha d presente d m e th e Accounts o f W m. Ogl e E s q . delivere d t o the Hous e Commons . The y are o f n o us e t o me , bu t I thin k ma y b e s o t o you . I therefor e sen t you an d be g you r acceptanc e o f th e Book . Mrs . Carte r beg s t o b e affy. rembrd . t o you . I a m D r . Sr . Y r . Aff. Frien d & Hble. St. , CHS. CARTE R RC (MHi) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 21 Jun e 1791 an d so recorded in SJL . TJ's lette r to MRS . c . (Elizabet h Chiswell Carter) was that of 1 Oct . 1790. The work that Carter sent was The accounts of
William Ogle, Esq. Superintendent of the
Newry Canals (Dublin , 1787). Th e original owne r of TJ's copy , Samue l Martin, inscribed his name on the title-page and he may have bee n th e on e wh o presente d it to Carter (see Sowerby , No. 2987).
F r o m Davi d Humphrey s Lisbon, 21 May 1791. Send s English papers . From talks with De Pint o and others, peace more expected t o prevail than formerly. But newly arrived vessel s from nort h brin g nothin g definite . B y direc t account s fro m Pari s a t en d o f April, h e finds tumults have subsided, Lafayett e again in command of national guard, an d his popularity and triumph complete despit e Englis h prophecies . The mischievou s intrigues of the anti-constitutional faction react against them. "With unanimity and perseverance on the part of the Patriots, the French nation
[474]
21 M A Y 179
1
cannot fai l o f becoming mor e happy , powerfu l an d glorious tha n any other o n this Continent." Meantime, h e i s please d t o belon g t o a natio n "whos e nam e is , a t eac h succeeding time , pronounce d wit h mor e an d mor e respect , throughou t th e European World . Mankin d begin t o believ e i n th e excellenc e an d stabilit y o f our Government . Every da y discovers fresh proofs, o f enterprize and resources, flattering to th e characte r of our Country. " A fe w day s ago , whe n captain s of American ship s showe d satisfactio n a t appointmen t o f minister , th e larges t merchantman fired a federal salut e an d displayed American flags. She belong s to a foreigner an d trades wit h Balti c unde r America n papers an d captain cause the premium of Insurance and expense of Navigation are cheaper than they would be under other Colours." He attribute s t o risin g reputatio n o f Americ a civilitie s h e ha s everywher e received. T w o o r three day s befor e bein g presented , h e calle d on D e Challon , French ambassador , wit h introductio n fro m Marqui s de la Luzerne , an d o n Walpole, Britis h minister , wit h on e fro m Lor d St . Helens . Bot h were "ex tremely polite, " an d o n 13t h Walpol e presente d hi m t o th e diplomati c corp s in th e Queen's antechamber. Every person in that body returned his visit befor e the en d o f the secon d day . He ha s ha d simila r reception fro m "severa l Portugues e Character s o f hig h distinction: particularl y from D . Joh n Carlo s o f Braganza , Duk e o f Alafones , Uncle t o He r Majesty, Commander in Chie f o f He r Troops, and Governor of Estremadura." Withou t an y hin t whatever , h e wa s introduce d t o hi m o n th e 12th, partoo k o f a collation wit h him , the "Dutches s an d many Ladie s o f th e first families " a t th e palac e wher e meet s th e Roya l Academ y o f Sciences , o f which h e i s president an d over which he had just presided at an extraordinar y session. "This Nobleman is perfectly elegant in his manners, and greatly belove d for th e goodnes s o f hi s heart . H e ha s travelle d through Europe , understand s English and French, and is the Protector of Arts and Sciences in the Kingdom." He ha d previousl y rea d newspaper s an d othe r publication s Humphrey s had brought. O n being presented t o him "he told me in the most courteous possibl e manner, 'tha t h e wa s alread y perfectl y acquainte d wit h me ; tha t h e admire d the conduc t an d character of m y country ; and that h e wa s dispose d t o rende r me ever y servic e i n hi s power. ' " After acknowledgin g hi s politenes s i n wha t he hope d wa s no t a n unbecomin g manner , Humphrey s said : "a s w e were a young Nation , bu t just emerging fro m . .. a long and distressing war, we mus t only hop e to mak e gradua l improvements, whic h I was happy i n believing w e were no w doing. " To whic h the Duk e replied : " 'Young as you r Natio n is , i t advances i n improvement s wit h th e STEP S O F A GIANT (pa s d'u n Géant) . I t is not a compliment t o tel l yo u so . -1 sa y wha t I mean - fo r it a s ill becomes m e of the Hous e o f Braganza t o flatter, as it does a Citizen o f the Unite d States t o be flattered.' " On the 13t h th e Duk e receive d a new promotion . For introductio n to that illustrious personage, h e was indebted to the Duke's most intimat e friend , Abb é Corrêa , secretar y o f th e Academ y o f Sciences , "one o f the mos t liberal Philosopher s o f the age , a n enthusiastic admire r of our Country, an d certainl y on e o f th e bes t informe d me n o n th e subjec t o f i t (fo r a perso n wh o ha s no t bee n there ) I hav e eve r me t wit h i n m y life. " T J wil l perceive hi s manne r o f politica l thinkin g b y wha t h e sai d whe n Humphrey s first sa w sa w him: " 'I look upo n th e U . S. of America to b e the onl y hope and consolation o f Mankind . Her e i n Europ e w e hav e te n thousan d almos t insur -
[475 ]
21 M A Y 179
1
mountable obstacle s t o politica l happiness . - KING S AR E BA D ENOUGH , BU T NOBILITY AR E T H E D E V I L . ' - A fe w day s ag o h e remarke d 'You and w e hav e every circumstance in our favor to mak e us strictly and advantageously united . And Englan d an d Spai n ar e (i f I ma y us e a n expressio n tha t ough t t o b e exploded) th e natura l enemie s o f both. ' H e declare s tha t nothin g bu t hi s ag e prevents him from going to the U. S. - H e professes, however , that this Country is tranqui l and prosperous , i n a wonderfu l degree , unde r th e presen t Reign : But tha t the publi c felicity i s held by too precariou s a tenure, it depending bu t too muc h on th e Character s o f the reignin g Sovereign. " He i s so muc h fatigued b y payin g and receiving visits, writing and copying letters, and making arrangements for a house that he must retire into the country for a few week s les t his "health should suffer from some inconvenient plethoric k symptoms, whic h th e unusua l lif e . . . ha s produced. " Th e "publi c busines s can receiv e n o detriment. " P.S. O n furthe r inquir y into characte r and conduc t o f Samue l Harriso n a s vice-consul, he finds his services not only indispensable but also highly approved by masters of vessels. - Humphrey s thinks that "if the Philosophica l Society o f Philadelphia (o f whic h I believ e yo u ar e one o f th e principa l officers ) shoul d think prope r t o admi t th e Duk e o f Alafônes , th e Chev . Lui s Pint o d e Souz a Coutinho, an d th e Abb é Jos e Corrê a d e Serra , a s Members, " it woul d brin g no discredi t to th e Society , b e acceptabl e t o them , prov e usefu l t o th e caus e o f science i n general , "an d perhaps , no t unprofitabl e t o tha t o f ou r Countr y in particular. I f it woul d no t encreas e th e numbe r to o much , I woul d als o ad d the name of the Conde D. Diogo de Neronha, Ambassador... at Madrid. — His name is the first on the lis t of the member s of the Roya l Academy of Portugal." RC (DNA : R G 59 , DD); a t head of text: O f those suggeste d b y Humphrey s for "(No. 20)"; endorsed by TJ a s received 7 membershi p in the America n Philosophi July 179 1 an d s o recorde d i n SJL . T r ca l Society , onl y Corrê a d a Serr a wa s (same). electe d (1812) . T J was no t a n officer o f the Society at this time, though he was an active member.
F r o m Stephe n Cathalan , J r . Marseilles, 23 May 1791. Hope s oliv e tree s shippe d o n Marie Antoinette, Capt. Josep h Barret , wil l suffe r "nothin g els e than a retardment"; if trees ar e damaged, h e wil l replac e them . Enclose s O'Brye n an d Stephens ' lette r o f 2 5 March t o th e "Societ y o f Philantropy." He ha s thanked Parret an d de Kersey , who hav e spoke n ver y warml y on th e subjec t an d have charge d hi m t o urg e that a nation "wh o ha d so muc h sacrific e to conque r Libert y woul d no t suffe r a Longe r time her fellow Citizen s in Slavery." He thinks redemption an d peace should b e negotiate d a t sam e time , bu t Parre t an d d e Kerse y "sa y tha t wit h such Peopl e Politic k can' t obtai n nothing " an d tha t th e prisoner s shoul d b e redeemed first. He urges that they be given a regular monthly or weekly stipend, according t o rank , t o alleviat e thei r suffering . On 2 2 Marc h h e receive d hi s commission a s vice-consul an d his exequatur , but a s the latte r does not accor d privileges o f consul h e ha s returned it with a
[476 }
23 M A Y 179 1 petition t o Montmori n to clarif y hi s status . H e has not ye t hear d from him or from Short. The seaso n i s too fa r advanced to sen d T J "Brugnols and Dried figs," bu t he wil l no t fai l t o sen d som e o f their fruits next winter . A Frenc h vesse l sail s for Ne w Yor k fro m thi s harbo r th e first day s o f June . N o America n vessel s since hi s last , onl y th e Frenc h bri g La Virginie, Capt . Dot , Français , whic h sailed fro m Philadelphi a 29 Marc h an d arrive d her e o n 1 1 Ma y wit h "19 7 hogd. Tobacco , 1 7 Tierce s Carolin a Indigo , 29 Barls . Bee s Wax, 17 3 Whale Bones, 14 0 Bels . Superfin e flour." Lists price s current fo r tobacco an d other commodities. Affairs i n Franc e ver y critical ; publi c credit much hurt. "Go d knows when Matters wil l tak e a fai r Prospect. " He presume s Unite d State s wil l retaliat e against decree s o f National Assembly. RC (DNA : R G 59 , CD) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 20 Aug. 179 1 and so recorded in SJL .
F r o m M a r t h a Jefferso n R a n d o l p h M Y D E A R PAP A Monticell
o May 23, 179 1
As yo u hav e bee n s o lon g withou t hearin g fro m an y o f u s M r . Randolph begged me t o writ e a few line s t o yo u tha t yo u migh t no t be uneasy . H e ha d bega n t o d o i t himsel f bu t wa s prevente d b y a very bad cut i n his thumb. I t is almost 5 weeks since / hav e recieve d a lette r fro m yo u whic h I attribut e t o th e irregularit y o f th e post : that o f Charlottesvill e the y sa y i s reestablished . Anthon y ha s bee n to innoculat e you r trees . W e ha d strawberrie s her e th e 2 d o f thi s month an d cherrie s I thin k th e 9t h th o the y ha d ha d bot h som e time befor e tha t a t Richmond . A s I di d no t expec t t o hav e writte n this wee k i t wa s s o lat e befor e I began that I a m obliged to b e ver y concise fo r fea r o f missin g th e pos t whic h i s expecte d i n town earl y this mornin g an d b y whic h I a m i n hopes of recieving a letter fro m you. Adie u M y Dea r Papa . We hav e al l been i n perfec t healt h her e and are extremly oblige d to yo u fo r the veil s yo u sen t us . I am wit h the tenderes t lov e you r affectionat e child , M . RANDOLP H T h e larges t o f the bean s yo u sent me i s come up and very flourishing but non e o f th e other s hav e a s ye t mad e thei r appearance . RC (ViU) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 21 June 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
[477]
F r o m C . W. F. D u m as The Hague, 24 May 1791. Cabinet s of London and Berlin greatl y embar rassed b y the peac e overture s o f Empress of Russi a an d by the astonishin g Polish revolution . Pit t i s grea t i n matters o f internal finance an d commerce, but belo w mediocrit y in foreign affairs , having for more than three year s bee n influenced b y his kinsman, "l e très-intriguant Grenville.' H e long ag o predicted wha t event s have proved : that th e policy adopte d i s not his but that of his master. - Princ e Edwar d ha s gone from Gibralter to Quebec with his regiment t o extend it s fortifications. Why ? T o hold the Canadians in check? Do they fear the Americans or the French? Neither will be aggressors. - I n Holland people are diverted from thei r troubles b y military maneuvers which will cos t money an d by the display o f placards urging preacher s to thank Go d for th e continuation o f civil an d religious libert y procured by their Royal Highnesses , &c. &c . &c. - Apparentl y th e concessio n o f the Dutch Eas t Indi a Compan y will no t be continued afte r its expiration. Government will tak e over its assets and debts and send out commissioners wit h power to change the government s of Batavia , Ceylon , &c. " En auront-ils l a force? J e l'ignore." - H e i s greatl y pleased wit h Paine' s The Rights of Man. Shocke d by the absurd and quixoti c Burke, h e pray s Go d wit h al l his heart tha t "our " illustrious Presiden t and august legislatur e wil l se e the New World whic h they hav e mad e happ y con tinue t o regenerat e th e old by their example . "C'es t dans ce s sentiments que je vivra i e t mourrai." 1
FC (Duma s Letter Book , Rijksarchief , Th e Hague; photostats in DLC); a t head o f text: "No.77"; with numerous deletions and interlineations. Recorded in S JL a s received 18 Aug. 1791 .
F r o m D a n i e l L . H y l t on D R S I R Richmon
d Virginia May 29th. 1791
Your favou r o f 15t h inst . hav e receive d som e day s pas t an d shal l pay attention t o th e contents , a m concern'd to find on e o f the Hhds. tobacco ship t b y Stratto n wa s such , a s yo u ha d describ d i n you r former lette r an d exceptionable. T h i s faul t lay s with the inspectors , as I ha d requeste d the y woul d mar k ou t thos e tha t ha d bee n fir'd. In futur e I shall atten d to tha t circumstance and request them agai n to pu t a private mark o n thos e that hav e bee n injur'd . Thei r i s onl y two dow n an d think they ha d better remai n until a few mor e comes to b e ship t together . S o soo n a s a sufficiency i s a t the Warehous e I shall embrace the earlies t opportunity i n shiping them to you . - Ou r country i s muc h alarm' d a t th e decissio n o f th e Norther n judge s respecting th e paymen t o f th e britis h debts, withou t an y provisio n for the paymen t o f the negroe s under the treat y o r any part of their property take n fro m the m durin g th e War . If the sam e decissio n {478}
29 M A Y 179 1
takes plac e i n th e Souther n departmen t i n contravertin g th e law s of th e stat e I kno w no t wher e thi s busines s ma y end , a s the deter mination o f th e peopl e i n thi s country , i s no t t o Submi t t o th e payment unti l the treat y i s full y comply d with . T h e Souther n an d Northern state s hav e bee n affecte d i n differen t manners , on e wh o unfortunately posses' d a specie s o f property , whic h ever y libera l mind detests , hav e bee n born e of f i n grea t number s after th e treat y being sign'd , whic h infractio n deprive s thi s countr y o f th e ver y means i n payin g thos e debt s fro m th e depredatio n o f thos e no w claiming them. Surel y congress ca n never suffer such injurys to their own citizen s t o pas s ove r wit h impunit y an d commi t s o glarin g injustice to them , b y placin g the britis h subjects o n a better footin g then thei r own , I wis h thi s subjec t t o b e handle d wit h a degree o f caution b y congres s an d the differen t judges , a s th e welfar e o f thi s great unio n wil l i n som e measur e depen d o n tha t justice which th e citizens o f the unite d state s deman d o f them. I t will b e wel l fo r th e judges t o weig h thi s subjec t wit h seriou s deliberation s befor e the y decide o n a question i n whic h their countr y i s s o deepl y intereste d and by whose decission s material y effect. Muc h ma y be sai d on thi s subject an d woul d requir e a volume t o ente r i n a full detai l whic h is unnecessary , a s I kno w yo u ar e a perfec t maste r o f it , havin g yourself (fro m m y ow n knowledge ) fel t an d experienc'd th e los s o f large sum s fro m th e grea t confidenc e plac' d in ou r law s befor e th e common cement o f the Union. I fear have trespass'd on your patience already to o much , therefore dro p this politica l subject an d say wit h sincerity o f heart wishing yo u ever y happiness You r F d & St, D A N L . L. H Y L T O N
P . S . I hav e writte n M r . E. Randolph for a paper he ha s eithe r los t or mislaid in a Suit here he had to manage for me, which is a material one i n th e caus e an d o n whic h I hav e no w dependin g £ 1 0 0 ; if it s lost, hav e requeste d th e favou r o f hi m t o sen d a certificat e t o yo u which b e pleas d t o forwar d to me . RC (DLC) ; addressed : "Honble. Thomas Jefferson"; endorsed by TJ a s receive d 21 June 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Mar y J e f f e r s o n M Y D E A R P A P A [Monticello
] May 29
I a m much obliged t o yo u fo r the vei l that yo u sen t m e an d shall allways wer e it . I hav e bega n t o lear n botany an d arithmeti c wit h [479 }
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Mr. Randolph . T h e mar e tha t h e bough t fo r m e i s come . Sh e i s very prett y an d i s siste r t o brimmer . She ca n onl y tro t an d canter. The frui t was not kille d as you thought. W e have a great abundance of i t here . Adie u Dea r Pap a I a m you r affectionat e daughter , M A R Y JEFFERSON P.S. Littl e ann a grow s fas t a n i s ver y prett y RC (ViU) ; endorsed b y TJ a s received 21 June 179 1 and so recorded in SJL. Brimmer was a thoroughbred of distinguished lineage, purchased by TJ in 1790 (see note, TJ to Fitzhugh, 21 July 1790). Mary's statement that the mare sharing that lineage could only trot and canter - a du -
bious assertio n a s TJ surely knew-was no doub t intended to reassure him. H e ha d already warne d her never to b e venturesome with the animal , asserting that "a lady should never ride a horse which she might not safel y rid e withou t a bridle" (T J t o Mary Jefferson, 8 May 1791) .
F r o m Harr y Inne s D E A R S I R Kentuck
y 30th . May 1791
I hav e th e hono r t o acknowledg e th e reciep t o f your favor o f th e 7th. o f March b y m y frien d M r. Brown an d feel mysel f flattered by the polit e terms in which you acknowledg e th e reciep t of my Lette r of Jul y th e 8th . an d you r readines s t o ente r int o a n Epistolar y correspondence, whic h I shal l wit h pleasur e continu e havin g you r assent thereto . If an y circumstance s in the lin e o f Natura l Histor y shall occu r in this Western Country it will b e pleasing to me to communicate the m to you , no t onl y becaus e i t ma y affor d yo u pleasur e bu t thro ' th e same channe l b e hande d t o posterit y i f deserving t o b e recorded . The Politica l Letter which I promissed you hath not been written; I wa s unhappil y oblige d t o leav e th e Distric t las t Fal l t o pa y m y last attentions t o m y eve r dear and ever to b e lamente d Mrs . Innes, who too k a tri p t o th e Swee t Spring s an d lef t m e o n th e 26th . o f December last. T h i s prevente d m y writing agréable t o promis e and in th e interi m th e Arrangement s o f Governmen t hav e i n a grea t measure silence d ou r complaints, a s their is at present a dispositio n to remed y ou r wants , b y th e activ e measure s adopte d agains t th e Indians and to obtai n the Navigatio n o f the Mississippi , which were the subject s intende d t o hav e bee n writte n on . Shoul d an y thin g hereafter occu r in the Politica l line whic h may requir e the interfer ence o f Governmen t I shal l freel y an d candidly stat e i t t o you . The lat e arrangement s ordere d b y th e Presiden t fo r carryin g o n Hostile operation s agains t th e Indian s Northwest o f the Ohi o have [ 48 0 }
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been taken int o consideration b y the Commissioner s an d I hope th e 1st. Detatchmen t o f Volunteer s unde r th e comman d o f Genl . Scot t are thi s da y makin g thei r Strok e an d crownin g themselve s wit h Laurels. Patriotis m never shined with more lustre at any time durin g the lat e America n Warr tha n o n thi s occasio n i t hat h i n Kentucky. Many Fiel d Officer s an d Subaltern s o f th e Militi a have step t int o the rank s a s commo n soldiers . Other s hav e condescende d t o com mand i n inferio r Ran k t o tha t whic h the y bar e i n thei r Count y an d many private Gent, have become soldiers, among who m i s our friend Brown. T h e Genera l must b e highl y flattered b y his command; th e Corps is equa l to an y that ca n be raise d in the Unite d States . Young , stout and healthy - wel l armed - wel l mounted an d provided with 20 day s provision fro m th e No . Wt . ban k o f th e Ohio , fro m whenc e the y marched in high Spirit s on th e 23d . Inst . T he Lieut . Colo , is Genl . Wilkinson - 1st . Majo r Colo . Robt . Tod d formerl y a Capt . i n th e Ilionois Regimen t - 2d . Majo r Capt. Thos . Barbe e o f th e Virgini a Continental line . Since th e receptio n o f you r Lette r I hav e see n Genl . Clark e an d find h e i s writin g th e Histor y o f hi s Expedition s an d wil l complete the wor k i n th e cours e o f thi s summer . I entertai n th e sam e Idea s of hi s greatnes s tha t yo u d o an d conside r hi m a s a singula r los s t o the Wester n Country . I took the libert y of shewing hi m your Letter, from a hope , tha t i t migh t caus e hi m t o reflec t upo n hi s presen t folly. H e wa s perfectl y sober , wa s greatl y agitate d b y th e Contents , observed i t was friendly and shed Tears - a Sympathetic touc h seise d my Sou l an d I coul d no t forbea r accompanyin g him . Some Trib e o f Indian s generall y suppose d t o b e Cherokee s hav e been ver y troublesom e thi s Sprin g on ou r Souther n frontier . Som e lives taken , severa l person s wounded , thre e o r four take n prisoner s and a numbe r o f Horse s stolen . I f the Treat y Governo r Bloun t i s about t o hol d does not produc e a good effect the peopl e of Kentucky will mak e a stroke o n that natio n thi s summer . I t will not b e difficul t to produc e proo f enough against the m sinc e the Treat y of Hopewell . I fea r an d drea d the consequences . -1 a m with grea t respec t D r Sir Your mo . ob . servt. , HARR Y INNE S RC (DLC) ; addressed : "The Honble. Thomas Jefferson Secretary o f State Philadelphia"; endorsed by TJ a s received 24 June 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
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F r o m Jame s Y a r d St. Croix, 31 May 1791. Ha s presented hi s commission t o b e reported to Copenhagen a s required, but it has not been passed , an d he has not "urged any Decisio n whatever. " H e believes h e will b e permitted t o act without interruption. I n the meantime h e will collec t informatio n necessar y to place "the Commerce o f this Countr y in a clear Point o f View." RC (DNA : RG 59 , CD) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 25 June 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
The America n Consu l at London J o s h u a J o h n s o n a n d the Brigantin e Rachel I. WILLIAM GREEN TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE, 23 MA Y 179 1 II. JOSHUA JOHNSON TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE, 31 MA Y 179 1 III. WILLIAM GREEN TO THE SECRETARY OF STATE, 6 DEC. 1791 E D I T O R I A L N O T
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In you r lette r o f instructions . . . you direct m e t o prevent any Vessell entering as an American who is not such, i f in my power. I discover much abuse in this particular, but what can I say? The Register is granted to a Perso n in America, on his swearing that he is the sole owner, whe n i t is notorious, tha t the Principal reside s here, and that the Person, in whose name the Registe r is granted, is no more, or less, than an Agent, or Junior Partner. Whether it may be wise to abolish this kind of Property, or not, you can best Judge; but my own opinion is that we should not be too Scrupulous, as it gives employment t o our Countrymen, an d that of the Funds o f Foreigners. —Joshua
Johnson to Thomas Jefferson, 26 Feb. 1791
You wil l be pleased . .. to give no countenance to the usurpation of our flag by foreign vessels, but rather indeed to aid in detecting it , as without bringin g to us any ad vantage, the usurpation will tend to commit us with the belligerent powers , an d to subject thos e vessel s which are trul y ours to harrassing scrutinies in order to distinguish them from the counterfeits . -Thomas Jefferson
to American Consuls, 21 Mch. 1793
When new s arrive d earl y i n the summer o f 179 0 that Englan d and Spai n were on the verge of war, th e administration firmly committed itsel f to a policy
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of neutrality, while a t the sam e tim e seizin g the opportunit y t o free the Unite d States as much as possible fro m commercial restraints imposed by both powers. No on e doubte d that , if wa r came , ther e woul d b e increasin g resor t t o th e usages o f centurie s b y whic h belligeren t nation s ha d mad e a convenienc e o f the flags o f neutrals , thereb y protectin g thei r ow n trad e whil e enrichin g th e northern Europea n commercial centers. Suc h had bee n th e practic e from th e time o f the Hanseati c Leagu e onwards. A stat e o f war indeed onl y intensifie d strategies employed a t all times whe n mercantil e houses found their interest in concealing th e tru e ownershi p an d nationality o f their trading vessels . The mer e threa t o f conflic t i n 179 0 le d a t onc e t o th e appointmen t o f an American consu l a t Londo n an d t o Jefferson' s instructio n t o hi m an d othe r consuls to b e o n guar d against grantin g entry or countenancing th e sal e of any vessel purportin g t o b e America n that wa s no t trul y such. Simultaneously , the brigantin e Rachel cleare d Ne w Yor k fo r Londo n under th e command o f Nicholas Duff , havin g o n boar d William Green , a Ne w Yor k merchan t wh o had suffere d ruinou s losse s i n th e Eas t Indi a trad e an d wh o wa s e n rout e t o London t o prosecut e hi s cas e agains t thos e who m h e hel d responsible . Ac cording t o hi s ow n testimony , Gree n wa s th e sol e owne r o f Rachel an d he r cargo of potash, pi g iron , an d staves. H e also testified tha t he had acquired her less than a month befor e fro m the well-know n Ne w Yor k merchant , Nichola s Brevoort. O n several occasions Rachel ha d been admitte d to the port s o f Great Britain and Ireland, the las t time only three months befor e Gree n acquired her. But between that voyage and the one which carried her new owne r to London, the possibilit y tha t Englan d woul d soon be a t war insured a closer scrutiny by customs an d admiralty officials o f bot h neutra l ships' papers an d seamen wh o claimed to b e America n citizens. Thoug h her register wa s silen t o n the point , Rachel ha d bee n buil t i n Franc e som e year s earlier , a fac t which , unde r th e circumstances, wa s enoug h t o guarante e tha t he r paper s woul d b e examine d with extrem e care . Sh e als o ha d o n boar d William Knox , brothe r of the Sec retary o f War , wh o ha d just bee n appointe d consu l a t Dublin . Knox , unfor tunately, happene d t o hav e i n hi s baggag e a fowling piec e mad e b y a famou s London gunsmit h which he was taking back for repairs as a favor to its owner, Henry Cruger. Ironically , Kno x als o bor e Jefferson' s instruction s t o Joshu a Johnson admonishing him to guard against vessels abusing the American flag. Whether o r no t Rachel wa s such , th e consequence s were unfortunat e fo r her, for he r owner , an d fo r th e America n consul a t Londo n wh o prosecute d he r case s o vigorously . The cas e o f Rachel leave s he r tru e identit y somewha t les s certai n tha n i t 1
2
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T J t o Johnson, 7 Aug. 1790; TJ's instructions to American consuls, 26 Aug. 1790. Henr y Cruger (1739-1829), lik e the previous owner of Rachel, belonge d to a prominent mercantile family of New York , bu t his career was quite unusual. His father had placed him in a trading firm in Bristol, England , wher e he soon married the daughter of a banker, rose to prominence, and in 1774 stood with Edmund Burke for Parliament under the slogan "Burke, Cruger, and Liberty!" In Parliament he argued eloquently for reconciliation wit h the America n colonies, bu t concurre d in the genera l acceptanc e of the doctrin e o f parliamentar y supremacy. H e wa s defeated i n 1780 , electe d mayo r of Bristol in 1781, and returned to Parliament in 1784. In 1790 he declined to stand again and returned to the United States to spend the remainder of his life. Thus he had been in hi s nativ e lan d only a few month s befor e Rachel departe d o n he r unhappy voyage (Henry C . Va n Schaack, Henry Cruger, [Ne w York , 1859] ; DAB). Johnso n to T J , 2 Nov. 1790 . 1
2
3
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appeared t o th e Lord s o f th e Treasur y who , afte r deliberatin g tw o months , refused her entry because she had been built in France. Given the circumstances, this is understandable. But the incident, to which the American consul devoted such a n unusua l amoun t o f tim e an d effor t an d whic h h e reporte d i n mor e detail tha n h e gav e t o an y other , tell s u s a grea t dea l abou t Joshu a Johnson. Like th e dispatc h quoted abov e i n which he innocentl y disclose d a n intent no t to b e to o scrupulou s i n preventin g abuse s o f the America n flag because thes e were beneficia l t o trad e - a disclosure whic h must hav e shocke d th e Secretary of State , whos e ai m wa s precisel y th e opposit e - Johnson' s handlin g o f th e Rachel inciden t reveal s muc h abou t himself , abou t hi s concep t o f hi s officia l role, an d about hi s conduc t a s consul. The case i s important not a s an isolated example bu t a s a reflectio n o f th e ma n an d hi s settin g a t th e capita l wher e questions o f crucial importanc e to America n political and commercial relations were bein g decided . I So fa r as American interests wer e concerned, Londo n was then, a s Johnson himself declared , "th e first Cit y i n th e World." There , an d t o a muc h lesse r extent a t Liverpool , Bristol , an d othe r Britis h ports , a larg e proportio n o f American commerc e ha d resumed its accustome d channels , just as Lor d Shef field an d other s ha d predicted . Bu t th e ol d problem s - America n debts , diffi culties wit h custom s officials , impressmen t o f seamen , an d s o o n - h a d als o continued an d i n man y case s ha d bee n magnifie d b y th e lingerin g bitternes s over the dismembermen t o f the empir e and by the mercantilist policies o f Lor d Hawkesbury. Thi s wa s a situatio n whic h calle d fo r al l o f th e addres s an d resourcefulness o f a skille d diplomat . I n the absenc e o f forma l diplomati c relations an d a s th e onl y officia l representin g th e Unite d State s a t th e capital , Johnson wa s expecte d t o g o beyon d th e norma l consula r functions-t o d o "somewhat more," as Jefferson informed him, in providing political intelligenc e and acting in general as a quasi-diplomatic character. Lackin g ministerial rank made th e uniqu e assignmen t al l th e mor e difficul t b y deprivin g Johnso n a s consul of the opportunity to deal directly with the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, a handica p o f whic h h e wa s perhap s to o sensitivel y aware . Bu t ther e wa s a more seriou s impedimen t o f whic h h e seem s no t t o hav e bee n sufficientl y conscious. This, a formidable obstacle which occasionally impeded his consular activities and even a t times place d him at odds with his own government' s policy , aros e from th e fac t tha t Johnso n ha d bee n absen t fro m hi s nativ e lan d since 1771 . In tha t year , at the ag e o f 29, h e ha d gone to Londo n as the residen t partner of the recently formed Annapolis firm of Wallace, Johnson, and Davidson. This 4
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Johnso n to Phili p Stephens, Admiralt y Office, 3 0 Jul y 179 1 (DNA : RG 59 , CD ; Johnson's letterbook as consul, hereafter referred to by its microfilm designation as MNP 167/1). T J t o Johnson, 7 Aug. 1790. A good example of TJ's expectation i n this respect is the Purdie case, in which he gave Johnson specific instructions about the government' s attitude and then, in a covering letter, directed him to reveal these to the Duke of Leeds as if on his own initiative (TJ t o Johnson, 17 and 23 Dec. 1790). This characteristically indirect approach had the effect o f making Johnson, in this instance, an unofficial diplomatic agent. 4
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was the first group of colonial entrepreneurs to challenge with American capital the near monopoly enjoye d by British merchants in shipping goods to Maryland and Virgini a an d receivin g consignment s o f tobacc o i n retur n - a syste m o f trade and credit so disadvantageous t o the colonists that , as Jefferson expresse d it, their "debts ha d become hereditar y from father to so n for many generations , so tha t th e planter s wer e a specie s o f propert y annexe d t o certai n mercantile houses i n London." This rathe r overstated the case, but the hold of the Britis h merchants wa s s o fir m tha t the y naturall y resented th e effor t o f a n American firm t o brea k it . Johnso n succeede d i n par t becaus e o f method s o f duplicit y such as he occasionally exhibited as consul. At the outset, facing a cold reception in London , he gaine d th e suppor t o f the influentia l Londo n merchant Osgoo d Hanbury onl y b y assurin g him that Wallace , Johnson, an d Davidson ha d n o intention of engaging i n the tobacco trade. This sponsorship enabled him within a fe w week s t o dispatc h a carg o o f good s worth mor e tha n hi s firm' s capital. Yet, almos t immediately , h e bega n urgin g hi s partner s t o d o wha t h e ha d assured Hanbury they woul d not do . Ultimately , they yielde d to his arguments about th e profit s t o b e mad e i n accepting tobacc o shipment s o n consignment . By 177 5 Johnso n ha d shipped good s valued at £ 4 7 , 6 38 sterlin g and had sold 4,475 hogsheads o f tobacco o n consignment - som e of it purchased by a London firm o f whic h h e wa s a silen t membe r an d abou t whic h h e di d no t fee l i t necessary to infor m his American partners. He was equally reticent with planters wh o sen t tobacc o o n consignment , a s o n th e occasio n whe n h e informe d the shipper s that he had sold their cargo at 7d sterling while, at the sam e time , he himself was disposin g o f tobacco a t 12d . Withi n a short while Johnson had moved into a house nea r the Exchange, had adopted a mode o f life he felt suite d to a successful merchant , and had annoyed his partners with insistent demand s that h e b e allowe d additiona l compensation fo r livin g and business expenses . 6
When th e fir m wa s dissolve d afte r th e outbrea k o f hostilities , Johnso n re mained i n Londo n unti l 177 8 seekin g t o carr y o n busines s b y himself . Thi s placed hi m i n a n ambiguou s situation , wit h the resul t that a t times h e gav e a double se t o f instructions to hi s ships , th e on e t o sho w an y inquirin g English vessel tha t th e carg o wa s intende d fo r us e b y th e roya l force s i n Ne w York , the othe r indicatin g that the rea l destinatio n wa s the Chesapeake . In that year Johnson remove d t o Nante s t o engag e in business an d also to see k loan s from France as agent for Maryland, an activity in which he claimed he was hampered by Benjamin Franklin. I n 1779 Congres s named him as agent to settle accounts with it s commissioners an d others i n Europe, bu t faile d to mak e provision for compensation. Whe n Franklin aske d him to come t o Pari s with a clerk s o that, in Sila s Deane's absence , the y coul d go ove r unsettled account s an d adjust the business a s bes t the y could , Johnso n flatly refuse d an d aske d tha t Congres s appoint anothe r i n his place. H e explaine d to Willia m Carmichae l tha t he wa s determined t o resig n bot h th e Marylan d agenc y an d that o f Congress becaus e of the uncertaint y of reimbursement fo r publi c services. 7
6 7
TJ' s answer s to Démeunier' s queries, [Jan.-Feb. 1786] , Vol. 10:27. Edwar d C . Papenfuse quote s Johnson as saying that he was resigning "his post as
consul t o Congres s in Nantes " (In pursuit of profit The Annapolis merchants in the era
of the American Revolution, 1763-1805 [John s Hopkins , 1975] , p . 108) . Johnso n of course had not been appointed consul and actually did not serve as agent for the settlement of accounts. I n his lette r acceptin g th e agenc y h e quote d hi s respons e t o Frankli n in which h e sai d h e woul d handl e an y account s excep t thos e o f Jonatha n Wil -
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In 1781 , wit h Johnson residing in Nantes, the firm of Wallace, Johnson and Muir wa s create d t o engag e i n th e expandin g tobacc o trad e wit h Franc e an d the marketing of French good s in the Unite d States. Th e business o f the hous e rapidly expanded i n the post-wa r years, especially sinc e it acted as an agent for Robert Morri s unde r hi s contrac t guaranteein g th e sal e o f 20,000 hogshead s of tobacc o pe r annu m fo r th e thre e year s endin g i n 1788 . I n 178 3 Johnso n returned t o London , wher e th e ne w firm fa r outstrippe d th e succes s o f th e earlier one . Bu t th e collaps e o f Rober t Morris ' monopol y an d th e increasin g competition o f Britis h merchant s brough t i t int o seriou s difficulties . Johnso n himself contribute d t o th e firm's problems . Charle s Carroll , on e o f it s mos t influential customers , complaine d tha t Johnso n wa s no t a s punctua l in correspondence o r as attentiv e t o busines s a s formerly. Johnson's partner s were s o distressed ove r hi s mismanagemen t tha t th e senio r partner , Charles Wallace, went t o Londo n i n 178 5 t o straighte n matter s out . I n tha t yea r Wallace , Johnson, an d Muir owe d Londo n creditors a staggering tota l of £ 2 4 0 , 0 0 0. B y then Johnso n an d hi s partner s had becom e s o alienate d i n thei r persona l relationships that dissolution o f the firm was a foregone conclusion. In the spring of 178 7 Johnso n calle d togethe r th e majo r creditor s an d place d th e firm's London affair s in their hands as trustees unde r an arrangement which assured him against arrest or suit for two years. On January 1 , 1790 , onl y a few month s before Johnso n wa s appointe d consul , th e firm wa s dissolved , bu t th e acri monious disput e ove r the divisio n of its assets continued unti l Johnson's deat h in 1802 . Jus t a fe w month s befor e hi s appointmen t a s consu l Johnso n an nounced tha t h e woul d continu e i n th e tobacc o consignmen t busines s o n hi s own, bu t wit h n o intentio n o f shipping cargoes . Soo n thereafter , h e describe d himself a s th e residen t partne r of a new hous e - Wallace , Johnson , an d Mor ris-about whic h littl e i s known. 8
Johnson's lon g year s of mercantile experience i n Londo n and Nantes reveal much abou t hi m an d his manne r of conductin g business . H e had experience d Hams - Franklin' s grandnephew , wit h who m Johnso n ha d fallen out . Bu t onl y thre e months later he informed Congress that he had refused Franklin's request; declared that that bod y coul d no t blam e hi m since i t coul d no t expec t hi m to leav e hi s hous e and business "without an equivalent for it"; and suggested that another be appointed in his place (Johnson to Huntington, 12 Apr. and 20 July 1780 , DNA: R G 360 , No. 78, xm, f. 13 9 an d 146). Eve n so , Congress in 178 1 authorize d Johnson to settle the accounts of Schweighause r & Dobrée agains t th e frigat e Alliance. Agai n Johnson refused, and that tangled business fell to TJ after Congress took it up again in 1786 (JCC , xxi, 907; T J t o Schweighauser & Dobrée, 20 July 1788) . Johnso n described himself as resident partner of the fir m i n his letter to the Commissioners of the Customs, 4 Feb. 1791 (T r i n DNA: RG 59 , CD ; MN P 167/1). The firm is not mentioned in Papenfuse, In pursuit of profit, an excellent stud y on which the above accoun t of Wallace, Johnson, and Davidson and Wallace, Johnson, and Muir is chiefly based . Fo r other biographica l details concernin g Johnso n an d his family , se e Edward S. Delaplaine, Thomas Johnson (Ne w York , 1927) ; Samuel Flagg Bemis, John Quincy Adams, i (New York , 1949) , 79-82 ; Md. Hist. Mag., xui (Sep. 1947) , 214-15 ; Adams, Diary, ed . L . H. Butterfield, n, 300. I n 1797 , afte r his daughter Louis a was married to John Quincy Adams and his tobacco consignment business had failed, Johnson returned to the United States, settled i n the city of Washington where he had invested in rea l estate , and was appointed b y John Adams superintendent o f stamps under the Federalist-inspired Stam p Ac t o f 180 0 whic h a Republica n Congress soo n repealed 8
(U. S. Statutes at Large, I , 754-7; II , 845) .
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both successe s an d reverses, more than once fearing arrest as a debtor. H e had not alway s bee n candi d o r eve n scrupulou s i n hi s relation s wit h hi s partners and their customers. Under an appointment b y Congress he had placed personal compensation abov e th e performanc e o f publi c duty . H e wa s undeviatin g i n his devotion t o hi s country' s cause an d its interest s a s he conceive d them . Bu t his lon g absenc e abroa d ha d pu t hi m mor e o r les s ou t o f touc h wit h th e transforming event s i n Americ a tha t ha d s o greatl y altere d hi s countrymen' s view o f themselves, o f their institutions, an d of their relations with the res t o f the world. In some ways his years in Europe had affected hi m much as Jefferson feared Willia m Short , o r an y officia l representative , woul d b e i f he remaine d too lon g absen t fro m hi s nativ e land . A sligh t bu t revealin g indication o f thi s is to b e foun d i n Johnson' s communications a s consu l t o Britis h officials , an d even i n thos e t o Jefferson , i n whic h h e seeme d t o regar d himsel f a s bein g responsible t o Congres s rathe r than t o th e Executive , a s if th e structur e o f government ha d not bee n drasticall y altered since hi s appointmen t a t Nantes . Another and more important manifestation wa s his emulation o f the forms and practices of foreign consulate s a s he had observed them in France and England. This derivativ e influenc e affecte d hi s officia l conduc t i n variou s ways , som e trivial an d some serious, whic h neither the experienc e o f European consul s i n the United States nor the views of the Secretary of State would have sanctioned. The first thing Johnson did on receiving his commission wa s to have two seal s cut bearin g th e arm s o f th e Unite d States . H e di d no t customaril y wea r th e authorized uniform of a consul, but was prepared to do so on special occasions. On bein g grante d hi s exequator , h e expende d a not insignifican t su m i n con nection wit h tha t formality , a publi c charg e quit e customar y wit h European consuls bu t unauthorized by American law , as Jefferson wa s obliged t o inform him. 9
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But thes e wer e matter s o f sligh t significanc e a s compared with the manne r in which Johnson sought to maintain the dignity o f his consulate and to protec t that of his nation by emulating the practices of European consulates. Observing that othe r consul s wer e pai d salarie s an d wer e give n perquisite s a s wel l a s authority denie d him , Johnson wa s importunat e i n his ple a for compensatio n and additional powers. There was merit in his argument, especially for a consul in Londo n where s o muc h American trade was centered. Durin g his first year in office , Johnso n spen t a n inordinate amount o f time i n appeals t o official s i n the Treasury , Customs , Admiralty, and Foreign Office concernin g impresse d seamen, deserter s wh o claime d t o b e Britis h subjects , crew s chargin g thei r O n the various conflicts betwee n French consuls and local authorities in the United States concernin g jurisdiction over desertin g seamen , merchan t vessels , maritim e of fenses a s seriou s a s barratry , an d even ship s o f wa r in America n territorial waters , see Editorial Note and documents o n the Consular Convention of 178 8 (Vol . 14: 66-180). TJ's view s o n consula r establishments an d their "inutility" for the Unite d States are expressed in his letter to Montmorin, 20 June 1788 . T J t o Johnson , 1 3 Ma y 1791 . Fund s for secret intelligenc e wer e also authorized by law, but TJ tol d Johnson it would be worth 50 or 100 guineas to obtain the full text of Hawkesbury's report to the Priv y Council . O n a matter of such importance TJ wa s willing t o tak e th e ris k o f Congressiona l approval ( TJ to Johnson , 2 9 Aug . 1791) . Despite this authorization, Johnson was unable to obtain the report, but William Temple Franklin was fortunate enough to be able to send it to TJ a t no cost (see Editorial Note, group of documents o n commercial and diplomatic relations with Great Britain , at 15 Dec. 1790) . 9
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officers wit h cruelty , an d vessel s seize d unde r the reviva l o f a n act o f Charle s II forbiddin g America n vessels t o trad e wit h Guernse y and Jersey. Th e en d of a wa r crisi s brought effect s wors e tha n th e crueltie s o f pres s gangs , whe n large number s o f sailor s wer e throw n "loos e o n th e Worl d . . . i n th e mos t wretched starving situation," unable even t o ge t a passage home. Ther e wer e also appeals from indigent American s of all sorts , including women, wh o wer e stranded an d neede d aid . No t surprisingly , there were numerou s impostors , sometimes a s difficul t t o detec t a s a foreig n vesse l masqueradin g unde r th e American flag. Ther e were als o unusua l cases , suc h a s th e Baltimor e se a captain wh o becam e insan e an d whom Johnson , ou t o f compassion, place d in suitable accommodations an d finally paid for his burial expenses. Th e burdens placed upon the London consulate were not only greater than those experienced by American consul s i n France, Italy , Spain , an d Portugal, but the advantage s from trad e wer e eve n less . " I am appointed t o a place," Johnson wrot e t o th e Secretary o f State , "wher e ever y Merchan t in Americ a ha s his correspondent , and who wil l no t remove his Business so long as he does well; but if the Captai n of his Shi p is arreste d by a Seaman; or he get s into an y Scrape , it fall s o n m e to protect , an d extricat e him ; whilst th e Merchan t is free d fro m an y trouble , and h e i s reapin g the Advantage s o f America n favors." 11
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It i s littl e wonde r that , unde r thes e circumstances , Johnso n becam e mor e importunate tha n an y othe r perso n i n th e consula r establishmen t - wit h th e possible exceptio n o f Sylvanus Bourne - i n urging that Congress provide compensation fo r service s rendere d the public . America n consuls a t Lisbon , Bor deaux, Marseilles , and othe r port s migh t b e conten t wit h th e prestig e o f th e office, plu s th e undeniabl e trad e advantage s a consu l i n suc h place s enjoyed . But Johnso n wa s bot h blun t an d insisten t i n urgin g tha t Congres s establis h regulations fo r the consula r service, adopt Europea n practices by levyin g ton nage and other duties o n merchant vessels to provide for indigent seamen , and, especially, suppor t thei r consulate s i n prope r dignit y b y providin g fee s an d salaries. Johnso n animadverte d a t som e lengt h upo n th e subjec t eve n i n hi s letter of acceptance, expressing the hope that Congress would be liberal enoug h to enabl e hi m t o continu e i n office . Betrayin g his lac k o f familiarit y with th e divided sentiments o f his countrymen on the need for a consular establishment, he soo n followe d thi s wit h informatio n abou t consula r regulation s i n Franc e and elsewher e whic h he regarde d as suitabl e models. Eve n befor e Congres s 15
Johnso n to T J, 3 0 Sep. 1791. In addition, captains of American vessels also dumped ill an d unfit seamen, leaving them as Johnson reported in "such poverty and distress as would rouse the feelings and compassion o f the most hard-hearted. " He suggested that the tactics of the Prussian consul in fixingresponsibility upon owners of vessels for such cruelties might be emulated (Johnso n to T J , 2 6 Feb. 1791). "Ther e ar e so many of them," Johnson wrote o n one occasion , "tha t let u s act as cautious as we can we shall by some be deceived" (Johnson to Thomas Auldjo, 23 May 1792, DNA : RG 59 , CD ; MN P 167/1). Johnso n to T J , 2 6 Feb . and 30 Sep . 1791 ; 6 Apr. 1792. Johnso n to T J , 3 0 Sep. 1791 . I n his letter of acceptance Johnson had pointed out that th e consula r business a t Londo n would giv e him more employmen t "tha n every other together" (Johnson to T J , 2 Nov. 1790) . Johnso n to T J, 2 and 30 Nov. 1790 ; 26 Feb. 1791 . On the opposition in Congress to compensation for consuls, see TJ t o Skipwith, 31 July 1791 . William Maclay, arguing against any diplomatic establishment on the ground that the relations of the United States with other nation s wer e commercial rather than political, declared that these could be handled "by consuls, who would cost us nothing" (Maclay, Journal, ed . Maclay, p. 257). 11
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adjourned, he confide d t o James Maury tha t he ha d told the Secretar y of State he woul d resig n i f adequate compensatio n were no t provide d b y law. I n the spring o f 1791 , a s he anxiousl y awaite d new s o f the consula r bill, h e declared that h e woul d no t continu e i n offic e beyon d th e nex t Congres s "unless some thing handsom e i s allowe d me." Lat e i n May he wa s astonishe d tha t h e had not receive d a line fro m Jefferso n abou t th e fat e o f th e bill . Whe n he learne d from newspaper s tha t Congres s had adjourned without makin g any provisions for the consula r system, h e immediatel y propose d t o Willia m Kno x an d James Maury that they reac h "a proper understanding and .. . have a memorial ready to presen t t o Congress , pressing them t o com e to som e decision. " Johnson o f course said nothing of this to the Secretary of State. Knox, who at first promised to draf t suc h an appeal, advised instead that eac h should write individually to their "friend s . . . an d ge t the m t o interfere." I n hi s appea l t o Jefferson , Johnson recite d th e burden s o f hi s offic e an d aske d tha t hi s accoun t o f the m be placed before th e Presiden t so as to enable him to judge wha t compensatio n should be allowed and to "urge Congress to pas s an act for that purpose." This suggestion, perhaps intended to brin g Washington's friendship with the family to bear , wa s accompanie d b y Johnson' s promis e t o persever e a t leas t unti l he knew wha t wa s t o b e don e a t the nex t session. What happened a t the nex t sessio n wa s even mor e disappointing. On e of the persons t o who m Johnso n ha d writte n - probabl y Rober t Morris-ha d sen t him a copy o f the consular bill as soon as it passed the Senate . Johnson though t the result "miserably Parsimonious" on the part of Congress, though th e Hous e of Representatives had not yet acted. The bill, he declared to Jefferson, "makes but a miserable compensatio n t o m e fo r the los s of time, vexatio n an d trouble I hav e had." Thi s wa s disappointmen t enough , bu t whe n Johnso n finall y received th e bil l a s passe d an d found h e wa s oblige d t o giv e bond , h e looke d upon this as insult added to injury. He bluntly told Jefferson that he considered 16
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Thi s referred to Johnson's letter of acceptance of 2 Nov. 1790 , which could scarcely be regarded as containing a threat of resignation (Johnson to James Maury, 7 Feb. 1791 , DNA: R G 59 , CD ; MN P 167/1). Johnso n to Maury , 25 Ma y 1791; Johnson to Knox , 1 8 Apr. 1791 (same) . Johnso n to Maury, 27 July and 9 Aug. 1791 (same) . Knox, who at this time was in such straits that he had to borrow £100 to go to London in an effort t o sell lands for his brother, had no expectation that Congress would provide compensation. But he wrote to Henr y Knox o f his conversations wit h Maury an d Johnson, and added: " I imagin e they wil l bot h resign . They are merchants and have families. The y find the dutie s of their appointment s ver y considerable an d interfere s o muc h with their other pursuits, exclusive o f bein g attende d wit h no smal l expence, tha t withou t som e provision they cannot stand it" (William Kno x to Henr y Knox, 27 June 1791, MHi : Kno x Papers). Johnso n to T J, 3 0 Sep. 1791. Johnson revealed to Maury that this letter was written in consequence o f Knox' suggestion as the best mode of achieving their end. He added that h e ha d written to th e Secretar y of Stat e pressin g fo r regulations o f the consular office, "a s well as provision for their Consul, or else I cannot give up my time" (Johnson to Maury, 1 7 Sep. 1791 ; Tr in DNA: RG 59 , CD ; MN P 167/1). Johnso n to Maury , 6 Jan. 1792 (DNA : RG 59 , CD ; MN P 167/1). I n a letter of the same date to Auldjo, a British subject who was vice-consul at Cowes, Johnson was more circumspect, merely stating that his "friend" had said the bill would pass the House of Representative s withou t alteration , bu t tha t h e ha d not rea d it an d could offe r n o opinion on its merits (Johnson to Auldjo, 6 Jan. 1792 ; for other comments by Johnson, see also Johnson to Maury , 1 6 Jan., 2 3 Feb., 9 Apr., an d 20 Ma y 1792; all in same). Johnso n to T J , 6 Apr. 1792. 16
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the requirement a direct violation of the "promise" made when he was appointed and flatly declined to giv e bond. H e of course understood wha t it would mean to def y th e la w an d so gav e assurance that h e woul d "continu e t o execut e th e functions o f th e Offic e . . . fo r th e benefi t o f m y Countr y unti l th e Presiden t shall b e please d t o appoin t som e othe r perso n t o tak e m y Place." Jefferso n naturally rejecte d th e ide a o f a promise violate d o r even mad e withou t lawfu l authority, praise d Johnson fo r hi s faithfu l an d useful services , an d urged him to reconside r so that the Presiden t would not b e obliged t o appoint a successor who woul d mee t the lega l requirement . On the outbrea k of war early in 179 3 Johnson did reconsider and supplied the bond . Fou r months late r he informe d Jefferson o f the fact. Oppositio n i n Congress to a salaried consular establishment may have worked a hardship in Johnson's case, but his long absence from home undoubtedl y contribute d t o hi s failur e to understan d the reason s fo r i t and t o mak e hi m fee l h e ha d bee n ill-treate d b y th e countr y h e served , th e more so since he thought Jefferso n communicate d with him too infrequently. For th e sam e reasons , Johnso n misjudge d th e feeling s o f hi s countryme n about th e exten t o f consula r powers. Havin g observed th e custom s o f foreig n consulates, he naturally sought to exercise the powers of his office in like manner and failed to realiz e that this would no t hav e bee n tolerate d i n his nativ e land . Perhaps unawar e of the feeling s arouse d by clashes betwee n state officials an d British an d Frenc h consulate s i n Norfolk , Ne w York , an d elsewher e durin g and afte r th e war , Johnson sough t coerciv e power s ove r merchant vessels and exclusive jurisdiction ove r dispute s betwee n master s an d crews. Ha d he bee n closer i n touc h wit h sentimen t i n America , h e migh t hav e know n tha t ther e special privilege s an d immunitie s wer e extende d t o consul s b y courtesy , tha t the la w o f nations di d not appl y to them , tha t i t had been purposel y exclude d from th e Consula r Conventio n o f 1788 , an d that, unti l Congres s establishe d regulations, stat e law s alon e determine d consula r functions an d jurisdiction. 22
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Johnso n to T J , 9 Oct . 1792 . Pinckne y arrived in August and delivered TJ's instructions of 31 May 1792, enclosing copies of the consular act, which Johnson forwarded to Maur y an d Auldjo. Afte r talking with Pinckney, Johnson told Maur y tha t h e had little expectation of being compensated for relieving destitute sailors and others: "I evade it wher e I can, " he wrote , "bu t a m often oblige d t o giv e assistance. " He wrot e Elia s Vanderhorst tha t sinc e Congres s was no t dispose d t o giv e compensation fo r "Los s of Time, Fatigue , or Expences," he had decided to qui t the servic e and had so informed the Secretar y of Stat e (Johnso n t o Maury , 2 2 Aug . an d 26 Dec . 1792 ; Johnso n t o Auldjo, 2 2 Aug . 1792 ; Johnson to Vanderhorst , 2 6 Dec . 1792 ; all in DNA: RG 59, CD; MN P 167/1). T J t o Johnson, 21 Mch. 1793. Johnson to Pinckney, 8 Apr. 179 3 (DNA : RG 59 , CD; MNP 167/1). Johnson did not settle his accounts with Pinckney as directed by T J and explained that, since many of these were not allowed by law, he supposed they would have to b e lai d befor e Congres s at the nex t sessio n (Johnso n t o T J , 2 4 Aug . 1793) . Actually, most o f his outlays were unauthorized, and Johnson later memorialized Congress for reimbursement. Johnso n to T J, 9 Oct. 1792 . Johnson frequently complained to Maury of Jefferson's "neglect." Se e TJ t o Newton, 8 Sep. 1791. TJ's views on an American consular establishment are well expressed i n his letter to Jay of 1 4 Nov. 1788 . Hi s consistent polic y was that consuls shoul d not engag e in commerce, that they shoul d b e paid at least in fees, and that they shoul d not b e subject s of the countr y in which they carrie d out thei r duties. 2 2
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See Eugen e Schuyler , American diplomacy and the furtherance of commerce (London,
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II At th e outset , Johnso n sough t detaile d instruction s eve n o n suc h routin e matters a s th e prope r for m fo r reportin g entrie s an d clearance s o f American vessels and their cargoes, sensibl y suggesting the desirability of a uniform style of reporting for all consuls. Surprisingly , systematic as he was, Jefferson failed to ac t upon the suggestio n and issued only genera l instructions. Johnson won dered whether he had power even t o administe r oaths a s other consuls di d and urged that Congres s adopt stric t and explicit maritime regulations givin g con suls coerciv e powe r ove r master s o f vessel s comparabl e t o thos e i n France . Lacking suc h authority, he though t hi s appointment woul d b e o f no avai l and would "reduc e ou r Country in the eye s of this Government." He wa s particularly disturbe d that America n sailors were habituall y running to pett y attorneys o n every frivolous pretext , bu t calle d this to the attentio n o f the Secretary of Stat e a s a burde n becaus e h e wa s oblige d t o intervene. T o hi s colleagu e James Maury, however, he put it in a quite different light . "I n cases of Disputes between th e Captain s and their Men," he declared , "I do no t suffe r eithe r th e Courts o f Justice , o r th e Common s t o tak e cognizanc e o f it , bu t orde r the m before me . Thi s i s th e custo m o f other Consuls , and I doub t no t bu t yo u wil l pursue i t an d suppor t th e Dignit y [an d Hono r o f th e office]." T w o week s later he informed Maury that, until Congress prescribed their duties, he would follow th e usage s an d custom s o f Europea n consulates. "Whereve r yo u ca n accommodate betwee n Maste r and Men, " he added , "i t i s best . Bu t I d o no t hesitate interferin g peremptorily , no t onl y wit h the m bu t wit h Proctor s and Attorneys. I suffer the m no t b y an y means t o interfer e betwee n Americans , as it is an invasion on the Honor and Dignity of our Office, as that takes Cognizance of al l Disputes excep t th e cas e o f assault . The m the law s o f the Countr y will punish." Th e words , echoin g thos e o f th e Comt e d e Moustie r an d Marti n Oster protestin g agains t th e invasio n o f consula r power s an d immunitie s b y local official s i n th e Unite d States , provid e a measur e o f th e gul f separatin g Johnson's view s an d the rol e o f th e consula r system a s envisage d b y hi s ow n government. 26
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Indeed at times Johnson sought to support the honor and dignity of his office by goin g beyon d th e practice s o f Europea n consulates . Thi s wa s exemplifie d by his interference i n the sui t brough t b y two seame n agains t Captai n Crozie r of the America n vessel Greyhound, threatene d b y th e Admiralt y with seizur e unless th e claim s of the seame n wer e met . " I am at a loss to understan d what [1886]), p . 75; Burt E . Powell , "Jefferson and the Consular service," Pol. Sri. Qu., xx i (1906), p . 626-38 . Johnso n to T J , 2 Nov. 1790 . T o Maury, Johnson wrote: "It certainly would have been more pleasing had Congress enacted Marine Laws and forms for our government, but . . . w e mus t for m them ourselves , an d the greate r similarit y we us e I think the better, an d for that purpose I enclose you copies of what I have adapted and delivered similar ones to Mr. Knox" (Johnson to Maury, 15 Nov. 1790 , DNA: RG 59 , CD; MNP 167/1). Johnso n to T J , 1 5 Nov. 1790 . Se e also Johnson to T J, 2 6 Feb. 1791 an d 13 Apr. 1792. Johnso n to T J , 3 0 Nov . 1790 . Johnso n to Maury , 7 Feb. 179 1 (DNA : RG 59, CD ; MN P 167/1 ; th e word s in brackets are supplied, being such as Johnson usually employed i n this context). Johnso n to Maury , 24 Feb. 1791 (same) . 2 6
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the Lord s o f th e Admiralt y mean," Johnson wrote , "b y interferin g betwee n Americans, th e subject s o f th e Unite d States . I t i s contrar y t o th e La w o f Nations an d far from bein g friendly . . . . Shoul d their Lordship s persevere i n their direction s to yo u t o arres t the Greyhound , I shall not appea r in Court t o contend th e Matter , bu t yo u ma y pursu e t o Judgment , Condemnation , an d Sale; the n I wil l transmi t to Congres s those proceeding s an d be governe d b y their direction s i n future." Thi s wa s a fairl y typica l exampl e o f th e hars h language whic h Johnson admitte d he wa s often compelle d t o use . H e though t the Admiralt y would no t dar e "suc h a breac h o f th e la w o f Nations." Th e two seame n ha d left th e Greyhound, joine d the roya l navy, and brought sui t t o recover thei r wages . Johnso n thereupo n informe d Maur y tha t h e ha d a sui t pending i n the Cour t o f Common Pleas "highly interesting to the Commercia l Interest of all Europe." H e also invited all foreign consul s in London to attend the tria l o f this "Caus e of the utmos t consequence " s o that they coul d transmit accounts o f i t t o thei r respectiv e courts. Agains t th e opinio n o f th e Lor d Advocate, Henr y Erskine, an d even contrar y to the advic e of his own attorney , Johnson refuse d t o compromise , insiste d upo n a jury trial , an d hoped t o se t a precedent whic h "would have ascertained the power o f Consuls, and prevented 31
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those low R fro m teazing u s an y more. " But in this he wa s disappointed , for at the last moment th e suit was withdrawn. Johnson, feeling bot h frustrated and uneasy , the n forme d th e quixoti c schem e o f drawin g u p a memoria l t o Parliament. H e aske d th e othe r consul s i n Londo n to join hi m i n signin g it , hoping for the passage o f a bill "t o prevent... Attornie s from entering Actions for Foreign Subjects against their Captains." H e freely and somewhat proudl y reported all of this to Jame s Maury, bu t reveale d none of the circumstance s to the Secretar y of State. Th e only allusio n that he made i n his dispatches t o thi s extraordinary effor t t o exten d hi s authorit y an d jurisdiction was t o justify th e expense o f a sui t whic h ha d accomplishe d nothing . H e reporte d t o Jefferso n that h e ha d bee n oblige d t o defen d Captai n Crozie r becaus e otherwis e a n ill precedent woul d have encouraged the crews of all vessels to sue for pay. Worse, veiling the truth in a self-serving equivocation, he asserted that he had succeeded and had protected America n masters against all such "innovations." Eve n th e litigious Oste r at Norfol k ha d not gon e quit e s o fa r in assertin g th e authorit y and dignit y o f his office . Jefferson, reflectin g hi s ow n styl e o f diplomacy , ha d bee n carefu l t o war n Johnson an d othe r consul s agains t fatiguin g governmen t official s wit h unimportant matters , bu t rathe r to husban d their good dispositions fo r occasions o f some moment, "neve r indulging in any case whatever a single expression which may irritate." This pruden t counse l wa s al l the mor e applicabl e to Johnso n as th e onl y America n official a t th e capital . The absenc e o f formal diplomati c 35
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Johnso n to George Gostling, Admiralty Office, 23 June 179 1 (same) . Johnso n t o Maury , 1 3 Jun e 179 1 (same) . I n a letter o f the 30th , Johnso n told Maury tha t h e ha d appealed from the Commissioner s of the Custom s to th e Lord s of the Admiralt y "and in many instances obliged t o be harsh." Johnso n to Maury , 24 Nov . 179 1 (DNA : RG 59 , CD ; MN P 167/1). Johnso n to the European consuls in London, [6] Dec. 179 1 (same) . Johnso n to Maury , 6 Jan. 179 2 (same). Johnso n to T J , 6 Apr. 1792. I t is worth noting that all of this occurred after the Rachel inciden t had been closed. TJ' s instruction s to American consuls, 26 Aug . 1790 . 31
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relations, th e sensitivit y o f man y Englishme n to th e humiliatin g defeat a t th e hands of colonials, the overbearing attitude of some American seamen — equalled and ofte n exceede d b y th e insolenc e an d eve n cruelt y o f Britis h nava l offi cials—the occasiona l smugglin g an d evasio n o f maritim e regulation s o n th e part of American mariners , the connivanc e o f some American mercantile firms in the concealmen t o f true ownership o f vessels, al l called for consular conduct of the utmost civility , restraint, and tact. Johnson, however, seeme d t o regard himself a s bein g i n a n adversar y relationship wit h official s wit h who m h e ha d to communicate . Thi s wa s indee d a t time s th e case , bu t th e unusuall y bur densome and complicated problems he faced were not made less so by his rather free us e o f harsh , accusatory , an d eve n threatenin g language . Further , unde r a system permittin g consuls to engage in trade, disinterested reportin g of commercial intelligenc e affectin g th e interest s o f th e merchant-consu l a s wel l a s others i n trad e presente d inevitabl e conflict . I t mus t b e sai d tha t Johnson' s dispatches di d no t adequatel y mee t th e dut y place d upo n hi m to repor t com mercial intelligenc e o f genera l concer n to hi s countrymen. This i s strikingl y illustrate d i n th e contras t afforde d b y Jefferson' s earl y schoolmate an d life-long friend , James Maury, America n consul a t Liverpool . Maury als o face d th e problem s o f negligen t captains , dispute s betwee n the m and thei r crews , violation s o f custom s regulations , an d th e harassment s o f Treasury an d Admiralty officials, thoug h i n a less degree. Bu t he neve r com plained about lack of compensation, mad e no threats to resign because Congress did no t provid e it , di d not reproac h the Secretar y of State fo r the infrequenc y of his communication s and , when th e consula r bill wa s finall y passed, di d no t hesitate t o comply with the requirement for giving bond . On disputes betwee n masters and crew his invariable approach was to seek an accommodation, feelin g unauthorized to tak e furthe r steps without instruction s or statutory warrant. Whereas Johnson made it clear that he thought on e should not be too scrupulous about abuse s o f th e America n flag becaus e thi s wa s goo d fo r trade , Maur y made a particular effort t o giv e effect t o Jefferson's instruction s on the point. But what distinguished Maury's dispatches more than anything else from those of his colleague la y in the kin d and importance of commercial information the y conveyed. A t the time when Johnson was defying th e Admiralty and providing legal defense in the sui t against the maste r of Greyhound, a matter of far greater importance - passag e b y Parliamen t of the Cor n La w of 179 1 - went entirel y unnoticed i n hi s dispatches . Jefferson , wh o wa s muc h concerned abou t th e possible effec t o f thi s legislatio n o n America n farmers an d o n th e relation s between th e tw o countries , receive d his first information o f its passag e a s well as the first copy of its text not from Johnson at the capital, but from the American consul at Liverpool. Whil e Johnson omitted detaile d commercial intelligenc e 38
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Jefferso n himsel f had been nettled b y the attitude of the British during his visit in 1786 (se e T J to R . H. Lee, 22 Apr . 1786; T J to Jay, 22 an d 23 Apr . 1786). A s an example of the frictions created by American seamen, a Fourth of July episode at Liverpool had much disturbed both Maury and Johnson (Johnson to Maury, 27 July 1791 , DNA: RG 59 , CD ; MN P 167/1). Despite Johnson's disclaimer, the facts of the case involving Purdie - an d others that might be cited - sufficientl y indicate the corresponding attitudes of British navy personnel (see document s o n Purdie case, at Vol. 18: 310-42). Maur y to T J, 9 Sep. 1790 ; 2 Mch., 23 June, 12 and 29 July; and 13 Aug. 1791. Johnso n to T J , 2 6 Feb . 1791 (quote d above) ; Maury to T J , 4 July 1793 . T J t o Maury, 30 Aug. 1791; Maury to T J, 2 3 June 1791. On TJ's concern about 3 8
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from hi s dispatches , Maur y cause d t o b e printe d a tabular form i n whic h h e could record and report fluctuations i n price and demand of all of the principa l articles o f America n produce. Thes e h e sen t regularl y t o Jefferso n wit h hi s own comments, suc h as the increase in the price of rice because of rainy weather, the stead y marke t in tobacco despit e new s o f a disastrous crop in America, th e scarcity of potash and indigo, the current demand for cotton, the lack of demand for lumber , th e advanc e i n turpentin e prices , an d th e stagnatio n o f busines s due to "th e Calamity of the times." Non e of this kind of information appeared in Johnson' s dispatches , no r di d h e bothe r t o infor m Jefferso n o f th e proclamation prohibitin g the expor t o f wheat o r give notice o f the closin g o f Britis h ports to the importation of foreign grain . Perhaps, as his dispatches occasionally indicated, Johnso n though t th e Londo n newspapers h e forwarde d to th e Sec retary of State contained sufficien t informatio n of public interest. But these did not includ e th e kin d o f detaile d commen t abou t commodit y price s an d their supply and demand that Maur y provided . In brief, Maury's quite disintereste d conduct o f th e consula r office foreshadowe d th e professiona l servic e tha t wa s still a generatio n i n th e future : Johnson' s reveale d som e o f th e disadvantage s of having the offic e filled b y a merchant whose private interests coul d scarcely avoid being a t times i n conflict wit h public duty. It is not surprising , therefore , that Jefferso n expresse d gratitud e t o th e Liverpoo l consu l fo r conveyin g in telligence "o f considerabl e importance " or that , o n receivin g it , h e sough t t o make it available to American farmers and merchants by releasing it on occasion both to Fenno's Gazette of the United States an d to Freneau's National Gazette. When Jefferson notified Johnson of his appointment an d told him that "somewhat more " would b e expecte d o f him as the onl y America n official locate d at the capital , h e ma y hav e implante d th e hop e tha t whe n diplomati c relation s were establishe d th e consu l woul d b e mad e minister . This woul d have bee n a natural expectatio n an d the enthusias m wit h whic h Johnson entered upo n hi s duties give s suppor t t o th e inferenc e tha t h e entertaine d it . H e bega n wit h a flurry of dispatches following on e on the other, in the first of which he pointedl y remarked tha t hi s dutie s woul d b e heavie r tha n thos e o f al l othe r consul s combined "unti l a superior appointment take s place" ; that, whil e hi s ran k di d not entitl e hi m to persona l conferences wit h the Secretar y for Foreign Affairs , discussions wit h hi s secretarie s indicate d "ever y wish , and inclination, on th e part o f Government , t o suppor t a friendly an d goo d understandin g wit h th e United States" ; an d tha t Georg e Aust , secretar y t o th e Duk e o f Leeds , had expressed sanguin e hope s of seeing a treaty o f alliance or a treaty of commerc e negotiated. Fiv e month s later , despite al l of the testimon y i n the Purdi e case which ha d been s o persuasiv e wit h Jefferson, Johnso n sai d that he ha d heard of no American sailors being mistreated; that since his appointment h e had met 42
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the passage of the Corn Law, see TJ t o McHenry, 28 Mch. 1791 ; TJ t o Carroll, 4 Apr. 1791; TJ to Washington, 17 Apr. 1791 . Maur y to T J , 1 4 Sep . 1791 ; 9 and 30 Apr. , 8 and 27 May , 19 Sep. , 7 , 13 , and 26 Nov., and 1 Dec. 1792; 1 6 Mch., 3 June, 4 July, and 7 Sep. 1793. While Johnson's dispatches virtually ceased after Pinckney's arrival in the autumn of 1792, Maur y kept on sending his detailed commercial reports at frequent intervals. T J t o Maury, 1 2 Sep. 1793 ; see Maur y to T J , 7 Nov. 1792 , whic h TJ sent to the two riva l newspapers as an "Extract of a letter dated Liverpool Nov. 7 . 92." Johnso n to T J , 2 Nov . 1790 . I n the first two month s Johnson sent a s many dispatches as he did during the last two years of TJ's tenur e as Secretary of State. 4 2
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with "ever y Assuranc e and Friendl y dispositio n i n thi s Governmen t toward s that o f th e Unite d States" ; an d tha t h e hope d th e impendin g appointmen t o f a Britis h ministe r t o th e Unite d State s woul d "defin e th e right s o f th e tw o Countrys, an d produce a n Amicabl e liberal an d Just understanding." While Johnson's communication s wit h subordinat e official s i n th e Customs , Admi ralty, an d Treasury office s a t this time rathe r contradicted the assurance s from the Foreig n Offic e whic h h e receive d wit h suc h confidence , hi s dispatche s convey mor e than a hint that the tas k of representing the Unite d States i n any effort t o reac h a jus t understandin g woul d b e acceptable . Wit h Willia m S . Smith an d Willia m Templ e Frankli n bot h i n Londo n i n th e sprin g of 179 1 and bot h ambitiou s t o b e charge d wit h tha t responsibility , Johnso n migh t justifiably hav e thought hi s ow n clai m superio r t o theirs. Whil e conveyin g repeated indications o f the cordia l relations he enjoyed wit h the Foreig n Office and the friendl y disposition s expresse d there , h e ma y indeed hav e selected th e Rachel inciden t t o demonstrat e hi s mod e o f conductin g complicate d negotia tions. H e thought i t a "case . .. singularl y hard" and he prosecuted it vigorously before al l of the majo r departments o f the Britis h government . 45
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Ill Even th e essentia l fact s abou t th e Rachel episod e ar e not altogethe r fre e o f doubt. Johnso n referre d to i t a s " a complicated affair, " and so i t was. Bu t i t was no t mad e les s s o b y incomplete , conflicting , an d imprecise testimony an d especially b y Johnson's failur e to addres s himself, a s his instructions required, to th e centra l questio n a s t o whethe r th e owne r o f th e vesse l ha d mad e a convenience o f th e America n flag. When Rachel wa s detaine d lat e i n October because sh e wa s French-built , William Green , he r putativ e owner , firs t took the matte r u p wit h Treasur y officials . Late r h e reporte d to Jefferso n tha t th e American consu l had not intervene d at the outset because h e had only received news o f hi s appointmen t an d was withou t instruction s a t the tim e o f RachePs arrival. Thi s i s incorrect . Johnson' s commissio n ha d reache d hi m a week before Rachel arrived , bu t hi s instructions , specifically enjoinin g him to tr y to prevent all vessels entering as "American . . . which are not reall y of the United States," arrived o n Rachel herself. Th e fact tha t th e brigantin e was detaine d by custom s official s precisel y becaus e sh e wa s suspecte d o f bein g somethin g other tha n her papers claimed should hav e alerte d the consu l to hi s duty . Bu t during RachePs initia l detention , Johnso n stoo d silent , thoug h no t aloof . H e and Green , bot h merchants , were i n ful l accor d in thinking it woul d b e com mercially advantageou s an d therefore justifiable fo r the Unite d States t o adop t European usage s b y whic h nation s a t wa r covered thei r navigation unde r th e 47
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flags an d paper s o f neutrals . I n hi s firs t appea l t o Jefferson , Gree n strongl y argued fo r suc h a policy , urgin g abandonmen t o f th e Britis h an d American practice o f insertin g in a ship's paper s the plac e wher e sh e wa s built . H e ma y very well have been th e sol e owner of Rachel an d her cargo as he claimed. But, if this wer e so , on e wonder s why , afte r he r release, h e fel t i t necessary t o urg e upon th e Secretar y of Stat e a policy coverin g he r eve n i f she were owne d b y an alien , justifying thi s solel y i n term s o f th e wealt h tha t woul d b e derive d from it and pointing particularly to Hamburg, "whose Flag is generally attended to a s muc h upo n th e Ocea n as if she ha d Twenty Sai l o f Lin e o f Battle Ship s to protec t i t fro m Injur y an d Insult." It was just a month afte r this ple a that Johnson, acknowledgin g th e specifi c obligatio n impose d b y hi s instruction s and admittin g th e frequenc y o f th e abuse , dare d to sugges t tha t th e polic y o f the governmen t h e represented shoul d not b e enforced too scrupulously. The argument o f th e owne r o f Rachel, thoug h base d upo n a narrow conception o f the nationa l interest, i s understandable. Bu t the sam e argument , comin g fro m the consul , wa s i n conflic t wit h officia l instructions . Rachel arrive d a t Londo n while preparation s for wa r were stil l i n progress . Treasury officials , rarel y prompt , gav e n o respons e t o Green' s appeal fo r tw o months and then, immediately afte r news of the Convention with Spain arrived, denied entry. Possibly they suspecte d tha t the rea l owner of the brigantine was a Britis h subject , concealin g th e fac t i n orde r to avoi d the disadvantag e o f th e tonnage act o f 1789 , whic h favored American citizens. Th e ministry had lon g since warned against suc h discrimination and British consul s had reported the resultant concealments o f ownership t o avoi d its effects. Whateve r the reaso n for denial of entry, Rachel remaine d in port for another month after her release. Green a t firs t state d tha t thi s wa s du e t o th e "oppressiv e circumstances " in which Captai n Duf f ha d bee n place d b y th e custom s officials . Late r h e sai d that Duffs onl y offense had been t o lan d the fowling piec e brough t b y Willia m Knox, thereb y failin g to poin t ou t tha t ther e ha d also bee n a n altercation and the captai n had ejected fro m hi s cabi n the tidewaite r wh o initiate d the prose cution. Neither Green nor Johnson nor Duff explained why the captain should have bee n brough t int o cour t ove r a n article found i n the baggag e of Kno x o r why tha t consu l wa s no t involve d i n th e suit . Bu t al l state d tha t Rachel ha d been detaine d thre e month s afte r he r arrival , whic h is contrar y to fact . Rachel had remaine d i n por t fo r a mont h afte r sh e wa s refuse d entry , accordin g t o their testimony, s o that Duff could give bail, but she was not then under seizure. A mor e plausibl e explanatio n i s tha t Jaco b Wilkinson , th e consignee , wa s awaiting word from Ostend before givin g orders for her to proceed. Both Green and Duff , however , mad e libera l estimate s o f the los s to th e owne r becaus e o f the additiona l month' s "detention." Simila r conflict s i n th e testimon y occu r 50
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Gree n t o T J , 2 1 Jan . 1791 . RachePs registe r di d not sho w wher e sh e wa s built (Johnson to T J , 3 1 Ma y 1791; Document HI , enclosure c). Johnso n to T J , 2 6 Feb . 1791. O n such abuses, see John Hamilton, British consul at Norfolk, to the Duke of Leeds, 25 Ma y 179 1 (PRO : F O 4/10, f . 63-5) . Se e als o Editoria l Note s an d documents o n American commercial policy, at 1 8 June 1790 . Gree n to T J , 2 1 Jan . 1791 an d 23 Ma y 1791 (Documen t i) . Duff himself volunteered th e informatio n that h e had ejected th e custom s office r becaus e h e had tried to make his quarters "a Cooking place for his provision" (Affidavit of Duff, 4 Mch. 1791 ; Document n , enclosure B , note) . Rachel wa s denied entry on 24 Dec. 1790 . He r departure for Ostend was variously 5 0
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in th e mor e complicate d circumstance s of RachePs retur n from Ostend in February, whe n Johnso n promptl y an d vigorously too k u p he r cause. William Gree n informe d Jefferson tha t Johnso n di d not interven e unti l th e "pressing necessit y o f Nationa l Circumstanc e compelled him.'" H e di d no t explain the natur e of the compulsio n and , not surprisingly , there were conflict ing account s o f the circumstance s which produced his intervention . Al l of th e testimony make s i t clea r that , o n he r outwar d voyag e fro m Ostend , Rachel came t o ancho r off Spithea d o n th e 21s t o f February . Captai n Duf f informe d Johnson tha t he r voyage t o Ne w Yor k ha d been interrupte d by permission of the consignee because i t was "absolutely necessary " for him to discover the fate of the sui t against himself . Th e customs officer s a t Portsmouth quoted Duf f as saying h e ha d com e int o por t "to await orders." Perhap s so, bu t ther e ca n b e no doub t tha t th e captai n di d submit t o th e Commissioner s of the Custom s a memorial which reached that body on the 24th. This appeal was certainly made with Johnson' s knowledg e an d ver y likel y wit h hi s assistance . Duff s reques t to compromise th e matte r wa s grante d th e ver y sam e day . Gree n mus t hav e advanced th e amoun t o f cour t cost s an d compensatio n t o th e tidewaite r wh o brought suit , sinc e h e late r aske d indemnification . Th e transactio n ha d bee n concluded swiftl y an d Captain Duf f learned of the resul t on th e 25th . But, unfortunately , h e had not reporte d to the custom s official s immediatel y on arrival . H e explaine d tha t hi s dela y wa s du e t o fou l weather , thoug h thi s had not prevente d the revenu e officer s fro m coming o n board on the 22d . No r had it kept Duff from getting off his memorial to the Commissioners of Customs on th e sam e day . H e als o gav e conflictin g testimon y abou t th e dat e h e ha d reported t o th e Portsmout h custom s officials . A t first he state d tha t thi s wa s done on th e 24th , a date corroborate d by the officials . Later , unde r Johnson's directions t o verif y th e dat e precisely , he altere d this to th e 23rd . This, unfor tunately, confused th e matter still further and made even more difficult Johnson' s effort t o prov e tha t th e repor t o f the Commissioner s of Custom s had deviate d from the trut h in essential points . Johnso n tried to reconcil e the contradiction, but coul d onl y argu e tha t th e repor t ha d mistakenl y give n Thursday instea d of Tuesday a s th e da y whe n Duf f announced RachePs arrival . Tuesda y fell o n the 22d, a date that the captain had not mentioned i n either of his contradictory statements. Worse , this would have weakened Johnson's argument still further by provin g that th e dela y ha d not i n fact occurred. But th e importan t point , whic h no t eve n Duf f denied , i s tha t h e ha d failed to report at once as required by law. Later, when he did submit RachePs registe r and manifest , th e custom s officer s a t Portsmouth , perhap s already annoyed a t his ignoring the maritime requirement, found that Rachel ha d on board brandy and gi n i n amount s no t permitte d b y regulations . The y seize d he r on th e 2 d 55
given in the testimony o f Duff, Green , and Johnson as 17, 18 , and 20 Jan. 1791 . Duff even asserte d that the vesse l wa s detained b y the Commissioner s of the Custom s unti l the 17t h o f January , yet , i n calculatin g the los s cause d b y th e detentio n - whic h h e liberally estimate d a t £68 1 sterling-h e correctl y estimate d th e duratio n a t 6 3 day s (Affidavit o f Duff, 1 7 Jan. 1791 , enclose d i n Green to T J , 2 1 Jan . 1791). Gree n later claimed tha t Rachel ha d bee n detaine d 8 9 day s fro m 2 2 Oct . 179 0 t o 1 8 Jan . 179 1 (Green t o T J , 6 Dec . 1791 ; Documen t m) . Johnso n stretche d th e fact s equall y by estimating the detention a t "upwards of twelve weeks " (Johnson to the Duke of Leeds, 25 Mch . 1791; Document n , enclosure c). Gree n to T J , 2 3 Ma y 1791 (Documen t i). 55
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of Marc h an d Captai n Duf f se t ou t fo r Londo n that night . Th e nex t da y h e gave a written report to Johnson , who immediatel y intervene d and demanded not onl y tha t th e Commissioner s of Custom s releas e th e brigantine , bu t tha t compensation b e made for her detention. Thre e weeks late r the Commissioners gave order s fo r Rachel's release , subjec t t o prosecutio n o f th e spirit s i n small quantities an d satisfaction bein g mad e t o th e seizin g officer . O n receiving this information, Johnso n appeale d th e nex t da y no t t o th e Lord s o f the Treasur y but t o th e Secretar y for Foreig n Affairs, agai n requestin g th e vessel' s releas e as well as full an d ample compensation. O n the day of its receipt his memorial was referre d by th e Foreig n Office t o th e Treasur y an d by that departmen t t o the Commissioner s of Customs . Johnso n viewe d thi s a s makin g th e accuse d both judg e an d jury an d agai n proteste d t o th e Duk e o f Leeds , mor e vigor ously-and als o inaccurately. Th e referenc e t o th e Commissioner s o f th e Customs wa s o f course fo r repor t an d recommendation. No t surprisingly , the Commissioners' repor t wa s a t varianc e wit h th e statement s o f Johnso n an d Duff. I t recommende d that , sinc e Rachel an d he r captai n ha d receive d al l reasonable indulgence , the y shoul d b e give n n o furthe r relief. The issu e migh t the n have been closed . Rachel ha d been detaine d only three weeks i n he r secon d clas h wit h authorit y an d wa s fre e t o procee d a s soo n a s the necessar y conditio n ha d bee n met . O n anothe r occasio n Johnso n himsel f stated that compensation to seizing officers was customary and, if it were deeme d unreasonable, appea l coul d b e mad e t o th e Treasury. I n the cas e o f Rachel, however, hi s appea l directl y to th e Secretar y for Foreig n Affairs resulted in a delay of several weeks befor e h e learned that it was fruitless. Meanwhile Rachel was losin g mone y fo r he r owner , ha d suffere d damag e a t th e hand s o f th e officials, an d th e spirit s i n smal l package s ha d bee n "pillaged " i n Johnson' s view - prosecute d i n tha t o f th e officials . Bu t no w Johnso n turne d upo n th e Commissioners of Customs, charge d that their report did violence t o the truth, professed no t t o understan d wha t wa s mean t b y "Satisfaction to the Seizing 56
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Johnso n to T J , 3 1 Ma y 1791 (Documen t n , enclosures B and c). Johnso n to the Duke of Leeds, 1 9 Apr. 179 1 (Documen t II , enclosure D). Johnson quite inaccuratel y stated tha t Rachel wa s the n i n th e fift h mont h o f he r detention, a calculation that coul d no t b e justified whethe r he regarde d both detention s as one or only referred to the second. Exactly a month later he stated that Rachel had been detained three months, which was still off the mark (Johnson to Commissioners of the Customs, 18 Ma y 1791 ; Documen t II , enclosur e H) . Johnso n also erre d in referring to RacheFs having been "stripped" of a part of her cargo - "pillaged " was the term he used in reporting the cas e t o T J . Th e custom s officer s wer e onl y enforcin g regulation s tha t ha d been established primaril y t o preven t mariner s from smugglin g spirit s in smal l quantities. This was a practice with which Johnson himself was quite familiar, having engaged in it himself. Whe n he first came to London in 1771 h e wrote his partner John Davidson that he had found a way of slipping a few bottles of "good old speritt" past the customs officials and added: "Jonny you know we have studied the art of smuggling." The allusion suggests the kind of contribution which Davidson, as deputy naval officer at Annapolis, was able to make to the firm of Wallace, Johnson, and Davidson (Papenfuse, In pursuit of profit, p. 141 , note 9). Commissioner s of Customs to Lord s of the Treasury, 29 Apr . 179 1 (Documen t II , enclosure E) . Johnso n t o Maury , 1 7 Sep . 179 1 (DNA : RG 59, CD ; MNP 167/1) . Se e als o Johnson t o T J on th e simila r condition fo r th e releas e o f th e America n vessels Hope, 5 6 5 7
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Officers" an d announced that he would report the transaction "to the Congress of the Unite d States " an d sen d copie s o f his vie w o f th e fact s t o th e Duk e o f Leeds and to the Lord s of the Treasury. Withou t waiting for an answer from the Commissioner s he sough t to obtai n on e fro m the custom s officer s a t Portsmouth, demandin g tha t i t b e pu t i n writing . When the officer s reporte d tha t £ 6 0 woul d suffice , Johnso n aske d the Commissioner s of Customs for a speedy answer a s to whethe r Rachel coul d procee d o n he r voyage on paymen t o f that amount. He did not submit the officers' letter to the Commissioners, presumably because i t quoted Duf f as saying he considered it a "very reasonable" sum. Nor did h e sen d eithe r t o th e Commissioner s or to Jefferso n th e lette r o f Captai n Duff concernin g thei r repl y whic h h e sen t b y th e sam e post. Nothin g ha d been gaine d b y thi s rathe r circulatory mode o f negotiatio n excep t dela y an d increased irritation o n the par t of all concerned. Fa r from husbanding the good disposition o f government fo r important occasions a s Jefferson ha d counselled, Johnson ha d made prodiga l levie s upo n i t in a case o f questionable merit . But thi s wa s b y n o mean s th e end . O n the 27t h o f April, just a month afte r the Commissioner s o f th e Custom s ha d ordere d th e releas e o f Rachel, he r boatswain an d four member s o f the cre w deserte d an d enlisted i n th e Britis h navy, claiming to be subjects of the Crow n despit e th e fact that they had signed on i n Ne w Yor k a s America n citizens. Thi s wa s no t a n unusua l occurrence, considering the higher wages offered seamen by the Admiralty. Johnson himself had lon g sinc e calle d Jefferson' s attentio n t o th e problem. Bu t whe n th e deserters sought to recove r their wages and personal possessions that had been left o n board , Rachel face d arres t and Johnson spran g to he r defense. Already engaged in confrontatio n wit h th e Foreig n Office, Treasury , an d Customs on her account, h e no w too k o n the Lord s o f the Admiralty . It was his policy, h e confided t o Jame s Maur y bu t no t t o th e Secretar y of State, t o forbi d captains of America n vessels t o pa y th e wage s o r delive r th e clothe s o f seame n wh o deserted or entered the royal navy. "The American Captain i n refusing to deliver the American Sailors cloaths , o r pa y hi s wages, " h e wrot e t o Maur y abou t another cas e o f th e sort , "di d perfectly right . I n every instanc e I hav e forbi d their doin g either , an d in many even no t t o pa y the Wage s o f British Seamen , prest ou t o f America n ships . Th e first poin t I a m clea r in , an d Government has give n i t up ; o n th e secon d I too k Si r William Scott' s opinio n an d which is rathe r against me , th o i n on e instanc e th e Admiralt y has arrested a Ship at Portsmouth and that mor e than a month ago , threatenin g that they woul d sell her to pa y th e Men s wage s in si x day s unles s satisfied . I wrote th e Admiralty to d o a s the y pleased , tha t nothin g shoul d b e paid , that I shoul d protes t an d transmit th e sam e t o Congress , an d tak e thei r instructions ; the y hav e don e nothing, an d i f we wer e t o ac t firmly, I don t believ e the y dare." The vesse l 60
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Johnso n to the Commissioners of Customs, 1 8 May 1791 (Documen t II , enclosure
Johnso n to Duff, 1 8 May 1791; Duff to Johnson, 19 May 1791; Johnson to Commissioners of Customs, 24 May 1791; Officers of the Customs to Johnson, 20 May 1791 (Document n, enclosures i, K, L , M) . Johnso n to T J , 2 Nov. 1790 . Johnso n to Maury , 1 3 and 30 Jun e 179 1 (DNA : RG 59 , CD ; MN P 167/1). Sir William Scott's opinion, solicited by Johnson, was based on the case of one James Cooper, a Britis h subject , wh o o n 2 8 Sep . 179 0 signe d article s a t Londo n as maste r o f th e American shi p Abigail o f Boston. Afte r her voyage to Savanna h and back, Cooper left 61
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in questio n wa s Rachel an d th e Lord s o f th e Admiralt y had indee d dare d t o arrest he r when th e five seame n brough t sui t in the Hig h Court o f Admiralty. Johnson, i n th e mos t imperiou s languag e h e ha d thus fa r employed, declare d that the seame n were Americans, that they had violated their contract, and that by desertin g the y ha d forfeite d thei r clai m t o wages . H e demande d tha t th e Admiralty giv e "instant , an d effectual Order s t o pu t a n immediate sto p to th e perpetration o f s o insolen t a n Outrage." The respons e wa s prompt , arrivin g just in time for Johnson to send it to the Secretary of State with other document s on th e cas e o f Rachel. I t wa s als o conclusive : al l tha t wa s necessar y fo r he r release wa s fo r the owne r o r master o f the vesse l t o settl e the claim s or let th e High Cour t o f Admiralt y decide. Johnson, of course, had no more authority to forbid the master of Rachel - o r any other vesse l — to refus e paymen t tha n he had to compe l America n captains to repor t their entry and clearance. Presumably he was able to persuade Gree n that th e Admiralt y would no t mak e goo d it s warnin g that Rachel woul d b e condemned an d sold if the claims were not met. Certainl y Johnson's confidenc e was no t shaken . Simultaneousl y an d in language a s blunt a s that h e ha d use d with th e Admiralty , h e repeate d his earlier protests t o the Treasur y an d to th e Secretary fo r Foreig n Affairs, no w Lor d Grenville . I n the first o f thes e com munications h e reiterate d his deman d that compensatio n b e mad e fo r RachePs earlier detentio n and-agai n assumin g authorit y whic h h e di d no t pos sess - declare d tha t h e coul d no t consen t t o th e conditio n impose d fo r he r release, characterizin g it as "an arbitrary fine." In that to Grenvill e he asserte d that hi s earlie r memorial t o Leed s complainin g o f a gros s outrag e ha d bee n referred fo r ultimat e decisio n t o thos e who ha d perpetrated it. Thi s wa s no t a very precise statement o f what had occurred, but i n both letter s h e announce d his intentio n t o transmi t a repor t "t o th e Congres s o f th e Unite d States " b y the Jun e packet. A mont h afte r RachePs arres t on th e sailors ' suit, Johnso n still hope d fo r success . Lat e i n June , repeatin g a n earlie r question, h e aske d George Aus t "t o infor m hi m b y th e beare r whether Lor d Grenvill e means t o honor Mr . Johnson wit h an y answe r t o hi s lette r . . . o r not. " Grenvill e did not answer , bu t a week late r Aust informed Johnso n tha t th e Commissioner s of the Treasur y had confirmed their former report and remained of the opinio n that no further relief should be granted . On the 21s t o f July cam e the warning that, unless the seamen were paid, Rachel woul d be condemned and sold. Three days later Green prudentl y gave up the contes t and agreed t o th e stipulations . He als o compensate d th e custom s officer s wh o ha d seize d he r o n th e 2 d o f 64
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her before the expiration of his articles and brought suit to recover wages withheld. Scott held that "If a Proclamation has issued for recalling British seamen from foreign service . . . i t is the dut y of British seame n s o engaged to qui t their service" and that British courts would sustain their claims to the proportion of wages earned (Opinion of Scott, 11 June 1791, i n clerk's hand except fo r concluding opinion and signature; DNA: R G 59, CD , London ; T-168/5). Johnso n to Philip Stephens, Admiralt y Office, 25 Ma y 1791 (Documen t n, enclosures N and o). Phili p Stephens to Johnson, 30 May 1791 (Documen t n, enclosure s). Johnso n to Charle s Long, Treasur y Office , 2 7 Ma y 1791 ; Johnso n to Grenville , 27 Ma y 179 1 (enclosure s Q and R). Afte r sending of f his dispatch of 31 Ma y with its numerous enclosures, Johnson continued to pres s the Foreig n Office for a decision on Rachel (Johnso n to Aust, 6, 10 , and 21 Jun e 1791 ; DNA : RG 59 , CD ; MN P 167/1 ; Aust to Johnson, 6, 21, and 27 June 1791; same, CD, London ; T-168/5). 6 4
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March. Ha d that conditio n bee n me t a t th e time , th e brigantin e coul d hav e departed a month befor e th e seame n deserted . Johnson' s strateg y o f confron tation, wit h Green' s acquiescence, ha d failed o n ever y count . The optimisti c hopes of RachePs owne r went even further beyond the bound s of reality . Befor e th e yea r wa s out , Gree n submitte d t o Jefferso n wha t h e described as a sequel to Johnson's report, representing himself as having resisted "a Public Wrong and Indignity to the Indépendanc e o f the Unite d States." For this publi c service he hope d th e federa l governmen t woul d hav e the humanit y and wisdo m t o indemnif y hi m for the losse s he ha d sustained. Hi s estimate o f damages wa s liberal , amountin g t o $7,29 2 o r almost two-third s o f the insured value of the vesse l an d her cargo. Hi s treatment o f the fact s wa s equally loose. Jefferson would have had no difficulty in perceiving that, on the basis of Green's own reckoning , Rachel ha d no t bee n detaine d b y Britis h authoritie s "fo r th e Space o f Nin e Months." Lookin g over th e elaborat e documentatio n o f th e case a s reporte d b y Johnson , h e coul d hav e see n a t onc e tha t th e tota l perio d of detentio n amounte d t o n o mor e tha n si x months , an d migh t hav e bee n reduced to hal f that perio d had the customar y compensation bee n mad e whe n Rachel wa s ordere d t o b e release d lat e i n March . Mos t o f he r tim e spen t i n idleness resulte d from the vigorou s insistenc e o f the America n consul who , i n Green's words , intervene d whe n "th e pressin g necessit y o f Nationa l Circum stance compelle d him." 67
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If Johnso n ha d know n th e Secretar y o f Stat e wel l o r if h e ha d rea d hi s instructions carefully, he might have guessed that the outcome was predictable. Jefferson acknowledge d Johnson' s dispatch, but made no direct comment the n or eve r o n th e meri t o f RachePs case . Bu t his allusion in the sam e lette r to th e consul's abandonmen t o f the cas e o f Purdie may very well have been intende d to appl y equall y t o hi s espousa l o f Rachel: "W e would chus e neve r t o commi t ourselves bu t when we ar e so clearly in the right as to admit no doubt." Quit e understandably, Jefferso n di d no t eve n acknowledg e Green' s hopeless appeal for indemnification . Later , afte r Thoma s Pinckney' s appointment a s minister to England , Gree n appeale d i n perso n t o th e Secretar y of Stat e fo r assistanc e in recoverin g the muc h larger losses he claime d he had sustained in trade with the Eas t Indies . Before Pinckne y departed, Jefferson ha d frequent discussion s with hi m abou t Green' s applicatio n an d reache d a n understandin g a s t o th e position th e governmen t shoul d take. "The magnitude o f his losses," Jefferso n 69
Georg e Gostlin g to Johnson , 14 , 21 , an d 31 Jul y (same) . Eve n afte r Gree n had met th e condition s fo r RachePs release , ther e wa s a final irritatin g exchange betwee n Johnson and the Admiralty Office because of delay in transmitting the orders. Claiming that sh e wa s then i n the 10t h month of her detention, Gree n declared that if this had happened to a British vesse l i n the Unite d States, they woul d have heard "a thousand infamous epithets, th e least or most moderate of which would be that we were a race of Pirates as bad as the Algerines. " When the orders still had not arrive d four days later, Green asked Johnson to make one final effort. I f this did not succeed, he declared that he would obey Johnson's orders as consul, "even to abandoning the vessel altogether to a set o f Harpies, and to take my chance of redress from Congress" (Green to Johnson, 24 and 29 July; 2 Aug. 1791; DNA: R G 59, CD, London ; T-168/5; Johnson to George Gostling, 28 an d 30 July; Johnson to Green, 27 July , 1 and 3 Aug. 1791; DNA: RG 59, CD ; MN P 167/1). Gree n to Secretar y of State, 6 Dec. 179 1 (Documen t m and enclosure). T J t o Johnson, 29 Aug . 1791 . 67
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later wrot e t o th e minister , "wil l cal l fo r al l the attention s an d patronage w e can give him consistently wit h those considerations o f ultimate friendshi p and peace betwee n th e tw o nation s whic h highe r dutie s oblig e u s t o cultivate. " Jefferson lef t i t u p t o Pinckne y to decid e whe n th e cas e woul d justify officia l interposition. Al l of this wa s se t fort h in a letter o f introduction for Gree n t o present to Pinckney, left unsealed for his inspection. Thus signalling the doubt s that Jefferso n entertained , i t shoul d hav e warne d the merchan t o f th e undis closed ground s o n whic h th e Secretar y of Stat e an d the ministe r t o Englan d had conditione d th e possibilit y o f official intervention . These highe r dutie s o f ultimat e peac e an d friendship , unfortunately , wer e such a s Johnso n los t sigh t o f whe n strivin g mos t assiduousl y t o mee t them . That h e shoul d hav e chose n t o documen t s o full y suc h a dubious cas e a s that of Rachel seem s explicabl e onl y o n th e groun d tha t h e hope d t o prov e hi s qualifications for the ran k of minister. At this juncture he knew that diplomatic relations betwee n th e tw o countrie s wer e abou t t o b e resumed . H e wa s als o aware tha t hi s situatio n require d hi m t o g o somewha t beyon d th e norma l consular functions . Indeed , i n hi s late r appea l t o Congres s t o reimburs e and compensate hi m fo r hi s services , h e stresse d th e fac t tha t i n the absenc e o f an American minister , h e wa s oblige d t o ac t i n a diplomati c capacit y an d t o entertain "almos t ever y America n of respectabilit y whos e busines s o r whos e pleasure brought hi m to London." He was conscious o f the powerful political 70
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T J t o Pinckney , 1 2 Dec . 1792 ; Gree n t o T J , 8 and 1 1 Jun e and 5 Dec . 1792 . Green forwarded to Pinckney a copy of TJ's letter of 12 Dec. but was unable to proceed on hi s voyag e to Englan d t o pursu e his claim because o f suits institute d agains t him there to recove r from him much of his property, "which their own Judicature has annihilated" (Green to Pinckney, 6 Feb. 1793; D L C : Pinckne y Papers) . Despite his precautionary instructions to Pinckney, TJ foun d Green's East Indian case useful in rebutting George Hammond's contention tha t English courts, without excep tion, gav e America n citizens an d British subject s equa l protectio n o f the laws . After stating th e fact s i n this and other cases, TJ declared: "These cases appear strong to us. If your Judges have done wrong in them, we expect redress . If right, we expect explanations" (TJ t o Hammond , 29 Ma y 1792). Eve n in this notable diplomati c argument T J wa s careful to assum e tha t the decisio n agains t Gree n migh t hav e been righ t and thus avoided a formal representation by the government. Soon after that exchange, Green sought the aid of the Secretary of the Treasury in avoiding a ruinous legal action in New York. In doing so he gave Hamilton the misleading impression that the government had interposed in his behalf. Because of Green's distress, Hamilton yielded and, through the agency o f William Seton , succeede d fo r a brief while in postponing Green' s difficulties (Hamilton to Seton, 17 July 1792; Seton to Hamilton, 23 July 1792; Green to Hamilton, 24 and 26 July 1792 ; Syrett, Hamilton, xn , 43-4, 79 , 82, 110-11) . Afte r TJ lef t office , Green persisted in claiming the government's protectio n by again appealing to the Secretary of State. Randolph sought the opinion of the Attorney General, William Bradford, as well as that of Hamilton. Bradfor d found that the Britis h judge was obliged t o rule against Gree n accordin g to th e law s of the real m and the long-establishe d doctrin e of indefeasible allegiance; that Green had failed to appeal the decision and thus no complaint could be registered until the issue was decided b y the court of last resort; and that the facts did not warran t any formal demand by the United States. Hamilto n concurred in this opinion (Bradfor d an d Hamilton to Randolph , 4 Nov.[- 9 Dec ] 1794 , same , xvn, 254-5). Randolph forwarded their opinion t o Gree n an d informed him - i n words similar to those used by TJ t o Johnson on the Purdie case (TJ t o Johnson, 29 Aug. 1791) - tha t the governmen t coul d not commi t itsel f in a doubtful case . But , feeling a s others did that Green had justice on his side, he urged Jay and Pinckney to take the matter under 7 0
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thrust of Jefferson's repor t on the fisheries and thought tha t the navigatio n act which ha d bee n referre d t o th e Secretar y o f Stat e woul d b e enacte d a t th e ensuing Congress. It was therefore perhap s not accidental that, in submitting RachePs cas e a s proo f o f hostilit y o n th e par t o f th e Britis h government , h e expressed th e opinio n tha t n o respons e coul d b e s o effectua l "a s a retaliating Navigation Act." A s he must have realized, this placed him squarely in accord with th e announce d polic y o f th e Secretar y of State . But , if he were seekin g ministerial appointment, the methods of conducting diplomatic discourse which he s o elaboratel y reveale d i n th e recor d of Rachel prove d hi m t o b e hi s ow n worst advocate . I t i s no t i n thi s bu t i n Jefferson's silenc e o n th e cas e tha t th e importance o f th e episod e lies , suggestin g a s i t doe s th e mean s b y whic h h e chose to attai n great object s o f policy. Jefferson wa s prepared to us e th e coun tervailing strateg y o f a navigation ac t because , a s he pointe d ou t t o Si r John Sinclair, the failur e to achiev e amicable commercial relations between the United States an d Grea t Britai n coul d no t b e impute d t o th e former. H e wa s no t prepared to jeopardize the ultimate goal of friendship and peace, most especiall y if thi s mean t standin g o n s o fragil e a foundatio n a s tha t reveale d i n th e to o amply documente d cas e o f Rachel. Civility , no t harshnes s or belligerency, wa s his most characteristi c trait in endeavoring to reach just and reasonable accommodations o f interest amon g me n an d nations. Within a year Jefferson's insisten t warning s against abuse s o f the American flag becam e nationa l polic y upo n passag e b y Congres s of the Registr y Act of 1792. Thi s unprecedente d legislatio n mad e ownershi p o f vessel s entirel y b y American citizen s a n indispensabl e requiremen t o f registration . I t prohibite d sale t o alien s o f an y interes t i n a vessel bearin g the flag o f the Unite d States, under penalt y o f los s o f registr y and , in th e even t o f prove n fraudulence , for 72
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consideration discreetly and "in such a manner as may best promise success; but without committing our Government by a formal demand" (Randolph to Green, 1 1 Dec. 1794 ; DNA: R G 59 , D L ; Randolp h to Jay, 11 Dec. 1794 ; same, CDI; pertinen t extracts are in Syrett , Hamilton, xvn , 356-7). O n Green's extravagant claims of losses in the Eas t India case, see note to Gree n to T J , 2 3 Ma y 1791 (Documen t i). Johnso n argue d correctl y that sinc e th e Unite d State s ha d no diplomati c representative i n Londo n for som e time afte r h e becam e consu l h e wa s "i n some respects obliged t o ac t i n a diplomatic capacity , and a great par t of his time wa s taken u p in attending t o suc h of the publi c Interests . .. a s do not usually come within the extent of the consula r functions." H e als o pointe d ou t tha t thi s wa s durin g a war when his whole tim e wa s take n u p i n protectin g America n seamen, an d that, havin g incurred expenses of some thousands of pounds, he had "not received the smallest compensation." He petitioned fo r reimbursement of £314.3.2 a s well as for all expenses incurred in the service of the governmen t (draf t of petition to Congress, Georgetown, [2 8 Jan . 1800] ; DNA: R G 59, CD , London T-168/5). Almost half a century later Louisa C . Adam s and other heir s of Johnson petitione d Congres s for a settlement o f Johnson's account "upon principles of equity an d justice," even t o the extent of retroactive allowances or compensation as provided consuls by the acts of 19 Jan. 183 6 and 3 Mch. 183 7 (Petition to the Senate and House of Representatives, 22 July 1848 , DNA : RG 233 , Records of the House of Representatives). Johnso n told Maury that he thought the navigation bill would pass "the next session with additional restrictions and severity" and that this would be "the means of compelling this Cour t t o alte r her system respectin g th e Unite d State s o f America " (Johnson to Maury, 1 3 June and 24 Nov . 1791 , same). Johnso n to T J , 3 1 Ma y 1791 (Documen t II) . T J t o Si r John Sinclair, 24 Aug . 1791 . 71
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feiture o f bot h vesse l an d cargo. I t provided that, upo n sal e o r transfer of titl e of a vessel s o registered , he r certificat e o f registratio n shoul d immediatel y b e surrendered t o th e authorities . Th e Enrollmen t and Licensin g Act o f 179 3 established eve n mor e stringen t provision s t o preven t abus e o f th e American flag. Suc h legislation , designe d t o insur e tha t vessel s registere d unde r au thority o f th e Unite d State s shoul d adher e strictl y to it s policy o f neutrality, was difficult if not impossible to enforce. Muc h litigation resulted, and no doubt many more fraudulen t practice s went undiscovered . Bu t th e principl e which Jefferson consistentl y uphel d lon g befor e i t becam e embodie d i n nationa l law had bee n vindicated . 75
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U.S. Statutes at Large, I , 287-99, 305-18 .
L Willia m G r e e n t o th e Secretar y o f State S l R Londo
n the 23d . o f May 1791 .
I ha d th e honou r t o addres s a lette r t o yo u o n th e 21st . o f las t January, concerning the conduct of the Britis h Administration, with respect t o th e Brigantin e Rachel, Nichola s Duf f Master, belongin g to th e por t o f New York . I should no t hav e sollicite d th e troubl e o f your attentio n t o tha t detai l fro m me , althoug h bot h Vesse l an d Cargo were my own; if Mr. Johnso n the Consu l of the United State s for this port had conceived hi s intervention warrantable , at the tim e of he r arrival : but , a s h e ha d just the n onl y receive d a notificatio n of his own appointment , withou t an y official Instruction s for his line of conduct, h e did not think it right without these to interest himself upon th e business , unti l the pressin g necessity o f National Circum stance compelle d him . From tha t moment I have bee n silent , unles s with him; and he has had the goodness since to act with such energ y of Public Spirit, a s it is hoped wil l mee t your approbation, althoug h it ha s ha d n o effec t toward s procurin g redress. This vesse l i s no w i n th e sevent h Mont h o f her detaintion , sinc e she lef t Ne w York , thre e month s o n he r first arrival , an d fou r o n her outwar d passage . Sh e ha s bee n pillage d o f a part of her Cargo , and the remainde r is to b e subjec t to a n arbitrary fine. A ver y heavy Expence an d Los s hav e bee n incurred , an d yet n o offenc e ha s bee n committed, excep t tha t o f landin g a n Englis h mad e fowlin g piece , part o f the baggag e o f Mr. Knox , th e Consu l fo r Dublin, wh o cam e to Englan d wit h m e a passenger i n th e vessel . Under th e auspice s o f Mr. Johnson , I have nearly compleated th e proofs o f a damage, whic h I have sustained, as a Citizen an d Subject [ 504 }
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of th e Unite d States, of somewhat more than T wo hundre d thousand Dollars, fo r which , notwithstandin g th e Treat y o f Peace , I a m no t permitted to plea d in a British Court o f Justice; a lawful impedimen t being pu t i n m y way , a s a n America n Creditor , t o annu l m y clai m against Britis h Debtors . T h i s busines s alone brought m e t o Europ e last fall ; but , a s i t i s nearl y accomplished , I shal l embar k shortl y t o return, whe n I shal l b e permitte d t o la y thes e proofs before you , fo r your inspection . I hav e th e honou r t o be , wit h th e greates t respect , Sir, You r mos t obedient , humbl e servant , WILLIA RC (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain, unsorted papers) ; a t hea d o f text : "(Duplicate)"; endorsed by TJ a s received 20 Aug. 1791 an d so recorded in SJL . William Green , a merchant an d nativ e of England , became a naturalized citize n in Rhod e Islan d in 1786 . H e late r estab lished himsel f i n Ne w Yor k an d engaged in th e Eas t Indi a trade . I n 178 8 h e dis patched a vessel an d cargo from Philadelphia for Bengal. Under contract with John Buchanan an d Rober t Charnock , British merchants located at Ostend, Green shipped East Indi a good s t o hi s partner s which , because o f their bankruptc y an d his ow n arrest and imprisonment a t their suit , resulted in losses which he estimated a t this time at £49,969.6.7 /4 sterling. Among the proofs that he was gathering wa s an itemized statement of his losses, certified b y a committee of Americans in London (Samuel Broome , Joh n Brown e Cutting , and Duncan Ingraham). In submitting his proof s to Johnson , Gree n declare d tha t thes e "gentlemen of probity and experience an d capacity . .. sa t for several days as a Committee upon th e investigatio n o f the business under your auspices." Green claimed that he was denied recovery of his propert y 3
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"by th e extraordinar y doctrin e o f Juris prudence as delivered by that Oracle of Law , Lord Kenyon , whereb y no t onl y ever y British subject , bu t eve n ever y foreigne r residing in England or in any Par t of the British Dominion s ar e declared to b e absolved fro m every Deb t whic h they owed to Mr. Green, and to be exempt from any responsibility to him for any property which he ha s place d i n thei r hands. " Claiming that h e ha d embarke d hi s fortun e "a s a Commercial Capitalist under the Flag and Protection o f the Unite d State s o f America," h e submitte d proof s to Johnso n be cause of their magnitude, becaus e hi s case affected the political interests of the United States, and becaus e he hope d Johnson would "frame such a Report of the Circumstances and Truth s of the Case as may accompany my application to Congress for redress and relief' (Green to Johnson, 25 Jun e 1791 , with enclosed notaria l proofs and itemized account o f losses; DNA: RG 59 , London; T-168/5). Johnso n mad e n o report , bu t Green continue d hi s effort s b y appealin g both to TJ and to his successor, Edmund Randolph. Both sympathized with him for his losses, but declined to commit the government t o hi s cas e (se e Editoria l Note , note 70).
I I . Joshu a Johnson to the Secretar y of State S l R Londo
n 31st. Ma y 1791 .
I hav e th e hono r t o transmi t yo u variou s Paper s marke d A BC D E F G H I K L M N O P Q R S respectin
g th e seizur e o f th
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at Portsmouth , b y th e Collecto r and Comptrolle r of hi s Britanic k Majestys Customs . A s thi s cas e i s singularl y hard, I have bee n th e more anxious , t o procur e Justic e t o th e injured , an d suppor t th e Honor, an d Interest of the Unite d States, an d which I hope wil l b e approved by Congress; my different addresse s to the Commissioners of th e Custom s ma y appea r harsh ; th e eviden t inattentio n t o th e Body o f Evidence , an d stat e o f fact s lai d befor e them , an d thei r decision i n direct opposition t o Justice, will, I doubt not, fully justify me; a t al l events , I d o no t conside r tha t I hav e gon e beyon d th e bounds o f m y Duty , t o Congress , o r m y Country . I be g leav e t o remar k t o you , tha t th e Rachel , Cap . Duff, too k i n her Carg o at Ostend , an d o n he r outwar d boun d passag e touche d at th e Mother-Bank , for th e purpos e state d i n pape r A B. Shoul d this Government be actuated, either by Jealousy, or any other cause, against th e growin g Commerc e o f th e Unite d States , the y ma y pursue thi s syste m o f conduc t until l they hav e entirel y interrupted our Navigatio n int o th e Nort h Seas , unles s check t i n Time ; an d I cannot poin t ou t an y thing , tha t wil l s o effectuall y d o it , a s a retal iating Navigation Act . As for seeking redress, by what is called L aw here, th e attemp t b y a n American would b e ridiculous , as is plainly proved b y th e decision s o f th e Commissioners , an d Lord s o f th e T r e a s u r y . - I t woul d appea r tha t Government , wer e no t conten t with the unexample d cruelt y exercised on th e Propert y of Mr. Green , in the refusal, of suffering his Vessell to an Entry, in the first instance, and the n seizin g he r o n he r returnin g passage, i n th e second ; pil laging hi m o f par t o f th e Cargo , detainin g th e Vessel l a t a heav y expence fo r Seve n Months , bu t als o i n addition , hav e impose d a fine to their officers; they carr y their Revenge stil l farther, by having induced th e Seame n t o ente r int o th e King' s Service , se e paper s marked O an d S , an d i n oppositio n t o th e proof s marke d N, the y send a n Admiralt y Proces s o n board , pu t th e Vessel l an d Carg o under a n arrest , and threaten t o dispos e o f as much a s wil l pa y th e demands o f the Sailor s really subjects of the United States, in defianc e of th e sacre d Contrac t made wit h th e Capt . o f th e aforesai d Brig antine, Rachel . On remonstratin g to thei r Lordship s please refe r to thei r answer in pape r marke d S, wher e the y say , i f you don' t lik e thi s determi nation, brin g you r Action s a t L a w , and w e wil l ther e Judg e o n them; N o on e woul d b e wea k enoug h t o suppose , tha t thei r Lord ships, o r an y dependin g Cour t o n them , woul d giv e relie f contrary to th e Judgemen t pronounce d b y direction s o f their Lordship s an d I mus t therefor e decline , doin g anythin g farther in this Busines s or [ 50 6 ]
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indeed i n an y othe r cas e simila r until l I receiv e instruction s fro m Congress. I purpose writing you again in a few day s in the meantime , I a m with grea t respect & esteem, Sir , Your mos t Obedient & Mos t Humble Servant , JOSHU A JOHNSO N RC (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain , unsorted papers) ; at foo t o f text : "Thomas Jefferson Esqr . Secretar y for th e department o f State ; endorse d b y Remse n as received 20 Aug. 1791 an d so recorded in SJL. F C (DNA : RG 59 , CD) ; a t head of text: "Mr. Sterett. There are some differences in phraseology between R C an d FC. Enclosures: Texts of all sav e one of the 17 enclosures identifie d b y Johnso n a s A
through s (J being omitted) have been found and ar e presented below in full or in summary. All are transcripts, lettered as indicated. N o tex t of the missin g enclosure P has been found. But see note to o below.
