Old Babylonian Texts in the Schøyen Collection, Part Two: School Letters, Model Contracts, and Related Texts 9781646020140

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OLD BABYLONIAN TEXTS IN THE SCHØYEN COLLECTION PART 2

The publication of Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology Volume 43 was made possible thanks to a generous subvention from an anonymous donor

Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology (CUSAS) Volume 43 MANUSCRIPTS IN THE SCHØYEN COLLECTION

CUNEIFORM TEXTS XIV

Old Babylonian Texts in the Schøyen Collection Part 2

School Letters, Model Contracts, and Related Texts by

A. R. George and Gabriella Spada

Eisenbrauns University Park, Pennsylvania 2019

Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology EDITOR-­IN-­CHIEF *** David I. Owen (Cornell University)

EDITORIAL COMMITTEE *** Robert K. Englund (University of California, Los Angeles) Wolfgang Heimpel (University of California, Berkeley) Rudolf H. Mayr (Lawrenceville, New Jersey) Manuel Molina (Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Madrid) Francesco Pomponio (University of Messina) Walther Sallaberger (University of Munich) Marten Stol (Leiden) Karel Van Lerberghe (University of Leuven) Aage Westenholz (University of Copenhagen)

Cataloging-in-publication data is on file with the Library of Congress. Copyright © 2019 The Pennsylvania State University All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America Published by The Pennsylvania State University Press, University Park, PA 16802-­1003 Eisenbrauns is an imprint of The Pennsylvania State University Press. The Pennsylvania State University Press is a member of the Association of University Presses. It is the policy of The Pennsylvania State University Press to use acid-­free paper. Publications on uncoated stock satisfy the minimum requirements of American National Standard for Information Sciences—­Permanence of Paper for Printed Library Material, ANSI Z39.48-­1992.

Contents Statement of Provenance, by Martin Schøyen........................................................................................... vii Series Editor’s Preface, by David I. Owen.................................................................................................. xi Preface and Acknowledgments................................................................................................................. xii Abbreviations.......................................................................................................................................... xiii Catalog of Tablets....................................................................................................................................... 1 Concordances............................................................................................................................................ 5 1.  Old Babylonian School Letters, by A. R. George............................................................................. 9 Introduction.............................................................................................................................................. 9 The Texts..................................................................................................................................................13 Nos. 1–­11: Letters Extant in Multiple Copies....................................................................................13 Nos. 12–­29: Variant Versions of Letters Extant in Multiple Copies.....................................................25 Nos. 30–­37: Other Letters.................................................................................................................42 Discussion................................................................................................................................................47 Score Transliterations of Nos. 1–­7 and 11...................................................................................................56 Indexes of School Letters..........................................................................................................................71 Personal Names................................................................................................................................71 Deities..............................................................................................................................................72 Places...............................................................................................................................................72 2.  Old Babylonian Model Contracts and Related Texts, by Gabriella Spada...................................73 The Texts..................................................................................................................................................74 Nos. 38–­39: Prisms............................................................................................................................74 Nos. 40–­41: Type  I Tablets.................................................................................................................95 No. 42: A Type  II Tablet..................................................................................................................106 Nos. 43–­55: Type  III Tablets............................................................................................................. 107 Nos. 56–­63: Related Texts............................................................................................................... 117

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vi

Contents

Indexes of Model Contracts and Related Texts........................................................................................127 Personal Names..............................................................................................................................127 Deities............................................................................................................................................ 132 Toponyms...................................................................................................................................... 132 Month Names................................................................................................................................ 132 Year Names.................................................................................................................................... 132 Glossary of Sumerian...................................................................................................................... 133 Glossary of Akkadian...................................................................................................................... 145 3.  Other Old Babylonian Legal Academic Texts................................................................................ 147 No. 64: A Compendium of Legal Forms.......................................................................................... 147 No. 65: A Tablet of Legal Prescriptions............................................................................................ 154 References.............................................................................................................................................. 155 Cuneiform Texts.......................................................................................................................plates i–lxv

Statement of Provenance THE NEAR EASTERN PICTOGRAPHIC TABLETS, CUNEIFORM TABLETS AND SEALS

A. Ownership History

Henderson Collection, Boston, Massachusetts (1930s–­50s) Pottesman Collection, London (1904–­78) Geuthner Collection, France (1960s–­80s) Harding Smith Collection, UK (1893–­1922) Rev. Dr. W. F. Williams, Mosul (ca. 1850–­60) Frida Hahn Collection, Berlin (1925–­73) Mixon Collection, California and UK (1920s–­67) and heirs These collections are the source of almost all the tablets and seals. Other items were acquired through Christie’s and Sotheby’s, where in a few cases, the names of their former owners were not revealed. The sources of the oldest collections, such as Amherst, Harding Smith, and Cumberland Clark, were antiquities dealers who acquired tablets and seals in the Near East in the 1890s–­1930s. During this period, many tens of thousands of tablets came on the market—­in the summers of 1893–­94 alone, some thirty thousand tablets. While most of these were bought by museums, others were acquired by private collectors. In this way, some of the older collections were the sources of some of the later collections. For instance, a large number of the tablets in the Crouse Collection came from the Cumberland Clark, Kohanim, Amherst, and Simmonds Collections.The Claremont tablets came from the Schaeffer Collection, and the Dring tablets came from the Harding Smith Collection.

The holdings of pictographic tablets, cuneiform tablets, and seals in the Schøyen Collection were collected mainly in the late 1980s, with further items in the 1990s. They derive from a great variety of former collections and sources. It would not have been possible to collect so many items of such major textual importance if it had not been based on the endeavors of some of the greatest collectors in earlier times. Collections that once held tablets and seals now in the Schøyen Collection are as follows: Institute of Antiquity and Christianity, Claremont Graduate School, Claremont, California (1970–­94) Erlenmeyer Collection and Foundation, Basel (1943–­88) Cumberland Clark Collection, Bournemouth, UK (1920s–­41) Lord Amherst of Hackney, UK (1894–­1909) Crouse Collection, Hong Kong and New England (1920s–­80s) Dring Collection, Surrey, UK (1911–­90) Rihani Collection, Irbid (ca. 1935) and Amman, Jordan (before 1965–­88), and London (1988–­) Lindgren Collection, San Francisco, California (1965–­85) Rosenthal Collection, San Francisco, California (1953–­88) Kevorkian Collection, New York (ca. 1930–­59) and Fund (1960–­77) Kohanim Collection, Tehran, Paris, and London (1959–­85) Simmonds Collection, UK (1944–­87) Schaeffer Collection, Collège de France, Zürich (1950s)

B. Archaeological Provenance, Find Spots In most cases, the original find spots of tablets that came on the market in the 1890s–­1930s and later are unknown. Therefore, great parts of the holdings of most major museums in Europe and the United States are without archaeological provenance. This

vii

viii

Statement of Provenance

also applies to the Schøyen Collection. Based on the texts of the tablets themselves, the following provenances can nevertheless be identified: About 85 percent of the Early Dynastic and Old Akkadian tablets come from palace and temple archives in Adab and Umma. About 90 percent of the Old Babylonian tablets come from Larsa. The Old Assyrian tablets all come from Kanesh (Kültepe) excavation level II, mostly from Bedřich Hrozný’s find spots 2, 3, 4, and 10, unearthed 1890–­1925. All Ugaritic tablets come from Ras Shamra, excavation level I, excavated under the direction of Claude Schaeffer, 1957–­58.

Most Neo-­Assyrian tablets come from Assur, unearthed during the German excavations under Walter Andrae, 1903–­14. From Lagash and its vicinity, there are tablets from the E-Ninnu temple, Ninkar temple in Nimin, Ningishzida temple, Nindara and Ningirsu temples in Girsu, the Ur-­Bau temple in Urukug, and the Inanna and Emush temples in Bad-­Tibira. From Nineveh, tablets are from the Royal Library of Ashurbanipal and the Ezida temple of Nabu. From Nimrud, tablets are from the northwest palace of Ashurnasirpal II, the library of Nabû-­zuqup-­kena, and the palace of Sargon II. In addition to other major sites like Ur, Uruk, Eridu, Isin, Babylon, Nippur, Susa, Persepolis, there are tablets and seals from at least thirty further sites. Martin Schøyen

MANUSCRIPTS IN THE SCHØYEN COLLECTION

CUNEIFORM TEXTS Vol. I. Jöran Friberg, A Remarkable Collection of Babylonian Mathematical Texts Sources and Studies in the History of Mathematics and Physical Sciences New York: Springer, 2007 Vol. II. Bendt Alster, Sumerian Proverbs in the Schøyen Collection Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 2 Bethesda, Md.: CDL Press, 2007 Vol. III. Stephanie Dalley, Babylonian Tablets from the First Sealand Dynasty in the Schøyen Collection Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 9 Bethesda, Md.: CDL Press, 2009 Vol. IV. A. R. George, Babylonian Literary Texts in the Schøyen Collection Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 10 Bethesda, Md.: CDL Press, 2009 Vol. V. Miguel Civil, Lexical Texts in the Schøyen Collection Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 12 Bethesda, Md.: CDL Press, 2010 Vol. VI. A. R. George, Cuneiform Royal Inscriptions in the Schøyen Collection with contributions by M. Civil, G. Frame, P. Steinkeller, F. Vallat, K. Volk, M. Weeden, and C. Wilcke Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 17 Bethesda, Md.: CDL Press, 2011 Vol. VII. A. R. George, Babylonian Divinatory Texts Chiefly in the Schøyen Collection with an appendix of materials from the papers of W. G. Lambert† Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 18 Bethesda, Md.: CDL Press, 2013 Vol. VIII. A. R. George, Mesopotamian Incantations and Related Texts in the Schøyen Collection Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 32 Bethesda, Md.: CDL Press, 2016 Vol. IX. A. R. George, T. Hertel, J. Llop-­Raduà, K. Radner, and W. H. van Soldt, Assyrian Archival Texts in the Schøyen Collection and Other Documents from North Mesopotamia and Syria Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 34 Bethesda, Md.: CDL Press, 2017 Vol. X. Vitali Bartash, Sumerian Administrative and Legal Documents ca. 2900–­2200 BC in the Schøyen Collection Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 35 Bethesda, Md.: CDL Press, 2017 Vol. XI. A. R. George, Old Babylonian Texts in the Schøyen Collection, Part One: Selected Letters Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 36 Bethesda, Md.: CDL Press, 2018

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Manuscr ipts in the Sc høyen Collection

Vol. XII. Christopher Metcalf, Sumerian Literary Texts in the Schøyen Collection, Vol. 1: Literary Sources on Old Babylonian Religion Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 38 University Park: Eisenbrauns, 2019 Vol. XIV. A. R. George and Gabriella Spada, Old Babylonian Texts in the Schøyen Collection, Part Two: School Letters, Model Contracts, and Related Texts Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 43 University Park: Eisenbrauns, 2019 Other volumes are in preparation

Series Editor’s Preface With this volume, a second substantial group of Old Babylonian documents from the Schøyen Collection is provided by A. R. George, here accompanied by Gabriella Spada. Their book is a further instance of the international collaboration that characterizes the publications in the Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology (CUSAS) series. The sixty-­six school texts published in what follows constitute a significant addition to the corpus of school texts available and broaden the scope of what is known of the Old Babylonian school curriculum. Building on the pioneering work of F. R. Kraus, George provides extensive commentary and analysis of thirty-­eight Akkadian school letters and duplicates. Similarly, the edition of twenty-­six

new texts by Spada represents an important step on the path to a full edition of the corpus of Old Babylonian model contracts, which she has been pursuing for some years. Together, their substantial contributions add much to what was known of the Babylonian school curriculum and update and clarify the interpretations and earlier analyses of cuneiform sources associated with the Old Babylonian schools. We remain grateful to Dr. Martin Schøyen for encouraging and supporting the publication of texts from his collection and to the authors for their comprehensive editions. The results reflect once again the major contribution to Assyriology being made by the ongoing publication of texts from private collections. David I. Owen Curator of Tablet Collections Jonathan and Jeannette Rosen Ancient Near Eastern Studies Seminar Cornell University, Ithaca, New York January 2019

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Preface and Acknowledgments This book is the first publication of ninety-­three Old Babylonian tablets and fragments, now in the Schøyen Collection, which have in common a context in pedagogy, being products of Old Babylonian schools. Almost all are additions to knowledge.They fall into two groups: letters and legal texts. Sixty-­six tablets bear Akkadian letters that were either certainly or probably school products. These school letters represent a considerable enlargement of this little-­studied genre. Editions of the letters by A. R. George in part 1 are accompanied by discussions of the place of Akkadian letters in the school curriculum and of their content and style vis-­à-­vis regular Old Babylonian letters. Twenty-­five prisms and tablets carry Sumerian legal texts copied in school. These are mainly copies of Sumerian model contracts, a genre whose place in the Old Babylonian school curriculum is

well known. Also presented are legal school texts of other genres, including model court cases and phrase books of legal terminology. A curious text in Akkadian is likewise reckoned among the legal texts and brings to twenty-­six the number of tablets edited by Gabriella Spada in part 2. We have taken the opportunity to add to these ninety-­two tablets two further items: a large fragment of a school compendium of legal forms, which is hitherto unknown, and a revised edition of an academic legal text that is already published. These make up part 3. Both authors record with gratitude the generous hospitality of Dr. Martin and Mrs. Bodil Schøyen, Curator of the Collection and Feeder of Scholars, and Mrs. Elizabeth Gano Sørenssen, the collection’s former librarian and longtime Keeper of Assyriologists. A. R. G. Buckhurst Hill, England

xii

G. S. Cesenatico, Italy December 2018

Abbreviations VIII  G. Boyer, Textes juridiques et administratifs. Paris, 1957

// duplicates AbB Altbabylonische Briefe I  F. R. Kraus, Briefe aus dem British Museum (CT 43 und 44). Leiden, 1964 II  R. Frankena, Briefe aus dem British Museum (LIH und CT 2–­33). Leiden, 1966 III  R. Frankena, Briefe aus der Leidener Sammlung (TLB IV). Leiden, 1968 IV  F. R. Kraus, Briefe aus dem Archive des Šamaš-­ḫāzir in Paris und Oxford (TCL 7 und OECT 3). Leiden, 1968 V  F. R. Kraus, Briefe aus dem Istanbuler Museum. Leiden, 1972 VI  R. Frankena, Briefe aus dem Berliner Museum. Leiden, 1974 VII  F. R. Kraus, Briefe aus dem British Museum (CT 52). Leiden, 1977 VIII  L. Cagni, Briefe aus dem Iraq Museum (TIM II). Leiden, 1980 IX  M. Stol, Letters from Yale. Leiden, 1981 X  F. R. Kraus, Briefe aus kleineren westeuropäischen Sammlungen. Leiden, 1985 XI  M. Stol, Letters from Collections in Philadelphia, Chicago and Berkeley. Leiden, 1986 XII W. H. van Soldt, Letters in the British Museum. Leiden, 1990 XIII W. H. van Soldt, Letters in the British Museum, Part 2. Leiden, 1994 XIV  K. R. Veenhof, Letters in the Louvre. Leiden, 2005 Ai Ana ittīšu, legal pedagogical text ARM Archives royales de Mari

X  G. Dossin, La correspondance feminine. Paris, 1967 XIV  M. Birot, Lettres de  Yaqqim-­Addu, gouverneur de Sagarâtum. Paris, 1976 ARN

M. Çığ, H. Kızılyay, and F. R. Kraus, Altbabylonische Rechtsurkunden aus Nippur. Istanbul, 1952

BAP

B. Meissner, Beiträge zum altbabylonischen Privatrecht. Leipzig, 1893

BE

Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania VI/1  H. Ranke, Babylonian Legal and Business Documents from the Time of the First Dynasty of Babylon, Chiefly from Sippar. Philadelphia, 1906 VI/2  A. Poebel, Babylonian Legal and Business Documents from the Time of the First Dynasty of Babylon, Chiefly from Nippur. Philadelphia, 1909

BIN

Babylonian Inscriptions in the Collection of J. B. Nies V  G. G. Hackman, Temple Documents of the Third Dynasty of Ur from Umma. New Haven, Conn., 1937

BM

British Museum; collection signature

BPOA

Biblioteca del Próximo Oriente Antiguo VI–­VII  M. Sigrist and T. Ozaki, Neo-­ Sumerian Administrative Tablets from the Yale Babylonian Collection, 2 vols. Madrid, 2009

CAD

xiii

A. Leo Oppenheim et al., eds., Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute

xiv

CBS

CDLI CT

CUNES

CUSAS

DCCLT FLP MAH MBGT MEE

MHET

MS

Abbreviations

of the University of Chicago, 21 vols. Chicago, 1956–­2010 Catalog of the Babylonian Section; tablet signature, University Museum of Pennsylvania Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative, https://​cdli​.ucla​.edu Cuneiform Texts from Babylonian Tablets, &c, in the British Museum 2 T. G. Pinches, Cuneiform Texts, vol. 2. London, 1896 45 T. G. Pinches, Old Babylonian Business Documents. London, 1964 Cornell University Near Eastern Seminar; signature of the Rosen Seminar, Cornell University Cornell University Studies in Assyriology and Sumerology 10  A. R. George, Babylonian Literary Texts in the Schøyen Collection. Bethesda, Md., 2009 36  A. R. George, Old Babylonian Texts in the Schøyen Collection, Part One: Selected Letters. Bethesda, Md., 2018 Digital Corpus of Cuneiform Lexical Texts, http://​oracc​.org/​dcclt/ Free Library of Philadelphia; collection signature Musée d’Art et d’Histoire, Geneva; collection signature Middle Babylonian Grammatical Texts Materiali Epigrafici di Ebla 4  G. Pettinato, Testi lessicali bilingui della biblioteca L. 2769. Naples, 1982 Mesopotamian History and Environment, texts II/2  L. Dekiere, Old Babylonian Real Estate Documents, vol. 2, Documents from the Reign of Hammurabi. Ghent, 1994 Schøyen Collection; collection signature

MSL (SS) Materials for the Sumerian Lexicon (Supplementary Series) XI  E. Reiner and M. Civil, The Series ḪAR-­ra = ḫubullu Tablets XX–­XXIV. Rome, 1974 SS1  M. Civil, O. R. Gurney, and D. A. Kennedy, The Sag-­Tablet, Lexical Texts in the Ashmolean Museum, Middle Babylonian Grammatical Texts, Miscellaneous Texts. Rome, 1986 N Nippur; tablet signature, Babylonian Section, University Museum of Pennsylvania NATN D. I. Owen, Neo-­Sumerian Archival Texts Primarily from Nippur. Winona Lake, Ind., 1982 NBC Nies Babylonian Collection; tablet signature,Yale Babylonian Collection Ni Nippur; tablet signature, Istanbul Archaeological Museums M. Çığ and H. Kızılyay, Neusumerische NRVN Rechts-­und Verwaltungsurkunden aus Nippur, vol. 1. Ankara, 1965 OECT Oxford Editions of Cuneiform Texts XIII  S. Dalley and N.Yoffee, Old Babylonian Texts in the Ashmolean Museum: Texts from Kish and Elsewhere. Oxford, 1991 Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta OLA 21  K. van Lerberghe, Old Babylonian Legal and Administrative Texts from Philadelphia. Leuven, 1986 Or SP Orientalia series prior 47–­49  N. Schneider, Die Geschäftsurkunden aus Drehem und Djoḫa in den Staatlichen Museen (VAT) zu Berlin. Rome, 1930 PBS Publications of the Babylonian Section, University of Pennsylvania, the University Museum VII  A. Ungnad, Letters of the Ḫammurapi Period. Philadelphia, 1915 PN Personal name

Abbreviations

H. de Genouillac, Première recherches archéologiques à Kich, 2 vols. Paris, 1924–­25 PSBA Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology. London, 1878–­1918 SANTAG SANTAG Arbeiten und Untersuchungen zur Keilschriftkunde 9  A. Goddeeris, Tablets from Kisurra in the Collections of the British Museum. Wiesbaden, 2009 TCL Textes cunéiformes du Musée du Louvre X–­XI  C. Jean, Contrats de Larsa, 2 vols. Paris, 1926 XVII–­XVIII  G. Dossin, Lettres de la première dynastie babylonienne, 2 vols. Paris, 1933–­34 TIM Texts in the Iraq Museum V  J. van Dijk, Cuneiform Texts: Old Babylonian Contracts and Related Material. Wiesbaden, 1968 TLB Tabulae cuneiformes a F. M. Th. de Liagre Böhl collectae I W. F. Leemans, Old Babylonian Legal and Administrative Documents. Leiden, 1954–­64 TMH (NF) Texte und Materialien der Frau Professor Hilprecht Collection (Neue Folge) NF I–­II  A. Pohl, Rechts-­und Verwaltungsurkunden der III. Dynastie von Ur, 2 vols. Leipzig, 1937 X  A. Goddeeris, The Old Babylonian Legal and Administrative Texts in the Hilprecht Collection Jena. Wiesbaden, 2016 PRAK

xv

XI  G. Spada, Sumerian Model Contracts from the Old Babylonian Period in the Hilprecht Collection Jena. Wiesbaden, 2018 TS Tell Sifr Ur Excavations, texts UET V  H. H. Figulla and W. J. Martin, Letters and Documents of the Old Babylonian Period. London, 1953 University Museum; tablet signature UM of the Babylonian Section, University Museum of Pennsylvania Urra Ur5-­ra = ḫubullu, lexical series var. variant reading VAS Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler der königlichen/staatlichen Museen zu Berlin VIII  A. Ungnad, Vorderasiatische Schriftdenkmäler, vol. 8. Leipzig, 1909 XVII  J. van Dijk, Nicht-­kanonische Beschwörungen und sonstige literarische Texte. Berlin, 1971 VAT Vorderasiatische Abteilung, Tontafel; tablet signature, Vorderasiatisches Museum, Berlin YBC Yale Babylonian Collection; tablet signature YOS Yale Oriental Series, Babylonian Texts V  E. M. Grice, Records from Ur and Larsa Dated in the Larsa Dynasty. New Haven, Conn., 1919 XIV  S. D. Simmons, Early Old Babylonian Documents. New Haven, Conn., 1978

Catalog of Tablets 1. Old Babylonian School Letters Text

MS no.

Dimensions (W×H×D)

Sender

Addressee

1A 1B 1C 1D 1E 1F 1G 1H 1I 1J 2H 2I 2J 2K 2L 2M 2N 2O 2P 2Q 3A 3B 4A 4B 4C 4D 4E 4F 5A 5B 5C 6A 6B

2891/75 3503 3510 3547 3680 3707 3752 3776 3785 4350 2776/32 3527 3567 3586 3591/1 3599 3648 3755 3609 3679 3529 3727 2749 3539 3713 3726 3741 3787 2748 3688 3747 2891/50 3762

54×95×26 54×100×24 53×102×30 55×110×58 56×103×30 51×98×29 51×115×27 53×104×30 49×104×27 50×94×29 50×74×24 46×78×28 47×65×22 48×76×28 53×50×26 53×95×29 52×92×28 49×88×29 54×80×30 48×79×28 50×82×29 46×85×27 51×102×25 56×102×29 52×96×27 53×81×28 53×93×28 53×98×29 52×91×28 52×101×26 54×90×26 44×73×23 43×70×25

Gula-­balāssu Gula-­balāssu Gula-­balāssu Gula-­balāssu Gula-­balāssu Gula-­balāssu Gula-­balāssu Gula-­balāssu Gula-­balāssu Gula-­balāssu Sîn-­mušallim Sîn-­īriš Lipit-­Sîn Sîn-­iddinam [ . . . ] Lu-­[Ninurta] Lu-­N[inurta] Lu-­Ninurta Sîn-­emūqī Sîn-­[emūqī] Warad-­Amurrum Warad-­Amurrum Lu-­Ninurta Lu-­Ninurta Lu-­Ninurta Lu-­Ninurta Lu-­Ninurta Lu-­Ninurta Ur-­Zababa Ur-­Zababa Ur-­Zababa Adad-­tukultī Adad-­tukultī

Itūr-­ašdu Itūr-­ašdu Itūr-­ašdu Itūr-­ašdu Itūr-­ašdu Itūr-­ašdu Itūr-­ašdu Itūr-­ašdu Itūr-­ašdu Itūr-­ašdu Ilī-­īriš? Igigi Imgur-­Šamaš [ . . . ] [ . . . ] Sîn-­[muštāl] Sîn-­muštāl Sîn-­muštāl Aḫulāp-­[Šamaš] [Aḫulāp]-­Šamaš Ibbi-­Šaḫan Ibbi-­Šaḫan Ḫāzirum Ḫāzirum Ḫāzirum Ḫāzirum Ḫāzirum Ḫāzirum Ṣillī-­Šamaš Ṣillī-­Šamaš Ṣillī-­Šamaš Sarriqum Sarriqum

1

C a t a l o g o f Ta b l e t s

2

Text

MS no.

Dimensions (W×H×D)

Sender

Addressee

7A 7B 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 20a 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

3491 3786 3572 3621 3676 2891/24 3758 3748 3674 3483 3763 3548 2891/49 3611 3719 3649 3700 2891/5 3496 3634 2776/31 3697 3631 3749 3716 3579 4846 4865 2891/22 2756 3779

54×78×26 47×76×27 51×91×27 55×92×31 49×96×27 45×38×19 47×67×30 49×90×28 44×82×27 47×82×26 49×82×28 46×65×23 46×71×16 45×74×26 49×70×28 45×88×23 48×65×21 49×47×21 54×98×26 47×80×26 50×80×25 49×98×22 45×67×22 51×91×27 52×84×24 43×61×22 50×84×23 50×64×22 40×60×20 48×68×20 39×56×22

36 37

3485 3671

48×77×25 45×60×17

Āmur-­ša-­ilim Āmur-­ša-­ilim Nūr-­ilīšu Nanna-­ibila-­manšum Sîn-­abi-­enšim Etel-­pīša Šamaš-­bāni Ilī-­tūram Sîn-­muštēšer Sîn-­īriš(?) Marduk-­nāṣir(?) Abum-­waqar Aḫūni Sîn-­iqīšam Ilī-­iddinam Iddin-­Šamaš Ni’ā’um-­ilī Aḫū’a-gāmil Sîn-­irībam Ilī-­ippalsam Ali-­gimil . . . Šamaš-­gāmil Sîn-­ay-­abās Šēp-­Sîn Šamaš-­rēmēnī Warad-­Šamaš Abum-­ . . . Ilī-­bāni Munawwirum Damu-­asû Damû-­asûm s. Sîn-­nawir Nūr-­Amurrum Sîn-­īriš

Ilī-­iddinam Ilī-­iddinam Etel-­pī-­Šamaš Ir-­lugalla Iddin-­Ilabrat Sîn-­iqīšam Sîn-­ilī Yamūt-­Līm Warad-­[ . . . ] Šu-­Šērum Šamaš-­nāṣir Sîn-­rēmēnī Ilī-­ay-­abāš Ilī-­ay-­abāš Ilī-­ay-­abāš Ezēssu Sîn-­rīm-­Urim Sîn-­abūšu Sîn-­iqīšam Sîn-­ašarēd Ṣillī-­Šamaš . . . Sîn-­[ . . . ] Sîn-­ašarēd Ātanaḫ-­ilī . . . . . . Šu-­ . . . Aḫum Ilšu-­bāni Amurrum-­nāṣir Iṭīb-­libbaša [ . . . ] bēlīya



C a t a l o g o f Ta b l e t s

2. Old Babylonian Model Contracts and Related Texts Text

MS no.

Dimensions (W×H×D)

Description

38

2341

73×132×73

39

3179

86×68×86

40

3176/5

56×92×10

41

2348

10×18×3

42

2280

48×54×24

43

3308

50×80×25

44

3349

53×108×24

45

3321

52×105×27

46

4423

44×63×24

47

3333

56×12×27

48

3330

50×80×22

49

3319

53×77×23

50

2279

50×30×14

51

3385

52×100×22

4-­sided clay prism, assembled from 2 pieces with some loss of surface at the join and other damage, 3+3+3+3+1 cols., 32+29+29+14+35+32+30+34+32+30 +34+36+18 ll. 17 model contracts 4-­sided clay prism, lower ⅓ preserved, 3+3+3+3 cols., 1+9+7+13+12+9+11+11+8+4+3+1 ll. 18 model contracts Clay tablet, portrait format, diagonally broken from upper-­left to lower-­r ight corner, 5+5 cols., 9+26+42+45+43+41+39+25+9+4 ll. Type I tablet; 20 model contracts Clay tablet, only central fragment preserved, set in modern clay, 2 cols., 19+23 ll. Type I tablet; 4 model contracts Clay tablet, upper-­left corner preserved, single col., 6 ll.+scattered signs on rev. Type II tablet; silver loan Clay tablet, portrait format, assembled from 2 pieces with some loss of surface at the join, single col., 12+2 ll. Type III tablet; 2 barley loans Clay tablet, portrait format, complete, single col., 17+5 ll. Type III tablet; 2 barley loans Clay tablet, portrait format, lacking upper-­r ight corner (joined in modern times), single col., 16+16 ll. Type III tablet; 4 barley loans Clay tablet, portrait format, complete, single col., 13+4 ll. Type III tablet; barley loan Clay tablet, portrait format, complete, single col., 20+9 ll. Type III tablet; 2 partnership loans Clay tablet, portrait format, complete, single col., 13 ll. Type III tablet; repayment of a silver loan (= no. 49) Clay tablet, portrait format, upper corners broken, single col., 11+8 ll. Type III tablet; repayment of a silver loan (= no. 48), colophon Clay tablet, portrait format, upper one-­third preserved, single col., 6 ll. Type III tablet; silver temple loan Clay tablet, portrait format, nearly complete, single col., 16+3 ll. Type III tablet; exploitation of a palm grove; barley loan

3

C a t a l o g o f Ta b l e t s

4

Text

MS no.

Dimensions (W×H×D)

Description

52

2043

45×60×18

53

3339

52×86×28

54

4979

60×108×26

55

2951

44×65×20

56

1950/1

44×73×21

57

1950/6

40×66×17

58

4086

51×76×21

59

2295

68×64×31

60

4119

29×35×13

61

3408

76×177×35

62

2667/3

37×63×24

63

2346

80×114×29

Clay tablet, portrait format, complete, single col., 8+2 ll. Type III tablet; receipt of dried dates Clay tablet, portrait format, complete, single col., 15 ll. Type III tablet; sale of a slave Clay tablet, portrait format, rev. badly damaged, single col., 18+15 ll. Type III tablet; 2 slave manumissions Clay tablet, portrait format, complete, single col., 11+2 ll. Apprenticeship contract for musical instruction Clay tablet, portrait format, lacking upper-­left corner (joined in modern times), single col., 11+2+13 ll. Sale of a woman into slavery, sealed Clay tablet, portrait format, complete, single col., 14+1+15+2 ll. Sale of a woman into slavery, dated (Sumuel 28 / viii) Clay tablet, portrait format, lower edge broken, single col., 13+1 ll. Model court case Clay tablet, portrait format, lower half preserved, single col., 14+8 ll. Collection of legal cases, 2 dated to Nūr-­Adad year 1 Clay tablet, portrait format, complete, single col., 6+6 ll. Beginning of a deed of sale; account of barley Clay tablet, portrait format, composed of 2 separate fragments, single col., 19+18 ll. (rev. is a patchwork of diverse fragments and modern pastiche) Extract from a phrase book of legal terminology Clay tablet, portrait format, complete, single col., 11+6 ll. Extract from a phrase book of legal terminology Clay tablet, portrait format, lower ⅔ preserved, 2 cols., 19+21+1+1 ll. Collection of first-­person reports, Akkadian

3. Other Old Babylonian Legal Academic Texts Text

MS no.

Dimensions (W×H×D)

Description

64

4287

140×195×35

65

4507

56×118×26

Clay tablet, portrait format, lacking lower-­left corner, 3+3 cols., 27+49+53+50+46+9 ll. Phrase book of legal terminology Clay tablet, portrait format, nearly complete, single col., 20+2+2 ll. Date; legal prescriptions

Concordances 1. Concordance of tablet numbers in the Schøyen Collection and text numbers in this volume. MS no.

Text no.

MS no.

Text no.

MS no.

Text no.

1950/1

56

3333

47

3649

20a

1950/6

57

3339

53

3671

37

2043

52

3349

44

3674

14

2279

50

3385

51

3676

10

2280

42

3408

61

3679

2Q

2295

59

3483

15

3680

1E

2341

38

3485

36

3688

5B

2346

63

3491

7A

3697

26

2348

41

3496

23

3700

21

2667/3

62

3503

1B

3707

1F

2748

5A

3510

1C

3713

4C

2749

4A

3527

2I

3716

29

2756

34

3529

3A

3719

20

2776/31

25

3539

4B

3726

4D

2776/32

2H

3547

1D

3727

3B

2891/5

22

3548

17

3741

4E

2891/22

33

3567

2J

3747

5C

2891/24

11

3572

8

3748

13

2891/49

18

3579

30

3749

28

2891/50

6A

3586

2K

3752

1G

2891/75

1A

3591/1

2L

3755

2O

2951

55

3599

2M

3758

12

3176/5

40

3609

2P

3762

6B

3179

39

3611

19

3763

16

3308

43

3621

9

3776

1H

3319

49

3631

27

3779

35

3321

45

3634

24

3785

1I

3330

48

3648

2N

3786

7B

5

Concordances

6

MS no.

Text no.

MS no.

Text no.

MS no.

Text no.

3787

4F

4287

64

4507

65

4086

58

4350

1J

4846

31

4119

60

4423

46

4865

32

4979

54

2. Concordance of text numbers in this volume and entry numbers in the database of the Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative (CDLI), which offers high-­resolution images of all the objects published in this book. The URL of an individual tablet at CDLI is the domain address http://​cdli​.ucla​.edu/ followed by the CDLI prefix P and entry number—­for example, text no. 1A has the URL http://​cdli​.ucla​.edu/​P251998. Text no.

CDLI no.

Text no.

CDLI no.

Text no.

CDLI no.

1A

251998

4B

252426

19

252500

1B

252390

4C

252602

20

252608

1C

252397

4D

252615

20a

252538

1D

252434

4E

252630

21

252589

1E

252569

4F

252676

22

251928

1F

252596

5A

251775

23

252383

1G

252641

5B

252577

24

252523

1H

252665

5C

252636

25

251826

1I

252674

6A

251973

26

252586

1J

253503

6B

252651

27

252520

2H

251827

7A

252378

28

252638

2I

252414

7B

252675

29

252605

2J

252455

8

252460

30

252467

2K

252474

9

252510

31

253876

2L

388091

10

252565

32

253895

2M

252488

11

251947

33

251945

2N

252537

12

252647

34

251783

2O

252644

13

252637

35

252668

2P

252498

14

252563

36

252372

2Q

252568

15

252370

37

252560

3A

252416

16

252652

38

251564

3B

252616

17

252435

39

342646

4A

251776

18

251972

40

342643

Concordances

7

Text no.

CDLI no.

Text no.

CDLI no.

Text no.

CDLI no.

41

251568

50

251516

58

253183

42

251517

51

252326

59

251535

43

252249

52

250815

60

253216

44

252290

53

252280

61

252349

45

252262

54

254010

62

251696

46

253576

55

252010

63

251566

47

252274

56

250663

64

253360

48

252271

57

250669

65

253613

49

252260

3. Index of selected citations. Text

Page

Text

Page

AbB V 30

29

AbB X 84

35

AbB V 46

29

AbB X 90

17

AbB V 94

17

AbB XII 49

54

AbB V 158

19

AbB XIII 3

26

AbB V 175

25–26

AbB XIV 126

53

AbB V 205

17

AUWE 23; see Cavigneaux 1996

AbB V 221

28–29

Cavigneaux 1996, no. 69

48

AbB V 236

28–29

Cavigneaux 1996, nos. 70–­73

25, 69–­70

AbB VI 180

36

Cavigneaux 1996, no. 77

48

AbB VIII 118

17

Cavigneaux 1996, no. 80

49

AbB IX 4

52

Cavigneaux 1996, no. 89

25, 69–­70

AbB IX 9

40

Cotsen 40719

30

AbB IX 90

19

CUSAS X 18

text no. 65

AbB IX 198

52

UET V 42

41

1 OL D BA BY LO N I AN SCHO O L LETTERS A. R. George I NTRO DUCTI O N Letters were a prominent genre in the Old Babylonian school curriculum. They fall into four types: (1) Sumerian letters supposedly from the state correspondence of the kingdoms of Ur, Isin, and Larsa; (2) Sumerian literary letters to gods; (3) other letters in Sumerian; and (4) letters in Akkadian. Sumerian and Akkadian letters can be supposed to have had different functions in the school. Sumerian letters were essentially works of literature, using the letter format, and played much the same role in the syllabus as other Sumerian literary texts—­namely, exposing students to complex Sumerian writing, vocabulary, and grammar. The pseudohistorical letters and letters to gods also offered paradigms of historical and religious knowledge. By these models, students were equipped with the skills needed to enlarge the academic corpus through the composition of new Sumerian letters and other texts. The fourth type of school letter, in the vernacular Akkadian, comprises mainly copies of model letters on routine topics. These letters were used in Old Babylonian schools for writing practice and familiarization with epistolary form and expression. In theory, they prepared the would-­be scribe for the task of composing real-­life letters—­a skill necessary to the administration of the Old Babylonian state and its bureaucratic institutions but also useful in the management of business enterprises and the conduct of private affairs. The Sumerian literary and academic letters of the Old Babylonian school curriculum have been much studied, and most benefit from excellent modern editions.1 Old Babylonian school letters in Akkadian, however, have received little attention. In an article on “altbabylonische Briefschreibübungen,”

F. R. Kraus was the first to consider as a group some letters that exhibited what he proposed as characteristics of school exercises (Kraus 1964). He based his study on twenty-­two Old Babylonian tablets on which he identified letters certainly or probably used for writing practice in school (numbered a–­u and Nachtrag = [v]). Many of them he had himself discovered while cataloging the cuneiform collection in Istanbul during the 1930s and 1940s.2 He arranged the corpus partly by format and partly by theme. The letters fell into several groups: (a)3 exercise tablet with the beginning of a letter on one side 4 (b)–­(c) letters with shared text on the maintenance of security (d)–­(e)5 duplicate letters on removing commodities from store 6 (f )–­(g) duplicate letters related to (d)–­(e) (h)–­( j)7 duplicate letters on returning a field (k)–­( l)8 duplicate letters on allocating a field (m)–­(t)9 letters warning of family members seized as distrainees (u)10 tablet with two different letters on the obverse and reverse 2 On Kraus in Istanbul, see Schmidt 2010. 3 On this tablet, see further Kraus 1972, vii n. 1. 4 (b) later reedited as AbB V 158; (c) as IX 90. 5 (d) later reedited as AbB V 221; (e) as V 236. 6 (f ) later reedited as AbB V 46; (g) as V 30. 7 (h) later reedited as AbB XI 147; (i) as V 48; (j) as V 36. 8 (k) later reedited as AbB V 205; (l) as X 90. 9 (m) later reedited as AbB X 89; (n) as V 78; (o) as V 234; (p) as V 228; (q) as II 114; (r) as V 80; (t) as XIV 128; (s) is otherwise only available in cuneiform (UET V 9) but translated by Oppenheim 1967, 91, no. 25.

State Correspondence of Ur: Michalowski 2011; of Larsa: Brisch 2007, 75–­89; 2017; Sumerian Epistolary Miscellany: Kleinerman 2011. For letter prayers, see Böck 1996, 4 n. 6. On these letters as literature, see Huber Vulliet 2011. 1

Later reedited as AbB X 84; cuneiform OECT XIII 33.

10

9

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

10

Added as an appendix: [v]1 exercise tablet with letter on the obverse and king list on the reverse Three of Kraus’s letters—­on tablets (a), (u), and [v]—­seemed unarguably to derive from pedagogy. Tablet (a), from Sippar, clearly comes from a school context because it is lenticular in shape, like many elementary exercise tablets of the Old Babylonian period, and because its two faces are inscribed with texts of different genres (a letter and a number routine), also a common feature of school tablets.2 Kraus identified the appended tablet [v], from Khafajeh, as a practice tablet on similar grounds, for it contains an unfinished letter on one side and a version of the antediluvian king list on the other and rotates on its vertical access (a symptom of the lack of connection between the passages of text on its two faces).Tablet (u) holds two letters, one on each face, which is not itself a bar to authenticity, but two other features led Kraus to mark the tablet out as a school product: the letters are from different senders, which is perhaps not wholly conclusive evidence,3 and more compellingly, one is truncated, consisting only of the introductory formula and a standard greeting.4 The other nineteen letters studied by Kraus (b–t) do not exhibit the characteristics that so obviously signal (a), (u), and [v] to be training exercises, but he found them suspicious on one or more of the following grounds (1964, 29–­30):

1 See Finkelstein 1963; CDLI P247916. 2 Another school lentil inscribed with a letter exercise is van Lerberghe and Voet 1991, no. 67. 3 Note that AbB XIV 116, a tablet with two letters addressed by different senders to the same man, suggested to its editor not a school letter but “proof of cooperation between two writers” (Veenhof 2005, 109 n. 116a). A more certain example of a collaborative letter containing messages from more than one person is AbB XIV 23. See also Kupper 1980 (from Ebla). Cotsen 52155 (Wilson 2008, 172, no. 71) is similar. It contains letters addressed to a single person, Dingir-­manšum, from two senders, Ilī-­ātanaḫ and Aḫūni, but the latter is truncated to the introductory formula only, and the tablet is certainly a school exercise.



(i) Tablet: distorted, squashed, truncated (ii) Script: crude, overelaborate (“prätäntios”), ugly (iii) Execution: confusion over signs, omissions of signs, other mistakes, unusual spellings (iv) Text: duplicated in whole or in part by another letter, or very similar to another letter

Kraus’s study was the first description and analysis of Old Babylonian letters in the context of ancient Mesopotamian teaching and learning. The subsequent literature is small. In the introduction to the fifth volume of Altbabylonische Briefe (AbB V = Kraus 1972, vii–­viii), Kraus returned to the question and raised the possibility that some tablets that might be identified as school letters could alternatively be rough drafts. In this regard, he specifically mentioned AbB V 139 and YOS V 98 (later edited by Stol as AbB IX 153), which, like his [v], have a letter on one face and other material on the other. Additionally, he noted that letters of the same content, but with different addressees and senders, might be real letters whose similarity was the result of the deployment of formulaic expressions and standard phrasing learned in school. He concluded that there was no fail-­safe method of distinguishing between school exercise letters and the real thing. Aside from Kraus, few have been interested in the topic of Old Babylonian school letters.Additional identifications of such letters, certain or provisional, have been made by editors of successive volumes of AbB, especially by Kraus himself in AbB V (Kraus 1972, xv–­xvii) and by Klaas Veenhof in AbB XIV (Veenhof 2005, xvi). Some of these additions are further copies or variants of letters already studied in Kraus’s article (a–­[v]), but others bring new material to the corpus of published school letters. The additional exemplars so far proposed are the following letters edited in Altbabylonische Briefe: AbB IV 1435

4

AbB V 94

Procurement of foodstuffs, wool, and oil // Kraus (k)–­( l)

5 See Stol 1986, 110 n. 170a.

Introduction

139 175?1 215 241 // 2442 243 // 265 // 270 AbB VI 168 // X 1643 AbB VII 68 AbB VIII 17 // 111 29 37? 40? 118 AbB IX 94 153 AbB X 855 86 // 108 155 AbB XI 19 546 102?7 1348

Unfinished Purchase of slaves and livestock via go-­between Unfinished Complaint about unjust appropriation of inheritance Fragmentary Buying off a claimant cf. Kraus (s)–­(t) // Kraus (h)–­(j) Allocation of arable land Unfinished Reminder about a promise to send cattle // Kraus (k)–­( l) Assembling a dowry Unfinished Illegible Judgment in agricultural dispute // Kraus (f )–­(g) Purchase via go-­between Cf. Kraus (o)–­(q) Sallaberger 1999, 153 Unfinished

1 Presented before text no. 12. 2 AbB V 244 is inscribed on the lower edge, which should discount it as a school product (see criterion D at the end of this study). 3 Sallaberger 1999, 153. 4 Presented following text no. 28. 5 This fragment (cuneiform copy OECT XIII 40) may have held the same letter as AbB V 243 // 265 // 270: all the fragments share the name Marduk-­mušallim as sender, but they are too badly damaged for a conclusive identification. 6 Doubtful if the lower edge is indeed inscribed as the trace on the copy suggests (PBS VII 54). See criterion D at the end of this study.

170 // 179 AbB XIV 72 98 // PRAK 2 D 469 12610 135 195

11

Procurement of foodstuffs, wool, and oil Fragmentary Allocation of field to heirs Procurement of wooden items by boat; instruction to return field “Accumulation of misery” // Kraus (h)–­(j)

The following letters, not edited in AbB, are also candidates for school letters: UET V 38 and Settling arrears of sesame 56?11 4212 Purchase of dowry items via go-­between 45 // Kraus (h)–­(j) 13 VAS XVII 37 Erased start of letter on exercise tablet Greengus 1979, Fragmentary no. 12 nos. 13, 20 Cf. Kraus (d)–­(g)14 van Lerberghe Letter address; accounting and Voet 1991, practice no. 67 Whiting 1987, Oval tablet, fragment of letter; no. 54 accounting practice Wilcke 2018, Fragment of letter, concludes in no. 291 apputtum Wilson 2008 Many school letters, ­photographs only The identification of these additional forty-­ eight tablets has brought the total of previously published candidates for the corpus to seventy, but not all the identifications are secure, and as noted, some 9 Kupper 1959, 180; see Veenhof 2005, 91 n. 98a. 10 Presented on p. 53. 11 On this pair of letters, see Kraus 1964, 30 n. 2; Stol 1981, 7 n. 9a; Cagni 1980, 14; Charpin 1986, 463–­65.

7 Doubtful because the letter runs over on to the left edge (PBS VII 102). See criterion D at the end of this study.

12 Presented following text no. 28.

Sallaberger 1999, 151 n. 215.

14 See Greengus 1986, 15, 21–­22.

8

13 Michalowski 1983, 227.

12

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

can be rejected on grounds of format or other criteria.1 The issue of duplicate letters remains a difficult one,2 for the duplication of a letter was an activity that could have motives that were not pedagogical. Preliminary drafts and archive copies can be postulated.3 Where large numbers of duplicates emerge, and where features of execution and composition suggest a pedagogical context, a school origin is very likely, but duplication in two copies only is not in itself compelling evidence for a school context. In the list above, at least two pairs of duplicate letters are not on typical school themes (AbB VI 168 // XI 164; X 86 // 108) and are perhaps to be rejected as school letters.4 The discovery of four further duplicates of Kraus’s (h)–­(j) prompted a new study by Piotr Michalowski in his review of AbB VIII (1983), in which he presented an improved edition of this letter, combining seven textual witnesses.3 Further advances in knowledge of school letters were made by Walther Sallaberger in his pioneering work on 1 For example, AbB V 244; XI 54, 102. See further Sallaberger 1999, 153 n. 218. 2 Kraus 1964, 38. 3 But note that some draft copies of outgoing letters stored in the late Old Babylonian archive of Ur-­Utu at Sippar do not share the same physical format as regular letters and lack addresses and greetings formulae ( Janssen 2017). 4 See further Sallaberger 1999, 153 n. 218. Four other pairs of duplicate letters are AbB VII 13 // 14; VIII 92 // 97; MS 3725 // 3728; and MS 3676 // Cotsen 52142. The content of none of these pairs makes a strong candidate for a school letter as knowledge now stands. Nevertheless, the last of the four is edited as text no. 10. 3 This letter is now known from seventeen exemplars: see “Give the Field Back!” (text no. 2).

the discourse analysis and structure of Old Babylonian letters (1999, 149–­54). Reference to Akkadian letters as copy texts in Old Babylonian schools cannot be made without a passing mention of letters to gods and literary letters. The small corpus of Akkadian letters to gods includes at least one that was copied by an Old Babylonian student as a writing exercise, AbB XII 99.6 Much later, fictitious Akkadian royal or court letters were widely used as literary or historical-­ political models in scribal schools of the first millennium BC, as witnessed by a growing corpus of copies (Foster 2007, 26–­27). In the Old Babylonian period itself, the genre is best represented by school texts purporting to be letters of Sargon of Akkade (Westenholz 1997, 141–­69). School copies of more plausible royal or court letters, fictitious or genuine, are difficult to identify.7 Two Old Babylonian letters from the Schøyen Collection have fallen under suspicion of having served as literary models in school and been published in a previous volume.8 None of these Old Babylonian letters to gods and literary or court letters belong to the corpus studied here, for the members of this corpus are emphatically mundane in content and plain in style. 6 On this corpus, see van Soldt 1990, 84–­85 with n. 99a; van  der Toorn 1996, 130–­32 with n. 64; and Lenzi 2011, 53–­55. The tablet Ni 13088, which contains an Old Babylonian literary letter to a god or king, is according to its editor also a school tablet (Kraus 1983; cf. van der Toorn 1996, 133–­34). 7 Candidates are AbB VIII 92 // 97 (see van Dijk 1970: “une correspondance royale recopiée dans l’Edubba”); AbB IX 21 (Stol 1981, 16 n. 21a: “may be a school copy of a letter of historical importance”); and perhaps also AbB XIV 130. See generally Michalowski 1983, 227; Sallaberger 1999, 149 n. 212. 8 CUSAS 10 nos. 15–­16, edited in George 2009, 113–­22.

The Texts In recent decades, a large number of previously unpublished Old Babylonian letters have come to light, chiefly in the Schøyen Collection, but also in the Cotsen and Rosen Collections (Wilson 2008; Miller in preparation). Several of these letters appear in multiple copies, and many others can be identified as school letters according to one or more of Kraus’s criteria (i–­iv). The corpus of school letters

in the Schøyen Collection consists of at least sixty-­ six tablets. They are presented here in three groups. First will come those letters that are preserved in multiple copies, then similar letters that are variant versions of them, and finally other letters suspected of being school products or topically related to the corpus.

NOS. 1 –­11: L E T T ERS EXTAN T I N MULTI PLE CO PI ES Thirty-­nine of the Old Babylonian letters in the Schøyen Collection have been identified as witnesses to ten letters, many of them also known outside the collection and some already identified as school letters. The very fact of the existence of multiple copies, up to seventeen in two cases, determines their identification as school texts. There is plentiful evidence of other symptomatic features, some of which will be noted in the introductory remarks to each letter. The presentation of these letters will order them roughly from those with the most copies extant to those with only two. In cases where the Schøyen Collection has more than one manuscript (texts nos. 1–­7), the Akkadian text of each tablet is given in a transcription set out in punctuated sentences and in translation. A score transliteration documenting the individual contributions of the thirty-­five manuscripts for texts nos. 1–­7 is given tablet by tablet at the end of this study.

Collection.1 It is thus an addition to knowledge. Only the ten exemplars in the Schøyen Collection, MSS A–­J, are used in the present study. “The Land Manager Has Taken My Field!” is remarkable for its textual stability. The names of addressee and sender never vary, and there are very few variants of any substance. As will be seen, school letters known to have had a wide distribution, like “Give the Field Back!” (text no. 2), exhibit much greater textual variation. The stability of text no. 1 probably indicates that the extant manuscripts come from a restricted time and place. Given the prevalence in the Schøyen Collection of Old Babylonian tablets from the realm of Rīm-­Sîn I of Larsa, we may suppose that “The Land Manager Has Taken My Field!”—­at least as published here—­was a vehicle of scribal education in Larsa, Adab, Maškan-­šāpir, or some other town under Larsa’s control. Apart from the sheer number of extant manuscripts, other characteristics of a school letter can easily be identified. MS B has a double ruling at the end—­not always the mark of a school exercise

No. 1: “The Land Manager Has Taken My Field!” Gula-­balāssu’s Letter to Itūr-­ašdu This letter is extant in at least seventeen copies: ten in the Schøyen Collection, four in the Cotsen Collection, and three more in the Rosen

1 MS 2891/75 (MS A); 3503 (B); 3510 (C); 3547 (D); 3680 (E); 3707 (F); 3752 (G); 3776 (H); 3785 (I); 4350 ( J); Cot. 52143, 52151–­53 (photographs published in Wilson 2008, nos. 163, 10–­12, respectively; some have envelope fragments attached); CUNES 48-­06-­072, 48-­06-­073, 48-­09-­290, courtesy Jared Miller.

13

14

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

tablet, but very commonly so. MS D is endorsed with a damaged personal name, Sîn-­[ . . . ], presumably identifying the student who wrote it. MS E does not finish the text. By contrast, MSS F–­H exhibit very fine Larsa script and are either the work of advanced students or, more probably, teachers’ models retained for students to copy. ana Itūr-­ašdu qibīma umma Gula-­balāssūma: aššum eqlim ša eqel kīrātim ša tašpuram umma attāma: “eqlam aksum aškuk ešbir u šer’am aškun. Sîn-­iddinam šabrûm ana Išlim-­kīnum u Sîn-­zānin išpuramma, ḫamšat (C erbet) epinnū itbûnimma lā inawwiram šer’am iptarkū.” kī’am tašpuram. ana šarrim aqbi umma anākūma: “bēlī ištu ešer šanātim (B ešeret ūmī) eqlam taddinamma akkal. inanna Sîn-­iddinam šabrûm eqlī ītekmanni.” išsûniššūma ubān šarrim iṣṣabat. anumma (AJ insert Šamaš-­kīma-­ilīya) šina rēdû sag-­gá-­ni ana warkatim parāsim ittalkūnim. ittīšunu Šamaš-­kīma-­ilīya ana ṣērīka aṭṭardam. eqlam mala parku kullimaššunūtīma lā ibittūnim. u atta ittīšunu lā tuḫḫaram! ana nišīšu (D šinīšu) šarrum ittīšu (D ittīšunu) lidīn!1 To Itūr-­ašdu speak, thus Gula-­balāssu: Regarding the plot of land in Kiln Fields about which you sent me word as follows, “I’ve cleared the land of weeds, harrowed it, broken up the clods, and plowed it into furrows. The land manager Sîn-­iddinam sent word to Išlim-­kīnum and Sîn-­zānin, and five (var. four) plow (teams) came along and plowed across the furrows before first light.” That was the message you sent me. I spoke to the king as follows: “My lord, ten years 1 Here dīnka, “your case,” is expected between šarrum and ittīšu but omitted from all MSS; ittīšu(nu), “with him/them,” refers to Sîn-­iddinam (and his men). On the expression dīnam itti PN di’ānum, see Veenhof 2005, 206.

(var. days) ago you gave over a field to support me. Now the land manager Sîn-­iddinam has robbed me of my field!” They summoned him, and he grasped the king’s toe. Herewith (two MSS add Šamaš-­kīma-­ilīya and) two of his personal constables2 have come in order to determine the facts. I’ve sent Šamaš-­kīma-­ilīya to you with them. Show them how much of the field is plowed across, but they are not to spend the night. In addition, you yourself are not to tarry there with them. Before his people (var. a second time) may the king judge (your legal dispute) with him (var. them)! Gula-­balāssu writes to Itūr-­ašdu; he does not include a greeting formula, a lack of etiquette that at once suggests he could be Itūr-­ašdu’s senior (Sallaberger 2003, 75). This turns out indeed to be the case, for it transpires that Itūr-­ašdu cultivates a portion of arable land on behalf of Gula-­balāssu, who himself holds it from the king. Itūr-­ašdu works the land, but Gula-­balāssu is the tenant and his social superior. The letter gives a historical background, quoting Itūr-­ašdu’s previous letter and describing his reaction to it. Itūr-­ašdu reported to Gula-­balāssu that after he had prepared the land for sowing, other parties cross-­plowed it at night on the orders of the local land manager, Sîn-­iddinam. Gula-­balāssu then complained about Sîn-­iddinam to the king. The king called the land manager in, and if the idiom is understood correctly, the land manager was properly subservient.3 The king sent his agents to Gula-­ balāssu to investigate, and Gula-­balāssu has sent them on to Itūr-­ašdu in the company of one of 2 Or “elite soldiers”; on the aga.ús (or ukuš) sag.gá and his duties, see Stol 2004, 802–­3. Real-­life examples of aga.ús sag dispatched by the king to investigate disputes between his subjects occur in the correspondence of Hammurapi (e.g., AbB XIII 14, 21). The present spelling adds a possessive pronoun, sag.gá.ni (similarly Proto-­Lu 114 aga.ús sag.gá.na), which suggests attendance on the king’s person. 3 Here ubānam ṣabātum is understood as a variant of the common šēpam ṣabātum,“to grasp the foot,” a gesture of submission amply documented by Gruber 1980, 278–­85. In OB, see also ARM X 101: 13–­14; XIV 73 rev. 9’; UET V 84: 5–­6 (CAD Š/2 297). Cf. in Old Akkadian the idiom sa’pēn ’aḫāzum, “to take hold of the feet,” with similar meaning (Markina 2010).



T h e Te x t s

his own agents, Šamaš-­kīma-­ilīya. This party bears the tablet with the present letter containing Gula-­ balāssu’s instructions: Itūr-­ašdu is to show the visitors the cross-­plowed land but is not to dawdle and waste their time. The letter closes with an expression of trust in the king’s judgment as the arbiter between the disputing parties. The composition is compromised in some manuscripts by implausible variants. MS B holds that Gula-­balāssu had held the field for only ten days, against the other manuscripts’ ten years. Both are round numbers, which are favored in school letters, but ten days is obviously implausible. MSS AJ have Šamaš-­kīma-­ilīya mentioned twice. As a school composition, this letter teaches the vocabulary of land holding and agriculture, especially the four key activities with which Itūr-­ašdu’s report begins. The letter’s instructions are carefully contextualized so that the composition tells a story that is coherent to a reader. This is not always the case with real-­life letters, which often presume a level of common knowledge that leaves a third party in the dark. The letter’s instruction not to allow the visitors to linger over their task carries a moral force, disapproving of laziness and wasting time, which is often articulated in letters as phrases forbidding needless delay. Prompt action is a theme that recurs in other school letters (e.g., texts nos. 2, 5, 8, 10, 26, 27, 30). Ideologically, the letter represents the king as a figure who is accessible to appellants. The final sentence makes clear his role as the only source of the people’s justice. It is perhaps drawn from the repertoire of popular sayings.1

No. 2: “Give the Field Back!” Sundry Correspondents This letter has, until now, been the best-­known exemplar in the corpus of extant school letters. Kraus reconstructed it from three fragmentary tablets, his (h), (i), and (j) (1964, 22), but a much more complete account was subsequently given by Michalowski,

See the similar expression of confidence in royal justice incorporated in the Poor Man of Nippur 71: i-na ˹ṭè˺-­mi šarri(lugal) rubû(nun) ù šak-­kan-­ku i-pár-­ra-­su di-­in kit-­ti, “By the will of the king, prince and governor must hand down just verdicts.” 1

15

who edited seven tablets as MSS A–­G.2 Ten more exemplars are held in the Schøyen Collection, here MSS H–­Q.3 Those tablets with known provenance come from Adab (MSS ABC), Ur (G), and probably Larsa (F). The personal names vary from tablet to tablet, but MSS MNO on the one hand, and PQ on the other, are in accord, where preserved.4 Not only do the personal names vary, but the letter is quite rich in substantive variants. This variety is very probably a symptom of the letter’s wide distribution. MSS GIKMOQ have a double ruling after the last line. MS Q bears random wedges after the double ruling and the number twelve on the upper edge. MSS HJL are written in beautiful Larsa hands and may be teachers’ models rather than students’ attempts. The following normalized transcription and translation take account of all manuscripts, including those already published, but ignore the most trivial variants. ana PN15 qibīma umma PN26-­ma: Šamaš (D inserts aššumīya) liballiṭka! aššum (E inserts ṭēm) eqlim ša PN37 tēkimūma ana PN48 (CMNO šanîm) taddinu (EFG insert illik) PN3 ( J inserts ana d[īnim?]) šarram

2 Michalowski 1983, 222–­26; see also Sallaberger 1999, 151–­52 (101); Charpin 2010, 44. MS C has since been edited as AbB XI 147; MS F as AbB XIV 195. 3 MS 2776/32 (MS H); 3527 (I); 3567 ( J); 3586 (K); 3591/1 (L); 3599 (M); 3609 (P); 3648 (N); 3679 (Q); 3755 (O). 4 Observation of Z. Földi. Additionally, MSS PQ insert identical clauses warning of a penalty. 5 MS D Ilī-­iddinam, F Sîn-­ašarēd, G Sîn-­rēmēnī, H Ilī-­īriš(?), I Igigi, J Imgur-­Šamaš, MNO Sîn-­muštāl, PQ Aḫulāp-­Šamaš. 6 MSS D Sîn-­abūšu, E Inim-­Utu, F Ibā-­Sîn, GH Sîn-­mušallim, I Sîn-­īriš, J Lipit-­Sîn, K Sîn-­iddinam, MNO Lu-­Ninurta, PQ Sîn-­emūqī. 7 MSS C Sîn-­ mu[šallim], DNP Sîn-­ irībam, E Sîn-­ magir, F Tarībum, G Sîn-­ abūšu, H Iddin-­ Adad, I Ilī-­ay-­abāš, J  Šamaš-­ilī, K Sîn-­rēmēnī, MNO Sîn-­ilī. 8 MSS B Šamaš-­[ . . . ], D Sîn-­iqīšam, E Šamaš-­nāṣir, F Ibbi-­ Šamaš, G Ilī-­iddinam, I Sîn-­magir, J Šamaš-­īn-­mātim, K Sîn-­ uselli, L Ilī-­[ . . . ], P Sîn-­muballiṭ.

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

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imḫurma šarrum rēdi’am ittadiššum (ABC instead libbātim imtala). ḫumuṭ! lāma rēdi šarrim (D om. šarrim) ikšudakka (B illikam, G illikamma nēbaḫ eqlim ušaddinūka) eqlam ana bēlīšu tēr! (PQ insert rēdi šarrim ikaššada[kkāma] arnam kabtam immid[ka], F eqlam ana bēlīšu ul tutâr[ma] ištu ana rēdî[m] ḫamšat šiqil kaspam tatta[dnu?] arḫ[iš ana warḫ]īka bur [x] kur še’am tamaddad).1 apputtum! (A adds ul tašpuram lā taqabbi!) To PN1 speak, thus PN2: May Šamaš keep you well (var. adds for my sake)! Regarding (var. inserts the matter of ) the field that you took away from PN3 and gave to PN4 (var. someone else), (var. inserts he went) PN3 appealed to the king (var. adds for [justice]), and the king gave him a constable (var. grew angry). Hurry, before the king’s constable (var. the constable) catches you (var. comes and makes you pay a nēbahum expense on the field), return the field to its owner! (vars. add Should the king’s constable catch [you,] he will impose a severe punishment [on you,] or Should you not return the field to its owner, after you’ve handed over five shekels of silver to the constable, you will immediately have to pay as your month’s due [x] kor of barley per eighteen acres of land.) Urgent! (var. adds Don’t go saying, “You didn’t tell me!”) This letter arises from a similar scenario to “The Land Manager Has Taken My Field!” (text no. 1), but the situation is seen from the point of view of the manager, not the tenant. As in the previous letter, the immediate historical background is explicitly described so that the composition tells a story. The addressee has reallocated a field, driving the dispossessed farmer to appeal to the king. The sender advises his correspondent to rectify the situation 1 MS F = TCL XVIII 141: 16–­21: ˹iš˺-­tu a-na re-­di-­i-­[im] 5 gín kù.babbar ˹ta-­ta!˺-­a[d-­nu] ar-­ḫ[i-­iš a-na] ˹itu˺.[1.ka]m-­ka bùr iku.e! ˹gur˺ še-­a-­am ta-­ma-­da-­ad; cf. Michalowski 1983, 225; Veenhof 2005, 178. MS J is different again, but broken (see the score transliteration appended to this study).

before the king’s agent arrives to investigate. The addressee’s wrongdoing is taken as given, for in some versions, the sender warns of the penalties that the king’s agent will impose on him (note in MS F a round number typical of school letters).The letter ends with apputtum, a standard exhortation to take the sender’s instructions seriously and act quickly.2 One manuscript adds a common blame-­excusing sentence in case of future repercussions. This letter includes a greeting formula, which indicates that the imaginary correspondents are of similar rank.3 The content suggests that the sender is an acquaintance or colleague of the addressee, who has heard about a serious matter that concerns him and seeks to warn him that his actions have been brought to the attention of the king and justice is on its way. As a school composition, this letter contains several general lessons: that a bad manager who abuses his power will be found out, that the king is accessible for an appellant, and that justice stems from the king. These are also ideas present in “The Land Manager Has Taken My Field!” (text no. 1). In addition, the present letter illustrates as good conduct the practice of watching out for members of one’s peer group. An improvisation on this letter is “Give the Flock Back!,” edited as text no. 29 in this volume.

No. 3: Variant of “Give the Field Back!”Warad-­ Amurrum’s Letter to Ibbi-­Šaḫan A letter on much the same topic as text no. 2 survives in three copies, two in the Schøyen Collection and one in the Rosen Collection.4 It is thus an addition to knowledge. As in “The Land Manager Has Taken My Field!” (text no. 1), the personal names do not vary across the three manuscripts, probably for the same reason: the tablets stem from the same place and time. Both tablets in the Schøyen Collection are written in well-­practiced scribal hands and may have been teachers’ models. MS A is a particularly fine example of Larsa script and has a double ruling at the end. 2 On apputtum, see Sallaberger 1999, 159–­63. 3 Sallaberger 2003, 76. 4 MS 3529 (A); 3727 (B); CUNES 49-­08-­120, courtesy Jared Miller.



T h e Te x t s

ana Ibbi-­Šaḫan qibīma umma Warad-­Amurrum: Sîn-­irībam aššum eqlīšu ana šarrim maḫārim izzazma anāku uštaddīšu. awīlum eqlam ištu ešer šanātim ṣabit u ina tuppim ša pilkātim šumšu šaṭer. ammīni eqelšu tēkimšu? apputtum! kunukkī anni’am ina amārīka ana eqlīšu mamman lā iṭeḫḫe! assurri šarram ulammadma ana ṣēr libbātīka lā malû ana uzzim itârkum. awātka ešmēma ašpurakkum. ana warki’ātim lā taṣabbatanni! To Ibbi-­Šaḫan speak, thus Warad-­Amurrum: Sîn-­irībam is here, ready to appeal to the king about his field, but I myself have made him drop the idea. The fellow had occupied the field for ten years, and his name is listed in the land register. Why did you take his field from him? Urgent! When you read this tablet of mine, (see to it that) no one touches his field. It’s to be feared that he will inform the king, and far from1 not being angry with you, he will turn into rage itself for you! I heard about a matter that concerns you and so have sent you word. Don’t hold me (responsible) for what happens next! This letter presents a third variation on the consequences of bad land management. As in “Give the Field Back!” (text no. 2), the sender, Warad-­ Amurrum, warns Ibbi-­Šaḫan, no doubt a land manager, to return a plot of arable land to its rightful occupant, Sîn-­irībam. Again, the letter allows a full understanding of the background to this warning. In this case, the wronged farmer had arrived at court intending to appeal to the king, but Warad-­ Amurrum had intercepted him and dissuaded him from doing so. However, there is still a chance that he will eventually tell the king, and Ibbi-­Šaḫan will have to face the royal fury. Like the previous two letters, this one also provides training in the technical terminology of land management and inculcates in the student a firm 1 Literally, “on top of.”