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MOTHER-BANK: A shoa l betwee n th e mainland an d the Isl e o f Wigh t forming the northwest boundary of Spithead.
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Nicholas Duf f t o Joshua Johnson London, 3 Mch. 1791. A s Johnso n i s acquainte d wit h th e thre e months ' detention o f Rachel, h e wil l no t restat e th e particulars . On e o f th e officer s o f the Custom s had brought sui t agains t hi m and he wa s oblige d t o giv e bai l o f £ 5 0 0 sterlin g befor e Rachel, no t bein g give n entr y i n any Britis h port , coul d proceed t o Osten d wher e he r carg o wa s lande d b y orde r o f th e consignees . There h e too k o n boar d 40 pipe s o f brand y and 10 0 case s o f Genev a bound for Ne w York . Sinc e i t wa s "absolutel y necessary " fo r hi m t o touc h a t th e Mother Bank t o lear n the fate of the prosecution against himself, he did so and on 2 4 Feb . informed th e Commissioner s of Customs that he ha d put i n there for thi s sol e purpose . O n the 25t h the y grante d his reques t o n conditio n tha t he compensat e th e officer . Thi s h e di d so tha t hi s bailsmen would b e relieve d and h e coul d proceed o n hi s voyage. Rachel ha d reached Mother Bank o n th e 21st bu t becaus e o f bad weather he coul d not repor t until 24th t o Portsmout h collector, who directed him to turn over register and papers. To these he added bills o f ladin g an d carg o manifest . Th e collecto r sai d he woul d hav e t o sen d all t o th e Commissioners . Th e sui t ha d bee n quashe d an d h e ha d receive d orders to proceed to New York , so on 25th he asked for his papers. The collector said h e ha d had no answe r from London . He calle d upon hi m each day from Saturday throug h Tuesday and received the sam e answer . On Wednesday th e 2d. h e wa s tol d tha t th e Commissioner s had ordered him to seiz e bot h vesse l and cargo . Thi s wa s done about noo n th e sam e day when Rachel wa s boarded by the "Collector, and Comptroller of the Customs at Portsmouth, with a Pilot, and eigh t hands , and putting a Chalk Mar k upo n the Mainmast and Foremast, declared that they ha d seized her, and her Cargo, an d taking her by force int o their possession , conducte d he r fro m th e Mothe r Bank , wher e sh e wa s the n lying a t Anchor , into th e Harbou r o f Portsmouth. " He lef t Rachel ther e tha t night i n order to come to Londo n to appeal to Johnson as the America n consul "to tak e suc h immediat e Measure s as ma y b e necessar y an d effectual" t o sav e
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him and the parties at interest - al l of them citizens of the United States - "fro m the Distress , Delay , an d Embarrassmen t which suc h a n arbitrar y stretc h o f Power ma y occasion. " Tr (DNA : RG 76 , Grea t Britain, unsorte d papers).
Joshua Johnson t o the Commissioner s o f the Custom s London, 4 Mch. 1791. Yesterday , Nicholas Duff , commande r o f th e brig antine Rachel, Ne w York , the property of subjects of the United States, informed him tha t th e vesse l wa s seize d o n th e 2 d a t the Mothe r Ban k b y th e collecto r and comptrolle r by th e Commissioners ' direction. "Annext your Honours wil l find a statement of all Captai n Duff s Proceedings , an d as his Case is peculiarly hard, an d h e ha s don e nothin g wit h inten t o f fraud , bu t hi s puttin g int o a n English Por t wa s t o pa y respec t t o th e Law s o f thi s Country , an d to liberat e his Bai l i n a Prosecutio n . . . whic h your Honour s has ordere d to b e quasht , I humbl y be g tha t you r Honours will b e please d t o tak e thi s matte r into your immediate Consideration , and give Orders for the liberation of the Brig Rachel , and he r Cargo , tha t Captai n Duf f ma y procee d fo r Ne w York , an d tha t yo u direct th e Comptroller , and Collecto r at Portsmout h t o mak e Compensatio n for the detention . - Shoul d your Honours desire any farther Explanation to th e facts stated , I wil l wit h pleasur e atten d you. " Tr (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain , unsorted papers) ; docketed b y Remsen . Tr (PRO: F O 4/10, f . 42) . Th e annexed papers were : (1 ) Memoria l of Jaco b Wilk inson, London , to th e Commissioner s of the Treasury , 2 2 Oct . 1790 , statin g that RachePs carg o fro m Ne w Yor k consiste d of pear l and potash, staves , an d pig iron consigned to him; that, since the vessel was French buil t bu t America n property, she could no t b e give n entry ; and that, inasmuch a s this aros e from ignorance o f the owner an d as such merchandize does not pay duty, he asks that it be allowed entry as if imported in an American bottom. (2) Affidavit o f William Green, 4 Mch. 1791 , sworn before Robert Smith, stating that he was a New York merchant residing at present in Great Portland street; that the brandies and Geneva on Rachel wer e shipped by Theodore van Moorsel & Co. of Ostend by orde r of Jaco b Wilkinso n for th e account o f William Green ; and that neither the whol e no r any part was intende d for any port in the British dominions. (3 ) Affidavit o f Nicholas Duff, sworn before Robert Smith, 4 Mch. 1791 , stating that Rachel, commanded by him, arrived in London on
22 Oct . 1790 ; tha t he presente d he r register and papers to the collector of customs but was refused entry because she had been built in France, though sh e had long been owned b y America n citizens, registere d under law s of the Unite d States, an d admitted severa l times to port s i n Englan d and Ireland; that she remained in Londo n from tha t dat e unti l 1 7 Jan . 179 1 whil e the Commissioner s of the Treasur y wer e deciding whethe r sh e coul d enter ; that , when she was finallydenied entry, the consignee directed him to procee d to Ostend and delive r th e carg o t o Theodor e va n Moorsel & Co., who, o n th e consignee' s order, laded her with brandies and Geneva for shipment to New Yor k on the account of William Green; that, having been prosecuted b y the Commissioner s of Customs on complaint of one of their tidewaiters and obliged to give bail in the amount of £500 "because he had landed without sufferance an English gun made by Mortimer in Fleet street, i n orde r t o hav e i t repaired , and because he had turned the said Officer out of his Cabin, wh o attempte d t o make it a Cooking place for his provision, he was . . . permitted b y th e Consigne e t o pu t int o
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Portsmouth" in order to take up his bail; that, on arrival, he informed the Commis sioners of Customs and asked that "he might be permitted to compromise the matter with the Office r wh o ha d preferred the Com plaint against him and proceed on his way to New York"; that the Commissioners, on or about the 24th of February granted his request "an d the matte r wa s accordingly compromised . .. a t a very heavy and ruinous expence" to himself; that when this was done he immediately demanded the liberation of Rachel an d his register and papers which the collecto r ha d taken away from him but was refused, that official saying he had sent them to London and was awaiting
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the Commissioners ' instructions; tha t h e was put of f with this answer from day to day until the 2d of March when Rachel was seized and taken into Portsmouth harbor ; and tha t n o par t o f th e carg o ha d bee n intended fo r Englis h port s bu t wa s des tined for New Yor k an d he ha d been ordered to procee d ther e "wit h all possible dispatch," stopping only at Teneriffe to take in wines. (Trs of all in DNA: RG 76, Great Britain, unsorted papers; other Trs in PRO: FO 4/10, f. 43-9, as enclosed with the above letter in Johnson's letter to Stephens of 25 May 1791, the whole being docketed: "Copy sent t o th e Treasur y Marc h 25th" ; se e Enclosure o below. )
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Memorial o f Joshua Johnson t o the Duk e of Leed s London, 25 Mch. 1791. Rachel, a n America n vessel, i s owned , registered , and navigated agreeabl y t o th e law s o f the Unite d States, an d her cargo is th e property o f a n American citizen. Sh e arrive d i n Londo n 22 Oct . 179 0 wit h a cargo consigne d t o a n Englis h merchant , bu t sinc e he r registe r di d not stat e that she was built in America and her construction appeared French, the Com missioners o f Custom s refuse d he r entry, alleging tha t fo r this reaso n sh e wa s not entitle d t o th e privilege s o f an American vessel. I n consequence, th e Lord s of the Treasury were asked a day or two after her arrival to allow her to discharge her carg o a s sh e ha d bee n permitte d t o d o i n port s o f Englan d an d Irelan d many times . N o answe r wa s receive d unti l th e en d o f December , whe n th e appeal wa s denie d an d Rachel wa s oblige d t o procee d t o Ostend . "I t may b e necessary her e mos t respectfull y t o remar k t o you r Grac e tha t thi s American Vessel afte r bein g detaine d i n a Britis h Por t upward s o f twelv e weeks , wa s compelled t o leav e i t an d make a Deposit o f her Cargo in a Foreign Port. . . . Captain Duf f th e Commande r of the sai d Vessel having bee n prosecute d . . . for landin g whils t i n th e Por t o f Londo n a n Englis h fowling-piec e mad e b y the celebrate d Mortime r of this Cit y i n order to hav e it repaired by the Make r . . . h e wa s oblige d t o pu t i n with his Vessel at Spithea d on her way to Nort h America i n orde r to redee m hi s recognizance s o r to surrende r his Perso n and take his trial agreeably to the Law s of England, and upon his arrival at Spithead on th e twent y secon d Ultim o the sai d Hon'ble Commissioner s of the Custom s were acquainted therewith, and petitioned o n account of the notorious hardship of th e Cas e t o orde r th e prosecutio n t o b e stop t whic h the y wer e please d t o consent t o upo n conditio n o f his payin g the Bill s o f their Solicitors, satisfyin g the Informe r wh o represente d t o th e Boar d tha t h e ha d lande d a n Englis h made fowling-piece , an d payin g th e sai d Informer' s expences whic h Captai n Duff was obliged to do and which cost him upwards of Seventy Pounds Sterling, or he woul d have bee n committe d t o a n English Jai l unde r the prosecutio n o f the Crow n Lawyers . - Thi s Su m i s upward s of a year's pay to th e Captai n o f
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so small a Vessel. . . . The Collector at Portsmouth to whom Captai n Duf f had made a report of his arrival and of every item of his Cargo demanded his Papers which Captai n Duf f gav e up , an d whe n th e Commissioner s wer e please d t o stay thi s prosecutio n o n accoun t o f th e fowling-piec e . . . h e calle d o n th e Collector fo r a retur n of hi s Paper s whic h h e refuse d t o relinquis h alledgin g that he could not unti l he had received orders from the Hon'ble Commissioners of the Customs . An d pretending t o hav e receive d thes e order s on th e secon d of this Mont h the sai d Collector came of f with a number of other Person s and forcibly takin g possession o f th e sai d American Vessel an d Cargo , conducte d her . . . t o th e Harbou r o f Portsmouth. "A conduc t lik e thi s s o likel y t o so w th e seed s o f Discor d between Grea t Britain an d th e Unite d State s o f Americ a bein g represente d t o your Grace' s Memorialist H e found himself immediately unde r the necessit y o f representing the sam e t o th e Hon'bl e Commissioner s of His Majesty's Customs (a Copy of which representation , wit h th e Owner s and Captain's Affidavit No . 2 , 3 , an d 4, i s inclose d herewith ) requirin g that th e Collecto r who ha d committed thi s act o f violenc e shoul d b e immediatel y ordere d to giv e u p th e sai d Vessel and Cargo and to make satisfaction t o the parties injured for the losses and damages his conduc t ha d occasioned . "It i s no w thre e Week s sinc e thi s Memoria l was presented , an d yesterda y your Grace's Memorialist was given t o understan d that the . . . Commissioner s had ordere d th e Collecto r a t Portsmout h t o giv e u p th e sai d Vesse l an d a considerable par t of he r Cargo , nearl y in th e followin g word s 'Th e Spirit s in small quantitie s t o b e prosecuted , th e Shi p an d Carg o to b e liberate d on sat isfaction bein g mad e t o th e Seizin g Officer.' "In orde r t o obviat e th e consequence s o f a Syste m s o destructiv e t o th e harmony with which the Subject s of the two Countrie s should ever regard each other, an d whic h i t i s your Grace' s Memorialist' s earnes t desir e t o cultivate , this Memoria l is therefor e submitted , an d thi s Appea l mad e t o you r Grace' s justice, wit h a repetition o f the requisition , that the Hon'bl e Commissioners of the Custom s b e instructe d t o giv e order s t o thei r Collecto r a t Portsmout h immediately t o delive r u p th e sai d Vesse l an d al l he r Cargo , t o th e Captai n thereof, an d be likewis e ordere d to mak e ful l an d ample compensatio n fo r th e loss an d damage whic h has bee n occasione d b y hi s conduct. " Tr (DNA : RG 76 , Great Britain, unsorted papers). Another Tr (DNA : RG 59 , CD) . RC (PRO : F O 4/10, f . 42) . Enclosure : Johnson to th e Commissioner s of Customs, 4 Mch. 179 1 (Enclosur e B preceding), and its three enclosures.
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Joshua Johnson t o the Duk e of Leed s May i t please you r Grace [London ] 1 9 Apri l 179 1 It i s wit h extrem e concer n that I a m unde r the necessit y o f applyin g agai n to your Grace upo n th e situatio n o f the America n Brigantine Rachel, Nichola s Duff, Master , concerning whic h I had the honor o f presenting a Memorial to your Grac e o n th e 25th . Ultimo , t o whic h n o answe r ha s bee n given . Altho ' it ha s bee n mentione d t o me , tha t th e matte r ha s bee n referre d to th e Righ t Honorable the Lord s of His Majesty's Treasury, an d again by their Lordships,
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to th e Commissioner s of the Customs ; upon thi s occasion , I beg leav e respect fully t o remar k t o you r Grace , tha t th e matte r appear s thu s t o hav e bee n immediately referre d to the ver y Men, under whose authority, an Injury to on e of th e Subject s o f th e Unite d State s ha s bee n committed . Tha t Vesse l i s ye t laying perishin g a t Portsmouth , an d this i s no w th e fifth Mont h tha t sh e ha s been detaine d here , a t an heavy Loss , an d Expence to th e Owner s of both th e Vessel, an d Cargo . I thin k i t m y Dut y respectfull y t o submi t t o your Grac e the novelt y o f a Circumstance so extraordinar y as that o f taking possession b y force of a Vessel, and Cargo, belonging t o a Subject of a Friendly Power, where no breac h of your Law s ha d been committed , o r intended, an d the sufferin g a Collector o f th e Custom s wit h impunit y t o dismantl e th e Vessel , stri p her of a part of her Cargo, and exact a Fine at his own pleasure, appears to me contrary to Justice , a s i t allow s hi s makin g hi s ow n will , i n tha t respect , a suprem e Law. Respectfull y referrin g your Grac e t o m y Memoria l upon thi s Subject , I beg leav e t o solici t a n earl y Answer , I hav e th e Hono r to b e M y Lor d Duk e Your Grace' s ver y Obedt . an d most Humbl e Servant , [JOSHU A JOHNSON ] Tr (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain , unsorte d papers) ; docketed b y Remsen. Another Tr (DNA : R G 59 , CD) . R C (PRO : F O 4/9 , f . 236) .
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Commissioners of Customs to the Lords o f the Treasury [London], 29 April 1791. [Charles ] Lon g i n hi s o f th e 6t h indicatin g tha t he ha d placed befor e th e Lord s o f th e Treasur y a letter fro m [ J . B.] Burges s of 2 5 Mch . transmittin g Johnson' s memoria l togethe r wit h th e document s referred t o therei n an d tha t h e ha d bee n commande d t o la y thes e document s before th e Commissioner s o f th e Customs , they report : that Rachel "wa s dis covered o n Monda y th e 2 1 o f Februar y las t a t Ancho r amongst th e Ship s at Spithead. - Tha t althoug h th e La w requires immediate notic e b e given, b y the Master of the unavoidabl e necessit y o f coming int o Port , (if any such necessit y exists) ye t th e Maste r of this Vesse l did not g o t o th e Custo m House t o mak e any Report , unti l th e Thursda y following , whe n h e produce d hi s Manifest , and informed the Collecto r and Controller that his reason for coming int o Por t was to wait for Orders — That i t appeare d by th e Manifes t th e Carg o consiste d of th e undermentione d Good s 4 0 Pipe s an d a Quarte r Cas k o f Brand y 12 4 Cases an d a Quarte r Cas k o f Genev a 1 4 lb. Weigh t o f Coffe e an d 1 Gross of Playing Cards . Tha t th e 2 Quarte r Casks , an d th e whol e o f th e Case s ar e prohibited Package s an d it bein g represente d t o u s tha t th e Win d wa s fai r fo r this Vesse l t o hav e proceede d o n he r Voyag e a t th e tim e sh e cam e int o Port , that the Cre w wer e no t i n want o f any Provisions, and that the Vesse l was no t driven i n by necessit y o r distress o f Weather - Ou r Officer s conceived tha t th e Plea o f comin g int o Port , merel y t o wai t fo r Orders , wa s no t a sufficien t o r legal excus e fo r s o doing , an d therefore stope d the sai d Vessel's Cargo , an d it appearing that both were subject to forfeiture We directed them to be prosecuted accordingly. Bu t o n Applicatio n latel y mad e t o u s b y Mr . Johnson . . . W e again considere d al l th e circumstance s o f th e Case , an d directe d th e deliver y
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of the Vesse l an d Cargo (except th e smal l Cask s an d Cases of Spirits ) upo n a Satisfaction t o th e Seizin g Officers . - W e ar e of opinio n tha t th e Partie s have already receive d al l th e indulgence , tha t the y ar e reasonabl y entitle d to , an d therefore canno t recommen d t o vou r Lordships th e grantin g them an y further relief." Tr (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain , unsorte d papers); docketed b y Remsen. The documents transmitte d b y Lon g wer e Johnson' s memoria l (Enclosur e B above) an d its enclosures. F
Charles Lon g t o George Aus t [London], Treasury Chambers, 13 May 1791. Havin g placed before the Lord s of the Treasur y Aust' s lette r o f 2 0 Apr . transmitting by directio n o f the Sec retary of State Johnson's memorial renewing his application in behalf of Rachel, he i s commande d b y the m t o submi t t o hi m a copy o f the repor t o f the Com missioners o f th e Custom s and , for th e informatio n o f Lor d Grenville , t o sa y that they agre e wit h the opinion "tha t the Partie s are not entitled to any further Indulgence." Tr (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain , unsorte d papers); docketed b y Remsen. G
George Aus t to Joshua Johnso n Whitehall Ma y 16th . 179 1 Mr. Aus t present s hi s Compliment s t o Mr . Johnson an d takes th e earlies t opportunity o f transmittin g hi m Copie s o f th e Answer s receive d fro m th e Treasury, i n answe r to hi s applicatio n respectin g th e America n Ship Rachel . Tr (DNA : R G 76 , Great Britain, unsorted papers); docketed by Remsen. Enclosures : See E an d F preceding . H
Joshua Johnson t o Commissioners o f the Custom s Gentlemen Londo n May 18th . 179 1 A Repor t sai d t o hav e bee n mad e fro m your Boar d o n th e 29th . ulto . re specting the Brigantine Rachel, Nichs. Duff, Commander , and which the Right Honorable the Lord s o f His Majesty's Treasury quot e as the groun d and basis of their refusa l to giv e an y Compensatio n fo r th e los s and damages whic h th e Owners o f the sai d Vessel have sustaine d b y her detention, havin g been transmitted me from the Office of His Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs , I canno t avoi d expressin g m y surpriz e and concer n a t it s perusal , since wha t is ther e calle d a Statement o f facts, deviate s s o essentiall y fro m the truth , that I shoul d betra y th e trus t repose d i n m e b y m y Countr y for th e protectio n o f its Commerce , were I t o pas s i t ove r i n silence . Th e Remark s I hav e t o offe r follow: 1st. Th e sai d Captain Duf f was hel d to bai l i n recognizances t o th e amoun t
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of fiv e hundre d Pound s Sterlin g fo r landin g i n thi s Por t las t Decembe r a n English made fowling-piece t o have it repaired. H e could not proceed to North America withou t settlin g thi s matter , an d on th e ver y day Thursda y th e 24t h February whe n th e sai d Report states that he delivered a Manifest of his Cargo to you r Officers at Portsmouth , to m y knowledg e a Memorial on hi s par t was presented t o you r ow n Boar d i n London , praying the sai d Prosecutio n t o b e remitted, an d statin g fully , tha t t o b e th e sol e caus e o f hi s puttin g int o tha t Port. O n Frida y th e nex t da y yo u were please d t o gran t hi s Prayer , o n satis faction bein g mad e t o th e Complainin g Officer, whic h wit h th e Expence s t o your Solicitor s an d others , cos t th e poo r Ma n upward s o f Ninet y Pound s Sterling o r more tha n a year's pay. 2dly. Thi s Affai r havin g bee n thu s settle d th e Captai n presume d h e migh t proceed o n hi s Voyag e an d demanded hi s Paper s from your sai d Officers, for they ha d at his first arriva l illegall y demande d an d taken them awa y from him which the y refuse d t o giv e up, unti l they hear d as they sai d from your Board . The Captai n of the sai d Vessel in the mean time had committed n o new offenc e against La w or Justice, and on Wednesda y o r Thursday th e 3 d or 4th. da y of March, under real or pretended order s from your Board, the sai d Officers went on boar d at the Mothe r Ban k an d seized bot h Vesse l and Cargo, an d forcibly carried the sai d Vessel from her Anchorage at the sai d place int o th e Harbou r of Portsmouth, so tha t sh e wa s no t seize d unti l ten day s after her arrival there , and seven, afte r its purpose had been formall y notified t o you r own Board , and that Boar d ha d formally acte d upo n it , as ma y b e know n b y your reference t o your ow n Records . Th e Vesse l woul d no t hav e remaine d ther e a da y afte r February 26th . whe n th e new s o f you r decisio n reache d Portsmout h bu t fo r the sai d detention o f he r Papers. 3dly. Report s from Me n s o extremel y intereste d a s these Officer s are , since your deliberations generall y conclude , wit h Satisfactio n t o th e Seizin g Officer, should be received with precaution at all times, and upon this occasion I believ e it woul d b e foun d tha t thei r dat e o f th e Captain' s delivery o f hi s Manifes t i s erroneous, an d that the y ha d written Thursday fo r Tuesday, the Captai n say s the ba d Weather prevented hi s gettin g on Shor e at all the first day for it ble w a Gal e o f Wind . Upo n a reference t o your Record s it als o wil l b e found , tha t altho' a s yo u admi t th e Vesse l arrive d o n Monda y (no t a t Spithead ) a t th e Mother Bank , tha t o n th e Thursda y followin g yourselve s wer e i n a regular Memorial presente d wit h al l the facts , s o tha t allowin g th e first day's delay i n Writing to it s true cause, ba d Weather, the earlies t advices of her arrival coul d not hav e reached London till Wednesda y noon , an d on the nex t da y Thursda y the 24th . da y o f Februar y yo u were presente d wit h th e Captain' s Memoria l containing a fair, candi d and just statemen t o f facts. I trus t i t wil l ente r naturall y int o you r mind s tha t th e Commerc e o f th e Subjects an d Citizen s of th e Unite d State s o f America , ar e no longe r subjec t to you r Revenue Regulations , an d I ought to ad d that the freightag e o f Britis h Shipping employed i n the transpor t of American produc e las t year, amounte d to upward s o f Fou r hundre d thousan d pound s Sterling , whic h i s a greate r National profi t tha n an y tha t arise s t o Grea t Britai n fro m an y othe r part , or perhaps from th e whol e o f her remaining Carrying Trad e wit h othe r Foreign Nations. As Consu l o f the Unite d States I cannot understand that part of your Report which enjoins a Satisfaction to the Seizing Officers, i s it in the natur e of a verbal or written apology from Captai n Duf f to these Men, or are they t o have a Sum
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of Money and what Sum is there to be paid to them, after detaining an American Vessel thre e Months , t o induc e the m t o releas e her , an d is the amoun t o f tha t Sum t o depen d upo n thei r will , o r is there an y regula r tarif for Imposition s o f this kind , b y whic h th e America n Merchant may regulat e himsel f i n future . I a m sorr y to fin d mysel f unde r th e necessit y o f transmitting a n accoun t o f these matters t o th e Congres s o f the Unite d State s o f America, an d I shall als o transmit Copie s o f this Addres s to you , t o Th e Righ t Honorabl e th e Lord s o f His Majesty' s Treasur y an d t o Hi s Majesty' s Secretar y o f Stat e fo r Foreig n Affairs. In futur e whe n I hav e occasio n t o writ e yo u eithe r Letter s or Memorials o n Public matters, Ma y I be g tha t Instruction s b e give n t o your Secretar y t o answer them i n some Official way , since no Answe r has ever yet bee n regularly given t o th e Memoria l which I addrest t o yo u upo n th e Rache l i n Marc h last . I hav e th e Hono r t o be , Gentlemen , You r mos t Obedien t Humbl e Servant , [JOSHUA JOHNSON] Tr (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain , unsorte d papers).
Joshua Johnson t o Nichola s Duf f London, 18 May 1791. H e enclose s a lette r t o th e officer s o f th e customs . "You wil l wai t o n those Gentlemen an d deliver the same , requestin g tha t the y will b e please d t o giv e yo u thei r Answer , an d whic h yo u wil l forwar d to m e without los s o f time. I woul d hav e yo u refe r to you r Lo g Book, an d se e wha t Day yo u arrive d a t the Mothe r Bank , wha t Da y you went o n Shore , and what Day yo u mad e you r Repor t at th e Custo m House ; yo u wil l b e ver y particular in this , an d transmi t th e Account. " Tr (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain , un sorted papers) ; docketed b y Remsen. En closure: Johnson t o the Principa l Officer s of th e Custom s a t Portsmouth , 1 8 Ma y 1791, stating that since the Commissioners of th e Custom s hav e ordere d Rachel an d brandies in pipe to be given u p "on a sat-
isfaction being made to the seizing officers,
which ter m I hav e adopte d a s i t i s thei r own," h e desire s the m t o infor m hi m in writing "what that means, and if it means the paymen t o f a Sum of Mone y t o you , what tha t su m is " (Tr in DNA : RG 59, CD).
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Nicholas Duf f t o Joshua Johnson Portsmouth, 19 May 1791. H e delivere d th e lette r enclose d i n Johnson' s o f the 18th . Th e collecto r answere d tha t i t di d no t solel y res t wit h hi m an d that he would consult the comptroller and give their answer. - " I arrived at Spithead on th e nigh t o f th e 21s t o f Feby . ha d th e Revenu e Cutte r o n boar d o n th e morning o f th e 22d . an d rec' d tw o Officer s fro m her . I reporte d o n th e 23d . and ha d m y paper s take n o n th e 24th . I am" &c. Tr (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain , unsorte d papers) ; docketed b y Remsen. Another Tr (DNA : R G 59 , CD) .
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Joshua Johnson t o th e Commissioner s o f Customs Gentlemen Londo n 24 Ma y 179 1 Since writin g m y Lette r of th e 2 1 Instant , I hav e receive d a Lette r from your Officer s Joh n Whitway , an d James Peer s a t Portsmouth , whereb y the y demand Sixty Pounds Sterling for releasing the Brig Rachel, and the remaining part of her Cargo. I desire to have the honor of receiving from you a Notification whether tha t i s what yo u term Satisfaction t o th e seizin g Officer , and whethe r the Su m o f Sixt y Pound s i s t o b e pai d to th e sai d Officer before th e Vesse l i s to be permitted to proceed on her Voyage t o America, ove r and above the Los s which has fallen on her Cargo. I beg a speedy, and explicit Answer , that Men, who hav e alread y lost s o much , may suffe r a s little additio n t o th e Misfortun e as possible . I hav e th e Hono r t o b e Gentleme n You r mos t Obedien t Humbl e Servant, [JOSHU A JOHNSON] Tr (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain , un - Custom s of 21 Ma y 1791 ha s been found, sorted papers); docketed b y Remsen. An- Thi s lette r ma y hav e bee n Enclosur e p, other Tr (DNA: RG 59, CD) . N o lette r whic h is also missing, from Johnson to the Commissioners of the
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Officers o f the Custom s to Joshua Johnson
Portsmouth, 20 May 1791. Acknowledgin g an d summarizing Johnson's let ter o f th e 18t h b y Captai n Duff . I n answer , the y infor m hi m tha t th e Com missioners o f the Custom s had directed them to delive r the vessel an d brandies upon satisfactio n bein g mad e t o th e seizin g officers . "I n consequence whereo f we immediatel y sen t fo r Captn . Duf f t o who m w e communicate d thi s Order , and a t th e sam e tim e . . . propose d £ 6 0 , as a Satisfactio n t o u s th e Seizin g Officers; hi s answe r was , h e looke d upo n i t t o b e a very reasonabl e sum , and that h e woul d writ e yo u thereo n b y tha t day s post." Tr (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain , unsorte d papers); at foot of text: "Jno. Whitewa y Con: Ja. Peers D. Compr."; docketed b y Remsen.
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Affidavit o f Nicholas Duf f an d Ada m Masterma n Gosport, 26 May 1791. Duf f as master and Masterman as chief mate of Rachel swear that Thomas Ure swore in their presence and before John Wilkes, notary, in Ne w Yor k o n 8 Sep . 179 0 tha t h e wa s a bona fide American of New Yor k and agreed to ship as boatswain o n Rachel t o London and elsewhere an d return at the rat e of $9 pe r month, par t of which was to b e paid to hi s wife, monthly , during th e voyage ; that, o n th e mornin g o f 2 7 Apr . 1791 , Ur e refused t o d o duty and , contrary t o Duff' s orders , absente d himsel f "an d hat h no t sinc e
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returned"; that John Cutler, Charles Chamberland, and Joseph Robinson shipped, respectively, o n 2 1 an d 28 Dec . 179 0 an d 1 0 Jan . 179 1 o n Rachel a t London, declared themselves Americans, and "did sign with their own hands the Articles of the Unite d States o f North America to proceed . . . t o Ostend, and elsewhere , to Ne w Yor k an d ther e t o b e pai d thei r wage s an d discharged" ; tha t Georg e Collins o n 2 8 Dec . di d th e same , declarin g himsel f bor n i n Swede n bu t o f Boston; an d that Collins , Cutler, Chamberland , and Robinson o n the mornin g of 2 7 Apr . absente d themselve s fro m Rachel, "denyin g thei r Dut y t o bot h Master an d Mate. " Tr (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain, unsorte d papers) ; docketed b y Remse n a s sworn before J. M. Bingham at Gosport.
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Joshua Johnso n t o Phili p Stephen s Sir Londo n 25 [i.e . 26 ] Ma y 179 1 A Perso n stilin g himsel f th e King' s Solicitor , havin g o n th e 1 9 Instant , i n company wit h a Tid e Surveyor , an d tw o o f hi s Officers , gon e o n boar d th e American Brigantin e Rachel, Nicholas Duff , Master , now i n Portsmouth Har bour, tho ' outwar d boun d t o Ne w York , an d having affixe d wha t h e calle d an Admiralty Pape r on th e Mai n Mast, signed b y Thomas Ure , and sundry othe r of he r Cre w wh o ha d ran away fro m her , an d entere d int o the King' s Service in the Navy , an d having delivered he r the sai d Brigantine, and Cargo, into th e charge o f th e sai d Officers , wit h a threat , i n si x Day s t o return , an d sel l a s much of her Cargo as will pa y the sai d Deserters thei r Wages, whic h they hav e forfeited b y thei r Article s wit h th e Captain , in consequenc e o f thei r sai d De sertion, whic h Deserter s ha d al l entere d o n boar d o f he r a s Americans . I a m to reques t a s Consu l o f th e Unite d State s o f America , that th e Lord s Com missioners o f th e Admiralty , wil l giv e instant , an d effectua l Order s to pu t a n immediate sto p to th e perpetratio n o f s o insolen t a n Outrage, and I doubt not , their Lordship s will se e th e propriet y o f putting a check t o Practice s that hav e a tendency s o alarming to th e presen t amicabl e Sentiment s o f the Unite d State s of Americ a towards Grea t Britain . I be g t o hav e th e hono r o f a n Answe r a s soo n a s possible , an d remain wit h due Consideratio n Si r Your mos t Obedien t Humbl e Servant , [JOSHUA JOHNSON ]
Tr (DNA : R G 76, Grea t Britain, un - Ada m Masterton' s Affidavi t provin g th e sorted papers); docketed b y Remsen as ad- withi n mentione d Cre w belongin g to th e dressed t o Stephen s a s secretar y t o th e Bri g Rachel, to have shipt as Americans. " Admiralty; a t foo t o f text : "Inclose d yo u Anothe r Tr (DNA: RG 59, CD) , have Captain Nicholas Duffs, and his Mate
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Joshua Johnson t o Charle s Long Sir Londo n May 27th. 1791 . His Grace the Duk e of Leeds late His Majesty's Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs havin g transmitte d t o th e Lord s o f th e Treasur y a Memoria l whic h I presented t o Hi s Grace, as Consul of the Unite d State s o f America representin g the Cas e of the America n Brigantine Rachel, Nichs. Duff , Maste r and claiming a compensatio n fo r th e los s an d damag e arisin g t o th e Owner s fro m th e un precedented treatmen t sh e ha d me t wit h fro m Person s actin g unde r th e au thority o f Hi s Majesty' s Commissioner s o f th e Custom s an d thei r Lordship s having referre d m y Memoria l t o th e sai d Commissioner s fo r a Report, whic h was by them again referred to their Officers at Portsmouth, th e very Men whose conduct ha d occasione d th e Memorial , and th e sai d Commissioner s havin g i n consequence afte r a lon g dela y mad e a Repor t t o thei r Lordship s differin g essentially fro m a Statement o f the trut h i n consequenc e of which thei r Lord ships were please d t o answe r th e Duk e o f Leed s and to den y th e praye r of my said Memorial . I hav e no w th e hono r t o transmi t yo u a Copy o f m y Remarks on the conduc t o f the sai d Commissioners whic h I beg yo u wil l la y before their Lordships as an accurate detail o f the circumstance s respectin g tha t Vesse l an d her Cargo , Copie s o f whic h i t i s m y dut y t o transmi t b y th e Jun e Packe t t o the Congres s o f the Unite d States . I believ e i t t o b e a novel practic e eithe r i n Politics o r Justic e t o refe r th e Complain t o f a Publi c Grievanc e t o th e Me n who ha d committe d th e wron g an d agains t who m tha t Complain t ha d bee n made an d wh o wer e t o benefi t b y it s perpetration . Thi s observatio n point s directly a t th e Custo m Hous e Officer s a t Portsmouth . Upon a National Subjec t I have foun d i t my dut y t o Memorializ e on e o f His Majesty's Ministers, that Memorial has been referred to His Majesty's Treasury, then agai n b y thei r Lordship s t o th e Commissioner s o f th e Customs , thes e Commissioners refer it a third time to two Custo m House Officers at Portsmout h and thes e person s ar e permitte d t o decid e upo n a Stat e paper , thei r decisio n passes upward s unti l i t reache s agai n Hi s Majesty' s Minister s an d become s sanctioned b y th e highes t authorit y o f Office . The direc t tendenc y o f thi s kin d o f conduc t i s to o obviou s t o rende r an y remarks o f min e necessar y an d I hop e thei r Lordship s wil l se e th e absolut e necessity o f givin g i t a period. The Rache l i s stil l a t Portsmout h an d I canno t giv e m y consen t t o th e Conditions o f her release impose d b y the Commissioner s o f the Customs , which is tha t o f subjectin g a n America n Vesse l t o a n arbitrar y fine impose d a t th e will an d discretio n o f Me n (th e sai d Custo m Hous e Officer s a t Portsmouth ) who ha d befor e unde r frivolou s pretence s pillage d he r o f a considerabl e par t of he r Cargo . I be g yo u wil l la y m y addres s inclose d herewit h befor e thei r Lordships an d that I may b e favore d wit h thei r resolutio n hereupon , s o tha t i t may b e transmitte d i f possible als o b y th e Jun e Packe t t o b e lai d before Con gress. It i s painfu l t o m e t o b e unde r th e necessit y o f makin g thi s representation , but a sens e o f dut y t o th e Unite d State s irresistibl y supercede s ever y othe r consideration. I have the honor to be with great respect, Si r Your most Obedien t Humble Servant , [JOSHU A JOHNSON ]
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Tr (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain , unsorte d papers) ; docketed a s addressed t o Long as joint secretary to the Treasury . Anothe r Tr (DNA: RG 59 , CD) .
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Joshua Johnson t o Lor d Grenvill e My Lor d Londo n 27 Ma y 179 1 Having had occasion t o presen t a Memorial to his Grac e the Duk e of Leeds, your Lordship s Predecessor, i n th e Mont h o f Marc h last , complainin g o f th e treatment whic h th e America n Brigantine Rachel , Nicholas Duff , Maste r had met wit h a t Portsmouth , fro m Person s actin g unde r the Authorit y of his Maj esty's Commissioners o f the Customs , and soliciting a Compensation i n redress for th e same : Hi s Grac e referre d m y Memoria l t o th e Righ t Honorabl e th e Lords o f Hi s Majesty' s Treasury , thei r Lordship s were agai n please d t o refe r it to the Commissioner s of the Customs, and the Commissioners of the Custom s again to two Custom House Officers at Portsmouth. I n the course of my frequen t Applications a t you r Lordship' s Office, fo r a n Answer to m y Memorial , I had the mortificatio n t o lear n what sor t o f a progress i t wa s making , upo n whic h I addresse d a Lette r to hi s Grace , t o whic h I humbly be g your Lordshi p will now pleas e t o advert , representing th e extrem e uncertainty , an d irregularity of that mode of proceeding, seein g that the decisio n o f a State Paper , complainin g of a gros s Outrage , committe d upo n a Vessel , an d Cargo , the propert y o f a Citizen o f th e Unite d State s o f America , and bearin g it s Flag , ha d bee n ulti mately referre d for it's decision , t o tw o Custo m House Officer s a t Portsmouth , the perpetrator s o f that ver y outrage . Th e repor t mad e b y thes e Men , havin g been adopted b y His Majesty's Commissioners of the Customs, and transmitted under their sanction t o th e Lord s o f the Treasury , an d their Lordship s having also adopte d it , an d pas t i t t o you r Lordship s Office, fro m tha t Offic e i t cam e to m e wit h a Negative upon th e Praye r of my Memorial , and I confess to you r Lordship, I was more concerned than surprised to find that report so essentiall y deviate fro m a true statemen t o f Facts, fo r what othe r even t could b e expected from Men wh o foun d thei r Interest i n misrepresentation. I could not pas s ove r in silenc e th e ver y extraordinar y Conduc t o f Hi s Majesty' s Commissioner s o f the Custom s upon thi s occasion, an d I do mysel f the Hono r to inclos e herewit h for your Lordship's perusal the Copy of my Letter to them, dated the 21 Instant , it i s painfu l t o m e t o b e unde r th e necessit y o f adding , tha t afte r havin g fo r three Month s ineffectuall y endeavoure d t o procur e redres s fro m hi s Majesty' s Ministers, an d fro m a subordinat e Board , I fee l i t m y indispensibl e Dut y t o take th e earlies t opportunit y o f transmittin g Copie s o f m y Memorials , an d o f my Correspondenc e upo n thi s Subjec t t o b e lai d befor e th e Congres s o f th e United State s o f America . Th e Rache l i s stil l a t Portsmouth , i n th e fourt h Month o f her detention, no r can I consent t o suffe r a n American Vessel whic h has offended agains t n o Law , to b e subjec t t o a n arbitrary fine imposed fo r th e benefit, an d b y th e wil l o f tw o Custo m Hous e Officer s a t Portsmouth , wh o have alread y under frivolou s Pretences , strip t her o f a considerable par t of her Cargo. I wis h muc h t o deprecat e th e consequence s o f thi s lin e o f Politica l Conduct, and I hope your Lordship will readil y see th e propriety of preventin g it's repetition . I have th e hono r t o b e wit h grea t respec t You r Lordship' s most obedient humble Servant , [JOSHU A JOHNSON]
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Tr (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain , unsorte d papers) ; docketed b y Remsen . Another Tr (DNA : R G 59 , CD) .
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Philip Stephen s to Joshua Johnso n Admiralty Office, 30 May 1791. H e acknowledge s [an d summarize s th e contents of ] Johnson's lette r o f the 25th , whic h h e ha s lai d befor e th e Lord s of the Admiralty . H e i s commanded b y them "t o acquaint you , that th e severa l Men at whos e instanc e th e Brigantin e ha s bee n seize d b y Proces s fro m th e H i g h Cour t o f Admiralty, fo r the recover y o f their Wages, an d Cloaths , having declared themselves severall y to be British Subjects , thei r Lordships are advise d that i f the Master , o r Owner o f the Vesse l inten d to disput e tha t fact , i t is onl y necessary, in order t o liberate the Vessel , that Bai l b e give n to the severa l Suits , after which , th e Cause s w i l l b e regularl y proceede d o n t o issue , an d determi nation." Tr (DNA : RG 76 , Grea t Britain, unsorte d papers); docketed b y Remsen.
I I I . W i l l i a m G r e e n t o th e Secretar y o f State SlR Ne
w Yor k Decembr . 6th . 179 1
Mr. Johnson , th e Consu l fo r th e Unite d State s a t th e Por t o f London, havin g Communicate d t o you , th e Causes , and , som e o f the Consequence s o f the detentio n there , and , at Portsmouth, o f th e Brigantine Rachel , Nichola s Duf f Master , an d belongin g t o me ; I think i t m y dut y t o la y befor e you , th e seque l o f tha t detai l i n a s few word s a s possible . T h e Rache l wa s detaine d i n th e Por t o f London , o n he r arriva l with a Cargo from thi s Port , o n th e 22n d da y o f Octobe r 1790 , t o the 18t h o f th e followin g January , whils t Hi s Britanni c Majesty's Ministers wer e deliberating , whether , Vessel s naturalize d b y th e United States , shoul d b e admitte d t o th e sam e privilege s i n Britis h Ports, a s they ar e allowed, i n all other Port s of Europe: and , having decided i n th e Negative , o n th e 18th . o f Januar y th e Rache l saile d with th e sam e Carg o on board , to th e Por t o f Ostend . But, whils t th e Vesse l la y i n th e Por t o f London , th e Captai n delivered from on board an English-made fowling piec e the propert y of M r . Henr y Cruge r o f thi s City , an d whic h wa s returne d t o th e Maker, fo r repai r or alteratio n an d ha d bee n carrie d o n boar d th e Vessel, a s par t of the Baggag e o f Mr . Kno x the Consu l for Dublin. [519]
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For thi s act , Captai n Duf f wa s take n ignominiousl y ou t o f th e Vessel, i n virtue of a Judges warrant , and Conveyed to the Common Goal, unti l h e foun d Suretie s fo r hi s pena l responsibilit y t o th e Amount o f Fiv e Hundre d pounds Sterling : Having give n th e bai l in question , h e wa s permitte d t o proceed , a s is already Stated, wit h the Vesse l t o Ostend , an d ther e havin g discharge d th e sai d Cargo and take n i n a Carg o o f Brandie s an d Genev a fo r thi s Port , h e proceeded o n his Voyage, bu t put in to the Mothe r Bank an d Come to Ancho r off Spithea d until l the even t o f a Memorial to th e Com missioners o f th e Customs , fo r puttin g a n en d t o thi s Maliciou s prosecution agains t him , coul d b e known . I f th e Commissioner s consented t o hi s request , h e ha d onl y t o ge t instantl y unde r wa y and procee d o n hi s first Voyage , bu t i f they ha d persisted t o brin g the matte r int o an y o f thei r Court s of Justice , then , Captai n Duf f must hav e quitte d hi s employ , an d remaine d behin d i n England , where als o th e greate r par t o f th e Cre w o f th e Vesse l mus t hav e been kep t t o testif y hi s Innocence. I n any event, th e poo r Man must have bee n ruine d by th e expence , fo r th e Crow n o f Englan d i s no t liable fo r Cos t an d Damages . Bu t th e Commissioner s were please d to suffe r hi m t o compromis e th e matter , whic h h e di d a t a heav y expence an d h e woul d hav e saile d o n hi s Voyag e o n th e 25th . da y of February, agreeabl y to the permission of the Sai d Commissioners, if thei r Officer s a t tha t Port , had no t o n tha t day , take n possessio n both o f Vesse l an d Cargo , unde r pretence , tha t n o Vesse l wit h Brandies an d Geneva in Case s on board , could legall y pu t int o an y British Port . T h e cas e bein g referre d t o th e Commissioner s o f th e Customs , they mos t unjustl y Sanctione d thei r sai d Officers , t o pillag e th e Vessel o f al l the Genev a she ha d o n board , but adde d a permission to th e Rachel , afterward s t o procee d o n he r Voyage , provide d a farther an d indefinit e Satisfactio n i n Mone y wa s mad e t o thei r Officers a t Portsmouth . - A s Mr . Johnso n ha s acquainte d yo u wit h the absolut e refusa l o f th e Britis h Ministry , to redres s suc h a n accumulation o f gros s Injur y an d damage, I shal l only add , that afte r a Contes t fo r Justice , whic h laste d five Months , I wa s oblige d t o give u p th e point , an d t o pa y th e fee , they , th e sai d Officer s de manded, ove r an d above th e Amoun t o f the propert y of which the y had befor e robbe d th e Vessel : for , I ha d n o othe r alternativ e bu t that o f abandonin g bot h Vessel , an d Cargo , t o th e possessio n o f those Harpies, or, of acquiescing after so long a resistance in a Public Wrong an d Indignit y t o th e Indépendanc e o f th e Unite d States . I confess afte r a positive annihilatio n of a Capital o f upwards of T w o [ 520 ]
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hundred Thousand Dollars, employ'd i n the Commerc e of the Unite d States t o th e Eas t Indies , an d whic h ha d been destroye d b y Britis h Policy, the recollection o f my family (four of my Children are Natural born Subject s o f the Unite d States ) decide d m e t o yeild , an d I took back m y Vesse l and Cargo upon thei r own terms . Sh e i s since safel y arrived her e afte r a n absence o f thirteen Months , o n thi s Voyag e t o Europe. One othe r circumstanc e I ough t no t t o Omit , is , tha t durin g th e time o f he r detentio n b y th e Customs , five o f he r People , afte r attempting t o rob the Cargo , run away from the Rachel , and thereb y according to their American Articles forfeited thei r Wages. T h e cas e was s o notorious , tha t n o privat e Law-Practitione r coul d b e found , hardy enough to Su e fo r the defaulters : I t remain'd therefore fo r th e British Governmen t t o tak e u p th e Cause , which i t did , b y engen iously convertin g th e sai d Deserter s (wh o ha d by thi s tim e entere d on boar d a Shi p o f War ) int o America n Loyalists , the Vesse l wa s accordingly take n possessio n of , b y a Gaurd , bu t o n a Spirite d Memorial bein g presente d t o th e Admiralty , by Mr . Johnson, tha t Gaurd wa s withdawn , an d I really thought th e affai r ended, unti l I went dow n wit h tha t par t o f m y famil y whic h ha d Accompanie d me t o Europe , to embar k o n board , for m y retur n to thi s City , an d after the pillag e o f the Custo m House ha d been finally accomplishe d and Settled : an d then , anothe r Gaur d wa s pu t o n boar d b y th e Admiralty, wit h order s no t t o Suffe r he r t o move , until l th e sai d Demand wa s discharged , an d Mr . Johnso n a t th e sam e tim e wa s officially informed , tha t unles s i t wa s full y don e wit h Cost s an d Charges, both Vesse l and Cargo would b e appraised, and Sold. Thi s was a Secon d pillage , an d ther e wa s n o resistin g a n Admiralt y Mandate thu s enforced . During th e tim e o f the Vessel s detentio n a t Portsmouth , sh e wa s Compleatly dismantle d b y the Custo m House, an d her sails Carrie d on shore , na y suc h wa s th e uncommo n rigo r of Conduct to her , that altho th e Captai n repeatedly require d permissio n t o sigh t hi s A n chor, for the purpose o f releiving his Cable he was constantly refused . T h e consequenc e was tha t the Cabl e which had just before cost him in Londo n Eight y Pound s Sterling , wa s ruined , an d almos t unfi t for an y farthe r Service . I shoul d no t hav e Subjoine d th e Mentio n of thi s singula r Circumstance , had i t no t bee n t o hav e th e extraor dinary asperity , an d hostilit y wit h whic h th e Commerc e o f the Cit izens an d Subject s o f th e Unite d State s ar e treate d b y th e Britis h Government an d it s unprinciple d an d profligat e Subalterns . I hav e th e hono r t o enclos e yo u a n Accoun t o f th e Damag e thi s [521}
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Vessels detentio n has Occasioned t o me her Owner and which Amoun t to th e su m o f seve n thousan d Dollar s an d upwards , I humbly hop e the humanit y Wisdo m an d Spiri t o f th e Federa l Governmen t wil l be interpose d fo r th e Indemnificatio n o f th e Citizen s o f th e Unite d States unde r suc h Circumstances . I hav e th e hono r t o b e wit h th e greatest respec t Si r You r mos t Obedien t & Most humbl e Servant , WILLIAM G R E E N RC (DNA : RG 76, Grea t Britain , unsorted papers); in clerk's hand, signed by Green; endorsed by TJ a s received 16 Dec. 1791 an d so recorded in SJL . Enclosure: Estimate of damages sustaine d by Green, owner of Rachel, "b y her detention fo r the Space of Nine Months . .. i n the Ports of London and Portsmouth": ( 1 ) loss and expense by detention of Rachel, fully manned and victualled , for 8 9 day s fro m 2 2 Oct. 1790 t o 1 8 Jan. 1791 whil e governmen t deliberated whether she, as "a Naturalized American bottom , shoul d b e allowe d an Entry in a British Port. . . moderately and humbly estimated per diem at 20 Dollars," $1,780; (2 ) extr a insurance of vessel and cargo at $12,500 and super freight on 175 ton vessel fro m London to Ostend, $475; (3) damag e t o potas h whic h could not be recovered fro m underwriters , $400 ; (4 ) demurrage for 16 6 day s at $20 pe r diem from 22 Feb. to 6 Aug. 1791 whil e Rachel lay at Portsmouth , wher e sh e ha d put in to enable Captai n Duff to redee m his bail in a prosecution becaus e h e had landed a fowling piece - "Actuall y . . . landed, with the Verba l permissio n o f th e Surveyor s general, Officers of the Customs," totalling $3,320; (5 ) unde r dat e "Feby . 22," 12 5 cases o f Hollan d Geneva at $ 4 pe r case, "pillaged from the Cargo... by the Custom House Officers . . . and which pillage was sanctioned b y th e Minister s o f Hi s Bri tannic Majesty who refuse d redres s to all the representation s o f Mr . Johnson, th e Consul fo r the Unite d States," $500; (6 ) fee extorted from Captain Duff by customs officers despit e protest s of Johnson, an extortion sanctione d b y governmen t b y not permitting Rachel t o sail until it was paid, $88. 8/9 , recorde d as paid 29 Jul y 1791 ; (7) sundr y expense s resultin g fro m th e prosecution o f Rachel t o recover wages of five American seame n who , "afte r having attempted t o rob the cargo, had run awa y from her , t o avoi d punishment , an d had
therefore, conformabl e t o thei r America n Articles, forfeited their Wages," but whom the captai n wa s compelle d t o pa y i n ful l despite thei r desertio n an d th e fac t tha t sundry payments "had been made to their order i n Ne w York , durin g thei r ab sence"-all because , throug h th e "inge nuity" of the Admiralty, "they had entered Volunteers on board a British ship of War, having Converte d the sai d Seamen , int o American Loyalists," $301.1/9; and finally (8), under 4 Aug. 1791 , sundr y expenses incurred b y Captain Duf f in the prosecution agains t hi m fo r landin g a n Englis h fowling piece , $427 . 4/9-th e whol e ag gregating $7,292.4/9 (DNA : RG 76, Great Britain, unsorted papers; signed by Green and dated at New York , 6 Dec. 1791) . When Gree n returne d t o th e Unite d States i n August , deludin g himsel f wit h the hop e that Congres s would indemnif y him for losses produced by "a Public Wrong and Indignity to th e Indépendanc e o f the United States, " he could not hav e helped himself by the letter of introduction he bore from Thoma s Paine to the President. Paine, who ha d bee n advance d £5 0 b y Green , described him as his friend. "He has a troublesome affai r o n hi s hand s here, " Paine wrote, "and is in danger of losing thirty or forty thousan d pounds , embarke d under the flag of the United States in East India property. . . . H e wishes to stat e th e case to Congress, not only on his own account, but as a matter that may be nationally interesting" (Pain e to Washington, 21 Jul y 1791, DLC: Washington Papers). In bearing this letter, which arrived in the midst of th e acrimoniou s "contes t o f Burk e and Paine . . . i n America, " Gree n als o con veyed the fiftycopies of Rights of Man which Paine sent to the President and other friends, including TJ (se e Editorial Note and group of documents a t 26 Apr . 1791).
[ 52 2 }
F r o m B e n j a m i n H a r r i s o n , J r. Richmond, 1 June 1791. "Th e Abuse s tha t ar e practicin g here ever y day, and th e chea t tha t i s thereb y pu t o n th e public , particularly th e Ignoran t and poor, b y the mutilatio n of our money, i s become of a serious nature. Supposing the remedy within your department... an d knowing your wish for information on al l subjects, I hav e a few day s ag o picke d up th e enclose d piece s o f mone y from a Silver Smith in this Town , wh o tell s m e tha t h e get s some hundred of Ounces o f the m yearl y from a variety o f people here , an d I kno w mysel f tha t after thes e p[iece] s ar e take n off , th e remainde r is passe d o n th e ignoran t fo r the ful l origina l value. Th e Broa d p[iece] s ar e taken from the Pisteree n whe n whole, th e narrowe r from the Bi t after i t has gone fairly cut int o th e Hand s of the offender. " This lette r i s sen t b y hi s friend John Gregory, originally of Dunkir k bu t of late year s of Petersburg , whom T J will fin d worthy . "A s Americans we hav e to regre t hi s retur n to Franc e wit h hi s Lady , retirin g into privat e lif e i n tha t Land o f Libert y o n a n ample fortun e lef t hi m b y hi s Fathe r latel y dead. " RC (DNA : RG 59 , MLR) ; addressed: "The Honble. Thos. Jefferson Philadelphia J : Gregory Esqr." ; signatur e clipped; endorsed b y TJ as received 29 Aug . 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Jame s Swa n Paris, "Rue de Montmorency No. 63" 2 June 1791. Th e proposals described in hi s o f 8 [i.e. , 3 ] Oct . t o exchang e provision s fo r th e America n debt wer e defeated b y th e oppositio n o f Fleurie u an d b y th e proposition s o f Schweizer , Jeanneret & Co. of Pari s "fo r some Genoese Capitalists , who propose d t o pa y the deb t i n mone y a t once. " O n tha t da y th e Assembl y decree d tha t afte r 1 Jan. 179 1 provision s fo r the marine should b e made b y public adjudication to the lowes t bidder , i n whic h case Swa n and his partner s would hav e bee n th e furnishers. Afterward , the y woul d have proposed to the Assembly to give them the deb t i n payment, "whic h would hav e bee n ver y agreeable." Bu t Fleurieu , minister o f marine , in contemp t o f th e decre e neve r aske d fo r bid s "bu t con tinued eve n fo r th e whol e o f thi s Year , th e ol d Regie . I hav e ver y certai n knowledge wh y he did so." He was twice calle d on by the Assembl y to account for this, bu t he di d not eve n deig n t o reply . He i s out, an d the presen t on e ha s asked a repeal o f th e decre e t o allo w hi m t o "mak e the furnitur e by a private Copropriété. T o mee t thi s a frenc h an d America n compan y i s mad e up. " Robert Morris, himself, an d some other Americans are to do the principa l part; the French are to giv e 3.2 millio n livres as security to government. Gouverneur Morris wil l hav e nothin g t o d o wit h it . "Th e interes t w e hav e go t nea r th e Minister, the support we have of the Intendants, promises every success. I hope in a few week s t o hav e th e pleasur e t o infor m yo u tha t i t i s closed : i t wil l b e a fortunat e thin g fo r th e Unite d States, an d beneficial t o th e individual s concern'd." As fo r hi s timbe r contract , threat o f war last summe r suspende d deliveries . This sprin g he ha s applied several times t o ge t assuranc e of payment i n speci e
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or allowe d depreciatio n i n accordance wit h "th e spirit and intention" o f both parties in making the contract. Fleurieu said he could not do it. Present minister wishes t o put it, as a foreign supply , on specie list , but fears censure. Decisio n will b e made i n a few days. I f he doe s not, it must b e suspended, sinc e depre ciation make s a difference o f 80,000 livre s annually. R C ( D N A : RG 59, M L R ); endorse d b y TJ as received 9 Aug. 179 1 and so recorded in S J L .
F r o m L a R o c h e f o u c a u ld d'Envill e Paris, 3 June 1791. T J ' s letter o f 3 Apr . 179 0 arrived a little late , bu t h e reproaches himsel f wit h th e lon g silenc e an d will frankl y explain th e cause. Being charge d by the National Assembly to take part in the framing of levies, he ha d hoped tha t certai n part s woul d offe r occasion s t o bin d Franc e mor e closely wit h America . "C'es t u n voe u qu i est dan s l[ e coeu r d e tous ] bon s patriotes." Bu t the principles guidin g th e proceedings di d not allow th e opportunity t o b e seized a s he had desired. Perhap s M. de Ternant wil l brin g T J a decree o f yesterday expressin g th e desire o f the Assembl y to negotiate a commercial treat y beneficia l t o the interest o f both power s an d to unite the m in commerc e a s they ar e in political principles . The lette r fro m the President to th e Pennsylvani a legislatur e wil l develo p thes e sentiments . - D e Ternan t will infor m T J that the y hav e just convene d thei r successors ; he will leav e it to hi m to put him au courant o f their affairs. "J e me bornerai, faute d e terns, à n e vous parle r que des regrets d e tous vos amis et surtout d e notre famille , et à vous renouvelle r l'homag e d u sincere e t tendre attachemen t ave c [leque l j'ai l'honneur ] d'être , Monseiur , Votr e trè s humbl e e t trè s [obéissan t Ser viteur." . . . [P.S.] "Ma mere et ma femme m e char[gent de leurs] complimens pour vous. " R C ( D L C ) ; mutilated, so that some words have been los t and are supplied in part conjecturally; endorse d b y TJ as receive d 9 Aug. 179 1 and so recorded in S J L . For commen t o n Presiden t Bureaux -
Pusy's lette r t o th e Pennsylvani a legisla ture, se e Editorial Not e an d group o f documents on the death of Franklin, at 26 Jan. 1791. Se e also Bureaux-Pusy's letter to T J , 6 Jun e 1791 , and its enclosure.
F r o m th e Presiden t o f th e Nationa l Assembly Paris l e six Juin 1791. L'Assemblée National e d e France , Monsieur , qui avai t reç u ave c la plu s viv e sensibilit é l a répons e d u Présiden t d u Congrè s de s Etats uni s d'Amérique , à l a communicatio n qu i lu i avoi t ét é fai t des dernière s marque s d'honneur s décerné s pa r le s représentan s d'un peupl e libr e à votr e illustr e compatriot e Benjami n Franklin , [ 52 4]
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or allowe d depreciatio n i n accordance wit h "th e spirit and intention" o f both parties in making the contract. Fleurieu said he could not do it. Present minister wishes t o put it, as a foreign supply , on specie list , but fears censure. Decisio n will b e made i n a few days. I f he doe s not, it must b e suspended, sinc e depre ciation make s a difference o f 80,000 livre s annually. R C ( D N A : RG 59, M L R ); endorse d b y TJ as received 9 Aug. 179 1 and so recorded in S J L .
F r o m L a R o c h e f o u c a u ld d'Envill e Paris, 3 June 1791. T J ' s letter o f 3 Apr . 179 0 arrived a little late , bu t h e reproaches himsel f wit h th e lon g silenc e an d will frankl y explain th e cause. Being charge d by the National Assembly to take part in the framing of levies, he ha d hoped tha t certai n part s woul d offe r occasion s t o bin d Franc e mor e closely wit h America . "C'es t u n voe u qu i est dan s l[ e coeu r d e tous ] bon s patriotes." Bu t the principles guidin g th e proceedings di d not allow th e opportunity t o b e seized a s he had desired. Perhap s M. de Ternant wil l brin g T J a decree o f yesterday expressin g th e desire o f the Assembl y to negotiate a commercial treat y beneficia l t o the interest o f both power s an d to unite the m in commerc e a s they ar e in political principles . The lette r fro m the President to th e Pennsylvani a legislatur e wil l develo p thes e sentiments . - D e Ternan t will infor m T J that the y hav e just convene d thei r successors ; he will leav e it to hi m to put him au courant o f their affairs. "J e me bornerai, faute d e terns, à n e vous parle r que des regrets d e tous vos amis et surtout d e notre famille , et à vous renouvelle r l'homag e d u sincere e t tendre attachemen t ave c [leque l j'ai l'honneur ] d'être , Monseiur , Votr e trè s humbl e e t trè s [obéissan t Ser viteur." . . . [P.S.] "Ma mere et ma femme m e char[gent de leurs] complimens pour vous. " R C ( D L C ) ; mutilated, so that some words have been los t and are supplied in part conjecturally; endorse d b y TJ as receive d 9 Aug. 179 1 and so recorded in S J L . For commen t o n Presiden t Bureaux -
Pusy's lette r t o th e Pennsylvani a legisla ture, se e Editorial Not e an d group o f documents on the death of Franklin, at 26 Jan. 1791. Se e also Bureaux-Pusy's letter to T J , 6 Jun e 1791 , and its enclosure.
F r o m th e Presiden t o f th e Nationa l Assembly Paris l e six Juin 1791. L'Assemblée National e d e France , Monsieur , qui avai t reç u ave c la plu s viv e sensibilit é l a répons e d u Présiden t d u Congrè s de s Etats uni s d'Amérique , à l a communicatio n qu i lu i avoi t ét é fai t des dernière s marque s d'honneur s décerné s pa r le s représentan s d'un peupl e libr e à votr e illustr e compatriot e Benjami n Franklin , [ 52 4]
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n'a pa s ét é moin s touché e de s nouveau x témoignage s d'amiti é fraternelle qu e vou s lu i adressé s a u no m d u Congrès . Elle m' a charg é d e vou s fair e par t du Décre t qu'elle a rendu sur le rappor t de so n Comit é Diplomatique . I l sera pour le s Etat s uni s d'Amérique l a preuve d u vi f désir d e l'Assemblé e national e d e voi r se resserrer par tous les moyens d e bienveillance , d'affection e t d'utilit é réciproque le s lien s qu i doivent à jamais unir deu x peuple s qui , nés à l a libert é l'u n pa r l'autre , semblen t destiné s à vivr e e n com munauté d'interrêt s comm e d e principes . Je m'applaudis , Monsieur , d'être dan s cett e occasio n l'organ e d e l'Assemblée, national e e t d e pouvoi r transmettre l'expression d e se s sentimens à u n homm e qu i a concour u s i essentiellemen t à l a révolution e t à la législation d e so n pays , et qui , après avoi r contempl é dans l e nôtr e l e bercea u d e notr e libert é naissante , nou s a quitté s en emportan t l'amiti é de s Françai s don t i l avoi t depui s longtem s la considératio n e t l'estime . Par ordr e d e l'Assemblé e national e d e Franc e J . X . BUREAUX-PUS Y PRÉSIDENT under 26 Jan. 1791) . Afte r the reading of the Pennsylvania address, several members of the National Assembly called for it to be printed. Another suggested that a copy be sent to Abbé Raynal, who two days earlier had outrage d th e Assembly wit h a letter very critica l of its proceeding s (se e Short to T J , 6 Jun e 1791) . Severa l member s On 2 Jun e 1791 , Fréteau-Saint-Just, then exclaime d tha t Fréteau-Saint-Just' s reporting to the National Assembly for the report ha d not bee n completed , where Diplomatic Committee, rea d to that body upon, having read the two documents, th e TJ's lette r o f 8 Mch. 1791 to the accom - reporter stretched thei r meaning stil l furpaniment of "Applaudissements à gauche." ther by declaring them to be the sentiments Referring to Washington's letter of 27 Jan. of the American people. Bureaux-Pusy did 1791, als o addresse d t o the President of not includ e th e text o f the Pennsylvania the Assembly , he explained tha t thi s sec - address in the communication, though that, ond letter had been writte n by the Secre - like TJ' s ow n letter , forme d a part of the tary of State at the direction of Congress report of the Diplomatic Committee which in order to give "une nouvelle preuv e des preceded its comment upo n their meaning and its recommendation tha t a new treaty sentiments d e fraternit é qu i l'unissent à ce royaume" and to express their desire to of commerc e b e negotiated. I n his comcontinue i n peac e an d unit y wit h munication of the sam e dat e to the Penn France - scarcel y an exact statement eithe r sylvania legislature , Bureaux-Pus y in for the authority for TJ's lette r or fo r the cluded TJ' s letter a s a part of the report but naturally omitted the text of the Pennsentiments o f Congress. Fréteau-Saint-Just then rea d the address of the Pennsylvania sylvania address. This letter and its enclosure, alon g wit h th e text o f the address legislature o f 8 Apr. 1791 (for comment on the political context of these and related itself, wer e publishe d i n Bache's General documents, se e Editorial Note and texts of Advertiser, 2 9 Aug . 1791 , as well a s i n documents relating to the death of Franklin other newspapers . Whe n the communica -
RC (DNA : RG 59 , NL) ; at foot of text: "M. Jefferso n Ministr e d u Congrè s des Etats uni s d'Amérique" ; endorse d b y Remsen: "Letter s &c . fro m th e National Assembly o f France"; endorse d b y TJ a s received 9 Aug. 179 1 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosur e printed below .
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6 J U N E 179 tion wa s read in the Hous e o f Representatives two day s earlier, it was first laid on the table and then, i n an action which indicated that the division s whic h had been manifested o n the same subject during the debates o f the previou s sessio n wer e stil l present, it was moved "and b y special order . . . taken up for a second reading, and the original letter with the translation was ordered to b e entered on the journals of the house" (same). A few days later Bache declared tha t th e communicatio n fro m th e National Assembly "breathes a spirit of liberty whic h woul d d o hono r t o th e frees t republican government. Th e reference . . . to ou r revolution, a s bein g indirectl y the cause o f their regeneration, exhibit s a degree of candor not very common with other European Courts . Th e wishe s expressed , to be united to us by the closest commercial ties, i s a favorable ome n of benefits t o b e derived by an intercourse with that country, t o the advantage of our commerc e and agriculture" (General Advertiser, 1 Sep .
1791). Th e allusion to the want of candor in othe r courts was obviously directe d toward tha t o f England . Whethe r i n pub lishing an d commenting upo n thes e documents Bache was influenced b y T J, who had trie d to mak e his a balanced national newspaper, i s not known. But ther e ca n be n o doub t tha t i t wa s the Secretar y of State who released to the press th e cop y o f Fréteau-Saint-Just's report which came with the above letter. TJ' s choice o f newspaper a s well as his timing was clearl y calculated . H e ha d receive d Bureaux-Pusy's letter and it s enclosure early in Augus t and of course could have trans-
1
lated these himself an d made the m avail able to Bache even before the text was made public by the Pennsylvania legislature. In stead h e held the repor t until November , after Congress had convene d and afte r Ter nant had arrived as the ne w Frenc h minister. I t wa s a t this session , too , tha t TJ expected to submit his report on commerce calling for a navigation act aimed at Great Britain, a proposal t o whic h the friendl y expressions o f the Nationa l Assembly and the decree calling for a new treaty of commerce wit h th e Unite d State s coul d onl y have give n adde d strength . T J perhaps would have waited for this favorable conjunction of events in any case. Bu t just a few days before he received Bureaux-Pusy's letter an d its gratifyin g enclosure , Phili p Freneau had announced to hi m his intention to establish a newspaper at the seat of government, as Madison and T J had urged him t o do (Freneau to T J, 4 Aug. 1791) . Within a few day s Frenea u also accepte d appointment a s translato r to th e Depart ment of State. Thus what was perhaps the first translating assignment give n the new departmental membe r becam e simultane ously one of the mos t gratifying and timel y communications that the Secretary of State could mak e availabl e to th e newl y estab lished an d favored National Gazette. Fréteau-Saint-Just's report , includin g TJ' s letter o f 8 Mch. 1791 t o the Presiden t of the National Assembly, but not the address of th e Pennsylvani a legislature, appeare d in the issue of 17 Nov. 1791 . Bache's General Advertiser carrie d a n incomplete tex t of the report two day s later.
E N C L O S U R E
Report o f the Diplomati c Committe e of th e National Assembl y of France Gentlemen You hav e bee n mad e acquainte d wit h th e sentiment s o f the Americans , and their expression s o f gratefu l respec t an d particular good will toward s you. The honest y an d uprigh t mora l characte r of tha t peopl e ar e t o u s th e bes t pledges of their sincerit y an d affection . Our interest s an d theirs mus t i n futur e b e considere d th e same ; an d we ar e reciprocally attache d t o eac h othe r b y ever y ti e o f dut y an d regard. We hav e assisted them in repulsing their enemies and vindicating themselves 1
[526]
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into freedom . I n retur n they hav e taugh t u s a just an d humane spiri t o f tol eration, t o respec t th e obligatio n o f oaths , t o pa y obedienc e t o th e Laws , t o honour in man the dignit y o f his species, an d even t o undervalu e the brilliancy of genius, whethe r displaye d i n Legislatio n or successful warfare , when se t i n competition wit h the horror s of sanguinary contests and brutal violence . The y have also taught u s how t o pa y a proper regard to th e live s and honours o f our fellow creatures , as well as their fortunes, and lastly they have set us the exampl e in a quiet submissio n t o lawfu l authority. A Natio n actuated by such ideas can boast of being more than the conquerors of a world. They ar e at onc e ou r grea t exampl e an d support. Int o their port s and mart s o f trad e then , t o th e peaceabl e an d happ y countr y the y inhabit , should i t b e ou r grea t endeavour , i n preferenc e t o al l others, t o introduc e ou r Merchants t o infor m themselves i n the Natur e of their Commerce and imbibe the virtue s whic h alon e ca n caus e i t t o flourish, tha t i s t o say , œconomy , simplicity, purit y of morals, integrity, an d honesty . From th e foregoin g consideration s i t i s th e opinio n o f the Committee ; tha t the Nationa l Assembl y shoul d us e ever y possibl e Mean s t o cheris h an d en courage a reciprocal commercial intercourse between Franc e an d America . Lewis th e Sixteent h havin g gaine d th e titl e o f Restore r of th e Libertie s of France ma y wit h n o les s justice la y clai m t o tha t o f Benefacto r o f th e Ne w World. S o far then ar e you from infringing his Roya l Prerogativ e in being th e first to notif y hi m o f your intention s o n thi s head , that , o n th e contrar y your views an d his perfectly co-incid e an d co-operate i n the gloriou s pla n which he has s o muc h a t heart , to dra w close r tha n ever thos e tie s o f connexio n whic h unite th e Frenc h Natio n t o th e brav e citizens of the Unite d States o f America , whose uniform and generous spiri t of equity, nex t t o th e justice of their cause, the energ y o f their exertion, an d their invincible courage, wa s heretofore, a s it is at this day, the only firm support and the surest pledge of their Independence. Decree o f the Nationa l Assembly , Jun e 2d. 179 1 The Nationa l Assembly having heard a Letter rea d from the Ministe r of the United State s o f America , tha t wa s addresse d t o thei r Presiden t signe d "Jef ferson"; and also anothe r lette r fro m the Representative s o f the Stat e o f Pennsylvania, date d th e 8t h o f Apri l last , an d by the m addresse d t o th e Presiden t of the Assembly , together wit h th e repor t of their official Committee , Ordered, tha t th e tw o Letter s abovementioned b e printe d an d inserte d i n the Journal s of the session . The Presiden t i s requeste d t o answe r th e Lette r fro m th e Representative s of the Stat e o f Pennsylvania , and to infor m the Ministe r of the Unite d State s of America, tha t it is the earnes t desire of the Nationa l Assembly to strengthe n more an d more th e tie s o f friendship and brotherly affection whic h at this day constitute a bond o f union betwee n th e tw o Nations . Decreed, finally, that the Kin g b e prayed to caus e to b e negociate d wit h th e United States , a New Treat y o f Commerce that ma y tend to strengthe n thos e mutual relation s of friendship and good understanding, so highl y beneficia l t o them both . Signed Besse, Curat e o f St . Aubin Secretary [Huot-Goncourt] Ricard Dep[uté ] d e Toulon 2
[ 52 7 ]
6 J U N E 17 Tr (DNA : RG 59 , DD) ; i n the hand of Freneau, who translated it fromthe French. RC (same) ; in French, in clerk's hand except fo r the signatures , on e o f which was not included in Freneau's translation, perhaps becaus e o f it s difficul t handwritin g (see not e 2 below); endorsed b y TJ as re ceived 9 Aug . 179 1 an d s o recorde d i n SJL. Dup l (same); in French , i n another hand except fo r the three signatures. Surprisingly fo r s o gifte d a write r a s Freneau, hi s translatio n o f Fréteau-Saint Just's report does not d o justice either to its styl e o r to it s sentiments . I t is understandable that he should have omitted HuotGoncourt's all but illegible signature , but his rendition of the text was at times loose, awkward, an d even imprecise . I t is a fair presumption, base d o n a numbe r o f ex amples tha t migh t b e cited , tha t a translation by TJ himsel f would have been more faithful to the original both in its substance and in its elevated style. (See, for example, TJ's translatio n of Condorcet's lette r and its enclosure at 3 May 1791.) I t is difficult to imagin e T J renderin g th e brie f an d forceful "No s intérêt s von t désormai s s e confondre, e t des devoirs plus étroits vont nous unir" as "Our interests and theirs must in futur e b e considered th e same ; and we are reciprocally attached t o eac h other by every ti e o f dut y an d regard. " Nor i s i t likely tha t h e woul d hav e translate d "ils nous instruisen t à leu r tou r à êtr e toler ans, justes et humaines" as "In return they have taught u s a just and humane spirit of toleration." Certainly he could not have put into Englis h " à préfére r à toute s le s qualités brillantes , mêm e au x don s d u Génie dan s la politique, e t aux faveurs du
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sort dans le s Combats , l'horreur du Sang et d e l a violence, l e respec t pou r la vie et l'honneur d e no s Semblables , e t pou r le s propriétés, enfi n l a Soumissio n au x au torités légitimes " suc h a lon g an d con fused versio n a s Freneau rendered in the corresponding passag e above . I n view o f the importance TJ attached to this timely document a s indicated b y his authorizing Freneau to make it public, it is surprisin g that he did not add to its force by providing a mor e adequat e versio n o f th e original . Perhaps he felt that the essential part of the message wa s no t it s officia l expressio n o f friendship for the American people, which would have been discounted in any case by those preferrin g stronge r tie s wit h Eng land, bu t it s announcemen t o f the decre e of the National Assembly calling for a new treaty of commerce. That, strengthened by the arrival of Ternant, would not likely be dismissed as mere rhetoric. TJ knew that the decree had been adopted at Lafayette's suggestion to palliat e th e effec t o f the to bacco an d othe r decree s becaus e variou s French interests were too powerful to permit a modification o f them (Shor t to T J , 6 Jun e 1791) . Bu t h e mad e th e mos t o f the report by releasing it to the press. Fréteau-Saint-Just' s repor t to th e National Assembly included TJ's letter to the President, 8 Mch. 1791 , an d the addres s of the Pennsylvania legislature, 8 Apr. 1791, to which this passage alludes, but BureauxPusy naturall y omitte d thes e i n th e tex t sent T J . Huot-Goncourt' s signature appear s in RC bu t i s here supplie d becaus e Freneau omitted i t in his Tr . 1
2
F r o m Willia m Shor t D E A R S l R Pari
s June 6. 1791 .
I receive d a few day s ago b y Mons. Terrasson your letter of March. 8. togethe r with the paper s it inclosed. - T h e report on the fisheries has bee n len t t o a membe r o f th e committe e o f finance, wh o no t understanding Englis h himself told m e he purpose d having it translated fo r th e us e o f th e committee . I wa s please d wit h thi s a s a pamphlet whic h I ha d publishe d o n th e affai r o f tobacc o whils t I [ 52 8 ]
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was i n Hollan d cost s o dea r as to mak e m e averse t o suc h things i n future.— Your lette r t o th e Presiden t o f nationa l assembly wa s wel l received. I t wa s brough t forwar d a s wel l a s a n addres s fro m th e legislature of Pennsylvania which had arrived by the way of London , by th e diplomati c committee , o n whos e report , a s yo u wil l se e b y the journals and will lear n by M. de Ternant , th e K i n g i s requeste d to for m a new treat y o f commerce wit h th e U . S . T he momen t wa s exceedingly favorabl e for your letter and the address of Pennsylvania as th e assembl y wa s stil l sor e unde r th e scourge s receive d th e da y before fro m a letter o f the Abb e Rayna l rea d to the m b y thei r permission becaus e the y wer e no t acquainte d wit h it s contents . I cannot know what will be the disposition of the U . S. wit h respect to thi s treaty , an d I se e a considerable difficult y i n th e busines s o n account o f thei r islands . T h e assembl y havin g desire d th e K i n g however t o negotiat e it is an advantage a s it will rende r the ministry more bold in meeting tha t question o n proper ground. M. de Mont morin has certainly much more libera l ideas respecting it and would be dispose d t o trea t it with more freedom tha n the assembly , wher e the influence of the merchants, is manifest in all matters of commerce. I thin k yo u wil l find Ternan t wel l dispose d also , a t leas t a s far as I can judge fro m hi s conversatio n an d assurances. - I t will b e prope r to examin e perhap s whether the U . S . would find it for their interest to rende r all rights common betwee n America n and French citizen s (the island s included ) i n bot h countries ; i f s o thi s i s certainl y th e proper tim e t o propos e i t an d thus reduc e th e treat y t o on e simpl e article, an d give a great exampl e whic h if followed b y othe r nation s would abolis h a t onc e thre e fourth s o f th e cause s o f war . - Suc h a proposition woul d b e mor e likel y t o b e adopte d unde r presen t cir cumstances tha n an y whic h presen t themselve s t o m e a s probabl e for som e tim e t o come . I shoul d thin k i t impoliti c fo r th e U . S . t o clog themselve s wit h a numbe r o f article s i n a treaty o f commerc e and particularl y wit h thi s countr y a t this time. A t an y rate it seems to m e tha t a n admissio n int o th e island s o n a tolerably fre e footin g should be a sine qua non, and I cannot help believing they wil l refus e this unles s i t i s ushere d i n b y som e ne w an d leadin g system , suc h as mentioned above , whic h would find strong supporter s here amon g all th e economists . Mr. McHenry' s papers wer e receive d an d attention shal l be pai d to the m i n the manne r you desire. They were sen t t o his agent with this informatio n an d M . d e l a fayette say s h e wil l len d hi s ai d also. I receive d als o b y M . Terrasso n your letter s o f Marc h 12 . 15 . and 19 . Yo u will b e a s muc h mortifie d n o doub t a s I have been , a t [ 52 9 ]
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the cop y o f you r lette r t o M r . Carmichae l an d th e paper s allude d to therein , as stated i n your letter o f March 12 . havin g not com e t o my hands . Thos e alon e whic h relate t o th e cas e o f Ste . Mari e cam e inclosed. I immediatel y howeve r communicate d th e matte r agree ably t o you r desir e t o M . d e l a fayette, who m I foun d perfectl y i n the disposition s whic h might hav e bee n expected . Hi s zeal i n favor of the libert y an d independence o f the Florida s woul d hav e carrie d him beyon d wha t I consider a s our interest, sinc e hi s wish was tha t the U . S . withou t stoppin g fo r negotiatio n shoul d procee d a t onc e to wres t the m fro m Spai n an d incorporat e the m i n th e union . I stated t o hi m th e embarassin g positio n i n whic h tha t woul d plac e France an d brought hi m easily to adop t a more moderate plan . - H e persisted however i n treating as chimerical any idea that this or any future Nationa l assembly woul d eve r consen t t o undertak e a war to reduce th e Florida s t o Spanis h dominion o r agains t u s fo r endeav ouring t o withdra w them fro m it . H e think s that h e alon e whethe r in o r out o f such assembly woul d unquestionably b e able to preven t them fro m it . I t woul d no t hav e bee n wel l t o hav e shew n appre hensions o f th e contrary , and I a m persuade d i n suc h a n extremit y the first impulsio n o f the assembl y woul d b e i n favo r o f the libert y and independenc e o f th e Floridas . Ye t i t i s impossibl e t o sa y ho w far thi s migh t b e change d b y mature r reflexion, whe n the y woul d find themselves unde r the necessit y o f acting in a contrary direction or riskin g th e los s o f thei r allianc e wit h Spain , an d therefor e th e U . S . shoul d not los e sight o f such an embarassment, althoug h I still think i t mor e tha n probabl e the y woul d no t tak e a n activ e part . I speak of them in a future and more settled condition than the present, for at this moment i t may be considered I think as certain that either the novelt y o f th e enthusias m fo r liberty , o r th e situatio n o f thei r affairs a t home , o r their apprehension s fro m abroa d would preven t their actin g i n a case o f thi s kind . After havin g ascertaine d th e disposition s o f M . d e l a fayett e I asked a rendezvou s wit h M . d e Montmori n an d lai d ope n t o hi m with th e confidenc e h e deserve s th e presen t positio n o f thi s affair . He entere d full y o f himsel f int o th e situatio n o f th e U . S . an d th e impossibility o f thei r restrainin g the wester n inhabitant s o r aban doning them . H e tol d m e h e ha d lon g foresee n tha t thi s woul d happen, tha t whe n a t Madri d h e ha d presse d tha t cour t t o remov e the difficulty b y an amicable arrangement taken then, as the momen t was mor e favorabl e fo r thei r interest s tha n an y whic h coul d b e contemplated i n future, that they rejecte d all idea of an arrangement in suc h a manne r a t tha t tim e a s t o leav e hi m n o hope s tha t the y [ 53 0 ]
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would liste n t o i t a t present , tha t h e wa s confirme d i n this opinio n by hi s knowledg e o f th e mod e o f thinkin g o f tha t court , tha t th e influence o f Franc e woul d a t al l times hav e bee n ineffectua l agains t their prejudice s i n matter s o f thi s kind , bu t a t presen t woul d b e entirely vain , h e feared , a s th e Spanis h cabine t woul d necessaril y consider an y terms proposed b y them, a s dictated b y their partiality in favo r o f the U . S . on accoun t o f the ne w syste m whic h has taken place i n France . - Stil l h e assure d me , an d i n thi s I a m persuade d of his sincerity , of his dispositio n t o us e ever y effor t fo r having thi s difficulty remove d agreeabl y t o the desir e of the U . S . He added that the navigatio n o f the Mississip i was a matter of necessity to the U . S. and tha t i t wa s alway s useles s t o struggl e agains t necessity.- He seemed concerne d whe n I shewe d hi m th e dange r ther e wa s tha t the wester n inhabitant s might descen d th e Mississip i without wait ing fo r th e even t o f negotiation , no t becaus e h e considere d ther e was anythin g to b e hope d fro m negotiation , bu t a s he said , becaus e in tha t cas e w e shoul d b e considere d a s the agressors . I observed t o him tha t th e seizur e o f Ste . Marie' s goods withi n th e limit s o f th e U . S . an d carrying of f forcibly those in whose charge they were , wa s such a violatio n o f th e territor y o f th e U . S . an d o f thei r right s a s would naturall y b e considere d a s th e first aggression . T o thi s h e did not repl y directly but h e shewe d n o dispositio n t o den y it . - H e considered als o th e invitatio n held out b y the Spanis h government , to strangers , even protestants, to com e and settle on thei r side o f the Mississipi a s plainl y indicativ e o f design s tha t th e U . S . coul d no t wait th e executio n of . Finally h e desire d I woul d writ e t o hi m o n th e subject , tha t h e might sen d m y lette r t o Madrid , an d instruct the Frenc h Residen t thereon. H e tol d m e h e woul d direc t hi m particularl y t o suppor t Mr. Carmichae l i n the representations h e should make to that court. In consequenc e o f this I wrote hi m the letter , of which I inclose yo u a copy , an d delivere d i t t o hi m mysel f wit h a desire tha t h e woul d read it, and if he should find anything that he wished to be changed , that h e woul d sa y s o i n orde r t o suc h alteration s bein g mad e a s should b e foun d proper . Fo r this purpos e I wrot e i t i n French , w e read over the lette r together and spoke o n th e severa l articles as w e went along . H e told me he saw nothing that he wished to be altered, that h e woul d forwar d i t an d giv e instruction s fo r supportin g th e claims therei n stated . -1 thin k o n readin g th e letter , Sir , you wil l find tha t th e Ministe r promise s t o g o a s fa r a s m y No . 46 . gav e hopes of, an d that I have n o reaso n to repen t havin g communicate d the idea s therei n contained . [531]
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M . d e Montmori n told m e als o h e woul d spea k o f this matte r t o the Spanis h Ambassador here, who m h e considere d a s mor e likel y to b e dispose d t o liste n to reaso n on thi s subject than M. de Florid a Blanca. H e sai d however h e wa s sur e they woul d no t agre e t o hav e the subjec t treate d here , a s yo u see m t o desire . H e adde d als o tha t even i f th e Spanis h Ambassado r shoul d b e convinced , h e di d no t think i t woul d b e anythin g gained, a s it did not appea r to him , that he ha d influenc e a t court . I ha d suppose d th e contrary , but I rel y more o n M . d e Montmorin' s opinio n tha n tha t whic h I ha d take n up. There wa s on e circumstanc e i n th e cours e o f ou r conversation , after he ha d read my lette r whic h I cannot pas s unnoticed, althoug h he sai d h e mentione d i t t o m e i n confidenc e an d no t a t al l i n hi s ministerial capacity . I t wa s tha t h e though t th e bes t thin g t o b e done was , fo r Congres s to le t th e wester n inhabitant s ac t fo r them selves, i n going down th e Mississip i and taking New Orleans , without undertakin g to suppor t the m o r legitimat e th e act . On th e whol e i t seem s t o me : 1 . Tha t a t presen t thi s countr y i s in a disposition o f min d whic h would certainl y prevent thei r interfering activel y agains t th e U . S . on thi s question . 2 . Tha t i n futur e when their own affair s shall be settled an d their government i n force, although the y woul d i n th e first momen t b e i n ou r favo r also , an d although i t i s probabl e the y woul d continu e t o refus e actin g offen sively i n suc h a cause, ye t i t wil l b e les s certai n than a t present , a s they wil l the n als o b e mor e coo l i n listenin g t o th e dictate s o f their political an d commercia l interest s dependen t o n th e allianc e wit h Spain. 3 . Tha t th e presen t ministr y is bette r dispose d toward s th e U . S . wit h respect to this question, tha n any future one wil l probably be. 4 . Tha t ther e i s n o doub t the y wil l us e thei r influenc e b y ne gotiation t o obtai n fo r th e U . S . the navigatio n o f the Mississip i on the footin g the y desire , o r i f tha t canno t b e done , b y a fre e por t established a t N . Orlean s or i n it s neighborhood . It ma y no t b e amis s to mentio n a t presen t tha t th e Marqui s d e la fayette ca n no longe r b e considere d a s having the sam e influenc e a s when I wrot e yo u m y No . 46 . Thi s declin e ha s com e fro m tha t progression i n huma n affair s whic h allow s nothin g t o b e lon g a t a stand, an d from hi s having too muc h virtue and patriotism to allo w himself t o mak e us e o f improper means fo r extendin g an d rivetting his powe r an d influence . T h e sentiment s o f M . d e Montmori n o n this subjec t ma y therefor e b e considere d a s spontaneous , an d con sequently mor e conformabl e t o th e wishe s o f th e U . S . - I hop e I shall continu e t o receiv e you r instruction s regularl y on thi s impor tant business , an d particularl y tha t th e cop y o f you r lette r t o M r . t 53 2 ]
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Carmichael an d paper s i t refer s to , a s mentione d i n you r lette r o f March 12 . wil l b e sent . I f I coul d hav e shew n the m t o M . d e Montmorin a s wa s you r intention , i t woul d certainl y hav e bee n a mark o f confidenc e tha t woul d hav e bee n agreeable . T h e meda l whic h you desir e t o b e mad e fo r M. de Moutie r shall be execute d a s soo n a s I ca n hav e th e coins finished. Yo u wil l n o doubt b e muc h astonished a t this delay , bu t th e Engrave r ha s bee n so devote d t o th e affai r o f thei r mone y whic h i s contendin g fo r b y all th e artist s tha t i t ha s bee n impossibl e t o ge t hi m t o finish th e work h e ha d undertake n fo r th e U . S . an d whic h wa s nearl y com pleted las t fall . T h i s dela y canno t las t muc h longe r an d he assure s me h e wil l shorte n i t as much as possible. H e is to writ e me a letter that I may send i t to M . de l a Luzerne an d shew hi m that th e dela y does no t procee d fro m me . I don' t kno w b y wha t opportunit y t o send you the dies. Ther e is no other than that by the public carriages to Havre , an d a t presen t the y woul d b e stoppe d an d examine d b y several of the municipalities who would take them, from their weight to b e specie , t o b e exported , whic h they d o not allo w notwithstand ing th e decree s o f th e assembly . I receive d wit h you r lette r o f Marc h 15 . th e repor t o f th e com mittee inclosed . I t has been inserte d in a gazette here. I do not think it woul d b e prope r t o hav e i t printe d apar t an d circulated , a s i t would b e a t onc e know n fro m whenc e i t came . T h e gazett e whic h inserted i t an d whic h yo u wil l receiv e committe d som e errors , bu t their correctio n i s no t essentia l a t thi s momen t a s i t i s certai n th e national assembl y wil l no t agai n resum e th e subject . You wil l lear n fro m M . d e Ternan t th e effort s tha t hav e bee n made t o induc e th e assembl y t o chang e thei r decree s 1 . A s t o th e difference mad e betwee n Frenc h an d America n vessels importin g tobacco. 2 . A s to the augmented dut y of 6+t per quintal on American oils. 3 . A s t o th e abolitio n o f th e sale s o f America n vessels i n th e French ports . M . d e Ternan t ha s bee n activ e an d use d hi s utmos t efforts. Ther e wer e various interests opposed t o the changes desired , and finally severa l of the committee s assemble d t o tak e int o consid eration m y lette r t o M . de Montmori n and the alteration s propose d by M . d e Ternant , afte r discussin g th e subjec t full y wit h hi m an d with M . de l a fayette, determine d i t would b e unsafe t o propos e th e alterations t o th e assembl y a t presen t a s the y feare d the y woul d b e rejected. I t was agree d amon g them , a t the instigatio n particularly of M . d e l a fayett e t o palliat e thi s b y somethin g agreeabl e fo r th e U . S . i n protestation s o f a desire t o becom e mor e unite d &c . In this disposition you r letter arrived, and on it the report mentioned abov e was adopted . [ 53 3 ]
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You sa y tha t th e Presiden t wa s authorize d to emplo y workme n for th e mint , but yo u add nothing respectin g Drost. I sent yo u from Mr. Gran d hi s proposal s las t year . Among th e paper s whic h I for ward t o th e Secretar y of the Treasur y yo u wil l fin d observations b y Dupré, i n whic h Drosfs mod e i s objecte d to , an d Dupr é tell s m e he is convinced it cannot answer for striking money althoug h proper for medal s whe n fe w onl y ar e wanted. -Drost ha s been her e and on the lis t o f the artist s in competitio n fo r th e ne w coinag e projected . Duprfs device s hav e receive d th e preference ; an d the y ar e no w delivered to th e artist s to b e engraved in competition. I t is probable also I think that Dupré wil l be preferred for this part of the business. You wil l receiv e b y M . d e Ternan t th e journal s of th e assembl y and gazette s to th e presen t day . I have added to those you generally receive, th e Patriote François an d Gazette universelle, th e firs t as th e best respectin g colonia l matters , an d the secon d fo r Europea n pol itics. - T h e moniteur wil l b e sen t b y the wa y o f Havre. I t is the bes t for domesti c affair s an d i s als o considere d wit h th e journal logographique, a s muc h th e mos t accurat e wit h respec t t o th e debate s of the assembly . The mos t importan t decree s passe d sinc e m y las t ar e thos e fo r ordering th e election s o f th e ne w legislatur e an d concernin g th e colonies. Yo u wil l se e the m i n th e journals . T h e deputie s o f th e colonies hav e withdrawn themselves fro m the assembl y an d express much discontentmen t a t th e decre e whic h give s th e right s o f citi zenship i n futur e t o fre e mulattoe s wh o hav e a sufficien t prop erty. - I t i s though t thi s assembl y wil l fix th e ter m o f th e meetin g for th e nex t a t th e en d o f August . I f an alarmin g crisis take s plac e either fro m th e no n perceptio n o f taxes , o r disorde r o f an y kind , they ma y do it . Otherwis e I do no t thin k they wil l separat e so soon . Notwithstanding appearances there is certainly a large majority who desire t o remai n as lon g a s thei r places ar e tenable . I thin k I ma y venture to assur e you that the letter s ar e no longe r opened i n the post-offic e o f this countr y which you desir e to know . The assembl y hav e expresse d themselve s i n suc h a manner on thi s subject a s would certainl y break ancient habits. Besides th e administration i s change d an d n o fund s ar e allowe d fo r tha t purpose . I beg yo u t o continu e t o b e persuade d o f th e sentiment s o f sincer e attachment & perfec t respec t wit h whic h I hav e th e hono r t o b e Dear Si r Your mos t obedien t & most humbl e servant , W. SHOR T P.S. T h e lengt h o f this lette r induce s m e t o refe r you t o th e news papers fo r th e genera l politic s o f Europe . Stil l I suppos e i t prope r [ 53 4 ]
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to mentio n t o yo u tha t i t i s probabl e peac e wil l no t b e interrupte d between Englan d an d Russia . T h e oppositio n whic h Mr . Pitt sa w in th e nation , induce d hi m t o mak e modification s whic h wil l a s i t is thought presen t th e mean s o f successful negotiation . I n the mea n time th e truc e betwee n th e Empero r an d th e Port e i s nea r it s ex piration, an d it i s no t know n tha t step s ar e taken fo r prolonging it . If not thi s ma y change th e scene . T h e Turks hav e had some succes s lately agains t th e Russian s which have revive d their hopes and pretensions a s t o th e status quo. PrC (DLC : Shor t Papers) ; at hea d of text: "#0.67"; at foot of text: "Thomas Jefferson Secretary of State Philadelphia." Tr (DNA: R G 59 , DD). Recorded in S JL as received 9 Aug. 1791. Enclosure: ( 1 ) Copy of a paper given him by the Russian chargé concerning on e Lu c Rauss, a nativ e o f Cronstadt, who had studied theology at the University of Jena beginning in 1742 and seven year s later had emigrated to America, wher e he serve d as pastor in the Lu theran churc h of Germantow n and then, according to a letter he wrote his parents in 1781, had been transferred to Yorktown in Virginia . Th e statement indicate d that his siste r Justine , wh o ha d marrie d on e Raab of Cronstadt, had died without issue on 1 2 Feb. 178 9 an d that her brother, if still living, was entitled to his share of her estate (Tr in DNA: RG 59, DD). (2) Short to Montmorin , 1 June 1791 , printe d below.
now, a s Short pointed out , circumstances in Franc e seeme d propitious . Also , adoption of a new system of government i n the United State s ha d removed th e constitu tional impedimen t T J had recognized in 1785, and responsibility for the conduct of foreign policy was now in the hands of the President and himself. T J stil l entertained a cordial disposition t o meld "the two nations . . . into one as nearly as possible" at least in respect to commercial matters. But he n o longer entertaine d the ide a of a re ciprocal guarante e o f all rights of citizenship a s he ha d proposed earlier . Also, as he had already warned Montmorin through Otto, and would soon do so through Ternant, thi s dispositio n t o "gran t naturali zation t o Frenc h citizen s i n matter s re specting commerce" would be jeopardized if th e recen t decree s respectin g tobacco , whale oil, and American-built vessels were not modified (T J t o Short, 29 Aug. 1791; Otto to Montmorin, 4 Apr . 1791 , quote d above in Editorial Note on the French proShort's bold suggestion that it would be timely to propose "som e new an d leading test o n th e tonnag e acts , 1 8 Jan . 1791 ; system," in which a treaty of a single article Ternant t o Montmorin , 24 an d 27 Oct . 1791, note d Vol . 18 : 278) . I n actuality, making al l right s reciproca l betwee n even this narrowed objective wa s doomed American and French citizens would conby the division s in the America n govern stitute it s essence , wa s scarcel y new. TJ ment and by the situation in France. As for had actually incorporated such a proposal in a draft treaty six years earlier. In sending the latter, Short's description of it as pro the draft to John Adams, he acknowledged pitious for the proposal of a "new and leading system " wa s contradicte d b y hi s si that suc h a treaty woul d b e beyon d th e powers of the American commissioners "and multaneous assessment of the decree calling for a new commercial treaty as only a palbeyond th e power s o f Congress too," but stated that he was prepared to assume the liative designed t o softe n the blo w o f the risk of proposing it to England and France tobacco an d other decrees. TJ's lette r t o th e Presiden t of the Naif Adams was (TJ to Adams, 28 July 1785, tional Assembly was that of 8 Mch. 1791 . with enclosure). Such a proposal, coming Its context, wit h that of the address of the from th e youn g republi c at a time whe n Pennsylvania legislature, is discussed above the power s o f Congress were limited and in th e Editoria l Not e o n th e politica l rebeing offere d t o th e tw o mos t powerfu l percussions whic h followe d th e deat h of monarchies of Europe, wa s no doubt unrealistic. John Adams did not respond. But Franklin (Vol. 19: 78-115). Th e report of
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6 J U N E 179 the Diplomatic Committee and the resultant decree wer e enclose d i n the respons e of the President (see Bureaux-Pusy to T J , 6 Jun e 1791) . Short' s "No. 46 " was his dispatch of 6 Nov . 179 0 an d the passag e to whic h he allude s i s identifie d ther e in note 1. TJ was so impressed by the hopes
1
thus hel d ou t tha t h e mad e a n extract of the passage and sent it to Washington, urging that the Mississippi question be pressed "on a broader bottom" than that of the St. Marie claim . (Se e Editoria l Not e o n th e threat of disunion in the West, 10 Mch. 1791, and TJ t o Washington, 18 Mch. 1791.)
E N C L O S U R E
Short t o Montmori n Monsieur Pari s le 1er . Juin 1791 . Je sui s charg é pa r le Presiden t de s Etat s Uni s d'avoi r l'honneu r d e porte r à votr e connoissance , Monsieur , l a positio n dan s l a quell e il s s e trouven t vi s a vis de l'Espagne dans ce moment c i relativement à la navigation du Mississipi. Jusqu'à présen t il s on t respect é l'indécisio n d e l'Espagn e sur ce sujet , per suadés qu e l e tems , l a vu e de s circonstance s e t l'intérê t mêm e d e cett e Puissance l'engageroien t à s e désiste r d e se s pretension s avan t qu'i l n e devin t indispensable d e l'exiger . Mai s l e momen t es t actuellemen t arriv é o u i l n'es t pas permi s aux Etat s Uni s d'attendre plu s lon g tem s la decision d e cette ques tion, comme vou s vous convaincrez facilement, Monsieur, pas les considerations qui suivent . D'abord plaint e a ét é régulièremen t porté e a u Presiden t de s Etat s Uni s que l e Gouvernemen t Espagno l a fait saisi r sur le territoire reconnu des Etat s Unis de s marchandise s appartenantes à leur s citoyens , qu i on t ét é transportée s au for t Espagno l et confisquée s pa r l'officier qu' y commandoit . I l a ajout é e n même tem s qu e le s ordre s qu'i l avoi t reç u d u Gouverneu r d e l a Louisiane portoient qu'i l avoi t à saisir tout c e qu'i l trouvoi t appartenan t aux Etat s Uni s sur le s deu x bord s d u Mississip i a u dessou s d e l'embouchur e d e l'Ohi o e t d'envoyer le s propriétaire s prisonnier s à la nouvelle Orleans . Ensuite l e Gouvernemen t d e l'Espagn e a fait invite r tous les étranger s catho liques e t protestants , pa r la promess e d e l a livr e navigatio n d e c e fleuve d e venir s'établi r dan s ses possessions . Ains i e n defendan t cett e navigation à ceux qui resteroien t attaché s au x Etat s Uni s e t e n l'accordan t à ceu x qu i s'e n detacheroient pou r passer le Mississip i et deveni r sujets espagnols i l a montr é clairement qu e la navigation exclusiv e etoi t u n systèm e d u que l i l n e contoi t pas se départir , mai s au contraire s'en assure r en s e servan t même de s citoyen s des Etat s Uni s expatrié s pou r cet objet . Encore, le s habitant s d e cett e parti e de s Etat s Uni s on t ét é retenu s dan s des bornes jusqu'à present par notre Gouvernement parce qu'il leur persuadoit, comme i l etoit persuad é lu i même , qu'il s obtiendroien t pa r le tem s san s autre effort, l a reconnoissance parfait e et paisibl e d e leur s droits. Ce s habitants con vaincus actuellement d u contraire par des raisons que je viens d'avoir l'honneur Monsieur, d e vou s citer , indiquent clairemen t qu'il s ne veulen t plu s attendre . Je vou s a i fai t ce s observation s seulement , Monsieur , pou r vou s montre r l'alternative à la quell e le s Etat s Uni s s e trouven t réduit s da n c e momen t ci , et qu i n'es t autr e chos e qu e d e s e sépare r d e ce s citoyen s e t ains i réduir e d e moitié l'étendu e de s Etat s Unis , o u d e le s souteni r dan s leur s justes recla mations. Quan d à l a premier e parti e vou s n e l a trouvere z certainemen t pas ,
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Monsieur, dign e d'un e remarque ; il n' y à don c qu e l a second e à adopter , e t par consequen t à chercher la manière la plus convenabl e d' y parvenir. C'est pou r cela , Monsieur, que le s Etat s Uni s s'addressen t a la France ave c toute l a confianc e e t la franchis e don t il s on t toujour s usé . O n n e peu t s e dissimuler qu e l e droi t d e navigue r su r le Mississip i deviendroit illusoir e se l e bâtiments qu i descenden t l e fleuve e t ceu x qu i viennen t d e l a mer n'avoien t pas un port commu n o u il s pourroient se rencontre r et s e décharge r mutuelle ment. O n sen t auss i qu e s i c e por t etoi t sou s un e jurisdictio n étrangèr e i l donneroit lie u journellement à de s abu s e t de s plainte s d e par t et d'autr e qu i ne pourroien t manque r à la longue d'affoible r le s lien s de confianc e e t d'amiti é que le s Etat s Uni s désiren t conserve r ave c l'Espagn e san s le s voi r exposé s à aucune interruption. Sur ce s considerations , Monsieur , ainsi que su r des preuve s d'attachmen t l e plus désintéress é qu e le s Etat s Uni s on t s i souven t reç u d e l a France , l e President s e croi t fond é à espére r qu e vou s n e refuserie z pa s votr e ministr e à appuye r les demande s qu'i l a chargé leu r President a Madrid d e fair e auprès de cett e cour , e t qu i consisten t à obtenir d e L'Espagn e l a reconnoissance de s droits de s Etat s Uni s d e navigue r libremen t su r l e Mississip i - e t pou r qu e ces droit s n e soien t pa s illusoire s e t e n mêm e tem s n'exposen t pa s le s deu x pays au x inconvenienien s déj à mentionnés , d e le s assure r en leu r cédan t u n port o u leur s vaisseau x peuven t s e décharge r sujet s à leur propre jurisdiction seulement. Le Presiden t de s Etat s Uni s s e plai t à croire , Monsieur , qu e l'Espagn e éclairée sur ses véritables intérêts par l'interposition amicale de la France n'hésitera pas d'adopter un e mesur e don t le s avantage s pou r toutes les parties intéressée s sont évidents . So n premie r effet seroi t d'éloigne r tou t prétext e d e mésintelli gence entre deu x pay s également attaché s à la France et qu i ont tan t d'intérêt s en commu n ave c elle . Comptant su r l'efficacit é qu e le s bon s office s d e l a Franc e n e pourron t pa s manquer d'avoir, Monsieur, en mettant cett e question dan s son vra i jour, je ne me permettra i pa s d'envisage r le s inconvenien s qu i pourroien t s'ensuivr e s i contre tout e attent e l'Espagn e s e refusan t a êtr e éclairé e persistoi t dan s de s pretensions qu e l a conduite d e se s agen s su r le Mississip i paroit indiquer. Ils doivent nécessairemen t s e presente r e n foul e à vous, Monsieur , qu i ête s plu s que personne à même d e les apprécier . J'ai l'honneur d'etre ave c des sentimen s du plu s profon d respec t & d u plu s parfai t attachment , Monsieur , Votr e trè s obéissant serviteur , W . SHOR T Tr (DNA : R G 59 , DD) . The above letter accurately reflects TJ' s policy concernin g th e navigatio n o f th e Mississippi as set forth in his letters to Short of 12 and 19 Mch. 1791 an d more fully in that o f 1 0 Aug . 179 0 an d its enclosures. But i t i s important to not e that, a s Short indicates, he was ignorant of what TJ ha d said to Carmichael in his letter of 12 Mch.
1791 enclosin g the memorial of St. Marie, which Short did receive (Shor t to T J , 2 0 July 1791) . Fo r a discussion o f the effect Short's letter had when Montmorin transmitted i t to Spain , se e Editoria l Not e on the threat of disunion in the West, 10 Mch. 1791.
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F r o m Davi d Humphrey s Mafra, 7 June 1791 . Acknowledgin g T J ' s of 1 1 Apr . with dispatche s fo r Carmichael. Afte r tryin g in vai n for som e week s t o ge t a private conveyance , he "mad e interest " t o hav e T J ' s former lette r t o Carmichae l carrie d b y th e Portuguese fro m the offic e fo r foreign affairs . He expects to us e sam e mean s t o dispatch thos e no w received , whic h wil l b e sen t a s soo n a s possible . H e wil l be please d t o b e channe l o f communicatio n unti l a better on e established . H e has no t hear d from Carmichae l sinc e 1 5 Apr . though h e sai d he woul d writ e soon an d tw o o r three letter s ar e unacknowledged, perhap s du e t o il l health. He imagine s h e wil l no t liv e lon g unles s removed : "Hi s health i s ruined , his spirits depressed an d he seems unhappy. Certai n I am, no consideration woul d induce m e t o remai n so lon g i n that Countr y as he ha s done. " In hi s firs t conversatio n wit h D e Pint o h e mentione d first ite m i n ciphered part o f T J ' s letter. H e ha d writte n askin g whe n h e woul d receiv e busines s visits t o tal k further on this . D e Pint o replie d that h e wa s alway s ready to d o business, bu t "i t wa s th e Styl e fo r Diplomati c Character s t o mak e previou s arrangements wit h him " lest illnes s o r avocation s disappoint , an d a s soo n a s his healt h permitte d h e woul d no t dela y a n instan t t o tal k o n th e sub ject. - Humphrey s wil l tak e car e to compl y wit h the secon d ite m ciphered. Chevalier d e Caâmans , Spanis h brigadie r an d chargé, pai d hi m repeate d visits afte r h e lef t hi s ceremonia l card . A s h e wa s neve r in , he calle d o n hi m thinking h e ha d something particula r in mind. He i s ambitiou s t o b e Spanish minister t o U . S . , said h e ha d writte n Florid a Blanc a abou t Humphreys , ex pressed a desire to b e acquainted, and fell into conversation on America. Hum phreys believe s thi s woul d b e a "goo d channe l fo r communicatin g obliquel y and apparentl y unintentionall y informatio n t o . . . Florid a Blanca. " H e gav e him tru e accoun t o f wester n country , growin g population , an d genera l re sources. H e receive d this wit h avidity, repeated hi s questio n abou t populatio n on western waters, & c, and convinced Humphreys he planned an official letter. He offere d hi m hi s newspaper s an d publi c document s abou t U . S . as soo n a s he coul d ge t the m fro m th e Duk e d e Alfone s t o who m h e ha d lent them . D e Caâmans read s English "an d discovered an uncommon eagernes s tha t I woul d not forge t m y proposal." In conversatio n with Corrêa on American enterprise, he said Mears' account showed American s had extende d navigatio n fro m Bosto n muc h farthe r than English. H e lamente d tha t the y di d no t als o publis h accounts o f voyages and discoveries, a s thi s " 'would undoubtedl y reflec t grea t credi t on thei r national character an d perseverance.' - H e the n added , 'le t m e engag e yo u t o writ e t o some of your friends to have this done.' " Since then Humphrey s was informed "that a very intelligent an d accurate journal wa s kep t b y on e o f the officer s o n board o f th e Washington. " H e mention s thes e thing s t o sho w importanc e o f getting newspapers an d other publications . Th e English there , fro m the minister down , "hav e scarcel y an y tru e idea s o f . . . th e U . S . " as the y ge t thei r information mainl y through Englis h papers , as do th e nation s o f Europe. Th e census returns , facts, an d observation s i n th e Museum an d other publication s "are calculate d to d o u s vas t servic e i n Europe . Eve n th e disseminatio n o f th e knowledge o f the minute r improvements i n Agriculture, Mills, Fabrics , Card Manufactures &c . i s no t withou t it s use . An d particularl y the Remark s o n
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Lord Sheffield' s illusiv e Wor k ar e admirabl y adapte d t o dispe l th e mists o f prejudice. - Formerl y we were ignorant ourselves of the capacities and resources of the different part s of the Union. " Not havin g but one set of these periodicals, he ha s no t bee n abl e t o presen t the m t o th e ministe r fo r foreig n affairs , th e minister of marine, and several other distinguished characters who read English. The mor e tha t i s know n o f American s and the mor e the y kno w o f the worl d the better. I t is unfortunate for American farmers and merchants that last wheat crop not sen t sooner . " A vast quantit y migh t hav e bee n dispose d o f at a ready and goo d market." Timely arrival woul d hav e prevente d sal e o f forty cargoes , not lon g sinc e arrive d fro m th e north , sinc e qualit y o f America n wheat give s it a decided preference. I f Dutch merchants had known arrangements for sending America n grain here , the y probabl y woul d no t hav e sen t a singl e cargo . To increas e quantit y o f ou r produce , farmer s mus t hav e hig h probabilit y o f selling i t a t goo d prices : i t i s thu s especiall y importan t t o tak e measure s t o increase deman d i n ol d market s and to fin d new ones . Has Britis h paper s b y the las t packet, bu t canno t sen d the m a s they belon g to a gentleman i n Lisbon. They contain accounts of military operations i n India favorable t o English . Othe r tha n this , fe w remarkabl e occurrences: Russian victories, Englis h fleet preparations , discontent s i n Constantinople , adoptio n of modifie d orde r o f civi l polic y b y Polis h Diet , an d ill-wil l betwee n Franc e and th e Pope , wit h "th e burnin g o f th e latte r i n effig y i n th e Capito l o f th e former." RC (DNA : R G 59 , DD) ; at head of text: "(No. 21;"; endorsed by TJ a s received 22 Aug. 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL. T r (same) .