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sense of the king’s ideological role in protecting the weak from abuses of power. It also advocates a certain wariness of the king: some matters are best kept from him, a sympathy expressed in other letters,2 and his anger is to be avoided at all costs.The king’s anger is a theme of school letters: it has already been encountered in “Give the Field Back!” (MSS ABC) and will occur again in “Your Watch Should Be Strict!” (text no. 4). The lack of a greeting formula in the present letter is probably not, on this occasion, diagnostic of an intended inequality between the correspondents, for the end of the letter shows that Warad-­Amurrum was motivated by a sense of collegial protection: he wants Ibbi-­Šaḫan to know that he was looking after his interests at court, in accordance with the example already set in “Give the Field Back!” (text no. 2). This protection is not indefinite, for the last clause imposes a limit on the extent of the sender’s involvement in the matter in case of future repercussions. Another school letter on the topic of fields and extant in multiple copies is “Find Me a Field to Cultivate!” No manuscript of it is found in the Schøyen Collection, but the two exemplars already known to Kraus (1964, 23–­24, [k–­l]) have been supplemented by two more in Baghdad and Istanbul (Sallaberger 1999, 151 [100]: “Feld zum Pflügen”). Known provenances are Kiš (certain) and Nippur ( probable). The beginning of the letter is missing on all exemplars: [ . . . ] aš[šum] ṭēm eql[im] ša tašpuram umma attāma: “bur (var. šina bur) eqlam ana errēšūtim amramma lūriš,” inanna bur (var. šina bur) eqlam ana errēšūtim ātamrakkum. arḫiš alkamma kirri eqlim šupuk (var. eqlam eriš ) u tuppašu šūzib! apputtum! AbB V 94 // 205 // VIII 118 // X 90; cf. Sallaberger 1999, 151

2 For example, AbB V 241 rev. 5’ // 244, 26–­27: a-wa-­tum an-­ni-­a-­tam šar-­ra-­am la i-ka-­ša-­da, “these matters must not get as far as the king.”

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Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

[ . . . ] Regarding the matter of the field that you sent me word about as follows, “Find me eighteen (var. thirty-­six) acres of arable land to cultivate,” now I’ve found you eighteen (var. thirty-­six) acres of arable land to cultivate. Come right away and seal the field’s transfer (var. cultivate the field), and get its contract drawn up. Urgent! The letter is a response by a land manager to a would-­be tenant’s request for land. He urges the farmer to complete the formalities quickly and move in.The text offers training in the legal vocabulary and metrology of land holding; the metrological units are round numbers in Akkadian, one or two burum.1 This letter presents a benign model for a land manager, counteracting the negative models of our first three letters.

No. 4: “Your Watch Should Be Strict!” Lu-­ Ninurta’s Letter to Ḫāzirum This letter is so far known only at the Schøyen Collection, where it occurs on six tablets, and the Rosen Collection, which holds four more copies.2 It is thus another addition to knowledge.The names of the correspondents do not vary, and the letter is almost free of variants despite the number of manuscripts. As with “The Land Manager Has Taken My Field!” (text no. 1), this high degree of textual stability probably indicates that the manuscripts are from a restricted time and place. MS C, inscribed in a particularly beautiful Larsa script, has a fragment of envelope adhering to the reverse; the text of MS E is unfinished. ana Ḫāzirum qibīma umma Lu-­Ninurtāma: Šamaš liballiṭka! aššum awātim ša Maškan-­šāpirayyī ša ina Zarbillum taqbi’am umma attāma: 1 One burum equals eighteen ikûm. The translation of ikûm, a square with sides of about sixty meters, as “acre” is conventional. 2 MS 2749 (A); 3539 (B); 3713 (C); 3726 (D); 3741 (E); 3787 (F); CUNES 48-­06-­076, 48-­06-­420, 48-­09-­200, 49-­02-­118, courtesy Jared Miller.

“ṣābum kalūšu ša maḫrīya iddi’annīma ana Larsam ana warki rubbê3 ittalkam.” ana šarrim aqbīma šarrum libbātim imtala. umma šarrumma: “aššum lamassim annītim ša itti Ḫāzirum ina rēš eqlim lā wašbu eqelšu ekimšu. u ša iprim ipram ul anaddiššum.” nāgirum išsīma ṣābum kalūšu ana ṣērīka igdamram. ḫudu! libbaka lū ṭāb! ana warkatīka parāsim illakūnim. apputtum! ana ālim u ḫalṣī lā tegge! (D lā tegge! ana ālim u ḫalṣī) maṣṣartaka lū dunnunat! To Ḫāzirum speak, thus Lu-­Ninurta: May Šamaš keep you well! Regarding the affair of the men from Maškan-­šāpir about which you spoke to me in Zarbillum as follows, “The whole gang of men who were with me left me and went to Larsa to serve under the chiefs.” I spoke to the king, and he got angry. This is what he said: “Regarding this ‘guardian angel’ who won’t stay with Ḫāzirum in the appointed place, take his field from him! Moreover, in the matter of maintenance, I shall not give him any at all.” The herald made a proclamation, and the whole gang of men is again fully under your command. Cheer up! You should be glad! They are coming to determine the facts of your case. Urgent! Don’t fail in your duty to the town and forts! Your watch should be strict! The background scenario of this letter is a variant of that found in “The Land Manager Has Taken My Field!” (text no. 1), in which someone with access to the king intercedes for a wronged party. In this case, Ḫāzirum, as we learn at the end of the letter, is responsible for the security of a town and its defenses. He has told Lu-­Ninurta that his men have deserted him. Lu-­Ninurta is evidently Ḫāzirum’s contact at court and has been able to

3 Perhaps shorthand for rubbu sikkātim, the plural of rabi sikkātim (on which, see George 2018, 11 n. 1).



T h e Te x t s

draw the king’s attention to his plight. This letter is the result. Lu-­Ninurta reports that the king was displeased and threatened to dispossess “this guardian angel” of his land holding and rations. “This guardian angel” appears to be a sarcastic term for the deserters’ leader. Lu-­Ninurta further relates that after the news of the king’s threat was spread abroad, the men returned to their posts with Ḫāzirum. It is not clear why Ḫāzirum needed to be told this, unless the purpose of the letter is for Ḫāzirum to understand that the crisis he faced has been resolved only because his colleague Lu-­Ninurta has the king’s ear. The letter closes with injunctions to be happy but also always to be mindful of his job. Sandwiched between the two sets of imperatives is a warning that unspecified agents are on the way to investigate. It is only this, perhaps, that is actually new information.They may want to learn not only exactly what happened but also whether Ḫāzirum is up to his job. In terms of its administrative context, this letter is very different from those encountered so far. It tells a story about the problems of managing disobedient personnel. Pedagogically, it gives practice in writing useful vocabulary of man management and toponyms of the Larsa state. At the end, standard phrasing is deployed—­not just the ubiquitous apputtum but also another very common routine injunction to be diligent: lā tegge, literally, “Don’t be remiss!” Thematically, there are familiar tropes: collegial intervention, royal anger, and anxiety. As in “Give the Field Back!” (text no. 2), it is a colleague who gets someone out of trouble. As in “Give the Field Back!” (MSS ABC) and its variant (text no. 3), the king’s anger is an effective instrument of power. As in “The Land Manager Has Taken My Field!” (text no. 1) and “Give the Field Back!,” the addressee is left anxiously awaiting a visit from the security services. The vocabulary of the last sentence of “Your Watch Should Be Strict!” occurs in another pair of letters that Kraus identified as variant versions of a school letter (1964, 19–­20 [b–­c]): ana bēlīya qibīma umma Imgur-­Sînma: ālum ḫalṣum šalim u maṣṣarātum dannā.

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anumma ešeret mārī umme’ānim ina ḫalṣim u 4 . . . li’ātim(áb.gud.ḫi.a?)1 ana ṣēr b[ēlīya] uštārīšu[nūti]. bēlī lišāl[šunūti?!]2 (b) AbB V 158, from Nippur To my lord speak, thus Imgur-­Sîn: The town and garrison are fine, and the watches are strict. Herewith I’ve led to [my lord] ten craftsmen from [my] garrison and four [drovers(?)] of cattle(?). My lord should question(?) [them(?)]. ana bēlīya qibīma umma Abī-­asadma: ālum u ḫalṣum šalim. ḫalṣū’a dunnunū! u maṣṣarātū’a dannā. (c) AbB IX 90, from Larsa? To my lord speak, thus Abī-­asad: The town and garrison are fine. My fortifications are strong and my watches strict. Benno Landsberger rejected the identification of these letters as school tablets (Kraus 1972, 75 n. 158a). He may have been right, for the shared vocabulary is very standard. The injunctions at the end of “Your Watch Should Be Strict!” recur elsewhere (e.g., CUNES 48-­11-­071: 5–­9, courtesy Jared Miller); note also the imperative command maṣṣarātūkunu lū dannā, “your watches should be strict,” repeatedly included in letters of kings Sumu-­El and Nūr-­ Adad of Larsa to their chiefs of security (CUSAS 36 nos. 1–­9, 13–­15, 17–­19, 21–­22, 26, 28, 32). It would not be surprising if other genuine letters used variants of these phrases. However, Kraus attributed (b)’s execrable writing to a student scribe (1972, 74:“sehr schlechte Schülerschrift”), and a school context is not ruled out.

1 Kraus 1964, 20 n. 8: “Lesung ganz unsicher”; AbB V, 74 n. 158c: “über Rasur, nicht zu entziffern.” 2 Kraus 1964, 20 (b) rev. 14: be-­lí ia ḫi ša al(?) x[ . . . ]; AbB V 158: 14: be-­lí i ša al [. . .  .], with n. e: “auf i folgendes a ḫi vielleicht wegradiert.”

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Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

No. 5: “Open the Granary!” Ur-­Zababa’s Letter to Ṣillī-­Šamaš Kraus’s study of Old Babylonian school letters included four in which the sender instructs his addressee to fetch items from store (1964, 20–­22 [d–­g]). Several further variant versions are collected in the next section of this study as solitary manuscripts (texts nos. 15–­21, “Open My Storeroom!”). The following variant, however, is known in six duplicate copies: three in the Schøyen Collection, two in the Rosen Collection, and one in the Cotsen Collection.1 It is therefore presented in this section. In this letter, the addressee is not requested to go to the storeroom himself; instead, a go-­between is used. The go-­between strategy is found in many other school letters (see texts nos. 11–­14, 16). In addition, the key term bīt kunukkīya, “my storeroom,” deployed in Kraus’s (d)–­(g) and texts nos. 15–­18, 20a, and 21, is instead replaced by našpakum, “granary,” and the text is accordingly entitled “Open the Granary!” The correspondents always bear the same names. ana Ṣillī-­Šamaš qibīma umma Ur-­Zababāma: anumma Apil-­Damu ana ṣērīka aṭṭardam. apputtum! kunukkī anni’am ina amārīka našpakam aḫi’am ša šalšat šūšī kur (A adds atta u šū) pite’āma, 8 kur ipir ikkarim 18 kur ipir 3 kullizī 32 kur ipir 4 ṣāb maturrim 7 kur ipir rē’î ṣēnī 7 kur rē’î alpī idnāma, šapeltam šunni’āma ana ukullê alpī u kissat ṣēnī ina qātīka libši. u Apil-­Damu šani’am ūmšu maḫrīka lā ibittam! ṭurdaššu! anniki’am šiprum nadi. lā takallaššu! apputtum!

kor (capacity). Distribute eight kor as barley rations of the plowman, eighteen kor as barley rations of the three ox drivers, thirty-­two kor as barley rations of the four boat crew, seven kor as barley rations of the shepherd, [and] seven kor as barley rations of the cowherd. Remeasure the remainder and let it remain in your keeping as fodder for the oxen and feed for the sheep. Also, Apil-­Damu must not stay overnight with you for another day. Send him back to me! Here the work is interrupted. Don’t detain him there! Urgent! While the previous school letters edited here have been set in crises of land and man management, this one has a much more routine setting—­namely, the management of stocks of commodities and their retrieval from storage. It tells no story but gives a complex set of instructions about what to do with a large quantity of barley withdrawn from a granary (72 kor = 21,600 liters). Pedagogically, it gives experience in writing the metrological units used in capacity measure, several important rural occupations, and a selection of other agricultural vocabulary.The numbers are anything but round, and this complexity is furthered by the use in the cases of the ox drivers and the boat crew of unstated factors of multiplication (3 × [6 kor] = 18, 4 × [8 kor] = 32). Perhaps they related to a separate exercise in which calculations of rations were practiced.2 At the end of the letter, before a final apputtum, comes a demand that the person who brought the letter should not be allowed to tarry but must hurry back to his master, for there is work to be done. This postscript reinforces a principle of good management already encountered in “The Land Manager Has Taken My Field!” (text no. 1): messengers should be abroad for no longer than necessary.

To Ṣillī-­Šamaš speak, thus Ur-­Zababa: Herewith I’ve sent you Apil-­Damu. Urgent! When you read this tablet of mine, you and he open the outer granary, the one of 180 1 MS 2748 (A); 3688 (B); 3747 (C); CUNES 48-­09-­288, 48-­11-­ 074, courtesy Jared Miller; Cot. 52150 (photograph Wilson 2008, 173, no. 72).

2 Given the annual barley ration of about 720 to 1,080 qûm per adult male (Gelb 1965, 236; Stol 2004, 973; 2007, 266), the quantities in this letter—­which vary per worker between 6, 7, and 8 kor (1,800, 2,100, and 2,400 qûm, respectively)—­are presumably calculated not for the individuals alone but for their households.



T h e Te x t s

No. 6: A Catalog of Disasters; Adad-­tukultī’s Letter to Sarriqum This letter is known from two copies in the Schøyen Collection, MS 2891/50 (A) and MS 3762 (B). At least one of them is seriously corrupt, for A writes ušširšināti,“set them free,” where B has u šerrī āmuru, “and I looked after babies.” MS A’s choice of a word often found in the management of distrainees seems implausible in the context of the preceding clause mentioning marriage. This corruption and other errors (A 6, 22; B 12, 20) make a school origin likely. Note that Adad-­tukultī, the writer, and Aḫī-­abâl, mentioned in l. 10, recur as the sender and addressee of MS 3704, which seems to be a regular letter (unpublished, CDLI P252593). That may be a coincidence, however. ana Sarriqum qibīma umma Adad-­tukultī: ištu Ilī-­tukultī aššatam ušāhizanni u šerrī āmuru, (A ušširšināti. adi inanna) ana maṣṣartim ula aqūl. Aḫī-­abâl bāba lā uṣṣi. (A adds sikkātim ina birāma . . . idi.) eleppi 70 iṭebbu. tamkārū (A [tamkār]ū’a) amātīya ittadi’ū. Ubarum u Sîn-­īriš ana qanê ša ana appārim illikū! nipâtīšunu (A omits) šūriba(m). To Sarriqum speak, thus Adad-­tukultī: Since Ilī-­tukultī found me a wife and I had to look after babies (var. set them free! imperative), I have not paid attention to the guard (var. adds yet). Aḫī-­abâl must not go outside the house. (var. adds Put locks everywhere!) The boat of seventy [kor capacity] is sinking.The (var. my) moneylenders have rejected my slave women. [As for] Ubarum and Sîn-­īriš, who went to the marsh for reeds,1 bring in their (people as) distrainees (var. omits). This letter reads as an implausible succession of unconnected domestic crises: family management, a prisoner to watch, a sinking boat, unsaleable slaves, and a case of distrainees. Its incoherence as a 1 Faulty composition: “for reeds who went to the marshes.”

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composition makes it markedly different from the other school letters in this book, to which it bears only a formal similarity that is limited to the address and the use of imperative clauses. It seems probable that it is a student’s improvisation that somehow found a place in the curriculum secure enough to provide two extant copies. Pedagogically, the letter contains useful vocabulary about imprisonment and debt slavery, a theme that recurs in other school letters (see texts nos. 26–­27; Kraus’s letters [m–­t]; and AbB VII 68). Additionally, the boat gišmá.70. represents a deliberate extrapolation beyond the set learned in school, for the Old Babylonian giš list from Nippur has entries in decreasing size from gišmá.60.gur to gišmá.5.gur (Veldhuis 1997, 157) but does not venture higher.

No. 7: “Is This Your Idea of Behaving Well?” Āmur-­ša-­ilim’s Letter to Ilī-­iddinam Two tablets in the Schøyen Collection, MS 3491 (A) and MS 3786 (B), bear the same letter of complaint, but the latter breaks off before the former and is misshapen, perhaps a sign that it was deliberately discarded as unfinished. Both letters employ a Larsa script and terminate with a double ruling. The scribe of MS A made bad mistakes: two copying errors in ll. 15 (i-­li-­kam for i-di-­nam) and 22 (lu-­ku-­ur for lu-­ṭi-­ib),2 an inexplicable fault in l. 17 (kam for ra-­am), and less serious errors in ll. 1 and 16 (see the transliterations at the end of this study). ana Ilī-­iddinam qibīma umma Āmur-­ša-­ilimma:3 epēsum annûm damiqkum ša tēpušanni? ša tuššišannīma, šalāšā kur še’am ana Irīb-­Sîn tušaddinannīma, inūma kunukkātim šarrum uḫeppû še’am qa mamman ula iddinam. u appunnāma kī’am taštanapparam! umma attāma: (B ends here) “ešeret kur še’am [kīma rik]sātīšu [lirīb]ūšumma, anāku libbaka luṭīb!.”

2 Error identified by Z. Földi. 3 PN read by Földi, who notes similar names, on the pattern Āmur-­ša-­DN, at Rimah (Dalley et al. 1976, 257) and in Middle Babylonian (Clay 1912, 55a).

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

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To Ilī-­iddinam speak, thus Āmur-­ša-­ilim: Is this, what you’ve done to me, your idea of behaving well? That you bullied me into handing over thirty kor of barley to Irīb-­Sîn? And that when the king annulled (lit. smashed) the sealed contract tablets, no one gave me a single liter of barley? And into the bargain, this is what you keep writing to me: (B ends here) “They [should compensate] him with ten kor of barley [according to] his contract, and then I myself will make it up to you.” The text opens with the rhetorical question epēšum annûm damiqkum—­literally, “Is this behavior a fine thing to you?” This is a polite expression of grievance commonly attested in Old Babylonian letters (Sallaberger 1999, 118–­19). In this case, the sender feels cheated by his correspondent and reminds him of his promise to arrange repayment and make up the balance, quoting direct speech.The letter provides practice in the language of contracts. It does not end with the expected direct request for restitution and for that reason should probably be considered incomplete, even in the account preserved on MS A.

No. 8: Nūr-­ilīšu’s Letter to Etel-­pī-­Šamaš This letter is extant on one tablet in the Schøyen Collection, MS 3572, and eight tablets in the Rosen Collection.1 The text of the exemplar published here is partly obscured by a large fragment of envelope; restorations follow the text of the Rosen tablets. The envelope bears the remnant of a different text entirely, a contract dated to year 10 of king Rīm-­Sîn of Larsa. MS 3572 obv. 1 a-­na e-te-­el-­pī(ka)-­dšamaš(utu) 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma nu-­úr-­ì-­lí-­šu-­ 4 dšamaš(utu) li-­ba-­lí-­iṭ-­ka

CUNES 48-­06-­071, 48-­06-­074, 48-­06-­078, 48-­06-­80, 48-­06-­ 084, 48-­09-­284, 48-­10-­157, 49-­02-­076, courtesy Jared Miller. 1

aš-­šum kaspim(kù.babbar-­im) ša ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am m na-­ra-­[am]-­ì-­lí-­šu kaspam(kù.babbar) ša ma-­[aḫ]-­˹ri˺-­šu ú-­ul i[d-­di]-­nam md šamaš(utu)-­pi-­l[a-­aḫ maš.e]n!.gag 18 šiqil(gín) kaspam(kù.bab[bar-­am) ù 1 šiqil(gí]n) ḫurāṣam(kù.gi) 12 iš-­tu [ud 10-­kam] 13 i-­din-­nam-­ma [na-­ši-­a-­k]u 14 um-­ma šu-­[ú-­ma] 15 ˹pi˺ sà-­bi-­im l[u-­uš-­me]-­˹e˺-­[ma]2 16 [a-­n]a te-­er-­t[i]-­˹ia˺ 17 [la-­b]i-­ir-­[tim] 18 [li-­t]e-­˹ra˺-­an-­[ni] 19 [šum-­ma t]a-­qá-­a[b-­bi] rev. 20 [kaspam(kù.babbar]-­am) ˹ù˺ ḫurāṣam(kù.gi) [ša-­ti] 21 [lu]-­ša-­[bi-­la-­ak-­kum] 22 [šina kur tappinnam 0.3.0 še.zíd.gu] 23 [Ištarān-­rīm-­mātīšu] 24 u[š-­ta-­bi-­la-­ak-­kum] 25 ap-­[pu-­tum] 26 a-­n[a ši-­ip-­ri-­im] 27 l[a te-­(e)-­ge] 28 i[š-­tu i-na-­an-­na a-na ud] 10.kam 29 ši-­[pi-­ir-­ka gu-­um-­ra-­a]m-­ma 30 at-­[la-­ka-­am] 31 la [tu-­ḫa-­ra-­am] 32 tu-­[ḫa-­ra-­am-­ma] 33 an-­ni-­˹ki-­a-­am e-qé˺-­[el-­ka] it-­-­aṣ-­ṣi 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

To Etel-­pī-­Šamaš speak, thus Nūr-­ilīšu: May Šamaš keep you well! Regarding the silver that you wrote to me about, Narām-­ilīšu 2 Similarly, AbB XIV 150: 11: aš-­šum pi-­i-­ka la ša-­ma-­ku, “because I haven’t yet heard your say-so.” Some copies of this letter read lišme, “let him hear.”



T h e Te x t s

did not [give] me the silver that was with him. Šamaš-­pilaḫ, [the muškēnum], gave me 18 shekels of silver [and 1 shekel] of gold [ten days] ago, and I [have it on me.] This is what he said: “I want to [hear] Sabum state [that he will return] me to my old post.” [If you (only)] say the word, I’ll [dispatch that silver] and gold [to you.] I’ve [had Ištarān-­rīm-­mātīšu bring you 600 liters of barley flour and 180 liters of šegūšu flour. Urgent!] Don’t [neglect the job in hand!] Within ten [days from now, finish your work] there and come [away!] Don’t [tarry there!] Should you [tarry there,] at this end [your] field will go out for rent. The letter provides practice in the metrology and vocabulary necessary for making transactions in silver and gold and deliveries of different varieties of flour. Unlike the preceding letters, especially texts nos. 1–­5, it makes references to several topics and presumes much knowledge of context and people that the uninformed reader lacks. For that reason, it gives the impression of being a genuine letter rather than a school composition. It is difficult, though, to explain the existence of nine copies other than in an educational context. Perhaps in this case, a real-­life model was adopted at school. Parts of five lines survive on the envelope, the end of a list of witnesses and a sealing statement (Z. Földi, private communication): 1’ traces 2’ [ig]i dsîn(suen)-­ub-­lam a.[ . . . ] 3’ [ig]i dsîn(suen)-­˹x x x˺ [ . . . ] 4’ [i]gi il(dingir)-­šu-­tillat(illat)-­sú d[ub.sar?] 5’ kišib lú ˹inim.ma.bi.meš˺ Then the date ([x]/xii/RSI 10): 6’ iti-­še-­kin-­[kud ud x-kam] 7’ mu bàd gal ˹dutu-­gar˺-­[ra] 8’ [g]ú ídburanun-­[na mu-­un-­dù-­a]

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Rosen Collection.1 The names of the correspondents do not vary. MS 3621 obv. 1 a-­na ìr-­˹lugal˺-­[la] 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma dnanna-­ibila-­ma.˹an.šúm˺-­[ma] 4 i-­na itibára.zag.gar 5 ma-­ḫa-­ar ˹dsîn(suen)˺ [ta]-­ak-­[ru-­b]a-­am 6 ù a-na larsam(ud.[unug])ki 7 ta-­al-­[li]-­kam-­ma 8 ˹ki-­a˺-­am ˹ta-­aq-­bi˺-­a-­am 9 [u]m-­ma at-­[ta]-­˹a-­ma˺ 10 ši-­ip-­ri i-na ga-­ma-­˹ri-­im˺ single ruling, then remainder of obv. and all rev. blank To Ir-­lugalla speak, thus Nanna-­ibila-­manšum: In the month of Barazaggar/Nisannu, you called down blessings on me before Sîn. Further, you came to Larsa and spoke to me as follows:“When I finish my work . . .” (unfinished).

No. 10: Sîn-­abi-­enšim’s Letter to Iddin-­Ilabrat One tablet in the Schøyen Collection and another in the Cotsen Collection bear the text of a letter about irrigating sesame.2 Both copies name the same correspondents. The letter contains a preponderance of reportage about the sender’s activities, and although it survives in two copies, it is not certainly a school letter.3 The text given here is restored from the Cotsen tablet where necessary. MS 3676 obv. 1 a-­na i-din-­dilabrat(nin.šubur) 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma dsîn(suen)-­a-­bi-­en-­ši-­im-­ma 1 CUNES 48-­06-­075, 48-­06-­412, courtesy Jared Miller.

No. 9: Nanna-­ibila-­manšum’s Letter to Ir-­lugalla

2 MS 3676; Cot. 52142 (photo Wilson 2008, 257, no. 165).

The Schøyen Collection holds an unfinished draft of a letter also known from two tablets in the

3 On the problem of duplicate letters, see the introduction, p. 12 with n. 4.

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

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4 aš-­šum eqel(gán) šamaššammī(še.giš.ì) 5 ša ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am 6 iš-­tu ud 10.kam 7 palgam(pa5) eššam(gibil) aḫ-­re-­e-­ma 8 ma-­na-­ḫa-­tim ma-­˹da˺-­a-­tim 9 aš-­ku-­un-­ma 10 ˹i˺-­na palgim(pa5) ša-­a-­ti 11 [mu-­ú] ˹ú-­ul˺ i-lu-­nim!1 12 [na-­r]a-­am am-­ḫu-­ur-­ma 13 ˹i-­na˺ ud!.3.kam! 2.0.0 iku šamaššammī(še. giš.ì) 14 aš-­ta-­qí 15 ù bùr-­gunû 5.0.0 iku eqlam(a.šà-­am) 16 ša uru.ḫi-­iṣ-­na-­nu-­umki 17 i-­na ˹e-­re-­e-­ši˺-­ma rev. 18 ag-­mu-­ur-­ma 19 a-­na larsam(ud.unug)ki 20 al-­pi-­ia at-­ta-­sà-­aḫ 21 [m] dšamaš(utu)-­ga-­mil 22 ˹ù˺ warad(ìr)-­ì-­lí-­šu 23 [ṭú-­u]r-­dam-­ma 24 [ukullê(šà.gal) alpī(gud.ḫi].a) ù zēram(še.numun) 25 li-­iš!-­[šu-­ru]-­nim 26 al-­pu b[é-­e]-­ru-­ú 27 ri-­ṭi-­ib-­tum l[a u]ṣ-­ṣi 28 i-­na e-le-­e-­˹šu˺ 29 eqlam(a.šà-­am) lu-­uš-­ku-­uk 30 ap-­pu-­tum 31 la ú-ḫa-­ru-­nim To Iddin-­Ilabrat speak, thus Sîn-­abi-­enšim: Regarding the field of sesame that you wrote to me about: ten days ago, I excavated a new irrigation channel and undertook considerable works, but [the water] in that channel didn’t rise. I placed a weir on the [river] and then in three 1 Tablets: šum.

days irrigated 36 acres of sesame. Further, I’ve finished plowing 270 acres of agricultural land belonging to the town of Ḫiṣnānum and transferred my oxen to Larsa. Send me Šamaš-­gāmil and Warad-­ilīšu so they can [set] aside [cattle fodder] and seed corn. The oxen are hungry. The land under water mustn’t emerge (yet). I’ll harrow the land when ground appears. Urgent! They2 mustn’t delay. If this is a school letter, it provides practice in the vocabulary of irrigation, cultivation, and livestock farming. The last clauses are the standard apputtum and an injunction not to delay, which together assert a speedy reaction and efficient time management as good practice (see text no. 1).

No. 11: “Herewith I’ve Sent You . . .” Etel-­pīša’s Letter to Sîn-­iqīšam This fragment is the top of a regular oblong tablet made up with a modern patch to look like a square tablet with writing on the bottom edge. The writing on the patch is self-­evidently fake, but even the genuine writing is crude.The content is a greeting formula and the beginning of another standard form. MS 2891/24 obv. 1 a-­na dsîn(suen)-­i-­qí-­ša-­am 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 [u]m-­ma e-te-­el-­pī(ka)-­ša-­ma 4 [dšamaš(ut]u) li-­ba-­al-­li-­iṭ-­ka 5 [a-­nu-­um-­ma] mdsîn(suen)-­i-­ri-­ba-­am 6 [qá-­du-­um] ˹1˺ ma-­na kaspim(kù.babbar) 7 [a-­na ṣe-­ri-­i-­ka] 8 [aṭ-­ṭa-­ar-­da-­kum/ku-­uš-­šu] remainder lost To Sîn-­iqīšam speak, thus Etel-­pīša: May Šamaš keep you well! [Herewith I’ve sent you] Sîn-­irībam, [along with] one mina of silver. [ . . . ] 2 That is, Šamaš-­gāmil and Warad-­ilīšu.



T h e Te x t s

Probably the very same letter is known in five rather battered fragments from the Sherd Pit (Scherbenloch) at Uruk. The extant sources differ only in the names of the senders: ana Ilī-­karābī1 qibīma umma Apil2-­[ . . . ]ma Šamaš liballiṭka! anumma Ilum-­bāni qadum ištēn mana kaspim ana ṣērīka aṭṭardakkuššu. ina ūmim ša pānīšu tammaru, kaspam ša qātīšu liqēma šamaššammī maḫī[rat illaku] šāmamma [šūbilam!] apputtum! Cavigneaux 1996, nos. 70–­73, 89 To Ilī-­karābī speak, thus Apil-­[ . . . ]: May Šamaš keep you well! Herewith I’ve sent you Ilum-­bāni, along with one mina of silver. On the day you see his face, take the silver he is carrying, buy sesame [at the going] rate, and [dispatch it to me!] Urgent! 1 So Cavigneaux 1996, nos. 72, 73; no. 70 differs (broken). 2 So Cavigneaux 1996, no. 72; no. 70 differs (broken).

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On these fragments, see further the closing discussion and the score transliteration at the end of this study. The core instruction of text no. 11 is a common form in business letters, in which it adheres more or less rigidly to the pattern present here: anumma PN (+ PN) qadum x kaspim ana ṣērīka aṭṭardakkum. ina ūmim ša pānīšu(nu) tammaru kaspam sa qātīšu(nu) liqēma, “Herewith I’ve sent you PN (and PN) along with n amount of silver. On the day you see his face (or their faces), take the silver he is (or they are) carrying and (do x for me).” This form can be broken down into the “go-­between” clause itself (anumma . . . aṭṭardakkum) and the “meet and take” clauses (ina ūmim . . . liqe). The form is used when the writer of a letter sends messengers with cash to conduct business for him. It recurs in many school letters and genuine letters and will be referred to as the “go-­between + silver” scenario.3 3 For example, texts nos. 12–­14, 16, and 28 in this volume; AbB V 175; VI 180, 189; IX 9; XIII 3; and probably also PBS VII 19: 9 = AbB XI 19.

NOS. 12 –­2 9: VARI AN T V ERSI O N S O F LETTERS E XTA NT I N MULTI P LE CO P I ES Several of the school letters studied by Kraus featured in the presentation of the eleven letters in the preceding section. The letter on his tablets (h), (i), and (j) was found to be the same as that on text no. 2, “Give the Field Back!” Another letter, on Kraus’s tablets (k) and (l), was quoted for comparison with the variant version of “Give the Field Back!” in text no. 3, and a third, on his tablets (b) and (c), was adduced as perhaps related to the letter “Your Watch Should Be Strict!” (text no. 4). In this section, the focus moves from letters in multiple copies to single exemplars that appear to be variant versions of school letters already identified by Kraus and others. Text no. 11 and its probable duplicates from the Sherd Pit at Uruk presented a compositional element that was named the “go-­between + silver” scenario. Several further examples of letters with

this scenario at their core can be suspected of being school compositions. One such already published is AbB V 175, from Nippur, which Kraus did not include in his study of school letters (1964) but later identified as a probable member of the genre (1972, 88). It is a noteworthy example of a letter of the “go-­between + silver” type composed by a writer who was seemingly intent on including as many hackneyed phrases as possible with almost no other content. Unusually, the addressee has an occupational title; rather tellingly, it is “scribe”: ana Šamaš-­rabi tupšarrim qibīma umma Šamaš-­ilī: Ellil u Ninurta aššumīya adi dārī’ātim liballiṭūka! ana . . . šaknūma immerī u alpī . . . šumma ina kīnātim aḫī atta! ana matīma ana kâšimma ul ašpurakkum!

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

26

anumma Ḫadi-­āwir-­ Šamaš qadu ištēn mana kaspim aṭṭardakkuš. ūm pānīšu! tammaru kaspam ša qātīšu! liqe’amma ša ešeret šiqil kaspim amātim, ša šalušti mana kaspim šitta li’ātim šāmamma šūbilam! apputtum! ina annītim aḫḫūtka lūmur! AbB V 175 To the scribe Šamaš-­rabi speak, thus Šamaš-­ilī: May Enlil and Ninurta keep you well forever for my sake! . . . Sheep and cattle . . . If you are truly my brother! I have never before sent you word (asking for anything)! Herewith I’ve sent you Ḫadi-­āmir-­Šamaš along with one mina of silver. On the day you see his face, take the silver he is carrying and buy [two] slave women for ten shekels of silver (each) and two cows at twenty shekels of silver (each) and dispatch them to me! Urgent! In this may I enjoy your brotherly goodwill! Disregarding the eloquent introductory and concluding clauses, the essence of this letter consists of the scenario already met in the school letter from the Sherd Pit at Uruk: “go-­between” clause (anumma . . . aṭṭardakkum) and “meet and take” clauses (ina ūmim . . . liqe). To this form are added “buy and dispatch” clauses (šāmamma šūbilam). Another letter, probably from Larsa, is constructed on the very same pattern, but the composer has exchanged the verbs of the two clauses (šūbulum and ṭarādum): [ana] Ilī-­ay-­abāš qibīma umma [PN]ma: Šamaš liballiṭka! anumma Šamaš-­bāni u Sîn-­rēmēnī ešeret šiqil kaspam uštābilakku. ina ūmim ša pānīšunu tammaru! kaspam ša qātīšunu liqēma ḫamiš ṣubātim idnaššunūšim!! arḫiš ṭurdaššunūti! apputtum! AbB XIII 3 [To] Ilī-­ay-­abāš speak, thus [. . .  :] May Šamaš keep you well! Herewith I’ve sent you Šamaš-­bāni and Sîn-­rēmēnī [along with] ten shekels of silver. On the day you see their faces, take the silver they are carrying and

hand over to them five bolts of cloth. Send them back to me immediately! Urgent! In addition to adhering to the “go-­between + silver” form, the letter cites cash and commodity in round numbers and urges haste. Its execution is impaired by an omission, an erasure, and two major spelling errors.1 On grounds of content and spelling faults, it is probably a school letter. Three Old Babylonian letters in the Schøyen Collection exhibit the “go between + silver” scenario and have additional features that suggest they are school letters. They are given next as texts nos. 12–­14.

No. 12: “Herewith I’ve Sent You . . .” Šamaš-­bāni’s Letter to Sîn-­ilī MS 3758 is a regular tablet inscribed on one side only in a crude version of Larsa script. The content is a standard “go-­between + silver” scenario: a “go-­between” clause, no “meet” clause, then a “take” clause and “buy and dispatch” clauses (note commodity without quantity). The four clauses of instructions are reinforced by apputtum and a final injunction not to claim ignorance of the request. The impression that this is a school letter is strengthened by unusual spellings (ll. 9–­10, 13), miswritten signs (ll. 13–­15), a round number, and the double ruling at the end. MS 3758 obv. 1 a-­na dsîn(suen)-­˹ilī(dingir)˺ 2 qí-­bí-­˹ma˺ 3 um-­ma dšamaš(utu)-­ba-­ni-­˹ma˺ 4 a-­nu-­um-­ma 5 mdsîn(suen)-­na-­ṣi-­ir 6 ù dšamaš(utu)-­re-­me-­ni 7 qá-­du-­um 8 5 šiqil(gín) kaspim(kù.babbar) 9 a-­na ṣe-­ri-­kà 10 aṭ-­ṭa-­ar-­dam-­šu-­nu-­ti 1 See l. 11: ta-­am-­ma-­ru-­um; l. 15: id-­na-­šu-­nu-­ti.



T h e Te x t s

11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

5 šiqil(gín) kaspam(kù.babbar) ša qá-­ti-­šu-­nu li-­qé-­e-­ma še-­a-­ ma-­ḫi!-­ra-­at! i-­la!-­ku ša-­ma-­am!-­ma! šu-­bi-­lam ap-­pu-­tum ú-­la ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am la ta-­qá-­bi

To Sîn-­ilī speak, thus Šamaš-­bāni: Herewith I’ve sent you Sîn-­nāṣir and Šamaš-­ rēmēnī along with five shekels of silver. Take the five shekels of silver they are carrying and buy for me barley at the going rate and dispatch it to me. Urgent! Don’t go saying, “You didn’t tell me!”

No. 13: “Herewith I’ve Sent You . . .” Ilī-­tūram’s Letter to Yamut-­lim MS 3748 is a regular tablet inscribed in a Larsa hand with a well-­written text; note only an erasure in l. 21 and a miswritten numeral in l. 24.The text is a letter very similar to text no. 12. It has a greeting formula and a “go-­between + silver” scenario including both “meet and take” clauses and “buy and dispatch” clauses. It is reinforced by apputtum but then concluded by a nonstandard final clause.This final clause might suggest that the tablet bears a genuine letter, but note that the composition of the “go-­between + silver” scenario is faulty: only one messenger is named, but a plurality of messengers is referenced by the pronominal suffix in l. 11.This compositional failure may be a symptom of a school context. In addition, the sender directs that the objects to be purchased are not the usual commodities but household items: a bed, a chair, and ten bowls (note the round number). This list relates the letter to text no. 28, where the “go-­ between + silver” scenario and a list of household goods also occur together—­explicitly in the context of assembling a dowry. The feminine pronoun in the nonstandard final clause of text no. 13 signifies some unstated female actor in the background (the recipient of the dowry?) and may point to the same conclusion—­that is, that a dowry is being assembled.

27

MS 3748 obv. 1 a-­na ia-­mu-­ut-­li-­[im] 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma ì-lí-­tu-­˹ra-­am˺-­ma 4 dšamaš(utu) lí-­ba-­lí-­iṭ-­ka 5 a-­nu-­˹um˺-­ma 6 mdsîn(suen)-­a-­bu-­šu 7 a-­na ṣe-­ri-­i-­ka 8 qá-­du-­um 9 1⅓ ma-­na kaspim(kù.babbar-­im) 10 a-­na ṣe-­ri-­i-­ka 11 aṭ-­ṭa-­ar-­da-­šu-­{nu-­ti} 12 ˹i˺-­na u4-­mi-­im 13 ša pa-­ni-­šu 14 ta-­am-­ma-­ru-­ú 15 {1} kaspam(kù.babbar) ša qá-­ti-­šu 16 li-­qé-­e-­ma 17 1 gišereš(ná) mēsim(mes) 18 1 giškussi(gu.za) mēsim(mes) 19 10 diqarātim(údul.ḫi.a) rev. 20 ša-­ma-­am-­ma 21 šu-­{ras.}-­bi-­lam 22 ap-­pu-­tum 23 mì-­lí-­dan 24 1!1 ṣubāt(túg) šipātim(síki) ˹peṣātim(babbar)˺ 25 i-­pu-­la-­ši2 To Yamut-­lim speak, thus Ilī-­tūram: May Šamaš keep you well! Herewith I’ve sent you Sîn-­abūšu along with eighty shekels of silver. On the day that you see his face, take the silver he is carrying and buy for me a bed of mēsum wood, a chair of mēsum wood, and ten bowls and send them to me. Urgent! Ilī-­dān 1 Tablet: aš.diš. 2 The indicative statement may be an error for precative, līpulašši, “he should settle his obligation to her.”

28

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

settled his obligation to her with a blanket of white wool.

No. 14: “Herewith I’ve Sent You . . .” Sîn-­ muštēšer’s Letter to Warad-­[ . . . ] The letter on this tablet combines the “go-­ between + silver” scenario with “buy and dispatch” clauses. Usually what falls between the introduction of the go-­betweens and these clauses are the optional “meet” clause (ina ūmim ša pānīšunu tammaru) and the “take” clause (kaspam ša qātīšunu liqēma). In this case, neither clause occurs and the local market value of barley is stated instead, which—­if read correctly—­is 1.2 kor (360 liters) of barley to one shekel of silver. This is cheaper than the perennial ideal rate of exchange between barley and silver, which was 1.0 kor (300 liters) of ­barley for one shekel of silver, learned as a norm in Old Babylonian schools.1 The message continues with a request to buy barley at the market rate, with the apparent implication that the addressee can find it even cheaper than the sender can. The letter closes with no fewer than four standard concluding units, which might be considered a case of overegging the pudding by a student keen to exhibit all his learning at once. Given that the message contains no warning of evil consequences that might arise from failure, the third standard phrase, ul tašpuram lā taqabbi, “Don’t go saying, ‘You didn’t tell me!,’” is perhaps out of place. MS 3674 obv. 1 a-­na warad(ìr)-­an-­[x] 2 qí-­bí-­[ma] 3 um-­ma dsîn(suen)-­mu-­uš-­te-­še-­[er-­ma] 4 a-­nu-­um-­ma Calculations pertaining to market rates on Old Babylonian school tablets from the south start with the equivalence 1 gín kù.babbar 1 (gur še), “one shekel silver (equals) one (kor barley),” and continue with higher numbers (Friberg 2007, 157–­68). Schoolboys at Tell Harmal and Tell Haddad in northern Babylonia encountered the norm in reading the Laws of Ešnunna (tablet A i 8: 1 gur še a-na 1 gín kù.babbar, “one kor of barley for one shekel of silver”). 1

5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 rev. 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

sîn(suen)-­ga-­mil ù dšamaš(utu)-­na-­ṣir qá-­du-­um ⅓ ma-­na kaspim(kù.babbar) a-­na ṣe-­ri-­k[a] aṭ-­ṭa-­ar-­da-­˹šu˺-­nu-­ti an-­ni-­ki-­[a-­a]m še-­um 1.1.0 ˹gur˺ a-­na 1 gín ˹kaspim(kù.babbar)˺ še-­a-­am ˹ma-­hi-­ra-­at˺ ˹i˺-­la-­˹ku˺ md

ša-­ma-­am-­ma šu-­bi-­lam la te-­ge4 ap-­pu-­tum ú-­la ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am la ta-­qá-­ab-­bi i-­na an-­ni-­tim a-­ḫu-­ut-­ka lu!-­[m]u-­[ur]

To Warad-­[DN/ilīšu] speak, thus Sîn-­muštēšer: Herewith I’ve sent you Sîn-­gāmil and Šamaš-­ nāṣir along with 20 shekels of silver. At this end, barley is 360 liters to a shekel of silver. Buy barley at the going rate and dispatch it to me. Don’t fail! Urgent! Don’t go saying, “You didn’t tell me!” In this may I enjoy your brotherly goodwill. *

*

*

Four of the school letters studied by Kraus, tablets (d)–­(g), have as their subject the transfer of barley and other commodities from storage, via boat, to the letter’s sender. Kraus separated them into two variant versions: ana Bēlī-­iddinam qibīma umma Ilī-­iddinamma: Šamaš u Marūduk aššumīya (d omits) liballiṭūka!



T h e Te x t s

tuppī anni’am ina amārim bīt kunukkīya pitēma ḫamiš bilat šipātim 30 kur suluppī 0.2.3 šamnam ešeret kur šamaššammī (e varies list) ina elippim šurkib! šūbilam! apputtum! (e omits) (d) AbB V 221 // (e) AbB V 236, both from Sippar To Bēlī-­iddinam speak, thus Ilī-­iddinam: May Šamaš and Marduk keep you well for my sake (var. omits)! When you read this tablet of mine, open my storeroom and load on to a boat five talents of wool, thirty kor of dates, half a kor of oil, and ten kor of sesame! Dispatch it to me. Urgent! (var. omits) [ana PN1 qibīma] umma Šamaš-­[ . . . ]: Šamaš u [. . . ašš]umīya d[āriš ūmī l]iball[iṭūk]a! anumma kunukkī anni’am ina amārīka bīt kunukkīya pitēma ešeret kur še’am ešeret kur zēram (f varies list) ina elippim ša Šamaš-­bāni šurkibamma šūbilam! apputtum! (f ) AbB V 46 // (g) AbB V 30, both from Adab [To PN1 speak, thus] Šamaš-­[ . . . ]: May Šamaš and [DN keep] you well for [ever for] my sake! Now, when you read this letter of mine, open my storeroom and load on to Šamaš-­bāni’s boat ten kor of barley and ten kor of seed corn (var. damaged) and dispatch them to me. Urgent! The two letters provide very similar models for the same basic request. The frames of the two versions differ only in minor details (anumma v. zero, tuppī v. kunukkī, amārim v. amārīka, ina elippim, v. ina elippim ša PN, etc.). Inside this frame, each exemplar has a different list of commodities, suggesting that in this matter, a student was at liberty to compose freely.The pedagogical purpose of these letters was thus to rehearse the language and metrology employed in managing the storage and shipping of goods through third parties. A more complex version of the letter in six copies has been edited as text no. 5 (“Open the Granary”), but it lacks the key terminology for arranging the shipment of goods, the “shipping” clause ina

29

elippim ša PN šurkibam, “load on to PN’s boat.” Sallaberger adduced several more closely related examples of this letter type (1999, 150 [98]), including versions from Ishchali and probably Girsu, and gave the letters the title “Öffne den Speicher!” Eight further individual variants on this theme occur in the Schøyen Collection and are gathered here as texts nos. 15–­21 under the title “Open My Storeroom!” Text no. 22 may be a ninth exemplar. They show considerable variety and are not all certainly school letters.

No. 15: “Open My Storeroom!” Sîn-­īriš(?)’s Letter to Šu-­Šērum This tablet is inscribed on one side only. The text is a short version of “Open My Storeroom!”—­ essentially the same as Kraus’s tablets (f ) and (g) but without the introductory greeting formula, with a different set of commodities before the “shipping” clause, and with an alternative final injunction, lā tegge, “Don’t fail!,” instead of apputtum, “Urgent!” There are notable spelling errors in ll. 11 and 14. MS 3483 obv. 1 a-­na šu-­dše-­rum1 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma dsîn(suen)-­i-­˹ri?˺-­iš?-­ma 4 ap-­pu-­tum 5 ku-­nu-­ki an-­ni-­a-­am! 6 i-­na a-ma-­ri-­ka 7 bi-­it ku-­nu-­ki-­ia 8 pi-­te-­e-­ma 9 20 gur še-­a-­am 10 12 gur suluppī(zú.lum) 11 i-­na giš!{aš} elippim(má) 12 ša dsîn(suen)-­a-­bu-­šu 13 šu-­ur-­ki-­ba-­am-­ma 14 šu-­bi-­lum2 15 la te-­e-­[g]e4 1 PN read by Z. Földi. 2 Sic, lum for lam.

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

30

rev. blank To Šu-­Šērum speak, thus Sīn-­īriš(?): Urgent! When you read this tablet of mine, open my storeroom and load twenty kor of barley and twelve kor of dates on to Sîn-­ abūšu’s boat and dispatch them to me. Don’t fail!

No. 16: “Open My Storeroom!” Marduk-­nāṣir(?)’s Letter to Šamaš-­nāṣir This regular-­shaped tablet presents a longer version of “Open My Storeroom!” The text includes a greeting formula, but where Kraus’s (d)–­(e) and (f )–­(g) and text no. 15 gave a direct order, this version introduces other parties as go-­betweens in the procurement process. The go-­between passage is the standard combination of “go-­between” and “meet” clauses already met in texts nos. 11–­13. Unlike in text no. 15, the “shipping” clause is omitted.There are major spelling errors in ll. 5, 10, and 12.

rev. 15 16

šu-­bi-­lam ap-­pu-­tum

To Šamaš-­nāṣir speak, thus Marduk-­nāṣir(?): May Šamaš and Marduk keep you well! Herewith I’ve sent you Ilī-­abī and Šamaš-­nīšu. On the day you see their faces, open my storeroom and have them bring me ten kor of barley. Urgent! Another variant of the “Open My Storeroom!” type has elements of both text no. 15 and text no. 16 but is so reduced that it lacks the names of the go-­ betweens expected after anumma (as in texts nos. 5, 11–­14, 16) and even the instruction to open the granary (as in text no. 20). It makes the same error in writing šūbilam as text no. 15 and is concluded by a double ruling: a-­n a a-ḫu-­[ ni] / qí-­b í-­m a / um-­m a sîn(suen)-­na-­da-­ma / a-nu-­um-­ma / ku-­nu-­uk-­ ˹ki˺ / an-­ni-­im / i-na a-ma-­ri-­ka / [1]0.0.0 gur še-­a-­am / šu-­bi-­lum / ap-­pu-­tum Cotsen 40719 (photo, Wilson 2008, 171, no. 70) d

MS 3763 obv. 1 a-­na dšamaš(utu)-­na-­ṣir-­[0] 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma dmarūduk(amar.utu)-­na-­ṣi!-­ir!-­ma 4 dšamaš(utu) ù dmarūduk(amar.utu) 5 li-­ba-­al-­li-­ṣú-­ú-­ka1 6 a-­nu-­um-­ma a-na ṣe-­ri-­i-­ka 7 mì-­lí-­a-­bi 8 ù dšamaš(utu)-­ni-­šu! 9 aṭ-­ṭar-­da-­ak-­ku-­šu-­nu-­ti 10 i-­na u4-­mi-­im pa-­ni-­šu-­nu 11 ta-­am-­ma-­ru 12 bi-­it ku-­ki-­a-­ia2 13 pi-­te-­ma 14 ˹10?˺ gur še-­a-­am 1 Sic, for liballiṭūka. For another instance of confusion between these two emphatic consonants in this verb, see George 2013, 10, note on l. 5. 2 Sic, for kunukkīya.

To Aḫūni speak, thus Sîn-­nādā: Herewith, when you read this tablet of mine, have them bring me ten kor of barley! Urgent!

No. 17: “Open My Storeroom!” Abum-­waqar’s Letter to Sîn-­rēmēnī This tablet is inscribed in an old-­fashioned hand and may predate the era of Rīm-­Sîn. It bears an extended version of “Open My Storeroom!” There is no greeting formula, but its slot is taken by šumma ina kittim aḫī atta, “if you are truly my brother.”This clause is another polite ingratiation that commonly prepares the way for a request from an equal by alluding to his duty of care (Sallaberger 1999, 187). The usual list of commodities is replaced by a short list of tools.These tools all occur in the Old Babylonian giš list from Nippur—­at ll. 442 gišapin, 530 gišsa. ùr.ra, 541 giš.gíd.da (Veldhuis 1997, 161–­63)—­and it may be that this version of “Open My Storeroom!”



T h e Te x t s

was composed by a pupil studying the wooden items assembled in the lexical compendium Urra. Following the standard injunction apputtum, the letter is extended by a second request, citing commodities to be fetched by a third party as provisions for the family. This passage also deploys standard phrasing learned at school.1 Neither request utilizes the standard “shipping” clause, ina elippim ša PN šurkibam. The text is concluded with a double ruling. MS 3548 obv. 1 a-­na dsîn(suen)-­re-­me-­ni 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 ˹um-­ma˺ a-bu-­um-­wa-­qar-­ma 4 [šum]-­˹ma˺ i-na ki-­tim 5 ˹a-­ḫi˺ at-­ta 6 ˹bi˺-­it ku-­nu-­ki-­ia 7 pi-­te-­ma 8 1 gišepinnam(apin) 9 1 šēšâm?(sa.ùr.ùr) 10 2 arkātim(giš.gíd.da) rev. 11 šu-­bi-­lam 12 a-­pu-­tum 13 10 še.gur-­a-­am 14 3 gur suluppī(zú.lum) 15 a-­na dsîn(suen)-­na-­ši 16 i-­id-­na-­am-­ma 17 a-­na ukullê(šà.gal) ˹bītim(é)˺ 18 li-­ib-­la-­am {ma ras.} To Sîn-­rēmēnī speak, thus Abum-­waqar: If you are truly my brother, open my storeroom and send me a plow, a net, and two poles. Urgent! Hand over ten kor of barley and three kor of dates to Sîn-­nāši for me so that he can bring them here as food for the household. 1 Apart from rehearsing the commodities, it uses the phrase ana ukullê bītim, which also occurs in the school letter AbB IV 143 (see Stol 1986, 110 n. 170a) and in text no. 33.

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No. 18: “Open My Storeroom!” Aḫūni’s Letter to Ilī-­ay-­abāš MS 2891/49 is a tablet of irregular shape. Part of the obverse has the appearance of having been erased with water. Probably it was intended for recycling. The letter extends the simple request of “Open My Storeroom!” by first requiring the addressee to make a journey to the storeroom, using the clause ana kaprim alikma. This is a variant of ana kaprim pirikma, “go across to the village,” which occurs in texts nos. 19 and 20a and three other extended variants of the letter, as noted by Marten Stol (1986, 110 n. 170a): AbB IV 143, probably from Larsa; XI 170; and XI 179. They are booked by Sallaberger as “Als wir uns sahen—­öffne den Speicher” (1999, 151 [99]). In the present case, the message of the letter is prefaced by two standard units of discourse, the injunction apputtum and the reference to brotherly relations that emphasizes the close personal connection between the correspondents (as in text no. 17). The list of commodities that are to be fetched out of storage is longer than usual, but unfortunately, water damage renders part of it illegible. The insertion of various pulses into the run of three most common agricultural products—­barley, dates, and sesame—­probably reflects book learning: the sequence gú.gal, gú.tur, gú.níg.àr.ra compares with Old Babylonian forerunners of Urra XXIV.2 The transport calls for a boat, using the “shipping” clause already encountered in Kraus’s tablets (d)–­ (e) and (f )–­(g) and our text no. 15. The request is followed by both apputtum and lā tegge, signaling the need for urgency and attention as best practice. The text is concluded with a double ruling. Signs are omitted in ll. 19 and 20. MS 2891/49 obv. 1 a-­na ì-lí-­a-­a-­ba-­aš 2 [q]í-­bí-­ma 3 [u]m-­ma a-ḫu-­ni-­ma 4 a-­pu-­tum

2 For example, MSL XI 134: x 31–­33; 146: v 15–­18; 151: 270–­74; 157: 352–­55 (Reiner 1974).

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

32

5 šum-­ma i-na ki-­tim 6 a-­ḫi ˹at˺-­ta 7 ˹a-­na ka-­ap-­ri-­im˺ 8 ˹a-­li-­ik-­ma˺ 9 ˹bi-­it ku-­nu-­ki-­ia˺ 10 ˹pi!-­te-­e-­ma˺ 11 0.1.0 [še].˹gur˺-­a-­am 12 ˹x˺ suluppī(zú.lum.ma) 13 ˹x x˺ sal.la? 14 ˹x x˺ ḫallūrī(gú.gal) rev. 15 5 gur kakkê([gú].˹tur˺) 16 ˹x˺ gur kiššanī(gú!.níg.àr.˹ra˺) 17 ˹x˺ gur šamaššammī(še.giš.ì) 18 uš-­ra-­am-­ma 19 i-­na e-li-­ip-­-­im 20 dsîn(suen)-­ub-­lam 21 šu-­ur-­ki-­ba-­am 22 li-­ib-­la-­am 23 a-­pu-­tum 24 la te-­ge4 To Ilī-­ay-­abāš speak, thus Aḫūni: Urgent! If you are truly my brother, go to the village and open my storeroom. Get out sixty liters of barley, x liters of dates . . . chick peas, five kor of lentils, x kor of kiššanu beans, and x kor of sesame and load them on to Sîn-­ ublam’s boat (so) he can bring them to me. Urgent! Don’t fail!

No. 19: “Open My Storeroom!” Sîn-­iqīšam’s Letter to Ilī-­ay-­abāš This letter is very similar to the preceding one, but instead of the polite clause invoking brotherly relations, it prefaces the request with a temporal clause reminding the addressee of an agreement made at a prior meeting. This is another standard introductory tactic, always beginning inūma anāku u atta ina GN ninnamru, “When you and I met in GN (Adab, Babylon, Larsa, Maškan-­šāpir, etc.),” and then continuing with a quotation of direct

speech, introduced by a clause that varies among “I said to you as follows,” “Did I not say to you as follows?,” and “You said to me as follows.” In this letter, the temporal clause is combined with ana kaprim pirik, as also in AbB IV 143, and the cargo is to be transported by boat, using a modification of the “shipping” clause already encountered in Kraus’s tablets (d)–­(g) and our texts nos. 15 and 18. As in no. 18, the request is followed by both apputtum and lā tegge, and the text is concluded with a double ruling. Even though this letter does not deploy the phrase bīt kunukkīya pite, “open my storeroom,” it clearly follows the model of “Open My Storeroom!” in theme, structure, vocabulary, and syntax. MS 3611 obv. 1

a-­na ì-lí-­a-­a-­ba-­aš {x}

2

qí-­bí-­ma

3

um-­ma dsîn(suen)-­i-­qí-­ša-­am-­ma

4

i-­nu-­um-­ma

5

a-­na-­ku-­ú ù a-ta

6

i-­na usab(ud.nun).{ki}ki

7

ni-­in-­na-­am-­ru-­ú

8

ki-­a-­am ú-la aq-­bi-­ku-­ú

9

um-­ma a-na-­ku-­ú-­ma

10

a-­na ka-­ap-­ri-­im

11

pi-­ri-­ik-­ma

12

20 gur a-am1

13

i-­na! e-li-­ip-­pi-­im

rev. 14

a-­li-­ik-­tim

15

šu-­ur-­ki-­ba-­am

16

šu-­bi-­la-­am

17

ap-­pu-­tum

18

la te-­e-­ge

1 Either a mistake for še-­a-­am or a syllabic spelling of ûm in the accusative; cf. text no. 23:13; CUSAS 36 no. 192.



T h e Te x t s

To Ilī-­ay-­abāš speak, thus Sîn-­iqīšam: When you and I met in Adab, did I not speak to you as follows, “Go across1 to the village and load twenty kor of grain on to a boat that is coming this way (and) dispatch (it) to me”? Urgent! Don’t fail!

No. 20: “Open My Storeroom!” Ilī-­iddinam’s Letter to Ilī-­ay-­abāš As an object, this tablet is very similar to text no. 16. As a text, the letter is very similar to text no. 19, except that it is prefaced by a greeting formula. Thereafter is the meeting clause—­except that the crucial verb has been omitted—­then a quoted speech beginning ana kaprim pirik but omitting bīt kunukkīya pite, continuing with a list of commodities (in nice round figures) and the “shipping” clause, where the verb is also omitted. At the end, apputtum alone suffices. The text is concluded by a double ruling. Apart from the careless omission of key verbs, other signs of poor execution are ú for ù in l. 7 and badly written signs in ll. 9 and 10. MS 3719 obv. 1 a-­na ì-lí-­a-­a-­ba-­aš 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma ì-lí-­i-­din-­nam 4 dšamaš(utu) aš-­šum-­ia 5 ma-­di-­iš u4-­mi 6 li-­ba-­al-­li-­iṭ-­ka 7 i-­nu-­ú-­ma a-na-­ku ú at-­ta 8 i-­na usab(ud.nun)ki 9 ki-­ ú-la! aq-­bi-­ku 10 um-­ma a-na-­ku!-­ma 11 a-­na ka-­ap-­ri-­im 1 The verb parākum, often transitive “to obstruct, lie across,” is here an intransitive verb of motion. See omens in which snakes and rodents cross from one side of something to the other (CAD P 155): iprik, “it went across,” versus parik, “it lies across.”

12 13 rev. 14 15 16 17 18

33

pi-­ri-­ik-­ma 20 gur še 15 gur [suluppī(zú.lum].˹ma˺) 0.0.1 gur šamaššammī(˹še.giš˺.[ì]) a-­na e-li-­pa-­at ra-­ma-­˹ni-­/-­ka˺

˹šu˺-­bi-­{x}-­lam ap-­pu-­tum

To Ilī-­ay-­abāš speak, thus Ilī-­iddinam: May Šamaš keep you well for many a day for my sake! When you and I [met] in Adab, did I not speak to you as follows, “Go across to the village and [load] twenty kor of barley, fifteen kor of [dates, and] ten liters of sesame on to your own boats and dispatch them to me”? Urgent!

No. 20a: “Open My Storeroom!” Iddin-­Šamaš’s Letter to Ezēssu This very damaged Old Babylonian tablet surrendered to decipherment too late to be numbered independently, and the photograph is out of sequence at pl. LXV.The text is another example of a school letter that combines the generic formulae “When you and I met in GN” and “Open the storeroom” with a list of commodities to be delivered by boat. It is thus very similar to texts nos. 19, 20, and 22. Like no. 20, it omits the important verb ninnamru. Another error is use of the wrong preposition in l. 11. MS 3649 obv. 1 a-­na ˹e-­ze˺-­e-­es-­sú 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma i-din-­dšamaš(utu)-­ma 4 dšamaš(utu) aš-­šum-­ia 5 li-­ba-­al-­li-­iṭ-­ka 6 i-­nu-­˹ú˺-­ma 7 [a]-­na-­ku ù at-­ta 8 [i]-­na maš-­kán-­šāpir(šabra)[ki]

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

34

9 [ki-­a]-­am aq-­bi-­[kum] 10 [um]-­ma a-na-­ku-­[(ú)-­ma] 11 [i-­n]a1 pa-­ni-­[i-­ka] 12 [a]-­na ka-­ap-­[ri-­im] 13 pi-­ri-­i[k-­ma] 14 bi-­it ku-­nu-­ki-­[ia] 15 [pi]-­˹te˺-­[e]-­˹ma˺ 16 [x gur še]-­˹a˺-­am 17 [y gur] šamaššammī ([še].giš.ì) 18 [z gur] suluppī([z]ú.lum) 19 [i-­na gišelippātim(má.ḫ]i.a) 20 [ša dsîn(sue]n)-­īriš(apin) 21 [šu-­ur]-­ki-­ba-­am-­ma 22 [šu-­bi]-­˹la-­am˺ rev. 23 [ap]-­pu-­˹tum˺ remainder blank To Ezēssu speak, thus Iddin-­Šamaš: May Šamaš keep you well for my sake! When you and I [met] in Maškan-­šāpir, I spoke [to you as] follows: “[At your] convenience, go across to the village [and] open [my] storeroom. Load [x kor of] barley, [y kor of] sesame, [z kor of] dates [onto Sîn]-­īriš’s [boat]s and [despatch them] to me.” Urgent!

No. 21: “Open My Storeroom!” Ni’ā’um-­ilī’s Letter to Sîn-­rīm-­Urim Another variant of “Open My Storeroom!” is written on MS 3700. The request is prefaced by no polite preliminaries. As in the preceding letters (texts nos. 18–­20a), the addressee must travel to a remote location (ana kaprim alik). However, he is then to sell the grain that he fetches from storage (a round figure of five kor) and dispatch to the sender the silver raised by the sale, along with some oil. No boat is needed. As in text no. 17, a second instruction is 1 kīma is expected; see text no. 24:10.

present, beginning on the reverse. It is preceded by the polite “brother” clause; the addressee must tell a third party to pay some outstanding rent and then bring it himself to the writer. The text ends with a double ruling. MS 3700 obv. 1 a-­na dsîn(suen)-­ri-­im-­úrim(šeš.unu[g)ki] 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma ni-­a-­um-­˹ì˺-­lí-­[ma] 4 a-­na ka-­ap-­ri-­im 5 a-­li-­ik-­ma 6 bi-­it ku-­nu-­ki-­ia 7 pi-­te-­˹e˺-­a 8 5 gur {a} ˹še-­a-­am˺ 9 a-­na ka-­as-­pi!-­im 10 i-­di-­in-­m[a] 11 ka-­sà-­ap-­k[a] 12 šamnam(ì.giš) ì.giš s[ag?] 13 ˹šu˺-­bi-­l[am!] rev. 14 [šum]-­ma a-na ki-­ti-­[im] 15 a-­ḫi at-­[ta] 16 a-­na dšamaš(utu)-­ilī(din[gir]) 17 qí-­bi-­ma 18 ⅚ ma-­na kaspam(kù!.babbar) 19 ša idi(á)-­šu 20 li-­di-­na-­ku-­ma 21 ˹al˺-­ka-­am 22 a-­pu-­tum 23 la te-­e-­ge4 To Sîn-­rīm-­Urim speak, thus Ni’ā’um-­ilī: Go to the village and open my storeroom for me and exchange five kor of barley for silver. Dispatch to me your silver, some sesame oil, and best oil. If you are truly my brother, tell Šamaš-­ilī to give you the fifty shekels of silver that is his rent, and then do you come to me. Urgent! Don’t fail!



T h e Te x t s

No. 22: “When You and I Met . . .” Aḫū’a-gamil’s Letter to Sîn-­abūšu MS 2891/5 is the upper part of a tablet that has been cut down and patched to make a regular square. It bears the beginning of a letter that starts with a greeting formula and continues with the temporal clause inūma anāku u atta ina GN innamru, as already encountered in several versions of “Open My Storeroom!” (texts nos. 19–­20a). The rest is lost. The script is a neat Larsa hand, but the disorderly spelling of Maškan-­šāpir suggests that the tablet is a school letter. Both the greeting formula and the temporal clause also occur in texts nos. 20 and 20a, and it is possible that the present text is another version of “Open My Storeroom!” MS 2891/5 obv. 1 a-­na dsîn(suen)-­a-­bu-­šu 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma da-­ḫu-­ú-­a-­˹ga-­mil˺-­ma1 4 dšamaš(utu) aš-­šum-­mi-­i-­a {x} 5 šār-­šanātim(mu.šár.kam) li-­ba-­al-­li-­iṭ-­ka 6 i-­nu-­ú-­ma 7 a-­na-­ku ù at-­ta 8 i-­na maš-­kán-­šāpir(pa.ki.al) 9 [ni-­in-­na-­am]-­˹ru-­ú˺ 10 [ki-­a-­am . . . remainder lost; cut down and patched To Sîn-­abūšu speak, thus Aḫū’a-gāmil: May Šamaš keep you well for a myriad years for my sake! When you and I [met] in Maškan-­ šāpir, [ . . . ] *

*

*

While text no. 22 might be a variant of “Open My Storeroom!” after the pattern of texts nos. 19–­20a, that is not the only possibility. Another

1 PN deciphered by Z. Földi.

35

similar letter is one of the two inscribed on Kraus’s school tablet (u) from Kiš (Kraus 1964, 31). [ana PN1 qibīma umma DN]2-­gāmilma: [Šamaš] u Marūduk aššumīya dāriš ūmī liballiṭūka! inūma anāku [u] atta ina Bābilim ninnamru kī’am taqbi’am umma attāma: ana [ . . . ] x x ina alākīka [ . . . ] (u) AbB X 84 = OECT XIII 33 [To PN1 speak, thus . . .]-­gāmil: May [Šamaš] and Marduk keep you well forever for my sake! When you [and] I met in Babylon, you spoke to me as follows: “When you go to . . . [ . . .” . . .] The same succession of clauses, inūma . . . umma attāma (or anākūma), occurs as the opening statement of many other letters. In this book, the temporal clause and quoted speech tactic has already been encountered in texts nos. 19–­20a, variant versions of “Open My Storeroom!,” which cite Adab and Maškan-­šāpir as the meeting place. It will also be met in text no. 23, which also cites Adab as the meeting place. Other Old Babylonian letters in which the sender’s message opens with these clauses are as follows: AbB V 22 and XI 143 from Adab, IV 152 of uncertain provenance, V 87 from Kiš, V 169 from Nippur, XIII 108 from Sippar, Cavigneaux 1996, no. 77 from Uruk, and CUSAS 36 198 from Larsa. The two tablets from Kiš cite Babylon as the meeting place; at least one of the tablets from Adab and the fragment from Nippur3 have Maškan-­šāpir, like texts nos. 20a and 22, while the Sippar tablet cites Sippar; and the Uruk and Larsa tablets and AbB IV 152 have Adab. In the case of school letters, the

2 The copy OECT XIII 33 obv. 1’ has a trace here that is not compatible with Aḫū’a, but it is very small and perhaps not enough certainly to exclude reading the PN Aḫū’a-gāmil there too. 3 AbB V 169: 7–­8: [inū]ma anāku u [atta ina] uru.šabra(pa.al) [ninnamru]. This toponym is certainly a lipography for uru -­šāpir, for the letter’s greeting formula invokes Nergal, who has been identified as the town’s patron deity (Steinkeller 2004, 27–­28).

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

36

place of meeting must have reflected the geographical and political horizons of the composer, but it cannot be ascertained whether all these letters are school compositions. Another such letter, AbB VI 180 of uncertain provenance (northern Babylonia), has much content that is common in school letters (e.g., prior meetings, go-­betweens, round numbers, and “load the boat” instructions). It is most probably a member of the corpus. [ana PN1 qi]bī[ma umma] Nūr-­[DN-­ma]: [Šamaš] u Marūduk ašš[umīya liballiṭūka!] inūma anāku u [atta] ina Bābilim ni[nnamru] kī’am taqbi’am umma attāma: “šupramma ḫišeḫtaka lušābilakkum!” inanna anumma Šamaš-­ilī u Zababa-­nāṣir qadum ešeret šiqil kaspim [ana ṣ]erīka [aṭṭardak]kuššunūti. [ina] ūmim [ša pānīšunu]1 tammaru [kaspam ša qātīšunu li]qēma [ša ḫamšat] šiqil kaspim alpī u ša ḫamšat šiqil kaspim gušūrī šāmamma ina elippāt ramānīka šurkibam!2 AbB VI 180 [To PN1] speak, [thus] Nūr-­[. . .  :] [May Šamaš] and Marduk [keep you well] for [my sake!] When [you] and I met in Babylon, you spoke to me as follows: “Send word to me that I may dispatch to you what you need!” Now herewith [I’ve sent] you Šamās-­ ilī and Zababa-­nāṣir, along with ten shekels of silver. [On] the day you see [their faces,] take [the silver they are carrying] and buy for me [five] shekels’ [worth] of oxen and five shekels’ worth of timber beams and load them on to your own boats for me!

1 Frankena 1974, 120 restored [ša ṭup-­pí], but the “meet” clause ina ūmim ša pānīšu(nu) tammaru is a standard formula. See our text no. 11 and discussion p. 25; and texts nos. 13, 16, and 28. 2 The sequence ša ḫamšat šiqil kaspim commodity1 u ša ḫamšat šiqil kaspim commodity2 ana eleppim šurkibam also occurs in a fragment from Kiš, AbB V 100 rev. 4’–­6’, probably likewise a school letter. See also UET V 42, transcribed following text no. 28.

No. 23: “When You and I Met . . .” Sîn-­irībam’s Letter to Sîn-­iqīšam This is a regular tablet, but with the text partly erased. There are several miswritings (ll. 11, 15, 18). The content is introduced by the recollection of a personal meeting, a tactic that has already been encountered in texts nos. 19–­20a and 22. The presence of round numbers in the list of commodities (ll. 13–­15, 19) adds to the impression that this is a school letter. MS 3496 obv. 1 a-­na dsîn(suen)-­i-­qí-­ša-­am 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma dsîn(suen)-­i-­ri-­ba-­am-­ma 4 dšamaš(utu) [aš]-­šum-­ia 5 šār-­šanātim(mu.šár.kam) ˹li-­ba˺-­al-­li-­iṭ-­˹ka˺ 6 i-­nu-­ú-­ma 7 a-­na-­˹ku˺-­ú 8 ù at-­ta 9 ˹i˺-­[na] usab(ud.nun)ki 10 [ni]-­˹in-­na˺-­am-­ru 11 [ki]-­a-­am aq-­-­kum 12 [um]-­ma a-na-­˹ku˺-­ú 13 10 še.gur a-am3 14 5 gur ši-­gu-­ú-­ši 15 20 gur x (zú.lum ras.) 16 a-­na a-ḫi-­i-­ka 17 i-­di-­in-­ma rev. 18 kaspam([k]ù.babbar) e-ri-­su! 19 ù 10 še.gur šamaššammī(še.giš.ì) 20 a-­na ṣa-­ḫi-­i-­ti 21 i-­di-­in-­ma 22 sú-­ú-­tam 23 lu-­tu-­uk-­ma 24 ša-­am-­nam

3 This spelling is explained in p. 32 n. 1.



T h e Te x t s

25 e-­ri-­˹su˺-­[nu]-­˹ú-­ti˺ 26 i-­na-­an-­[0]-­ni 27 mi-­nu-­ú-­[um] 28 ša la ta-­˹di˺-­nu-­ú-­[ma] 29 a-­wi-­lu-­ú 30 ˹ri-­i-­qú˺ 31 [a-­pu]-­tum 32 [me]-­ḫ[e]-­˹er˺ 33 ku-­nu-­˹ki˺-­ia 34 ˹šu-­bi˺-­lam To Sîn-­iqīšam speak, thus Sîn-­irībam: May Šamaš keep you well for myriad years for my sake! When you and I met in Adab, this is what I said to you: “Hand out ten kor of barley, five kor of šigūšu-­corn, and twenty kor of dates to your brother and ask him for silver. Also hand out ten kor sesame to the oil pressers, test the measure, and ask them for oil.” Now, why is it that you did not hand it out, [so] the fellows are idle? Urgent! Send me an answer to my letter!

37

8

ki-­a-­am [ú-­la] ˹aq-­bi-­i˺-­ku!1

9

um-­ a-­[na-­ku]-­ma

10

ki-­ma p[a-­ni-­i-­k]a

11–­13 destroyed rev. 14 [m]u-­du-­ud-­sú 15

ap-­pu-­tum

To Sîn-­ašarēd speak, thus Ilī-­ippalsam: When you and I met, did I [not] say this to you, “When you’re ready . . . measure out . . . for him”? Urgent!

No. 25: Ālī-­gimil’s Letter to Ṣillī-­Šamaš This inelegant tablet is partly erased and inscribed on one side only in a clumsy Larsa script. The letter opens with a greeting formula and a variation on the “meeting” clause, ištu ūmim ša ana GN tallikam, but damage prevents the satisfactory decipherment of the remainder. MS 2776/31

No. 24: “When You and I Met . . .” Ilī-­ippalsam’s Letter to Sîn-­ašarēd

obv. 1

a-­na ṣi-­lí-­dšamaš(utu)

This is a damaged tablet, but enough survives of the text to observe another example of the recollection of a personal meeting, though on this occasion no place is specified. This omission in such a well-­ attested formula may be symptomatic of a pedagogical context. Certain spelling errors in ll. 3, 8–­9 may be further indications of a school origin.

2

qí-­bí-­ma

3

um-­ma a-li-­gi-­mil-­ma

4

d

5

šār-­šanātim(mu.šár.kam) li-­˹ba-­al˺-­li-­iṭ-­ka

6

iš-­tu u4-­mi-­im

7

ša ˹a-­na˺ usab(ud.nun)ki

8

ta-­al-­˹li-­kam˺

9

˹x˺-­pu-­ša [x] x ku

10

x x x 10 [x]

11

x x x [x]

12

i-­˹pu˺-­šu-­ma-­a ˹1,20˺ r[i x x] x

13

˹it?˺-­ti-­ka uš-­te-­ri-­[x x x]

MS 3634 obv. 1 a-­na dsîn(suen)-­˹a˺-­ša-­re-­e[d] 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma ˹ì-­lí˺-­ip-­pi-­al-­sà-­ma 4 dšamaš(utu) l[i-­ba]-­al-­li-­iṭ-­ka 5 i-­nu-­ú-­ma 6 a-­na-­˹ku ù˺ at-­ta 7 ni-­[in-­na-­am]-­˹ru˺

šamaš(utu) aš-­šum-­ia

remainder of obv. and rev. blank 1 Tablet: -­šu.

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

38

To Šillī-­Šamaš speak, thus Ālī-­gimil: May Šamaš keep you well for myriad years for my sake! Since the day when you came to Adab . . . they made and eighty . . . with you I have [ . . . ] *

*

*

In his study of school letters, Kraus identified five related letters on the theme of the family in distress (1964, 26–­28 [m–­q]; see further Sallaberger 1999, 152 [102]: “Verleumdung beim König, komm!”).They have different content but end with the same warning: PNN karṣīka ana šarrim īkulūma nipâtīka ana ṣibittim (var. nuparim) uštēribū. ḫumṭam! (var. arḫiš) alkamma nipâtīka ina ṣibittim (var. nuparim) šūṣi! “PNN told lies about you to the king and had your people confined in custody (var. the workhouse) as distrainees. Quick, come and get your distrainees out of custody (var. the workhouse)!” Another three letters (Kraus 1964, 28–­29 [r–­t]1) report a similar scenario: during the addressee’s absence abroad, someone imprisons his wife and children as distrainees for an unpaid debt.2 The letters end with a similar warning: aššatka mārēka u amātīka ina ṣibittim šūṣi’am! apputtum! “Get your wife, children, and slave women out of custody! Urgent!” A fourth exemplar is AbB VII 68, certainly a school letter (Kraus 1977, 50). It adds to the warning some tell-­tale school clauses: lā tegge! “ul tašpuram” lā taqabbi! “Don’t fail! Don’t go saying, ‘You didn’t tell me!’” The only tablet in the Schøyen Collection with a broadly similar ending to these letters about family members in distress is text no. 26.

No. 26: “Get Them Out of Custody!” MS 3697 is inscribed on one side only in a fine Larsa script that is faintly impressed.The presence in ll. 18 and 21 of gi6.pàr (miparum) instead of nuparum, “workhouse,” is an example of a misapplication of specialist academic knowledge and probably a symptom of a school environment. The letter also 1 Tablet (r) and (t) are now reedited as AbB V 80 and XIV 128, respectively. 2 On this practice, see Westbrook 2001.

rehearses the accounting terminology for different categories of cattle. MS 3697 obv. 1 a-­na x x x [x x] 2 qí-­bí-­[ma] 3 um-­ma x x [x x-ma] 4 dšamaš(utu) aš-­šum-­i[a] 5 li-­ba-­al-­li-­iṭ-­ka 6 aš-­šum ri-­ba-­at alpī(gud.ḫi.a) 7 ša mu 3.kam 8 ša ekallum(é-­gal-­lum) e-li-­i-­ka 9 ir-­šu-­ú-­ma 10 ú-­ma-­ri-­ṣa-­ka 11 te-­e-­ṣí-­tum 12 i-­re-­de-­ka i-na ma-­ḫar ekallim(é-­gal-­lim) 13 ša 85? áb 14 56 á[b.amar.ḫi].˹a˺ 15 22 būrī(amar.ḫi.a) 16 i-­li-­a-­am-­ma 17 ni-­pa-­ti-­i-­ka 18 a-­na gi6.par4 ˹uš-­te-­ri˺-­bu 19 ḫu-­um-­ṭa-­am-­ma al-­ka-­ma 20 [l]a-­a-­ma ni-­pa-­tu-­ú-­ka 21 [i]-­na gi6.par4 i-mu-­ú-­ta 22 [š ]u-­ṣi-­ši-­na-­ti 23 [a]p-­pu-­tum To PN1 speak, thus PN2: May Šamaš keep you well for my sake! Regarding the three years of arrears in cattle that the palace had against your account and for which it made things difficult for you, the dispute continues to dog you. In the palace’s favor (arrears) of eighty-­five cows, fifty-­six [heifers,] and twenty-­two bullocks came up, so they have confined your (people as) distrainees in the workhouse(!). Come quickly and, before your distrainees die in the workhouse(!), get them out! Urgent!



T h e Te x t s

No. 27: Šamās-­gāmil’s Letter to Sîn-­[ . . . ]

To Sîn-­[ . . . ] speak, thus Šamaš-­gāmil:

MS 3631 is another letter about distrainees. It does not fit the pattern of any of the letters on that topic collected by Kraus (1964, 26–­29 [m–­t]). Most prominently, there is no denunciation clause between the emergence of the hostile authority and the dispatch of the king’s agents. This could be seen as an error in composition. The tablet exhibits two features that are certainly associated with school exercises: elaborate but poorly executed script and a double ruling at the end. The spelling is old-­f ashioned (ll. 4, aš-­šu-­um; 18, i-di-­ma; 19, šu-­um-­ma), mimation is sometimes lacking (ll. 5, ša-­da-­aq-­di; 7, e-ka-­li), and nipâtīni is incorrectly written (l. 11, ni-­pi-­ti-­ni).The tablet is very probably a school letter.

Because we did not pay last year’s taxes, someone in authority emerged in the palace and constables came to take distrainees from us, but [I] sent them away, and he [set] me a deadline [for] five days hence.When [you] read [my tablet, don’t] delay but hand (the tax) over and. . . . If [it cannot be] so, I shall make trouble for [you.]

MS 3631 obv. 1

a-­˹na˺ dsîn(suen)-­[x x x]

2

qí-­bí-­m[a]

3

um-­ma dšamaš(utu)-­ga-­m[i-­il-­ma]

4

aš-­šu-­um mi-­ik-­s[à-­t]i[m]

5

ša ˹ša˺-­da-­aq-­di

6

la ni-­di-­nu-­˹ú˺

7

i-­na e-ka-­li

8 [q]á-­tu-­˹um˺ 9

˹i˺-­li-­ma

10 [r]e-­du-­ú 11 [a-­n]a ni-­pi-­ti-­ni 12 [né-­p]e-­em el-­l[i-­k]u-­ni-­˹im-­ma˺ 13 [ú-­š]e-­li-­šu-­nu-­ti-­m[a] 14 [a-­na u]d 5.kam ḫa-­d[a-­nam] rev. 15 [iš-­ku-­n]a-­am 16 [ku-­nu-­ki] ˹i˺-­na a-­˹ma˺-­ri-­k[a] 17 [la] ˹tu˺-­ḫa-­˹ra˺-­am-­m[a] 18

˹i-­di˺-­ma ˹x x x˺

19

˹šu˺-­um-­˹ma˺ [la] ˹ki-­a˺-­[am]

20

ú-­ša-­[a]m-­ra-­a[ṣ-­ka]

39

No. 28: Dowry Version of “Herewith I’ve Sent You . . .” Sîn-­ay-­abāš’s Letter to Sîn-­ašarēd MS 3749 is a regular tablet inscribed in a fine Larsa hand. It contains two spelling mistakes (ll. 11, 29) and an unorthographic logogram (l.17).The text is very similar to AbB IX 9, probably from Larsa, which Stol identified as a school letter (1981, 7 n. 9a). The two letters report the same scenario: a man is about to give his daughter to a husband and wants to gather things for her dowry. Because he lacks ready money, he must arrange his purchases through his correspondent. Both letters use as a structural device versions of the go-­between scenario already encountered in other school letters (texts nos. 11–­14, 16). MS 3749 obv. 1 a-­na dsîn(suen)-­a-­ša-­re-­ed 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma dsîn(suen)-­a-­a-­ba-­aš-­ma 4 dšamaš(utu) aš-­šum-­ia šār-­šanātim(mu.šár. kam) 5 ˹li-­ba˺-­al-­li-­iṭ-­ka 6 [ma-­a]r-­˹ti˺ a-na mu-­ti-­im 7 [a-­n]a-­˹di-­im˺-­ma 8 mi-­im-­ma ša a-na-­di-­nu 9 ú-­la i-šu-­ú 10 i-­na li-­bi 1 ½ ˹ma-­na˺ kaspim(kù.babbar) 11 ša e-li-­i-­ka -­šu-­ú 12 ša 1 ma-­na kaspim(kù.babbar) 13 3 gišereš(ná) gišmēsim(mes) 14 4 giškussī(gu.za) gišmēsim(mes) 15 15 gišitqur(dílim) gišmēsim(mes)

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

40

16 4 giškéšda gišmēsim(mes) 17 10 sappi(ša.uš.ša)1 siparrim(zabar) 18 3 paššūrī(banšur) 5 túgparšīgī(bar.sig!) 19 a-­nu-­um-­ma rev. 20 [m]warad(ìr)-­damurrum(mar.dú) 21 [m]dsîn(suen)-­ba-­ni 22 [m]èr-­ra-­na-­ṣir 23 a-­na ṣe-­ri-­i-­ka 24 aṭ-­ṭa-­ar-­da-­šu-­nu-­ti 25 i-­na u4-­mi-­im 26 ša pa-­ni-­šu-­nu-­ú 27 ta-­ma-­ru-­ú 28 id-­na-­šu-­nu-­ši-­im-­ma 29 li-­˹ib˺-­lu!2-­nim 30 ˹ap-­pu˺-­tum 31 [la ta-­ka-­a]l-­˹la?˺-­šu-­nu-­ti 32 [i-­na an-­ni]-­tim a-ḫu-­ut-­ka 33 lu-­mu-­[u]r To Sîn-­ašarēd speak, thus Sîn-­ay-­abāš: May Šamaš keep you well for myriad years for my sake! [I am] giving my daughter to a husband, but I don’t have anything to hand over. From the ninety shekels of silver that you owe me, sixty shekels’ worth is three beds of mēsum wood, four chairs of mēsum wood, fifteen spoons of mēsum wood, four clasps of mēsum wood, ten bronze bowls, three tables, and five head cloths. Herewith I’ve sent you Warad-­ Amurrum, Sîn-­bāni, and Erra-­nāṣir. On the day that you see their faces, give (these things) to them so they can bring them here. Urgent! [Do not withhold anything] from them. [In this,] may I enjoy your brotherly goodwill.

1 Here ša.uš.ša stands for usual ša.u18.ša = sappum (Z. Földi). Note the similar pairing of 2 giškéšda 3 ša.u18.ša ˹zabar˺ in the dowry list CT 45 119 obv. 15 (kéšda read as banšur in Wilcke 1984, 176). In the present context, giškéšda is perhaps not giš kirid = kirissum, “hairpin,” but some item of tableware. 2 Tablet: ku.

Compare Šamaš-­magir’s letter to Sîn-­irībam: ana Sîn-­irībam qibīma umma Šamaš-­magirma: Šamaš aššumīya šār šanātim liballiṭka! mārtī ana mutim anaddimma mimma ša anaddinu ula īšu. anumma ana ṣērīka Šamaš-­ḫāzir Sîn-­mālik u Bītum-­rabi qadum . . .3 aṭṭardakkuššunūti. ina ūmim ša pānīšunu tammaru kaspam! ša qātī liqēma šina wardī šalaš amātim šāmamma šūbilam! apputtum! AbB IX 9 To Sîn-­irībam speak, thus Šamaš-­magir: May Šamaš keep you well for myriad years for my sake! I am giving my daughter to a husband, but I do not have anything to give. ḫāzir, Sîn-­ Herewith I’ve sent you Šamaš-­ mālik, and Bītum-­rabi, along with. . . . On the day that you see their faces, take the silver [they] are carrying and buy two slaves and three slave women and dispatch them to me! Urgent! These two letters share a common structure and vocabulary and seem to be dependent on a common model. They begin with identical versions of the greeting formula and exactly the same preparatory statement, which is a frank admission by the sender that he has no ready cash with which to collect his daughter’s dowry (mimma ša anaddinu ula īšu). Their respective strategies for obtaining funds and lists of required items differ, but both involve the use of a trio of go-­betweens and the standard “meet” clause, ina ūmim ša pānīšunu tammaru.4 The

3 Stol 1981, 6 n. 9b suggested a personal name, but parallels (many cited in p. 25 n. 3) suggest a quantity of silver. 4 Raising of cash by sending a third party to collect a sum owed by a debtor, as in text no. 28, occurs also in AbB IX 65, a badly written letter with school features. Note especially ll. 4–­10: anumma! PN aštaprakkum ešeret šiqil kaspam ša elīka īšû idnaššumma, “Herewith I’ve sent you PN: give him the ten shekels of silver that you owe me” (contra Stol 1981, 46: “you owe him”).



T h e Te x t s

request is concluded in both letters with the exclamation apputtum, but text no. 28 adds two further standard clauses that are common in school letters. Also symptomatic of a pedagogical context are the dowry list embedded in text no. 28, the counting of slaves (x, x + 1) in AbB IX 9, and perhaps the use at the end of that letter of šūbilam (properly used of goods, rarely of people) instead of šūri’am (commonly used of people). Stol identified AbB IX 9 as a school letter because of its similarity, in turn, to a letter from Ur, UET V 42.The sender of this letter is another father attempting to put together a dowry for his daughter. It shares the same scenario as text no. 28 and AbB IX 9 but is slightly different in structure and vocabulary. Nevertheless, it ends in a double ruling and may also be a school letter. [an]a Sîn-­abūšu [qi]bīma umma Sîn-­īrišma: Šamaš liballiṭka! kīma bītī eppušu u mārtī ana mutim anaddinu atta ula tīde? anum[ma] Sîn-­erī[bam] u Sîn-­tay[yār(?)] qadum [15 šiqil kaspim] ana ṣē[rīka] aṭṭarda[ššunūti]. muḫurš[unūtīma] ša 5 kaspim [ . . . ] u ša 5 kaspim [ . . . ] u ša 5 kaspim [ . . . ]x šāmašš[unūš]imma lišālūnim! apputtum! UET V 42 To Sîn-­abūšu speak, thus Sîn-­īriš: May Šamaš keep you well! Don’t you know that I am enlarging my family and giving my daughter to a husband? Herewith I’ve sent you Sîn-­erībam and Sîn-­tayyār, along with [fifteen shekels of silver.] Take it from them and buy for them five (shekels) silver’s worth [of . . .], and five (shekels) silver’s worth [of . . .], and five (shekels) silver’s worth [of . . .], so they can dispatch them to me! Urgent!

No. 29: “Give the Flock Back!” Šēp-­Sîn’s Letter to Ātanaḫ-­ilī This letter is not duplicated to my knowledge. It is written in a fine Larsa hand on the obverse only of a regular tablet, but the tablet has been partially

41

erased in antiquity, which suggests a school context. There is a notable spelling error in l. 9. The sender warns the addressee that a third party, whose sheep and goats the addressee has taken and given to someone else, has appealed to the king. The king’s agent is on the way to investigate, and the sender advises the addressee to act swiftly—­implicitly to right the wrong before the agent arrives. The similarity to the school letter “Give the Field Back!” (text no. 2) in vocabulary, syntax, and scenario suggests that this letter is an improvised variant of that letter. Consequently, it is here entitled “Give the Flock Back!” even though it does not actually contain those words. MS 3716 obv. 1 [a-­na] a-ta-­na-­aḫ-­ì-­lí 2 ˹qí-­bí˺-­ma 3 um-­ma [š]i-­ip-­dsîn(suen)-­ma 4 d[šamaš(utu) li-­b]a-­al-­li-­iṭ-­ka 5 aš-­šum ṣēnī(u8.udu.ḫi.a) 6 mdsîn(suen)-­mu-­˹uš-­te-­še-­er˺ 7 ˹te-­ki˺-­mu-­ú-­ma a-na dsîn(suen)-­a-­ša-­re-­ed 8 ta-­ad-­di-­nu mdsîn(suen)-­mu-­uš-­te-­še-­er 9 šar-­ra-­am i-im-­ḫu-­{mu}-­ur-­ma 10 m˹ša-­ši˺-­in 11 a-­na re-­du-­ti-­šu iš-­ta-­ak-­nu-­šu-­um 12 iš-­tu i-na-­an-­na a-na ud 6.kam 13 m˹ša-­ši˺-­in 14 ˹i-­na ma-­aḫ-­ri˺-­ka wa-­ši-­ib 15 la ta-­ba-­ṭi-­il 16 ap-­pu-­tum rev. blank [To] Ātanaḫ-­ilī speak, thus Šēp-­Sîn: [May Šamaš] keep you well! Because you took Sîn-­muštēšer’s flocks and gave them to Sîn-­ ašarēd, Sîn-­muštēšer appealed to the king, and they appointed Šašin to act as his constable. Within six days of now, Šašin will be with you. Don’t do nothing! Urgent!

NOS. 30 –­3 7: OTHER LETTERS 7 ša-­am-­na-­a-­am 8 5 gišeriqqātim(mar.˹gíd!˺.da)meš2 9 [l]u-­ša-­˹bi˺-­la-­ku 10–­13 poor, partly overwritten gap rev. 1’ [ . . . ] x 2’ [l]a tu-­[ḫa-­r]a-­am

This section contains eight letters that have no close similarities with texts nos. 1–­29, but they can be identified as school letters, or suspected as such, on grounds other than a multiplicity of copies or a compositional affinity with known school letters. The clearest example is text no. 30, which bears not just a letter but also other writing, some of it superimposed on the letter. Another such tablet is AbB V 139, identified by Kraus as “Schultafel oder Konzept” (1972, 6). Other obvious grounds for suspicion are letters written on misshapen tablets. Such a tablet has already been noted in no. 7B. Four further misshapen tablets are held by the collection (nos. 31–­34). One tablet finds a place here because it is an example of a double letter—­that is, two drafts of a letter on the same tablet (no. 35). Two more are included as topically similar to known school letters (nos. 36–­37).

To [ . . . ] speak, thus Šamaš-­rēmēnī: A fine thing that you’ve done! This is what you said:“I will dispatch oil to you, five wagon loads!” . . . (illegible). . . . Don’t delay!

No. 31:Warad-­Šamaš’s Letter to Ṭābīya(?) The tonguelike shape of MS 4846 is not a regular format for an Old Babylonian letter and is taken as a solid indication of a school provenance. The writing is a crude cursive that is not easy to read when damaged. Mistakes occur in ll. 16 and 22.The content is unusual: the writer claims that the king has demanded he find a musician for the Akītum festival at Ur and then asks his addressee to do him the favor of supplying one.

No. 30: “This Is a Fine Thing You’ve Done!” A Letter from Šamaš-­rēmēnī The obverse and top of the reverse of MS 3579 present a letter, but the rest of the reverse is given over to writing practice—­especially of a-na but also of other signs, in combination and singly. Accordingly, the tablet comes from a school context. The content of the letter is unintelligible, as preserved, but the introductory statement is a common strategy in letters, which has already been encountered in text no. 7. The final injunction to act quickly is also a stock phrase in school letters (e.g., texts nos. 1, 8, 10, 27).

MS 4846 obv. 1 a-­na [0?] ṭá-­bi-­ qí-­bí-­[ma] 2 um-­ma warad(ìr)-­dšamaš(utu)-­ma 3 šar-­ru-­um a-na a-ki-­tim 4 ša úrim(šeš.unugki-­i-­ma) 5 i-­el-­la-­ak-­ma 6 ˹1 mār(dumu)˺ lúnārī(nar.ḫi.a) 7 ù ru-­ku-­bu-­tim3 8 i-­te-­er-­ša-­an-­ni 9 šum-­ma i-na ki-­tim

MS 3579 obv. 1 a-­na ˹x x x x˺ 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma dšamaš(utu)-­re-­me-­ni-­m[a] 4 dam!-­am-­qú1 5 an-­nu-­um ša te-­pu-­šu 6 um-­ma at-­ta-­ma

2 Reading suggested by Z. Földi. Sic, for damiq (cf. Sallaberger 1999, 118).

3 Plural accusative, rukkubūtim, of uncertain meaning.

1

42



T h e Te x t s

10 a-­ḫi at-­ta 11 ša a-ša-­pa-­ra-­ak-­ku-­um 12 la ta-­ka-­la-­am 13 ˹1˺ lúnāram(nar) 14 ˹ši-­ip˺-­dsîn(suen) šu-­um-­š[a-­am-­ma] rev. 15 ˹šu˺-­ri-­a-­šu ma-­ti-­[ma] 16 ˹gi!˺-­mi-­el-­-­ka an-­ni-­[a-­am] 17 ˹ú˺-­ta-­˹ar˺ 18 ap-­pu-­[tum] 19 ma-­˹ar˺ ši-­ip-­ri-­ia 20 la [t]a-­ka-­la-­am 21 g[i-­mi]-­la-­ka 22 [šu-­u]k-­na!1-­am 23 mi-­ḫi-­ir ku-­nu-­ki-­ia 24 šu-­bi-­lam To Ṭābīya(?) speak, thus Warad-­Šamaš: The king is going to the akītum festival of Ur and has demanded from me a musician and some. . . . If you are truly my brother, don’t deny me what I am writing to you about. Have Šēp-­Sîn escort a musician here overnight! Some [day] I shall return this favor of yours! Urgent! Don’t detain my courier! Do me a favor! Send me a reply to my tablet!

No. 32: A Letter from the Boss This is an irregular and misshapen tablet that was probably discarded and ready for recycling.The text is mostly illegible. MS 4865 obv. 1 a-­na šu-­˹x x˺ 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma a-bu-­um-­˹x (x)˺ 4 be-­el-­ka-­ma 5 ar-­˹bu˺-­um 1 Tablet: ša/ta.

43

6 e-­˹x x˺   ˹x x˺ 7 il-­li-­[kam-­ma] 8 e-­li-­   [x x] 9 tu-­ka-­   [x x] 10 pu-­ḫa-­   [am] 11 [š]a be-­lí qá-­tu[m] rev. 12–­20 illegible, erased? To Šu-­ . . . speak, thus Abum-­ . . . , your master: Arbûm . . . came [here and] . . .

No. 33: Ilī-­bāni’s Letter to Aḫum This irregular tablet is inscribed with an old-­ fashioned script and is certainly from before the era of Rīm-­Sîn. The topic is hunger, which occurs in many regular letters; the exact phrase ana ukullê bītim recurs in text no. 17. The text is concluded by a double ruling, which may indicate a school piece. Note also the round number. MS 2891/22 obv. 1 a-­na a-ḫu-­[um] 2 qí-­bí-­m[a] 3 um-­ma ilī(dingir)-­ba-­n[i-­ma] 4 bi-­ta-­a[m] 5 bé-­ri-­a[m] 6 e-­zi-­˹ba˺-­am 7 ku-­nu-­ki 8 i-­na a-ma-­r[i-­ka] rev. 9 tu-­pi-­[ia] 10 pi-­te-­e-­[ma] 11 5 šiqil(gín) kaspam(kù.b[abbar]) 12 li-­qé-­e-­ma 13 še-­a-­am ša-­am-­[(ma)] 14 15 16

a-­na ú-ku-­le bi-­tim i-­di-­in

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

44

To Aḫum speak, thus Ilī-­bāni: I left behind me a hungry household. When you read my letter, open [my] document chest,1 take out five shekels of silver, and buy barley [and] hand it out as food for the household.

No. 34: Munawwirum’s Letter to Ilšu-­bāni This is a tablet of irregular shape. The writing is poor, with minor mistakes in ll. 4, 8, and 10 and a major confusion in l. 10. A school context can be suspected. MS 2756 obv. 1 a-­na il(dingir)-­šu!-­ba-­ni 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma mu-­na-­wi-­ru-­um 4 ˹a-­ḫu-­ka˺-­ma!2 5 mim-­gur-­dsîn(suen!) 6 kaspam(kù.babbar) ù še ú-la i-šu 7 šar-­ru-­um i-na a-la-­ki!-­im 8 a-­na-­di!3-­na-­šum 9 li-­ib-­ba-­ka ú-ṭa-­ab 10 šum-­ i-na ki-­tim be-­lí na-­bi-­el-­ia4 at-­ta remainder of obv. and rev. blank To Ilšu-­bāni speak, thus your brother Munawwirum: Imgur-­Sîn has no silver or barley. When the king comes, I am going to give him some. I’ll make it up to you! If in truth you are patron of my life! The letter’s core makes sense only if the silver that Munawwirum proposes to give to Imgur-­Sîn actually belongs to Ilšu-­bāni. If it is a school letter,

however, the problem can be put down to faulty composition.

No. 35: “Load the Boat!” Damu-­asûm’s Letters to Amurrum-­nāṣir and Iṭīb-­libbaša This little tablet holds two versions of what is essentially the same letter, with the same sender but different addressees. Double letters containing messages from a single sender to two or more different addressees are rare but not unknown.5 The version on the reverse omits the unusual patronym present on the obverse and also adds an extra clause commending the bearer of the tablet as the sender’s most reliable agent. It is also beset by errors of omission (ll. 13, 15). Both versions commit the same major grammatical error (ll. 6, 14). MS 3779 obv. 1 a-­na damurrum(mar.dú)-­na-­[ṣi-­ir] 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma dda-­mu-­a-­sú-­ú / mār(dumu) d sîn(suen)-­na-­wi-­ir-­ma 4 i-­na e-li-­pí-­im 5 ša ma-­ri mi-­ba-­lu-­uṭ 6 ku-­up-­ru-­um6 ma-­li 7 i-­na qá-­ti-­i-­ka 8 i-­ba-­aš-­šu-­ú 9 [šu]-­ur-­ki-­ba-­a[m] lower edge 10 [ap]-­pu-­t[um] rev. 11 [a-­na i-ṭi]-­ib-­li-­ba-­š[a] 12 [qí]-­bí-­m[a] 13 -­˹ma˺ dda-­mu-­a-­sú-­ma

3 Tablet: pa.

5 See Sallaberger 1999, 28; add AbB VI 7; XIV 26; cf. Kraus 1985, 87 n. 84a. Much rarer are collaborative letters containing messages from more than one sender (see those cited in p. 10 nn. 3–4).

4 Sic, for bēl napištīya (cf. Sallaberger 1999, 187).

6 Sic, nominative for accusative kupram.

1 Literally, “my tablets”; cf. tuppīya petā’um in Old Assyrian. 2 Tablet: um.



T h e Te x t s

14 ku-­up-­ru-­um1 ma-­li 15 i-­na qá-­ti-­ ˹i˺-­ba-­aš-­šu-­ 16 i-­na e-li-­pí-­im 17 ša ma-­ri i-ba-­lu-­uṭ 18 šu-­ur-­ki-­ba-­am 19 ap-­pu-­tum 20 ša ki-­ma an-­ni-­i[m] 21 ta-­ak-­lu-­[ú] upper edge 22 ú-­ul a-ša-­p[a-­ra-­/-­ku-­um] obv. To Amurrum-­nāṣir speak, thus Damu-­ asûm, son of Sîn-­nawir: Into the boat of Iballuṭ’s son, [get] loaded for me all the bitumen that is in your possession. Urgent! rev. [To] Iṭīb-­libbaša speak, thus Damu-­asûm: Get all the bitumen that is in your possession loaded for me into the boat of Iballuṭ’s son. Urgent! I cannot send [you] (another) person as trustworthy as this one. The essence of these short letters is the instruction ina elippim ša PN šurkibam, “load on to PN’s boat!” The clause is common in regular letters but recurs in several school letters on the theme “Open My Storeroom!” (Kraus’s [d–­g] and our texts nos. 15, 18–­20a) and in AbB VI 180, a school letter transcribed following text no. 22.The fact that the edges of text no. 35 are inscribed suggests that it is not itself a school product but a real-­life letter modeled on letters encountered at school.

No. 36: A Letter from Nūr-­Amurrum This is a regular tablet with very slanting lines of text. The letter begins with the “brother” ploy, then explains the predicament, and finally requests help. The request is made twice, followed in each case by different standard clauses of conclusion. There is no especial reason to think it is a school 1 Sic, nominative for accusative kupram.

45

letter except that the composition is rather generic and hunger is an attested topic of school letters (see text no. 33). MS 3485 obv. 1 a-­na [x x x x] 2 qí-­bí-­m[a] 3 um-­ma nu-­úr-­damurrum(mar.˹dú˺)-­˹ma˺ 4 ap-­pu-­tum 5 šum-­ma i-na ki-­˹tim˺ 6 a-­ḫi at-­ta 7 bi-­ti bé-­ri-­i 8 1.0.0 gur še-­a-­am a-na bi-­ti-­ia 9 i-­di-­in 10 i-­na an-­ni-­i-­tim 11 ˹a˺-­ḫu-­ut-­ka a-ma-­ar 12 [i]t-­ti ma-­ma-­an rev. 13 [l]i-­qé-­e-­ma 14 i-­di-­in 15 la ta-­ka-­la-­a To [ . . . ] speak, thus Nūr-­Amurrum: Urgent! If you are truly my brother, my household is starving: give one kor of barley to my household! In this I shall enjoy your brotherly goodwill. Borrow it from somebody and give it! Do not withhold it!

No. 37: Sîn-­īriš’s Letter to His Lord This is an irregular, but not misshapen, tablet inscribed in an archaizing script. The letter, like the preceding one, asks for help out of a personal predicament—­in this case, not hunger but sickness—­and from a senior, not an equal. The absence of a key word (l. 8) and the presence of a double ruling and an isolated sign below that all suggest it is a school letter. School letters are not usually addressed to “my lord,” but another is Kraus’s (q) (now AbB II 114).

46

MS 3671 obv. 1 a-­na be-­lí-­ia 2 qí-­bí-­ma 3 um-­ma dsîn(suen)-­īriš(apin)-­ma 4 iš-­tu u4-­mi-­im 5 ša i-na bi-­ir-­tim 6 tu-­ši-­ši-­ba-­an-­ni 7 ma-­ar-­ṣa-­a-­ku-­ma 8 a-­na ṣe-­er be-­li-­im 9 ú-­la e-le-­ḫi 10 ˹ù re˺-­du-­ú [0] rev. 11 ˹ša˺ ma-­aḫ-­[ri-­ia]

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

12

wa-­aš-­[bu-­ú]

13

ṣí-­di-­ti-­[i]

14

ig-­mu-­ru-­˹ni-­im-­ma˺

15

it-­ta-­al-­ku-­ni-­im

16

šum-­ma li-­bi be-­lí

17

ki-­ṣí-­ir šar-­˹ri˺-­[im]

18

li-­ik-­šu-­da-­an-­ni

To my lord speak, thus Sîn-­īriš: Since the day that you sent me to live in the fort, I’ve been ill and unable [to come] to (my) lord. Moreover, the soldiers who were living with [me] used up all [my] travel provisions and went away. If it pleases my lord, may a troop of the king’s men come to me.

DI SCUSSI O N Indeed, none of the other tablets from this cache bears a letter of the content and style that characterize known school letters from southern Babylonia. The find spots of the school letters studied by Kraus (1964)—­for the most part discovered in archaeological explorations at Nippur, Sippar, Adab, and Kiš—­are not recorded, and their social contexts are thus unknown.1 However, a group of tablets from Uruk, excavated in the late 1930s in a carefully recorded archaeological context and published more than twenty years ago (Cavigneaux 1996), allows a more certain glimpse of Akkadian letters in the Old Babylonian curriculum. At some time in the early second millennium BC, a pit was dug in the vicinity of the Eanna temple at Uruk and became used as a dump for rubbish. Its excavators called it the Sherd Pit (Scherbenloch). The contents of the pit included the remains of 296 Old Babylonian tablets and a small number of sealings, which all appear to have been discarded by temple personnel connected with the cult of the god Iggalla at Eanna. The tablets ranged from administrative and legal documents and letters to the products of teaching and learning. Where dates are preserved on the archival documents, they fall into the middle years of King Rīm-­ Sîn I of Larsa. The school exercises included tablets ranging from the first engagement with writing to the copying of advanced literary texts: sign practices, lexical excerpts, exercises on lenticular tablets, lists of personal names, mathematical tables, model contracts, Sumerian narrative and praise poetry, and proverbs and other literature from the Old Babylonian corpus, some with Akkadian glosses. Also present were Sumerian compositions that had practical applications: ritual and liturgical texts for use in the cult and incantations for use in healing. These stem from advanced training in the professions of cult singer (kalûm) and healer (wāšipum). The mixture of archival, pedagogical, and literary texts in the Sherd Pit at Uruk is no surprise: it is a

The enlargement of the corpus of Old Babylonian school letters by tablets now in the Schøyen, Rosen, and Cotsen Collections adds greatly to knowledge of its extent and content. Since internal evidence suggests that many of the Old Babylonian tablets in the Schøyen Collection stem from Larsa, or a place controlled by Larsa—­such as Adab—­and date to the era of Rīm-­Sîn I, it may be supposed that the school letters published here belong to the scribal curriculum of the Larsa state at the end of that city’s domination. What these tablets cannot provide, lacking archaeological provenance as they do, is insight on the social context of school letters: who wrote them and where. An attempt to place Old Babylonian school letters in a social context was made by Dominique Charpin in his study of the scholars and clerics of Ur (1986). In the dwelling house called No. 1 Broad Street, he noted the overwhelming presence of tablets made by student scribes. Among this cache of tablets were twelve Akkadian letters, only two of which seemed to have archival connections (UET V 16, 17, both addressed to Igmil-­Sîn by Ibni-­Ea). Noting the great variety of correspondents in the other letters, Charpin proposed to identify them as products of scribal schooling (1986, 460–­65). The letters included two very similar messages about settling arrears in sesame (UET V 38, 56).These are variants on a single theme; use the same vocabulary, syntax, and structure; and would fit our general expectations of school letters. Charpin’s proposal has been criticized by Sallaberger (1999, 154). He pointed out that as the cache of tablets at No. 1 Broad Street was not original to the house but a mixture of school tablets and heterogeneous archival documents, an alternative explanation for the variety in personal names in the letters became available: they were tablets of separate origin brought into the house at random from diverse archival contexts. For the moment, a conclusive identification of the letters from No. 1 Broad Street as school letters or real-­life business letters cannot be made.The pair UET V 38 and 56 could very plausibly be school letters, but other copies have not turned up elsewhere.

1 On the provenances (and inadequacy thereof ) of the school tablets excavated at Kiš, including several letters, see Ohgama and Robson 2010.

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Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

mixture of documents related to one family’s various activities as priests, scholars, and teachers. The tablets of pedagogical origin outnumber the archival tablets by more than two to one: among the nearly three hundred discarded tablets are fifty-­one administrative documents, three legal documents, and maybe as many as twenty-­eight letters. In addition, the school tablets can be seen to be representative of a local pedagogical tradition (Veldhuis 1997–­98). The Akkadian letters from the Sherd Pit are of particular interest here. According to their contents, some of them are clearly real-­life letters concerned with the management of the family’s interests in the temple (Cavigneaux 1996, nos. 68, 76, 79). These letters are notably independent in expression, using very few conventional phrases. Other letters in the Sherd Pit display the opposite tendency. First among these are five fragmentary tablets that can be mutually restored to bear the same text (personal names excepted): a short letter constructed on the “go-­between + silver” form requesting a delivery of sesame (Cavigneaux’s nos. 70–­73, 89). A composite transcription and a translation of this text have been presented as a probable duplicate of our fragment text no. 11; a score transliteration is given in the appendix. The number of extant manuscripts, on the one hand, and the wholly generic composition, on the other, make it clear that this letter did not belong to the private correspondence of the owners of the discarded archive but was a legacy of their role as teachers of cuneiform. At least three other letters in the same archive raise similar suspicions.The first is also related to our text no. 11, but it uses slightly different stock phrases to procure not sesame but articles of clothing. ana Dadî qibīma umma Aḫum-­waqarma: Šamaš liballiṭka! anumma Mannum aṭṭardakkum. šalšat nalbašī kasapšunu gumramma, ina kunukkīka kukkamma šūbilam! annītim! lūmur!1 [ap]pu[tum!] Cavigneaux 1996, no. 69 Cavigneaux 1996, 36: ˹an-­nu-­tim˺ lu-­mu-­ur-­[ma], “Diese möchte ich sehen.” 1

?

To Dadî speak, thus Aḫum-­waqar: May Šamaš keep you well! Herewith I’ve sent you Mannum. Collect (from him) all the silver for three robes, seal it with your seal, and dispatch it to me! [In] this may I enjoy [your brotherly goodwill]! Urgent! Like the letter about sesame, this letter also contains no original phrasing whatsoever. Without the company of the former, it would probably not be wholly safe to identify it as a school letter, but in the knowledge that it was found with five copies of the letter about sesame and a very large number of school tablets, it seems clear that this is another school letter making use of the “go-­between” scenario, which, as we have seen, occurs in several variant letters (texts nos. 11–­14, 16, 28). The corruption of the standard “goodwill” clause through a bad misunderstanding tends to confirm the diagnosis. Another letter from the Sherd Pit runs as follows: [ana PN] qibīma umma Sîn-­īrišma2 Šamaš liballiṭka! inūma!3 anāku u atta ina Usab ninnamru, kī’am aqbi’akkum umma anākūma: “kīma pānīka!?. . .” [ . . . ] Cavigneaux 1996, no. 77 [To PN] speak, thus Sîn-­īriš: May Šamaš keep you well! When you and I met in Adab, I said to you as follows: “When you’re ready, . . .” (remainder lost). This letter is very like the message in our text no. 24, and although the similarity could be a deception arising from the fragmentary nature of both tablets, as matters now stand, the two tablets may well be reckoned to give two accounts of the same model. Other letters that deploy the formula “When you and I met in GN” are our texts nos. 19–­20a and 22–­23. Most of them are very probably also school letters. 2 Ibid., 40: den.zu-­[il]-­˹šu˺-­ma. Instead of this rare name, I read the copy den.zu-­˹apin˺-­ma. 3 Tablet: i-na-­ú-­ma.

Discussion

A fourth letter from the Sherd Pit follows. The text fills the obverse of the tablet: [ana PN] qibīma umma Sîn-­rēmēnī: Anum u Ištar liballiṭūka! matīma ana mimma ul ašpurakkum. anumma unnedukkī uštābilakkum. Cavigneaux 1996, no. 80 [To PN] speak, thus Sîn-­rēmēnī: May Anum and Ištar keep you well! I’ve never sent you word (asking) for anything before. Herewith I’ve sent you my letter. It is not clear from the publication whether the reverse is blank or so damaged that the entire surface is lost. As it stands, the letter is a combination of conventional phrases only: the address, a greeting, and two standard opening clauses from the repertoire learned at school. It leads the reader to expect a request but never makes that request—­either because it unfinished or because the request is now lost to us.Truncated and unfinished letters are a feature of school copies. Even if it was finished, continuing on the lost reverse, the combined facts of the tablet’s provenance in the Sherd Pit at Uruk and its generic composition make it probable that it is a school letter. The Sherd Pit at Uruk thus gives us a glimpse of letter learning in the scribal curriculum of southern Babylonia during the reign of Rīm-­Sîn of Larsa. It is not surprising that the four school letters encountered there have features in common with the letters assembled above, for those also have strong connections with Larsa and Adab of the same period. The sixty-­five letters edited above also encourage inquiry into the sequence of letter learning in the curriculum. Most of the letters have fallen into two groups: (1) letters that are more or less true duplicates (texts nos. 1–­11) and (2) letters that are not duplicates but are composed on certain set patterns or forms, some of which also occur in the first group. The forms were structural elements of fixed vocabulary and syntax. The most prominent are phrases that have been adopted as generic titles:

49

“Herewith I’ve Sent You” (nos. 11–­14, 28) “Open My Storeroom!” (nos. 15–­21) “When You and I Met . . .” (nos. 22–­25) “Get Them Out of Custody!” (cf. no. 26) These forms could structure simple letters alone or be combined in more complex letters (e.g., AbB VI 180, transcribed following text no. 22). By providing a support structure, the forms open the way to improvisation in the rest of a letter, which, as we have seen, can include a rehearsal of commodities and foodstuff, livestock, wooden objects, household utensils, metrological units, geographical locations, and personal names.These two groups, duplicates on the one hand and improvisations on the other, are probably indicative of two separate stages in learning to write letters. It seems reasonable to suppose that letters of fixed content like the first group were studied before moving on to the greater complexity and flexibility of letters in the second group. The first stage of the scribal curriculum is best known from the tablets of Nippur, but according to the evidence of the Sherd Pit, the situation at Uruk under the Larsa domination was not much different. At Nippur, the beginner progressed from wedge exercises; to sign drills (Syllable Alphabet B, tu-­ta-­ti); to lists of personal names; to thematic lists, metrological tablets, and mathematical tables; and finally to model contracts and proverbs in Sumerian, which led in turn to the study of more advanced Sumerian and the corpus of traditional Sumerian literature in the second stage (Veldhuis 1997, 40–­66; Robson 2002, 331).Where did Akkadian letters fit in? Some versions of the sign drill tu-­ta-­ti and other texts like it are concluded with exercises in stringing signs together to make Akkadian words (Veldhuis 1997, 75–­78). Some of these words are the predicates of common personal names (erībam, iddinam, iqīšam, bāšti, lamassī, etc.) and thus prepare the student for progression to lists of full names. More importantly for our purpose, other words are expressions commonly found in letters—­for example, apputtum, “urgent!”; lā tegge, “do not be remiss!”; umma anāku, “this is what I said”; and lūmur, “let me see!” Even at this elementary stage, it would seem that elements of Akkadian letter-­writing were encountered. The students’ progression to personal names, thematic lists, and metrological and mathematical tables

50

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

eventually provided them with all the tools they needed to write complete Akkadian letters. It is at this point, toward the end of the elementary stage of the curriculum, that the writing of entire letters should probably be placed. School tablets that contain Akkadian letters and other material substantiate this. The partly erased reverse of AbB VIII 40 (copy TIM II 40) contains practice in personal names, as does the obverse of AbB IX 153 (copy YOS V 98), suggesting that the study of names, name lists, and Akkadian letters in southern schools was simultaneous. Other school tablets, from Sippar and Eshnunna, pair Akkadian letter forms with accounting practice that rehearses personal names in combination with numeracy skills and metrology.1 As already noted, the school letters fall into two groups that probably evince two different stages of learning. First, the student wrote a set text with no deviation—­except in some exemplars where the student was free to choose his own personal names from the lists he had already studied. Some of these set letters told little stories about civil-­service life and contained elements of moral guidance. Later the student learned set forms that helped structure and organize a letter and began to improvise parts of the message from his knowledge of personal names, thematic lists, and metrological tables. The progression was thus from strict copying of simple letters, which embedded knowledge of the writing system, to freer composition, which allowed for the use of initiative and imagination in the adaptation and extension of the set forms and the deployment of intertextual vocabulary. If there was a progression over time from set letters to improvised letters, it might be supposed that the latter group would be superior to the former in execution and handwriting. This is not the case, for many of the set letters are beautifully written, leading me to suggest in some cases that they were

1 Van Lerberghe and Voet 1991, no. 67; Whiting 1987, no. 54. The school tablet VAS XVII 37, however, contains an excerpt from a Sumerian litany and erased lines from an Akkadian letter, which might suggest the continuing study of Akkadian letters at an advanced stage of scribal schooling. This is not implausible, but it is not certain that the same person was responsible for both texts (contra Michalowski 1983, 227).

teachers’ models or the work of the most advanced students. However that may be, it seems likely that only the very best exemplars of students’ work were retained and most of the unsatisfactory attempts immediately recycled. Perhaps also the progression from set letters to improvised letters was rapid. Execution and handwriting would then be false friends in determining curricular progress. Old Babylonian students’ elementary exercises are mostly found on tablets of Type II format,2 but school letters are not. A few letter forms occur on lenticular school tablets (Type IV), but all complete letters occupy a single-­column tablet of their own (Type III). The explanation of this is probably that learning to produce an Akkadian letter comprised not only the writing of the text but also the making of the tablet on which it was written. The practical business of making a tablet was indeed part of the Old Babylonian scribal curriculum, as is shown by passages of school texts that give instructions in Sumerian and Akkadian about how to knead and flatten clay into a tablet and then write on it (e.g., Civil 1998).The fact that some school letters are still partly enclosed in the remains of envelopes indicates that this practical training could also include the last step in the letter-­writing process—­namely, encasing the tablet in a clay envelope and inscribing and sealing that also. Accordingly, training in letter writing was accompanied by the acquisition of the practical skills that would be required whenever a letter was written. The fact that Old Babylonian school letters were written on Type III tablets, which for the most part look like the tablets on which real-­life letters were written, leads to another difficulty: Where no archaeological provenance exists, how are school letters to be distinguished from regular letters? Most of the tablets published above have been recognized as school letters in the first instance because they meet one or more of Kraus’s four criteria regarding physical characteristics, script, execution of writing, and similarity to other letters, as described in the introduction. One further shared feature is striking: the overwhelming presence of 2 On the typology of Old Babylonian school tablets from Nippur, see Civil 1969, 27–­28; Veldhuis 1997, 28–­39.

Discussion

formulaic expressions and standard clauses. The formulaic expressions are essentially rhetorical. Six occur more than once in the present corpus: apputtum, “Urgent!” nos. 2, 3, 5 (×2), 10, 12, 13, 16, 17, 18 (×2), 20, 20a, 23, 24, 26, 28, 29, 31, 35o., 35r., 36 apputtum lā tegge, “Urgent, don’t fail!”1 nos. 14, 15, 18, 19, 21 epēšum annûm damiq etc., “This is a fine way to behave!” nos. 7, 30 ina annītim aḫḫūtka lūmur, “In this may I enjoy your brotherly goodwill!” nos. 14, 28, 36 šumma ina kittim aḫī atta etc., “If you are truly my brother” nos. 17, 18, 21, 31, 34, 36 ul tašpuram lā taqabbi,“Don’t go saying,‘You didn’t tell me!’” nos. 2A, 12, 14 In a random selection of one hundred Old Babylonian letters (AbB IX 1–­100), mostly from the south, the reader encounters these six formulaic expressions only fifteen times, and five of those instances occur in three letters suspected of being school products.2 That leaves ten instances in the other ninety-­three letters. A larger-­scale search would be out of place in the present discussion, but already on the basis of these hundred letters, there emerges a clear contrast in compositional style between school letters, which make heavy use of the six rhetorical expressions, and real-­life letters, which use them rarely. 1 Instances of ana X lā tegge (as in text no. 4) are not included. 2 AbB IX 4: damiq epēšum annûm, apputtum, ul tašpuram lā taqabbi; 9: apputtum; 15: ina annītim atḫūtki lūmur; 29: šumma ina kittim aḫī atta, ina annītim aḫḫūtka [ . . . ] ammar; 35: apputtum; 67: apputtum; 71: šumma ina kinātim aḫī atta; 73: šumma ina kittim aḫī atta; 78: ul tašpuram lā taqabbi; 83: apputtum; 88: šumma ina kittim abī atta, ina annītim abbūtka lūmur. Among these, the school letters are IX 4, 9 (edited following text no. 28), and 73 (double ruling).

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The standard clauses are set phrases that structure a letter by conveying circumstances and instructions. The following stand out as much repeated in the school letters in the Schøyen Collection: kunukkī (anni’am) ina amārīka, “When you read this tablet of mine” nos. 3, 5, 15, 27, 33 anumma PN ana ṣērīka aṭṭardam etc., “Herewith I’ve sent you PN” nos. 5, 11, 12, 13, 14, 16, 28 n šiqil kaspam ša qātīšū liqēma etc., “Take the n shekels of silver he is carrying” nos. 12, 13 inūma anāku u atta in GN ninnamru, “When you and I met in GN” nos. 19, 20, 22, 23, 24 bīt kunukkīya etc. pitēma, “Open my storeroom” nos. 5, 15, 16, 17, 18, 21 x šāmamma šūbilam, “Buy x for me and dispatch it to me” nos. 12, 13, 14 ina elippim ša PN šurkibamma šūbilam etc., “Load it on to PN’s boat and dispatch it to me” nos. 15, 18, 19, 20, 35o., 35r. Formulaic expressions and standard clauses are few in number in the first group of school letters, represented in this book by texts nos. 1–­11, but much more prevalent in the second group, represented by texts nos. 12–­29. If it is correct to identify this second group as letter exercises that gave students a freer hand to improvise, the presence of well-­worn words and phrases is no surprise, for rote-­learned formulae and phrasing are important aids to composition. Heavy use of formulaic expressions and standard clauses produce a conformity in vocabulary and syntax that characterizes the genre, making so many of the letters alike. Certainly generic conformity creates a style that differs markedly from more independently phrased regular letters.The difference between school letters and real-­life letters has already been pointed out by Sallaberger, who explained it as a matter of historical development:

52

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

the school letters of the eighteenth century were petrified relics of an older period and not true models for the regular letters that we know from the time of Hammurapi and Samsuiluna (1999, 153). In his view, the school letters served not as models—­for they did not conform to contemporary usage—­but as exercises in Akkadian writing, although he conceded that they did transmit some basic elements of Akkadian letter writing. The Sherd Pit at Uruk presents an opportunity for testing Sallaberger’s hypothesis. As described previously, some of the letters are certainly real-­life letters from the correspondence of the priesthood of Eanna. Others are school letters. A comparison shows that they are indeed very different in style. The regular letters use formulaic expressions very sparingly, if at all; the school letters from the Sherd Pit are almost entirely formulaic and present themselves as repetitions, replications, and variations of standard themes.The letters of the Sherd Pit appear to uphold Sallaberger’s thesis. Another test of the thesis is to compare the school letter “Give the Field Back!” (text no. 2) with a real-­ life letter composed for the same purpose—­that is, to instruct a land manager to return land to its rightful occupant. Such a letter is found in the archive of Šamaš-­ḫāzir, a well-­known bureaucrat who worked in the administration of arable land at Larsa during the reign of Hammurapi: ana Šamaš-­ḫāzir qibīma umma Munawwirumma: Šamaš u Marūduk liballiṭūka! aššum eqel Sîn-­magir abi Adi-­mati-­ilī ṣuḫārīya, awīlum kīma yûm ul tīde? eqlam ša ištu erbā šanātim ikkalu ana ša šattam ana ilkim īli’am eqelšu tanaddin. naṭu epēšum annûm ša teppušu? matīma ana mimma ul ašpurakkum! anumma Sîn-­magir aštaprakkum: eqelšu tēršumma u išariš aplaššu. ṭurdaššu AbB IX 198 To Šamaš-­ḫāzir speak, thus Munawwirum: May Šamaš and Marduk keep you well! Regarding the field of Sîn-­magir, father of

my servant lad Adi-­mati-­ilī, don’t you know the man’s one of mine? You’re giving the field that he’s had the use of for forty years to a person who has come into the ilkum system only this year! Is this right, the thing you’re doing? I’ve never sent you word (asking) for anything before! Herewith I’ve sent you Sîn-­magir: give him his field back and treat him fairly. (Then) send him to me. Šamaš-­ḫāzir (or his secretary) could have cast back his mind to his school days and composed a suitable letter on the rough model of “Give the Field Back!” He chose instead to write a letter of his own composition. It shares some vocabulary with the school letter on the same topic, unavoidably, and also deploys some rather hackneyed expressions (naṭu . . . teppušu? and matīma . . . ašpurakkum), but the two letters are not so close that one might be called a variant of the other, unlike most of the letters collected in the second section (texts nos. 12–­29). Accordingly, this comparison also accords with Salla­berger’s contention that the school letters were not used as models for the composition of letters in real life. Sallaberger’s thesis raises the prospect that style can be used as a methodological tool in the fraught task of distinguishing school letters from real letters. One must ask whether many rather generic ­letters, not hitherto considered candidates for school products, are probable members of the corpus rather than real-­life letters. Consider the following case: ana Sîn-­erībam qibīma umma Sîn-­magirma: damiq epēšum annûm, ša aštanapparakkumma di’atī lā tašallu? anumma Šamaš-­kīnam-­īde ana ṣērīka aṭṭardam. bīt kunukkīya pitēma 36 giška.apin.ḫi.a 48 giš ka.apin.túg.kin.ḫi.a 66 gišzú.gán.ùr.ḫi.a idnaššumma liblam. apputtum! ul tašpuram lā taqabbi! u šanītam ana bīt Ṭāb-­Kiš alikma, 2 gišeriqqātim(mar.gíd.da.ḫi.a) 58 giššikšī(sag.kul. mar.gíd.da.ḫi.a) liddinakkumma ina elippim muqqelpītim šurkibamma liblūnim. u Rīm-­Adad lillikam. AbB IX 4

Discussion

To Sîn-­erībam speak, thus Sîn-­magir: Is this a fine thing that I keep writing to you but you take no notice of me? Herewith I’ve sent you Šamaš-­kīnam-­īde. Open my storeroom and give him thirty-­ six plowshares, forty-­eight harbum plowshares, and sixty-­six harrow blades so he can bring them to me. Urgent! Don’t go saying, “You didn’t tell me!” And another thing, go to Ṭāb-­Kiš’s house so he can give you two carts and fifty-­eight “cart bars”1 and load them on a boat traveling downstream to bring them to me. Further, Rīm-­Adad should come here. Standard phrases from the repertoire of school letters are present: damiq epēšum annûm, apputtum! ul tašpuram lā taqabbi! The composition uses the structure and vocabulary of the “Open My Storeroom!”–­ type letters, and like one of them (text no. 17), it both contains lists of wooden implements2 and makes a complex request. The instruction “load the boat,” common in letters of this pattern, is removed from the storeroom episode, where we have commonly met it, to the second request. None of these features is fully conclusive evidence in isolation, but the cumulative effect leads to the suspicion that the letter is a previously unrecognized school composition. What clinches the argument is a comparison with another letter containing a complex request: ana Sîn-­rēmēnī qibīma umma Sîn-­erībamma: tuppī anni’am ina amārim, anumma Sîn-­emūqī ana ṣērīka aṭṭardam. ḫamšat šūši šikšī damqūtim! ina elippim! Sîn-­ [emūqī] šur[kibam!] app[uttum! šūbilam!] u [ . . . ] aššum [eqlim ša ana PN taddinu] ša Warad-­i[līšu] ša Awīl-­Adadma 1 On šikšum, a vehicle part identified as a “rein guide” (CAD Š/2 441) but written gišsag-­kul-­mar-­gíd-­da, “cart bar,” see Veenhof 2005, 218. 2 Cf. OB Nippur giš-­list 450 gišeme apin, 446 gišapin-­túg-­sig18, 473 gišsag gán-­ùr, 357 gišmar-­gíd-­da, 361 gišsag-­kul mar-­gíd-­da (Veldhuis 1997, 159–­62).

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umma anākūma: “tēršum!” eqlam ana mīnim ana awīlim lā tutēr!? itâr šāpir nārim imaḫḫarma aššumīka ul appal. eqlam ana awīlim tēr! lā itârma lā imaḫḫar! AbB XIV 126 To Sîn-­rēmēnī speak, thus Sīn-­erībam: When (you) read this letter of mine, herewith I’ve sent you Sîn-­emūqī. Have Sîn-­[emūqī] load three hundred fine-­quality “cart bars” onto a boat [for me.] Urgent! [Dispatch them to me!] Also, [. . .  .] Regarding [the field that you gave to . . .], it belongs to Awīl-­Adad’s Warad-­ilīšu. This is what I said: “Give it back to him!”Why didn’t you give the field back to the man? Should he appeal to the boss of the river again, I shall not respond on your behalf. Give the field back to the man! He mustn’t appeal again! The editor of this letter judged it to be a school exercise on the grounds of spelling errors, faint traces of additional writing on the edge, and the “load the boat” motif (Veenhof 2005, 117 n. 126d). I would add to his list three more suspicious features: the clumsy combination at the start of the letter of two introductory strategies that together make little sense (tuppī . . . ina amārim and anumma . . . aṭṭardam), the (perhaps improbable) request to ship large numbers of vehicle parts, and the appending to that request of an unmistakable improvised variant of another well-­known school letter, “Give the Field Back!” (text no. 2). Placing letters like the two just quoted side by side throws up clear relationships in composition that suggest a fictional origin. As already observed, the engagement of students with letter writing seems likely to have begun with simple letters articulating a single request. Longer letters like AbB IX 4 and XIV 126, which contain complex requests, can combine the improvisation characteristic of the second stage of learning with the vocabulary, themes, and letter-­writing strategies of the first stage so that intertextual relationships emerge between members of the corpus.