F r o m Davi d Humphrey s Mafra, 7 June 1791 . Knowin g extreme jealousy o f Spanish government an d rigid regulation s o f thi s respectin g al l kind s o f books , h e almos t despair s o f being abl e t o ge t thos e name d i n T J ' s private letter . Eve n if he ha d receive d it a t Madrid , h e coul d no t hav e brough t th e book s wit h him . Bu t h e wil l "revolve th e matte r i n differen t views ; an d consult . . . m y acquaintances " on means t o effec t it . I n thi s an d al l othe r commands , nothin g woul d giv e hi m more pleasur e tha n t o demonstrat e b y promp t complianc e hi s "grea t estee m and sincer e friendship." RC (DLC) ; a t head of text: "Private"; endorsed by TJ a s received 22 Aug. 1791 and so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Lafayett e M Y DEA R FRIEN D Pari
s June the 7t h 179 1
Altho Ever y Motiv e o f Regar d an d Affectio n Conspir e t o Mak e me Lamen t ou r separation , I Lamen t i t stil l mor e o n Accoun t o f our Revolutio n wherei n You r Advice s woul d Hav e Greatl y Helpe d [ 53 9 }
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us, an d Coul d No t fai l t o Hav e Ha d a Grea t Weigh t Amon g ou r Constitution Makers . You left u s o n th e Poin t o f that dissolutio n o f the Patrioti c Part y whic h I the n did , an d I Hav e eve r i n Vai n Endeavoured to Unit e int o Mutual Concessions o f self interest, an d self importance . Yo u lef t m e o n th e E v e t o Ad d Greatl y t o M y Responsability wit h th e Nation , a s the Assembl y an d the K i n g Ha d Not Ye t fixed thei r Abod e Withi n these Quarters. So Man y Courts Have passed Since , So Man y Accounts Hav e from time to time Bee n sent t o Yo u tha t I wil l onl y sa y th e Assembl y i s Shortl y t o Mak e Room fo r al l Constituted Powers . Ho w fa r we Ma y induc e the m t o Mend th e Constitutio n Befor e the y Go , I do no t know . T h i s I Can say tha t i t wil l no t B e a Voluminous Work , and that leavin g Muc h to B e Correcte d By Commo n legislation , W e Ma y Hop e thi s Con stitution, suc h a s i t wil l B e Presented , wil l Hav e a fai r trial , an d Give tim e t o prepar e a Mor e prope r on e fo r th e Nex t Convention , to B e Convocate d i n a shor t period . A t leas t ou r principle s ar e Sound -Liberté, Egalité, ar e th e Motto , an d i f th e peopl e Ca n B e Brought t o a prope r scal e o f obedienc e t o th e L a w , which muc h depends on som e Alterations t o B e Mad e i n the Administrativ e and judiciary part s o f th e Constitution , W e Ma y d o Ver y well , an d Apologize fo r th e wor k i n Considerin g By whom , an d fo r who m i t Has Bee n Made . Ma y Educatio n Bette r fit fo r libert y th e Ensuin g Generations! Enoug h i t wil l B e fo r this , t o Hav e Brok e the fetters , destroied Prejudices , and lai d a Good Groun d to B e Sowe d B y ou r successors, an d Cultivate d B y posterity . M . d e Ternan t wil l Acquain t Yo u wit h th e stat e o f ou r interna l and Externa l Politics . T o Hi m I Refe r Myself . Yo u Hav e though t with m e H e i s th e Bes t Ma n t o B e sen t t o America . I Ha d i n th e Course o f th e Revolutio n Man y opportunitie s t o Experienc e Hi s Abilities, Honesty , an d friendship . H e wil l delive r t o Yo u a lette r of ou r Nationa l Assembly , Expressin g sentiment s Mos t sincerel y felt. H e wil l Explai n Ho w i t Happene d th e Assembl y Blunder d in the dutie s o n oi l an d tobacco, an d I Hope Yo u will B e satisfie d wit h His Account s o n thes e Matters . Our frien d Shor t wh o Continue s t o Conciliat e t o Himsel f Uni versal Estee m an d Affectio n wil l writ e t o Yo u Respectin g Ne w Orleans. Franc e wil l d o wha t sh e Ca n with Spain , an d tha t i s No t a great Guarante e for the Négociation . I Had My Privat e sentiment s long Ag o fixed o n th e subject , an d Neve r though t i t wa s possible , Much les s desireabl e t o preven t Louisian a from declarin g Hersel f indépendant - Tha t Yo u Could Not sto p an Adres s from Kentucky to Congratulat e the m o n th e Occasio n - an d that i t should B e Har d [ 540 ]
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Not t o Hav e Provide d a Bundl e o f Proof s tha t Spai n Ha s Bee n i n twenty Circumstance s the Agressin g power. Adieu , My dear friend, Remember m e Mos t Affectionatel y an d Respectfull y t o th e tw o ladies. Mos t Friendl y I a m fo r eve r Yours , LAFAYETTE RC (DLC); endorsed by TJ as received 9 Aug. 1791 and so recorded in SJL.
F r o m Willia m Shor t D E A R SI R Pari
s June 7 . 1791 .
My las t private to yo u wa s sen t b y Peti t wh o saile d in the Frenc h May packet . I t was length y a s are most o f the letter s I write to yo u in hope s o f their inducin g yo u t o follo w th e example . Your s b y M. Terrasson o f Mar. 16 . i s the las t I have recieved from you (private). Next befor e tha t was that of Jan. 24 . whic h is the onl y on e receive d since yours of Sep. 30. 90 . - T h e private letters which I have written to yo u an d of whic h th e reciep t i s no t ye t acknowlege d ar e Sep. 9 . Oct. 30 . Nov . 7 . (a s yo u hav e acknowlege d m y No . 46 . I tak e i t for grante d yo u recieve d tha t whic h accompanie d it , bu t ha d no t time t o acknowleg e it ) Dec . 29 . Jan . 17. Feb . 18 . March . 30 . Apri l 26. Ma y 2 . - Y o u hav e acknowlege d th e reciep t o f other s writte n in the months o f Sep. Oct. Nov. an d Dec. -1 canno t help here asking the favo r o f yo u t o b e particula r in markin g the letter s receive d a s well publi c a s private . I hav e alread y mentioned t o yo u on e o r tw o instances i n whic h I suppose d ther e mus t b e som e mistake , similar to tha t whic h I a m about t o mention . I n your private of March . 1 6 you sa y min e o f Oct . 25 . wa s receive d Jan . 27, an d ye t yo u stat e my No . 44 . i n you r letter s o f marc h as missing . Thes e bot h wen t by th e sam e han d ( M. de St . Triest) , an d probably under the sam e cover. I canno t conciev e ho w the y coul d b e separated . - Yo u ac knowlege th e reciept of my letters but say nothing in answer to them. That o f Oct. 25. particularl y asked you fo r informatio n concernin g several matters . If I were not afraid of being importunate and if you had not resided here yourself and experienced yoursel f the disadvantag e o f recieving so fe w letter s fro m Congress , I shoul d stat e t o yo u th e variou s inconveniences resultin g from it and the rea l prejudic e it is of to th e public service . I leav e ou t o f the accoun t th e persona l desagrémen t it occasion s t o hi m wh o i s employe d here . - A s you r own experienc e must enabl e yo u t o appreciat e thi s a s fully a s I can, I wil l no t allo w myself t o sa y an y thin g furthe r respectin g i t s o fa r a s i t concern s [541]
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official correspondence . I cannot hel p addin g howeve r tha t a s far as it relate s t o ou r privat e correspondence , i t ha s bee n impossibl e fo r me no t t o fee l mysel f muc h mortifie d b y you r lon g silenc e an d particularly o n subject s whic h regar d you o r you r family . Beside s the mortificatio n o f bein g sometime s month s withou t hearin g from you, an d o f learnin g generall y throug h othe r channel s alon e wha t regards you , I hav e tha t o f reflectin g tha t thi s silenc e ca n procee d only fro m a suppositio n tha t suc h intelligenc e mus t b e indifferen t to me . -1 shoul d hav e hope d als o tha t yo u woul d hav e give n m e more information i n detail concerning a subject which concerns me . I mea n th e nominatio n o f diplomati c character s here—such a s th e cause o f th e dela y afte r th e bil l passe d las t July , an d whic h wa s hurried in order that the appointment s migh t b e immediately made . Your previou s lette r mentione d thi s an d afterwards without know ing any reason for it I learned that no appointment woul d take place till th e winte r and of course tha t m y 'successo r woul d no t com e ou t until th e spring. ' From tha t tim e therefor e tha t i s to sa y durin g the whole winte r I have bee n waitin g i n dail y and anxious expectatio n of learning something definitive . I now suppos e tha t no appointmen t will tak e plac e befor e Octobe r and still i t i s impossibl e t o b e sur e of it. S o tha t withou t knowin g wh y i t happen s o r whe n i t wil l ceas e I se e th e uncertaint y o f m y positio n prolonge d a t leas t durin g th e summer. I n one respec t I ought t o b e please d wit h thi s uncertaint y as i t canno t bu t b e usefu l t o m y wishe s stil l i t ha s becom e s o disa greeable a s wel l o n accoun t o f the presen t situatio n o f this country , as the tim e i t has lasted that I cannot help wishin g it to cease . I may say so boldl y no w becaus e I suppose afte r the arriva l o f Ternant th e delay cannot be continued. I f I am definitively appointe d here I shall think mysel f well rewarde d for the uncertaint y I have remaine d in. But i f I a m superseded , th e longe r I shal l hav e remaine d here th e more disagreeable , a s th e greate r mus t b e an d wil l b e considere d my demerit, since experience coul d not enabl e m e to counterbalanc e the qualitie s o f m y successo r wh o o f cours e wil l b e withou t expe rience. -1 wil l sa y n o mor e becaus e I fee l I a m no t t o b e th e judg e of thes e considerations , an d becaus e I fea r o f forgettin g mysel f a s formerly an d saying too much . Stil l a s I take i t fo r grante d that th e appointments wil l no t b e mad e befor e thi s lette r arrive s an d tha t they wil l b e a t th e nex t sessio n I canno t hel p addin g her e tha t although m y desir e t o remai n a t Pari s ha s muc h diminishe d sinc e the last year, for the reasons mentioned i n my last letter, still I should like bette r remainin g minister her e tha n goin g t o an y othe r court . That nex t t o thi s I shoul d prefe r Londo n i f a ministe r i s name d [ 54 2 }
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there, and after that the Hague. I hope the grade there will be the same with tha t o f Lisbon , becaus e i n these littl e place s diplomatic k char acters ar e muc h i n evidence , an d becaus e th e titl e o f charg é de s affaires i s alway s an d i n al l place s considere d a s a characte r par interim, an d ofte n a s a makeshift . Beside s afte r remainin g here s o long t o b e sen t t o a n inferio r plac e wit h th e sam e titl e woul d b e considered a s a mean s o f providin g fo r m e i n orde r t o remov e m e from henc e an d woul d pu t m e i n th e awkwar d postur e o f bein g superseded fo r wan t o f merit . T h e titl e o f minister-resident a s tha t of Lisbon would be much more agreeable an d in my case particularly of bein g remove d fro m hence , muc h mor e honorable . Stil l I mus t confess, althoug h I shoul d b e mortified , I woul d accep t th e grad e of charg é de s affaire s rathe r than nothing , an d that merel y becaus e I d o not wish at present on account of the circumstances of my affairs and family to retur n i n this moment t o fix in the U . S . But whatever appointment I may recieve I should no t wis h to continu e i n it mor e than two o r three year s at most - an d after al l I should prefe r bein g settled i n Virgini a an d a membe r o f th e federa l senat e fro m tha t State t o an y appointment tha t coul d be give n m e i n Europe, an d in such a case i t woul d b e agreeabl e an d honorable t o hav e bee n min ister in Europe. - Shoul d it b e decide d t o sen d anothe r person her e and t o plac e m e a t th e Hagu e ther e i s on e thin g whic h would giv e me th e greates t pleasur e i f it coul d b e effecte d an d I shoul d hope i t might i f you desire d it . I t woul d b e t o allo w m e a cong é t o retur n to Americ a i n th e nex t spring . No inconvenienc e coul d resul t from it a s th e principa l busines s fo r th e U . S . in Hollan d is tha t a t A msterdam an d it migh t b e ver y wel l attende d t o b y th e ministe r sen t here. T h i s cong é migh t b e obtaine d o n tha t consideratio n an d m y long absenc e fro m th e U . S . I ow n t o yo u howeve r tha t m y reaso n for desiring it woul d b e i n order to retur n to Virgini a an d if I could be elected int o the senate the fall after to remain there. This I mention of course to you alone, bu t it is what I should desire above al l things. Such a consideratio n woul d induc e m e t o encounte r th e se a wit h the ris k o f recrossing it notwithstanding m y hitherto unconquerabl e aversion t o it . M y min d ha s com e t o thi s b y regula r gradatio n i n which m y fea r o f th e ocea n ha s diminishe d i n proportio n a s m y desire t o g o an d mak e a n attemp t t o settl e mysel f i n Americ a ha s increased. - Shoul d yo u find suc h a cong é no t t o b e obtaine d (an d yet I canno t thin k i t whe n th e lengt h o f my absenc e fro m the U . S. and th e littl e inconvenienc e o f dela y i n settlin g a t th e Hagu e i s considered) the n I shoul d prefe r returnin g to th e U . S . unde r th e following circumstance s t o bein g a mee r chargé des affaires a t th e [ 54 3 ]
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Hague. Supposin g that it should be found necessary that you shoul d have an assistant i n your department fo r the foreig n correspondenc e with th e titl e o f under Secretary of State or some suc h nam e o r that the foreig n departmen t shoul d b e give n t o som e on e unde r you r direction, whic h i s nearl y the sam e thing , wit h a decent salar y say 1800 o r 2000 dollars , if I was though t prope r for it I should lik e it better tha n bein g remove d fro m hence t o th e Hagu e wit h the sam e grade I hav e here . - Bu t I shoul d prefe r bein g minister Resident a t the Hagu e wit h th e alternativ e o f the cong é a s mentione d abov e a s it woul d giv e m e th e chanc e o f th e senate . - I n th e cas e o f bein g appointed unde r yo u I hop e i t woul d b e s o contrive d a s t o allo w me t o g o ou t i n th e sprin g onl y o n accoun t o f th e season , an d th e opportunity i t woul d giv e m e o f passin g a shor t tim e i n Englan d which I shoul d desir e muc h i n orde r t o becom e bette r acquainte d with th e politic s o f that countr y whic h I should hope woul d no t b e time lost . -1 be g yo u a thousand pardon s m y dea r Si r for al l these minute and personal details. I hope an d believe yo u will excus e the m when yo u conside r th e distanc e I a m fro m yo u an d the necessit y I am [under ] of expressing m y sentiment s t o yo u respectin g them . I t is t o yo u alon e tha t I coul d d o i t an d i t i s th e bes t proo f o f m y constant attachmen t an d friendship , an d unbounde d relianc e o n yours. You wil l reciev e b y M . Kellerma n wh o goe s to join M . Ternan t at Rochefor t th e ti n proof s o f P . Jones' s meda l whic h yo u de sired. - Piranesi' s drawings shal l b e sen t t o yo u b y Havre , a s wel l as Desgodetz . I wil l settl e als o you r correspondenc e wit h Froullé . Several ne w book s hav e com e ou t her e which I should suppos e yo u would like . The y ar e mostl y o n politica l subject s an d yo u wil l se e them spoke n o f in the gazettes . I have not thought mysel f authorized to send them to you. You did well to purchase the little encyclopedia s when you did. I have been oblige d latel y to pay 190.i t fo r an edition. They canno t no w b e bough t fo r less . I am making my collectio n o f books i n orde r t o prepar e mysel f fo r a retreat . I shal l purchas e a s few a s possible o n accoun t o f the uncertaint y of the lif e I am to lea d in future . Tolozan ha s recieve d hi s bo x an d desire s t o b e remembere d t o you wit h his thanks , and I have bee n sollicitin g M r. Grand t o hav e your accoun t mad e ou t fo r som e tim e thoug h i n vain . T h e article s purchased for you, and the wine for the President &c. will be charged to you . Yo u wil l hav e credi t fo r th e bil l sen t m e las t fal l an d th e article mentioned i n my letter by Petit. T he balance will b e remitted to Messrs . V. Staphorst. This wil l b e done in a few days . M r. Grand [ 54 4 ]
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gave m e hi s wor d i t shoul d b e don e lon g ago . T h e balanc e wil l b e a trifle . You sai d i n you r letter s o f Marc h yo u woul d writ e i n futur e b y the Frenc h an d Englis h packets . I shal l be happ y i f you d o it . Pu t your letters sent by the English packet under cover to Messr. Donald & Burton , London . I have a n account ope n wit h them fo r postage. Of cours e the y wil l no t b e burthene d wit h th e expenc e an d wil l forward m y letter s wit h pleasure . Yo u ma y writ e t o m e wit h a s much certaint y b y tha t mean s a s i f I wa s i n Baltimore. I a m sorry you do not giv e me some accounts of our improvements in manufacture s an d new productions . I t is a most interestin g sub ject. I hear a good deal of the refinerie s of sugar at Philadelphia and New York , bu t a s you sa y nothin g abou t the m an d as I see nothin g of them i n the lat e newspapers I do not know what to think of them. I taste d o f th e suga r i n Amsterda m an d i t appeare d t o m e equa l fully t o th e singl e refine d o f th e islands . I t wa s no t doubte d i n Amsterdam tha t i t would succee d fully . T h e subject is much talked of here and particularly since Warville's travels have appeared. Mde. D'Enville ask s m e t o be g yo u t o sen d he r a sample o f th e sugar . I will than k you t o d o i t b y the first opportunit y t o Havr e o r to som e one o f th e consul s wh o ma y sen d i t o n b y th e diligence . Le t m e know i f it ca n b e sol d a s chea p a s that o f the islands . T h e Duk e d e la Rochefoucaul d tell s m e ha s jus t receive d a boo k printe d i n th e U . S . wit h type s an d o n pape r mad e ther e an d that th e impressio n is superb. He has promised to sen d it to me , bu t I have not ye t see n it. I kno w no t wha t t o d o wit h respec t t o m y fund s i n America . I have though t muc h o n th e subjec t sinc e you r lette r o f Mar . 16 . I know n o agen t o n who m I could rely after the exceptio n yo u make. Colo. Skipwit h has treate d m e I fea r ver y ill , at leas t wit h unpardonable an d crue l neglect . Beside s m y fund s bein g Virga . Stat e certificates i f th e Stat e undertake s t o provid e fo r the m a s I hav e heard they will do and as Maryland has done, it is better than funding them a s propose d b y th e lat e la w whic h is abominabl y unjus t as t o State certificates . The y coul d no t therefor e b e place d i n th e ban k without considerabl e los s as they mus t b e sold , o r funded agreeabl e to the lat e law, in order to do it. I shall write to Mr . Donal d however to authoriz e M r . Brow n o f Richmon d to ves t on e hal f o f the m i n the ban k b y sal e o r fundin g i f he finds i t prope r o n th e the n vie w of circumstances. M r . Donald tells me that full discretion in all cases may b e lef t t o M r . Brown an d ye t i t i s certai n that Mr . Brown i s concerned himsel f an d owne r o f simila r funds. -1 hav e no t give n [ 54 5 ]
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and shal l no t giv e an y reaso n t o M r . Donald fo r wishin g t o ves t m y funds o r a par t o f the m i n th e bank . Shoul d an y remarkabl e cir cumstance tak e plac e I hop e m y dr . Sir , yo u wil l ge t ove r you r scruples an d fro m you r friendshi p fo r m e an d direc t M r . Brown o f Richmond [confidentiall y wha t t o do . H e wil l of course follo w you r instructions. - Adieu . Le t m e hea r fro m yo u an d believ e m e you r friend & servant , W SHORT RC (DLC) ; a t head of text: "Private""; endorse d by TJ as received 9 Aug. 179 1 and so recorded in SJL. PrC (PHi) .
F r o m Willia m Shor t Paris, 7 June 1791. Introducin g M. Kellerman , nephe w t o D e Marbois , who goe s t o Americ a wit h D e Ternan t an d wh o carrie s two letter s t o th e Secretary of the Treasur y to be given to De Ternant at Rochefort, also a packet of newspapers for T J. Other papers and journals were sent b y De Ternant and Dupont, who lef t Pari s successively. The y are to meet at Rochefort. His public letter begu n yesterda y no t ye t finishe d an d cannot g o b y Kellerman , bu t wil l be sen t t o D e Ternan t a t Rochefort . H e ask s T J 's civilities an d attentions t o Kellerman. RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ as received 10 Aug. 1791 an d so recorded in SJL. PrC (DLC: Shor t Papers) .
F r o m Alexande r Hamilto n [Philadelphia], "Treasury Department,'" 8 June 1791. H e thinks it would b e useful i f an officer o f the U . S . in each foreign countr y where there i s one wer e directed t o transmi t occasiona l stat e o f th e coin s o f th e country , specifyin g standards, weights , an d values, als o periodica l listing of market prices of gol d and silve r in coin an d bullion, the rate s of foreign exchange , an d the wage s of labor both in manufactures and in tillage. - H e requests that, if no inconvenience in th e ide a appear s t o T J , a n instructio n fo r thi s purpos e b e sen t an d copie s of statements receive d b e furnishe d the Treasury . RC (DLC : Madison Papers); in clerk' s hand except for signature; endorsed by TJ as received 21 June 1791 an d so recorded in SJL . Full text appears in Syrett, Hamilton, vm, 450 .
The presenc e of the above letter in Madison's Paper s suggests that TJ consulted his clos e collaborato r on this as on almost all other matters of public interest. So also does the inclusio n there o f another docu-
ment i n which TJ recorded the available sources o f informatio n concernin g ques tions raised by Hamilton. This shows that for France , Spain, Portugal, England, and Holland, dat a o n th e "Stat e o f th e coin" were readil y accessibl e i n th e Encyclopédie. Fo r stocks an d foreign exchange , th e Gazette de France wa s given as the source for Franc e an d Lloyd's Lis t fo r England, with none for the other three nations. Fo r the market price of bullion and coin, Lloyd's
[ 54 6 ]
10 J U N E 1 7 List fo r Englan d wa s th e onl y recorde d source. Understandably, there was none for any o f th e five countries o n th e pric e of labor in tillage and manufactures (undated MS i n tabular form, in TJ's hand ; D L C : Madison Papers). The result of Hamilton's suggestion wa s a cautionary response reflecting TJ's characteristi c disinclination to troubl e America n officials abroa d with requests fo r needless or duplicative information, coupled with an invitation to discuss th e matte r an d ascertai n wha t wa s already available before proceeding further (TJ t o Hamilton, 25 June 1791). The ac-
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count of the episode in Leonard D. White's The Federalists, p . 227n., contains a number of errors and omissions, amon g them the following : T J did not neglec t the request, Hamilto n did not i n precise terms renew it in his letter of 26 Dec. 1792, and Washington's instruction to the Secretary of State of 20 Mch . 179 3 wa s required by the Ac t for regulating foreign coins , not , as implied, because o f Hamilton's urging. In consequenc e th e intende d conclusio n - tha t this was an instance of TJ's failure to cooperate with his colleague - canno t be accepted.
F r o m Stephe n Cathalan , J r. Marseilles, 10 June 1791. Enclose s anothe r lette r fro m O'Brye n an d Ste phens. Parre t think s tha t t o obtai n a n advantageou s treat y wit h Algier s th e first ste p is to redee m the prisoners . Spain lost million s by not doin g so . Parre t thinks, and he agrees, that about £ 4 0 , 0 00 sterlin g in money, vessels , o r presents would b e adequate , afte r whic h peace coul d be obtained . Wil l giv e Parre t and de Kersey , recen t Frenc h consu l a t Algiers , introduction t o Short . - Ha s had no news fro m Short for a long tim e abou t hi s "Petition t o M . de Montmorrin" about hi s consula r rank. I n the meantim e h e i s no t give n right s an d duties o f consul becaus e h e i s named vice-comul. Annexe s on e prin t of the consula r seal just received from Paris and hopes it will b e approved. List s commodity prices . "Whale oi l i s i n th e greates t demand , an d none i n Town . . . . Assignats hav e very much hurted the Publick credit. Foreigners have not Confidence in Transacting Bussines s with France , i n this Time. " RaynaPs petition t o th e Nationa l Assembly wil l sho w th e rea l sentiment s o f th e nation . Th e peopl e suffe r an d do no t kno w whe n thei r sufferings wil l end . Self-interes t an d intrigues guid e the machine and will "conduc t Franc e to it's entire Destruction and Ruin; your Constitution has been mad e with Calm, wisdo m an d Prudence, and you Enjo y now th e Benefit. " — The National Assembly has just directed that a new treat y of alliance and trade should b e mad e wit h the Unite d States. Fear s this comes too lat e becaus e th e tobacc o decre e i s agains t America n interest s an d tha t forbidding purchas e o f foreig n vessel s i s harmfu l to Frenc h merchants . Als o England appear s desirou s o f making such a treaty. RC (DNA : RG 59, CD) ; endorse d by T J a s receive d 2 2 Sep . 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL . Th e letter fro m O'Bryen and Stephens o f 1 Apr. 1791 (no t found) was not enclosed with the above letter but
was forwarded in a brief covering note from Cathalan of 12 June 1791 (DNA : R G 59 , CD; endorse d b y TJ as received 22 Sep. 1791 an d so recorded in SJL) .
[ 54 7 }
F r o m Willia m Shor t DEAR SIR Pari s Jun e 10 . 1791 . This i s sen t afte r M . d e Ternan t i n hope s o f it s overtakin g him at Rochefor t an d a s merel y t o inclos e yo u a cop y o f th e repor t o f the diplomati c committe e an d th e decre e o f th e nationa l assembl y thereon. Yo u will reciev e th e sam e togethe r wit h thei r President' s letter t o yours , b y th e sam e opportunity , th e Marqui s d e l a fayett e having take n the m i n orde r to sen d the m afte r M . d e Ternan t b y this day' s post . This decre e i s considere d here as rendering any changes i n those they hav e latel y mad e respectin g ou r commerce, a s unnecessary. Of course I despair now of their diminishing or abolishing the differenc e of duty impose d o n tobacc o importe d in French an d American ves sels. I hope d fo r som e tim e the y woul d d o i t i n consequenc e o f m y letter t o M . d e Montmori n o n tha t subject . H e himsel f desire d i t much an d pressed it on th e diplomati c committee. T h e committee s also wer e dispose d t o d o it , bu t the y feare d it would not pas s in th e assembly an d therefore substitute d th e decre e inclose d to th e change s asked o n thi s subjec t an d tha t wit h respec t t o oils , an d the sal e o f American buil t vessels . I lear n from the ports that a number of French vessels are freighted there t o b e sen t t o th e U . S . for tobacc o an d indee d th e differenc e of duty being more than the whole pric e of the freight it is impossible that American vessel s ca n be employed i n that business at all unless Congress shoul d make some counter-regulation a s to tobacco . T h i s of cours e mus t comprehen d othe r foreig n vessels . Stil l I shoul d suppose bette r to do this than to submit to have our vessels exclude d from sharin g in th e transportatio n of that par t o f ou r ow n produc tions s o fa r a s i t regard s th e importatio n int o France . - T h i s i s s o just that it cannot affect th e treaty of commerce they expres s a desire to se e negotiated . O n the contrar y if we submi t t o suc h regulation s they ma y consider stipulations as useless an d even disadvantageous . With respec t t o th e augmente d dut y o n oil s M . d e Ternan t wa s persuaded tha t i t wa s a mistak e i n th e assembl y an d tha t thei r intention wa s t o hav e place d the m o n th e sam e footin g tha t the y would hav e bee n unde r the arrêt du conseil. Thi s wa s the cas e wit h some o f the members , bu t wit h the greate r number it was certainly design, an d the erro r voluntary . One of the leadin g members o f th e committee o f commerc e stil l persist s i n assertin g that th e intentio n of th e Arret du conseil wa s t o subjec t th e America n oil s t o th e fabrication duties , notwithstandin g al l th e proof s adduce d t o th e [ 54 8 ]
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contrary a s wel l fro m th e minister' s lette r a s th e register s o f th e farm. Ignorance and a sacrifice of general interests to those of particular classes have been the causes of the faults committed by this assembly with respec t t o thei r commerce wit h the U . S . T he same cause s wil l necessarily continu e thoug h i n a les s degre e fo r som e time . I a m persuaded the y wil l ceas e wit h time , stil l I canno t undertak e t o assure you , a s many people her e thin k that i t wil l b e wit h the nex t legislature. Shoul d a treaty be negotiate d tha t wil l o f course correct the errors , bu t i f that is postponed i t will b e pruden t and proper for Congress t o adop t measure s o n th e suppositio n tha t th e presen t regulations wil l continu e her e fo r som e tim e t o com e unles s coun teracted b y them . The assembl y depute d on e o f their members to da y to enquir e of the Ministe r o f marin e wha t ha d bee n don e wit h respec t t o th e decrees o f May 13 . an d 14 . concernin g the colonies . T h e answer of the ministe r wa s tha t vessel s wer e no w read y t o carr y thithe r th e last decree s sanctioned . - T h e assembl y resolve d a t th e sam e tim e that th e colonia l committe e shoul d presen t o n monda y nex t thei r code t o b e propose d t o th e colonie s fo r thei r constitution, i n order that th e sam e vessel s ma y b e charge d wit h it . The alar m in the assembl y with respect to the efforts o f the Princ e de Cond é an d th e design s o f foreig n powers , increase s ever y da y although i t doe s no t appea r that i t i s warrante d by authenti c information. T h e gazette s wil l hav e informe d yo u o f al l tha t i s know n or believe d i n th e public . T h e assembl y resolve d als o to-da y tha t the diplomati c committe e shoul d mak e a repor t to-morro w o n th e present stat e o f the frontiers . The presen t disposition s o f a grea t numbe r o f th e officer s o f th e army, who ar e manifestly oppose d t o the revolution have long give n uneasiness t o th e assembly . The y ar e so muc h alarme d by the m a t present, a report was made t o da y in the nam e o f six committees o n this subject . The y propos e tha t th e officer s shal l sig n a ne w sub mission an d giv e thei r wor d o f hono r t o adher e t o it , tha t suc h a s will no t d o it shall retire with a pension &c . T he report was debate d on bu t i s adjourned to to-morrow . Som e member s fo r licensing th e army and re-establishing it immediately employing only such officers and wer e judge d prope r fo r servic e unde r th e presen t constitu t i o n . - T h e pla n o f th e committe e wil l probabl y pass . I hav e th e honor t o b e a s you kno w me , Dea r Sir, your most obedt . servant, W. SHOR T [ 54 9 ]
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PrC (DLC: Short Papers); at head of text: 'Wo. 68." Tr (DNA: RG 59, DD). Recorded in S J L a s received 9 Aug. 1791 .
F r o m J o h n Rutledge , J r. Charleston, 14 June 1791. Acknowledgin g receip t o f T J 's o f 20 Feb . Hi s friendly informatio n abou t President' s tour was their first intelligence o f it. He immediately "communicate d thi s ver y pleasin g informatio n t o my fellow Cit zens," who a t once began t o prepare for his reception. Thi s wa s "splendid and handsome, an d in this grea t an d good man' s tou r throug h thi s State , peopl e of all denominations shewe d th e highest veneratio n possibl e fo r his character , and the greatest affectio n fo r his person." Yesterday Mr . Dease o f Charleston, wh o knew T J in Paris, wa s tried "fo r having murdered , in a duel, his cousin a Mr. Inglis." Despite evidenc e unfa vorable to him and the court's recommending no verdict short of manslaughter, "yet custo m ha s so sanctione d thi s sor t o f murder , tha t th e jury foun d not guilty" I t is to be regretted that , "notwithstandin g th e progress of philosophy and reason , an d our appearing to live i n a blaze o f light an d knowledge, . . . duelling is the only mod e of settling disputes. " It is much to be lamented tha t frequency of settling th e mos t trivia l dispute s i n this way seems peculiar to this country. " I hope th e time wil l soo n arriv e whe n thi s crim e shal l attrac t the notice o f the Legislature , and that i t may establish som e manne r o f settlin g disputes les s gothi c tha n th e present. I t has hitherto bee n imagine d tha t no other ca n be devised, bu t a revolution i n the minds o f people on this subject , will be much less surprizing than the revolutions whic h have lately happened." He enclose s a letter fo r Short t o b e forwarded. Hi s father desire s t o b e "remembered affectionately " t o T J . RC (DLC) ; addressed: "The Honorable Mr. Jefferson Philadelphia"; endorsed by T J as received 25 June 1791 and so recorded in SJL .
F r o m G e o r g e Washingto n S l R Mount-Vernon
, June 15.1791 .
I acknowledge d th e receip t of your letter of the 2nd . of April fro m Richmond, sinc e whic h I hav e onl y receive d tw o letter s fro m yo u of th e 10th . o f Apri l an d 15th . o f May. Concluding tha t som e o f you r dispatche s ma y hav e bee n for warded t o Taylor' s ferr y (b y whic h rout e I di d no t return ) I hav e to request, if that should have been the case, and the communication s were o f a particula r o r pressin g nature , that duplicate s ma y b e ad dressed t o m e a t Mount-Vernon , wher e I shal l remai n unti l th e 27th. o f the presen t month , when , b y an appointment befor e I wen t to the southward, I am to meet the Commisioners at Georgetown. - 1 cannot no w determin e ho w lon g I ma y b e there , bu t i t i s probabl e [ 55 0 ]
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I shal l no t mak e an y particula r communications t o yo u befor e m y return t o Philadelphia . If th e suggestio n containe d i n you r lette r o f th e 10th . o f April , respecting th e engravings , ca n b e carrie d int o effec t a t a moderat e expence, I thin k i t ma y answe r a goo d purpose . -1 a m Sir , You r most obedien t Servant , G o : WASHINGTON A lette r fro m Majo r Shaw , Consu l a t Canton , of th e 7th . o f De cember last , wit h it' s enclosures , an d a ver y unexpecte d addres s from som e Person s stylin g themselves , "fre e peopl e o f colour o f th e Island of Grenada," are herewith transmitted for your consideration, and you r opinion s thereo n whe n I se e yo u i n Philadelphia. G o . WASHINGTON RC (DLC) ; i n William Jackson's hand except for signatures; endorse d b y TJ a s received 1 9 June 1791 and so recorded in SJL. Df t (DNA: RG 59, MLR); als o in Jackson's hand. FC (DNA : R G 59 , SDC) . Enclosures: (1) Samuel Shaw to Washing-
ton, 7 Dec. 179 0 (printed as enclosure in T J t o Va n Berckel, 1 4 July 1791) ; (2) Memorial of "Tous Les Citoyens libres de Couleur de . . . Grenade aux antilles," 24 Jan. 179 1 (printed below) .
E N C L O S U R E
Louis Lagrenad e and Others to the President May it please your Excellency [2 4 Jan. 1791] We T h e free coloure d peopl e o f the Islan d of Grenada, having take n int o Consideration a Writing , th e purpos e o f whic h (the y ar e informed) i s you r Excellency's generou s dispositio n o f giving tha t unfortunat e Clas s of People , an Asylum in the southern part s of the State s o f your Excellency's Government; have inclosed herewith , a Copy of the sam e humbly requestin g your Excellency to Confir m its authenticity; i n order tha t the y ma y hav e tha t fait h i n it which a subjec t o f such magnitud e requires . Suc h an Act o f your Excellency' s Gen erosity, wil l excit e thei r deepes t gratitud e an d the y wil l dee m themselve s peculiarly blest, if their unhappy Situatio n i n these Islands can have touched your Breast s o a s to mov e your Benevolenc e t o furnis h the m wit h th e mean s o f coming ou t of their Captivity, and to introduce the m int o a new Canaan , wher e they will enjoy all the Happines s of that precious Liberty , which, you gloriousl y and generousl y defended , an d maintained i n favor o f Your illustriou s Coun trymen. You r Excellency' s renderin g thi s a Certainty , wil l determin e Sixt y thousand fre e Coloure d Individuals, to Settl e i n Your Countr y for the Honor and prosperity o f their Family's , and there t o enjoy a tolerable existence ; the m and their Slave s wil l be fully sufficien t t o form thei r Establishments . It wil l be then tha t the plains of America (fro m tha t time becom e the Happy residence o f Peopl e capabl e o f the Highes t Gratitude , fo r the Clemenc y bestowed upo n them , b y You r Excellenc y an d the Honourabl e Congress ) wil l be wit h greate r Certainty , the Asylum o f Peace fre e fro m th e disturbance, of all thos e who might endeavou r t o interrupt the Continuance o f the Happines s [551]
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of our Benefactors; whic h w e woul d alway s support wit h th e sam e resolution , and ardour , as they themselve s hav e shewed ; a n example t o al l the Nation s o f World, i n procurin g for themselves tha t independenc y whic h they no w enjoy . It i s wit h thos e sentiment s tha t w e ar e i n Hope s t o attai n t o thos e days , s o Happy and so desirable, which will enable us to prove to You , al l the veneration , and respect , wit h whic h w e Hav e th e Hono r t o be . Ma y i t pleas e You r E xcellency You r mos t Humbl e an d Most Obedien t Servant s The Committee , Los. L A G R E N A D J. N . P R E F. J U L I E
N
JOSEPH G R E E
RC (DLC: Washington Papers); in clerk's hand except fo r signatures. R C (same) ; in French, signed ; addressed : "Hi s Excel lency Georges-Washington , Esquire . Président of the United States of America &c &c . &cra . Philadelphia" ; endorsed a s received 1 2 July (i.e. , June) 1791 . The enclosur e accompanying this "very unexpected address " was an unsigned and undated communication addressed "To th e Free Men of Colour in the West India Islands." This extraordinary document opened with the assurance that it was being transmitted by a person deeply interested in "the future ease and happyness of a people . . . who seems to be almost without Existance in their present situation." The undisclose d author, inspired by the spectacle o f a free, prosperous, and independent America , declared that whil e mankin d for many centuries had suffered oppressio n an d calam ities in utter darkness, "the Grea t Arbiter of the Universe " had so illumined the minds of men that kingdoms and state s could now establish themselve s i n righteousness for ever. He pointed to the Americans as having founde d thei r independenc e o n prin ciples of liberty and justice, thereby setting a gloriou s exampl e fo r Europe and all the universe. But, whil e the free colored people of the West Indies were numerous enough to obtai n suc h blessings , thei r circum stances wer e in stark contrast to those enjoyed by Americans . The unknow n author therefore urged this oppressed people to establish themselves as a fre e an d independent society . Fa r fro m being a mer e exhortation , th e docu ment - referre d to by its author as a "Narrative" - conveye d th e specifi c suggestio n that the free persons of color in the islands establish themselve s a s a "Colony in th e
E
. SAULGE R N
Southern parts of North America . . . from which Noble and Wis e Institution they will be abl e t o extricat e themselve s an d their offspring fro m a Land of torment and misery wherei n they are despisd, and111 treated by Law s whic h i s unreasonabl e fo r an y Freeman t o endur e neithe r ca n they bea r up against it so as to merit a reform to their advantage. . . . O ! y e free Coloured People of the Wes t Indie s and your offspring instead of flourishinground ye like the young olive plants are dail y dwindling into thorns and Briar s for want of proper Cultivatio n and rura l amusements. You r sons for want of Education under a free Government are rais'd up in Idleness an d your Daughters are al l Sacraficed as Victims to the Brutish lust o f those whom have no other Generosity or respect towards them than to your eternal disgrac e an d t o thei r sham e an d Confusion." Suc h wa s th e unhapp y state of the fre e persons in the islands, but it was one from which they coul d escape. This wa s made possible, th e autho r asserted, b y th e fre e an d generou s son s of America. Havin g enlightened al l Europe and mad e manifest thei r determination always t o suppor t wit h their live s an d fortunes the great birthright of mankind, liberty an d independence, the y no w offere d as a lasting testimony o f their concern for the good of mankind "a full and free Asylum t o all the World to partake of the Blessings o f Peace fre e libert y an d ample protection i n her extensive an d Fertile plains and City's. " Th e golde n choic e la y wit h the islanders : "It is to yo u Free Coloured people that is wandering in the West India Islands and have n o place of abode, Tha t I no w d o mysel f th e Honou r to address . Now i s th e tim e fo r y e t o b e rais' d from your Slumbers and enlighte n yourselves an d look forward to a land Now offer' d to you
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15 J U N E 1 7 a Lan d of Freedom and ease flowingwith milk and honey. A Land of great comforts where you may form a Colony of your own appoint you r own Law s and Government under you r own Peopl e fo r you r Mutual prosperity an d the encouragemen t o f arts Sciences and agriculture. Your young men will the n b e taugh t t o trea d the path s of Virtue an d Wisdom an d your Daughters will be esteem'd the Virtuous and amiable and which must in a short time make you a Nation o f great Respectabilit y b y freely embracing the presen t Momen t o f Establishing your selves to be a Free people, For who cannot but tremble at your former as well as present Situation which is little short of th e Mos t abjec t Slaver y a Characte r greatly to be dispised by all [Men] of genus and generosity. " The "Narrative " closed wit h a glowing account o f thi s Ne w Canaa n waitin g fo r settlement: "The Clime is mild and Healthy. The Soi l rich an d Fertile Capable of producing al l manne r o f Necessarie s fo r th e subsistance o f Mankind . Cotton. Indigo . Tobacco. Wheat. Rye. Oats. Barley. Corn, peas, potatoes , and all manner of Vegetables . . . and also white oa k Staves. Pitch pine. Cypry s shingles Fo r Turpintine and Pitch. The Forrest is well stored with Game. The River s affords a great variet y of Fish and the extensiv e Meadow s i s Capable o f raising immense Herds of Cattle. Indeed it can b e sai d with muc h propriety tha t n o part of the Continent of North America can boast of superior advantages and none equal in Salubrity of Climate and Fertility of Soil" (Unsigned and undated Tr, in clerk's hand, in D L C : Washingto n Papers). It i s not surprisin g that Lagrenad e an d the othe r member s o f the committe e wh o transmitted thi s astonishin g communica tion t o th e Presiden t shoul d hav e sought to hav e it s authenticit y confirmed . Th e document wa s wholl y devoi d o f the kind of specifi c detail s tha t eve n s o dubiou s a venture as the Scioto Company felt obliged to give to prospective emigrants. It pointed to n o particular par t of southern America for the location of the proposed independ ent "Colony. " It did not defin e th e terms upon which the free persons of color could claim title and stipulated nothing as to the extent of territory they might expect to inhabit. I t di d not , a s Lagrenad e and th e others indicated, suggest that the invitation
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was extended by the President of the United States bu t only presume d to spea k on behalf of the free and generous son s of America. Possibly the person who conveyed the document t o th e islander s sought to provide suc h particulars , including-i f th e original lacked a signature - th e identity of the author. That unknow n person , writin g wit h evangelical fervor, may have been prompted by a concern for the goo d of mankind in general and for the oppressed islander s in particular. But that this was his sole object is very doubtful. Th e suggestion that the independent "Colony" be established in the South, the timin g o f the proposa l (which must have been written in the late autumn of 1790) , an d the glowin g descriptio n of the climate , soil , an d productivit y o f th e region all indicate the presence o f another and less altruistic motive. The y also point to a particular source. On 20 October 1790 a gentleman in Lexington, Kentucky, writing t o hi s frien d i n Philadelphia , gave a description o f upward s of a million acres lying on and about the Yazoo River to which the South Carolina Yazoo Company claimed title under a 1789 grant fromGeorgia. This description appeare d i n Bache' s General Advertiser, 2 4 Nov . 1790 , an d read s i n part as follows: "The soil is superior to the very best in Kentucky . . . and the whol e face of the extensive country is well watered, abounding i n swee t spring s —the woods replenished with game, and the rivers, creeks and brooks with fishof all kinds. The whole territory i s wel l timbere d . . . th e finest country on earth for horned cattle, horses, sheep and hogs, and deemed th e very best for corn, tobacco, indigo, cotton, hemp and flax. . . . The lands abound with pitch pine trees, although no pine barren. The staples will therefor e b e staves, heading , lumber, tobacco, cotton , corn , indigo , silk , naval stores, provisions of salted flesh, fish,coarse linens, cordage, sail duck, Indian meal and flour." The length y communicatio n fro m th e gentleman i n Lexingto n als o state d tha t 100 familie s ha d already taken possessio n of the Company' s territory; that its Agent General woul d soo n depar t fo r th e lan d with a battalion o f cavalry , artillery, and riflemen; that General Scot t woul d follo w with 500 families; that General Wilkinson would bring 1,000 fighting men and their
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families by Christmas; that General Sevier matical awkwardnesses and peculiar phraswould take a similar number; and that both ing (e.g., "reiteratedl y repeated" ) - these Indians and Spaniards had been reconciled and other factors seem to point to O'Fallon to the settlement. Interna l evidence i n this as the mos t likel y autho r o f the proposa l communication proves beyond question that for a black state in the South. Among other its author, whose assertions of fact existed circumstances lending support to the conchiefly in his own imagination, was James jecture, perhaps none could have been more O'Fallon, physician , soldier , adventurer , compelling t o O'Fallo n than the nee d for land speculator, and dabbler in foreign in- his propose d settlemen t to hav e a barrier trigue who in the autum n of 179 0 wa s in to protect itself against Indians and Span Lexington as Agent Genera l of the South iards. Perhaps the unknown emissary who Carolina Yazoo Company and who had been conveyed th e lette r t o th e islander s may indiscreet enough no t only to describe the have indicated, as O'Fallon did in the letter lands and the military preparations for their published i n Bache' s General Advertiser, settlement i n th e lette r publishe d i n th e that adjacen t to th e Yazo o settlement lay newspaper, bu t als o t o d o th e sam e i n a 500,000 acre s suitable fo r rice, the culticommunication t o Washington asking au - vation of which would have been more conthority t o proceed-al l i n direct violation genial t o th e islan d black s tha n t o emi of the laws governing intercourse with the grants from Kentucky. Settlement a t that Indians a s announce d i n th e President' s location, too , woul d have provided a barproclamation issue d onl y a month earlier rier to protect the Yazoo colonists. It should (O'Fallon to the President , 25 Sep . 1790 , be noted in this connection that Lagrenade A S P , Indian Affairs, i, 115-17 ; see O'Fallon's and his associates pledge d t o Washington comparable descriptions of his plans in let- their suppor t "agains t al l . . . wh o migh t ters to Governor Esteban Mirô and others endeavour to interrupt the Continuance of in "Spain in the Mississippi Valley, 1765- the Happines s o f ou r Benefactors. " Thi s 1794," ed. Lawrence Kinnaird, A H A , Ann. was th e sam e kin d of assurance O'Fallon Rpt. 1945, H I , pt . ii , 338, 338-41 , 341-2 , had given bot h to the Spanis h and to the 357-64, 379 , 395 , 395-8) . Americans. I t is plausible to suppos e tha t The obviou s paralle l betwee n th e de - the emissary conveying the letter to the free scription of the territory given in the com- blacks may have prompted them to make munication to the free persons of color and such a pledge. that i n O'Fallon' s letter t o hi s frien d i n It is also pertinent to note that O'Fallon Philadelphia doe s not prov e tha t th e ad- was a friend of Thomas Paine, having ar venturer was. the autho r of both. Bu t the rived in America the same year the author former was written by an American who, of Common Sense did ; that his writings in for som e reason , hope d t o se e a n inde - support o f the patrio t caus e wer e considpendent blac k settlement in the souther n ered so inflammatory for the time as to land parts of America, a region whos e occupa- him in prison in North Carolina; and that, tion b y westerner s wa s bein g mor e con - two decade s later , Paine in Pari s complispicuously advocate d b y OTallo n a t that mented him with this appeal: "If [you are] moment tha n b y anyon e else . O'Fallon's as yet in the habits of writing; this My Dear overweening ambitio n t o establis h o n the Doctor, i s your precious time. Neve r was Yazoo "the most flourishing . . settlement there a caus e s o deservin g o f you r pen" ever formed"; his assurances to Governor (Paine to O'Fallon, 1 7 Feb. 1793, "Letter Mirô that this would be a barrier between of Thomas Paine, 1793, " Louis e P. Kel the Spanis h territorie s an d thos e o f th e logg, ed., A H R , xxi x [Apr . 1924], 501-5) . United States, from which the Yazoo col- The letter "To the Free Men of Colour in ony woul d secede ; hi s simila r assurances the West India Islands" rings with the same that the settlement would protect his own kind of ardor for the principles of the Revcountry from Indians and Spaniards, made olution tha t O'Fallo n had exhibited whe n at the ver y tim e tha t h e informe d a n ac- he firstcame to America. In the absence of complice, secretl y an d wholl y withou t the origina l o f tha t letter , it s authorshi p foundation, that Washington had promised cannot with certainty be attributed to him. his protectio n t o th e venture ; hi s prolix, But bot h in its grandiloquent styl e and in flamboyant, repetitiou s style with its gram- its quixotic proposal it seems to accord with
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1 6 J U N E 17 all that is known of his overblown scheme s and intrigues, every one of which - lik e this one - wa s doome d t o failure . The fre e black s o f Grenad a an d thei r slaves wer e denie d eve n a reply to th e ap peal to Washington . TJ advised Washington t o ignor e th e matte r sinc e an y actio n by th e Unite d State s woul d amoun t t o a n intervention i n th e interna l affair s o f an other government . Bu t th e prospec t o f an
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independent settlemen t of60,00 0 freeblacks on th e souther n borders , even i f justifiable in term s o f internationa l law , h e als o re garded as undesirable ( T J t o Washington, 20 Jun e 1791 ; se e als o note to the opinio n of the Attorne y Genera l o n lega l actio n t o be taken against OTallon , whic h TJ helped prepare, 1 4 Feb. 1791 , an d Murray to T J , 12 Ma y 1791) .
F r o m H e n r y R e m s e n , J r. Philadelphia, 16 June 1791 . H e did not receiv e T J 's o f 28th unti l 7th, henc e did no t sen d letter s an d packets t o Benningto n o r Hartfor d a s they coul d no t have reached even latte r place in time. Al l of the letter s an d Fenno's papers he has put up i n 7 packets and sent t o Ne w York , keepin g bac k a book an d a roll of some size. Among letters is one from Brown of Richmond opened a t request of captain . Th e tw o hogshead s o f baco n mentione d i n i t ar e lodge d i n cellar and freight pai d out o f money lef t b y T J . Ther e i s als o a letter fro m Maxwell of Norfolk abou t cra b cider. Four basket s an d four boxe s covered i n oil cloth have com e fro m France fo r T J . H e presume s the y ar e wine an d has placed in cellar. Also the chario t and sulky came by same vessel, the carriage of the first damaged by sea water. Carr , the coachmaker who wa s employed b y Francis to unpack and house them , say s this wa s du e t o imprope r packin g an d shoul d b e attende d t o a t once . I f TJ stays a da y o r s o i n Ne w Yor k an d thinks i t necessar y fo r hi m t o d o wha t i s proper, h e ask s for directions. Th e duty o n these items ha s not bee n paid , but he ha s give n bon d t o th e collecto r fo r th e amoun t an d oat h tha t a du e entr y will b e made. Lea r too k charg e of the President' s wine. Also , 1 4 case s o f wine for T J have com e vi a Charlesto n and place d i n cellar , with freigh t paid . H e has inquired at Baltimore stage office abou t win e fro m there, but has not heard of it. Brown's pape r o f thi s evenin g mention s President' s retur n to Mt . Vernon. The letter s for him, Thomas M. Randolph, and Currie are forwarded. No lette r from President has come with the expected commission for Eveleigh's successor. Lear has applied for and received several commissions fo r inspectors of revenue in southern states, al l duly minuted. Remsen observes i n Fenno's last the arriva l of "Dr . Jose f Jaudens Commissioner from his Catholi c Majesty to th e Unite d States." The busines s betwee n Curri e and Griffin remain s as TJ left it . On directions from former , h e ha d a n attachment levie d o n an y effect s belongin g t o Griffi n in possessio n o f "th e Messrs . Potters , W . Hazlehurst , W . McConnel l and W. Shannon , an d judging tha t Mr . Robt. Morri s migh t hav e propert y o f Mr. Griffin, I hav e desire d Mr . Barton to exten d th e attachmen t t o that. " Griffi n is no w i n Ne w York , an d he recommend s tha t T J apply t o hi m again , sinc e it i s uncertai n whether h e ha s an y propert y i n Philadelphi a and sinc e Curri e says ther e i s non e i n Virgini a "an d begs a resor t t o an y measure s tha t ma y reimburse him. " The 6 % stoc k ha s rise n to 17 / an d he agai n urge s T J to se e
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Griffin an d insist o n a settlemen t "a s the onl y chanc e lef t t o D r . Currie t o obtain it." No busines s ha s occurred at the office t o deman d T J ' s return earlie r than proposed. "Th e workmen ar e going o n gradually wit h your book-roo m and stable, bu t Mr. Leipe r ha s had the house painted . Mr . Eppes has been and continues well . I hope tha t you have bee n so , and that your journey has been perfectly agreeable. " RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 21 June 1791 and so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Davi d Humphrey s Mafra, 17 June 1791 . Nothing final received by packet from England abou t war betwee n Russian s and Turks. Fox ' speech give s " a just representatio n of the interfering , restless an d bullying conduct o f the Britis h Ministr y fo r some years past ; wit h th e probabl e disgrace , disadvantag e an d humiliation t o be expected fro m it." - A real novelt y appear s in "true accounts of the prosperou s condition of the Unite d States" in English paper s widely circulated in Europe. They asser t America's credit reestablished, its new Government supported by the people , an d it s affair s "happil y conducte d b y a n abl e Administra tion." - Chang e in government o f Poland "certainly one of the wonderful event s of this age." It is said the King state d the new constitutio n to be modelled afte r English an d American constitutions. - Nothin g ne w in Portugal. The peopl e violently irritate d against French becaus e of burning of Pope in effigy i n Paris. RC (DNA : R G 59 , DD); at head of text: "(No.22)"; endorsed by TJ a s receive d 22 Aug. 179 1 and so recorded in SJL. T r (same) .
F r o m Jame s Monro e DEAR S I R Richmon d June 17 . 1791 . I hav e bee n favor' d with 2 letter s fro m yo u sinc e m y arriva l wit h Paine's pamphle t i n one , an d shoul d hav e answer' d the m sooner , but kne w o f you r departur e Eastwar d an d o f cours e tha t i t woul d not hav e bee n soone r received . B y th e 25th . w e shal l b e settle d i n Albemarle upo n m y plantation , the unfinishe d stat e of the building s having prevented the removal there sooner. T h e appeals and general court ar e sitting . Thei r respectiv e term s wil l no t expir e s o a s t o enable m e t o ge t hom e b y tha t time , bu t m y ow n busines s wil l b e finished and I shal l no t sta y longer . Upon politica l subjects we perfectl y agree , an d particularly i n th e reprobation o f al l measure s tha t ma y b e calculate d t o elevat e th e government abov e th e people , o r place i t i n an y respec t withou t it s natural boundary . To kee p i t there nothin g i s necessary , bu t virtu e in a par t onl y (fo r i n th e whol e i t canno t b e expected ) o f th e hig h [ 55 6 }
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publick servants , an d a true developmen t o f the principle s of those acts which have a contrary tendency. T h e bulk of the peopl e are for democracy, an d if they ar e well inform'd the rui n o f such enterprizes will infallibl y follow. I shall however se e yo u i n Sepr. at which tim e we wil l confe r mor e full y o n thes e subjects . I hav e bee n associate d i n th e roo m o f M r . Pendleto n wit h th e Commissioners for revising the law s of this State . T h e appointmen t was communicate d t o m e yesterda y b y th e Executiv e and a s i t wa s neither wish' d nor expected, I can give no informatio n o f the exten t of th e dut y o r th e tim e i t wil l tak e t o execut e it . Upo n th e hop e o f completing wha t i s expected fro m us befor e th e meetin g o f the nex t Congress I hav e accepte d th e appointment . I a m extremel y anxiou s t o procur e room s nea r yo u fo r th e nex t session. I f such shoul d b e know n t o yo u whic h may b e preingag'd , to b e occupie d o n th e commencemen t o f th e session , shal l than k you t o contrac t fo r the m i n m y behalf . I shal l certainly b e ther e a t that time , fo r havin g accepte d thi s appointmen t I a m resolv' d t o pursue an d no t b e diverte d fro m i t b y an y consideratio n whatever . Remember m e t o M r . Madison. Mrs. M. was wel l whe n I lef t her . With grea t respect & esteem I am affectionately yr . friend & servant, JAS. MONROE RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ as received 23 June 179 1 and so recorded in SJL .
F r o m G e o r g e Washingto n S l R Mount-Vernon
, Jun e 17th . 1791 .
By th e las t post from the southwar d I received your letter s o f th e 17th. an d 24th . o f April , wit h thei r enclosures . In a letter o f th e 7th . o f May , whic h I wrot e t o th e Secretar y of the Treasur y fro m Charleston , I expressed m y approbatio n o f wha t he informe d m e ha d bee n determine d b y th e Vice-Presiden t an d the Head s o f Departments , relativ e t o M r . Short' s négociatio n a t Amsterdam, an d the furthe r progress o f the loan s i n Holland . I am, Sir, You r mos t obedien t Servant , G o : WASHINGTON RC (DLC) ; i n clerk's hand , except for signature; at foot o f text: "The Secretary of State"; endorsed by TJ a s received 2 1 Jun e and so recorded in SJL. Dft (DNA : R G 59, MLR) . FC (DNA : R G 59, SDC) .
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T o Georg e Washingto n S I R Philadelphi
a June 20. 1791 .
I a m honoure d wit h your s o f th e 15th . instant , an d no t a littl e mortified wit h the miscarriag e of s o man y o f my letters . The y hav e been o f the followin g date s Mar. 27 . Apr . 24 . Apr. 2 . Ma y1. Apr. 10 . Ma y 8. Apr. 17 . May . 15. June. 5 . fro m Bennington . O f these i t appear s tha t onl y th e thre e first an d tha t o f Ma y 15 . ha d com e t o hand , an d probabl y tha t o f June 5 . ha s bee n recieve d er e this . Thos e o f Apr . 17 . an d 24 . an d May 1 . an d 8 . wer e sent , th e tw o first t o Charleston , and th e tw o last t o Taylor' s ferry . I now sen d copie s o f them, th o thei r content s are no t a t thi s tim e ver y interesting . T h e paper s from the fre e people of colour in Grenada, whic h you did m e th e honou r t o inclose , I apprehend it will b e bes t t o tak e n o notice of . The y ar e parties in a domestic quarrel , whic h I think w e should leav e t o b e settle d amon g themselves . No r shoul d I think it desireable, wer e i t justifiable, to dra w a body o f sixty thousan d fre e blacks an d mulattoes int o ou r country. - T h e instructions fro m th e government o f th e Unite d Netherlands , b y whic h Mr . Sha w ha s suffered, meri t seriou s notice . T h e channe l thr o whic h applicatio n shall b e mad e i s th e onl y difficulty ; Duma s bein g personall y disa greeable t o tha t government . However , eithe r thro ' hi m o r som e other i t shoul d certainl y be conveyed . Mr. Remse n ha d unluckil y sen t of f t o Ne w Yor k al l m y letter s on th e ver y da y o f m y arriva l here , whic h put s i t ou t o f m y powe r to giv e yo u th e stat e o f things brough t b y th e las t packet . I expec t they wil l be returned tomorrow, and that my next may communicat e to yo u whateve r the y contai n interesting . I recieve d yesterda y a letter fro m Colo . Terna n informin g m e o f his appointmen t an d tha t h e shoul d sai l abou t th e latte r en d o f May. - T h e cour t o f Madri d ha s sen t ove r a Don Josep h Jaudene s as a joint commissione r wit h d e Viar , til l a Chargé shal l be named . He presente d m e th e lette r o f Credenc e from th e Coun t de Florid a Blanca whe n I wa s a t Ne w York . H e i s a youn g ma n wh o wa s under Secretar y to Mr . Gardoqui whe n here . Our tou r wa s performe d i n somewha t les s tim e tha n I ha d cal culated. I hav e grea t hope s i t ha s ri d m e o f m y head-ach , havin g scarcely had any thing of it during my journey. M r. Madison's health [ 55 8 }
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is very visibly mended. I left hi m at New York , meditatin g a journey as fa r Eastwar d a s Portsmouth . -1 hav e th e hono r t o b e wit h th e most respectfu l attachment, Sir , You r most obedien t & most humbl e servt, T H : JEFFERSON RC (DNA : R G 59 , MLR) ; endorse d by Washington. Pr C (DLC) . F C (DNA : R G 59, SDC) . Th e letter from Ternant was that of 8 Mch. 1791 .
T o Set h J e n k i ns SIR Philadelphi
a June 2 1 . 1 7 9 1 .
According t o m y promis e whe n I had the pleasur e o f seein g yo u at Hudson, I have examined my notes made when I was at Bordeaux and find tha t th e lowes t price d white wine s o f tha t canto n cos t 7 5 livres the ton , whic h contain s 100 0 Frenc h pints , thei r pint almos t exactly ou r quart : that the y yeil d fro m a fifth to a sixth o f spiri t o n distillation, an d that th e smalles t wine s mak e th e bes t brandy . A ccording t o thi s a to n wil l yeil d 20 0 quart s o r 5 0 gallon s o f spirit, which wil l b e 3 0 sou s o r 2/3 Ne w Yor k mone y th e gallon . I thin k you tol d m e thi s wa s th e pric e o f a gallo n o f molasse s no w i n th e West Indies . I t i s the n t o b e considere d whethe r a saving ma y no t be mad e i n th e freight , an d a gai n b y th e superio r qualit y o f th e spirit distille d fro m wine . Yo u hav e probabl y a corresponden t a t Bordeaux: if not, an d you cannot readil y get on e wel l recommended , you may safely address yourself to Mr. Fe n wic k a native of Maryland, consul a t Bordeau x fo r th e Unite d states , wh o i s a n hones t man , and prett y wel l acquainte d wit h th e subjec t o f wines . I inclos e yo u on e o f m y report s o n th e whal e an d co d fisheries, and wil l b e oblige d t o yo u if , i n readin g it , yo u wil l hav e a pen i n your hand, and make notes , eve r s o roughly , o f any error s you ma y discover i n it , an d an y ne w fact s yo u ca n furnis h m e with , an d b e so obligin g a s t o sen d m e th e notes . I a m wit h grea t estee m Si r Your mos t obedien t humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON RC (Willia m I . Davis, Newark , Ohio , 1944); a t foo t o f text : "Capt . Set h Jenkins." PrC (DLC); mutilated, so that about a thir d of the text is lost. Captain Seth Jenkins was a Nantucket whaler who, wit h his brothe r Thomas Jenkins, Alexander Coffin, an d others , founded the whaling port of Hudson in 1783. Th e town prospered so that within three year s it ha d fou r fin e wharves , severa l ware -
houses, a rope walk, a sail loft, a spermaceti factory, a distillery, and about 150 dwellings (Edouar d A . Stackpole , The SeaHunters, p . 100-1) . T J saw Jenkin s a t Hudson whe n h e an d Madiso n passe d through o n May 25, 1791 . The y break fasted at the thriving por t after spending the night at Claverack. TJ clearl y had two objects i n view for Jenkins' distillery : in arguing that better and cheape r spirits could be produced from wine than from molasses,
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2 1 J U N E 17 he hoped to lesse n America n dependence upon th e Britis h Wes t Indie s and to increase trad e relations with France . Wit h the distiller y exporting a thousand hogs-
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heads of rum annually , TJ must have been disappointed tha t hi s argumen t wa s not convincing to Jenkin s (Jenkin s t o T J , 5 July 1791) .
T o J a m e s Madiso n DEAR S I R Philadelphi
a June 21 . 1791 .
I arrive d here o n Sunda y evening . Yesterda y I sen t you r not e t o Lieper wh o immediatel y calle d an d pai d th e 20 0 Dollars , whic h I have exchange d fo r a post note and no w inclose . I mentioned t o th e Atty Gen . tha t I ha d a note o n him , an d afterward s sen t i t t o him , saying nothin g a s t o time . I inclos e yo u als o a pos t not e fo r 35 . Dollars t o mak e u p m y defici t o f expence s (25.9 4 D . ) t o pa y M r . Elsworth an d the smith , an d als o t o ge t m e fro m Rivington' s Ham ilton More' s practical navigator, i f his be the 6th . edition, a s I believe it is . T h i s i s th e las t editio n revise d an d printe d unde r th e author' s eye. T h e late r edition s ar e s o incorrec t a s t o b e wort h nothing . The Presiden t wil l leav e Mt . Verno n o n th e 27th . H e wil l b e stayed a littl e a t Georgetown.-Colo . H . Le e i s here . H e give s a very differen t accoun t fro m Carrington' s o f th e dispositio n o f th e upper countr y o f Virgini a towards th e Excis e law . H e think s re sistance possible . - 1 a m sorr y we di d not brin g with u s som e leaves of th e differen t plant s whic h struc k ou r attention , a s i t i s th e lea f which principall y decides specific differences . Yo u ma y stil l hav e i t in you r powe r t o repai r the omissio n i n som e degree . T h e Balsa m tree a t Govr . Robinson' s i s th e Balsa m poplar, Populu s balsamifer a of Linnaeus. T he Azalea I can only suspect t o be the Viscosa, becaus e I find bu t tw o kind s th e nudiflor a an d viscos a acknolege d t o gro w with us , an d I a m sur e i t i s no t th e nudiflora . T h e Whit e pin e i s the Pinu s Strobus . I wil l than k yo u i f i n you r journey Northwar d you wil l continu e th e enquirie s relativ e t o th e Hessia n fly, an d note them. T h e pos t i s almos t o n it' s departur e s o Adieu . - Your' s affec tionately, T H : JEFFERSON RC (DLC : Madiso n Papers); addressed: "Jame s Madison esquire at Mr. Elsworth' s Maiden lane New York"; franked; postmarked: "21 iu " an d " F R E E . Pr C (DLC) . 1 1
F r o m C . W. F . D u m a s The Hague, 22 June 1791. H e sends thi s b y the Harmony, Captai n Folger , for Baltimore , wit h duplicat e b y Amsterdam . Parliamen t adjourne d without
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being able to lear n the designs o f the Britis h court , thei r fleet ready to depart, the pres s of sailors continuing, the armistice betwee n th e Turk s an d Hungary expired — all indicat e continuation and extension o f war. [P.S.] 26 June. Hi s dispatc h by Amsterda m ha d gon e befor e arriva l o f th e troubling new s o f the escap e o f the King , Queen , an d Monsieur [the Comte de Provence] . Th e last i s at Mons , but n o on e know s today wher e the Kin g is. Afte r tomorro w we fea r news o f assassination. FC (Duma s Letter Book , Rijksarchief, Th e Hague; photostats in DLC) ; a t head o f text: "No. 78." RC (missing ) recorded in SJL a s received 22 Oct. 1791 .
F r o m Willia m Shor t DEAR S I R Pari
s June 22 . 1791 .
I hav e to communicat e t o yo u a very unexpected even t which has taken plac e her e an d occupies th e Nationa l assembl y a t present . T h e K i n g wit h th e Quee n an d Roya l famil y retire d from Pari s withou t being observe d th e nigh t befor e last . I t is no t ye t know n ho w the y got ou t o f th e Chateau, i n wha t manne r the y se t off , no r whithe r they ar e gone . Wha t render s thi s extraordinar y circumstanc e th e more remarkabl e is that th e comité des recherches; th e Municipality, and M. de l a fayette were al l warned of the intende d flight, an d had increased th e guar d and doubled thei r vigilanc e tha t night . T h e even t ha s s o astonishe d ever y bod y an d i s s o unaccountabl e in itsel f tha t n o probabl e conjectur e i s forme d o f th e manne r i n which i t wa s effected . I t becam e know n betwee n eigh t an d nin e o'clock i n th e mornin g o f yesterda y an d expresse s wer e sen t of f immediately t o sprea d thi s informatio n an d sto p th e K i n g o r an y part of the Roya l family. As yet no intelligence o f any kind whateve r has bee n recieve d o f them . It seem s probable that the K i n g count s o n foreig n ai d and in that case h e wil l endeavou r t o ge t ou t o f th e Kingdo m fo r th e presen t by th e safes t route . I t i s though t h e wil l g o throug h by e way s int o the lo w countrie s or perhaps to Worms where he will find the Count D'Artois an d Princ e de Condé . Previous t o hi s departur e he dre w u p a n address à tous les Francois à sa sortie de Paris. H e protest s agains t th e decree s h e ha s sanctioned sinc e Octob . 89 . H e forbids the minister s to sig n an y act in hi s nam e withou t furthe r order s fro m hi m an d command s th e Garde du sceau t o sen d hi m th e sea l o f th e Stat e whe n h e shal l require it . T h e Nationa l Assembly have taken provisionary measures for th e exercise o f th e governmen t durin g the King' s absence a s yo u wil l [561]
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see b y their proceedings of yesterday whic h are inclosed i n this lette r and it s copie s whic h I shal l sen d b y severa l conveyances . In consequenc e o f thei r decree s M . d e Montmori n ha s writte n a circular lette r t o th e foreig n minister s here . I inclos e yo u a copy o f that addressed t o me. I subjoin also a copy of one I recieved yesterda y from th e Spanis h Ambassador , sinc e whe n I hav e hear d nothin g further fro m him . It i s surprizin g that th e King' s departur e shoul d hav e produce d so littl e effec t here . - Ther e reigns th e mos t perfec t tranquillit y an d business goe s on i n almost th e ordinar y style. I t is impossibl e t o sa y how lon g this wil l continue. A few day s however wil l probably she w more clearl y th e disposition s o f al l parties . T h e peopl e murmure d much agains t M . d e l a fayette, bu t hi s irreproachabl e characte r an d known virtu e save d hi m fro m thei r violenc e an d h e seem s no w t o have full y thei r confidence , a s h e ha s certainl y tha t o f th e Nationa l assembly. - 1 a m wit h sentiment s o f sincer e attachmen t & affectio n Dear Sir , your frien d & servant , W . SHOR T P.S. 1 0 o'cloc k p.m . A n expres s ha s jus t arrive d with intelligenc e that th e K i n g ha s bee n stoppe d a t Varrenne s nea r th e frontie r o f Luxemburg. H e wa s recognize d b y th e postmaste r o f th e village . He is now surrounde d by thousands o f gardes nationales who flocked in fro m al l quarter s an d ar e escortin g hi m here . T h e assembl y wil l conduct themselve s wit h moderation , bu t i t i s impossibl e t o answe r for th e excesse s o f th e peopl e an d particularl y wit h respec t t o th e Queen. T h e crisi s i s reall y tremendou s an d ma y hav e a disastrou s issue. PrC (DLC : Shor t Papers) ; at hea d of text: "No . 69. " Tr (DNA: RG 59 , DD). Entries i n S J L show , withou t identification, tha t RC , Dupl , an d Tripl wer e received on 23 Aug. , 20 Sep. , and 22 Oct. 1791. Enclosures: (1) Montmorin to Short, 22 June 1791, informing him that the uncertainty cause d b y the King' s departure for an unknown refuge the night before last had cause d the Nationa l Assembly to assure him of the wil l o f the Frenc h nation to continue the friendly relationship existing betwee n Franc e and the United States (Tr i n DNA: RG 59, DD) . (2) Communication from the Spanish Ambassador to Short expressing his conviction that, in the existing critica l an d uncertai n circum stances, it was advisabl e and even necessary for th e honor and safety o f the diplomatic corps to follow a uniform course in its con-
duct; that he had written to Montmorin to inquire wha t hi s intention s wer e i n this respect; and that Montmorin had just an swered his inquiry, saying he was then on his wa y t o th e Nationa l Assembl y to receive order s h e wa s confiden t woul d b e appropriate i n the crue l circumstance s in which they found themselves (undated but written on 21 June 1791; Tr in DNA: R G 59, DD) . The Declaratio n of Loui s X V I to th e people of France, issued at Paris on 20 June 1791, explainin g th e reason s fo r hi s de parture, forbiddin g hi s minister s t o sig n any orde r in his name without further instructions, and commandin g the Keeper of the Seal to transmit it to him when directed to do so, was read the next day to the stunned members o f th e Nationa l Assembl y (Ar-
[ 56 2 ]
23 J U N E 179 378-83) . Un der th e compelling necessit y of providing for th e exercise of the powers of government in future an d i n order to validate all of th e decrees it had adopted since 1789, the Nationa l Assembl y could do no mor e than mak e provisiona l arrangements . Its action, followed by Montmorin's communication t o th e diplomati c corps , wa s of
chives Parlementaires,
XXVII,
1
course essential for th e continuit y of formal relations wit h othe r nations because each of its member s was accredite d to Loui s XVI as sovereign . The ambassador from Spain was particularl y sensitiv e to th e implications of "les cruelle s circonstances" because of th e alliance of the Spanish and Frenc h Bourbons unde r th e Famil y Compact .
T o Willia m C a r m i c h a e l SIR Philadelphi
a June 23. 1791 .
My letter s t o yo u o f the presen t yea r have bee n o f the 12th . an d 17th. o f Mar . the 11th . o f Apr . and 16th . o f May . Your s o f Jan. 24. i s stil l th e onl y on e I have fro m you. W e have no t ye t bee n abl e to fix o n a satisfactor y subjec t fo r th e Consulshi p of Cadi z whic h would furnis h a convenien t channe l o f conveyanc e fo r letter s be tween thi s plac e an d Madrid . T h e presen t goe s b y th e wa y o f Lisbon. - A regulation of the government o f Spain relative to foreig n wheat imported has appeared in our papers and excites much uneasiness. Suc h impediments throw n in the wa y of our agriculture must lead u s t o confin e tha t t o ou r ow n consumptio n an d tur n ou r su perfluous labou r to manufactures , so a s to b e indépendan t a s much as possibl e o n th e fluctuating council s o f othe r countries . - A n ex traordinary drough t whic h ha s prevaile d ver y generall y thr o ou r states will occasion the crop of wheat of this year to be very short. - Ou r domestic pape r continues high , an d we hav e unequivoca l proof s o f the preeminenc e o f ou r credi t i n Europe . - T h e Indian s North o f the Ohi o hav e hithert o continue d thei r littl e depredations , bu t w e are tolerabl y confident tha t the measures now in a course of execution will lea d the m t o peace . Wit h th e presen t I sen d a continuation o f the newspapers , an d a m wit h grea t esteem , Sir , your mos t obedt . & mos t humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA : R G 59 , DCI) .
From T e n c h Cox e [Philadelphia], 23 June 1791. Enclosin g accoun t of Cuba an d statement of Newfoundland fishery for three years. Als o send s the Virgini a import s which T J wil l se e ar e "near a half a million greate r in value" than register' s return, owing t o late r quarterl y return s fro m som e customhouse s which wer e then deficient.
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23 J U N E 17 RC (DLC) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 22 June 1791 and so recorded in S JL - a n error i n dat e mad e eithe r b y Cox e or by T J . Enclosures : (1) An account by Oliver Pollock of the military and naval forces in Cuba and of the exports from Havana. As to th e former , Polloc k state d tha t som e 200,000 men were on the island, about half of who m wer e i n o r near Havana , bein g "one thir d nearl y white, an d one thir d of colour, and the remaining third Black"; that the Havan a militia were wel l disciplined but not likely to sustain any test of prowess, while th e countr y militi a were scattered, inefficient, an d could not be depended on in an y emergency whatever ; that th e fortifications were very strong, particularly near Havana, though the strongest for t was not finished; tha t the marine consisted of only one 74-gu n ship , two badl y manned frigates, an d a 100-gun shi p under construction, though the workmen on it and on the fortifications wer e idl e becaus e o f th e financial difficulties o f the government; and that "The Inhabitants of the whole Island of Cuba may without any exception be pronounced universall y dissatisfied, wit h the heavy Yoke , impose d b y thei r despoti c System of Government, and they doubtless will at some future period, eagerly embrace the earliest favourable opportunity, to shake off the Galling Chain, nay even the military part are far from being pleased with their situation." Pollock estimated that imports totalled 40,000 barrels of flourand an equal amount of beef, pork, rice, gammon, lard, butter, cheese , spermacet i candles , bees wax, apples, potatoes, codfish, beer, cider, masts, iron, and steel, the whole of which he thought coul d be valued at $800,000 . As to the latter, he gave a detailed account based o n custom s record s o f th e export s from Havana fo r 178 3 an d 1784, consist ing principally of sugar, molasses, spirits, tobacco, lumber , tar , pitch , ra w hides ,
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beeswax, and gold and silver, both in coins and in ingots - th e figures for these being unreliable becaus e o f smuggling . "Th e slightest vie w o f the soi l and attention t o the happ y Climate of this Fertil e Island, " Pollock concluded, "must force conviction, that were the Inhabitants permitted to purchase slaves proportioned to their abilities to pa y for them, their exports . . . would be increased many fold, for no industry is to b e expecte d fro m th e exertion s o f the white Inhabitant s of that region o f Sloth" (MS i n D L C : T J Papers, 65 : 11200-2 , signed b y Pollock ; undated, with the following not e adde d b y Coxe : "dat e un known, but subsequent to 1784"; endorsed by T J : "Militar y Forc e &c . at Havana"). (2) A table of shipping and imports for the various ports of Newfoundland from10 Oct. 1786 t o 1 0 Oct. 1789 , showin g that 335 vessels with tonnage of 37,913 arrived from Great Britain while only 1 1 with tonnage of 1,39 5 wer e from Canada, Nova Scotia, and the Unite d States ; that th e principa l imports were bread, flour,beef, pork, butter, cheese, salt, tea, sugar, molasses, rum, wine, gin, cider, tobacco, coffee, soap, candles, coal, pitch, tar, lumber, oxen, sheep , and poultry. A note to the table indicated that article s no t specifie d - linens , wool lens, sailcloth , cordage , leather , an d iron - wer e all imported from Great Brit ain and Ireland. It also stated that the table covered thos e part s of the coas t o f New foundland where the fisheryof Great Britain was carried on and provided a summary of its results for the years covered (MS i n tabular form in DLC: TJ Papers , 65:11203; in clerk's hand, undated). The enclosure s provide d furthe r information for the report on commerce which T J expecte d t o submit at the ensuing session o f Congres s (se e Repor t o n Com merce, 1 6 Dec. 1793) .
T o Christophe r Gor e S l R Philadelphi
a June 23. 1791 .
I a m favoure d wit h your s o f Ma y 20 . an d have no w th e honou r to inclos e yo u a pos t not e fo r 5 D . 8 4 C . which wil l b e take n u p by an y custo m hous e office r o f the U . S . T h i s shoul d no t hav e bee n [ 56 4 }
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so long delayed, but that I have been absent on a journey from which I a m but just returned. T he continuance of your attention t o procure the law s betwee n 1772 . an d 1780 . whic h yo u ar e s o kin d a s t o promise is very obliging. I have it much at heart to have one complete set of the laws of all th e states in a deposit where they will be tolerably sure of being preserved. -1 have the honour to b e with great respec t Sir You r mos t obed t humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA : R G 360 , PCC bu t tha t he woul d cheerfully do everything No. 120) . i n his power to "fil l u p the chasm. " He enclosed a receipt for the cost of those alGore's letter of 20 May , respondin g to read y furnishe d (R C in DNA : RG 59 , TJ's o f 29 Mch. , informe d TJ that he had MLR ; endorse d by both TJ an d Remse n not ye t procured copies of the law s of Mas - a s received 21 June 179 1 and s o recorded sachusetts passed between 1772 and 1780 , i n SJL).
T o Davi d Humphrey s DEAR S I R Philadelphi
a June 23. 1791 .
My las t letter s t o yo u hav e bee n o f Apr . 11 . an d Ma y 1 3 an d I am no w t o acknowleg e th e receip t o f yours o f Mar . 6 . No . 13 . fo r 14. Mar . 31 . No . 15 . Apr . 8. No . 16 . Apr . 30. No . 17 . Ma y 3. No . 18. As ye t n o nativ e candidate , suc h altogethe r a s w e woul d wish , has offere d fo r the Consulat e of Lisbon , an d as it i s a distinguished place in our commerce, w e ar e somewhat mor e difficult i n that than other appointments . - Ver y considerabl e discouragement s ar e re cently establishe d b y France , Spai n an d Englan d wit h respec t t o our commerce : the first as to whale oil, tobacco, and ships, the secon d as t o corn , an d th e thir d a s t o cor n an d ships . Shoul d thes e regu lations no t b e permanent , stil l the y ad d to th e proof s tha t to o littl e reliance i s t o b e ha d o n a stead y an d certai n cours e o f commerc e with th e countrie s o f Europ e t o permi t u s t o depen d mor e o n tha t than w e canno t avoid . Ou r best interes t woul d b e t o emplo y ou r principal labour in agriculture, because to the profits of labour which is dea r thi s add s th e profit s o f ou r land s whic h ar e cheap. Bu t th e risk o f hangin g ou r prosperit y o n th e fluctuating council s an d caprices o f other s render s i t wis e i n u s t o tur n seriousl y t o manufac tures; an d i f Europ e wil l no t le t u s carr y ou r provision s t o thei r manufacturers w e mus t endeavo r t o brin g thei r manufacturer s t o our provisions . A ver y uncommon drough t ha s prevailed thro most of the states , s o tha t ou r crop of wheat wil l b e considerabl y shorter than common. Ou r public paper continues high , and the proof s tha t [ 56 5 ]
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our credi t i s no w th e first i n Europ e are unequivocal . T h e Indian s North o f the Ohi o have hithert o continue d thei r littl e depredations , but w e ar e i n dail y expectatio n o f hearin g th e succes s o f a first excursion t o thei r town s b y a part y o f 7 . o r 80 0 mounte d infantr y under Genl . Scott . T w o o r thre e simila r expedition s wil l follo w successively unde r othe r officers , whil e a principal one i s preparin g to tak e plac e a t a late r season . I than k yo u fo r you r communicatio n fro m M r . Carmichael . His letter o f Jan . 24 . i s stil l the onl y on e w e hav e fro m him . Unti l some surer mean s o f hearin g fro m Madri d can b e devised , I mus t be g o f you t o giv e u s fro m tim e t o tim e al l the intelligenc e yo u ca n fro m that capital . T he conveyance b y the Britis h packets i s tolerably sure , when direc t conveyance s fail . You wil l reciev e herewit h a continuatio n o f th e newspapers , fo r yourself, a s als o a letter an d newspaper s fo r M r . Carmichael which I mus t be g th e favou r o f yo u t o conve y a s safel y a s yo u can . - T h e President i s expecte d her e th e beginnin g o f th e ensuin g month , being arrive d at Mt. Vernon on his return from his Southern tour. - 1 am wit h grea t & sincere estee m Dea r Si r your mos t obedt . & most humble servt , T H : JEFFERSON R C (W . B . Jefferson , Sa n Francisco , 1946); addressed. P r C ( D L C ) . F C ( D N A: R G 59 , D C I ) . T J ' s allusio n t o th e possibilit y tha t th e United State s migh t b e driven by the fluctuating council s an d caprice s o f othe r na tions t o entic e Europea n manufacturers to establish themselve s i n Americ a nea r th e raw material s must b e rea d in th e contex t of th e times . A t thi s momen t Hamilton' s Society fo r Establishin g Useful Manufac tures was being organized, as TJ wel l knew. Tench Cox e had sent him a copy of its plan and ha d long sinc e been engage d in effort s to attrac t Englis h artisan s t o th e Unite d States (Cox e to T J , 1 5 Apr. 1791; see als o
note to Digge s t o T J , 2 8 Apr . 1791). TJ had oppose d thes e efforts, bu t he knew ho w strongly th e Presiden t fel t otherwis e (Washington to T J , 1 3 Feb. 1789). Georg e Beckwith and Phineas Bond both reported the developments t o their government, and British manufacturers also made their concern known. It is not surprising , therefore , that T J shoul d hav e expresse d th e vie w that h e di d t o bot h Humphrey s and Car michael (se e T J t o Carmichael , 1 3 Jun e 1791). Hi s us e o f th e curren t interes t i n manufactures wa s a s a n instrumen t o f diplomacy, an d th e objec t i n vie w wa s th e promotion o f commercia l relations , no t American manufactures .
F r o m J a m e s Madiso n DEAR SIR Ne w York June 23d . 1791 . I recieve d you r favo r o f th e 21st . yesterday , inclosin g pos t note s for 23 5 dollars . I shal l obtai n th e bill s o f Mrs . Elswort h an d th e Smith thi s afternoo n an d wil l le t yo u kno w th e amoun t o f them . [ 56 6 }
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There i s a bil l als o fro m th e Taylo r amountin g t o £ 6 . 7 . whic h I shall pay . T h e article s for whic h i t i s du e ar e in m y hand s an d wil l be forwarde d b y th e first opportunity . I f a goo d on e shoul d fal l within you r notice , i t ma y b e wel l fo r yo u t o doubl e th e chanc e o f a conveyance b y giving a commission fo r the purpose. I have applie d to Rivingto n fo r th e Boo k bu t th e onl y copie s i n T o w n see m t o b e of the 8th. Edition. T h i s howeve r i s advertise d a s "enlarge d &c . b y the author, " who I a m told b y Berr y & Rogers i s no w livin g an d a correspondent o f theirs . I t i s no t improbabl e therefor e tha t you r reason fo r preferrin g the 6th . E d : may b e stronge r i n favo r o f this . Let m e kno w you r pleasur e o n th e subjec t an d i t shal l b e obeyed . I a m a t a loss wha t t o decid e a s to m y tri p to th e Eastward . M y inclination has not change d bu t a journey without a companion, an d in th e stag e whic h beside s othe r inconvenience s travel s to o rapidl y for m y purpose , make s m e conside r whethe r th e nex t fal l ma y no t present a bette r prospect . M y hors e i s mor e likel y t o recove r tha n at th e tim e o f you r departure . B y purchasin g another , i n cas e h e should ge t well , I migh t avoi d th e stage , bu t a t a n expenc e no t altogether convenient . You hav e n o doub t see n th e Frenc h Regulation s o n th e subjec t of Tobo. which commence hostilitie s agains t th e Britis h Navigatio n Act. M r . K i ng tell s m e an attack on Payn e has appeared in a Boston paper unde r th e nam e o f Publicola , and ha s a n affinit y i n th e stil e as wel l a s sentiment s t o th e discourse s o n Davila . I observe d i n a late pape r her e a n extrac t fro m a Philada . pamphlet o n th e Bank . If th e publicatio n ha s attracte d o r deserve s notic e I shoul d b e gla d of a cop y fro m you . I wil l writ e agai n i n a fe w days ; i n th e mea n time remainin g Yrs . mo : affecly , J s . MADISON JR. RC (DLC : Madison Papers); endorsed by TJ a s received 25 June 1791 and so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Jame s Maur y Liverpool, 23 June 1791 . H e has received none of TJ's letter s since his of 2 Mch. Send s th e cor n law , just "finished. " Man y expec t i t wil l b e amended more favorably to foreign countries before it goes into operation. In accordance with T J ' s o f 26 Aug . he has required particular s o f masters. "Som e conform , but many will not. " He will continu e to make requisitions, but has not applied to civi l authorit y to assis t hi m i n compellin g compliance. American vessel s continue t o engros s carryin g fro m Englan d t o U . S . , and their arrival s hav e increased this year. Port s of this kingdom are open to foreign corn and entirely under directio n of Privy Counci l unti l 1 5 Nov . next.
[ 56 7 ]
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RC (DNA : R G 59 , CD); endorsed by TJ a s received 20 Aug. 179 1 and so recorded in SJL . Enclosure : Copy of Hawkesbury's Corn La w o f 1791. This was the first copy that TJ receive d from abroad (see T J t o Maury, 30 Aug. 1791).
T o M a r t h a Jefferso n R a n d o l p h M Y DEA R DAUGHTE R Philadelphi
a June 23. 1791 .
I wrot e t o eac h o f yo u onc e durin g m y journey , fro m whic h I returned fou r day s ago , havin g enjoye d thro ' th e whol e o f i t ver y perfect health . I am in hopes the relaxatio n it gave m e from busines s has free d m e fro m th e almos t constan t headac h wit h whic h I ha d been persecute d thr o th e whol e winte r an d spring . Havin g bee n entirely clea r of it while travelling proves i t to have bee n occasione d by th e drudger y o f business . I found her e o n m y retur n your lette r of May 23. wit h the pleasin g informatio n tha t yo u wer e al l in goo d health. I wish I could sa y whe n I shall be abl e t o join you: bu t tha t will depen d o n th e movement s o f th e Presiden t wh o i s no t ye t returned to thi s place . - I n a letter written me b y young M r . Franklin, wh o i s in London, is the followin g paragraph . ' I meet here wit h many wh o as k kindly after you , amon g thes e the D . o f Dorset, wh o is ver y particula r in his enquiries . H e ha s mentione d t o m e tha t hi s niece ha d wrote onc e o r twice t o you r daughter sinc e he r return to America; bu t no t receivin g a n answe r ha d suppose d sh e mean t t o drop he r acquaintance, whic h his neic e muc h regretted . I venture d to assur e him tha t tha t wa s no t likely , and that possibl y th e letter s might hav e miscarried . - Yo u wil l tak e wha t notic e o f this yo u ma y think proper. ' - Fulwa r Skipwit h i s o n hi s retur n t o th e Unite d States. - Mrs . Tris t an d Mrs. Waters often as k after you. - Mr . Lewi s being very averse to writing, I must trouble Mr. Randolp h to enquire of him relativ e to m y tobacco , an d to infor m me abou t it . I sol d th e whole o f what wa s good here. 17 . hogsheads onl y ar e yet come , an d by a lette r o f Ma y 29 . fro m M r . Hylto n ther e wer e the n bu t 2 . hogsheads mor e arrive d a t the warehouse . I am uneasy a t the delay , because i t no t onl y embarrasse s me wit h guessin g a t excuse s t o th e purchaser, bu t i s likel y to mak e m e fai l i n m y paymen t t o Hanson , which ough t t o b e mad e i n Richmon d on th e 19th . o f next month . I wis h much to kno w whe n th e res t may be expected . - I n you r last you observ e yo u ha d no t receive d a lette r fro m m e i n five weeks . My letter s t o yo u hav e bee n o f Jan . 20 . Feb . 9 . Mar . 2. 24 . Apr . 17. Ma y 8 . whic h yo u wil l observ e t o b e prett y regularl y onc e i n three weeks . - Matter s in France ar e still going on safely . Mirabeau is dead; also th e Duk e de Richlieu ; so tha t the Duk e de Fronsa c ha s 1
[ 56 8 }
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now succeede d t o th e hea d o f the family , tho' no t t o th e title , thes e being al l abolished. Presen t me affectionatel y t o M r . Randolph and Polly, an d kis s th e littl e on e fo r me : Adie u m y dea r Your' s affec tionately, T H : JEFFERSON RC (NNP) . Pr C (MHi) . No t recorded i in SJL . T William Temple Franklin's letter to TJ
s that of 6 Apr. 1791. With one exception, J copie d the passage exactly .
1
Franklin wrote "his Grace. "
T o Tobia s Lea r June 24th . 1791 .
T h : Jefferso n present s hi s compliments t o Mr . Lear. H e has bee n endeavoring thi s morning , whil e th e thin g i s i n hi s min d to mak e a statemen t o f th e cos t an d expence s o f th e President' s wines , bu t not havin g a ful l accoun t o f th e whol e fro m Fenwic k h e i s unabl e to do it but on sight o f the account rendered by him to the President. If Mr . Lear , th e first time an y circumstance shall giv e him occasio n of doing T h : J . the honou r o f calling on him , will pu t tha t accoun t in hi s pocket , th e matte r ca n b e complete d i n tw o o r thre e min utes. - T h e cloudines s o f th e presen t da y render s i t favourabl e t o remove th e 4 . hamper s o f Champagn e fro m T h : J's cellar , i f M r. Lear think s prope r t o sen d fo r them . I t woul d b e wel l t o ope n a case o f ever y kin d an d plac e th e bottle s o n thei r shelve s tha t the y may b e settle d befor e th e President' s return . RC (Estat e o f Col . Charle s Willia m Whipple , Ne w York , 1945) ; addressed: "Mr . Lear." Not recorded in SJL .
T o Willia m Shor t DEAR S I R Philadelphi
a June 24. 1791 .
Mr. Custis , a citizen o f Virginia , proposin g t o mak e applicatio n to th e governmen t o f France fo r redress of a wrong which he thinks he has sustained from them, I am to ask your patronage o f his claims so fa r a s the y shal l b e jus t an d s o fa r als o a s a denia l o r dela y o f justice i n the ordinar y modes o f application may rende r an extraordinary interferenc e necessary . -1 a m wit h grea t & sincere esteem , Dear Si r Your frien d & servant, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; a t foot o f text: "William Shor t esq. Chargé de s affaires of the U. S. at Paris." FC (DNA : R G 59 , DCI) .
[ 56 9 ]
T o F u l w a r Skipwit h S I R Philadelphi
a June 24th. 179 1
T h i s lette r wil l b e hande d yo u b y th e perso n wh o goe s t o Mar tinique a s agent fo r those interested i n the Sloo p Jan e of Baltimore lately commande d b y Captai n Woodrough . Thi s vessel , accordin g to th e evidenc e hande d me , appear s t o hav e bee n take n a t Se a of f the islan d of Martinique, carrie d into the por t of Cazenaviere of that island, th e carg o dispose d o f unde r authorit y o f th e Government , and th e vesse l itsel f retaine d and converted int o a cruizer. Ho w fa r these appearance s ma y b e qualifie d b y furthe r evidenc e canno t b e estimated here . I f the trouble s the n existin g i n th e islan d rendered the vesse l an d carg o necessar y fo r th e purpose s o f Government , justice wil l certainl y induce them t o mak e ample indemnificatio n t o the individual s interested, an d our dispositions toward s that Natio n are to o friendl y t o pres s anythin g further . I a m t o desir e yo u wil l patronize the application s for redress as far as shall be necessary and just. My lette r o f th e 13th . o f Ma y las t wil l hav e informe d yo u tha t the circumstances of the moment induc e us not to press for the litera l execution o f th e Consula r Conventio n s o fa r a s regard s you r exe quatur. A t th e sam e tim e w e ar e assured that you r application s o n behalf o f ou r commerc e informall y made , shal l b e substantiall y at tended t o an d respected. I t is i n this wa y w e desir e yo u t o interfer e in th e presen t cas e i f necessary. -1 a m wit h grea t estee m Dea r Sir Your mos t obedien t & most humbl e Servt . PrC (DLC) ; i n Remsen's hand, unsigned. F C (DNA : RG 59 , DCI) .
T o Alexande r Hamilto n S l R Philadelphi
a June 25.1791 .
Your favou r of the 8th . inst . coul d only b e recieve d on m y return here, an d I hav e thi s mornin g bee n considerin g o f it' s contents . I think wit h yo u tha t i t wil l b e interestin g t o reciev e fro m differen t countries th e detail s i t enumerates . Som e o f thes e I a m alread y i n a regular course o f recieving. Others when onc e well executed , wil l scarcely need t o b e repeated. A s to these I already possess what may answer you r views i n part. I must therefor e giv e yo u th e troubl e t o call o n m e i n som e o f your walks, in orde r that afte r seein g wha t I possess, w e ma y decid e o n th e prope r supplement . I thin k i t ad viseable no t t o troubl e gentleme n abroa d wit h sendin g wha t w e [ 570 ]
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have already , becaus e th e les s w e giv e the m t o d o th e mor e secur e we shal l b e o f having it done . I am with the mos t respectfu l estee m Dr. Si r Your mos t obed t & most humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; a t foot o f text: "Th e Secretar y of the Treasury." FC (DNA : R G 360 , PCC No . 120).
T o Mar y Jefferso n M Y D E A R M A R I A Philadelphi
a June 26 . 1791 .
I hop e yo u have recieved the lette r I wrote yo u from lake George, and tha t yo u hav e wel l fixed i n you r ow n min d th e geograph y o f that lake , an d o f th e whol e o f m y tour , s o a s to b e abl e t o giv e m e a goo d accoun t o f i t whe n I shal l se e you . O n m y retur n here , I found you r letter o f May 29. givin g m e th e informatio n it is always so pleasin g t o m e t o reciev e tha t yo u ar e all well. Woul d to go d I could b e wit h yo u t o partak e o f you r felicities , an d t o tel l yo u i n person ho w muc h I lov e yo u all , an d ho w necessar y i t i s t o m y happiness t o b e wit h you . - I n m y lette r t o you r siste r writte n t o her tw o o r thre e day s ago , I expresse d m y uneasines s a t hearin g nothing mor e o f m y tobacc o an d asked som e enquirie s t o b e mad e of Mr . Lewi s o n th e subject , bu t I receive d yesterday a letter fro m Mr. Lewi s wit h ful l explanations , an d anothe r fro m M r . Hylto n informing m e th e tobo . wa s o n it' s wa y t o thi s place . Therefor e desire you r sister to suppres s that par t of my lette r an d say nothin g about it . T e l l he r fro m m e ho w muc h I lov e her , kis s he r an d th e little on e fo r m e an d presen t m y bes t affection s t o M r . Randolph, assured o f the m als o yoursel f from your's , TH: J. RC (ViU) ; addressed: "Miss Maria Jefferson Monticello. " PrC (ViU) .
T o Nichola s Lewi s D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a June 26. 1791 .
On m y retur n her e fro m a journey of a month I found a letter o f Mr. Hylton' s date d Ma y 29 . informin g m e ther e wer e ye t bu t 2 more hhds . o f m y tobo . arrive d a t Richmon d (after th e 1 7 whic h he ha d sent. ) Uneas y a t this , fro m th e engagemen t I ha d entere d into here , i n m y lette r o f tw o o r thre e day s ag o t o m y daughter , I desired he r t o hav e thi s mentione d t o yo u les t ther e shoul d b e a [571]
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stoppage o f the Bedfor d tobo. somewhere , o f whic h yo u migh t no t be apprised . However the receip t o f your letter whic h came to han d yesterday, an d on e fro m M r . Hylto n informin g m e tha t 22 . hhds . more wer e shippe d fo r Philadelphia , have relieve d al l m y anxiet y on tha t subject . Thes e whe n arrive d wil l mak e 39 . an d thos e yo u speak o f as ye t t o com e wil l fill u p th e expectation s I had give n th e purchaser. -1 observ e Wilso n onl y state s the mone y h e ha s pai d t o Dobson. Wha t I was desirou s o f knowing wa s ho w muc h we migh t count upo n fro m th e bond s whic h had been pu t int o hi s hand s an d not ye t accounte d for . Yo u know i n our estimate, w e suppose d that , with interest , i t woul d amoun t t o £ 5 2 5 . Fro m thi s howeve r ther e will b e a deductio n o f M r . Randolph's accoun t an d interest . I ha d not suppose d I ha d recieve d s o muc h flour fro m him , bu t I hav e always reason to distrust my memory, and none to doubt hi s account, which therefor e i s t o b e credited . Wheneve r yo u ca n infor m m e exactly o r nearly how muc h th e bond s stil l due (an d counted b y u s at £ 5 2 5) wil l reall y be I shall be oblige d t o you . T he two hogshead s of ham s ar e arrived , bu t w e hav e no t ye t opene d them . - T h e tim e of my retur n home i s not ye t fixed. I suppose i t wil l b e toward s th e latter par t o f August , an d t o remai n t o th e middl e o f October . A s there ar e generall y thing s t o b e don e b y th e carpenter s whic h ca n only b e don e whe n I a m presen t t o direc t them , I shoul d b e gla d if it coul d b e s o contrive d a s tha t the y shal l b e disengage d an d i n Albemarle whil e I a m a t h o m e . - T h e las t par t o f you r lette r shal l be las t answered . I t is wit h infinit e regret , m y dea r Sir , that I learn your purpos e o f withdrawin g fro m th e directio n o f m y affairs . M y confidence i n yo u ha s bee n s o entire , tha t sinc e the y hav e bee n i n your hand s I hav e neve r ha d a n anxiet y abou t them . I sa w indee d that yo u too k a grea t dea l mor e troubl e abou t the m tha n I coul d expect o r wish , an d I feare d i t woul d lea d yo u t o a n entir e relin quishment o f them. Instea d of having a right to urg e a continuanc e of suc h a drudger y o n you , i t i s m y dut y t o b e thankfu l tha t yo u have submitte d t o i t so long , an d I am so, sincerel y and thoroughly . What I a m nex t t o d o wit h them , I a m utterl y a t a los s t o devise . Stewards o f the commo n descriptio n ar e a most unhopefu l dépend ance. I must as k you to tur n this matte r in your mind, and to advis e with m e whe n I com e hom e o n wha t I ca n bes t do . Wit h respec t to Clarke , I shal l be fo r doin g exactl y wha t yo u thin k best , an d wil l be gla d to confir m any arrangement you ma y b e s o goo d as to mak e with hi m fo r me , i n his presen t concern . Presen t m e ver y affection ately t o Mrs . Lewis , & b e assure d o f th e estee m & attachmen t o f Dear Si r Your sincer e frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON [ 57 2 ]
26 J U N E 17 RC (NHi) ; addressed : "Colo. Nicholas Lewis near Charlottesville." PrC (MHi) . TJ's expressio n o f relie f fro m anxiet y about the experiment of selling his tobacco in Philadelphia was premature, as his later correspondence wit h Hylto n soo n re vealed. Rober t Coventry had reported for James Brow n that "tw o Hhds . of Bacon had been received from Lewis on 1 8 May and forwarded the next day" (Coventry to T J , 1 9 May 1791, enclosing bill of lading showing shipmen t b y th e sloo p Phoenix, Capt. John Sheppard, with freight charges
91
of $6; RC and enclosure in MHi; endorsed by T J as receive d 2 1 Jun e 179 1 an d so recorded i n SJL) . Th e shipment , a s TJ indicates, contained hams. The term bacon was occasionally applied to hams ( D A E ) . Hylton's lette r o f 1 7 Jun e an d that of Lewis of 20 June 1791, both dated at Richmond, are recorded in S JL a s received on the 25th . Lewi s evidentl y replie d to th e above letter on 1 6 Aug. 1791 sinc e one of that date , writte n fro m Albemarle , is recorded i n S J L as receive d o n th e 26th . None o f these letters has been found.
F r o m R i c h a r d Peter s D E A R SI R [Belmont]
, 26 Jun e 1791 .
Almost a s soo n a s I sa w yo u advertize d i n a Ne w Yor k New s Paper you r Retur n wa s announce d i n on e o f ours . I hav e bee n i n T o w n twic e sinc e I lef t th e Assembl y an d onc e I calle d t o enquir e after yo u bu t yo u ha d eloped . M y Strawberrie s ar e gone and I have no Temptation s to offe r you. Com e the n from disintereste d Motives when yo u wis h fo r a littl e Countr y Ai r an d yo u wil l ge t i t here . Should i t creat e a n Apetit e I wil l giv e yo u somethin g t o eat . I d o not estee m yo u a s Me n d o man y thing s fo r you r Scarcity . I f thi s could mak e yo u mor e valuabl e tha n yo u ar e there would b e n o E n d to th e Calculation . Possibl y i f yo u reside d a t th e Potowmac k yo u would mak e a Norther n Excursio n fro m Curiosity . Madiso n I sa w not thro ' th e Winte r excep t no w an d the n en passant. I n thi s I suppose we wer e both to blame . I hear no t whethe r he i s in Philada . or gone Southward. A s he i s said to b e the Fox o f America, I suppose he wa s to o cunnin g t o le t ou r Paragraphist s ge t hol d o f him. I wis h the New s Factor s ha d mad e a better Comparison . Fo r our Fo x ha s every thin g I lov e an d th e other , excep t hi s Talents , everythin g I hate. - Your s ver y Sincerely , R . PETERS MS no t found; text printed from Jefferson Correspondence, Bixby, p. 47-8. Recorded in S J L a s received 27 June 1791 .
F r o m W i l l i a m Shor t DEAR SI R Pari
s June 26. 1791 .
M y las t o f th e 22d . inst . o f whic h copie s wer e sen t b y severa l conveyances, wil l infor m yo u o f th e King' s departur e fro m Pari s [ 57 3 ]
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and his arrestation at Varennes near the frontie r of Luxemburg. H e was accompanie d b y th e Queen , thei r two children , Madame Elis abeth, th e Gouvernant e du Dauphin , two femme s de chambre , and three garde s d u corp s dressed i n the habi t o f couriers and acting i n that capacity . Monsieu r and Madame left Pari s th e sam e nigh t an d taking a different rout e hav e arrive d safe i n the lo w countries . Fro m the deposition s whic h hav e bee n take n i t appear s tha t th e K i n g , Queen an d their compan y go t ou t o f th e chateau , b y a secret doo r which wa s alway s kep t shu t a s useless , an d fo r whic h fals e key s were made . T h e King' s carriage was stopped a t Varennes without their knowing who h e was . I t was thought th e suspicion s agains t the m arising from th e circumstance s o f thei r takin g a differen t rout e t o ge t t o Varennes, fro m tha t whic h the y ha d a t first directe d fo r Verdun , their bein g escorte d b y severa l hussards , thei r apparen t confusio n when questioned &c . were sufficient t o authorize their being stoppe d under presen t circumstances . I n a short tim e th e K i n g wa s recog nized b y a n inhabitant of Varennes. T h e alarm wa s sprea d through the country . T he gardes nationale s fro m all quarters rushed in. T he order of the Marquis de la fayette and that added to it by the National assembly fo r stoppin g th e K i n g an d Roya l famil y arrive d ther e b y one of the Aides du camp sent off in pursuit of them, and immediately the retur n towards Pari s commenced . T h e Hussard s wh o escorte d th e K i n g ha d bee n poste d o n th e route b y M . d e Bouill e unde r pretenc e o f conductin g th e supplie s of mone y intende d fo r th e army . As soo n a s the y foun d i t wa s th e K i n g the y declare d thei r attachmen t t o th e nation an d th e horro r of wha t the y ha d bee n deceive d t o do . I mentio n thi s a s a sampl e of the presen t spiri t of the army . My forme r letter will have informed you of the National assembl y having immediatel y o n th e King' s departur e taken th e whol e gov ernment o n themselves . Addresse s fro m al l quarters are coming i n daily declarin g their confidence i n the assembl y an d their adhesio n to thei r measures . The y continue d th e severa l minister s i n thei r functions, decree d tha t th e sanctio n o f th e K i n g shoul d fo r th e present b e dispense d with , and prescribed a new for m of an oath t o be take n t o th e nationa l assembly . A l l the militar y of the assembl y immediately took it, and what is remarkable all the members of what is calle d th e cote droit, withou t exceptin g th e mos t hostil e t o th e revolution, too k i t wit h a seemin g pleasure ; al l partie s seeme d t o make a poin t o f hono r o f unitin g an d actin g i n concert . T h e oat h was als o sollicite d b y M . D'affry an old courtie r at the head , an d in [ 57 4 ]
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the nam e o f th e officer s o f th e Swis s guards . T h e gard e national e of Pari s hav e followe d thi s exampl e an d citizen s o f al l classe s an d parties d o th e same . T h e assembl y dispatche d thre e o f their member s t o g o an d meet the K i n g wit h absolut e power s t o take al l the measure s necessar y for conducting him safely t o Pari s and protecting hi m and the Roya l family fro m injur y o r insult. - The y sen t othe r member s als o t o th e frontiers with unlimited powers fo r their defense, an d among other s that o f suspendin g suc h o f th e officer s o f th e arm y a s the y shoul d consider subjec t t o suspicion . The y decree d a t th e sam e tim e th e suspension an d arrestatio n o f M . d e Bouill e th e commandan t o f Metz, suspecte d o f havin g bee n concerne d i n wha t i s no w calle d the King' s evasion, afte r havin g a t first bee n calle d his enlevement. It i s reporte d tha t M . d e Bouill e ha s foun d mean s t o escap e ou t o f the Kingdom . When th e K i n g wa s first stopped h e produce d a passeport i n th e usual for m signe d Montmori n &c . It was fo r a Baronne de Corm e and he r suite . Immediatel y o n thi s passepor t bein g sen t t o th e as sembly, M . d e Montmori n wa s denounce d a s havin g contribute d to th e King' s evasion.-Th e assembl y ordere d hi m t o b e escorte d immediately t o thei r ba r to answe r t o it , an d this excitin g th e sus picions o f th e people , the y ru n i n crowd s t o hi s hous e an d woul d probably hav e proceede d t o violenc e i f the garde nationale had no t prevented them . M . de Montmori n found n o difficult y i n satisfyin g the assembl y that this passeport ha d been give n i n the usua l manner at th e reques t o f M . d e Simolin . N o furthe r enquir y ha s bee n ye t made respectin g i t s o a s to she w whethe r Simoli n obtained i t wit h improper views . T h e assembl y bein g satisfie d wit h M . d e Mont morin's explanation appease d th e people , who remaine d several hours in a menacing postur e a t hi s house . The assembl y yo u kno w ha d ordere d th e election s fo r th e nex t Legislature. T h e elector s ar e formin g throughou t th e Kingdom . They hav e no w though t prope r in consequenc e o f presen t circum stances t o suspen d thes e election s unti l ordered by a future decree . How lon g this will b e delayed depends absolutel y o n circumstances. There i s n o doub t tha t a majority of th e assembl y wil l b e dispose d to dela y i t a s lon g a s possible , notwithstandin g thei r assertion s in dividually t o th e contrary. Yesterday mornin g previou s t o th e King' s arriva l th e assembl y decreed o n th e repor t of the committe e o f constitution th e followin g articles. Art. 1er . Aussitô t qu e l e Ro i ser a arriv é a u chatea u de s T h u i l [ 57 5 ]
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leries, il lui sera donné provisoiremen t une garde, qui sous le s ordres du commandan t d e l a gard e national e Parisienn e veillera à s a sûr eté e t repondr a de s a personne . 2. I l sera provisoirement donn é à l'héritier présompti f d e l a cou ronne un e gard e particulière , d e mêm e sou s le s ordre s d u com mandant general , e t i l ser a nomm é u n gouverneu r pa r l'assemblé e nationale. 3. Tou s ceu x qu i on t accompagn é l a Famill e Royal e seron t mi s en état d'arrestation et interrogés. L e Roi et la Reine seront entendu s dans leu r déclaratio n l e tou t san s délai , pou r êtr e pri s ensuit e pa r l'assemblée national e le s resolution s qu i seron t jugée s nécessaires . 4. I l sera provisoirement donné un e garde particulière à la Reine. 5. Jusqu' à c e qu'i l e n ai t ét é autrement ordonn é l e décre t rend u le 21 . d e c e moi s qu i enjoin t a u ministr e d e l a justice d'appose r l e sceau d e l'éta t au x décret s d e l'assemblé e national e san s qu'i l soi t besoin d e l a sanctio n o u d e l'acceptatio n d u Ro i continuer a d'etr e exécuté dan s toute s se s dispositions . 6. Le s ministre s e t le s commissaire s d u Ro i pou r l a trésoreri e nationale, l a caiss e d e l'extraordinair e et l a directio n d e l a Liqui dation, sont d e mêm e autorisé s provisoiremen t d e fair e chacun dans leur départemen t e t sou s leu r responsabilit é le s fonction s d u pou voir executif . 7. L e presen t décre t ser a publi é à l'instan t mêm e a u so n d e trompe dan s tou s le s quartier s de l a capitale , d'aprè s le s ordre s d u ministre d e l'intérieu r transmi s a u directoir e d u Départemen t d e Paris. This decre e wil l giv e yo u som e ide a o f th e presen t situatio n o f the governmen t an d th e measure s intende d t o b e taken . Y o u wil l easily conceiv e tha t th e pos t o f M . d e l a fayette become s th e mos t disagreeable an d dangerous tha t ca n be imagined . H e wil l probabl y insist o n th e assembly' s tracin g with more particularit y the conduc t he i s t o pursu e i n thi s ne w kin d o f safekeeping . T h e Duk e d e l a Rochefoucauld wil l I think be appointe d Governo r of the Dauphin. This plac e wil l b e les s dangerou s bu t canno t fai l t o b e exceedingl y disagreeable unde r presen t circumstances . T h e assembl y wil l no t determin e probabl y unti l afte r th e decla ration o f the K i n g an d Queen, in what characte r they wil l conside r him i n future. I t does not see m tha t a doubt enter s int o th e hea d o f any bod y about their right to declare him K i ng o r no K i ng according as the y ma y judge proper . T h e assembl y themselve s o r a majority of them woul d prefe r I think keeping hi m as a shadow o f monarchy and exercisin g al l th e function s o f governmen t withou t him . T h e [ 57 6 ]
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people o f Pari s heade d b y som e popula r ambitious person s declar e loudly in favor a republican government. The y have much influenc e on th e deliberation s o f th e assembly ; stil l I d o no t kno w ho w fa r they wil l s u c c e e d . - T h e questio n wil l b e kep t undecide d b y th e assembly a s lon g a s possible . Grea t number s no w wis h tha t th e K i n g ha d escaped , a s wel l thos e wh o ar e zealou s republican s a s those who ar e attached to th e King' s person . T h e former think that his absenc e woul d hav e shew n tha t h e wa s a n useles s par t o f th e government. A s it is, all parties are embarassed and doubt wha t wil l be done . W e hav e n o ide a o f wha t th e K i n g wil l sa y himsel f o r o f what foreig n power s wil l say . I t woul d see m certai n tha t h e ha d been wel l assure d of their suppor t befor e undertakin g the ris k o f a flight, althoug h he affirmed to the commissarie s of the assembly tha t he neve r had an intention o f quitting the Kingdo m but shoul d hav e stopped a t Mont Méd i o n the frontier : which seems probable enough , as he woul d i n all likelihood have called there an Austrian garrison. I wa s yesterda y evenin g i n th e assembl y whe n th e thre e com missaries wh o ha d been sen t t o mee t the King , returne d there afte r seeing hi m an d th e Roya l famil y saf e i n thei r appartments . The y gave a particular detail o f all th e circumstance s that took plac e afte r their joining him . I n addition t o th e King' s affirmatio n mentione d above, the y sai d h e expresse d hi s sensibility , o n thei r readin g hi m the decre e o f the assembly , a t the sollicitud e o f the assembl y fo r th e safety o f his perso n an d the precaution s take n fo r insurin g it. The y say tha t th e mos t perfec t orde r and obedience t o th e decree s o f th e assembly wa s observe d b y all the citizen s o n the rout e an d that the y were surrounde d every where wit h demonstrations o f their zeal and implicit confidenc e an d relianc e on th e nationa l assembly . A n alar m took place at the moment o f the King's carriage stopping before th e doo r o f the palace . T o avoi d the crow d of the street s th e convoy ha d followed th e boulevar d without th e ne w wall s and came in b y th e champ s elysée s enterin g th e Thuillerie s on th e pon t tour nant. T h e peopl e force d th e guar d an d entere d th e Thuillerie s so as t o b e presen t whe n th e carriage s stopped. T h e thre e garde s d u corps dressed as couriers were said among the people to b e the Duk e de Guich e and two othe r person s o f the cour t disguise d i n orde r t o assist th e King' s flight. The y wer e place d o n th e coachman' s sea t of the King' s carriage and in alighting a movement wa s made amon g the peopl e and the gard e national e whic h seemed t o threate n them . T h e thre e commissarie s an d M. d e l a fayette exerte d themselve s t o calm thei r fury . I t i s doubtfu l whethe r the y woul d hav e succeede d if th e assembly , warne d of the danger , ha d not sen t severa l of their [ 57 7 ]
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members t o assis t i n relievin g them. Thei r presenc e restore d order and induce d th e peopl e t o desis t - excep t thi s th e arriva l i n Pari s passed wit h muc h tranquillity . Disposition s sometime s appeare d among th e peopl e to his s and insult the K i n g bu t were immediatel y suppressed b y th e gard e nationale . I n genera l muc h silenc e wa s observed an d a determine d resolutio n t o she w non e o f th e accus tomed mark s o f respect, insomuc h that th e peopl e allowe d n o bod y to kee p thei r hat s of f a s th e Roya l famil y passed . T h e K i n g expresse d his surprize after his arrival that the ministers were no t present , a s h e wa s no t the n informe d o f th e decre e o f yesterday morning . M . d e Montmori n wen t t o wai t o n hi m thi s morning, thoug h no t t o tak e hi s order s an d I kno w no t i n wha t manner th e decre e wa s communicate d t o him . T h e corp s diplo matique remai n inactive as a body. Individuall y they wil l trea t wit h M . d e Montmori n though I suppose th e mos t o f them wil l suspen d as muc h a s possibl e thei r correspondenc e fo r th e present , an d par ticularly th e famil y ambassadors . I forgo t t o mentio n t o yo u tha t whe n th e Aid e du cam p o f M. d e la fayett e arrive d a t Varenne s and informe d th e K i n g o f hi s bein g sent afte r him , h e an d th e Quee n bot h forgo t fo r a momen t thei r position an d wen t int o th e mos t unbounde d abus e a s wel l o f th e aide d e cam p a s o f M. de l a fayette. H e ha s fo r some time bee n th e person o n who m th e Queen' s hatre d has concentered an d the K i n g has latel y followe d he r example , notwithstandin g i t i s certai n tha t they bot h ow e thei r live s t o hi m an d tha t h e ha s los t th e favo r o f numbers of the gard e national e an d people on accoun t o f what the y considered a s hi s complaisanc e fo r them . These ar e th e principa l detail s tha t hav e passe d respectin g thi s most unfortunat e event . T h e influenc e i t wil l hav e o n th e futur e situation o f thi s countr y mus t b e great , bu t i t i s impossibl e t o sa y at presen t i n wha t manne r i t wil l operate . I wil l tak e car e t o kee p you informe d o f i t i n proportio n a s i t i s developed . I have to acknowlege th e reciept of your letter of April 25. together with th e newspaper s an d the bo x containin g th e proceeding s o f th e former Congress . I hav e see n M . Drost . H e i s no w engage d i n contending wit h othe r artist s fo r th e engravin g o f th e ne w mone y to b e struc k here . O f course he coul d no t engag e immediately t o g o to America . T h e questio n howeve r wil l b e decide d i n fifteen days . I doub t whethe r h e wil l succee d a s hi s rival s an d judges ar e bot h academicians. Shoul d he not succee d he wil l undertak e the busines s on th e term s sen t t o you , an d of which you returne d me a copy. H e says it will b e indispensabl e t o have the presse s mad e here , and that [ 57 8 ]
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it wil l b e bes t t o hav e th e othe r instrument s als o a s it wil l b e mor e economical and as they ma y be made at the same time as the presses . He say s they canno t be finished befor e th e winter, and that he coul d not g o unti l th e spring , bu t tha t i n th e mea n tim e h e coul d sen d directions for erecting the necessary buildings so that no delay would ensue. H e woul d recommen d th e havin g fou r presse s mad e here , but says two ma y suffice fo r the present. They will cos t about 22,000tt each. I hop e yo u wil l instruc t m e wit h respec t t o th e numbe r yo u would chuse . H e hopes that i f he shoul d succee d i n the struggl e h e is engage d i n her e tha t h e migh t stil l find tim e t o g o t o Americ a for th e purpos e yo u wish , o r i f not h e think s tha t h e coul d hav e a mint erected and established there by having the proper instruments made her e an d givin g th e prope r direction s t o a perso n h e coul d send fro m hence . H e i s t o giv e m e hi s answe r wit h respec t t o hi s going i n fifteen days. I hope he wil l agre e t o undertak e the voyag e as I d o no t se e fro m your lette r tha t I a m to engag e anothe r i n th e case of his refusal. - H e tells me he does not understand the busines s of assayin g bu t tha t i t i s s o simpl e a n art that h e wil l undertak e t o make himself master of it if he shoul d go, an d will instruc t in it any person you may designate, no t chusing to meddle with the operatio n practically himsel f o n accoun t o f th e delicac y o f th e subject . I a m particularly happ y tha t h e undertake s thi s par t o f th e business , a s your lette r an d the cop y o f that o f th e Sec . o f the Treasur y t o yo u left m e i n doub t whethe r I wa s t o sen d anothe r perso n fo r thi s purpose an d o n wha t terms . O n the whole , I think yo u ma y coun t on M . Dros t fo r th e nex t spring , bu t yo u shal l hea r furthe r fro m me o n th e subjec t ver y soon . This lette r an d its duplicat e wil l b e sen t t o Londo n to g o b y th e two first conveyances . I be g yo u t o b e assure d of the sentiment s o f affection & attachmen t wit h whic h I a m m y dea r Sir , your frien d & servant , W . SHORT PrC (DLC : Short Papers); at head of text: 'Wo. 70" ; a t foot of text: "Thomas Jefferson Secretary of State, Philadelphia." Tr (DNA : R G 59, DD) .