54

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

While style, structure, and idiom can be useful tools in the task of distinguishing school letters from real-­life letters, the matter is not completely straightforward. See the following letter: ana Nanna-­intuḫ qibīma umma Zababa-­bārīma Šamaš u Marūduk liballiṭūka! anumma Zababa-­ašarēd mišil šiqil ešeret še kaspam aban Šamaš uštābilakkum. kārāt illaku šāmaššūma, kunkamma šūbilam! ina annītim! aḫḫūtka lūmur . . . qātim šūbilam! AbB XII 49 To Nanna-­intuḫ speak, thus Zababa-­bāri: May Šamaš and Marduk keep you well! Herewith I’ve sent you Zababa-­ašarēd with forty grains of silver (measured by) the stone (weights) of Šamaš. Buy for me at the going rate, place it under seal, and dispatch it to me. In this may I enjoy your brotherly goodwill. Dispatch . . . to me. This letter follows the pattern of the “go-­between + silver” scenario. The failure to state the commodity to be purchased, along with errors in the text and the presence of generic phrases, might recommend an identification as a school letter. On the other hand, the very specific sum of silver involved is contrary to the tendency of school letters of this pattern to deploy round numbers. The conclusive fact against an identification as a school letter, however, is that the tablet is one of at least sixteen surviving letters from the correspondence of Nanna-­intuḫ, a businessman of Sippar (AbB XII 32–­44, 46–­47, 49). It is therefore undoubtedly a real-­life letter.The failure to state the commodity to be purchased is not an error but indicates that the sender’s request was old knowledge.1 In contradiction of Sallaberger’s thesis, this letter does seem to serve as an example of the practical application, in the composition of a business letter, of lessons learned from studying the corpus of school letters.

1 Van Soldt 1990, 39 n. 49a: “known from previous correspondence.”

Old Babylonian letters are not a homogeneous corpus; they derive from a wide range of years, regions, and social contexts. Both syllabus and curriculum must also have evolved, so one should not assume that the corpus of school letters known at Larsa and nearby towns in the eighteenth century matched what was used in other towns and eras. Further factors of complexity are the age and experience of a letter’s writer, as well as his or her time and place of education. It can be expected that real-­ life letters written by a recent graduate will closely emulate those memorized in school, while those composed in maturity will exhibit more autonomy of style. The influence of school on letter composition must have ranged between the two extremes of very much to little or none. Distinguishing between school letters and genuine letters thus remains more a matter of conjecture than certainty. Nevertheless, the additional material presented here permits a fuller elaboration of the features identified by Kraus (1964) as indicative of school letters. The following characteristics are now found symptomatic: I. Execution (A) Malformed or squashed tablet (e.g., nos. 7B, 18, 31–­34; AbB V 9) (B) Crude ductus (passim, but not exclusive to school letters) (C) Errors in spelling (passim, but not exclusive to school letters) (D) Lower, upper, and left edges clear of letter text (E) Double ruling at the end (practice tablet–­style, perhaps not exclusive to school letters; nos. 1B, 2I, 2K, 2M, 2O, 2Q, 3A, 7A, 7B, 12, 17, 18, 19, 21, 27, 33, 37; CUSAS 36 nos. 81, 191) (F) Truncated text (stops before the end; nos. 1E, 4E, 7B, 9; AbB V 139, 215; VIII 37; IX 153) II. Content (G) Duplicate of another tablet (nos. 1–­11), but see the duplicate letters cited in p. 12 n. 4. (H) Scribal annotation—­for example, d nissaba gá-­e (AbB VIII 17 edge, surely

Discussion





a mistake for the doxology dnissaba zà-­mí) (I) Other content on the tablet or envelope: (i) Wedge or sign practice (nos. 2O, 2Q, 30; AbB V 139; VII 68; IX 65; XIV 126?) (ii) Text of another genre (AbB VIII 40; IX 153; VAS XVII 37; van Lerberghe and Voet 1991, no. 67; Whiting 1987, no. 54) (iii) Drawing or diagram (AbB XIV 129) (iv) Appended personal name (e.g., no. 1D; AbB XI 19; Greengus 1979, nos. 12 and 20; CUSAS 36 no. 81?) (v) Second letter (not exclusive to school products)1

1 See the texts cited in pp. 10 n. 3; 44 n. 5.



55

( J) Intertextual relationship to pedagogical texts—­for example, Urra (K) Presence of round numbers (cf. Robson 2002, 351) (L) Abundance of standard phraseology (passim) (M) Extreme or implausible situation (text no. 6; AbB XIV 135)

These criteria will not stand as dogma: no school letter exhibits all these features, and many real-­life letters do exhibit one or more. Nevertheless, they can serve as methodological aids in judging the potential of an Old Babylonian letter to be identified as a text composed at school.2 2 Note that on the basis of these criteria, some Old Babylonian letters in CUSAS 36 are suspected of being possible members: George 2018, xii; and possibly also nos. 81 (E double ruling, I.iv added PN); and 191 (E double ruling). However, criterion D appears to disqualify no. 93, suspected of being a school letter on grounds of content.

S C OR E T R A NS L ITERATI O N S O F NO S. 1– ­7 AND 11 No. 1: “The Land Manager Has Taken My Field!” Gula-­balāssu’s Letter to Itūr-­ašdu Siglum

MS

Siglum

MS

A B C D E

2891/75 3503 3510 3547 3680

F G H I J

3707 3752 3776 3785 4350

A B C D E F G H I

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

[a]-­na i-­˹túr-­aš-­du˺ a-­na i-túr-­aš-­du a-­na i-túr-­aš-­d[u] a-­na [0] i-túr-­[x x] ˹a-­na˺ i-túr-­aš-­[x] [a-­n]a i-­˹túr˺-­aš-­du a-­na i-túr-­aš-­du a-­na i-­[túr]-­aš-­du a-­na i-túr-­aš-­du-­um

A B C D E F G H I

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

qí-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma [q]í-­bí-­[ma] qí-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma

A B C D E F G H I

3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3

um-­ma ˹dgu˺-­la-­ba-­˹la-­sú-­ma˺ um-­ma dgu-­la-­ba-­la-­sú-­ma um-­ma dgu-­-­ba-­la-­sú-­ma um-­ma dgu-­la-­ba-­˹la-­sú˺-­ma [um-­m]a dgu-­la-­ba-­[x x x] um-­ma dgu-­[la-­b]a-­la-­sú-­ma um-­ma dgu-­la-­ba-­la-­a-­-­ma um-­ma dgu-­la-­ba-­la-­sú-­ma um-­ma dgu-­la-­ba-­la-­sú-­ma

56

A B C D E F G H I

4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4

aš-­šum [a].šà-­[im] aš-­šum a.šà-­im aš-­šum a.šà-­im ˹aš-­šum˺ a.šà-­im aš-­[šum] a.šà-­[x] aš-­šum a.šà-­[0]-­im aš-­šum a.šà-­im aš-­šum a.šà-­im aš-­šum a.šà-­im

A B C D E F G H I

5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5 5

ša a.š[à]   g[ir4.ḫi].a ša a.šà gir4.ḫi.a ša!(tablet: ga) a.šà gir4.ḫi.a [ša a.š]à gir4.ḫi.[a] [x x x] gir4.[x x] ša a.šà [g]ir4.ḫi.a ša a.šà gir4.ḫi.a ša a.šà [g]ir4.ḫi.a ša a.šà gir4.ḫi.a

A B C D E F G H I

6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6 6

0 ta-­aš-­˹pu-­ra-­am˺ ša ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am ša ta-­˹aš˺-­pu-­ra-­am [ša ta-­a]š-­pu-­ra-­a[m] [ša t]a-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am 0 ta-­aš-­pu-­[ra]-­am ša ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am ša ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am ša ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am

A B C D E F G H I

7 7 7 7 7

um-­ma ˹at-­ta˺-­a-­ma um-­ma at-­ta-­a-­ma um-­ma at-­ta-­ma [um-­ma] at-­ta-­a-­m[a] [u]m-­ma at-­ta-­˹a-­ma˺ omits um-­ma at-­ta-­a-­ma um-­ma at-­ta-­[(a)]-­ma omits

7 7



S c o r e Tr a n s l i t e r a t i o n s o f N o s. 1 – ­7 a n d 1 1

A B C D E F G H I

8 8 8 8 8 7 8 8 7

a.šà-­am ak-­[s]ú-­um a.šà-­am ak-­sú-­um a.šà-­am ak-­sú-­um [a.šà-­a]m ak-­sú-­u[m] a.šà-­am ak-­sú-­um a.šà-­am ak-­[sú]-­um a.šà ak-­sú-­um a.šà-­am ak-­sú-­um a.šà-­am ak-­sú-­um

A

9–­10

B

9

C

9–­10

D

9–­10

E

9–­10

F

8–­9

G

9–­10

H

9–­10

I

8–­9

aš-­ku-­uk eš-­bi-­ir / ù ši-­ir-­ḫa-­am aš-­ku-­un aš-­ku-­uk eš-­bi-­ir ù še-­er-­ḫa-­am aš-­ /-­ku-­un aš-­ku-­uk eš-­bi-­ir / ù še-­er-­ḫa-­am aš-­ku-­un ˹aš˺-­ku-­uk eš-­bi-­ir / ù še-­er-­ḫa-­am aš-­ku-­˹un˺ aš-­ku-­uk eš-­bi-­ir / ù še-­er-­ḫa-­am aš-­ku-­un aš-­ku-­uk-­˹ma˺ še(sic)-­[x x] / ù še-­er-­ ˹ḫa-­am˺ [aš]-­˹ku˺-­[un] aš-­ku-­uk eš-­bi-­ir / ù še-­er-­ḫa-­am aš-­ku-­un aš-­ku-­uk eš-­bi-­ir / ù še-­er-­ḫa-­am aš-­ku-­un aš-­ku-­uk eš-­bi-­ir / ù še-­er-­ḫa-­am aš-­ku-­un

A B C D E F G H I J

11 10 11 11 11 10 11 11 10 1’

md

A B C D

12 11 12 12

a-­na iš-­˹li˺-­im-­k[i-­nu-­um] a-­na iš-­lim-­ki-­nu-­um a-­na iš-­lim-­ki-­˹nu˺-­um a-­na iš!(zu)-­˹lim-­ki˺-­nu-­um

˹suen˺-­i-­din-­nam ša[bra] md suen-­i-­din-­nam šabra md suen-­i-­din-­nam šabra md suen-­i-­din-­nam šabra md suen-­i-­din-­nam šabra md su[en-­i]-­din-­˹nam˺ šabra md suen-­i-­din-­nam šabra md suen-­i-­din-­nam šabra md suen-­i-­din-­nam šabra m [. . . 

E F G H I J

12 11 12 12 11 2’

a-­na iš-­lim-­ki-­nu-­um a-­na ˹iš-­lim˺-­ki-­nu-­um a-­na iš-­lim-­ki-­nu-­um a-­na iš-­lim-­ki-­nu-­um a-­na iš-­lim-­ki-­nu-­um a-­n[a . . .

A B C D E F G H I J

13 12 13 13 13 12 13 13 12 3’

ù mdsuen-­˹za˺-­ni-­in ù ˹dsuen˺-­za-­ni-­in ù ˹dsuen-­za-­ni˺-­in ù dsuen-­za-­ni-­in ù dsuen-­za-­ni-­in ù dsuen-­za-­ni-­in ù dsuen-­za-­ni-­in ù dsuen-­za-­ni-­in ù dsuen-­za-­ni-­in ù [. . . 

A

14–­15

B

13–­14

C

14

D

14–­15

E

14–­15

F

13

G

14–­15

H

14–­15

I

13

J

4’–­5’

˹iš˺-­pu-­ra-­˹am-­ma˺ / 5 {ras.} apin it-­bu-­nim-­[ma] iš-­pu-­ra-­am-­ma / 5 apin.meš it-­bu-­nim-­ma 0 0 0 0 0 4 apin.gud.ḫi.a it-­bu-­nim-­ma [i]š-­pu-­ra-­am-­ma / [x api]n.meš ˹it˺-­bu-­ni-­im-­m[a] iš-­pu-­ra-­am-­ma / 5 apin.meš ˹it˺-­bu-­nim-­ma iš-­pu-­ra-­am-­ma 5 apin.ḫi.a it-­bu-­ ˹nim-­ma˺ iš-­pu-­ra-­am-­ma / 5 {giš ras.} apin. ḫi.a it-­bu-­nim-­ma iš-­pu-­ra-­am-­ma / 5 gišapin.meš it-­bu-­nim-­ma iš-­pu-­ra-­am-­ma ˹x apin˺.ḫi.a it-­bu-­nim-­/-­ma iš-­[ . . . ]-­ma / [. . . -­n]im-­ma

A

16–­17

B

15–­16

C

15–­16

la i-na-­wi-­ra-­am / še-­er-­ḫa-­am ˹ip˺-­ta-­ar-­[ku] la i-na-­˹wi˺-­ra-­am / še-­er-­ḫ[a-­a]m ip-­˹ta-­ar˺-­ku la i-na-­wi-­ra-­am / še-­er-­ḫa-­am ip-­ta-­ar-­ku

57

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

58

A

6’–­7’

˹la i˺-­na-­wi-­ra-­am / še-­er-­ḫa-­am ip-­ta-­ar-­ku la i-na-­wi-­ra-­am še-­e[r-­ḫa]-­am ip-­ta-­ar-­ku ˹la˺ i-na-­{nam}-­wi-­ra-­am še-­er-­ḫa-­ am i[p-­ta]-­˹ar-­ku˺ la i-na-­wi-­ra-­am / še-­er-­ḫa-­am ip-­ta-­ar-­ku la i-na-­wi-­ra-­am / še-­er-­ḫa-­am ip-­ta-­ar-­ku la i-na-­wi-­ra-­am še-­er-­ḫa-­am / ip-­ ˹ta-­ar˺-­ku [. . . -­a]m / še-­[. . . -­t]a-­ar-­ku

A B C D E F G H I J

18 17 17 18 17 15 18 18 16 8’

ki-­a-­am ta-­aš-­[pu-­r]a-­am ki-­a-­a[m t]a-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am ki-­a-­am ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am ki-­a-­am ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am ki-­a-­am ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am ki-­a-­am ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am ki-­a-­am ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am ki-­a-­am ta-­aš-­pu-­ra-­am ki-­a-­[am ta-­aš]-­pu-­ra-­am ki-­[ . . . ]-­pu-­ra-­am

H

A

19–­20

C

B

18–­19

C

18–­19

D

19

E

18–­19

F G

16 19–­20

H

19–­20

I J

17 9’–­10’

a-­na šar-­ri-­im aq-­bi / [um]-­ma a-na-­ku-­˹ú-­ma˺ a-­˹na˺ [šar-­r]i-­im aq-­bi / [um-­ma a]-­na-­˹ku˺-­ú-­ma a-­na [šar-­r]i-­im aq-­bi / [um]-­ma a-na-­[ku]-­ú-­m[a] a-­na šar-­ri-­im aq-­bi um-­ma a-na-­ku-­ú-­ma a-­na ˹šar˺-­ri-­im aq-­bi-­ma / um-­ma a-na-­ku-­ú-­ma a-­na šar-­ri-­im aq-­bi 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a-­na šar-­ri-­im aq-­bi / um-­ma a-na-­ku-­ú-­ma a-­na šar-­ri-­im aq-­bi / um-­ma a-na-­ku-­ú-­ma a-­na šar-­ri-­im aq-­bi 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 a-­[na] š[ar]-­˹ri-­im aq˺-­bi / [u]m-­˹ma a-na-­ku˺-­[ú-­m]a

D

16–­17

E

16

F

14

G

16–­17

H

16–­17

I

14–­15

J

B C D E F G

I J

A B

D F G H I J

A B C D F G H

21–­r.22 be-­lí iš-­tu mu 10.[kam] / ˹a.šà-­am ta-­di-­na-­am-­ma˺ 20–­21 [be-­lí i]š-­tu ud 10.kam / [a.šà-­am t]a-­di-­nam a-ka-­al r.20–­21 be-­lí iš-­tu mu 10.ka[m] / a.šà-­am ta-­ad-­di-­in-­ma 20 be-­lí iš-­tu mu 10.kam a.šà-­am ta-­ad-­di-­[nam] 20 be-­lí iš-­tu 10.kam (remainder blank) 17–­18 be-­lí iš-­tu mu 10.kam / a.šà-­am ta-­ad-­di-­nam-­ma a-ka-­˹al˺ 21–­22 be-­lí iš-­tu mu 10.kam / a.šà-­am ta-­di-­nam-­ma 21–­22 be-­lí iš-­tu mu 10.kam / a.šà-­am ta-­di-­nam-­ma 18–­19 be-­lí ˹iš-­tu˺ mu 10.kam / a.šà-­am ta-­ad-­di-­nam-­ma a-ka-­al 11’–­12’ [be-­lí] ˹iš-­tu mu 10.kam˺ {diš} / [a.šà]-­˹am ta-­di˺-­nam a-­ka-­al / i-na-­an-­na m˹dsuen-­i-­din-­ nam˺ šab[ra] 22 [i-­na-­an-­n]a ˹mdsuen˺-­i-­din-­nam šabra 22–­23 a-­ka-­al / i-na-­an-­na dsuen-­i-­din-­ nam šabra 21–­22 a-­ka-­al / i-na-­an-­na dsuen-­i-­din-­ nam šabra 19 i-­na-­an-­na mdsuen-­i-­din-­nam šab[ra] 23–­r.24 a-­ka-­al / ˹i˺-­na-­an-­na mdsuen-­i-­din-­ nam šabra r.23–­24 a-­ka-­al / ˹i˺-­na-­an-­na mdsuen-­i-­din-­ nam šabra 20 ˹i-­na-­an-­na mdsuen-­i-­din-­nam šabra˺ a-­ka-­al / i-na-­an-­na dsuen-­i-­din-­ r.1–­2 šabra 23–­24

25 23 24 23 20 25 25

a.šà-­li i-­˹te-­ek˺-­ma-­an-­ni [x x-l]i i-te-­ek-­ma-­an-­ni eq-­li i-te-­[ek]-­ma-­an-­ni a.šà-­li ˹i˺-­te-­ek-­ma-­an-­ni eq-­li i-te-­ek-­ma-­an-­ni eq-­li i-te-­ek-­ma-­˹an˺-­ni eq-­li i-te-­ek-­ma-­˹an˺-­ni



S c o r e Tr a n s l i t e r a t i o n s o f N o s. 1 – ­7 a n d 1 1

I J

21 3

˹eq-­li i-te-­ek-­ma-­an-­ni˺ eq-­li i-­-­ik-­ma-­an-­ni

A B C D F G H I J

26 24 25 24 21 26 26 22 4

iš-­su-­ni-­iš-­šu-­ú-­ma [x x]-­ni-­šu-­ú-­ma iš-­sú-­ni-­-­ú-­ma uš(sic)-­su-­ni-­šu-­ma iš-­su-­ni-­šu-­ú-­ma iš-­su-­ni-­iš-­šu-­ú-­ma i-­su-­ni-­šu-­ú-­ma x x x x x x x-ma is-­sú-­ni-­iš-­šu-­ú-­ma

A B C D F G H I J

27 25 26 25 22 27 27 23 5

ù-­ba-­an ˹šar-­ri-­im˺ iṣ-­ṣa-­ba-­at [ú-­ba]-­an šar-­ri-­im iṣ-­˹ba-­at˺ ú-­ba-­an ˹šar-­ri-­im˺ iṣ-­ba-­at ˹ú-­ba-­an˺ [šar]-­ri-­im iṣ-­ṣa-­ba-­at ú-­ba-­an šar-­ri-­im iṣ-­ba-­at ú-­ba-­an šar-­ri-­im iṣ-­ṣa-­ba-­at ú-­ba-­an šar-­ri-­im iṣ-­ṣa-­ba-­at x x x x x x x-im iṣ-­ba-­at ù-­ba-­an šar-­ri-­im aṣ-­ṣa-­ba-­at

A

28–­30

B C D F G H I J

26 27–­28 r.26 r.23 28–­29 28 r.24 6–­8

a-­nu-­um-­ma / mdutu-­˹ki-­ma-­ì-­lí-­ia˺ / 2 ˹aga.ús sag.gá˺.ni [a-­nu-­um-­m]a 2 aga.ús sag.[x (x)] a-­nu-­um-­˹ma˺ / 2 ˹aga.ús˺ sag.gá.ni illegible [x x]-­um-­ma 2 aga.ús sag.gá.ni a-­[nu-­u]m-­ma / 2 [x x sa]g.gá.ni a-­nu-­um-­ma ˹2˺ aga.ús sag.gá.ni x x x x x x x x x x x.ni a-­nu-­um-­ma / mdutu-­ki-­ma-­ì-­lí-­ia / 2 aga.ús ka.giš.ni

A

31–­32

B C D F

a-­n[a wa]-­a[r-­ka-­t]i-­˹im pa-­ra˺-­sí-­in / it-­la-­[ku]-­nim r.27–­28 ˹a˺-­na wa-­ar-­k[a-­ti-­im] / [p]a-­ra-­sí-­im i[t-­x x x x] 29–­30 a-­na ˹wa-­ar˺-­ka-­tim pa-­ra-­sí-­im / it-­˹ta-­al-­kam(sic)˺-­nim 27 illegible 24–­25 [a-­n]a wa-­ar-­ka-­tim pa-­ra-­sí / it-­ta-­al-­ku-­nim

59

a-­na ˹wa˺-­ar-­ka-­tim pa-­ra-­sí-­im / it-­ta-­al-­ku-­nim a-­na wa-­ar-­ka-­tim pa-­ra-­sí-­im / it-­ta-­al-­ku-­nim illegible a-­na wa-­ar-­ka-­ti-­im pa-­ra-­sí-­im / it-­ta-­al-­ku-­nim

G

30–­31

H

29–­30

I J

25–­26 9–­10

A B C D F G H I J

33 29 31 28 26 32 31 27 11

˹it-­ti˺-­[ . . . ]-­ki-­ma-­ì-­lí-­ia [i]t-­ti-­šu-­nu mdutu-­k[i-­x x x x] it-­ti-­-­nu mdutu-­ki-­ma-­ì-­lí-­a [i]t-­˹ti˺-­šu-­nu m[dut]u-­ki-­m[a-­x x x] it-­ti-­šu-­nu mdutu-­ki-­ma-­ì-­lí-­a it-­ti-­šu-­nu mdutu-­ki-­ma-­ì-­lí-­ia it-­ti-­šu-­nu mdutu-­ki-­ma-­ì-­lí-­a illegible it-­ti-­šu-­nu dutu-­ki-­ma-­ì-­lí-­ia

A B C

34 30 32

D F G H I J

29 27 33 32–­33 28 12–­13

a-­na ṣe-­[ . . . ]-­ṭa-­ar-­dam a-­na ṣe-­ri-­ka aṭ-­ṭa-­a[r-­da]m a-­na {x} ṣe-­ri-­i-­ka it-­ta-­al-­ku-­la? (= ittallakkum) [a]-­˹na ṣe-­ri˺-­[ka a]ṭ-­ṭa-­a[r-­dam] a-­na ṣe-­ri-­i-­ka aṭ-­ṭa-­ar-­dam a-­na ṣe-­ri-­i-­ka aṭ-­ṭa-­ar-­dam a-­na ṣe-­ri-­i-­ka / aṭ-­ṭa-­ar-­dam a-­na . . . a-­na ṣe-­ri-­i-­ka {aṭ-­da-­am} / [a]ṭ-­ṭa-­ar-­dam

A B C D F G H I J

35 31 33 30 28 34 34 29 14

˹a.šà-­am ma-­la [pa-­ar]-­ku a.šà-­am ma-­la pa-­ar-­ku a.šà-­am ma-­la pa-­ar-­ku [a].šà ma-­˹la˺ pa-­ri-­[ku] a.šà-­am ma-­la pa-­ar-­ku a.šà-­am ma-­˹la˺ pa-­ar-­˹ku˺ a.šà-­am ma-­la pa-­ar-­ku a.šà-­am ma-­ . . . [a.šà]-­am ma-­la pa-­ar-­ku

A B C D

om. 32 34 31

ku-­li-­ma-­šu-­nu-­ti-­i-­ma ku-­li-­ma-­šu-­nu-­ti-­i-­ma ˹ku˺-­li-­ma-­šu-­nu-­{i}-­ti-­ma

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

60

F G H I J A B C D F G H I J

29 35 35 30 15

ku-­˹li˺-­ma-­šu-­nu-­ti ku-­li-­ma-­aš-­šu-­nu-­ti-­˹ma˺ ku-­li-­ma-­šu-­nu-­ti-­ma ˹ku-­li-­ma-­šu-­nu-­ti˺ [ku-­l]i-­ma-­aš-­šu-­nu-­-­ma

la i-bi-­[it-­tu]-­ni / ù at-­[ta it-­t]i-­˹šu˺-­nu 33–­34 la i-bi-­it-­tu-­nim / ù at-­ta it-­ti-­šu-­nu 35–­36 la i-bi-­tu-­nim / ù at-­ta ˹it-­ti-­šu˺-­nu 32–­33 ˹la˺ i-bi-­tu-­{ni}-­nim / ù at-­ta it-­ti-­[šu-­n]u 30 la i-bi-­it-­t[u]-­nim ù at-­ta it-­ti-­šu-­nu 36–­37 la i-bi-­it-­tu-­nim / ù at-­ta it-­ti-­šu-­nu 36–­37 la i-bi-­tu-­nim / ù at-­ta it-­ti-­šu-­nu 31 la . . . 16–­17a [la i-b]i-­it-­tu-­nu-­um? / [ù at-­ta i]t-­ti-­-­nu

G H I J

40 40 34 19

it-­ti-­[šu] li-­˹di˺-­in it-­ti-­šu li-­di-­in ˹it-­ti-­šu li-­di-­in˺ [. . . l]i-­di-­in

D

37

md

suen-­[ . . . ]

36–­37

A B C D F G H I J

38 35 37 34 31 38 38 32 17b

la [t]u-­ḫa-­[ra]-­am la tu-­ḫa-­ra-­am la tu-­ḫa-­˹ra-­am˺ la tu-­ḫa!-­˹ra˺-­[am] la tu-­úḫ-­ḫa-­ra-­am la tu-­úḫ-­ḫa-­ra-­am la tu-­úḫ-­ḫa-­ra-­am la tu-­ . . . la tu-­ḫa-­ra-­[am]

A B C D F G H I J

39 36 38 35 32 39 39 33 18

[a]-­na ni-­˹ši-­šu šar-­ru˺-­um a-­na ni-­ši-­šu ˹šar˺-­ru-­um? a-­na ni-­ši-­˹šu šar-­ru˺-­um a-­na ši-­ni-­šu x[ x x x] (sic) a-­na ni-­ši-­šu šar-­ru-­um a-­na ni-­ši-­[šu] šar-­ru-­um a-­na ni-­ši-­šu šar-­ru-­um a-­na ˹ni-­ši-­šu ša-­ru-­um˺ [. . . ša]r-­˹ru˺-­um

A B C D F

40 37 39 36 33

it-­ti-­šu ˹li-­di˺-­in it-­ti-­šu li-­di-­in it-­ti-­šu li-­di!-­i[n] it-­ti-­šu-­nu l[i-­x x] it-­ti-­šu li-­˹di˺-­in

No. 2: “Give the Field Back!” Sundry Correspondents Siglum

MS

Siglum

MS

H I J K L

2776/32 3527 3567 3586 3591/1

M N O P Q

3599 3648 3755 3609 3679

The text of MSS A–­G is fully edited by Michalowski 1983, 223–­25 and is not repeated here. H I J M N O P Q

1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

[a-­n]a ì-lí-­˹uru4?˺1 a-­na i-gi4-­g[i4]2 [a-­n]a ˹im-­gur-­dutu˺ ˹a-­na˺ ds[uen-­mu-­uš-­ta-­a-­al] [a-­na] dsuen-­mu-­[uš-­ta-­a-­al] [a-­na] dsuen-­mu-­uš-­˹ta-­a˺-­al a-­na a-ḫu-­la-­ap-­[dutu] a-­na [x x x x-d]utu

H I J K M N O P Q

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2 2

˹qí˺-­bí-­[m]a qí-­bí-­ma [qí]-­bí-­ma [qí]-­˹bí˺-­ma qí-­b[í-­ma] ˹qí˺-­bí-­m[a] [qí]-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma qí-­b[í-­ma]

1 Suggestion of Z. Földi. 2 This unusual personal name occurs also as a patronym in a seal impression on YOS VIII 41–­42 (Rīm-­Sîn).



S c o r e Tr a n s l i t e r a t i o n s o f N o s. 1 – ­7 a n d 1 1

J K

7 8–­9

3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3

um-­ma dsuen-­mu-­ša!(tablet: ta)-­[lim]-­ma um-­ma dsuen-­apin ˹um-­ma˺ li-­pí-­it-­dsuen-­ma [um]-­ma dsuen-­i-­din!-­nam-­ma um-­ma ˹lú˺-­[dnin-­urta-­ma] um-­ma lú-­dn[in-­urta-­ma] um-­ma lú-­dnin-­urta-­ma um-­ma dsuen-­e-­mu-­qí-­ma um-­ma ds[uen-­x x x-ma]

L M N O P

1’ 7–­8 7–­8 7–­8 7–­8

Q

7–­8

H I J K M N O P Q

4 4 4 4–­5 4 4 4 4 4

utu li-­ba-­al-­l[i-­iṭ-­k]a utu li-­ba-­al-­li-­iṭ-­ka d utu li-­ba-­al-­li-­iṭ-­ka [d]utu aš-­šum-­ia / li-­ba-­al-­li-­iṭ-­ka d utu li-­ba-­lí-­˹iṭ-­ka˺ d utu li-­ba-­lí-­[iṭ-­ka] d utu li-­ba-­lí-­iṭ-­ka d utu li-­ba-­al-­li-­iṭ-­ka d ˹utu˺ l[i-­ba-­al]-­li-­[iṭ-­ka]

H I J K

8 9–­10 8 10–­11

H I J K M N O P Q

5 5 5 6 5 5 5 5 5

aš-­šum a.[šà-­(li)]-­im aš-­šum a.šà-­li-­im aš-­šum a.šà-­lim aš-­šum a.šà-­li-­im aš-­šum a.šà-­im aš-­šum a.šà-­i[m] aš-­šum a.šà-­im aš-­šum a.šà!-­li-­im aš-­šum a.šà-­li-­im

L M N O P Q

2’–­3’ 9–­10 9–­10 9–­10 9–­10 9–­10

H I J

9 11 9–­10

H I J K M N O P Q

6 6 6 7 6 6 6 6 6

ša! (tablet: ta) i-d[in 0]-­˹d˺iškur ša ì-lí-­a-­a-­ba-­aš ša dutu-­dingir te-­e-­ki-­mu-­ú-­ma ša dsuen-­re-­me-­ni ša dsuen-­dingir ša dsuen-­dingir ša dsuen-­dingir ša mdsuen-­i-­ri-­ba-­am ša mdsuen-­i-­ri-­b[a-­am]

K L M N O P Q

12 4’ 11 11 11 11 11

H

10

H

3

I J K M N O P Q

H I

7 7–­8

d d

te-­ki!-­mu-­[ma a-na ]x-­bi-­˹x-­la˺ te-­ki-­mu-­ú-­ma / a-na dsuen-­ma-­ gir14(ḫa)

61

a-­na dutu-­˹i˺-­in-­˹ma˺-­tim te-­e-­ki-­mu-­ú-­ma / a-na dsuen-­˹ú-­ sé˺-­li ˹a-­na ì-lí-­˹x˺ [(x)] te-­ki-­mu-­ú-­ma / a-na ša-­ni-­im te-­ki-­mu-­ú-­šu / a-na ša-­ni-­im te-­ki-­mu-­ú-­ma / a-na ša-­ni-­im te-­ki-­˹mu˺-­ma / a-na ˹dsuen-­ mu˺-­ba-­lí-­iṭ te-­˹ki-­mu-­ú˺-­ma / illegible ta-­ad-­di-­[nu-­(ú) m]i-­din-­diškur ta-­di-­nu-­ma / mì-­lí-­a-­a-­ba-­aš ta-­[di-­nu dutu-­dingir] ta-­ad-­˹di˺-­nu!-­{um} / md suen-­re-­me-­n[i] ta-­ad-­di-­n[u] / mdsuen-­i-­ri-­ba-­am ta-­di-­nu-­ma / mdsuen-­dingir ta-­di-­nu-­ma / mdsuen-­dingir te(sic!)-­di-­nu-­ma / mdsuen-­dingir ta-­ad-­di-­nu-­ú / m˹dsuen-­i-­ri-­ba˺-­am [ta]-­ad-­[di-­nu]-­ú-­ma / [mdsuen-­i-­ri-­ba]-­am šar-­ra-­am im-­[ḫu-­u]r-­ma šar-­ra-­am im-­ḫu-­ur-­ma a-­na d[i-­nim?1 š]ar-­ra-­am / im-­ḫu-­ur-­ma ˹šar-­ru˺-­um im-­ḫu-­u[r-­ma] šar-­ra-­am im-­ḫu-­ur-­ma šar-­ra-­am im-­ḫu-­ur-­ma šar-­ra-­am im-­ḫu-­ur-­ma šar-­ra-­am im-­ḫu-­ur-­ma šar-­ra-­am ˹im-­ḫu-­ur-­ma˺ šar-­ra-­am im-­ḫu-­ur-­ma šar-­ru-­um re-­di-­a-­˹am˺ it-­ta!(tablet:

ša)-­di-­šu

I

12–­13

J K

12 13–­14

šar-­ru-­um re-­di-­a-­am / uš/it!-­ta-­di-­šu-­nu-­a (sic) [šar-­r]u-­um aga.ú[s i]t-­ta-­di-­iš-­š[um] šar-­ru-­ú-­um / re-­di i-ta-­di-­šu-­[um]

1 Suggestion of Z. Földi.

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

62

L M

5’–­6’ 12

N O P

12 12 12–­13

Q

12–­14

H

11–­12

I J K L M N O P Q

H I J K L M N O P Q

J J J

šar-­ru-­um re-­di-­a-­am / it-­ta-­di-­iš-­šum šar-­ru-­um re-­di!(tablet: im)-­a-­am ˹it-­ta-­di˺-­šum šar-­ru-­um re-­x x it-­ta-­di-­šum šar-­ru-­um re-­di-­am it-­ta-­di-­šum šar-­ru-­um r[e-­d]i-­a-­am / it-­ta-­di-­[iš]-­šum illegible

ḫu-­mu-­uṭ la-­ma re-­di šar-­ri-­im / ik-­šu-­˹da˺-­ak-­ka 14 ḫu-­mu-­uṭ la-­ma šar-­ri-­im ik-­šu-­da?-­ka-­/-­a 12 [ḫu-­m]u-­uṭ la-­a-­ma re-­di-­i / [ik]-­šu-­[da]-­ka 15–­16 ḫu-­mi la-­ma re-­[x x] / ik-­šu-­da-­uk-­k[a] 7’–­8’ ḫu-­mu-­uṭ la-­ma re-­˹di šar˺-­ri-­im / ik-­šu-­da-­ak-­ka 13–­14 ḫu-­mu-­uṭ la!-­ma re-­˹di? ša? šar˺-­ri-­i[m] / ik-­šu-­da-­ka 13–­14 ḫu-­mu-­uṭ la-­ma re-­ šar-­ri-­im / ik-­šu-­da-­ka 13–­14 ḫu-­mu-­{ṭi}-­uṭ la-­ma re-­ šar-­ri-­im / ik-­šu-­da-­ka 14–­15 ḫu-­mu-­uṭ [la-­ma] / re-­di šar-­ri-­im [x x x x] r.15–­17 illegible / [la]-­ma re-­di šar-­[ri-­im] / ik-­šu-­[da-­a]k-­ka 13 15–­r.16 13–­14 17–­18 r.9’–­10’ 15 15 15 16 18–­20

15 16 17

a.šà-­lam a-na be-­el-­šu [te]-­˹e˺-­er a.šà a-na be-­li-­šu-­nu / te-­e-­er [a.šà] a-na bé-­li-­šu / [te-­e]-­er x-­la [ . . . ] / [te-­e]-­er a.šà-­lam a-na bé-­li-­šu-­nu? / te-­e-­er a.šà-­am a-­ be-­li-­0 0 0-­in (sic) a.šà a-na be-­li-­šu te-­er a.šà a-na be-­li-­šu te!-­er a.˹šà˺-­[lam . . . a.šà-­lam / a-na be-­li-­šu-­˹nu?˺ / te-­e-­[er] [. . . -­n]a bé-­li-­šu-­ú-­ma te-­er [ . . . ] a-na ra-­ma-­ni-­i-­ka [. . .   . . .]x

Q

21

re-­di šar-­ri-­[im]

P Q

r.1’ 22

x[. . .  i-­ka-­ša-­da-­[ak-­ka-­ma]

P Q

2’ 23

˹ar˺-­[. . .  ar-­nam ka-­ab-­ta-­am

P Q

3’ 24

i-­[. . .  i-­mi-­id-­[ka]

H I K L M N O P Q

14 17 19 11’ 16 16 16 4’ 25

ap-­pu-­tum ap-­pu-­/-­tum [a]p-­pu-­tum ap-­pu-­tum ap-­pu-­tum ap-­pu-­tum ap-­pu-­tum ap-­pu-­[tum] ap-­pu-­˹tum˺

Q upper edge: 12

No. 3: Variant of “Give the Field Back!”Warad-­ Amurrum’s Letter to Ibbi-­Šaḫan Siglum

MS

A B

3529 3727

A B

1 1

[a]-­˹na˺ [i-­b]i-­dšà-­ḫa-­an [a]-­˹na˺ i-bi-­dšà-­ḫa-­an

A B

2 2

[qí]-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma

A B

3 3

[um-­ma] ìr-­dmar.dú-­ma um-­ma ìr-­dmar.dú-­ma

A B

4 4

m

[0] dsuen-­i-­ri-­ba-­am md suen-­i-­ri-­ba-­am



S c o r e Tr a n s l i t e r a t i o n s o f N o s. 1 – ­7 a n d 1 1

A B

5 5

aš-­š[um] eq-­li-­[šu] aš-­šum eq-­li-­šu

A B

18 18

ku-­nu-­uk-­ki an-­ni-­a-­am ˹ku-­nu-­uk˺-­ki an-­ni-­a-­am

A B

6 6

a-­na šar-­ri-­[im] a-­na šar-­ri-­im

A B

19 19

i-­na a-ma-­ri-­i-­ka [i-­na a]-­ma-­ri-­˹ka˺

A B

7 7

ma-­ḫa-­ri-­˹im˺ ma-­ḫa-­ri-­im

A B

r.20–­21 a-­na eq-­li-­š[u] / ma-­am-­ma-­an 20 [a-­na eq]-­li-­šu ma-­am-­˹ma-­an˺

A B

8 8

iz-­za-­az-­˹ma˺ iz-­za-­az-­ma

A B

22 r.21

la i-ṭe4-­[(eḫ)]-­ḫe [l]a i-ṭe4-­eḫ-­ḫe

A B

9 9

a-­na-­ku uš-­ta-­di-­š[u] a-­na-­ku uš-­ta-­di-­šu

A B

23 22

as-­sú-­ur-­ri [ša]r-­[r]a-­am [a]s-­sú-­ri ˹šar-­ra˺-­am

A B

10 10

a-­wi-­lum a.šà-­am iš-­tu mu [x.kam] a-­wi-­lum a.šà-­am iš-­tu mu 10.kam!

A B

24 23

ú-­la-­am-­ma-­˹ad˺-­[0]-­ma ˹lu/ú˺-­ul-­ma-­ad-­ma

A B

11 11

ṣa-­bi-­[it] ṣa-­bi-­it

A B

25 24

a-­na ṣe-­er [l]i-­ba-­ti-­i-­ka a-­na ṣe-­er li-­ba-­ti-­ka

A B

12 12

ù i-na tu-­˹up˺-­pi-­[im] ù i-na tu-­up-­pí-­im

A B

26 25

la ma-­lu-­ú la ma-­lu-­ú

A B

13 13

ša pi-­il-­ka-­t[im] ša pi-­il-­ka-­-­im

A B

27–­28 26

a-­na ˹uz˺-­zi-­im / i-­˹ta-­ar˺-­ku-­um a-­na ˹ru?˺-­zi-­im i-­˹ta˺-­ar-­ku-­um

A B

14 14

šum-­šu ša-­ṭe4-­er šum-­šu ša-­ṭe4-­er

A B

29 27–­28

a-­wa-­˹at-­ka˺ eš-­me-­e-­ma a-­wa-­at-­ka / eš-­me-­e-­ma

A B

15 15

˹am˺-­mi-­ni e-qé-­el-­šu am-­mi-­ni a.šà-­šu

A B

30 29

aš-­pu-­ra-­ku-­um aš-­pu-­ra-­ku-­um

A B

16 16

te-­ki-­im-­šu te-­ki-­im-­šu

A B

31 31

a-­na ˹wa-­ar˺-­ki-­a-­tim a-­na wa-­ar-­ki-­a-­tim

A B

17 17

ap-­pu-­tum ap-­pu-­tum

A B

32 32

la ta-­[x x]-­ta-­an-­ni la ta-­ṣa-­ba-­ta-­an-­ni

63

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

64

No. 4: “Your Watch Should Be Strict!” Lu-­Ninurta’s Letter to Ḫāzirum Siglum

MS

Siglum

MS

A B C

2749 3539 3713

D E F

3726 3741 3787

A B C D E F

1 1 1 1 1 1

a-­na ḫa-­zi-­ru-­um a-­na ḫa-­zi-­ru-­um ˹a˺-­[na] ḫa-­zi-­ru-­um a-­na ḫa-­zi-­rum a-­na ḫa-­zi-­ru-­um a-­na ḫa-­zi-­ru-­um

A B C D E F

2 2 2 2 2 2

qí-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma

A B C D E F

3 3 3 3 3 3

um-­ma lú-­dnin-­urta-­ma um-­ma lú-­dnin-­urta-­ma um-­ma lú-­dnin-­urta-­ma um-­ma lú-­dnin-­urta-­ma um-­ma lú-­dnin-­urta-­ma um-­ma lú-­dnin-­urta-­ma

A B C D E F

4 4 4 4 4 4

d

A B C D E F

5 5 5 5 5 5

aš-­šum a-wa-­tim aš-­šum a-wa-­tim aš-­šum a-wa-­tim aš-­šum a-wa-­tim aš-­šum a-wa-­tim aš-­šum a-wa-­tim

utu li-­ba-­lí-­iṭ-­ka utu li-­ba-­lí-­iṭ-­ka d utu li-­ba-­lí-­iṭ-­ka d utu li-­ba-­lí-­iṭ-­ka d utu li-­ba-­al-­li-­-­ka d utu li-­ba-­lí-­iṭ-­ka d

A B C D E F

6 6 6 6 6 6

ša lú.maš-­kán-­šabraki.meš ša lú.maš-­kán-­šabraki.meš ša lú.maš-­kán-­šabrameš ša lú-­maš-­kán-­šabrameš.ki ša lú maš-­kán-­šabraki.meš ša lú.maš-­kán-­šabrameš

A B C D E F

7 7 7 7 7 7

ša i-na zar-­bil-­lumki ˹ša i˺-­na zar-­bil-­lumki ša i-na zar-­bil-­lumki ša i-na sum-­bil-­lumki ša i-na sum-­bil-­lumki ša i-na zar-­bil-­lumki

A B C D E F

8 8 8 8 8 8

ta-­aq-­bi-­a-­am ˹ta˺-­aq-­bi-­a-­am ta-­aq-­bi-­a-­am ta-­aq-­bi-­a-­am ta-­aq-­bi-­a-­am ta-­aq-­bi-­a-­am

A B C D E F

9 9 9 9 9a 9

um-­ma at-­ta-­ma [um-­ma] at-­ta-­a-­ma um-­ma at-­ta-­ma um-­ma at-­ta-­a-­ma um-­ma at-­-­a-­ma um-­ma at-­ta-­a-­ma

A B C D E F

10 10 10 10 9b 10

érin.ḫi.a ka-­lu-­šu [x x k]a-­˹lu-­šu˺ érin!.ḫi.a ka-­lu-­šu érin.ḫi.a ka-­lu-­šu érin.te.a ka-­lu-­šu [x x].a ka-­lu-­šu

A B C D E F

11 11 11 11 10a 11

ša ma-­aḫ-­ri-­i-­ia [x x-a]ḫ-­ri-­i-­a ša ma-­aḫ-­ri-­ia ša maḫ-­ri-­i-­a ša ma-­aḫ-­ri-­ia ˹ša ma˺-­-­ri-­i-­a



S c o r e Tr a n s l i t e r a t i o n s o f N o s. 1 – ­7 a n d 1 1

A B C D E F

12 12 12 12 10b 12

id-­di-­an-­ni-­ma ˹id˺-­di-­an-­ni-­ma id-­di-­an-­ni-­ma id-­di-­an-­ni-­ma i-­di-­-­ni-­i-­ma ˹id-­di˺-­an-­ni-­ma

A B C D E F

13 13 13 13 11a 13

a-­na ud.unugki a-­na ud.unugki a-­na ud.unugki a-­na ud.unugki a-­na ud.unugki ˹a-­na˺ ud.unugki

A B C D E F

14 14 14 14 11b 14

a-­na wa-­ar-­ki ru-­bé-­e a-­na wa-­ar-­ki ru-­ub-­bé-­e a-­na wa-­ar-­ki ru-­bé-­e a-­na wa-­ar-­ki ru-­ub-­bé-­e a-­na wa-­ar-­ki ru-­bé-­e ˹a-­na˺ wa-­ar-­ki ru-­x-­bé

A B C D E F

15 15 15 15 12 15

it-­ta-­al-­kam! it-­ta-­al-­˹kam˺ it-­ta-­al-­kam it-­ta-­al-­kam it-­ta-­al-­ka-­am ˹it-­ta-­al˺-­kam

A B C D E F

16 16 16 16 13 16

a-­na šar-­ri-­im aq-­bi-­i-­ma a-­na ša[r-­r]i-­im aq-­bi-­ma a-­na šar-­ri-­im aq-­bi-­ma ˹a˺-­[na šar]-­˹ri-­im aq˺-­bi-­i-­ma a-­na šar-­ri-­im aq-­bi-­i-­ma ˹a-­na šar-­ri-­im aq˺-­bi-­i-­ma

A B C D E F

17 17 17 17 14 17

šar-­ru-­um li-­ba-­tim im-­ta-­l[a] šar-­ru-­um li-­ib-­ba-­tim im-­ta-­la šar-­ru-­um li-­ba-­tim im-­ta-­la [. . .   . . . i]m-­ta-­la šar-­ru-­um li-­ba-­ti-­im im-­ta-­la šar-­[. . .  . . .] ˹im˺-­ta-­la

A B

18 18

um-­ma šar-­ru-­um-­ma um-­ma šar-­ru-­um-­ma

C D E F

18 18 15 19

um-­ma šar-­ru-­ma [. . .   . . .]-­ma um-­ma šar-­ru-­um-­ma um-­[ . . . ]-­˹um-­ma˺

A B C E F

19 19 19 r.16 19

aš-­šum la-­ma-­sí-­im an-­ni-­tim aš-­šum la!-­ma-­sí an-­ni-­tim aš-­šum la-­ma-­sí an-­ni-­tim aš-­šum la-­ma-­sí-­im an-­ni-­tim aš-­˹šum˺ [x x x a]n-­ni-­tim

A B C E F

20 20 20 17 20

ša it-­ti ḫa-­zi-­ru-­um ša it-­ti mḫa-­zi-­ru-­um ša it-­ti ḫa-­zi-­ru-­um ša it-­ti mḫa-­zi-­ru-­um ša it-­ti ˹ḫa-­zi˺-­ru-­um

A B C E

r.21 21 21 18–­19

F

21

Surface destroyed from here on i-­na re-­eš a.šà-­li-­im la wa-­aš-­bu i-­na re-­eš eq-­li-­im la aš-­bu i-­na re-­eš e-­-­li-­im / la wa-­aš-­ bu (ends here) i-­na re-­˹eš eq-­li-­im˹ la wa-­aš-­bu

B C F

22 r.22 r.22

a.šà-­šu e-ki-­im-­šu [x x]-­˹šu˺ e-ki-­im-­šu Illegible from here on, 13 ll.

B C

23 23

ù ša ip-­ri-­im ip-­ra-­am! ù ša i[p-­x x] ip-­ra-­am

B C

24 24

ú-­ul a-na-­di-­iš-­šum ú-­ul a-na-­di-­šum

B C

25 25

˹na˺-­gi-­ru-­um iš!-­si-­˹ma˺ na-­[a]-­gi-­ru-­um iš-­si-­ma

B C

r.26 26

érin.ḫi.a ka-­lu-­šu a-na ṣe-­ri-­i-­ka é[rin x x x-l]u-­šu a-na ṣe-­ri-­i-­ka

B C

27 27

ig-­da-­am-­ra-­am i[g-­da-­am]-­ra-­am

65

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

66

B C

28 28

ḫu-­du li-­ib-­ba-­ka lu ṭa-­a-­ab ḫ[u-­du l]i-­ib-­ba-­ka lu ṭa-­a-­ab

B C

29 29–­30

a-­na wa-­ar-­ka-­ti-­ka pa-­ra-­sí-­im a-­[na wa-­a]r-­ka-­ti-­ka / pa-­[ x]-­˹x˺-­ṣi

B C

30 31

i-­la-­ku-­nim [x]-­˹la˺-­ku-­nim

B C D

31 32 r.1’

ap-­pu-­tum ap-­pu-­tum ˹ap-­pu˺-­[tum]

B C D

32 33 2’

a-­na a-li-­im ù ḫa-­al-­ṣi a-­na a-li-­im ˹ú ḫa˺-­-­ṣi la te-­e-­g[e]

B C D

33 34 3’

la te-­e-­ge4 la te-­e-­ge a-­na a-li-­im ù ḫa-­al-­ṣi

B

34–­35

C D

35 4’

ma-­ṣa-­˹ar˺-­ta-­ka / lu du-­˹un˺-­nu-­na-­ at ma-­ṣa-­ar-­ta-­ka lu du-­nu-­na-­at ma-­ṣa-­ar-­ta-­ša lu du-­nu-­na-­at

No. 5: “Open the Granary!” Ur-­Zababa’s Letter to Ṣillī-­Šamaš Siglum

MS

A B C

2748 3688 3747

A B C

1 1 1

a-­na ṣi-­lí!(tablet: ir)-­dutu a-­na ˹ṣi-­lí˺-­dutu a-­na ṣi-­lí-­du[tu]

A B C

2 2 2

qí-­bí-­ma qí-­˹bí˺-­ma qí-­bí-­ma

A B C

3 3 3

um-­ma ur-­dza-­ba4-­ba4-­ma um-­ma ur-­dza-­ba4-­ba4-­ma um-­ma ur-­dza-­ba4-­ba4-­m[a]

A B C

4 4 4

a-­nu-­um-­ma a-­nu-­um-­ma a-­nu-­um-­ma

A B C

5 5 5

m

A B C

6 6 6

a-­na ṣe-­ri-­ka a-­na ṣe-­ri-­ka a-­na ṣe-­ri-­i-­ka

A B C

7 7 7

aṭ-­ṭá-­ar-­dam aṭ-­ṭá-­ar-­dam aṭ-­ṭá-­ar!-­dam

A B C

8 8 8

ap-­pu-­tum ap-­pu-­tum ap-­pu-­tum

A B C

9 9 9

ku-­nu-­uk-­ki an-­ni-­a-­am ku-­nu-­uk-­ki an-­ni-­a-­am ku-­nu-­uk-­ki an-­ni-­a-­am

A B C

10 10 10

i-­na a-ma-­ri-­ka i-­na a-ma-­ri-­ka i-­na a-ma-­ri-­ka

A B C

11 11 11

na-­aš-­pa-­ka-­am a-ḫi-­a-­am na-­aš-­pa-­ka-­[am] ˹a˺-­ḫi-­a-­am na-­aš-­pa-­˹ka˺-­[am] a-ḫi-­a-­am

A B C

12 12 12

ša 3 šu-­ši gur ša 3 šu-­ši gur ša!(tablet: id) 3 ˹šu˺-­ši gur

A

13

at-­ta ù šu-­ú

a-­pil-­dda-­mu a-­pil-­dda-­mu m a-­pil-­dda-­mu m



S c o r e Tr a n s l i t e r a t i o n s o f N o s. 1 – ­7 a n d 1 1

67

A B C

14 13 13

pi-­te-­a-­am pi-­te-­a-­ma pi-­te-­a-­ma

A B C

25 23 24

˹ù˺ ma-­pil-­dda-­mu ù a-pil-­dda-­mu ù ma-­pil-­dda-­mu

A B C

15 14 14

8.0.0 gur še.ba engar 8.0.0 gur še.ba engar 8.0.0 gur še.ba engar

A B C

26 24 25

ša-­ni-­a-­am u4-­um-­šu ša-­ni-­a-­am u4-­um-­šu ša-­ni-­a-­˹am˺ u4-­um-­šu

A B C

16 15 15

18.0.0 gur še.ba 3 érin šà.gud 18.0.0 gur še.ba 3 šà.gud 18.0.0 gur še.ba 3 érin šà.gud

A B C

27 25 26

maḫ-­ri-­ka la i-bi-­it-­tam maḫ-­ri-­ka la i-bi-­tam maḫ-­ri-­[ka] la i-bi-­it-­tam

A B C

17 16 16

32.0.0 gur še.ba érin lúmá.tur 32.0.0 gur še.ba 4 lúmá.tur 32.0.0 gur še.ba 4 érin lúmá.tur

A B C

28 26 27

ṭù-­ur-­da-­aš-­šu ṭù-­ur-­da-­aš-­šu ṭù-­˹ur˺-­da-­aš-­šu

A B C

18 17 17

8.0.0 gur še.ba sipa u8!.udu.[ḫ]i.a 8.0.0 gur še.ba sipa u8.udu.ḫi.a 7.0.0 gur še.ba sipa u8.udu.ḫi.a

A B C

29 27 28–­29

an-­ni-­ki-­a-­am ši-­ip-­ru-­um na-­di an-­ni-­ki-­a-­am ši-­ip-­ru-­um na-­di an-­ni-­ki-­a-­am / ši-­ip-­˹ru-­um˺ na-­di

A B C

19 18 18

7.1.0 gur še.ba sipa gud.ḫi.a 8.0.0 gur še.ba sipa gud.ḫi.a 7.0.0 gur še.ba sipa gud.ḫi.a

A B C

30 28 30

la ta-­ka-­al-­la-­aš-­šu la ta-­ka-­la-­aš-­šu la ta-­˹ka˺-­la-­aš-­šu

A B C

20 19 r.19

[i]d-­na-­a-­ma ˹id˺-­-­a-­ma id-­na-­a-­ma

A B C

31 29 31

ap-­pu-­tum ap-­pu-­tum ap-­pu-­tum

A B C

21 r.19 20

[š]a-­pe-­el-­tam šu-­un-­ni-­a-­ma ˹ša-­pe-­el-­tam˺ šu-­-­a-­ma ša-­pe-­el-­tam šu-­ni-­a-­ma

A B C

r.22 20 21

[a-­na] šà.gal gud.ḫi.˹a˺ a-­na šà.gal gud.ḫi.a a-­na šà.˹gal˺ gud.ḫi.a

A B C

23 21 22

[ù k]i-­is-­sú-­at u8!.udu.ḫi.a ù ki-­is-­sà-­at u8.udu.ḫi.a ù ki-­is-­sà-­[a]t u8.udu.˹ḫi˺.a

A B C

24 22 23

[i-­n]a qá-­ti-­ka li-­ib-­ši i-­na qá-­ti-­ka! li-­ib-­ši i-­na qá-­ti-­ka li-­ib-­ši

No. 6: A Catalog of Disasters; Adad-­tukultī’s Letter to Sarriqum Siglum

MS

A B

2891/50 3762

A B

1 1

a-­na s[a-­ri-­qum] a-­na sà-­ri-­qum

A B

2 2

qí-­b[í-­ma] qí-­bí-­ma

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

68

A B

3 3

um-­ma diškur-­tu-­[kúl-­ti] um-­ma diškur-­tu-­kúl-­ti

A B

19 16

[m]˹u-­bar˺-­ru-­um m u-­bar-­ru-­um

A B

4 4

iš-­tu ì-lí-­tu-­[kúl-­ti] iš-­tu ì-lí-­tu-­kúl-­ti

A B

20 17

[ù] dsuen-­apin ù dsuen-­apin

A B

5 5

a-­ša-­ta-­am ú-ša-­ḫi-­z[a-­an-­ni] a-­ša-­ta-­am ú-ša-­ḫi-­za-­˹an˺-­ni

A B

21 18–­19

a-­na gi.ḫi.a ša a-na a-pa-­ri-­im a-­na gi.ḫi.a / ša a-na-­pa-­ri-­im

A B

6 6

ú-­ši-­ir-­ši-­na-­a-­tim ú ši-­ir-­ri-­i

A B

22 20

i-­li-­kum i-­li-­kum ni-­pa-­ti-­šu-­ú

A B

7 7

a-­di i-na-­an-­na a-­mu-­ru-­[ú]

A B

23 21

šu-­ri-­ba-­a šu-­ri-­ba

A B

8 8

a-­na ma-­ṣa-­ar-­ti-­im a-­na ma-­ṣa-­ar-­ti-­im

A B

9 9

ú-­la a-qú-­ul ú-­la a-qú-­ul

A B

10 10

m

A B

11 11

a-­ḫi-­a-­˹ba˺-­al a-­ḫi-­a-­ba-­al

No. 7: “Is This Your Idea of Good Conduct?” Āmur-­ša-­ilim’s Letter to Ilī-­iddinam Siglum

MS

A B

3491 3786

m

ba-­ba-­am la ˹ú˺-­ṣi ba-­ba-­am la ú-ṣi

A A A

12 13 14

sí-­ka-­ti-­˹im˺ i-­na bi-­ra-­ma ˹x x˺ i-­di-­[i]

A B

r.15 12

[x x x x] i-ṭe-­˹bu-­(ú)˺ giš má 1,10 i-ṭe-­bu-­ú

A B

16 13

[ta-­am-­ka-­ru]-­ú-­a ta-­am-­ka-­ru-­ú

A B

17 r.14

[a-­ma-­ti]-­ia a-­ma-­ti-­ia

A B

18 15

[i-­ta]-­di-­ú i-­ta-­di-­ú

A B

1 1

a-­na ì-lí-­i-­din!-­˹nam˺ a-­na ì-l[í-­i]-­din-­nam

A B

2 2

qí-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­ma

A B

3 3

um-­ma a-mur-­ša-­dingir-­ma um-­ma a-mur-­ša-­dingir-­ma

A B

4 4

e-­pe-­šum an-­nu-­ú-­um e-­pe-­šum an-­nu-­ú-­um

A B

5 5

da-­mi-­iq-­ku-­um da-­mi-­iq-­˹ku˺-­ú-­um

A B

6 6

ša te-­pu-­ša-­an-­ni ˹ša te˺-­pu-­ša-­an-­ni



S c o r e Tr a n s l i t e r a t i o n s o f N o s. 1 – ­7 a n d 1 1

A B

7 7

[š]a tu-­ši-­i-­ša-­an-­ni-­ma ša tu-­ši-­i-­ša-­˹an-­ni˺-­ma

A B

8 8

[3]0.0.0 gur še-­a-­am 30.0.0 gur še-­a-­am

A B

9 9

a-­na ˹i-­ri˺-­ib-­dsuen a-­na i-ri-­ib-­dsuen

A B

10 10

tu-­ša-­di-­na-­an-­ni-­ma tu-­ša-­di-­na-­an-­ni-­ma

A B

11 11

i-­nu-­ú-­ma i-­nu-­ú-­ma

A B

12 12

[k]u-­nu-­uk-­ka-­tim ˹ku-­nu˺-­uk-­ka-­t[im]

A B

13 13

˹šar-­ru˺-­um ú-ḫe-­pu-­ú ˹šar˺-­ru-­˹um˺ ú-­˹ḫe-­pu˺-­ú

A B

14 r.14

še-­a-­am

qá-­a ˹še-­a˺-­[am] qá-­a ma-­m[a-­an]

A B

r.15 15

ma-­am-­ma-­an ú-la ˹i-­li-­kam˺ (sic) ú-­la ˹id˺-­di-­nam

A B

16 16

ù ˹ap˺-­pu-­a-­na-­ma (sic) ù ap-­pu-­na-­a-­ma

A B

17 17

ki-­˹a-­am˺ ta-­aš-­ta-­na-­ap-­pa-­kam (sic) ki-­a-­am ta-­aš-­ta-­na-­ap-­pa-­ra-­/-­am

A B

18 18

um-­ma at-­ta-­a-­ma um-­ma at-­ta-­a-­ma

B A A A A

Double ruling, remainder blank 19 20 21 22

10 gur [še]-­a-­am [ki-­ma ri-­ik]-­sà-­ti-­šu [li-­ri-­b]u-­šum-­ma ˹a-­na-­ku˺ li-­ba-­ka lu-­ku-­ur (sic)

69

No. 11: “Herewith I’ve Sent You . . .” Sundry Correspondents MS 2891/24 // Cavigneaux 1996, nos. 70–­73, 89. 11 Cav70 Cav72 Cav73

1

a-­na dsîn(suen)-­i-­qí-­ša-­am ˹a-­na˺ dx[ x x x x ]x [a-­n]a ì-lí-­ka-­[ra-­a-­bi] [. . .   . . .]-­a-­bi

11 Cav70 Cav72 Cav73

2

qí-­bí-­ma qí-­bí-­[ma] ˹qí-­bí˺-­[ma] [ . . . ]-­ma

11 Cav70 Cav71 Cav72 Cav73

3

[u]m-­ma e-te-­el-­pī(ka)-­ša-­ma um-­ma dx[ x x x ]x-­ma ˹um˺-­[ . . . ] um-­ma a-pil!-­dx x[ x-ma] Traces

11 Cav70 Cav71 Cav72 Cav89

4

[dut]u li-­ba-­al-­li-­iṭ-­ka d utu li-­ba-­a[l-­li-­iṭ]-­k[a] d utu l[i-­ . . .] d utu li-­ba-­al-­l[i-­iṭ-­ka] traces

11 Cav70 Cav71 Cav72 Cav89

5

[a-­nu-­um-­ma] mdsuen-­i-­ri-­ba-­am a-­nu-­um-­ma mdingir-­ba-­ni a-­nu-­u[m-­ma] / mdingir-­b[a-­ni] a-­nu-­um-­ma mdingir-­[ba-­ni] [ . . . ] x-dutu

11 Cav70 Cav71 Cav72 Cav89

6

[qá-­du-­um] ˹1˺ ma-­na kù.babbar qá-­du-­um 1 [ma-­na kù.babbar] qá-­du-­um 1 m[a-­na . . .] qá-­du-­um 1 ˹ma-­na˺ [ . . . ] [. . . m]a-­na kù.babbar

Cav70 Cav71 Cav72 Cav89

7

a-­na ṣi-­i-­ri-­[ka] a-­na ṣe-­ri-­˹i˺-­[ka] a-­na ṣe-­ri-­˹i˺-­[ka] [ . . . ]-­i-­ka

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

70

Cav70 Cav71 Cav72 Cav89

8

aṭ-­ṭa-­ar-­d[a-­ku-­uš-­šu] aṭ-­ṭa-­ar-­da-­a[k-­ku-­uš-­šu] aṭ-­ṭa-­ar-­da-­a[k!-­ku-­uš-­šu] [. . . -­a]k-­ku-­uš-­š[u]

Cav70 Cav71 Cav72 Cav89

11

kù.babbar ša qá-­ti-­i-­[š]u [k]ù.babbar ša qá-­ti-­x[ li-­qé-­e-­ma] ˹kù˺.babbar ša ˹qá˺-­ti-­˹šu˺ [ . . . ]-­ti-­šu

Cav70 Cav71 Cav72 Cav89

9

i-­na u4-­mi-­im ša! pa-­[ni-­šu] i-­na u4-­mi-­im š[a . . .] i-­na u4-­mi-­im ša [pa]-­ni-­[šu] [. . . š]a pa-­ni-­š[u]

Cav70 Cav71 Cav72 Cav89

12

˹li-­qé-­e˺-­[ma] še.giš.ì ma-­ḫi-­[ra-­at i-la-­ku] [l]i-­x x [x] [ . . . ]x

ta-­am!-­ma-­a-­r[u] ˹ta-­am˺-­ma-­[ru] ta-­am-­ma-­˹a-­ru-­ú!˺ [x x]-­ma-­a-­ru-­˹ú˺

Cav70 Cav71 Cav89

13

Trace ša-­ma-­am-­ma [šu-­bi-­lam] Traces

Cav71

14

ap-­pu-­[tum]

Cav70 Cav71 Cav72 Cav89

INDE XES O F SCHO O L LETTERS Personal Names Abum-­waqar Abum-­[ . . . ] Adad-­tukultī Aḫī-­abâl Aḫū’a-gāmil Aḫum Aḫulāp-­Šamaš Aḫūni Ālī-­gimil Amurrum-­nāṣir Āmur-­ša-­ilim Apil-­Damu Arbûm Ātanaḫ-­ilī Damu-­asûm Erra-­nāṣir Etel-­pīša Etel-­pī-­Šamaš Ezēssu Gula-­balāssu Ḫāzirum Iballuṭ Ibā-­Sîn Ibbi-­Šaḫan Ibbi-­Šamaš Iddin-­Adad Iddin-­Ilabrat Iddin-­Šamaš Igigi Ilī-­abī Ilī-­ay-­abāš Ilī-­bāni Ilī-­iddinam Ilī-­ippalsam Ilī-­īriš Ilī-­tukultī Ilī-­tūram Ilī-­[ . . . ] Ilšu-­bāni Ilšu-­tillassu Imgur-­Sîn

Imgur-­Šamaš Inim-­Utu Irīb-­Sîn Ir-­lugalla Išlim-­kīnum Ištarān-­rīm-­mātīšu Itūr-­ašdu Iṭīb-­libbaša Lipit-­Sîn Lu-­Ninurta Marduk-­nāṣir(?) Munawwirum Nanna-­ibila-­manšum Narām-­ilīšu Nī’ā’um-­ilī Nūr-­Amurrum Nūr-­ilīšu Sabum Sarriqum Sîn-­abi-­enšim Sîn-­abūšu Sîn-­ašarēd Sîn-­ay-­abāš Sîn-­bāni Sîn-­emūqī Sîn-­gāmil Sîn-­iddinam Sîn-­ilī Sîn-­iqīšam Sîn-­irībam Sîn-­īriš Sîn-­magir Sîn-­muballiṭ Sîn-­mušallim Sîn-­muštāl Sîn-­muštēšer Sîn-­nāṣir Sîn-­nāši Sîn-­nawir Sîn-­rēmēnī Sîn-­rīm-­Urim

17 32 6 6 22 33 2PQ 18 25 35 7 5 32 29 35 28 11 8 20a 1 4 35 2F 3 2F 2H 10 20a 2I 16 2 I, 18, 19, 20 33 2DG, 7, 20 24 2H? 6 13 2L 34 8 env. 34

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2J 2E 7 9 1 8 1 35 2J 2MNO, 4 16 34 9 8 21 36 8 8 6 10 2DG, 13, 15, 21 2F, 24, 28, 29 28 28 2PQ 14 1, 2K 2MNO, 12 2D, 11, 19, 23 2DNP, 3, 23 2I, 6, 15?, 20a, 37 2EI 2P 2CGH 2MNO 14, 29 12 17 35 2GK, 17 21

Old Babylonian Sc hool Letters

72

Sîn-­ublam Sîn-­uselli Sîn-­zānin Sîn-­[ . . . ] Ṣillī-­Šamaš Šamaš-­bāni Šamaš-­gāmil Šamaš-­ilī Šamaš-­īn-­mātim Šamaš-­kīma-­ilīya Šamaš-­nāṣir Šamaš-­nīšu Šamaš-­pilaḫ Šamaš-­rēmēnī Šamaš-­[ . . . ] Šašin Šēp-­Sîn Šu-­Šērum Tarībum Ṭābīya(?) Ubarum Ur-­Zababa

8 env., 18 2K 1 8 env., 27 5, 25 12 10, 27 2J, 21 2J 1 2E, 14, 16 16 8 12, 30 2B 29 29, 31 15 2F 31 6 5

Warad-­Amurrum Warad-­ilīšu Warad-­Šamaš Warad-­[ . . . ] Yamut-­lim

3, 28 10 31 14 13

Deities Marduk Sîn Šamaš

16 9 2, 8, 13, 16, 20, 20a, 22, 23, 25, 26, 28, [29]

Places Adab Ḫiṣnānum Larsa Maškan-­šāpir Ur Zarbillum

19, 20, 23, 25 10 4, 9, 10 4, 20a, 22 31 4

2 OL D BA BYL ONIA N M O DEL CO NTRACTS AN D RELATED TEXTS Gabriella Spada Model contracts were a common element in scribal schooling,1 belonging to the first stage of the Old

Babylonian scribal curriculum. They were used to train scribes in the written forms of the administration and the law. While they were not functional documents but simply didactic tools, model contracts follow the common patterns of Sumerian contract types and represent a comprehensive assortment of all possible transactions that the ancient Mesopotamian administration might have been required to draw up in the everyday economic life: barley and silver loans, sales of real estates and slaves, marriage contracts, adoptions, and so on.

I would like to express my gratitude to the following persons for help during the production of this chapter. A. R. George invited me to publish the documents under study, provided me with photographs, and facilitated my visits to the Schøyen Collection in September 2016 and June 2017. He also made final collations of several tablets and revised the English of the chapter. F. D’agostino, M. Stol, and N. Veldhuis read earlier and partial drafts of the manuscript and offered helpful comments and important suggestions. K. Volk provided me with several improvements in the transliteration of text no. 55, which has been copied by A. R. George. Needless to say, I bear full responsibility for any errors or omissions. 1 Of the ca. 350 model contracts known to us, only a small number of them have been published to date. For a list, see Spada 2014, 1 n. 6; with the addition of Spada 2012 (one tablet from the Lloyd E. Cotsen Cuneiform Tablets Collection); Spada 2018 (eleven prisms and tablets from the Hilprecht Collection); and Bodine 2015 (six tablets from the Yale Babylonian Collection). The writer is preparing the edition of the corpus of model contracts housed in the Rosen Collection, Cornell University. See also the Old Babylonian Model Contracts project (http://​oracc​.org/​obmc/).

73

The Texts This contribution presents the edition of twenty-­ six cuneiform objects (twenty-­four tablets and two prisms), most of them recording model contracts (texts nos. 38–­55). The remaining tablets (texts nos. 56–­63), although not belonging to the category of model contracts, can be related to legal training in the school milieu. The corpus of model contracts here presented includes four of the five types of tablets in the

typology first proposed by M. Civil,1 according to which most school tablets belonged to one of five physical types, grouped according to their shape and format and identified by a number (Types I, II, III, IV, and prisms), each of which represents a particular pedagogical function. 1 Civil 1979, 5. See also Civil 1969, 27–­28; and 1995, 2308, which includes additional “types” to describe the sources from later periods. Cf. also Tinney 1999, 160.

NO S. 38 –­3 9: PRI SMS Four-­or six-­sided school prisms typically have one to four columns per side and a hollow central axis, apparently to facilitate the handling of the object once mounted on a stick.2 Although prisms are also classified as Type I sources in Civil’s typology, they are formally quite distinct from multicolumn tablets. The quality of the writing inscribed on prisms can be substantially inferior to that of other types of exercise tablets, indicating that prisms either had a different function or were copied by less advanced pupils.3 In the transliterations, the first column indicates the running numbers of the lines through each side

of the prism, counted separately in each column; the second column (in bold) indicates the number of the lines in each section (these are the lines referenced in the textual notes); where the surface is broken or eroded, the probable number of lost lines is indicated.4

No. 38 MS 2341

Pls. XXXIII–­XXXVII

This prism, assembled from two pieces, has suffered some loss of surface at the join and other damage on all four sides, especially Sides B and D. All sides are covered with cuneiform writing and divided into three columns, with one further column on the base. Each side originally included between twenty-­nine and thirty-­six lines per column; the approximate numbers of lines or traces of lines visible on each side are as follows:

2 There is the possibility that prisms were hung from the ceiling and read by rotating them horizontally (on the vertical reading of cuneiform script until the Kassite period, see Fitzgerald 2003; and Studevent-­Hickman 2007). Probably this expedient was also used to avoid the damage of such a large surface by the natural expansion and contraction of clay due to the baking and drying processes. 3 Since “prisms must have been fairly difficult to produce and inscribe,” N. Veldhuis (1997, 31) has suggested that “they may have been produced for special occasions, for instance as a kind of examination, which would also account for their relative rarity.” For this hypothesis, see also Crisostomo 2015, 127–­28. For the idea that literary prisms may have been votive offerings, cf. Delnero 2013, 146.

4 As for text no. 39, the order of the sides is purely arbitrary, since it is not possible to identify where the text ends without a clue, such as a colophon, a doxology to Nisaba, or some space left intentionally blank (see the textual notes on that prism).

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T h e Te x t s

Side A Side B Side C Side D Base E

Col. i

Col. ii

Col. iii

32 14 30 30 18

29 35 34 34

29 32 32 36

Table 1. The internal organization of prism no. 38 Side Section Content

Line extent

A

i 1–­29 ii 1–­20 ii 21–­iii 22

B

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

C

9

Side Section Content

Sale of a woman Sale of a man Silver loan with a pledge Silver loan Sale of a field Sale of a field Silver loan for buying barley Division of properties (inheritance?) Exchange of real estates

iii 23–­31 i 1’–­ii 17 ii 18–­35 iii 1–­13 iii 14–­32 i 1–­29

Field lease Improper use of a canal for irrigation Adoption of a foundling Adoption of a foundling, continued Sale of an orchard Harvest loan contract Second marriage and inheritance division Partnership loan Partnership loan, continued Sale of an orchard

10 11 12 D

The prism collects seventeen model contracts, which are separated by double lines.The last model contract inscribed on Side D continues on the base and is followed by another contract, which ends the collection.The internal organization of the prism is set out in table 1. Quite surprisingly, all the contracts (except the last one written on the base) end with a list of one to three witnesses (the last one is always the scribe) and the date (month and year). To the best of my knowledge, most year names seem not to be attested elsewhere. The omission of witnesses and dates has always been considered the most prominent characteristic of a model contract; moreover, some model contracts may include a notation alluding to the missing elements (lu2-­ki-­inim-­ma iti-­bi mu-­bi, “[its] witnesses, its month, and its year”).The presence on this prism of witnesses and a date, usually omitted in model contracts, should perhaps lead us to rethink the schema of this category of school exercises.

75

12 13 14 15

E

16 16 17

Line extent ii 1–­17 ii 18–­34 iii 1–­31 i 1–­14 i 15–­ii 6 ii 7–­24 ii 25–­iii 18 iii 19–­35 1–­8 9–­18

No. 38 §1: Sale of a Woman Ai 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

[1 saĝ]-­munus [Ia]-­na-­iš8-­tar2-­˹tak2˺-­la-­ku ˹mu˺-­ni-­im sam2 til-­la-­ni-­še3 ⅓ ma-­na kug-­babbar in-­na-­la2 ĝeš-­gan-­na ib2-­ta-­bala ki lu2-­dnanna-­ta dumu lu2-­dutu lu2-­dnu-­muš-­da in-­ši-­sa10 I šu-­dadad simug kug-­la2-­bi I i3-­li2-­aš-­ra-­ni lu2-­gi-­na-­/ab-­tum3-­ma-­bi ud kur2 lu2-­lu2 nu-­mu-­un-­gi4-­gi4-­dam ˹mu lugal-­bi˺ / [in-­pa]d3 [igi . . .]-­˹d˺utu [igi] ˹ḫal-­ḫal˺-­lum [igi] nu-­ur2-­ia

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

76

23 24 25 26 27 28 29

23 24 25 26 27 28 29

[d]ub-­sar kišib lu2-­inim-­ma-­/˹a˺-­bi-­me-­eš ib2-­raḫ2-­aš iti barag-­zag-­ĝar mu bad3-­gul-­la2ki ĝeš tukul ba-­gul bad3 ba-­an-­ḫul

Lu-­ Numušda bought from Lu-­ Nanna, 1–­3 [a wo]man named son of Lu-­ Utu, [A]na-­Ištar-­taklāku: 4–­6 he paid one-­third of a mina of silver as her full price; 7–­8 she was made to cross over the pestle. 13–­16 Šu-­Adad (is) the smith, weigher of silver; Ilī-­ašranni (is) the guarantor. 17–­19 [He has swo]rn on the king’s name that in the future, the one will not go back (on the agreement) against the other. 20–­23 [In front of . . .]-­Utu/Šamaš, [in front of] Ḫalḫalum, [in front of] Nūrīya, the scribe. 24–­25 The witnesses have rolled (their) seals. 26–­29 Month I, year “Tur-­Ugulla was smashed down with weapons (and its) city wall destroyed.” 9–­12

Notes 1. For a discussion about the usage of the word saĝ in combination with munus (female) and nita(2) (male), see Steinkeller (1989, 128–­31).1 See also Gelb (1982), Farber (2005, 109–­12), and Steinert (2012, 175 n. 162). 4–­5. It is interesting to note that the price paid for this woman (one-­third of a mina, i.e., twenty shekels) is higher than that paid for the man sold in §2:5 (fifteen shekels).2 Moreover, these two deeds of sale use different formulas (sam2 til-­la-­ni-­še3 vs. sam2 til-­la-­bi-­še3). For a discussion of the use of personal suffixes -­ani/-­bi in this clause, see Wilcke (1985), where by tracing the historical development of 1 The terms saĝ-­munus and saĝ-­nita(2) are commonly translated in the literature as “slave girl” and “slave,” respectively, being considered as a sort of synonymous with geme2 and arad(2). By translating them as “woman” and “man,” I follow the idea of Steinkeller, according to which saĝ-­munus and saĝ-­nita(2) are basically gender descriptions, whereas geme2 and arad(2) are social classificatory terms. 2 For an overview of the prices of male and female slaves, see Stol 2011, 567a.

these different suffixes, he shows that the scribes used them deliberately.According to Wilcke, in the Ur III sale documents, the suffix regularly refers to the object sold, and the personal/impersonal distinction is generally observed (the suffix -­bi refers to something nonhuman and the suffix -­ani to a person). In early Old Babylonian times in northern Babylonia, in the south (Larsa, Kutalla, and Ur), and in the Diyala region, the payment is linked to the purchaser, and the suffix is always -­ani (though in Nippur and Isin, it is already -­bi consistently, except for a few cases in which -­ani occurs). Later on (but never in Kutalla and Ur), the payment is related to the act of sale itself, and there was a general change from -­ani to -­bi. 7–­8. In lexical lists, the Sumerian term ĝeš-­gan-­na is equated with Akkadian bukānu, “wooden pestle,”3 and with sikkūru “bolt, bar (on the door).”4 The bukānu clause, which expresses the act of “passing over the wooden pestle,” seems to symbolize the transfer of the object of sale (person, animal, or real estate) from the seller to the buyer, thus finalizing the deed of sale (for this clause, its meaning and history, see Edzard 1970; Malul 1985; Steinkeller 1989, 34–­42; and De Graef 2005). The earliest attestations of this formula occur in Sargonic sales, and it survived into the Old Babylonian period.5 In contrast to the Sargonic and Ur III texts, which restrict its use to the sale of persons and possibly animals, in the Old Babylonian documents it was also employed in deeds of sale of immovable property (fields, orchards, and houses), thus witnessing a significant change in its meaning. In his thorough study, Edzard offered two possible explanations: either the rite was still being performed but its nature had been altered (a handful of earth for the fields or a brick for the houses was passed over the pestle) or the symbolic act had already become a frozen legal formula without performance. He

3 Cf. Ai II iv 12; Urra I 308; and IV 248. 4 Cf. Urra V 269a; Nabnītu XIII 89. 5 According to D. Charpin, “la clause de la transmission du pilon (bukannum) ne figure-­t-­elle qu’en Babylonie du nord, jamais dans le sud” (Charpin 2002, 500; see also Charpin 1982, 65–­66, 71–­72).



T h e Te x t s

favored the first solution, whereas M. Malul and P. Steinkeller preferred the latter. 13–­14. (lu2) kug-­la2,“silver weigher,” is a term applied to a certain number of professionals who were able to weigh silver and probably other commodities, such as the smith (simug), the goldsmith (kug-­dim2), and the merchant (dam-­gar3; see Bartash 2017, 80–­81). However, according to R. Harris (1955, 99), “the weighing of the silver paid in the course of a legal transaction as the function of the smith is only sporadically recorded in Mesopotamia.” 16. The term lu2-­gi-­na-­ab-­tum3-­ma is a variant of lu2-­g i-­na-­ab-­tum2, “guarantor”; apparently this term does not occur in the lexical texts. For its analysis as /lu gin-­a i-b-­tum-­e-­a/, “the one who bears (i.e., is responsible for) the guaranty”—­ belonging therefore to names of occupations that are frozen sentences—­see Steinkeller (1989, 80–­81). 24–­25.This clause is typical of Larsa documents and usually follows the list of witnesses in title deeds, such as sale documents, marriage and adoption contracts, and so on. However, it can also appear in other contracts in which a party is entering into an obligation, such as loans, rental contracts, and leases1—­wherever witnesses are present and seal with their personal seals. 27–­29. For the city of Tur-­Ugulla, see Groneberg (1980, 240). See also MSL XI 57: 43, where it appears with its Sumerian name and is listed between Dūrum and Kullab. For the spelling and meaning of the element u3 in its name, see Steinkeller (1988, 81).To the best of my knowledge, this year name does not match any of the known Old Babylonian year names.2 No. 38 §2: Sale of a Man A ii

1 2

1 2

1 saĝ-­nita2 diĝir-­ma-­lik

1 These contracts sometimes do not contain witnesses and are usually sealed with the personal seal of the party taking up an obligation. For an overview of sealing practices in the Old Babylonian period, see Leemans 1982. See also Goddeeris 2012, 227–­31, who offers an updated summary of Leemans’s outline. 2 For a year name in which the toponym Ugulla is attested, see Krebernik 2014.

77

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

17 18 19 20

17 18 19 20

mu-­ni-­im sam2 til-­la-­bi-­še3 15 giĝ4 kug-­babbar in-­na-­la2 ki nu-­ru-­um-­li-­ṣi2-­ta I ba-­gi?-­na-­tum2? in-­ši-­sa10 inim ĝar-­ra saĝ-­˹nita2˺ lugal-­a-­ni ba-­ab-­˹gi4˺-­gi4 ud kur2-­še3 inim nu-­ĝa2-­ĝa2-­a mu lugal-­bi / in-­pad3 ˹igi nu-­˹uḫ2˺-­e2-­a / dumu ˹x-­x-­x-­x˺ ˹igi x-x-­x-­x˺ dub-­sar iti gud-­si-­sa2 mu bad3 nu-­kar2ki / ba-­gul

Baginatum? bought from Nūrum-­līṣi 1–­3 a man named Ilum-­mālik: 4–­6 he paid fifteen shekels of silver as its full price. 10–­12 His master will settle any claim on the man. 13–­15 He has sworn on the king’s name that in the future, he will not raise any claim. 16–­18 In front of Nūḫ-­Ea, son of . . . , in front of . . . , the scribe. 19–­20 Month II, year “The city wall of Nukar was destroyed.” 7–­9

Notes 1. The sign arad is here read nita2 in accordance with munus (cf. the textual note on §1:1). 10–­12. This warranty clause against liability was used frequently in Larsa, Ur, and Kutalla. Here the short form is used: inim ĝar-­ra/ĝal2-­la (sale object) (seller) ba-­ab-­gi4-­gi4 (or ba-­ni-­ib-­gi4-­gi4), “the seller will settle any (future) claim on the object.”3 20. Nukar is a city near Nippur (cf. Groneberg 1980, 180); as far as I know, it is mentioned only in the fifth year name of Apil-­Sîn: mu bad3 nu-­kar2ki

3 Its long form is as follows: ud kur2-­še3 inim ĝal2-­la/ ĝar-­ra ba-­an-­tuku inim ĝal2-­la/ĝar-­ra (sale object) (seller) ba-­ni-­ib-­gi4-­gi4, “(if ) in the future a claim is raised on the sale object, the seller will settle the claim.”

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

78

a-pil-­den.zu ba-­du3, “Year ‘Apil-­Sîn the king built the city wall of Nukar’” (cf. Charpin 2004, 114 nn. 475–­76). No. 38 §3: Silver Loan with a Pledge A ii

21 22 23 24 25 26

1 2 3 4 5 6

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

A iii

15 giĝ4 kug-­babbar kug-­ta-­aš gub-­ba I la-­lu-­u2-­um ib2-­ta-­gub ḫub2-­ni šu-­luḫ? ĝeš! keš2-­da 2 lines missing t[ug2 an-­ni-­ib2]-­/mu4-­m[u4?] ud ˹ki? x˺-­[ . . . ] na-­[ . . . ] kug šu ba-­˹te˺-­[ĝa2] e2-­ta ib2-­ta-­˹e3˺(u[d.du]) tukum-­b[i] ba-­zaḫ3 ba-­uš2 u2-­gu [ba-­an-­de2] kug i3-­la2-­[e] tuk[um-­bi] ĝa2-­la ba-­[an-­dag] ˹x x˺ [ . . . ] 8 lines with traces to the end of the contract

Lalûm will serve as a pledge for fifteen shekels of silver: 5–­6 (he will perform) the cleaning of his (= the creditor’s) feet, (the repairing?) of a wooden roof [two lines missing]. 9 (His master/ father) will provi[de him with cloth]ing. 10–­13 When Na-­[ . . . ] (= the creditor) receives silver from [PN] (= the debtor), he lets him go out from (his) house. 14–­17 If he (= Lalûm) flees, dies, (or) dis[appears], he (= the debtor) [will] pay the silver. 18–­19 I[f he stops] working . . . 1–­4

Notes This contract, which is only partially preserved, records the pledge of a certain Lalûm in exchange of an amount of silver. That Lalûm is the slave of the debtor is not written anywhere: he could also be a member of the debtor’s family, perhaps one of his sons.

2–­4. This is the standard Sumerian formula for a pledge in its full form. Note that in l. 2, the scribe mistakenly wrote the sign aš after ta instead of the expected kug-­ta gub-­ba-­aš. Usually, but not invariably, a further formula (maš2-­bi-­še3, “for its interest”) is added in order to show that the pledge is antichretic. The object of a pledge may be land or persons (wives, sons, daughters, male or female slaves, and even the debtor himself ). For detailed studies on the Old Babylonian pledge documents, see Kienast (1978, 66–­103) and Skaist (1994, 202–­30). See also Eichler (1973, 48–­59),Westbrook (2001, 63–­79), and Veenhof (2004, 443–­45). 5. Here we would expect a list of the tasks Lalûm has to perform in the creditor’s house. Among the tasks to be carried out by a slave girl in another model contract from Ur (UET V 366 = Charpin 1986, 475–­76) is the cleaning of the creditor’s feet (the slave girl “will clean his feet,” giri3-­ni luḫ-­ ḫa).1 Based on this example, l. 5 can be interpreted as “(he will perform) the cleaning of his feet.” It should be noted, however, that the term feet is expressed here by the Sumerian ḫub2, which is not found in any other (model) contract, as far as I know. 6.The sign ĝeš seems to have some additional Winkelhaken; for the same word, ĝeškeš2-­da, see §9:2. 9. This line is tentatively restored on the basis of the visible traces and signs and of a similar clause occurring in two model contracts published in Spada (2018, 33–­35): TMH XI 1 §12, which records the hire of a slave, and TMH XI 1 §13, which is very damaged and whose content cannot be more clearly determined but also deals with a slave. 10–­13.The so-­called Lösungsklausel (according to the terminology in Kienast 1978, 95–­100) provides 1 Although the sources barely provide information regarding the tasks and activities that domestic female slaves performed, one has to assume that they were in charge of various chores such as housekeeping, cleaning, laundry, grinding flour, wet-­ nursing, and taking care of children and elderly people (cf. Seri 2011). The tasks performed by male slaves probably included both domestic duties and chores related to the care of fields and livestock. See, for example, TMH XI 5 §1, a model contract recording the pledge of a slave who “will do field work and perform (house)work” (see Spada 2018, 61–­62 for the commentary).



T h e Te x t s

that the debtor could redeem his pledge from the possession of the creditor whenever he repaid the loan.1 Although in ll. 10 and 11 only the initial signs are preserved, one can hypothesize that they contain the names of the debtor (l. 10) and the creditor (l. 11), since these do not occur elsewhere. 14–­20. The warranty against flight,2 together with the warranty against delinquency, appears often in the pledge contracts. The first clause (which also occurs in TMH XI 1 §12) refers to the master’s responsibility for a runaway slave (cf. FLP 1287 viii 3–­10 = Roth 1979, 48; 1997, 53;3 cf. also Ai VII iv 13–­22; and Urra I 364–­69). The permanent absence of the pledge (flight, death, or disappearance) demands here the immediate return of the borrowed capital. The warranty against delinquency, which uses the verb ĝa2-­la ~ dag, (Akkadian naparkû, “to stop, cease doing something, to desist from work”), by contrast protects the creditor against the possibility that the pledged person might refuse to work (a temporary loss of service). In this case, the payment of a specific amount of compensation is requested from the debtor, here not preserved.

28 29 30 31

1 2 3 4 5

2 To prevent a slave from running away, physical impediments such as chains and fetters were available. The law punished persons who aided or harbored fugitive slaves and offered a reward for their return (e.g., Code of Hammurapi, §17; cf. Westbrook 2003, 384). 3 The clause reads, [t]ukum-­˹bi˺ / [ba]-­uš2 / [ba-­an]-­zaḫ2-­a / ˹u2˺-­gu ba-­an-­de2 / u3 tu-­ra / ba-­an-­tu / a2-­ĝeš-­ĝar-­ra-­ni-­še3 / bi2-­ib-­si-­si-­ge,“if [(the slave girl) di]es, flees, disappears or falls ill, he (= the debtor) will pay in full for her assigned work.”

ud buru14-­[ka] ˹kug i3-­la2˺-­[e] igi ˹x˺-­[ . . . ] ˹x˺ [ . . . ] Rest of the contract missing

P[N2] has received from [PN1] 2 minas of sil[ver]—­the interest rate [ . . . ]; 6–­7 [he will] pay the silver [at] the harvest time. 8 In front of . . . (date missing). The column has a gap of approximately eighteen or nineteen lines; there follow fourteen lines, badly damaged, which record a field sale (§5). No. 38 §5: Sale of a Field Bi

2 ma-­˹na kug˺-­[babbar] ˹maš2?˺ [ . . . ] ki [. . . -­ta] d en-­[ . . . ] šu ba-­a[n-­ti]

1 According to Skaist 1994, 213, almost all the pledge documents present an indefinite duration clause, which is also found in Ai II iv 39’–­50’; and Urra I 370–­73.Two documents (YOS XIV 35; ARM VIII 52), in contrast, set a definite time limit for the loan’s repayment.

6 7 8 9

1–­5

No. 38 §4: Silver Loan A iii 23 24 25 26 27

79

B ii

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’ 8’ 9’ 10’ 11’ 12’ 13’ 14’ 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’ 8’ 9’ 10’ 11’ 12’ 13’ 14’ 15’ 16’ 17’ 18’ 19’ 20’ 21’ 22’ 23’ 24’ 25’ 26’ 27’

About 18 or 19 lines missing ki-­tuš ˹ad?˺-­[x] ? un ki-­tuš ˹ad?-­da?˺ ˹da?˺ x uru×min? ˹x˺-­[x] ˹x ma˺-­ni-­nu-­um [a-­šag4 m]a-­ni-­nu-­um [ . . . ] x-x [ . . . ]-­la [ . . . ]-­ni?-­ma [ki ma]-­ni-­nu-­um-­ta [I]˹ni?-­id?˺-­na-­tum [dumu? nu-­u]r2-­iš8-­tar2 [in-­š]i-­sa10 [sam2 til-­l]a-­bi-­še3 [x ma]-­na kug-­babbar [in-­na]-­la2 [lugal] a-šag4-­ga [inim nu]-­um-­ĝa2-­ĝa2 [u3?] ˹a-­šag4˺-­ga nu-­gi4-­gi4 [ud kur2] lu2-­lu2 [nu-­mu-­un-­g]i4-­gi4-­dam [mu] lugal-­bi [i]n-­pad3-­de3-­eš [ig]i a-la?-­ma-­nu-­um [ig]i ma-­nu-­um-­ba-­lum-­diĝir [igi š]u-­dnin-­kar-­ra-­ak [d]ub-­sar [it]i šu-­numun-­a un?

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

80

14 15 16 17

28’ [m]u ĝešgigir kug-­sig17 kug-­ babbar 29’ [e2] an-­nu-­ni-­tum 30’ [x x] ˹x-­x-­a˺ 31’ [mu]-­˹na-­dim2˺

Nidnatum?, [son? of Nū]r-­Ištar, [bou]ght [from Ma]ninum 1’–­4’ (a field . . .) . . . the residence of . . . , . . . the residence of (his?) father, next to . . . Maninum, [(which is) the field of M]aninum, . . . ; 13’–­15’ he pa[id tot mi]na of silver as its full [price]. 16’–­18’ [The owner] of the field (= Maninum) will not raise [any claim (in the future) and?] not go back (on the agreement about) the field. 19’–­22’ They have sworn on the king’s [name] that [in the future, the one will not] go back (on the agreement) against the other. 23’–­26’ [In fron]t of Alamānum, [in fron]t of Mannum-­bālum-­ilim, [in front of Š]u-­Ninkarrak, the scribe. 27’–­31’ [Mon]th IV, [ye]ar “(The king) made a golden (and) silver chariot (for) [the temple of] Annunitum . . .”

No. 38 §6: Sale of a Field B ii

9’–­12’

Notes The first part of this contract is missing or badly damaged, and the transliteration and translation of ll. 1’–­4’ are only partial. Since in the last part there are revocation and reclamation clauses with a field as their object, it can be assumed that the deed of sale deals with a field sold by Maninum. 28’–­31’.To the best of my knowledge, the only year names mentioning the god Annunitum belong to the reign of Itūr-­Šamaš of Kisurra—­namely, Itūr-­ Šamaš d (“year ‘Itūr-­Šamaš made a bronze kettle drum for Annunitum’”), f (“year ‘Itūr-­Šamaš built the temple of Annunitum’”), and g (“year following the year ‘Itūr-­Šamaš built the temple of Annunitum’”).1 The year name tentatively restored here does not seem to match any of his known year names.We therefore wonder whether this is a new, as yet unknown year name or an exercise in which the scribe has combined elements belonging to different formulas. The same uncertainty applies to those other year names in the prism that are unknown to us. 1 Cf. Goddeeris 2009, 17.

18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

[x] ˹gana2˺ [a]-­šag4 ˹x x x x˺ ˹x x x x x˺ [ . . . ] ˹x x˺ [ . . . ] ˹x x x˺ ˹x x˺ [ . . . ] sa[m2 til-­la-­bi-­še3] ½ ma-­na [kug]-­˹babbar˺ in-­na-­˹la2˺ ki an-­na-­˹tum˺-­ta i-­din-­den.zu ˹in˺-­ši-­sa10 u[d kur2 l]u2-­lu2 nu-­mu-­un-­gi4-­gi4-­dam mu lugal-­bi in-­pa[d3-­/de3-­eš] igi an-­na-­ḫu ˹dub˺-­[sar] iti ne-­ne-­[ĝar] [m]u ˹id2kun-­x˺ / [ . . . ]

Iddin-­Sîn bought from Annatum 1–­6 [tot] iku of a field, . . . : 7–­9 he paid half a mina of sil[ver as its full pri]ce. 13–­15 [They ha]ve sworn on the king’s name that in the fu[ture, the o]ne will not go back (on the agreement) against the other. 16 In front of Annaḫu the scr[ibe]. 17–­18 Month V, [ye]ar “The canal Kun-­/Zibbat-­ . . . [was dug?].” 10–­12

Notes Due to the damaged surface, it is not possible to read ll. 2–­6, where we expect a description of the boundaries of the property for sale. 18. Since some traces are visible at the end of the line, a canal name beginning with Kun-­/Zibbat-­ is here expected; however, due to surface erosion, I cannot identify any sign with certainty. No. 38 §7: Silver Loan for Buying Barley B iii

1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6

½ ma-­na kug-­babbar sa10 še-­še3 ki šu-­diĝir-­ta

še-­rum-­ik-­ri-­bi šu ba-­an-­ti ud buru14-­ka



T h e Te x t s

7 8 9 10 11 12 13

7 8 9 10 11 12 13

šakanka!( lam:ki) sig7 ti i3-­˹du˺-­a-­gin7 še i3-­aĝ2-­e igi nu-­ur2-­diĝir dub-­sar iti kiĝ2-­dinana mu ugnim tin-­tirki ĝeš tukul ba-­sig3

No. 38 §8: Division of Properties (Inheritance?) B iii

Šērum-­ikribī has received from Šu-­ilī half a mina of silver for buying barley; 6–­9 at harvest time, he will measure the barley according to the rate of exchange which is effective . . . 10 In front of Nūr-­ilī, the scribe. 11–­13 Month VI, year “The army of Babylon was smitten with weapons.” 1–­5

Notes This contract is a so-­called ana šam2 loan, according to the terminology used by A. Skaist, which is to be distinguished by the “šam2 loans,” or credit sales (cf. Skaist 1994, 63–­77). Most of the “ana šam2 loans” stipulate that the purchased commodities were to be delivered at a designated time at the current price—­that is, the quantity of the commodity to be delivered depended on its price at the time of delivery. According to Skaist, these texts “describe the transfer of silver to an agent to acquire goods on behalf of the transferee. They are not sales in advance and have nothing to do with credit sales” (67). 4. The debtor’s name is here tentatively interpreted as “the god Šērum is my blessing”; however, as far as I know, a personal name containing the term ikribu is not attested elsewhere.1 7–­8. For a discussion about the “rate of exchange” clause in loan contracts, see Skaist (1994, 192–­95). A similar expression occurs also in text no. 40 §14:17–­18 and in two more model contracts (Spada 2011, §20:6’–­7’; and TMH XI 5 §6:13–­14). See also references in Ai II iii 28’–­29’ and Urra II 146. 12–­13. This year name corresponds to the fourth iddinam of Larsa year of the reign of Sîn-­ (1849–­1843 BC). 1 M. Stol, personal communication, August 2018.

81

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

sila4 ḫi-­a udu ḫi-­a ĝeš kiri6 ḫi-­a na4 na? ḫi-­a ˹x x˺ ḫi-­a ˹šim?˺ ḫi-­a zabar-­ra ˹ḫi˺-­[a] kug-­sig17 kug-­babbar ḫi-­˹a˺ še ḫi-­[a] ˹še˺ĝeš-­i3 ḫi-­a ˹x x˺ ḫi-­a u3 ĝeššu-­kara2 ḫi-­a ĝeš ? ˹ir ˺ ig-­bi ˹x˺ [x] ˹x x x˺ 1 sar ˹e2 du3˺-­[a] u3 ˹x x˺ ḫa-­[la . . .] i3-­ba-­[e-­ne] ˹x˺ [ . . . ] Rest of the column missing

Assorted lambs, assorted sheep, assorted orchards, assorted stone weights, assorted . . . , assorted aromatics, bronze alloy, gold and silver alloy, assorted barley, assorted sesame, assorted [ . . . ] and assorted tools; 13–­16 a door peg; . . . ; one sar of a built-­up house plot and [ . . . ]; 17 the sha[re . . .]: 18 [they will] divide . . . (rest of the contract missing). 1–­12

No. 38 §9: Exchange of Real Estate Ci

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

2 ½ sar e2 du3-­a keš2-­da ĝeš ig u3 ĝešsaĝ-­kul gub-­ba mu-­bi-­še3 1 sar e2 du3-­a 3 sar e2 ki-­ĝal2 e2 šu-­dḫa-­r i?-­ma-­/ke4? e2-­e2-­še3 in-­na-­an-­ši-­ĝar tug2-­bi al-­˹ur3˺-­ra ĝeš

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

82

13 14

13 14

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

inim-­bi al-­til3 mu lugal teš2eš/-­bi in-­pad3 ˹nam? inim ur-­dun˺ ˹x x x ud˺ [x] inim-­bi [i]n-­ĝar ˹e2˺-­ĝu10 bi-­in-­dug4 lu2-­ini[m-­m]a-­bi-­meš [i]n-­da-­ne-­eš in-­gin6-­ne-­eš ĝeš in ta ba-­an-­tuku [x]-­ta šu bala-­/de3? [Iu]r-­dun [x m]a-­na kug-­babbar [sam2 til-­l]a-­ni-­še3 [ . . . ] ˹ra?˺ [ . . . ] ˹x˺ Rest of the column missing

A built-­up house plot of 2½ sar (90 m2) with wooden roof, doors, and bolts installed: 6–­9 instead of it a built-­up house plot of 1 sar (36 m2) (and) an empty house plot of 3 sar (108 m2): (this is) the property of Šu-­Ḫarima?; 10–­11 they exchanged (with each other) house for house. 12–­14 Any claim was abandoned, (and) this transaction was completed; each of them swore on the king’s name. 15–­19 (Later, however,) Ur-­dun raised a claim regarding this transaction . . . , saying “(It is still) my house!” 20–­22 The witnesses agreed with him (and) confirmed (his words) 23–­24 . . . in order to exchange . . . 25–­27 [U]r-­dun [tot m]ina of silver as his [full price?] . . . (rest of the contract missing). 1–­5

Notes Since the column is damaged from l. 15 onward, it is not entirely clear what is happening, and the translation and interpretation here proposed have to be considered as tentative. In its first part, the contract records the exchange of real estate (although only the second one is followed by its owner’s name), ending with two “completion of transaction” clauses and the oath. Then one of the parties involved in the transaction who is

dissatisfied with it makes a claim, thus making the intervention of witnesses necessary to settle the matter. 2–­5. The features of the house here described—­​ namely, the wooden roof and the presence of doors and bolts—­are common in the model contracts concerning the sale of real estate (see Veldhuis 2000, 386). It is noteworthy that this plot is not followed by its owner’s name: he must surely be identified with Ur-­dun, mentioned as raising a claim at ll. 15 and 25. 9. The name of the owner of the second house plot is not clear to me, since I cannot identify the name of the god who appears in it. 10–­11. In transactions involving the reciprocal transfer of tangible assets, usually—­but not invariably there occurs the Sumerian (and not here)—­ expression meaning “exchange” (ki-­bi/ba-­ĝar-­ra; corresponding to Akkadian pūḫu). 12.The Sumerian expression tug2 ~ ur3,“to abandon (claims), to give up (something),” is attested mostly in Ur III ditillas.1 To the best of my knowledge, it never occurs in the Old Babylonian contracts. 14–­15. Although the signs are quite clear, this clause does not seem to correspond to anything I know, hence the choice to expunge pa. Another solution would be to retain pa and read it sig3; in this way, the clause would be mu lugal teš2eš sig3-­bi in-­pad3, where teš2eš sig3-­bi can be interpreted as a variant of teš2-­a sig10-­(g)a-­bi, Akkadian mitḫāriš. 15–­29. Unfortunately, not all lines are clear, and the proposed translation is only tentative. If my interpretation is correct, after the conclusion of the transaction, Ur-­dun raised a claim declaring himself to be the rightful owner of the house described at ll. 1–­5 (ll. 17–­19; maybe the house was exchanged without his consent or he was not satisfied with the exchange). At this point, some witnesses intervene, agreeing with Ur-­dun and confirming his words (ll. 20–­22).The verbal form in-­da-­ne-­eš is not known to me elsewhere. Due to the presence of the dimensional prefix -­da-­, the verb to say seems here to mean “agree with 1 A complete list of the available documents fully discussed is provided by Falkenstein 1959, 167. Cf. also Malul 1988, 337–­42; and Steinkeller 1989, 76 n. 217.



T h e Te x t s

someone.” At l. 23, we can tentatively identify the compound verb ĝeš ~ tuku (Akkadian šemû, “to listen, to hear”; cf. CAD Š2 277), although the compound is split around two signs, in and ta, whose meaning here is not clear at all. For this reason, the line has not been translated. Finally, at l. 24, the compound verb šu ~ bala (Akkadian šupêlu, “to exchange properties”; cf. CAD Š3 321) appears. The outcome of the witnesses’ testimony seems to be indicated in ll. 25–­27, where, if the proposed restoration is correct, an amount of silver must be given to Ur-­dun, probably to compensate for a difference in value between the exchanged properties. No. 38 §10: Field Lease C ii

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

1(bur3) gana2 ˹a-­šag4 x-x-­/x˺ nam-­apin-­la2-­še3 igi 4-­ĝal2-­ta še mu 3-­kam i3-­aĝ2-­e a-­šag4 ud.ud.ga nam-­sukkal-­˹maḫ u3˺ nam-­ šabra zig3-­ga-­bi a-­šag4 kab2-­dug4!-­ga! ugu lugal a-šag4-­ga in-­tuku igi bur-­nu-­nu dumu šu-­iš8-­tar2 igi kurum-­a-­bi dub-­sar iti du6-­kug mu ˹šita2?˺ kug-­sig17 sur-­ra diĝir-­re-­e-­ne-­ra mu-­na!-­dim2

One bur of the . . . field, for cultivation at one-­quarter (of the annual yield as rent), 4–­5 he (= the renter) will measure barley at the third year. 10–­11 The owner of the field is in charge of 7–­8 the expenses dealing with the activities of the sukkalmaḫ and the activities of the šabra 6 regarding the field . . . 9 (and is in charge of the expenses) of inspecting the field. 12–­13 Before Būr-­Nunu, son of Šu-­Ištar; before Šadûm-­abī the scribe. 14–­17 Month VII, year “(The king) made a mace? of sparkling gold for the deities.” 1–­3

83

Notes This contract records a field rental agreement without stating the names of the parties involved—­neither the lessor (who is only mentioned at l. 10, generically defined as “the owner of the field,” lugal a-šag4-­ga) nor the lessee. The field is rented at one-­quarter of the annual yield;1 the duration of the lease is three years, as indicated by the expression at ll. 4–­5.2 The following lines are not entirely clear to me: it seems that the expenses related to the activities of the sukkalmaḫ and the šabra (nam-­sukkal-­maḫ u3 nam-­šabra), which are probably connected with irrigation, and also other expenses related to inspecting the field will all be borne by the field’s owner. 6–­11. As far as I know, this situation does not occur in any Old Babylonian lease contract; my interpretation of these lines is therefore only tentative. At l. 6, the expression ud.ud.ga referring to the field remains problematic. A possible reading is a-šag4 dadag-­ga, “the field (is) free (of claims)” (cf. CAD E 105–­6 s.v. ellu 3b). However, the reference to the offices of the sukkalmaḫ and šabra may also suggest a different reading of this expression: in a group of six documents from Ĝirsu, dating to the Ur III period and dealing with irrigation, the verbal form ba-­da-­ud.udla appears.3 This has been interpreted as the Sumerian verb laḫ, “to dry up, dry out,” equating to Akkadian šābulu (cf. Lafont 2010, 168), with reference to the water that covered a field after the controlled flooding (Sumerian a de2-­a) customarily done in late summer.When the field dried sufficiently but still retained some moisture, the plowing and seeding operation would then immediately begin with the permission of the sukkalmaḫ (cf. Steinkeller 2015). Based on these considerations, we wonder if the expression a-šag4 ud.ud.ga might be read a-šag4 laḫ-­laḫ-­bi!(ga); accordingly, it would seem that the owner of the field was responsible for 1 For the “Viertelpacht,” see Stol 2004, 848–­49. 2 This clause seems to recall the “Neubruchpacht”; cf. Stol 2004, 847–­48. 3 They were studied by Civil 1994, 69; Lafont 2010, 167–­68; and Steinkeller 2015.

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

84

respecting the instructions about irrigation given by the sukkalmaḫ (as attested in Ur III documentation) and, apparently, also by the šabra. He would also be liable for (expenses relative to) “inspecting the field” (l. 9). For the expression kab2-­dug4-­ga, see Civil (1994, 153–­63). 15–­17. Once again, this year name seems not to be attested elsewhere. The first part (šita2 kug-­ sig17 sur-­ra) recalls the name of Ammi-­ditana 24,1 while the second part (diĝir-­re-­e-­ne-­ra mu-­na-­dim2; note the prefix -­na-­instead of the expected -­ne-­) is similar to that of Samsu-­ditana 10a.2 No. 38 §11: Improper Use of a Canal for Irrigation C ii

18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

32 33 34

15 16 17

diĝir-­a-­bi dumu šeš-­dug3-­ga a-­šag4 den-­lil2-­sa6 a-­šag4-­ga-­ni-­še3 a bi2-­in-­dug4 tukum-­bi a-­šag4 a de2-­a še ma2 sig9-­ga-­ta ud kur2-­še3 ˹pa6˺ a-dug4-­ga nu-­ub-­be2-­a mu lugal-­bi in-­/pad3 [ig]i a-mu-­ru-­um ˹igi˺ diĝir-­ma-­an-­šum2 dub-­ sar/-­tur [iti gan]-­gan-­e3 [mu u]s2-­sa id2kun [b]a-­ba-­al I

Ilum-­abī, son of Šeš-­duga, irrigated the field of Enlil-­sa (while irrigating) his own field. 6–­8 If the field (of Enlil-­alsa) has been flooded, (he will measure him barley) from the “barley loaded (in) the boat.” 9–­12 He (= Ilum-­abī) has sworn on the king’s name 1–­5

that in the future, he will not use the irrigation canal (negligently) (lit. he will not say “[This is] irrigation canal”). 13–­14 [In fron]t of Amurrum, in front of Diĝir-­ manšum, the junior scribe. 15–­17 Month IX, [year follo]wing (when) “The canal Zibbatu? was dug.”

Notes This contract probably deals with the improper use of an irrigation canal in order to water a field; it recalls a model contract contained in a Type I tablet from the Yale Babylonian Collection.3 The formulation of this contract seems to be very elliptical, and consequently, the interpretation offered here is only tentative. Offences connected with irrigation and flooding are found in the law collections in cases when a farmer caused losses in neighboring fields by his negligence in using the water supply.4 6–­8. These lines describe in a very laconic way the eventuality in which Ilum-­abī negligently floods his neighbor’s field. As a penalty, he will measure barley “from the barley loaded in the boat” (no indication of the amount of barley is given). The expression še ma2(-­a) sig9-­ga is common in the Ur III documents,5 whereas it is not used in any Old Babylonian penalty clause, as far as I know. 9–­11.The tentative interpretation of this clause presupposes that Ilum-­abī has improperly used the 3 NBC 7800 vii 29–­viii 3 (see Bodine 2015, 37–­38, 120–­23; cf. also Spada 2017, 305): Ilugal-­ibila / dumu šeš-­dug3-­ ga / a-u3 mu-­u2-­a-­še3 / šag4? a-­(ras.-­)šag4 / Id en.zu-­al-­sa6 / a-šag4-­ga-­a-­ni-­še3 / a bi2-­in-­de2 / tukum-­bi / še ba-­kud še-­bi ib2-­su-­/su / ud kur2-­še3 / Ilugal-­ibila / dumu šeš-­dug3-­ga / pa6 a-dug4-­ga-­ĝu10 / [nu-­u]b-­be2-­[a] / mu lugal-­[la]-­bi / in-­pad3.

1 That is, mu am-­mi-­di-­ta-­na lugal-­e šita2 ĝeštukul-­la-­bi-­da-­ke4 ib2-­diri-­ge-­eš-­a kug-­sig17 sur-­ra na4duh8-­ši-­a-­bi-­da-­ke4 damar. utu lugal-­a-­na e2-­saĝ-­il2-­la-­še3 i-ni-­in-­ku4-­ra.

4 Laws of Ur-­Namma, §40; Code of Hammurapi, §§53–­56; and Neo-­Babylonian Laws, §3. See also the provision recorded in the Old Babylonian school prism FLP 1287 iv 35–­41, which considers the flooding of another’s field by a man who has diverted water from an irrigation canal. As a penalty, he has to replace the lost crop on the basis of the yields of neighboring fields (cf. Roth 1979, 40, 238–­41; 1997, 51).

2 That is, mu dnanna en nir-­ĝal2 diĝir-­re-­e-­ne-­er alan-­a-­ni ka2-­diĝir-­raki in-­dim2-­ma.

5 For example, BIN V 119; BPOA VI 1028; BPOA VII 1553, 1556, 1621.



T h e Te x t s

water of the common irrigation canal so that he flooded his neighbor’s field.The free translation tries to express the situation here hypothesized. 16–­17. Unlike the year name recorded in §6, here there are no signs after kun; however, I am not aware of any year name mentioning the excavation of a canal called Zibbatu.1

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

No. 38 §12: Adoption of a Foundling C iii 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 Di 5

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 36

˹1˺ [dumu-­nita2 gaba?] ub-­ta p[ad3-­da] sila-­t[a] ˹ba?˺-­d[a-­kur9-­ra] ka ur-­gir15-­r[a-­ta kar] I i3-­li2-­e[n-­nam] nam-­dumu-­ni-­še3 [ . . . ] nam-­ibila-­ni-­š[e3] in-­˹ĝar˺ ud kur2-­še3 tukum-­bi I i3-­li2-­en-­nam dam ba-­an-­tuku u3 dumu niĝ2-­nam-­me-­a u3-­tud ˹Ila˺-­ma-­diĝir ˹ibila šeš-­gal?-­am3?˺ ḫa-­la šu ˹ba-­te?˺-­[ĝe26] a-­ne-­ne-­˹am3˺ i3-­ba-­e-­eš! tukum-­bi ad-­da-­ĝu10 nu-­me-­en bi-­in-­dug4 gu2-­ni in-­na!-­ĝa2-­/ĝa2 kug-­še3 ba-­ab-­šum2-­mu-­/uš! tukum-­bi I i3-­li2-­en-­nam la-­ma-­diĝir-­še3 ibila-­ĝu10 nu-­me-­en / bi-­in-­d[ug4] e2 [ . . . ] ib2-­˹ta˺-­[an-­sar-­re] ca. 4 lines missing [ . . . ] dam?-­˹a˺-­[ni]

1 For a town called Zibbatu in Old Babylonian times, cf. Groneberg 1980, 264.

85

37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45

[ . . . ]-­˹x˺-­n[e?] ˹mu lugal˺-­bi [i]n-­pad3-­de3-­eš igi a-na-­ku-­diĝir˹la˺-­ma igi mu-­tum-­diĝir dub-­sar iti du6-­[kug] mu ib-­ra-­a[tki] u3 iriki di[dli (ba-­an-­dib)]

Ilī-­e[nnam] adopted as his son (and) as his heir 1–­4 one [suckling male child, foun]d in a corner (of a building), [rescued fr]om the street, [snatched from] the mouth of a dog. 9–­14 In the future, if Ilī-­ennam takes a woman in marriage and she bears children, however many there may be, 15–­19 Lama-­ilim will remain the eldest heir (and) will take the (preference) share; they (i.e., the remaining sons) will! divide (the remainder of the estate) among themselves. 20–­24 If he (= Lama-­ilim) says (to Ilī-­ennam), “You are not my father,” he will submit to him, (and) they will sell him (as a slave); 25–­31 if Ilī-­ennam says to Lama-­ilim,“You are not my heir,” he wil[l forfeit his] estate (lit. he will be expelled from his house) . . . (four lines missing). 36–­37 [ . . . ] his wife/husband . . . 38–­39 They have sworn it on the king’s name. 40–­42 In front of Anāku-­ilamma, in front of Mutum-­El, the scribe. 43–­45 Month VII, year “Ibrat and (its surrounding) tow[ns (were taken)].” 5–­8

Notes 1. The first line has been restored after three other model contracts recording the adoption of a foundling—­namely, Klein and Sharlach (2007, §1; CBS 11324), Spada (2014, §1; Cotsen 52175), and Bodine (2015, no. 3; NBC 7800 iv 30–­v 6). However, since at l. 15 the adopted child is referred to as Lama-­ilim, without this name being stated before, we wonder if l. 1 might better be restored instead as ˹I˺[la-­ma-­diĝir]. 2–­4. This series of phrases describing a foundling appears also in the lexical series Ai III iii 32–­35 and Urra II 3–­5. In addition, it occurs in full in Spada (2014, §1), in which a foundling is rescued

86

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

and adopted by a nugig-­priestess,1 and Bodine (2015, no. 3). In Klein and Sharlach (2007, §1), there is a shorter version of this phraseology. Finally, the formula “to pick (a child) from the mouth of the dog” also occurs in an unpublished model contract (CUNES 52-­10-­148, §3).2 At l. 2, it seems that the text does not yield the standard formula pu2-­ta pad3-­da, “found in a well”: the first sign looks like ub, probably to be understood as “a corner (of a building)” (cf. CAD T 447–­48, s.v. tubqu). Finally, at l. 4, one expects a verbal form expressing “to rescue”; due to the lack of sufficient room for the full formula, ba-­an-­da-­kar (as it appears in the lexical series), it has been tentatively restored in the abbreviated form that occurs in Klein and Sharlach (2007, §1). 6–­8. The adoption clause here designates the adoptee with the status of both son (nam-­dumu / ana mārūti) and heir (nam-­ibila / ana aplūti), being a combination of two different adoption clauses. In the context of adoption, analysis of the pertinent documentary evidence reveals a great degree of semantic overlap and does not allow the distinctive nature of the statuses to be determined. Accordingly, we consider the two terms to have been synonymous and, when used together, to function as a hendiadys indicating a single transaction.As M. Roth pointed out, there are differing usages of verbs in the adoption clauses according to cities (cf. Roth 1979, 173). The verbs used in connection with nam-­dumu are šu ~ te.ĝ (Akkadian leqû) in Larsa and Ur, ri (tarû) in Nippur, and only in a few cases, dab5 (ṣabātu) in Kisurra.3 The

1 In Spada 2014, §1:6, there is also a clause describing the foundling as one who “has been dropped from the mouth of a raven” (ka uga-­ta ba-­da-­an-­šub). To the best of my knowledge, this same formula is otherwise attested only in Ai III iii 36. 2 An edition of CUNES 52-­10-­148 and other model contracts housed in the Rosen Collection is in preparation by the writer. The verbal form in-­dab5 occurs also in an adoption contract from Kutalla (TS 32; cf. Charpin 1980, 73–­74, 220–­21), where the term heir is used in both of the adoption clauses but with a different verb for each—­namely, dab5 and ĝar: PN1 PN2 nam-­ibila-­ni-­še3 in-­dab5 nam-­ibila-­ni-­še3 in-­ĝar. 3

verbs used in connection with nam-­ibila are ĝar (šakānu) in Larsa and Ur, ri in Nippur, and dab5 in one document from Kutalla. 10–­19. This clause protects the adoptee’s privileged position as the “firstborn” should the adoptive father marry a woman and acquire subsequent children naturally. The same guarantee occurs in Ai III (“even if his adopter has ten sons, the adoptee will remain the eldest brother; he will take an additional inheritance share”)4 and in some Old Babylonian adoption contracts,5 all using the figure ten.6 Differently, the present clause uses an indefinite pronoun, niĝ2-­nam-­me-­a (l. 13), corresponding to Akkadian mimma, “something, anything, everything, (negated) nothing”; we would rather expect a-na me-­a-­bi, as found in the formula ibila PN a-na me-­a-­bi, “any heirs of PN, however many there may be,” which is typical of no-­contest clauses. Despite the unusual choice of the indefinite pronoun, the scribe likely meant “(children) however many there may be.” For the use of niĝ2-­nam-­me, see also §17:9. In addition, it should be noted that at l. 19, the scribe wrote the verbal form i3-­ba-­e-­eš (perfective) instead of the  expected in-­ba-­e-­ne (imperfective). 23–­24. In this section, recording the penalty imposed on the adoptee for repudiation, one expects to find a formula saying that the adoptee would have his head shaved (ĝešumbin ~ kud) and the abbuttu placed on him (gar3 ~ du3); then he would have been sold as a slave. However, here the penalty seems to be recorded with a different formula (gu2 ~ ĝar, corresponding to Akkadian kanāšu, “to bow down, to submit”; cf. CAD K 146, s.v. kanāšu 5b), meaning that the adoptee must submit to his father before being sold as a slave. Once 4 Ai III iv 3–­9: dumu-­meš 10-­am3 ḫe2-­eb2-­tuku-­[a?] a-bar-­ [ra-­a-­ni] šeš-­[gal-­am3] ḫa-­la [sib2-­ta šeš-­gal šu-­ba-­ab-­te]-­ĝe26 / dumu.meš e-še-­re-­et li-­ir-­ši le-­qu-­šu-­ma a-ḫu gal-­u2 zi-­it-­tu2 e-la-­tu a-ḫu gal-­u2 i-laq-­qe2. 5 For example, BAP 95, 96; MAH 15.951; TIM V 3; VAS VIII 73, 127. 6 Two additional contracts, TS 97 and TIM V 6, use the figure five instead of ten. The significance, if any, of this alternative number is not known; at all events, the figure ten appears ultimately to have prevailed (cf. Westbrook 1990).



T h e Te x t s

again, the scribe erroneously wrote the verbal form ba-­ab-­šum2-­mu-­uš (perfective) instead of the expected ba-­ab-­šum2-­mu-­ne (imperfective). 27.The scribe has used the terminative postposition -­še3 instead of the expected dative postposition -­ra.1 30–­31. The most common penalty for an adopter who denies the legal bond with an adoptee was the forfeiture of movable and immovable property. The reconstruction of the verbal form ib2-­ta-­an-­sar-­re (Sumerian sar corresponds to Akkadian ṭarādu; see CAD Ṭ 50–­51) is based on similar expressions in penalty clauses in both model and real contracts—­for example, Spada (2011, §42:37–­38) and SANTAG 9 237 (obv. 10–­11), two marriage contracts in which the verb ib2-­ta-­an-­sar-­re expresses the penalty of seizure of property for a wife who illegally divorces her partner. See also the usage of sar in Ai III iv 14: [nam-­dumu]-­a-­ni-­ta ib2-­ta-­an-­sar / a-na ma-­ru-­ti-­šu iṭ-­ru-­su. 41. The element mutum, “man,” is only attested in Amorite personal names—­hence the reading El of the sign diĝir.2 44–­45. This year name corresponds to the fifth year of the reign of Sîn-­iddinam of Larsa. No. 38 §13: Sale of an Orchard Di

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Stol, personal communication, August 2018. 2

26 27 28 29 30

12 13 14 15 16

4 5 6

20 21 22

D ii

˹in˺-­ši-­sa10 [ud kur2] lu2-­lu2 [nu-­mu-­u]n-­gi4-­gi4-­dam [mu] ˹lugal˺-­bi [in-­p]ad3-­de3-­eš ca. 3 lines missing (witnesses and month name) [mu . . .] ˹x˺ [. . . b]i?-­da-­ra [mu]-­na-­dim2

Ilum-­nādā bought from Ilūssu-­nādā 1–­6 an orch[ard] of two sar, ne[xt to . . .], on the bank of the river/canal [ . . . ], next to the field of . . . , next to the field of Ḫilum, its rear (borders with) the field of Šu-­Nunu: 7–­9 he paid three minas of silver as its full price. 13–­16 They have sworn on the king’s [name] that [in the future,] the one will [not] go back (on the agreement) against the other. 17–­18 [In front of PN1, in front of PN2, the scribe. 19–­22 Month . . . , year “(The king) . . .] made [ . . . ] for [ . . . ].” 10–­12

No. 38 §14: Harvest Loan Contract D ii

˹2 sar˺ ĝešk[iri6] d[a . . .] gu2 i7[ . . . ] da a-šag4 ku?-­˹x˺ da a-šag4 ḫi-­lum sa-­dur2-­bi a-šag4 šu-­nu-­nu sam2 til-­la-­bi-­še3 3 ma-­na kug-­babbar in-­na-­la2 ki i-lu-­su2-­na-­da-­/ta [I]˹diĝir-­na˺-­da

1 The use of -­še3 instead of -­ra with a personal name or a profession term seems not unusual in the Old Babylonian model contracts. Cf., for example, TMH XI 4 §13: 16’; CUNES 52-­08-­065 Side B i 8’; CUNES 52-­10-­147+ Side A ii 7’; CUNES 52-­10-­148 Side C ii 7’ (an edition of these CUNES tablets is in preparation by the writer).

87

7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

[x] giĝ4 kug-­babbar ˹mu˺ še-­gur10-­kud-­še3 k[i] a-wi-­il-­i3-­li2-­ta [Inu]-­ur2-­diš-­ḫa-­ra [šu] ba-­an-­ti [u]d buru14-­ka! [l]u2-­še-­gur10-­kud us2-­sa [t]ukum-­bi [nu]-­us2-­sa-­ta [x] ma-­na kug-­babbar i3-­la2-­e [igi x]-­la-­i3-­gin7? [igi x]-­la-­ak-­i3-­gin7? [dub]-­sar iti [še-­gur10]-­kud mu [ . . . ] diĝir-­re-­˹e˺-­[ne-­ra] mu-­na-­[dim2]

[N]ūr-­Išḫara has received from Awīl-­ilī [tot] shekels of silver for harvesting; 6–­7 at harvest

1–­5

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

88

time, he will accompany the harvesters; 8–­11 if he does [not] accompany them, he will pay [tot] mina(s) of silver. 12–­14 [In front of] . . . , [in front of] . . . , the [scr]ibe. 15–­18 Month XII, year “[(The king)] made [. . . for] the deities.”

D iii 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

Notes 1, 10. Unfortunately, both the amount of silver received and that to be returned in case of unfinished work are lost. However, the different units of measurement used—­shekel and mina, respectively—­shows that the restitution of the silver also includes a penalty for not having done the harvesting.1 7. To the best of my knowledge, the Sumerian expression us2-­sa does not appear in any of the known Old Babylonian harvest loan contracts.2 Usually the expression that describes the work to be done is eren2/lu2-­še-­gur10-­kud(-­mes) illak, “he will go with the harvesters.”3 9. I cannot find a valid explanation for the presence of -­ta at the end of the verbal expression nu-­us2-­sa. 16–­18. For this year name, see the textual note on §10:15–­17. No. 38 §15: Second Marriage and Inheritance Division D ii

25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

šul-­gi-­ad-­l[al3] santana dam diĝir nin-­ḫe2-­ĝal2 dam-­a-­ni ba-­uš2 eĝir dam-­a-­ni-­ta d nin-­lil2-­ama-­ĝu10 geme2-­n[i] nam-­dam-­še3 ba-­an-­tuku igi di-­kud-­bi-­me-­eš u3 ab-­ba-­iriki-­me-­/eš dug nam-­geme2-­a-­ni in-­/gaz Id

1 Cf., for example, PSBA 33 pl. 45 no. 25 (Langdon 1911), where the silver to be returned in case the harvesting is not done is twice the amount received (one and two-­thirds shekels instead of five-­sixths).

13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

Two lines missing ˹šag4?˺ ku? e ne?

ri ri ga?

ud kur2-­še3 dumu nin-­ḫe2-­ĝal2 dumu dnin-­lil2-­ama-­/ĝu10-­še3 geme2 arad-­me-­eš nu-­ub-­be2-­a ḫa-­la teš2 igi 30-­ĝal2-­/bi i3-­ba-­e-­eš mu lugal-­bi in-­pad3-­de3-­eš igi ḫa-­ma-­ti-­/il? igi be-­di-­lum dub-­sar iti dirig še-­gur10-­kud mu id2!buranun/ki ba-­ba-­al

Nin-­ḫeĝal, the wife of Šulgi-­adl[al], the gardener . . . , died; 5–­7 after (the death of ) his wife, he married Ninlil-­amaĝu, his slave girl. 8–­10 Before the judges and the city elders, he smashed her slavery pot. 11–­14 . . . 15–­19 In the future, the children of Nin-­ḫeĝal, when referring to the children of Ninlil-­amaĝu, will not say “They are slaves.” 20–­21 They have jointly divided the inheritance in thirtieths?: 22–­23 they have sworn it on the king’s name. 24–­26 In front of Ḫamatil, in front of Bēdilum, the scribe. 27–­28 Month XII bis, year “The Euphrates was dug.” 1–­4

Notes After the death of his first wife, Šulgi-­adlal marries Ninlil-­amaĝu, his slave girl (who had probably already borne him children), and frees her through the smashing of her slavery pot.4 The children born of his second wife are not to be considered slaves, and they, together with the children of the deceased wife, divide the property of the paternal estate. Old Babylonian law codes describe different situations when men subsequently marry women of lower social status; see, for example, the Laws of Lipit-­Ištar

2 For this type of contract, see Rositani 2011 with previous bibliography. 3 For the interpretation of this formula as “he will perform the services with the harvesters,” cf. Stol 1976, 97–­108.

4 As for this symbolic act pertaining to manumission of slaves, see the textual note on no. 54 §1.



T h e Te x t s

(LL) §§24–­261 and the Code of Hammurapi (CH) §§148, 167, 170–­71. For the role of the second wife in the ancient Near East, see Stol (2016b, 165–­92). 2. As a mere hypothesis, the signs following the term santana could be read ereš!(dam)-­diĝir, “the gardener of the priestess.” However, as far as I know, this profession is never attested in Old Babylonian documents. 11–­14. After the section in which it is said that Šulgi-­adlal has married and freed Ninlil-­amaĝu, his slave girl, there are two lines missing because of a break in the prism. Although the signs in ll. 13–­14 are quite clear, I cannot reconstruct the situation that is here described. 20–­21. Apparently, it seems that the paternal estate has been divided among all the sons (of both the first and the second wives) “in thirtieths” (igi 30-­ĝal2-­bi).To the best of my knowledge, this formula does not appear in any contract recording an inheritance division or in the Old Babylonian law collections, where if the father’s first wife died and he remarried, the sons of both marriages were equally entitled to inherit the paternal estate (LL §24: niĝ2-­gur11  ad-­da-­ne-­ne teš2-­a sig10-­ga-­bi i3-­ba-­e-­ne; CH §167: maqqūr bīt abim mitḫariš izuzzū). I wonder whether the scribe intended to write thirds and not thirtieths.2 28. This year name can be identified as the twenty-­ third year of the reign of Rīm-­Sîn of Larsa (1822–­1763 BC). No. 38 §16: Partnership Loan D iii 19 20 28 29 30 31

1 2 10 11 12 13

3 ma-­na kug-­babbar ˹nam-­tab-­ba˺ ca. 7 lines missing ˹x x x˺ [ . . . ] kar ˹e2-­den?.zu?˺/ki-­še3 gi4-­gi4-­dam kug-­bi

1 See the new edition offered by Wilcke 2014, 592–­95, §§f34–­f37. In Neo-­Babylonian Laws, §15, it is stated that the sons of the first marriage receive two-­thirds, and those of the second marriage (after the first wife had died) receive one-­third (see Roth 1997, 148; cf. also Stol 2016b, 190–­91). 2

89

32 33 34 35 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

E

14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

libir bi2-­ĝal2-­˹la˺ ma-­na kug-­[babbar] e2 um-­mi-­˹a-­še3?˺ ˹x x x˺ ib-­gi4-­˹gi4-­ne?˺ u3 šu-­la2 nu-­mu-­un-­˹ne?-­/šum2?˺ igi lu2-­dutu dub-­˹sar˺ iti ab-­e3-­a mu ugnim tin-­tirki ĝeš tukul ba-­sig3

Three minas of silver [for] a partnership enterprise . . . (ca. seven lines missing) 11–­12 to return to the quay of Bīt-­Sîn?. 13–­18 They will return that silver, which is the remaining debt, in? minas? of sil[ver] to the creditor’s house . . . 19–­20 and he (= the creditor?) will not give them the šula?. 21 In front of Lu-­Utu, the scribe. 22–­25 Month X, year “The army of Babylon was smitten by weapons.” 1–­2

Notes The so-­called partnership loan is a type of loan that is relatively common among model contracts.3 Usually, one or more persons borrow silver (sometimes barley) from an investor (the creditor, Sumerian um-­mi-­a) and form a partnership in a commercial venture; when it is completed, the investor is repaid, and the partners divide the profit or loss.4 Once again, this contract does not indicate the names of the parties involved. 11. Since the line is damaged, it is not easy to read the name of the city to whose quay the silver must be returned: tentatively, I read it Bīt-­Sîn (cf. Groneberg 1980, 44). 14. The Sumerian term libir here means “debt outstanding”—­that is, the remaining part of a debt (cf. CAD L 26, s.v. labirtu).

3 Cf. the Old Babylonian Model Contracts catalog (http://​ oracc​.org/​obmc/). See also TMH XI 4. 4 For a comprehensive study on the partnership loans, see Dole 1965. Cf. also Eilers 1931, 5–­37; Lautner 1939, 24–­79; and Szlechter 1947.

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

90

19. For the Sumerian term šu-­la2, see the textual note on text no. 43:2. 23–­25.This contract is dated to Sîn-­iddinam 4, like §7.

9. To the best of my knowledge, the use of this expression instead of an amount of silver is not attested elsewhere. For this same form, see §12:13.