F r o m G e o r g e W a s h i n g t on S l R Moun
t Vernon , June 26. 1791 .
The las t post brought m e you r letter o f the 20th . instant , and the duplicates o f your letters, whic h were missin g when I las t wrot e t o you, th e original s of which have since been received. T h is acknowl[ 57 9 ]
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edgement is all the notic e I shall take of them until I have the pleasur e of seein g you . I hav e selecte d th e letter s writte n b y yo u t o m e whil e yo u wer e in th e administratio n o f th e governmen t o f thi s State , an d I wil l take the m wit h m e t o Philada . T h e enclose d letters have been received since my retur n t o Moun t V e r n o n . - I a m Sir , You r mos t obedien t Servant , Go: WASHINGTON RC (DLC) ; i n Jackson's hand, except for signature; endorsed b y TJ as received 3 0 June 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL. Dft (DNA : RG 59 , MLR) ; also in Jackson's hand, unsigned. T r (DNA: RG 59 , SDC) .
F r o m Samue l Hopkin s R E S P E C T E D F R I E N D Newyor
k 27th . 6 mo 179 1
Thomas Jefferson . I take the libert y o f offering fo r th y acceptanc e an addres s t o th e Manufacturer s o f Po t an d Pearl-ash , containin g an accoun t o f th e proces s an d accordin g t o th e Principle s o f m y Patent. T h o u wil t observ e m y havin g succeede d i n Canada,.an d b y accounts fro m thos e wh o hav e commenced opperatin g I a m flatterd to believ e tha t th e busines s i s i n a fai r wa y o f full y answerin g wha t I hav e hel d out . After makin g som e furthe r arangement s her e propos e returnin g to Philadelphi a whe n intin d personall y t o wai t o n thee , an d hop e I shall hav e i t i n m y powe r t o giv e farthe r satisfaction . I n mea n tim e believe me , T h y Assure d Friend , SAM HOPKINS RC (MHi) ; endorsed as received 30 June 1791 an d so recorded in SJL . Enclosure :
An address to the manufacturers of pot and pearl ash, with an explanation of Samuel Hopkins's patent method of making the same . . . Also, copy of the patent granted to Sam-
uel Hopkins (New York, Childs and Swaine, 1791; Roger P. Bristol, comp., Supplement to Charles Evans' American Bibliography,
Charlottesville, 1970 , B7629) . TJ bound the enclose d addres s with Charles Willia mos' translatio n o f Lavoisier' s The art of manufacturing alkaline salts and potashes
(Sowerby, No. 1222) . Hopkins ' patent was granted 3 1 Jul y 179 0 fo r hi s "ne w Apparatus and Process . . . i n the makin g of Pearl as h 1st . b y burnin g the ra w Ashes
in a Furnace, 2d. by dissolving and boilin g them whe n s o burn t i n Water , 3rd . b y drawing off and settlin g the Ley , an d 4th. by boilin g th e Le y into Salt s whic h then are the true Pearl-ash; and also in the making of Pot-ash by fluxingthe Pearl-ash . . . which Operation of burning the raw Ashe s in a Furnace, preparator y to thei r Disso lution and boiling in Water, is new, leave s little Residuum , an d produce s a muc h greater Quantity of Salt" (MS Letters Patent in Remsen's hand, signed by Washington, certifie d b y Edmund Randolph to be in accord with the Act to promote the useful arts ; with Great Seal impressed on paper; 3 1 Jul y 1790 ; ICHi) .
[ 58 0 ]
F r o m J a m e s Madiso n D E A R S I R Ne
w Yor k Jun e 27.1791 .
By a Capt : Simm s wh o sett s of f thi s afternoo n i n th e Stag e fo r Philadelphia I forwar d the Bundl e o f Cloath s from th e Taylor . Hi s bill i s inclose d wit h tha t o f Mrs . Elsworth including th e paymen t to th e Smith . I hav e see n Col : Smith mor e tha n once . H e woul d hav e opene d his budge t full y t o me , bu t I decline d givin g hi m th e trouble . H e has writte n t o th e Presiden t a state of all his conversation s wit h th e British Ministry , whic h wil l ge t int o you r hand s o f course . H e mentioned t o m e his wish to have put them there in the first instanc e and your situation o n his arrival as an apology for not doin g it . Fro m the complexio n o f the littl e anecdotes and observations whic h droppe d from hi m i n ou r interview s I suspec t tha t repor t ha s a s usua l fa r overrated the importanc e o f what has been confided t o him. General professions whic h mea n nothing , an d the sendin g a Minister which can b e suspende d a t pleasur e o r whic h i f execute d ma y produc e nothing, ar e the amoun t o f m y presen t guesses . Mr. Adam s seem s t o b e gettin g faste r an d faster int o difficulties . His attac k o n Payn e whic h I hav e no t seen , wil l dra w th e publi c attention t o hi s obnoxiou s principles, more tha n ever y thin g h e ha s published. Beside s this , I observ e i n McLean' s paper here , a lon g extract from a sensible lette r republished from Poughkeepsie, whic h gives a ver y unpopula r for m t o hi s antirepublica n doctrines , an d presents a stron g contras t o f the m wit h a quotatio n fro m hi s lette r to M r . Wythe i n 1776 . I a m stil l restin g o n m y oar s wit h respec t t o Boston . M y Hors e has had a relapse which made his recovery very improbable. Anothe r favorable tur n has taken place , an d his present appearanc e promise s tolerably well . Bu t i t wil l b e som e time befor e h e ca n be [reco]ver d if h e shoul d suffe r n o othe r check . Adie u Yrs . J s . MADISON JR. R C ( D L C : Madiso n Papers); date added to endorsemen t b y Madison when lette r was later returne d to him ; endorse d b y T J as receive d 2 9 Jun e 179 1 an d s o recorde d in SJL.
P. N . G o d i n t o Rober t Morri s St. Eustatius, 28 June 1791 . Recommendin g as consul on St. Eustatius David M . Clarkso n "whos e amiabl e Character make s [him ] more fi t fo r i t tha n an
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other Gentleman name d Stevenson, who . . . would by no means be agreeable to me." RC (DLC : Washingto n Papers); endorsed by T J : "Clarkso n fo r St. Eustatius, Ire . handed in by Mr. R . Morris, reed . July 16 . 1791. " Clarkson was confirmed as consu l for St. Eustatius on 20 Feb. 179 3 ( J E P , I , 130-1) .
T o J a m e s Madiso n DEAR S I R Philadelphi
a June 28. 1791 .
Yours o f th e 23d . ha s bee n dul y recieved . T h e parce l fro m th e taylor wil l probabl y com e safel y b y th e stage . Wit h respec t t o th e edition o f Hamilto n More' s boo k I too k pain s t o satisf y mysel f o f the bes t editio n whe n I wa s i n a better situatio n tha n I no w a m t o do i t wit h success . T h e resul t wa s tha t th e 6th . edn . wa s th e las t published unde r th e examinatio n o f th e author , an d tha t th e sub sequent editions , i n orde r to cheape n them , ha d bee n s o carelessl y supervised as to b e ful l o f typographical errors in the tables . I therefore prefe r waiting til l I ca n get th e 6th . I learned further that afte r the 6th . edn. the author abandoned all attention t o the work himself. I inclos e yo u th e pamphle t o n th e bank , an d mus t troubl e yo u t o procure a pamphle t fo r m e whic h i s onl y i n a privat e han d i n N . York. T h i s i s a Description o f the Genise e country , bu t mor e par ticularly o f Mr . Morris' s purchase o f Goreha m and Phelps , i n 4to . with a map. I t wa s printe d i n Londo n unde r th e agenc y o f W . T . Franklin to captivate purchasers. There is no name to it. Colo. Smith brought i n 6. copies . I f one o f them ca n be drawn from him I should be very glad of it. - Wil l you also be so good as to ask of him whethe r he ca n giv e m e an y informatio n o f th e progres s o f th e ma p o f S . America, which he, at my request, put into the hands of an engraver. T h e Frenc h proceeding s agains t ou r tobo . an d ship s ar e ver y ec centric and unwise. Wit h respec t t o th e forme r however, whic h yo u consider a s a commencement o f hostilitie s agains t th e Britis h navi gation act , i t i s onl y a continuation o f the decisio n o f the counci l o f Berni, sinc e whic h th e importatio n o f tobo. int o Franc e i n an y bu t American o r Frenc h bottom s ha s bee n prohibited . T h e Spanis h as well a s Englis h proceeding s agains t ou r commerc e ar e als o seri ous. - Nobod y doubt s her e who i s the autho r of Publicola, any more than of Davila. H e is very indecently attacke d in Brown's and Bache's papers. - Fro m m y Europea n letters I a m incline d t o thin k peac e will tak e plac e betwee n th e Port e an d Russia . T h e articl e whic h separates the m i s s o minut e tha t i t wil l probabl y b e go t over , an d [ 58 2 }
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the wa r is so unpopula r in England tha t the minister s will probabl y make tha t a n excus e t o th e K . o f Prussi a fo r no t goin g al l length s with him. His only objec t i s Thorn an d Dantzic, and he has secretl y intimated a t Petersbg . tha t i f he coul d b e accomodate d wit h this h e would no t b e tenaciou s agains t thei r keepin g Oczakoff . T h i s ha s leaked out , an d i s workin g dul y i n Poland . -1 thin k th e Presiden t will contriv e to b e o n the roa d out o f the reac h of ceremony til l afte r the 4th . o f July . Adie u m y dea r Sir , Yours' affectionately , T H : JEFFERSO N RC (DLC : Madiso n Papers) . Pr C (DLC) .
F r o m G e o r g e Roger s C l a r k D E A R SI R Jefferso
n Co[un]t y Jun e 29th . 179 1
Judge Inni s ha s admitt' d m e t o a perusa l o f par t o f a Lette r o f yours t o tha t Gentlema n whic h strongl y evidence d you r friendl y recollection o f me . I have i n consequenc e signifie d t o th e Judg e b y letter the high sense I had entertained of your partiality in my favour and bege d hi m t o hav e imparte d t o yo u th e heartfel t respec t an d gratitude whic h I have eve r felt and still entertain for M r. Jefferson, as wel l fo r hi s persona l qualifications , a s for hi s unifor m favourabl e propensities toward s me . At th e tim e o f havin g peruse d tha t par t o f you r Lette r abov e alluded to, I deemed it obligatory o n m y feelings, to hav e expresse d by Lette r to th e Judg e th e gratitud e I entertaine d fo r th e friendl y remembrance of an old servant to your government, wit h which you was please d t o honou r me . Sinc e then , Sir , I hav e considere d tha t the terms of the Lette r was such and so friendly as to have demande d at my hands that this acknowledgement howeve r inadequat e shoul d be personall y addresse d t o yourself . B e please d the n t o accep t i t from a heart teeming wit h th e warmes t regar d for your person, bu t untainted wit h the sordi d desire o f cultivating your patronage fro m selfish views . I a m abov e tha t desig n bu t (whe n dul y calle d on ) I shall neve r b e abov e the servic e o f my Countr y at the risqu e of Lif e and reputation , Blood and Treasure. I might hav e been and yet ma y be saved . The littl e Faction s o f thos e Wester n Cuntries , s o inciden t t o al l infant settlements , hav e induc' d m e t o spur n a t competitio n an d Rivalry. M y prid e soare d abov e them , an d althoug h lon g sinc e re tired int o th e val e o f private Lif e i n whic h the ey e o f observatio n i s generally more acute disinterested an d clear sighted, ye t I felt myself [ 58 3 ]
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constrained from the pressur e of distress with which Kentucky wa s overwhelm'd a t th e tim e b y India n hostility s t o com e forwar d as a private citize n an d t o exer t al l the Influanc e I ha d possesse d wit h the peopl e t o forwar d the lat e expedition . O n n o publi c occasio n shall m y exertio n b e wanting . M y countr y an d yoursel f may a t all times, comman d me. I remain D r. Sir yr Most respectful l & oblige d Humble Servt , G R CLAR K RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 3 Oct. 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Willia m Shor t DEAR SI R Pari s June 29. 1791 . I informe d yo u i n m y las t o f th e 26th . inst . o f th e arriva l o f th e K i n g an d Roya l famil y a t Paris , an d th e decre e o f th e nationa l assembly relativ e theret o an d th e presen t exercis e o f government . T h e par t of the decre e fo r recieving the declaratio n of the K i n g an d Queen ha s sinc e bee n carrie d int o executio n an d yo u wil l reciev e inclosed th e on e an d th e other . Wit h respec t t o tha t par t whic h relates t o th e appointin g a governo r fo r th e Dauphin , some dispo sitions wer e mad e yesterda y an d amon g other s i t wa s determine d that the members of the assembly should be ineligible. T h is proceed s from th e jealousy whic h has always reigned amon g th e member s o f the several parties and from a desire to please those out of doors. - T h e Duke d e l a Rochefoucaul d woul d hav e bee n certainl y appointe d though h e ha d wit h muc h propriet y determine d t o refus e it . I t i s highly probabl e a t presen t tha t i t wil l b e M . d e Condorcet . T h e Marquis d e l a fayette begu n hi s ne w functio n o f the King' s keepe r immediately o n his retur n to Paris . H e postpones asking the assem bly to particulariz e their decree so as that he may have only to follo w precise instruction s wit h respec t t o thi s custody ; fo r whic h h e i s blamed by some of his friends. On the whol e hi s post becomes every day mor e untenable . H e i s to o generou s t o ac t wit h respec t t o th e K i n g an d Quee n a s th e peopl e o f Pari s exact . T h i s confirm s th e popular opinion of his connivance with them for which he is publicly denounced i n a number of clubs and journals. I n the mea n tim e th e necessity o f a vigilan t guar d force s hi m t o d o man y thing s whic h present hi m i n the mos t insupportabl e an d tyrannical postur e bot h to th e K i n g an d Queen an d even t o a great numbe r of the patrioti c part of the assembly . I t seems impossible unde r these circumstances that he should be lon g without losin g the attachmen t o f both parties and th e confidenc e o f th e people .
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T h e assembl y ar e dail y recievin g addresse s fro m al l quarter s o f the Kingdo m and fro m al l orders civi l an d military . Most o f thes e were writte n befor e th e King' s arrestatio n was know n an d are in a style alarmingl y republican. It i s thi s circumstanc e whic h contributed t o induc e th e assembly , o f whic h a majority are decidedly fo r supporting the shado w o f monarchy, to suspen d the electio n o f their successors. T h e electors , i n a neighbourin g departmen t ha d bee n chosen. The y immediatel y sen t a deputatio n t o th e assembl y t o inform the m o f this circumstanc e and to expres s thei r obedienc e t o the assembl y particularl y wit h respect t o th e suspensio n o f the elec tions. Thi s exampl e wil l probabl y b e followe d b y mos t o f th e de partments in the first instance, as in such cases men naturally follow one another ; bu t I doubt whethe r i t wil l las t long . I t seems clear to me tha t a grea t oppositio n i s formin g i n th e spiri t o f th e peopl e without, t o tha t o f the member s within , the assembly . T h e latter as I hav e sai d wish to suppor t the for m of a monarchy. T he former are becoming ever y da y unde r the influenc e o f their clubs , leader s an d journals, more and more averse both to the substance an d form. You may judge o f the spiri t of the peopl e o f Pari s wh o hav e muc h influence o n those of the provinces , from the popula r journals which you will reciev e b y th e wa y o f Havr e togethe r wit h th e usua l pa pers. - T h e se journal s are hawked abou t th e streets , crie d in ever y quarter o f Pari s an d sold chea p o r give n t o th e peopl e wh o devou r them wit h astonishin g avidity . Shoul d this spiri t propagate itsel f as seems certain, the presen t assembl y wil l b e oblige d t o abando n th e helm. The y ar e alread y denounce d b y thes e journals as bein g sol d to th e court , a s forgin g th e addresse s fro m th e province s (thi s yo u know i s a reproac h whic h ha s bee n lon g mad e t o the m b y th e aristocrats an d often wit h reason ) approbator y of their present pro ceedings. T h e mos t popula r member s ar e accuse d o f wishin g t o reestablish despotic governmen t i n the person of the monarch, whose usual epithe t i s no w Louis le faux o r Louis le parjure. Deposition s are printe d a s havin g bee n take n fro m peopl e wh o hav e a perfec t knowlege o f the Marqui s de la fayette an d M. Bouille having favored the King' s escape , an d havin g endeavoure d t o escap e themselves . A thousan d suc h extravagance s repeate d ever y da y canno t fai l i n the end to produce an effect on the minds of the people. T h e Queen's declaration seem s t o inculpat e th e Marqui s as sh e say s they passe d through a door whic h he ha d informed the assembl y ha d been par ticularly guarded that night, as information had been give n that they were t o pas s there. Som e thin k still tha t they wen t throug h anothe r passage fo r whic h false key s wer e made . I f so i t i s probabl y wit h a [ 58 5 ]
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design to injure the Marquis that the contrary is asserted. In addition to thi s his insisting on the King' s bein g allowe d to g o t o St . Cloud , and resignin g becaus e th e guar d refused t o obe y hi m i n it , an d hi s connexion wit h an d responsibilit y havin g alway s take n o n hi m t o answer fo r M . d e Bouille , ar e constantly quote d i n proof . It i s no w know n tha t h e wa s th e chie f of the pla n for th e King' s leaving Pari s an d had give n order s fo r arrangin g the troop s unde r his command s o a s to secur e his journey to, an d stay at , Montmedi . T h e troop s wer e no t i n th e secret , bu t i t wa s though t tha t th e presence of their sovereign woul d insure their fidelity. Many suppos e also tha t a n Austrian garriso n for greate r securit y would hav e bee n marched t o Montmed i whic h i s i n th e neighbourhoo d o f Luxem burg. As ye t nothin g is known of the effect which the King' s arrestation has produced abroad. T he present uncertai n state o f politics amon g the principa l Europea n State s leave s i t impossibl e t o conjectur e whether an y o r wha t measure s wil l b e adopte d i n consequenc e o f it. I f they ac t separatel y thei r interferenc e wil l produc e n o effect , and i t woul d see m littl e probabl e tha t power s wh o hav e al l th e appearance of being a t the ev e o f hostilities amon g themselves coul d act i n concert . T h e negotiation s a t Sistovi c stil l continu e bu t giv e littl e hope s of a speed y reconciliation . T h e Empero r give s symptom s b y th e dis position o f his troops, o f expecting t o rene w the wa r with the T u r k . T h e Empres s redoubles he r preparation s i n th e Balti c an d speak s in a tone corresponden t t o th e respectabl e stat e o f defens e sh e ha s prepared. G . Britai n continue s he r nava l equipments an d i t i s sai d is onl y no w waitin g for the retur n of an express fro m Petersbur g in order to tak e decisiv e measures . A l l the symptom s indicat e tha t th e fleet i s t o g o int o th e Baltic . Stil l I a m tol d tha t ther e ha s bee n a much greate r ris e o n th e Mediterranea n than th e Balti c insurance. T h i s circumstanc e astonishes a good deal here an d is considere d a s inexplicable fro m an y o f M . d e l a Luzerne' s letters. T h e perso n sen t b y th e K i n g t o th e Princ e de Cond é wit h th e decree o f th e assembl y injoinin g hi s return , write s tha t h e wa s a t Worms th e 22d. , tha t he ha d been wel l recieved , and was t o follo w the Princ e to Coblent z where h e i s to hav e hi s answer. Number s o f French refugee s an d al l the Prince s are assembled i n tha t quarter. Their inveterac y agains t th e presen t orde r of things i s as great a s i t can be , bu t i t doe s no t appea r tha t the y hav e an y wel l grounde d hopes o f bein g supporte d fro m abroa d an d i t i s certai n the y hav e no mean s o f doin g an y thin g o f themselves . [ 58 6 ]
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Simolin ha s exempte d himsel f fro m al l suspicio n i n th e affai r o f the passepor t b y a letter written to M. de Montmorin and published in th e journals. I t appears that the perso n for whom h e aske d it wa s really a Russian, and by strategem induce d him to obtain a duplicate which wa s give n t o th e King . T h e assembl y hav e passed a decree prohibitin g any person's leav ing th e Kingdo m without a passeport. Foreigner s are to reciev e i t from thei r respective ministers ; citizens, fro m the municipalities . In both case s th e signalement of the severa l persons i s to b e expresse d in th e passeport . I omitte d i n my las t inclosin g yo u a copy o f my answe r to M . d e Montmorin. Severa l of the corp s diplomatique, an d particularly th e Spanish Ambassador told me they intende d answerin g it somewha t in tha t style . I hav e no t hear d any thin g fo r a long tim e fro m Car michael. I wil l infor m yo u i n a lette r I shal l writ e b y th e wa y o f Havre o f a conversation I had with Reyneval on th e subjec t o f your letter o f Marc h 19 . Thing s relativ e theret o remai n a s whe n I las t wrote t o you . You wil l reciev e als o inclose d a lette r fo r th e Secretar y o f th e treasury and a copy o f my No. 69 . Thi s lette r will g o b y the Englis h Packet. I mentione d i n m y No . 70 . tha t I ha d seen Drost , that h e hope s he shal l b e abl e t o compl y wit h you r wishe s i n goin g t o America , but tha t h e i s certai n i t canno t b e befor e nex t spring , tha t i n th e mean tim e h e woul d hav e th e prope r instrument s mad e her e an d could give directions for the buildings to be erected before hi s arrival so a s t o los e n o time , tha t h e think s i t woul d b e bes t t o hav e fou r presses made , bu t tha t tw o woul d d o fo r the present , tha t the y wil l cost abou t 22,00 0 n each , tha t h e wil l undertak e t o teac h th e ar t of assaying to an y person you may designate, an d finally that he wa s to determin e i n a fortnigh t whethe r h e woul d engag e t o go . I a m with th e sentiment s o f attachment & affection, o f which I hope yo u are wel l persuaded , m y dea r Sir , your friend and servant, W . SHORT P.S. I n you r lette r o f Marc h 15 . yo u observ e tha t th e paper s ha d not bee n recieve d fro m m y secretar y a s I expecte d durin g m y ab sence. The y were certainly regularly sent, an d I hope will hav e bee n recieved wit h time . Y o u ad d tha t nothin g ha d bee n addresse d t o him, hi s name being unknown to you. I did not suppos e i t necessary to giv e yo u hi s nam e fo r th e purpos e o f your addressin g an y thin g to him , a s m y absenc e bein g fo r thre e month s onl y i t wa s certai n [ 58 7 }
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that I shoul d b e bac k befor e an y lette r fro m yo u addresse d t o hi m could arrive . I hav e alway s forgotte n t o giv e this explanatio n i n m y letters writte n sinc e th e reciep t o f .yours o f Marc h 15 . PrC (DLC : Shor t Papers); at head of text: "No.7L"; at foot of text: "Thomas Jefferson Secretary of State Philadelphia." Tr (DNA: RG 59 , DD). Recorded in S JL a s received 23 Aug . 1791 .
F r o m Sylvanu s B o u r n e Cape François, 30 June 1791 . H e ha s no t bee n favore d b y an y communi cation fro m T J sinc e hi s o f 27 Apr . After mor e tha n thre e month s h e ha s no t been officiall y received , despit e hi s "argument s . . . draw n fro m th e teno r o f explicit compact , an d conveye d i n fir m bu t coo l language. " The y repl y tha t they hav e neve r bee n officiall y notifie d o f the Consula r Convention , it canno t be registered , an d o f course the y ar e no t boun d b y it . But thi s i s specious: th e real motive s ar e "les s honourable an d suc h a s neve r ough t t o hav e influence in public Councils." The fac t is that admiralt y and customs officer s say they woul d lose man y fee s unde r th e Conventio n tha t the y no w enjoy , whil e thos e wh o execute th e droit ctaubaine woul d los e "thei r futur e chance s o f pillagin g ou r Countrymen unde r th e sanctio n o f an infamous Statut e . . . a disgrac e t o an y civilized Countr y an d mor e especiall y on e whic h boast s o f strides t o freedo m and clea r perceptio n i n the simpl e relativ e right s o f M e n ." This la w applie d i n cas e o f a M r . Myer s o f Au x Cayes , mentione d i n hi s last. He has sinc e received a letter from Georg e Saunderson , a reputable American merchant there , date d 2 1 A p r . 1791 , i n respons e t o hi s o f th e 14t h askin g information o f the case . Saunderso n say s that Myer s die d intestat e o n th e 5th , w i t h non e o f his friends o r relatives present; that, thoug h he supposed the droits d'aubaine annihilate d by the chang e in government, th e officer s " in my absenc e and tha t o f many othe r Americans " affixe d thei r seals , inventorie d the effects , and dispose d o f them b y auctio n o n th e 20th . O n receivin g this new s Bourn e discussed th e questio n w i t h th e Governo r General , wh o ha s writte n t o hi s government abou t promulgatio n of the Convention . Bourne pointe d out to h im that treatie s wer e th e suprem e la w o f the lan d and tha t thei r promulgatio n by royal proclamatio n gave them immediat e effect throughou t th e kingdo m whic h all officer s wer e boun d t o obey , otherwis e certai n branche s o f government , acting o n thei r particula r interests , migh t nullif y thei r effect , a s ha d bee n don e in som e province s o f France tha t ha d refuse d t o registe r roya l edicts . T o thi s he receive d "n o satisfactor y reply. " Though h e i s thu s place d i n "s o painfu l a situation , yet i n n o on e instanc e have the y shew n m e tha t attentio n whic h migh t evidenc e th e trut h o f thei r assertion [o f regret at no t receivin g the Convention ] o r ten d t o meliorat e th e effects o f that neglect. " Divestin g himself "o f every degre e o f personal chagri n of resentment," h e nevertheless points out that "th e flagrant breache s of Treaty" in respec t t o th e droit d'aubaine, o f such importanc e t o America n commercial interests, an d t o th e treatmen t o f American consuls i n the Wes t Indie s woul d "not fai l t o mee t th e pointe d notic e o f the Governmen t o f the U.S. " A l l else proving ineffectua l t o obtai n officia l recognition , he await s th e arriva l o f th e
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commissaires fro m the National Assembly, who are said to have power to decide. He doubts this, for those lately arrived at Martinique have recognized Skipwith , but he embark s for America. Eve n if he i s received, he doubt s whethe r he can remain, "a s the Governmen t of the U . S . neglect . . . support o f their Consula r Establishment" and do no t guarante e b y la w fund s necessary . Even if received the day he arrived, he doubts whether he could have obtained clearance dat a desire d b y T J . Severa l captain s hav e tol d hi m the y wer e no t bound t o repor t clearances to him , there bein g n o la w requirin g it. American sailors in distress have appeale d to hi m for relief here or conveyance home . A s to former , motives o f humanity led him to ai d them, "th o withou t an y promise of reimbursement fro m m y Government. " As to latter , his appeals t o captain s "have bee n treate d wit h contemp t an d som e time s insult. " Hi s commission , then, bring s him "pain and chagrin in lieu of honour or Reward." Contrary t o arguments o f "those Gentlemen i n Congress who ar e opposed to grantin g any compensation t o ou r Consuls," the captain s trading there think it incompatible with his official duty to engage in trade and have expressed surprise, on learning the fact, that consuls get neithe r fees nor salary. They acknowledge tha t consuls "placed . . . o n prope r principles " in foreig n port s woul d sav e mor e tha n th e cost of their support "b y checks o n th e imposition s o f the lowe r officer s i n the customs." Bu t les t h e b e though t biased , h e wil l sa y n o more . He ha s report s o f severa l Chamber s of Commerc e requeste d b y Nationa l Assembly. I f adopted, thes e wil l circumscrib e American trade "a s the y see m to tak e ver y critically the principle s of the Britis h navigatio n act s an d support the ide a of an exclusive monopol y t o th e Mothe r country of the trad e with th e Colonies." He will try his private establishment fo r two o r three months longer , seeing "n o ground s t o pro p m y relianc e o n an y specifi c suppor t fro m m y Government." If he does not succeed , h e must quit the country as the expenses are enormous an d "the climate such as to require a valuable object. . . to justify one i n a constan t risque o f health, " returnin g t o Americ a t o delive r t o th e President a commissio n h e see s n o prospec t o f "retainin g with persona l reputation o r public advantage." [P.S. ] He apologizes for "a few interline s in this espistle": bein g il l i t pain s hi m t o cop y it . H e hope s h e wil l hav e "soo n th e honour o f an answer." R C ( D N A : RG 59, C D ) ; endorse d b y T J as received 1 6 Jul y 179 1 an d so recorded in S J L .
From T e n c h Cox e [Philadelphia], 30 June 1791. Enclosin g "some note s o n th e Portugues e regulations" base d o n reliabl e source s an d accordin g wit h hi s ow n previou s knowledge an d the "know n spiri t of the Portugues e commercia l System." He will furnis h a simila r paper o n th e othe r cases , meanwhil e addin g summar y data o n th e Swedis h subject . Their Wes t Indi a trad e (a t St . Bartholomew's ) a s fre e a s possible , al l sorts of goods importable and exportable in all sorts of vessels at trifling duty, though t to b e A%. Tobacc o dutie s V h higher int o Swede n i n foreig n tha n Swedis h vessels. Co d and pickled fish, not wante d from abroad, could not b e admitted , nor biscuit . Grain , rice , flour admitte d o n moderat e duties , s o als o bee f an d l
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pork i n casks, of which a good deal is imported from Ireland . Oa k timber the only article of lumber admitted, except masts . Potas h and pearlash made there in grea t quantities , no demand for foreign an d none admitted . Dut y on indigo moderate, o n tobacco considerable . "Oi l of whales admitted . T h e East Indi a Trade a monopoly . . . no foreign ships can introduce India articles." All foreig n manufactures prohibited even i n Swedish ships, but large quantities ar e introduced in their freeport Mastrandt and the Danish freeport Elsinore. Only about 12 or 1500 tierce s of rice of 5 Cwt . each required, consumption bein g confine d to affluen t families . Nava l store s an d flaxseed neither wante d no r admitted. Demand fo r tobacco sai d to be 12,000 hhds. "Foreign built ships prohibited to be made free bottoms, bu t for the recovery of debts , afte r sal e fo r insufficiency, an d repair &c . by whic h mean s som e collusive naturalization s of them ar e effected. Al l foreigners Vessel s are on the same footing . - Lor d Sheffiel d o n the proposed cor n law will b e found i n this enclosure, a s also th e return o f exports a t large, an d in the rough stat e a fair copy not being in the office. I t will b e perceived from this document tha t large contraband importation s fro m the U. S. into foreig n Countrie s take place." RC (DLC) ; endorse d b y T J. No t re- vessel s of the United States" (undated MS corded in SJL. Enclosure : "Note s of the i n D L C: Jefferson Papers, 65: f. 11309-12, commercial an d navigating regulations of wit h erroneous attribution of date [19? July the Kingdo m of Portugal and its domin- 1791]) . ions, which affect the exports, imports, and
T o R i c h a r d Peter s June 30 . 1791. I shoul d soone r hav e answere d you r kin d note , m y dea r Sir , but that I ha d hope d t o mee t yo u th e da y befor e yesterday , an d t o tel l you viv â voc e that , eve n withou t that , I mean t t o b e troublesom e to yo u i n m y afternoo n excursions : tha t bein g th e par t o f th e da y which busines s an d long habi t hav e allotte d t o exercis e wit h me . I shall certainly feel often enough th e inducements to Belmont, amon g the chie f o f whic h wil l b e you r societ y an d the desir e o f becomin g acquainted wit h Mrs . Peters. Cal l o n me , i n you r turn , wheneve r you com e t o town : an d i f i t shoul d b e abou t th e hou r o f three , I shall rejoic e th e more . Y o u will find a ba d dinner , a goo d glas s o f wine, and a host thankful for your favor, and desirous of encouraging repetitions o f it without number , form or ceremony. Whe n Madison returns you wil l ofte n find him here without notic e an d always with it: an d i f you complai n agai n o f no t seein g him , i t wil l b e tha t th e place o f rendezvou s doe s not enjo y you r favour. H e i s a t presen t i n New York , undecide d a s to hi s nex t movement . Adieu . You r affec tionate frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON [ 590 ]
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RC (PHi) ; addressed : "Honbl e Richar d Peters , a t Belmont" ; endorse d b y Peters , probably much later: "Friendly Note from Mr. Jefferson , wit h whom and Mr. Madison I ha d long been in Habits of Friendship." Not recorde d in SJL .
From T e n c h Cox e [ca. Jun e 1791 ]
Mr. Cox e ha s th e hono r t o enclos e to Mr . Jefferson a state of th e exports o f Sugar , coffee, coco a an d Cotto n fro m Surina m for 1787 , and som e smaller article s fo r othe r years . None o f these article s ca n be ship t elsewher e tha n t o Europe , no r i n an y othe r tha n Dutc h bottoms. A Dutc h Merchan t havin g informe d Mr . Cox e tha t h e ha s fur nished M r . Fitzsimmons wit h th e Dutc h accoun t o f Dutie s fo r M r. Jefferson the y ar e omitte d t o b e notice d here . East Indi a goods (except Spices ) ca n yet b e ship t to Hollan d from the Unite d State s bu t thi s i t i s expecte d wil l ver y soo n b e altered . American buil t Ship s ca n b e bough t an d employe d a s Dutc h Ships, excep t i n th e Fisheries, East India Trade, an d West India Trade, abou t whic h ther e i s som e uncertainty. All foreigner s ar e prohibited a t the Dutc h East Indi a settlements , beyond Good Hope, int o whic h por t al l are admitted . All kind s o f mea l ar e prohibited t o b e importe d int o Holland , all other good s ar e admitte d o n lo w duties , spice s (an d I suspec t fish) excepted. All kind s o f good s ma y b e ship t fro m Holland . No distinctio n i s mad e betwee n foreig n ships . No r an y betwee n native an d foreign excep t in the Eas t Indi a Trade, fisheries an d West India Trade . 1
RC (DLC) ; in clerk's hand; endorsed by T J : "Mr . Coxe , Dutch " an d "Holland , Surinam." Not recorded in SJL. Df t (PHi: Coxe Papers), with some slight variations (see not e 1). Enclosure: Tabular "State of the Export s from the Colon y of Surinam" showing som e few item s (such a s indigo , tobacco, wax , an d "Boi s d e Lettre" ) for various years from 1722 to 1763, but principally th e followin g fo r th e yea r 1787 :
15,744 hhds. of sugar; 12,129,756 pounds of coffee ; 802,72 4 pound s o f cacao ; and 925,967 pound s o f cotton (M S in clerk's hand in DLC). Th e 1787 figure s wer e interlined b y Cox e i n Df t underneat h th e appropriate articles. Th e last clause was added after the letter was first written.
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F r o m Davi d Humphrey s Lisbon, 1 July 1791. Enclosin g his account, as requested i n T J 's o f 1 5 Mch. He wrote Willink , Va n Staphorst & Hubbard to ask if they had received orders to pa y hi m th e sum s state d i n tha t letter , bu t ha s ha d n o repl y an d ha s no t drawn the whol e du e him , not needin g remainde r until furniture ordered from England arrives. He has not been able to state amount of postage with precision, but i t is not considerabl e an d he has not charge d it as contingent expense s nor claimed i t i n hi s publi c account . H e wishe s t o kno w if etrennes fal l "i n tha t predicament" to an y specific amount . H e understands Frankli n charge d them, and Carmichae l say s Adam s wrot e tha t h e shoul d d o th e same . " A liberality in tha t Article , beyon d wha t th e Salar y . . . wil l convenientl y allow , may , perhaps, no t b e withou t it s use . - Bu t of this yo u ar e a much more competen t judge tha n I ca n pretend to be. " He ha s ordere d newspaper s sen t fro m differen t countrie s t o him , to b e for warded t o "th e Offic e o f foreig n Affairs " an d charge d t o th e public . Non e a s yet ha s arrived . P.S . Thre e day s ag o h e receive d T J ' s of 2 Ma y introducin g Wilcock an d wil l pa y attentio n t o it s subject . RC (DNA : R G 59 , DD); a t head of text: "(No. 23)"; endorsed by TJ a s received 22 Sep. 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL. T r (same) .
F r o m Georg e Sken e K e i t h "Keith hall" Scotland, 1 July 1791. H e i s sendin g " a smal l publication " which he hopes TJ wil l accept, concerning "an universal Equalization of Weights Measures and Coins. An d if I thought an y man in America had bestowed more Labour o n thi s tha n I have don e I shoul d no t hav e give n yo u thi s trouble. " As fo r T J ' s proposed ro d pendulu m vibratin g seconds a s th e standard , he surely know s tha t "th e Length of pendulum," alway s measured from the poin t of suspension t o th e cente r o f oscillation an d supposed t o hav e neither breadth nor weight , i s abou t 39.1 3 inche s an d "th e sam e eithe r i n the bal l pendulu m or Ro d pendulum whic h I prefer." "The Syste m whic h I propos e wa s founde d upo n a discovery, whic h aston ished mysel f whe n I first mad e it . A cubi c vesse l whos e sid e i s equa l t o th e seconds pendulum , hold s almost exacly a Tun o f distille d wate r o f 60 ° heat , Amsterdam weight . Thi s I propose d t o divid e decimally . Othe r advantage s you wil l se e i n th e pamphlet . - I f you, o r an y Gentlema n fro m N . America , choose to correspond with me, my address is - Th e Reverend Geo: Skene Keit h Minr. o f Keit h hal l b y Aberdee n N . Britain. " RC (MWA) ; endorsed by TJ as received 4 Apr . 179 2 an d so recorded in SJL .
F r o m J a m e s Madiso n New York, 1 July 1791. H e receive d T J ' s of th e 28t h yesterda y an d thi s morning obtaine d fro m Col . Smith the pamphle t an d map , here enclosed , th e
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former t o b e kep t an d the latte r returned as i t i s th e las t copy . A s t o th e ma p of Sout h America , h e say s i t wa s obtaine d "fro m th e engrave r b y Pit t an d Grenville during the squabble with Spain, and remained in their hands for that period a s th e bes t geographica l informatio n t o b e had ; that i t ha s sinc e bee n returned to him according to promise, i s about /à engraved , and will probabl y be ou t thi s fall. " He encloses letter from L e Havre with account o f the pric e of tobacco whic h T J ma y no t hav e see n "an d which it ma y no t b e amis s fo r Leipe r t o see. " He ha s bee n somewha t indispose d fo r severa l days, wit h a fever an d prett y "decided symptom s o f bile, " confining hi m t o th e hous e bu t no t t o hi s room . He i s no w better , especiall y a t bein g relieve d "fro m a nausea an d irritation in the stomach . .. the more disagreeable as they threatened a more serious attack." Though h e stil l ha s a sligh t feve r an d los s o f appetite , h e hope s th e caus e i s fugitive an d the effects goin g off. Hi s horse seems out o f danger, bu t has much flesh to regain . H e send s " a little o f the tru e guine a cor n from Jamaica wher e it forms a great proportio n of the foo d of the Slaves . It grows o n the to p o f the Stalk lik e broo m Corn , an d i n a figure no t unlik e a bunch o f Suma c berries. This th e first tim e I hav e see n th e grain , tho' i t ma y b e familia r to you . Th e small-eared cor n which I have see n i n Virginia unde r the sam e nam e i s a very different thing . Yrs . mo : affecly. " 2
RC (DLC : Madison Papers); date added to endorsement by Madison later when letter was returned to him; endorsed by TJ a s received 6 July 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Danie l Carrol l Georgetown, 2 July 1791. Mr . Wederstrandt, whose enclose d lette r solicit s consulship i n Isl e o f Franc e fo r hi s son , i s a nativ e o f Franc e wh o cam e t o Maryland before th e Revolution, married into a very respectable Easter n Shore family, was employed b y the stat e or Congress during the war, and has "a very fair Character. " The youn g gentlema n i s no t ye t o f age bu t wil l b e soo n afte r Congress meets. H e served apprenticeship with Messrs. Zacharie Coopma n & Co., merchant s of character in Baltimore . He ma y b e th e beare r of this letter , and T J will mak e us e o f it wit h th e Presiden t as he "ma y see occasion. " RC (DLC : Washingto n Papers) ; en dorsed b y T J as receive d 1 3 Jul y 179 1 and s o recorde d in SJL . Enclosures : (1) Wederstrandt t o Carroll , 2 7 Jun e 1791 , asking hi m to recommen d hi s so n t o th e Secretary o f Stat e an d permit him to deliver the letter himself; (2) Zacharie Coopman & Co. to Wederstrandt, 20 June 179 1 (enclosed in the foregoing), statin g the apprentice served with irreproachable fidelity for five year s an d displaye d assiduit y i n business, docilit y o f temper , an d goo d character (same). The father, Conrad T. Wederstrandt, was
not employe d b y Congres s but serve d as commissary o f purchase s fo r Marylan d during the war (JCC, xrx , 179). The French consul i n Baltimore , Charle s Françoi s D'Anmours, als o gav e youn g Weder strandt a lette r o f introductio n an d rec ommendation t o T J , sayin g tha t h e had known him since infancy and that he had deserved th e applaus e an d estee m o f all acquainted with him (D'Anmours to T J , 8 Jul y 1791 , R C in D L C : Washingto n Papers; endorsed by TJ a s received 13 July 1791 an d s o recorde d i n SJL) . Youn g Wederstrandt did not get the appointment.
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From Joshu a Johnson London, 2 July 1791 . His last, 31 May, went by Sterett on New Yor k packet . On 29t h ult . he received T J 's tw o letters of 13 May; those enclosed hav e bee n delivered. T o his other h e wil l repl y i n a few days, "tho ' . .. I must confes s that I began to consider your silence, neglect; o r that my communications wer e not wort h attention." But , doubts removed , he informs TJ that Thomas Wal pole, ministe r to the Palatine Elector, wa s offered appointmen t o f minister to U.S. but , on advice o f friends, decline d it . Georg e Hammond , late secretar y to Lor d St . Helens, ambassado r to Spain , "wa s appointed tw o or three day s ago, an d I understand , is to g o ou t very soon. " T J may know somethin g o f him: "h e is the son of Mr. Hammond of Hull, an d was with Davi d Hartley. Esq., whe n h e wa s sent t o negotiat e wit h th e America n Commissioner s at Paris; I know nothin g o f his Character , o r abilities, mor e tha n tha t I hear he is a heavy man." Preparations fo r war are still goin g on , "and the trouble, an d Vexation I have ha d with ou r Seamen &ca . is infinite beyon d an y conception. Notwith standing al l this, man y thin k i t wil l en d in nothing." H e would writ e fuller , but i s pressed b y the captain. Dupl (DNA : RG 59, CD); a t head of text: "The original W the Londo n Packet , Capt Fohey , via Baltimore." Recorded i n S J L a s received 2 Oct. 1791. F C (same) . Johnson refers to TJ's two letters of 13 May 1791 , but only on e of that dat e is
recorded in SJL, an d only on e has been found. Since Johnson mentions enclosures in one of the two letters, the second must have bee n a covering note asking him to forward the consular instructions to others, such as Knox, Maury, Church, and Auldjo.
T o A l e x a n d e r Marti n S I R Philadelphi a July 2 . 1791. I recieve d yesterda y th e letter s o f Ma y 10 . an d 20 . wit h whic h your Excellenc y was please d t o honou r me , an d have t o retur n yo u my thank s fo r you r attentio n t o m y reques t relativ e t o th e land s o f the U . S . an d to expres s th e gratificatio n i t wil l b e t o m e t o reciev e at an early day the informatio n yo u have bee n pleased t o direc t fro m the Secretar y o f you r stat e an d fro m Colo . Armstrong. On th e 26th . o f Januar y las t I ha d th e hono r o f writin g t o you r Excellency a lette r o f whic h th e inclose d i s a copy an d a t th e sam e time tw o copie s o f th e law s o f th e first sessio n o f Congres s wer e forwarded o n t o you , a s yo u wil l se e b y th e inclose d not e fro m th e Chief cler k o f m y office , wh o mad e u p th e dispatch . I no w inclos e another copy , an d delive r i t t o th e gentlema n wh o wa s th e beare r of your letter , an d who undertake s t o find a safe conveyance. I hope it wil l b e mor e fortunat e i n it' s passag e than th e forme r copie s hav e [ 59 4 ]
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been. I have th e honou r t o b e wit h grea t respec t You r Excellency' s most obedt . & most humbl e servt. , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC). FC (DNA: RG 360, PCC No. 120). Listed in S J L as written 1 July 1791, no doubt erroneously, for on the same date the letters of Martin received Y E S T E R D A Y are recorded. Martin's letters have not been found.
From Henr y Le e DEAR SI R Philada
. Jul y 3d . 9 1
The preservatio n o f th e relativ e importanc e o f Virgini a amon g her siste r state s mus t b e hel d highl y consequentia l t o he r futur e interests, whethe r fat e shall allot to Americ a undisturbed felicity, o r difficultys danger s an d vicissitudes . The ide a yo u suggeste d relativ e t o a purchas e o f a trac t o f lan d contiguous t o Lak e Eri e an d Beave r cree k i s certainl y worth y o f every consideration , an d i f executabl e ough t t o b e don e fo r publi c purposes withou t los s o f time . -1 hav e sinc e I sa w yo u continue d my enquir y s o n th e subjec t an d find tha t m y memor y wa s righ t a s to th e reservatio n o f soi l b y th e Stat e o f Connecticu t o f a large trac t of countr y sout h o f th e Pensylvani a line , lyin g o n lak e Eri e an d passing dow n th e lak e belo w th e mout h o f Cayohoga . I hav e see n a sal e b y dee d fro m th e Stat e o f Connecticu t o f 400 0 acre s o f thi s land adjoining and comprehending th e Sal t Springs on Beave r creek. By referrin g to th e Journal s of Congres s fo r th e yea r 8 6 I thin k the ac t o f cessio n mad e b y th e Stat e o f Connecticu t wil l b e found , which wil l giv e ever y requisit e informatio n o n thi s point . Sinc e th e assumption o f the Stat e debts , th e objec t fo r whic h thi s reservatio n was made , ceases , an d th e Stat e wil l probabl y sel l thei r land s wit h facility fo r a lower pric e tha n wa s originall y contemplated . Mr. Wadswort h wh o i s on e o f th e partner s wit h M r . Morri s i n the purchas e from Massachusett s ha s turned his view s t o thi s objec t and wait s [only ] fo r th e meetin g o f th e Legislatur e t o ente r int o treaty fo r a par t o r al l o f th e reserve d lands . I understan d onl y th e first mentione d trac t o f 400 0 acre s ha s ye t bee n sold . Fro m th e statement i t seem s obvious , tha t measure s ough t t o b e take n ex peditiously wit h o r withou t th e concurrenc e o f M r . Wadsworth t o secure th e objec t necessar y t o ou r country, o r it may b e irrevocabl y lost. If I determin e t o accompan y M r . Madison t o Boston , I wil l pas s thro Connecticu t an d avai l mysel f o f ever y informatio n withi n m y [ 59 5 }
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reach an d d o an y thin g els e whic h ma y b e advise d t o accomplis h this business . In th e mea n tim e yo u wil l hav e i t i n you r powe r t o conside r th e intelligence no w given , t o compar e i t wit h th e ac t o f cession , an d to furnis h m e wit h suc h remark s a s ma y resul t fro m you r farthe r investigation o f th e matte r whe n you r leisur e wil l permit . -1 hav e the hono r t o b e si r wit h grea t respec t you r h : ser , H E N R Y L E E RC (DLC) ; addressed : "The Honl . Mr. Jefferso n Secretary of State"; endorsed by TJ as received 3 July 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
F r o m J o h n Care y [Philadelphia], "Monday, July 4 [1791], No..96, South Street" Apologize s for troubl e give n hi m about Irenseu s and is mortifie d t o discove r hi s mistake . Mr. Crawford , wh o purchase d the book , ha s positivel y assure d him h e men tioned Justi n Martyr, no t Irenaeus , though, a s TJ had already bought on e o f the tw o copie s o f Justin Martyr, h e "canno t possibl y accoun t fo r the error. " Having yesterda y take n u p Notes on Virginia an d ha d hi s "imaginatio n s o hurried awa y b y th e unite d stream s o f Shenandoa h an d Patowmac , burstin g forth a t you r command , a s a t th e touc h o f Moses ' rod , and forcin g thei r wa y through opposing mountains, " he lost sight o f every consideration pointing ou t impropriety of asking TJ's attentio n t o a trifling plan which some woul d think useless an d others impracticable . But h e hope s "th e philosophi c write r of th e Notes on Virgini a wil l excus e m e for hazarding an idea, even though i t should, upon investigation , prov e erroneou s - an d for venturin g to addres s i t t o Him, in preferenc e t o me n les s capabl e o f deciding o n it s merit." To kee p th e legislativ e bod y comfortabl y war m in winter presents n o grea t difficulty. Bu t i n summe r i t woul d perhap s b e desirabl e t o kee p the m com fortably cool , especiall y if no t expensiv e o r troublesome . "No w Saltpetr e i s universally know n t o b e a ver y powerfu l refrigerant : an d Saltpetr e will , n o doubt, b e among th e militar y stores , o f whic h governmen t mus t constantl y have a n adequate provision . Suppose , then , tha t unde r the Rooms , whic h are to b e erected , fo r . . . Congress , o n th e bank s o f Patowmac , spac e sufficien t were allowe d (withou t descendin g t o th e damp ) fo r Magazine s o f Saltpetre . Communications, betwee n thes e an d the Room s o f Congress, might b e easil y contrived i n a variety o f modes , s o a s no t t o hur t the eye , b y disfigurin g th e appearance o f the latter . Tube s or Trunk s migh t b e fastene d t o th e aperture s underneath, and the lowe r end of each either lodged i n a heap of the Saltpetre , or a s nea r to it , a s woul d b e consisten t wit h th e fre e circulatio n of the air . In this case , i f the window s o f the room s abov e were kep t clos e shut , t o exclud e the warm air o f the surrounding atmosphere, any accession of air, t o that already contained i n th e rooms , mus t com e directl y throug h th e Saltpetre , coo l an d fresh, an d purified (I would suppose ) fro m many of those noxious particles , of which th e fros t happil y rids us ever y winter. "In th e ceiling , a n openin g will , n o doubt , b e left , fo r th e purpos e o f ven tilating th e Room s o f Congress . Suppose, however , i t wer e thought advisabl e
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to ai d the ordinary ascensive motio n o f the warm air , and consequently th e influx of cool air from the Saltpetre-rooms, Quaere, whether — (ridiculous as the idea may, at first sight, appea r to some people) - th e forc e of fire might no t be made subservien t t o thi s end ? Th e effects o f fire upo n air , and (if I may b e allowed t o coin a new expression) th e ignipetal forc e o f the latter , are too well known, t o nee d a demonstration. Suppose , then , that , ove r th e aperture for ventilating the Room, there were contrived , in the roof or dome of the house , a funne l o f prope r dimensions , i n whic h a stov e shoul d b e placed , a t suc h distance fro m the ventilator, a s to attract the air through it, rather than fro m any othe r part : this stov e migh t b e kept constantl y heate d durin g the sitting of Congress in warm weather; and would thus accelerat e the circulation of the whole volum e o f air, betwee n the Saltpetre-rooms an d the roof." He doe s not know ho w far it would b e necessary t o establish th e height at which outsid e ai r should be introduced to the saltpeter area , but this coul d be determined b y experiment, wit h "trunk s run up (in a Northern aspect) alon g the walls , or funnels lef t ope n i n the masonry)." Not being verse d i n natural philosophy, h e cannot vouc h for the practicability of the pla n or say how far it will admi t usefu l improvements . "Wit h doub t an d hesitation, therefore , I beg leave t o presen t i t t o a philosopher, a s I woul d presen t a roug h ston e t o a skillful statuary , wh o can at onc e decid e whethe r i t i s susceptibl e o f a poli s h - a n d , i f i t be, ca n call forth , fro m th e rud e mass , a twi n siste r t o the Medicean Venus , or a younger brothe r to the Apollo o f Belvedere." RC (MHi) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 4 Jul y 179 1 and so recorded in SJL . A copy of Justin Martyr's Opera (Paris, 1636) i s in the Library o f Congress an d bears the signature of John Carey . It wa s
probably th e copy unde r discussion here (see Sowerby, No. 1581) . If TJ responde d to Carey's interesting suggestion about airconditioning the halls of Congress, the fact is not of record.
T o J o h n Dobso n S I R Philada . Jul y 4. 1791. A bon d o f min e fo r £ 5 0 0 . sterl . par t o f M r . Wayles' s deb t t o Farrell & Jone s bein g payabl e th e 19th . inst . an d bein g com e t o your hands , i t i s necessar y fo r m e t o giv e yo u th e followin g infor mation. Thes e bond s wer e subjec t t o writte n condition s expresse d in article s o f th e sam e dat e wit h th e bonds . On e o f thes e provide d that M r . Hanson should receive an d collect th e bond s fo r which w e should sel l property, and not deman d the mone y fro m us unles s th e obligors shoul d prove insolvent . I n the mea n time w e wer e to appl y the profit s o f ou r estates as they shoul d aris e towards th e discharg e of the earlies t bonds. I n November las t I informed M r. Hanson that according t o th e bes t judgmen t whic h could the n b e forme d o f m y crop of that year, I should have 55,000 lb. of good tobo. and 14,00 0 lb. o f indifferent t o appl y to th e paymen t o f my bon d o f this year t o [ 59 7 ]
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him, an d of another to anothe r person of which he knew. In another letter of April I informed him that the lo w pric e of tobo. i n Virgini a had induced me t o orde r my goo d tobo. here and to sel l it here: but that a s they mad e a difference o f 5 / betwee n ne w an d old tobo. an d would conside r none a s old till th e mont h o f September, I had bee n obliged t o giv e credi t t o th e en d o f tha t month , an d consequentl y to dela y hi s paymen t betwee n 2 . an d 3 month s i n orde r to enlarg e it. T h i s wa s t o th e interes t o f hi s principa l a s wel l a s myself . H e informed m e i n answer that he had assigned m y bond to you , which is th e caus e o f m y troublin g yo u wit h th e communicatio n o f wha t had passe d betwee n hi m an d me . I hav e reaso n t o expec t a s muc h tobo. wil l com e her e a s I ha d notifie d hi m of : bu t I fear , fro m a letter receive d from Colo . Lewis , mentionin g som e expences whic h had occurre d and on whic h he ha d not calculated , that perhap s h e may hav e bee n oblige d t o appl y a part, i f not all , of th e 14,00 0 lb. to othe r purposes . A s I shall b e wit h him in September I shall the n be able to concert with him the quickest means we can find of making up th e deficienc y whic h th e paymen t fro m henc e wil l leave , eithe r from th e 14,0001b . o f tobo. beforementione d o r from the resource s furnished b y th e presen t year . I shal l b e glad , betwee n thi s an d October, t o kno w fro m yo u whethe r I ca n mak e paymen t t o an y person her e fo r you , an d whethe r yo u wil l reciev e mone y a t th e current exchange , o r mus t hav e a bill . T h e forme r woul d b e mos t agreeable t o me . I a m Si r Your ver y humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (CSmH) .
F r o m Jonatha n Edward s New Haven, 4 July 1791. I n Apri l o r Ma y last h e sen t tw o book s o f his father, th e copyright to whic h h e claim s a s proprietor, an d requested a certificate. Receivin g none , h e conclude s either that he ha d omitted some ste p or that this had escaped notice among more important objects . "If th e former b e the fact, wil l you kindly infor m me in a line, what the omission is? I f the latter, you wil l pardo n me , tha t I hav e refreshed you r memory . That ma y b e ver y important to me, which is of no consequence to others." He desires the certificate to sho w tha t th e book s wer e deposite d a t th e tim e received , "a s tha t if I understand the law , is an important circumstance. " RC (DNA : RG 59 , MLR); endorsed by I n the summe r o f 179 0 Jonatha n Ed T J a s received 9 July 1791 and so recorded ward s ( 1745-1801 ), son of the famous thein SJL . ologia n and metaphysician, had sent TJ a
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4 J U L Y 17 copy o f his The salvation of all men strictly examined (Ne w Haven , 1790 ) t o b e reg istered fo r copyrigh t an d ha d aske d fo r certification o f th e fac t i f this wer e neces sary (Edward s to T J , 9 Aug . 1790 ; R C i n DNA: R G 59 , M L R , no t recorded in S J L ) . In Apri l 179 1 h e sent two book s "the copyright of which I claim as proprietor, having published the m fro m th e manuscript s o f the authour: and I request a certificate, that I hav e . . . deposite d the m i n you r office " (Edwards t o T J , 26 Apr . 1791 ; R C i n same, not recorde d in S J L ) . Thes e works, as indicated in the abov e letter , were those of hi s father . Thei r title s wer e True grace distinguished (Elizabethtown , 1791 ) an d Two dissertations (Philadelphia , 1791) . Edwards coul d scarcel y hav e avoide d knowing that TJ ha d passed through Con necticut a short while before thi s letter was written, a fact which may give added mean-
91
ing to his allusion to those "more important objects" whic h migh t hav e cause d hi s re quest t o escap e notice . T J closed th e cor respondence wit h hi s respons e o f 1 4 Jul y 1791. H e could never have found Edward s philosophically congenial , bu t he wa s much interested i n an d acquire d a cop y o f E d wards' Observations on the language of the Muhhekaneew Indians (Ne w Haven , 1788) . On th e basis of his ow n youthful experienc e among th e Mohica n Indians , Edward s compiled a comparativ e vocabular y of th e Mohican, Shawanee , an d Chippew a lan guages, much as TJ had caused to be done with man y othe r tribes . Edwards ' Observations attempted t o show the extent o f the Mohican languag e i n Nort h America , t o trace it s grammatica l nature, and to poin t out "som e of its peculiarities, and some instances o f Analog y betwee n tha t an d th e Hebrew" (Sowerby , No . 4050) .
F r o m Eliphale t Pearso n S l R Cambridge
, 4th July, 1791 .
The America n Academy o f Arts and Science s ha s directe d m e t o present eac h correspondin g society , an d eac h o f it s ow n members , not residen t i n thi s State , a cop y o f Judg e Lowell' s Eulog y o n it s late worth y President , whic h I hav e no w th e hono r t o transmit . With sentiment s o f du e respect , I am , Sir , You r mos t obedient , humble servant , ELIPHALE T PEARSO N R C ( D L C ) ; printed , signed b y Pearson as Correspondin g Secretary; endorsed b y T J a s receive d 2 2 Oct . 179 1 an d s o re corded i n S J L . Enclosure : An eulogy, on the honourable James Bowdoin, Esq. L.L.D. late President of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. Who died at Boston, November 6, A.D. 1790. Delivered before the
Society, January 26,1791, by John Lowell . . . (Boston, 1791 ; se e Sowerby , No. 521 , for a description o f the cop y enclosed) . T J receive d th e Eulogy a s a member o f the Academy, having been electe d i n 178 7 when Bowdoin was President (see Willar d to T J , 1 6 Jan . 1790) .
F r o m Elia s Porte r Baltimore, 4 July 1791 . A s a stranger, he apologize s fo r delay in sending a letter from Londo n b y bri g Minerva, bein g mislai d "o r it certainly would bin s e n t . . . before. " - H e saw Humphreys in Lisbon in Dec. on his way to Madrid . He receive d a small packe t of letters from him to T J , whic h he gav e t o Capt .
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Steavens a t Cadiz, "boun d to Philadelphia , bein g bound My self to Londo n in the Schoone r Federalis t which I have sens e ha d the Misfortun e to los e o n th e Coast o f England. " RC (DNA : R G 59 , MLR); endorse d by Humphreys ' dispatches of 14 and 28 Oct. T J a s received 6 July 1791 and s o recorded an d 19 and 30 Nov. 1790 , all received on in SJL . The letter sent by Minerva has not 1 1 Feb. 1791. been identified. Those sent fromCadiz were
T o Burril l Carne s S I R Philadelphi
a July 5.1791 .
The beare r hereo f Thoma s Newell , a citizen o f the Unite d State s of America , havin g occasio n t o sollici t justic e befor e th e tribunal s of France within you r Consulate , I take th e libert y o f recommending him t o you r patronag e an d attentio n s o fa r a s th e justic e o f hi s cas e shall authorize. I have the honou r t o b e Si r your ver y humbl e servt. , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; a t foot of text: "Mr. Burrel l Carnes. Consul at Nantes." Recorded in S J L as "for Capt. Newell." FC (DNA : R G 59 , DCI) .
F r o m Stephe n C a t h a l a n , J r . Marseilles, 5 July 1791. H e wrote on 10t h of June by a vessel for New York . This goe s b y on e direc t fo r Philadelphi a and i s onl y t o conve y a lette r fro m Captain Richar d O'Brye n whic h will infor m TJ of the situatio n of the captive s in Algier s bette r tha n h e could . H e await s T J ' s orders o n tha t busines s an d will no t g o furthe r until he answers his lette r o f [22 ] Jan. He hope s tha t th e oliv e tree s wil l succee d i n Carolina . Th e parce l o f 19 7 hhds. o f tobacco mentione d i n his of 20 [i.e., 23 ] Ma y sold at about £45.i t pe r quintal. Littl e remain s unsold. The first arrivals will find ready sales an d good prices. N o America n wheat o r flour has arrived . Whea t would brin g £35 H t o 36.tt an d flour 38. « France ha s bee n i n a crisis on accoun t o f the flight o f th e King an d hi s family . There wer e n o fata l accident s o n hi s retur n becaus e o f the good measures taken by Lafayette. What turn events wil l take God knows! Foreign power s ma y interpos e if a tota l chang e i n th e for m o f governmen t should b e adopted . Meanwhile , foreig n envoy s hav e declare d t o Montmori n that they coul d no longe r correspon d with him unti l they receiv e order s from their courts. He i s yet withou t new s fro m William Short . He has performed sundry legal acts for merchants of Marseilles who have business i n the Unite d States, doin g this "Gratis, til l th e La w will b e establishe d fo r Perquisite s o f th e Consula r offices." [P.S. ] H e hope s al l parties wil l sav e th e kingdo m fro m tota l rui n b y "a Sincer e reunion of hearths to a Single Sprit. " [ 600 ]
6 J U L Y 179 RC (DNA : RG 59, CD) . Recorde d in S J L a s received 22 Sep. 1791 . Enclosure: "Abstract o f a Lette r fro m Capn . Richd . Obrien to Stephen Cathalan, Junr. at Marseilles," dated "City of Bondage" 11 June 1791, acknowledgin g hi s o f the 5t h and assuring him that the Regency would never abate the price asked for their release, since it require d slaves t o buil d and fit ou t it s cruisers; that the efforts of Lamb and others were known to b e under the authorit y of Congress, henc e th e plai n question t o b e faced is for that body o r its envoys t o declare that the price of 17,225 sequins is too great and the captives will not be redeemed on such terms, since this is the manner of the Algerines' dealings with all nations; that he hope d "t o th e Almight y Go d that an answer wil l b e given , eithe r Libert y o r Bondage, no t t o kee p u s i n thi s stat e of suspence," this being the sixth year of their captivity, during which time Congress has been kept fully informed of their situation; that h e fear s th e favorabl e opportunit y Congress had to make peace with the Re-
1
gency has been almost irrevocably lost; that the sum asked for their release is not high considering the current price of slaves; and that n o busines s coul d b e don e with the Regency withou t bribin g th e ministry . O'Bryen thanked Cathalan for his offers to help, bu t assure d him that even th e mos t miserable of the slaves would view this as a confirmatio n o f a longe r captivit y and might "perhap s be the means through an abyss of Dispair and Grief of making some of us try to get clear of a Life which seems to b e a Burthe n o f Torment. " He con cluded by assuring Cathalan that anything he wrote would be kept as a profound secret an d that an y light h e coul d shed on the subject of their ransom would be gratefully received , "Particularly wha t may be the answer of Congress to the enquiries of Monsr. Paret, " since all depended o n that important response (T r in DNA: RG 59 , CD; atteste d b y Cathalan with the seal of the consulate attached on 4 July 1791, from "the original . .. i n the Chancelary of the Consulate").
F r o m Set h J e n k i ns Hudson, 5 July 1791. Acknowledgin g T J ' s o f 2 1 Jun e abou t cos t o f "lo w Wines" i n souther n France . I f "that heav y Dut y wa s ou t o f th e way, " the y might serv e a good purpose. Bu t at present the y "canno t answe r for Distilling in thi s Country. " He has carefully read T J 's repor t and "I fin d your information to b e so good that I can bear no light on t h e . .. Whal e and Cod fisheries." His best information from Nantucke t i s tha t the y wil l carr y thei r whal e fisherie s t o Franc e a s the y have [added ] fiv e ne w ship s t o thei r fleet this yea r from 20 0 t o 24 0 tons . "I think . . . this canno t suppor t the m i n the no w situatio n o f the business. " RC (MHi) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 1 2 July 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
From Alexande r Donal d London, 6 July 1791. Acknowledgin g T J ' s of 1 3 May . Th e nex t da y h e delivered tha t t o Lackingto n with hi s ow n hand . A s T J is muc h engage d in public business, h e sets a higher value on his letters, if possible, tha n formerly. Nothing ca n giv e hi m more pleasur e than to b e o f service to T J : " I hav e eve r been prou d of your Friendship. " The ide a of a regie i n France fo r tobacco seem s at present give n up , and he hopes the sam e ma y soon be sai d of the differenc e i n duty o n i t i n Frenc h and
[601]
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American bottoms. If not, "yo u will no doubt adop t suc h measures as will forc e it, fo r . . . i t operate s a s a prohibitio n agains t your ship s carryin g Tobo. t o France." Short was in Amsterdam when this decree was passed. He immediately notified him and pointed out its disadvantage for American shipping. - Tobacc o is ver y lo w a t ever y marke t i n Europe , the quantit y fa r exceedin g th e con sumption. H e hope s Virginian s "will ben d thei r labou r in some other wa y fo r two o r three years " and thus perhap s ge t a better price . He is glad TJ sold hi s last crop so well and is "vastly pleased with the high prices for wheat in America last winte r an d Spring . Those wh o shippe d i t fo r Europe , must suffe r muc h by it. " H e thank s T J fo r Virgini a news . Tucke r ha d informe d hi m o f hi s intended marriage . The fleet is stil l at Spithea d and the pres s fo r seame n ver y hot, bu t he does not think there will b e war between England and Russia. - H e says nothing o f the extraordinar y event in France o f the 21st , supposin g Shor t will hav e writte n full y b y th e lette r h e sen t T J via New Yor k a few day s ag o and b y th e tw o no w forwarde d b y th e Ne w Yor k packet. ' - H e i s greatl y in debted t o T J for hi s direction s abou t wine . RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ as received 23 Aug . 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
T o J a m e s Madiso n D E A R Si r Philadelphi
a July 6 . 1791 .
I hav e dul y recieve d you r favour s o f Jun e 27 . an d Jul y 1 . T h e last cam e onl y thi s morning . I no w retur n Colo. Smith' s ma p wit h my acknolegements fo r the pamphlet and sight of the map. -1 inclos e you a 60. Dolla r bill, an d be g th e favo r o f you t o remi t 30 . Dollar s with the inclose d letter to Prince , also, as I see Mapl e sugar, grained, advertised for sale a t New Yor k i n boxes of 400 ft. each , if they ca n be induced to sel l 10 0 ft. onl y an d to pack and send it to Richmond, I wil l than k yo u t o ge t i t don e fo r me . T h e bo x t o b e directe d t o me 't o the car e of James Brown, merchant Richmd. t o b e forwarde d to Monticello. ' Yo u se e I presum e o n you r havin g go t ove r you r indisposition; i f not, I beg yo u t o le t al l this matte r res t til l yo u are. Colo. Harr y Le e think s o f goin g o n tomorrow , t o accompan y yo u to Portsmouth , bu t h e wa s no t quit e decide d whe n I sa w hi m last . The Presiden t arrive d about 10 . minute s ago , bu t I hav e no t ye t seem him . - I recieved safel y th e packe t b y Capt . Sims . T he Guinea corn i s ne w t o me , an d shal l b e take n car e of . M y Africa n uplan d rice is flourishing. I inclose yo u a paper estimating th e share s of th e bank a s fa r a s wa s know n thre e day s befor e i t opened . Whe n i t opened 24,60 0 subscription s wer e offered , bein g 4,60 0 mor e tha n could b e recieved , an d many person s lef t i n the lurch , amon g thes e Robt. Morri s an d Fitzsimmons . The y accus e th e Director s o f a misdeal, an d th e forme r propose s t o su e them , th e latte r t o hau l [ 60 2 }
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them u p befor e Congress . Ever y 2 5 dollar s actuall y deposited , sol d yesterday fo r fro m 40 . t o 50 . dollar s wit h th e futur e right s an d burthens annexe d t o th e deposit . W e hav e n o authenti c new s fro m Europe since the las t packet. Adie u my dear Sir, take care of yourself and le t m e hea r soo n tha t yo u ar e quit e re-established . Your' s af fectionately, T H : JEFFERSON P . S . I f you leav e N . York , wil l yo u leav e direction s wit h M r . E l s worth t o forwar d to m e th e tw o parcel s o f Mapl e seed , an d tha t o f the Birc h bar k respectively a s they arrive. T he last I think had bette r come b y water . RC (DLC : Madison Papers); addressed: "James Madison esquire at Mr. Elsworth's Maiden lane New-York"; postmarked "7 iv " and " F R E E " ; franked . Pr C (DLC) . Enclo sures: (1) TJ to Prince, July 6, 1791. (2) Memorandum showin g distributio n o f subscriptions t o "The capital stock o f the bank, ten millions of dollars, divided into 25,000 shares" a s follows : "t o b e sub scribed by the President [o n behalf of the United States], 5,000 shares; already subscribed, Boston , 4,000 ; alread y sub scribed, Ne w York, 6,400 ; wil l b e subscribed b y Philada . 5,000 ; alread y subscribed, Baltimore, 2,400; already subscribed, Charleston, 700," totalling 23,500 shares, wit h 1,50 0 remaining t o be subscribed (undate d memorandu m i n Remsen's hand, with TJ's recapitulatio n on verso balancing the 10,400 subscriptions in Boston an d Ne w York agains t th e 8,100 i n Philadelphia, Baltimore , an d Charleston , with the government's subscriptio n and the
unsubscribed remainde r in the middle of the geographica l equation ; M S in DLC : Madison Papers). The act of 22 Feb. 179 1 incorporating the Bank of the Unite d States provided tha t th e capita l stoc k shoul d amount to $10 million divided into 25,000 shares at $400 each and that subscriptions should be opened in Philadelphia on 1 Apr. 1791. Th e President wa s authorized t o subscribe withi n eighteen months fo r not more tha n $ 2 million, or one-fifth o f the total number of shares. The supplementary act of 2 Mch. 179 1 provide d that subscriptions shoul d no t be opened unti l 1 July 1791; that no one, except on behalf of the government, coul d subscribe for more than thirty shares - a drastic reduction from the limit of one thousand shares originally stipulated; and that , while the payment of threefourths i n public securitie s wa s deferred until Jan . 1792 , the one-fourth i n specie had t o be paid at the time of subscribing.
T o Willia m Princ e S I R Philadelphi a July 6 . 1791. When I was a t your house in June I left with you a note to furnis h me wit h th e followin g trees , t o wi t Sugar maples . A l l you have , bush cranberries . A ll you have . 3. balsa m poplar s 6. Venetia n sumachs . 12. Buré e pears . T o thes e I mus t no w desir e yo u t o ad d th e following ; th e name s of whic h I tak e fro m you r catalogue , t o wi t [ 60 3 ]
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6. Brignol a plumbs. 12. apricots . I leav e t o yo u t o fix o n thre e o r fou r o f th e bes t kinds, makin g i n th e whol e 1 2 trees . 6. re d Roma n nectarines. 6. yello w Roma n nectarine s 6. gree n nutme g peaches . 6. larg e yello w clingston e peache s ripenin g Oct . 15 . 12. Spitzenber g apples. I leave t o yo u to decid e o n the bes t kind , as I woul d chus e t o hav e onl y on e kind . 6. o f th e ver y earlies t apple s yo u have . Roses. Mos s Provence . Yellow . Ros a mundi . Larg e Provence . T h e monthly . T h e white damask . T he primrose. Musk rose. Cinnamon rose . Thornles s rose. 3 o f each, makin g in al l 30 . 3. Hemloc k spruc e firs. 3. larg e silve r firs 3. bal m o f Gilea d firs. 6 monthl y hone y suckles . 3 Carolin a kidne y bea n tree s wit h purpl e flowers. 3. balsa m o f Peru . 6. yello w willows . 6. Rhododendrons . 12. Madeir a nuts. [...] fill-buds. According t o you r estimat e an d the price s i n you r catalogu e thes e will b e covere d b y 30 . dollar s which sum you wil l reciev e herewith. I mus t troubl e yo u t o sen d the m yoursel f t o Richmond , addresse d to th e car e o f M r . James Brow n merchan t o f tha t place , wh o wil l recieve the m an d pay freight &c . Send them t o n o othe r por t of that country fo r I shal l never ge t them , an d there ar e vessels goin g fro m New Yor k t o Richmon d very frequently . B e s o goo d a s t o forwar d them a s soo n a s th e seaso n wil l admit . I a m Si r your ver y humbl e servt, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) ; at foot of text: "Mr. Wm . Prince , at Flushing landing Long isld."
F r o m Davi d H u m p h r e y s S I R Lisbo
n Jul y 7th . (6 o'Clock A.M. ) 1791 .
T h e da y befor e yesterday , whe n th e Nunci o an d the Diplomati c Corps wer e a t m y house , th e forme r wit h som e o f th e latte r men tioned th e existenc e o f a private report, that the K i n g o f France had attempted t o mak e hi s escap e an d tha t h e ha d bee n arreste d nea r [ 60 4 ]
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Strasbourg. Yesterday , I dine d wit h th e Duk e o f Alafones , wher e the sam e rumou r was repeated . Las t night , a t th e Roya l Academy , I me t wit h M . d e Pinto , wh o tol d me , "tha t Madam e Lebzelter n (wife t o th e Imperia l Ministe r at thi s Court ) ha d receive d a lette r which containe d th e New s o f th e escap e o f th e Frenc h K i n g fro m Paris, wit h th e repor t o f hi s bein g stoppe d nea r th e frontiers : bu t that th e latte r par t o f th e informatio n seeme d mor e doubtfu l tha n the former. " I enquired of him respecting th e circumstance s of, an d agents i n thi s extraordinar y affair . H e answered , "tha t th e Roya l Family wer e sai d to hav e lef t th e Capita l o n the evenin g o f the 20t h Ulto. an d tha t thei r departur e wa s no t know n unti l 9 O'Cloc k th e next morning" : he farthe r added, "tha t the Compt e Fersen (sent fo r the purpos e b y the Compt e d'Artois) was reported to hav e bee n th e Instrument o f effectin g thi s business. " As I a m t o pas s thi s da y a t th e Quint a of th e Nunci o possibl y I may hea r mor e o n th e subject . But , i n orde r no t t o los e a n oppor tunity, whic h i s offere d a t thi s moment , o f forwarding this lette r t o America; I hasten t o conclud e i n repeating th e assurance s of perfec t consideration & esteem , wit h which , I hav e th e hono r t o b e Si r Your Mos t obedien t & Most humbl e Servant , D : HUMPHREYS RC (DNA : R G 59 , DD); at head of text: "(No. 24)"; endorsed by TJ a s received 22 Sep. 179 1 and so recorded in SJL. T r (same).
F r o m T h o m a s M a n n R a n d o l p h , J r. D E A R S l R Monticell
o July 7 . 1791 .
Your lette r o f Jun e 23 . arrive d a t Monticell o o n th e 4 . o f Jul y and mad e u s happ y b y mentionin g th e beneficia l effect s o f you r journey. W e tak e th e firs t opportunit y t o infor m you tha t w e ar e in good healt h ourselves . In a late lette r yo u desir e u s to le t yo u kno w ou r success wit h th e seeds yo u sen t fro m Philadelphia . T he Suga r mapl e ha s faile d en tirely, a fe w plant s onl y havin g appeare d whic h perishe d allmos t immediately. T h e yello w ric e faile d alls o fro m th e badnes s o f th e seed, bu t th e dar k colore d cam e u p tolerabl y wel l an d th e plant s are thriving. T he first kind wa s transmitted to Colo . Lewis o n you r account b y a Gentleman i n Jamaica , th e 2d . yo u lef t i n on e o f th e Niches i n th e parlou r here . Fo r bot h o f thes e an d th e mapl e w e preferred th e flat groun d belo w th e par k o n th e littl e strea m which [ 60 5 ]
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passes thro ' it , bein g th e natura l situatio n o f th e latter , an d mor e suitable t o th e forme r tha n th e garden . T h e Paean s have no t appeare d as yet. Thinkin g tha t the y woul d not bea r transplantatio n I too k th e libert y t o plac e the m partl y o n each sid e o f th e ne w wa y leadin g fro m th e Gat e t o th e hous e an d partly i n the Garden . Severa l of those in the garde n were destroye d unluckily b y th e Hog s befor e i t wa s inclosed . I a m ashame d t o sa y that w e wil l scarcel y hav e a doubl e quantit y o f th e Whit e Wheat . Colo. Lewi s desire d tha t a part of it migh t b e intruste d to hi m and as there wa s the n n o prospec t o f the garde n bein g inclose d i n tim e to so w it , I reserve d a fe w grain s only , whic h wer e pu t int o th e ground in February. Fro m the difficulty th e hogs met with in taking up suc h smal l seed s a fe w escaped , whic h produce d a goo d crop , the greate r par t o f tha t agai n i n spit e o f al l our attentio n ha s bee n destroyed b y th e fowls . Colo . Lewi s lai d hi s par t by , durin g th e frost and unluckily forgot it. There i s sufficient howeve r to establis h it i n two year s with proper care. You have no t bee n mor e fortunat e in you r attempt t o rende r the Shepherd s do g commo n i n America . We hav e ha d seve n o f pur e blood , five o f whic h perishe d b y a distemper which has allmost rendered any regulation of the Virgini a Assembly wit h respec t t o Dog s unnecessary ; on e b y acciden t an d one, fortunatel y a male, has arrived at considerable size . A Spuriou s brood o f Si x ha s bee n mor e fortunat e an d i s no t disregarded , a s perhaps th e animal s ma y hav e som e valu e wit h you . I a m informe d b y Colo . Lewi s tha t al l the Tobacc o excep t 5 o r 6 Hhds . which have no t ye t gon e down th e rive r fro m Lynchburg , has been shipe d by M r. Hylton for Philadelphia. T he crop at Poplar Forest a fortnight ag o wa s promisin g an d the Whea t whic h befor e this i s al l secured, i s uncommonl y fine. T h e Wheat throughout th e country i s o f a superio r qualit y thi s yea r an d th e whol e quantit y produced is supposed to be at least A greate r than the most favorabl e year ha s eve r given . /s Dolla r is th e pric e a t presen t o f th e Whea t of the last crop in Richmond. % has been offere d fo r the new. - Colo . Lewis suppose s tha t ther e ar e a t leas t 300 0 bushel s her e an d a t Shad well. M r . Henderso n ha s bee n offere d 1 4 0 0 £ . Virgini a mone y fo r hi s Mill an d i t i s generall y suppose d tha t h e ma y ge t 200 0 fo r it . H e refused peremptoril y the first offer. I am informed that M r . George Dyvers i s on e o f a company whic h wishe s t o purchas e it an d carr y on th e manufactur e o f flour o n a n extensive scal e b y a joint Stock . T h e situatio n ha s shew n it s advantage s thi s Summe r when allmos t all th e mill s i n th e countr y hav e stoped . l
7
[ 60 6 ]
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T h i s is the firs t summe r day we have had this month. T he weathe r has bee n col d enoug h to render fires comfortable . T h e followin g is an extrac t fro m m y Diary. July Sun rise . 2 o clock . Sun set. B. T. 63. f . — 29.1 . 1. 29.1. 67. f . — 29.1 . 63. f . a. r . 2. 29.2. 59. c . — 2 9 . 2 V 2 . 61. f . — 29.3 . 62. f . 3. 29.3%. 55. f . — 29. 4 61. f . — 29.4 . 61. f . 4. 29.4. 55. f . — 29.4 . 60. f . — 29.4 . 60. c . 5. 29.3 y . 56. c . — 29.3 . 59. c . — 29.3 . 55. r . 6. 29.2V3. 52. c . — 29.2V . 60. c . — 2 9 . 2 V 2 . 60. f . 60. f . — 29.2V . 65. f . — 7. 29.2 / I a m Dear Si r You r mos t obedt . & affectionate Servt. , 2
2
x
2
2
T . M . RANDOLPH RC (MHi) ; endorsed b y TJ as received 1 6 July 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Thoma s Auldj o Cowes, 8 July 1791. Despite repeate d applications , hi s commissio n no t ye t recognized and the under secretaries have given only "flimsy and foolish pretext " for th e failure. H e will continu e t o officiate t o the limit o f his power . Littl e political o r commercial informatio n t o report . "America n shippin g mee t no interruption i n this port. " Th e onl y thin g causin g hi m troubl e "i s . . . your American Seamen callin g themselves English " to get wages du e o r advances, which occur s ever y day . "Eve n seame n wit h passe s a s American's fro m the Consul i n London, have lef t thei r Ship s her e an d gone on board men o f war . . . t o get their wages paid them. . . . I wish you coul d find a remedy fo r it, but I confes s I think it will be a difficult point. " Enclose s list of American ship s in port ther e fo r precedin g si x months , wit h thei r cargoes, arrange d in a manner he hope s wil l b e approved. RC (DNA : RG 59, CD) ; endorse d b y T J a s received 23 Aug. 179 1 an d so re corded in SJL. Enclosure : "An Account of American Ship s and vessels with their Cargoes at the Port of Cowes between 1st. January an d 30t h Jun e 1791 " (actuall y between 25 Apr . an d 3 July). The matter was arranged in tabular form showing dates of arrival and departure, names of masters and owners , plac e o f registry , tonnage , number of men, and cargoes. Ther e were eight vessels in all, the smallest of 99 tons and the largest of 272, employing 69 men. All save one were freightingrice fromSouth
Carolina (3,180 barrels) and tobacco from Virginia (93 4 hogsheads) . Th e exceptio n was Abigail of Boston, bound from London for Georgia with "Bale Goods," but windbound a t Cowes (M S in DNA: RG 59 , CD; date d a t Cowes 3 0 June 179 1 an d signed by Auldjo). The form indicated that all o f the cargoe s sav e hers were destine d for Cowes , bu t Minerva o f Philadelphia , owned by Robert Morris and carrying 450 hogsheads of tobacco, entered Cowes 3 July and departe d th e same da y fo r Havr e d e Grace, t o which por t he r carg o wa s ob viously destined .
[ 60 7 ]
F r o m Willia m I r v i n e a n d J o hn K e a n SIR Philadelphi
a July 8th : 179 1
The grea t los s of papers in the severa l States, bu t mor e especiall y in thos e t o th e Southward , render s i t necessar y fo r u s t o see k in formation fro m ever y source , i n orde r t o for m th e bes t possibl e judgement o n thei r respectiv e claims . We hav e reaso n t o believ e tha t man y paper s filed i n th e offic e o f the lat e Secretar y o f Congres s an d whic h hav e falle n unde r you r care, wil l thro w materia l ligh t o n th e expenditur e o f th e State s alluded t o - s u c h a s letter s &c a fro m th e Governor s o f th e States - General s commandin g i n seperate departments-Committee s of Congres s an d Head s o f departments . The secre t Journals of Congress may also be serviceable - becaus e claims ar e mad e sai d t o b e authorise d b y the m an d other s ar e als o made which are said to be authorised by discretionary powers veste d in Genera l officer s o f th e Unite d States . T o enabl e u s t o gai n prope r information w e hav e t o sollici t you r permission, tha t w e ma y be allowed fro m time t o time t o mak e such extracts fro m an y book s o r paper s i n you r offic e a s wil l assis t u s i n the busines s befor e us , which may be done either by one o f our ow n body o r b y a confidentia l perso n t o b e appointe d fo r tha t pur pose. - W i th sentiment s o f high estee m W e ar e Sir Your mos t obe dient & very humbl e servants , W M . IRVIN E 1 Commissioner s JOHN K E A N J o f Account s RC (DNA : R G 59, MLR); endorse d b y TJ a s received 9 July 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Willia m Shor t DEAR SIR Pari s Jul y 8 . 1791. T h i s lette r wil l b e sent b y the Frenc h Packe t and will acknowleg e the reciep t o f yours of the 10th . o f May. - 1 recieve d als o a few day s ago, from the American consul at London, four letters for the American consuls i n France . The y were addresse d i n the handwritin g of your office an d cam e unde r a blan k cove r t o me . The y hav e bee n for warded excep t tha t fo r M r . Barrett wh o decline s I believ e enterin g on th e function s o f hi s office . H e ha s informe d yo u o f th e reason s and i s abou t returnin g t o America . H e i s expecte d soo n i n Pari s when I shal l delive r hi m you r letter . [ 60 8 }
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No chang e has taken place in the government o f this country since my last . T h e decre e o f th e assembl y fo r th e temporar y suspensio n and imprisonment of the K i n g , whic h I sent to you by several routes, still continue s i n force. T h e several ministers under it exercise suc h parts o f th e executiv e function s i n thei r respectiv e department s a s the committee s o f the assembl y pleas e t o leav e them . It i s impossibl e t o sa y whe n thi s orde r o f thing s wil l ceas e o r whether th e assembl y wil l hav e sufficien t forc e t o restor e the K i n g to th e thron e a s a majorit y of the m desires . T h e pla n whic h the y are preparin g in two o f the committee s i s t o for m the whol e o f th e constitution an d then presen t i t to th e K i n g fo r his free acceptatio n as the y ter m it . A l l person s see m sensibl e o f th e inconveniencie s and objection s whic h may an d will b e mad e t o thi s plan . Stil l the y say n o othe r les s objectionabl e ca n b e devised . I canno t conjectur e what wil l b e th e issue . I n the mea n tim e th e King , th e Quee n and Dauphin ar e closely guarded . I t is wit h muc h difficulty tha t acces s is had to them and that always under the inspection of officers named by th e Marqui s d e l a fayette fo r the purpos e o f guardin g them. T h e corp s diplomatiqu e ar e not admitted . T h e Spanis h Ambassador mad e a n indirec t applicatio n an d a s tha t di d no t succee d nothing further has been done . Thing s will probabl y remain as they are unti l answer s ar e recieve d fro m th e severa l court s t o M . d e Montmorin's communication , already inclosed to y o u . - T h e Span ish and English Ambassador s have corresponded with M. de Montmorin, th e first to contradic t the informatio n sent b y a municipality that th e Spanis h troops ha d invade d the Kingdo m - th e secon d t o complain o f th e gard e national e o f Nante s havin g forcibl y entere d and detaine d tw o merchan t vessels o f that natio n i n their port. A lis t o f the person s t o b e vote d fo r as Governor of the Dauphin was publishe d eigh t day s ago . T h e numbe r i s abou t ninet y an d many o f the m obscur e an d improper. It wa s move d an d carrie d t o put of f this nominatio n fo r fifteen day s under pretence o f obtainin g information wit h respec t t o them . Som e thin k the nominatio n wil l be stil l delaye d unti l the affair s o f governmen t ar e settled . Nothing i s ye t know n wit h respec t t o th e tim e tha t th e ne w elections wil l b e allowe d t o g o on . I t is certai n however tha t s o far as it depends o n the assembly it will not be until after the constitutio n shall hav e bee n presente d t o th e K i n g i n the mass . Thi s canno t b e in les s tha n a mont h supposin g n o incidenta l interruptio n to tak e place. Bu t as suc h interruption s must happe n ofte n i t i s impossibl e to for m an y gues s wit h respec t t o th e progres s o f this business . You will recieve by the way of Havre some of the popular journals. [ 60 9 ]
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I hav e though t i t prope r to sen d the m t o yo u a t present o n accoun t of th e peculia r circumstance s o f thi s countr y an d t o she w yo u th e spirit o f those who unfortunatel y hav e too muc h influence o n them . At an y othe r perio d suc h publication s woul d b e disgustin g an d unworthy o f bein g read . I inclos e yo u a pape r whic h contain s sentiment s s o strongl y ex pressed fo r th e abolitio n o f monarch y tha t a motio n wa s mad e i n the assembl y fo r arrestin g the author . I t wa s wha t h e desire d an d for tha t purpos e ha d signe d th e placar t an d paste d i t u p i n larg e characters i n al l th e frequente d quarter s o f Paris . T h e assembl y prudently rejecte d th e motion . T h e autho r i s th e M . Duchatele t that yo u hav e frequentl y see n a t the Hote l d e l a Rochefoucauld. I t was suppose d tha t th e Abb é Sieye s wa s th e chie f of this republican party, but he has written a letter declaring himself explicitly in favor of monarchica l government . T h e assembl y have thought tha t their present situation authorized them t o violat e on e o f th e article s o f thei r declaratio n o f rights . Of course they have forbidden every citizen to leave the Kingdom under any pretenc e whatsoever , unles s h e i s a merchant an d in tha t cas e he i s t o hav e a passepor t fro m hi s municipality . Foreigner s canno t go ou t o f th e Kingdo m either bu t wit h a passeport fro m th e offic e of foreig n affair s grante d o n on e t o b e give n b y th e residen t o f th e country t o whic h he belongs , an d the passeport s i n al l cases ar e t o have the descriptio n o f the perso n marke d in it. - T h e natural effec t of thi s decre e i s operatin g sensibly , viz . t o inspir e a desire t o leav e the countr y an d an aversion t o retur n to it . Thi s circumstanc e may induce th e assembl y soo n t o repea l it , bu t i t wil l b e a lon g tim e before th e municipalitie s wil l b e induce d t o discontinu e a n inquisition s o muc h t o thei r taste an d o f cours e suc h passeport s wil l b e necessary lon g afte r th e repea l o f th e decree . T h e pension s an d salaries of all those who ar e out o f the kingdo m are suspende d withou t exceptin g thos e o f Monsieur an d th e Count D'Artois. T h e assembly are about to take other measures also agains t the absentees . Additiona l taxes, sequestratio n o f estates durin g absence, o r som e suc h pla n wil l probabl y b e adopted . T h e King' s brother s me t a t Brussel s and ha d man y conferences with th e principa l refugee s o f who m grea t number s had assemble d there. T h e King' s arrestatio n ha s averte d al l thei r projects ; stil l however man y officer s o f the frontie r garrison s continue t o g o ove r to them . Some o f these officer s hav e latel y writte n t o th e soldier s o f thei r regiments t o joi n them , addin g tha t th e Coun t D'Artoi s ha d ful l [610]
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powers fro m the K i n g fo r continuing their pay &c. T he K i ng wrot e yesterday t o th e assembl y t o den y thes e assertions . The y di d no t know a t first how t o reciev e hi s letter bu t at length determine d tha t it shoul d b e inserte d i n th e procès verbal. I inclos e yo u als o a paper containing a letter fro m M . de Bouill e to th e assembly , o r rather the substanc e o f the letter . Yo u will find it mor e ful l an d correc t i n th e Journal logographe. - I t give s som e idea o f th e measure s intende d t o b e pursue d b y th e K i n g an d th e motives whic h induced him to mak e such an effort fo r leaving Paris . T h e manne r in which M. de Bouille announce d foreign interferenc e gave uneasiness in the first moment, bu t it seems now to have passed. Yet I canno t hel p thinkin g tha t h e mus t b e persuade d o f wha t h e advances; an d foreig n interferenc e wil l probabl y b e determine d b y this internal situation o f France. I t is unfortunately to o tru e that thi s will rathe r invite tha n repe l it . Several cause s wil l howeve r probabl y preven t thei r interferenc e for th e present , suc h a s th e unsettle d stat e o f foreig n politics , an d the dange r t o whic h i t woul d expos e th e K i n g an d Q u e e n . - T h e longer thi s is delayed also the les s France will b e in a state o f defense I shoul d fear from the natura l progress o f things. T h e military ardor of th e gardes nationales i s suc h a t presen t tha t o n ever y triflin g ungrounded alar m the y ar e unde r arms . Thi s ardo r canno t last . Dissensions fro m want of subordination must necessarily take place, discontentment i f they ar e not paid , and ruin to the publi c resources if the y are . A s a proo f o f thi s I nee d onl y mentio n wha t ha s latel y taken plac e i n som e o f the maritim e provinces. - T w o o r three sai l of vessel s wer e leavin g th e coas t o f Franc e t o carr y refugee s fro m Brittany t o Jerse y or Guernsey. A municipalit y took th e alar m and spread it , o f it s bein g a n Englis h fleet o f twent y Sai l o f th e lin e arriving o n th e coast . T h e gardes nationales i n th e neighbourin g departments immediatel y assemble d unde r thi s idea , an d i t i s sup posed tha t they wer e o n the whol e thre e hundred thousand i n number. Suc h things als o hav e take n plac e thoug h i n a smaller degre e on th e othe r frontiers . Supposing peac e t o b e conclude d amon g th e othe r Europea n powers, as seems probable during the summe r (notwithstanding th e Congress o f Sistovi e hav e separate d withou t bein g abl e t o agre e o n any thing) an d that they shoul d be disposed t o interfere in the affairs of France nex t year , they woul d certainl y have mor e influenc e tha n at present. Man y difficulties howeve r woul d naturall y occur amon g the foreig n power s themselves . I shal l continu e t o sen d b y th e wa y o f Havr e th e accustome d [611}
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journals an d gazette s t o whic h I refe r yo u fo r othe r particular s as to th e proceeding s o f the assembly , an d the politic s o f Europe. Y ou will reciev e wit h the m M r . Necker' s boo k o n th e affair s o f thi s country, which though no t the most flattering, i s certainly the truest that ha s bee n give n o f them . I n th e journal s you wil l se e als o th e decrees o f th e assembl y respectin g th e colonies . I hav e mentione d t o M . d e Montmori n what yo u sa y respectin g consuls there . H e seeme d wel l satisfie d an d promise d tha t prope r attention shoul d b e pai d to th e person s named , o n th e footin g yo u mention. You desir e to kno w whethe r letters are opened i n the Frenc h pos t office. T h e decree s o f th e asembl y ar e forma l an d sever e agains t i t and n o fund s bein g allowe d I take i t for grante d it i s no t done , an d I thin k you may safely conside r it so. Yo u said you intended writing also b y th e Englis h packets . A s the y ar e regula r i t woul d b e ex ceedingly agreeabl e t o reciev e letter s b y them . I suppos e howeve r that letter s ar e read in that office . I f addressed to th e Consu l o r M r. Donald i n Londo n they woul d arriv e wit h the greates t safety . I am with perfec t sincerit y m y dea r Sir , your frien d & servant, W : SHORT PrC (DLC : Shor t Papers) ; a t head of o f French finances, Sur F administration de text: "No. 72"; at foot o f text: "Thoma s M. Necker (Paris, 1791 ; see Sowerby, No. Jefferson Secretary of State, Philadelphia." 2546) . For TJ' s ow n estimate of Necker Tr (DNA : RG 59 , DD). Recorded in S JL an d for a similar characterization drawn by as received 22 Oct. 1791 . a friend o f his which T J copie d and sen t to the Secretary for Foreign Affairs, see T J The book by Jacques Necker that Short t o Jay, 1 7 June 1789 , and its enclosure, admired was a defense of his administration
F r o m Tobia s L e a r "United States? 9 July 1791. B y President' s command he transmit s letter from Francisc o Chiappe , forwarde d b y James Simpson , "whic h th e President requests the Secretar y t o tak e into consideration. " PrC (DNA : R G 59 , MLR). T r (DNA : (R C in DNA: R G 59 , CD). (2 ) Francisco RG 59 , SDC) . Recorde d i n SJ L a s re - Chiapp e to the President , 22 Mch . 1791 ceived the same day. Enclosures: ( 1 ) James (R C i n DNA: R G 360 , PC C No . 98, M Simpson t o th e President , Gibraltar , 1 3 247/125 ; endorsed by TJ a s "delivered to Apr. 1791 , sendin g "another packet . .. Th : J . Jul y 9"). See note, TJ t o Francisco from Mr. Chiappe" by the English Roman Chiappe , 1 3 May 1791. Eagle, Samue l Glover master, for New York
[612]
T o Charle s Carte r D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a July 10 . 1791 .
Your lette r o f Ma y 21 . arrive d her e soo n afte r m y departur e o n a journe y t o th e lakes . I foun d i t her e o n m y return , whic h i s bu t lately, an d immediatel y se t abou t th e enquirie s necessar y fo r you r satisfaction. I a m wel l acquainte d wit h D r . Barton, and ca n assur e you h e merit s th e hig h characte r you hav e hear d of him . I hav e n o doubt tha t a student wil l b e perfectly wel l placed under him. Should your son boar d in the town , I find that the lowes t term s of boarding are 3 . dollars a week, an d the boarder finds his own firewood, candle s and washing , which may be estimated a t 40. dollar s a year, to which must b e adde d clothin g an d pocket-money . I believ e i t i s essentia l also tha t h e atten d a cours e o f anatomica l lecture s an d dissections , which wil l cos t 4 . guineas. I a m possesse d o f an accurat e estimat e of th e expence s o f a n economica l studen t a t Edinburgh , whic h are about 400 . Dollar s a year. T h is i s probably something les s tha n th e whole expence s wil l b e her e annually. It cannot b e denie d tha t bot h the reputatio n an d th e realit y o f th e mean s o f informatio n ar e i n favor o f Edinburgh : agains t whic h however a parent wil l fee l som e advantages i n favo r o f thi s place . Afte r weighin g al l circumstances should yo u decid e i n favo r o f this place , I shal l with grea t pleasur e be o f any service I can to you r son, whil e I may be here. B e s o goo d as to presen t m e i n th e mos t affectionat e term s t o Mrs . Carter, an d to b e assure d yourself of the regar d with whic h I am Dea r Sir your most obed t humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON 1
RC (Miss Eleanor Peck, Brooklyn, N.Y. , 1950); addressed: "Charles Carter esquire of Ludlo w a t Fredericksburg" ; franked ;
postmarked: "1 1 iv " an d " F R E E . " Pr C
(MHi). Tr (CtY) ; in a n unidentified hand, but writte n i n a n obvious-an d unsuc-
cessful - attemp t to imitate TJ's hand, signature, and address . A t this point in PrC ther e is a blank : "4. guineas " was added to R C afte r Pr C was executed . 1
T o Jame s Curri e D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a July 10 . 1791 .
My lette r writte n on the da y of my departur e informed yo u o f th e promises whic h had been mad e b y you r debtor, an d which, thoug h I coul d not confid e i n very firmly, ye t neithe r could I consider the m altogether a s nothing. They turned out so however; and Mr. Remse n engaged M r. Barton an attorney t o lev y a n attachment o n hi s prop[613]
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erty i n th e hand s o f th e Potters , Hazlehurst , Shannon , an d M c Connel, al l of which I had informed you woul d b e rando m shot, a s it wa s onl y guesse d ther e migh t b e propert y i n th e hand s o f th e three last ; an d tho' i t wa s know n ther e wa s propert y i n th e hand s of the Potters , yet i t was als o know n it would littl e mor e than cover their debt . I foun d thi s t o b e th e stat e o f things o n m y return , an d that n o attachmen t ha d been levie d i n the hand s of Mr . Morris . Ye t it i s mos t highl y probabl e tha t th e mas s o f hi s propert y i s i n M r. Morris's hands , a t leas t s o h e says , an d s o say s commo n opinion . I had th e attachmen t therefor e immediatel y extende d t o him , an d I will tak e som e goo d opportunit y o f bespeakin g hi s favou r t o you r claim. T h e retur n wil l b e mad e int o cour t thi s month , bu t I hav e not learne d whe n a judgment ma y b e expected . Probabl y soon . I shall pres s the attorne y from time to time, an d when an y thing new , either i n fac t o r prospec t turn s up, I wil l d o mysel f the pleasur e o f apprising yo u o f it an d of repeating , a s I d o now , assurance s of th e sincere estee m o f dea r Si r your frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) .
T o D a n i e l L . H y l t on DEAR SIR Philadelphi a July 10 . 1791 . Your favour of May 29 . cam e here after my departure on a journey to th e lakes . That o f June 17 . i s since recieved , and in consequenc e I sen d yo u a post-bank not e fo r 2 1 D.-25 . c . bein g th e additio n o f 24/ t o £ 5 - 3 - 6 a s note d i n you r lette r t o b e th e probabl e amoun t o f your disbursement s fo r th e 22 . hhds . o f tobo . forwarde d b y Capt . Stratton. H e i s no t ye t arrived . Bu t the seaso n admit s o f no anxiet y on that account . A lat e lette r fro m Havr e i n France inform s m e tha t the best tobacco ha d risen there t o 45 . it th e Frenc h hundred , say 8 D.-33. c . fo r 10 9 lb . American . T h e deman d ther e mus t increas e and b e o f considerable duration , as there ca n be a t present ver y fe w hhds. o f tobo. i n a country whic h has alway s kept 60,00 0 hhds . o f unwrought stock i n hand. As both the public managers, and private merchants ar e fre e t o bu y an d sell , i t i s t o b e hope d th e pric e wil l become considerable. We have no news fro m the Westward yet, and are anxiou s t o hea r th e even t o f Scott' s expedition . Presen t m y affectionate compliment s t o Mrs . Hylton , & be assured of the sincer e esteem o f Dea r Si r Your frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) .
[614]
From Joshu a Johnso n London, 10 July 1791. Enclose s a copy o f his o f 2d . Ha s heard nothing o f Hammond's preparation s fo r departing , no r i s hi s appointmen t ye t publicl y known. H e ha s taken infinit e pain s to obtai n a report of the Committe e o f th e Lords o f Trade . On e hundre d copie s printe d fo r th e Priv y Counci l "bu t s o very careful are they o f them, that it is impossible t o get on e for you; I procured a Sigh t o f on e fo r a fe w hours , an d eve n i n th e hurrie d manne r i n whic h I scanned it over, I see, if they make that the Basis of Mr. Hammond s negotiation , that nothing wil l b e done." - Th e report is based on questions pu t and answers received fro m a committe e o f merchant s o f London , Bristol , Liverpoo l and Glasgow. Th e tw o forme r wer e ver y moderat e an d rathe r friendly . Tha t o f Liverpool recommende d immediat e retaliation . Th e Glasgo w committe e ad vised negotiatio n o n limite d principle s and , if tha t failed , retaliation . "Lor d Hawkesbury, wh o i t i s sai d was th e principa l in drawin g up th e Report , has laboured ver y hard , t o she w tha t th e trad e o f this Countr y is increasing , and that o f th e Unite d State s i s declining ; h e howeve r ha s Modest y enoug h t o admit, tha t th e remainin g trade to Americ a is beneficia l t o this , an d advises a commercial regulation , provide d Congress, do no t deman d admissio n fo r their Vessells t o th e Wes t Indi a Islands , but, shoul d the y d o tha t . . . a n immediat e end b e pu t t o an y farther negotiation, an d that thi s Countr y adopt retaliation . I lamen t ver y much that I cannot procur e this curious production for you; that Congress might b e in possession o f the sentiments o f this Government, towards the Unite d States , whic h I think ar e not friendly. " All astonishe d a t continue d armin g an d canno t tel l th e motive . America n shipping muc h distresse d fro m impressment , warme r than ever . I n many instances the y hav e take n whol e crews , and , becaus e o f difficult y o f provin g American birth , man y valuabl e me n ar e lost.-H e wil l soo n sen d copie s o f correspondence wit h the Secretar y of State [fo r Foreig n Affairs], th e Lord s o f the Treasury , an d th e Lord s o f th e Admiralt y i n orde r t o pu t hi m i n ful l possession o f all his proceedings . R C ( D N A : R G 59 , C D ) . F C (same) . Recorded in S JL a s received 22 Oct . 1791 . The nex t da y Johnso n sen t b y th e sam e conveyance hi s quarterly account o f inward and outward entries o f American vessels in the por t o f London , also a statement of hi s account wit h th e Unite d State s showin g a balance i n hi s favo r o f £ 3 3 - 4 - 0 (Johnso n
to T J , 11 Jul y 1791 ; F C in same) . T w o months before TJ receive d the above letter, he obtained throug h th e agenc y of William Temple Frankli n a n abstrac t o f Hawkes bury's Repor t t o th e Priv y Counci l o f 2 8 Jan. 179 1 (se e Editoria l Not e o n com mercial and diplomatic relations with Great Britain, a t 1 5 Dec . 1790) .
T o J a m e s Madiso n M Y DEA R S l R Philadelphi
a July 10 . 1791 .
Your indispositio n a t th e dat e o f you r last , an d hearin g nothin g from yo u since , mak e m e fea r i t ha s continued . T h e objec t o f th e present i s merel y t o kno w ho w yo u do , an d fro m anothe r hand , i f [615]
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you ar e no t wel l enough.-W e hav e littl e ne w bu t wha t yo u wil l see i n the publi c papers. You see ther e the swar m of anti-publicolas. The disavowa l by a Printer onl y doe s not no t appea r to satisfy . W e have n o new s ye t o f th e even t o f Scott' s expedition . T h e Marquis Fayette has certainly resumed his command and on a ground which must strengthe n hi m and also the publi c cause. - T h e subscriptions to th e ban k fro m Virgini a wer e almos t none . Pickett , Mc.lur g an d Dr. Le e are the onl y name s I have hear d mentioned. T h i s give s s o much uneasines s t o Colo . H . that h e think s to propos e t o th e Pres ident t o sel l som e o f th e publi c share s t o subscriber s fro m Virga . and N . Carolina , i f an y mor e shoul d offer . T h i s partialit y woul d offend th e othe r state s withou t pleasin g thos e two : fo r I presum e they woul d rathe r the capital s o f their citizens shoul d b e employe d in commerc e tha n b e locke d up i n a strong bo x here : nor can sobe r thinkers prefe r a paper medium a t 1 3 pe r cent interes t t o gol d an d silver fo r nothing . Adie u my dea r friend. Your s affectionately , T H : JEFFERSON P.S. Osgoo d i s resigning the Postmaster' s place . I shall pres s Paine for it . RC (DLC : Madiso n Papers). Pr C (DLC) .
F r o m J a m e s Madison D E A R SIR N
. York Jul y 10.179 1
Your favo r o f th e 6th . cam e t o han d on friday . I wen t yesterda y to th e perso n wh o advertise d th e Mapl e Suga r fo r th e purpos e o f executing you r commissio n o n tha t subject . H e tell s m e tha t th e cargo i s no t ye t arrive d fro m Albany , but i s ever y hou r expected ; that i t wil l no t b e sol d i n parcel s of les s tha n 1 5 o r 1 6 hundre d lb. and onl y a t auction , bu t tha t th e purchaser s wil l o f cours e dea l i t out i n smalle r quantities ; tha t a par t i s graine d an d par t not ; an d that th e pric e o f th e forme r wil l probabl y b e regulate d b y tha t o f good Muscavad o whic h sell s a t abou t £ 5 . N . Y . Currency, a C t . I shall probabl y b e a t Flushin g i n tw o o r thre e day s an d hav e a n opportunity o f executin g you r othe r Commissio n o n th e spot . I n case o f disappointment, I shall sen d the Lette r an d money t o Prince by th e bes t conveyanc e t o b e had . T h e Mapl e See d i s no t arrived . The Birch-Bar k ha s bee n i n m y hand s som e day s an d wil l b e for warded a s yo u suggest . The Bank-Share s have rise n a s muc h i n th e Marke t her e a s a t [616]
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Philadelphia. I t seem s admitte d o n al l hand s no w tha t th e pla n o f the institutio n give s a mora l certaint y o f gai n t o th e Subscriber s with scarc e a physical possibility o f loss. T h e subscriptions ar e consequently a mer e scrambl e fo r s o muc h publi c plunde r whic h wil l be engrosse d b y thos e already loaded wit h th e spoil s o f individuals. T h e even t shew s wha t woul d hav e bee n th e operatio n o f th e plan , if, a s originall y proposed , subscription s ha d been limite d t o th e 1st . of april an d to th e favorit e specie s of Stock which the Bank-Jobbers had monopolized . I t pretty clearl y appears also i n what proportion s the publi c debt lie s i n the Country , what sor t o f hands hol d it , an d by who m th e peopl e o f th e U . S . ar e t o b e governed . O f al l th e shameful circumstance s o f this business , i t i s amon g th e greates t t o see th e member s of the Legislatur e who wer e most active in pushing this Jobb , openl y graspin g it s emoluments . Schuyle r i s t o b e pu t at th e Hea d of th e Directors , if the weigh t o f th e N . Y . subscribers can effec t it . - Nothin g ne w i s talke d o f here . I n fact Stockjobbin g drowns ever y othe r subject . T h e Coffee Hous e i s in an eternal buz z with th e gamblers . I hav e jus t understoo d tha t Frenea u is no w her e an d ha s aban doned hi s Philada . project. From wha t caus e I am wholly unabl e t o divine: unles s thos e wh o kno w hi s talent s an d hat e hi s politica l principles shoul d hav e practise d some artific e fo r th e purpose . I hav e give n u p fo r thi s seaso n m y tri p Eastward . M y biliou s situation absolutel y forbad e it . Severa l lesse r consideration s als o conspired with tha t objection . I am at present fre e fro m a fever, bu t have sufficien t evidence , i n othe r shapes , tha t I mus t adher e t o m y defensive precautions . T h e pamphle t o n Weight s &c . was pu t int o m y hand s b y Doctr . Kemp wit h a vie w t o b e forwarde d afte r perusa l t o you . A s I un derstand i t i s a duplicat e an d t o b e kep t b y you . Always , & mo : affecly. Yrs. , J s . MADISON JR. RC (DLC : Madiso n Papers); date added to endorsement by Madison after letter was returned to him; endorsed by TJ a s received 1 2 July 179 1 and so recorded in SJL .
T o Loui s Osmon t July 10 . 1791 .