No. 38 §17: Sale of an Orchard

No. 39 MS 3179

E

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

3(iku) gana2 ĝeškiri6 gu2! id2me-­den-­lil2-­la2 da eg2 dšul-­gi da eš x us2-­sa id2 ma-­˹x˺-­[x] sa-­dur2-­bi 5? [x] I ? ki -­ši-­im-­˹x˺-­[x] sam2 til-­la-­[bi-­še3] niĝ2-­nam-­me ˹x˺ [x x] [i]n-­˹na˺-­[la2]

PN (bought) 1–­6 an orchard of three iku (1.80 ha.), on the bank of the canal Me-­Enlila, next to the embankment of Šulgi, next to . . . , its rear (borders with) . . . 8–­10 he pa[id] as much as it is . . . [as its] full price. 7

Notes Due likely to a shortage of room to write, in this contract the term for “to buy” (in-­ši-­sa10; cf. the order of the component parts in §13, which records a similar sale of an orchard), the list of witnesses and the date are all omitted. 2. The canal Me-­Enlila, which is first attested in the Ur III period, probably branched from the left bank of the canal Abgal (with which is often linked in the textual record), in the territory of Marad, and flowed east–­southeast, perhaps continuing on to Larsa via the Nippur region (cf. Cole and Gasche 1998, 29–­30). 3.The embankment of Šulgi is attested in some Old Babylonian documents, appearing in the description of real estates,1 and in one of the sources of Urra XXII (VAT 9430;2 cf. MSL XI 22 D). 1 For example, CT 2 24: 14; MHET II/2 163: 9; OLA 21 95: 10 (= van Lerberghe and Voet 1989); Dalley 1979, no. 34:6; YOS XIV 88: 2 (= Simmons 1960, 122). I thank M. Stol for having brought to my attention these attestations. See its edition in DCCLT, http://​oracc​.org/​dcclt/​P381751. 2

Pls. XXXVIII–­XXXIX

This four-­sided prism with three columns on each side would originally have been about 20 cm high. Its present measurements are 6.8 cm high by 8.6 cm wide, so the portion preserved corresponds to one-­third of the original prism. The approximate numbers of lines or traces of lines visible on each side are as follows:

Side A Side B Side C Side D

Col. i

Col. ii

Col. iii

1 13 11 4

9 12 11 3

7 9 8 1

In the preserved portion of the prism, we can identify eighteen model contracts separated by double lines. Most of them are loans, and the commodities lent are the usual ones: barley and silver. Since the four sides are preserved only in their lower part, their order cannot be established with certainty, especially in the absence of the key features that determine which side of a prism is the last, such as a colophon, a doxology to Nisaba, or some space left intentionally blank.Their identification here as Sides A–­D is based on two simple observations. First, the last side must be one of the two in which the end of the column coincides with the conclusion of a contract (i.e., A or D). Second, the sequence “barley loans—­silver loans” continues across Sides A and B, so Side A is excluded, leaving Side D. The internal organization of the prism is set out in table 2. Table 2. The internal organization of prism no. 39 Side Section Content

Line extent

A

i 1’ ii 1’–­9’ iii 1’–­7’ i 1’–­9’ i 10’–­12’

B

1 2 3 4 5

Barley loan Barley loan Barley loan Barley loan Barley loan



T h e Te x t s

Side Section Content Loss of a tablet dealing with a barley? loan Debt note of barley Silver loan Silver loan Silver loan Silver loan Partnership loan Silver loan Silver loan Content not completely identified Content not completely identified Content not completely identified Content not completely identified

6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

C

D

16 17 18

Line extent ii 1’–­7’ ii 8’–­12’ iii 1’–­6’ iii 7’–­9’ i 1’ i 2’–­9’ i 10’–­11’ ii 1’–­7’ ii 8’–­11’ iii 1’–­7’ i. 1’–­4’ ii 1’–­3’ iii 1’

No. 39 §1: Barley Loan Ai 1’

1’

Unknown number of lines missing iti gud-­si-­su-­še3

. . . (to be given back) in the second month.

Note Although only the line indicating the month of repayment has been preserved, we can infer that this contract records a barley loan, like the following six contracts. See in particular §3, where the second month occurs as the term of repayment of the barley loan. According to Skaist (1994, 170), the second month of the Nippur calendar was the predominant month for repayment of both barley and silver loans in documents from Kisurra, but it is found also in texts from Ur. No. 39 §2: Barley Loan A ii 1’ 2’

4 5

Probably 3 lines missing [Ix-­x-­d]im [šu] ba-­an-­ti

91

3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’ 8’

6 7 8 9 10 11

9’

12

[iti] ĝešapin-­du8-­a šum2-­mu-­dam [t]ukum-­bi [iti ĝeš]apin-­du8-­a-­/ka [la-­ba-­a]n-­šum2 ˹maš2˺ 1(aš) gur 1(barig) ˹4(ban2)-­ta˺ i3-­aĝ2-­e

[ . . . ]-­Iškur/Adad has receiv[ed tot gur of barley from PN]; 6–­7 to be given back in the eighth [month]. 8–­12 If in the eighth [month he does not] give it back, he will measure an interest rate of one hundred sila per gur of barley. 1–­5

No. 39 §3: Barley Loan A iii 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

1(u) 1(aš )[+ x še gur] eš-­d[e2-­a-­še3] ki diĝir-­[. . . -­ta] I a-­˹x˺-­[ . . . ] šu b[a-­an-­ti] iti gud-­si-­˹su-­še3˺ šum2-­mu-­dam

A-­[. . . has re]ceived from P[N] eleven [+ x gur of barley as an] ešd[ea loan]; 6–­7 to be given back in the second month. 1–­5

Note 2. For the eš-­de2-­a loan (Akkadian ḫubuttatu), see Skaist (1994, 52–­56). No. 39 §4: Barley Loan Bi

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’ 8’ 9’

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

[ . . . ] ˹še˺ g[ur] [še] ˹ur5-­ra˺ [nu-­me]-­˹a? eš?-­de2?-­a˺ [ib2]-­˹ta˺-­de2 [ki] ab-­ba-­gu-­kal [Il]u2-­dba-­u2 [šu] ba-­an-­ti [iti] ĝešapin-­du8-­a šum2-­mu-­dam

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92

[L]u-­Bau has receiv[ed from] Abba-­gukal [tot] g[ur] of barley—­[barley that is not] an urra loan (but) is poured? (as) an ešdea loan; 8–­9 to be given back in the eighth [month]. 1–­7

No. 39 §6: Loss of a Tablet Dealing with a Barley? Loan B ii 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’

Note 2–­4. The surface of the prism is badly damaged in these lines. The reconstruction, which is to be considered merely tentative, is based on a similar expression occurring in text no. 40 §6:2–­3, in another unpublished model contract (CBS 6820 = P230428:1 ur5-­ra nu-­me-­a eš-­de2-­a-­še3 “it is not an urra loan, [but is given] as an ešdea loan”), and in Ai II i 63. For a similar reconstruction in another model contract (NBC 7800 i 1–­16 = Bodine 2015, 18–­19), see Spada (2017, 300–­301). See also TMH XI 5 §4 (Spada 2018, 63–­64), where the verbal form eš ib2-­ta-­de2 appears. For a description of the ur5-­ra loan (Akkadian ḫubullu), see Skaist (1994, 33–­41). No. 39 §5: Barley Loan Bi

10’ 11’ 12’

1 2 3

1(u) 2(aš) še gur ĝiškim-­ti-­še3 ki ur-­du6-­kug-­ga / ugula dam-­gar3-­ta Rest missing

[PN has received] 1–­3 from Ur-­dukuga, the overseer of the merchants, twelve gur of barley entrusted for trade . . .

Unknown number of lines missing ˹u2˺-­[gu ba-­an-­de2] kišib gaba-­r[i-­bi] in-­na-­˹an˺-­t[ak4] ud kur2-­še3 kišib ul-­pad3 zi-­re-­˹dam˺ mu lugal-­bi in-­/pad3

. . . (the sealed tablet) 1’–­3’ [has been lo]st, (so that) he (= the creditor) has drawn up for him a copy of that sealed tablet. 4’–­7’ He has sworn on the king’s name that in the future, should the (lost) tablet be found, it is to be destroyed.

Note This text, of which only the final part is preserved, records the loss of a tablet dealing with a loan (probably of barley), ending with a clause for the eventuality that the tablet is recovered. This same clause and situation appear in numerous Ur III texts2 and Old Babylonian model contracts3 (see also text no. 40 §7). No. 39 §7: Debt Note of Barley B ii

Note 2. In Ai II i 66, the Sumerian expression ĝiškim-­ti-­la-­še3 is equated to Akkadian a-na qip-­ti,“(barley or silver) entrusted for trade.” For the meaning of qīptu as “an amount of silver entrusted to an agent for buying goods to be sold on consignment or the consigned goods themselves, on which interest is not charged until a particular period (usually unspecified) has elapsed,” see CAD Q 261a.

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’

8’ 9’ 10’ 11’ 12’

1 2 3 4 5

1(u) 5(aš) še gur šag4 kišib 3(u) še gur i-­din-­d˹nin-­šubur˺ diĝir-­inim-­dug3-­ga-­ra in-­na-­ra-­su-­su Rest missing

Iddin-­Ilabrat has to return to Diĝir-­inim-­ duga fifteen gur of barley from a sealed tablet of thirty gur of barley . . . (rest of the contract missing). 1–­5

2 For example, NRVN 1 244; Or SP 47–­49 411; TMH NF I–­II 47. Throughout the chapter, unpublished model contracts are followed by their P number within the database of the Cuneiform Digital Library Initiative (http://​cdli​.ucla​.edu), which offers high-­resolution images of the tablets. 1

3 Spada 2011, §5; TMH XI 4 §§3, 9; and some unpublished model contracts, such as N 1323 (P230643) obv. ii’ 4–­17; and Carlos Museum (Emory University) X.3.217 (prism; P433189) Side C ii’ 1’–­6’.



T h e Te x t s

No. 39 §8: Silver Loan B iii 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’

3 4 5 6 7 8

2 lines missing t[aḫ-­ḫe-­dam] ki dutu-­[. . . -­ta] I ur-­dašnan šu ba-­an-­ti iti gud-­si-­su-­še3 šum2-­mu-­dam

Ur-­ Ašnan has received from Utu/ Šamaš-­[ . . . ] [tot shekel(s) of silver—­an interest rate of . . . is to be ad]ded; 7–­8 to be given back in the second month.

93

No. 39 §10: Silver Loan Ci 1’

1’

Unknown number of lines missing [ . . . ]-­˹x-­x˺

Note Although only the final traces of the last line are visible, in all probability, this contract records a silver loan, like the preceding and following contracts.

1–­6

No. 39 §11: Silver Loan Ci

Note Although the object of the loan is not preserved, we can hypothesize that it is silver on the basis of the following silver loan, in which the same verbal form (taḫ-­ḫe-­dam) appears. In this section of the prism, therefore, the text may have been arranged to form a sequence of silver loans that use similar formulas but differ from one another in one of the contractual variables. No. 39 §9: Silver Loan B iii

7’ 8’ 9’

1 2 3

3 giĝ4 kug-­babbar maš2 1 giĝ4 1(ban2) še-­ta taḫ-­ḫe-­dam Rest missing

Three shekels of silver—­an interest rate of ten sila (wr. one ban) of barley per shekel is to be added . . . 1–­3

Note 2. Sometimes interest on silver loans was payable in commodities other than silver. According to Skaist (1994, 109–­10), the interest formula maš2 1 giĝ4 1(barig) še-­ta, corresponding to 20 percent, and its variant formula maš2 1 giĝ4 3(ban2) še-­ta, whose rate of interest is half that of the previous formula—­that is, 10 percent—­had a wide geographic distribution. The formula here recorded would correspond to one-­sixth of the “standard” one, or 3.3 percent.

2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’ 8’ 9’

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

6 giĝ4 kug-­˹babbar˺ maš2 1 giĝ4 ½ giĝ4-­ta taḫ-­ḫe-­dam ki na-­bi-­i3-­li2-­šu-­ta I a-­ḫu-­šu-­nu šu ba-­an-­ti iti še-­gur10-­kud šum2-­mu-­dam

Aḫūšunu has received from Nabi-­ilīšu six shekels of silver—­an interest rate of half a shekel per shekel is to be added; 7–­8 to be given back in the twelfth month. 1–­6

Note 2. The interest rate is here 50 percent. According to Skaist (1994, 114–­15), this interest rate and another of 33.3 percent (maš2 1 giĝ4 ⅓ giĝ4) occur in the Mari loan contracts but do not belong to the Old Babylonian sphere, having parallels in the contracts from Elam and Cappadocia. No. 39 §12: Partnership Loan Ci

10’ 11’

1 2

30 ma-­na kug-­babbar nam-­tab-­ba-­še3 Rest missing

Thirty minas of silver for a partnership enterprise . . . (rest of the contract missing).

1–­2

Note For partnership loans, see the textual note on no. 38 §16.

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94

No. 39 §13: Silver Loan C ii 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’

Unknown number of lines missing ˹u3?˺ [ . . . ] šu b[a-­an-­ti-­eš] iti kiĝ2-­[dinana] šum2-­mu-­d[am] ki lu2 al-­silim-­/ma-­ta u3 lu2 gi-­na-­ta šu ba-­te-­ĝe26

(PN2) and [PN3 have rec]eived (from PN1 tot mina[s]/shekel[s] of silver); 3’–­4’ to be given back in the [six]th month; 5’–­7’ he (= the creditor) will take it from the financially sound and legally responsible one. 1’–­2’

2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’

No. 39 §16: Content Not Completely Identified Di 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’

8’ 9’ 10’ 11’

1 2 3 4

7 ½ giĝ4 kug-­babbar ki lu2-­dnin-­urta-­ta d nanna-­me-­ša4 šu ba-­an-­ti Rest missing

Nanna-­meša has received from Lu-­Ninurta seven and a half shekels of silver . . . (rest of the contract missing).

C iii 1’

1’

Unknown number of lines missing ˹x˺ [ . . . ]

Unknown number of lines missing l[a-­ba-­an-­gur] 1(ban2) ˹še˺-­am3 [b]i2-­ib-­taḫ-­e [in]im?-­inim-­ni Rest missing

[. . . (if ) . . . he does not return it] he will add one ban of barley; 4’ (he has given) his words . . . (rest of the contract missing). No. 39 §17: Content Not Completely Identified D ii 1’ 2’ 3’

1’ 2’ 3’

Unknown number of lines missing al-­˹aĝ2-­e˺ tukum-­bi a-­šag4 ˹lugal˺-­ta

[ . . . ] 1’ he will measure it. 2’–­3’ If from the field of the king? . . . (rest of the contract missing). No. 39 §18: Content Not Completely Identified D iii 1’

1–­4

No. 39 §15: Content Not Completely Identified

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’

1’–­3’

No. 39 §14: Silver Loan C ii

ki dutu-­b[a?-­ni-­ta] a-­ḫu-­n[i?] ad-­da-­ni u3 ˹munus˺-­kal-­la / ama-­a-­ni kug šu ba-­an-­ti-­eš id2-­da Rest missing

I

. . . 2’–­6’ Aḫūn[i], his father, and Munus-­kalla, his mother, have received the silver from Šamaš-­b[āni]; 7’ on the river . . .

Note 5’–­7’. The so-­called joint liability clause usually appears in loans made to more than one debtor and expresses the idea of joint responsibility of all the debtors for the entire debt.The subject of this formula is here the creditor, but another version also existed in which the debtor is the subject: ki lu2-­silim-­ma u3 lu2-­g i-­na-­ta kug i3-­la2-­e (or še i3-­aĝ2-­e), “the financially sound and legally responsible one will pay the silver / will measure the barley.” For a description of the “joint liability” clause, its usage, and its historical and geographical spread, see Skaist (1994, 231–­37).

2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’

1’

Unknown number of lines missing ˹iti-­bi mu˺-­[bi]

. . . (Its witnesses), its month, [its] year.

Note 1’. One of the main distinguishing features of model contracts is the omission of the list of witnesses and the date, both essential for the legal validity



T h e Te x t s

of functional contracts.1 If the reconstruction of this final line, based on the traces of the signs, is correct, we have here the typical notation of some

95

model contracts, alluding to the witnesses and date that have been omitted. However, as shown by texts nos. 38 and 57, there may be school exercises in which the list of witnesses and the date (month and year) occur.

1 See Hallo 1975, 195–­96.

NOS. 40– ­4 1: TY P E  I TABLETS No. 40 MS 3176/5

Pls. XL–­XLI

Because of its tiny size and its minute expert cuneiform script, this multicolumn tablet (which originally would likely have included eight columns per side) can be labeled as a microtablet.2 Apart from its unusual size, it possesses all the features of Type I tablets, which are large multicolumn tablets (ca. 15 × 20 cm), ranging from two to six columns on each side and written in a relatively small script. Type I tablets usually contain an entire literary or lexical composition of several hundred lines or a collection of model contracts. These tablets seem to be exercises by more or less advanced students rather than standard reference copies. The preserved part of the tablet collects twenty model contracts, including several types of loans (barley loans, silver loans, partnership loans, and one sesame loan), four legal cases, and one rental of a house for storing barley.3 The internal organization of the tablet is set out in table 3. Table 3. The internal organization of tablet no. 40 Section Content

Line extent

Obverse 1 2

Barley loan Barley loan

i’ 1–­7 i’ 8–­9

Section Content 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

Partnership loan ii’ 1–­7 Legal case about a barley ii’ 8–­26 loan iii’ 1–­12 Barley loan Barley loan Loss of a tablet dealing with a barley loan Barley loan Barley loan for doing agricultural tasks Legal case about a barley loan Legal case about a burgled house

iii’ 13–­31 iii’ 32–­iv’ 2 iv’ 3–­15 iv’ 16–­45 v’ 1–­33 v’ 34–­43

Reverse 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

2 For a discussion about the making of a microtablet in antiquity, see Sperl 1967. 3 A similar microtablet, collecting twenty model contracts (including several types of loans, sales of real estates, and two house rentals), is published in Spada 2018, 44–­59.

Line extent

20

Legal case about a burgled house, continued Rental of a house for storing barley Barley loan Barley loan Silver loan Repayment of silver Legal case about burgled houses Partnership loan Sesame loan with distraint of members of a debtor’s household Content not completely identified

i 1–­15 i 16–­33 i 34–­41 ii 1–­19 ii 20–­26 ii 27–­35 ii 36–­iii 27 iii 28–­39 iv 1’–­9’

v 1’–­4’

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No. 40 §1: Barley Loan i’

1 2

1 2

3 4 5 6 7

3 4 5 6 7

[x +]˹1(aš)˺ še gur [maš2 1(aš) gu]r 1(barig) 4(ban2) še-­ta [ki de]n.zu-­na-­da [Ilug]al-­nesaĝ-­e-­ke4 [šu ba]-­an-­ti [iti ĝešapi]n-­du8-­a [šum2-­mu]-­dam

[Lug]al-­nesaĝe [has rece]ived [from S]în-­nādā [x] + 1 gur of barley—­[an interest rate] of one hundred sila [per gu]r (is to be added); 6–­7 to be [given back] in the eig[hth month]. 1–­5

No. 40 §2: Barley Loan i’

8 9

1 2

[x š]e gur [maš2 . . .]-­ta Rest of the column missing

(PN2 has received from PN1) 1–­2 [tot] gur of barley—­[an interest rate of . . .] (rest of the contract missing). No. 40 §3: Partnership Loan ii’

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

3 4 5 6 7 8 9

2 lines missing šeš-­kal-­la-­ke4 u3 i3-­li2-­ṣi-­li2 kaš sa10-­sa10-­de3 nam-­tab-­ba-­še3 šu ba-­an-­ti-­eš iti gud-­si-­su-­ka šum2-­mu-­dam

I

Šeškalla and Ilī-­ṣillī have received [from PN tot gur of barley] for a partnership enterprise for buying beer; 8–­9 to be given back in the second month. 3–­7

Note 5. This expression, which specifies the purpose for which the loan was made, appears also in two unpublished model contracts: CBS 2298 (P230726) obv. 3, 10, 13 (cf. Spada 2018, 38) and

UM 29-­15-­830 (P230632) obv. 2. Similar expressions in other model contracts are as follows: • dug sa10-­sa10-­de3, “for buying vessels (for beer)”: text no. 40 §18:9 (see the textual note) še • ĝeš-­i3 sa10-­sa10-­de3, “for buying sesame”: text no. 41 §2:3; CBS 3867 (P230728) obv. ii’ 5’ • še sa10-­sa10-­de3, “for buying barley”: TMH XI 4 §§10:2’, 12:3; N 3472 (P230659) obv. 2 • tug2 sa10-­sa10-­de3, “for buying garments”: text no. 40 §15:2 • nam urudu sa10-­sa10-­de3: Cotsen 52178 (= Wilson 2008, no. 53) obv. 2 Sometimes the purpose of trade is implicit in the clause of term of repayment, where the expression kaskal silim-­ma, “on safe completion of the (commercial) expedition,” appears (cf. text no. 47 obv. 20; and TLB I 266 obv. 7). Similarly, the presence of the term “profit” (Sumerian a2-­tuku, Akkadian nēmelu) implies that the loan was made for trade purposes. No. 40 §4: Legal Case About a Barley Loan ii’

8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

5(aš) še gur maš2-­bi ud-­bi-­ta ba-­an-­šum2-­ma ki lugal-­dug3!-­ta I arad-­dza-­ba4-­ba4 [š]u ba-­an-­ti [še] u3 maš2-­bi [šag4] lugal še-­ke4 [a]l-­dug3-­ge [Ilug]al-­dug3 [kišib?-­b]i ba-­an-­da-­kur2 [Iarad]-­dza-­ba4-­ba4 [den-­lil2-­b]a-­ni lugal-­e [gaba] i-ri [igi-­ni i]n-­ĝar-­ma [še u3 ma]š2-­bi [šag4 lugal-­dug3 a]l-­dug3-­ge [ . . . ]-­x [ . . . ]-­x Rest of the column missing



T h e Te x t s

Warad-­Zababa received from Lugal-­dug five gur of barley—­its interest rate was given on that day; 7–­9 with [the barley] and its interest [the heart] of the barley’s owner was! satisfied. 10–­15 (Since later) [Lug]al-­dug changed it[s (= of the agreement) sealed tablet, Warad]-­Zababa approached the king [Enlil-­b]āni, [appea]red (in court,) and (said), 16–­17 [“With the barley and] its in[terest the heart of Lugal-­dug] was! satisfied . . .” 1–­6

Notes This document (like §§10, 11, 17) is a model court case,1 which concerns a barley loan and, like §10, mentions a king of the Isin dynasty. Here the petitioner, Warad-­Zababa, appeals to King Enlil-­bāni (1862–­1839 BC); in §10, Aḫam-­arši approaches King Būr-­Sîn (1897–­1876 BC). It is not unusual that a king of Isin should appear in a model court case. It happens in two of the eight cases known to date, both of them from Nippur: the inheritance case published by Klein and Sharlach (2007) was brought before King Išme-­ Dagan (1955–­1937 BC), while the homicide case published by Jacobsen (1959) was taken before his second successor, Ur-­Ninurta (1925–­1898 BC). 9, 17. The correct verbal form should be al-­dug3, as appears in §7:8. No. 40 §5: Barley Loan iii’

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

1(diš) sila3 še ĝiškim-­ti-­še3 ki dmar-­du2-­zi-­ĝu10 Id mar-­du2-­ba-­ni-­ke4 šu ba-­an-­ti mu še nu-­mu-­un-­sug6-­ga-­/še3? kug pad-­ra2 ki-­la2 nu-­mu-­un-­tag-­ga in-­na-­an-­tak4 ud še ba-­ab-­šum2-­mu-­še3

1 The so-­called model court cases (sometimes called also “literary legal decisions”) are sample court settlements used to train the scribes in the forms of the functional court records. For a brief description of this genre, with previous bibliography, see George 2009, 142–­47. See also Neumann 2004.

97

11 12

11 12

kug pad-­ra2-­bi ba-­an-­tum2-­mu

Amurrum-­bāni received from Amurrum-­ napištī one sila of barley entrusted for trade; 6–­9 since he did not repay the barley, he has left (as security) an unprocessed and unweighed lump of silver: 10–­12 when he gives back the barley, he will take back this unprocessed lump of silver. 1–­5

Notes 2. For this expression, see the textual note on no. 39 §5:2. 6–­12. Since the debtor did not repay his debt to the creditor (a ridiculously low amount of barley: one sila, equivalent to a liter), he has left him an unweighed lump of silver (Sumerian kug pad-­ra2) as security until the debt is repaid in full. Similar phraseology occurs in FLP 1287 vi 43–­48 (Roth 1979, 45, 87; 1997, 52), Ai III ii 11–­13, and an unpublished model contract, UM 29-­16-­575 (P230563), where it is clearly stated that “a lump of silver of ten shekels” (kug pad-­ra2 10 giĝ4 kug-­babbar) “is left as a pledge” (ši-­pi2-­ir-­tum-­še3 in-­na-­an-­tak4). The Akkadian term šipirtu, “pledge, security,” also appears in three other model contracts—­namely, TMH XI 4 §6,2 N 6005 (P230694), and UM 29-­16-­291 (P256835), in which are pledged a field, a sum of silver, and a slave girl, respectively. For the use of the term šipirtu in real-­life contracts, see Charpin (2009; 2015b, 176). No. 40 §6: Barley Loan iii’

13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

3(u) še gur ur5-­ra nu-­me-­a eš-­de2-­a-­še3 nam-­sig9-­ga-­ni-­še3 ud šag4-­ĝar-­ra-­ka šag4 gur la2-­a-­ka šakanka al-­tur-­re gu5-­li-­ni sa10-­a-­bi? in-­na-­an-­šum2 ki a-ḫu-­ni-­ta

2 Correct the translation of MS 3176/5 obv. iii 1’–­12’ offered in Spada 2018, 49.

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23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

31

19

diĝir-­ma-­ke4

I

šu ba-­an-­ti iti gan-­gan-­e3 šum2-­mu-­dam tukum-­bi [iti ga]n-­gan-­e3 [la-­ba-­a]n-­šum2 [maš2 1(aš) gur 1(barig)] 4(ban) še-­ta [bi2-­ib-­t]aḫ-­e

Ilumma received from Aḫūni, 4 as his investment share, 1–­3 thirty gur of barley—­it is not an urra loan (but is given) as an ešdea loan. 5 Being a period of shortage (of barley), 8–­9 his (= Aḫūni’s) partner gave to him (= Ilumma) the value 6–­7 of the weighed gur(?) according to the diminished rate of the market; 13–­14 to be given back in the ninth month. 15–­19 If in the nin[th month] he does [not give it back], he wil[l add an interest rate of one hundred] sila [per gur] of barley. 10–­12

II 52 = MSL SS1 79). In this last case, the simultaneous presence of the terminative postposition -­še3 would seem to be redundant. 5–­7. Similar phraseology appears in texts nos. 56 and 57. The expression šag4 gur la2-­a-­ka (l. 6) also occurs in Ai VI iv 39 (šag4 gur la2-­a-­ta / i-na šag4 ku-­ri ša-­qi2-­il). No. 40 §7: Loss of a Tablet Dealing with a Barley Loan iii’

Notes 2–­3. See the textual note on text no. 39 §4:2–­4. 4. The presence of the Sumerian term sig9-­ga, “investment share,” which is equated to Akkadian šipkātu (cf. CAD Š3 70, s.v. šipkātu 2b), identifies this contract as one dealing with a commercial partnership (cf. also TMH XI 2 §5). The use of the initial nam can give rise to two different interpretations. First, nam-­could be the prefix for nomina abstracta used to create an abstract noun, nam-­sig9-­ga. As far as I know, however, this term, which could correspond to the Akkadian term šipkūtu (cf. CAD Š3 72, s.v. šipkūtu, no meaning given) is never attested in Sumerian. Second, nam could have the sense of the Akkadian ana: this usage is not uncommon in Old Babylonian texts (cf. also text no. 41 §4:10), being attested in documents of various provenience1 (cf. also MBGT 1 There are attestations from Larsa (e.g., TCL X 67, 70, 117; TCL XI 169, 170, 175; cf. also the Larsa model contract Cotsen 52177 [= Spada 2012]), from Nippur (e.g., ARN 36; BE VI/2 11; TMH X 7, 34), from Ur (e.g., UET V 94, 124, 202, 415), and from Uruk (e.g., YOS XIV 343).

iv’

32 33

1 2

34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14

[1(u) 5(aš)?] še gur [maš2 1(aš) gur 1(barig)] 4(ban2) še-­ta [ki e2-­lu2]-­ti-­ta [Ie2-­ur2-­bi]-­dug3-­ke4 [šu ba-­an]-­ti [še u3 maš2]-­bi [šag4 e2-­lu2]-­ti [al-­d]ug3 [kišib-­bi ki e2-­lu2-­t]i [u2-­gu ba-­an-­de2] [gaba-­r i kišib-­ba-­n]i [in-­na-­an-­tak4] ud kur2-­še3 kišib ul-­pa! zi-­re-­dam

[1–­5 E-urbi]dug [recei]ved from [E-­lu]ti [fifteen?] gur of barley—­[an interest rate of one hundred] sila [per gur of] barley (was added); 6–­8  [the barley and] its [interest satisfied E-lu]ti. 9–­12 [Its (= the repayment’s) sealed tablet was lost from (the house of ) E-lut]i, [(so that) he has drawn up for him a copy of his sealed tablet]. 13–­14 In the future, should the (lost) tablet be found, it is to be destroyed.

Notes This model contract has been restored on the basis of a duplicate text recorded on a multicolumn tablet from Nippur, UM 29-­13-­408a (P230634) obv. ii 4’–­12’. A similar situation also appears in TMH XI 4 §9, with few variants in the name of the debtor (Nanna-­meša instead of E-urbidug) and the commodity loaned (silver instead of barley). For their edition, see Spada (2018, 50–­51).



T h e Te x t s

14. In the expression kišib ul-­pa, thographic writing for pad3.

pa

is a nonor-

27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45

No. 40 §8: Barley Loan iv’

3 4

1 2

5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

5(aš) še gur maš2 1(aš) gur 1(barig) 4(ban2) še-­ta ki a-ba-­den-­lil2-­gin7-­/ta I a-­ḫu-­wa-­qar šu ba-­an-­ti iti kiĝ2-­dinana šum2-­mu-­dam tukum-­bi iti kiĝ2-­dinana la-­ba-­an-­šum2 mu še šu ba-­an-­ti-­a e2 a-ba-­den-­lil2-­gin7 al-­ak-­e

Aḫu-­waqar has received from Aba-­Enlil-­ gin five gur of barley—­an interest rate of one hundred sila per gur of barley (is to be added); 6–­7 to be given back in the sixth month. 8–­13 If in the sixth month he does not give it back, he will do housework for Aba-­Enlil-­g in instead of the barley that he received. 1–­5

Note 12–­13. For the expression e2 (PN) ~ ak, see CAD E 205a, s.v. epēšu 2c. No. 40 §9: Barley Loan for Doing Agricultural Tasks iv’

16 17

1 2

18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

2(u) 5(aš) še gur maš2 1(aš) gur 1(barig) 4(ban2) še-­ta id2-­da bal-­e-­de3 u3 saĝ a-šag4-­ga al ak-­e ki be-­li2-­i-­din-­na-­šu-­ta I an-­na-­ḫi-­li-­bi dub-­sar a-šag4-­ga I i3-­li2-­tab.ba-­e enkud niĝ2-­kas7(šid:ĝar) x u3 lu2-­saĝ-­gal-­zu

99

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

dumu a-gar3-­ra-­ke4-­ne šu ba-­an-­ti-­eš iti kiĝ2-­dinana šum2-­mu-­dam tukum-­bi iti kiĝ2-­dinana la-­ba-­an-­šum2 ud buru14-­ka še u3 maš2-­bi abul lugal-­la-­kam ĝeš ba-­an 10 ib!-­ra-­sug6 lu2-­ur-­saĝ-­gal-­zu ni2-­te-­ni-­ta e2 be-­li2-­i-­din-­na-­šu in-­il2 kišib-­ba-­ne-­ne in-­na-­an-­tak4 inim-­inim-­ne-­˹ne ba-­an˺-­šum2 ˹mu lugal-­la-­bi˺ [in-­pad3-­de3-­ eš]

Anna-­ ḫilibi, the scribe of the field; Ilī-­tappê, the tax-­collector . . . ; and Lu-­ saĝgalzu, (who are) the participants of the ugāru, have received from Bēlī-­iddinaššu 1–­5 twenty-­five gur of barley—­an interest rate of one hundred sila per gur of barley (is to be added) for digging the canal and for hoeing the top part of the field; 14–­15 to be given back in the sixth month. 16–­18 If in the sixth month they! do not give it back, 19–­22 at harvest time they! have to return the barley and its interest, according to the ban-­measure of ten (sila), at the gate of the king. 23–­30 (Since) Lu-­ursaĝgalzu, of his own initiative (lit. by himself ), has carried (the barley) at the house of Bēlī-­iddinaššu, he (= Bēlī-­iddinaššu) has drawn up for them! a (new) sealed document; they! have given their word. [They have sworn] it on the king’s name. 6–­13

Note 3. Due to the presence of a genitive case marker, we expect a term that precedes id2-­da, probably ka, “mouth”—­that is, “canal inlet.”

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100

No. 40 §10: Legal Case About a Barley Loan v’

1 2

1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

1(u) 2(aš) [še gur] maš2 1(aš) gur 1(barig) ˹4(ban2)˺ [še-­ta] ki a-ḫa-­mar-­˹ši˺-­[ta] I an-­ne-­n[i] šu ba-­an-­ti še še-­da! ba-­da-­sa2 mu še še-­da ba-­an-­da-­sa2-­am3 I a-­ḫa-­mar-­ši lugal še-­ke4 d bur-­den.zu lugal-­e gaba i-ri igi-­ni in-­ĝar-­ma 1(u) 2(aš) še gur I an-­ne-­ni-­ra ba-­an-­šum2-­ma maš2 saĝ-­niĝ2-­gur11-­ra ba-­da-­sa2 bi2-­in-­dug4 d bur-­den.zu lugal-­ra igi-­ni in-­ĝar-­ma mu-­am3 7(aš) še gur ḫa-­ra-­ab-­tur-­re šag4 mu 2-­kam-­ma-­ka ḫa-­ra-­-­ab-­gur-­re bi2-­in-­dug4 še-­ga-­ne-­ne-­ta kišib 1(u) 2(aš) še gur al-­zi-­ir-­ma kišib 1(u) 7(aš) še gur in-­na-­an-­tak4 kišib-­ba-­ni ib-­raḫ2-­aš inim-­inim-­ni ba-­an-­šum2 mu lugal-­bi in-­pad3

Anneni received from Aḫam-­arši twelve [gur of barley], with an interest rate of one hundred sila per gur [of barley]. 6 The barley (to return) corresponds? to the (original) barley. 7–­8 Because of the way in which the barley (to return) corresponded to the (original) barley (which did not satisfy him), 9–­18 Aḫam-­ arši, the barley’s owner, approached King Būr-­ Sîn, appeared (in court), and said that he gave 1–­5

twelve gur of barley to Anneni and that the interest equaled (i.e., had been calculated on?) the capital (of barley). 19–­25 He (= Anneni? ) appeared (also) before King Būr-­Sîn and said that he would subtract (from his debit) seven gur of barley a year, (and) within two years, he would return it in full. 26–­30 In mutual agreement, the tablet of twelve gur of barley has been destroyed, and he has drawn up for him a (new) tablet of seventeen gur of barley; 31–­33 he has rolled his seal over it (and) has given his word. He has sworn it on the king’s name.

Notes My interpretation of this legal case is to be considered only tentative, since it is not entirely clear to me how to understand the expressions at ll. 6–­8, 17–­18 and, consequently, what prompted Aḫam-­ arši and Anneni to appeal to King Būr-­Sîn and led to a mutual agreement and the issue of a new tablet of seventeen gur. 6–­8. The same expression appears in six unpublished model contracts from Nippur recording barley1 and silver loans.2 Because in these six texts this expression does not seem to denote a disagreement, the reason that made an appeal to the king necessary in the present text must be tacit. In addition, similar terminology occurs in the first-­millennium lexical list Ai II i 30 (maš2 še-­da ba-­an-­da-­sa2 / ṣi-­ib-­tu it-­ti še-­im im-­ta-­at-­ḫar) and in the Old Babylonian legal phrase book Urra I–­II3 (maš2 še ba-­an-­da-­sa2-­a; kug še ba-­an-­da-­sa2-­a). 17–­18. The expression maš2 saĝ-­niĝ2-­gur11-­ra ba-­an-­da-­sa2-­a, “the interest equals the capital,” appears also in the school legal phrase book OB Ki-­ulutin-­bi-­še3 87.4 19–­25. My interpretation of these lines is only tentative. It is supposed that at two different moments of the process, there are two different petitioners—­namely, 1 CBS 4582+ (P230786) obv. i’ 1’–­13’; UM 29-­13-­408a (P230634) obv. i 2’–­11’; N 5090 (P230682) rev. i 12’–­16’. 2 CBS 10395 (P230623) obv. i’ 1’–­8’; CBS 19809 (P229722) obv. i 1–­15; UM 29-­16-­006 (P230636) rev. i 1–­7. 3 See the edition of BM 67389 in DCCLT, http://​oracc​.org/​ dcclt/​P332823. 4 See its edition in DCCLT, http://​oracc​.org/​dcclt/​Q000045.



T h e Te x t s

the creditor and the debtor—­who in the end reach a mutual agreement. 29.The final amount of seventeen gur could perhaps be explained as the sum of the gur that Anneni undertook to return in two years (7 + 7 = 14 gur), to which must be added three gur that represent the interest included in the original capital of twelve gur, probably already repaid by the debtor. No. 40 §11: Legal Case About a Burgled House obv. v’ 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 rev. i 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25

1(geš2) 2(u) še gur nanna-­ma-­an-­šum2 u3 dnanna-­me-­ša4 e2 lu2-­dba-­u2-­ke4 in-­sig9-­ge-­[eš] arad lu2-­dba-­˹u2˺ e2 in-­buru3-­˹da˺-­[x] še in-­zuḫ-­[(x)] Id nanna-­[ma-­an-­šum2] u3 dn[anna-­me-­ša4] še-­ga-­n[e-­ne-­ta] igi-­ne-­n[e in-­ĝar-­re-­eš-­ma] di?-­[kud-­ne-­ne] u3? a[b-­ba-­iriki] ĝar [ . . . ] ˹x˺ [ . . . ] d[i-­kud-­ne-­ne] e[n3? bi2-­in-­tar-­re]-­eš di-­kud-­ne-­ne šu-­ukkin-­ka di i3-­in-­dab5-­be2-­eš di šu al-­e3-­am3 I lu2-­d!ba-­u2 še bi2-­ib-­si-­si mu lugal-­la-­bi / in-­pad3 Id

Nanna-­manšum and Nanna-­meša deposited (for storage) eighty gur of barley in the house of Lu-­ Bau. 9–­12 Nanna-­[manšum] meša] in mutual agree[ment] and N[anna-­ ap[peared (in court and said)] 6–­8 that the slave of Lu-­Bau had burgled the house and stolen the barley. 13–­16 The jud[ges] and the [city elders?] . . . 17–­21 the ju[dges] in[vestigated them] (and) in the šu-­ukkin? took a legal decision: 22–­24 the verdict that was issued was

101

that Lu-­Bau has to replace the barley. 25 He has sworn it on the king’s name.

Notes This legal case concerns the rental of a house for storing barley and the subsequent burglary by the landlord’s slave. See Civil (2011, 268–­70), where he treats the problems that could arise when a man stored his barley in somebody else’s house. 20. The proposal to read here the Sumerian term šu-­ukkin is to be considered only tentative. According to model court cases, the Ubšu-­ukkinna, a part of Enlil’s temple located in the courtyard, was the location of Nippur’s assembly (see Lieberman 1992, 132–­34; Klein and Sharlach 2007, §2; and George 2009, 151). No. 40 §12: Rental of a House for Storing Barley i

16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

1(u) še gur e2 i3-­li2-­am-­ra-­ni I lu2-­dnin-­šubur in-­sig9-­ge a2-­bi iti-­da ⅓ giĝ4-­ta-­am3 mu-­am3 4 giĝ4 kug-­babbar I lu2-­dnin-­šubur I i3-­li2-­am-­ra-­ni-­ra i3-­la2-­e tukum-­bi e2-­bi al-­buru3 u3 kišib-­bi al-­zi-­ir še niĝ2 u2-­gu ba-­an-­de2 I i3-­li2-­am-­ra-­ni lugal e2-­a še bi2-­ib-­si-­si mu lugal-­la-­bi in-­pad3

1–­5

Lu-­Ninšubur has deposited (for storage) ten gur of barley in the house of Ilī-­amranni; 5–­6 the monthly rent (for this deposit) is one-­third of a shekel. 7–­10 Lu-­Ninšubur will pay to Ilī-­amranni four shekels of silver per year. 11–­17 If that house is burgled and the sealed tablet is broken (i.e., the document is invalidated), Ilī-­amranni, the house’s owner, will replace the barley that has been lost: 18 he has sworn it on the king’s name. 1–­4

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102

Notes

13 14 15 16 17 18 19

A transliteration of this model contract was published in Civil (2011, 268–­70). There are texts similar to this house rental: TMH XI 3 §1 and its duplicates—­that is, CBS 8663+ (P230464) and Ist Ni 1576 (P231446)—and UM 55-­21-­441 (P230713). For their edition, see Spada (2018, 40–­42). 4. The expected verbal form is in-­sig9, as appears in CBS 8663+ and Ist Ni 1576. 7. According to the Code of Hammurapi §121, the annual rent for storing barley in another man’s house was five liters per gur of barley (i.e., 1.6 percent). In the contract presented here, the annual rent is instead four shekels of silver. If we consider the standard equivalence where one shekel equals one gur, then the rent is equal to 40 percent of the barley deposited.

34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

1(u) še gur šag4 kišib 3(u) še gur mu-­du ki im-­di-­iš8-­tar2 Id en-­lil2-­ba-­ni-­ke4 šu ba-­an-­ti iti gud-­˹si-­su-­ka?˺ šum2-­mu-­[dam]

Enlil-­bāni has received from Imdī-­Ištar ten gur of barley, (which are the) delivery from the tablet of thirty gur of barley; 7–­8 [to] be given back in the second month.

1–­6

No. 40 §14: Barley Loan ii

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

[x] še gur [m]u še-­numun [u]d buru14-­ka! gur-­˹ru˺-­dam [ki] e2-­a-­ba-­ni-­ta [I]arad-­ku-­bi-­ke4 šu ba-­an-­ti mu-­am3 1(u) še gur ib2-­ta-­tur-­re mu 5-­am3 [i]b2-­ta-­an-­zig3-­ma 5(u) 5(aš)? še gur 2(u) 5(aš) še gur

aĝ2-­e-­de3 inim-­inim-­ni ba-­an-­šum2 tukum-­bi še-­bi la-­ba-­an-­aĝ2 šakanka ma/ba sikil? ki ka bala-­e-­da-­gin7 kug-­bi i3-­la2-­e

Warad-­Kūbi received from Ea-­bāni [tot] gur of barley for seeding, to return at harvest time; 7–­14 they agreed (lit. gave each other his words) that he (= Warad-­Kūbi) will subtract (from the debt) ten gur of barley per year, (that) in five years he will have paid off (the debt), and (that) fifty-­five gur of barley (and) twenty-­five gur of barley (as an interest?) have to be measured. 15–­19 If he does not measure this barley, he will pay its (correspondent value in) silver according to the rate of exchange of (the city of ) . . . 1–­6

No. 40 §13: Barley Loan i

13 14 15 16 17 18 19

Notes 2–­3. The reading and interpretation of these two lines are to be considered provisional, since the tablet surface is rather abraded, and the signs are not entirely readable. I wonder if this barley loan could belong to the category of the so-­called a-na ze-­ra-­nu loans, according to the terminology adopted by Skaist (1994, 56–­63). 7–­14. The translation here proposed considers ll. 7–­13 dependent on inim-­inim-­ni ba-­an-­šum2 (l. 14), where the following information is given: (1) the debtor will repay at least ten gur of barley a year, (2) he has to pay off his debt within five years, and (3) he has to measure at the end fifty-­five gur of barley, to which twenty-­five gur must be added, probably as interest. In that case, the interest would be 45 percent, which is admittedly very high. No. 40 §15: Silver Loan ii

20 21 22 23 24 25 26

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

5 giĝ4 kug-­babbar tug2 sa10-­sa10-­de3 ki diĝir-­i-­de-­ta I a-­li2-­illat-­ti / ma2-­laḫ5 šu ba-­an-­ti iti šeg12-­a-­ka šum2-­mu-­dam



T h e Te x t s

Ali-­tillatī, the sailor, has received from Ilum-­īde five shekels of silver for buying garments; 6–­7 to be given back in the fourth month.

1–­5

No. 40 §16: Repayment of Silver ii

27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

5 giĝ4 kug-­babbar ki ugula dam-­gar3 I diĝir-­na-­da lu2-­kar-­ra-­še3 dab5-­dab5 šu ba-­an-­ti ud kur2-­še3 šag4 lugal kug-­ga-­ke4 al-­dug3-­ge

(PN said) that the house of Iddin-­Šamaš (and) the house of Aḫumma had been burgled . . . (ca. 15 lines missing). 22–­25 [Iddin-­]Šamaš will weigh out to [Aḫu]mma [tot shekels of sil]ver [ . . . ]; 26–­30 [Idd]in-­Šamaš has sworn on the king’s name that in the fu[ture], he will not raise a claim against Aḫumma. 1–­3

Note 2.The personal name is definitely Aḫumma: it seems that the scribe erroneously added here -­ra, which is correctly written at ll. 24 and 28. No. 40 §18: Partnership Loan iii

Ilum-­nādā, the one in charge of capturing runaways, has received five shekels of silver from the overseer of the merchants; 7–­9 from now on, the heart of the silver’s owner is satisfied. 1–­6

Note 4–­5. These lines should contain a specification of Ilum-­nādā and are accordingly interpreted as an occupational title, although it is not one known to me from other documents. No. 40 §17: Legal Case About Burgled Houses ii

36 37 38

1 2 3

16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27

19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30

iii

e2 i-din-­dutu e2 a-ḫu-­um-­ma al-­buru3-­˹da˺ ca. 15 lines missing [ . . . ] ˹x˺ [ . . . ] ˹x˺ [. . . -­t]a [. . . kug]-­babbar [i-­din-­d]utu [a-­ḫu-­u]m-­ma-­ra [. . . i3]-­la2-­e [ud k]ur2-­še3 [i-­d]in-­dutu a-­ḫu-­um-­ma-­ra inim nu-­um-­ĝa2-­ĝa2 mu lugal-­la-­bi in-­pad3

103

28 29 30 31 32

1 2 3 4 5

33 34 35 36 37 38 39

6 7 8 9 10 11 12

1(u) še gur 1(u) munu4 1(u) šim zid2-­munu4 u3 še maš2-­a ki lu2-­da-­mu / ma-­na-­la2 I lu2-­dba-­u2 u3 den.zu-­re-­me-­ni nam-­tab-­ba-­še3 dug sa10-­sa10-­de3 šu-­šag4 in-­ne-­de5-­eš ud buru14-­ka zid2-­munu4 u3 maš2-­bi Rest missing

Lu-­Bau and Sîn-­rēmēnī have received (lit. have gathered in open? hands) from Lu-­Damu, the weigher of minas, ten gur of barley, ten (gur) of malt, ten (gur) of beer malt: flour and malt (rations) and barley (with?) interest for a partnership enterprise for buying vessels? (for beer); 11–­12 at harvest time, the flour and malt (rations) and its interest . . . 1–­10

Notes 4.The Sumerian term zid2-­munu4, “flour and malt,” Akkadian (i)simmānu, is a malt preparation used for beer brewing and also as a travel provision (see CAD I 193–­95; Stol 1989, 326–­27). The expression še maš2-­a, here understood as “barley (with) interest,” is not known to me from other documents. 5. For the term ma-­na-­la2, see Bartash (2017, 81–­82).

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104

9. Since the commodities borrowed are ingredients used to make beer, this contract could record a partnership venture to start a brewery. For this reason, it would be plausible to read the initial sign as dug, rather than kaš, understanding therefore that they buy beer vessels rather than beer, unlike in §3. 10. To the best of my knowledge, this expression is not found elsewhere. Here one would expect the verbal form šu ba-­an-­ti-­eš, “they have received,” so this expression must have a similar meaning. As far as I know, the term šu-­šag4 appears only in some bilingual lists from Ebla, where it has been interpreted as “open hand” (cf. MEE 4, 89 90 = Pettinato 1982). Based on these lean considerations, a tentative translation of this expression could be “they have gathered (the goods) in (their) open hands”—­that is, “they have received them.” Most of col. iv is lost, leaving a gap of about twenty-­ nine or thirty lines.

debt was the only measure of self-­help allowed to the Old Babylonian creditor: its essential function was to put pressure on the debtor to pay the debt.1 There are almost no contractual documents dealing with this situation, since the debtor’s consent was not required, nor was any court order necessary. Our evidence comes from a few paragraphs in the law codes2 and from letters, including some school letters (see texts nos. 6, 26–­27 in this volume). A similar situation is recorded in another model contract (Spada 2011, §18), also in a bad state of preservation, where the borrowed item is sesame. In cases of distraint for debt, the place of detention was normally the creditor’s house, but in school texts, the debtor’s family is put in prison, Sumerian en-­nu-­uĝ3/en-­nu-­ĝa2, Akkadian ṣibittu (cf. CAD Ṣ 155). 2’–­3’. This same expression is found in Ai III iii 20. Almost all of col. v is lost, leaving a gap of about thirty-­six lines.

No. 40 §19: Sesame Loan with Distraint of Members of a Debtor’s Household

No. 40 §20: Content Not Completely Identified

iv

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’ 8’ 9’

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’ 8’ 9’

[. . . n]e?-­še3 [en-­nu]-­ĝa2?-­ [ib2-­ta-­a]n-­e3-­eš [tuku]m-­bi [ud buru14] šeĝeš-­i3 [šeĝ]eš-­i3 u3 maš2-­bi la-­ba-­an-­aĝ2-­eš šag4 en-­nu-­ĝa2-­/ne-­ne i-­ni-­ib-­gur-­/ru-­de3-­eš

. . . 2’–­3’ they have been relea[sed from the pri]son; 4’–­9’ [i]f at the sesame [harvest] they do not measure the sesame and its interest, they will return to their prison . . .

Notes This badly damaged contract is tentatively identified as a sesame loan with distraint of members of the debtor’s household.The detention of one or more subordinate members of the debtor’s household (wife, children, slave girls, daughter-­in-­law, and occasionally also animals) pending payment of a

v

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’

No. 41 MS 2348

[ . . . ] ud [ . . . ]-­˹x˺-­um [ . . . ]-­dutu [ . . . ] ˹x x edin?-­na˺ki

Pl. XLII

The preserved portion of this tablet fragment (set in modern clay) contains four model contracts. They are separated by double lines and record two loans and two deeds of sale. No. 41 §1: Silver Loan with a Pledge i

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’

[ . . . ] ˹x x˺ [ . . . ] [kug mu(-­un)]-­˹tum3-­da˺ [ . . . ] ˹da?˺ su še3 [. . . ba-­an-­t]um2-­mu

1 For the practice of distraint in the Old Babylonian period, cf. Westbrook 2001, 84–­90. 2 Laws of Ešnunna, §§22–­24; Code of Hammurapi, §§113–­18, 241.



T h e Te x t s

. . . 2’–­4’ when he (= the debtor) brin[gs the silver?] . . . he can take [back . . .]

Notes Although only parts of the last three lines of this contract are preserved, the presence of the Lösungsklausel (cf. the textual note on no. 38 §3:10–­13) suggests that it is a loan contract with a pledge. 2’–­4’. It is not clear what is recorded in l. 3’; the object or person pledged should be mentioned at l. 4’, before the verbal form. For the reading and interpretation of the various forms of the verb “to bring,” see Sallaberger (2005), Meyer-­Laurin (2010), and Zólyomi (2017, 141–­42).

Notes This contract records a partnership loan in order to buy sesame. For this type of loan, see the textual note on no. 38 §16. 9.To the best of my knowledge, the only restoration would be [nam-­r]a-­ak, “booty,” which here does not make any sense to me. 10, 12. The scribe wrote this line twice, but in the first instance, the object of the division is not expressed. No. 41 §3: Sale of a Woman ii

No. 41 §2: Partnership Loan i

5’

1

6’ 7’

2 3

8’ 9’ 10’ 11’ 12’ 13’ 14’ 15’ 16’

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

17’ 18’ 19’

13 14 15

[. . . kug]-­babbar kug nam-­tab-­/ba [ . . . ] 1(ban2) še-­ba-­še3 [. . . šeĝeš?]-­i3!(kak) sa10?-­sa10-­/ de3 [ki ip-­q]u2?-­dli9-­si4-­na [I]puzur4-­i3-­li2-­šu ˹I˺šu-­dnin-­kar-­/ra-­ak ˹u3 a˺-­bu-­ni šu ba-­an-­ti-­/meš [kaskal] silim-­ma-­bi-­[t]a [x-­r]a-­ak til-­la [teš2-­a] ˹sig10-­a˺-­bi i3-­ba-­/e-­ne [ . . . ] niĝ2 a-na ĝal2-­/bi [ . . . ] ˹x˺ šeš-­am3 / teš2-­a sig10-­a-­/bi [i3]-­ba-­e-­ne [um]-­mi-­a dag-­am3 [nu]-­mu-­un-­ta-­/zu-­zu

Puzur-­ilīšu, Šu-­Ninkarrak, and Abuni have received from [Ipq]u-­Lisin [tot mina(s)/shekels of sil]ver, silver for a partnership enterprise, for? barley rations of [x] + 1 ban (for the journey), [ . . . ] for buying sesame?. 8–­10 Upon safe return from the [journey], once . . . will be completed, they will divide equally, in mutual consent, 11–­15 [ . . . ] brother . . . they will divide equally in mutual consent [ . . . ] possessions as many as there be, (and) the creditor will [not] recognize any loss. 1–­7

105

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’ 8’ 9’

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

10’

11

Probably 1 line missing ki be-­l[i2-­ . . .] I i3-­li2-­˹x˺-­[ . . . ] in-­ši-­i[n-­sa10] ⅓ ma-­na [kug-­babbar] sam2 til-­˹la˺-­[ni-­še3] in-­na-­[la2] ˹ĝeš?-­gan?-­na?˺ i[b2-­ta-­bala] saĝ-­[munus? . . .] inim ĝar-­ra-­a-­ni [ba-­ni-­ib-­gi4-­gi4] mu lugal-­bi i[n-­pad3]

Ilī-­[ . . . ] bought from Bēl[ī-­ . . . a woman named PN]: 5–­7 he paid one-­third of a mina [of silver as her] full price; 8 [she was made to cross] over the pestle. 9–­11 [He has sworn] on the king’s name that [he will be responsible] for any claim regarding the wo[man . . .] 1–­4

Notes 8. For the bukānu-­clause, here tentatively restored, see the textual note on no. 38 §1:7–­8. 9. Although here (and in the first line of the contract) the term saĝ-­munus is not preserved, one can assume that this contract records the sale of a woman, since the full price, twenty shekels of silver, is the same as in text no. 38 §1. Moreover, this value is higher than that of the man sold in text no. 38 §2—­that is, fifteen shekels—­and of the man sold in the following text, eighteen and a half shekels of silver.

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

106

No. 41 §4: Sale of a Man ii

11’ 12’ 13’ 14’ 15’ 16’ 17’ 18’ 19’ 20’ 21’ 22’ 23’

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

1 saĝ-­nita2 a-ḫu-­[ni mu-­ni-­(im)] ki dnanna-­ma!(mir)-­[an?-­šum2? ] Id utu-­ba-­[ni] in-­ši-­[in-­sa10] 18 giĝ4 igi-­6-­ĝal2 [kug-­babbar] sam2 til-­la-­ni-­še3 in-­na-­la2 eĝir ud-­da-­k[a] d nanna-­ma-­a[n?-­šum2?] nam dutu-­ba-­ni arad-­da-­a-­n[i] nu in-­na-­an-­du[g4] mu lugal-­bi i[n-­pad3]

Šamaš-­bā[ni bou]ght from Nanna-­ma[nšum] a man [named] Aḫu[ni]: 5–­7 he paid eighteen shekels and thirty grains [of silver] as his full

1–­4

price. 8–­13 [In] future days, Nanna-­man[šum] will! not say to Šamaš-­bāni “(He is) my! slave”: [he has sworn] it on the king’s name.

Notes 2, 9. The seller’s name is tentatively read as Nanna-­ manšum based on the signs visible at l. 9, although at l. 2, the sign following dnanna-­looks more like mir. 10. For the usage of nam in the sense of the Akkadian ana, see the textual note on no. 40 §6:4. 11–­12. The scribe has clearly written arad-­da-­a-­ni, “(he is) his slave,” but this is to be considered as a mistake for “(he is) my slave,” arad-­ĝu10. In the unusual expression at l. 12, the negative proclitic “nu” precedes the verbal form in-­na-­an-­dug4,“he said it to him”; here we would rather expect a negative imperfective form, nu-­ub-­be2-­a,“he will not say.”

NO. 42: A TY P E  I I TABLET The following tablet is identified as a Type II tablet (or “Teacher-­Student” tablet) in Civil’s typology—­that is, a medium-­size tablet on which different exercises were typically written on the obverse and reverse. On the obverse (conventionally labeled as II/1), the left column contains an extract of between 6 and 15 lines (or one to four model contracts) written by an instructor, with a blank space to the right where the pupil could copy it multiple times until he knew it by heart.1 The reverse (II/2) is divided into three to five columns and may hold between 60 and 150 lines of text from a previously studied composition, usually written in a smaller, cursive script. 1 Whereas the first column is usually preserved, the student’s column was erased so that it could be used several times. As a result, the right-­hand side of the obverse is usually much thinner than the left-­hand side. Moreover, very often the tablet was cut in two on purpose, probably to preserve the teacher’s example on the left side.

No. 42 MS 2280

Pl. XLIII

The section of text preserved on what remains of the tablet (the upper-­left corner) is the first part of a silver loan, written on the left column by the teacher. On the reverse, there are some scattered signs, probably mathematics, whose direction is rotated ninety degrees clockwise with respect to the normal direction of the tablet. obv. i

1 2 3 4 5 6

⅔ ˹ma˺-­na kug-­babbar maš2 nu-­ub-­tuk[u] ki i3-­li2-­ba-­ni I diĝir-­na-­da šu ba-­an-­ti ˹iti˺ [gud]-­˹si˺-­su-­k[a]

Ilum-­nādā has received from Ilī-­bāni two-­ thirds mina of silver without interest; (to be given back) 6 in the second month . . .

1–­5

NOS. 43– ­5 5: TY P E  I I I TABLETS The following thirteen tablets are identified as Type III tablets in Civil’s typology. A Type III tablet is a single-­column exercise (Sumerian im-­gid2-­da, “long tablet”) containing a ten-­to twenty-­line extract from a composition, or one to four model contracts. These contracts, which are usually separated by single or double rulings, were written by students—­perhaps copied from a teacher’s model on a Type  II/1 tablet. Most Type III tablets of the collection (texts nos. 43–­50) are loan contracts; the content of the other tablets is much more varied (table 4).

No. 43 §1: Barley Loan obv.

Table 4. Content of Type III tablets No.

Content

43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51

Two barley loans Two barley loans Four barley loans Barley loan Two partnership loans Repayment of a silver loan (= text no. 49) Repayment of a silver loan (= text no. 48) Silver temple loan Exploitation of a palm grove (šukunnû agreement); barley loan Receipt of dried dates Sale of a slave Two manumissions of slave Apprenticeship contract for musical instruction

52 53 54 55

No. 43 MS 3308

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

[x] še gur [š]u-­la2 maš2 nu-­tuku ki diĝir-­ra-­bi 1d utu-­˹na-­ṣir˺ šu ba-­an-­˹ti˺ iti šeg12-­˹a˺ še i3-­˹aĝ2˺-­e t[uku]m(šu.ĝ[ar.tur.la]l)-­bi iti šeg12-­[a] še nu-­ni-­aĝ2-­˹e˺ še u3 maš2-­bi i3-­˹aĝ2˺-­e mu lugal-­la-­bi in-­pad3

Šamaš-­nāṣir has received from Ilum-­rabi [tot] gur of barley as a šula loan, without interest; 6–­7 he will measure the barley in the third month. 8–­12 If he does not measure the barley in the third month, he will measure the barley and its interest: he has sworn it on the king’s name. 1–­5

Notes 2. This barley loan is labeled as a šu-­la2 loan (equated to Akkadian qīptu; cf. CAD Q 260–­63; Skaist 1994, 41–­51) and is followed by the formula maš2 nu-­ tuku. The traditional understanding of this type of loan is that šu-­la2/qīptu denotes a loan where the interest is not calculated separately but already discounted in the main amount. The notation maš2 nu-­tuku indicates that no additional interest is to be added to the amount recorded in the first line, which already includes the regular interest rate—­that is, 20 percent on silver and 33 percent on barley (cf. Charpin 2014, 118 and n. 10). Different opinions are aired in Kienast (1978, 63) and Skaist (1994, 51); according to Skaist’s interpretation, followed also by Stol (2004, 884), šu-­la2/qīptu loans are commercial interest-­bearing loans (the amount of interest is not noted in the document

Pl. XLIII

While the barley loan written on the obverse is complete, only the first two lines remain of the one written on the reverse (the remaining surface has been erased).

107

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

108

for some unknown reason) with links to partnership loans.1 It is not clear if the šu-­la2 loan presented here can be defined as a commercial loan, since the amount of barley in the first line is missing. By contrast, the loan recorded in text no. 44, where the debtor is a merchant (dam-­gar3), is likely connected with commerce. The presence of the last clause expressing a penalty interest to be charged in the event of a delay in the return of barley (the amount of which is not specified, perhaps being the standard rate of 33 percent) can lead to two explanations: (1) the interest has been discounted in advance in the main amount, but a further penalty interest must be charged if the repayment does not happen by the third month, or (2) the loan was actually without interest, but in the event of a delay in repayment, a standard interest rate is to be added. No. 43 §2: Barley Loan rev.

1 2

[ . . . ] ˹gur še?˺ šu-­la2 ˹maš2 nu-­tuku˺ x Rest of the contract missing

[Tot] gur of barley as a šula loan, without interest . . . (rest of the contract missing). 1–­2

No. 44 MS 3349

Pl. XLIV

The tablet contains two barley loan contracts separated by a single ruling; the remaining surface on the reverse has been erased. It seems that originally, there was also a third contract—­likely a barley loan that was ten lines long—­of which just a few scattered signs have been preserved (it is possible to distinguish the signs “gur” and “še” in the very first line). 1 This idea seems to be confirmed at least by a silver loan labeled as šu-­la2, YBC 4460 (dated to Rīm-­Sîn 31), studied by Feuerherm 2004, 67–­68, where the standard interest rate appears (maš2 1 ma-­na 12 giĝ4-­ta-­am3 ba-­ab-­taḫ-­e).The high silver amount lent, six minas, would point to a commercial loan (Stol, personal communication, August 2018). For the latest discussion on the šu-­la2 loan, see de Boer 2017, 27–­29.

No. 44 §1: Barley Loan obv.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

5(aš) gur še šu-­la2 maš2 nu-­tuku ki lu2-­dnanna dam-­gar3 Id a-­a-­kal-­la šu ba-­an-­ti iti šeg12-­a še i3-­aĝ2-­e tukum-­bi iti šeg12-­a še la-­ba-­an-­aĝ2 kug maš2-­bi i2-­la2-­e ˹kišib˺ lu2-­inim-­ma-­bi-­meš ib2-­rah2

Aya-­kalla has received from Lu-­Nanna the merchant five gur of barley as a šula loan without interest; 6–­7 he will measure the barley in the third month. 8–­11 If in the third month he does not measure the barley, he will weigh out the silver (and) its interest. 12–­13 The seal of the witnesses is rolled over it. 1–­5

Note 8–­11. The penalty for the delay in the repayment of the barley is an amount of silver equivalent to the loaned barley, increased by a sum of interest. It is not clear whether this interest is calculated on the barley (33 percent) or on the silver (20 percent). No. 44 §2: Barley Loan obv.

rev.

14 15

1 2

16 17 1 2 3 4 5

3 4 5 6 7 8 9

˹5(u)˺ gur še maš2 1(aš) gur 1(barig) še-­ta-­ am3 ba-­ab-­taḫ-­e ki diĝir-­ra-­bi I diĝir-­še-­mi šu ba-­an-­ti iti gud-­si-­sa2 kislaḫ-­ta še i3-­aĝ2-­e

Ilum-­šēmi has received from Ilum-­rabi fifty gur of barley—­an interest rate of sixty sila per 1–­6



T h e Te x t s

gur will be added; 7–­9 he will measure the barley in the second month at the threshing floor.

No. 45 §2: Barley Loan obv.

Notes 2. According to Skaist (1994, 118), the 20 percent interest rate, instead of the standard 33 percent, occurs almost exclusively in the southern part of Mesopotamia during the period from Gungunum 22 (1912 BC) to Samsu-­iluna 6 (1744 BC). 8. The general meaning of the Sumerian term kislaḫ is “empty lot, threshing floor” (cf. CAD M1 369, s.v. maškanu). According to Skaist (1994, 154–­60), the so-­called maškanu clause indicates the time when the loans were to be repaid. However, in a few cases, this term is to be understood not as a time but as a place.This seems to be the case here, since the time of repayment is already indicated at l. 7.

No. 45 MS 3321

Pl. XLIV

This tablet contains four barley loans separated by single lines, all of them recording loans of one gur of barley and differing from one another in the repayment section (month and verbal form). Since the upper-­r ight corner is a fragment that does not originally belong to this tablet, it will not be considered here.

1 2

1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8 9

3 4 5 6 7 8 9

10

10

[1(aš) gur še] [maš2 1(aš) gur 1(barig) 4(ban2) še-­ta-­am3] ba-­a[b-­taḫ-­e] ki lu2-­[ . . . ] I e2-­a-­˹x˺-­[x] šu ba-­an-­ti iti gud-­si-­sa2 gur-­ru-­dam lu2-­ki-­inim-­ma Traces of 3 or 4 signs in tiny script iti-­bi mu-­bi

Ea-­[ . . . ] has received from Lu-­[. . . one gur of barley—­an interest rate of one hundred sila per gur will be ad]ded;­7–­8 to be returned in the second month. 9–­10 (Its) witnesses, its month, its year.

11 12

1 2

13 14 15 16 17 18

3 4 5 6 7 8

1(aš) gur še maš2 1(aš) gur 1(barig) 4(ban2) še-­ta-­am3 ba-­ab-­taḫ-­e ki a-ḫu-­wa-­qar I a-­ḫu-­ni šu ba-­an-­ti iti šeg12-­a šum2-­mu-­dam

Aḫūni has received from Aḫu-­waqar one gur of barley—­an interest rate of one hundred sila per gur will be added;­7–­8 to be given (back) in the third month.

1–­6

No. 45 §3: Barley Loan rev.

No. 45 §1: Barley Loan obv.

109

1 2

1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8

3 4 5 6 7 8

1(aš) gur še maš2 1(aš) gur 1(barig) 4(ban2) še-­ta-­am3 ba-­ab-­taḫ-­e ki d˹utu˺-­[ba]-­˹ni?˺ I ˹diĝir-­še˺-­mi šu ba-­an-­ti iti šeg12-­a še i3-­aĝ2-­e

Ilum-­šēmi has received from Šamaš-­[bā]ni one gur of barley—­an interest rate of one hundred sila per gur will be added; 7–­8 he will measure the barley in the third month. 1–­6

No. 45 §4: Barley Loan rev.

1–­6

9 10

1 2

11 12 13 14 15 16

3 4 5 6 7 8

˹1(aš)?˺ gur še ˹maš2˺ 1(aš) gur 1(barig) še-­ta-­ am3 ba-­ab-­taḫ-­e ki den.zu-­apin I su-­˹ka˺-­lum šu ba-­[an-­ti] iti [šeg12-­a?] še [i3-­aĝ2-­e]

Sukallum has received from Sîn-­īriš one? gur of barley—­an interest rate of sixty sila per 1–­6

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

110

gur will be added; 7–­8 [he will measure] the barley in the [third?] month.

Note 2. Apparently, this is the only barley loan recorded on the tablet in which the interest rate is 20 percent instead of the standard 33 percent (cf. text no. 44 §2:2).

No. 46 MS 4423

Pl. XLV

This tablet records a barley loan, which ends with a single ruling one-­third of the way down the reverse; the remaining portion could have held another contract but was left empty. obv.

rev.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 1 2 3 4

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17

1(geš2) še gur šu-­la2-­še3 ki i3-­li2-­am-­ra-­an-­ni-­ta I nu-­ur2-­i3-­li2 u3 dnanna-­ma-­an-­šum2-­ke4 šu ba-­an-­ti-­eš iti šeg12-­a-­ka saĝ u4-­sakar-­ra-­ka ĝeš ba-­r i2-­ga gi-­na-­ta ĝeš-­šu-­ur3-­ra-­ta e2 i3-­li2-­am-­ra-­an-­ni-­ra bi2-­ib-­il2-­il2-­ma i3-­aĝ2-­e-­ne inim-­inim-­ne-­ne ba-­an-­˹šum2˺-­mu-­uš mu lugal-­la-­bi in-­pad3-­de3-­eš

Nūr-­ilī and Nanna-­manšum have received from Ilī-­amranni sixty gur of barley as a šula loan; 7–­13 in the third month, at the beginning of the new moon, they will carry it into the house of! Ilī-­amranni and measure it according to the normal barig (and) the mešēqu: 14–­17 they have given their word; they have sworn it on the king’s name. 1–­6

10. The expected word should be written ĝeš-­ ur3(-­ra), Akkadian mešēqu, a stick for leveling a measuring vessel. To the best of my knowledge, the expression ĝeš-­šu-­ur3(-­ra), which seems to be a mixture of the term ĝeš-­ur3(-­ra) and the compound verb šu ~ ur3, “to level off,” is not attested elsewhere.1

No. 47 MS 3333

Pl. XLV

This tablet collects two partnership loans. No. 47 §1: Partnership Loan obv.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

[x gur] ˹še˺ [ma]š2-­˹bi saĝ-­niĝ2˺-­[gur11-­ra] kaskal-­ta ˹an-­zig3˺-­[ga?] ki lu2-­dab-­[u2] I ur-­˹maḫ-­e?˺ šu ba-­an-­[ti] iti šeg12-­[a] še i3-­aĝ2-­˹e˺ ki lu2 silim-­ma-­t[a] u3 lu2 gi-­na-­ta šu ba-­ab-­te-­ĝe26

Ur-­maḫ has received from Lu-­Ab[u tot gur] of barley—­the in[terest rate on] the initial capital has been paid from the commercial journey; 7–­8 he will measure the barley in the third month. 9–­11 He (= the creditor) will take it from the financially sound and legally responsible one. 1–­6

Notes Due to the mention of a journey (l. 3) and the presence of the final clause (ll. 9–­11), this model contract can be considered a partnership loan even if the formula nam-­tab-­ba-­še3, “for a partnership enterprise,” does not appear. 9–­11. Although there is only one debtor, this loan contract contains the so-­ called joint liability clause, which usually appears in loans made to

Notes 9.The “normal barig” is a sixty-­liter container made of reed and leather, Akkadian pānu.

1 According to Civil (1994, 102 ad 41), ĝeš-­šu-­ur3-­ra appears once in a Ur III text, NRVN 67, instead of the expected ĝeš ur3-­ra, to indicate the act of harrowing.



T h e Te x t s

more than one debtor. For this formula, see the textual note on no. 39 §13. No. 47 §2: Partnership Loan obv.

rev.

12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

2 ma-­na kug-­babbar nam-­tab-­ba-­še3 ki im-­gur-­dutu I lu2-­e2-­a Id nanna-­ma-­an-­šum2 I ˹nu-­ur2˺-­dutu u3 d˹utu˺-­i-­in-­ma-­tim šu ba-­an-­ti-­meš kaskal silim-­ma-­ta u3 kug silim-­ma-­ta lugal kug-­ga-­ra ib2-­gur-­e-­ne a2-­tuku a-na ĝal2-­la-­am3 I im-­gur-­dutu lugal kug-­ga-­ra u3 e-ne-­ne teš2-­a sig10-­ga-­bi i3-­ba-­e-­ne

Awīl-­Ea, Nanna-­manšum, Nūr-­Šamaš, and Šamaš-­īn-­mātim have received from Imgur-­ Šamaš two minas of silver for a partnership enterprise. 9–­12 Upon safe return from the journey and once the silver is at hand, they will repay it to the silver’s owner. 13–­18 They will divide equally the profit (of the journey), however much there may be, among Imgur-­Šamaš, the silver’s owner, and the other partners. 1–­8

No. 48 MS 3330

Pl. XLVI

This and the following text (no. 49) record the same contract concerning the repayment of a silver loan and the subsequent warning not to make claims against the debtor. Whereas this tablet seems to be written by a teacher or proficient student, text no. 49 was probably copied by a less advanced student who has also added a colophon at the end of the tablet.

111

The reverse of this tablet seems to have been erased, but some scattered signs are still visible at the end of the lines. obv.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

8 ½ giĝ4 kug!-­babbar niĝ2 be-­el-­šu-­nu ugu i-din-­di[š8-­t]ar2 an-­tuku-­[a]m3 šag4 be-­el-­˹šu˺-­nu 1 i-­din-­d[iš8]-­tar2 ba-­an-­dug3 lu2-­na-­me-­en niĝ2-­na-­me-­en ugu-­ni nu-­tuku mu i-din-­diš8-­tar2 kišib nu-­tuku Idnanna-­lu2-­ti kišib-­ba-­a-­ni ib2-­raḫ2 mu lugal-­la-­˹bi˺ in-­pad3

Iddin-­[Iš]tar has satisfied the heart of Bēlšunu with eight and a half shekels of silver—­(which were) possession of Bēlšunu—­that he had as a claim against Iddin-­I[št]ar; 8–­9 no one will have any claim against him. 10–­12 Since Iddin-­Ištar had no seal, Nanna-­luti rolled his seal over (this tablet); 13 he has sworn it on the king’s name. 1–­7

Notes 3–­4. According to K. Veenhof (2001, 97–­98), in Old Babylonian loan contracts, different formulas are used to distinguish between a “new” debt resulting from a loan and a liability with a history. The new debt states that “the debtor has received/ acquired . . . from the creditor” (ki PN1[-­ta] PN2 šu ba-­an-­ti). A liability with a history is recorded in a debt note with the formula “the creditor has a claim on the debtor” (ugu PN1 PN2 in/an-­ tuku, corresponding to Akkadian eli PN1 PN2 īšu). M. Stol (2004, 863; 2016a) has highlighted that this latter formula always refers to a Restschuld—­that is, a contract recording the remaining debt still to be repaid. 8. I have no explanation for the presence of the final morphemes -­en in both expressions (see also text

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

112

no. 49:8); these same forms also appear in text no. 64 rev. i 38–­39.

No. 49 MS 3319 obv.

rev.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 1 2 3 4 5

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

6 7

17 18

Pl. XLVI [8 ½ giĝ4] k[ug-­babbar] [niĝ2] be-­li2-­šu-­˹nu˺ [ugu] i-din-­diš8-­tar2 [an]-­tuku-­am3 šag4 be-­li2-­šu-­nu i-din-­diš8-­tar2 ba-­an-­dug3 ˹lu2-­na˺-­me-­en niĝ2-­na-­me-­en ugu-­ni nu-­tuku mu i-din-­diš8-­tar2 kišib nu-­˹ub˺-­[tuku] Id nanna-­lu2-­ti kišib-­a-­ni ib2-­raḫ2 mu lugal-­la-­bi in-­pad3 Empty space ˹im-­gid2˺-­da la-­a-­lum [iti du6]-­˹kug˺ ud 9-­˹kam / til3-­la˺ Traces

Iddin-­Ištar has satisfied the heart of Bēlšunu with [eight and a half shekels of silver—­(which were) possession] of Bēlšunu—­that he had as a claim [against] Iddin-­Ištar; 8–­9 no one will have any claim against him. 10–­14 Since Iddin-­Ištar [had] no seal, Nanna-­luti rolled his seal over (this tablet); 15–­16 he has sworn it on the king’s name. 17–­18 Long tablet of Lālum, completed in the ninth day of the seve[nth month]. 1–­7

Notes Some school texts ended with a colophon—­usually placed at the bottom of the tablet’s reverse, separated from the main text by a blank space or by a single or double line, and containing “paratextual” information (the name of the scribe, his patronymic, the number of lines or sections, and occasionally a date; see Hunger 1968). 2. Compared to the document from which this contract was supposedly copied (text no. 48), the

name of the creditor is written here differently: be-­li2-­šu-­nu instead of be-­el-­šu-­nu. 6.The apprentice scribe has made here a dittographical mistake, having repeated the term ugu before the name of the debtor, as appears at l. 3 (here not preserved).

No. 50 MS 2279

Pl. XLVII

The preserved section of the tablet (only one-­ third of the original size) records the beginning of a temple loan from the god Šamaš. On the reverse, there are traces of the single ruling that usually indicates the end of the contract; the preserved part of the lower reverse, which would normally contain the date of the contract, is blank, suggesting that the text is a school exercise. obv.

1 2 3 4 5 6

1 ma-­na kug-­babbar maš2 nu-­ub-­tuku kug dutu-­še3 ki dutu-­ta Id ˹en.zu-­e˺-­ri-­/[ba]-­˹am˺ [šu ba-­an]-­˹ti˺

Sîn-­erī[ba]m [has recei]ved from the god Šamaš one mina of silver, without interest, (which is) the silver of! Šamaš . . .

1–­6

Note The so-­called temple loans are contracts in which a god appears as a creditor lending silver or barley to one or more debtors. They have been studied by R. Harris, whose analysis was based on the 145 temple loan contracts available at that time (Harris 1960).The most recent discussions on this subject are by Charpin (2005; 2015a, 149–­72).

No. 51 MS 3385

Pl. XLVII

This tablet contains two contracts. The first deals with the exploitation of a palm grove (šukunnû agreement), and the second is a barley loan. On the reverse, in the space below the single line indicating the end of the second contract, there are traces of scattered signs—­likely belonging to a third contract, which has been erased.



T h e Te x t s

No. 51 §1: Exploitation of a Palm Grove (šukunnû Agreement) obv.

1 2 3

1 2 3

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

3(u) gur u4-­ḫi-­in zu2-­lum-­bi 2(u) gur niĝ2-­ĝar ĝeškiri6 ia-­ku-­ru-­ub-­ diĝir

ki ia-­ku-­ru-­ub-­diĝir ia-­aḫ-­ba-­aḫ-­diĝir u3 den.zu-­ḫa-­zi-­ir še-­ga-­ne-­ne ib2-­ta-­e3-­a-­meš iti du6-­kug zu2-­lum ku4-­ku4-­˹dam˺ zu2-­lum-­bi i3-­˹aĝ2˺-­e/-­˹ne˺

I

Yaḫbaḫ-­El and Sîn-­ḫazir have agreed mutually with Yakurub-­El about thirty gur of fresh dates, from which twenty gur of dried dates (are) the estimated yield of the grove of Yakurub-­El. 9–­11 They will measure those dried dates in the seventh month, (when) the dried dates are to be brought into (the storehouse). 1–­8

3. For niĝ2-­ĝar, Akkadian šukunnû, see CAD Š3 231. For a discussion of this term, its translation, and its interpretation, see Cocquerillat (1967, 212–­22) and Landsberger (1967, 56–­61). 7–­8. This formula is typical of rental contracts, but in this case, it is used for an agreement on the evaluation of the yield of the grove (see Landsberger 1967, 60). 9–­11. The traditional understanding considers the seventh month (du6-­kug, September–­October) as the harvest time for dates. Given that the delivery is made in dried dates, one wonders whether the dates were harvested earlier (in Iraq today, the harvest is generally between August and September) and delivered to the storehouse after drying, which took place in ovens (tannuru). In this way, we understand the expression at l. 10 as referring to the end of the drying process. No. 51 §2: Barley Loan obv.

Notes This contract represents an agreement between the owner of a palm grove and two tenants on the quantity of dried dates to be delivered after the harvest. Date palm orchards were routinely planted along river and canal levees and managed by trained gardeners. Immediately after the harvest, the fresh dates had to be dried, and the share that the landowner had agreed upon with the gardeners had to be delivered. Usually a gardener kept one-­third of the date harvest and the landowner took two-­thirds; however, if the trees were younger and the yield therefore smaller, the gardener would keep half of the harvest.1 1–­2. The ratio between green dates and dried dates is here 3:2.2

113

rev.

12 13 14 15 16 1 2 3

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

5(aš) gur ˹še˺ ur5-­še3 nu-­m[e-­a] šu-­la2-­še3 ba-­an-­˹šum2-­mu˺ ki i3-­li2-­i-­mi-­it-­ti I ba-­al-­ṭu3-­um-­˹mu?-­x-­x˺ šu ba-­an-­ti iti šeg12-­a še i3-­aĝ2-­e

Balṭum-­ . . . has received from Ilī-­imitti five gur of barley—­it is not an urra loan, but he gave it as a šula loan; 7–­8 he will measure the barley in the third month. 1–­6

Notes 2. For similar phraseology (with ešdea loan instead of šula loan), see the textual note on no. 39 §4:2–­4. 5. As far as I know, the only personal names beginning with Balṭu(m)-­are Balṭu-­kašid and Balṭu-­ šarri3—­neither seems possible here.

1 See Landsberger 1967; and Cocquerillat 1967. 2 Cf. two contracts from Larsa in which the ratio 3:2 is explicitly recorded: TCL XI 150 obv. 1–­2: 7(aš) 1(barig) 3(ban2) gur u4-­ḫi-­in zu2-­lum ⅔-­bi-­ta-­am3; and TCL XI 169 obv. 1–­3: 2(aš) gur u4-­ḫi-­in ⅔-­bi-­ta 1(aš) 1(barig) 4(ban2) gur zu2-­lum. Sometimes the ratio between fresh and dried dates is 2:1.

3 See, for example, BE VI/1 52 obv. 5; TLB I 141 obv. 4, rev. 2; and YOS XIV 328 rev. 12 (all Balṭu-­kašid; cf. also CAD B 68, s.v. balṭu); ARN 26 rev. 11 (Balṭu-­šarri). I thank M. Stol for having brought to my attention these attestations.

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

114

No. 52 MS 2043

Pl. XLVIII

This tablet records the receipt of an amount of dried dates. obv.

rev.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

1 2

9 10

5(aš) gur zu2-­lum niĝ2-­ĝar ĝeškiri6 ĝeš kiri6 ib-­ni-­den.zu ki ib-­ni-­den.zu I ar-­bi-­tu-­ra-­am šu ba-­an-­ti iti šu-­numun-­a ĝeš šag4-­ĝešnimbar nu-­ba-­an-­ kud ĝeš kid-­da ĝešnimbar ˹šu˺ ba-­an-­ti

palm fronds (cf. CAD T 451–­52, s.v. tuḫallu; cf. also Landsberger 1967, 36–­37, 48).

No. 53 MS 3339

The obverse contains a contract recording the sale of a man; the reverse is completely uninscribed. obv.

Arbī-­tūram has received from Ibni-­Sîn five gur of dried dates, (which are) the estimated yield of the grove of Ibni-­Sîn. 7–­10 In the fourth month, he has not cut the palm hearts (but) has received baskets made of woven palm fronds.

1–­6

Notes The transaction recorded here is likely based on a previous šukunnû agreement between Ibni-­Sîn, the owner of the grove, and Arbī-­tūram, the tenant (for this type of transaction, see text no. 51 §1). It concerns the receipt of five gur of dried dates by the tenant, representing his share of the date harvest (one-­third), which should amount to fifteen gur. Since the ratio between green dates and dried dates is usually 3:2, one can calculate the amount of fresh dates as twelve gur, two barig, and three ban.The second section of the contract (ll. 7–­10) is not entirely clear: it states that in the fourth month, Arbī-­tūram did not cut the palm hearts (which would probably cause the death of the palms) and that he received some baskets, probably to collect dates. 8. The palm heart—­that is, the growing head of the date palm—­was considered a delicacy, but when it was cut out, the tree died (cf. Landsberger 1967, 13–­16) 9. Although the kid-­sign in ĝeškid-­da looks more like to e-sign (there are two vertical strokes in the end of the sign), the term is here to be understood as ĝeškid-­da ĝešnimbar, equivalent to Akkadian tuḫallu, a small basket (or mat) made of woven

Pl. XLVIII

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

˹1˺ saĝ-­nita2 arad-­dnanna mu-­ni-­˹im˺ arad -­i3-­li2-­šu ˹ki˺ -­i3-­li2-­šu lugal-­a-­ni-­ir I diĝir-­lu2-­ša6 in-­ši-­sa10 ½ ma-­na kug-­babbar sam2 til-­la-­ni-­še3 in-­na-­an-­la2 tukum-­bi inim ĝal2-­la ba-­an-­tuku I arad-­i3-­li2-­šu inim ĝal2-­la-­ni-­še3 ba-­ni-­i[b-­g]i4-­gi4 mu ˹lugal˺-­[la]-­bi in-­pad3

Diĝir-­luša bought a man, named Arad-­ Nanna, (who is) the slave of -­ilīšu, from -­ilīšu, his master: 7–­9 he paid half a mina of silver as his full price. 10–­15 If there is a claim (on the slave), Warad-­ilīšu will be responsible for his claim: he has sworn it on the king’s name. 1–­6

Note 2–­3. The personal name of the slave’s master is clearly Warad-­ilīšu, as appears at l. 12. Here it seems that the apprentice scribe twice made the same haplographic mistake.

No. 54 MS 4979

Pl. XLIX

This tablet contains two separate manumission contracts (both eighteen lines long) of a slave girl and of a slave written on the obverse and on the reverse, respectively.1 1 Transliterations of these two manumission contracts appear also in TMH XI 1 §§1, 9 (cf. Spada 2018, 18, 29–­30).



T h e Te x t s

No. 54 §1: Manumission of a Slave Girl obv.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

1 saĝ-­munus iš8-­tar2-­en-­nam mu-­ni-­im geme2 lugal-­a-­ma-­ru lugal-­a-­ma-­ru lugal-­a-­ni-­˹ir˺ ama-­ar-­gi4-­ni in-­ĝar 1(diš) sar e2 du3-­a 1 na4kinkin zi-­bi šu sig10-­ga 1 ĝešbanšur-­zag-­gu2-­la2 1 ĝeškuĝ5(i.dib) 1 ĝešmuru5!(sal:ud.edin)-­˹za˺-­nu-­um in-­na-­an-­šum2 ud til3-­la-­˹še3˺ igi-­ni-­še3 i3-­gub-­bu ud kur2-­še3 ibila lugal-­a-­ma-­[ru] nam-­geme2-­še3 u3 niĝ2-­˹ba˺-­ni-­a-­ni-­ [še3] lugal-­a-­ma-­ru mu lugal-­bi in-­/pad3 I

Lugal-­amaru, her master, has freed a woman named Ištar-­ennam, (who is) the slave girl of Lugal-­amaru. 7–­12 He has given her a built-­up house plot of one sar (36 m2), one zību millstone provided with a muller, one cultic table, one ladder, (and) one table. 13–­14 As long as he lives, she will serve him. 15–­18 Lugal-­amaru has sworn on the king’s name that in the future, any heir of Lugal-­amaru (however many there may be, will not raise a claim against Ištar-­ ennam) concerning her status as a slave girl and her share. 1–­6

Notes The manumission of a certain Ištar-­ennam, the slave girl of Lugal-­amaru, appears in several other copies, all of them from Nippur—­some in a very fragmentary state and with slight textual variations (for their edition, cf. Spada 2018, 14–­18). In particular, this copy differs from the other Nippur ones by the absence of two symbolic acts pertaining to the manumission of slaves, which appear in both real-­life contracts and school texts (not only in model

115

contracts1 but also in school legal phrase books, such as Sippar Urra I–­II and MB Emar Urra I–­II).2 These symbolic acts are expressed respectively by the Sumerian formulas saĝ-­ki ~ dadag (Akkadian pūta ullulu/ubbubu), “to cleanse, purify the forehead,” and dug ~ gaz, (Akkadian karpata ḫepû), “to break the pot (of slavery).” However, the only formula that appears in every manumission contract (and also in the contract presented here) is ama-­ar-­gi4 ~ ĝar (lit. “to establish [one’s] return to the mother,” corresponding to Akkadian andurāru šakānu, “to establish [one’s] freedom”3). Additionally, some copies of this manumission make an explicit reference to a “document of purification” (kišib nam-­sikil-­la), which, given to the freed slave, probably served as evidence to be produced in case the freed status of the slave is challenged by any future claim. In most of manumission model contracts, in fact, there is a clause protecting the freed slave against such claims (see ll. 15–­17, where this clause is abbreviated). 8. This term, indicating a type of millstone made of overfired clay, was discussed most recently by Civil (2006, 132; 2008, 77–­78). 9. In the Nippur and Ur inheritance divisions, the cultic table usually appears in the preferential portion awarded to the eldest brother.4 11. This Sumerian term, equivalent to Akkadian murzānu/murzīnu,indicates a type of table.It is found in various forms in OB Urra: ĝešmuru5-­za-­nu-­um, 1 Most model contracts recording the manumission of slaves through symbolic acts come from Nippur. Among others, TMH XI 1 is an Old Babylonian prism from Nippur collecting nine similar model manumission contracts (cf. Spada 2018, 11–­30). 2 For a study of these symbolic acts related to manumission of slaves, see Malul 1988, 40–­76. 3 Charpin 1987, 37 argues that this formula means “retour à son statut originel”—­that is, return to the status one has at birth, meaning freedom for one born free but slavery to his or her former master for a house-­born slave. 4 Cf. Charpin 1980, 37–­38. For the proposal that in Nippur private homes, this cultic table was a sort of altar for the ancestors’ worship, see Prang 1976, 28. For the so-­called ĝeš banšur-­zag-­gu-­la-­clause in Nippur documentation, cf. Claassens-­van  Wyk 2013, 74–­75.

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

116

ĝeš

mur-­zi-­nu-­um, u4-­ru-­za-­nu-­um, ĝešur-­za-­nu-­um, and ĝešu5-­za-­nu-­um.1 15–­17. Here the scribe has likely abbreviated the clause protecting the freed slave against future claims in order to fit the contract into the tablet’s obverse, leaving the reverse free for the next contract. Finally, it must be noted that the expression at l. 17 should be written nam-­geme2-­ni-­še3 u3 niĝ2-­ba-­ni-­še3. No. 54 §2: Manumission of a Slave rev.

1 2 3 4

1 2 3 4

13 14 15 16 17 18

13 14 15 16 17 18

diĝir-­˹x˺-­ma ˹kur-­ra tu˺-­da ˹dumu ir3-­dnin-­urta˺ imki ˹x˺ [. . . ur-­ku3]-­zu 8 lines effaced [. . . ur]-­˹ku3˺-­zu-­ke4-­/ne [ . . . ]-­˹x-­ni˺ [ . . . ]-­˹na-­de2?˺-­e-­ne-­a ur-­ku3-­zu [l]ugal-­a-­ni-­ir u3 nin-­[ḫ]e2-­ĝal2 nin-­a-­ni mu lugal-­bi in-­pad3-­eš I

[. . . Ur-­ku]zu (has freed) PN, born in a foreign country, the son of Arad-­Ninurta of (the city of ) im [ . . . ] 13–­18 Ur-­kuzu, his master, and Ninḫegal, his mistress, have sworn on the king’s name that the [ . . . ] of [Ur]-­kuzu will . . . his [ . . . ] 1–­4

Notes This fragmentary contract presumably records the manumission of a male slave by a couple, Ur-­ kuzu and his wife, Ninḫegal. Despite some differences in the formulary, this contract seems to be the copy of a manumission contract recorded in a prism (TMH XI 1 §9) and in a Type II tablet (UM 55-­21-­333 obv. i 1’–­8’), both from Nippur (cf. Spada 2018, 28–­30). 3. imki occurs as a logogram for three different places: Enegi, near Larsa and Uruk; Karkar, between Umma and Adab; and Murum, south of Badtibira.

Cf. the Sumerian glossary in DCCLT, s.v. murzanum (http://​ oracc​.org/​dcclt/​sux). 1

See Edzard (1976–­80) and Groneberg (1980, 108–­ 9, s.v. IM). 13–­15.These lines are damaged, and the only clearly visible expression is the verbal form at l. 15, where the verb de2, “to pour,” appears.We wonder if the whole clause can refer to the symbolic act of purifying the slave’s forehead (the term “his forehead” could indeed appear at l. 14, [saĝ]-­˹ki?-­ni˺), which is usually expressed by the formula saĝ-­ki ~ dadag. This clause could describe how the purification ceremony happened, but since such an act is not explicitly described elsewhere, it is not possible to reconstruct these lines with certainty. Moreover, the material that may have been used as the cleansing agent (and that might have preceded the verb de2 at l. 15) is not here preserved. In general, it is unclear whether it was oil or water, since usually the texts are completely silent about it.2

No. 55 MS 2951

Pl. L

This tablet, containing an apprenticeship contract for musical instruction, was published for the first time by M. Geller (2003) and subsequently discussed by P. Michalowski (2010, 203–­7), who improved the understanding of the document. Because it has no date or witnesses but has a colophon, it is identified as a school exercise tablet. The following transliteration, which offers several improvements, was prepared by K. Volk during a visit to the Schøyen Collection in June 2018. obv.

1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6

7 8 9

7 8 9

ḫe2-­[d]u7-­eriduki-­ga dumu dim-­la-­ma-­si2 nam-­nar zu-­zu-­de3 ki diĝir-­ṣi-­ri ba-­tuš ud-­ba nar ĝeštigidlax(ša3.min3) asila3(ezen×a) tigix(nar.tin. liš) a-da-­ba a-­ra2 7-­kam zu-­zu-­de3 5 giĝ4 kug-­babbar a2 diĝir-­ṣi-­ri I

2 Malul 1988, 46–­47 has suggested the employment of oil based on parallels with a later manumission text from Ugarit and the Middle Assyrian Tukulti-­Ninurta epic.



T h e Te x t s

10 11

10 11

1 2

12 13

rev.

im-­la-­ma-­si2

Id

in-­na-­an-­šum2 Empty space ˹i3˺-­li2-­ip-­pa-­˹al˺-­sa3-­am ˹dumu˺ um-­˹mi˺-­a

Ḫedu-­Eridu, son of Adad-­lamassī, lived at Ilī-­ṣiri’s to learn the musician’s craft. 5 At that time, 8–­11 Adad-­lamassī gave five shekels of silver to Ilī-­ṣiri as (his) wage 5–­7 so that he could teach (his son to be) a musician (playing) the tigidlu, asila, tigi, and adab instruments to the seventh degree. 12–­13 Ilī-­ippalsam, ummia’s apprentice. 1–­4

Notes 5–­6. Volk confirms the reading ĝešša3.min3, which is apparently an Old Babylonian writing (not attested elsewhere, as far as I know) of the word tigidla (see Civil 1987), later written as ĝeš ša 3. min . di , ĝešša 3. min . kaskal , ĝešša 3. tar , or ĝeš di.tar. What Geller read as tigix(nar.bulug) actually is nar.tin.liš—­possibly to be read as nar . bulug x (Volk, personal communication, July 2018).

117

7. In his edition, Geller translates the expression a-ra2 7-­kam as “seven times” without any comment. Here I follow Michalowski’s translation,“to the seventh degree,” which was based on a suggestion by P. Steinkeller, to be interpreted likely as “to the highest degree” (cf. Michalowski 2010, 204–­5 n. 12). 12–­13. On the reverse, the inscription differs significantly in style and shows a notable sloppiness (Volk, personal communication). However, it is not unusual (in particular in lentils) for colophons to be written in a much more cursive hand. A careful inspection of the traces before the term um-­mi-­a clearly points to the reading dumu, not lu2. As a result, Ilī-­ippalsam is identified as an apprentice of the ummia of the scribal academy. Michalowski (2010, 204–­5) translates the term ummia as “music master,” commenting, “An ummia is a ‘master (craftsman)’; in the environment of the eduba’a he is the ‘school master,’ in the context of the conservatory, he is the ‘music master.’” Given the academic nature of the text, I propose that um-­mi-­a here refers to the master of the scribal school (even if, admittedly, in a colophon we would expect the expression PN dub-­sar tur, “PN the apprentice scribe”).

NOS. 56–­6 3 : RELATED TEXTS The following tablets do not properly belong to the category of model contracts but contain legal texts related to the school milieu (with the exception perhaps of text no. 63, as discussed later on). No.

Content

56 57 58 59 60

Sale of a woman into slavery Sale of a woman into slavery Model court case Collection of legal cases Beginning of a deed of sale; account of barley Extract from a legal phrase book Extract from a legal phrase book

61 62

63

Collection of first-­person reports in Akkadian

No. 56 MS 1950/1

Pls. LI–­LII

The upper-­left corner of this tablet is missing and has been made up with clay inscribed with imitation cuneiform in modern times.The text records the sale into slavery of a woman during a period of famine. The presence of the list of witnesses and, above all, of the sealing makes it certain that this document is a real deed of sale despite some unusual expressions whose meaning is not entirely clear (e.g., ll. 10, 14). There was certainly also a date that is now lost, written in the missing corner. This genuine contract is published among the school

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

118

material because it appears to be a model for the school text presented next (no. 57). obv.

lo.e. rev.

Seal

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’ 7’ 8’ 9’ 10’ 11’ 1 2 1

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15

2

16

3

17

4 5 6

18 19 20

7 8 9 10

21 22 23 24

11

25

12 13

26 27

1 2

1 line missing [. . . mu]-­˹ni-­im˺ [ki u-bar-­ru-­u]m gudug [Ii]p-­qu2-­dim [i]n-­ši-­sa10 sam2 til-­la-­bi-­še3 in-­na-­la2 ĝeš-­gan-­na ib2-­ta-­bala ud šag4-­ĝar-­ra-­bi til3-­la-­e-­ne šag4 gur la2-­la2-­ke4 šakanka gal tur-­ra kug! šu bi2-­in-­˹šum2˺ uru ra-­ḫa-­bu-­umki ĝeš ig peš3-­bi d[ug3 (x)] teš2-­še3 lu2-­lu7 teš2 b[a?-­pad3?-­d]e3 ud kur2 lu2-­lu7 nu-­mu-­un-­ gi4-­/de3 geme2-­ĝu10 dumu-­munus-­ĝu10 dam-­ĝu10 nu-­un-­na-­ab-­be2-­a mu lugal-­bi in-­pad3 igi be-­lum dumu diĝir.diĝir.diĝir-­še-­me-­a igi šu-­dkab-­ta dumu an?-­ni-­ia igi be-­la-­nu-­um dumu bu-­la-­lum igi puzur4-­dda-­gan dub-­sar ˹igi zu˺-­ur2-­zu-­ru-­um dumu iš-­me-­dka-­di [igi ḫa]-­zi-­ru-­um dumu i-din-­dmar-­du2 [igi x-x-­]da-­a šu-­i [kišib lu2-­inim-­m]a-­bi-­meš ib2-­raḫ2 Rest of the contract missing diĝir.diĝir.diĝir-­[še-­me]-­a dumu [ . . . ]

[I]pqu-­Adad bought [a slave girl na]med [PN from Ubaru]m, the priest; 6–­8 he paid its full price, (and) she was made to cross over the pestle; 9–­12 (since) they were living in times 1–­5

of famine, he (= Ipqu-­Adad) handed over the silver, according to the weighed gur and to the fluctuating market (lit. being the market high [or] low). 13–­19 He (= Ubarum) swore on the king’s name that they would meet (in) the city of Raḫabum (in order to hand over the slave girl) at the . . . , that in the future, the one would not go back (on the agreement) against the other (and) that he would not say to him, “(She is) my slave girl!,” “My daughter!,” or “My wife!” 20–­26 In front of Bēlum, son of Ilān-­šemeā; in front of Šu-­Kabta, son of Annīya; in front of Bēlānum, son of Bulalum; in front of Puzur-­Dagan, the scribe; in front of Zurzurum, son of Išme-­Ištaran; [in front of Ḫā]zirum, son of Iddin-­Amurrum; [in front of . . .]-­Aya, the barber. 27 [The witnes]ses have rolled [(their) seals . . .] (date missing). Seal: Ilān-­[šeme]ā, son of [ . . . ]

Notes 3, 4. Ubarum and Ipqu-­Adad are mentioned in other tablets of the Schøyen Collection. Ubarum, who is designated as a gudug priest, appears in MS 1947/18, MS 1949/1–­3, and MS 1950/4–­8: all of them are dated to the years 22–­29 of Sumu-­El of Larsa;1 Ipqu-­Adad occurs in MS 1886 and MS 1949/4, dated to Abi-­sare 3. 6–­7. It is to be noted that the payment clause uses the formula sam2 til-­la-­bi-­še3, which differs from the one appearing in text no. 57:12 (sam2 til-­la-­ni-­še3). For Wilcke’s theory about the use of personal suffixes -­ani/-­bi in this clause, see the textual note on no. 38 §1:4–­5. In addition, the amount of silver paid for the woman is not specified in this section. 8. For the bukānu clause, see the textual note on no. 38 §1:7–­8. 1 MS 1947/18 (dated to Sumu-­El 22) records the delivery of barley and silver by Ubarum; 1949/1 (Sumu-­El 26), 1949/2 (Sumu-­El 29), 1949/3 (Sumu-­El 24), 1950/4 (Sumu-­El 26), 1950/5 (Sumu-­El 29), 1950/7 (Sumu-­El 26), and 1950/8 (Sumu-­El 28) are loan contracts in which Ubarum acts as the creditor; 1950/6 = no. 57 (Sumu-­El 28) records the sale of a woman bought by Ubarum.



T h e Te x t s

9–­11. This terminology, which also appears in text no. 40 §6:5–­7, describes the fluctuation of market prices in time of famine. This specification seems to relate not to the sale itself (and therefore cannot be considered a case of famine slavery; cf. Westbrook 1995, 1645, 1654–­55) but only to the value of silver paid for it. 13–­14. Raḫabum is a town in southern Mesopotamia (cf. Leemans 1976, 219); more precisely, it is in the vicinity of Larsa, belonging to the kingdom of Larsa in the reign of Sîn-­erībam (see Streck 2000, 267). If my interpretation is correct, Ubarum and Ipqu-­Adad have to meet (ba-­pad3-­de, corresponding to Akkadian šutātû, “to meet, to confront each other”; cf. CAD A2 520, s.v. atû) in Raḫabum (probably in order to hand over the slave girl) at a specific place. This location is indicated by the expression ĝešig peš3-­bi d[ug3], which is not known to me from other documents. Seal. Apparently, the first witness of the list, Bēlum, used the seal of Ilān-­šemeā, his father.

No. 57 MS 1950/6

Pls. LIII–­LIV

This tablet records the sale into slavery of a woman during a time of famine. Despite the presence of the list of witnesses and the date (Sumu-­El 28, eighth month), it is to be considered a scribal exercise, modeled along the lines of text no. 56. It seems that an apprentice scribe copied some of the legal formulas of text no. 56 (with slight differences) but put them in a different order (for comparison, see table 5). obv.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

1 saĝ-­˹geme2˺ a-­zu-­ga-­a-­a mu-­ni ki den.zu-­nu-­ri dam?-­a-­ni ud šag4-­ĝar-­ra til!-­la-­ne šag4 gur la2-­la2-­ke4 [šak]anka gal tur-­ra [t]eš2-­teš2 lu2-­lu7 teš2 ba-­pad3-­de3 kug ba-­ab-­šum2-­ma? ki den.zu-­nu-­ri dam-­a-­ni I u-­bar-­ru-­um sam2 til-­la-­ni-­še3 ˹kug˺ šu bi2-­ib-­šum2

lo.e. rev.

u.e.

119

14 1 1 2 3

14 15 16 17 18

4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 1 2

19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

ru-­um-­ḫa-­bu ĝeš-­gan-­na ib2-­/ta-­bala ud kur2-­še3 lu7 mu-­gi4 mu lugal-­˹bi˺ in-­pad3 igi be!-­lum dumu diĝir.diĝir-­še-­me-­[a] igi ku3-­dnanna igi ia-­a dumu nu-­ur2-­dka-­/di igi i-bi-­ir3?-­ra? gudug? igi a-ḫa-­mar-­ši dumu a-ia-­ak-­ku-­um igi ḫa-­an-­ba-­tum igi nu-­ru-­um! igi puzur4-­dda-­[gan] igi a-pil2-­d?[ . . . ] ˹kišib lu2˺-­ini[m-­ma]-­bi ˹iti ĝeš˺apin-­˹du8˺ mu us2-­sa ˹6-­bi˺ [e]n d˹nanna˺ ˹ba-­ḫuĝ˺-­[ĝa2] uru

Notes This school exercise, written by a less-­than-­proficient pupil, recalls the deed of sale recorded in text no. 56, but it has a different order of some legal clauses (sometimes also abbreviated), as shown by the tabulated comparison (table 5). In addition, Ubarum is here the slave girl’s buyer, not her seller. Finally, the list of witnesses includes different personal names, except the first one, Bēlum, son of Ilān-­šemeā, and Puzur-­Dagan (who is qualified as a scribe in text no. 56). The date is here preserved (twenty-­eighth year of the reign of Sumu-­El of Larsa, eighth month), but there are no sealings on the tablet surface. Because it was copied in a confusing way, no translation of text no. 57 is provided. 4. The scribe has used the sign bad instead of ti in the expression til3-­la-­e-­ne (cf. text no.  56:9). 14. Note the writing ururu-­um-­ḫa-­bu instead of uru ra-­ḫa-­bu-­um. 16. This line is an extremely abbreviated version of its counterpart at text no. 56:16: ud kur2 lu2-­lu7 nu-­mu-­un-­gi4-­gi4-­de3,“in the future, the one will not go back (on the agreement) against the other.”

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

120

Table 5. The text of no. 56 and comparable names and legal clauses in no. 57 ll.

No. 56

[ . . . ] [. . . mu]-­˹ni-­im˺ [ki u-bar-­ru-­u]m gudug [Ii]p-­qu2-­dim [i]n-­ši-­sa10 sam2 til-­la-­bi-­še3 in-­na-­la2 ĝeš-­gan-­na ib2-­ta-­bala ud šag4-­ĝar-­ra-­bi til3-­la-­e-­ne šag4 gur la2-­la2-­ke4 šakanka gal tur-­ra kug šu bi2-­in-­˹šum2˺ uru ra-­ḫa-­bu-­umki ĝeš ig peš3-­bi d[ug3 (x)] teš2-­še3 lu2-­lu7 teš2 b[a-­pad3?-­d]e3 ud kur2 lu2-­lu7 nu-­mu-­un-­gi4-­/de3 geme2-­ĝu10 dumu-­munus-­ĝu10 dam-­ĝu10 nu-­un-­na-­ab-­be2-­a mu lugal-­bi in-­pad3 (List of 7 witnesses) 27 [kišib lu2-­inim-­m]a-­bi-­meš ib2-­raḫ2 (Date missing)

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

No. 58 MS 4086

1 2 3 4

1 2 3 4

5 6 7

5 6 7

ll.

1 saĝ-­˹geme2˺ a-­zu-­ga-­a-­a mu-­ni ki den.zu-­nu-­ri dam?-­a-­ni I u-­bar-­ru-­um // sam2 til-­la-­ni-­še3 // ĝeš-­gan-­na ib2-­ta-­bala ud šag4-­ĝar-­ra til!-­la-­ne šag4 gur la2-­la2-­ke4 [šak]anka gal tur-­ra ˹kug˺ šu bi2-­ib-­šum2 uru ru-­um-­ḫa-­bu // [t]eš2-­teš2 lu2-­lu7 teš2 ba-­pad3-­de3 ud kur2-­še3 lu7 mu-­gi4 // // mu lugal-­˹bi˺ in-­pad3 (List of 9 witnesses) ˹kišib lu2˺-­ini[m-­ma]-­bi (Date)

1 2 3, 10 11

Pl. LV

The text written on this tablet uses the typical formularies of court cases. If my interpretation is correct, the object of the dispute is an alleged slander by Warad-­ilīšu against Nūr-­ilīšu. Since the slanderer rejects the testimony of the witnesses brought by Nūr-­ilīšu, the judges and the citizens must intervene to settle the matter. obv.

No. 57

arad-­i3-­li2-­šu šeš!(še) i-din-­dna-­na-­a-­a dub-­sar x x eme!-­sig9 nu-­ur2-­i3-­li2-­šu dumu lu2?-­diĝir?-­ra? ba-­ni-­in-­gu7 mu eme!-­sig9 nu-­ur2-­i3-­li2-­šu ba-­ni-­in-­gu7 I

rev.

8 9 10 11 12 13

8 9 10 11 12 13

1

16?

12 15 4 5 6 13 14 7–­8 16

17 28

lu2-­ki-­inim-­-­ma-­ni in-­gin6-­ne2-­˹eš˺-­a-­am3 ba-­da-­gur? u3? ba-­da-­gur-­re-­eš-­am3 di-­kud-­ne-­ne u3 dumu-­[g]ir15?-­˹ra?˺-­meš 2 lines missing [i]n-­ne-­en-­šu[m2?-­mu-­uš]

Warad-­ilīšu, brother of Iddin-­Nanaya, the scribe . . . , slandered Nūr-­ilīšu, son of Lu-­ diĝira?. 6–­10 Since he slandered Nūr-­ilīšu, his (= Nūr-­ilīšu’s) witnesses confirmed it, but he (= Warad-­ilīšu) rejected them. 11–­13 And (since) they have been rejected, the judges and the citizens? . . . (two lines missing) 16 they ga[ve . . .] to them. 1–­5



T h e Te x t s

Note 4, 6. The signs ka.si, which I tentatively read as eme!-­sig9, could be a variant of the Sumerian expression eme-­sig, equated to Akkadian karṣu, “calumny, (unfounded) accusation” (cf. CAD K 222–­23).1 Combined with the verb gu7/akālu, “to eat” (ll. 5, 7), this expression means “to slander, to speak falsely” (cf. CAD A1 255–­56, s.v. akālu 7d, where the meaning is “to denounce”).

No. 59 MS 2295

Pl. LVI

This tablet, of which about one-­half of the original length remains, collects three documents, each ending with a date (the year names identified with certainty belong to the first year of Nūr-­Adad) but without any lists of witnesses. Unfortunately, not all the lines are readable, and the three documents are only partially understood. It is not clear what the function of this tablet was. It could indeed be a collection of real contracts and legal cases, or it could be a school collection used for training scribes in Sumerian formularies. It is interesting to note that the days and months of the three preserved cases proceed sequentially, being dated to the fourth day of the fourth month, the fifth day of the fifth month, and the sixth day of the sixth month, respectively.The organization of the documents in such a clear chronological order is not certainly due to educational reasons, since it could be a function of an archival procedure. In any case, some signs are imperfectly written, as if done by a pupil, and so suggest a school context for this collection. No. 59 §1: Field Rental obv.

1’ 2’

1’ 2’

3’

3’

4’

4’

[ . . . ] ˹x x˺ ˹šag4? x˺ [ . . . ] ˹x?˺ u3 a ˹de2?˺-­[ . . . ] 4(iku) gana2 a-šag4 uru4ru-­de3 a dug4-­ga ˹buluĝ3-­ĝa2˺ du3-­de3 inim-­inim-­ni ba-­an-­šum2 nu-­bala-­e

1 For the variant inim-­sig, see Sag-­tablet Recension A 47, MSL SS1 21.

121

5’

5’

6’

6’

7’

7’

8’

8’

tukum-­bi a-šag4 ba-­ḫul a-­˹šag4˺ ib2-­ta-­e3 a-­šag4 še la-­ba-­ab-­ĝar a-šag4 d im ba-­an-­sag3 saĝ kug-­babbar u3 maš2-­bi i3-­la2-­e iti šu-­numun-­a ud 4-­kam ba-­ zal ˹mu˺ ĝiš.kušu2ki ba-­ḫul

 . . . and . . . ; 3’–­4’ he has given his word, (and) will not change it, that he will cultivate a field of four iku, irrigate it, (and) raise a crop. 5’–­7’ If the field gets ruined, he rents it out, no barley is grown on it, (or) the god Adad (i.e., a storm) strikes it, he will pay out the capital of silver and its interest. 6 Month IV, day 4, year “Umma was destroyed.” 1’–­2’

Notes This document, which is not completely preserved, concerns the renting of a field for cultivation and the responsibility of the tenant in case he fails to cultivate it. Either by his negligence or by natural calamity, such as a storm, he has to pay compensation (the capital increased with interest) for the lost crop. Since the loss is on the tenant even in the case of natural causes, one can assume that this is not a sharecropping arrangement (in which case, the loss would be shared proportionately between the landlord and the tenant) but rather a rent payable in advance.2 8’. To the best of my knowledge, the destruction of Umma is not attested in any known Old ­Babylonian year name.The only reference I know to the formula “Umma was destroyed” appears in M. Sigrist and P. Damerow (2001), where this year name is labeled as “Sumuel a” and referenced only by “tablet W. Lambert.” Since Lambert studied many tablets that are now in the Schøyen Collection (including this one) and took notes

2 Cf. Westbrook 2003, 410–­11 with previous bibliography.

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

122

on them, it is clear that “tablet W. Lambert” refers precisely to MS 2295.1 No. 59 §2: Transaction Concerning a Captured Slave Girl obv.

9’

1

10’

2

11’

3

12’

4

13’

5

14’

6

1 ba-­buluĝ a-li2-­a-­ḫi mu-­ni-­im geme2 [lu]gal-­inim-­gi-­na ˹mu kur˺ mar-­du2-­še3 a-ra2 3-­kam ba-­zaḫ2 [u3 l]u2-­d˹i-­šum˺ nar in-­de5-­de5-­ga-­še3 [ . . . ]-­ni-­˹še3?˺ in-­dab5? ½ ˹ma˺-­na kug-­babbar lugal-­inim-­gi-­na [in-­na-­la2 iti] ne-­ne-­gar ud 5-­kam ba-­zal [mu nu-­ur2-­d]iškur lugal

A foster child? named Ali-­aḫī, the slave girl of [Lu]gal-­inim-­gina, 2–­3 because she had fled to the land of Amurrum for the third time [and Aw]īl-­Išum the musician had picked her up?, 4–­5 he captured? her as? his [ . . . ] (and) Lugal-­inim-­ gina [paid him] half a mina of silver. [Month] V, day 5, 6 [year “Nūr]-­Adad (became) king.” 1

dated to the Ur III period.2 However, the year name of the legal case presented here corresponds to the first of Nūr-­Adad’s reign. 1. The term preceding the slave girl’s name is tentatively interpreted and translated as “a foster child” from the Sumerian verb buluĝ(3), equated to Akkadian tarbītu, “child placed for rearing”—­ that is, “foster child” (cf. CAD T 223–­24). 4. If the reading in-­dab5 is correct (although the sign looks more like lu than ku), a tentative reconstruction of the line could be [nam-­geme2-­a]-­ni-­˹še3˺ in-­ dab5, “he kept her as his [slave girl].” Based on this interpretation, therefore, the amount of silver would not be the reward paid by Lugal-­inim-­gina to the man who captured the slave girl but the price paid by Awīl-­Išum to keep Ali-­aḫī as his own slave girl (for a similar situation, see Molina 2008, 127–­29). No. 59 §3: Punishment of Criminals rev.

Notes This legal case deals with the capture of a slave girl after her third escape attempt and with the payment of an amount of silver (half a mina, which is admittedly very high)—­probably as a reward to the man who captured and returned his fugitive slave girl (but for a different interpretation, see the note on l. 4). The first two lines are also recorded in a fragmentary text from Nippur, published by D. Owen in NATN 354 (1982) and considered 1 From Lambert’s paper note (unpublished, kept with the tablet): “Parts of two [sic] cases are preserved, but of the date on the first we have no other knowledge and so cannot use it. The date of the second is the first year of Nūr-­Adad, king of Larsa, c. 1865 B.C. The previous date should no doubt be a little earlier, but all the year names of the previous king are known, or at least that is the current scholarly opinion. The orthographic conventions and the sign-­forms of the tablet fit a date not more than a century later that the first year of Nūr-­Adad.”

1 2

1 2

3

3

4 5 6

4 5 6

7

7

8

8

[ . . . ] gal? [. . . dn]in?-­urta?-­en-­nam? kug-­˹še3 in?-­šum2?˺ [ . . . ]-­den.zu u3 d uraš-­mu-­ba-­li2-­iṭ [. . . šu] ba-­an-­ti-­eš [ . . . ]-­bi lu2-­sa-­gaz ba-­an-­ak? [. . . -­ne-­n]e niĝ2-­gur11-­ne-­ne dam-­ne-­ne [dumu-­ne-­n]e u3 du3 kug-­ babbar ba-­an-­tum3(nim)-­mu iti kiĝ2-­dinana ud 6-­kam ba-­zal mu nu-­ur2-­diškur lugal

[ . . . ] they! have sold [N]inurta?-­ennam 3–­4 [ . . . ]-­Sîn and Uraš-­muballiṭ received [tot mina/ shekels of silver?]. 5 [Since . . .] they behaved like criminals, 6–­7 th[eir . . .], their property, their wives, th[eir sons,] and all the silver have been taken away from them. 8 Month VI, day 6, year “Nūr-­Adad (became) king.” 1–­2

2 It is described as “fragmentary text recording an incident of a servant girl who fled to the land of Martu for a third time. From Luinimgina archive(?)” (Owen 1982, 26). The tablet reads, ba-­buluĝ a-li2-­a-­ḫi / geme2 lugal-­inim-­gi-­na / mu kur mar-­du2-­še3 / a-ra2 3 ba-­zaḫ3-­a-­š[e3] / rest missing.



T h e Te x t s

Note

No. 60 §2: Account of Barley

Because the opening lines are very incomplete, the circumstances of this third case are not clear, and my proposal is to be considered merely tentative. If the reconstruction of l. 2, based on the traces of the signs, is correct, it seems that [ . . . ]-­Sîn and Uraš-­muballiṭ have sold the man (likely a slave) mentioned at l. 2, receiving an amount of silver. Something illegal must have happened (maybe they were not the rightful owners of the man), since at l. 5, it is stated that “they (likely [ . . . ]-­Sîn and Uraš-­muballiṭ) behaved like criminals”; moreover, the final sentence expresses as a penalty against the offenders the forfeiture of their estates and families.

No. 60 MS 4119

Pl. LVII

This tablet, which is complete, is an exercise written in a bad handwriting. Whereas the obverse records the beginning of a deed of sale (apparently of tools), the reverse contains an account of barley. No. 60 §1: Deed of Sale obv.

123

1 2 3 4 5 6

1 2 3 4 5 6

1 ⅓ giĝ4 kug-­babbar kug-­bi si2-­ma-­ni-­im u3 na4kinkin ki puzur4-­dnin-­kar-­/ak I i-­bi-­den.zu in-­ši-­sa10

Ibbi-­Sîn bought from Puzur-­Ninkarrak 1–­3 (one) utensil? and (one) millstone, whose (price in) silver is one and one-­third shekel of silver. 4–­6

Note 2–­3. This short exercise seems to record the beginning of a sale of a millstone (l. 3) and of si2-­ma-­ni-­im (l. 2; this reading, however, is not certain due to the poor handwriting). According to CAD I 194, s.v. isimmānu 2a, the Akkadian term (i)simmānu indicates not only a type of malt as the basic ingredient of beer brewing (cf. text no. 39 §18, note on l. 4) but also working and raw materials and pertinent utensils used in connection with this activity. Based on this lean consideration, I tentatively interpret this term as a utensil related to brewing beer.

rev.

1 2 3 4 5

1 2 3 4 5

6

6

2(aš) še gur puzur4-­ba-­lum? 2(aš) še gur Id en.zu-­gi-­im-­la-­/ni 1(aš) 1(barig) 2(ban2) gur? I im-­gur-­den.zu I

Two gur of barley (for) Puzur-­balum; two gur of barley (for) Sîn-­gimlanni; one gur eighty sila (of barley for) Imgur-­Sîn.

1–­6

No. 61 MS 3408

Pls. LVIII–­LIX

This long single-­column tablet is composed of at least two separate parts.Whereas the obverse collects some business and legal formulas, the reverse is a pastiche of many different pieces of tablets put together (in modern times) without understanding. For this reason, it is not taken into consideration here. Additionally, two of the fragments that have been joined to the right edge in the obverse are wrongly placed and must be moved down to ll. 9–­10 and 14–­16, respectively (see transliteration). obv.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18

[diĝir-­t]u-­ra-­am3 ig-­ba-­sag9 lu2-­inim-­ma-­bi-­me-­eš dug4-­ga-­a-­ni ba-­an-­šum2 mu lugal-­bi in-­pad3 ˹mu lugal teš2-­bi˺ lu2 lu2-­ra teš2-­˹bi˺ / in-­pad3 mu aš2.ta.ra-­ni-­še3 ˹arad?˺ x še? še3 ta ḫar ta? ˹x x˺ a-ra2? 2-­k[am i]b2-­si-­si kug-­ta ib!-­ta-­gub-­[b]a tukum-­[bi] [x] ˹x ma?˺ ni ˹x˺ [ . . . ] ˹ud kur2 lu2˺ lu2-­r[a] ĝeš-­˹gan˺-­na ib2-­t[a]-­bala šeg12 iz-­zi dal-­ba-­na ni2-­te-­ni-­˹ta˺ [ . . . ] ud? e2-­a-­ni-­˹ta?˺ [ . . . ] The remaining signs are modern pastiche

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124

He has sworn on the king’s name that [Ilī-­t]ūram (and) Igbasag were the witnesses: he gave his word (= promised). 6–­7 Each of them has sworn mutually on the king’s name. 8–­9  . . . 10 For the second time, he will fill. . . . 11 He/it will serve as a pledge. 12–­13 If . . . 14 in the future, the one against other. 15 It/(s)he was made to cross over the pestle. 16–­17 The bricks of a common wall, by himself [ . . . ] 18 When from his house . . . 1–­5

Note This tablet is very damaged, and it is not easy to understand much of the content (in particular, ll. 8–­9, 13). Since it collects legal formulas and phrases, it can be considered as belonging to the category of “phrase books.” In the Old Babylonian period, there were two standardized versions, which were later transmitted to Middle Babylonian and first-­millennium lexical tradition: the northern version, primarily known from Sippar, and the Nippur one, the so-­called Ki-­ulutin-­bi-­še. In addition, there were local phrase books, from Larsa and other places, that have no clear relationship to either of those two (cf. Veldhuis 2014, 188–­94).This text belongs probably to one of the local phrase books.

No. 62 MS 2667/3

Pl. LX

This scribal exercise, partially damaged and written in bad handwriting, seems to be an extract from a phrase book recording formulas dealing with share division. obv.

rev.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 1

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12

˹ḫa˺-­[la . . .] ḫa-­la um-­mi-­a ḫa-­la šeš ḫa-­la ad-­da ḫa-­la e2 ad-­˹da˺ ḫa-­la kug ad-­da-­˹ne-­ne˺ ḫa-­la ama ad-­da-­[n]e-­ne šag4 ḫa-­la e2 a-šag4 ĝeškiri6 ugu šeš-­˹šeš˺ niĝ2-­gur10!(ul) e2  ad-­da ĝal2-­la

2 3 4 5 6

13 14 15 16 17

a-­na ĝal2-­[la]-­ta? 2-­am3 um-­mi-­a-­ne-­ne 3-­am3 lu2-­bi? teš2-­a sig10-­ga-­a-­bi i3-­ba-­e-­ne

Sha[re . . .]; share of the creditor; share of the brother; share of the father; share of the paternal estate; silver share of their father; share of their mother (and) father; 8–­10 from the share, house, field, (and) orchard (are) on the account of the brothers, (whereas) 11–­13 all the movable property of the paternal estate, as much as there may be, 14–­17 will be divided equally among two creditors and three men (= partners?). 1–­7

Note This text is likely an extract from one of the Old Babylonian phrase books, for which we may have no precise parallel. While ll. 8–­17 seem to constitute a unity, describing the division of possessions (listed at ll. 9, 11–­13) among creditors, brothers, and “men,” ll. 1–­7 seems merely to be a list of expressions without an overall structure.

No. 63 MS 2346

Pls. LXI–­LXII

To the best of my knowledge, this tablet represents an unicum among the Old Babylonian documents. It is a collection of first-­person reports in Akkadian, ending with a final list that summarizes the topics of each single section—­according to which the reports should have been nine in number—­and with a first-­person exhortation (the only line written on the reverse) that reads, “Pay me back the damage that I suffered!”—­that is, “Pay me back my loss!” This document could be interpreted as a sort of preparatory note in order to write a complete document. In my opinion, rather than being a school product, it would belong to real practice, since the final exhortation seems to suggest a very practical finality—­that is, to obtain the repayment of the expenses incurred, listed in §7. On the basis of these considerations, this tablet could be considered a sort of memorandum—­probably written by a merchant or, in any case, a person doing business—­in preparation for writing a real

T h e Te x t s

document, likely a letter, as might be suggested by the use of the first and second persons throughout the document.

125

19’

3

a-­na kug-­babbar ad-­di-­iš-­ši-­ma Rest of the text missing

I sold a female slave named Ana-­Ištar-­ taklāku to Sîn-­erībam, the son of Šamuḫtum . . . (rest of the text missing). 1–­3

No. 63 §1 i 1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’

1’ 2’ 3’ 4’ 5’ 6’

7’

7’

8’

8’

Traces of signs ˹x˺ [ . . . ] ˹i˺-­[na . . .] a-­šag4 ˹x˺ [x x]-­mu-­ti-­ia ik-­šu-­du-­nim-­ma i-­na e-bu-­ri-­im 1(geš2) 2(u) gur še-­a-­am ša a-ka-­li2-­ia il-­qu2-­u2-­ma a-na be-­el ḫu-­bu-­ul-­/li-­šu-­nu id-­di-­nu

 . . . 3’–­4’ they got hold of my . . . field, 5’–­8’ at harvest time took away eighty gur of barley of my own pocket and gave them to the creditor.

1’–­2’

No. 63 §4 ii 1’

9’ 10’ 11’

1 2 3

12’

4

13’

5

14’ 15’ 16’

6 7 8

Based on the order of the final list, this report should deal with three head of cattle, which were sold for thirty-­six shekels of silver. No. 63 §5 ii

1 geme2 ba-­ba-­tum mu-­ni a-­na nu-­ur2-­dka.di a-­na kug-­babbar ad-­di-­iš-­ši-­i-­ma 18 giĝ4 kug-­babbar id-­di-­nam-­ma a-­na a-pil-­ku-­bi bā’irim (šu-­ku6ri-­/im) la te-­ge-­er-­ri-­šu-­nu-­ti a-­na ri-­ib-­ba-­ti-­šu-­nu ad-­di-­in

I sold a female slave named Babātum to Nūr-­Ištaran, and he gave me eighteen shekels of silver. (Then) 5–­8 I gave (that money) to Apil-­Kūbi, the fisherman, for their arrears so that you will not start a lawsuit against them.

18’

1 2

1 geme2 a-na-­dinana-­tak2-­la-­ku mu-­ni a-­na den.zu-­e-­ri-­ba-­am dumu ša-­mu-­uḫ-­tum

1 2 3

5’ 6’ 7’ 8’

4 5 6 7

9’

8

[3(iku) ga]na2 ĝeškiri6 [š]a aš-­šum ri-­ib-­ba-­ti-­šu-­nu [a-­n]a kug-­babbar ad-­di-­nu-­u2-­ma [r]i-­ib-­ba-­su2-­nu a-pu-­lu-­u2 u3 4(iku) gana2 a-šag4 u2-­sal a-­na kug-­babbar id-­di-­nu-­u2-­ma 1 giĝ4 kug-­babbar e-ri-­šu-­šu-­nu-­ti-­ma x id-­di-­nu-­ni-­im

An orchard of [three ik]u—­which I sold (in order to pay) their arrears, and I paid back their arrears—­ 5–­8 and four iku of meadow they sold and gave me one shekel of silver, which I had asked them for. No. 63 §6 ii

10’ 11’ 12’ 13’

No. 63 §3 17’

2’ 3’ 4’

1–­4

1–­4

i

Unknown number of lines missing [ . . . ] x x x

Note

No. 63 §2 i

1’

1 2 3 4

˹2˺ sar e2 du3-­a ša a-na 10 giĝ4 kug-­babbar ad-­di-­nu-­u2-­ma tamkārīšunu(dam-­gar3-­šu-­nu) a-pu-­lu-­u2

A built-­up house plot of two sar (72 m2), which I sold for ten shekels of silver, and (in this way) I paid their creditors. 1–­4

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126

No. 63 §7 obv. ii 14’ 15’ 16’ 17’ 18’ 19’ 20’ 21’ 1 lo.e. rev. i 1

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

2 me-­a 30 u8 udu ḫi-­a 1 saĝ-­arad 1 gud-­eĝir 1(geš2) 2(u) gur še-­um 2 geme2-­meš kug-­babbar-­bi 3 ab2 gud ḫi-­a ½ ma-­na 6 giĝ4 3(iku) gana2 ĝeškiri6 4(iku) gana2 a-šag4 u2-­sal 2 sar e2 ˹du3˺-­[a]) ḫi-­˹bi˺-­il-­ti a-p[u-­ul]

230 assorted sheep; one slave; one rear ox of a plow team; eighty gur of barley; two female

1–­9

slaves (valued in) silver; three head of cattle (whose value is) thirty-­six shekels (of silver); three iku of orchard; three iku of lowland; two sar of built-­up house plot. 10 Pay me back my loss!

Note The final first-­person exhortation, which is the only line written on the reverse of the tablet, clarifies that the preceding list represents a sort of memorandum of goods (slaves, real estates, cattle, etc.) sold by the merchant in order to pay the arrears and debts of other people (never mentioned by name) and reiterates that he must be repaid for the losses suffered.