T h : Jefferso n present s hi s compliment s t o M r . Osmont, an d informs hi m tha t havin g foun d tha t Colo . Pickerin g would probabl y leave th e Oneid a countr y befor e a lette r coul d reac h him , h e ha s inclosed M r . Osmont's pape r to M r . Renslaer member o f Congres s [617]
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from Albany, with a request t o mak e enquiry into the cas e at Albany and i n th e Oneid a country, betwee n whic h tw o place s ther e i s con siderable intercourse . PrC (DLC) . Louis Osmont was a young Frenchman whom Madam e D'Houdeto t ha d asked William Shor t t o recommen d to T J for counsel about his plan s to settle in America and t o engage in commerce. Short was embarrassed, but could not refuse such a re quest from TJ's goo d friend (Short to T J, 7 Nov. 1790 , where Osmont is incorrectly named in the text as Ormont). The young man wa s in straitened circumstances, and T J too k some pains to assist him, especiall y because he had been so "particularly rec-
ommended." Timothy Pickering was at the moment negotiating a treaty with the Six Nations, and T J kne w that a letter to him concerning Osmont's claim to Oneida lands would not arrive in time. He therefore appealed t o Jeremia h Va n Rensselae r t o transmit a statement of the clai m to appropriate persons in Albany (TJ to Van Rens selaer, 1 0 Jul y 1791) . T J was favorably impressed by young Osmont (TJ to Short, 28 July 1791) .
T o M a r t h a Jefferso n R a n d o l p h M Y DEA R DAUGHTE R Philadelphi
a July 10 . 1791 .
I hav e n o lette r fro m Monticell o late r tha n Maria' s o f Ma y 29 . which i s no w si x week s old . T h i s i s long , whe n bu t on e wee k i s necessary fo r th e conveyance . I canno t ascrib e al l th e dela y t o th e Charlottesville post . Howeve r t o pu t tha t ou t o f th e wa y I a m ne gotiating wit h th e postmaste r th e establishmen t o f a publi c pos t from Richmon d t o Staunton . I n this cas e al l the privat e rider s will be prohibite d fro m continuance , le t thei r contract s b e wha t the y will, an d th e whol e bein g brough t int o on e hand , th e publi c wil l be bette r served . I propos e tha t th e pos t shal l pas s b y Tuckahoe , Goochld. courthouse , Columbi a and Charlottesville i n order that a s many ma y b e serve d b y i t a s possible. T h e pric e on eac h newspape r will b e t o b e settle d betwee n th e printer s an d thei r customers . - 1 have n o informatio n whethe r th e thing s sen t b y Stratto n hav e go t safe to hand : tho' hop e they have. I expect him her e daily , an d shall send b y hi m som e store s against m y arriva l a t Monticello , th e tim e of which howeve r i s not ye t fixable. I rathe r expect i t wil l b e earlie r than th e las t year , becaus e m y retur n her e mus t b e earlier . T e l l Maria I shal l expec t t o find he r improve d i n al l goo d thing s an d particularly in her music, o f which I hope you als o ar e mindful. Kis s her fo r m e an d th e littl e one , an d presen t m y bes t estee m t o M r . Randolph. - Your's , m y dear , affectionately , T H : JEFFERSON RC (NNP) . Pr C (MHi) .
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T o J e r e m i a h V a n Rensselae r S l R Philadelphi
a July 10.1791 .
Inclosed i s a statemen t o f a clai m t o som e land s i n th e Oneid a country give n b y th e Indian s to on e L e Tonnelier, an d by hi m sol d to a M r. Osmont. T h i s latte r gentlema n i s arrive d from Franc e and has fixed himsel f here . Bein g a stranger , withou t th e mean s o f in forming himsel f wha t chanc e ther e is , an d wha t shoul d b e hi s pro ceedings t o recove r th e lands , an d havin g bee n ver y particularl y recommended t o m e fro m France , I am anxious t o ai d his enquiries . T h e circumstanc e o f L e Tonnelier's havin g marrie d in Albany, an d the relation s betwee n tha t plac e an d th e Oneid a countr y hav e in duced m e to suppose it a good place to make the necessar y enquiries . Not havin g th e advantag e o f any particula r acquaintance a t Albany, I hav e presume d o n behal f o f Mr . Osmon t t o addres s mysel f t o you , relying for m y excus e o n th e motive s which lea d to thi s liberty , an d on you r ow n goodnes s whic h wil l find i n a n injure d and friendles s stranger a proper objec t fo r it' s exercise . I f therefore yo u ca n eithe r at Albany, or by the mean s o f any acquaintance yo u may have withi n reach of the lands , obtain informatio n o f the realit y of Le Tonnelier's rights and the mean s o f availing Osmont o f them, the communicatio n of i t wil l b e esteeme d a very singula r favo r b y Si r your mos t obedt . & mos t humbl e servt. , T H : JEFFERSON R C (Fran k Glenn , Kansa s City , Mo. , bany" ; franked ; postmarked : "1 1 I Y " an d 1955); addressed : "Th e honbl e Jeremia h " F R E E . " P r C (MHi) . Enclosur e not foun d Van Renslae r Member o f Congres s a t A l - (se e T J to Osmont , 1 0 Jul y 1791) .
F r o m C . W. F . D u m a s The Hague, 12 July 1791. H e acknowledges T J ' s o f 1 3 Ma y and has made good us e o f his account of the prosperit y of the Unite d States. I f the volum e of Europea n quarrel s allow s spac e fo r this felicitou s exampl e se t b y th e Ne w World, i t wil l b e see n i n the newspapers. He has written Luzac to continue sending the gazett e b y the English packet boats. As for the question of American packets, this must wait for another day. But sinc e th e governmen t doe s no t wis h t o bea r th e cost , thi s coul d b e a n object o f speculatio n b y merchant s under a concessio n fro m whic h the gov ernment woul d profit. He know s fro m reliabl e source s tha t America n securitie s o f th e firs t tw o loans of Messrs. Stadnitsk y and Staphorst sell today at /1430 th e 1000-tha t is, at least 43% above par; those of subsequent loans correspondingly; and those of the loans authorized by Congress at 5% through Messrs. Willin k an d Staphorst ar e sought for , the las t like th e firs t a t 1 % above par.
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He say s nothin g o f Europea n affairs. Th e mos t clairvoyan t ar e baffle d an d know n o mor e tha n wha t appear s i n th e gazettes . H e think s th e Nationa l Assembly ha s take n th e wises t cours e an d doe s no t believ e an y powe r wil l attack Franc e i n it s presen t stat e o f ferment . P.S. 13 July. T J wil l se e i n th e Gazette de Leide o f th e 12t h th e accoun t o f American prosperit y outline d b y him . Al l prudent reader s wil l b e struc k b y the agreeable contras t between this and the Europea n news . H e is also sendin g this articl e to th e brav e ma n wh o edit s th e Gazette de Harlem, a paper whic h he wil l begi n sendin g th e firs t o f the month . Thi s gazett e and that o f Leyden are regarde d b y th e Dutc h a s th e mos t informe d an d bes t edite d o f al l th e Holland journals . The other s ar e partisa n an d strident . Th e wors t o f al l and the mos t contemptibl e fo r its impudence i s that published at The Hague, called the Gazette de la Cour. P.S. 17 July. Certai n peopl e her e profes s tha t a Congres s o f certai n power s will soo n assembl e a t Aix-la-Chapell e to interven e i n Frenc h affairs . H e doe s not believ e it . I f this wer e t o happen , i t would b e s o muc h the wors e fo r those powers, no t fo r France . FC (Duma s Lette r Book, Rijksarchief , Th e Hague; photostats in DLC) ; a t head of text: "No. 79. " RC (missing ) i s recorded in SJ L a s received 22 Oct . 1791 .
F r o m Davi d Humphrey s Lisbon, 12 July 1791 . Th e news i n his of the 7t h about secre t flight of French King ha s bee n confirmed . Assumptio n b y Nationa l Assembl y o f executiv e powers notified i n circular to diplomatic representatives. Yesterday , dining with diplomatic corp s at Walpole's, he was shown b y him a letter fro m Lor d Gowe r in Paris dated 25 Jun e containing news o f arrest of the Kin g an d his entourage , of ministers o f state being require d to tak e orders from the Nationa l Assembly , and of tranquillity prevailing, due to car e in posting nationa l guard. T he Duke of Luxembourg is said to have receive d news o f King's return to Paris . — Many rumors abou t "th e evasio n an d arrest of the Roya l Family. " Fersen a principa l agent. D e Bouille , commandan t a t Metz , wa s i n th e plo t an d sent tw o bodie s to brin g th e Kin g there . "Th e Soldier s grounde d thei r Arms . Thi s Even t frustrates the hig h expectations o f the Aristocrat s and their favorers in this and other Countries . The news o f the King' s being captured , which is said to hav e caused man y tears in this Court , induce d the Master s of French vessel s in thi s harbour to testif y thei r joy b y hoistin g thei r Colours, as on Gal a days . - Ever y thing ha d bee n mature d fo r a Crisi s o n th e expecte d arriva l o f th e Kin g o f France a t Metz . I t is eve n no w imagine d externa l Hostilitie s wil l immediatel y commence agains t tha t Country , but al l is conjecture . Th e Duk e d e Luxem bourg an d others o f th e sam e part y here ar e in the mos t profoun d Distress. " RC (DNA-R G 59 , DD) ; at head of text: "(No. 25)" ; endorsed by TJ a s received 22 Oct. 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
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T o W i l l i a m I r v i n e a n d J o hn K e a n G E N T L E M E N Philadelphi a July 12 . 1791 . I a m honoure d wit h you r lette r o f th e 5th. instan t an d shal l b e happy to giv e every facilit y to th e settlemen t o f the publi c accounts , which th e paper s i n m y offic e ma y afford , an d their natur e admit . You wil l readil y conciev e tha t ther e ma y b e som e (a s th e secre t journals fo r instance ) whic h coul d no t b e suffere d t o g o ou t o f th e office, no r t o b e examine d ther e bu t b y person s o f the highes t con fidence. T h e fe w paper s whic h ar e i n thi s predicament , I a m i n hopes you would not thin k it too muc h trouble for one o f yourselves to examin e i n the offic e wher e they are . But as to th e residu e which probably constitut e th e grea t mas s o f thos e whic h ma y b e o f an y service t o yo u the y shal l b e delivere d to you r clerk o n hi s leavin g a reciept fo r the m a t th e office . - 1 hav e th e honou r t o b e wit h grea t respect Gentleme n You r mos t obedien t & most humbl e servt , 1
T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA : RG 59 , PCC No . 120) . 1
Thu s in MS; their letter was dated the 8th.
F r o m Jame s Maur y Liverpool, 12 July 1791 . Since his of the 23r d he has received T J ' s o f 1 an d 13 May . He will atten d particularl y to the matter Mr. Coxe desired . Fa r from thinking himsel f neglected , h e was aware T J 's time wa s "muc h engrossed b y more important concerns " than writing. - Tw o American vessels, chartere d in Virginia fo r Guernsey, delivere d thei r tobacc o ther e an d came her e t o tak e freights home , "unde r no aprehension o f . . . having don e an y Thin g illegal." They hav e bee n seize d b y the customs, bu t as it is "notoriously a n Error of Ignorance" he hopes the owners wil l not suffer. H e is highly delighte d b y T J 's account o f the prosperit y o f the Unite d States . "The 4th Instant being observe d b y most o f our Countrymen in this por t as an Holiday, the Crewes of many of their Vessells collected togethe r and getting too muc h Drin k behave d i n most disorderl y an d disrespectfu l Manne r to the people o f the Country, which ha d wel l nig h bee n attende d wit h ver y seriou s Consequences. Happil y it terminated otherwise . I t will howeve r b e a Cautio n on futur e Occasions. " RC (DNA : RG 59, CD); endorse d b y TJ as received 3 Oct. 1791 and so recorded in SJL .
[621]
F r o m Georg e Washingto n G W . T O M R . J . Tuesda
y 12th. June 179 1 1
The enclose d I sen d thi s afternoon , fo r you r perusal . Tomorrow , 8'oclock, I shall send th e perso n wh o wa s the beare r of it, to you . - I t being th e hour , h e lef t word , whe n h e lef t th e letter , tha t h e shoul d call upo n me . - I f Mr. Pearc e merit s th e characte r give n hi m b y T : D . h e wil l unquestionabl y meri t encouragement , an d yo u ca n pu t him i n th e wa y t o obtai n it . - Yrs . ever , G W . RC (DLC) ; addressed : "Mr. Jefferson"; endorsed by TJ a s received 13 July 179 1 and s o recorded in SJL. The enclose d letter has not been found, but it s autho r an d it s objec t canno t b e doubted: i t wa s a lette r fro m Thomas Digges, probabl y dated late i n April , introducing the British artisan William Pearce whom Digges had encourage d to emigrate to th e Unite d State s wit h model s o f his looms (tw o simila r letters from Digges to the President , dated 1 July an d 12 Nov. 1791, urge d that Pearc e be give n assistance; these ar e in DNA: RG 59, MLR) . The collaboratio n betwee n Digge s an d Pearce wa s contrar y to th e law s o f both
Britain and Ireland , and i t was for thi s reason that, only a few months earlier, TJ ha d persuaded Washington not to give official countenance to suc h activity. Yet, in this unusual an d unequivoca l directive , th e Secretary o f State was commanded to do something not only contrary to his earlier counsel t o th e Presiden t but also at variance with the principles he believed should govern relations with other countries. Fo r a commen t o n th e mean s b y whic h T J avoided thi s embarrassment , see not e t o Digges to T J , 28 Apr . 1791 . A t this point TJ interline d the correct date: "July." 1
T o J o h n Bulkele y & So n G E N T L E M E N Philadelphi
a July 13 . 1791 .
I a m now t o acknolege the reciept o f your favor of Jan. 18 . together with th e sample s of wine forwarded . Tha t marked No. 2 . an d calle d Termo wa s exactl y th e qualit y desired . Nex t t o thi s wa s No . 4 . Torres. T h e othe r qualitie s no t liked . I a m no w therefor e t o pra y you t o sen d m e a pipe o f the kin d called Termo , the oldes t and bes t you ca n procure . Yo u wil l reciev e fro m M r . Barclay , the beare r o f this, 75 . dollar s o n m y account , whic h i f I calculat e rightl y you r millreas, wil l cover th e cos t of the pip e and the samples . Shoul d an y miscalculation, o r any advanc e o f price fo r a n older o r better qualit y render i t insufficient , Colo . Humphrey s wil l perhap s b e s o goo d a s to mak e i t up , o r I wil l pa y i t t o you r corresponden t her e a t you r choice. - 1 a m with grea t regar d Gentlemen You r mos t obedt. hum ble servt , T H : JEFFERSO N PrC (MHi) . [ 62 2 ]
13 J U L Y 1 7 Early in 1791 , i n an undated memorandum, Davi d Humphreys informed TJ that "Messrs. Joh n Bulkele y & Son hav e en gaged to sen d b y the firs t vessel t o Phila delphia different specimen s o f the dry Lisbon Wines , wit h th e prices , fo r th e inspection o f Mr. Jefferson . The y are well acquainted wit h th e subjec t an d ma y b e expected to dea l with the strictes t honor "
91
(RC in Humphreys' hand, endorsed by T J; MHi). Th e letter from Bulkeley & Son of 18 Jan. 1791 , which must have been written i n complianc e wit h Humphreys ' instructions, i s recorded in S J L a s received on 28 Feb . 179 1 bu t has not been found. Another letter from the firm, dated 7 Feb., is recorded as received 30 Mch . 1791 bu t is also missing.
From T e n c h Cox e [Philadelphia], 13 July 1791. H e received T J ' s not e by Pearce and will giv e his attentio n "t o fi x a man wh o appear s o f s o muc h importanc e t o th e Unite d States. H e communicate d . . . ver y freely , an d findin g o n m y cautionin g hi m about foreig n seductio n tha t h e ha d been attacked i n that wa y alread y at Ne w York, I have prevaile d on him to deposit his articles at once in the paten t office . This wil l frustrat e al l attempts and cut of f th e hope s of getting him away." H e encloses Pearce' s signe d orde r t o Mr . Seto n t o delive r th e apparatu s t o suc h persons a s T J wil l direct . H e wil l wai t o n T J tha t evenin g o r nex t da y t o "submit th e proceeding , whic h appear s prope r i n th e Case, " an d wil l the n return th e lette r t o th e President , wishin g t o revis e i t mor e carefull y tha n th e hours of office afford . Pearc e intends t o procee d a t once to mak e th e frame s fo r his machinery , whic h h e say s h e ca n "exhibi t a t wor k i n a weeks time. " - H e encloses the Britis h ac t consolidatin g thei r duties , whic h T J desired. RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 13 Jul y 179 1 an d s o recorde d i n S J L . Enclosure: William Pearce to William Seton, 1 3 July 1791 , requestin g hi m to de liver the two boxes or cases containing his machinery to the orde r of "the Honorabl e Thomas Jefferso n Esqr . Secretar y o f th e United States wh o is one of the Members of the Board for granting Patents. The two cases whic h I mea n ar e those directed t o 'His Excellenc y General Washington, and marked wit h th e letter s G . W. ' " (T r in clerk's hand, PHi: Cox e Papers, with notes by TJ and Coxe as given below) . TJ's not e of this date introducing Wil liam Pearce has not been found and is not recorded in SJL. Fo r commen t o n the circumstances whic h caused TJ t o introduce Pearce to Coxe , see note s to Washingto n to T J , 1 2 July 1791 , an d Digges to T J , 28 Apr. 1791 . Coxe , in advisin g Pearce , took th e libert y o f havin g hi m authoriz e
Seton t o delive r th e apparatu s t o anyon e the Secretary of State would designate. Even this degree of involvement wa s more than T J coul d accept. On th e original of Pearce's letter to Seton h e therefore place d responsibility back upon Coxe with the followin g note: "Mr. Jefferson i s desire d t o delive r the above cases to the order of Mr. Tenc h Coxe, b y hi s humbl e servant . Signe d (Thomas Jefferson) " (R C missing; TJ's undated note appended to enclosure as described above). T J then returned Pearce's letter to Coxe, who foun d himself obliged to ad d his own directiv e t o Seto n author izing him "to dispose of the withi n agreeably t o a Letter of thi s 15t h Jul y 1791 " (same). Th e rebuf f t o Cox e i s conclusiv e proof that TJ di d not, as has been claimed, write directly to Seton authorizin g him to reimburse Pearc e for his travel and other expenses (se e not e t o Digge s t o T J , 28 Apr. 1791) .
[ 62 3 }
T o Davi d Humphrey s DEAR S I R Philadelphi
a July 13th . 179 1
Mr. Barcla y havin g been detaine d longe r tha n was expected , yo u will receiv e this , a s well as my Lette r o f May 13th . fro m him. Since the dat e o f that I have received your No. 1 5 Marc h 31 , No . 1 6 Apri l 8, No . 1 7 Apri l 30 , No . 1 8 Ma y 3 , an d No . 20 . Ma y 21 . You ar e no t unacquainte d wit h th e situatio n o f ou r Captive s a t Algiers. Measure s wer e taken , an d wer e lon g depending , fo r thei r redemption. Durin g th e tim e o f thei r dépendanc e w e though t i t would forwar d our succes s t o tak e n o notic e o f the captives . The y were maintaine d b y th e Spanis h Consul , fro m who m application s for reimbursemen t throug h M r . Carmichael ofte n came : n o answe r of an y kin d wa s eve r given . A certaint y no w tha t ou r measures fo r their redemptio n wil l no t succeed , render s i t unnecessar y fo r u s t o be so reserved on the subject, and to continue to wear the appearance of neglecting them . Thoug h the Governmen t might hav e agree d t o ransom a t th e lowes t pric e admitte d wit h an y Natio n (as , fo r in stance, that of the French order of Merci) they wil l not give anything like th e pric e whic h ha s bee n latel y declare d t o b e th e lowes t b y the Captors . I t remain s the n fo r u s t o se e wha t othe r mean s ar e practicable for their recovery. I n the mea n tim e i t is our desire, tha t the disbursements hitherto made for their subsistence b y the Spanish Consul o r others b e pai d off, an d that thei r future comfortabl e sub sistence b e provide d for . A s t o pas t disbursements , I mus t be g th e favor o f yo u t o writ e t o M r . Carmichael tha t yo u ar e authorised t o pay the m off , an d pra y hi m t o le t yo u kno w thei r amount , an d t o whom payment s ar e due . Wit h respec t t o futur e provisio n fo r th e captives, I must pu t i t into you r hands. T he impossibility o f getting letters t o o r from Mr . Carmichael render s it imprope r for u s t o us e that channel . A s t o th e footin g o n whic h the y ar e t o b e subsisted , the ration and cloathing of a soldier would have been a good measure were i t possibl e t o appl y i t t o article s o f foo d an d cloathin g s o extremely differen t a s thos e use d a t Algiers . T h e allowanc e here tofore mad e the m b y th e Spanis h Consul, migh t perhap s furnis h a better rule , a s w e hav e i t fro m themselve s tha t the y wer e the n comfortably subsisted . Shoul d you b e le d t o correspon d wit h the m at all , i t ha d bette r b e wit h Capt . Obrian , wh o i s a sensibl e man , and whos e conduc t sinc e h e ha s bee n ther e ha s bee n particularl y meritorious. I t will b e better for you to avoid saying anything which may eithe r encreas e o r lesse n thei r hopes o f ransom . I writ e t o ou r Bankers t o answe r you r draught s fo r thes e purposes , an d enclos e [ 62 4 ]
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1
you a duplicat e t o b e forwarde d wit h you r first draught . T h e pris oners ar e fourtee n i n numbe r - thei r name s an d qualitie s a s fol lows - Richar d Obrian and Isaac Stephens Captains , Andrew Mont gomery an d Alexande r Forsyt h Mates , Jaco b Tessanie r a frenc h passenger, Willia m Paterson, Phili p Sloan, Pele g Lorin , Joh n Rob ertson, Jame s Hall , Jame s Cathcart , George Smith , John Gregory , James Herme t Seamen . The y have bee n twenty on e o r twenty two . We ar e in hourly expectation of hearing the even t of Genl. Scott' s irruption int o the India n country a t the hea d o f between 7 an d 80 0 mounted infantry . Perhap s i t ma y ye t b e know n i n tim e t o com municate t o yo u b y thi s opportunity . Ou r Ban k wa s filled wit h subscriptions th e momen t i t wa s opened . Eigh t million s o f dollar s were th e whol e permitte d t o b e subscribed , o f whic h tw o million s were deposite d i n cash , the residu e t o b e publi c paper . Ever y othe r symptom i s equall y favorabl e t o ou r credit . The Presiden t i s returne d fro m hi s souther n tou r i n good health . You wil l receive herewit h th e newspaper s u p to th e presen t date . - 1 have the hono r t o b e with grea t esteem Dear Sir Your most obedient & mos t humbl e Servt . T H : JEFFERSON RC (NjP) ; in Remsen's hand, except for evidentl y added at a much later date. F C signature; endorsed . Pr C (DLC); lack s (DNA : R G 59 , DCI) . Enclosure : Duplisignature; at foot of text in TJ's han d (not cat e o f T J t o Willink , Va n Staphorst & in RC) : "Colo . Humphries"- a notatio n Hubbard , 1 3 July 1791 .
F r o m E d m u n d Pendleto n Caroline, 13 July 1791. H e ha s jus t receive d a lette r fro m hi s nephew , Nathaniel Pendleton , Jr., o f Georgia, informin g him of the resignation of Mr . Rutledge a s "one o f the Judges of the Suprem e Foedral Court " and asking his influence i n being appointed. He hand s TJ his pretentions founded o n suppositio n tha t th e vacanc y will be filled by a citizen of the Southern District; that, as North and South Carolina have alread y been gratifie d thus, it wil l fal l t o a Georgian; an d that his bein g District Judg e wil l plac e him foremost there . "Ho w far this i s wel l founded, the Presiden t will judge, an d you, Sir, if, a s is probable, you are consulted on such Occasions." He hears that his reputation is high in Georgia, and Pendleton will b e oblige d if , consisten t wit h the publi c good, T J can serve him there. RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 19 July 179 1 an d so recorded i n SJL.
[ 62 5 ]
G e o r g e Washingto n t o Willia m Stephen s Smith S I R Philadelphi
a July 13 1791 . 1
I hav e recieved , sinc e m y retur n to thi s place , th e lette r whic h you wer e s o kin d a s t o writ e o n th e 6th . o f June , an d a m no w t o make yo u m y acknowledgement s fo r th e informatio n i t contained . Very soo n afte r I cam e t o th e government , I too k measure s fo r enquiring int o th e disposition s o f the Britis h cabine t o n th e matter s in questio n betwee n us : an d wha t yo u no w communicat e corre sponds ver y exactl y wit h th e resul t o f those enquiries . Thei r inten tion indee d t o sen d a Ministe r i s mor e strongl y indicate d o n thi s occasion, a s on e o f th e Secretarie s o f stat e ha s com e forwar d vol untarily t o sa y so . Ho w fa r they ma y b e dispose d t o settl e the othe r points whic h ar e really interesting t o us , i s stil l a subject o f conjecture. I n al l event s w e ar e t o than k yo u fo r th e troubl e yo u hav e taken, an d th e light s yo u hav e contribute d t o thro w o n thi s sub ject. -1 a m &c . G W 2
P r C ( D L C ) ; entirel y i n T J ' s hand. FC ( D L C : Washingto n Papers) ; wit h varia tions a s indicate d below .
Ritcheson, Aftermath of Revolution, p . 119 22.
For comment o n Smith's private mission to England , hi s intervie w wit h Grenville , his repor t to Washingto n i n his lette r o f 6 June 1791 , an d the effec t o f the abov e re sponse t o tha t lette r whic h th e Presiden t asked TJ t o draft, see Editoria l Note to the group o f document s o n commercia l an d diplomatic relation s with Great Britain , a t 15 Dec . 1790 . Fo r a differen t interpreta tion o f the resul t of Smith's mission an d of T J ' s respons e t o hi s report, see Charle s R.
FC.
1
Dat e blank in T J 's draft, supplied from
F C ha s th e followin g sentenc e no t i n T J ' s draft : "Havin g take n copie s o f th e documents whic h accompanied your letter, I herewit h return the originals. " Washington's copie s o f th e enclosures , whic h ar e identified i n notes 91, 92 , 96 , 98 , an d 10 0 in Editoria l Not e t o relation s wit h Grea t Britain a t 1 5 Dec . 1790 , ar e in D N A: R G 59, M L R . 2
T o Willink , V a n Staphors t & H u b b a rd G E N T L E M E N Philadelphi
a Jul y 13th . 179
1
Col: Humphrey s is charged with the paymen t o f some arrearages due fo r the maintenanc e o f our captives a t Algier s from th e tim e o f their captivity down t o the present . T h e amount i s unknown to me , and I ca n therefor e onl y desir e yo u t o answe r hi s draught s fo r thi s purpose whateve r they be , an d charge them i n your general accoun t with th e Secretar y o f State . H e i s als o t o se e t o thei r futur e sub [ 62 6 ]
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1
sistence. The y ar e fourtee n i n number , an d h e wil l dra w o n yo u from tim e t o tim e fo r thi s purpose , whic h draught s b e please d t o answer als o an d charg e i n th e sam e account . I hav e th e Hono r t o be Gentleme n You r mos t obedien t humbl e Servant , T H : JEFFERSON RC (NjP) ; in Remsen's hand except for wrot e "Duplicate." PrC (DLC); lacks sigsignature an d addres s b y T J : "Messrs . nature . FC (DNA: R G 59, DCI). Enclosed Willinks, Va n Staphorst s & Hubard . i n TJ to Humphreys, this date. Bankers Amsterdam"; at head of text T J
Sylvanus B o u r n e t o H e n r y R e m s e n , J r. Cape François, 14 July 1791. Havin g noticed in late America n newspaper s that T J is on tou r and "may not probabl y return ver y soon," he ask s that his last letters [2 9 Apr . and 30 Jun e 1791 ] b e communicated to the President . I f the Commissaries, daily expected fro m France, refuse to recognize him, he wil l feel justified in returning to Americ a withou t furthe r notice. I f recognized, he will nee d advic e whether to remain . - New s ha s just arrive d that the National Assembly passe d a decree "givin g the privilege s o f freemen t o th e Mulattoe s in thei r Island. " T he Commissarie s are expected t o b e attende d b y troop s t o enforce th e decree . I f so, h e fear s the horror s o f a civil war , as the white s are "pursuing every step towards a severe opposition." He will send full information on "ho w thi s affair operates." He hopes fo r replies to hi s several letters. RC (DNA : R G 59, CD); addressed: "Mr. Henr y Remsen in the office o f the Secy, of State Philadelphia"; endorsed by TJ as received 11 Aug. 1791 and so recorded in S J L.
T o Nathanie l C h i p m a n S l R Philadelphi
a July 14 . 1791 .
Your favou r o f Ma y 10 . cam e t o han d o n th e 21st . o f June . T h e Commission t o yo u a s judg e o f th e distric t o f Vermon t wa s mad e out a t the sam e time wit h thos e for th e Attorne y an d Marshal , and, as the chief-cler k o f my offic e assure s me , i t was pu t unde r th e sam e cover wit h the m t o on e o f your deputies then a t New York . I inclose you a cop y o f th e lette r whic h accompanie d it . Havin g learne d however tha t i t ha d neve r reache d you r hand s I ha d anothe r com mission prepared , whic h wa s signe d by th e Presiden t o n hi s return, and i s no w inclosed . I hope this wil l com e safely t o hand , an d wit h sincere expression s o f satisfactio n tha t you r countr y wil l hav e th e benefit o f you r talent s employe d i n it' s service , I hav e th e honou r to assur e yo u o f th e estee m & respec t wit h whic h I a m Si r You r most obedt . & most humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON
[ 62 7 }
14 J U L Y 1 7 9
1
RC (ViU) ; at foot of text: "Honble. Mr. Kentucky, at 4 Mch. 1791) . Two months Chipman." Pr C (DLC) . F C (DNA: R G later Chipman reported to TJ tha t he had never received his (Chipman to T J, 10 Ma y 59, PC C No . 120) . 1791; recorded in S J L as received 21 June To th e complications which attended the but not found). The duplicate commission admission of Vermont were added the dif- which T J enclosed wit h the above lette r ficulties whic h Nathanie l Chipma n expe- met with the same fate, according to a comrienced in obtaining his commissio n as fed- munication fromChipman to TJ of 28 Aug. eral judge fo r the district. When the stat e 1791 (recorde d in S J L a s received 22 Sep. was admitte d a s of 4 Mch. 1791, Wash - 1791 bu t also missing) . Remse n received ington, o n TJ' s advice, calle d a special that letter during TJ's absenc e in Virginia meeting o f the Senate o n that day t o ac t and, b y direction of the President , immeupon nomination s to the following office s diately issued a triplicate commission which in additio n t o that o f Chipman: Stephe n went forward directly to Chipman without Jacobs, district attorney; Lewis R. Morris, being atteste d b y TJ (Remsen to T J , 9 marshal; and Stephen Keyes , collector for Sep. 1791) . Apparentl y the other federal the por t o f Alburg. Al l were confirmed , officers i n Vermon t receive d thei r com and, o n the same day, TJ dispatche d their missions withou t experiencin g suc h difficommissions (see Editorial Note and grou p culty. of documents on admissio n of Vermont an d
T o Jonatha n Edward s S l R Philadelphi a July 14 . 1791 . I hav e dul y recieve d you r favo r o f th e 4th . inst . T h e book s yo u mention ha d com e t o han d an d bee n regularl y entered . I hav e as sured myself by a n examination o f my ow n note s of letters recieved , made i n th e momen t o f recievin g them , an d als o o f the letter s file d in th e office , tha t n o lette r cam e wit h thos e books . I n suc h cases , where ther e i s n o indicatio n whithe r o r how th e certificat e i s t o b e sent, w e d o not ventur e to sen d it out a t random. T he right howeve r is secure d b y th e entry ; th e certificat e i s nothin g mor e tha n a n evidence o f it . I hav e no w th e hono r t o inclos e your s an d to assur e you o f th e regar d wit h whic h I a m Si r You r mos t obedt . humbl e servt, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA: RG 59, PCC N 120 )
^ o f Edwards' letter of 26 Apr. 1791, > hether tha t lette r accompanie d the books o r not, it did come to res t i n th e
T e c e {
Dut
w
0
The work s mentioned b y Edwards ar e ^ P * identified i n the note to his letter to TJ o f ) 4 Jul v 1791 . TJ did not record in S J L a
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m e n t a l fileS
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R
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i n
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5 9
'
Peter d e F r a n c h i t o Rober t M o r r i s Tenerife, Port Orotava, 14 July 1791. Recommends hi s friend and neighbor, John Culnan , fo r the consulship of these islands as he knows "no person bette r [ 62 8 ]
14 J U L Y 1 7 9
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qualifyed i n every respec t t o serv e hi s Country, as he did during th e war in capacity o f Deputy Clothie r Genl. " He will be further indebte d t o Morris for his exertions , joine d t o his "powerful influenc e t o carry m y friends point. " RC (DLC : Washingto n Papers) ; en- tures). dorsed by T J: "Culnan for Teneriffe. given in b y Mr. R . Morris." Enclosures: (1) PasOn a later list of candidates fo r appointley Barry & Little to Morris, 14 July 1791 ; ment a s U.S. consuls, T J wrote an d then (2) John Cologan & Sons to Robert Mor- struck out the followin g not e after Tenerris, 1 6 Aug . 1791 , both recommendin g ife: "John Culnan. of t o be Consul, recCulnan; (3) statement dated 1 2 Aug. 1791 , ommended b y John an d Moyla n an d signed b y John Cologa n & Sons, Joh n others, see the papers, there is rather more Pasley & A. Little , an d Peter de Franchi , reason fo r than agains t th e appointment , testifying t o the genuineness of an enclose d tho it is not very important" (List of U.S . copy o f an affidavit swor n to in Philadel - Consuls, 1 5 Feb. 1793 , PrC: DLC) . On phia on 4 Dec. 178 2 by Plunket Fleeso n 30 Dec . 179 3 Stephen Moyla n wrot e to stating tha t Joh n Culnan , " a Gentleman T J urgin g Cuban's appointment. O n verso from Ireland , hath voluntaril y take n an d T J wrote : "John Culnan to be Consul for subscribed th e Oat h o f Allegiance , and Oratava in Teneriffe" (RC i n DLC: WashFidelity as directed by an Act of General ington Papers) . Culna n wa s appointe d Assembly o f Pennsylvania" (same ; al l i n consul there 29 May 1794 an d serve d until the sam e clerk' s han d excep t fo r signa1 Jan. 180 0 ( J E P , I , 158) .
T o F . P. V an B e r c k el S I R Philadelphi a July 14. 1791 . I tak e the libert y of troubling you with the perusa l of the inclose d papers fro m M r . Shaw , consu l fo r th e U . S . i n th e Eas t Indies , wherein yo u wil l observ e h e complain s o f a prohibitio n fro m th e government o f Batavia to American ship s by name to have any trade in tha t port , whil e suc h trad e wa s permitte d t o othe r nations . I d o not hesitat e t o presum e tha t somethin g ha s bee n misunderstoo d i n this case. My presumption is founded o n those sentiments o f general amity which subsist between ou r government an d that of the Unite d Netherlands, and also on the whole tenor of our treaty which secures to u s alway s the treatmen t o f the mos t favore d nation . Nevertheles s the refusa l b y th e governmen t o f Batavi a ha s bee n s o formal , s o deliberate an d pointe d a s t o rende r i t necessar y t o as k fo r som e explanation. I f you wil l allo w m e th e honou r o f a moment's confer ence o n thi s subjec t th e first tim e yo u com e t o town , I shal l b e obliged t o you : an d i n th e mea n tim e hav e tha t o f assurin g you o f those sentiment s o f estee m an d respec t wit h whic h I a m Si r You r most obedt . & most humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSO N PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA: RG 59, PCC Washingto n transmitted Shaw's letter an d No. 120 , IV) . it s enclosures t o TJ in his of 15 June, re[ 629 ]
14 J U L Y 1 7 questing him to consider them and, on his return t o Philadelphia , to b e prepare d to render a n opinion . T J responded imme diately, concluding that the matter was serious enoug h t o warran t a formal representation bu t tha t i t shoul d no t b e made through Dumas, the American agent at The Hague, becaus e h e wa s ou t o f favor with the governmen t ( T J to Washington , 2 0 June 1791) . Th e disturbing implications of Shaw's letter also prompted TJ to solicit Tench Coxe's information about American trade with Holland and he r possessions for use i n preparing the repor t on commerc e which he expected t o present at the opening of Congress (see Coxe to T J, ca. Jun e and 1 9 July 1791) . There is no record in SJPL t o indicate that T J gave his opinio n i n writing con-
91
cerning the natur e of his propose d representation. But , as was his custom i n matters of importance, he must have submitted the above letter for Washington's approval before dispatchin g it . Va n Berckel, resident minister of the Netherlands whom TJ chose as the channel of communication, gave his disappointin g respons e almos t a year later (Van Berckel to T J , 3 1 Ma y 1792) . There wa s n o furthe r exchange o f letter s on the subject , bu t TJ did submit t o th e
minister "privately and informally" an ex -
tract of that part of his report on commerce concerning Dutch-America n trad e an d asked him t o verify its accuracy (TJ to Va n Berckel, 13 Feb. 1793 ; Van Bercke l to T J, 22 Feb . 1793 ; se e TJ' s Report on Com merce, 1 6 Dec. 1793) .
E N C L O S U R E
Samuel Sha w t o George Washingto n SIR Canto n in China Decembe r 7th . 1790 . The commerc e o f a nation being on e o f the principa l objects o f the attention s of it' s rulers , I hop e i t wil l no t b e deeme d inconsisten t wit h th e dutie s o f th e office wit h whic h yo u hav e bee n please d t o hono r me , tha t I submi t t o you r consideration som e particulars relative to the trade of the Citizens of the Unite d States wit h thos e o f th e Unite d Netherland s a t Batavia , the capita l o f thei r establishments i n India . Having saile d fro m Bosto n th e latte r en d o f Marc h last , i n a n entir e ne w Ship, built , navigated, an d owned b y Citizens of America, I arrived at Batavia, the firs t Por t of my destination, o n the 30th . o f August following ; whe n t o m y no smal l astonishment I was informe d b y th e hea d office r o f the customs , tha t all commerc e wit h the American s was prohibited by orders from Holland , and that w e shoul d b e allowe d t o tak e onl y th e necessar y refreshment s fo r ou r passage t o Canton , my secon d por t o f destination. Notwithstandin g thi s infor mation fro m th e Shabander , I though t i t m y dut y t o exercis e th e righ t o f petitioning t o th e Governo r General an d the Counci l fo r permissio n t o trade , as ha d bee n heretofor e th e custom ; an d accordingl y I wa s th e nex t mornin g presented t o hi s Excellenc y at hi s Levee , an d i n tw o hour s afte r delivere d t o him m y petition , a t th e Counci l board , wher e I receive d fo r answer , tha t th e prayer o f i t coul d no t b e granted . After informin g myself , fro m th e Shabander , o f th e reason s o n whic h th e prohibition o f th e American s to trad e a t Batavi a was grounded , I though t i t incumbent o n m e a s Consul for the Unite d States , t o mak e a representation t o the Governo r and Council o n a matter which I conceived s o nearl y to concer n the welfar e o f ou r Country . O n communicatin g t o th e Shabande r thi s m y determination, h e assented t o th e propriet y of it, and observed tha t though th e prohibition wa s i n the highes t degre e injuriou s both t o th e American s and t o
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the inhabitant s o f Batavia , ye t i f the forme r di d no t complai n t o th e suprem e authority, whe n the y ha d an opportunity, i t woul d il l become that respectabl e body t o tak e an y notic e o f th e matte r t o th e Administratio n in Holland . Accordingly o n Saturda y the 4th . o f September , I dre w u p a memoria l t o th e Governor an d Council an d enclosed i t in a letter t o th e Shabander , requesting him t o tak e th e earlies t opportunit y o f havin g i t presented . O n seein g tha t Gentleman afterwards , h e assure d me tha t th e memoria l shoul d b e presente d on th e ensuin g Tuesday , and that i t woul d b e favorabl y received, i t bein g th e wish not only of the inhabitants, but of the Government also, that the commerc e at Batavia should b e a s free fo r th e American s as i t wa s fo r an y othe r nation . To th e aforegoin g particular s I take the libert y of adding copies of the lette r and declaratio n abov e mentioned , an d of beggin g tha t yo u wil l believ e m e t o be, wit h th e mos t respectfu l attachment , Si r Your mos t obedient humbl e Ser vant, SAMUE L SHA W PrC (DLC) ; i n hand of William Blackwell; at head of text: "To the President of the United States of America." FC (DNA: RG 59 , PC C No . 120 , IV) . Enclosures: (1) "Letter from Samuel Shaw, Consul for the United States of America, to the honble. Nichola s Englehard , Shabande r o f Batavia, 4th Septemr. 1790, " stating that on hi s arriva l ther e o n 3 0 Aug . i n th e American shi p Massachusetts o f Boston , bound for Canton, he had requested privileges hitherto accorded American citizens trading there; that he was grateful for the Shabander's politeness i n presentin g him to the governor general and the council in order to request such permission to dispose of articles for this market as ha d bee n given him o n his voyage in 1786; but that to his surprise he had bee n told that all commerce with Americans was absolutely prohibited. Shaw the n concluded : "M y acquaintance with an d respect fo r the La w of Nation s teach me that, in such circumstances, im plicit obedience is a virtue and I shall accordingly, on the morrow , proceed in my voyage, declaring as owner of. . . ship and cargo, that no article of the same has been or wil l b e sol d durin g our stay; and that nothing ha s bee n purchase d here, except water, vegetables, and other refreshments for our passage t o Canton . - A t th e sam e time tha t I make this declaration , permit me, sir, to observe to you, tha t I have reason to believe thi s prohibition is laid upon my Countrymen o n accoun t o f evi l reports , which have been propagated to their prejudice by persons unfriendly to both Countries; an d I hav e therefore, a s Consu l fo r my Nation, taken the libert y of making a
Representation t o th e Governmen t her e upon the subject, which I herewith enclose, and reques t you will [take] the earliest opportunity of having it presented. As a public office r an d a good citizen, I feel for the honor of my Country. As a merchant, the prohibition is extremely detrimental to my interest. Thes e motives I hope will plea d my excuse for troubling you on the present occasion" (PrC i n BlackwelPs hand in DLC ; word i n bracket s missin g fro m tex t and supplied from FC i n DNA: RG 59 , PC C No. 120 , IV) . (2 ) Declaratio n of Samuel Shaw to the Governor General and Council o f Batavia, 4 Sep. 1790 , stating that, as supercargo and par t owner of the ship Hope from New York , he stopped a t Batavia i n July 178 6 fo r twenty days , during whic h time neither he nor anyone acting for him violated trad e laws b y clandestin e expor tation o f pepper, coffee, o r spices; that he then left for Canton and remained there as U.S. consu l until January 178 9 whe n he took passage for America; that he believed other America n shipowners an d captains stopping a t Batavi a since 178 6 ha d likewise observe d it s law s an d customs; that "Coffee from the Isles of France and Bourbon, pepper from the coast of Malabar and other places in India, and spices from Ba tavia" could b e purchase d b y Americans from Englis h ship s a t Canto n as wel l as from the Chinese on terms affording them a reasonable profit; that, in consequence of reports to the prejudice of his countrymen , "they hav e no t onl y bee n prohibite d all commerce here, but have been . . . classed with smugglers"; that, because of this prohibition, th e larg e amoun t o f non-contra-
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14 J U L Y 1 7 band articles he had brought from America expressly for the market of Batavia would have to b e carrie d to Canton , where they were not wanted, thereby greatly injuring him as owner; that in a particular manner it thu s becam e hi s duty a s consul fo r his nation "to use every means in his power to vindicate it from the unjust aspersions under whic h it suffers" ; an d that, believin g this could be done in a little time, he "confides in the justice of the administration in
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Holland, an d in tha t o f Batavia , tha t hi s Countrymen wil l the n b e admitted to the full enjoymen t o f all privileges allowe d to any othe r nation , mor e especiall y a s th e connection a t presen t happil y subsistin g between thei r Republi c an d th e Unite d States o f Americ a ha s . . . th e equitabl e principle of reciprocal goo d for its immediate object" (PrC i n Blackwell's hand in D L C ; F C i n DNA: RG 59 , PCC No. 120 , IV).
F r o m Josep h Fenwic k Bordeaux, 15 July 1791. Enclosin g entry and clearance of American vessel s there for period 1 Jan. to 3 0 June . Return for cargoes lade n there as particular as th e natur e o f customhous e clearance s an d "th e genera l dispositio n o f th e Shippers to concea l thei r expeditions" permit . - Th e Consular Conventio n has never bee n promulgated , henc e consul s dependen t o n captain s and consignees for informatio n desired , which makes exercise o f their functions "rathe r an act of courtes y tha n right. " Short inform s hi m tha t minister s promis e t o publis h it withou t delay , havin g theretofore bee n prevente d b y "th e multitud e o f business." Thi s ha s prevente d hi s establishin g agent s i n neighborin g port s an d giving account of American produce received at Bayonne, Charente, Rochefort, the island s o f Oleron, an d Ré. In Apri l h e sen t T J the ac t levying genera l import duties. America n whalebone, afte r th e arrê t o f 29 Dec . 1787 , pay s 6tt-13s-4d . pe r cwt., othe r foreig n bone 15 +t pe r cwt . o n th e gros s weight . Al l articles pay o n gros s weigh t sav e tobacco, whic h i s accorde d tar e o f 12 % a s ar e a fe w fine articles . Marseilles has lately becom e a free port . Bayonn e an d Dunkirk retai n their freedom, bu t it is probably to b e desired they b e put on same footing as others, sinc e tobacc o trade shows their disadvantage to national revenue and to commerce in general. "Tobacco is pored in there from all quarters, and sold not highe r than in othe r ports where it is manufactured and introduced illicitly . . . without paying duty, to the injury of the fair trader and manufacturer." - I f some measure not speedil y taken t o pu t carryin g o f tobacco o n mor e equa l footing, America n navigation will soo n los e "al l proportion o f th e freights " fo r Frenc h consumption . Th e lesser dut y o n tha t i n Frenc h vessels , thoug h the y ma y navigat e a t greate r expense, give s such a decided advantage that Americans cannot compete. Also, the la w denying Frenc h paper s to an y foreign buil t ships "wil l totally preclud e any masque of their colours." Several ships sent from different port s for tobacc o have alread y ha d a grea t influenc e o n pric e an d sale , non e buyin g sav e fo r immediate us e i n anticipatio n o f a price nearly equal to th e differenc e i n dut y favoring Frenc h bottoms . Sal e i s no w ver y dul l an d slo w throughou t Franc e at 2 5 t o 4 0 pe r cwt. The ne w Constitutio n is nearly finished, with interna l peace an d no dange r of foreig n attac k apprehended , thoug h ther e ar e som e fear s fro m th e Englis h armament an d threat s fro m Frenc h refugee s an d part s o f Germa n empire . [ 63 2 ]
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Assignats los e fro m 8 t o 20% , varyin g wit h th e su m i n differen t parts : a t Bordeaux the y los e 4 t o 15% . Exchang e is 2 0 t o 23 % under par. Yet labor, living, an d merchandise not affecte d b y exchange hav e not increase d in cost . He ha s received T J 's o f 1 3 Ma y and notes "wit h infinate pleasur e . . . th e unparalled prosperity of our Country." He hopes it may long enjoy the happiness and prosperity that "Nature, the wisdom of its Rulers , an d the prudenc e of its Citizens hav e lay' d the foundatio n for." RC (DNA : R G 59 , CD); endorse d by TJ a s received 22 Oct. 1791 and so recorde d in SJL .
F r o m Mar y Jefferso n M Y DEA R PAP A Monticello
, July 16th . 179 1
I hav e receive d bot h you r letters , tha t fro m Lak e Georg e an d o f June 26th . I a m very muc h oblige d to yo u fo r them, an d think tha t the bar k you wrot e o n prettie r tha n paper . Mrs . Monroe an d Aun t Boiling ar e here . M y aun t woul d hav e writte n t o you , bu t sh e wa s unwell. Sh e intend s t o g o t o th e Nort h Garden . M r . Monro e i s gone t o Williamsbur g to sta y tw o o r thre e weeks , an d ha s lef t hi s lady here. Sh e is a charming woman. M y sweet Anne grow s prettie r every day . I than k yo u fo r th e picture s an d nankee n tha t yo u sen t me, whic h I thin k ver y pretty . Adieu , dea r papa . I a m you r affec tionate daughter , MARI A JEFFERSO N MS no t found ; tex t take n fro m Ran dolph, Domestic Life, p . 170 , wher e the date is given a s 1 0 July 1791 . Recorded in SJ L a s written 16 July and as received 9 Aug . 1791 . Th e dat e wa s evidentl y blurred or unclear, for in his letter to Martha of 14 Aug. 1791 TJ referre d to "Maria's
. . . o f July 16. " and a week late r in his response to Mary he referred to it as "Your letter o f July 10. " The Editors hav e accepted th e dat e give n abov e a s the more probable one since it gained TJ's approval two out of three times.
F r o m J o h n Pemberto n E S T E E M E D FRIEN D 7t h month. 16th . 1791. I sen d th e Book s tho u pai d fo r 2 month s past . The y ar e no t i n such goo d order a s I coul d hav e wished . The y suffere d whil e i n th e Bookseller's hands-tha t i f thou doe s not approv e o f them, I canno t insist o n th y takin g them . 6 vol ; Plutarch' s live s Greek. ! ^ \ §7 vol ; d o Latin .J T h y friend , JOH N PEMBERTO N
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1
I hav e no t a s yet receive d an y reply to the Lette r I wrote m y Brother Isaac Zan e respectin g th e Othe r book s tho u pointe d ou t fro m th e Catalogue. RC (MHi) ; addressed : "Fo r Thoma s aske d Pemberto n t o se t asid e fo r his conJefferson"; endorsed b y TJ a s received 1 6 sideratio n and what TJ offered becaus e of July 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL . th e lette r tha t Pemberto n wrot e t o hi s brother-in-law, Isaa c Zane-th e latte r a On th e da y befor e T J departed o n hi s frien d and legislative colleagu e of TJ' s of northern tour , h e pai d Pemberto n $6.6 6 lon g standing . Pemberton' s lette r to Zane for the two sets of Plutarch's Lives i n Greek read s in part: "Loving Brother . .. I annex and Latin editions (Account Book, 16 May a list of some books which T. Jefferso n has 1791). Thes e were bu t two title s out of a som e mind to take, but his terms are such total o f fifty-two , aggregatin g 22 3 vol - I thot, it right to Consult thee first.Ioffered umes, i n which he had indicated an inter- t o take £110 for them, but he says he would est. These were offered at £243-4-3, which no t give £60. Thou may see they are many was not much less than TJ's quarterly sal- o f the m i n Lati n an d Greek , and s o no t ary. Pemberton, a Quaker missionary, was lik e to suit every man. They have lain long a membe r o f on e o f Philadelphia' s weal - an d probably may remain yet Long unless thiest and most philanthropic families, long sol d Low. But his Offer is so far below the experienced i n th e India n an d shippin g valuatio n in 1782.1 Could not Consent to trade. But in this transaction he was deal- it , until I had informed thee, and desire thy ing with one of the most astute and knowl- Sped y Answer as he will want to know the edgeable bookmen of the day, just returned re[sult] " (John Pemberton t o Isaa c Zane , from Europe where he had dealt wit h the 1 4 Ma y 1791 , PHi : Zane Papers) . The leading bookseller s o f Paris, London , and enclose d lis t is as follows : Amsterdam. We know what titles TJ ha d
Folio No
. 8 Montfauco n 1 237 Rycaut s Peru 1 293. Ligon s history of Barbados 1 Quarto. Dauphi n Editions, in Latin No. 1 2 Plautu s Comedies 2 14. the same , (elegant ) 2 15 Statiu s 2 16 Apuleiu s works 2 17 Cicer o on Oratory 2 18 Horac e 2 19 Pliny s Natural histy 5 20 Quintu s Curtius 1 22 Panegyric i Umberes 1 23 Aurelius ' Compendium 1 24 Boethiu s 1 25 Livy' s history 6 26 Corneliu s Nepos 1 27 Tacitu s 4 28 Ovi d 4 29 Petroniu s 2 30 Justi n 1 31.Salust 1 32 Phedru s 1 33 Paterculu s 1
634 ]
Price in the Catalogu e Vols. 0 £3 5 1 7 .6 vols. Price . £ 4 . 4. 4 . 4. 4 . 4. 4 . 4. 4 . 4. 4 . 1 0 10 . 2. 2 2. 2 . 2. 2 . 2. 2 . 12.1 2 . 2. 2 . 8. 8 . 8. 8 . 4. 4 .2 .2 . 1. 1 . 1. 1
.
16 J U L Y 1 7
34 Eutropiu s 1 35 Cicero s Oration s 3 36 Valeriu s Maximus 1 37. Claudian 1 38 Prudentiu s 1 39 Auliu s Gellius 1 40 Juvena l & Persius 1 42 Manilius ' Astronomy 1 43 Martial s Epigrams 1 44 Pompiu s Sextus 1 45 Cicero s Epistles 1 46 Terenc e 1 48 Quintilia n &ca. 2 49 Catullu s &ca . 2 50 Quintilia n 2 51.Florus 1 52 Dicty s Cretensis 1
Octavo 74
Duodo. 3
54. History of the french Academy of Sciences 2 60 Act a erudita 4 87. Philosophical Transactions 2 142 Marcellinu s 1 . Sales 2d. Voyage to America 1 104 Plutarchs ' Lives, Gree k 6 132 Glaube r 1 133 ditt o 1 202 Boyle' s works 4 Journa l de Scavans 2 38 Plutarch' s Lives—Latin 7 345 Boyle' s Philosophical works 4
91 Price in the Catalogue vols. Price . . 1. 1 . 6.6 . . 2. 2 . 2. 2 . 2. 2 . 2. 2 . 2. 2 . 2. 2 . 2. 2 . 2. 2 . 2. 2 . 2. 2 .3 . 3. 5 . 3.1 0 .2 .2 12 71 6 63 32 91 5 5 1 3 5 1 43 2 1 223. vols £243
0 5 5
.1
0 .9
2 .4
.3
At the foot of the text Pemberton added a in g been acquired from the library of Colonote showin g tha t th e price s were "fro m ne l William Byr d o f Westover (Sowerby, the Catalogu e delivere d Wm . Pritchard " Nos . 68, 69,1312, an d 1313). Indeed, one and that "Thomas Jefferson offers £57. for o f his last library acquisitions was Plutarchi the whole in this Lis t o r he will leav e out politica, published in Paris in 182 4 (PresMonfaucon £3 5 - th e Dauphi n Edition s ident Jeffersoris Library, Poo r sale, Wash£127.16," totalling £162-16-0. Fo r the re- ington , 1829, No. 641). Why, then, on the mainder, value d a t £80-8-3 , T J offere d ev e o f his departure on his northern tour £25 (enclosure , undated , PHi : Zane Pa- di d h e singl e ou t an d pa y fo r Plutarch's pers). I n brief, TJ offered abou t a fourth Lives fro m th e lo t offere d b y Pemberto n of the list price for the whole an d about a an d leave the acquisition of the remainder third for the remnant. Apparently the offer t o b e decided afte r his return? Surely, o n was not accepted. a journey of observation o f a month's duT J owne d several editions of Plutarch's ration , under rather strenuous condition s works, includin g the first printed edition an d through a section of the nation he had of the Lives (Florence , Giunta, 1517 ) an d neve r before travelled , he would not have the first complet e editio n o f hi s Opera adde d to his luggage thirteen volumes, even (Geneva, Stephanus, 1572), the latter hav- i n duodecimo. I t beggars credulity to sup-
635
16 J U L Y 1 7 9 pose that, on such a tour of topographical, political, economic , an d botanical explo ration, he would have wished to read about Greeks and Romans whose live s had long since becom e familia r to him . Onl y one explanation for his selection o f Plutarch at this particular moment seems to accord with plausibility. Young John Wayles Eppes had just arrived in Philadelphia and was being guided by TJ i n his studies. He was eighteen an d perhaps had not been give n the kind of instruction in the classics that T J had receive d under the Rev. Jame s Maury, thereby acquiring the lifelong habit and th e inestimable "Luxury of reading the Greek and Roma n authors in all the beauties of their originals" - a n acquisitio n for whic h he fel t mor e indebte d t o his father "than for all the other luxurie s his cares and af fections have placed within my reach" (TJ to Joh n Brazer , 2 4 Aug. 1819 ; o n TJ' s classical education, see Malone, Jefferson, I, 40-6 , an d L. B. Wright, "Thomas Jefferson an d the Classics," Am. Phil. Soc, Procs., L X X X V I I [July , 1943] , 223-33) . Whether o r not TJ thought Eppe s deficient i n the classics, he was at this tim e
1
much concerned about the need for keeping the youth on the straight pat h of his studies at an age when he might be "more susceptible of delights from other sources" (TJ t o John Brazer, 24 Aug. 1819) . I t is easy t o imagin e T J , a s he was about to leave his nephew alon e in the capital for a month, advising him t o read and profi t from the moralisti c parallel s se t fort h i n Plu tarch's biographies of eminent Greek s and Romans (on his concer n about Eppes' course of studies an d temptations tha t might in terfere, see his letters to Eppes' parents, 15 May 1791) . Didactic and disciplinar y with his own children, he would have been quite in characte r if, in presenting the volumes to Eppes , he had gently admonishe d him that he would expect a report of progress on his return. It is also plausible to assume that TJ may have had Eppes' trainin g i n the classic s i n mind whe n h e offered t o purchase the Dauphin editions o f classical works, many of which he already possessed in othe r edition s a t Monticello an d some of which had com e in the shipment of books he received from Paris a few months earlier (see note , Short to T J, 7 Nov. 1790) .
T o Willia m Smit h S l R Philadelphi a July 16 . 1791 . T h e Presiden t o f th e Unite d State s desirin g t o avai l th e publi c of your services a s Auditor of the Treasur y o f the U . S . I have no w the hono r o f enclosin g yo u th e Commission . Y ou wil l readil y con cieve fro m the natur e of this offic e tha t ever y day' s suspension o f it s functions add s ne w instance s o f inconvenience t o th e public , and t o individuals. While I indulge mysel f therefore i n expressing my hopes and felicitation s fo r th e public , tha t yo u wil l undertak e a trus t s o important fo r them , I a m charge d t o ad d th e desir e tha t yo u ma y find i t convenien t t o com e o n wit h al l practicabl e dispatch. I hav e the honou r t o b e wit h sentiment s o f th e mos t perfec t estee m & respect, Si r Your mos t obedien t & most humbl e servt . T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; mutilated , so that about a fourth o f the line ending s ar e lost, thes e being supplie d fro m F C (DNA: RG 59 , PCC No . 120) .
Soon afte r reachin g Mount Verno n o n returning fro m his southern tour , Wash ington informe d Hamilton of his intention to appoint Wolcott to succeed Eveleigh as
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"I wa s obliged to intimate," McHenry reComptroller of the Treasury. At the same ported, "that from the opinion you had of time h e sai d that h e woul d no t nam e an him, I woul d entertai n n o doub t bu t his Auditor unti l h e reache d Philadelphi a appointment woul d b e certai n unless th e (Washington to Hamilton, 13 June 1791, President got entangled to the Southward" Syrett, Hamilton, vm , 470-1; see also Ed (McHenry to Hamilton, 3 May 1791, Syritorial Not e an d grou p o f document s o n ett, Hamilton, vm , 321-2). Hamilto n unCoxe's candidacy for the Comptrollership, at 16 Apr. 1791). But several weeks before derstood as clearly as McHenry and others that one of Washington's leading principles this communicatio n wa s written , Hamil ton, acting on the understandable assump- in the distribution of patronage was to see that th e variou s sections wer e fairl y reption tha t hi s choic e o f Wolcott woul d be resented, a factor which no doubt induced supported, sought to interest his own canhim t o loo k southwar d wit h th e Compdidates in the office of Auditor. His agency trollership being clearly destined for a New in th e matte r wa s James McHenry , and, Englander. while his letter on the subjec t is missing, it is clear that his firstchoice was Otho H. Thus, within ten days after Washington Williams an d his secon d Willia m Smith, returned to Philadelphia, Hamilton had put both of Maryland. Early in May McHenry forward th e candidac y of William Smith, approached Williams , mentioned Hamil and this recommendation, like that of Wolton's "power and disposition," and held out cott, was unhesitatingly accepted. TJ's letthe promis e of further advancement. Wil ter transmittin g Smith' s commissio n o n liams gav e the impressio n tha t h e would behalf o f th e Presiden t reveal s bot h th e have accepted the office of Comptroller but urgency with which the matter was being declined the lesse r post on the groun d of pressed and the uncertainty as to whether health. McHenr y then trie d to persuad e the appointmen t woul d be accepted. The William Smith, who, he reported to Hamdoubt wa s well-founded. Smit h acknowl ilton, "with less shew of talents will make edged the abov e lette r o n 22 Jul y 1791 , a much better auditor. He will have as little and, while his letter has not been found, it to learn as the General; is as systematic, a is clear that he declined the office. Lat e in more perfect and correct accountant, of great November Washingto n nominate d Rich respectability and of longer standing in soard Harrison, a merchant of Alexandria, as ciety. I found also here that the comptrolAuditor. The Senate, after inquiring which lership wa s a mor e darlin g object. " of th e severa l Richar d Harrison s in th e McHenry finallypersuaded Smith to perUnited State s wa s meant , promptl y conmit him to use his discretion in the matter, firmed hi m ( J E P , i , 90). thus giving the same latitude to Hamilton.
F r o m Phili p Wilso n London, 16 July 1791. O n 4 Feb . he sen t T J a schedule an d affidavit o f th e truth o f papers furnished through Judg e McKea n an d now enclose s a further petition concernin g thos e "mos t oppressiv e evasion s an d wrongs. " - Relyin g on T J 's humane character, he hopes for his official attentio n t o a matter of such striking injustic e don e t o " a once prosperou s Merchant , now Empoverished; not b y his own Errours ; bu t from National, or Governmental, breach of Duty, Honour, an d Justice , b y a breac h o f a n agreemen t com e unde r betwee n th e British and American Governments, on both of which I have a claim of Justice." Tr (DNA : R G 76 , British Spoliations); minste r London. " Records in SJ L sho w at head of text: "Duplicate"; at foot of text: tha t on e versio n o f text wa s receive d 2 7 "then from No. 5 7 Marsham-stree t West- Oct . 1791 an d another 1 0 Feb. 1792.
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16 J U L Y 1 7 An accoun t o f Philip Wilson's long and unsuccessful effort to obtain redress for the loss of his ship Mentor i s given in the note to TJ to McKean, 23 Dec. 1790. The documents which TJ returne d with that letter are t o b e found i n Wilson's transcripts of his various appeals in DNA: RG 76 , British Spoliations . Th e schedul e mentione d as having been transmitted in Wilson's letter o f 4 Feb . 179 1 ma y b e foun d i n th e same series, but that letter, recorded in SJL as received 2 Apr. 1791, i s missing. With the above , Wilso n enclose d hi s petition , dated a t Westminster 1 6 July 1791 , "To his Excellency the most Honourable Pres ident, Vice-President , Senators ; an d th e Right Honourable Congress of the United States o f North America." In this Wilson referred to his three former petitions o f 11 Mch. an d 4 an d 31 Jul y 179 0 an d stated that, on "the 3 d of February last," he had sent to "the Honourable Thomas Jefferson . . . Secretar y of Foreign and Domestick affairs" a schedul e o f fiftee n paper s wit h documents fro m th e Hig h Cour t o f Admiralty concerning his case; that he hoped for a remonstrance from the United States against the injury done him by the British government i n "thi s complicate d Ac t o f Wrong an d breac h of Treat y and Law" ; and tha t he had left at the Treasury Office accounts proving the cost of Mentor an d a manifest o f he r carg o showin g hi s tota l damages t o b e £11,797-6-3 V2 sterling. In the cours e o f this petitio n Wilso n quote d the full text of his appeal to the Lords Commissioners of Appeals for Prize Causes, i n which he stated that , in response t o a petition t o th e Senat e o f the Unite d States, he ha d bee n assure d a claim fo r th e de struction of Mentor would be made "by the American Ambassador that may in time be sent to the English Court," but that in the meantime h e migh t peris h in priso n and his family be destitute fo r food. H e therefore praye d for a recommendation t o th e Privy Council urging immediate relief. This petition, a s recorde d i n th e on e enclose d with the abov e letter , wa s dated at Westminster 1 9 May 1791. Tw o days later, as Wilson se t fort h i n hi s petitio n t o th e American government , h e attende d th e Privy Council and "went up to the head of the Board where the Lor d President Ear l of Camden, and Mr. Pit t the Minister sat; and begge d of their Lordships, Justice and
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immediate relief; an d told Mr . Pit t that he had delivere d hi s paper s a t th e Treasur y Office twelv e month s ag o agreeabl e to his instructions: The Ear l o f Camden go t u p and, rathe r warmly, said 'We can do nothing mor e fo r yo u here , w e hav e recom mended your Case,' and . . . (lowering his eyes and voice toward s Mr . Pitt an d the petitioner) said 'It is a compassionate Case,' and, a s Mr. Pitt was going away without answering, His Lordship the Earl of Camden, stope d him and, it i s supposed, tol d him o f th e petitioner' s applicatio n t o th e American Government , o r Senat e o f th e United States." Camden's compassio n drov e Wilso n to frame another petition t o the Lord s Commissioners of Appeals and th e Privy Council, date d 2 5 Ma y 1791 , whic h h e als o quoted a t length i n the appeal enclosed in the above letter. In the former he declared that hi s wa s " 'a compassionate Case ' not from want of Right by Law , bu t from the scanty and wrong dispensations thereof, in the High Court of Admiralty; and fro m the breach of the Statutes of this Country, and of hospitalit y t o th e paupe r i n Doctor s Commons; a s wel l a s fro m th e Dela y o f Duty i n hi s Majesty' s Government. " In consequence, afte r recitin g a t lengt h th e proceedings whic h he regarde d as a miscarriage of justice, Wilson asked a review of his case on appeal that he might not "sink in the distinction between Legal Right and Compassion; bu t receiv e som e immediat e relief" (quoted i n Wilson's petition t o th e President an d Congress , 1 6 Jul y 1791 ; DNA: R G 76 , Britis h Spoliations ; en dorsed by T J ) . T J di d not respond to the above appeal, nor di d h e submit the petition to Congress. He probabl y saw no need even t o consult the Presiden t o n th e matter . Whil e S J L shows that TJ received letters from Wilson dated 28 Nov . 1791 , 28 Mch . and 3 Dec. 1792, 2 7 Jul y 1797 , 2 8 Jul y 1798 , 2 5 Mch. 1801,1 3 and 15 Apr. 1802,1 7 June 1804, an d 2 8 Jan. an d 15 July 1805 - mos t of which are missing - ther e is no evidence that h e eve r responde d t o an y officia l o r private communication from the unfortunate man. H e did, however, recommend his case to the attention o f the ne w minister to Great Britai n ( T J to Pinckney , 1 1 June 1792). Possibl y Wilson' s imprudenc e i n making statement s t o the Britis h govern -
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17 J U L Y 1 7 ment to th e effec t tha t the Senat e had assured him it would espouse his claim, together with other assertions set forth in the two petition s quote d i n that to the American government, influence d TJ's attitud e of aloofness. Wilso n had a far more defensible claim at law than that of William Green and his brig Rachel which Joshua Johnson prosecuted with such vigor and which T J also handled with silence (see Editorial Note and group of documents at 31 May 1791). But the owner of Mentor, while earning the
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compassion of Camden and others, was not his ow n bes t advocate . I n his petitio n t o the Lord s Commissioner s of Appeals and the Privy Council of 25 May 1791 Wilson added this postscript: "The petitioner not having Lega l Counse l no r a Procto r assigned to him, wishes to express himself as inoffensively an d well a s he can , so a s to be Clear and Intelligible." This he did, but without succes s even i n a good cause and before sympatheti c officials.
F r o m Willia m B l o u n t "Territory of the United States of America south of the River Ohio, W. Cobbs," 17 July 1791 . H e received T J 's lette r of 1 2 March on 1 9 May and had already recommended tha t censu s b e take n i n ever y count y o f Territor y o n th e las t Saturday of July b y the militi a captains and had given th e form as required by act o f Congres s excep t i n tha t recommende d b y himself . I n orde r t o kno w whether there are 5,000 free white males of full age in the Territory, the secon d column list s fre e whit e male s o f 2 1 an d upwards instead o f 1 6 an d upwards, while thir d colum n list s fre e whit e male s unde r 21 instea d o f under 16 . Wit h the Indian claim by the treaty of 2 July with the Cherokees being extinguished , he ha s ordere d a censu s t o b e take n i n Augus t i n th e lan d sout h o f Frenc h Broad. - H e receive d T J ' s o f 26 Marc h o n 2 2 May . "Besides th e thre e excep tions o f private claims which have been state d t o you against th e Genera l right of Congres s to th e whol e lan d Ceded by Nort h Carolina ther e ar e two others , that i s th e land s entere d i n th e entr y Office s o f th e Countie s o f Washingto n and Sullivan in this Territory." Immediately on receiving T J 's lette r he ordered a retur n to b e mad e o f the land s entere d i n thes e office s an d expects a report in a fe w d a y s . - H e ha s bee n unabl e t o tak e th e bearing s o f th e mountain s marking th e easter n Territoria l boundar y becaus e o f hi s attendanc e a t th e Cherokee treaty , bu t thi s wil l b e don e during the presen t wee k an d the infor mation forwarde d by th e nex t conveyance . RC (DNA : RG 59 , SWT ; M-471/1) . Recorded in S JL a s received 5 Aug. 1791 .
F r o m Charle s Carte r Ludlow Farm, 17 July 1791. H e i s oblige d fo r th e informatio n i n T J ' s of the 10th . H e wil l leav e i t t o hi s so n t o decide , bu t hi s ow n choic e woul d b e for a n America n education. "Th e prejudices formerly imbibed , b y th e Amer icans . . . sent t o Brittai n fo r a n education, I always thought, were to o strong , ever t o b e overcome . Bu t sinc e ou r Indépendance , I hop e tha t n o suc h con sequences wil l derive . Indee d if I were t o Judg e o f what ha s come within my own observation , i n th e politica l line , I wou d clearl y decid e i n favo r o f a n American Education . But i n Physick , their experienc e mus t b e greate r the n
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ours can possably be , and the opportunities a student wil l there have, especiall y in th e Anato'ma l line fa r superior." He no w encroache s a little further on TJ' s goodnes s and asks whether a loan can b e obtaine d fro m the Ban k wit h land as security. "Th e very great scarcity of mone y i n thi s Stat e distresse s man y men , m e a t thi s tim e greatl y so . . . . coud I obtain 150 0 I t woud enabl e m e . . . t o pa y my just Debts, complea t th e Education o f m y fou r Sons , an d to liv e i n a comfortable manner , an d I hop e untill my Children are setled i n the world. " The 5,000 acres he recovered from Robert Carte r i n Loudou n would b e th e security , th e rent s o f which , even a t the presen t lo w rate , exceed th e interest . Bu t as many of the mos t valuabl e lots "are for th e lif e o f Old Robert Carte r only , th e ris e will b e great , s o muc h so , as in a few Year s t o discharg e the debt . Unles s I can accomplish this desirabl e object, I shal be torn to piece s b y my Creditors and indeed nothing , bu t a Jail, can I expect . Anothe r goo d purpos e wil l b e answered , Mrs . Carter, an d m y Sons wil l hav e a n opportunity o f working between 4 0 an d 50 valuabl e Slave s to grea t advantage . Th e lands are within 30 t o 4 0 mile s o f George Town , th e intended sea t o f Government . I a m happ y t o hear , ou r worth y Presiden t i s returned well, I had the pleasur e of seing hi m as he went , an d returnd, he had a ver y fortunat e journey . I shal l b e glad t o hear , your s ver y muc h t o you r satisfaction, an d my ver y muc h respected Frien d Mr . Maddison, was restore d to a perfect stat e o f Health . Be s o goo d as to presen t m y respect s t o him , and be assure d Dr. Sr that I am with estee m Y r Affe. Friend. " RC (MHi) ; endorsed by TJ as received 21 Jul y 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Rober t Montgomer y Alicante, 17 July 1791. H e has bee n deprive d o f T J 's favor s sinc e hi s o f 1 3 Mch. - H e encloses tw o letter s "fro m one o f our slaves at Algiers." The pirates continue t o cruise . A 20-gu n "Xebeque " touched a t Carthagena for water and provisions las t Sunda y after havin g been, h e reported , 40 day s in the Atlantic. Also, a 2-gun rowboa t of f Malag a spoke o f severa l vessel s no w i n quarantine here. Bu t despite th e friendl y reception thei r vessels mee t with on th e coas t o f Spain, the Bey of Mascara continues th e seige of Oran with all his power, bein g no doubt supporte d by his master, the Dey of Algiers. The Spanish force makes a brillian t resistance, bu t th e garriso n is b y n o mean s ou t o f danger . RC (DNA : RG 59 , CD) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 22 Oct . 1791 an d so recorded in SJL . O n this da y T J recorded receip t o f onl y on e lette r (missing ) fro m Richar d O'Bryen, dated 28 Apr . 1791.
T o T h o m a s M a n n R a n d o l p h , J r. DEAR S I R Philadelphi
a July 17 . 1791 .
Your favo r o f th e 7th . cam e t o han d yesterda y an d brough t m e the news , alway s welcome , o f you r bein g al l well . I hav e take n effectual mean s o f repairin g th e los s o f th e suga r mapl e seed , b y [ 64 0 ]
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bespeaking a ne w suppl y o f seed , an d purchasin g a considerabl e number of young tree s from Prince in Long-island who wil l forward them t o Richmon d in th e fall . T h e specie s o f ric e whic h ha s suc ceeded, i s tha t I believ e whic h wa s th e bes t fo r ou r climate , a s requiring les s su n tha n th e other . I a m happ y t o hea r th e cro p o f wheat i s likel y t o tur n ou t well . 300 0 bushel s o f whea t wil l b e o f double th e valu e o f th e tobo . mad e b y th e sam e hand s a t th e sam e places th e las t year , whic h wa s a favorabl e yea r too: an d whe n w e consider tha t th e first yea r o f transition fro m on e specie s o f culture to anothe r i s subjec t t o disadvantages , i t give s favorabl e hope s o f the chang e i n future . I t i s a n additiona l proo f tha t 10 0 bushel s o f wheat ar e a s easil y mad e a s 100 0 lb . o f tobo . - T h e las t 22 . hhds . shipt b y M r . Hylton ar e arrived here . - Tobacc o o f the first qualit y in Franc e ha s go t t o 45/ 9 Virgini a mone y th e hundred . - Stratton , who brough t m y tobo . wil l tak e o n boar d som e store s fo r me . I suppose the y wil l b e a t Richmond before th e las t of the month , afte r which I shal l be g th e favo r o f yo u t o hav e the m brough t u p a s occasion shal l offer . M y visi t t o Albemarl e i s a t presen t unde r a more unfavorabl e aspec t tha n whe n I wrot e last . I t i s no w rathe r believed tha t th e Presiden t wil l no t g o t o Moun t Verno n this year. If so , tho ' i t wil l no t preven t m y visi t altogether , i t wil l ver y muc h shorten it . Fro m th e 7th . t o th e 14th . o f July w e hav e ha d the mos t intolerable heats . I hardly remember to hav e eve r suffere d s o much . The greates t heigh t o f th e thermomete r wa s 94 . o r 9 5 . ° - I men tioned in my last week's lette r that I was endeavoring to get a regular post established fro m Richmond thro' Columbia and Charlottesville to Staunton , s o a s t o cos t nothin g t o th e public . T h i s wil l rende r all privat e riders illegal, a circumstance to be attended t o in contracts with them . Remembe r m e affectionatel y t o m y daughters , an d b e assured o f th e sincer e attachmen t o f Dea r Si r Yours affectionately , T H : JEFFERSON RC (DLC) . T J erroneousl y recorded this letter in S JL as being addressed to Martha Jefferson Randolph.
F r o m Willia m Shor t D E A R S l R Pari
s July 17 . 1791 .
I inclos e yo u a note of your account a s given t o m e b y M r. Grand and b y which you will se e tha t there remains a balance in your favor of 2709*. 18 . whic h ha s bee n remitte d agreeabl y t o you r desir e t o Messrs. V. Staphorst & Hubbard. T h e clock which I am now prom[ 64 1 ]
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ised dail y an d th e mendin g you r reveill e watc h wil l b e t o b e pai d out of this balance and I shall accordingly draw on it for that purpos e when Chantero t shal l b e r e a d y . - M r . Gautie r desire d m e als o t o inclose yo u th e letter s o f th e Jewelle r to hi m concernin g th e pric e of the diamonds . -1 hop e you will reciev e safel y b y Petit the pictur e from whic h the y wer e detached . M y lat e private letters to you were May 2. b y Petit and two date d June 7 . on e b y M . d e Ternan t an d the othe r b y M . d e Kellerman . They wer e a s usua l ver y ful l o f myself , th e latte r particularl y a s I had a t the tim e o f writing it a kind o f certainty that i t woul d ge t t o your hand s befor e an y thin g woul d b e don e wit h respec t t o th e nomination fo r thi s place . I a m tempte d t o rene w th e subjec t a t present onl y fro m th e consideratio n o f the possibilit y o f that letter s miscarrying, an d from this being a private conveyance. T h e presen t therefore i s merel y a duplicate o f that an d I hope you wil l excus e i t when yo u conside r th e circumstance s under whic h i t i s written . It seems now certai n that no nomination will take place before Octobe r next, an d i t woul d see m probabl e tha t th e perso n appointe d wil l not com e ou t befor e th e spring . I n thi s positio n o f affair s i t i s im possible fo r me no t t o carr y my reflexions forward . Althoug h it may appear singula r that withou t knowin g whethe r I shal l b e though t proper fo r an y place , I should b e sayin g what plac e I shoul d chuse , yet I canno t hel p allowin g mysel f t o expres s m y sentiment s o n a subject whic h interest s m e s o nearl y t o a perso n t o who m I hav e been s o lon g accustome d t o sa y ever y thing . Should m y las t lette r have bee n recieve d this wil l becom e useless as i t i s a repetitio n o f it . I tak e i t fo r grante d tha t Minister s plenipotentiary wil l b e appointe d her e an d t o London . T h e expressio n of th e wis h o f th e nationa l assembl y fo r negotiatin g a treat y o f commerce carrie d ou t b y Ternan t wil l probabl y hasten th e first, a s M . d e Montmori n ha s tol d m e tha t Ternan t i s directe d t o infor m the America n governmen t o f the desir e o f this tha t thei r representative her e shoul d reciev e instruction s fo r tha t purpose . - T h e lat e events an d th e presen t situatio n o f affair s her e (o f whic h yo u ar e informed) ma y howeve r she w th e improbabilit y of an y negotiatio n being effecte d unti l somethin g permanen t take s place , perhap s th e impropriety o f setting th e negotiatio n o n foot. O f this you alone ca n judge. I mus t howeve r ad d tha t i t i s impossibl e fo r th e presen t t o say whe n thi s crisi s i s t o end , o r wha t i s t o b e th e issu e - o f cours e what kin d o f government wil l b e established o r by whom exercised . This ca n onl y effec t th e tim e o f commencin g th e negotiatio n fo r o r rather th e conclusio n of , a treat y o f commerc e an d no t a t al l th e [ 64 2 }
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nomination o f a ministe r whic h ha s bee n lon g intende d an d i s in dependent o f the situation of affairs here. - T o return to that subject; should thi s appointmen t tak e plac e i t i s o f cours e wha t I shoul d prefer fo r th e reason s I have s o ofte n give n an d repeated, nex t t o i t London, an d thirdly the Hague . I take i t fo r grante d an d hope tha t the grad e wil l b e th e sam e wit h that a t Lisbon . I mentione d t o yo u in m y las t ho w disagreeabl e an d ho w littl e honorabl e i t woul d b e for m e t o b e supersede d her e afte r havin g bee n remaine d s o long , and tha t b y a perso n wh o woul d o f cours e b e suppose d t o kno w much les s o f the ground . I t could not possibl y b e attribute d to an y thing bu t a n absolut e wan t o f meri t o n m y part . I t woul d b e th e same thin g i f I wer e sen t t o a n inferio r place wit h th e sam e grade . Besides i n those little place s the diplomatic k characters being muc h more i n vie w tha n i n Pari s o r London , inferio r grade s ar e muc h more disagreeable . Afte r al l I shoul d imagin e th e Hagu e woul d b e considered equal to Lisbon , and from the flattering manner in which the Secretar y of the treasur y has expressed himsel f to m e o n m y lat e mission i n Holland , and als o fro m th e tim e I hav e bee n employe d in Europ e I should hope it coul d not b e o n m y accoun t particularl y that the grad e would be kept inferior. -1 mentioned i n my last letter what I repea t her e tha t i f destined t o tha t plac e I shoul d b e gla d t o recieve a cong é a t th e sam e tim e whic h woul d allo w m e t o retur n in th e sprin g t o th e U . S . I mentione d als o b y wha t degree s I ha d come t o this , an d fo r wha t reason s I desire d it . Eve n i f I wer e appointed ministe r her e I shoul d lik e suc h a conditiona l cong é a s would allo w m e t o retur n i f I though t proper , as i t i s possibl e tha t the affair s o f thi s countr y ma y b e i n suc h a stat e tha t a residenc e here woul d b e useless . I n that cas e i t woul d b e highl y agreeabl e t o have th e possibilit y o f making use o f that tim e fo r visitin g the U . S. and endeavourin g t o fix mysel f there . Bu t thi s howeve r I submi t entirely t o y o u . - M y desir e t o hav e thi s cong é wil l o f cours e b e proportioned t o th e plac e I am to have , an d as I suppose th e lowes t would b e tha t o f charg é de s affaire s a t the Hagu e i t i s unde r it tha t I shoul d wis h fo r i t th e most . I f however I a m definitivel y t o g o there with that grade , the soone r th e mor e agreeable t o me , becaus e the longe r I remai n here i n tha t characte r the mor e i t wil l appea r against m e t o giv e place here to another , and to accep t o f an inferior grade, viz . a n equa l grad e a t a n inferior place. I should prefer much to this what I mentioned i n my last. I suppos e Congress wil l soo n find i t necessar y t o giv e yo u a n assistant sa y fo r the foreig n departmen t i n the characte r of under Secretary of State , with a decen t salar y o f 1800 , o r 2000 . dollars . I n suc h a cas e i f I {643]
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were though t prope r for it I should like better tha t mod e of retiring from Pari s tha n goin g t o th e Hagu e a s charg é de s affaires . I nee d not repea t her e tha t shoul d I b e allowe d t o retur n to Americ a o n congé, i t woul d b e wit h a desire to b e employe d i n the manne r you mentioned i n a forme r lette r an d whic h I shoul d ultimatel y prefe r to an y thin g els e whatever . - I n al l event s I be g yo u m y dea r Si r to b e s o goo d a s t o writ e t o m e o n thes e subjects . Durin g suc h a state of uncertainty and anxiety you r conjectures woul d b e o f much resource an d consolation . T h e presen t situatio n o f affair s her e an d th e stat e o f anxiet y i n which al l classe s ar e rende r thi s plac e fa r fro m agreeabl e a t thi s moment. O f course th e wors t positio n i n Europ e i s remainin g here as at presen t wit h th e uncertaint y o f the tim e I a m to continu e an d even th e probabilit y that a s soon a s the stor m passe s I shall be sen t away. T he apprehension therefore tha t I shall be kept in this postur e during th e whol e o f th e nex t winte r i s exceedingl y disagreeabl e under a variet y o f considerations . I hop e an d be g tha t somethin g definitive ma y b e don e i n th e fall , an d tha t i f anothe r perso n i s t o come her e tha t h e wil l arriv e befor e th e winter , unles s i t shoul d b e contrived s o tha t I could b e sur e of having the cong é i n the spring , and i n tha t cas e I shoul d hav e n o objectio n t o remainin g here , i f thought necessary , during the winter , instead of going to the Hagu e or whereve r I ma y b e sent . Wha t woul d b e highl y disagreeabl e would b e t o b e oblige d t o remai n her e fo r som e tim e afte r m y successor shoul d b e named , i f I ha d no t som e othe r appointmen t which would shew tha t I was not entirely deprived of the confidenc e of m y countr y suc h a s tha t mentione d unde r you , o r somethin g superior t o wha t I hav e her e i n som e othe r place . I hav e latel y recieve d fro m M r . Brown of Richmon d an accoun t of m y fund s pu t int o hi s hand s b y Colo . Skipwith . I hea r nothin g from th e latte r an d I canno t b e muc h surprize d at it , a s I canno t concieve ho w h e can reconcile this with the letters he formerly wrote to me . M r . Brow n seem s t o hav e th e intentio n o f fundin g thes e State securitie s agreeabl e t o th e pla n o f th e Secretary . Of course I suppose i t wa s unavoidabl e a s th e pla n i s intolerabl y unjus t a s t o State securities . I imagin e h e wil l d o fo r th e bes t an d i s certainl y much mor e capabl e of judging bein g o n the spo t than I can be here. I hop e i f indispensabl e yo u wil l b e s o kin d a s t o giv e hi m you r advice, a s h e ma y consul t yo u confidentially . Bu t I shoul d hav e hoped th e Stat e o f Virgini a woul d hav e pu t thes e securitie s o n a better footin g tha n th e fundin g bil l does. I hav e heard that you were with M r. Madison at Boston th e 12th . [ 64 4 ]
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of June. I don't doub t tha t yo u would hav e foun d ever y thin g pros perous i n this tour. A s you were to hav e been i n Philadelphia about the middle of that month I hope I may now soo n hear from you. - Yo u will reciev e wit h the newspaper s whic h go b y Havre an odd volum e which I thin k mus t belon g t o you r library ; I foun d i t amon g m y books. I hav e see n her e latel y a loa f o f th e mapl e suga r refine d a t Phil adelphia. I am promised a piece o f it for the ol d Dutchess D'Envill e who ha d desire d m e t o writ e t o as k yo u t o sen d he r a sample . I have hear d nothing ye t o f the seed s you promise d should b e sen t t o her. T h e Duke de la Rochefoucauld begged I would ask you to sen d him a fe w graft s o f you r bes t peaches . Don' t the y com e fro m th e stone simply ? He canno t thin k an y peac h i n the worl d equal to th e Parisian. Pain e ha s latel y lef t thi s place . T h e succes s o f his answe r to Burk e seem s to hav e ha d much weight o n him . He wa s her e th e avowed apostl e o f republicanis m and begu n t o alar m al l moderat e people b y hi s counse l fo r th e abolitio n o f monarchy . Yo u wil l se e in th e Moniteu r his lette r t o th e Abb e Sieye s an d the answer . T h e litigation wil l probabl y en d there , a s I hope h e wil l no t retur n here for some time. H e is gone to Londo n and intends goin g fro m thenc e to Ireland. I think he would have done harm here if he had remained. I kno w no t wha t h e wil l d o i n Englan d o r Ireland . H e i s sur e tha t the Englis h governmen t i s afrai d o f hi m bu t i n thi s h e ma y b e decieved. Adie u my dear Sir. Be s o goo d as to le t m e hea r from yo u and believ e m e sincerel y you r frien d & servant, W : SHORT RC (DLC) ; a t foo t o f text : "Thoma s Jefferson Secretary of State Philadelphia"; at head of text: "Private"; endorsed by TJ as received 22 Oct . 1791 an d so recorded in SJL . Pr C (PHi) . Enclosure : "Notte du Compte de Monsieur Jefferson" with Grand & Cie . showing o n the credi t side a total of 9,994tt-6 , o f whic h 9,40 5 n wer e re ceived "pour un portrait de brillants." Debits amounting to 7,284+t.8 included 1,680tt for th e President' s champagne ; 22 2 it t o Cathalan for olive trees; 1200ft to Tolozan and 800+ t to Sequeville; 2,500* to Fenwick for wines ; 282^- 8 t o Delamott e fo r ex penses o n TJ' s carriages, transportation, and dut y on the champagne; and 120 "to Houdon for the dress" (MS dated at Paris, 4 Jul y 1791 , wit h note by Grand & Cie . showing tha t /959-14 ha d been remitted to Va n Staphorst & Hubbard for the baltt
ance of 2,709+t-18, to which Short added notes t o explai n th e charge s i n favo r of Fenwick, Delamotte , an d Houdon; D L C: T J Papers , 65:11232). Se e Short' s addition to this account in note to his letter to T J o f 6 Oct . 1791 . The diamond s were taken from the portrait of Louis XVI given to TJ b y the King. For TJ' s instruction s to Shor t about this secret transaction involving the sale of the diamonds, ou t o f th e proceed s o f which the customar y gratuitie s t o Toloza n and Sequeville of the foreign offic e wer e to be taken, see TJ t o Short, 24 Jan. 1791 , and Editorial Not e on TJ' s polic y concerning gifts to foreign diplomats, at 20 Apr. 1790 . For TJ' s orde r of "the costume . . . fo r the President's statue, " se e T J to Short , 2 5 Aug. 1790 .
[ 64 5 ]
F r o m Willia m L i n n S I R , New-York
, Jul y 18th . 1791 .
Allow me to present you a sermon on the blessings o f that country, the characte r and privileges o f which you have ably and successfull y vindicated, an d o f which yo u ar e among it s greates t ornaments . - 1 am, wit h ver y grea t respect , Sir , You r mos t obedien t an d mos t humble servant , W M . LIN N R C (ViW) ; endorse d b y T J as receive d 2 0 Jul y 179 1 an d so recorde d in S J L . Fo r note on th e enclose d sermo n and on the subsequent relation s between T J and Linn, se e T J t o Linn , 3 1 Jul y 1791 .
From Tenc h Cox e July 19th . 179 1
Mr. Cox e ha s th e hono r t o mak e hi s acknowledgement s t o M r . Jefferson fo r Si r John St . Clair' s pamphle t - th e las t nin e line s o f which ar e a s fre e fro m reaso n an d a s ful l o f passio n a s anythin g i n L o r d Sheffield . T h e little publication relative to Scotlan d is curious, and i n part s interestin g eve n t o th e Unite d States . M r . Coxe beg s leave t o ad d a few fact s relative to the dutc h commercial regulations, the first pag e o f whic h i s fro m a n eminen t Dutc h Merchant , here, the remainde r fro m th e sam e wor k tha t containe d th e accoun t o f the Dutc h fisheries include d i n M r . C's notes o f Novemr . last . M S ( D L C ) . No t recorde d in S J L . E nclosures: (1 ) Informatio n on Dutc h trade restrictions indicatin g tha t a n American built shi p owne d b y a Dutc h citizen may sail betwee n Hollan d an d al l othe r port s except Surina m o r any Mediterranean port. Also, America n fish and whale and fish oil could b e importe d into Holland . (2 ) Lis t of duties on Dutch imports and prohibited
articles (in clerk's hand; docketed by Coxe: "Some commercia l regulations an d dutie s of U d . Netherlands" ; endorse d b y T J: "Holland"; no t recorde d i n S J L ; M S i n DLC). The item s fro m Sinclai r that TJ sent t o Coxe ar e described in Vol. 18:367n .
T o Henr y Kno x D E A R G E N E R A L Jul y 19.1791 . When the hour of dinner is approaching, sometimes it rains, sometimes i t i s to o ho t fo r a long walk , sometime s you r busines s woul d make yo u wis h t o remai n longer a t your office o r return there afte r dinner, an d mak e i t mor e eligibl e t o tak e an y sor t o f a dinne r i n town. An y day and every day that this would b e the cas e you woul d [ 646 ]
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make m e supremel y happ y b y messin g wit h me, withou t ceremon y or othe r questio n tha n whethe r I din e a t home . T h e hou r i s fro m one quarte r to thre e quarter s afte r three , and , takin g you r chanc e as t o fare , yo u wil l b e sur e t o mee t a sincer e welcom e fro m Your s affectly. & respectfully, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) .
From Henr y Kno x M Y DEA R S l R Jul y 19. 1791 I hav e receive d you r friendl y not e o f thi s mornin g fo r whic h I sincerely thank you. I shall frequently avai l myself of your kindness, and I should have done so this day, in order to evince my impressions on th e occasion , ha d I no t previousl y engage d t o Mrs . Knox , tha t I woul d din e wit h he r bein g th e first tim e sinc e he r lat e confine ment. -1 a m m y dea r Si r respectfully an d affectionatel y Yours , H KNOX RC (MHi) ; endorse d b y TJ as received 1 9 July 179 1 and so recorded i n SJL. Df t (MHi: Kno x Papers) .
From T e n c h Cox e Treasury Department, 20 July 1791. In the unavoidable absenc e of the Secretary o f the Treasury, Cox e request s th e Secretary o f State to have prepare d and sen t t o th e Treasur y a correc t lis t o f U.S. consul s an d thei r place s of residence, bein g necessar y for the collectors of the impost. RC (DNA : R G 59, MLR); i n a clerk's hand; endorsed b y Remsen as received 20 July 1791, bu t not recorded in SJL .
F r o m Jea n Françoi s Froull é Paris, 20 July 1791. By direction of M r. Short , h e has sent T J , by way o f Delamotte of Le Havre, a little bo x packed wit h stra w and wrapped i n oilclot h containing Desgodets ' "L'architecture " in foli o at 7 2 ft;plus severa l journal s sent by Short, w i t h th e first volum e of Millot's Eléments de Phistoire de France; to thes e he has added L e Gere's Géométrie at 6« ; "L'ordre d'architecture" in octavo at 5tt; and he sends 1 2 numbers o f VArgus Patriotique, a new journal which h e presumes TJ w i l l like , the subscription to which i s 30 ftper year and which h e w i ll sen d i f TJ wishes. Fo r the box and packing, 2+t; total, 8 5 +t . - H e w i l l alway s b e honore d t o fill an y of TJ's orders : "vou s connoiss é mo n de [ 64 7 ]
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voument. Soye z assur é qui l n e deminur a point, no n plu s qu e l e respec t ave c lequel ja i Thonneu r d'êtr e pou r vou s Monsieu r Votr e trè s humbl e e t trè s obéissant Serviteur. " [P.S.] H e ha s looked fo r Piranesi' s "Les Monuments d e Rome" but onl y foun d th e complet e wor k in 26 vols., offere d t o hi m at 7 5 0 * . RC (MHi) ; a t foot of text: "Mr. cheferso n Philadelphi a r : s v P"; endorsed by T J as received 24 Oct. 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Willia m Shor t D E A R S I R Pari
s July 2 0 . 1 7 9 1 .
You wil l reciev e by the wa y of Havre the journals of the assembl y which will inform you fully of their late proceedings, and particularly those wit h respec t t o th e King' s retrea t from Paris , an d the organ isation o f Government i n consequenc e thereof . T h e repor t o f th e seven committee s wa s fo r prosecutions bein g carrie d o n agains t th e several persons suspected of being instrumental in the King's retreat. T h e K i n g wa s no t comprehende d i n th e propose d decree . T h i s brought o n a long debate d questio n o n hi s inviolability . T he mos t popular members , viz . four o r five of them wh o ar e the friend s and companions o f Brisso t de Warvill e insiste d o n hi s bein g trie d also. They compose d howeve r a ver y smal l minorit y o n th e decisio n o f the question , an d th e pla n o f th e committe e passed . I n orde r t o render i t mor e palatabl e to th e clu b des Jacobin s and the peopl e o f Paris wh o ha d loudly manifested contrar y sentiments, som e articles were previousl y decreed determining certain cases whic h should b e considered a s a n abdicatio n o n th e par t o f th e King . I t ha s bee n decreed tha t th e presen t suspensio n o f Regal functions shoul d con tinue unti l the completio n o f the constitution , tha t i s to sa y a s lon g as i t please s th e assembly . You wil l se e i n the journals the variou s arguments o n these ques tions. I inclos e yo u a pape r containin g Warville' s speec h a t th e Jacobins from which the member s of the assembl y took every thing they sai d o n tha t side . Thi s speec h i s considere d a s th e mos t abl e and eloquen t tha t ha s bee n mad e her e sinc e Mirabeau . I mentione d t o yo u i n a forme r lette r th e Republica n party that was formin g here . T h e lat e questio n ha s shew n tha t thei r number was smal l i n th e assembly , bu t stron g ou t o f it . The y wer e pro ceeding to petition and even protest against the decree that exempte d the K i n g fro m prosecution . Yo u wil l se e b y a pape r inclose d tha t M . d e Condorcet , supports th e Republica n side b y hi s pen . Ther e is n o membe r o f the assembl y o f you r acquaintanc e on tha t side . 1
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T h e decre e became the pretext for disorders which were so alarm ing a s the y wer e i n immediat e oppositio n t o th e authorit y o f th e assembly that it has been thought necessar y to try rigorous measures. Crowds assemble d durin g tw o o r thre e day s successivel y i n th e champ de Mar s unde r pretence o f signing petition s t o th e assembl y against th e decree . The y wer e joined alway s by person s wh o hav e been lon g distinguishe d her e fo r preachin g doctrines o f resistanc e under pretenc e o f liberty, and who ar e generally suppose d th e em issaries o f foreig n powers . Yo u will se e b y th e paper s the excesse s to whic h the y proceede d an d whic h induce d th e municipalit y t o proclame th e la w martial . O n the gard e national e approachin g the champ d e Mar s t o dissipat e them , the y wer e insulte d an d fired on. T h e guar d fired in their defense. T e n or twelve o f the rioter s were killed an d as many wounded. T h e rest were immediatel y disperse d and Pari s has been sinc e that event whic h happened three days ag o perfectly quiet . - T h e assembl y hav e approve d th e conduc t o f th e municipality and made a decree fo r punishing mutinous peopl e and incendiary writers. T w o person s hav e bee n arreste d amon g numberles s othe r dis orderly people, suspected of being employed here by foreign powers. One o f the m i s th e Je w Ephrai m lon g famou s i n th e intrigue s o f Europe. Amon g hi s paper s they hav e foun d th e commencemen t o f a lette r i n cyphe r t o th e K i n g o f Prussia . I t i s sai d t o hav e bee n decyphered and shews an intention in the K i n g o f Prussia to meddl e at a proper time i n th e affair s of this country . It become s ever y da y mor e probabl e tha t othe r power s hav e th e same intentio n a s i t seem s no w certai n tha t Englan d an d Prussi a will abando n th e Port e t o it s ow n fat e rathe r than g o t o wa r with the two Empires . I t begins to be believed that the aversion of Prussia to brea k with the Emperor , an d the conference s o f the minister s of England an d Prussi a sen t int o Ital y t o joi n th e Empero r indicat e strongly tha t ther e i s som e commo n objec t betwee n them . I f so i t must b e Franc e eithe r directly or indirectly. - T h e Diet o f Ratisbon has hitherto been i n favor of pacific measures for securing the right s of th e Empir e attacke d b y th e decree s o f th e Nationa l assembly . They she w no w les s temperance. O n the whol e foreig n interferenc e which o f course wil l eve r depend o n the interna l situation of France becomes mor e an d mor e probable . T h e wa y o f negotiatio n wil l probably b e first tried , th e injurie s suffere d b y th e member s o f th e Empire b e mad e th e pretext , an d afte r tha t th e persona l situatio n of the Roya l famil y here be mad e to ente r into the account . - A s ye t these things ar e on the scale of probabilities only, much as it appears [ 64 9 }
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to m e mountin g ever y day . I must ad d however tha t the diplomati c committee ar e or affec t t o b e o f a different opinion . T h e K i n g remain s as when I last wrot e t o yo u stil l unde r guard. M . d e l a fayette is equally reproache d by th e courtier s for the hars h manner in which he exercise s th e pos t of what they cal l a jailer, an d by the peopl e for the littl e precaution he takes against future escape . T h e corp s diplomatiqu e ar e no t admitte d t o pa y thei r cour t t o th e Royal family . Tha t matte r remain s a s formerl y mentioned . I t i s whispered tha t severa l o f the m wil l soo n b e recalle d i f n o chang e takes place. Spai n will probabl y give the first example. I inclose yo u an officia l communicatio n latel y mad e b y th e Spanis h Ambassador which h e ha s ha d printe d an d distribute d here . Nothin g late r ha s taken place, and in general the several powers of Europe have shew n no mark s o f thei r futur e intention s wit h respec t t o th e persona l situation o f the King . T h e assignat s an d th e exchang e wit h foreig n countrie s see m t o have bee n no t a t al l affecte d b y th e King s absenc e an d th e event s subsequent thereto . T h e sales o f ecclesiastical property go o n i n th e same manne r an d sell a s wel l a s before . Thi s circumstanc e and th e indifference shew n i n severa l part s o f th e Kingdo m i s wha t th e Republicans plea d a s proo f that th e peopl e ar e sufficientl y enlight ened t o chang e th e governmen t an d thus economis e thirty million s a year. Several addresses havin g however bee n sen t t o th e assembl y from th e differen t department s approbator y o f th e lat e decre e con cerning th e exemptio n o f th e K i n g fro m crimina l prosecutio n thi s is considered a s testimony i n favor of monarchical government , an d the republican s at Pari s wher e thei r force an d numbers are greates t seem t o b e yieldin g fo r th e present . I t i s muc h t o b e apprehende d however tha t the y wil l b e revive d some tim e hence . A s soo n a s th e constitution i s finished i t i s t o b e offere d t o th e K i n g wh o i s the n to remoun t th e throne or not a t his election. N o doub t h e wil l prefe r the first. H e mus t the n o f cours e b e restore d t o hi s liberty . I t i s highly probabl e h e wil l mak e us e o f th e first opportunit y t o g o t o the frontier s o r ou t o f th e kingdom , an d i n tha t cas e th e friend s o f monarchy and republicanism must come to issue and even supposin g no foreig n interference s determin e th e questio n b y th e sword . T h e emigrant s wh o ar e no w i n considerabl e number s an d hav e the forc e whic h rag e an d despair give , wil l tak e part . The y ar e no t strong enoug h t o b e formidabl e s o lon g a s th e interna l dissension s are kept within bounds, bu t will hav e weight enoug h the n to induc e an attemp t fo r a much highe r hande d syste m tha n th e monarchist s here hav e a t presen t an y ide a of . 2
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These emigrant s ar e at present muc h divided among themselves . T h e Baro n d e Breteue l is no w a t Ai x la chapelle an d is th e sou l o f one part y whic h ma y b e calle d th e Queen's . M . d e Calonn e an d M . d e Bouill e ar e th e chief s o f th e othe r whic h i s th e Coun t D'Artois'-he i s no w wit h Monsieu r an d Madam e a t Coblentz . M . d e Calonn e ha s just arrive d i n London , and M . d e Bouill e re mains a t Luxembur g from whenc e h e i s usin g ever y exertio n t o induce th e officer s an d soldiers o f the Frenc h arm y to join him. H e has succeede d wit h man y o f th e forme r bu t non e o f th e lat ter. - Beside s thes e tw o grea t division s ther e ar e variou s shade s i n their design s an d pretensions . T h e mor e moderat e desir e th e re establishment o f orde r i n France , an d a fixed governmen t capabl e of securing their persons and property agreeable to the seance Royale of Jun e 29 . Thes e ar e the riche r class . Other s insist o n a rigorou s statu qu o a s a t th e beginnin g o f the revolution . Thes e ar e the par liamentary people &c . Others again, the poo r nobilit y o f the garde s du corps , gendarmarie &c. like the janissaries o f all countries desir e nothing mor e tha n struggl e an d confusion . I hav e mentione d t o yo u alread y that I had no hope s o f inducing the assembly to change an y of their decrees relative to our commerce since thei r authorisatio n o f th e K i n g t o negotiat e a treaty wit h us . It wil l b e necessar y therefor e perhap s that Congres s should correct that whic h virtuall y excludes ou r vessel s fro m participatin g in th e carrying o f tobacc o b y som e counter-regulation . Thi s ca n d o n o harm i f the treat y i s mad e an d i f not wil l b e indispensable . I learn that man y Frenc h vessel s ar e chartere d to b e sen t t o th e U . S . fo r that article. When I spok e t o yo u formerl y o f the ide a o f renderin g by treat y the right s o f America n an d Frenc h citizen s commo n i n th e tw o countries, I di d no t atten d t o th e difficult y arisin g fro m severa l nations enjoyin g her e a s wel l a s i n Americ a th e rights of the most favored. T h i s claus e whic h i s justly considere d a s th e chil d of dip lomatic indolenc e wil l o f course preven t suc h an arrangement, or at least I d o no t a t presen t se e an y mod e o f gettin g th e bette r o f it : but i t shoul d b e a lesson fo r futur e negotiations . You wil l se e b y the journals o f the assembl y tha t they d o no t los e sight o f th e Nantucke t colony-tha t i s t o sa y tha t merchant s con nected wit h thes e peopl e induc e th e assembl y fro m th e hop e o f recovering th e whal e fishery t o foste r th e establishment . B y a lat e decree the y ar e exempte d fro m tha t whic h prohibit s th e sal e o f American vessel s i n France . O f course the y ma y a s formerl y brin g their vessels fro m the U . S . and such as may come t o settl e in Franc e [651}
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in futur e ar e to enjo y the sam e privileges . I t is said that the numbe r of whal e me n ha s increase d considerably i n thi s country , tha t i s t o say the vessel s fitted ou t b y the Nantucke t men. I hope soon to hav e a tru e stat e o f the m whic h I wil l sen d t o you . Drost ha s no t succeede d i n hi s competitio n fo r th e plac e o f E n graver genera l o f th e min t here ; i t i s give n t o Dupré . I sa w Dros t two day s ago an d he seeme d no w determine d to g o t o America . H e observes tha t it is indispensable to have two Balanciers a t least mad e here. H e eve n desire d t o hav e fou r made , bu t a s I apprehen d tha t you di d no t coun t o n suc h a n operation , fro m the lengt h o f time i t will take to make them, I shall insist on the smallest number possible. He foun d i t impossible t o have these machines executed i n Englan d without th e assistanc e o f workme n who m h e wa s oblige d t o sen d for from Paris . O f course I suppose the m withi n the meanin g o f th e Secretary's expression, difficult of execution. Drost says they wil l cos t about 22,000 . * eac h an d tha t the y canno t b e finished befor e th e next winter. He offers to have them executed b y employing workmen in detai l an d chargin g thei r salarie s t o th e U . S . , or t o contrac t t o furnish them at a stipulated price. T h is latte r mode will b e preferred as being the best in all cases for a government. T h e other instruments he tell s m e wil l b e inconsiderable . H e i s t o decid e finally i n two o r three day s whethe r h e wil l g o o r not , an d I hav e littl e doub t o f hi s going. I n that case he will not embark before the next spring because the instrument s cannot b e finished sooner . - T h e money whic h was deposited i n Mr. Grand' s hands for the Algerine business and which has bee n lon g lyin g idl e an d depreciating ther e shal l b e applie d t o these expence s unles s I recieve contrar y orders. It amounted i n th e beginning t o 60,000 .tt an d only you r house ren t has bee n pai d ou t of i t a s formerl y mentioned . Drost wishe s tha t yo u woul d sen d hi m th e intende d device s o f the mone y t o b e struck . He say s h e woul d ingrav e on e o f the dye s here whic h h e seem s t o spea k o f a s a means o f shewin g hi s talent s in tha t way , perhap s with a view t o bein g employe d b y th e U . S . as the engrave r o f their money . I hav e ha d a lon g conversatio n wit h Rayneva l relativ e t o th e navigation of the Mississipi . H e gave me a full detail of this busines s as i t formerl y passe d her e betwee n Coun t D'Arand a an d M r . Jay; and th e idea s h e communicate d o n th e subject , bein g chose n b y them a s a kin d o f arbitrato r - al l whic h he say s wer e mad e know n to Congres s b y Coun t Vergenne s wh o sen t the m a cop y o f hi s (Raynevals) mémoir e mad e o n thi s question , i n orde r to she w tha t he di d not meri t the inculpations , which had been lai d to hi s charge [ 65 2 ]
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of a want of good faith towards the U . S . in wishing to sacrific e their interests t o thos e o f Spain . T h e mémoir e h e tell s m e wa s perfectl y satisfactory t o Congress , and that i t appear s to hi m that ther e i s n o other wa y o f terminatin g th e busines s tha n b y adoptin g th e resul t which hi s researche s the n brough t hi m to . Thi s mémoir e mus t o f course b e know n t o you . T h e principal featur e a s he tell s m e i s that the Spaniard s should mak e a free por t o f New-Orleans , where th e Americans migh t sto p loa d an d unloa d thei r good s withou t bein g subject t o an y o f th e molestation s o f enterin g a foreign country . This doe s no t com e u p t o you r ide a perfectly , a s yo u see m t o think a place extraterritoria l an d of course extrajudicial , essentia l t o the preservation of peace. Mr . Carmichael I suppose i s fully informed of you r idea s a s t o th e fre e port . T h e cop y o f you r lette r t o hi m intended t o hav e bee n sen t m e wit h yours of March 12 . havin g no t been recieve d leave s m e ignoran t o f whateve r wa s no t mentione d to me . I do no t se e tha t inconvenienc e wil l resul t from it at present , as wel l o n accoun t o f th e impossibilit y o f bringin g the negotiatio n to thi s place , a s th e tur n whic h i t seem s t o b e takin g a t Madrid . M . d e Montmori n ha s informe d m e tha t i t ha s a muc h mor e promising aspect there than he could have hoped for. He is informed by th e Frenc h charg é de s affaire s tha t th e Spanis h ministr y ar e disposed t o renew the negotiation an d will probabl y consent t o yield to th e U . S . a sli p o n th e rive r wher e th e rive r an d se a craf t ma y meet and exchange thei r loads withou t bein g subjec t to the Spanish laws and regulations. H e observed also that the idea of making New Orleans a fre e por t wa s rejecte d entirel y b y th e Spanis h ministry, so tha t i t seem s tha t th e cessio n o f territor y i s mor e agreeabl e t o them. Thi s wa s th e stat e o f thing s previou s t o it s bein g know n a t Madrid tha t th e K i n g o f Franc e ha d proteste d agains t th e consti tution an d left Paris . M . de Montmorin does not see m t o apprehen d that i t wil l produc e an y chang e i n th e sentiment s o f tha t cabine t relative t o th e Mississip i business. I t ha s bee n a lon g tim e sinc e I have hear d from M r . Carmichael , bu t I don' t doub t tha t h e keep s you full y informe d o f th e progres s o f this affair . I though t ther e wa s som e reaso n t o believ e som e tim e ag o tha t the Englis h an d Spanis h court s wer e dispose d t o ge t ove r al l misunderstandings by forming closer connexions. I t was whispered here that the Secretar y of the Englis h Embass y who passe d through thi s place o n hi s wa y t o Londo n wa s intruste d wit h confidentia l com munications o n thi s subject . M . d e Montmori n say s thi s wa s no t the case , an d tha t a t th e tim e o f hi s leavin g Madrid , whic h wa s previous t o th e King' s departur e from Paris , th e coolnes s betwee n 1 653 ]
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these tw o court s wa s rathe r increasing . H e know s no t ho w tha t event ma y effect the Spanis h cabinet as to this country and of course as to England . T h e official communicatio n inclosed and mentione d above i s al l that i s ye t public . It seem s certai n that th e affair s o f tha t countr y ar e gettin g int o difficulties. T h e abuses of administration and the enormous expence s of the cour t at the same time that they discontent th e people weaken the ar m of government . T h e exampl e o f thi s countr y shew s wha t such cause s ar e capabl e o f producing , an d althoug h i t wil l serv e perhaps als o t o teac h tha t governmen t ho w t o avoi d a simila r fate , yet I shoul d suppos e fro m th e presen t vie w o f circumstance s tha t Spain will be a less powerful enemy some time hence than at present. I mentio n thi s i n the cas e o f the negotiatio n no t terminatin g to th e wishes o f the Unite d States. Besides , a short time als o wil l rais e the curtain whic h at present conceal s th e secre t an d active negotiation s which ar e carryin g o n amon g almos t al l th e cabinet s o f Europe . When i t shal l hav e appeare d what scene s ar e to b e acte d an d what part Spai n assign s t o hersel f in th e dram a i t wil l b e mor e eas y t o appreciate he r future mean s i n relatio n to th e Unite d States . I inclos e i n this letter the gazett e of Leyden an d beg leav e to refer you to the other papers sent b y the diligence to Havr e for an account of the ceremony of translating Voltaire to Paris, in which the national assembly too k part . I t is an attempt toward s training the Frenc h t o that enthusiasti c lov e o f grea t action s an d great me n fo r whic h th e inhabitants o f Greec e and Rome hav e bee n s o celebrated . July 21 . T h e Jew Ephrai m mentione d i n m y lette r o f yesterda y has been interrogate d and discharged. It was said that the repor t as to th e beginnin g o f hi s lette r t o th e K i n g o f Prussi a i s no t true . It is certain that several letters were found o n him in the han d writing of th e K i n g o f Prussia . T h e committe e befor e who m h e wa s ex amined sa y that nothing appeare d relative to Franc e whic h was no t friendly. Opinion s vary a s t o thi s matter . Som e thin k that th e fea r of th e K i n g o f Prussi a mad e the m se t hi m a t libert y an d that the y conceal suc h thing s a s wer e foun d an d woul d hav e authorize d his being confined . Other s think that th e Je w ha s had address enoug h to persuad e the m tha t th e K i n g o f Prussi a wishe s t o negotiat e a n alliance wit h th e natio n an d tha t h e i s th e confidentia l agen t em ployed t o pav e th e wa y t o it . I t i s certai n tha t h e i s treate d ver y differently fro m any of the numberles s persons arreste d here within these fe w day s past . The y ar e al l i n clos e confinemen t an d wil l probably mos t o f them remai n there a long time , a s i n th e presen t [ 65 4 }
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system n o tru e ac t o f habea s corpu s existin g o r an y substitut e fo r it, ther e i s alway s difficult y i n extricatin g eve n a n innocen t perso n from prison . - Amon g thos e arreste d are some o f the author s o f th e popular journals of whic h I have sen t yo u som e numbers a s a spec imen o f th e presen t libert y o f th e pres s here . M . D u Veyrie r who m th e K i n g ha d sen t wit h a lette r an d th e decree o f th e assembly , t o th e Princ e d e Cond é ha s jus t arrive d here. I mentione d t o yo u tha t hi s lon g silenc e ha d appeare d unac countable an d give n uneasiness . T h e expres s sen t b y M . d e Mont morin in search of him had returned without bein g abl e to find him. It seem s tha t o n passin g throug h Luxembur g he ha d take n alar m on hearin g tha t M . d e Bouill e wa s there , an d ha d change d hi s name. Thi s circumstanc e renderin g hi m suspec t h e wa s arreste d and no t allowe d t o write . Mr. Barret t who goe s immediatel y t o Americ a will tak e charg e of thi s letter : th e newspapers , journals , an d th e boo k o f ancien t architecture sen t accordin g t o you r desire h e wil l find a t Havre . - 1 remain with the attachmen t & respect whic h I hope are well know n to you , Dea r Sir , your affectionat e frien d & servant, W : S H O R T PrC (DLC : Shor t Papers) ; at hea d o f The words "of Government" are taken text: "No. 73"; at foo t o f text : "Thoma s from th e Tr . Jefferson Secretar y of State Philadelphia." Th e Tr reads "personal safety." Tr (DNA : RG 59 , DD). Recorded in S JL as received 22 Oct . 1791 . 1
2
F r o m F u l w a r Skipwit h Richmond, 20 July 1791 . H e wil l no t repea t reason s fo r leaving Martinique given i n two letter s writte n from there, bein g assure d TJ will understan d that his return as consul canno t tak e place wit h propriet y or justice to himsel f until France shal l communicate th e Conventio n and until Congress provides fo r th e support an d authorit y o f consuls . H e ha s lef t i n Martiniqu e a capable repre sentative i n Mr. Nathaniel Barrett, nephew o f Senator Langdon. His departure is not viewe d a s a relinquishment o f his consulate . - I t is painful to repor t that a longer continuanc e ther e woul d mor e probabl y fix him "in the limit s of a jail than i n the function s of . . . office," fo r i n the distresse d situatio n o f the islan d it was impossible t o succeed in trade. - If , as many imagine, consuls will remain inadmissible i n th e Frenc h island s an d Congres s continu e t o regar d them "a s Servants entitle d t o n o support, " he i s persuade d tha t justice wil l caus e the m to reimburs e him for lat e expenditure s an d that th e Presiden t an d TJ will no t deem hi m a n object unworth y o f consideration . RC (ViW) ; endorsed b y TJ as received 26 Jul y 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
[ 65 5 ]
F r o m Davi d Humphrey s S l R Mafr
a July 21st . 179 1
I cam e t o thi s plac e a few day s ago , i n orde r to avoi d th e hea t o f Lisbon. Bu t befor e I lef t Lisbon , I ha d a conferenc e wit h M . d e Pinto, o n th e subjec t suggeste d fo r hi s consideratio n i n you r lette r of March 1 5 th, and enforced on me in the beginning o f the cyphered part of your letter date d Apri l 11th . H e seeme d t o accor d fully wit h you i n hi s idea s o f th e propriet y an d utilit y o f th e measure . Bu t observed tha t i t reste d wit h th e Boar d o f Commerc e to arrang e all regulations o f that nature , and requested a copy o f the Repor t of the Committee o f Congress to la y before tha t Board . I gave him a cop y accordingly. I conjectur e the proceeding s o f these Board s are slow , and tha t n o decisio n mus t b e soo n expected . O n prope r occasions , I shal l not omi t t o resum e th e conversatio n o n suc h topics a s I ma y judge mos t likel y to conduce t o th e accomplishmen t o f your wishes. By th e first privat e intelligenc e fro m France , afte r th e retur n o f the Roya l Famil y t o Paris , w e learned , that th e K i n g , Queen , an d other Branche s o f i t wer e kep t seperately , wit h five Centinel s a t their doors . B y the las t advices , th e opinio n i s mor e prevalen t tha n it ha s latel y been , tha t ever y thin g wil l settl e int o quiet , an d tha t the Natio n wil l no t b e exposed to the immediat e horror s of a foreig n or civi l war . T h e neighbourin g Power s appea r to b e to o muc h occupie d wit h their own affairs, to interfere in those of France, in the manner which their inclination s migh t promp t the m t o do . T h e Governmen t o f Spain is not without apprehension, that the same spirit may insinuate itself int o tha t Kingdom , which ha s wrough t suc h change s i n th e neighbour-State. Thi s apprehension , whic h has fo r some tim e pas t excited grea t precautions , ha s latel y produce d som e Regulation s favorable t o th e Subject s o f tha t Government . T h e Congres s o f Sistov e no t havin g bee n abl e t o effec t a pacification in the North, there is a probability hostilities wil l recommenc e between the Empero r an d the Port , which will no t leav e th e forme r at liberty to interpos e hi s force i n attempts t o thwar t the Revolutio n of France . In this Country perfect tranquility exists. - T h e recent publication of a smal l Theologica l work , writte n b y a n Ecclesiastic , who i s a Member of the Tribuna l fo r the examination and licensing of Books, has surprised me mor e than any other circumstanc e which has happened sinc e m y residenc e here . I t i s a n Analysi s of th e Professio n of Faith o f Pope Piu s I V, an d inculcates very different opinion s fro m [ 65 6 }
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those entertaine d b y bigotte d Roma n Catholics . T he Write r doe s not believ e i n the Infallibilit y of the Successor s o f St . Peter : on th e contrary he shews tha t they have published many Bulls replete wit h errors, particularl y wit h respec t t o interferenc e i n affair s o f civi l Government. I t is sai d the farthe r impression and sale o f this Wor k is prohibited , i n consequenc e o f a privat e Orde r obtaine d b y th e Nuncio fro m th e Court . Bu t I hav e ha d th e perusa l o f on e o f th e Copies. - Wit h Sentiment s o f th e highes t estee m I hav e th e hono r to be , Sir , Your Mos t obed t & most humbl e servant , D . HUMPHREYS RC (DNA : R G 59, DD) ; a t head of text: Th "(No. 26)" ; endorse d by TJ as received 22 prise
Oct. 179 1 an d s o recorde d i n S J L . T r fissâo
(same). A.
e small theological work whic h sur d Humphrey s wa s Analyse da pro-
da
fé do Santo Padre Pio IV, por
Pereira de Figueiredo (Lisbon, 1791).
T o J a m e s Madison M Y DEA R S I R Philadelphi
a July 21.1791.
Your favor s o f Jul y 10 . an d 13 . hav e bee n dul y recieve d an d I now retur n th e pamphle t inclose d i n the latter , with thanks for th e perusal. T h e author has the appearanc e of knowing better wha t has past i n Englan d tha n in America . A s to th e latte r to b e sur e he ha s been ignorant enough. I am sincerely sorry that Freneau has declined coming here . T h o ' th e printin g busines s b e sufficientl y ful l here , yet I think he woul d hav e se t ou t o n suc h advantageou s groun d a s to hav e bee n sur e of success. Hi s own geniu s i n the first plac e i s s o superior t o tha t o f hi s competitors . I shoul d hav e give n hi m th e perusal o f all my letter s o f foreign intelligenc e an d all foreign news papers; the publicatio n of all proclamation s and other public notice s within m y department , an d th e printin g of th e laws , whic h adde d to his salary would have been a considerable aid. Besides this, Fenno's being th e onl y weekl y o r hal f weekl y paper , an d unde r genera l condemnation fo r it' s toryis m an d it' s incessan t effort s t o overtur n the government , Frenea u woul d have found tha t groun d as good as unoccupied. - P e [Paine ] wil l no t b e appointe d t o th e plac e I had recommende d hi m f o r . - I hav e a lette r fro m Mazze i askin g information o f hi s affairs . I mus t therefor e as k fro m yo u th e lette r you were to writ e me a s to Dohrman . He desires to b e affectionatel y remembered t o you . H e i s declared , wit h th e consen t o f th e Diet , Chargé de s affaire s o f th e kin g an d nation.-N o new s ye t fro m Genl. Scott . - Mr . Randolp h writes m e tha t ou r harvest is safel y i n [ 65 7 ]
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in general , tha t th e quantit y wil l b e hal f a s muc h agai n a s the acr e usually yeilds, an d the qualit y of first rate. - T h e price offered i s 5/ 6 at Richmd. Tobo . ther e i s stil l 18 / t o 20/ . - I have Europea n letters and paper s to the 8th . of May. T h e Empress has notified th e Englis h factory i n Russia , tha t th e peac e betwee n he r an d G r . Britain i s likely t o b e broken , bu t knowin g thei r goo d conduc t the y shal l b e welcome t o remai n in her dominions, sh e pay s a compliment t o th e British nation , an d say s sh e consider s i t onl y a s a wa r wit h thei r ministers. Denmar k ha s mad e a war m offe r o f mediatin g alone . Prussia ha s notifie d th e Port e that the y ar e free t o conclud e a peac e with Russi a withou t an y mediation , an d tha t i t wil l no t b e disa greeable t o him . Bu t th e Port e ha s refuse d t o relinquis h the me diation of Prussia and England, an d has also declined accepting tha t offered b y Spain . Franc e i s going on steadil y wit h it's work. On th e 7th. o f Ma y a report o f a committee wa s give n i n t o th e assembly , confirming thei r forme r pla n a s t o th e mod e o f settlin g th e consti tution o f their colonies, addin g further that the Colonies should have the initiative (exclusively) as to the conditio n o f the people of colour, and tha t eac h colon y shoul d sen d deputie s t o th e Frenc h par t of St. Martin's t o a Congres s whic h shoul d propos e a genera l for m o f constitution. Thi s wa s ordered to be printed and taken up at a future day, an d there wa s som e sympto m o f a disposition i n the Assembl y to over-rul e th e repor t s o fa r a s i t related t o th e condition o f th e people of colour. Comparin g the date o f this wit h the new s sai d by the gazette s t o hav e arrive d a t St . Doming o Jul y 1 . I canno t hel p suspending m y belie f o f th e latter . I hop e you r healt h i s bette r established . You r friend s her e anx iously enquir e afte r it . You r letter s no w therefor e ar e doubly inter esting, an d ver y feelingl y s o t o Dea r Si r your affectionat e frien d & servt., TH: JEFFERSON 1
1
RC (DLC : Madiso n Papers); slightly mutilate d when sea l wa s broken ; see not e 1. PrC (DLC) . 1
Wor d supplied from PrC.
To Henr y Kno x D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a July 22 . 1791 .
It havin g bee n agree d amon g u s a t a former sessio n o f the boar d of art s tha t th e description s t o b e inserte d i n patent s shoul d b e handed t o u s separatel y a t ou r lodging s t o b e examine d a t leisur e and approve d wit h o r without amendments , I no w han d on t o yo u [ 65 8 ]
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the inclose d whic h came to m e fro m the Attorne y General wh o ha d proposed som e amendment s t o them ; I hav e als o propose d som e o f a triflin g nature , merel y t o rende r th e constructio n clearer , which are pencille d only , i n m y han d writing. We hav e endorse d o n eac h our separat e examination . Whe n yo u shal l hav e bee n s o goo d a s t o have examine d also , an d proposed an y amendment s yo u ma y wish, if there be no material difference amon g us, M r. Remse n will prepar e a descriptio n accomodate d t o wha t shal l appea r t o b e agreed , an d present it to us on Saturday next at our meeting. I f there be a material diversity, i t wil l awai t ou r meeting . I troubl e yo u wit h thi s expla nation, becaus e th e inclose d ar e th e first whic h hav e bee n offere d since w e agree d o n thi s plan . Hereafter they shal l b e sen t yo u wit h a simpl e sketc h o f th e amendment s only . - Y o u r 's respectfull y & affectionately, T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . No t recorded in SJL. En closure not found, bu t it was presumably the descriptio n o f Jonatha n Dickerson' s improvement in tide mills to be inserted in
the patent . A t the meeting o n "Saturda y next"-30 Jul y 1791-Dickerso n wa s granted his patent, the only one issued on that date.
F r o m L o u i s G u i l l a u m e Ott o Philadelphia, 22 July 1791. H e hastens t o sen d th e enclose d lette r fro m Montmorin whic h he has been directe d to communicate officiall y t o the government. - H e canno t observ e withou t surpris e that eve n i n the United State s some ill-disposed persons have given credit to wholly untrue rumors concerning the intentions o f the Kin g and the probability of a counter-revolution in France. Faithful to the principles he has consistently professed , Ott o has done all within his power to deny these calumnies and false insinuations of the pretended friends of the Kin g who , under the cloa k of an assumed interest in the peace an d glory of Hi s Majesty , hid e thei r chagri n at the success o f the revolution an d thei r regret a t the triumph of principles diametrically opposed t o their own. Some , led into erro r by the insidious reports of gazettes and foreign pamphlet s whos e real aim they should have easily discerned, have become victim s of their illusion to th e point o f taking u p the pen and deducing fro m thes e fals e fact s conse quences eve n mor e absurd . But he has a deep-seated convictio n tha t the government of the United States, being as enlightened a s it is impartial and equally the frien d o f trut h an d liberty, ha s never share d suc h opinions . H e is als o persuaded that the declarations contained in the enclosed lette r will put in their true light the sincerity and magnanimity of His Majest y and will leave no doub t about th e stability o f a revolution whic h wil l alway s be a source o f prosperity for France , o f confidence fo r her allies, an d of regret for her enemies . Tr (Arch . Aff . Etr., Paris , Corr . Pol. , E.-U., xxxv ; photocopy i n DLC); i n French ; at head of text in clerk's hand: "Philadelphie avec le No 63 du juillet 1791" (i.e., enclosed in Otto' s dispatch to Montmorin of that date). Enclosure printed below. [ 65 9 ]
E N C L O S U R E
Montmorin t o Otto SIR [Paris , 23 Apri l 1791 ] The Kin g ha s charge d m e t o infor m yo u tha t i t i s hi s wil l tha t yo u mak e known hi s sentiment s respectin g th e Revolutio n an d the Frenc h Constitutio n to th e Cour t a t whic h yo u reside . Th e sam e order s ar e transmitte d t o th e Ambassadors and Ministers of France , a t al l the Court s of Europe, t o th e en d that n o doub t ma y remain wit h regar d t o hi s Majesty' s intentions , hi s fre e acceptation o f the new for m of government, o r his irrevocable oath to maintain it. His Majest y had convoked th e State s Genera l o f his kingdom , an d resolve d in hi s Council , tha t th e Common s should , i n tha t Assembly , hav e a numbe r of Deputie s equa l t o thos e o f th e tw o othe r order s the n existing . Thi s ac t o f provisional legislatio n whic h th e circumstance s o f th e momen t di d no t allo w to b e mor e favourable , sufficientl y announce d hi s Majesty' s wish t o restor e t o the natio n al l its rights . The State s Genera l met , an d took th e titl e o f th e Nationa l Assembly ; and, in a short time , a constitution, fitted t o secur e th e happines s o f Franc e an d of the Monarch, took place of the ancient order of things, under which the apparent power o f the kin g onl y serve d t o concea l th e rea l powe r o f certain aristocratic bodies. The Nationa l Assembl y adopte d th e representativ e for m o f government , conjoined wit h hereditar y monarchy . Th e legislativ e bod y wa s declare d per manent; the choice of the ministers of public worship, of magistrates, and judges, was give n t o th e people ; the executiv e powe r wa s conferre d o n th e King , th e formation o f law s o n th e legislativ e body , an d th e powe r o f sanctio n o n th e Monarch. Th e publi c force , bot h interna l and external, wa s organize d o n th e same principles, and in conformity wit h the fundamental basi s of a distribution of powers. Suc h is th e new constitutio n o f the kingdom . That which is called a revolution, is no more than the abrogation o f numerous abuses, tha t have been accumulatin g for ages, through th e error s of the people , or the powe r o f the Minister s which was neve r the powe r o f the King . Thos e abuses wer e n o les s prejudicia l to th e natio n tha n t o th e Monarch . Authority, under happy reigns, had never ceased to attack these abuses, bu t without bein g able to destro y them . The y exist n o longer ; th e nation , no w th e sovereign , ha s no citizen s bu t suc h a s ar e equal i n rights ; n o despo t bu t th e law ; n o organ s but public officers, an d of those officers th e Kin g i s the first. Such is the Frenc h revolution. This mus t naturall y have fo r it s enemie s all those who , i n the first momen t of error , regret , o n accoun t o f persona l advantages , th e abuse s o f th e ancient government. Henc e the apparen t division which shewed itsel f in the kingdom , and which is daily becoming less ; hence perhap s some severe law s and circumstances whic h time wil l correct ; but th e King , whos e true power ca n never b e distinct from that of the nation, who has no aim but the happiness o f the people, and n o authorit y bu t tha t whic h i s delegate d t o him , th e Kin g ha s adopted , without hesitation , a happ y constitution , whic h wil l a t onc e regenerat e th e nation, th e monarchy , and his authority . Al l his power s ar e preserved to him ,
[ 66 0 ]
22 J U L Y 179
1
except th e dreadful power of making laws. He remains charged with the powe r of negociatin g wit h foreig n nations , wit h th e car e of defendin g th e kingdom , and repelling its enemies, bu t the Frenc h nation will i n future have no external enemies, bu t it s aggressors ; n o interna l enemies but thos e who , stil l flattering themselves wit h vai n hopes , believ e tha t th e wil l o f twenty-fou r million s o f men, restore d t o thei r natura l rights , afte r havin g organize d th e kingdo m i n such a manner as to leav e onl y th e memor y o f ancient for m and abuses, i s no t an immovabl e an d irrecoverable constitution. The mos t dangerou s o f thos e enemie s ar e the y wh o affec t t o disseminat e doubts o f th e intention s o f th e Monarch . Thes e me n ar e muc h t o blame , o r much deceived. The y suppos e themselve s th e friend s of the King , an d they are the onl y enemie s o f royalty . The y woul d hav e deprive d th e Kin g o f th e lov e and the confidenc e o f a great nation , i f his principles and his probity had bee n less known. Wha t has the Kin g no t don e to she w tha t he considere d bot h th e Revolution an d th e Frenc h Constitutio n a s hi s title s t o glory!-Afte r havin g accepted an d sanctione d al l th e laws , h e ha s neglecte d n o mean s o f causin g them t o b e executed . Sinc e th e mont h o f February , o f th e las t year , h e ha s promised i n th e boso m o f th e Nationa l Assembly , t o maintai n them. H e ha s taken a n oath t o d o so , i n the mids t o f the genera l federatio n o f the kingdom . Dignified b y the titl e o f the Restore r of French Liberty , h e wil l transmi t to hi s son mor e tha n a Crown - h e wil l transmi t a Constitutional Royalty. The enemie s of the constitutio n ar e constantly repeatin g that the Kin g i s not happy; as if it were possible fo r a King to enjoy any happiness but the happiness of his people . The y sa y tha t hi s authorit y i s lessened , a s if authority, founde d on forc e were no t les s powerful, an d more precarious , than authority founde d on law . Finall y tha t th e Kin g i s not free : a calumny atrocious, if they suppos e that hi s wil l coul d b e constrained ; absurd, if they tak e fo r a want o f freedo m the consen t repeatedl y expresse d b y his Majesty to remain among th e citizen s of Paris , a consen t tha t wa s du e t o thei r patriotism , eve n t o thei r fears , bu t above al l to thei r love . Those calumnies , however , hav e reache d foreig n Courts ; the y hav e bee n repeated ther e b y Frenchmen , wh o ar e voluntar y exile s fro m thei r country , instead o f sharin g its glory , an d who , i f the y ar e no t enemies , hav e a t leas t deserted thei r station s a s citizens . Th e King , Sir , charges yo u t o defea t thei r intrigues and their projects. The same calumnies , while they sprea d the falses t ideas respecting the Frenc h revolution , have rendered the intention s o f Frenc h travellers suspecte d b y severa l neighbourin g nations ; an d the Kin g expressl y orders yo u t o protec t an d defend them . Represen t th e Frenc h constitutio n i n the sam e ligh t a s tha t i n whic h th e Kin g view s it ; an d leav e n o doub t o f hi s intention t o maintai n it , t o th e utmos t o f hi s power . B y securin g th e libert y and the equalit y of the citizens, that constitution found s th e nationa l prosperity on th e mos t immovabl e basis ; i t confirm s th e roya l authorit y b y th e laws ; i t prevents, b y a gloriou s revolution , a revolutio n whic h th e abuse s o f th e ol d government woul d probabl y soon have effected b y a dissolution o f the empire ; and, finally, it will constitut e th e happiness of the King . T o justify it, to defen d it, an d to conside r i t a s the rul e of your conduct ough t to b e you r first duty. I hav e frequentl y befor e communicate d t o yo u hi s Majesty' s sentiments o n this head ; but afte r th e informatio n h e ha s received of the opinio n endeavore d to b e establishe d a t foreig n Courts , respectin g wha t i s passin g i n France , h e
[661]
22 J U L
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1
has ordere d m e t o charg e yo u t o mak e know n th e content s of this lette r to th e government wit h whic h yo u reside ; an d tha t i t ma y b e stil l mor e public , hi s Majesty ha s ordere d i t t o b e printed . MONTMORI N Philadelphia, Jul y 25 , 1791 . The abov e i s a faithful translatio n o f a lette r communicate d t o m e officiall y by Mr . Otto, charg é de s affaire s o f France , an d rendere d publi c a t hi s desire . THOMAS JEFFERSO N
Secretary of State Brown's Federal Gazette, 26 Jul y 1791 ; at hea d o f text , i n engrave d script : "By Authority"; to whic h is added: "Cop y of a letter from the Ministe r of foreign affairs , and addressed, b y order of the King , to all the ambassadors an d ministers of his Majesty in Foreign Courts." The text of Montmorin's letter, followed by TJ's not e of 25 July 1791 , wa s printed in Fenno's Gazette of the United States, 3 Aug . 1791 , exactl y
as i t appeare d i n th e Federal Gazette. A slightly different version appeared in Bache's General Advertiser on 21 Jul y 1791. That copy carried the dat e of the lette r as well as th e reactio n o f th e Nationa l Assembl y to a reading of it, a brief address from that body to th e king , and the king' s response (Tr i n Frenc h in Arch . Aff . Etr. , Corr. Pol., E . - U . , xxxv) .
F r o m Pi o MONSIEUR à
Paris ce 22 . Juille t 179 2 [i.e. , 1791 ]
Les sentimen s qu e vou s m'ave z inspir é n e s'effaceron t jamai s de mon coeur, et vous me permettrez que je cherche toutes les occasion s pour vou s l e dir e m e procuran t pa r l à l a satisfaction , bie n douc e pour moi , d e m e rappele r à votr e souvenir . J e vou s a i écri t un e autre fois , i l y a bientô t deu x an s pa r M r. Rutlidge, mai s je crains que m a lettr e n e vou s ai t pa s ét é rendue . Plû t a u cie l qu e celle-c i n'ait pa s l e mêm e sort . J e n e vou s demand e qu'un e seul e lign e d e votre écriture ; dite s moi , s i vou s vou s porte z bien , s i vou s ête s content e t s i vous n e regrette z pa s quelquefoi s l a Grille de Chai Ilot. Moi, j e n e pui s pa s y pense r san s éprouve r un e tendr e commotion ; des homme s comm e vous , Monsieur , n e s e remplacen t pas . Qu e votre conversatio n m e seroi t nécessair e dan s cett e cris e politique ! Les homme s n e son t plu s le s mêmes ; j'a i perdu tou s le s amis , l a Patrie seul e m e reste , e t vou s save z san s dout e qu e c'es t l a France libre. Voil à mo n Idole . Je n e vou s donn e pa s d e nouvelles ; vou s le s recevez sans doute pa r des autres canaux. Pour Mr. Short, jadis mon ami, j e seroi s presqu e tent é d e vou s e n demande r de s nouvelles ; nous pension s toujour s de mêm e dan s le tems d u Despotisme; dan s le règn e d e l a Libert é no s idée s n e s e rencontren t plus , e t pa r consequent no s personne s no n plus . L'aurie z vou s jamai s cru ? J e n'ai actuellemen t qu e Lock e sou s le s yeux , Sidney , Milton , J.J.Rousseau, e t T h . Payne; voilà tout e m a bibliothèque ; j'a i brûl é [ 66 2 }
24 J U L Y 179
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le reste, except é Machiavel, qu e tous les Diplomate s ont , mai s qu'ils n'osent pa s avouer , e t qu e le s homme s libre s doiven t place r à cot é de l a Declaration des Droits. Mai s notr e Revolutio n n'es t pa s ach evée, e t je crain s que l e cho c soi t plu s for t d'o r e n avan t qu'i l n e l'a été jusqu' à present . Nou s desiron s ardemmen t un e nouvell e Leg islature, comm e nou s avon s désir é ce s jours ci une Monarchi e sans monarque; cell e c i a manqué ; seron s nou s auss i malheureu x pou r l'autre? - J e sui s cord e e t anim o tou t à vous, e t bie n fraternellment , Pio RC (MoSHi) ; misdate d b y Pio ; endorsed b y T J as received 22 Oct . 179 1 an d so recorded in S J L .
F r o m Chantro t MONSIEUR A
pari s Ce 24 juillet 179 1
L a personn e Charg é d e vou s achete r un e Pendul e a demi e Se conde a u pri x fixe n'ayan t pa s trouv é C e qu e vou s désiriez , C e monsieur m'e n à fai t part . J e la i engag e d e mencharge , Sachan t que Setoi t pou r vous, je me sui s Empresse de vous faire une pendul e dont vou s n'aye z rie n à désire r pou r c e qu i regard e lorlogerie . J e me flatte aprè s avoi r porter tous le s soin s qu'i l convien t pou r vou s livrer un e excellent e pendul e qu e vou s vou s adressere z à moi quan d vous aure z besoin d e que l que piec e d'orlogerie . E n place d'une soi t pour tenir e l e balancie r c'est u n morceau x d'acie r fai t e n form e d e lame d e coutea u à l a quell e i l y à un e petit e têt e a u bou t pou r empêcher le balencier de S'échapper. Vou s trouverez un petit chassi s de cuivr e a u bou t d e latig e d u balancie r dan s l e que l i l y à un e gouttier e n acier . Il faut l a passer dan s c e peti t morcea u d'acier fai t en form e d e coutea u qu i tien t a u coq e n plac e d e Soi t C e qui vau x beaucoup mieu x e t qu i es t bie n moin s suget . Vou s trouverez aprè s lechassi qu i tien t l a fourchette dan s l e que l l e balancie r doit entre r une vi s su r l e côt é qu e Io n peu x tourné s ave c le s doigt s pou r l a pouvoir mettr e parfaitemen t dan s So n Echappement . Pou r voi r S i cette pendul e es t bie n dan s so n Echappemen t i l fau t quan d vou s l'aurez placé e dan s l'endroi t qu e vou s voule z quell e occup e laisse r le Balancier arrête r d'aprè s cel a vous vere z si en le faissent échappe r de droit e à gauche d e gauch e à droite e n l e tenent ave c le s doights . Si l a distance es t égal e l a pendule doi t s e trouv é dan s so n Echappe ment. S i ell e fai t plu s d e chemain t d'u n côt é qu e d e l'autr e alor s la pendul e n'es t poin t dan s so n échappement . I l faut tourne t cett e petite vis qu i fait mouvoi r la fourchette dan s le quel le pet i morcea u [ 66 3 ]
24 J U L Y 179
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de cuivr e qui es t a u milieu de latig e d e votr e balancie r entre c e qu i est cach e pa r le timbre . Vou s trouverez le balencie r envelopper de n du papie r dans u n coi n d e l a Caisse de mêm e qu e l a clef et leguill e a segond . Pou r mettr e cett e Eguill e aprè s l e mouvemen t i l fau t l'entrer dessu s un e peti t bou t d e tig e qu i s e trouv e a u centr e de s Eguilles. Si , comm e j e l'esper e vou s ête s Satisfait , je vou s pri e d e m'en acuse r la reception quan d vous a n trouverez l'occasion. C e qui me fer a le plu s gran d plaisir étant jalous de vou s satisfaire . - J e sui s avec u n Profo n respe c Monsieu r Votre trè s humbl e e t tr e obeisen t serviteur, C H A N T R O T Successeur d e M r . Meyer RC (MHi) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 24 Oct. 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
T o Augustin e Davi s S l R Philadelphi
a July 24 . 1791 .
T h e necessit y o f establishin g a communicatio n fro m Richmon d into th e uppe r part s o f Virgini a induce d m e t o as k fro m th e lat e postmaster-general a pla n fo r establishin g cros s post s consistentl y with law . H e ha s furnishe d m e wit h th e inclose d deed , b y whic h you wil l perciev e tha t certai n covenant s ar e to b e entere d int o be tween th e futur e postmaste r genera l an d a n undertaker , i n suc h a way a s tha t th e latte r shal l hav e th e whol e postag e an d nothin g more; s o tha t th e cros s pos t i s t o suppor t itself , an d no t t o brin g any expence to th e public . After the contrac t executed, n o ride r can take pa y fo r th e carriag e of letters ; consequentl y tha t profi t wil l g o exclusively t o th e post , t o whic h wil l b e adde d whateve r yourself , your brothe r printer s or th e subscriber s will giv e hi m fo r newspa pers. Satisfie d tha t a ride r plyin g weekl y throug h Columbia , and Charlottesville t o Staunto n an d back , ma y b e supporte d b y th e postage o f letter s an d premiu m o n newspapers , I hav e ha d th e in closed dee d prepare d for tha t route , an d wis h yo u t o engag e som e trusty perso n t o undertak e it immediately , an d to execut e the deed . You wil l shortl y kno w th e nam e o f th e Postmaste r genera l t o b e inserted. But a more materia l cross post will b e that from Richmond along the Buckingha m road, by New-Londo n and the peak s o f Otter int o Montgomery, Wythe , and Washington, and along the Holsto n &ca. on th e route , a s fa r as ma y b e done , toward s th e sea t o f th e Sout h Western government . Ho w fa r th e profit s o f thi s cros s pos t wil l enable yo u t o exten d i t alon g tha t route , I kno w not : bu t afte r
[ 66 4 ]
24 J U L
Y 1 7
91
deciding o n th e bes t roads , havin g regar d t o th e populousnes s o f the countr y throug h o r nea r whic h the y pass , s o a s t o accomodat e as man y peopl e a s possible , an d consequentl y ge t int o th e wa y o f as man y contribution s toward s it' s suppor t a s possible , m y ide a would b e tha t yo u shoul d se t i t u p t o th e farthest bidder , tha t i s t o say, engage it to him who wil l go farthest o n the rout e fo r the profit s it ma y afford . I shal l b e gla d if , afte r considerin g thi s proposition , and makin g du e enquiries , yo u wil l b e s o goo d a s t o le t m e kno w what yo u thin k o f it' s practicability , and t o wha t exten t alon g th e route yo u thin k i t ma y b e pushed , statin g als o th e particula r roads which, in order to increas e custom, i t may be best for the undertaker to pursue . -1 a m Si r your ver y humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSO N PrC (DLC) . Enclosure : Form o f contract to be executed betwee n Samuel Os good, Postmaster General, and the person engaging to carr y the mail on the crosspost in Virginia. Thi s wa s the customar y form for such contracts, transcribed by a clerk in Osgood's office , whic h TJ altere d in variou s way s b y pencille d notations . Knowing that Osgood would soon resign, he brackete d hi s nam e whereve r i t appeared. Where the form obligated the contractor to "carry the Mail o r ensure it to be carried," TJ altere d this to read: "carry Mails o r ensure the m t o be carried." H e filled i n all of the blanks specifying the route and frequenc y o f the cross-post, a s indicated in the italicized words of the passage requiring the contractor to carry mail "from the Post Office in Richmond to Columbia,
to giv e bond for the faithful performance of his duties. I n return the contractor was given exclusive right to carry the mail along the specifie d route ; to enjoy al l the emoluments an d profits arisin g therefrom; to have authority to establish post offices between Richmond and Staunton; and to appoint suitabl e persons to manage suc h offices, the y bein g accountabl e t o hi m (undated for m in clerk's hand except for TJ's interpolations , i n DLC: T J Papers , 69: 11996-7 ; endorse d by TJ) .
TJ's concer n for the establishment o f a cross-post reachin g into the western parts of Virgini a wa s no doubt augmente d by the uncertainty and the slowness of the posts. But his desire to serve the public interest by promoting bette r transportation of letCharlottesville and Staunton in the stat e of ters an d newspaper s wa s also stimulate d Virginia an d from Columbia, Charlottesby the anxiety he had experienced in recent ville and Staunton so a s t o for m one commonths in hearing so seldom from his fampleat Tour once at least in each Week." TJ ily at Monticello. While he was keenly aware of course left untouche d th e blanks to b e of the need for better communication with filled wit h the name of the contractor. The officials i n th e Southwes t Territory , h e person assumin g responsibilit y fo r consubmitted the proposal for a post along that ducting the cross-post was required to sup- route only for Davis' consideration. Davis ply al l equipment necessar y fo r the puradvertised it, however, a s if he had been pose; to forfeit a n unspecified su m in cas e authorized to negotiate a contract i n th e he failed to make any trip, unless this was same manner as for the route to Staunton due to unavoidable accident; to be account- (see Davi s t o T J , 1 Aug. 1791; TJ to able for all postage due to the United States Washington, 7 Aug. 1791; Tatham to T J , and t o settl e i n gold o r silver coi n afte r 15 Aug. 1791) . deducting postage for any letters or packets It wa s perhaps at this time that TJ obnot delivered; to take an oath "not to open tained from the Postmaster General's office detain or delay, Embezzle or destroy" any the followin g tabulatio n o f existing mail letters o r packets in his care; to be liable contracts on the post road from Boston to for damage s sustaine d b y any losses ocRichmond (undate d M S in clerk's hand , curring through carelessness or neglect; and DLC: T J Papers, 69: 11995) : [ 66 5 ]
24 J U L Y 179
1
Contracts fo r carryin g th e Mai l From what places
No. Miles
1 Levi Peas e
Boston t o New Yor k
253
2 John Inskeep
New Yor k t o Phila.
3 Inskeep & Vanhorne 4 Van Hom e
Phila. to Baltimore Baltimore to Alexandria Alexa. to Richmond
Names o f the Contractors
5 John Hoomes
How carried Stage
how often. twice in winter & 3 time s in Sumr.
Rate pr. mile Cost of . by the year Total cost. one trip. one tri p weekly 2,500.
19.23
3.95
4 monthly o n Horses & eight pr Stages
5 time s Weekly
1,860.67
7.16
3.90
Ditto
3 Do .
1,466.67
9.40
4.79
54
Stages
3 Do .
597.33
3.83
3.69
122
Stages
3 Do .
1,475.68
9.46
4. 3
95 102
626 49
. 8 20.3
6
T o J o h n Dobso n S I R Philadelphi
a July 24 . 1791 .
Your favo r of July 6 . cam e to hand on the 12th . In the mean tim e you mus t hav e recieve d min e o f th e 4th . informin g yo u o f th e cir cumstances whic h had obliged m e t o giv e credi t for my tobacco til l the las t o f September , an d consequently tha t n o paymen t coul d b e made til l m y retur n hithe r fro m Virgini a i n October . T h i s bein g the situatio n o f things , I ca n onl y repea t i t b y wa y o f answe r t o your's of the 6th. I shall hope that what the tobacco may be deficient , can b e mad e u p b y th e sal e o f the whea t o f the presen t cro p which I hea r is a good one. -1 a m with great esteem Si r Your mos t obedt . humble servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (MHi) . Dobson's lette r o f th e 6th , recorde d i n S J L as receive d 1 2 Jul y 1791 , ha s no t bee n found.
T o J a m e s Madiso n M Y D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a July 24 . 1791
.
Yours o f the 21st . cam e to hand yesterday. I will kee p m y ey e o n the advertisement s fo r Halifax . T h e time o f my journey to Virgini a is rendere d doubtful b y th e incertaint y whether th e Presiden t goes there o r not . I t i s rathe r thought h e wil l not . I f so, I shal l g o late r and sta y a shorter time. I presume I may set out about the beginnin g [ 66 6 ]
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of September , an d shal l hop e you r compan y goin g an d com ing. - T h e President is indisposed wit h the sam e blin d tumour, and in th e sam e place , whic h he ha d the yea r before las t i n Ne w York . As ye t i t doe s no t promis e eithe r t o suppurat e o r b e discussed . H e is obliged t o ly e constantly o n his side, and has at times a little fever . T h e youn g grandso n ha s ha d a lon g an d dangerou s fever . H e i s thought better to-day . N o new s ye t fro m Genl. Scott : nor any thing from Europ e wort h repeating . Severa l merchants fro m Richmond (Scotch, Englis h &c. ) were her e lately . I suspec t i t wa s t o dabbl e in federa l filth. Let me hear of your health. Adieu my dear Sir yours affectionately, T H : JEFFERSON P.S. T h e inclose d ar e for yourself , bein g duplicates . RC (DLC : Madiso n Papers). Pr C (DLC) .
F r o m J a m e s Madison DEAR S I R N . York Jul y 24 . 1791. Your favo r o f th e 21st . cam e t o han d last evening . I t wa s mean t that yo u shoul d kee p th e pamphle t inclose d i n it . I hav e see n Fre neau, and , a s wel l a s Col : H. Lee , have presse d th e establishmen t of himsel f i n Philada . wher e alon e hi s talent s ca n d o th e goo d o r reap the profi t o f which they ar e capable. Thoug h leaning strongl y against th e measure , unde r th e influenc e o f littl e objection s whic h his modest y magnifie d int o importan t ones, h e wa s les s decide d o n the subjec t tha n I ha d understood . W e ar e t o hav e a furthe r con versation, i n whic h I shal l rene w m y efforts , an d d o no t despair , though I a m not sanguine , o f success . I f he yeild s t o th e reasonin g of his friends , i t i s probabl e tha t h e wil l a t least commenc e hi s plan in allianc e wit h Child s a s t o th e emoluments . I n th e conduc t an d title o f th e paper , i t wil l b e altogethe r hi s own . -1 a m no t muc h disappointed tho ' I muc h regre t th e rejectio n o f P e [Paine ] i n the late appointment. Another opportunity of doing him some justice may no t occu r an d a t th e presen t momen t i t wa s t o b e wishe d fo r a thousan d reason s tha t h e migh t hav e receive d fro m thi s Countr y such a token o f its affectio n an d respect. I must se e Dorhma n again before I ca n enabl e yo u t o answe r Mazzei. I wil l endeavo r t o d o i t tomorrow an d wil l writ e yo u withou t delay . You wil l recollec t tha t th e Pretension s o f T. C . [Tench Coxe] t o the plac e no w filled b y Wolco t wen t thro your hands an d with m y knowledge. Woul d you believ e tha t thi s circumstanc e has go t int o 1
[ 66 7 ]
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circulation i n th e shap e o f a n attempt i n yo u an d mysel f t o in termeddle wit h th e Treasur y department , t o frustrat e th e know n wishes o f the hea d o f it, an d to kee p bac k the linea l successor, fro m a Souther n antipath y t o hi s Easter n descent ! Col : Lee go t hol d o f the Repor t and finding tha t i t had made som e impression o n Ham ilton, aske d o f m e a n explanatio n o f th e matter . A s fa r a s I coul d call t o mind , what ha d left s o fain t a n impression, I enabled hi m t o contradict th e misrepresentation . Las t evenin g a favorabl e oppor tunity offering , I touched o n the subjec t to Col : Hamilton , who ha d certainly viewed it thro' a very wrong medium, but seemed dispose d to admi t th e righ t one . I believ e h e i s no w satisfie d tha t misrepre sentations ha d been mad e t o him , that ou r agency, i f to b e s o calle d was the effec t o f complaisance rather than of solicitude fo r or against the candidate s - an d particularl y that i t wa s impossibl e fro m th e very nature of the case , i t would have involved the ide a of thwarting his purpose s i n his ow n department . - Thi s i s not th e onl y instanc e I find i n whic h th e mos t uncandi d and unfounde d thing s o f a lik e tendency hav e bee n throw n int o circulation. I promise d a gentleman wh o latel y saile d fo r Halifa x on hi s wa y to England , t o sen d hi m a copy o f the Remark s o n Sheffeild s Book . May I trouble yo u t o sen d t o Cary' s o r wherever may b e prope r for a Copy , and let m e hav e i t in the cours e o f the week , th e earlie r the better. I shall endeavor t o conve y i t b y the hand s of some passenge r in th e Packe t which sails early next week . Wil l yo u b e s o goo d als o as first to le t th e inclose d lette r o n th e subjec t o f Mr . N . Pendleto n be handed to Mr. Lea r as from me. He will of course let the President see th e pretension s o f tha t gentleman , an d I shal l the n hav e suffi ciently discharge d the trus t consigne d t o m e b y hi s Unkle . T h i s i s the mod e i n whic h I hav e generall y conveye d application s t o th e President. My healt h is much improved by the precaution s I have observed . From th e stat e o f my appetit e I hope I have go t prett y muc h ri d of my bile . M y hors e i s als o nearl y well . H e ha s ha d a thir d relapse , and ther e ar e still remain s of the tumo r a s wel l a s o f his leanness . I have alread y aske d whe n yo u thin k o f settin g ou t fo r Virginia . I mean t o join you wheneve r yo u ar e ready, an d shall be i n Philada . in du e tim e fo r th e purpose . - Alway s & mo: affecty . Yours , Js.
MADISON JR
RC (DLC : Madison Papers); date added SJL . O n verso of finalpage TJ jotted down to endorsement by Madison after letter was i n pencil a list of items for his reply: "pamreturned t o him ; endorsed b y T J as re - phlets , E . P.' s Ire, My journal, Mazzei. " ceived 2 6 Jul y 179 1 an d so recorde d in
[ 66 8 ]
T o Pete r Mark s D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a July 24 . 1791 .
I hav e neve r bee n inattentiv e t o th e applicatio n mad e o n behal f of you r son : bu t ther e ha s bee n n o vacancy , til l now , t o whic h h e could b e appointed . I hav e n o doub t h e wil l s o conduc t himsel f a s to justif y th e recommendation s whic h wer e hande d t o me , an d o n which I founde d hi s claim . I hop e to hav e th e pleasur e o f seeing m y neighbor s i n Albemarl e in th e cours e o f the fall , th o I am unable ye t t o forese e the particular moment. The y have all my wishes fo r their happiness and prosperity, adding fo r yoursel f particula r assurance s o f th e sincer e estee m o f Dear Si r Your mos t obedt . humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) .
F r o m Rober t Montgomer y Alicante, 24 July 1791. H e has this moment received news from Algiers that at 6 a.m . o n th e 12t h th e De y die d an d was immediatel y succeeded b y Ali Hassan, wh o has been "i n many instances our pellicular friend, " about whic h he wil l writ e more fully by the nex t pos t t o Lisbo n an d Cadiz. RC (DNA : R G 59 , CD) ; endorse d b y T J a s received 27 Oct . 1791 an d so recorded in SJL. John Montgomery, by specia l request of his brother , also informed TJ that the Dey of Algiers had died ; that his successo r "wa s always Mr. Montgomery' s friend"; and that "Sior. Seliman an Algerian Noble Man who
paid him a Diet at Alicante" had bee n promoted. H e added that "Mr. Montgomery has n o doubt that Something might be done towards a peace at this Critical period , i f proper measures was no w adopted by Congress" (John Montgomery to T J, Boston, 14 Oct . 1791 ; R C in DNA : R G 59, MLR ; endorsed by TJ a s received 22 Oct . 179 1 and s o recorded in SJL).
T o E d m u n d Pendleto n D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a July 24 . 1791 .
I recieve d dul y you r favou r o f the 13th . an d communicate d i t t o the President . T he titles of your relation were unquestionably stron g of themselves an d stil l strengthene d b y you r recommendation . Bu t the plac e wa s befor e propose d t o anothe r whos e acceptanc e wil l probably fix it . The Presiden t i s indispose d wit h a tumou r lik e tha t h e ha d i n New Yor k th e yea r before last . I t does not a s yet see m as if it woul d come t o a head . [ 66 9 ]
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We ar e wonderfully slo w i n recieving news fro m Genl. Scott . T h e common account s giv e reason to hope his expedition ha s succeede d well. - Yo u wil l hav e seen the rapidit y with which the subscription s to th e ban k wer e filled. A s ye t th e deliriu m o f speculatio n i s to o strong t o admi t sobe r reflection . I t remain s t o b e see n whethe r i n a countr y whos e capita l is too smal l to carr y o n it' s ow n commerce , to establis h manufactures , erec t building s &c . suc h sum s shoul d have bee n withdraw n from these usefu l pursuit s to b e employe d i n gambling? Whether it was well judged to force on the public a paper circulation o f so man y million s fo r whic h they wil l b e payin g abou t 7. pe r cent pe r annum and thereby banis h as many million s o f gol d and silve r for whic h they woul d hav e pai d no interest ? I a m afrai d it i s the intentio n t o nouris h this spiri t of gamblin g b y throwin g i n from tim e t o tim e ne w aliment . The questio n o f wa r an d peac e i n Europ e i s stil l doubtful . T h e French revolutio n proceed s steadily , an d is I think beyond th e dan ger o f acciden t o f ever y kind . T h e succes s o f tha t wil l ensur e th e progress o f liberty in Europe, an d it's preservation here. T he failure of that woul d hav e bee n a powerful argumen t wit h those who wis h to introduc e a king , lord s an d common s here , a sec t whic h i s al l head an d n o body . M r . Madiso n ha s ha d a littl e biliou s touc h a t New York , fro m whic h h e i s recovere d however . Adie u m y dea r Sir You r affectionat e frien d & servt., T H : JEFFERSON RC (MHi : Washbur n Collection) ; addressed : "The honorable Edmund Pendleton Caroline count y b y the Port-roya l mail" ; franked ; postmarked : "25 IY " and "FREE" ; endorsed. Pr C (DLC) .
T o M a r t h a Jefferso n R a n d o l p h M Y DEA R DAUGHTE R Philadelphi
a July 24 . 1791 .
Your las t lette r com e t o han d was o f May 23 . Consequentl y i t i s now tw o month s old . Petit arrive d her e thre e o r fou r day s ago , an d accoste d m e wit h an assuranc e that h e wa s com e pou r reste r toujour s ave c moi . T h e principal smal l new s h e bring s i s tha t Panthemon t i s on e o f th e convents t o b e kep t u p fo r education, tha t th e ol d Abbes s i s living, but Madam e d e Taubenhei m dead , tha t som e o f th e nun s hav e chosen t o rejoi n the world , others t o stay , tha t ther e ar e no Englis h pensioners ther e now , Botidou r remain s there , &c . &c . &c . M r. Short lives in the Hote l d'Orléan s where I lived when yo u first went to Panthemont . [ 670 ]
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The Presiden t i s indispose d wit h a complaint simila r to tha t h e had i n New Yor k th e yea r before last . It is commonly calle d a blind bile, an d i s i n fac t a tumour whic h wil l no t com e t o a head. -1 d o not ye t kno w whe n I shal l g o t o Virginia , an d fear the visi t wil l b e short. I t wil l probabl y b e th e beginnin g o f September . I sen t of f yesterday b y Capt . Stratto n 4. boxe s and 14 . keg s with stores t o b e delivered t o M r . Brown t o b e forwarde d to Monticello . Bu t I be g you no t t o awai t m y comin g fo r the openin g an d using o f them, a s they ar e for the commo n use . Kis s Mari a an d the littl e Ann e for m e and accep t cordia l love fro m your' s affectionately, TH: J. RC (NNP) . Pr C (MHi) .
T o T h o m a s M a n n R a n d o l p h , J r. D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a July 24. 1791 .
I ha d always intended t o endeavo r t o engag e with some miller of capital her e t o erec t m y mil l o n suc h pla n a s h e shoul d chus e an d then ren t i t t o hi m fo r a ter m o f years . You r lette r informin g m e that Mr . Diver s and others were proposing to take Mr. Henderson' s mill, bu t that they had not been able to agree, induces me to suppos e it possibl e the y migh t b e willin g to tak e mine . I shoul d propos e t o make the necessar y stoppages in the rive r and to build the millhous e on suc h pla n a s th e tenan t shoul d chuse , an d fo r thi s I shoul d as k 10. pe r cen t pe r annu m o n accoun t o f the ris k an d decay t o whic h they woul d be exposed . I should finish the cana l and ask 5. pe r cent on th e cos t o f that , t o whic h I shoul d ad d a reasonable interes t o n the valu e o f th e position , wate r fal l &c . the y t o erec t thei r ow n running gea r an d o f cours e t o pa y n o ren t o n them . I shoul d b e willing to rent for such term as their running gear might be suppose d to last , or for double tha t term if they shoul d prefer it. If you shoul d have a n opportunit y o f soundin g M r . Divers on thi s subjec t I wil l be oblige d t o you : an d i f he i s dispose d t o th e contrac t i t shal l b e concluded whe n I com e t o Virginia . Tho ' I believ e i t woul d b e better fo r the neighborhoo d tha t there should be two riva l mills , yet I suppos e th e Mille r woul d rathe r be withou t rivality . I inclos e letter s fo r M r . P. Mark s an d M r . de Rieux , whic h b e so goo d a s t o hav e safel y delivered , an d b e assure d o f th e sincer e attachment o f D r . Sir Your's affectionately , T H : JEFFERSON RC (DLC) ; i n both this and th e preced- (CSmH) . Enclosures: (1) TJ to Marks, 24 ing lette r TJ changed the date by over- July 1791. (2) Letter from Mme. Plumar d writing fro m 2 3 t o 2 4 Jul y an d entered d e Bellanger , 1 4 Apr . 179 1 (no t found, both i n S J L unde r th e latte r date . Pr C bu t see Derieux to T J, 1 2 Aug. 1791) .
[671]
F r o m Willia m Shor t DEAR SIR Pari s July 24 . 1791 . I ha d th e hono r o f writin g to yo u fou r day s ag o b y M r . Barrett . T h i s wil l b e sen t als o b y th e wa y o f Havr e an d will contai n a lette r for th e Secretar y of the Treasury . A ver y lengthy repor t has been mad e to the assembl y i n the nam e of th e tw o committees , diplomatic k an d o f war, on th e situatio n o f France wit h respect t o her neighbours, an d her military force. Fro m it i t appeared that the politic s o f Europe ar e not settle d a s yet - tha t if a league o f the leading powers should be formed against the Frenc h constitution, the y coul d no t possibl y concer t thei r measure s an d begin t o ac t befor e th e nex t sprin g - o f course nothin g t o b e appre hended fo r th e presen t fro m thence-tha t ther e wer e abou t 4 , o r 5,000 emigrant s a t Worm s an d othe r place s o n th e frontier s - tha t the Empero r ha d about 40 , o r 45,000 me n i n the lo w countries , o f which th e circumstance s of those countrie s woul d no t allo w hi m t o employ agains t Franc e (eve n i f h e wer e dispose d an d nothin g in dicated suc h a disposition) mor e than 15 , o r 2 0 , 0 0 0 - t h at th e Ger man prince s wh o ha d regula r troops woul d probabl y ai d th e emi grants so as to raise their numbers to 15 , or 20,000 men. Supposin g therefore ever y thin g a t th e worst , th e greates t numbe r o f troop s that coul d b e brough t agains t Franc e a t presen t woul d b e 40,00 0 men. T h e reporte r shewe d tha t th e emigrant s bein g le d b y me n who ha d give n s o man y proof s o f design s withou t calculation , o f projects withou t th e possibilit y o f execution , migh t adop t tha t o f entering th e countr y b y force , wit h th e succour s mentione d abov e or a part o f them , i n th e il l grounded hope s o f bein g joine d b y th e discontented withi n an d renderin g their forc e formidable . France ha d to oppos e t o suc h a n invasio n 64,00 0 regula r troop s which when the regiments wer e completed woul d amount to 91,00 0 posted fro m Dunkir k t o Belfort . T h e whol e arm y in Franc e i s no w 143,000 me n an d whe n complete d wil l b e 213,000 . After suc h a picture it might hav e bee n expecte d tha t they woul d have bee n satisfie d wit h thei r presen t mean s o f resistance . Instea d of whic h th e committee s propose d an d th e assembl y decree d tha t there shoul d b e immediatel y raise d i n additio n a n arm y o f gard e nationale volunteer s o f 97,000 men , wh o ar e to hav e 15 . sou s a day. Such measure s mus t b e alway s expected fro m numerous assemblie s which exercis e al l th e function s o f government . Man y inconveni ences ar e t o b e apprehende d withou t countin g th e additiona l ex pence, fro m the present. Suc h a body o f turbulent indisciplined men [ 67 2 ]
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if the y find n o employmen t fro m th e enem y wil l eithe r retur n disgusted an d thus have used in vain the first and fiery zeal from which volunteers deriv e thei r greates t forc e - o r remaining embodied wil l endeavour t o find employmen t eve n a t th e ris k o f violatin g publi c tranquillity. Thei r wan t o f disciplin e wil l ten d t o destro y th e littl e which remains among the regular troops with whom they wil l serve , and their superior pay will probabl y create discontentment an d jealousy amon g thos e troops . Count Rochambea u command s o n th e Norther n frontie r an d by th e ope n an d decided par t he ha s taken i n the revolutio n enjoy s the full confidence o f the assembly and of his troops. - Shoul d France be attacke d M. de l a fayette wil l tak e comman d i n the activ e army. It i s certai n that Englan d an d Prussi a wil l abando n th e Porte . A forced peac e wil l therefor e tak e place . M . d e Montmori n ha s in formed th e diplomati c committe e tha t thi s circumstanc e an d th e present postur e o f negotiation amon g th e severa l European powers rendered i t ever y da y mor e probabl e tha t the y mean t t o tak e th e questions relativ e t o Franc e int o consideration . I mentione d t o yo u in m y las t ho w I though t thi s busines s woul d b e begun . They wil l perhap s us e a s muc h dela y a s possibl e i n hope s tha t the Frenc h governmen t no t bein g organised , th e taxe s no t bein g collected, th e credi t falling , th e expecte d interna l tranquilit y no t arriving, ma y disgust man y against the presen t orde r of things. T h e parties which are forming in the countr y among those who wis h for the revolution , bu t diffe r i n thei r opinion s abou t th e constitution , resemble s o muc h thos e whic h took plac e i n Brabant , an d the ad vantage whic h th e Empero r derive d fro m dela y wil l weig h muc h in th e adoptio n o f suc h a system . Acts o f rigour are now use d agains t tha t class of people who hav e been lon g employe d a s th e arm s o f th e revolutio n an d wh o ha d become to o stron g for the government. Thei r disgust wil l necessarily increase and it will no t b e surprizin g if in time the y ac t against their former leader s i n favo r o f an y part y wh o shoul d b e stron g enoug h to offe r the m a change. I t is th e misfortun e o f this countr y t o hav e too man y o f thos e wh o wil l alway s desir e disorde r an d change s because havin g nothin g t o los e the y hav e nothin g t o fear . It mus t b e agree d als o tha t th e conduc t o f the assembl y give s fai r play t o thei r enemie s whethe r Royalist s o r Republicans . T he act s of irregularit y and despotis m whic h the y tolerat e o r authoriz e ar e overlooked b y a great man y a s they conside r them th e onl y remed y to th e greate r evil of anarchy. Bu t they ar e reproached by many als o as th e indirec t cause o f this anarch y in takin g the governmen t int o [ 67 3 ]
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their ow n hand s instead of organizing and separating its parts. It is evident tha t th e tru e principle s of libert y ar e eithe r no t know n o r not attende d to . The y ar e avowedl y violate d ever y da y unde r th e long know n pretex t o f public good. Wher e such things wil l lea d t o or whe n the y wil l en d i t i s impossibl e t o say , bu t i t i s eviden t tha t they obscur e th e horizo n an d giv e alar m t o suc h a s hav e tim e t o reflect o n thei r future progress . M . Duveyrie r whom I mentioned in my last has been called before the assembl y to giv e an account o f his mission. He had not change d his name a s was sai d at Luxemburg . H e was arrested there becaus e his passepor t wa s for one perso n only and he had a companion, and because h e wa s suspecte d o f wishin g t o debauc h th e garrison . He was confine d thre e week s withou t bein g allowe d t o write . H e wa s set a t libert y an d escorte d t o th e Frenc h territor y befor e M . d e Montmorin's reclamatio n arrived a t Brussels. In additio n t o wha t I mentione d o f Spai n i n m y last , I thin k i t well t o sen d you the following accoun t which has been printe d here and whic h I have reaso n to believ e i s nearly exact.-the populatio n about te n million s - th e mea n amoun t o f it s revenue s take n o n te n years £ 4 , 1 7 2 , 6 4 8 sterling , annua l expences £ 4 , 8 8 8 , 5 1 4 . T h e rev enue now amount s t o £ 5 , 0 0 0 , 0 0 0 sterlin g owing t o a better syste m of collections . - I t is sai d also tha t th e expence s hav e no t increase d in the same proportion, which I take to be erroneous, as it is generally supposed there is an annual deficit. - Lan d forces 70 , or 80,000 men of which a large bod y i s cavalry . - 7 3 ship s o f the line . It i s publishe d i n th e Englis h newspaper s tha t wa r is inevitabl e between th e U . S . an d Spain and that preparation s are making for it on both sides. M. de Montmorin asked me how th e business stood at presen t an d seeme d somewha t surprize d at m y tellin g hi m tha t I kne w nothin g late r than wha t I ha d formerly mentioned t o him . I hav e i n mor e tha n on e instanc e experience d th e inconvenienc e o f being withou t information . In this i t i s disagreeabl e a s it ma y hav e the appearanc e with M . de Montmori n of my havin g something t o conceal fro m him which not bein g th e cas e i t woul d b e wron g that he shoul d b e allowe d to tak e up suc h an idea. I observed tha t I did not suppos e ther e wa s an y ne w circumstanc e a s yo u ha d no t in formed m e o f it. I hav e jus t recieve d a lette r fro m th e Consu l a t Bordeau x wh o informs m e tha t hithert o th e decree s o f th e assembl y hav e ha d a good effec t bot h o n ou r oil s an d tobacco a s t o price . H e add s tha t several Frenc h vessel s sent t o Americ a fo r the latte r article are soon expected whic h will lowe r the pric e 5. H o r 6.tt. They wil l o f course
[ 67 4 }
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exclude ou r vessel s altogethe r unles s counteracte d b y som e mean s or other . I hav e no t see n Dros t sinc e m y last . H e the n tol d m e h e woul d come i n tw o o r three day s an d take final arrangement s i f he deter mined to g o whic h I have littl e doub t wil l b e th e case . I hope to b e able t o assur e yo u o f i t i n m y next . I n the mea n tim e I be g yo u t o be persuade d o f th e sincerit y wit h whic h I am , Dea r Sir , you r affectionate frien d & servant, W : SHORT PrC (DLC : Shor t Papers) ; at hea d o f a s received 22 Oct. 1791. Enclosure : Wiltext: "No. 74"; a t foo t o f text : "Thoma s Ha m Short to Alexander Hamilton, 24 July Jefferson Secretary of State Philadelphia." 179 1 (text printed in Syrett, Hamilton, vm, Tr (DNA : RG 59 , DD). Recorded in SJL 573-6) .
F r o m Jame s Curri e Richmond, 25 July 1791. Acknowledgin g T J ' s favor writte n th e da y h e departed o n hi s tri p "to th e N . an d Eastward, whic h he hope s wa s pleasan t and salutary . He corresponde d wit h Remse n a s TJ advised an d is astonishe d at th e conduc t o f his debtor . "Humanit y in th e reverse s o f fortun e frequentl y exhibits Phaenomen a that astonishes eve n those who before though t themselve s very intimately acquainted with it. My debtor I think is entitled to ran k amon g the first of that Class. H e wil l alway s keep i n grateful remembranc e the ver y uncommon, indee d unparallele d pain s T J too k o n hi s behalf . Th e issu e h e must stil l commi t t o hi s friendl y care . "Al l your friend s a t Monticell o were very well a few day s ago. Mr . R[andolph] . . . dind with me o n hi s way hom e from . . . Varina. Mrs . Currie wh o wil l g o i n a few day s to th e Gree n Spring s intends hersel f the pleasur e of visiting at Mr. Walkers, an d the famil y at Monticello. Sh e joins m e i n warmest wishe s fo r your health an d happiness. 11
11
11
RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 1 5 Aug. 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Delamott e Le Havre, 25 July 1791. Acknowledgin g T J ' s of 1 3 Ma y an d informin g him tha t hi s recen t silenc e wa s cause d b y a six weeks absenc e i n Paris ; tha t he saw Mr. Short there and was reimbursed by him for advances to the Amer ican sailo r Benjami n Huls; an d that h e ha d forwarded dispatches fro m Shor t and would consul t hi m about th e propriet y of publishing an extract from T J s letter concerning the prosperity of the Unite d States. H e had already conveyed this t o th e America n captains there an d believed tha t suc h publication a t that moment migh t hel p establis h reciproca l confidence . Evidence of this, he thought, wa s the establishment ther e of two Frenc h and Dutch house s t o engag e i n America n trade. Also , a considerabl e amoun t o f merchandise had been sen t to Boston by those hoping to import salt provisions, candles, timber , an d othe r articles . - Th e differenc e i n dut y o n tobacc o i n 1
7
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American ships had injured trade with America, but he thought tha t this would not last; that the Unite d States would soon retaliate; and that the decree calling for a new treat y woul d mak e possibl e a change i n the on e o n tobacco . On th e 14t h an English house there, speaking for the English captains, asked permission o f th e municipalit y t o dres s thei r ship s i n tribut e t o th e Frenc h revolution. Thi s wa s granted , and it responded b y inviting them t o atten d th e ceremony; i t gav e them cockades ; an d the publi c was eage r t o sho w the m it s gratitude. Withou t bein g a servile copyist , h e coul d no t le t th e American s be silent. Th e ship s o f th e tw o foreig n nation s displaye d thei r ow n flags a t th e stern, th e Frenc h flag a t the mainmast , and the Provinc e flag at th e foremast . After severa l fêtes , th e Societ y o f Friend s o f th e Constitutio n a t L e Havr e bestowed o n th e Presiden t o f th e Unite d State s a littl e flag unitin g th e flags of the thre e nations . I t was displaye d a t a dinner of 200 persons , give n t o th e Americans and the Englis h a s a symbol o f the reunio n of the three nations . H e will sen d thi s flag t o th e President . H e hope s T J wil l no t find hi s conduc t blâmable; if so, he shoul d consider that he was led into this by the Englis h and by th e lov e o f the Frenc h fo r thei r revolution. Mr. Barrett , departing for Boston, will giv e TJ hi s reasons for not acceptin g the consulat e a t Rouen. Delamotte ha s appointed th e followin g agents : Rouen, Pierre Barthelm y L e Couteulx ; Honfleur, Jea n Frederi c Lallemand ; Fecamp, Laurent Berigny ; Dieppe, Jacque s Eugenes L e Baron; St. Vallery sur Somme, François Mari e Masset ; Caen, Pierr e L e Cavelier.-I n hi s nex t h e wil l giv e the name s o f those at Dunkirk , Boulogne , an d Cherbourg. He encloses lis t o f American ship s entered there to the en d of June, an d in January he will report on al l entrie s fro m Dunkir k t o Cherbourg . H e als o enclose s Capt . Raser' s receipt. RC (DNA : R G 59 , CD); i n clerk's hand except fo r signature , wit h receip t fro m Captain Bernar d Rase r o f the shi p Molly for "one Bo x address'd to Mr . Th: Jeffer son Philadelphia , which I'll deliver faithfully, paying me for my freight, On e Dollar. Signe d Doubl e Havr e Jul y th e 30t h 1791." Dupl (same) . Recorded in S JL a s received 22 Oct. 1791. On the same day, Delamott e wrote Short enclosing a copy o f that part of the above concerning the Fourth of July celebration and expressin g the hope that his conduct would be approved. He also announced that two ships would leave on the 30th for Philadelphia (RC i n DLC: Short Papers). Short replied that he considered as proper "an y conduct whic h may be agreeable to yourself an d a t th e sam e tim e presen t th e Americans i n their true and friendly dispositions with respect to the inhabitants of
your port and th e citizens of France in general." He added that h e had addressed to Delamotte " a clock for Mr. Jefferso n well packed to be sent by the diligence in hopes of its arriving in time for one of the vessels going t o Philadelphia " (Shor t t o Dela motte, 29 Jul y 1791 ; Pr C i n same). The clock, mad e to TJ' s desig n b y Chanterot (see Vol . 16 : xxxiii , an d illustratio n opposite p. 52) , di d not arriv e i n time. Delamotte at firstreported that the clock would come by the Minerva, Captai n Wood, then that it had gone by Le Jeune Eole, an d late r that i t ha d after al l bee n give n t o Woo d (Delamotte t o T J , 1 2 and 24 Aug . 1791 ; Delamotte to Short, 17 Aug. 1791, DLC : Short Papers). The box referred to in Captain Raser' s receipt attache d to th e abov e letter probabl y containe d th e work s o f Desgodets and others that TJ ha d bought of Froull é (se e Froull é t o T J , 20, Jul y 1791).
[ 67 6 }
F r o m Davi d Humphrey s Mafra, 25 July 1791. A packet fro m Falmout h brings no news o f sailing of British fleet o r peace i n the north . Fawkener , Britis h envo y a t Petersburg , momentarily expected a t London with conclusive news , whic h public judgment thinks wil l b e peace . Ye t bounty fo r seame n extende d t o en d of July . All accounts indicat e th e Empress stands b y her original demands , an d the fresh rupture betwee n Austrian s and Turks i s favorable t o her object . "Mr. Hammond , who was formerly (a s you may recollect ) wit h Mr . David Hartley a t Paris , no w Secretar y o f Embass y a t Madrid , ha d jus t arrive d at London Expres s from Lor d St . Helens. Th e occasio n o f his comin g wa s no t certainly known , bu t it was believed t o b e on account o f some impediment s which the Court o f Spain had thrown in the way of the final adjustment o f the Articles o f the Conventio n respectin g th e Nootka Soun d affair." He enclose s newspaper s fro m Paris , showin g th e tranquillity of the nation, its unanimity , th e firmness of the governing power , an d the preparations for opposing domesti c o r foreign foe s having the temerity t o attempt force . Als o the Portugues e gazette s showing operation s betwee n Spaniard s and Moors at Oran. RC (DNA : RG 59 , DD); a t head of text: "(No. 27)"; endorsed by TJ a s received 22 Oct. 179 1 and so recorded in SJL . T r (same).
T o Davi d Humphrey s DEAR S I R Philadelphi a July 26. 1791 . M r . Rober t Morris thi s momen t inform s m e tha t a person o f th e name o f Willia m Duncan , formerly o f thi s state , saile d fro m henc e about th e yea r 1785, an d ha s neve r bee n sinc e hear d of til l latel y that hi s mothe r ha s bee n informe d b y som e one , wh o say s h e ha s been a t Algiers , that thi s W m . Dunca n i s ther e i n captivity . I a m therefore t o as k th e favou r o f yo u t o tak e th e firs t opportunit y o f having enquiry made a t Algiers into this fact, and if you find it true, M r . Morri s wishe s yo u t o ransom e th e perso n an d oblige s himsel f to answe r th e ransom-money . I presum e Capt . Obria n ca n infor m you i f ther e b e suc h a person , an d i t migh t b e wel l t o as k o f hi m further i f there b e an y American s in th e dominio n o f Algier s othe r than thos e I hav e name d t o you . -1 a m wit h sincer e estee m Dea r Sir You r frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON 1
RC (NjP) ; addressed : " A Monsieur Monsieur Humphreys Resident des E . U. d'Amérique à Lisbonne"; endorsed. PrC (DLC). F C (DNA : RG 59 , DCI). William Duncan, presumably lost at sea, was neve r on e of the captives o f the Al -
gerines (Humphreys to T J, 3 0 Mch. 1792). The "some one" who informed his mother that h e was held prisone r there wa s on e James Reynolds . O n the circumstance s which sugges t tha t thi s wa s another instance o f impositio n practise d upo n the families o f Algerine captives an d that the
[677]
26 J U L person making the report was none other than James Reynolds, a known reprobate who was involved in the notorious episode concerning Alexander Hamilton's affair with Maria Reynolds , se e Vol. 18 : Appendix, note 89. The fact tha t Rober t Morris interested himsel f in the case lend s support to the supposition there advanced. It is also possible tha t Morri s wa s the on e who prompted the similar appeal to the British
Y 17
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government in May 1791 which is referred to in that note. William Dunca n was probably the per son o f that nam e who was part owner of the shi p Rebecca. Sh e was registered in Philadelphia in 1775 and was buil t there the preceding year (PMHB, XXXIX, 195). Thu s in MS, probably an error for 1775 (see Vol . 18: Appendix, note 89) . 1
F r o m J a m e s Madiso n D E A R S I R N.Y
. July 26.179 1
I a m jus t i n possessio n o f you r favo r o f th e 2 4 inst : an d than k you fo r th e pamphle t whic h I shal l loo k ove r withou t delay . M r . Dorhman ha s this momen t hande d me a letter to Mazze i which wil l give hi m th e chang e o f prospec t a s t o th e balanc e o f th e debt . I really believ e D' s misfortune s t o hav e bee n grea t an d real . Mazze i must res t contente d wit h hi s ultimat e securit y i n th e lan d whic h I consider a s satisfactory . I t probabl y coul d no t a t thi s momen t b e converted int o mone y a t all ; and certainl y no t withou t a n absolut e sacrifice o f D' s interest . - T h e mapl e suga r wa s principall y bough t by the manufacturers to be refined. After some research I have foun d a parce l fro m whic h yo u ca n b e supplied . Bu t th e qualit y i s s o fa r below th e standar d forme d b y m y imagination , tha t I inclos e a sample i n orde r t o hav e you r ow n decisio n o n th e case . T h e pric e is £ 3 . 8 . N . - Y . Currency. Nothin g new . Y r s . mo: affy. , Js. M A D I S O N J R
RC (DLC : Madiso n Papers); date added to endorsement b y Madison when letter was returned to him; endorsed by TJ as received 28 July 179 1 and so recorded in S J L.
F r o m Rober t Montgomer y Alicante, 26 July 1791. A s reported i n his of the 24th, Al i Hassan, "afte r having ordere d th e Aga t o be strangled fo r an attempt t o oppose him, " succeeded th e late Dey of Algiers. - Al i had shown grea t wisdom and talents whil e minister of marine, an office he filled for many years until made prime minister. "He i s considered a s a man of uncommon Abilitie s and a Wise politician" who showed partiality for the United States. Montgomery ha s known him for twent y years, an d since bein g establishe d a t Alicante he has had a friendly intimac y with hi s confidant, "Hagg e Sulima n Benchello n a Moore o f some Learnin g and Knowledg e o f European Language s and manners," who ha s bee n sen t by [ 67 8 ]
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Ali o n frequen t mission s t o Spain . Durin g these trips , " I mad e hi m make m y House hi s home Wit h ever y other mar k o f civility which Could tend to Secur e his friendshi p an d confidance . . . . m y view s yo u ma y suppos e wer e Pointe d at this crisi s when m y frien d and his maste r Shoul d both b e a t the Summi t of Power." I f T J wil l ge t hi m permissio n t o try , peac e wit h Algier s ma y b e obtained o n honorabl e term s an d at a n expense full y compensate d "b y a very few year s trade with thi s Country. " He woul d no t as k o r recommend bein g sen t ther e a t firs t b y Congress . H e could g o ove r a s a merchan t an d easil y ge t permissio n fro m th e De y an d b e well receive d b y Suliman , both o f who m "alread y know m y heart y desir e t o bring about a Conciliation." He would point ou t tha t the fe w America n slaves were picke d up b y accident ; tha t the y coul d expec t n o more , American s now being o n guard ; that profit s fro m wa r would neve r equa l advantage s o f peac e on suc h terms a s American s could afford ; and that Suliman , wishing t o serv e him, coul d neve r hav e s o goo d a n opportunit y a s t o enabl e hi m t o hav e th e honor o f bringin g abou t a peace . Suc h language , an d wha t T J might thin k proper, coul d b e use d withou t a n interpreter since h e understand s Spanish. No natio n has been able to make peace without paying for it, but some armed vessels and naval stores, th e produc e o f America, coul d serve. O f course a visit there woul d firs t b e necessary . I f TJ woul d approv e an d honor hi m wit h hi s confidence, h e woul d immediatel y g o there , purchas e whea t fo r thi s market , gain information , an d the n repor t advice s t o b e lai d befor e Congress . I f TJ desired t o writ e i n cypher , someone shoul d b e sen t wit h th e communication s to th e residen t i n London , whence the y coul d b e forwarde d "pretty safel y b y post." Or, if TJ preferred , he coul d leave his business i n the han d of a partner and come to Americ a t o wai t o n hi m in person fo r instructions. H e encloses a letter fro m "one o f our Slaves," which contains "prett y good information," and so h e transmit s "it original " to T J . H e speak s o f Cathala n o f Marseille s as "a very respectable character" in trade and of Burchara as "a Jew settled in Algiers; Captn. O Brya n seem s to hav e discover' d a t las t tha t bot h on e an d the othe r would wis h t o mak e th e bes t o f hi s business. " H e apprehend s tha t "som e improper Jobbing i n the busines s ha s don e u s mor e injur y wit h the lat e De y than w e eve r hav e bee n awar e of. " Ther e hav e bee n severa l cruiser s on th e coast. Shoul d they g o westwar d of Cadi z an d Lisbon the y mus t certainl y pick up som e o f ou r vessels . Th e Portugues e squadro n i s b y n o mean s vigilant . Should Portuga l mak e peace , w e ca n expec t thei r cruiser s on th e coas t "an d in th e Bay s of Americ a th e summe r following." Th e seige o f Ora n continues . [P.S.] Th e Algerians have raise d four new batterie s commandin g greate r part of the works . The Moors have agai n renewed the wa r with Spai n and recommenced th e sieg e o f Ceuta . RC (DNA: RG 59, CD); lacks finalpage, text of which is provided by Dupl (same). Another Dupl (same); mutilated and slightly variant in phraseology; endorsed by TJ a s received 22 Oct . 1791 an d so recorded in
SJL. Enclosure : Richard O'Brye n to T J , dated at Alicante, 22 Apr. 1791 , recorded in S J L a s received 22 Oct . 179 1 bu t not found.
[ 67 9 ]
T o G o u v e r n e u r Morri s D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a July 26 . 1791 .
Your favor s o f Feb . 26 . an d Mar . 16 . hav e bee n dul y recieved . The conference s whic h you held last with the Britis h ministe r neede d no apology . A t th e tim e o f writin g m y lette r desirin g tha t com munications wit h the m migh t cease , i t wa s suppose d possibl e tha t some might tak e plac e befor e i t woul d b e recieved . The y proved t o be suc h a s no t t o var y the opinio n formed , an d indeed th e resul t o f the whol e i s wha t wa s t o hav e bee n expecte d fro m know n circum stances. Ye t th e essa y wa s perhap s necessar y t o justif y a s wel l a s induce th e measure s prope r fo r th e protectio n o f ou r com merce. - T h e first remittance o f a thousand dollar s to yo u was mad e without th e ai d of an y fact s whic h coul d enabl e th e governmen t t o judge wha t su m migh t b e a n indemnification fo r the interferenc e o f the busines s referre d to yo u wit h you r private pursuits. Your lette r of Feb . 26 . furnishin g ground s fo r correctin g the first judgment , I now inclos e yo u a bil l o n ou r banker s i n Hollan d for anothe r su m of a thousand dollars . I n the origina l remittance , a s i n thi s supple ment t o it , ther e ha s bee n n o vie w bu t t o d o wha t i s righ t betwee n the publi c an d those wh o serv e them . Tho' n o authenti c accoun t i s ye t recieved , w e lear n through pri vate channel s tha t Genl . Scot t i s returne d fro m a successfu l expe dition agains t th e Indians ; having kille d abou t 30 . warriors , take n fifty odd wome n an d children prisoners, and destroyed tw o o r three villages, without the loss of a man, except thre e drowned by accident. A simila r expedition wa s to follo w immediatel y afte r the first, whil e preparations ar e making for measure s o f more permanen t effect : s o that w e hop e thi s summe r t o brin g th e Indian s to accep t o f a just and genera l peace, o n which nothing wil l b e asked of them bu t their peace. The crop s of wheat in the U . S. are rather abundant and the quality good. Thos e o f tobacc o ar e no t promisin g a s yet . I hav e hear d nothing o f th e Ric e crops . -1 a m wit h ver y grea t estee m Dea r Sir Your mos t obedien t & most humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA : R G 59 , DCI) . Enclosure: Bill o f exchange, dated 26 July 1791, draw n on Willink, Van Staphors t & Hubbard fo r $1,00 0 i n favo r o f Morri s (missing). TJ' s lette r of advice gave the facts a s stated ( T J t o Willink , Va n Sta-
phorst & Hubbard, 26 July 1791 ; PrC in D L C ; F C in DNA: R G 59 , DCI) . T J submitte d the abov e lette r t o th e President for his approval before dispatching i t (see T J to Washington, 27 Jul y 1791).
t 680 ]
F r o m Willia m B l o u n t ["Territory of the United States of America South of the River Ohio"], 27 July 1791. Enclosin g all information h e ha s o n Territoria l boundarie s an d private claims to be excepted fro m right of Congress to dispose o f lands ceded by North Carolina. Th e bearer , Majo r Mountflorence , a Nashvill e lawyer , i s wel l in formed, conversan t wit h law s o f hi s state , an d woul d b e happ y t o serv e T J . [P.S.] Reports of entries in Washington and Sullivan counties, bein g too bulk y to b e enclosed , ar e "committed t o th e Bearer. " RC (DNA : R G 59, SW T M-471/1); endorsed by TJ a s received 15 Aug. 179 1 and s o recorded in SJL . Th e enclosures, which have not been found, were acknowledged in TJ to Blount, 17 Aug. 1791, and were use d i n preparin g TJ's Report on Public Lands , 8 Nov. 1791 .
James Cole Montflorence, born in France of Irish parents , emigrated to Nort h Carolina in 1778 . A n officer durin g the Revolution, he later practiced law in Nashville. At thi s time h e was returning to France, where he remained (see Carter , Terr. Papers, iv , 71-2).
F r o m Willia m C h a n n i n g Newport, 27 July 1791. Transmit s copies of laws o f his stat e written befor e receipt of T J 's lette r o f "29th. o f May [i.e., March ] last" and all printed copies of other laws he has been abl e to procure. He regrets this collection i s not mor e complete an d will furnish additional copies when obtained in future. He encloses bill o f his "disbursement s i n this business. " RC (DNA : R G 59 , MLR) ; endorsed by TJ an d by Remsen as received 8 Aug. 179 1 and s o recorded in SJL.
From Edwar d Churc h Bordeaux, 27 July 1791. Afte r a long an d tedious passage h e arrive d o n th e 1st an d woul d hav e proceede d t o Bilba o bu t fo r extrem e illnes s o f on e o f hi s daughters. H e ha s bee n tol d h e migh t no t b e allowe d t o functio n ther e a s consul, and so has written to "the American Minister a t . .. Madrid " for advice. As i t is impracticable and expensive t o move a large family from place to place , he will await Carmichael's answer to avoid an unnecessary and fruitless voyage . It is argued that the recent decree respecting tobacco operates against American interest, bu t viewe d o n th e whole , "abstracte d fro m th e perniciou s prejudice of Americans in favor of the british interest - fro m the interest of british Factors, and britis h subject s i n America-an d from th e to o credulou s confidenc e o f Americans i n genera l i n th e immaculat e fait h o f britis h Merchants," he see s cogent argument s fo r a contrar y opinion . I n an y case , "Franc e ha s don e n o more tha n followe d th e exampl e o f Britain , wh o i s generall y suppose d t o b e commercially wise , bu t n o unprejudice d American can presum e t o questio n the right of other nations to consult their own interest." He offers this in support of th e America n consul wh o ha s give n umbrag e b y wha t i s though t t o b e "a
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27 J U L Y 179
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too scrupulou s regard to the laws of the Country," which may lead to complaint against him based on this as the real "o r pretended^ cause. - H e thinks Fen wick is censure d becaus e h e woul d no t conniv e i n th e effor t o f master s o f tw o American vessels to deceive th e customs officers . The y are said to have claimed entry direct from America, but their papers show clearl y an entry and clearance from Falmouth . The deceptio n coul d no t b e supporte d b y Fenwic k o n an y pretence. Th e custom s officer s migh t hav e bee n dupe d a t first t o permi t a n entry an d sale , bu t th e indirec t rout e wa s a matte r o f genera l notoriet y an d could not long be concealed. Hence Fenwick adopted the wisest plan, especially since duplicit y would not hav e produced any "essential advantage " and might in th e en d have injured the owner s of the tobacco an d his character as a public servant, which he was "doubly bound to preserv e inviolate." He hopes T J wil l approve Fenwick's conduct an d acquit himself "of any culpability" for joining in hi s opinion . RC (DNA : RG 59 , CD) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 22 Oct. 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
T o J a m e s Madiso n M Y DEA R SI R Philadelphi
a July 27 . 1791 .
I inclos e yo u th e pamphle t desire d i n your' s o f Jul y 24 . als o th e one o n Weights and measures recieve d throug h you , o f which havin g another copy , b e please d t o kee p it . I n turnin g ove r som e paper s I came acros s m y journa l through France , and Italy , an d fancie d yo u might b e willin g t o acquir e o f tha t countr y a knowleg e a t secon d hand whic h yo u refus e t o acquir e a t th e first. I t i s writte n i n th e way yo u seeme d to approv e o n ou r journey. - I gav e E . P . ' s lette r t o Mr. Lear . I writ e t o Mazze i b y a vessel whic h sail s o n Monday ; s o shall hop e t o hea r fro m yo u b y tha t time . - Nobod y coul d kno w o f T . C . ' s applicatio n bu t himself , H . you an d myself. Which of the fou r was mos t likel y t o giv e i t ou t a t all , an d especiall y i n suc h a form ? Which o f the fou r woul d fee l a n inclination t o excit e an opinion tha t you an d mysel f wer e hostil e t o ever y thin g no t Southern ? - T h e President i s muc h better . A n incisio n ha s bee n made , an d a kin d suppuration i s brough t on . I f Colo . Le e b e wit h yo u presen t m y respects t o him . Adieu . Your s affectionately, T H : JEFFERSO N P.S. Dispatche s fro m Genl . Scot t confir m th e newspape r account s of hi s success , excep t tha t h e wa s no t wounded . RC (DLC : Madison Papers) . Pr C (DLC). The pamphle t whic h Madison had requested wa s Tench Coxe' s A brief exami-
nation of Lord Sheffield s observations on the commerce of the United States (Philadel -
phia, 1791) . T J failed to inclose it in the above letter, which Madison received two days later and replied: "I have this instant
[ 68 2 }
27 J U L Y 17 received your s of the 27t h i n which you refer to a s enclosed the pamphlet desire d by me. . . . a s it is not enclosed I snatc h this sudden opportunity to request you to forward it by Monday's mail. I thank you for the other enclosures and have only time to add that I am &c. Js. Ma[dison] Jr. N. Y.
91
Friday" (Madiso n t o T J , 2 9 Jul y 1791 ; RC i n D L C: Madiso n Papers; addressed : "Mr. Jefferso n Secretar y o f Stat e Phila delphia"; endorsed by TJ as received 31 July 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL) . Se e Madison to T J, 3 1 July 1791 .
F r o m Willia m Shor t D E A R S I R Pari
s July 27 . 179 1
Having ha d a n opportunit y o f writin g t o yo u b y privat e hand s on th e 20th . an d 24th . inst. , thi s b y th e Englis h packe t i s sen t merely t o she w yo u tha t I d o no t omi t tha t regula r conveyance . T h e circumstance s of this countr y remai n as mentione d i n thos e letters. There i s so much zeal shewn among the Parisian s for marching t o th e frontier s that the y hav e bee n oblige d t o allo w th e capital a large r quota tha n wa s a t first determined o f the 97.00 0 thousan d volunteer gardes nationales. The y are now encamped near the champ de Mars an d ar e onl y waitin g fo r marchin g orders. Ther e i s ever y reason t o believ e tha t th e othe r department s als o wil l furnis h their quotas wit h th e sam e facility . I t i s a misfortun e tha t thi s first en thusiasm shoul d b e thu s lost , a s i t wil l certainl y b e th e nex t yea r before the y ca n hav e an y enem y i n fac e sufficien t t o rende r thei r services necessary . T h e probabilit y of their having such a n one the n increase s ever y day, i n proportio n a s peac e t o th e Nort h become s mor e certain . There i s n o doub t i t wil l b e effecte d i n th e cours e o f this summer . It i s possible i t may be alread y signed a s the conferences o f Sistovi e have bee n renewe d o n on e han d an d th e Englis h ministe r sen t extraordinarily to Petersburg for negotiating th e peace has presented his power s i n for m o n th e other . As ye t th e onl y cabine t which has expressed it s sentiments o n th e present situation of the K i n g, i s Spain, whose officia l communication I hav e already sent to you. - T h e Emperor has just arrived at Vienna and i t i s expecte d h e wil l soo n sa y somethin g eithe r a s head o f th e empire, wit h respect t o th e reclamation s of the Germa n prince s - o r as brother to th e Quee n and connected wit h the Roya l family , wit h respect t o thei r presen t treatment . Roya l affection s generall y ar e subservient t o politica l considerations s o tha t i f there wa s n o othe r motive ther e woul d b e littl e t o fea r fro m foreig n influence , bu t th e present postur e o f th e K i n g o f Franc e wil l necessaril y brin g th e [ 68 3 ]
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subject neare r hom e t o th e severa l crowne d head s o f Europ e an d render the m th e personal , as they hav e eve r bee n th e political , enemies o f th e presen t orde r o f thing s i n France . I t i s expecte d tha t several o f them wil l soo n brea k the silenc e the y hav e hithert o scru pulously observed . Ho w fa r they wil l g o wil l depen d o f cours e o n the internal situation of this country. There seems among the leadin g members a fixed determinatio n t o ente r int o n o kin d o f transaction with an y foreign powe r relative to the constitution - eve n those wh o disapprove many parts of that which has been decreed by peacemeal s are determined to submi t to it s defects and support them to th e last; rather tha n allo w an y chang e t o b e mad e b y foreig n interference ; even i f more conformabl e t o thei r principles. All partie s see m impatien t t o se e th e whol e o f th e constitutio n completed. T h e tw o committee s o f constitutio n an d revisio n hav e been fo r som e tim e employe d i n extractin g i t fro m th e indigeste d mass o f decrees . I t will b e propose d t o th e assembl y i n a few days . T h e committee s hav e lai d asid e numberles s o f those article s which have been hithert o ridiculousl y called constitutional. A s soon as the assembly shal l hav e ratifie d th e whol e o f th e constitutio n a s thu s proposed, i t wil l b e offere d t o th e K i n g , wh o wil l n o doub t accep t it, an d i n tha t cas e h e i s t o resum e th e rein s o f government . T h i s is the presen t pla n of the assembly . I t may be thwarted from abroad or perhap s fro m within . Shoul d tha t no t b e th e cas e the y wil l a s they sa y immediatel y orde r the ne w elections . D[roz] ha s bee n wit h me this morning. He determines t o go , bu t says it wil l b e impossibl e t o leav e thi s plac e i n less tha n si x month s for th e reason s mentione d i n m y No . 73 . H e i s t o hav e article s o f agreement draw n up by Mr . Gran d o n the basi s proposed, an d then submit the m t o me . T h e kin d o f warfar e which has fo r som e tim e subsiste d betwee n the Spaniard s and Moors still continues . I t is nothing mor e than an intermittent sieg e o f the Spanis h forts o n the coas t o f Africa. -1 a m with sentiment s o f the mos t perfec t respec t & attachment Dea r Sir your affectionat e frien d & servant, W : SHOR T PrC (DLC : Shor t Papers); at head of text: "No. 75"; at foot of text: "Thomas Jefferson Secretary of State Philadelphia." Tr (DNA : R G 59 , DD). Recorde d in S JL a s received 22 Oct. 1791 .
[ 68 4 ]
T o G e o r g e Washingto n J u l y 27 . 1791
.
T h : Jefferso n ha s th e honou r t o inclos e t o th e Presiden t hi s lette r to G . Morris , t o whic h h e wil l ad d an y thin g th e Presiden t please s by wa y o f Postscrip t o r b y incorporatin g i t int o th e letter . - A shi p sailing fro m henc e fo r Havr e o n Monda y T h : J . propose s t o sen d his letter s fo r Franc e b y tha t rathe r tha n b y th e Frenc h packet . R C ( D N A : R G 59, M L R ) ; addressed : "The Presiden t of the U . S." Not recorde d in S J L o r S J P L . It i s possible tha t Washington replied to the abov e o n th e 28th . Hi s private note of that dat e concerne d a different subjec t bu t was clearl y relate d t o Morris . Anothe r o f the sam e date , presumabl y publi c an d recorded i n S J P L , ha s no t bee n found . Whether in the missin g communication or in consultation , Washingto n obviously gav e
his approva l t o T J ' s letter t o Morris , 2 6 July 1791 , a s written . I n hi s ow n lette r commenting o n Morris ' letter s o n Euro pean affairs , Washington wrote : "Thi s let ter goe s wit h on e fro m Mr . Jefferson, t o which I mus t refe r yo u fo r wha t respect s your publi c transactions , an d I shal l onl y add t o i t the repeate d assurance s of regard and affection " (Washingto n t o Morris , 2 8 July 1791 , Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi, 330).
F r o m Pierr e G u i d e Baltimore, 28 July 1791. Acknowledgin g T J ' s of th e 21s t statin g tha t h e had foun d th e firs t case o f wine an d the raisins . He is very sorry that this gave T J troubl e and delay, but in consigning the m he gave emphatic directions. He has receive d T J ' s not e o n th e Baltimor e collecto r o f custom s fo r "Douz e gourdes." - H e has sent tw o shipment s o f tobacco t o his brother at Nice under the America n flag, whic h h e hope s wil l succee d i n strengthenin g relation s between Sardini a an d th e Unite d States.-H e propose s t o g o nex t wee k t o Philadelphia an d will tak e th e libert y o f waiting on T J . R C (MHi) ; endorse d b y T J as receive d 3 0 Jul y 179 1 an d so recorde d in S J L . T J 's letter t o Guid e of 2 1 Jul y 179 1 i s recorde d in S J L bu t ha s no t bee n found .
F r o m J o h n Macpherso n [Philadelphia], Almond Street, No. 50, 28 July 1791 . H e asks TJ to read the enclosed papers ; he wil l cal l th e nex t da y t o ge t the m back . Fo r seven year s he ha s struggle d betwee n th e firs t la w o f natur e an d parenta l affection; non e but a tender paren t can know wha t h e ha s suffered; an d now sel f preservation and dut y t o othe r childre n have prevailed : "I must no w prov e t o th e public , that I hav e bee n Curse d wit h a Son , mor e deceitfull , Ungrateful , Unjust , Unnatural an d Inhuma n than an y Characte r I hav e rea d of i n history. " The charges mad e i n th e letter s ar e bu t par t o f wha t h e wil l prov e i n a cour t o f justice. H e ha s tw o objects : t o d o justic e t o himsel f an d t o "mak e hi s Fal l a [ 68 5 ]
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Warning t o Son s Ye t Unborn." [P.S. ] H e troubles TJ with thes e paper s to keep the defamation s of his son and others from influencin g him . H e encloses some verse s he published after his son refused a reconciliation. RC (MHi) ; in clerk's hand, except for signature; endorsed by TJ a s received 28 July 1791 and so recorded in SJL. Enclosure s not found.
T o J o h n Macpherso n SIR Philadelphi
a July 28 . 1791 .
I hav e dul y receive d you r lette r o f thi s da y wit h th e paper s i t contained, an d gave the hast y perusa l which my occupation s woul d permit t o s o muc h o f them a s serve d t o she w m e i t wa s th e cas e o f a varianc e betwee n fathe r an d son , whic h I sincerel y lament , bu t wish t o b e lef t ignoran t o f th e fact s o r fault s whic h ma y hav e pro duced it . I f my recommendatio n o f mutua l forgivenes s an d union , or a t least of mutual silence, coul d have weight, i t should be pressed : but no circumstanc e gives me a right to expect it. Wishing therefor e to b e permitte d t o hav e n o opinio n o n th e subjec t I a m Si r You r very humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSO N PrC (MHi) ; at foot of text: "Capt. John Macpherson."
T o J a m e s Madiso n M Y D E A R SI R Philadelphi
a July 28 . 1791 .
I thi s momen t reciev e your s of the 26th . T h e sugar of which yo u inclose a sampl e woul d b y n o mean s answe r m y purpose , whic h was t o sen d i t t o Monticello , i n order , b y a proof o f it' s quality , t o recommend attentio n t o th e tre e t o m y neighbors . - I n m y lette r o f yesterday I forgo t t o tel l yo u ther e i s a bri g her e t o sai l fo r Halif x in 10 . days . Sh e is under repair, an d therefore ma y possibly protract her departure . Adieu . Your' s affectionately , T H : JEFFERSO N PrC (MHi) .
T o Willia m Shor t D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a July 28th . 179 1
Since m y las t I hav e receive d Letter s from yo u a s follows . [ 68 6 ]
28 J U L Y 17
59 Marc h 4 . receive d Jun e 21 . No 60 " 1 1" " 21 . 6 61 " 1 2" " 22 . 6 62 " 3 0" " 2 16
91
. 6 3 Apri l 8 receive d Jul y 8 4" 2 5" " 23 5 Ma y3 " " 19 6" 8 " " 19
Mine to yo u unacknowledged wer e of March 8 . 12 . 15 . 19 , Apri l 25 an d Ma y 10 . You r tw o las t letter s mentio n th e lengt h o f tim e you hav e bee n withou t intelligence , havin g the n receive d min e o f January 23d . only . Yo u will perceiv e b y th e abov e tha t si x letter s of a later dat e wer e o n thei r wa y t o you . T h e receip t o f these wit h the newspapers , journals , law s an d othe r printe d papers accompany ing the m wil l hav e relieve d you r anxiety , b y answerin g severa l articles o f you r forme r letters , an d openin g t o yo u som e ne w an d important matters . I scarcely ever mis s the opportunit y o f a private vessel going from hence o r New Yor k to any port of France, withou t writing to yo u an d sending yo u the newspaper s &ca . In the winter , occasions ar e very rare, this port particularly being blocke d up wit h ice. T h e reaso n o f s o lon g a n interval between th e las t an d presen t letter, ha s bee n th e journe y o f a month whic h tha t informe d yo u I was abou t t o take . Thi s i s th e first vesse l whic h ha s offere d sinc e my return : sh e i s boun d t o Havre , an d wil l carr y th e newspaper s as usual. T h e differenc e o f 62 . « 1 0 th e hogshea d establishe d b y th e Na tional Assembl y o n tobacc o brough t i n their and our ships, i s suc h an ac t o f hostilit y agains t ou r navigatio n a s wa s no t t o hav e bee n expected fro m the friendship of that Nation. It is as new in it's nature as extravagant i n it's degree, sinc e i t is unexampled tha t any Natio n has endeavoure d t o wres t fro m anothe r th e carriag e o f it' s ow n produce, except i n the cas e of their Colonies. T he British navigatio n act, s o muc h an d s o justl y complaine d of , leave s t o al l nations th e carriage o f thei r ow n commoditie s free . Thi s measur e to o i s calcu lated expressl y t o tak e ou r ow n carriag e fro m us , an d giv e th e equivalent t o othe r nations : fo r i t i s wel l know n tha t th e shippin g of Franc e i s no t equa l to th e carriag e of their whole commerce ; bu t the freigh t i n other branches of navigation being o n an equal footing with onl y 40.i t th e hogshea d i n ours , an d thi s ne w arrangemen t giving the m 62 . it 10 th e hogshea d i n additio n t o thei r freight, tha t is to sa y 102 . * 1 0 instead of 40.it, their vessels will leav e every othe r branch o f busines s t o fill u p this . The y wil l consequentl y leav e a void i n thos e othe r branches , whic h wil l b e occupie d b y English , Dutch an d Swedes , o n th e spot . The y complai n o f ou r Tonnag e duty; bu t i t i s becaus e i t i s no t understood . I n the port s o f Franc e [ 68 7 ]
. . . .
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we pa y fee s fo r anchorage , buoy s an d beacons , fee s t o measurers , weighers an d guagers , an d i n som e countrie s fo r light-houses . W e have thought i t better tha t the Publi c here should pay all these, and reimburse itself by a consolidation o f them into one fee, proportione d to the tonnage of the vessel, an d therefore calle d by that name. The y complain tha t th e foreign tonnag e i s highe r tha n th e domestic . I f this complain t ha d come fro m th e Englis h i t woul d no t hav e bee n wonderful, becaus e th e foreig n tonnag e operate s reall y a s a tax o n their commerce, which, under this name, is found to pay 16V 2 dollars for every dolla r paid by France . I t was no t conceive d tha t th e latte r would hav e complaine d o f a measure calculate d to operat e s o une qually o n he r rival , an d I stil l suppos e sh e woul d no t complai n i f the thin g wer e wel l understood . T h e refusin g t o ou r vessel s th e faculty o f becomin g nationa l bottom s o n sal e t o thei r citizen s wa s never before don e by any nation bu t England . I cannot hel p hopin g that thes e wer e wandering s o f a moment , founde d i n misinforma tion - whic h reflectio n wil l hav e correcte d befor e yo u receiv e this . Whenever jealousie s ar e expresse d a s t o an y suppose d view s o f ours on the dominio n o f the Wes t Indies, you cannot g o farthe r than the trut h in assertin g w e hav e none . I f there b e on e principl e more deeply roote d tha n an y othe r i n th e min d o f ever y American , i t i s that w e shoul d hav e nothin g t o d o wit h conquest . A s to commerc e indeed we hav e strong sensations. I n casting our eyes over the earth, we see no instance of a nation forbidden, as we are, by foreign power s to deal with neighbours, and obliged wit h them to carry into anothe r hemisphere th e mutua l supplies necessar y t o reliev e mutua l wants . This i s no t merel y a questio n betwee n th e foreig n powe r an d ou r neighbour. W e are interested i n it equally with the latter , and nothing bu t moderation , a t leas t wit h respec t t o us , ca n rende r u s in different t o it' s continuance . A n exchang e o f surplusse s an d want s between neighbou r nations , i s bot h a righ t an d a dut y unde r th e moral law , an d measure s agains t righ t shoul d b e mollifie d i n thei r exercise, i f it b e wishe d t o lengthe n the m t o th e greates t ter m pos sible. Circumstance s sometimes requir e tha t right s th e mos t un questionable shoul d b e advance d with delicacy . I t would see m tha t the on e no w spoke n o f woul d nee d onl y a mentio n t o b e assente d to b y a n unprejudice d mind: Bu t wit h respec t t o America , Euro peans i n genera l hav e bee n to o lon g i n th e habi t o f confoundin g force with right. T he Marquis de la Fayette stands in such a relation between th e tw o countries , tha t I thin k hi m perfectl y capabl e o f seizing wha t i s jus t a s t o both . Perhap s o n som e occasio n o f fre e conversation yo u migh t find a n opportunit y o f impressin g thes e [ 68 8 ]
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truths o n hi s mind , an d tha t fro m hi m the y migh t b e le t ou t a t a proper moment , a s meritin g consideratio n an d weight , whe n the y shall b e engage d i n th e wor k o f formin g a Constitutio n fo r ou r neighbours. I n policy , i f no t i n justice, the y shoul d b e dispose d t o avoid oppression , whic h falling o n us , a s wel l a s o n thei r Colonies, might temp t u s t o ac t together. T h e elemen t o f measur e adopte d b y th e Nationa l Assembl y ex cludes, ips o facto , ever y nation on earth from a communion o f measure with them; for they acknowledg e themselves , tha t a due portio n for admeasuremen t o f a meridian crossing th e 45th . degre e o f lati tude an d terminating a t bot h end s i n th e sam e level , ca n b e foun d in n o countr y o n eart h but theirs . I t would follo w then , tha t othe r nations mus t trus t t o thei r admeasurement , o r sen d person s int o their countr y t o mak e i t themselves , no t onl y i n th e first instance , but wheneve r afterward s they shoul d wish to verif y thei r measures. Instead o f concurring then i n a measure which , like the pendulum , may b e foun d i n ever y poin t o f the 4 5 th. degre e an d through bot h hemispheres, an d consequently i n all the countrie s of the eart h lying under tha t parallel , eithe r Norther n o r Southern , the y adop t on e which ca n b e foun d bu t i n a single poin t o f th e Norther n parallel , and consequentl y onl y i n on e country , an d that countr y i s theirs. I lef t wit h you a statement o f the case of Schweighauser & Dobree, with th e origina l voucher s o n whic h i t depends . Fro m thes e yo u will hav e known , tha t bein g authorize d b y Congres s t o settl e thi s matter I began b y offerin g t o the m a n arbitration before hones t an d judicious me n o f a neutral nation. The y decline d this , an d had th e modesty t o propose a n arbitration before merchants of their own town. I gav e them warnin g then, that as the offer o n the part of a sovereig n nation to submi t to a private arbitration was an unusual condescendence, i f the y di d no t accep t i t the n i t woul d no t b e repeated , an d that the United States would judge the case for themselves hereafter . They continue d t o declin e it , an d th e cas e no w stand s thus . T h e territorial judge o f Franc e ha s undertake n to cal l th e Unite d State s to it' s jurisdiction , an d hav e arreste d thei r property , i n orde r t o enforce appearance , an d posses s themselve s o f matte r whereo n t o found a decree: Bu t no Cour t ca n have jurisdiction ove r a sovereig n nation. T h i s positio n wa s agree d to ; bu t i t wa s urged that som e act of M r . Barclay' s ha d admitte d th e jurisdiction . I t wa s denie d tha t there had been an y such act by Mr . Barclay, an d disavowed i f there was one , a s without authorit y from the Unite d States , th e propert y on which the arrest was made having been purchase d by D r. Franklin an d i n hi s possessio n til l take n ou t o f i t b y th e arrest . O n thi s 1
[ 68 9 }
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disavowal i t wa s agree d ther e coul d b e n o furthe r contest , an d I received assuranc e that th e propert y shoul d b e withdraw n from th e possession of the Cour t by an evocation o f the cause before th e King's council, on which, without othe r proceedings, i t should be delivere d to th e Unite d States . Application s wer e repeate d a s often a s dignit y or eve n decenc y woul d permit , bu t i t wa s neve r done . T h u s th e matter rests , an d thu s i t i s mean t i t shoul d rest . N o answe r o f an y kind is to b e give n t o Schweighause r & Dobree. I f they thin k proper to apply to their Sovereign, I presume there will be a communicatio n either throug h yo u o r thei r representativ e here , an d w e shal l hav e no difficult y t o she w th e characte r of th e treatmen t w e hav e expe rienced. I wil l observ e fo r you r informatio n tha t th e sustenanc e o f ou r captives a t Algier s i s committe d t o Col : Humphreys. You wil l b e s o kin d a s t o remembe r tha t you r publi c account , from th e 1st . da y o f Jul y 179 0 t o th e las t o f Jun e 179 1 inclusive , is desire d befor e th e meetin g o f Congress, tha t I may b e abl e t o la y before the m th e genera l accoun t o f th e foreig n fun d fo r tha t year . General Scot t ha s returne d fro m a successfu l expeditio n agains t the Norther n Indians , having kille d 3 2 warriors , taken 5 8 wome n and childre n prisoners, and destroyed thre e town s and villages wit h a grea t dea l o f cor n i n grai n an d growth . A simila r expedition wa s to follo w immediately , whil e preparatio n i s makin g fo r measure s o f more permanen t effect ; s o tha t w e ma y reasonabl y hop e the Indian s will b e induce d t o accep t o f Peace , whic h i s al l w e desire . Our fund s hav e rise n nearl y t o par . T h e eigh t million s fo r th e bank wa s subscribe d a s fas t a s i t coul d b e written , an d tha t stoc k is no w abov e par . Ou r crops o f Whea t hav e bee n rathe r abundant , and o f excellen t quality . Thos e o f Tobacc o ar e no t ver y promisin g as yet . T h e Censu s i s no t ye t completed , bu t fro m wha t w e hear , we ma y expec t ou r whol e number s wil l b e neare r fou r tha n thre e millions. I enclos e a sketc h o f th e number s a s fa r a s w e ye t kno w them. -1 a m wit h grea t an d sincer e estee m Dea r Si r Your sincer e friend & Servt. , T H : JEFFERSO N RC (Lloy d W . Smith , Madison , N.J., 1946); i n Remsen' s hand excep t fo r signature; partly in code, with interlinear decoding in Short' s hand; endorsed by Short as receive d 26 Sep . 1791 . Pr C (DLC); unsigned, accompanied by PrC o f text en clair, also in Remsen's hand, with following caption: "Explicatio n o f that par t o f Mr . Jefferson's letter to Mr . Shor t of July 28th. 1791, whic h i s in cyphers" (text fo r the
encoded par t o f the abov e letter is taken from this "Explication"; see note 1 below) . FC (DNA : RG 59, DCI) ; wit h the encoded portion of the text en clair. Since thi s carefull y wrough t an d firm statement of the government's position o n the decrees of the Nationa l Assembly concerning tobacco and shipping , on trad e with the West Indies, on the standard of meas-
[ 69 0 ]
28 J U L Y 1 7 9 ure adopted by France, and on the French judicial decisio n i n the claim of Schweighauser & Dobree represente d a n unusua l declaration of policy on specific issues , T J submitted i t to the President. The degree of discretion permitted to Short in the encoded passage gav e TJ th e opportunity to express a "perfect knowleg e o f his judg ment" and to imply full confidence i n him. Coming immediately after Washington had made availabl e to TJ the letters o f Gouverneur Morris , whic h sough t to correct accounts o f Frenc h affair s reachin g the President "thr o other Channels"- a clea r disparagement of Short's well-informed and penetrating dispatches - thi s letter may well have bee n contrive d t o advanc e th e pretensions o f Short for appointment a s min ister to France (Washington to T J, 2 8 July 1791; T J to Washington, 3 0 July 1791; Washington t o T J , 3 0 July 1791) . I t is equally plausible to assume, in the context of the Pain e episode and Washington's silence on the controversy, that TJ suppose d
1
Morris' thrust was aimed at him and therefore, employin g unusuall y forcefu l lan guage, he sought to rebut the insinuation. Morris' surprising derogation of Lafayette and TJ' s full expressio n o f confidence i n him i n the encoded passag e o f the letter lends support to this interpretation. If T J had thi s dua l objec t i n view, timin g his statement wit h the arrival o f Ternant a s minister and knowing of the Frenc h proposal for a new commercial treaty, he succeeded only in making clear that his policies coul d defen d America n right s and interests as firmlyagainst France as against England. Ironically, Short's view of affairs in Franc e wa s one tha t share d Morris ' skepticism, but he was more objectiv e in his reports , enjoye d th e confidenc e o f Montmorin to a greater extent, and understood the role of a diplomat far better than the ma n whom Washingto n appointe d to succeed him. 1
Thi s paragraph is in code .
T o Willia m Shor t D E A R S I R Philadelphi a July 28. 1791. My las t private letter t o you wa s o f Mar. 16 . Your s to m e recieve d since tha t dat e hav e bee n o f Nov . 7 . Dec . 29 . Jan . 17 . Feb . 18 . Mar. 30 . Apr . 26. Ma y 2 . Young Osmont arrive d here safely, an d is living with Colo. Biddle in a mercantile line . H e appears to m e a young ma n of extraordinary prudence. I a m endeavorin g t o hel p hi m i n the cas e o f his purchas e of le Tonnelier , if the latte r ha d any righ t to th e land s h e pretende d to sell.-Mazzei' s deb t ma y res t betwee n hi m an d me , an d I shal l endeavor t o arrang e it here. H e was certainly a good hand to emplo y with th e abb é Morellet , fro m who m I understan d ther e i s n o hope , and bu t littl e fro m Barroi s wh o i s th e rea l debtor . Perhap s Barroi s would pa y m e i n books . I f h e ha s a complet e se t o f th e Gree k Byzantine historian s thi s woul d balanc e th e a c c o u n t . - T h e wine s from Champagn e an d Bordeaux , dres s fro m Houdon , pres s fro m Charpentier, reveille an d carriages are arrived. S o is Petit. Y o u have not informe d m e o f th e cos t o f th e Champagne , an d o f it' s trans portation t o Paris , s o tha t m y accoun t wit h th e Presiden t remain s still open . I inclos e yo u a bil l o f exchang e fo r £ 1 3 1 - 5 sterl . draw n by Joh n Warde r of thi s plac e o n Joh n Warde r & co . merchant s o f [691]
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London whic h I hav e indorse d t o you . B e please d t o le t m e kno w what it yeilds in livres, specie, at Paris that I may credit the President accordingly. Y o u will b e s o goo d a s t o plac e i t t o m y credi t eithe r with yourself , o r M r. Grand o r the V . Staphorsts as you think best . I hav e receive d m y privat e account wit h you t o Dec . 30 . 1790 . bu t as there ha s been subsequen t transactions , I refer looking int o i t til l I receiv e them. You r public account to July 1.1790 . is also recieved. As soo n a s tha t t o Jul y 1 . 1791 . come s to hand , I wil l tak e u p th e whole s o a s to mak e on e jo b o f it . I n yours o f Ma y 2. yo u spea k o f your house rent , and expences to Amsterdam . As to th e forme r yo u had bette r no t charg e it , because I think it will no t b e allowed , an d because yo u charg e i t o n the groun d o f abandoning an y claim to a n Outfit. I f you continue i n Europe a n Outfit will certainl y be allowe d you: i f yo u d o not , stil l a partia l allowanc e ma y b e justl y claimed . In whateve r for m I reciev e you r account , I wil l tak e th e libert y o f modelling i t s o a s t o preserv e t o yo u ever y interes t whic h justic e and usage wil l admit . Wit h respec t t o th e expence s of your journey to an d from Amsterda m and your sta y there , i t ha s bee n th e usag e for those residing at a court when sen t o n any extraordinary mission out o f th e countr y o f thei r residenc e t o charg e thei r expences . I n my journie s t o Londo n an d Amsterda m I charge d carriag e hire , horse hire, and subsistence. T h e latter included my tavern expences , lodging do . servant s &c . th e whol e time , bu t nothin g fo r clothes , pocket money, vale s &c. I think you may do the same. If your account is com e of f befor e yo u reciev e this , sen d m e immediatel y th e nec essary amendment an d I will inser t it. - N o diplomati c appointmen t will b e mad e til l th e nex t sessio n o f Congress . Nothin g mor e i s known on that subject now than when I wrote you last. Your brother is expecte d her e daily . H e i s well , an d is makin g a fortune i n K e ntuckey. - The y say R . H . Le e will resig n his Senatorial appointmen t on accoun t o f hi s health . - T h e followin g i s th e translatio n o f th e cyphered passage o f my letter of Jan. 24 . whic h the mistake of 1287 . for 128 . an d 460. fo r 46 6 ha d confounded . 'Humphrie s is gon e t o Lisbon, th e grad e no t settled. ' I t wa s sinc e howeve r settle d t o b e Resident. - Paine' s pamphlet has been publishe d and read with gen eral applaus e here . I t wa s attacke d b y a write r under th e nam e o f Publicola, an d defende d b y a hos t o f republica n volunteers. Non e of th e defender s ar e known . I hav e desire d M r . Remse n t o mak e up a complet e collectio n o f thes e piece s fro m Bache' s papers , th e tory-pàper o f Fenn o rarel y admittin g an y thin g whic h defend s th e present for m of government i n opposition t o his desire of subverting it to make way for a king, lords and commons. Ther e are high name s [ 69 2 }
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here i n favou r o f thi s doctrine , bu t thes e publication s hav e draw n forth prett y generall y expression s o f th e publi c sentimen t o n thi s subject, an d I than k go d t o find the y are , to a man, firm a s a rock in thei r republicanism . I muc h fea r tha t th e honestes t ma n o f th e party wil l fal l a victi m t o hi s imprudenc e o n thi s occasion , whil e another o f them , fro m th e mer e cautio n o f holdin g hi s tongu e an d buttoning himsel f up , wil l gai n wha t th e othe r loses . I troubl e yo u wit h th e car e o f th e inclose d letters . Tha t t o M r . G . Morri s i s important , a s containin g a bil l o f exchange . Accep t warm & sincere assurance s o f the unalterabl e esteem & attachmen t of Dea r Si r Your affectionat e frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON P.S. Alway s be s o goo d as to remembe r m e t o enquirin g friends a s if I ha d name d them . - Sinc e writin g th e above , Peti t inform s m e he ha s been al l over the tow n i n quest o f Vanilla, an d it is unknow n here. I mus t pra y yo u t o sen d m e a packe t o f 50 . pod s (batons ) which ma y com e ver y well in the middl e o f a packet o f newspapers . It cost s about 24s . a baton whe n sol d by the singl e baton . Peti t say s there i s grea t impositio n i n selling those which are bad; that Piebo t generally sell s good, but that still it will b e safe to have them bough t by som e on e use d t o them . RC (ViW) ; accompanie d b y a separate sheet in Short's hand containing code symbols and Short's interlinear decoding - th e marginal encode d tex t bein g s o tightl y written that it did not permit the decodin g to b e don e on th e original , as Shor t customarily did; endorse d by Short as received 26 Sep . 1791 . Pr C (DLC); accompanie d by a separate sheet in TJ' s han d containing the tex t en clair o f the encode d marginal passage (varying slightly fro m Short's decoding): "Adams , Jay , Hamilton , Knox, many of the Cincinnati. The 2d says nothing. Th e 3d is open. Bot h are dangerous. They pant after union with England as the
power whic h is t o suppor t thei r projects, and ar e most determined Antigallicans . It is prognosticated tha t our republi c is to end with the President's life. But I believe they will find themselves all head and no body" (MS i n D L C : T J Papers , 65 : 11344) . Recorded i n S J L a s "Private." Enclosed : T J t o Morris , 26 Jul y 1791 . The HONESTES T MAN O F THE PART Y Was
unmistakenly Joh n Adams , whil e AN OTHER OF THEM was John Jay. O n Short's use o f th e znti-Publicola piece s sen t him from Bache' s General Advertiser, se e note to TJ to Paine, 29 July 179 1 (Documen t xi a t 26 Apr . 1791) .
F r o m G e o r g e Washingto n D E A R S I R Thursda
y Afternoon 28t h Jul y
I hav e jus t give n th e enclose d Letter s an acknowledgment , an d was abou t t o file them ; bu t no t recollectin g whethe r I ha d eve r shewn the m t o you, o r not -1 now , a s they contai n information, and opinions o n Men and things, hand them to you for your perusal. - B y [ 69 3 ]
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comparing the m wit h others , an d th e prediction s a t th e time s the y were written wit h th e event s which hav e happened, you wil l b e abl e to judg e o f th e usefulnes s o f suc h communication s fro m th e perso n communicating them . -1 a m Y r s . sincerely , Go: WASHINGTO N
E N C L O S U R E S I
Gouverneur Morri s to Georg e Washingto n D E A R SI R Pari s 22d Novr . 179 0 I wrot e t o yo u a Not e o n th e 19th . t o accompan y you r Plateaux . M y las t Letter wa s o f th e twent y fourt h o f September . Sinc e tha t Perio d I hav e pas t thro Flander s and a Part o f Germany , an d having coasted th e Rhin e to Stras bourgh cam e thenc e t o thi s City . As I conjectured, so it has happened, that my longer Continuanc e in London would have been useless . Spai n finding from the Revolt of the marine and other Circumstances, tha t whateve r might b e the Intentio n o r rather wish of Franc e no rea l ai d could b e hope d fo r fro m a Country where eve n th e Semblanc e o f Authority i s gone , ha s submitte d t o th e imperiou s Demand s o f Britain . Thi s is a grea t Poin t i n th e genera l System . Fro m hencefort h th e Benefi t derive d by Spain from her Colonies must wither away, and if she should hereafter wag e War t o cance l a n onerou s Compact , i t i s highl y probabl e tha t on e o r mor e independent Monarchie s may b e establishe d i n tha t larg e Portio n o f th e ne w World whic h sh e no w occupies . Nothin g o f this Sor t can be indifferen t t o us . In th e grea t Cours e o f Event s whic h divin e Providenc e ma y hav e marked , human Wisdo m can do bu t little : and to effec t tha t littl e w e mus t approac h as nearly a s possible t o ou r Comprehension the Vie w of Futurity, an d bestow o n the presen t tha t coo l Consideratio n wit h whic h ever y on e ca n examin e th e Deeds tha t wer e don e i n th e ol d Tim e befor e us . Th e Independenc e o f al l America wil l plac e u s forwar d as the Bulwar k o f ou r Neighbours , an d a t th e same Time it must loosen our Hold upon Europe. I consider the several Colonies to th e Sout h o f u s a s a Pledg e i n ou r Hand s fo r th e goo d Conduc t o f thos e Powers to which they belong. W e now derive an Influence from their reciprocal Jealousies whic h we shal l soon I trust secure b y ou r own interna l Force. Thi s Subject open s a Field too vas t for present Discussio n but it lead s t o anothe r of narrower Compas s which we no w tread. England wil l no t I a m persuaded ente r int o Treat y wit h u s unles s w e giv e for i t mor e tha n i t i s wort h now , an d infinitel y mor e tha n i t ca n b e wort h hereafter. Ha d they go t engage d i n a War, and coul d the y i n suc h Wa r have obtained ou r Aid, they woul d hav e pai d high; bu t n o Pric e could i n m y poo r opinion have compensated t o us the ill Consequences which must have followed . In Proportio n as her Commerce with our Neighbours become s more extensiv e and he r nava l Force more evident , i n tha t sam e Proportio n shal l we find th e Advantage o f bein g free d fro m an y Stipulation s wit h her . A presen t Bargain would b e tha t o f a young Hei r wit h a n ol d Usurer . Beleivin g i n ou r Wants, she wil l impos e Term s which w e ough t not , canno t consen t to . Thi s a t leas t
[ 69 4 ]
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is m y seriou s Beleif . A differen t Ide a may b e entertaine d b y other s wh o hav e better Informatio n more Experienc e or clearer Judgement: an d the Propriety of each Opinio n must b e decide d b y the Arbitramen t of Time. A t presen t w e may conside r th e Wester n Posts whic h belong t o us , as a Part o f what Britai n means to giv e for Privileges of Trade which in her Hands turn alway s to Gold . This whic h i s ver y lik e buyin g u s wit h ou r ow n Money , woul d enabl e th e Minister t o g o dow n t o th e Hous e o f Common s wit h perfec t Eas e an d Sel f Complacency. The Countr y I no w inhabit o n whic h s o man y othe r Countrie s depend , having sunk to absolute Nothingness , ha s deranged the general State of Things in ever y Quarter . An d what complicate s th e Scen e i n n o smal l Degree i s th e Incertitude which prevails as to her future Fate because a new System calculated on the palsied State of France would be as effectually derange d by her Recovery, as that whic h leant upo n he r Greatness heretofore, an d fall wit h her Fall . The Norther n Courts , remove d a t a greate r Distanc e fro m he r Influence , have provide d fo r themselve s b y a n Allianc e whic h too k Plac e immediatel y after the Peac e between Sweden an d Russia. I think I hinted in a former Letter my Expectatio n tha t a ne w Syste m woul d aris e there . Th e Effec t a Treat y under and between what may be called the Baltic Powers, will have considerable Influence hereafte r upo n the genera l System . When you recollect tha t they are exclusively th e Magazin e o f nava l Store s i n thi s Hemisphere , you r compre hensive Mind will seize at once the Consequences which may follow t o America from Combination s where suc h Articles are indispensible. Thi s sam e Balti c i s also a Granar y fo r souther n Europe . Henc e a new Sourc e o f importan t Re flection. I thin k that occasions wil l ere long present themselves i n which America may b e essentiall y concerned . Bu t to com e nearer to m y presen t Position , th e Emperor disengage d fro m the Tur k an d likely to b e soo n repossessed o f Flan ders, will b e there in the Command of 50,000 Men besides the Resource which every Sovereig n derive s fro m successles s Revolt . Th e Kin g o f Prussi a i s n o longer a t th e Hea d o f a n effectiv e germani c League . The fea r o f Austri a an d her Connection s ha s fo r eviden t Reason s subsided , an d th e Baro n Hertzber g rather a Pedant tha n Politician, but ill y fills that grea t Voi d whic h was lef t b y the Deat h o f Frederick . I n Fac t Prussi a seem s t o b e tha t Countr y in Shap e Extent Fertilit y Populatio n Connectio n an d Relatio n whic h on e woul d hav e chosen t o she w wha t grea t Geniu s ca n d o wit h incompeten t Materials , and what a Drea m is huma n Greatness . The Empero r i s i n Possessio n o f Proof s that the Spiri t o f Revolt thro all his Dominions wa s fostered b y that Cour t and would hav e broke n ou t i n ever y Quarte r a t th e Instan t o f a War . Hence th e sudden Pacificatio n a t Reichenbac h of whic h the Prussia n was th e Dup e th o he dictated the Terms. Yo u will readil y suppose tha t Leopold neither as a Man nor a Statesma n ca n loo k o n suc h Conduc t 'in th e cal m Light s of mil d Phi losophy.' Hereditar y Claim s t o Dominio n whic h hi s Riva l i s possesse d of , a long oppositio n o f jarring Interests , and the Bitternes s of that Cu p he ha s just been force d t o drink , mus t lea d hi m t o see k an d t o seiz e th e Momen t o f Vengeance. Forgivenes s i s no t a Famil y Featur e i n th e Hous e o f Lorraine , neither i s Ital y th e Schoo l o f Christia n Meekness . O n th e othe r Han d th e Alliance betwee n him and the late Sovereig n o f this Country is rent to Tatters. Not formall y cancelle d i t i s effectuall y annulled . Th e frenc h Natio n hat e th e Emperor an d detest a Connection whic h seem s nevertheles s t o b e th e wises t that coul d hav e bee n formed . Th e great Powe r o f this Monarch y has bee n fo r
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Centuries a n insurmountabl e Barrie r t o imperia l Ambition . Leopol d mus t therefore wis h t o se e i t injure d and eve n dismembered . Man y o f th e germa n Princes wh o hav e right s withi n th e Boundarie s o f Franc e secured t o the m b y numerous Treaties , and guaranteed b y th e germani c Corp s but latel y violate d by th e nationa l Assembl y wis h th e whol e Empir e t o insis t o n Restitution ; an d in Cas e of Refusal to engag e in a War whose Object would b e th e Recover y o f Alsace an d Lorraine . Man y o f the discontente d Noble s an d Clerg y of France are urgen t wit h th e Chie f o f th e Empir e t o aveng e th e Insult s offere d t o hi s unfortuante Sister . S o fai r a Pretext, suc h plausibl e Reason s bot h publi c an d private, joined to a great politica l Interest and personal territorial Claims might determine a n enterprizing Prince. But he is cautious, trustin g more in Art than in Force. He sits on a Throne which lately tottered an d is hardly yet confirmed . He has before him the Exampl e of a Predecessor whos e incessant Toil s brough t only a n Encreas e of laboriou s Care , whos e Anxietie s wor e awa y th e We b o f his Existence , an d whos e might y Project s were bu t 'th e baseles s Fabri c o f a Vision.' The Germanic Body itself is distracted between the Duty of supportin g it's Member s an d a Dread of destroyin g th e Chec k upon it' s Chief . This unhapp y Country , bewildered in the Pursuit of metaphysical Whimsies , presents t o ou r mora l Vie w a might y Scene . Lik e th e Remnant s o f antien t Magnificence w e admir e th e Architectur e of the Temple , whil e w e detes t th e false Go d to who m i t was dedicated. Daw s an d Ravens, and the Bird s of Nigh t now buil d thei r Nest s i n it s Niches . Th e Sovereig n humble d t o th e Leve l o f a Beggar's Pity , without Resources , withou t Authority , without a Friend. Th e Assembly a t once a Master and a Slave. Ne w i n Powe r wil d in Theory raw in Practice, i t engrosse s al l Function s th o incapabl e o f exercisin g any , an d ha s taken fro m thi s fierce ferociou s Peopl e ever y Restrain t of Religio n an d o f Respect. Sol e Executors of the La w and therefore suprem e Judges o f it's Propriety, each Distric t measures ou t it s Obedience b y its Wishes : and the grea t Interest s of the whol e spli t up into factional Morsel s depend o n momentary Impuls e and ignorant Caprice . Suc h a State o f Things canno t last . But ho w wil l i t end ? Her e Conjectur e may wande r thro unbounde d Space . What Su m of Misery may b e requisit e t o chang e th e popula r Will , Calculation cannot determine . Wha t Circumstances may aris e in the orde r o f divin e Prov idence t o giv e Directio n t o tha t Will , ou r Sharpes t Visio n canno t discover . What Talent s ma y b e foun d t o seiz e thos e Circumstances , t o influenc e tha t Will, an d above all to moderat e th e Powe r whic h it must confer , w e ar e equally ignorant. On e Thin g only seem s to b e tolerabl y ascertained : tha t th e gloriou s Opportunity i s lost , an d (fo r thi s Tim e a t least ) th e Revolutio n ha s failed . I n the Consequence s o f it we ma y however find som e Foundations o f future Pros perity. Suc h ar e 1st . th e Abolitio n o f thos e differen t Right s an d Privilege s which kep t th e Province s asunder, occasionin g thereb y a Variety of Taxation, increasing th e Expence s o f Collection , impedin g th e usefu l Communication s of Commerce , an d destroying tha t Unit y i n the Syste m o f distributiv e Justic e which i s on e Requisit e t o socia l Happiness . 2ly . Th e Abolitio n o f feuda l T y r anny b y whic h th e Tenur e of real Propert y i s simplifie d th e Valu e reduced t o Money Ren t i s mor e clearl y ascertaine d an d th e Estimatio n whic h depende d upon idl e Vanit y o r capriciou s Tast e o r sulle n Prid e i s destroyed . 3ly . Th e Extension o f th e Circl e o f Communit y t o thos e vas t Possession s hel d b y th e Clergy i n Mortmai n which conforme d grea t Wealt h to th e Wage s o f Idleness , damped th e Ardo r o f Enterpriz e an d impaire d tha t stead y Industr y whic h
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increase th e Stoc k o f national riches . 4ly. Th e Distruction o f a Syste m o f venal Jurisprudence which arrogating a Kind o f legislative Veto , had established th e Pride an d Privilege s o f the fe w o n th e Miser y and Degradatio n o f the genera l Mass. 51y . Abov e al l th e Promulgatio n an d Extensio n o f thos e Principle s o f Liberty whic h wil l I hope remain to chea r the Heart , and cherish a Nobleness of Soul , whe n th e metaphisi c Frot h an d Vapo r shall hav e bee n blow n away . The Aw e o f that Spiri t which ha s bee n thu s raise d will I trust excit e i n those who ma y hereafte r posses s Authority , a prope r Moderatio n i n th e Exercise , and induc e the m t o giv e t o thi s Peopl e a rea l Constitutio n o f Government , fitted t o th e natural , moral, social, an d political Stat e o f their Country. How an d when thes e Events may b e brough t abou t I know not . Bu t I think from th e Chao s o f Opinion , an d th e Conflic t o f it s jarrin g Element s a ne w Order will a t length aris e which tho i n some Degree th e Chil d o f Chance, ma y not b e les s productiv e o f huma n Happiness , tha n th e forethough t Provision s of huma n Speculation . In th e Beginnin g o f thi s Yea r I mentione d th e Convictio n tha t durin g th e Course o f it, the the n Ministr y would wear out. Thi s ha s been literally verifie d and Mr . d e Montmori n i s th e onl y remainin g Shre d of th e ol d Garment . A s to the presen t temporar y Set , I shall say Nothing jus t now, reservin g to a better Opportunity som e Sentiments o n particula r Men. Th e Objec t of this Lette r is as yo u wil l observ e t o communicat e a s nearl y a s I ca n tha t Stat e o f Thing s which ma y i n a greate r o r smalle r Degre e b e force d upo n you r Attention . I must ad d the Convictio n that m y Letter s present ver y different Prospect s fro m those whic h ma y reac h yo u thr o othe r Channels . Yo u wh o kno w Mankin d thoroughly wil l b e abl e t o for m a solid Opinion , an d howeve r tha t ma y var y from min e I shal l stil l rejoic e i f even b y th e Displa y o f fals e Idea s I shal l hav e cast an y additiona l Ligh t upo n thos e whic h ar e true . -1 a m alway s m y dea r Sir ver y trul y yours , Gouv . MORRI S RC (DLC) ; endorse d b y Washington.
II
Gouverneur Morri s to Georg e Washingto n DEAR SI R Pari s 1 December 179 0 I ha d the Hono r t o addres s t o yo u a Letter on th e 22 d o f las t Mont h i n th e Close o f whic h I mentione d th e Intentio n o f sayin g a t a futur e Perio d som e few Word s o f th e Peopl e wh o ar e no w o n th e Stage . T o begi n the n wit h ou r friend L a fayette, wh o ha s hithert o acte d a splendid Part . Unfortunatel y bot h for himself and his Country he has not the Talents which his Situation requires. This importan t Trut h know n t o th e fe w fro m th e ver y Beginnin g i s no w bu t too wel l understoo d b y th e Peopl e i n general . Hi s Authorit y depend s o n Incidents an d sink s t o Nothin g i n a Momen t o f Calm , s o tha t if hi s Enemie s would le t hi m alone hi s twinkling Ligh t woul d expire . H e would then perhap s raise Commotions i n order to quel l them . Thi s hi s Enemies have lon g charge d him wit h unjustl y I believ e bu t I woul d no t answe r fo r th e future . Th e Kin g obeys but detest s him. H e obeys because h e fears . Whoeve r possesse s the royal Person may do wha t h e pleases with the roya l Character and Authority. Henc e it happens tha t th e Minister s are of la fayette's Appointment. A shor t Description o f thei r Us e wa s give n th e othe r Da y b y Mirabeau . 'We mak e Minister s
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(says he ) a s w e use d formerl y to sen d Servant s to kee p ou r Boxes a t the Pla y House.' I gav e yo u th e Explanatio n of thi s Jes t whil e I wa s i n London . La fayette think s tha t thes e hi s Creature s will worshi p thei r Creato r bu t h e i s mightily mistaken . Yo u know d u portail the Ministe r of War . H e i s said to b e violent i n favor of the Revolution . It is more than a year since I have seen him, excepting a short Visit of Congratulation the other Day: M y Judgment therefor e should hav e littl e Weigh t bu t I beleiv e h e i s to o muc h th e Frien d o f Libert y to approve of the Constitution. For th e Rest, he has as you know that Command of himself and that Simplicit y of exterior deportment whic h carry a Man as far as his Abilitie s will reach . He ma y perhap s remembe r hi s Creato r i n hi s ministerial Yout h in order that his Day s may b e lon g i n the Lan d o f Office, bu t I venture to predic t that his duteous observance wil l no t endur e one hal f Secon d beyond th e Momen t o f Necessity . I believ e I di d no t mentio n t o yo u abou t a Year ag o th e Intentio n t o appoin t him , but a t that Tim e I endeavored t o tak e his Measure. The Minister of the Marin e I know Nothin g about . The y say h e is a goo d Kin d o f Ma n whic h i s sayin g ver y little . Th e Keepe r of th e Seal s Monsieur d u por t d e tertr e wa s a Lawye r o f n o Eminence . Thrown u p int o Notice b y the Circumstance s of the Moment he is said to possess both Abilities and Firmness . Monsieu r de Lessar t the Minister of the Finances is rather above than belo w Mediocrit y an d possesse s tha t Kin d o f civi l Assen t whic h neve r compromises th e Possesso r th o i t seldo m travel s in Compan y with Greatness. There i s no t a Ma n amon g the m fitted fo r th e grea t Task s i n whic h the y are engaged , an d greate r Task s ar e perhaps impending . I have n o Proof s bu t I hav e a well founde d Opinio n that th e Leader s of on e Part y wis h what thos e of the othe r fea r an d bot h expec t vi z th e Interferenc e o f foreig n Powers . On e previous Ste p woul d b e to carr y off if possible th e Kin g an d Queen. T he latter at least , fo r ther e i s ever y Reaso n to apprehen d for their Safet y shoul d violen t Measures b e adopte d whil e the y ar e here. For m y ow n Par t I d o no t beleiv e i n an y suc h Interference . Neithe r d o I think tha t th e Opposer s o f the Assembl y hav e sufficien t Energ y o f Characte r to mak e a civi l War . Their Attemp t if any wil l I imagin e b e feebl e an d con sequently ruinou s to themselves . I f indeed the y ha d a considerable Par t o f th e Army commande d b y th e Princ e of Cond é an d the Perso n o f the K i n g i n hi s Possession, and if they came forward to establish a proper Constitution adopting such goo d Thing s a s th e Assembl y hav e don e an d rejectin g th e Evil , the n indeed ther e woul d b e differen t Groun d o f Expectation . Bu t I conside r thi s rather a s th e visionar y Hop e o f a few tha n a s th e fixed Pla n o f Person s wh o can carr y i t int o Execution . I a m always Yours , Gouv . MORRI S RC (DLC : Washingto n Papers); endorsed by Washington.
Ill
Gouverneur Morri s t o George Washington DEAR SI R Londo n 24 Deer . 179 0 A Duplicat e o f your favo r o f th e fourteent h o f Augus t wa s hande d t o m e Yesterday. Th e Dela y ha s probabl y arise n from th e Circumstanc e of m y Ab sence when Colo . Humphreys arrived in this City. I have already informed you of what passe d i n Relatio n to th e Ballanc e due t o yo u b y Mr . Welch and als o of the Mod e propose d fo r Reimbursement of Monies applied according to your
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Orders i n thi s City , whic h I hop e ma y hav e prove d agréabl e t o you r Wishes. I hop e also tha t th e Article s sent ma y hav e arrive d safel y a t their Destination, and answe r the End s fo r which they were intended . An y further Orders which you ma y inclin e t o give , whil e I a m o n thi s Sid e o f th e Atlantic , I shal l b e happy t o execute . Mr. Jefferso n havin g writte n t o m e o n Subject s o f a publi c Nature , I a m hence le d t o presum e tha t i t i s you r wis h m y futur e Communication s shoul d go thr o that Channel , an d I shal l of Course conform thereto . Accept I pra y yo u m y bes t Wishe s tha t yo u ma y fo r man y Year s enjo y al l earthly Blessings , an d dispense th e inestimabl e Benefit s o f goo d Government to a grateful Country . With sincer e an d respectful Affectio n I am my dea r Sir very trul y yours, Gouv . MORRI S RC (DLC : Washingto n Papers); addressed : "George Washington Esqr. Presiden t of the United States Philadelphia. "
IV
Gouverneur Morri s t o George Washington DEAR SI R Pari s 9 Marc h 179 1 I a m t o acknowleg e th e Receip t o f your s o f th e seventeent h o f Decembe r which reache d me severa l Days ago, bu t no goo d Opportunity then presente d itself to conve y a Reply. The Idea you forme d o f the britis h Cabinet was I am persuaded perfectly just. This Governmen t has lately taken some Steps whic h cannot bu t b e advantageou s t o thei r Rival s fo r I a m persuade d tha t th e lat e Decrees layin g a heav y Dut y o n Oil , giving a grea t Preferenc e o f Dut y o n Tobacco importe d i n french Ships , and declaring that non e bu t thos e buil t i n France shall be reputed french Bottoms wil l excite muc h ill Humor in America. Those who rul e the Roos t here seem t o think that because th e old Government was sometime s wrong , Ever y Thin g contrar y to wha t the y di d must b e right; like Jac k i n the Tal e o f the T u b who tor e hi s Cloath s to Piece s i n pulling off the Fringe Points and Trimmings that Peter had put on, or like the old Congress in it s youn g Day s wh o rejecte d the Offe r o f valuable Contract s and employed a Hos t o f Commissaries and Quarter Masters because Grea t Britai n deal t wit h Contractors. I n the Debat e o n th e Subjec t one o f the Lameth' s gave i t a s hi s Opinion tha t Americ a wa s no t i n a Situation t o b e eithe r sough t o r feared fo r some tim e t o come . This , whic h i s no t howeve r th e Sentimen t o f th e Part y occasioned som e Hint s i n th e Clos e o f Observation s I sen t t o Monsieu r d e Montmorin and of which a Copy has been transmitte d to Mr . Jefferson. I hope that th e Congres s wil l no t ac t precipitatel y i n Consequenc e o f these Decrees , for I beleiv e tha t prope r Representation s a t a proper Moment wil l produc e a Change, an d really in the presen t Effervescenc e very few Act s of the Assembl y can b e considered as deliberate Movements o f national Will. There still continue to b e thre e Partie s here. Th e Enragées, long sinc e know n b y th e Nam e o f Jacobins, hav e los t muc h i n the publi c Opinion, so tha t the y ar e less powerfu l in th e Assembl y tha n the y were , bu t thei r Committee s o f Correspondence , called Sociétés patriotiques, sprea d al l ove r th e Kingdom , hav e give n the m a deep stron g Hol d o f th e People . O n th e othe r Han d th e numerou s Reforms , some o f the m unnecessary , an d al l eithe r hars h precipitat e o r extreme , hav e thrown int o th e aristocrati c Party a great Numbe r o f discontented . Th e Mil-
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itary, wh o as such loo k u p t o th e Sovereign , ar e somewha t les s factiou s tha n they were . Bu t yet the y ar e rather a Mob than an Army, an d must I think fall either t o th e aristocrati c or Jacobin e Sid e o f th e Question . Th e middl e Me n are i n a Whimsical Situation. In the Senat e the y follo w th e Jacobin e Counsels rather tha n appea r Connecte d wit h th e othe r Party . Th e sam e Principl e of Shamefacedness operate s o n great Occasions out of Doors but as the Aristocrats have bee n force d dow n b y a Torren t o f Opinio n fro m th e Height h o f thei r absurd Pretensions , an d a s th e middl e Me n begi n t o b e alarme d at th e E xtremities t o whic h the y hav e bee n hurried , thes e tw o Partie s migh t com e together if it were not for personal Animosities among the Leaders. This middl e Party coul d b e th e stronges t if the Natio n wer e virtuous , but alas ! This i s no t the Case , an d therefore I think it wil l onl y serv e a s a stepping Ston e fo r those who ma y find it convenient t o chang e Sides . I n the Mids t however o f all their Confusions, wha t wit h confiscatin g th e Churc h Propert y selling th e Domain s curtailing Pensions , an d destroyin g Offices , bu t especiall y b y tha t grea t L i q uidator o f publi c Debt s a paper Currency , th e Natio n i s workin g it's Wa y t o a ne w Stat e o f activ e Energ y whic h wil l I thin k b e displaye d a s soo n a s a vigorous Governmen t shal l establis h itself . Th e intervenin g Confusion s wil l probably cal l fort h Me n o f Virtu e t o for m suc h Governmen t and to exer t it' s Powers. In a Lette r I ha d the Hono r to writ e o n th e twent y secon d o f Novembe r I mentioned a Treaty mad e betwee n the Balti c Powers . I do no t kno w whethe r I dre w thi s Ide a from Informatio n or Conjecture, but i t wa s i n m y Min d an d still continue s there . Whil e i n Englan d waitin g a t Whitehal l for th e Duk e o f Leeds wh o wa s accidentl y prevente d fro m keepin g hi s Appointment , I had a long Conversatio n with Mr . Burgess wh o seeme d desirou s o f convincin g m e that he was an efficient Ma n in the Office of foreign Affairs . I asked him whether such Treat y existed , insinuatin g tha t h e mus t certainl y b e informe d o f ever y Movement i n that a s in every othe r Quarter . H e assured me possitivel y tha t it did not , bu t tha t Assuranc e did no t alte r m y Opinion . Indeed th e Objec t o f my Question was to discover whether they were at all upo n Terms with Sweden, and fro m what afterwards passed I am persuaded that they ar e not. I must add that my Enquirie s here have been answere d in the sam e Way, but yet I beleiv e that suc h a Treaty exists . W e spoke a good deal of the Conventio n with Spain and I declare d freel y m y Opinio n whic h bein g favorabl e t o Administratio n drew fro m hi m i n Suppor t o f i t a History of the Negotiation . I t ended (a s h e said) i n thi s remarkabl e Manner. The Coun t d e florid a blanc a upon hearin g the Revol t of the frenc h Marine told the britis h Embassador 'you insist o n th e Terms to whic h I am now abou t to agree no t becaus e the y ar e just but becaus e I a m compelle d t o it . I f France coul d assis t u s I woul d neve r submit , bu t w e are no t abl e singl y t o cop e with you and therefore yo u mus t d o a s you please. ' You wil l judge, m y dea r Sir, how long suc h a Treaty i s likel y to last . I a m delighte d wit h th e Accoun t yo u giv e m e o f ou r publi c Affairs . Ther e can b e n o Doub t tha t a Publicatio n o f th e Censu s an d a clea r Stat e o f ou r Finances wil l impress a Sense o f our Importance on th e Statesme n o f Europe . We ar e now gettin g forwar d in th e righ t Way , not b y littl e skirmishin g A dvantages o f political Manœuvers bu t i n a solid Column of well form'd national Strength. Lik e Fathe r Mason' s aristocrati c Screw , whic h yo u doubtles s re member, a t ever y Tur n w e shal l no w gai n an d hol d wha t w e get . - I t i s n o Evil tha t yo u shoul d hav e a little o f the ol d Leaven . I have alway s considere d
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an Oppositio n i n free Government s a s a Kin d o f outwar d Conscience s whic h prevent Administration from doing many Things thro Inadvertence which they might hav e Reaso n t o repent . B y thei r Mean s bot h Me n an d Measure s ar e sifted, an d th e Necessit y o f appearin g a s wel l a s o f bein g righ t confirm s an d consolidates th e goo d Opinion of Society. I expect an d am indeed certai n that this goo d Opinio n will liv e wit h yo u durin g Lif e an d follow weepin g t o you r Grave. I kno w yo u wil l continu e t o deserv e it , an d I hope yo u ma y lon g liv e to ve x your Enemies by servin g your Country. Adieu my dea r Sir Beleive m e always I pray you, ver y sincerely yours , Gouv . MORRI S RC (DLC : Washingto n Papers); endorsed by Washington.
F r o m Nathanie l B a r r e t t Le Havre, 29 July 1791. H e ha s receive d T J ' s of 1 3 May . Th e derange d state o f trad e there , th e disinclinatio n o f th e Nationa l Assembl y t o gran t an y special favor s t o America n commerce, th e burden s on oi l business , an d unfortunate situatio n o f hi s famil y rendere d uncertain his permanen t fixture there . He consulte d Shor t on propriety of handing in his commission whe n he woul d probably retur n to Americ a for a year or two t o begi n a commercial exchang e with Franc e which , if it succeeded, woul d "b e o n a very great scale. " - H e has done all in hi s powe r t o assis t Shor t in getting reduce d dut y o n oils . " A very contrary Syste m ha s take n place"-tha t o f inducin g America n fishermen t o settle in France and making their vessels French, entitlin g them to the bounty . The Englis h fishery hitherto no t successful . H e ha s a minute o f it in his trunk on shipboar d and will sen d i t on arrival . H e leaves Sunda y for Boston an d has asked Delamotte , fo r the present , t o regar d his place a s in his district . He ha s made L e Couteulx agent, who speak s English well. He hopes TJ will approve . He wil l wai t o n hi m o n arrival . Letter s given hi m b y Shor t wil l b e sen t b y Delamotte wit h others o n vessel boun d for Philadelphia, as Short wished. "Al l was quie t 2 day s sinc e i n paris . Monsieur de la fayette beg s his Compliment s to you. " RC (DNA : RG 59 , CD) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 22 Oct. 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
F r o m Danie l Carrol l Georgetown, 29 July 1791. Introducin g Mr. Cabo t o f Massachusett s wh o wishes t o b e acquainte d wit h T J . Hi s character, respectable connections , an d qualities a s " a sensible, intelligen t Gentleman " readily induc e hi m t o obtai n that pleasure for Cabot. He has been mentioned i n some letters to the President from th e East . H e ha s settle d ther e an d i s anxiou s t o embrac e anythin g ad vantageous respectin g th e publi c buildings an d the Federa l City . H e has bee n in treat y wit h director s of the Potoma c Co . about supplyin g " a number o f his Countrymen" to mak e cana l at Littl e Falls : "the y di d not agree. " H e goe s t o Philadelphia with L'Enfant , an d Carroll supposes "many matters will b e talk'd
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over respectin g th e busines s o n hand." He asks TJ to "assis t Mr . Cabot in his views, o n their appearing to coincid e wit h the publi c interest." [P.S.] He asks T J t o tak e charg e o f enclosed lette r t o Madison , having latel y writte n hi m at Philadelphia an d presumin g h e ma y b e i n Ne w York . H e refer s T J to wha t he has written him. — If TJ passe s Georgetow n o n his way to Virginia, h e asks him "i f not inconvenien t t o brin g a few o f the plan s o f Chatau' s you show'd, " which wil l b e take n car e of and given hi m on hi s return . R C ( D L C ) ; endorse d b y T J as receive d 2 9 Aug . 179 1 an d s o recorde d i n S J L .
F r o m Giusepp e Ceracch i
SlGNORE
STIMATISSIMO [Philadelphia ] da l allogio 2 9 lugli o 179 1 Ricevo dall a stamp a l a discrizion e dell a mi a ide a d i cu i l e n e includo du e copie . Il sol o onor e m i h a fatt o impegnar e i n quest o glorios o soggetto , qualunque sias i l a riuscit a m i sar à sempr e lodevol e l'averl o proget tato, tant o pi ù ch e no n poss o ave r alcu n motiv o d i rimproverarm i ne i l tempo, n e l e somm e ch e impieg o a quest ' effetto perch é l e mi e commode circostanz e posson o facilment e supplire , e a l uno , e a l altro. Altro no n m i rest a a desiderar e ch e l a sodisfazion e d i veder e Vosignoria compiacersi délie mi e ben e intenzionate produzioni, mentre pieno d i respett o son o d i Vostr a Signori a Umilissim o Serv o G . CERACCH I R C ( D L C ) ; endorse d b y T J as receive d 29 Jul y 1791 . Entr y i n S J L reads : "1791. July 29. Ciracchi . Phila . July 29." In what was obviousl y a late r endorsement, T J misread "allogio " (lodging ) an d dockete d
the lette r a s dated "Ma y 29," an error which led to it s bein g catalogue d unde r tha t dat e in th e origina l D L C microfilm o f th e Jef ferson Papers .
F r o m Nathanie l C u t t i n g Le Havre, 29 July 1791 . Enclosin g letter fro m Short , to whic h he wil l no t add sinc e h e presume s i t contain s ever y publi c occurrenc e worth y o f T J 's notice. - Believin g fro m man y circumstance s a mor e extensiv e an d advanta geous trade "will speedil y tak e plac e betwee n Franc e an d North America," he has decided to establish himself there and has become intereste d in Le Mesurier & Cie . Hence, if the consulate fo r that port remains vacant, he would cheerfully render hi s countr y al l possibl e servic e i n tha t office . - Busines s a t onc e call s him t o St . Domingue, an d he will probably leave next month, from there going to America , an d h e hope s t o b e i n Philadelphi a in Feb . next . I f there i s an y [702 ]
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way h e ca n serve TJ there, T J 's command s should be sen t to Jame s Perkin s at Cap e Françoi s o r Messrs. J . G. Roux a t St. Marc. - H e asks TJ to present "my kin d Compliment s t o bot h your Daughters. " R C ( D N A : RG 59, C D ) ; endorse d b y T J as received 22 Oct . 179 1 an d so recorded in S J L . F C (MHi: Cuttin g Papers) . Enclosure : Shor t to T J , 2 4 Jul y 1791 .
T o Lewi s Littlepag e D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a July 29 . 1791 .
I a m t o acknowledg e th e reciep t o f you r favo r o f Marc h 5 . an d to than k yo u fo r th e vie w o f Europea n politic s i t conveyed . Wit h respect t o th e lette r o f Feb . 25. 1790 . whic h you mentio n t o hav e written t o th e President , h e authorise s m e t o assur e yo u h e neve r recieved tha t o r an y othe r fro m you . I t i s mos t probabl e i t wa s intercepted eithe r i n it' s passag e fro m yo u t o M . d e l a Fayette , o r from hi m to it' s por t o f embarcation. There i s n o bette r sig n tha n whe n a natio n ca n sa y w e hav e n o news. Thi s i s exactl y ou r case . A n unusua l tide o f prosperit y produces it . T h i s proceed s fro m 4 . year s successiv e o f plentifu l crop s and high prices , from a general diffusion o f domestic manufactures , from a retur n t o economy , an d a grea t dea l o f fait h i n ou r ne w government. Som e hostilitie s b y th e Indian s indeed hav e oblige d us to arm against them. Genl. Scot t is returned from a very successful expedition agains t them , an d a secon d an d thir d ar e preparing , so that w e hav e littl e doub t the y wil l b e induce d t o accep t o f peac e which i s al l we as k a s the pric e of victory. Mr. Paine' s Rights of man have been receive d and read here with great avidity and pleasure. A writer under the signature of Publicola having attacke d him , ha s serve d onl y t o cal l fort h proof s o f th e firmness o f ou r citizen s i n thei r republicanism . Some grea t name s here have been preachin g and patronising the doctrine of king, lords and commons , an d a s me n generall y do , the y believe d wha t the y hoped, tha t th e peopl e migh t b e le d t o crow n o r corone t the m a t least. Tho ' checked, the y ar e not ye t desperate . Bu t I a m happy i n a genera l evidenc e tha t the y wil l b e foun d t o b e al l head, withou t a body . I f the revolutio n i n Franc e ha d failed, i t migh t hav e intimidated som e wea k nerve s here , but , fo r th e happines s o f mankind, that ha s succeeded . Kentucke and Vermont have been declared indépendant member s of th e Union . Main e an d Franklan d wil l soo n com e forward . Ou r Census, accordin g to the progres s made in it promises our numbers [703 ]
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to b e about three millions and a half, of which Virginia will b e abou t 700,000 exclusiv e o f Kentuck é whic h i s abou t 74,000 . I shal l b e happ y t o hea r fro m yo u whe n Europ e offer s anythin g interesting. B e s o goo d a s t o proffe r m y respect s t o th e Princesse s Czaterisky, Coun t Potoskis , an d my frien d the A b b é Piattoli : with assurances o f grea t & sincer e estee m I a m Si r Your mos t obedien t & mos t humbl e servt. , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) .
F r o m Jame s Maur y Liverpool, 29 July 1791. Hi s las t wa s o f th e 12th . H e ha d expecte d t o complete hi s six months report , but "the Irregularit y of the Masters " prevents. He canno t furnis h properl y unti l h e ha s "authorit y t o compel, " an d h e ask s T J ' s expres s instructions . - Th e tw o America n vessels remai n unde r seizur e and arrival s stil l increase , havin g decide d preferenc e fo r freight s i n trad e t o U.S. thoug h pric e i s fro m 5 0 t o 100 % mor e tha n i n Britis h ships . Genera l opinion i s tha t port s wil l remai n open t o foreig n cor n until 1 5 Nov . an d that peace i s abou t t o b e fixed betwee n Russi a an d Turkey . 1
RC (DNA : RG 59 , CD) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 22 Oct . 1791 an d so recorded in SJL .
T o Georg e Washingto n S I R Philadelphi
a July 30 . 1791 .
I hav e the honou r to inclos e fo r your perusal a letter whic h I have prepared fo r M r . Short. The il l humour int o whic h th e Frenc h colonie s ar e getting, an d the littl e dépendanc e o n th e troop s sen t thither , ma y produc e a hesitation i n th e Nationa l assembl y a s t o th e condition s the y wil l impose i n their constitution. I n a moment o f hesitation smal l matters may influenc e thei r decision. The y may see th e impolic y of insisting on particula r conditions whic h operatin g a s grievance s o n us , a s well a s on thei r colonists, migh t produc e a concert o f action. I hav e thought i t woul d no t b e amis s to trus t to M r . Short the sentiment s in th e cyphere d part of the letter , leavin g him to gover n himsel f b y circumstances whether to let them leak out at all or not, and whether so a s tha t i t ma y b e known , o r remai n unknown , tha t the y com e from us . A perfec t knowleg e o f hi s judgment an d discretio n leav e me entirel y satisfied tha t they wil l b e no t used , o r so used , a s events shall rende r proper. Bu t i f you thin k that th e possibilit y tha t har m [ 70 4 ]
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may b e done , overweigh s th e chanc e o f good , I woul d expung e them, a s in cases o f doubt i t is better t o sa y too littl e than too much . I hav e th e honou r t o b e wit h the mos t perfec t respec t & attachmen t Sir You r mos t obedien t & most humbl e servant , T H : JEFFERSO N RC (DNA : R G 59, MLR); endorsed by Lear. PrC (DLC) . F C (DNA : R G 360, PC C No. 120) . Tr (DNA : R G 59 , SDC). Enclosure : TJ t o Short, 28 July 1791 .
F r o m G e o r g e Washingto n S l R Philadelphi
a July 30t h 179 1
I hav e give n you r lette r t o M r . Short, date d th e 28th . instan t a n attentive p e r u s a l . - A s yo u plac e confidenc e i n hi s judgmen t an d discretion, I thin k i t i s ver y prope r tha t th e sentiment s whic h ar e expressed i n th e cyphere d par t of it, shoul d b e hande d t o him ; and approve th e communicatin g o f them t o hi m accordingly . Go: WASHINGTO N RC (DLC) ; a t foot of text: "The Secretar y of State"; endorsed by TJ a s received 3 1 July 179 1 and so recorded in SJL. F C (DNA : R G 59 , SDC) .
T o Charle s Carte r D E A R SI R Philadelphi
a July 31 . 1791 .
On th e reciept of your favour of the 17th . I applied to Mr . Willing , President o f the bank , to answe r your enquiry as to loan s o f mone y on a deposit o f lands. He assured me i t was inadmissible by the law s of thei r institution.-Fro m subsequen t enquirie s an d informatio n here I am the mor e confirme d i n my opinio n o f the superio r advantages o f Edinburg h fo r th e stud y o f physic , an d als o i n poin t o f economy. Stil l perhap s yo u wil l find i t mor e comfortabl e t o hav e your son wher e yo u ca n oftener hea r from him. - Ther e being noth ing ne w wort h communicating , I hav e onl y t o ad d m y respectfu l compliments t o Mrs . Carter & assurances of the regar d with whic h I a m Dea r Si r Your mos t obedt . humbl e servt. , T H : JEFFERSO N PrC (DLC) .
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T o Mar y Jefferso n Philadelphia Jul y 31 . 1791 .
T h e las t lette r I hav e fro m you , m y dea r Maria , wa s o f th e 29th . of May . whic h i s 9 week s ago . Thos e whic h yo u ough t t o hav e written th e 19th . o f June an d 10th . o f July would hav e reache d m e before thi s i f the y ha d bee n w r i t t e n . - I mentione d i n m y lette r o f the las t wee k t o you r siste r tha t I ha d sen t of f som e store s t o Rich mond whic h I shoul d b e gla d t o hav e carrie d to Monticell o i n th e course o f th e ensuin g mont h o f August . The y ar e addresse d t o th e care o f M r . B r o w n . - Y o u mentione d formerl y tha t th e tw o Com modes were arrive d at Monticello. Wer e my two set s of ivory chess men in the drawers? They have not been found in any of the package s which cam e here , an d Peti t seem s quit e sur e the y wer e packe d up . How goe s on th e music , bot h wit h you r siste r an d yourself? Adieu , my dea r Maria ; kis s an d bles s al l the famil y fo r me . - Your' s affec tionately, T H : JEFFERSON RC (ViU) ; addressed : "Miss Maria Jefferson." Pr C (CSmH) .
T o Willia m L i n n S I R Philadelphi
a July 31 . 1791 .
I a m t o retur n yo u m y thank s fo r th e cop y o f th e sermo n yo u were s o goo d a s t o sen d me , whic h I hav e peruse d wit h ver y grea t pleasure. I t breathe s tha t spiri t o f pur e fraternit y whic h exist s i n nature amon g al l religions , an d woul d mak e th e ornamen t o f all : and wit h th e blessing s w e deriv e fro m religiou s liberty , make s u s also sensibl e ho w highl y w e ough t t o valu e thos e o f a tempora l nature with whic h w e ar e surrounded. I sincerely wis h you i n abundance thos e o f every kind , being wit h sentiment s of perfect respect , Sir You r mos t obed t & most humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) . William Linn (1752-1808), whose greatgrandfather had emigrated from Ireland and settled in Pennsylvania, entered Columbia College before he was fourteen, was graduated in 1795, and began the study of law under Alexander Hamilton but soon gave it up and prepared himself for the ministry (W. B . Sprague , Annals of the American
Pulpit, rv [New York, 1858] , 210-11). The
sermon whic h he transmitted to T J in a letter describing him as one of the nation's greatest ornament s was his The Blessings
of America . . . preached in the Middle Dutch Church on the Fourth of July, 1791 . . . At the request of the Tammany Society, or Co-
lumbian Order (Ne w York , Thoma s Greenleaf, 1791) ; see Linn to T J, 1 8 July 1791; Greenleaf to T J, 1 4 Aug. 1791 ; and
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Sowerby, No. 1647 . I n his enumeration of solely o n the basis of "his disbelief of the America's blessings, Linn praised the ConHoly Scripture s . .. hi s rejection of the stitution, which gave "no undue preference Christian Religion and open professio n of . . . t o one denomination of religion above Deism." He suspected TJ o f being an atheanother," a sentimen t whic h naturall y ist an d said that on e of the effects o f his evoked TJ's warm sympathy. Linn and TJ election woul d be to "destroy religion, in later corresponded about their common in- troduce immorality, and loosen all the bonds terest i n the American Indian tribe s an d of society" (see Sowerby, No. 3226). DeWitt their languages (Lin n to T J, 2 5 May 1797; Clinton, as Grotius, replie d to the "furious 8 Feb . and 4 Apr . 1798 ; T J to Linn , 3 priest" wit h A vindication of Thomas JefJune 1797 ; 5 Feb. and 2 Apr. 1798). ferson (Ne w York, 1800) ; Sowerby , No . But the political animosities of the times 3197. Years later, when TJ receive d a copy brought their correspondence to an end. In of the defense fro m Clinton , h e said that 1800 Linn published anonymously Serious he had read Serious considerations when it considerations on the election of a President came out, had guessed Lin n to be its au (Trenton, 1800) , i n which he professe d thor, an d had lef t hi m wit h othe r "slangratitude for the services TJ ha d rendered derers . .. to the scourge of public opinion" his country but argued against his election (TJ t o Clinton, 24 May 1807).
T o Jame s McHenr y [Philadelphia, 31 July 1791. "Wil l Dr . McHenry do Thomas Jefferson the favour t o mak e on e of a small committe e o f friends t o din e tomorro w a t half after three ? Sunda y July 31 , 1791. " M S sol d a t City Boo k Auctio n Sal e No. 420, 1 8 Sep. 1948, lot 84. Not found an d not recorded in S J L . ]
F r o m J a m e s Madiso n M Y D E A R SIR N . York Jul y 31.179 1 I receive d your s o f th e 28th . las t evening . You r precedin g on e covering amon g othe r thing s you r memorandum s throug h Franc e was acknowledge d b y a fe w line s pu t int o th e hand s o f a youn g gentleman boun d to Philada . i n the Stag e o f yesterday. T he purpose of them wa s t o appriz e you tha t yo u ha d omitte d Coxe' s answe r t o Sheffeild an d t o reques t th e favo r o f yo u t o sen d i t b y Monday' s mail. Shoul d the beare r have faile d i n hi s trus t I take th e libert y o f repeating th e request . I shoul d b e gla d t o hav e th e pamphle t o n Tuesday, bu t i f forwarde d afte r th e receip t o f thi s i t ma y possibl y be i n time , especiall y i f on e o f you r youn g me n shoul d ligh t o n a passenger fo r Wednesday' s Stag e tha t run s thro ' i n on e day . I d o not wis h howeve r an y troubl e t o b e take n i n enquirin g fo r suc h a conveyance, an d am really sorry that s o muc h in so triflin g a matter should hav e bee n give n t o yourself . Col: H . Lee left thi s a day o r two ago . H e wil l probabl y mentio n [ 70 7 ]
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to yo u th e comment s circulate d as t o th e affai r o f th e Comptroller. It i s a little singula r no doubt tha t s o serious a face shoul d have bee n put o n i t b y wh o ough t t o hav e know n th e circumstance s which explaine d th e natur e o f th e interferenc e complaine d of . H e referred i n hi s conversatio n wit h me , t o anothe r candidat e who m he coul d no t properl y name , a s th e channe l thro ' whic h h e ha d received hi s wron g impressions . I a m running over yo[ur] memorandums; but I find that t o enjo y the pleasur e full y I mus t repea t the m wit h a Map o f Franc e befor e me, whic h I canno t a t presen t command . - Yrs . mo : affecly. , Js.
RC (DLC : Madison Papers); date added to endorsement by Madison after letter was returned t o him ; endorsed b y T J as received 2 Aug . 179 1 an d s o recorde d in SJL. The perso n indicate d by a dash was of course th e Secretar y of the Treasury . On the charge that TJ an d Madison had sought to interfere in the Treasury Department by
M A D I S O N JR.
promoting Tenc h Cox e fo r th e offic e o f Comptroller - a charge which TJ ha d good reason to believe originated with Hamilton himself-see not e to Coxe to T J , 1 6 Apr . 1791. The other candidate to whom Hamilton referre d i n hi s conversatio n wit h Madison ma y hav e bee n Timoth y Pick ering, who of course could have learned of TJ's role in the affair only at second hand, most likel y from Hamilton or Knox.
T o F u l w a r Skipwit h D E A R S l R Philadelphi
a July 31.1791 .
Your favo r o f th e 20th . ha s com e dul y t o hand , an d wit h m y congratulations o n you r saf e arriva l i n you r ow n country , a m sorry to mi x expression s o f concern that you r position i n the Wes t Indie s has turned out th e contrar y of your expectations. T h e events indee d which hav e happene d i n Franc e an d it' s dépendance s ar e suc h a s could not hav e bee n calculate d on. Bu t whilst I participate sincerely in th e disappointmen t o f your expectations, m y dut y t o yo u a s well as the publi c obliges me t o notic e thos e expressed i n your letter tha t the publi c will reimburs e you your expenditures i n the undertaking. T h e footin g o n whic h th e consulship s stoo d whe n yo u wer e ap pointed, wa s tha t o f servin g withou t emolumen t fro m th e public . A propositio n indee d wa s afterwards made to allo w som e small fees, but I informe d yo u befor e you r departure , tha t i t wa s doubtfu l whether i t woul d pas s wit h Congress . I n fac t i t failed , an d ther e exists n o powe r a t presen t t o mak e an y allowance s fo r Consula r services. Nothin g les s than a law of Congress will d o it, and hitherto they hav e shew n n o dispositio n t o mak e any . Shoul d they howeve r [708 ]
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do i t hereafter , i t wil l onl y b e som e littl e fe e o n th e vessel s arrivin g in port . Wer e th e preceden t onc e se t o f reimbursin g expences, n o one coul d tel l t o wha t i t woul d lead . I hav e therefor e though t i t would b e wron g i n m e t o leav e yo u a momen t unde r suc h a n ex pectation becaus e i t would be a delusive one, the laws not permitting it t o b e mad e good . -1 sincerel y wish , m y dea r Sir , I coul d hav e given yo u a different answer : but thi s doe s no t depen d o n me , an d your candour will distinguis h betwee n m y wil l an d that o f the law s of the land . Wit h ever y wish for your felicity I am with great estee m Dear Si r Your mos t obedt . & most humbl e servt , T H : JEFFERSON RC (CtY); addressed: "Mr. Fulwa r Skipwith Richmond"; franked; postmarked: "FREE" and " 1 AU" ; endorsed a s received 6 Aug. Pr C (DLC) .
T o J a m e s Sulliva n Philadelphia Jul y 31 . 1791 .
T h : Jefferso n present s his compliments t o Mr . Sullivan an d thanks him fo r the perusa l of the pamphle t h e wa s s o kin d a s to sen d him. He see s with great pleasure every testimony t o the principles of pure republicanism; and every effort t o preserv e untouched that partition of th e sovereignt y whic h ou r excellen t constitutio n ha s made , be tween th e genera l an d particula r governments . H e i s firmly per suaded tha t i t i s b y givin g du e ton e t o th e latter , tha t th e forme r will b e preserve d i n vigou r also , th e constitutio n havin g foresee n it's incompetenc y t o al l th e object s o f governmen t an d therefor e confined i t to those specially described. When it shall becom e incom petent t o these also, instead of flying to monarchy for that semblanc e of tranquillit y whic h i t i s th e natur e o f slaver y t o hol d forth , th e true remed y woul d b e a subdivision a s M r . Sullivan observes . Bu t it i s hoped tha t b y a due pois e an d partition of powers betwee n th e general an d particula r government s w e hav e foun d th e secre t o f extending th e benig n blessing s o f republicanis m over stil l greate r tracts o f countr y tha n w e possess , an d tha t a subdivisio n ma y b e avoided fo r ages , i f not fo r ever . PrC (DLC) . The PAMPHLE T acknowledged b y TJ was undoubtedly Sullivan' s Observations upon the Government of the United States of America, Boston , [1791 ] (Sowerby, No . 3155) .
[709]
Robert Morris Note s o n C o m m e r c e 5
[ca. Jul y 1791 ]
T h e exportatio n o f Ric e fro m Americ a t o Spain , ha s I thin k bee n in a progressive Stat e fo r som e years. Bread Grains and Meals are Received in Spain from the U S withou t any obligatio n t o b e exported . Consequentl y ma y b e Consume d in Spai n o r exporte d t o thei r Colonie s an d i n Time s o f Scarcity are actuall y Consume d i n Spai n to larg e extent . T h e prohibitio n to the importatio n o f American flour into Portugal, took it s ris e fro m misrepresentation s mad e b y Interested Person s and ough t t o b e removed . T h e differenc e o f Dutie s pai d o n Tobo . importe d int o Franc e i n American Ship s more than in French - Must - b e Removed or We must Counte r Act i t i n Americ a whic h wil l b e unpleasant . T h e Sale of our Ships must b e permitted in France if possible t o obtai n the permission . MS (DLC : T J Papers , 65: 11308); undated, i n Morris' hand ; endorsed by T J : "R. Morris's notes." Not recorded in SJL . Morris' notes were no doubt solicited by T J fo r the report on commerce which he
expected t o submi t a t th e ensuin g Con gress, just a s he ha d sought information from othe r merchants , such a s Thoma s FitzSimons and John Ross (see Report on Commerce, 1 6 Dec. 1793).
T o Nathanie l B u r w e l l D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a Aug. 1. 1791 .
Being t o writ e shortl y to M r . Paradise I should b e ver y happy t o be abl e t o han d hi m an y informatio n wit h respec t t o th e prospec t of raisin g money t o pa y hi s debts . Yo u know ther e wa s som e hop e from th e cuttin g an d sellin g o f timber. I s this likel y to b e realised ? I recollec t h e ha d a considerabl e su m o f publi c paper . A s I a m o n the spo t wher e th e scienc e i n tha t lin e i s mathematicall y exact , I would b e oblige d t o yo u t o infor m me o f what amoun t an d description M r . Paradise' s pape r is ? O n knowin g exactl y wha t kin d o f certificates &c . he has , I can enquire here wha t i t wil l sel l fo r in it' s present form , o r whethe r i t ca n b e converte d int o an y othe r form , and sel l mor e advantageously , an d communicate th e informatio n t o you t o d o thereo n wha t yo u thin k best. I f it ca n be sol d a t near par, it will lo p of f a sensible par t of his debt. I f you will have the goodnes s [710]
Robert Morris Note s o n C o m m e r c e 5
[ca. Jul y 1791 ]
T h e exportatio n o f Ric e fro m Americ a t o Spain , ha s I thin k bee n in a progressive Stat e fo r som e years. Bread Grains and Meals are Received in Spain from the U S withou t any obligatio n t o b e exported . Consequentl y ma y b e Consume d in Spai n o r exporte d t o thei r Colonie s an d i n Time s o f Scarcity are actuall y Consume d i n Spai n to larg e extent . T h e prohibitio n to the importatio n o f American flour into Portugal, took it s ris e fro m misrepresentation s mad e b y Interested Person s and ough t t o b e removed . T h e differenc e o f Dutie s pai d o n Tobo . importe d int o Franc e i n American Ship s more than in French - Must - b e Removed or We must Counte r Act i t i n Americ a whic h wil l b e unpleasant . T h e Sale of our Ships must b e permitted in France if possible t o obtai n the permission . MS (DLC : T J Papers , 65: 11308); undated, i n Morris' hand ; endorsed by T J : "R. Morris's notes." Not recorded in SJL . Morris' notes were no doubt solicited by T J fo r the report on commerce which he
expected t o submi t a t th e ensuin g Con gress, just a s he ha d sought information from othe r merchants , such a s Thoma s FitzSimons and John Ross (see Report on Commerce, 1 6 Dec. 1793).
T o Nathanie l B u r w e l l D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a Aug. 1. 1791 .
Being t o writ e shortl y to M r . Paradise I should b e ver y happy t o be abl e t o han d hi m an y informatio n wit h respec t t o th e prospec t of raisin g money t o pa y hi s debts . Yo u know ther e wa s som e hop e from th e cuttin g an d sellin g o f timber. I s this likel y to b e realised ? I recollec t h e ha d a considerabl e su m o f publi c paper . A s I a m o n the spo t wher e th e scienc e i n tha t lin e i s mathematicall y exact , I would b e oblige d t o yo u t o infor m me o f what amoun t an d description M r . Paradise' s pape r is ? O n knowin g exactl y wha t kin d o f certificates &c . he has , I can enquire here wha t i t wil l sel l fo r in it' s present form , o r whethe r i t ca n b e converte d int o an y othe r form , and sel l mor e advantageously , an d communicate th e informatio n t o you t o d o thereo n wha t yo u thin k best. I f it ca n be sol d a t near par, it will lo p of f a sensible par t of his debt. I f you will have the goodnes s [710]
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to favou r m e wit h a n answer, pu t int o the pos t offic e b y the 16th . inst. I shal l receiv e it in time to communicat e it to hi m by the sur e opportunity i n contemplation . I a m wit h ver y grea t estee m Dea r Sir You r mos t obedt . & most humbl e servt., T H : JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; mutilated , so that about a third of the lines on the right margin are lost; this portion of the text is supplied from Tr (ViU), i n the hand of Nicholas P. Trist.
F r o m A u g u s t i n e Davi s Richmond, 1 Aug. 1791 . Acknowledgin g T J ' s of the 24t h authorizin g him to establis h tw o cross-posts . Withou t knowin g anyon e wh o woul d undertak e the business , h e inserte d th e enclose d advertisemen t i n th e newspaper . Hi s enquiries promis e success , especiall y a s t o tha t a t Staunton . I t ha s bee n rec ommended tha t h e tr y t o ge t i t "extende d t o th e Shoul a Springs , abou t 12 0 miles further, " placing Staunto n i n th e middl e an d requirin g the rout e t o b e run weekly , s o als o fro m Ne w Londo n o n th e othe r route . - Supposin g con siderable aid will b e give n b y Davi d Ross in both instances , h e wil l tr y to ge t his opinio n an d patronag e befor e proceeding . "O n Main Holston , abou t 30 0 miles hence, Mr . Ros s has a considerable Iron-Works; from thence to Kentucky, and t o th e Cumberlan d Country, (I a m informed ) traveller s generall y g o i n Companies, s o tha t a pointe d Contrac t could no t b e expecte d further. " - H e will b e gla d t o hav e T J ' s commands an d instructions regularly. RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ as received 6 Aug. 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
E N C L O S U R E
Proposal fo r the Establishment of Cross-posts in Virgini a NOTICE!
I a m authorise d t o contrac t fo r th e Establishmen t of two CROS S POSTS , fo r one year , from this place; One through Columbia and Charlottesville, to Staunton; th e othe r toward s th e Holsto n Settlements , alon g th e Buckingha m road, and th e Peak s o f Otter , int o Montgomery , Wythe , an d Washington , an d o n the Route as far as may be towards the Sea t of the South-Wester n Government. The desig n is , that th e Undertake r is to deriv e all the benefi t fro m the Estab lishment, whethe r fro m private subscriptions for the benefi t o f Newspapers, o r from the customar y postage of letters; so that the Cros s Post is to support itself , and no t t o brin g any expenc e t o th e public . A regula r discharge o f the dutie s will b e required , which th e Undertaker s it i s presume d ma y wel l afford , an d to whic h thei r ow n interest s wil l b e a further inducement. A s i t i s th e objec t of th e Governmen t t o ope n a s muc h a s possibl e communication s t o th e mos t interior parts of the country , the perso n wh o wil l undertak e to g o farthest wil l be preferred.
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It i s presume d that i f the Undertake r should extend a s far as Mai n Holston , that letters from the Western Government on Cumberland, and from Kentucky, would b e greatl y profitable . Application s to b e mad e a t this office . AUGUSTINE DAVI S
Post Offic e Richmond , Aug. 1 . 1791 . N.B. T h e route s t o an d from Staunton , an d t o an d fro m Ne w London , to b e performed weekly; fo r which certain Covenants are to b e entered int o betwee n the postmaste r Genera l an d the Undertaker . A . D. MS (DLC) ; i n Davis's hand .
F r o m C . W. F . D u m a s The Hague, 1 Aug. 1791. A lette r fro m Pari s report s that th e Constitution , reduced t o essentials , wil l b e presente d thi s wee k t o th e King , no t t o b e sanctioned bu t accepted . Afte r tha t th e Kin g wil l n o longe r b e uneasy . The y will los e no tim e i n finishing th e election s alread y begun fo r a new Assembly , to whic h th e presen t on e wil l gloriousl y giv e way . I f the new s o f thi s solem n event take s plac e afte r hi s nex t dispatch , h e wil l immediatel y sen d another . The enclosures , o f which he ca n guarantee th e authenticity , concer n the peac e between th e Empero r an d the Turks . He wil l sa y nothin g o f the atrocitie s a t Birmingham , except tha t i t appear s they wer e committe d b y som e ecclesiastic s i n collusio n wit h someon e i n th e ministry (apparentl y Grenville) . I t wa s a crime o f th e feuda l ecclesiastica l hierarchy, perpetrate d in hatred on th e 14t h o f July, a day celebrate d anywher e else in an irreproachable manner. P.S. 2 Aug. Th e Dutch ambassador at Pari s is sai d to hav e reporte d o n 2 9 Jul y tha t th e Constitutio n woul d b e presente d to th e Kin g o n 4 Aug . an d he woul d b e give n th e remainde r of the mont h t o decide whethe r t o accep t o r refuse it . FC (Duma s Lette r Book , Rijksarchief , The Hague ; photostats in DLC) ; a t head of text: "No. 80. " R C (missing ) recorded in S J L a s received 22 Oct . 1791 . Enclo sures not found. The riot s at Birmingham began with the mob's attack on the hotel at which a dinner was held on the 14t h of July to commemorate th e fal l o f th e Bastille . Mistakenly assuming tha t Josep h Priestle y wa s th e
organizer-he ha d bee n dissuade d fro m attending - th e mob attacked his home and destroyed mos t of his papers , books , and apparatus. Th e rioting continued fo r two days, with seven homes and two meeting houses bein g burne d an d muc h property destroyed. Dumas , havin g contemp t fo r Grenville and believin g him t o be the dominant person in the ministry, found it easy to hold him responsible.
From Thoma s Leipe r Philadelphia, 2 Aug. 1791. H e calle d o n T J about a n hou r ag o an d foun d him no t a t home . H e wishe d t o spea k abou t th e additio n Carstair s i s makin g
[712]
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to the librar y room ; his labor, he says, will cos t £ 2 0. "I f he says Twenty, a few more Poun d may be added." His bill fo r the room itself will b e £ 1 0 0, "an d by the Sam e ru[le] Something more." This, wit h the othe r bills , wil l mak e it "a very expensive building"; his friends and he think the value added to the house will no t equa l th e cost . Befor e proceedin g h e wishe s t o "b e Certai n o f on e thing. I f I understood you when we wa s Speakin g . .. o f rent you was o f the opinion tha t Si x pe r Cen t wa s to o muc h fo r Houses . I a m o f opinio n i t i s a reasonable rent and what I have fixed upon after your time Expires . . . the 7th Jany. 1792. " When h e le t th e hous e t o Mr . Franklin a t £ 1 50 per annum he was ver y clear he woul d have 6% for his lot an d advances, but is mistaken. I f his terms are agreeable, he will g o on with Carstairs' addition. I f not, he wishes T J woul d mention it . H e would not hav e gone this far if he had not believe d T J woul d give 6% "and a prospect of remaining in the House for Some Time . In tha t Cas e Extr a Building s would not hav e been s o muc h against me." MS missing, and text taken from a typed municatio n from Mrs. Jones to the Editors, transcript provided by Mrs. A. Waldo Jones, 3 Feb. 1954). Recorded in SJL as received Atlanta, Ga., an d made by her from a MS 2 Aug. 1791. copy by Thomas L. Kan e in 1854-5 (com-
T o Phili p Mazze i D E A R S I R Philadelphi
a Aug. 2. 1791 .
Your favo r o f Sep . 3 . 1790 . cam e t o han d Dec . 15 . an d tha t o f Apr. 12 . i s just recieved . I inclos e yo u a letter fro m Dohrma n forwarde d m e b y M r . Madison fro m Ne w York . H e think s tha t Dohrman' s expectation s o f making payment , withi n an y shor t time , ar e no t t o b e counte d on , but tha t th e lan d mortgage d i s a soli d securit y fo r th e deb t ulti mately. - 1 inclos e yo u a cop y o f Mr . Blair' s account . H e pai d m e the balanc e o f £8-14-6- /4 Virgini a currency = 157 -2 fo r whic h you ar e to debi t me . — As I have littl e chanc e o f ever seeing Bowdoi n again, o r th e not e o f min e t o yo u whic h h e possessed , tho ' unin dorsed, I credit yo u it' s amoun t a s I formerly mentioned . - 1 inclos e you copie s o f th e paper s yo u gav e m e o n m y departur e fro m Paris , according t o th e desir e expresse d i n you r lette r o f Sep . 3 . - I wrot e yesterday mornin g to E . Randolp h to inform him of this opportunit y of answering you r letter, an d that I would tak e car e of it. I f his lette r comes in time, I will inclose it . I f he does not write , it will be becaus e the Suprem e cour t me t yesterda y an d engages him. I must leav e t o him t o infor m yo u a s to th e prospec t i n Forster Webb's affair . - Yo u will se e i n M r. Blair's account tha t he received from George Nichola s the £ 6 - 2 pai d b y Garth . Nichola s indee d seem s t o hav e charge d i t to yo u twice , whic h wa s a n error . Howeve r neithe r tha t no r an y 3
tt
[713]
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other matte r of account i s worth enquiring into a s to him , as he ha s settled tha t an d all his immens e debt s b y a n insolvenc y an d retirement t o Kentuckey . - Mr . Blai r consulte d wit h m e thi s da y o n th e subject o f your Virginia certificates , which , settled b y th e deprecia tion table, are between two and three thousand dollars. T he questio n was whethe r h e shoul d transfe r the m t o th e fund s o f th e genera l government, a s is allowe d i f desired. Virginia , lik e the othe r states , has abandoned th e ide a of providing for these debts since the y hav e been assume d b y th e genera l government . I f transmuted int o th e paper of the U . S . four ninths wil l b e a t 6. pe r cent interest , payabl e as it arises, and may now b e sold for 20/ the pound cash. T wo ninths will b e a t 3 . pe r cent, payabl e a s it arises , and may no w b e sol d fo r 12/ th e poun d cash . T h e remainin g three ninth s i s t o b e a t 6 . pe r cent, afte r 1 0 years , an d ma y no w b e sol d fo r 12 / th e pound . Y o u will as k wh y al l this gibberis h an d nonsense? Wer e the tw o ninth s and the thre e ninth s a less sacred debt tha n the fou r ninths? I kno w no reason but that they migh t b e a puzzle like the fund s o f England . Mr. Blai r an d myself both concu r in opinion t o turn your paper into Continental. Yo u may the n i f you pleas e tur n th e fou r ninth s int o cash at above par , and by letting the res t lie they wil l ris e to a higher price. Bu t w e wil l consul t wit h E . R. and also hav e J . M's opinio n if i t ca n b e go t fro m N . Yor k befor e M r . Blair leave s thi s place . - 1 shall g o t o Monticell o i n September , an d then certainl y sel l Colle . A twelvemonth' s credi t must be given, or the sale would suffer much. I wil l tak e car e t o hav e th e mone y i n sur e hands . I presum e yo u may coun t o n abou t £ 1 5 0 . - Ther e i s a t presen t a sympto m o f th e trade at Richmond ceasing to clim b up Shockoe-hill. It is at presen t fixed at the foot of that hill. Thi s give s a hope it may take it's natural course dow n th e river , an d rais e th e valu e o f you r lot s fro m th e annihilation int o whic h they ha d fallen. A s t o thes e then, I think i t prudent t o wai t a w h i l e . - I wil l continu e t o pres s M r . Eppe s t o secure Hylton's debt i f possible. -1 hav e thus, I think, gone through every articl e o f you r affairs , a s fa r a s I a m conusan t o f t h e m . - A word no w o f m y own . Barroi s i s th e rea l debto r fo r the mone y du e to m e fo r the map . Tho' he canno t pa y money, perhap s he ca n giv e me book s t o tha t amount . I f he ha s th e Byzantin e historians , G r. and Lat . printe d at Paris , i t would pa y the debt . I f he ha s not , the n any other saleabl e books, reasonabl y valued. If you can save me this , it wil l b e s o muc h got ou t o f the fire. -1 a m sincerely gla d that yo u have go t unde r th e wing s o f th e Die t a s wel l a s o f th e king , an d equally so that you take the pruden t resolution o f not spendin g you r whole allowance . I a m i n a n offic e o f infinit e labour , an d a s disa [714]
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greeable t o m e a s i t i s laborious . I cam e int o i t utterl y agains t m y will, an d under the cogenc y o f arguments derive d from the novelt y of th e government , th e necessit y o f it' s settin g ou t wel l & c ; bu t I pant after Monticello an d my family, and cannot le t it be long befor e I joi n them . M y elde r daughte r i s well , happ y i n he r marriag e and living a t Monticello . Sh e ha s mad e m e a grandfather. T h e younge r one i s wit h her , bu t wil l com e her e wit h me . You r friend s al l well, as far as I recollect. Presen t m e affectionatel y t o th e Dutches s Dan ville, th e D . an d Dss . d e l a Rochefoucault . I hav e lef t s o muc h o f my affectio n there , tha t I bu t hal f exis t here . Adieu , m y dea r Sir. Your affectionat e frien d & servt, T H : JEFFERSON RC (Mrs . Charles W . Engelhard, Fa r Hills, N.J. , 1978). PrC (DLC); mutilated, so that most of the line endings are lost. Tr (ViU) ; in the hand of Nicholas P. Trist. Enclosures not found. Mazzei's lette r of 3 Sep . 179 0 has not
been found , but T J included a n extrac t from it in his letter to Madison of 15 Dec . 1790. Th e letter of 1 2 Apr. 1791 i s recorded in S JL as received 19 June 1791, but i t als o is missing. TJ's lette r to Edmund Randolp h i s no t recorde d i n S J L and ha s not been found .
T o J a m e s Madiso n D E A R S I R Philada
. Aug . 3.1791.
Your favour s o f Jul y 31 . an d Aug . 1 . ar e recieved , bu t no t tha t of the 30th . whic h was trusted to a private hand. Having discovered on Frida y evenin g onl y tha t I ha d no t inclose d Coxe' s pamphlet , I sent i t of f immediatel y t o th e pos t office . Howeve r I suppos e i t di d not leav e thi s plac e til l th e pos t o f Monda y no r ge t t o you r hand s till Tuesda y evening . Colo. Lee is here still, and gives me hopes of your coming on soon . The Presiden t i s go t well . I f he goe s to Moun t Verno n at all it wil l be abou t th e beginnin g o f October . Howeve r I mus t g o a mont h sooner. On e o f m y carriag e horse s i s dangerousl y ill , and becom e in a fe w day s death-poo r an d brok e ou t ful l o f sores . I fea r hi s situation portend s a difficulty. -1 inclos e yo u th e ma p belongin g t o my journal , bein g th e on e I ha d i n m y pocke t durin g the journey . Adieu, m y dea r Sir . Your's affectly. , T H : JEFFERSON RC (DLC : Madison Papers) ; addressed : "Mr . Madiso n a t Mr. Elsworth's Maide n Lane Ne w York"; franked; postmarked: "FREE" and "4 AV"; endorsed. Pr C (MHi) .
{715}
T o G e o r g e Washingto n [Philadelphia, 3 Aug . 1791 ]
T h : Jefferso n ha s th e hono r t o inclos e t o th e Presiden t a not e o f such article s a s h e suppose s wil l b e interestin g t o M r . Young , s o far a s h e i s enable d t o d o i t wit h som e degre e o f certainty. RC (DLC : Washington Papers); undated, but date is established from that on enclosure and from entry in S JL reading : "[Aug.] 3. Washington Presidt. for Young. 11
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Notes o n Virgini a Land s Aug. 3 . 1791 . The write r hereof i s bes t acquainte d wit h tha t trac t o f lan d whic h crosse s Virginia fro m Nort h Eas t t o South-Wes t b y th e name s o f the Bull-ru n moun tains, South-Wes t mountain s an d Gree n mountains , an d i s generall y 6 o r 8 miles wide , on e hal f o f whic h i s th e mountai n itsel f an d therefor e steep ; th e residue lie s a t th e foo t o n eac h side , i n larg e wavin g hills , perfectly accessibl e to th e plough . I t i s o f a dark re d colour. Th e riches t o f i t i s a pure moul d o r loam, withou t th e leas t mixtur e o f san d o r grit , thoug h ofte n a goo d dea l o f broken stone . Whe n first cleare d o f it' s timber , i t lie s loos e fo r abou t a foot depth. Tha t i s to sa y as far down a s the frost s hav e penetrated. Bu t below that , for man y feet , th e eart h i s stil l th e same , bu t hard , a s havin g neve r ye t bee n opened b y the frost . Whe n it is turned up by the ploug h an d has been expose d to th e fros t a winte r o r two, i t i s nearl y as ric h a s th e origina l first soil. Thi s land i s excellen t fo r whea t an d rye, but yield s poorl y i n oats . Fo r Indian cor n it i s midling . Th e fruit s which abound ar e apples, peaches , an d cherries. The country perfectl y healthy , an d the climat e more moderate i n summer than that below, an d i n winte r tha n tha t above . Mos t o f th e parcel s o f lan d hel d b y individuals have been s o laid out as to contain about one third of the first quality as abov e described , on e thir d o f a midlin g quality , an d on e thir d o f barrens well timbered . The husbandry is in general ver y slovenly. Unde r such as it is, the lands of the first quality will produc e 30. bushel s o f wheat to the acr e when fresh, an d bein g tende d alternatel y i n whea t an d India n cor n (th e latte r o f which i s a great exhauster ) withou t eve r bein g reste d o r manured, they fal l a t length dow n to 8 . o r 10. bushel s the acre . The soil of midling quality will yiel d 12 o r 1 5 bushel s o f wheat th e acr e when fresh , and fall dow n t o abou t 8 . Th e grasses which have been found to succeed best are red clover and orchard grass. Greenswerd doe s well also. Onl y on e goo d cutting o f these can be counte d o n unless th e groun d ca n be watered . A trac t consisting o f the three qualities before mentione d i n equal quantities, in tha t par t whic h lie s nea r the Rivann a river , sa y abou t Charlottesville , will sell fo r about 22/ 6 t o 27/ 6 sterl . the acr e on a n average. I t will b e mor e o r less in proportio n a s there i s more o r less of the bes t or worst qualities . Produc e is water-borne from hence t o the tide-waters 7 0 mile s distant. Advancing NorthEastwardly along the same mountains these lands are dearer, tho' their produce cannot b e water-borne till they reac h the Patowmac . Going South Westwardly
[716]
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1
along th e same mountains , land s becom e cheaper . Wher e they cros s th e Fluvanna or James river they ar e about / 3 o f the pric e before-mentioned, an d from that part their produce may be also waterborne to tide waters, 13 0 miles distant. Ordinary price s about Charlottesvill e are as follows. A labouring negro ma n is hired by the year for 9. £ sterl. his clothes & food. A good plough hors e costs £ 1 0 t o 12 £ sterl. A cow 3 0 / -a sheep 6 / -a sow 10 / a goose or turkey 2 / -a dunghill fow l 6 d . - a bushel o f wheat 3 / - o f rye 2 2 d . 7 2 - o f India n cor n 1 / 6 - b e e f i n autumn an d pork i n the winter 16 / the 10 0 lb.-bacon 6 d to 8d the lb . - ha y 45 / th e ton . 2
MS (DLC : Washington Papers); entirel y in TJ's hand. PrC (DLC).
F r o m J a m e s Madiso n M Y D E A R SIR N
. York Aug : 4.1791
It bein g probabl e that I shal l leav e thi s plac e early in the ensuin g week I dro p yo u a n intimatio n o f it , tha t yo u ma y kee p bac k an y letters that may fall into your hands for me, or that you might inten d to favo r m e with . T h e outwar d bound packet for Halifax an d London saile d to day . T h e on e expecte d fo r som e tim e pas t i s no t ye t arrived , an d I d o not lear n tha t an y foreig n new s i s receive d thro' any othe r channel. Stock an d scrip t continu e t o b e th e sol e domesti c subject s o f con versation. T h e former has mounted i n the lat e sale s above par , from which a superficial inference would be drawn that the rate of interest had falle n belo w 6 pe r C t . It i s a fact howeve r whic h explain s th e nature o f thes e speculations , tha t the y ar e carrie d o n wit h mone y borrowed a t fro m 2V 2 pr. C t . a mont h t o 1 pr . C t . a week . Adieu . Yrs. mo . affecly . J s
. M A D I S O N JR.
RC (DLC : Madison Papers); dat e added to endorsement b y Madison after letter was returned to him; endorsed b y TJ as received 6 Aug. 1791 and so recorded in S J L.
F r o m J o h n Nicholso n [Philadelphia], "Compt Genls Office," 4. Aug. 1791. Gen. William Thomp son, some time befor e h e died at end of 1781, sen t hi s resignation t o Congress. Some claim s on the public make it desirable to see that letter. H e thus request s permission t o tak e a copy o f it o r that on e be sen t him , whicheve r i s mor e agreeable t o T J. RC (DNA : R G 59, MLR) ; endorse d b y Remsen a s received 4 . Aug . 1791. F C (PHMC: Nicholso n Lette r Book). Not recorded in S J L.
[717 1
F r o m F u l w a r Skipwit h Richmond, 4 Aug. 1791. H e enclose s a packet latel y receive d from the gov ernor of Martinique, the purpose of which is to solicit from "the . .. Cincinnatus their honorary badge." If granted, he will be happy to convey i t to the governor . RC (DNA : RG 59 , CD , T/431) ; endorsed by TJ as received 1 1 Aug. 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL .
Jefferson, Freneau , an d the Foundin g of the National Gazette I. P H I L I P F R E N E A U T O T H O M AS J E F F E R S O N , 4 A U G U S T 179 1 II. P R O S P E C T U S F O R T H E NATIONAL GAZETTE,
[BEFOR
E 9 A U G U S T 1791 ]
III. A P P O I N T M E N T O F P H I L I P F R E N E A U A S C L E R K, 1 6 A U G U S T 179 1 IV. G A B R I E L H E N N O T O T H O M AS J E F F E R S O N , [ B E F O R E 2 A U G U S T 1791 ] V. T H O M A S J E F F E R S O N T O G A B R I EL H E N N O , 4 D E C E M B E R 179 1 V I . P H I L I P F R E N E A U T O T H O M AS J E F F E R S O N , 2 7 J A N U A R Y 179 2 V I I . T H O M A S J E F F E R S O N T O P H I L IP F R E N E A U , 1 3 M A R C H 179 2 V I I I . T H O M A S J E F F E R S O N T O T H O M AS B E L L , 1 6 M A R C H 179 2 IX. R E S I G N A T I O N O F P H I L IP F R E N E A U A S C L E R K , 1 1 O C T O B E R 179 3
E D I T O R I A L N O T
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The Edito r of the "National Gazette" receives a salary from government. Quere - whethe r this salary is paid him fo r translations: or fo r publications, the design o f which is to vilif y those to who m th e voic e o f th e peopl e ha s committe d th e administration of our publi c affairs — to oppos e the measures of government, an d by false insinuations, to disturb the public peace? In commo n lif e i t is thought ungratefu l for a man to bite the hand that puts bread into his mouth; but if the man i s hired to do it, the case is altered. —TL. i
n Gazette of the United States, 2 5 Jul y 1792 .
The autho r o f thi s blun t questio n abou t th e dua l rol e o f Phili p Freneau , editor of the National Gazette and clerk for foreign language s i n the Department of State , wa s th e Secretar y of the Treasury . Wit h thi s thrust at the edito r a s a tool o f the Secretar y of State , Hamilto n brought int o th e ope n conviction s h e and hi s friend s ha d shared for som e time. T w o month s earlie r he ha d unburdened himsel f t o Edwar d Carringto n i n a lon g lette r expressin g hi s seriou s alarm a t the politica l situation i n a critical electio n year . He believe d Madiso n
[718]
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and Jefferso n wer e a t th e head o f a hostil e faction , bein g "actuated by views . . . subversive of the principles of good government and dangerous to the union, peace and happiness of the Country" H e wa s convince d tha t Jefferso n wa s a man of profound ambitio n and violent passion s wh o aime d "with ardent desire at th e Presidentia l Chair. " T o accomplis h thi s ambition , h e fel t certain , th e Secretary of State ha d patronized Freneau i n order to establis h a newspaper at the sea t o f governmen t fo r th e purpos e o f subvertin g th e measure s o f th e Secretary o f th e Treasur y an d pursuing a course "generall y unfriendl y t o th e Government." Hamilto n wa s certai n tha t Madiso n ha d conducte d th e nego tiations wit h Freneau , thu s bein g equall y responsibl e fo r th e establishmen t o f the pape r an d th e il l consequence s tha t migh t b e impute d t o it. Th e quer y put b y T.L. i n th e Gazette of the United States wa s phrase d mor e cautiousl y than the charge s in this private and confidential letter , bu t the insinuatio n was clear enough t o precipitate an acrimonious exchange whic h intensified partisan feelings, brough t embarrassmen t to th e Secretar y of State , an d infuriated th e editor o f the National Gazette. Three day s after T.L. pose d hi s questio n Frenea u declared it to b e "beneat h reply" - an d then proceede d t o compar e his free and impartial newspaper wit h that of "a vile sycophant, who obtainin g the emolument s fro m government, fa r more lucrativ e than th e salar y alluded t o . . . find s hi s interes t i n attemptin g to poiso n th e mind s of the people by propagating and disseminating principles and sentiments utterl y subversive of the true republican interests of this country, and flattering and recommending every an d any measur e of government, how ever pernicious its tendency migh t be, to the great body of the people." Freneau acknowledged tha t he received "a small stipend for services rendered as French translator t o th e departmen t o f state " bu t declare d that , a s edito r o f a fre e newspaper, h e admitte d "int o hi s publicatio n impartia l strictures on th e pro ceedings of government." Thi s gav e Hamilton an opening whic h he promptly seized. I n a secon d T.L. squi b h e quote d Frenea u as sayin g h e wa s pai d "for service rendere d a s Frenc h Translato r t o th e Departmen t o f State , and , as Editor of a free newspaper." Wit h thi s distortio n o f th e meaning , Hamilton , aiming a t hi s rea l target , aske d to b e informe d "wha t inducemen t ou r rulers can hav e t o hir e a man to abus e them. " H e hinte d that th e myster y migh t b e solved whe n th e Treasur y report s were published. Withi n the week , writin g as An American, h e accuse d Jefferson o f having introduced something ne w i n the histor y o f America n politic s b y creating , a s a publi c official , a newpape r whose editor was in effect pensioned b y the government . Freneau , he declared, "is th e faithfu l an d devote d servan t o f th e hea d o f a party , from whos e han d he receive s th e boon . Th e whol e complexio n o f his pape r i s a n exac t cop y o f the politics of his employer foreign and domestic, and exhibits a decisive internal 1
2
3
Hamilto n to Carrington, 26 May 1792 (Syrett , Hamilton, xi , 426-45). O n the same day tha t Hamilto n made hi s view s publi c in Fenno's paper, he wrot e t o Rufu s Kin g about Franci s Childs , who , wit h Joh n Swaine , wa s publishe r of the American Daily Advertiser. "Franci s Child s i s a very cunning fellow. I n Philadelphia in the perso n of his proxy Freneau, he is a good Antifœderalist and Clintonian; in New York he is a good Foederalist an d Jayite - Beckle y an d Jefferson pa y hi m fo r th e first and the Foederal Citizens of New Yor k fo r the last" (same, xii, 100). 1
2
National Gazette, 28 Jul y 1792 .
T.L. to Fenno, dated 28 Jul y 179 2 an d printed in the Gazette of the United States, 1 Aug. 179 2 (Syrett , Hamilton, xn , 123-4) . 3
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evidence o f the influence o f that patronage under which he acts." Then followe d the mos t penetratin g thrus t o f all , carefull y framed as questions: 4
Is i t possibl e tha t Mr . Jefferson, th e hea d o f a principa l departmen t o f th e Government ca n be th e Patro n of a Paper, the eviden t objec t o f which is t o decry the Government and its measures? If he disapproves of the Government itself an d think s i t deservin g o f opposition , coul d h e reconcil e t o hi s ow n personal dignit y an d the principle s of probity to hol d an office unde r i t and employ th e mean s o f officia l influenc e i n that opposition ? I f he disapprove s of th e leadin g measure s . . . coul d h e reconcil e i t wit h th e principle s o f delicacy and propriety to continue t o hold a place in that administration, and at th e sam e tim e t o b e instrumenta l in vilifyin g measure s whic h hav e bee n adopted b y majoritie s o f bot h branche s o f th e Legislatur e and sanctionned by the Chief Magistrate of the Union? With thi s essay , Hamilto n lai d befor e th e publi c th e sens e o f alar m h e ha d expressed to Carringto n two month s earlier , even a t times employin g th e sam e phraseology. Th e ethical questio n thu s raise d would remain. The first response to the probing question cam e two days later when Freneau issued a n affidavit , swearin g unde r oat h tha t h e ha d neve r opene d an y nego tiation with the Secretar y of State for the establishment o f the National Gazette; that his coming to Philadelphi a as its publisher "was at no time urged, advised, or influenced" b y tha t officer ; tha t thi s wa s hi s ow n voluntar y act an d neither he no r his pape r "was ever . . . directed, controuled, o r attempted t o b e influenced i n an y manner , either b y th e Secretar y of State , o r any o f his friends" ; that ther e wa s neve r " a line . . . directl y o r indirectly , written , dictated , o r composed fo r i t b y tha t officer" ; an d that h e a s edito r ha d "consulted hi s ow n judgement alon e in the conducting of it - fre e - unfettere d - an d uninfluenced." The affidavi t wa s publishe d i n Fenno' s Gazette of the United States, togethe r with a comment b y Freneau on the charge s made against hi m in which he lef t it t o th e publi c to decid e whethe r "th e whol e i s no t a lie." This was such a vulnerable defense as to give Hamilton, again thinly disguised as An American, th e opportunit y t o exten d hi s indictmen t t o Madison . E xamining th e swor n testimon y wit h a skillfu l lawyer' s reasoning , h e readil y conceded that , i n a litera l sense , i t migh t b e tru e Frenea u had no t himsel f opened negotiations with the Secretary of State. This, however, was immaterial. Incontestable proof , h e warned , migh t b e brough t forwar d to sho w tha t th e negotiation fo r an appointment an d for the creation of an opposition newspape r was "carrie d o n b y a ver y powerful, influential an d confidential frien d an d associate o f that Gentleman." He thought i t shocking that Freneau should have made a swor n statemen t h e coul d no t possibl y hav e verified-tha t Jefferso n had never directly or indirectly written, dictated, or composed a single lin e for the National Gazette — and declare d that suc h testimon y woul d hav e bee n in validated i n a court of justice eve n i f it ha d come from a disinterested witness . Again h e raise d the mora l problem: "It is impossible fo r a correct mind not t o 5
4
An American t o Fenno , 4 Aug . 1792 , publishe d i n Gazette of the United States o f
that date. A sentence in Hamilton's draft referring to Freneau's "talents for invective and abuse" as exemplified i n his writings for Bailey's Freeman's Journal wa s omitted i n the published version (Syrett, Hamilton, xii , 158, note 7). Gazette of the United States, 8 Aug. 1792. Bot h Freneau's sworn statement, 6 Aug. 1792, an d his subjoined comment ar e printed in full i n Syrett, Hamilton, xii , 188-9 . 5
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pronounce, that , in the abstract, a connection lik e that which is acknowledged to subsis t betwee n . . . the Editor of a News Paper an d the head of a department of the Government , is indelicate and unfit. . . . A connection o f that sor t i n a free country , is a pernicious precedent , inconsisten t wit h those pretension s t o extraordinary republican purity, of which so suspicious a parade is upon ever y occasion exhibited. " Then , dismissin g Freneau , Hamilto n concede d tha t his strictures were directe d toward a character of greater importance: 6
They aim at explaining a public Officer, who has too little scrupled to embarras and disparag e the government, o f which he is a member, an d who ha s bee n the prompte r ope n o r secret o f unwarrantable aspersions o n men, wh o a s long a s actions not merel y professions shal l be the true test of patriotism and integrity nee d neve r declin e a comparison wit h hi m of their titles t o public esteem. In accusin g Jefferson of unscrupulous official conduc t a s the hidden sponso r of the National Gazette, Hamilton described a relationship which was applicable in substance if not i n form to his own patronage of Fenno's Gazette of the United States. Thi s wa s wha t Frenea u had had in mind when h e publicly denounce d Fenno as a vile sycophant . Jefferso n mad e the same poin t i n a private letter to the President, though h e stopped shor t of naming Hamilton as Fenno's patron: 7
[Freneau] and Fenno are rivals for the publi c favor. The one court s them by flattery, the othe r b y censure: and I believe i t will b e admitted tha t the on e has bee n a s servile, a s the other severe . Bu t is not the dignity, an d even decency of government committed , when one of it's principal ministers enlists himself a s an anonymous write r or paragraphist for either th e one or th e other o f them? In th e sam e letter Jefferson professe d t o be not at all concerned with the merits of th e National Gazette. Thi s scarcel y accorde d eithe r wit h hi s active rol e in patronizing Frenea u or with his repeated expression s t o others of the nee d for "a whi g vehicl e o f intelligence " tha t woul d b e nationa l i n scope . Bu t hi s overriding concern was to make it clear to the President that his known opposition to Hamiltonia n measures had been seize d upo n b y his colleague t o accuse him, in term s o f scurrilit y an d personal abuse , o f harboring view s subversiv e of principles of good government an d dangerous to the Union. This wa s the first time that the head of one department had made a direct public attack on another. The profoun d cleavag e i n the Cabinet was now suddenly an d sensationally made publi c knowledge . Washington, Jefferson , an d Madiso n wer e al l in Virginia whe n Hamilto n thus brough t o n the confrontation . Lik e othe r informe d reader s o f Fenno's paper, non e of them neede d t o be told th e identity o f T.L. an d An American. Madison calle d the writings a n extraordinary calumny founde d upo n a gros s perversion of facts, an d declared that "th e quarter , the object, an d the motives 6
An American, i n the Gazette of the United States, 1 1 Aug . 1792 . I n the sam e issue
Hamilton, a s T.L., drawin g upon Aesop , declare d that if Freneau wer e in the pay o f government, hi s conduct "forcibl y reminds us of the Fable of the Viper which stung to death the Countryman, the genial warmt h of whose bosom ha d reanimated its frozen carcase." The pieces by both An American and T.L. are given in full in Syrett, Hamilton, xii, 188-94 . T J t o Washington, 9 Sep. 1792 . 7
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. . . speak for themselves." Washington , deeply disturbe d over the dissension s within th e Cabine t and th e depth s t o whic h th e newspape r controvers y ha d sunk, called upon all of the principal officers o f government t o supplant wounding suspiciou s an d irritabl e charges wit h "libera l allowances , mutua l forbearances, an d temporisin g yielding s on all sides" I n respons e t o thi s appea l Hamilton admitted that he had "had some instrumentality . .. i n the retaliations . . . upo n certain public characters," but candidly declared himself to be in such a situatio n a s not t o b e abl e "t o reced e for the present" Jefferso n i n his reply placed responsibility for the attack on himself squarely upon Hamilton: "neither the style , matter , no r veno m o f the piece s allude d to," h e wrote , "ca n leave a doubt o f their author." He readily admitted that he had furnished Freneau with copies of the Gazette de Leide i n order to provid e the Presiden t and the publi c "juster view s o f th e affair s o f Europ e tha n coul d b e obtaine d fro m an y othe r public source. " Then, i n term s comparabl e t o Freneau' s sworn disclaimer , he declared: 8
9
10
11
Madiso n to Edmun d Randolph, 1 3 Sep. 179 2 (Extrac t in D L C: Madison Papers) . Madison at first thought o f publishing a rebuttal over his own name, but, among other reasons, he did not kno w whether TJ would approve. He explained to Randolp h tha t his decision no t t o d o s o wa s later sanctioned b y "tw o o r three judicious and neutra l friends" whom he consulted. Washingto n to T J, 23 Aug. 1792; Washington to Hamilton, 26 Aug. 1792; Washington t o Randolph , 26 Aug . 179 2 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxn , 128-32 , 132-4 , 135-6). Th e letters t o T J and Hamilton were substantially the sam e an d in some instances - a s i n that quoted above - wer e identical in phraseology. Bu t there were subtle differences i n tone. The letter t o Hamilto n closed wit h expressions o f "sincere and affectionate regard " - tha t to TJ wit h "sincere esteem and friendship." Hamilto n to Washington , 1 8 Aug . and 9 Sep . 179 2 (Syrett , Hamilton, XII , 229 , 348). T J t o Washington , 9 Sep . 1792 . Shortl y after writin g this letter , T J stopped a t Mount Vernon where he had a "full, free , and confidential conversatio n with the President," the particulars of which he promised to communicate to Madison ( TJ to Madison, 1 Oct. 1792). Thes e details have been lost to history, but it is to be doubted that TJ' s position a s expressed in his letter to Washington was altered in any significant way. The Editor s have found no evidence that TJ every employed a newspaper pseudonym to impugn the character of a political opponent (see Vol. 16 : 247). Rufus Griswold, The Republican Court (1854) , asserte d Freneau had "confessed" that TJ wrot e some of the most offensive pieces in the National Gazette attacking Washington. The alleged confes sion cannot be accepted on Griswold's authority alone, and Phili p M. Marsh has properly dismissed i t i n "The Griswold Stor y of Freneau and Jefferson," AHR, LI (Oct. 1945) , 68-73. Nevertheless, T J went too fa r in saying that he had never written anything "in . . . any other gazette" to which his name was not affixed - a n assertion which was made even stronger a few days later when he said that, early in life, he had resolved never to write in a public paper without subscribing his name and ha d alway s adhered to this resolution (TJ t o Randolph , 17 Sep. 1792) . Yet , both before an d after making these statements , he did write anonymously to newspapers, as in 1784 , whe n he posed as an officer wh o had serve d i n th e Revolution , an d agai n i n 1817 , whe n h e wrot e " A letter fro m a correspondent of the Edito r of the [Richmond ] Enquirer" (see T J t o Dumas, 20 Nov . 1784 an d its enclosure; TJ to Ritchie , 28 Aug . 181 7 an d its enclosure). In these and other instances , however , h e employe d concealmen t no t t o vilif y a n individual but t o correct misrepresentations, to advance a cause, or, as he expressed it to Ritchie, to avoid being drawn by "cavillers . . . personally into contest before the public." 8
9
10
11
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But a s to an y other directio n or indication o f my wis h how hi s press shoul d be conducted, what sort of intelligence h e should give, what essays encourage , I ca n protes t i n th e presenc e o f heaven , tha t I neve r di d b y myself , o r an y other, directly or indirectly, say a syllable, nor attempt an y kind of influence . I ca n further protest, i n the sam e awfu l presence, tha t I never did by myself or an y other, directly or indirectly, write, dictate o r procure any one sentenc e or sentimen t t o b e inserte d in his, or any other gazette, t o whic h m y nam e was no t affixed , o r that o f m y office . Hamilton's commen t o n Freneau' s sworn testimon y implie d that th e edito r had perjure d himself, an d contemporar y polemicist s though t Jefferson' s rol e in th e foundin g o f th e National Gazette " a perfec t exampl e o f hi s lie s an d intrigue." Timothy Dwight in 1793 describe d Freneau as "a mere incendiary, or rathe r as a despicable too l o f bigge r incendiaries , and his pape r as a public nuisance." Bu t in the extensiv e bod y o f literature on the subjec t suc h assess ments hav e generall y bee n rejecte d a s bor n o f politica l prejudice. Subsequen t commentators, acceptin g with varying degrees of qualification the not unbiased judgment o f Madiso n tha t "i n the whol e catalogu e o f America n printers, no t one coul d riva l Frenea u in character , talent, an d principles," have ranke d him as the most gifted journalist of the day, his journa l as the best and most influential republican newspaper , an d his character , independence, an d patriotism as impeccable. 12
13
14
Such generall y favorable estimates o f Freneau and his relation with Jefferson may have been influence d i n part by Hamilton' s tactics. I n the sprin g of 1792 , alarmed b y Freneau' s bold an d continuing assaul t o n ever y aspec t o f his fiscal program, Hamilto n had responded b y concealing hi s identity, b y charging his Cabinet colleagu e wit h improper conduct a s a public official, an d by distorting the recor d concernin g Jefferson' s stan d o n th e Constitutio n an d th e deb t t o France. Ha d he confine d himsel f t o th e ethica l question , h e woul d hav e bee n Georg e L . Roth, "Vers e Satire on 'Faction,' 1790-1815," WMQ , XVI I (Oct . 1960) , 480. V . F. Calverton, "Philip Freneau, Apostle o f Liberty," Modern Monthly, v u (Oct. 1933), 543 , declare d flatly that Frenea u had perjured himself and thought i t unlikely that T J would hav e refraine d from writin g for th e National Gazette-an opinion , a s indicated below, no t shared by other writers on the subject. 12
13
Georg e Gibbs, Memoirs of the Administrations of George Washington and John Ad-
ams, i (New York , 1846) , 107 . Suc h is the conclusio n o f so careful a scholar as Malone, Jefferson, n , 423-7, 460 3. Anothe r thorough investigator of the subjec t who shares this view is Philip M. Marsh , whose extensiv e investigation s includ e th e followin g works : "Freneau and Jefferson," Am. Lit., vm (Ma y 1936) , 180-9 ; "Frenea u and his Circle," PMHB , LXII I (Jan . 1939), 37-59; "Madison's Defense o f Freneau," WMQ, XXX (Apr . 1946) , 269-80; "Jefferson and Journalism," Huntington Lib. Qu., ix (Feb . 1946) , 209-12 ; "Th e Jefferson-Madison Vacation and Monroe's Draft o f the Defense o f Freneau," PMHB, LXX I (Jan . 1947), 70 6; "Jefferson and Freneau, " Am. Scholar, xvi (1947), 201-10; The works of Philip Freneau, A critical study (Metuchen, 1968) . Se e also Lewis Leary , That rascal Freneau, A study 14
in literary failure (Rutgers, 1941); Jacob Axelrad, Philip Freneau Champion of democracy
(Austin, 1967) ; Mar y Weatherspoon Bowden, Philip Freneau (Boston , 1976) ; Merril l Peterson, Thomas Jefferson and the new nation (New York, 1970), 444-6,468-70; Irvin g Brant, Madison, m , 334-6; Ralp h Ketcham, James Madison (Ne w York , 1971) , 326-7 , 332-3; John C. Miller , Alexander Hamilton (New York, 1959), 343-52; Broadus Mitchell, Alexander Hamilton, n (New York , 1962) , 207-21 .
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less vulnerable . Bu t t o a greate r exten t tha n Hamilto n coul d hav e known , Freneau's swor n testimon y conceale d muc h and , o n th e centra l point , coul d not b e reconcile d wit h verifiabl e facts . I n his ow n detaile d explanatio n t o th e President, Jefferso n acknowledge d tha t h e welcome d th e establishmen t o f th e National Gazette, tha t h e ha d made th e Gazette de Leide accessibl e t o Freneau just a s h e ha d don e wit h Fenn o an d Bache , an d tha t h e ha d supporte d th e paper b y solicitin g subscription s for it. Al l of this was true enough, bu t i t was by n o mean s th e whol e story . I Political leader s o f ever y persuasion , wel l awar e o f th e critica l rol e o f th e press in preparing the public mind for independence an d for the transformation in governmen t tha t followed , ha d lon g sinc e perceive d th e advantag e o f sup porting newspaper editors who shared or could be induced to share their views. By 179 1 th e politica l an d sectiona l cleavage s ha d becom e s o obviou s a s t o intensify th e desir e fo r suc h understanding s betwee n politician s an d printers. The foundin g o f th e National Gazette wa s onl y th e mos t famou s exampl e o f these mutua l arrangement s which , howeve r hidde n an d informal , helpe d t o crystallize th e formatio n o f partie s and ultimately t o brin g about th e triumph of the oppositio n i n 1800. Partisa n aims in the narro w sense cannot b e justly attributed t o Madiso n an d Jefferso n i n thei r sponsorshi p o f Freneau . But , among al l of the hundred s of gazettes in existence durin g the divisiv e year s of Federalist administration , urban or rural , dail y or weekly, non e receive d suc h powerful politica l patronag e a s th e National Gazette, th e ver y nam e o f whic h reflected Jefferson' s persisten t effor t t o create at the sea t of government a newspaper whic h would inform the publi c on al l essential measure s o f governmen t and would circulate throughout th e Union. As its editor, Freneau was promised and was accorded advantages enjoye d by no other journalist of the time. Give n this uniqu e opportunit y t o espous e his ow n deep-roote d republica n principles before th e nation , hi s hesitanc y an d eve n vacillatio n i n arrivin g a t a decisio n suggests muc h abou t th e ma n an d hi s fitness fo r suc h a rol e a t th e cente r o f political power . In hi s lette r t o th e President , Jefferso n di d no t indicat e tha t Madiso n wa s the on e wh o ha d recommende d Frenea u for office . No r di d h e nee d t o d o so . The Presiden t an d othe r informe d reader s o f th e Gazette of the United States knew a s wel l a s Jefferso n an d Madison di d who m Hamilto n was referrin g to when h e sai d tha t th e negotiation s fo r Freneau' s appointmen t an d fo r th e creation of an opposition journal were "carried on by a very powerful, influential, and confidential frien d and associate" o f the Secretar y of State. Thi s wa s th e thrust tha t went t o th e hear t of the matter . Jefferson' s sensitivit y o n th e poin t is indicate d i n th e pain s h e too k t o persuad e th e Presiden t tha t h e coul d no t recall whethe r h e ha d learned of Freneau' s intention t o se t u p a newspaper a t 15
16
Th e best treatments ar e Donald H. Stewart, The opposition press of the Federalist period (Albany , 1969) ; Nobl e E . Cunningham, Jr., The Jeffersonian Republicans The formation of party organizations, 1789-1801 (Chape l Hill, 1957) ; and Culver H. Smith, 15
The press, politics, and patronage The American government's use of newspapers, 1789-
1875 (Athens , Ga., 1977) . 16
An American No. II, in Gazette of the United States, 1 1 Aug . 1792 ; Syrett , Hamilton,
xii, 192 .
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Philadelphia befor e o r afte r th e appointmen t wa s made . Madiso n naturall y shared hi s concer n ove r th e charg e o f officia l impropriet y an d joine d wit h Monroe i n preparin g a vindicatio n o f Jefferso n - a n effor t o f whic h th e latte r was wel l aware . Indeed , o n hi s retur n to Philadelphia , Jefferson stoppe d a t Madison's home , receive d fro m hi m the thir d o f his an d Monroe' s essay s de fending th e appointmen t an d personally conveyed i t to th e printe r - no t t o th e National Gazette, wher e it s sourc e migh t hav e bee n mor e easil y guessed , bu t to Dunlap's American Daily Advertiser. Th e essence of the argument in defense was that Freneau's appointment wa s based on merit alone and had no connectio n with th e establishmen t o r th e conduc t o f th e National Gazette. Th e authors , knowing i t t o b e th e President' s ow n rule , reste d thei r cas e o n th e solitar y principle governin g ever y appointmen t t o publi c office-"Tha t th e ma n ap pointed . . . b e irreproachabl e in poin t o f moralit y and in othe r respect s wel l qualified t o discharg e it s dutie s wit h credi t t o himsel f an d advantag e t o hi s country." In terms whic h onl y Madiso n coul d hav e provided , they portraye d Freneau a s a man o f libera l eduation , unblemishe d morals , and sound repub licanism wh o ha d a recor d of servic e an d sufferin g i n th e Revolution . Wha t difference di d i t make , Jefferson' s defender s asked , whether on e deservin g o f even highe r office ha d already set u p a press or was about t o d o s o when give n the appointment ? "Th e conduct o f the pres s itself," they flatly declared, "is, in every respect , a distinc t thing , an d fo r whic h Mr . Jefferson ca n b e n o wa y accountable." Put in other terms, this was the impression Jefferson had sought to giv e to th e President . But the distinctio n i s one whic h cannot b e reconcile d either wit h th e plausibilitie s o r with th e know n facts . It wa s i n the closin g day s of the Firs t Congres s that Madison recommende d Freneau fo r a n officia l appointment . Jefferso n extende d th e invitatio n a fe w days later. In doing so , he told Freneau he had just been informed that it might be convenient fo r him to accep t becaus e th e dutie s o f translating clerk were s o light a s no t t o interfer e wit h "an y othe r calling. " Freneau declined th e "un sollicted proposal " because, a s he expressed it , he felt committe d t o the patrons of his proposed rura l gazett e in New Jersey. Madison, being wel l aware that the translatin g clerk wa s required to b e available at the capital , would scarcely have recommende d th e appointmen t withou t informin g Jefferso n o f hi s hope that Frenea u would giv e u p hi s pla n an d instead establis h i n Philadelphi a " a 11
18
19
I n conveying the document, T J gav e considerable alarm to Madison, who feared it might hav e bee n amon g som e papers he had lost o n the roa d from Mount Vernon to Alexandria. Madison hoped that a "safe trai n had been laid " to recover particularly the one put under seal because of the possibility of its falling into base hands (TJ t o Madison, 1 Oct. 1792; Madison to T J, 9 Oct. 1792). The papers, which did not include the essay, were found by one of Washington's neighbors, and the President himself forwarded them to T J (Washingto n to T J , 7 Oct. 1792; TJ to Madison, 17 Oct. 1792). Th e third part of the vindication appeared in Dunlap's American Daily Advertiser, 20 Oct . 1792 , an d in Fenno's Gazette of the United States fou r day s later; the tex t is reprinted in Marsh, "Madison's Defense o f Freneau," WMQ, in (Apr. 1946), 275-80 . T J t o Freneau, 28 Feb. 1791; Freneau to T J, 5 Mch. 1791. Freneau's reference to TJ's offer as "unsollicited" may lend support to the account William Bradford gave Elisha Boudinot that Freneau had received the offer "in dudgeon, as striking at his independence, &c, an d wrote a very insulting answer, which he showed to Mr. Childs, who prevented him from sending it" (Boudinot to Hamilton, 16 Aug. 1792, Syrett, Hamilton, xn, 21011). Th e information given Hamilto n that Madison had handled the negotiation s was also attributed to Childs. 17
18
19
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free pape r mean t fo r genera l circulatio n an d edite d b y a ma n o f geniu s an d republican principles." A fe w week s later , o n learnin g tha t Frenea u migh t be induced to change hi s mind, he gave him a letter of introduction to Jefferson . He hope d Frenea u would giv e hi s friend s i n Philadelphi a "an opportunity o f aiding hi s decisio n b y thei r informatio n an d counsel. " I n informing Jefferso n of this h e sai d that Frenea u had been i n the habi t o f translating the Gazette de Leide an d thus wa s fitted fo r th e tas k allotte d him . Jefferson o f cours e ha d n o official nee d fo r a translator o f th e Leyde n paper. Hi s purpose , a s h e frankl y told Washington , wa s t o mak e i t availabl e t o th e America n public, a s h e ha d tried t o d o throug h Fenn o an d Bache. Bu t Frenea u - prou d and independen t but indecisive , ambitiou s fo r literar y distinctio n bu t unsur e o f hi s tal ent-remained uncommunicativ e i n Ne w Jerse y fo r mor e tha n tw o months . Jefferson assume d h e ha d changed hi s min d again an d expressed hi s regret. In Jul y Madiso n informe d hi m tha t Frenea u ha d abandone d hi s "Philada . project." Jefferson, revealin g bot h hi s awarenes s o f the pla n an d the exten t o f the patronag e h e wa s prepare d to offe r i n additio n t o th e clerkship , said tha t he woul d hav e give n Frenea u th e printin g o f th e laws , th e publicatio n o f proclamations an d public notice s o f the department , an d "the perusa l of al l . . . letters o f foreig n intelligenc e an d al l foreig n newspapers. " H e considerabl y understated th e cas e whe n h e sai d tha t thes e privileges , whe n "adde d t o hi s salary woul d hav e bee n a considerable aid." 20
21
22
The extensiv e patronag e Jefferso n wa s prepare d to offe r provide d Madiso n with furthe r arguments . Wit h Henr y Lee , h e interviewe d Frenea u twice i n New York . Lat e i n Jul y th e reluctan t edito r promise d t o mee t their wishe s if financial arrangement s coul d b e worke d out . Thi s wa s don e whe n Franci s Childs an d John Swaine agreed to finance the printin g of the paper, admittin g Freneau t o a n equa l shar e o f the profits , exemptin g hi m from an y liabilit y fo r losses, an d permittin g hi m ful l contro l a s editor. I n informin g Jefferso n o f this development, Frenea u alluded to the hint about establishin g th e paper that Jefferson an d Madiso n ha d give n hi m whe n the y me t i n Ne w Y o r k . Year s 23
24
Madiso n to Edmund Randolph, 1 3 Sep. 179 2 (Extrac t in Madison's hand in D L C : Madison Papers) . Madison tol d Randolp h his first concern ha d bee n Freneau' s own interests an d that th e suggestio n o f a n officia l appointmen t ha d com e fro m "anothe r Gentleman," whom he later identified i n a note on the letter as Henry Lee . Madiso n to T J , 1 May 1791 . Th e letter o f introduction give n to Frenea u ha s not been found an d was probably never presented. T J to Madison, 9 May 1791 . Madiso n to T J , 1 0 July 1791 ; TJ to Madison, 21 July 1791 . Madiso n to T J , 2 4 July 1791 ; Freneau to Madison, 25 July 179 1 (DLC : Madison Papers). Th e printin g o f th e pape r wa s don e i n th e sho p o f Child s an d Swain e i n Philadelphia, which John Swaine had been managing since the government moved there (Leary, Freneau, p . 191) . Thus, accordin g to Freneau's account of the partnership, the editor of the National Gazette would not even have to bear the costs of printing his paper. It is very unlikely, however, that Childs and Swaine did not charge printing costs when calculating profit s o r loss o f the paper . Th e terms o f the agreemen t ar e known onl y through Freneau' s statement mad e i n 180 0 (Charlesto n City Gazette, 3 1 Dec . 1800 ; reprinted in Marsh, "Frenea u and Jefferson," Am. Lit., vm [Ma y 1936], 185 ; Frenea u errs in dating the agreement Jun e 1791) . Frenea u to TJ (Document i) . TJ had told the Presiden t he thought h e could not have discussed the plan for a newspaper with Freneau prior to the latter's appointmen t because he had met him only once, "at a public table, at breakfast" (TJ t o Washington, 9 Sep . 1792) . Se e Editorial Note to grou p of documents a t 20 Ma y 1791 . 2 0
21
2 2
2 3
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later, in an attempt to defend Jefferso n against Hamilton' s charges, he said that when h e calle d o n the Secretar y o f Stat e i n Philadelphi a he was told the clerkship wa s stil l vacant . H e the n adde d tha t in this conversation 25
. . . not a single wor d passe d o n either sid e o n the subject o f the Nationa l Gazette, i n the establishment o f which I wa s influenced b y no one, bu t undertook i t fro m th e powerful necessit y o f suc h a pape r a t the sea t o f government, t o expose in some degree . . . the approache s of royalty, and to hold up to America the baseness and duplicity of certain influential characters, in thei r desertion o f almost ever y principl e of the revolutio n of 1776 . In fact , Frenea u not only discusse d hi s plans fo r the paper wit h Jefferso n but sought-an d unquestionabl y received-hi s advic e abou t it s prospectus. Ten day s afte r tha t conversation, Frenea u was appointed cler k fo r foreig n languages i n the Department o f State. Hi s salar y began immediately , bu t b y his own admission , he left fo r New Jerse y at once and did not retur n until late October. Jefferson's gratificatio n at the outcome-to sa y nothing o f his attitud e toward the mor e importan t objec t in view - wa s mad e clea r in the promise he gave to David Humphreys shortly after Freneau's visit and two month s befor e the pape r cam e int o existence . H e assured the minister t o Portuga l tha t he would soo n sen d hi m anothe r newspape r "writte n in a contrary spirit to that of Fenno." These two , h e added, woul d revea l "both side s o f our politics." In hi s effort t o prov e tha t Jefferso n wa s "the Institutor an d Patron o f the National Gazett e . .. an incendiary and pernicious publication," Hamilton did not fai l t o point ou t that other s possessin g linguisti c competenc e coul d hav e been foun d an d thus al l suspicion of official impropriet y avoided. Thi s wa s a 26
27
28
"T o the Citizens of South Carolina," in the Aurora, 1 4 Aug. 1802, a s reprinted in Marsh, "Freneau and Jefferson," Am. Lit., vm (May 1936), 185 . Frenea u to T J, 4 Aug. 1791 (Documen t i). See notes to prospectus (Document n). T J t o Humphreys, 23 Aug. 1791 . 25
2 6 2 7 2 8
An American, 4 Aug . 1791, Gazette of the United States of the same date (Syrett,
Hamilton, xii , 158 , notes 7 and 8). On Hamilton's efforts to obtain documentary proof of Madison's key role in the negotiations, se e Hamilton to Jonathan Dayton, 13 Aug . 1792; Elisha Boudinot to Hamilton, 16 Aug. 1792; Dayton to Hamilton, 26 Aug. 1792; Catullus No. I, 15 Sept. 179 2 (same , xii, 196 , 210-11 , 275 , 385) . A few day s before Catullus appeared, Hamilton told Washington that, on the basis of evidence he possessed, he could not doubt that "the National Gazette was instituted by [Jefferson] for political purposes" (Hamilton to Washington, 9 Sep. 1792 , same , xii, 348). Oliver Wolcott wa s one o f those who assisted Hamilton in his effort t o obtain information about Freneau' s appointment. I n An American No. II (published in Gazette of the United States, 11 Aug. 1792; Syrett, Hamilton, xii, 190 ) there is the following: "Daily Advertiser of Oct. 26, 1791 . - W e hear from Phil, that the hon T. J. Esq Sec y of State for the U. S. has appointed Capt. P. Fr. Interpreter of the F. L . fo r the deptmt. of State." An American copie d thi s exactl y fro m an unsigned pape r whic h containe d onl y thi s announcement, addresse d "Hon. Oliver Wolcot Comptroller of the Treasury U. S." On its verso Hamilton caused his clerk John Meyer to calculate the numbe r of days from the presumed time of Freneau's employment as of 26 Oct. 1791 to the date of An American No. II, 8 Aug. 1792 . Th e MS which Hamilton used is not in the hand of Jonathan Dayton or Elisha Boudinot (MS in DLC: Hamilto n Papers, undated but before 8 Aug . 1792). Lacking other information, Hamilton assumed erroneously that Freneau had been appointed on the date of the announcement i n the Daily Advertiser, which appeared in the issue of 24 Oct . 1791, no t that of two days later as the unsigned MS indicates. To this announcemen t i n American No. II Hamilton appended the following note : "It i s
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telling point. Hamilto n undoubtedly kne w that John Meyer, a clerk in his own department, ha d offered hi s service s t o th e Secretar y of Stat e a s "translato r of the French , German , an d Lo w dutc h Languages." Thi s wa s exactl y a year before the post was given to Freneau, who was not too facile in the one languag e he wa s abl e t o translate . Meye r ha d no t bee n appointed . Durin g al l o f thi s time, wit h man y other s availabl e in the capita l who were skille d in languages , the clerkshi p had remaine d vacant . Thi s wa s du e les s t o an y desir e t o awai t the outcome of Freneau's unpredictable changes o f mind than it was to the lac k of urgent nee d fo r a translator . Jefferson himsel f wa s largel y responsibl e fo r this becaus e o f his insistenc e upo n clos e contro l o f all diplomatic correspondence, whic h h e permitte d hi s clerk s to se e onl y afte r i t ha d passe d unde r hi s own scrutiny . Almost al l of the communication s i n foreig n language s wer e i n French an d Spanish , both o f which h e handle d wit h competence . I n general, only thos e letter s an d documents were translate d which he deeme d importan t enough t o brin g to the attention o f the Presiden t or which had to be submitte d to Congress . Suc h translations wer e usuall y done b y himsel f or , occasionally , by his chief clerk. Durin g Freneau's incumbency as translating clerk, the mos t important, th e mos t sensitive , an d th e mos t numerou s diplomati c exchange s in language s othe r tha n English involve d American relations with Franc e an d Spain. Ye t n o evidenc e ha s bee n foun d t o indicat e tha t Frenea u wa s eve r required-or permitted-t o translat e an y o f th e communications receive d b y the Secretar y of State fro m the Frenc h ministers , Ternant an d Genet, or from the Spanis h representatives , Via r an d Jaudenes . Occasionall y Jefferson eve n went s o fa r a s t o hav e hi s chie f cler k translat e extract s o f communication s intended fo r publication , thu s placin g upo n tha t overburdene d office r a task for whic h Frenea u was simultaneousl y compensate d a s cler k an d benefite d a s editor. 29
30
31
believed tha t Mr . Freneau could throw ligh t upo n thi s question , b y namin g the dat e when his salary commenced." He then stated as a fact that Freneau dared not deny that his clerkshi p "was cotemporary with o r rather antecedent t o th e commencement of th e National Gazette." Joh n Meye r to T J , 1 2 Aug . 1790 . Meyer' s application ma y have bee n ignore d because T J suspected a n attempt b y Hamilton to infiltrate his department (se e not e to Meyer's letter , Vol . 17 : 351-3). Shortl y after the governmen t move d t o Philadelphia, T J mad e at least one inquiry about the possibility of employing a person skilled in foreign languages. A native of Sweden, one Kullen , who claimed to be "Master of the French , Spanish, English, and Swedish Tongues," was highly recommended to him, but nothing came of it (Swanwick to T J , [14 ] Dec. 1790) . Georg e Taylor himself, on learning that Pintard would not remove to Philadelphia, applie d for appointment a s translating clerk in addition to his other duties. T J, however , declined making the appointment - bu t not (as Leary, Freneau, p . 391, suggests) because TJ reserve d the place for Freneau. Taylor's application, whic h testifies to th e lightnes s o f the translatin g clerk's duties, wa s made before th e governmen t lef t Ne w Yor k (Taylo r t o Timoth y Pickering , 23 Jan . 1809 , MHi: Pickerin g Papers) . A t times T J translate d documents becaus e he deemed them of such confidentiality as to mak e them improper to b e given t o clerks . See note 61 below . O n TJ's metho d of handling diplomatic correspondence, se e note to Remsen's memoranda on office procedures (Vol. 17: 387). Usually , but not always , this was done when the extrac t was released both to the 2 9
3 0
31
National Gazette and t o th e Gazette of the United States.
In applyin g for office i n 1789 , Georg e Taylor, Jr. , wh o succeede d Remse n as chief
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Even thoug h th e dutie s o f th e translatin g cler k wer e thu s reduce d t o a minimum, Freneau in his reply to Hamilton referred to his annual compensation of $250 a s a "small stipend." Hi s later description o f his dutie s an d his bein g required t o pa y fo r translatin g othe r language s i s mor e fancifu l tha n factual . He claime d that . . . ther e were sen t fro m th e severa l department s o f governmen t s o man y foreign paper s and letters, directed to official character s in this country, from Russia, Holland, Prussia, Germany , and elsewhere; the translations of which I wa s oblige d t o procur e a t a n exorbitan t rat e o f charge ; th e plac e wa s beginning t o b e rathe r a loss than a matter o f emolument . Freneau even gav e as one o f his reasons for resigning the clerkship his fear that he migh t b e require d to translat e Chinese , Turkish, o r Arabic. Th e fac t i s that, considering the extremely ligh t dutie s place d upon him because Jefferso n himself assume d mos t o f them, hi s compensatio n wa s anythin g but trivial . A t the time o f his appointment i t was half that of the other clerks, who b y contrast presented "on e continue d scen e o f drudger y i n copyin g paper s an d clos e at tendance fro m mornin g til l night." I f Frenea u wa s require d t o hav e an y documents othe r than French translated , which is doubtful, th e cost to himself could onl y hav e bee n a n extremel y smal l fractio n o f hi s salary . Ye t hi s ow n grossly exaggerate d an d inaccurat e statement s abou t hi s duties , hi s compen sation, an d the cost s whic h he ha d to bea r have neve r bee n challenged. The unavoidabl e conclusio n i s tha t th e offe r o f officia l patronag e an d th e founding o f th e National Gazette, despit e disclaimer s b y Jefferson , Madison , and Freneau , wer e unquestionabl y interconnected . I t i s no t likel y tha t th e appointment t o th e clerkshi p tipped th e scale s wit h s o independen t a perso n 32
33
34
clerk on 1 Apr. 1791, said that he had "a tolerable Proficiency in the Study of the french Language" (Taylor to the President, 1 May 1789, D L C : Washington Papers). In 1793 Taylor was given extra compensation i n the amount of $40 fo r translating the whole of Genet's correspondence. This was probably in preparation for the meeting of the Cabine t on 2 Aug . 1793 , wher e T J presented an d read all o f i t (TJ' s memorandum o f th e meeting, 1 Aug. 1793; Contingent Expenses of the Department of State, Vol. 17 : 375). This of course was a duty Freneau was paid to perform. When, afte r years of service in the Departmen t of State, Taylor wa s summarily dis missed b y Timoth y Pickering , he state d tha t h e ha d in som e cases assiste d a Dutch gentleman "t o translate french documents pu t into his hands by Mr. Freneau" (Taylor to Pickering, 23 Jan. 1809 , MHi: Pickerin g Papers). Taylor was a man o f veracity "and the mos t perfec t integrity " for who m T J had high regar d (see TJ' s certificates o f 3 1 Dec. 179 3 an d 22 Feb . 1798) . Freneau , as TJ's occasiona l corrections show, wa s not skilled in the French language. O n Taylor's dismissal by Pickering, see Vol. 17: 358. 3 2
Th e Aurora, 1 4 Aug . 1802 , a s fro m th e Charlesto n City Gazette, 3 1 Dec . 1800 ;
reprinted in Marsh, "Freneau and Jefferson, " Am. Lit., vm (May 1936), 185-6 . Freneau, of course, was required to translate only for the Department of State, not for the whole executive branc h as he asserts. T J t o Barton , 1 Apr. 1792. Fo r an account of personnel, compensation, an d TJ's relations with his staff, se e not e to the salar y account of the Departmen t of State, Vol. 17: 356-9. Th e chief clerk received $800, th e others $500 . See , for example, Malone , Jefferson, n , 426. Axelrad , Freneau, p . 215, goe s so far as to assert that Freneau "often paid out more for foreign translation s than he received in salary. " Not eve n Freneau made so extravagant a claim. No evidence ha s been found as to what amounts, if any, he was obliged to pay for translations. 3 3
3 4
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as Freneau, sensitive a s h e alway s wa s t o th e suspicio n o f bein g influence d i n his actions b y another . Th e arrangement wit h Child s an d Swaine whic h freed him o f financial responsibility wa s probabl y th e mos t decisiv e factor . Bu t thi s is irrelevan t t o th e questio n o f imprope r conduc t raise d b y Hamilton . I n seeking - an d unquestionably receivin g - Jefferson' s prio r counsel o n the planning o f th e newspaper , Frenea u contradicte d hi s swor n testimon y tha t th e Secretary o f Stat e ha d a t n o tim e "urged , advised , o r influenced " hi s comin g to Philadelphi a as editor. B y the sam e token , th e impressio n Jefferso n sough t to giv e th e Presiden t - an d hi s defender s t o convinc e th e public-tha t th e appointment an d the foundin g o f th e pape r wer e unrelated i s no t persuasive . Considering th e nomina l dutie s give n t o th e translatin g cler k an d th e highl y disproportionate compensatio n h e received , i t ca n scarcely b e denie d tha t Jef ferson ha d in fact offered an d Freneau had accepted wha t can only b e describe d as a political sinecure. 35
II Soon afte r Freneau made known his plans and accepted the clerkship, Childs and Swain e announce d tha t "The National Gazette, a periodical Miscellany o f News, Politics , History , an d Polit e Literature " unde r Freneau' s editorshi p would soo n begi n publication , provide d a sufficien t numbe r o f subscription s could b e procured. Eve n befor e th e announcemen t wa s mad e th e paper' s 36
O n 11 Feb. 1785 Congres s directed that all documents submitte d by the Secretary for Foreign Affairs be accompanie d b y English translations and that h e b e allowe d t o pay for that the sum he deemed sufficien t bu t never to exceed the salary of a clerk (JCC, xxviii, 29 , 30 , 56) . Som e indication of the amount paid for translating languages othe r than Frenc h ma y b e gaine d fro m the following : Isaa c Pinto receive d onl y £8-12- 4 a s Spanish interpreter for three years (Pinto to Jay, 13 Nov. 1789 , DNA : RG 59 , MLR) . From 178 6 t o 179 0 th e Rev . John Daniel Gros received £5 for translating "a numbe r of German papers at different periods. " Henry Remsen, Jr., whil e serving as chief clerk, was paid £3-4-10 fo r translating Dutch papers in 1789-1790 . I n 1790 Pint o was paid £20-15-9 fo r translating various Spanish papers over an indeterminate period . During the entire year preceding Freneau's assumption o f duties there were no expenditures at all for translating, obviously becaus e T J himself took care of such French and Spanish documents a s required it (Contingent Expenses of the Department of State, 1790-1793 ; Vol. 17 : 359-75). T J had made n o changes i n the arrangement s tha t prevaile d when his predecessor lef t offic e (T J t o Speaker of the House, 2 Jan. 1793) . Daily Advertiser, 2 5 Aug . 1791 . Thi s announcemen t wa s repeated i n the issu e of 28 Oct . 179 1 wit h little change , th e onl y on e o f significance bein g the omission o f the condition stated-"i f a sufficient numbe r o f subscriber s are procured. " The omissio n testifies to the success of the concerted effort by Madison, Jefferson, and others to procure subscriptions. Se e als o T J to Freneau , 1 3 Mch . 1792 ; T J to Bell , 1 6 Mch . 179 2 (Documents vi and vm). An excellent summar y of the efforts o f T J, Madison , and others to obtain subscribers is presented in Cunningham, The Jeffersonian Republicans, p . 17 18. TJ subscribe d to only five sets of Fenno's paper for departmental use while ordering seven of Freneau's (Contingent Expenses of the Department of State, Vol. 17 : 367,370). See als o Madiso n t o Man n Page, 1 Aug. 1791 ; Carrol l t o Madison , 2 2 Nov . 1791 ; William Madison to Madison, 3 Dec. 1791 ; Le e to Madison, 8 Dec. 1791 ; Madison to Lee, 1 8 Dec. 1791; Madison to his father, 13 Nov. 179 1 (al l in D L C: Madiso n Papers). In a letter t o Joseph Jones introducin g Childs, Madiso n described Freneau as "a ma n of genius , o f literature , o f experienc e i n th e busines s h e i s t o conduct , an d o f grea t integrity" (quote d i n Parke-Berne t Catalogue No . 2988 , 1 7 Feb . 1970) . Se e T J to 3 5
36
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political patron s ha d begun a vigorous an d sustained effor t t o procur e sub scriptions. Madiso n appear s t o hav e bee n th e firs t t o act . Besides solicitin g subscribers himself, he wrote letters to prominent Virginians introducing Francis Childs , wh o made a journey southwar d for the purpose. Jefferso n frankl y admitted to Washington that thi s was one form of assistance he had rendered. During the month h e spent a t Monticello befor e th e first issue of the National Gazette cam e fro m the press, he urged his Albemarle friends to subscribe. He also entere d seve n subscription s fo r use by the Department o f State t o counterbalance Fenno's Gazette of the United States, whic h he had been sendin g to American representatives abroad. Daniel Carroll made solicitations in Maryland and Henry Lee in Virginia. Aaro n Bur r len t his patronage i n New York. Wit h such leadin g politica l figures bringin g powerfu l influenc e t o bear , i t i s not surprising that Freneau could announce after six months that subscriptions had "succeeded beyond the Editor's most sanguine expectations." Th e distribution of the paper , however, wa s less national in scope than its sponsors ha d hoped. Most o f the subscriber s were i n the South an d West. It was more tha n a year after the National Gazette began publicatio n that Jefferson coul d say that it was "getting into Massachusets under the patronage of Hancock and Sam Adams." Subscriptions were essential , but everything depended upo n the contents of the paper. Here, too, Freneau enjoyed an advantage ove r all other editors. The official documents , essays , an d correspondence tha t hi s sponsors contribute d or procure d for the National Gazette hel d ou t the promise tha t it s character would be such as to sustain their high hopes for its important mission. " I nee d not writ e you news," Jefferson remarke d to a friend in the spring of 1792, "as you reciev e Freneau' s paper." Then, i n one of many instance s showin g how well informe d he was abou t th e operation o f the paper , he added: "In his next after thi s dat e wil l b e an interesting repor t of a committee o f Congress on th e causes of the failure of the last campaign." To another, speaking as an informed reader o f man y journals , he sai d tha t Freneau' s was the bes t h e "eve r saw published in America." Official document s alone , domesti c an d foreign , mad e th e National Gazette an importan t an d in some respect s a n unrivalled vehicle o f intelligence i n its initial stage . Mos t o f the spac e i n five issue s wa s given ove r t o Hamilton' s report o n manufactures. Hi s reports on the public deb t an d on the executio n 37
38
39
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Randolph, 20 Nov. 1791 . A n entry in S JL show s tha t TJ received on 9 Feb. 1792 a letter from William Hunter pertaining to "subscriptions for Freneau," but it has not been found. National Gazette, 7 May 1792. Late r he asserted that the paper was supported "by upwards of thirteen hundre d subscriptions from honest an d independent citizen s . . . through every part of the Union" (same, 20 Oct. 1792). T J t o Randolph, 16 Nov. 1792. T J t o Gilmer, 1 1 May 1792 . T J t o Bell, 1 6 Mch. 179 2 (Document vm). Among the many papers TJ subscribe d 37
3 8 3 9
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to were Brown's Federal Gazette, 1789-1797; Fenno's Gazette of the United States, 1789 1796; Bache' s General Advertiser, 1791-1797 ; and Dunlap's American Daily Advertiser,
1791-1795 (Sowerby , Nos. 540 , 542, 543, 544, 545, 546-602). T J also had the De partment of State subscribe to various newspapers in the United States and in Europe. In a later comment whic h revealed his knowledge o f the political attitudes o f various newspapers, he said that to judge a country from them, one should have to know their character (TJ's Notes on Ebeling's letter of 30 July 1795) . [731 ]
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of th e excis e la w wer e als o published . Jefferson' s report s o n publi c lands , o n the census, and on the ratification of the first ten amendments t o the Constitution were give n i n full. Suc h documents wer e o f course availabl e to al l newspaper s as publi c records . Bu t other s coul d onl y hav e bee n furnishe d fro m th e files o f the Departmen t o f State . Frenea u himself often gav e hints o f this, a s when h e printed th e law s passe d i n th e Northwes t Territor y an d proudl y announced : "Authentic. (Never before printed). . . . Made out from the Original Records in the Office of the Secretary for the said Territory.'''' Frenea u similarly informe d his reader s of the authenticit y o f the ful l text o f the Constitutio n o f Kentucky, which ha d been mad e availabl e to hi m by Madiso n and Jefferson. I n foreig n affairs, especiall y thos e o f France , Frenea u also enjoye d particula r advantages. Jefferson, perhap s becaus e o f hi s negotiation s wit h Hammon d an d Ternant, made availabl e copie s o f hi s lette r t o th e Nationa l Assembl y an d it s decre e calling fo r th e negotiatio n o f a treaty o f commerc e wit h th e Unite d States. From th e proceeding s o f th e Nationa l Assembl y an d othe r officia l document s transmitted by William Shor t or published in French newspapers, Frenea u was able t o publis h othe r material s i n whic h Jefferso n ha d a particula r interest , such as the Frenc h law on patents, t o which the National Gazette devote d much space. Document s pertainin g to th e slav e insurrection s in Santo Doming o als o were give n extensiv e coverage , includin g the petitio n o f its legislature fo r arms and supplie s an d the simila r appeals t o th e Nationa l Assembly. In th e earl y stage o f the paper , Frenea u was privilege d t o fill it s page s wit h essays fro m hi s influentia l backers . Madison' s alon e lifte d th e discussio n o f important public topics t o the leve l of his contributions to the Federalist papers . Jefferson though t hi s essa y o n populatio n an d emigratio n s o importan t that , immediately o n it s appearance , h e urge d Willia m Shor t t o hav e i t translate d and publishe d i n the Pari s newspapers. I n other essay s Madiso n argued tha t 41
42
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44
45
National Gazette, 19 and 22 Dec. 1791 . Th e laws had indeed been copied from the originals in the office of the Secretary for the Northwest Territory , but the text used by Freneau was the copy i n the Departmen t of State. National Gazette, 25 and 28 June 1792. The copy of the Constitution was forwarded to TJ b y Madison in his letter of 12 June 1792. Madison had enclosed other document s which he urged TJ to read and then handle as he might judge best . Thes e document s have no t bee n identifie d but , lik e th e Constitutio n o f Kentucky , Madison ma y hav e intended the m fo r use b y Freneau. I n the sam e lette r h e advised TJ to pas s on to th e editor a hint abou t th e "tax " on newspaper s - tha t is , postag e - becaus e this , lik e th e excise, ha d become a subject o f grievanc e an d unless somethin g wer e don e abou t it , subscriptions t o th e National Gazette might b e lost. Frenea u had already published an announcement o f a meeting t o be held in Richmond to protest the "tax" as an alarmin g interference wit h the fre e circulatio n of newspapers (National Gazette, 28 Ma y 1792 , quoting th e Virginia Gazette of the 19th) . National Gazette, 17 Nov. 1791 ; the decree is that of 8 June 1791, enclosed in Short to T J, 1 0 June 1791. Se e TJ t o the President of the National Assembly, 8 Mch. 1791. Th e appeal s o f th e Sant o Doming o legislatur e t o th e Kin g an d to th e Nationa l Assembly, bot h date d 1 3 Sep . 1791 , wer e printe d i n th e National Gazette, 2 1 Nov . 1791, wit h this editorial note: "The two following Stat e Papers are translated from the original French, and may be relied on as authentic." The authorization of the legislature to send a delegation t o the United States, dated 1 1 Oct. 1791, i s recorded in an extract from its journal (DNA : RG 59, MLR) . Th e legislature's appea l to th e Unite d States, dated 1 3 Oct. 1791 , wa s published b y Freneau on 24 Nov . 179 1 a s read to Congress on the 21st . 41
42
43
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T J t o Short , 2 4 Nov . 1791 ; National Gazette, 21 Nov . 1791 .
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public opinion , settin g limit s to all governments an d bein g th e real sovereig n in ever y fre e one , required among othe r thing s " a free press , an d particularl y a circulation of newspapers throughout the entire body of the people"; that Americ a had initiate d th e most triumphan t epoc h i n history; tha t th e experiment, involving a s it di d a complicate d for m o f federalism , require d mor e tha n an ordinary reverenc e for authority, throwing upon th e citizens responsibilit y for defending libert y against powe r an d power agains t licentiousness ; that , whil e political parties were unavoidable, the great objects should be to achieve political equality and to keep one interest from being favored at the expense of another; and that the political system of the United States was that for which philosophy had bee n searchin g an d humanity fighting sinc e th e mos t remot e age s and which i t was "the glory o f America t o have invented , an d her unrivalled hap piness t o possess." These eloquen t tribute s t o the American experiment an d warnings agains t those tendencies whic h might cause it to fail breathed the spirit of republicanism which Madiso n and other sponsor s o f the National Gazette wished it to convey to th e public. I t is not likely tha t al l of Madison's contribution s t o the paper have bee n identified , bu t it is worth notin g tha t o f the fifteen pieces tha t can with certaint y b e attributed to him, all save on e fell i n the first six months of its existence . Jus t as Madison may be regarded as the initiator and most per suasive proponen t o f the undertaking , so may his cogent and eloquent defens e of the America n proposition b e considered a s having set the example o f what he an d Jefferson hope d th e character of the paper woul d b e - on e o f rational discussion, inspirin g th e citizenr y t o g o beyon d mer e oppositio n t o federa l encroachments and, by working with those of differing opinions, to "erect over the whol e on e paramount empir e of reason, benevolence, an d brotherly affec tion." The contribution s mad e b y Jefferson t o th e National Gazette, despit e th e solemn assuranc e given to the President that he had never written or procured a singl e sentenc e fo r it, were mor e varie d and more extensiv e tha n thos e of Madison. The y were als o of a different character . No evidence ha s been foun d to indicate that Jefferson himself wrote anything for the paper, except o f course official documents , whic h he signe d a s Secretary of State an d also cause d to be published in Fenno's Gazette of the United States an d other newspapers . He unquestionably induce d other s t o contribute to it, though onl y a few of these can be identified with any degree of certainty. He persuaded David Rittenhouse to suppl y weekly meteorologica l observations , whic h he did faithfully for most of the paper' s existence. I t is plausible to assume that Jefferson's view s o f the inadequacy o f the paten t syste m prompte d hi m to giv e a hint t o hi s friend Joseph Barne s on that subject . Barnes , who thought th e protection provide d by th e 179 0 law worse tha n none , urge d adoptio n o f the French syste m and 46
47
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Th e one exception i s Madison's "Candid State of Parties," which appeared in th e
National Gazette, 26 Sep. 1792, after Hamilton as An American and Catullus ha d attacked
T J an d implicated himself in the founding o f Freneau's paper. The other essay s - th e longest of which was on money, writte n in 1780-appeared i n the paper on 5, 19 (tw o in this issue), and 22 Dec. 1791 ; 2, 19, 23, an d 30 Jan. 1792 ; 2, 6, and 20 Feb. 1792 ; 5, 22, and 29 Mch. 1792; and 2 Apr. 1792. Al l are printed in Madison, Writings, ed. Hunt, vi, 43-105. T J t o Randolph, 27 Nov. 1791 . Without naming TJ a s the one who had made this arrangement, Freneau announced Rittenhouse's contribution in the paper of the next day. 4 7
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supplied Frenea u with copie s o f th e pertinen t statut e an d regulations , whic h he publishe d i n full. It is also virtually certain that Jefferson encouraged his friend George Logan , a prolifi c essayis t o n agricultura l and politica l subjects , t o len d hi s facil e pe n to th e National Gazette. He regarde d Loga n as th e bes t experimenta l farme r in Pennsylvania , bot h i n theor y an d practice , an d sough t hi s advic e o n th e rotation o f crop s an d othe r matters. H e wa s a frequen t visito r a t Stenton , enjoyed conversin g wit h Logan' s charmin g wife , Deborah-a s di d sh e wit h him - an d undoubtedl y foun d Logan' s report s o f hi s experiment s a welcom e relief fro m officia l chores . A s a reader of Oswald' s Independent Gazeteer, Jefferson kne w tha t Loga n was the autho r of several essays unde r the pseudony m A Farmer. I n 179 1 thes e were gathere d an d published a s Letters addressed to the yeomanry of the United States and he obtained a copy, perhap s as a gift from Logan himself. H e di d no t full y shar e Logan' s somewhat doctrinair e and at times dogmati c opinion s i n politica l economy , derive d i n larg e par t fro m th e Physiocrats. But he was wholly in accord with the master of Stenton in thinking that th e foundatio n o f th e republi c wa s th e independen t yeoman , cultivatin g his ow n lan d an d tryin g to improv e bot h i t an d himsel f throug h hones t toil , improved method s o f farming , an d a vigilan t attentio n t o th e measure s o f government. H e als o recognize d i n Loga n one o f the earlies t opponents of th e Hamiltonian system. 48
49
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Freneau himself seems to have provided the opening fo r this vigorous spokes man for the oppositio n t o b e adde d to th e influentia l contributors to hi s paper. Late i n January , thre e month s afte r th e National Gazette was established , h e published a n inquir y from a gentlema n i n Virgini a abou t th e pla n o f organization o f th e Philadelphi a Societ y fo r Promotin g Agricultur e and abou t an y agricultural discoverie s tha t had resulted. The next da y he sent th e sam e query to Jefferson. U p t o tha t tim e Loga n had apparentl y contribute d nothin g t o Freneau's paper , sinc e Eleaze r Oswal d had made hi s stoutl y republica n Independent Gazetteer freely availabl e to him . Whether , o n receivin g Freneau's inquiry, Jefferso n prompte d Loga n to mak e the respons e canno t b e determined , but i t is scarcel y conceivable tha t he woul d have faile d to encourag e hi s friend to d o so . I n any even t Loga n seized th e opportunit y wit h hi s usua l vigor an d enthusiasm. H e di d no t submi t th e pla n o f th e Philadelphi a Society fo r Pro52
Barne s to Freneau, 4 July 179 2 {National Gazette, 7 July 1792) . Th e texts of the French la w and regulations appeare d in the issue s o f 1 1 an d 1 4 Jul y 1792 . Se e TJ's draft of a bill for promoting useful arts, 1 Dec. 1791 . T J t o Logan , 1 July 1793 ; TJ to Randolph, 28 Jul y 1793 . Th e full titl e disclose s th e theme : Letters addressed to the yeomanry of the United 4 8
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5 0
States: shewing the necessity of confining the public revenue to a fixed proportion of the net produce of the land; and the bad policy and injustice of every species of indirect taxation and
commercial regulations (Philadephia, Eleazer Oswald, 1791) ; Sowerby, No. 3156. These essays appeare d in Oswald's Independent Gazetteer for 1 3 Mch. , 24 Apr. , 8 May , and 14 Aug. 1790 , an d 8 Jan. 1791 . Logan' s pieces by A Farmer appeare d in the National Gazette, 20, 23, and 27 Feb.; 1 , 12 , and 26 Mch. ; 5 and 23 Apr. ; 25 July , 1 Aug., and 8 Sep . 1792 . Othe r pieces b y Loga n appeared in the issue s o f 3 May , 24 Oct . 1792 , and 1 June 1793 . Thi s i s th e carefull y considere d opinio n o f Frederic k B . Toiles , whos e "Georg e Logan, Agraria n Democrat, " PMHB, LXX V (Jul y 1951) , 260-78 , i s the bes t accoun t of all of Logan's writings . National Gazette, 26 Jan . 1792 ; Freneau to T J , 2 7 Jan . 179 2 (Documen t vi). 51
52
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moting Agriculture , since tha t organizatio n - o f which he wa s a charter member—was made u p largely of merchants and professional men . Instead, writing as A Farmer, h e sen t t o Frenea u a copy o f the constitutio n o f the Pennsylvania Society fo r th e Promotio n o f Agricultur e an d Domestic Manufactures , an organization restricte d t o actua l farmers. Wit h thi s initia l step, A Farmer en thusiastically embarke d upo n a new serie s o f "Letter s to th e Yeomanry " in which h e envisione d a nationa l networ k o f societie s fo r promotin g improve ments i n agriculture , communicatin g th e result s o f thei r investigations , an d opposing measure s s o highly injuriou s to th e farmer as the funding system, th e bank, th e excise , an d manufactorie s aide d b y governmen t suc h a s Hamilto n had proposed . H e though t thes e societie s shoul d operat e muc h a s th e com mittees of safety di d at the tim e o f the Revolution . Their members , h e pointe d out i n th e firs t letter , shoul d b e fe w i n number , active , an d endeavo r "t o stimulate eac h othe r t o suppor t thei r rights as men.'''' Th e letters o f A Farmer, some of them reprinte d by reques t fro m Oswald' s Independent Gazetteer, wer e directed in part to suc h agricultural topics a s rotation of crops, beekeeping, th e cultivation of flax, and reports of farming experiments, bu t most o f them voice d the political opposition o f the agricultural interest. Within a few weeks A Farmer boldly attacke d Hamilto n an d his friend s fo r inducin g th e Ne w Jerse y legis lature t o enac t th e la w creatin g th e Societ y fo r Establishin g Useful Manufactures, whic h h e describe d a s "on e o f th e mos t unjus t an d arbitrar y law s . . . that eve r disgrace d th e governmen t o f a free people " becaus e o f monopolisti c and unconstitutiona l grants of special privileges to a few wealthy men. Freneau thought s o highl y o f thes e letter s tha t h e late r reprinte d some part s o f the m when the y appeare d i n pamphle t form. Jefferso n coul d scarcel y have agree d with som e o f Logan' s arguments - hi s oppositio n t o canals , for exampl e - bu t he and A Farmer stoo d together in opposing th e genera l tendency o f the Hamiltonian system . 53
54
55
This final series of "Letters to the Yeomanry" appeared in the National Gazette in th e winter and spring of 1793 , resultin g in another pamphlet whic h Logan's most perceptiv e biographe r ha s appraise d as his "mos t eloquen t an d cogentl y argued tract." In lending his pen to Freneau's paper, Logan had written more for i t tha n an y other , wit h th e possibl e exceptio n o f th e edito r himself . Bu t while Freneau's writings were largely colored with satire and personal invective, A Farmer base d hi s argument s o n fundamenta l principles , thereb y provin g 56
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National Gazette, 20 Feb . 1792 . National Gazette, 1 Mch. 1792 .
National Gazette, 29 Aug. 1792; 19 and 22 Sep. 1792. The full title of the pamphle t
made explicit its chief purpose: Five letters, addressed to the yeomanry of the United States, containing some observations on the dangerous scheme of Governor Duer and Mr. Secretary Hamilton, to establish national manufactories (Philadelphia, 1792) ; Sowerby, No. 3157 .
Toiles , "George Logan, Agraria n Democrat," PMHB, LXX V (Jul y 1951) , 271 . The final series began in the National Gazette on 31 Jan. 1793. The pamphlet was published by Childs and Swaine early in May under the title Letters addressed to the yeomanry of 5 6
the United States, containing some observations on funding and bank systems (Philadelphia,
1793). TJ's influenc e o n this serie s i s evident i n Logan's use o f the doctrin e that the earth belongs in usufruct to the living, the dead having neither power nor right over it. Some of Logan's expressions ar e remarkably similar to those in TJ to Madison, 6 Sep. 1789 , in which he expounded the doctrine (Toiles, "George Logan, Agrarian Democrat," PMHB, LXXV [Jul y 1951] , 271-2) .
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himself a fa r mor e formidabl e propagandis t fo r th e opposition . B y th e sam e measure, Logan' s attack on th e Societ y fo r Establishing Useful Manufactures, which create d a vigorous newspape r controvers y in the summe r of 1792 , mus t have bee n on e o f th e chie f reason s fo r Hamilton' s retaliator y charge s agains t Jefferson a s the patro n of the National Gazette.
Ill The extent to which Jefferson made available to Freneau domestic and foreign intelligence i n the form of newspapers, officia l documents , consula r dispatches, private letters, pamphlets, and other records cannot be completely o r accurately measured. But precisely identifiable examples of Freneau's use of materials from departmental records and from Jefferson's ow n persona l files exist i n sufficien t number to demonstrat e beyon d questio n tha t the edito r of the National Gazette enjoyed specia l privilege s no t accorde d an y othe r journalist. The shee r mas s of material from which selections were made available for publication undoubt edly exceede d i n quantit y alon e th e tota l contribution s b y Madison , Logan , and the writings of such prolific spokesmen fo r the opposition a s Brutus, Sidney, Timon, an d Franklin. Wit h a few exceptions , thes e materials also differed fro m theirs in consisting chiefly o f political intelligence an d reports of events at home and abroa d rather than bein g discussion s o f principles and policies o f govern ment. Eve n so , th e selection s mad e fro m the mas s reflected Jefferson' s vie w o f political issues , a s h e ha d mad e clea r to Washingto n i n informin g hi m o f hi s long effor t t o hav e the Gazette de Leide giv e a more balance d representation o f the momentou s happening s i n Europ e tha n th e America n press receive d b y way o f the Britis h newspapers . The Leyde n pape r wa s onl y on e o f man y receive d b y th e Departmen t o f State tha t Frenea u had th e privileg e o f using . Lik e othe r journalists , h e o f course coul d an d di d exchang e th e National Gazette wit h othe r newspaper s free of postage. This wa s an extremely importan t means by which editors could obtain new s an d gaug e publi c opinio n i n al l section s o f th e country . Bu t fo r Freneau th e nee d t o bea r the expens e o f exchangin g hi s pape r for other s wa s greatly diminishe d b y th e larg e numbe r o f journals accessibl e t o hi m i n th e department o f whic h h e wa s a clerk . America n paper s alon e amounte d i n Jefferson's estimat e t o abou t twenty. Bu t exchange s fre e o f postag e di d no t extend to foreign journals, and the number of these received by the Department of State wa s even greater , putting Frenea u in an enviable positio n wit h respec t to hi s competitors . Newspaper s o f al l sorts fro m Paris , London , Amsterdam, Leyden, Rotterdam , Brussels , Lisbon , an d Madrid , a s wel l a s fro m Canad a and th e Wes t Indies , wer e transmitte d t o th e Departmen t o f Stat e b y Short , Humphreys, Pinckney , Morris , member s o f th e consula r establishment , an d private individuals . I t i s no t possible , an d indee d no t necessary , t o mak e a comparative analysis of this ric h resourc e and the us e Frenea u made o f it. But 57
Estimat e of Expenses of the Departmen t o f State beginnin g 1 Jan. 1793 (DNA: RG 59 , DL ; Vol . 78, f. 13458) . Thi s was in addition to the papers selected for printing the laws, which in 179 1 numbere d five. TJ hoped to extend this category t o all states, a goal he was not able to achieve until he became President. This opened up an important potential fo r political patronage, a s the character of the paper s chosen an d the grateful letters of editors illustrate (see DNA : R G 59 , Letters , Printing, an d Distribution of the Laws, 1790-1809) . 5 7
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it i s clea r that h e wa s abl e t o presen t i n compac t for m a variety an d extent o f European new s an d opinion tha t hi s rival s could no t match . I t is equally clea r that hi s selection s reflecte d hi s ow n dee p antipath y t o th e Britis h peopl e an d their government , hi s uncritica l acceptance o f al l propaganda favorabl e t o th e progresss o f the revolutio n i n France , hi s hatre d of monarchy an d all its manifestations, an d hi s devotio n t o th e principle s o f th e America n Revolution a s he understoo d them . On e exampl e i s illustrative . A fe w day s befor e th e firs t issue o f the National Gazette appeared , Jefferso n receive d fro m Willia m Shor t a numbe r o f Frenc h journal s to sho w t o wha t extreme s thei r editor s wen t i n appealing t o popula r prejudices. "A t any other period, " Short declared, "such publications woul d be disgusting an d unworthy of being read." In the secon d issue o f his paper Frenea u quoted on e o f these journals, U Argus Patriote, an d referred to i t as "a French pape r of estimation." A fe w day s late r he printe d an extract fro m i t assertin g tha t libert y o f th e pres s wa s dea d i n England , it s carcass gnawe d upo n b y worms , bu t i t ha d been revive d i n France , th e frees t nation in all the universe , whose constitution ha d been brough t t o perfection. Edmund Randolph , writing as Aristides i n vindication of Jefferson, declare d categorically tha t th e Secretar y of Stat e ha d refused i n any instanc e t o mar k a single paragrap h in the foreig n journals for publication in the National Gazette. Hamilton, a s Catullus, regarde d th e assertio n a s a n ac t o f deception . Eve n i f such refusal s ha d occurred , h e asked , wha t othe r printe r woul d mak e suc h applications t o th e head o f an y othe r departmen t o f government? I n any case , Aristides'' declaratio n h e too k a s proo f o f th e connectio n betwee n Freneau' s paper an d th e Secretar y o f State. I n a litera l sense, Jefferso n ma y no t hav e marked th e Gazette de Leide an d othe r Europea n journals t o cal l Freneau' s attention t o particula r items. I n th e absenc e o f th e file s o f thes e papers , th e question canno t b e answere d on e wa y o r th e other . Bu t i n respec t t o othe r departmental an d private documents tha t were mad e availabl e to th e National Gazette, ther e ca n b e n o doub t tha t Jefferso n selecte d letter s an d document s he though t worth y o f publication , mad e extract s fro m the m whe n necessary , wrote caption s fo r them , an d o n occasio n indicate d whe n th e name s o f th e authors shoul d b e give n o r withheld. When Jefferso n tol d Madiso n tha t h e ha d bee n prepare d t o giv e Freneau "the perusa l o f al l . . . letter s o f foreig n intelligence, " h e wrot e unde r th e impression tha t th e pla n to establis h th e National Gazette ha d bee n give n up . He coul d no t hav e intende d the n o r eve r t o giv e th e edito r fre e acces s t o th e whole rang e o f departmental files . Eve n Henr y Remsen, Jr., th e highl y truste d chief clerk, was permitte d t o handl e diplomati c correspondenc e onl y afte r Jef ferson himsel f ha d screene d i t fo r suc h confidentia l document s a s h e thought should be kept in his own locked chest or shown perhaps only to the President. The selection s h e mad e fo r publicatio n include d muc h importan t informatio n for the public, especially that relating to political affairs in Europe and the Wes t Indies an d t o America n commerce . No t al l concerned politics , fo r h e als o 58
59
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Shor t to T J , 8 July 1791 ; received 22 Oct . 1791 .
National Gazette, 3 an d 1 7 Nov . 1791 . Aristides, i n th e National Gazette, 26 Sep . 1792 ; Catullus No. IV, i n th e Gazette of
the United States, 1 7 Oct. 1792, reprinte d in Syrett, Hamilton, xn , 586-7 . See , fo r example, T J to Washington, 1 3 Jan. 1793, concernin g documents whic h he took most o f the day to translate himself-and o f course did not require Freneau t o do it - becaus e h e thought the m improper to be shown to clerks. 61
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contributed such items a s a reported discovery about th e Nantucke t shoals and an announcemen t o f th e investigatio n o f th e Hessia n fly b y th e committe e o f the America n Philosophica l Societ y o f whic h h e wa s chairman. Som e com munications, suc h a s thos e fro m consul s urgin g tha t manifest s o f America n vessels an d proo f o f citizenshi p o f seame n b e properl y authenticate d an d that merchants be warne d of the prohibitio n against shippin g tobacco t o Guernsey and Jersey , wer e publishe d a t th e suggestio n o f th e author s an d ove r thei r names. These , o f course , were mad e availabl e t o al l newspapers whe n copie s were sent by Jefferson both to Fenno's Gazette of the United States and Freneau's National Gazette. Ther e wer e als o essay s discussin g subject s havin g direc t bearing o n matter s unde r discussion i n Congress. One o f th e first o f suc h essay s tha t Jefferso n sen t t o Frenea u wa s Paine' s "Thoughts on the Establishmen t of a Mint." He had decided t o have the essa y published even befor e h e knew that the National Gazette would be established . But whe n th e fac t becam e known , h e delaye d publishin g i t unti l he coul d le t Freneau hav e it , afte r deletin g passage s containin g fact s relativ e t o particula r persons. Jefferson's views on the creation of a mint were in general in agreement with thos e o f Hamilton , but the y differe d o n th e controversia l issue o f coppe r coinage an d even mor e so on the questio n o f making the standar d of the mone y unit th e sam e a s tha t fo r weight s an d measures. Th e timing o f publicatio n o f Paine's essay-whe n Congres s wa s abou t t o tak e u p th e President' s recom mendations fo r establishing a mint and creating a system o f weights and measures an d whe n Jefferso n himsel f wa s seekin g throug h Monro e an d Madiso n to have Congress link the weigh t o f the dolla r to the universa l standard he had proposed-was deliberat e becaus e Jefferso n though t Paine' s influenc e migh t defeat th e contrar y plan then unde r consideration. Another well-time d contributio n Jefferso n mad e t o th e National Gazette a t the beginnin g ma y have been calculate d to show , amon g other things, tha t th e paper woul d b e receptiv e t o writing s o n measure s o f which he wa s know n t o 62
63
National Gazette, 1 4 Jun e 1792 . Perhap s through T J ' s suggestion th e pape r als o carried announcement s o f electio n o f member s o f th e Societ y an d o f th e establishmen t of it s Magellani c Fun d create d i n 178 6 b y Joh n Hyacint h d e Magella n o f Londo n (National Gazette, 28 Nov . 179 1 an d 2 Feb . 1792) . T J to Paine , 2 9 Jul y 1791 . Se e als o T J to Hamilton , 24 Jan . 1791 , i n grou p o f documents o n coinag e a t 31 Dec . 1790 ; Pain e to T J , 2 8 Sep . 1790 , wit h enclosed essa y on a min t fo r th e Unite d States ; Washington' s Addres s t o Congress , 2 5 Oct . 179 1 (Writings, ed . Fitzpatrick , xxxi , 402) . In a memorandu m t o Monro e befor e th e Senat e acte d o n Washington' s recommen dation, T J suggested tha t th e excessiv e allo y provide d i n th e bil l b e allowe d t o stand , thus makin g alteratio n i n th e Hous e mor e probable . H e kne w tha t oppositio n i n th e Senate woul d b e unsuccessful , thu s "drawin g disreputatio n withou t doin g an y good " ( M S i n T J ' s hand , undated bu t befor e 1 2 Jan . 1792, i n N j P ). About th e sam e time TJ sent Monro e anothe r memorandu m suggestin g tha t th e questio n b e grounde d o n th e final decisio n o f Congress of 178 6 ( M S in T J 's hand , undated, i n N N: Monroe Papers; see JCC , xxxi , 876-8 ; Monro e t o T J , 1 2 Oct . 1786) . Afte r th e Senat e passe d th e bill , T J urge d Madiso n to propos e a n amoun t o f allo y whic h woul d lin k th e mone y uni t t o the genera l syste m o f weight s and measure s h e ha d proposed-an d woul d "tr y th e dispositions o f th e Representative s toward s tha t system. " ( T J ' s "Notes o n th e allo y o f the Dollar, " undate d bu t afte r 1 2 Jan . and before 2 Apr . 1792 ; M S i n D L C : Madiso n Papers). T J ' s effort failed : th e Hous e allowe d th e amoun t o f allo y fixed b y th e Senat e bill t o stan d unaltered. 6 2
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disapprove. Earl y i n August , tw o day s befor e learnin g of Freneau' s decision, he received a brief communication covering a long essay by one Gabrie l Henno, a nativ e o f Flander s the n residin g in Connecticut . At firs t glanc e th e 63-pag e manuscript woul d hav e seeme d mor e appropriat e fo r Fenno' s Gazette of the United States becaus e o f it s arden t advocac y o f governmenta l encouragemen t of infant manufactures. But it also argued for measures which Hamilton would never hav e approve d an d which , a t thi s juncture , Jefferson wishe d t o hav e enacted into law. Perhaps it was because Henno' s essay seemed t o be politically impartial tha t Jefferso n decide d t o hol d i t for us e b y th e National Gazette. H e later explaine d t o th e autho r tha t hi s "observation s o n manufactures " were thought entirel y suite d fo r publication bu t tha t h e ha d not bee n abl e fo r some months t o have this done. Thi s wa s obviously a circumlocution. The openin g of Congress, Hamilton's expected repor t on manufactures, that o f Jefferson o n commerce, th e arriva l o f the ne w ministe r from Grea t Britain , an d the natur e of the policie s advocate d b y Henn o mus t hav e influence d hi s choic e o f mean s and timin g o f publication. Henno's essa y wa s entitle d "Mémoir e to the administrators. . . . Recherche politique de s moien s D'améliore r l e commerc e De s états " an d was publishe d in fou r earl y issue s o f th e National Gazette. Th e translatio n wa s presumabl y that o f Freneau , wh o eliminate d a few passage s whic h Jefferson describe d a s insubstantial "embellishments, " gav e adde d emphasi s t o som e points , an d i n other ways took libertie s with the text . On e example o f this, important only as changing th e emphasi s fro m th e genera l t o th e particular , occur s i n th e title , which th e translato r rendere d a s " A political enquiry into the best means of improving the Commerce of the American States." Frenea u also describe d th e essay as a "Letter addressed to the Government of the United States," translated for th e National Gazette "fro m the origina l French manuscrip t of the Author , dated New-London, Ma y 17 , 1791. " A s in other instances, th e omissio n o f the author's name was very likely done at Jefferson's request . I t is also improbable that Freneau would have described the essa y a s addressed "to th e Government of the Unite d States " if Jefferson ha d not desire d it, sinc e thi s wa s almos t th e equivalent o f announcin g tha t i t ha d bee n receive d b y th e Secretar y of Stat e and transmitte d b y hi m for publication. Hamilto n would certainl y have know n that i t coul d no t hav e bee n release d b y himsel f o r the Secretar y of War , leas t of all by the President . N o writte n evidence o f its bein g communicate d t o th e press or of any instructions regarding the manner of publication has been found . None is recorded in Jefferson's registe r of correspondence. Bu t that there wa s direct communicatio n o n th e subjec t between Jefferson an d Freneau i s proved by th e lette r o f th e forme r t o th e autho r transmittin g th e fou r issue s o f th e newspaper i n whic h the essa y appeared . Henno's majo r theme , strippe d o f it s Galli c styl e an d it s man y classica l allusions, migh t hav e bee n writte n b y Tenc h Cox e o r Alexande r Hamilton himself. H e argue d tha t th e governmen t shoul d len d ever y encouragemen t t o infant industries ; that on e mean s o f doing thi s woul d b e t o encourag e foreig n artisans, mechanics , an d ingeniou s person s t o emigrat e t o America ; an d that 64
T J t o Henno, 4 Dec. 1791 (Documen t v). Henno had asked for an immediate reply. The essa y appeared in the National Gazette for 21, 24, an d 28 Nov . an d 1 Dec. 1791 . Madison's essay s an d TJ' s contribution o f Henno' s piec e an d othe r communication s virtually dominated the paper in these early weeks of its existence . 6 4
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by producing manufactures to meet its essential needs, th e true national interest would b e serve d b y makin g th e new republi c les s dependen t upo n th e mo narchical power s o f Europe. Nothin g coul d have bee n furthe r from Jefferson' s concept o f nationa l policy tha n this , whic h i s essentiall y wha t Hamilto n advocated i n hi s repor t o n manufacture s - soo n t o b e take n unde r consideratio n by Congress - an d what he wa s trying to accomplis h as the leadin g proponen t of the Societ y fo r Establishin g Useful Manufactures. There wa s muc h i n th e essay , however , whic h Jefferso n woul d hav e ap proved. A s th e hom e o f liberty, Henno argued , Americ a shoul d see k it s pres ervation b y attendin g t o th e grea t object s o f agricultur e an d commerce . Al l nations o f Europe , mor e tha n a t an y perio d o f history , ha d no w fixe d thei r attention upo n trade . The mos t flourishing o f these power s wer e those which encouraged th e reciprocall y beneficial art s and science s an d w h i c h - t h e ver y phrase wa s Jeffersonia n — promoted th e genera l diffusio n o f knowledge. Com merce, founde d upo n produc e o f th e land , ha d bac k o f i t th e inexhaustibl e resources of America. Agai n voicing an opinion Jefferson ha d long entertained, Henno though t th e hig h cos t o f labo r and the cheapnes s o f land would mak e manufacturing establishment s impracticable s o lon g a s thes e condition s ob tained. So also was his contention tha t a constant repetition of the same function by an artisan and the use of children at low wage s made it possible fo r England to sel l th e bes t good s at a cheaper rat e than othe r nations . But Alexande r Hamilto n surel y woul d no t hav e accepte d th e conclusio n derived fro m thi s premise . Reinforce d b y Freneau' s emphasi s a s translator , Henno, seekin g i n ancien t histor y th e secre t motive s an d springs o f actio n o f the Britis h ministry , argued that Grea t Britai n woul d contriv e "t o dishearte n and rui n thos e wh o firs t attempt manufacture s in America." The y would d o this by persuading Americans of the hopelessness of establishing manufactures in competitio n wit h theirs, by driving artisans out o f the Unite d States o r into other occupations , an d by inundatin g the natio n wit h Britis h fabrics , thereby compelling it s citizens to pa y a sort of tribute to foreign merchants . Thus, wit h a singl e das h o f hi s pen , a Britis h ministe r coul d determin e th e commercia l fate o f th e natio n an d rende r tributary and dependen t a people i n th e boso m of libert y itself . But , Henn o pointe d out , Americ a ha d th e mean s t o defen d herself against these baneful consequences b y which Great Britai n founded he r commercial supremac y o n th e ruin s of her neighbors. Th e very language em ployed echoe d tha t o f Jefferson i n his Report on Fisheries, with its sensationa l charge that the Britis h governmen t ha d "begun . . . mounting thei r navigation on the ruins of ours." Jefferson's us e of such blunt language ha d aroused fears both i n Englan d an d amon g supporter s o f th e Britis h interes t i n th e Unite d States tha t th e resul t woul d b e a retaliator y navigatio n act . Freneau' s added emphasis in the translation could not have been intende d to lessen those fears. 65
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Hamilton' s report on manufactures was submitted two week s after the firstinstallment of Henno's essay appeared; the entire report was published in the National Gazette for 2 6 an d 2 9 Dec . 1791 , an d 2 , 5 , an d 9 Jan . 1792 . Fo r TJ's opposition t o th e government's encouragin g artisans and mechanics to emigrate, see, fo r example, note to Digges to T J , 2 8 Apr . 1791. Frenea u added the word "first" in his translation, thus seeming to point to Hamilton's plan for the SUM. Henno' s remarks about British policy were also made more emphatic by the translator. TJ' s Repor t on Fisheries, 1 Feb. 1791. I n those passages i n which Henno traced through ancient and modern history the 65
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Lest th e poin t b e lost , Frenea u summarized Henno' s inten t i n a prefator y note t o th e secon d installmen t o f th e essay : "I n this par t o f hi s address , th e author proves from the experienc e o f history, that governmen t ought , by every proper means , t o exer t it s endeavor s t o procur e from Europ e an d elsewhere , persons skille d i n th e usefu l arts , in orde r t o manufactur e th e ra w materials produced, o r capabl e o f bein g produced , i n this country." Thi s wa s b y wa y of prefac e t o Henno' s argumen t o n th e nee d fo r a unite d commercia l policy , which h e regarde d as a fundamental principl e for al l states seeking t o becom e prosperous and economically independent . Frenea u emphasized the passag e b y arguing th e absolut e necessit y - th e comparaBl e phrase wa s no t employed b y Henno - "fo r th e Unite d State s t o preserv e a unity o f interest s among them selves; th e firs t objec t o f whic h . . . should b e th e puttin g i t ou t o f the powe r of any body of men, an individual, or a foreigner, to thwart" the national interest. The appea l for unity, the stron g criticis m of British policy , the manipulate d translation, an d th e timin g o f publicatio n al l sugges t tha t Jefferso n sa w th e advantage o f publishin g Henno' s essa y a s a prelud e t o hi s negotiation s wit h George Hammond , th e Britis h ministe r t o th e Unite d State s wh o ha d just arrived. Th e possibilit y o f a commercia l treat y wit h Grea t Britai n an d th e nature o f it s term s wer e o f grea t concer n bot h t o Hamilto n an d Jefferson . Henno's essa y seeme d o n it s fac e t o suppor t Hamilton' s ambitiou s plan s fo r stimulating American manufactures, but it must also have appeared to Jefferson a convenien t mean s o f suggestin g t o Hammon d tha t o n th e questio n o f en couraging both industr y and commerce, the national counsels were united. But no newspaper essay could have concealed from the British envoy the irreparable breach ove r polic y existin g withi n th e administration . Hammond i n fac t ha d been instructed to address himself to the leader of the British interest in America and his very appointment a s minister, as he well understood, resulte d from th e mounting influenc e o f th e Secretar y of Stat e an d from th e fea r tha t th e navi gation bil l he and Madison advocated would be adopted. I f Jefferson, a political realist, di d in fact mak e use o f Henno's essa y a s a last desperat e effor t t o unif y the government' s counsels , i t wa s a strategy doome d t o failure . A shor t whil e later, after Hamilto n had privately given guidanc e t o Hammon d just as he had done earlier in hi s discussion s wit h Beckwith, Jefferson n o doub t woul d hav e realized th e hopelessnes s o f such a n attempt . 69
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On bein g informe d that the Secretar y of State had seen fit to publish his first policies of wise rulers in encouraging manufactures and the cultivation of wool, flax,and silk, Freneau followe d th e origina l with some fidelity.But whenever Henn o sought to reveal the springs of British policy or to suggest countervailing measures, the translator made th e argument s mor e pointe d fo r America n readers and the nee d fo r retaliatory policy more explicit. 6 9
National Gazette, 24 Nov . 1791 .
I n the first issue of the National Gazette Freneau announced Hammond's arrival in terms which may have been a n intentional misrepresentation: "Mr. Hammon d . . . has it in commission to conclude a treaty of commerce between England and this country. The outline s o f this treat y hav e bee n alread y discussed, an d we lear n that som e very considerable commercia l advantages ar e held out t o Americ a a s the basi s of it, which will i n time supplant the greater part of the trade of Russia with England." There was no foundation i n fact for the assertion. TJ at the time was trying to discover just what powers Hammon d possessed, bein g unde r no illusio n about th e outcom e after having read Hawkesbury's secret Repor t to th e Priv y Counci l o f 28 Jan . 1791 (se e grou p of documents an d Editorial Note at 1 5 Dec. 1790) . 7 0
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essay, Henn o wa s s o greatl y please d tha t h e immediatel y compose d anothe r which h e thought a necessary analogue . H e explained that in the meantim e h e had begu n a wor k entitle d "Observation s su r le s intérêt s d e l a franc e dan s L'archipel Américain, " bu t o n finding tha t i t woul d lea d t o conclusion s dia metrically oppose d t o America n interests , h e ha d abandone d tha t tas k an d resumed th e topi c o f hi s earlie r essay. Th e resul t h e immediatel y dispatche d to Jefferson , wh o hande d it over to th e National Gazette, wher e it appeare d in four installments. Frenea u introduced th e firs t o f thes e a s "th e wor k o f a n intelligent Frenc h Gentleman residing at New-London, who has recently transmitted t o u s some further ideas o n the sam e subject; a translation of which the Editor flatters himself will b e equally acceptable to the generality of our readers." The secon d essa y wa s largely repetitious, lackin g the pronounce d thrust of the first against British commercial policy, but it reinforced both Jefferson's interes t in advocatin g diffusio n o f scientific knowledg e an d Hamilton's efforts i n spon soring immigran t artisans . I t als o anticipate d Georg e Logan' s essa y i n th e National Gazette in urging the formation of voluntary societies for the promotio n of agriculture and home manufacture s and in suggesting rules and regulations by which they might effectively advanc e the general good. In a comment whic h sounds muc h lik e on e o f Freneau' s interpolation s an d whic h wa s certainl y applicable t o Hamilton' s projecte d Societ y fo r th e Establishmen t o f Usefu l Manufactures, th e essa y pronounce d i t to b e truth that "the succes s o f all such establishments doe s no t depen d merel y upo n political association, o r simpl e incorporation o f bodies with exclusive privileges. " Henno's plan , like Logan's, called fo r th e creatio n o f voluntary societies o f individual s whose primar y ob ligation woul d b e t o engag e i n researc h an d experimentatio n i n everythin g pertaining to th e improvemen t o f agriculture and home industrie s - "scientifi c bodies wh o stud y th e theor y o f things , an d consider i t a s a part of their dut y to publis h to th e natio n an d to th e world , whatever ca n be o f public service." 71
Jefferson di d no t acknowledg e thi s secon d essay , bu t Henn o nevertheles s contributed a third . Freneau , contradictin g the impressio n h e ha d previously given hi s readers , told Jefferso n h e foun d i t "lik e the others , generall y super ficial, tedious , an d to o littl e o f argumentativ e discussion. " H e promise d t o include suc h item s a s h e foun d interestin g whe n nothin g bette r offered . A fourth an d final essay cam e fro m th e zealou s Frenc h émigré , bu t it , too , wa s dismissed. Henno's essays had aroused no comment and had had no discernible effect tha t Jefferso n migh t hav e hope d fo r a t the openin g o f Congress. Bu t at least thei r appearance in the National Gazette throug h Jefferson' s direc t inter72
Henn o t o T J , 2 5 Dec . 179 1 (R C in DNA : RG 59, MLR ; endorse d b y T J as received 30 Dec . 179 1 an d so recorde d in SJL) . Thi s essa y appeare d in the National Gazette for 12, 16, 19 , and 30 Jan. 1792 . The original MS of Henno's second essay has not been found. N o lette r o f transmittal o f this thir d part has been foun d and none is recorded in SJL, bu t clearly it had been receive d by TJ and sent b y him to Frenea u (Freneau to T J , 2 7 Jan . 1792 ; Document vi). Three months later Henno informed TJ tha t he felt honor bound to conclude the work he had begun and enclosed a finalessay (Henn o to T J , 1 2 Mch. 1792; R C i n DNA: RG 59 , MLR ; endorse d by TJ a s received 20 Mch. 1792 an d so recorded in SJL). A n entry in S JL show s that Henno wrote again on 20 Mch. 179 2 an d that T J receive d the letter on the 30th , but it has not been found. To neither of these communications did TJ respond . The concluding essay has been lost to history, and if T J though t i t worth sending t o Freneau , whic h is doubtful, i t did not 71
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vention place d i n it s prope r context hi s solem n assuranc e to Washingto n tha t he never did "directly or indirectly, write, dictate, o r procure any one sentenc e or sentiment" fo r Freneau' s paper. As Jefferso n wen t throug h hi s official an d personal files to sor t ou t thos e t o be made available to Freneau, he revealed at least in part the criteria determining his choices. Fo r obvious reasons and with few exceptions, h e omitted document s and letters whos e substance repeate d information to b e found i n the Gazette de Leide an d other newspapers. Bu t no printed sources could convey suc h reliable and detaile d informatio n abou t th e slav e uprising s i n Sant o Doming o a s th e eye-witness account s Jefferso n receive d fro m hi s frien d Nathanie l Cutting . These, withou t exceptio n bu t with some unimportant changes i n phraseology , were passe d o n t o Frenea u and were publishe d almos t i n full . Jefferso n di d instruct the edito r to withhol d Cutting's name, and the letter s appeare d under such rubric s a s "Authentic copy of a letter from a gentleman of character and information in Cape-François to his friend in this city." A secon d categor y o f materials Jefferson almos t entirel y withhel d included the officia l dispatche s o f American minister s abroa d - Willia m Short , David Humphreys, Gouverneu r Morris, an d Thomas Pinckney. The only exception s t o thi s wer e three letter s from Humphrey s and one fro m Pinckney, the forme r being carefull y extracted and confined t o suc h subjects as the prohibitio n by Holland against foreigners ' importation o f tea , th e failur e o f crops , th e desir e o f artisan s t o emigrat e t o America, an d th e healt h o f th e Quee n o f Portugal. Th e on e extrac t fro m Pinckney's dispatches - a postscript giving the substance o f a bill in parliament providing th e deat h penalt y fo r all treasonable correspondenc e an d commerc e with th e enem y - naturall y omitte d th e minister' s name an d his referenc e t o a conversation wit h Grenvill e on th e subject. The primar y reaso n fo r excludin g almos t al l o f th e correspondenc e wit h American ministers abroad was, of course, the need to respect the confidentialit y of their conversations wit h officials o f the courts to which they were accredited. But eve n th e ministers ' reports could have been use d selectively, an d Jefferson could hav e disguise d thei r sourc e a s h e di d fo r mos t o f thos e item s h e di d release t o Freneau . Ha d his purpos e bee n t o achiev e narro w partisan aims o r even to support particular policies, he might have made use of Joshua Johnson's strictures on the harsh treatment o f American seame n b y British nava l officers, his frustratin g collision s wit h admiralty , customs , an d treasur y officials , an d 13
74
75
Se e Cutting to T J, 4 and 28 Dec . 1791 ; 21 and 24 Jan. and 13 Apr. 1792 . These appeared with some slight alteration s in the National Gazette, 2 Jan., 9 Feb., 5 Mch., 73
and 7 May 1792 . Th e "Translation of an original State Paper recently received from Cape-
François" whic h appeared in the issue o f 23 Feb . 1792, wa s probably an enclosure in Cutting's letter of 28 Dec . 1792 . On that letter, beneath Cutting's signature, TJ wrot e in pencil: "The names of the persons to whom the letter refers are not to be mentioned." Humphrey s to T J , 1 8 Aug . 1791 ; 1 8 an d 25 Mch . 1792, publishe d in National Gazette, 3 Nov . 179 1 an d 21 Ma y 1792 . I n each case T J directed that Humphreys' name be withheld, bracketed the portions to be printed, and provided such captions as 7 4
"Extract of a letter from a gentleman of the first information at Lisbon, to his correspondent in this city." 75
Pinckne y to T J , 5 Apr. 1793, publishe d in National Gazette, 22 Ma y 1793, a s a n
"Extract from a well informed correspondent" in London . I n hi s lette r Pinckne y urged
that American merchants be put on guard to the possibility that the bill would be passed. T J omitte d this and other parts of the letter, but passed the extract of the postscript on to both Freneau and Fenno.
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especially his strong recommendation tha t the United States adopt a navigation act i n retaliation against Grea t Britain. Jefferso n di d not infor m anyone sav e the President, much less Freneau and the press, that he had received two month s before th e establishmen t o f th e National Gazette th e substanc e o f Lor d Hawkesbury's highl y secre t repor t t o th e Priv y Counci l o n trad e wit h th e United States . Thi s importan t documen t h e retaine d a s a n advantag e i n hi s negotiations wit h Hammond . S o also , o n th e questio n o f th e deb t t o France , could he hav e use d Willia m Short' s private and officiai communications unde r careful concealmen t ha d his inten t bee n t o confron t hi s Cabine t colleague o n the manne r i n whic h th e proceed s o f th e Hollan d loan s wer e bein g em ployed - o r not employed . Protectio n o f the confidentialit y o f diplomatic com munications led understandably to the exclusion of all correspondence betwee n the Secretary of State and the French and British ministers to the United States, except o f cours e tha t par t mad e publi c t o al l newspaper s b y submissio n t o Congress. It woul d b e a mistake, however, t o assum e tha t th e nee d fo r confidentialit y alone cause d Jefferso n t o withhol d fro m Frenea u every par t of th e long , per ceptive, an d highl y importan t dispatche s o f Willia m Short . I n hi s intimat e knowledge o f affairs in France , i n his appraisal s of leading publi c figures, an d in hi s abilit y to anticipat e th e cours e o f events, Shor t provided Jefferson wit h the mos t importan t budget s o f information o f an y o f the America n representatives abroad. Gouverneu r Morris , wh o preferre d t o communicat e wit h th e President becaus e h e though t informatio n channele d through th e Secretar y of State woul d b e biased , als o provide d muc h useful intelligenc e abou t th e drif t of affair s i n France. Bu t bot h Shor t i n hi s modest , studiou s account s an d Morris i n his self-confiden t bu t generall y accurat e appraisal of men an d measures, wer e i n substantia l agreemen t abou t th e extrem e revolutionist s an d th e likelihood tha t the y woul d destro y th e brigh t hope s fo r th e Frenc h republic . The natur e o f thei r skeptica l reports , adde d t o th e nee d fo r confidentiality , helps t o explai n wh y Jefferso n decline d t o allo w Frenea u in an y instanc e t o make us e o f an y par t o f th e dispatche s o f thes e tw o astut e observer s o f th e European scene . Bu t if he avoided publishin g anything from their estimates o f the course of events, s o also did he withhold from Freneau the accounts o f such idealistic an d overl y optimisti c sympathizer s wit h th e revolutionar y caus e a s his friend s th e abbé s Arnou x an d Chalut. Freneau , a s Jefferso n coul d no t have failed to observe, had shown himself too uncritica l in accepting everything favorable abou t th e change s takin g plac e i n Franc e an d i n rejectin g o r con demning anythin g to th e contrary. On th e othe r hand , those excerpt s fro m officia l an d private files which Jef ferson mad e availabl e to Frenea u concerning affair s i n Englan d scarcel y gave the Britis h governmen t th e benefi t o f any doubt . Lat e i n Novembe r Jefferso n wrote th e followin g not e o n th e addres s cove r o f a letter h e ha d just receive d 76
77
78
I n the absenc e o f diplomatic relations, Johnson acted as a sort of de facto minister as well as the consul at London. See Editorial Note and group of documents at 31 May 1791. Gouverneu r Morris to Washington, 22 Nov . 1790 , Enclosur e n in Washington to T J , 2 8 Jul y 1791 . Arnou x and Chalut t o T J , 2 0 Ma y 1791. O n Short's dispatches, se e fo r example 30 June and 7 July 1791 , received just prior to the establishment of the National Gazette. See also Pio to T J , 2 2 July 1791 . 7 6
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from the nephew o f Richard Price : "Perhap s Mr. Freneau may think the paragraph marke d withi n t o b e wort h a place i n his paper. T h e names o f the persons fro m and to whom the letter wa s written not to be mentioned." Th e paragraph in question spok e glowingl y o f the spiri t of reformation in England, depicted Paine as one who had contributed to it, and reported that, while Burke raved i n the Hous e o f Commons, hi s friends ha d deserted hi m and Paine's Rights of Man wa s in all hands makin g converts. S o also di d Jefferson mak e extensive us e of two long letters from William Knox reporting that, while threefourths o f the population o f Ireland consiste d o f Catholics, they were denie d the right s of citizenship, coul d not serve a s magistrates o r on grand juries, or even t o vote for Protestant member s o f Parliament; that , i n consequence, pe titions ha d been presente d t o that bod y seekin g a n end to discriminatory legislation; and that if these requests wer e denied-as the y were-ther e woul d be such a genera l fermen t i n Irelan d a s had not bee n see n fo r a century. T he matter selecte d fro m thes e letter s fo r publication i s accented b y the fact tha t Jefferson excluded that part about the flourishing American trade, the immens e amount of smuggling o f tobacco, and the difficulties o f impressment, inadequat e registration o f American vessels , an d so on. By fa r the majo r portio n o f letter s an d extracts tha t Jefferso n permitte d Freneau to publish came from American consuls and vice-consuls, chiefly those in France . Thes e selection s were concerne d largel y bu t not exclusively wit h commercial matters. Of these the chief contributor was Joseph Fenwick, consul at Bordeaux , whose dispatche s selecte d fo r publication urge d tha t Americans should becom e bette r acquainte d wit h manufacture s an d other product s obtainable i n France cheape r tha n i n England; tha t Congres s shoul d establis h arsenals in which French clothin g an d other supplie s coul d be used; an d that increase in this infan t trad e would mak e it easier for the United State s to en d its trouble s wit h th e Algerines. I n general, Fenwic k took a n optimistic vie w of French politics , as when he reported that rumors of a league forming on the continent agains t Franc e were nothin g mor e than a chimera. The dispatche s of Stephe n Cathalan , J r . , vice-consul a t Marseilles, were no t so numerous as those of Fenwick, bu t Jefferson's interes t i n fostering trad e with the Mediterranean doubtles s prompte d hi m t o make som e o f them availabl e to Freneau . 79
80
81
7 9
Georg e Morgan to T J, 1 7 May 1791, received by TJ o n 19 Nov. 1791 and published
in the National Gazette on the 21st as "Extract of a letter from Hackney, England, September
2." In the passage discussing Burke, Freneau inserted a sentence not in the original: "I t is remarkable that in his debates he frequently refers to Paine's book, and thereby shows how muc h it galls him. " This i s a good example o f a number of instances i n which Freneau altered dates and made changes i n the texts. Willia m Knox to T J, 1 7 Jan. and 15 Feb. 1792 ; both published in National Gazette, 8 0
12 Apr. 1792 , a s "Extract of a letter from a gentleman in Dublin" and "Extract of another letter from the same gentleman." See also Johnson to T J , 1 0 Aug. 179 1 (hi s second of that date), published as "Extract of a letter from London, Sept. 6," in National Gazette, 3
Nov. 1791 . Fe n wick's letter s mad e available to Freneau, wit h some enclosures, wer e those o f 25 Sep. , 28 Oct. , and 24 Dec. 1791 ; 1 1 and 28 Sep. 1792 ; 20 Jan. and 12 May 1793 ; 81
printed in the National Gazette, 16 Jan., 2 Apr., an d 22 Dec . 1792 ; 5 Jan., 1 May, 27
and 31 July 1793 . Usuall y these were printed with such captions as "Authentic extract
of a letter, dated Bordeaux . . . to a gentleman in this city." But in those of 11 and 28 Sep.
1792-just afte r TJ had explained his connection wit h the National Gazette to Washington - th e extracts were bracketed by TJ an d Fenwick's name as consul given.
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Cathalan's repor t of a ship lade n wit h a fine carg o o f brandies , soap, oliv e oil , anchovies, umbrellas , fans, an d silks was marke d by Jefferson fo r publication, but th e nam e o f th e Baltimor e consignee , Rober t Gilmo r & Company , wa s omitted. Hi s transmission of a petition fro m th e municipalit y of Marseille s to the Presiden t pointin g ou t th e scarcit y of wheat an d flour in that vicinit y and urging that American trade be encouraged was also published. In another letter given t o Frenea u after th e outbrea k o f th e war , Cathalan gav e assuranc e that the Frenc h fleet would protect America n vessel s coming to the Mediterranean. Jefferson alway s excluded Cathalan' s generall y gloom y and sometimes desperate account o f the stat e of affairs in France. Th e letters fro m Delamotte a t Le Havre als o urge d increase d trad e wit h th e Unite d States , predicte d tha t th e national spirit stirring France could only result in improvements, and expressed the belie f tha t th e tw o nation s understoo d an d sympathize d wit h eac h othe r more an d more . "You r loa n i n Holland, " he added , "you r policies , an d your public securitie s creat e a sensation i n Europe." Th e flattering hopes fo r th e revolutionists' cause fell far short of the reliable reports being give n b y William Short, bu t the publishe d extract must hav e seemed gratefu l bot h t o Hamiltonians an d t o th e opposition . I n general , th e consula r dispatche s fro m Europ e gave littl e i f an y informatio n abou t commerc e no t mor e readil y an d perhap s more accuratel y known to th e mercantil e community. Thu s eve n befor e Cath alan's urgen t appeal s fo r whea t an d flour had reache d Jefferson, th e market s of Marseilles and other ports of southern France and Spain were already glutted because o f the earlier intelligence receive d by American shippers. The political views expresse d b y Fenwic k and other consul s wer e als o frequentl y belie d b y the onrush of events. Suc h news events as the death of the Emperor of Morocco reported b y Thoma s Barcla y - wit h bot h hi s identit y an d th e natur e o f hi s mission conceale d - did , however , provid e usefu l facts. In th e numbe r o f item s selecte d an d i n th e manne r o f presentation , wit h Jefferson and his clerks at times doing the translations from French and Spanish documents whic h it was the duty of the cler k for foreign language s t o perform, the contribution s o f the Secretar y of State to the National Gazette stand unique among all others. Lik e the essays of Madison, Logan , Brutus, an d Sidney, mos t of th e piece s tha t Jefferso n mad e availabl e fel l i n th e first yea r of th e paper' s existence. Unlik e theirs, his were not discussion s o f public issues fro m his ow n pen bu t wer e selecte d b y him from private and official communications , bein g intended t o infor m an d t o presen t a mor e balance d an d reliabl e accoun t o f 82
83
84
Cathala n to T J , 1 1 Mch . and 24 Aug . 179 2 (th e latte r enclosing th e petitio n t o the President) , and 17 Feb. 1793; published in the National Gazette, 1 0 May, 10 and 14 Nov . 1792 , an d 4 Ma y 1793 . Cathalan' s letter, wit h its autho r identified a s viceconsul, and the petition to the President, which of course would not have been published without his consent, were also sent to Fenno and appeared in Gazette of the United States, 14 Nov. 1792 . Delamott e t o T J , 1 5 an d 27 Oct . 1791 ; an d 5 Oct . 1792 ; published in National Gazette, 1 3 Feb. 1792 an d 16 Jan. 1793, unde r such captions as "Authentic Extract of 8 2
8 3
a letter from a gentleman of the best information, at Havre" I n the first of these letters TJ
bracketed the paragrap h to b e published and then wrote in the margin: "This passag e to b e translated and sent t o Mr . Freneau," thus placing upon anothe r clerk (probably Taylor) the task for which Freneau was paid . Barcla y to T J , 1 and 16 Mch. 1792, publishe d in the National Gazette of 24 May 8 4
1792, wit h important deletions, as "Extract of a letter from a gentleman at Gibraltar, to his correspondent in this city"
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events. A s selections, the y naturall y reflected hi s own judgment a s to what was significant, and , i n general , represente d hi s ow n view s o f foreign policy . Bu t the importan t fac t lie s no t i n thei r numbe r o r even i n thei r carefull y selecte d subjects but in the relationship between a member of the Cabinet and the editor of a newspape r whic h the y exemplified . Th e essentia l fac t i s tha t Jefferson' s making available such a variety of materials through his own persona l selectio n and unde r his ow n direction s t o th e printe r was a particular act o f favoritism which th e Secretar y of State di d not exten d t o an y othe r edito r an d which h e bestowed upo n on e o f his clerk s to assis t hi m in his privat e enterprise. I t was the numbe r and the kin d o f special privileges accorde d Freneau which set th e National Gazette apart from earlier and later manifestations o f Jefferson's interest in suc h newspaper s a s thos e o f Joh n Fenno , Andre w Brown , Benjami n F. Bache, Willia m Duane , an d Samue l H . Smith . Undeniably , Jefferso n mad e this extraordinar y effort i n collaboratio n wit h Madiso n becaus e bot h wer e s o deeply concerne d abou t th e tendenc y o f Hamiltonia n measures, a concer n s o profound a s t o creat e fear s o f wha t Jefferso n regarde d a s th e wors t o f al l evils - disunion . But , howeve r exalte d th e motive , suc h officia l bestowa l o f special privilege did not and could not dispose o f the ethical question Hamilton had raised. The fact that Hamilton himself was far more vulnerable on question s of official propriet y does not affec t th e validit y of the poin t h e made . IV Despite the most concerted and the most powerful political influence enjoye d by an y journal o f the time , th e National Gazette failed to achiev e the hig h goa l its sponsor s se t fo r it . I n it s first fe w months , becaus e o f thei r varie d an d important contributions , if wa s i n fac t a n impressiv e an d usefu l journa l o f information an d reasoned discussion . Gratifyin g expressions o f appreciation of its characte r provided testimon y t o this , especiall y fro m th e South. Bu t th e National Gazette neve r realize d the hope s o f its patron s tha t i t woul d becom e a trul y nationa l pape r o f th e sor t the y ha d planned . I n th e Sout h an d West , where most o f its subscribers were located, it preached to the already converted about th e evil s o f th e fundin g system , th e bank , th e excise , an d ever y mani festation o f monarchical tendencies i n the government. Th e Middle States were well serve d by a number of ably edite d competitiv e journal s which supporte d both th e administratio n and the oppositio n point s o f view . I n Federalist Ne w England th e National Gazette neve r gaine d a foothold, bein g regarde d at best as a nuisanc e an d a t wors t a s a n instrumen t wielde d b y Jefferso n an d hi s supporters to subver t the established order. It was, however, occasionall y quote d by suc h republica n paper s a s Thoma s Adams ' The Independent Chronicle o f Boston an d Anthony Haswell' s Vermont Gazette i n Bennington . The largel y sectiona l natur e o f Freneau' s paper wa s not , however , th e rea l cause o f it s failure . Financia l difficultie s hav e generall y bee n regarde d a s th e chief reaso n fo r th e terminatio n o f it s brie f career . Thes e were undoubtedl y real. Deliver y was slo w an d uncertain, especially i n th e South , an d collectio n of arrearage s fro m subscriber s - t o who m Frenea u appeale d frequentl y an d 85
Randolp h to T J, 23 June 1792;Henry Lee to Madison, 6 Feb. 1792 (DLC: Madison Papers). Occasiona l commendatory piece s wer e also published in the National Gazette, especially in the beginning . 85
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threateningly i n th e las t fe w months-wa s eve n worse. "Mar k thi s plai n observation from experience," William Duane wrote in 179 8 abou t the financial situation o f Bache's paper, "Newspaper debts are the worst of all others."* T h e crowning blow cam e in September 1793 , when , according to Freneau, Franci s Childs told him to sto p publication immediately i f continuance depende d upo n his advances , sinc e th e pape r theretofor e ha d bee n t o hi m a perpetua l loss. The onl y evidence o f Childs' withdrawal of support is Freneau's later statemen t in defense of Jefferson, which was also self-serving and in some essential respect s inaccurate. I n his fina l issu e Frenea u announced tha t h e wa s onl y suspendin g the paper , tha t h e ha d recently acquire d new an d elegant type s fro m Europe , and tha t h e hope d t o resum e publicatio n b y th e tim e Congres s convened. I f this contemporar y announcemen t actuall y represente d Freneau' s intention a t the time, it can scarcely be reconciled with his later statement tha t it was Childs' withdrawal o f support whic h cause d cessatio n o f publication. While financia l problem s undoubtedl y existe d eve n fo r a paper wit h a subscription lis t fa r beyon d wha t Frenea u claimed fo r th e National Gazette, i t i s difficult t o believ e tha t thi s alon e explain s wh y i t failed . I t i s significan t tha t Childs an d Swain e continue d t o operat e th e sho p wher e i t ha d bee n printed . Also, ther e wer e othe r Philadelphi a papers whic h survived the financial diffi culties afflictin g all , among the m Bache' s General Advertiser, Brown' s Federal Gazette, Dunlap^s American Daily Advertiser, an d Fenno's Gazette of the United States. Thes e journal s - eve n th e last , whic h wa s provide d wit h financial as sistance throug h Hamilto n an d hi s friend s - lacke d th e specia l advantage s o f political patronag e tha t ha d bee n bestowe d upo n th e National Gazette. Why , then, di d i t ceas e t o exis t afte r onl y tw o years ? B y the n partisa n line s ha d become mor e sharpl y drawn , politica l contention s were mor e bitter , an d th e need fo r suc h a national journal a s Jefferson an d Madison ha d envisaged wa s far greate r than whe n Frenea u was persuade d t o embar k upon th e venture . In the summer of 1793 tha t need was expressed by Jefferson in an almost desperat e appeal t o Madiso n to answe r efforts mad e b y Hamilto n as Pacificus t o destro y the allianc e with France . "Fo r god's sake, m y dear Sir," Jefferson wrote , "tak e up your pen, selec t th e mos t strikin g heresies, an d cut him to piece s i n the fac e 86
1
88
89
O n subscribers' complaints o f non-deliver y i n th e first few week s o f th e paper' s existence, se e Daniel Carroll to Madison, 22 Nov. 179 1 (DLC : Madison Papers); Henry Lee to Madison , 8 Jan. and 6 Feb. 1792 (same) . Willia m Duane to Tench Coxe, 15 Oct. 1798 (PMHB , xcvi [Oct. 1972], 524) . Frenea u "To the Citizen s of South Carolina," 31 Dec . 180 0 (Philadelphi a Aurora of 1 4 Aug . 1802 ; reprinte d in Marsh , "Frenea u and Jefferson," Am. Lit., v m [May 1936], 186) . National Gazette, 26 Oct . 1793 . Freneau' s statement i n 180 0 asserte d that Childs' notification for immediate cessation came in September. This was at least a month before the pape r ceased t o exist . Th e new type s wer e acquire d by the Philadelphi a printin g shop o f Child s an d Swaine . The last thre e issue s wer e printe d on half-sheets , whic h Freneau explained as being due to a shortage o f paper. The yellow feve r epidemic may have been responsible for this and may also have contributed to the announced suspension of the paper, as it did in the case of Fenno's Gazette of the United States. Some subscribers at a distance from Philadelphia feared to handle the paper because of the epidemic, and Freneau had to explain that is was not printed in that part of the city where the disease was most prevalent and that none of the printers had contracted it. 8 6
8 7
8 8
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of the public. There is nobody els e who can and will enter the lists with him." This earnes t appeal was written only a few months befor e th e National Gazette ceased publication . Bu t when Madiso n complie d wit h hi s notable Letters of Helvetius, thes e were publishe d not in Freneau's paper but in that o f Fenno. Long befor e thi s i t mus t hav e becom e clea r to Freneau's original sponsor s that a perceptible an d to them distressin g change ha d taken plac e in the character of the National Gazette. Hint s of this ha d appeared at the outset, bu t b y late summe r o f 179 2 the alteratio n wa s clearly discernible , especiall y afte r Hamilton ha d accused the editor o f being a hireling of the Secretar y of State. Up t o the n th e publication o f important officia l documents , th e reporting of Congressional debates , th e cogent essays o f Madison, the reasoned analyse s of government measure s b y Logan, Brutus, Sidney, an d others, an d the carefully selected item s o f foreign intelligence contribute d b y Jefferson ha d made i t a new an d impressive vehicl e fo r the opposition . Thereafter , wit h occasiona l important exceptions , i t became mor e an d more a narrowly polemical journal marked b y satire, invective , scurrility , persona l abuse , an d repetitive harpin g upon al l evidences o f monarchy and aristocracy which its editor discovere d in every aspect of government an d society. John Adams' argument for the necessit y of titles an d distinctions among me n was an easy target fo r Freneau's incessant barbs, bu t all honorifics - eve n th e time-honored an d innocuous us e of "Es quire"-now becam e absur d in a republic. The clima x cam e wit h th e arrival of Gene t a s French ministe r to the United States . Th e enthusiasti c receptio n given hi m b y the people in his calculated progress fro m Charlesto n to Phila delphia was echoed an d magnified t o an inordinate degree in the pages of the National Gazette, wit h Frenea u himself taking a prominent par t in the hero's welcome accorde d Genet in Philadelphia. Not surprisingly, such adulation had its impac t upo n th e new minister, upo n Freneau , upo n th e National Gazette, and — in a harmful manner quite unintende d — upon th e Franco-American A lliance itself. Jefferson , wh o ha d to contend i n the Cabinet with Hamilton over the issue , wa s dismaye d by Genet's conduct . "Never , in my opinion," he confided to Madison, "was so calamitous an appointment mad e as that of the present minister Hotheaded , all imagination, no judgment, passionate, disrespectfu l and eve n indecen t toward s th e President ] i n his written a s wel l a s verbal communications, talkin g of appeals fro m hi m t o Congress, from the m t o the people, urging the most unreasonabl e an d groundless propositions , an d in the most dictatoria l styl e &c . &c. &c." He predicted, accurately , tha t if it eve r became necessar y to make Genet' s communication s public , they woul d excit e universal indignation . Then , revealin g his knowledge o f the altere d character 90
T J t o Madison, 7 July 1793 . Hamilton' s Pacificus pieces appeared in Gazette of the United States, 1 9 June, 3 and 6 July 1793 ; printed in Syrett, Hamilton, xv , 33-43, 559 0
63, 65-9 . Madison' s Letters of Helvetius appeare d in Gazette of the United States, 24 and
28 Aug.; 7, 11, 14, and 18 Sep. 1793; printed in Madison, Writings, ed. Hunt, vi, 138 88. I n transmitting these to T J , Madiso n sai d that he could not get them to Fenno without TJ's aid. He also asked TJ t o go over the paper, especially those parts marked, for suc h alteration s a s he thought shoul d b e made. I n addition, he enclosed " a little thing" of Lor d Chatham' s for publication. T J changed onl y par t of one sentence in Madison's pieces bu t did not send the Chatham item to Fenno because h e thought it would be attributed to himself and, in any case, would have more effect after the meeting of Congress (Madison to T J, 1 1 Aug. 1793; TJ t o Madison, 18 Aug. and 1 Sep. 1793).
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of th e National Gazette, h e added : "T o complete ou r misfortun e w e hav e n o channel of our own through which we can correct the irritating representation s he ha s made." A fe w day s late r Jefferso n declare d to Monro e tha t Genet' s conduct wa s "indefensibl e b y th e mos t furiou s Jacobin." But Freneau , arden t i n hi s Jacobinism , was on e o f two o r three journalists who supporte d Gene t to th e end . H e denounce d th e President' s proclamation and thought th e impartia l position o f th e governmen t amounte d t o desertio n of a friend and ally. "The cause of France is the caus e of mankind," one typical editorial pronounced, "and neutrality is desertion." When meetings of citizens and merchant s all over th e countr y began t o adop t resolution s supportin g th e President's policy , expressin g friendshi p an d gratitud e t o France , an d calling for suppor t o f th e allianc e whil e condemnin g th e conduc t o f Genet , Freneau never deviate d fro m th e cours e h e ha d taken i n th e beginning . Th e change d character of the National Gazette reflected the unchanged character of its editor, who repeated endlessly th e old accusations against those who differed with him on th e Gene t mission , wh o reveale d his inabilit y to analyz e the issu e i n term s of constitutional and international law, and who became more and more isolated from th e growin g number s o f hi s countryme n wh o rallie d in suppor t o f th e administration's polic y o f neutrality. This intransigen t stan d i s onl y th e mos t conspicuou s o f man y proof s tha t Freneau wa s neve r th e hirelin g o f th e Secretar y o f Stat e a s Hamilto n ha d charged. Endowe d with a n unbendin g prid e an d a n invincibl e convictio n o f personal rectitude , h e wa s extraordinaril y sensitive t o an y intimatio n tha t h e could b e manipulate d a s a politica l instrument . Thoug h h e wa s capabl e o f sympathetic feeling s fo r ma n i n general , h e wa s close r i n spiri t to Roussea u and Condorce t than t o suc h politica l pragmatists o f the America n Enlighten ment a s Jefferso n an d Madison . H e wa s primaril y a ma n o f passion , no t o f reason. Hi s capacit y fo r hatre d - exemplifie d i n hi s savag e indictmen t o f th e British peopl e a s th e mos t crue l peopl e o n earth , s o muc h s o tha t eve n th e birds and beasts o f that island shared their depravity - carrie d him beyond th e limit o f rationality. For those who hel d his conviction s abou t governmen t an d society, n o prais e coul d b e sufficient . Fo r thos e wh o believe d o r reasone d otherwise, n o expressio n o f contemp t wa s to o severe . S o als o fo r thos e wh o seemed t o him to betra y a public trust. Thus Loui s X V I , wh o i n the early days of the National Gazette wa s haile d as "th e Patrio t 'King o f the French ' " later became th e "perjured monarch," his decapitation no t to be regretted but hailed as the triump h of a just an d sovereign people . Al l monarchs in hi s vie w wer e enemies o f th e huma n race . George II I wa s a tyrant who rule d over a people not onl y servil e bu t als o stupid . Whe n the Quee n o f Portuga l was treate d b y an English doctor , Frenea u denounced hi m as a quack and expressed the hope that he would be no more successful in treating rabies monarchica than in dealing with th e diseas e i n othe r animals . In the beginning , too , h e declare d that th e President's birthda y had bee n observe d wit h suitabl e ceremony , bu t th e fol lowing yea r h e denounce d thi s occasio n alon g wit h presidentia l soiree s an d levees as absurd evidences o f monarchica l pom p an d parade. Thus th e failur e o f th e National Gazette, a s indicate d als o b y th e brie f association of Freneau with Bailey's Freeman s Journal, Child s and Swaine's Daily 91
92
93
]
T J t o Madison, 7 July 1793 . s* T J t o Monroe, 1 4 July 1793 . 91
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National Gazette, 1 5 Ma y 1793 .
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Advertiser, and , later, his own short-live d Jersey Chronicle an d The Time-Piece, lay primaril y withi n himself. Th e chie f weapons wit h whic h he consistentl y and ardentl y champione d republica n principles throughout life , bot h i n prose and verse , wer e instinctua l and emotional , expresse d i n satire, ridicule , scurrility, vituperation, and even o n occasion scatological abuse. H e was possessed of natura l talent s fo r light vers e and , in his way, wa s an undaunted defende r of republican principles . But always, in the end, his efforts i n journalism faile d because hi s vituperative persona l assault s o n those wh o differed wit h hi m al ienated those of his audienc e who preferred reasoned discussion of public issues. T o hi s corrosive style Freneau also brought an innate aversion to the demanding tasks o f journalism. I n a revealing statemen t i n one of the last issue s o f the National Gazette, he expressed the opinion tha t newspapers, the most usefu l of all publications , were als o th e mos t difficul t t o conduct . Lawyers , divines , physicians, and other professionals, havin g only one subjec t to approach, could easily wi n fame an d recognitio n fro m posterity . B y contrast, h e pointed out, the edito r ha d to treat o f the entire rang e o f knowledge an d be censured for not pleasin g everyone . Moreover , he was obliged t o do this "o n stated days , whether . . . read y o r not." I t is thu s no t suprisin g tha t al l of Freneau's journalistic endeavors were brief and unsuccessful . The scurrilous, vituperative, and abusiv e styl e tha t he brought t o the discussion o f men an d measures was only one cause of his failure as an editor. Another factor was more fundamental. He ha s been calle d the ablest edito r o f his day , bu t his natural endowment s did no t include the stamina, the discipline, and the temperament demande d of the professiona l editor . Th e truth is that he failed in all o f his spasmodi c an d short-lived journalisti c efforts becaus e h e lacke d thes e essentia l qualities , s o much s o that he did not succeed eve n whe n aide d by the most concerte d an d influential patronag e bestowe d upo n an y practitioner of the craf t in his time. The silenc e o f Freneau's sponsor s a t the demise o f the National Gazette an d the manne r in which he severed his relations with the Department of State are 94
95
96
Th e Jersey Chronicle, o f which Freneau was both editor and printer at his home in Monmouth, laste d onl y fro m 2 May 179 5 to 30 Apr. 1796. A facsimile o f the onl y known copy of the broadside announcing Freneau's plans for the paper (which naturally differed substantially from the Proposals for the National Gazette) is reproduced in Victor 94
Hugo Paltsits, A bibliography of the separate and collected works of Philip Freneau (New
York, 1903) , p. 10 . A few months after that paper expired, Freneau wrote Madison that he had almost completed plan s to go into partnership with Greenleaf in hi s two papers, the Argus an d the New-York Journal, an d tha t he hoped to revive something in the spirit of the National Gazette and to succeed "with proper assistance." He acknowledged his inability to become known to the principal characters o f New Yor k and asked Madison for an introduction to Chancellor Livingston (Freneau to Madison, 1 Dec. 1796) . That venture neve r cam e to fruition: the kind o f assistance tha t ha d brought th e National Gazette into existence wa s no longer available. Freneau launched The Time-Piece in New York on 13 Mch. 179 7 in partnership with A. Menut, but the partnership was dissolved six months later . Another partnership was then formed, and, jus t a year after the paper had begun , Frenea u left th e enterprise. See , for example, National Gazette, 26 Apr. 179 2 and 27 Feb. 1793 . When Freneau was associated with Bailey's Freeman's Journal, hi s resort to coarseness of this sort caused that pape r to be referred to as "Bailey's Chamber Pot" (Axelrad , Freneau, p . 136) . Vituperation, scurrility, and coarsenes s also characterized the short-lived Jersey Chronicle 95
and th e Time-Piece. National Gazette, 9 Oct. 1793. 9 6
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illuminating. Hi s curt note of resignation wa s written before h e announced hi s hope o f resumin g publicatio n o f th e paper . I f thi s wa s accompanie d b y an y expression o f friendship, of gratitude fo r many favors bestowed , o r of regret at the failur e of the National Gazette, n o evidenc e o f the fac t ha s bee n found . T o Freneau's brie f note of resignation Jefferso n mad e n o response. Th e contrast between th e en d o f thi s officia l relationshi p an d that , fo r example , betwee n Jefferson an d hi s chie f clerk , Henr y Remsen , J r . , who remaine d a lifelon g friend, i s striking . It was unde r these circumstances , just a short whil e befor e he lef t offic e a s Secretar y o f State , tha t Jefferso n sai d h e ha d bee n tol d th e National Gazette woul d b e resume d under the editorshi p o f John Swaine. I f it is, he added, " I think it will be well executed." Swaine' s death soon thereafter, Jefferson's retiremen t fro m office , an d othe r factor s ma y hav e prevente d re sumption o f th e pape r unde r a differen t editor . Bu t hi s avowa l o f confidenc e in Swaine, unaccompanied by any expression of disappointment at the departure of Freneau , i s eloquen t i n it s omission . The National Gazette had been wors e than a failure caused by the miscastin g of it s editor . Lik e Genet , Frenea u had becom e a liabilit y t o th e caus e h e s o 97
98
Se e Documen t ix. Entrie s in SJL sho w tha t Freneau wrote T J o n 7 and 21 Nov . 1793, n o doubt fro m Philadelphia, since bot h wer e received on their respective dates . Neither ha s been found . Th e contents can only b e conjectured , though th e first must have enclosed Freneau' s resignation, since both that and the letter were received on the same day. It is significant that, except for appeals by Freneau for TJ's subscription to his published poems, this closed their correspondence. An entry in S JL shows that TJ wrot e to Freneau on 22 Oct. 1795 , but the letter has not been found. This almost certainly was in response to a n unrecorded appeal from Freneau for a subscription to hi s Poems written between 9 7
the years 1768 and 1794 . . . printed at the Press of the Author, at Mount-Pleas ant (1795) ,
a cop y o f which TJ procured (Sowerby, No . 4437) . Th e next communicatio n wa s a brief note from Freneau of 8 Apr. 180 9 enclosin g proposals for publishing his poems in two volume s an d suggesting that some of TJ's friend s in Virginia might b e influenced to subscribe. TJ subscribe d for one set but politely declined to solicit subscriptions from others ( T J to Freneau , 22 Ma y 1809). Freneau , claimin g that TJ had misunderstood and that h e ha d not wishe d t o pu t hi m at the pain s o f collecting subscriptions , then proved that this had been hi s object b y saying he had intended n o more than that T J give such of his neighbors a s might choose to do so a chance to put down their names (Freneau to T J, 2 7 May 1809). T J di d not respond, but when he received the volumes he mus t hav e bee n astonishe d t o find his nam e a s a subscriber for te n sets , wit h an eleventh especiall y boun d for him. Characteristically, h e asked the publishe r to check the subscription list and promised to pay if he had actually ordered so many copies (Lydia Bailey to T J , 2 2 Mch . 1810; TJ to Mrs . Bailey , 18 Apr. 1810). O n verifying the list, Mrs. Bailey found that TJ's name was indeed down for ten sets but that the handwriting was certainly not his . "Some perso n wantin g principle," she added, "must have taken the unwarrantabl e liberty" (Lydia Baile y to T J , 8 May 1810). A t her suggestion, T J returned al l sav e th e se t h e ha d ordere d ( T J to Lydi a Bailey , 6 Dec . 1810) . Th e implication is that the person wanting principle who had thus padded the order was the author, certainly not the publisher. See Sowerby, No. 4438 . Freneau also made an appeal to Madison, asking him to solici t subscription s for the 1809 edition . Madison' s name headed the list for ten sets. Freneau heard nothing from the President about their receipt and learned later that they had perished when the White House wa s burned in 181 4 (Frenea u t o Madison , 8 Apr., 12 May, and 7 Aug. 1809 ; 12 Jan., 3 Mch., and 10 May 1815; all in D L C: Madiso n Papers) . T J t o Randolph, 8 Dec. 1793 . 9 8
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ardently championed. Hi s venture into nationa l journalism, coming s o close on the heel s o f Jefferson's publi c embarrassment ove r Paine' s Rights of Man an d being s o conspicuousl y sponsore d b y th e chie f leader s o f th e opposition , ha d dealt a severely damagin g blo w t o th e republica n cause. Th e National Gazette won fe w if any converts i n the Sout h and West, where criticis m of its virulent attacks on th e Presiden t and its emotional defens e of Genet steadil y increased. Among th e Federalist s of New Englan d i t had the effec t o f consolidating an d reinforcing th e supporter s o f those measures an d policies agains t whic h it had directed it s fire. Bu t advantage s sometime s emerg e eve n fro m failure . I f th e National Gazette helped brin g defeat to the republica n opposition i n this initia l battle, th e Federalists , encouraged b y victory , moved o n ste p b y ste p i n their exercise o f nationa l powe r unti l a t las t th e peopl e emphaticall y reverse d th e progression b y th e Revolutio n o f 1800 . Th e extreme polemic s o f Freneau and the failur e o f th e National Gazette ma y hav e le d thos e exercisin g powe r int o the erro r of overconfidence. Bu t it was the leadershi p of Jefferson, embodyin g in precep t an d practice the principle s of government h e ha d drafted a quarter of a centur y earlier , which expresse d th e moo d o f th e natio n an d ultimatel y triumphed i n that mos t crucia l o f elections . For Jefferso n himsel f th e failur e o f th e National Gazette wa s no t th e onl y legacy o f th e ill-starre d venture. Ther e remaine d th e accusatio n tha t h e ha d betrayed a public trust by an improper use o f patronage. Thi s fo r him was th e permanent consequence , ranklin g all the mor e becaus e o f the larg e element o f truth in it and because, in his lifelong devotion t o the public interest, his concept of official propriet y and his grasp of the implication s of self-government cause d him mor e tha n an y o f hi s contemporarie s t o dra w a shar p line o f distinctio n between privat e an d publi c interest . Th e National Gazette di d no t touc h hi s personal concerns , bu t i t di d caus e hi m to suspen d fo r thi s momen t an d for a greater cause his profound conviction s abou t th e probit y and disinterestednes s required o f a publi c office r i n a free society . Thi s ma y hav e bee n i n hi s con sciousness when , o n resignin g offic e an d thankin g Washingto n fo r al l o f hi s indulgences, h e sai d hi s nee d fo r the m wa s al l the greate r becaus e h e coul d claim nothin g o n hi s par t othe r tha n a firm pursui t o f wha t appeare d t o b e right-"and a thorough disdai n o f al l mean s whic h were no t a s ope n an d honorable, a s their object wa s pure." The disappointin g effor t t o establis h the National Gazette, begu n wit h such high hopes , wa s onl y on e o f Jefferson' s continuin g attempt s t o demonstrat e the absolut e necessit y o f a free pres s i n a free society . Bu t it wa s no t unti l h e became Presiden t that , largel y throug h hi s persuasiv e influence , hi s drea m became a realit y wit h th e foundin g o f th e first trul y nationa l newspaper . It s editor, Samue l Harrison Smith , had unintentionally brough t acut e embarrassment t o Jefferso n ove r th e Pain e inciden t o f 179 1 a t a time whe n the y wer e strangers to eac h other. Bu t they becam e firm friends , and Smith proved to b e the kin d of responsible journalist for whom Jefferson had been seekin g s o long . The National Intelligencer - it s titl e als o reflectin g Jefferson' s deepl y cherishe d hopes and perhaps his influence a s well - cam e as near to matching his elevate d standards for the pres s a s an y newspape r eve r did. 99
9 9
T J t o Washington, 31 Dec . 1793 .
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I . Phili p F r e n e a u t o T h o m a s J e f f e r s on S l R New-Yor
k Augus t 4th. 179 1
So man y difficulties occurre d in regard to m y removing from this city t o Philadelphi a and personally establishin g th e paper , th e hin t of whic h you , Sir , in conjunctio n wit h M r . Madison wer e please d to mentio n t o m e i n Ma y last , tha t I ha d determine d i n m y ow n mind no t t o attempt it . However, upo n recentl y talkin g over th e matte r wit h M r . Mad ison an d Col . Le e I hav e propose d a concer n (whic h the y hav e accepted) wit h Messieur s Child s an d Swain e i n a press a t th e sea t of Governmen t for the purpos e abovementioned . I a m no w s o fa r advanced on ou r pla n as t o hav e finished a copy of Proposals fo r the Nationa l Paper I have i n view, an d which upon my arrival at Philadelphia on Tuesday next I shall request the favour of yo u t o glanc e you r ey e over , previou s t o it s bein g printed . - 1 have th e honou r t o be , Sir , wit h th e highes t respec t You r mos t obedient humbl e servant , PHILI P FRENEA U RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 6 Aug. 179 1 and so recorded in SJL.
I I . Prospectu s fo r th e National Gazette T o th e Publi c The Edito r o f th e National Gazette havin g foun d hi s proposal s for establishin g a pape r o f tha t kin d attende d wit h al l th e succes s he coul d reasonabl y expect , considerin g th e shor t tim e tha t ha s elapsed sinc e hi s first acquainting the publi c with his design , take s this opportunit y i n his first number, briefly to remin d his subscribers, an d others, o f the pla n upon whic h he originall y intended, an d still propose s t o proceed . The Nationa l Gazett e shal l b e publishe d o n th e Monday an d Thursday morning s o f ever y week , i n the cit y o f Philadelphia , an d sent t o th e mor e distan t subscriber s by th e mos t read y and regular modes o f conveyance . Suc h persons , residen t i n th e cit y o f Phila delphia, a s incline to becom e subscribers, shall b e supplie d early on the morning s o f publication, at their own houses . T h e price will b e Three Dollar s a year ; the firs t hal f yearl y paymen t t o b e mad e i n three month s fro m th e tim e o f subscribing , an d futur e payment s every si x months . The pape r shall contain , among othe r interestin g particulars , th e [ 75 4 ]
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most importan t foreig n intelligence , collecte d no t onl y fro m th e British, French , an d Dutc h newspaper s ( a constan t an d punctual supply o f whic h ha s bee n engaged ) bu t als o fro m origina l com munications, letters, and other papers to which the Editor may have an opportunit y o f recurring fo r the mos t authenti c informatio n rel ative t o th e affair s of Europe . T h e departmen t fo r domestic new s wil l b e rendere d as complet e and satisfactor y a s possible , b y insertin g a judicious detail o f suc h occurrences a s shal l appea r worthy th e notic e o f the public . T h e mos t respectfu l attentio n shal l b e pai d to al l decent produc tions of entertainment in prose or verse that may be sent for insertion, as well as to suc h political essays a s have a tendency t o promot e th e general interest s o f th e Union . Ther e wil l als o b e inserte d during the session s o f Congress , a brie f Histor y o f th e Debate s an d Pro ceedings o f the Suprem e Legislature of the Unite d States, executed , it i s hoped , i n suc h a manne r a s t o answe r th e expectation s an d gratify th e curiosit y of ever y reader. Persons a t a distanc e wh o ma y subscrib e fo r fifteen papers , and will becom e responsibl e fo r th e subscriptio n money , shal l receiv e with th e packe t a sixteenth, gratis . Subscriptions are received at the Office, No. 239 High-street; also at the respective Bookstores of Mr . Franci s Bailey , and M r. Thomas Dobson. From th e National Gazette, Vol . 1 , No .
1,31 Oct . 1791. Freneau restated the plan and policy o f his pape r i n the issue s o f 1 and 1 7 Nov . 1791 . I n varian t for m hi s statement o f editoria l polic y appeare d i n the issu e o f 7 May 1792 . No manuscript text of the Proposals which Freneau refers to in the opening paragraph has been found. Bu t Childs and Swaine's
Daily Advertiser, 2 5 Aug . 1791 , an -
nounced tha t th e pape r woul d b e estab lished provided a sufficient numbe r of subscribers could be procured. The text of the Proposals, however, wa s drawn up before 9 Aug . 1791 , sinc e Frenea u promised t o show it to TJ o n that date (Freneau to T J , 4 Aug . 1791 ; Documen t i) . On 25 Aug . and agai n o n 2 8 Oct . 1791 , wit h sligh t variation, the Daily Advertiser announce d "Proposals for publishing, in Philadelphia, On the Second Day of November next, The National Gazette, A Periodical Miscellany of News, Politics , History, and Polite Lit erature: B Y PHILI P FRENEAU. " This , pre -
sumably, was essentially the form in which the origina l tex t appeare d whe n Freneau showed it to TJ earl y in August. The shift in the time of publication as announced in the Daily Advertiser from Wednesdays and Saturdays to Monday s an d Thursdays as stated abov e may have been suggested by T J s o that the paper could more easily meet the southbound post from Philadelphia and the cross-post from Richmond. The second section o f the Proposals , a s printed in the Daily Advertiser, stated in substance i f not in direct terms TJ's original concept: "The proposed pape r being . . . intended (a s intimated in the title) to circulate throughout the United States, particula r pains will be taken to convey the most authentic foreign and domestic informatio n from the Seat of Government to ever y par t of the Union." The third section o f the Proposals, including the direct quotation o f a maxim which may possibl y hav e bee n provide d b y TJ when the text of the Proposals was shown to hi m and which certainly expressed hi s views, als o suggest s his influence : "I n al l
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political essays, or such writings as relat e to the governmental concerns of our country, th e utmos t freedo m an d latitude of discussion will be encouraged and invited: time an d experience havin g rendered th e maxim indubitable that 'a patient and candid attention to a multiplicity of opinions, is the surest method of arriving at the truth of any question.' " This tex t of the Proposal s in broadside form was probably employed by Madison, T J , an d others i n their effort s t o solici t subscriptions for the National Gazette - a n
effort begu n eve n before T J receive d Freneau's lette r announcin g his arrangemen t with Child s an d Swaine to establish the paper.
The announcemen t t o th e publi c a s printed abov e summarize d th e essentia l nature of the Proposal s as printed in th e Daily Advertiser. Bu t there was on e ver y important an d revealing difference . The assurance that a constant and punctual supply o f British, French , an d Dutch newspapers ha d been engage d an d also tha t original communications, letters, and other papers accessible to the editor for the most authentic information of affairs in Europ e did no t appea r i n the Proposal s a s an nounced b y Childs an d Swaine. Thi s assurance described precisely what resulted from Freneau's relationship to the Department o f State . I t was one that onl y TJ could have authorized.
I I I . A p p o i n t m e n t o f Phili p F r e n e a u a s Clerk Department o f stat e o f th e Unite d States . Philip Frenea u is hereb y appointe d Cler k fo r foreig n language s in th e offic e o f Secretar y of Stat e wit h a salary of two hundre d and fifty dollar s a year , t o commenc e fro m th e tim e h e shal l tak e th e requisite oath s o f qualification. Give n unde r my han d this 16t h da y of August . 1791 . T H : JEFFERSON MS (DLC) ; entirel y in TJ's hand, containing on verso certificate of William Lewis, federal district judge for Pennsylvania, dated 17 Aug . 1791 , stating tha t Frenea u ha d appeared before him that day "and did solemnly swear that he will support the Con-
stitution of the United States and also that he will well and faithfully execute the Trust committed to him as Clerk for foreign Languages in the office of Secretary of State" (in clerk's hand, signed by Lewis).
I V . Gabrie l H e n n o t o T h o m a s J e f f e r s o n [New London , before 2 Aug. 1791] L'auteur d e c e mémoir e désir e e n recevoi r u n reç u dan s pe u d e tems dan s leque l i l sera bien ais e d'apprendr e s'i l doit continue r se s recherches. Son adresse est chez monsieur louis manière ne w london . GABRIEL HENN O ne dan s l a flandre autrichienn e RC (DNA : RG 59 , MLR); th e follow- autho r understand english, he has thought ing appear s o n a separate leaf : "tho ' the prope r to writ the following observation s [756 ]
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in french language wit h which he is more acquainted"; endorsed by TJ a s received 2 Aug. 179 1 an d so recorded in SJL . Th e above is almost certainly the conclusion of Henno's letter, being without salutation or date a s in the cas e o f his other letter s t o T J . No r can there be any doubt that it was addressed to the Secretar y of State, since T J retaine d it and its enclosure in the departmental files.The most plausible explanation for the missing initial portion, if there
was such, would seem to be that TJ sep arated that part of the letter as an accom paniment to the enclosure when he released it to the press. Enclosure: A 63-page manuscript entitle d "Mémoir e to the administrators. Singula quaque notando. hor. Re -
cherche politique de s moiens D'améliore r le commerce Des états," bearing at head of text: "new london 17 May 1791." See Editorial Note for summary of contents.
V . T h o m a s Jefferson t o Gabrie l H e n n o S I R Philadelphi
a Dec. 4. 1791 .
T h o You r observation s o n manufacture s came t o m y hand s lon g ago, an d wer e considere d a s entirel y worth y o f communicatio n t o the public , yet i t i s not til l latel y that I have been abl e to hav e the m so communicated. I inclose you the gazettes containing them, wherein you wil l se e tha t th e printe r has taken the libert y of omitting som e passages whic h h e considere d a s matte r o f embellishmen t rathe r than o f substance . Hi s objec t wa s t o sav e spac e i n hi s paper , h e thinks als o tha t i t i s thereb y mor e accomodate d t o th e tast e o f hi s readers. -1 a m with great consideration Sir Your mos t obedt . humble servt , T H : J E F F E R S ON PrC (MHi) ; a t foot of text: "Mr. Gabrie l Henno, chez Monsr. Louis Manièr e New London." Although Henn o had requested an im mediate repl y s o tha t h e migh t kno w
whether to proceed with his research, T J waited four months before responding . It seems clear that he did so in order to place the essay in the National Gazette rather than in some other paper.
V I . Phili p F r e n e a u t o T h o m a s J e f f e r s o n S l R Mornin
g Jan. 27 . [1792 ]
T w o o r thre e day s ag o I receive d a Lette r fro m M r . Nelson, o f Augusta County , Virginia , i n whic h he wishe s m e t o infor m hi m of the Nature or plan of the organization of the Pennsylvania Society for th e improvemen t o f agriculture. H e mention s tha t possibl y M r. Jefferson ca n give me some information, that will enabl e me to write him o n th e subject . M r . Jefferson wil l b e please d t o recollec t i f he has any documents relativ e to this Society , an d I will cal l tomorrow morning, t o b e informed . [ 75 7 ]
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I hav e just glanced over Mr . Henno' s las t essay, yo u were s o kin d as to send . I t is muc h like the others , generall y superficial , tedious , and to o littl e o f argumentativ e discussio n fo r th e subject , t o pleas e the generalit y o f readers . However , ther e ar e here an d there som e good things interspersed , which we wil l giv e the publi c when noth ing mor e interestin g offers . -1 a m Sir with grea t respec t You r ver y humble Servt. , PH. FRENEAU RC (MHi) ; endorsed by TJ a s received 27 Jan . 1792 bu t recorded in SJ L a s received on the day preceding. The error in date may have been that of Freneau, who made frequen t error s i n date s o f letter s published in the National Gazette. At times
he did this deliberately, as examples cited in the Editorial Note indicate. For the response to this inquiry as made by Georg e Loga n an d publishe d i n th e National Gazette, see Editoria l Note.
V I I . T h o m a s Jefferson t o Phili p Freneau [Philadelphia] March 13 . 92
Thomas Jefferso n send s t o M r . Frena u a lis t o f person s i n Char lottesville wh o hav e desire d t o receiv e hi s paper . Thi s mai l shoul d go b y th e Frida y morning' s pos t always, which will mee t the Char lottesville pos t a t Richmon d o n th e Thursda y evenin g following , and o n Saturda y the mai l wil l b e a t Charlottesville. Thos. J . will pa y M r . Frenau th e necessar y advance s a s soo n a s he wil l b e s o goo d a s t o furnis h him a note o f them . Tr (DLC) ; i n an unidentified hand; the States; that on 8 Jan. 1793 he paid Freneau names of subscribers are bracketed in the fo r a year's subscription (two copies); and margin and are the sam e eleven, give n i n tha t on 22 Nov. 1793 he "gave Philip Frenau the same order, which TJ liste d in his letter orde r on bank for 18.7 5 t o wit for myself to Thomas Bell o n the 16th . t o Oct . 26.93. 6 [dollars]. " The last payment perhaps covered subscriptions for some Entries in Account Book show that on o f the individual s named in TJ's lette r to 23 May 1792 T J pai d John Fenno for half Bel l of 16 Mch. 179 2 as well as that of two a year's subscription to Gazette of the United copie s for himself.
V I I I . T h o m a s Jefferson t o T h o m a s B e l l D E A R S l R Philadelphi
a Mar. 16 . 1792 .
Having learne d b y M r . Randolph's las t lette r th[a t the ] pos t t o Charlottesville i s no w regularl y established , I ha[v e given ] i n t o Freneau th e lis t o f subscriber s you sen t m e t o wi t [ 75 8 ]
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John Nichola s Willia m Wood s Thomas Bel l Diver s & Lindsa y Nicholas Lewi s junr . Isaa c Mille r Robert Jouet t Pete r Derieu x George Diver s Georg e Gilme r George Bruc e and hav e desire d him to sen d of f the [papers ] by every Friday's post, so tha t yo u wil l receiv e the m eigh t day s afterwards . H e i s t o giv e me a note o f the advance s necessar y t o b e made , whic h I am to pa y him fo r th e subscribers , an d mus t ge t yo u t o settl e wit h the m fo r me. I a m i n hope s indee d tha t yo u wil l sen d forwar d five name s more, an d so b e entitle d t o you r paper gratis, for collecting th e rest . In thi s manner the busines s ca n be done between them an d Freneau by yo u an d myself. I a m in hopes his pape r wil l giv e satisfaction : i t is certainl y th e bes t I eve r sa w publishe d i n America . I a m wit h great an d sincer e estee m t o yoursel f an d m y friend s o f you r plac e and vicinit y Dea r Si r your frien d & servt. TH: JEFFERSON PrC (DLC) ; slightl y mutilated, with the missing words being given in brackets (supplied) from a Tr in unidentified han d (DLC). T J listed the names in a box inset in the text.
I X . Resignatio n o f Phili p F r e n e a u a s Clerk Philadelphia, Octobe r 11th . 179 3
The Withi n contain s th e appointmen t o f Phili p Frenea u to th e office o f clerkshi p of foreig n Language s i n th e departmen t o f Stat e by M r . Jefferson . I hereb y resig n th e sam e appointment , fro m Octobe r 1st . 1793 . PHILIP F R E N E A U RC (DLC) ; endorse d by TJ a s received 7 Nov. 179 3 an d recorded in S JL wit h date of letter omitted . Enclosure : TJ' s appointmen t o f Freneau, 1 6 Aug . 179 1 (Documen t m).
759
Indexes coverin g Vols. 1-6 , 7-12 , an d 13-1 8 hav e been published. A comprehensive index of persons, places, subjects , etc. , arrange d in a single consol idated sequenc e fo r Vols . 1-20 , wil l b e issue d a s Vol. 21 . Beginning with Vol. 22 , each volume wil l contain its own index, although cumulative indexes may b e publishe d periodically.