INDE XE S OF M ODEL CO N TRACTS AND RELATED TEXTS Personal Names Anna-­ḫilibi (an-­na-­ḫi-­li-­bi) • dub-­sar a-šag4-­ga: 40 obv. iv’ 22 Annaḫu (an-­na-­ḫu) • dub-­sar: 38 B ii 33 Annatum (an-­na-­tum) • 38 B ii 27 Anneni (an-­ne-­ni) • 40 obv. v’ 4, 15 Annīya (an-­ni-­ia) • father of Šū-­Kabta: 56 rev. 7 Apil-­Kūbi (a-­pil-­ku-­bi) • bā’irum: 63 obv. i 13’ Apil-­[ . . . ] (a-­pil2-­d?[ . . . ]) • 57 rev. 12 Arad-­Nanna (arad-­dnanna) • slave of Warad-­ilīšu: 53 obv. 1 Arad-­Ninurta (arad-­dnin-­urta) • father of diĝir-­˹x˺-­ma: 54 rev. 3 Arbī-­tūram (ar-­bi-­tu-­ra-­am) • 52 obv. 5 Awīl-­Ea (lu2-­e2-­a) • 47 obv. 15 Awīl-­ilī (a-­wi-­il-­i3-­li2) • 38 D ii 9 Awīl-­Išum (lu2-­di-­šum) • nar: 59 obv. 11’ Aya-­kalla (da-­a-­kal-­la) • 44 obv. 4 Ayakkum (a-­ia-­ak-­ku-­um) • father of Aḫam-­arši: 57 rev. 8 Azugaya (a-­zu-­ga-­a-­a) • slave girl and wife of Sîn-­nūri: 57 obv. 2 A-­[ . . . ] (a-­˹x˺-­[ . . . ]) • 39 A iii 4’ Babātum (ba-­ba-­tum) • 63 obv. i 9’ Baginatum? (ba-­gi?-­na-­tum2?) • 38 A ii 8

Aba-­Enlil-­gin (a-­ba-­ en-­lil2-­gin7) • 40 obv. iv’ 5, 14 Abba-­gukkal (ab-­ba-­gu-­kal) • 39 B i 5’ Abuni (a-­bu-­ni) • 41 i 11’ Adad-­lamassī (dim-­la-­ma-­si2) • father of Ḫedu-­Eridu: 55 obv. 2, 10 Aḫam-­arši (a-­ḫa-­mar-­ši) • son of Ayakkum: 57 rev. 7 • 40 obv. v’ 3, 9 Aḫumma (a-­ḫu-­um-­ma) • 40 rev. ii 37, rev. iii 21, 25 Aḫūni (a-­ḫu-­ni) • slave of Nanna-­manšum: 41 ii 11’ • 39 C iii 3’; 40 obv. iii’ 22; 45 obv. 15 Aḫūšunu (a-­ḫu-­šu-­nu) • 39 C i 6’ Aḫu-­waqar (a-­ḫu-­wa-­qar) • 40 obv. iv’ 6; 45 obv. 14 Alamānun (a-­la-­ma-­nu-­um) • 38 B ii 9 Ali-­aḫī (a-­li2-­a-­ḫi) • slave girl of Lugal-­inim-­g ina: 59 obv. 9’ Ali-­tillatī (a-­li2-­illat-­ti) • ma2-­laḫ5: 40 rev. ii 23 Amurrum (a-­mu-­ru-­um) • 38 C ii 30 Amurrum-­bāni (dmar-­du2-­ba-­ni) • 40 obv. iii’ 4 Amurrum-­napištī (dmar-­du2-­zi-­ĝu10) • 40 obv. iii’ 3 Ana-­I štar-­t aklāku (a-­n a-­i š 8 -­t ar 2 -­t ak 2 -­l a-­k u; a-na-­dinana-­tak2-­la-­ku) • slave girl of Lu-­Nanna: 38 A i 2 • slave girl: 63 obv i 17’ Anāku-­ilamma (a-­na-­ku-­diĝirla-­ma) • 38 D i 9 d

127

128

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Balṭum-­ . . . (ba-­al-­ṭu3-­um-­˹mu?-­x-­x˺ ) • 51 obv. 16 Bēdilum (be-­di-­lum) • dub-­sar: 38 D iii 15 Bēlānum (be-­la-­nu-­um) • son of Bulālum: 56 rev. 8 Bēlī-­iddinaššu (be-­li2-­i-­din-­na-­šu) • 40 obv. iv’ 21, 40 Bēlī-­[ . . . ] (be-­l[i2-­ . . .]) • 41 ii 1’ Bēlšunu (be-­el-­šu-­nu; be-­li2-­šu-­nu) • 48 obv. 2, 5; 49 obv. 2, 5 Bēlum (be-­lum) • son of Ilān-­šemeā: 56 rev. 6; 57 rev. 3 Bulalum (bu-­la-­lum) • father of Bēlānum: 56 rev. 8 Būr-­Nunu (bur-­nu-­nu) • son of Šu-­Ištar: 38 C ii 12 Būr-­Sîn (dbur-­den.zu) • lugal: 40 obv. v’ 11, 19 Diĝir-­inim-­duga (diĝir-­inim-­dug3-­ga) • 39 B ii 11’ Diĝir-­luša (diĝir-­lu2-­ša6) • 53 obv. 5 Diĝir-­manšum (diĝir-­ma-­an-­šum2) • dub-­sar tur: 38 C ii 31 diĝir-­˹x˺-­ma • son of Arad-­Ninurta, slave of Ur-­kuzu and Nin-­ḫeĝal: 54 rev. 1 diĝir-­ [ . . . ] • 39 A iii 3’ E-­luti (e2-­lu2-­ti) • 40 obv. iii’ 34, 38, 40 E-­urbidug (e2-­ur2-­bi-­dug3) • 40 obv. iii’ 35 Ea-­bāni (e2-­a-­ba-­ni) • 40 rev. ii 4 Ea-­[ . . . ] (e2-­a-­˹x˺-­[x]) • 45 obv. 5 Enlil-­alsa (den-­lil2-­sa6) • 38 C ii 20

Enlil-­bāni (den-­lil2-­ba-­ni) • lugal: 40 obv. ii’ 20 • 40 rev. i 38 En-­[ . . . ] (den-­[ . . . ]) • 38 A iii 26 Ḫalḫalum (ḫal-­ḫal-­lum) • 38 A i 21 Ḫamatil (ḫa-­ma-­ti-­il) • 38 D iii 14 Ḫanbatum (ḫa-­an-­ba-­tum) • 57 rev. 9 Ḫāzirum (ḫa-­zi-­ru-­um) • son of Iddin-­Amurrum: 56 rev. 11 Ḫedu-­Eridu (ḫe2-­du7-­eriduki-­ga) • son of Adad-­lamassī: 55 obv. 1 Ḫilum (ḫi-­lum) • 38 D i 19 Ibbi-­Irra (i-­bi-­ir3-­ra) • gudug: 57 rev. 6 Ibbi-­Sîn (i-­bi-­den.zu) • 60 obv. 5 Ibni-­Sîn (ib-­ni-­den.zu) • 52 obv. 3, 4 Iddin-­Amurrum (i-­din-­dmar-­du2) • father of Ḫazirum: 56 rev. 11 Iddin-­Ilabrat (i-­din-­dnin-­šubur) • 39 B ii 10’ Iddin-­Ištar (i-­din-­diš8-­tar2) • 48 obv. 3, 6, 10; 49 obv. 3, 6, 10 Iddin-­Nanaya (i-­din-­dna-­na-­a-­a) • brother of Warad-­ilīšu: 58 obv. 2 Iddin-­Sîn (i-­din-­den.zu) • 38 B ii 28 Iddin-­Šamaš (i-­din-­dutu) • 40 rev. ii 36, rev. iii 20, 24 Igbasag (ig-­ba-­sag9) • 61 obv. 1 Ilān-­šemeā (diĝir.diĝir.diĝir-­še-­me-­a; diĝir.diĝir-­še-­me-­a) • father of Bēlum: 56 rev. 6, seal 1; 57 rev. 3



I n d e x e s o f M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

Ilī-­amranni (i3-­li2-­am-­ra-­ni; i3-­li2-­am-­ra-­an-­ni) • 40 rev. i 17, 24, 30; 46 obv. 3, 11 Ilī-­ašranni (i3-­li2-­aš-­ra-­ni) • lu2-­gi-­na-­ab-­tum3-­ma: 38 A i 15 Ilī-­bāni (i3-­li2-­ba-­ni) • 42 obv. i 3 Ilī-­ennam (i3-­li2-­en-­nam) • 38 C iii 5, 11, 26 Ilī-­imitti (i3-­li2-­i-­mi-­it-­ti) • 51 obv. 15 Ilī-­ippalsam (i3-­li2-­ip-­pa-­al-­sa3-­am) • dumu um-­mi-­a: 55 rev. 1 Ilī-­ṣillī (i3-­li2-­ṣi-­li2) • 40 obv. ii’ 2 Ilī-­ṣiri (diĝir-­ṣi-­ri) • 55 obv. 4, 9 Ilī-­tappê (i3-­li2-­tab.ba-­e) • enkud niĝ2-­kas7(šid:ĝar) x: 40 obv. iv’ 24 Ilī-­tūram (diĝir-­tu-­ra-­am3) • 61 obv. 1 Ilī-­[ . . . ] (i3-­li2-­˹x˺-­[ . . . ]) • 41 ii 2’ Ilum-­abī (diĝir-­a-­bi) • son of Šeš-­duga: 38 C ii 18 Ilum-­īde (diĝir-­i-­de) • 40 rev. ii 22 Ilumma (diĝir-­ma) • 40 obv. iii’ 23 Ilum-­mālik (diĝir-­ma-­lik) • 38 A ii 2: slave of Nūrum-­līṣi Ilum-­nādā (diĝir-­na-­da) • lu2-­kar-­ra-­še3 dab5-­dab5: 40 rev. ii 29 • 38 D i 25; 42 obv. i 4 Ilum-­rabi (diĝir-­ra-­bi) • 43 obv. 3; 44 obv. 17 Ilum-­šēmi (diĝir-­še-­mi) • 44 rev. 1; 45 rev. 5 Ilūssu-­nādā (i-­lu-­su2-­na-­da) • 38 D i 24 Imdī-­Ištar (im-­di-­iš8-­tar2) • 40 rev. i 37

129

Imgur-­Sîn (im-­gur-­den.zu) • 60 rev. 6 Imgur-­Šamaš (im-­gur-­dutu) • 47 obv. 14, rev. 5 Ipqu-­Adad (ip-­qu2-­dim) • 56 obv. 3’ Ipqu-­Lisin (ip-­qu2-­dli9-­si4-­na) • 41 i 8’ Išme-­Ištaran (iš-­me-­dka-­di) • father of Zurzurum: 56 rev. 10 Ištar-­ennam (iš8-­tar2-­en-­nam) • slave girl of Lugal-­amaru: 54 obv. 2 ? ki -­ši-­im-­˹x˺-­[x] • 38 E 15 Ku-­Nanna (ku3-­dnanna) • 57 rev. 4 Lālum (la-­a-­lum) • 49 rev. 6 Lalûm (la-­lu-­u2-­um) • 38 A ii 23 Lama-­ilim (la-­ma-­diĝir) • 38 C iii 15, 27 Lu-­Abu (lu2-­dab-­u2) • 47 obv. 4 Lu-­Bau (lu2-­dba-­u2) • 39 B i 6’; 40 obv. v’ 37, 39, rev. i 13, rev. iii 33 Lu-­Damu (lu2-­da-­mu) • ma-­na-­la2: 40 rev. iii 32 Lu-­diĝira (lu2-­diĝir-­ra) • father of Nūr-­ilīšu: 58 obv. 4 Lu-­Nanna (lu2-­dnanna) • dam-­gar3: 44 obv. 3 • son of Lu-­Utu, master of Ana-­Ištar-­taklāku: 38 A i 9 Lu-­Ninšubur (lu2-­dnin-­šubur) • 40 rev. i 18, 23 Lu-­Ninurta (lu2-­dnin-­urta) • 39 C ii 9’ Lu-­Numušda (lu2-­dnu-­muš-­da) • 38 A i 11

130

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Lu-­ursaĝgalzu (lu2-­ur-­saĝ-­gal-­zu) • 40 obv. iv’ 26 (-­), 38 Lu-­Utu (lu2-­dutu) • father of Lu-­Nanna: 38 A i 10 • dub-­sar: 38 E 4 Lu-­[ . . . ] (lu2-­[ . . . ]) • 45 obv. 4 Lugal-­amaru (lugal-­a-­ma-­ru) • master of Ištar-­ennam: 54 obv. 3, 4, 16, 18 Lugal-­dug (lugal-­dug3) • 40 obv. ii’ 11, 17, 24 Lugal-­inim-­gina (lugal-­inim-­gi-­na) • master of Ali-­aḫi: 59 obv. 9’, 12’ Lugal-­nesaĝe (lugal-­nesaĝ-­e) • 40 obv. i’ 4 Maninum (ma-­ni-­nu-­um) • 38 B i 4’, 5’, 9’ Mannum-­bālum-­ilim (ma-­nu-­um-­ba-­lum-­diĝir) • 38 B ii 10 Munus-­kalla (munus-­kal-­la) • 39 C iii 5’ Mutum-­El (mu-­tum-­diĝir) • dub-­sar: 38 D i 10 Nabi-­ilīšu (na-­bi-­i3-­li2-­šu) • 39 C i 5’ Nanna-­luti (dnanna-­lu2-­ti) • 48 obv. 11; 49 rev. 1 Nanna-­manšum (dnanna-­ma-­an-­šum2) • master of Aḫuni: 41 ii 12’, 19’ • 40 obv. v’ 35, 42; 46 obv. 5; 47 obv. 16 Nanna-­meša (dnanna-­me-­ša4) • 39 C ii 10’; 40 obv. v’ 36, 43 Nidnatum (ni-­id-­na-­tum) • son of Nūr-­Ištar: 38 B i 10’ Nin-­ḫeĝal (nin-­ḫe2-­ĝal2) • wife of Šulgi-­adlal: 38 D ii 27, D iii 6 • wife of Ur-­kuzu, mistress of diĝir-­˹x˺-­ma: 54 rev. 17 Ninlil-­amaĝu (dnin-­lil2-­ama-­ĝu10) • slave and wife of Šulgi-­adlal: 38 D ii 30, D iii 7

Ninurta-­ennam (dnin-­urta-­en-­nam) • 59 rev. 2 Nūḫ-­Ea (nu-­uḫ2-­e2-­a) • 38 A ii 16 Nūr-­ilī (nu-­ur2-­diĝir; nu-­ur2-­i3-­li2) • dub-­sar: 38 B iii 10 • 46 obv. 4 Nūr-­ilīšu (nu-­ur2-­i3-­li2-­šu) • son of Lu-­diĝira: 58 obv. 4, 6 Nūr-­Išḫara (nu-­ur2-­diš-­ḫa-­ra) • 38 D ii 10 Nūr-­Ištar (nu-­ur2-­iš8-­tar2) • father of Nidnatum: 38 B i 11’ Nūr-­Ištaran (nu-­ur2-­dka-­di) • father of Ya’a: 57 rev. 5 • 63 obv. i 10’ Nūrīya (nu-­ur2-­ia) • dub-­sar: 38 A i 22 Nūr-­Šamaš (nu-­ur2-­dutu) • 47 obv. 17 Nūrum (nu-­ru-­um) • 57 rev. 10 Nūrum-­līṣi (nu-­ru-­um-­li-­ṣi2) • master of Ilum-­mālik: 38 A ii 7 Puzur-­balum (puzur4-­ba-­lum) • 60 rev. 2 Puzur-­Dagan (puzur4-­dda-­gan) • dub-­sar: 56 rev. 9 • 57 rev. 11 Puzur-­ilīšu (puzur4-­i3-­li2-­šu) • 41 i 9’ Puzur-­Ninkarrak (puzur4-­dnin-­kar-­ak) • 60 obv. 4 Sîn-­erībam (den.zu-­e-­ri-­ba-­am) • son of Šamuḫtum: 63 obv. i 18’ • 50 obv. 5 Sîn-­gimlanni (den.zu-­gi-­im-­la-­ni) • 60 rev. 4 Sîn-­ḫazir (den.zu-­ḫa-­zi-­ir) • 51 obv. 6



I n d e x e s o f M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

Sîn-­īriš (den.zu-­apin) • 45 rev. 12 Sîn-­nādā (den.zu-­na-­da) • 40 obv. i’ 3 Sîn-­nūri (den.zu-­nu-­ri) • husband of Azugaya: 57 obv. 3, 10 Sîn-­rēmēnī (den.zu-­re-­me-­ni) • 40 rev. iii 34 Sukallum (su-­ka-­lum) • 45 rev. 13 Šadûm-­abī (kurum-­a-­bi) • dub-­sar: 38 C ii 13 Šamaš-­bāni (dutu-­ba-­ni) • 39 C iii 2’; 41 ii 13’, 20’; 45 rev. 4 Šamaš-­īn-­mātim (dutu-­i-­in-­ma-­tim) • 47 obv. 18 Šamaš-­nāṣir (dutu-­na-­ṣir) • 43 obv. 4 Šamuḫtum (ša-­mu-­uḫ-­tum) • father of Sîn-­erībam: 63 obv. i 18’ Šērum-­ikribī (še-­rum-­ik-­ri-­bi) • 38 B iii 4 Šeš-­duga (šeš-­dug3-­ga) • father of Ilum-­abī: 38 C ii 19 Šeš-­kalla (šeš-­kal-­la) • 40 obv. ii’ 1 Šu-­Adad (šu-­dadad) • simug kug-­la2-­bi: 38 A i 13 Šu-­Ḫarima? (šu-­dḫa-­r i-­ma) • 38 C i 9 Šu-­ilī (šu-­diĝir) • 38 B iii 3 Šu-­Ištar (šu-­iš8-­tar2) • father of Būr-­Nunu: 38 C i 12 Šu-­Kabta (šu-­dkab-­ta) • son of Annīya: 56 rev. 7 Šu-­Ninkarrak (šu-­dnin-­kar-­ra-­ak) • dub-­sar: 38 B ii 11 • 41 i 10’ Šu-­Nunu (šu-­nu-­nu) • 38 D i 20

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Šulgi (dšul-­gi) • eg2 dšul-­gi: 38 E 11 Šulgi-­adlal (dšul-­gi-­ad-­lal3) • gardener, husband of Nin-­ḫeĝal and Ninlil-­ amaĝu: 38 D ii 25 Ubarum • gudug: 56 obv. 2’ • 57 obv. 11 Uraš-­muballiṭ (duraš-­mu-­ba-­li2-­iṭ) • 59 rev. 3 Ur-­Ašnan (ur-­dašnan) • 39 B iii 3’ Ur-­dukuga (ur-­du6-­kug-­ga) • ugula dam-­gar3: 39 B i 12’ Ur-­kuzu (ur-­ku3-­zu) • master of diĝir-­˹x˺-­ma: 54 rev. 4, 13, 16 Ur-­dun (ur-­dun) • 38 C i 15, 25 Ur-­maḫ (ur-­maḫ) • 47 obv. 5 Utu/Šamaš-­[ . . . ] (dutu-­[ . . . ]) • 39 B iii 2’ Warad-­ilīšu (arad-­i3-­li2-­šu) • master of Arad-­Nanna: 53 obv. 2, 3, 12 • brother of Iddin-­Nanaya: 58 obv. 1 Warad-­Kūbi (arad-­ku-­bi) • 40 rev. ii 5 Warad-­Zababa (arad-­dza-­ba4-­ba4) • 40 obv. ii’ 12, 19 Ya’a (ia-­a) • son of Nūr-­Ištaran: 57 rev. 5 Yaḫbaḫ-­El (ia-­aḫ-­ba-­aḫ-­diĝir) • 51 obv. 5 Yakurub-­El (ia-­ku-­ru-­ub-­diĝir) • 51 obv. 3, 4 Zurzurum (zu-­ur2-­zu-­ru-­um) • son of Išme-­Ištaran: 56 rev. 10 [ . . . ]-­Aya ([ . . . ]-­da-­a) • šu-­i: 56 rev. 12 [ . . . ]-­Iškur/Adad ([x-­x-­d]-­im) • 39 A ii 1’

O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

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[x]-­la-­ak-­i3-­gin7 • dub-­sar: 38 D ii 19 [x]-­la-­i3-­gin7 • 38 D ii 18

[ . . . ]-­Sîn ([ . . . ]-­den.zu) • 59 rev. 3 [ . . . ]-­Utu/Šamaš ([ . . . ]-­dutu) • 38 A i 20; 40 rev. v 3’

Deities Adad (dim) • 59 obv. 6’

Šamaš (dutu) • 50 obv. 3, 4

Toponyms Amurrum • kur mar-­du2: 59 obv. 10’ Bīt-­Sîn • kar e2-­den.zuki-­še3: 38 D iii 29 Im • 54 rev. 3

Me-­Enlila • 38 E 10 Raḫabum • 56 lo.e. 1; 57 obv. 14 (ururu-­um-­ḫa-­bu) Ubšu-­ukkinna • 40 rev. i 10

Month Names ab-­e3-­a • 38 E 5 ĝeš

apin-­du8(-­a) • 39 A ii 3’ (-­a), 6’ (-­a), B i 8’ (-­a); 40 obv. i’ 6 (-­a); 57 rev. 14

barag-­zag-­ĝar • 38 A i 26 du6-­kug • 38 C ii 14, D i 12; 49 rev. 7; 51 obv. 9 gan-­gan-­e3 • 38 C ii 32; 40 obv. iii’ 25, 28 gud-­si-­su(/-­sa2)

• 38 A ii 19 (-­sa2); 39 A i 1’, A iii 6’, B iii 5’; 40 obv. ii’ 6, rev. i 40; 42 obv. i 6; 44 rev. 3 (-­sa2); 45 obv. 7 (-­sa2) kiĝ2-­dinana • 38 B iii 11; 39 C ii 3’; 40 obv. iv’ 8, 11, 29, 32; 59 rev. 8 ne-­ne-­ĝar • 38 B ii 34; 59 obv. 13’ še-­gur10-­kud • 38 D ii 21, D iii 17 (dirig); 39 C i 8’ šeg12-­a • 40 rev. ii 25; 43 obv. 6, 9; 44 obv. 6, 9; 45 obv. 17, rev. 7, 15?; 46 obv. 7; 47 obv. 7; 51 rev. 3 šu-­numun-­a • 38 B ii 13; 52 obv. 7; 59 obv. 8’

Year Names mu bad3 nu-­kar2ki ba-­gul (reign uncertain) • 38 §2 mu bad3-­gul-­la2ki ĝeštukul ba-­gul bad3 ba-­an-­ ḫul (reign uncertain) • 38 §1 mu id2buranumki ba-­ba-­al (Rīm-­Sîn 23) • 38 §15

[m]u ĝešgigir kug-­sig17 kug-­babbar [e2] an-­nu-­ni-­ tum [x x] ˹x x-a˺ [mu]-­˹na-­dim2˺ (reign uncertain) • 38 §5 mu ib-­ra-­a[tki] u3 iriki di[dli (ba-­an-­dib)] (Sîn-­ iddinam 5) • 38 §12 ˹mu˺ ĝiš.kušu2ki ba-­ḫul (reign uncertain) • 59 §1



I n d e x e s o f M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

[m]u ˹id2kun-­x˺ / [ . . . ] (reign uncertain) • 38 §6 mu nu-­ur2-­diškur lugal (Nūr-­Adad 1) • 59 §§2, 3 mu ˹šita2?˺ kug-­sig17 sur?-­ra diĝir-­re-­e-­ne-­ra mu-­na!-­dim2 (reign uncertain) • 38 §§10, 14? mu ugnim tin-­tirki ĝeštukul ba-­sig3 (Sîn-­iddinam 4) • 38 §§7, 16

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[mu u]s2-­sa id2kun [b]a-­ba-­al (reign uncertain) • 38 §11 mu us2-­sa ˹6-­bi˺ [e]n d˹nanna ba-­ ḫuĝ˺-­[ĝa2] (Sumuel 28) • 57 mu [ . . . ] diĝir-­re-­˹e˺-­[ne-­ra] mu-­na-­[dim2] • 38 §14 [mu . . .] ˹x˺ [. . . b]i?-­da-­ra [mu]-­na-­dim2 (reign uncertain) • 38 §13

Glossary of Sumerian a, “water” cf. a ~ de2 cf. a ~ dug4 a ~ de2, “to flood” • a de2-­a: 38 C ii 24 a ~ dug4, “to irrigate” • a bi2-­in-­dug4: 38 C ii 22 • a dug4-­ga: 59 obv. 3’ a-­da-­ba, “a drum” • 55 obv. 6 a-­gar3, “irrigation district” • dumu a-gar3-­ra-­ke4-­ne: 40 obv. iv’ 27 a-­na, “as much as” • a-­na ĝal2-­bi: 41 i 15’ • a-­na ĝal2-­la-­am3: 47 rev. 4 • a-­na ĝal2-­la-­ta: 62 rev. 2 a-­ne-­ne, “they” • a-­ne-­ne-­am3: 38 C iii 18 • e-­ne-­ne: 47 rev. 7 a-­ra2, “times” • a-­ra2 2-­kam: 61 obv. 10 • a-­ra2 3-­kam: 59 obv. 10’ • a-­ra2 7-­kam: 55 obv. 7 a-­šag4, “field” • a-­šag4-­ga-­ni-­še3: 38 C ii 21 • a-­šag4 kab2-­dug4-­ga: 38 C ii 9 • a-­šag4 lugal-­ta: 39 D ii 3’ • a-­šag4 u2-­sal: 63 obv. ii 6’, 21’ • a-­šag4 ud.ud.ga: 38 C ii 6

• dub-­sar a-šag4-­ga: 40 obv. iv’ 23 • lugal a-šag4-­ga: 38 B ii 2, C ii 10 • saĝ a-šag4-­ga al ak-­e: 40 obv. iv’ 19 • 38 B i 5’, B ii 4, 18, C ii 1, 9, 20, 24, D i 18, 19, 20; 59 obv. 3’, 5’, 6’; 62 obv. 9; 63 obv. i 3’ a2, “wages, rent” • a2-­bi iti-­da: 40 rev. i 20 • 55 obv. 9 a2-­tuku, “surplus, profit” • a2-­tuku a-na ĝal2-­la-­am3: 47 rev. 4 ab-­ba-­iriki, “city elder” • ab-­ba-­iriki-­me-­eš: 38 D ii 33 • 40 rev. i 4 ab2, “cow” • ab2 gud ḫi-­a: 63 obv. ii 19’ abul, “gate” • abul lugal-­la-­kam: 40 obv. iv’ 36 ad-­da, “father” • ad-­da-­ĝu10 nu-­me-­en: 38 C iii 21 • ad-­da-­ne-­ne: 62 obv. 6 • ad-­da-­ni: 39 C iii 4’ • ama ad-­da-­ne-­ne: 62 obv. 7 • 38 B i 2’; 62 obv. 4, 5 aĝ2, “to measure” • aĝ2-­e-­de3: 40 rev. ii 13 • al-­aĝ2-­e: 39 D ii 1’ • i3-­aĝ2-­e: 38 B iii 9, C ii 5; 39 A ii 9’; 43 obv. 7, 11; 44 obv. 7, rev. 5; 45 rev. 8, 16; 47 obv. 8: 51 rev. 3 • i3-­aĝ2-­e-­ne: 46 obv. 13; 51 obv. 11

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• la-­ba-­an-­aĝ2: 40 rev. ii 16; 44 obv. 10 • la-­ba-­an-­aĝ2-­eš: 40 rev. iv 7’ • nu-­ni-­aĝ2-­e: 43 obv. 10 ak, “to do, to perform” • e2 PN al-­ak-­e: 40 obv. iv’ 14–­15 • lu2-­sa-­gaz ba-­an-­ak: 59 rev. 5 al ~ ak, “to hoe” • al ak-­e: 40 obv. iv’ 20 ama, “mother” • ama-­a-­ni: 39 C ii 5’ • ama ad-­da-­ne-­ne: 62 obv. 7 ama-­a r-­g i 4 ~ ĝar, “to establish (one’s) freedom” • ama-­ar-­gi4-­ni in-­ĝar: 54 obv. 6 arad, “slave” • arad-­da-­a-­ni: 41 ii 21’ • geme2 arad-­me-­eš: 38 D iii 8 • 40 obv. v’ 39; 53 obv. 2 asila3, “a musical instrument” • 55 obv. 6 ba, “to divide into shares, to allot” • i3-­ba-­e-­eš: 38 C iii 19, D iii 11 • i3-­ba-­e-­ne: 38 B iii 31; 41 i 14’, 17’; 47 rev. 9; 62 rev. 6 ĝeš ba-­an, “a measuring container” • ĝešba-­an 10: 40 obv. iv’ 37 ĝeš ba-­r i2-­ga, “a measuring container” • 46 obv. 9 bal, “to dig” • id2-­da bal-­e-­de3: 40 obv. iv’ 18 bala, “to turn, to cross; to change” cf. šu ~ bala • bala-­e-­da-­gin7: 40 rev. ii 18 • ib2-­ta-­bala: 38 A i 8; 41 ii 7’; 56 obv. 7’; 57 lo.e. 1; 61 obv. 15 • nu-­bala-­e: 59 obv. 4’ ĝeš banšur-­zag-­gu2-­la2, “a cultic table” • 54 obv. 9 buluĝ(3), “to grow up; to rear” • ba-­buluĝ: 59 obv. 9’ • buluĝ3-­ĝa2: 59 obv. 3’

buru3, “to perforate” • e2-­bi al-­buru3: 40 rev. i 27 • e2 in-­buru3-­da: 40 obv. v’ 40 • al-­buru3-­da: 40 rev. ii 38 buru14, “harvest” • ud buru14-­ka: 38 A iii 28, B iii 6, D ii 12; 40 obv.iv’. 34, rev. ii 3, iii 38 • ud buru14 šeĝeš-­i3: 40 rev. iv 5’ da, “side” • 38 B i 3’, D i 16, 18, 19; E 11, 12 dab5, “to seize” • di i3-­in-­dab5-­be2-­eš: 40 rev. i 11 • in-­dab5: 59 obv. 12’ • lu2-­kar-­ra-­še3 dab5-­dab5: 40 rev. ii 30–­31 dag-­gi4, “loss, deficit” • dag-­am3: 41 i 18’ dal-­ba-­na, “intermediate space; property held in common” • iz-­zi dal-­ba-­na: 61 obv. 16 dam, “spouse” • dam-­a-­ni: 38 D i 5, D ii 27; 57 obv. 3, 10 • dam-­ĝu10: 56 rev. 3 • dam-­ne-­ne: 59 rev. 6 • eĝir dam-­a-­ni-­ta: 38 D ii 29 • 38 C iii 12 dam-­gar3, “merchant” • ugula dam-­gar3: 39 B i 12’; 40 rev. ii 28 • 44 obv. 3 de2, “to pour” cf. a ~ de2 cf. u2-­gu ~ de2 • ib2-­ta-­de2: 39 B i 4’ de5.g, “to gather up” • in-­de5-­de5-­ga-­še3: 59 obv. 11’ • šu-­šag4 in-­ne-­de5-­eš: 40 rev. iii 37 di, “judicial case” • di i3-­in-­dab5-­be2-­eš: 40 rev. i 11 • di šu al-­e3-­am3: 40 rev. i 12 di-­kud, “judge” • di-­kud-­bi-­me-­eš: 38 D ii 32 • di-­kud-­ne-­ne: 40 rev. i 3, 7, 9; 58 obv. 12



I n d e x e s o f M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

du, “to go” • i3-­du-­a-­gin7: 38 B iii 8 du, “to bring” cf. mu-­du du3, “all” • 59 rev. 7 du3, “to make; to perform” • a dug4-­ga buluĝ3-­ĝa2 du3-­de3: 59 obv. 3’ dub-­sar, “scribe” • dub-­sar a-šag4-­ga: 40 obv. iv’ 23 • 38 A i 23, A ii 18, B ii 12, 33, B iii 10, C ii 13, D i 11, D ii 20, D iii 16, E 4; 56 rev. 9; 58 obv. 3 dub-­sar-­tur, “junior scribe” • 38 C ii 31 dug, “vessel” • dug sa10-­sa10-­de3: 40 rev. iii 36 dug ~ gaz, “to break the pot (of slavery)” • dug nam-­geme2-­a-­ni in-­gaz: 38 D ii 34 dug3, “to make/be good” cf. šag4 ~ dug3 dug4, “to say, to speak” • bi2-­in-­dug4: 38 C i 19, C iii 22, 29; 40 obv. v’ 18, 25 • nu in-­na-­an-­dug4: 41 ii 22’ dug4-­ga, “utterance, testimony” • dug4-­ga-­a-­ni: 61 obv. 4 dumu, “son; apprentice” • dumu a-gar3-­ra-­ke4-­ne: 40 obv. iv’ 27 • dumu-­ne-­ne: 59 rev. 7 • dumu um-­mi-­a: 55 rev. 2 • 38 A i 10, A ii 16, B i 11’, C ii 19, C iii 13, D iii 6, 7; 54 rev. 3; 55 obv. 2; 56 rev. 6, 7, 8, 10, 11, seal 2; 57 rev. 3, 5, 8; 58 obv. 4; 63 obv. i 18’ dumu-­gir15, “citizen” • dumu-­gir15-­ra-­meš: 58 obv. 13 dumu-­munus, “daughter” • dumu-­munus-­ĝu10: 56 rev. 3 dumu-­nita2 gaba, “suckling child” • 38 C iii 1 /e/, “to say, to speak” • in-­da-­ne-­eš: 38 C i 21

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• nu-­ub-­be2-­a: 38 C ii 28, D iii 9 • nu-­un-­na-­ab-­be2-­a: 56 rev. 4 e2, “house” • e2 PN al-­ak-­e: 40 obv. iv’ 14–­15 • e2-­a-­ni-­ta: 61 obv. 18 • e2-­bi: 40 rev. i 27 • e2-­e2-­še3: 38 C i 10 • e2-­ĝu10: 38 C i 19 • e2-­ta ib2-­ta-­e3: 38 A iii 7 • e2 um-­mi-­a-­še3: 38 D iii 34 • lugal e2-­a: 40 rev. i 31 • 38 C i 9, C iii 30; 40 obv. iv’ 40, obv. v’ 37, 40, rev. i 17, rev. ii 36, 37; 46 obv. 11; 62 obv. 9 e2 ad-­da, “paternal estate, patrimony” • 62 obv. 5, 11 e2 du3-­a, “built-­up house plot” • 38 B iii 28, C i 1, 7; 54 obv. 7; 63 obv. ii 10’, lo.e. 1 e2 ki-­ĝal2, “empty house plot” • 38 C i 8 e3, “to leave; to rent” • di šu al-­e3-­am3: 40 rev. i 12 • e2-­ta ib2-­ta-­e3: 38 A iii 7 • ib2-­ta-­an-­e3-­eš: 40 rev. iv 3’ • ib2-­ta-­e3: 59 obv. 5’ • ib2-­ta-­e3-­a-­meš: 51 obv. 8 eg2, “embankment” • 38 E 11 eĝir, “after, behind” • eĝir dam-­a-­ni-­ta: 38 D ii 29 • eĝir ud-­da-­ka: 41 ii 18’ eme-­sig9 ~ gu7, “to slander, to speak falsely” • eme-­sig9 PN ba-­ni-­in-­gu7: 58 obv. 4–­5, 6–­7 en-­nu-­ĝa2, “imprisonment, prison” • en-­nu-­ĝa2-­ne-­ne: 40 rev. iv 8’ • 40 rev. iv 2’ en3 ~ tar, “to ask, to investigate” • en3 bi2-­in-­tar-­re-­eš: 40 rev. i 8 enkud, “tax-­collector” • 40 obv. iv’ 25

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O l d B a b y l o n i a n M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

eš-­de2-­a, “a type of loan” • 39 A iii 2’, B i 3’; 40 obv. iii’ 15 gaba ~ ri, “to approach (an authority) with a demand or complaint, to sue” • gaba i-ri: 40 obv. ii’ 21, obv. v’ 12 gaba-­r i, “copy, equal” • gaba-­r i kišib-­ba-­ni: 40 obv iii’ 43 • kišib gaba-­r i-­bi: 39 B ii 2’ gaz, “to break” cf. dug ~ gaz geme2, “slave girl” • geme2 arad-­me-­eš: 38 D iii 8 • geme2-­ĝu10: 56 rev. 3 • geme2-­meš: 63 obv. ii 18’ • geme2-­ni: 38 D ii 30 • 54 obv. 3; 59 obv. 9’; 63 obv. i 9’, 17’ gi4, “to return” • ba-­ab-­gi4-­gi4: 38 A ii 12 • ba-­ni-­ib-­gi4-­gi4: 41 ii 9’; 53 obv. 14 • gi4-­gi4-­dam: 38 D iii 30 • ib-­gi4-­gi4-­ne: 38 E 1 • nu-­gi4-­gi4: 38 B ii 4 • mu-­gi4: 57 rev. 1 • nu-­mu-­un-­gi4-­gi4-­dam: 38 A i 18, B ii 6, 31, D i 28 • nu-­mu-­un-­gi4-­de3: 56 rev. 2 gin, “to confirm, to establish” • ĝešba-­r i2-­ga gi-­na-­ta: 46 obv. 9 • in-­gin6-­ne-­eš: 38 C i 22 • in-­gin6-­ne-­eš-­a-­am3: 58 obv. 9 • lu2 gi-­na: 39 C ii 6’; 47 obv. 10 gu2, “bank, side; neck” • gu2-­ni in-­na-­ĝa2-­ĝa2: 38 C iii 23 • 38 D i 17, E 10 gu5-­li, “partner, comrade” • gu5-­li-­ni: 40 obv. iii’ 20 gu7, “to eat” cf. eme-­sig9 ~ gu7 gub, “to stand” cf. igi ~ gub • kug-­ta-­aš gub-­ba PN ib2-­ta-­gub: 38 A ii 22–­24

• kug-­ta ib-­ta-­gub-­ba: 61 obv. 11 • 38 C i 5 gud, “ox” • ab2 gud ḫi-­a: 63 obv. ii 19’ gud-­eĝir, “rear ox of a plow team” • 63 obv. ii 16’ gudug, “pašīšu-­priest” • 56 obv. 2’; 57 rev. 6 gur, “to return; to reject (legal evidence)” • ba-­da-­gur: 58 obv. 10 • ba-­da-­gur-­re-­eš-­am3: 58 obv. 11 • gur-­ru-­dam: 40 rev. ii 3; 45 obv. 8 • ḫa-­ra-­-­ab-­gur-­re: 40 obv. v’ 24 • i-­ni-­ib-­gur-­ru-­de3-­eš: 40 rev. iv 9’ • ib2-­gur-­e-­ne: 47 rev. 3 • la-­ba-­an-­gur: 39 D i 1’ ĝa2-­la ~ dag, “to cease, stop doing” • ĝa2-­la ba-­an-­dag: 38 A iii 13 ĝal2, “to be available” • a-­na ĝal2-­bi: 41 i 15’ • a-­na ĝal2-­la-­am3: 47 rev. 4 • a-­na ĝal2-­la-­ta: 62 rev. 2 • bi2-­ĝal2-­la: 38 D iii 32 • ĝal2-­la: 62 rev. 1 ĝar, “to place” cf. ama-­ar-­gi4 ~ ĝar cf. igi ~ ĝar cf. inim ~ ĝar • in-­ĝar: 38 C iii 8 • in-­na-­an-­ši-­ĝar: 38 C i 11 • in-­na-­ĝa2-­ĝa2: 38 C iii 23 • la-­ba-­ab-­ĝar: 59 obv. 6’ ĝeš ~ tuku, “to listen, to hear” • ĝeš in ta ba-­an-­tuku: 38 C i 23 ĝeš-­gan-­na, “wooden pestle, stick” • ĝeš-­gan-­na ib2-­ta-­bala: 38 A i 7–­8; 41 ii 7’; 56 obv. 7’; 57 lo.e. 1; 61 obv. 15 še ĝeš-­i3, “sesame” • šeĝeš-­i3 ḫi-­a: 38 B iii 23 • šeĝeš-­i3 sa10-­sa10-­de3: 41 i. 7’ • šeĝeš-­i3 u3 maš2-­bi: 40 rev. iv 6’ • ud buru14 šeĝeš-­i3: 40 rev. iv 5’



I n d e x e s o f M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

ĝeš-­šu-­ur3-­ra, “a measuring vessel made of wood” • 46 obv. 10 ĝešnimbar, “date palm” • ĝeškid-­da ĝešnimbar: 52 rev. 1 ĝiškim-­ti, “trust” • ĝiškim-­ti-­še3: 39 B i 11’; 40 obv. iii’ 2 ḫa-­la, “(inheritance) share” • 38 B iii 30, C iii 17, D iii 10; 62 obv. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8 ḫi-­a, “mixed; alloy” • 38 B iii 14, 15, 16, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 25 ḫub2, “foot” • 38 A ii 25 ḫul, “to destroy; to be bad” • ba-­ḫul: 59 obv. 5’ ibila, “heir” • ibila-­ĝu10 nu-­me-­en: 38 C iii 28 • ibila šeš-­gal-­am3: 38 C iii 16 • 54 obv. 16 id2, “river” • id2-­da: 39 C iii 7’ • id2-­da bal-­e-­de3: 40 obv. iv’ 18 ĝeš ig, “door” • ĝešir ig-­bi: 38 B iii 26 • 38 C i 3 igi, “front, presence” • igi di-­kud-­bi-­me-­eš u3 ab-­ba-­iriki-­me-­eš: 38 D ii 32–­33 • 38 A i 20, 21, 22, A ii 16, 17, A iii 30, B ii 9, 10, 11, 33, B iii 10, C ii 12, 13, 30, 31, D i 9, 10, D ii 18, 19, D iii 14, 15, E 4; 56 rev. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12; 57 rev. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12 igi ~ gub, “to serve” • igi-­ni-­še3 i3-­gub-­bu: 54 obv. 14 igi ~ ĝar, “to appear in court” • igi-­ne-­ne in-­ĝar-­re-­eš-­ma: 40 rev. i 2 • igi-­ni in-­ĝar-­ma: 40 obv. ii’ 22, obv. v’ 13, 20 il2, “to carry” • bi2-­ib-­il2-­il2-­ma: 46 obv. 12 • in-­il2: 40 obv. iv’ 41

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im-­gid2-­da, “long tablet” • 49 rev. 6 inim, “word” • inim-­inim-­ne-­ne ba-­an-­šum2(-­mu-­uš): 40 obv. iv’ 44; 46 rev. 1–­2 (-­mu-­uš) • inim-­inim-­ni: 39 D i 4’ • inim-­inim-­ni ba-­an-­šum2: 40 obv. v’ 32, rev. ii 14; 59 obv. 4’ • 38 C i 15 inim ~ ĝal2, “to sue, to make a legal claim” • inim ĝal2-­la: 53 obv. 11 • inim ĝal2-­la-­ni-­še3: 53 obv. 13 inim ~ ĝar, “to sue, to make a legal claim” • inim-­bi in-­ĝar: 38 C i 17–­18 • inim ĝar-­ra: 38 A ii 10 • inim ĝar-­ra-­a-­ni: 41 ii 9’ • inim nu-­ĝa2-­ĝa2-­a: 38 A ii 14 • inim nu-­um-­ĝa2-­ĝa2(-­a): 38 B ii 3 (-­a); 40 rev. iii 26 inim ~ til(3), “to complete a transaction” • inim-­bi al-­til3: 38 C i 13 ĝeš ir, “peg” • ĝešir ig-­bi: 38 B iii 26 iti, “month” • iti-­bi: 39 D iii 1’; 45 obv. 10 • iti-­da: 40 rev. i 20 iz-­zi, “wall” • iz-­zi dal-­ba-­na: 61 obv. 16 ka, “mouth” • ka ur-­gir15-­ra-­ta kar: 38 C iii 4 kab2 ~ dug4, “to check, to inspect” • a-­šag4 kab2-­dug4-­ga: 38 C ii 9 kar, “harbor, quay” • 38 D iii 29 kar, “to take away (by force), remove” • ka ur-­gir15-­ra-­ta kar: 38 C iii 4 kaskal, “journey” • kaskal silim-­ma(-­bi)-­ta: 41 i 12’ (-­bi); 47 obv. 20 • 47 obv. 3 kaš, “beer” • kaš sa10-­sa10-­de3: 40 obv. ii’ 3

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keš2-­da, “wooden roof ” • 38 A ii 26, C i 2 ki-­la2, “weight” • kug pad-­ra2 ki-­la2: 40 obv. iii’ 8 ki-­tuš, “dwelling place” • 38 B i 1’, 2’ ĝeš kid-­da, “reed mat; basket” • ĝeškid-­da ĝešnimbar: 52 rev. 1 na4 kinkin, “millstone” • 60 obv. 3 na4 kinkin zi-­bi, “zību-­millstone” • na4kinkin zi-­bi šu sig10-­ga: 54 obv. 8 ĝeš kiri6, “orchard” • ĝeškiri6 ḫi-­a: 38 B iii 16 • 38 D i 15, E 9; 51 obv. 3; 52 obv. 2, 3; 62 obv. 9; 63 obv. ii 2’, 20’ kislaḫ, “unbuilt plot” • 44 rev. 4 kišib, “sealed tablet, document; seal” • gaba-­r i kišib-­ba-­ni: 40 obv. iii’ 42 • kišib(-­ba)-­a-­ni: 48 obv. 12 (-­ba); 49 rev. 2 • kišib-­ba-­ne-­ne: 40 obv. iv’ 42 • kišib-­bi: 40 obv. ii’ 18, obv. iii’ 40, rev. i 28 • kišib gaba-­r i-­bi: 39 B ii 2’ • kišib lu2-­inim-­ma-­bi: 57 rev. 13 • kišib lu2-­inim-­ma(-­a)-­bi-­meš: 38 A i 24; 44 obv. 12; 56 rev. 13 • kišib ul-­pad3 zi-­re-­dam: 39 B ii 5’; 40 obv. iv’ 2 (ul-­pa) • 39 B ii 9’; 40 obv. v’ 27, 29, rev. i 35; 48 obv. 11; 49 obv. 11 kišib ~ raḫ2, “to seal a document” • kišib(-­ba)-­a-­ni ib2-­raḫ2: 48 obv. 12 (-­ba); 49 rev. 2–­3 • kišib-­ba-­ni ib-­raḫ2-­aš: 40 obv. v’ 31 • kišib lu2-­inim-­ma-­a-­bi-­me-­eš ib2-­raḫ2-­aš: 38 A i 24–­25 • kišib lu2-­inim-­ma-­bi-­meš ib2-­raḫ2: 44 obv. 12–­13; 56 rev. 13 kišib ~ tak4, “to draw up a document” • gaba-­r i kišib-­ba-­ni in-­na-­an-­tak4: 40 obv. iii’ 42–­43

• kišib-­ba-­ne-­ne in-­na-­an-­tak4: 40 obv. iv’ 42–­43 • kišib gaba-­r i-­bi in-­na-­an-­tak4: 39 B ii 2’–­3’ • kišib . . . in-­na-­an-­tak4: 40 obv. v’ 29–­30 kud, “to cut” • nu-­ba-­an-­kud: 52 obv. 8 kug, “metal” • kug-­bi: 40 rev. ii 19; 60 obv. 2 • kug-­bi libir bi2-­ĝal2-­la: 38 D iii 31–­32 • kug maš2-­bi: 44 obv. 11 • kug pad-­ra2(-­bi): 40 obv. iii’ 7, 11 (-­bi) • kug silim-­ma-­ta: 47 rev. 1 • kug-­še3 ba-­ab-­šum2-­mu-­uš: 38 C iii 24 • kug-­še3 in-­šum2: 59 rev. 2 • kug-­ta-­aš gub-­ba: 38 A ii 22 • kug-­ta ib-­ta-­gub-­ba: 61 obv. 11 • lugal kug-­ga: 47 rev. 2, 6 • 38 A iii 6, 11, 29; 39 C iii 6’; 40 rev. ii 34; 41 i 5’; 50 obv. 3; 56 obv. 11’; 57 obv. 9, 13; 62 obv. 6 kug-­babbar, “silver” • kug-­babbar-­bi: 63 obv. ii 18’ • kug-­sig17 kug-­babbar ḫi-­a: 38 B iii 21 • 38 A i 5, A ii 5, 21, A iii 23, B i 14’, B ii 25, B iii 1, C i 26, D i 22, D ii 7, 16, D iii 19, 33; 39 B iii 7’, C i 2’, 10’, C ii 8’; 40 rev. i 22, rev. ii 20, 27, rev. iii 19; 41 i 5’, ii 4’, 15’; 42 obv. i 1; 47 obv. 12; 48 obv. 1; 49 obv. 1; 50 obv. 1; 53 obv. 7; 55 obv. 8; 59 obv. 7’, 12’, rev. 7; 60 obv. 1; 63 obv. i 11’, 12’, 19’, ii 4’, 7’, 8’, 11’ kug-­la2, “silver weigher” • simug kug-­la2-­bi: 38 A i 14 kug-­sig17, “gold” • kug-­sig17 kug-­babbar ḫi-­a: 38 B iii 21 ĝeš kuĝ5, “staircase” • 54 obv. 10 ku4.r, “to enter” • ku4-­ku4-­dam: 51 obv. 10 • sila-­ta ba-­da-­kur9-­ra: 38 C iii 3 kur, “foreign country” • kur-­ra tu-­da: 54 rev. 2 • 59 obv. 10’ kur2, “(to be) different, to change”



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cf. ud kur2-­še3 • ba-­an-­da-­kur2: 40 obv. ii’ 18 la2, “to pay, to weigh” • i3-­la2-­e: 38 A iii 11, 29, D ii 17; 40 rev i 25, rev ii 19, rev iii 22; 44 obv. 11; 59 obv. 7’ • in-­na(-­an)-­la2: 38 A i 6, A ii 6, B ii 1, 26, D i 23, E 16; 41 ii 6’, 17’; 53 obv. 9 (-­na); 56 obv. 6’; 59 obv. 13’ • šag4 gur la2-­a-­ka: 40 obv. iii’ 18 • šag4 gur la2-­la2-­ke4: 56 obv. 9’; 57 obv. 5 libir, “old” • kug-­bi libir bi2-­ĝal2-­la: 38 D iii 30–­31 lu2, “man, person” • lu2-­bi: 62 rev. 4 • lu2-­lu2/7: 38 A i 17, B ii 5, 30, D i 27; 56 rev. 1 (lu2-­lu7), 2 (lu2-­lu7); 57 obv. 7 (lu2-­lu7) • lu2 lu2-­ra: 61 obv. 7, 14 • lu7: 57 rev. 1 lu2-­gi-­na-­ab-­tum3-­ma, “guarantor” • 38 A i 16 lu2(-­ki)-­inim, “witness” • lu2-­inim-­ma-­bi: 57 rev. 13 • lu2-­inim-­ma(-­a)-­bi-­meš: 38 A i 24 (-­a), C i 20; 44 obv. 12; 56 rev. 13; 61 obv. 3 • lu2-­ki-­inim-­ma: 45 obv. 9 • lu2-­ki-­inim-­ma-­ni: 58 obv. 8 lu2-­kar-­ra, “runaway, fugitive” • lu2-­kar-­ra-­še3 dab5-­dab5: 40 rev. ii 30–­31 lu2-­na-­me, “someone, anyone” • lu2-­na-­me-­en: 48 obv. 8; 49 obv. 8 lu2-­sa-­gaz, “robber” • 59 rev. 5 lu2-­še-­gur10-­kud, “harvester” • 38 D ii 13 lugal, “owner, master; king” cf. mu lugal ~ pad3 • a-­šag4 lugal-­ta: 39 D ii 3’ • abul lugal-­la-­kam: 40 obv. iv’ 36 • lugal-­a-­ni(-­ir): 38 A ii 11; 53 obv. 4 (-­ir); 54 obv. 5 (-­ir), rev. 16 (-­ir) • lugal a-šag4-­ga: 38 B ii 2, C ii 10 • lugal e2-­a: 40 rev. i 31

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• lugal kug-­ga: 40 rev. ii 34; 47 rev. 2, 6 • lugal še-­ke4: 40 obv. ii’ 15, obv. v’ 10 • 40 obv. ii’ 20, obv. v’ 11, 19 ma-­na-­la2, “weigher of minas” • 40 rev. iii 32 ma2, “boat” • še ma2 sig9-­ga-­ta: 38 C ii 25 ma2-­laḫ5, “sailor” • 40 rev. ii 23 maš2, “interest” • šeĝeš-­i3 u3 maš2-­bi: 40 rev. iv 6’ • kug maš2-­bi: 44 obv. 11 • maš2 1(aš) gur 1(barig) 4(ban2)-­ta: 39 A ii 8’ • maš2 1(aš) gur 1(barig) 4(ban2) še-­ta(-­am3): 40 obv. i’ 2, obv. iii’ 30, 33, obv. iv’ 4, 17, obv. v’ 2; 45 obv. 2 (-­am3), 12 (-­am3), rev. 2 (-­am3) • maš2 1(aš) gur 1(barig) še-­ta-­am3: 44 obv. 15; 45 rev. 10 • maš2 1 giĝ4 ½ giĝ4-­ta: 39 C i 3’ • maš2 1 giĝ4 1 (ban2) še-­ta: 39 B iii 8’ • maš2-­bi: 40 obv. ii’ 9; 47 obv. 2 • maš2 saĝ-­niĝ2-­gur11-­ra ba-­da-­sa2: 40 obv. v’ 17–­18 • maš2 [ . . . ]: 38 A iii 24 • saĝ kug-­babbar u3 maš2-­bi: 59 obv. 7’ • še maš2-­a: 40 rev. iii 31 • še u3 maš2-­bi: 40 obv. ii’ 14, 23, obv. iii’ 37, obv. iv’ 35; 43 obv. 11 • zid2-­munu4 u3 maš2-­bi: 40 rev. iii 39 maš2 ~ tuku, “to bear interest” • maš2 nu(-­ub)-­tuku: 42 obv. i 2 (-­ub); 43 obv. 2, rev. 2; 44 obv. 2; 50 obv. 2 (-­ub) me, “to be” • nu-­me-­a: 39 B i 3’; 40 obv. iii’ 14; 51 obv. 13 • nu-­me-­en: 38 C iii 22, 29 mu, “year” • mu 2-­kam-­ma-­ka: 40 obv. v’ 23 • mu 3-­kam: 38 C ii 4 • mu 5-­am3: 40 rev. ii 9 • mu-­am3: 40 obv. v’ 21, rev. i 22, rev. ii 7 • mu-­bi: 39 D iii 1’; 45 obv. 10

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mu, “name” • mu-­bi-­še3: 38 C i 6 • mu-­ni-­im: 38 A i 3, A ii 3; 41 ii 11’; 53 obv. 1; 54 obv. 2; 56 obv. 1’; 57 obv. 2 (mu-­ni); 59 obv. 9’; 63 obv. i 9’ (mu-­ni), 17’ (mu-­ni) mu lugal ~ pad3, “to swear on the king’s name” • mu lugal(-­la)-­bi in-­pad3: 38 A i 19, A ii 15, C ii 29; 39 B ii 7’; 40 obv. v’ 33, rev. i 15 (-­la), 33 (-­la), rev. iii 27 (-­la); 41 ii 10’, 23’; 43 obv. 12 (-­la); 48 obv. 13 (-­la); 49 rev. 4–­5 (-­la); 53 obv. 15 (-­la); 54 obv. 18; 56 rev. 5; 57 rev. 2; 61 obv. 5 • mu lugal-­bi in-­pad3-­eš: 54 rev. 18 • mu lugal(-­la)-­bi in-­pad3-­de3-­eš: 38 B ii 7–­8, 32, D i 7–­8, 29–­30, D iii 12–­13; 40 obv. iv’ 45 (-­la); 46 rev. 3–­4 (-­la) • mu lugal teš2eš-­bi in-­pad3: 38 C i 14 • mu lugal teš2-­bi lu2 lu2-­ra teš2-­bi in-­pad3: 61 obv. 6–­7 mu-­du, “delivery” • 40 rev. i 36 mu4, “to clothe oneself ” • tug2 an-­ni-­ib2-­mu4-­mu4: 38 A iii 3 munu4, “malt” • 40 rev. iii 29 ĝeš muru5-­za-­nu-­um, “a type of table” • 54 obv. 11 na4 na, “stone weight” • na4na ḫi-­a: 38 B iii 17 nam-­apin-­la2, “status as a tiller” • nam-­apin-­la2-­še3: 38 C ii 2 nam-­dam ~ tuku, “to marry” • nam-­dam-­še3 ba-­an-­tuku: 38 D ii 31 nam-­dumu, “status as son” • nam-­dumu-­ni-­še3: 38 C iii 6 nam-­geme2, “status as a slave girl” • dug nam-­geme2-­a-­ni: 38 D ii 34 • nam-­geme2-­še3: 54 obv. 17 nam-­ibila, “status as heir” • nam-­ibila-­ni-­še3: 38 C iii 7 nam-­nar, “musicianship” • nam-­nar zu-­zu-­de3: 55 obv. 4

nam-­sukkal-­maḫ, “office of sukkalmaḫ” • 38 C ii 7 nam-­šabra, “office of šabra” • 38 C ii 7 nam-­tab, “partnership” • nam-­tab-­ba: 38 D iii 20; 41 i 5’ • nam-­tab-­ba-­še3: 39 C i 11’; 40 obv. ii’ 4, rev. iii 35; 47 obv. 13 nar, “musician” • 55 obv. 5; 59 obv. 11’ ni2-­te, “one’s own” • ni2-­te-­ni-­ta: 40 obv. iv’ 39; 61 obv. 17 niĝ2, “thing, possession” • še niĝ2 u2-­gu ba-­an-­de2: 40 rev. i 29 • 41 i 15’; 48 obv. 2; 49 obv. 2 niĝ2-­ba, “free gift, share” • niĝ2-­ba-­ni-­a-­ni-­še3: 54 obv. 17 niĝ2-­gur11, “property” • niĝ2-­gur10!(ul) e2  ad-­da: 62 obv. 11 • niĝ2-­gur11-­ne-­ne: 59 rev. 6 niĝ2-­ĝar, “estimated yield” • 51 obv. 3; 52 obv. 2 niĝ2-­na(m)-­me,“something, anything, everything, (negated) nothing” • niĝ2-­na-­me-­en: 48 obv. 8; 49 obv. 8 • niĝ2-­nam-­me(-­a): 38 C iii 13 (-­a), E 17 nin, “lady, mistress” • nin-­a-­ni: 54 rev. 17 pa6 a-dug4-­ga, “irrigation canal” • 38 C ii 27 pad, “to break” • kug pad-­ra2(-­bi): 40 obv. iii’ 7, 11 (-­bi) pad3, “to find; to name” cf. mu lugal ~ pad3 • ba-­pad3-­de3: 56 rev. 1; 57 obv. 8 • ub-­ta pad3-­da: 38 C iii 2 • ul-­pad3: 39 B ii 5’; 40 obv. iv’ 2 (ul-­pa) raḫ2, “to beat” cf. kišib ~ raḫ2 sa-­dur2, “bottom” • 38 D i 20, E 14



I n d e x e s o f M o d e l C o n t r a c t s a n d R e l a t e d Te x t s

sa2, “to equal, to compare” • maš2 saĝ-­niĝ2-­gur11-­ra ba-­da-­sa2: 40 obv. v’ 17–­18 • mu še še-­da ba-­an-­da-­sa2-­am3: 40 obv. v’ 7–­8 • še še-­da ba-­da-­sa2: 40 obv. v’ 6 sa10, “to buy” • in-­ši(-­in)-­sa10: 38 A i 12, A ii 9, B i 12’, B ii 29, D i 26; 41 ii 3’ (-­in), 14’ (-­in); 53 obv. 6; 56 obv. 4’; 60 obv. 6 • sa10-­a-­bi: 40 obv. iii’ 20 • sa10-­sa10-­de3: 40 obv. ii’ 3, rev. ii 21, rev. iii 36; 41 i 7’ • sa10 še-­še3: 38 B iii 2 sag3, “to strike, to beat” • ba-­an-­sag3: 59 obv. 6’ saĝ, “head, top part; capital” • saĝ a-šag4-­ga: 40 obv. iv’ 19 • saĝ kug-­babbar: 59 obv. 7’ • saĝ u4-­sakar-­ra-­ka: 46 obv. 8 saĝ-­arad, “slave” • 63 obv. ii 15’ saĝ-­geme2, “female slave” • 57 obv. 1 ĝeš saĝ-­kul, “bolt” • 38 C i 4 saĝ-­munus, “woman; female slave” • 38 A i 1; 41 ii 8’; 53 obv. 1 saĝ-­niĝ2-­gur11-­ra, “available assets, capital” • maš2-­bi saĝ-­niĝ2-­gur11-­ra: 47 obv. 2 • maš2 saĝ-­niĝ2-­gur11-­ra ba-­da-­sa2: 40 obv. v’ 17–­18 saĝ-­nita2, “man; male slave” • 38 A ii 1, 10; 41 ii 11’; 53 obv. 1 sam2, “price” • sam2 til-­la-­bi-­še3: 38 A ii 3, B i 13’, B ii 24, D i 21, E 16; 56 obv. 5’ • sam2 til-­la-­ni-­še3: 38 A i 4, C i 27; 41 ii 5’, 16’; 53 obv. 8; 57 obv. 12 santana, “gardener” • 38 D ii 26 sar, “to drive away, to expel” • ib2-­ta-­an-­sar-­re: 38 C iii 31

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si.g, “to put, to load up; to fill; to replace” • bi2-­ib-­si-­si: 40 rev. i 14, 32 • ib2-­si-­si: 61 obv. 10 • in-­sig9-­ge: 40 rev. i 19 • in-­sig9-­ge-­eš: 40 obv. v’ 38 • sig10-­a-­bi: 41 i 14’, 16’ • sig10-­ga: 54 obv. 8 • sig10-­ga(-­a)-­bi: 47 rev. 8; 62 rev. 5 (-­a) • še ma2 sig9-­ga-­ta: 38 C ii 25 sig9-­ga, “investment share” • nam-­sig9-­ga-­ni-­še3: 40 obv. iii’ 16 sila, “street” • sila-­ta ba-­da-­kur9-­ra: 38 C iii 3 sila4, “lamb” • sila4 ḫi-­a: 38 B iii 14 silim, “(to be) healthy, in good condition” • kaskal silim-­ma(-­bi)-­ta: 41 i 12’ (-­bi); 47 obv. 20 • kug silim-­ma-­ta: 47 rev. 1 • lu2 (al-­)silim-­ma: 39 C ii 5’ (-­al); 47 obv. 9 simug, “smith, metalworker” • simug kug-­la2-­bi: 38 A i 13–­14 su.g, “to replace” • ib-­ra-­sug6: 40 obv. iv’ 37 • in-­na-­ra-­su-­su: 39 B ii 12’ • mu še nu-­mu-­un-­sug6-­ga-­še3: 40 obv. iii’ 6 šag4, “heart; inside, in” • 39 B ii 9’; 40 obv. iii’ 18, obv. iv’ 19, obv. v’ 23, rev. i 35, rev. iv 8’; 56 obv. 9’; 57 obv. 5; 62 obv. 8 šag4 ~ dug3, “to satisfy” • šag4 lugal kug-­ga-­ke4 al-­dug3-­ge: 40 rev. ii 34–­35 • šag4 PN al-­dug3(-­ge): 40 obv. ii’ 24 (-­ge), obv. iii’ 38–­39 • šag4 lugal še-­ke4 al-­dug3-­ge: 40 obv. ii’ 15–­16 • šag4 PN ba-­an-­dug3: 48 obv. 5–­7; 49 obv. 5–­7 šag4-­ĝar, “starvation, famine” • ud šag4-­ĝar-­ra: 57 obv. 4 • ud šag4-­ĝar-­ra-­bi: 56 obv. 8’ • ud šag4-­ĝar-­ra-­ka: 40 obv. iii’ 17 ĝeš šag4-­ĝešnimbar, “palmheart” • 52 obv. 8

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šakanka, “market-­price” • šakanka al-­tur-­re: 40 obv. iii’ 19 • šakanka gal tur-­ra: 56 obv. 10’; 57 obv. 6 • šakanka sig7 ti i3-­du-­a-­gin7: 38 B iii 7 • 40 rev. ii 17 še, “barley” • lugal še-­ke4: 40 obv. ii’ 15, obv. v’ 10 • mu še še-­da ba-­an-­da-­sa2-­am3: 40 obv. v’ 7–­8 • mu še nu-­mu-­un-­sug6-­ga-­še3: 40 obv. iii’ 6 • mu še šu ba-­an-­ti-­a: 40 obv. iv’ 13 • sa10 še-­še3: 38 B iii 2 • še ḫi-­a: 38 B iii 22 • še ma2 sig9-­ga-­ta: 38 C ii 25 • še maš2-­a: 40 rev. iii 31 • še še-­da ba-­da-­sa2: 40 obv. v’ 6 • še niĝ2 u2-­gu ba-­an-­de2: 40 rev. i 29 • še u3 maš2-­bi: 40 obv. ii’ 14, 23, obv. iii’ 37, obv. iv’ 35; 43 obv. 11 • še ur5-­ra: 39 B i 2’ • 38 B iii 9, C ii 4; 39 A iii 1’, B i 1’, 10’, B ii 8’, 9’, B iii 8’, D i 2’; 40 obv. i’ 1, 8, obv. ii’ 8, obv. iii’ 1, 10, 13, 30, 32, 34, obv. iv’ 3, 4, 16, 17, obv. v’ 1, 2, 14, 21, 27, 29, 34, 41, rev. i 14, 16, 32, 34, 35, rev. ii 1, 7, 11, 12, 16, rev. iii 28; 43 obv. 1, 7, 10, rev. 1; 44 obv. 1, 7, 10, 14, 15; rev. 5; 45 obv. 1, 2, 11, 12, rev. 1, 2, 8, 9, 10, 16; 46 obv. 1; 47 obv. 1, 8; 51 obv. 12, rev. 3; 59 obv. 6’; 60 rev. 1, 3, 5 še-­ba, “barley ration” • 41 i 6’ še-­ga, “agreement” • še-­ga-­ne-­ne: 51 obv. 7 • še-­ga-­ne-­ne-­ta: 40 obv. v’ 26, rev. i 1 še-­gur10-­kud, “to harvest” • mu še-­gur10-­kud-­še3: 38 D ii 8 še-­numun, “seed” • mu še-­numun: 40 rev. ii 2 šeg12, “brick” • šeg12 iz-­zi dal-­ba-­na: 61 obv. 16 šeš, “brother” • ugu šeš-­šeš: 62 obv. 10 • 41 i 16’; 58 obv. 2; 62 obv. 3

šeš-­gal, “eldest brother” • ibila šeš-­gal-­am3: 38 C iii 16 šim, “aromatic substance; beer malt” • šim ḫi-­a: 38 B iii 19 • 40 rev. iii 30 šu, “hand” • na4kinkin zi-­bi šu sig10-­ga: 54 obv. 8 • šu-­šag4 in-­ne-­de5-­eš: 40 rev. iii 37 • 40 rev. i 12 šu ~ bala, “to exchange properties” • šu bala-­de3: 38 C i 24 šu ~ šum2, “to entrust, to hand over” • šu bi2-­ib-­šum2: 57 obv. 13 • šu bi2-­in-­šum2: 56 obv. 11’ šu ~ te.ĝ, “to receive” • šu ba-­te-­ĝa2: 38 A iii 6 • šu ba(-­ab)-­te-­ĝe26: 38 C iii 17; 39 C ii 7’; 47 obv. 11 (-­ab) • šu ba-­an-­ti: 38 A iii 27, B iii 5, D ii 11; 39 A ii 2’, A iii 5’, B i 7’, B iii 4’, C i 7’, C ii 11’; 40 obv. i’ 5, obv. ii’ 13, obv. iii’ 5, 24, 36, obv. iv’ 7, obv. v’ 5, rev. i 39, rev. ii 6, 24, 32; 42 obv. i 5; 43 obv. 5; 44 obv. 5; rev. 2; 45 obv. 6, 16, rev. 6, 14; 47 obv. 6; 50 obv. 6; 51 rev. 1; 52 obv. 6, rev. 2 • šu ba-­an-­ti-­a: 40 obv.iv’. 13 • šu ba-­an-­ti-­eš: 39 C ii 2’, C iii 6’; 40 obv. ii’ 5, obv. iv’ 28; 46 obv. 6; 59 rev. 4 • šu ba-­an-­ti-­meš: 41 i 11’; 47 obv. 19 šu-­i, “barber” • 56 rev. 12 ĝeš šu-­kara2, “tool, utensil” • ĝeššu-­kara2 ḫi-­a: 38 B iii 25 šu-­la2, “a type of loan” • 38 E 2; 43 obv. 2, rev. 2; 44 obv. 2; 46 obv. 2; 51 obv. 14 šu-­luḫ, “cleansing” • ḫub2-­ni šu-­luḫ: 38 A ii 25 šum2, “to give” cf. šu ~ šum2 • ba-­ab-­šum2-­ma?: 57 obv. 9 • ba-­ab-­šum2-­mu: 40 obv. iii’ 10 • ba-­ab-­šum2-­mu-­uš: 38 C iii 24



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• ba-­an-­šum2: 40 obv. iv’ 44, obv. v’ 16, 32, rev. ii 14; 59 obv. 4’; 61 obv. 4 • ba-­an-­šum2-­ma: 40 obv. ii’ 10 • ba-­an-­šum2-­mu: 51 obv. 14 • ba-­an-­šum2-­mu-­uš: 46 rev. 2 • in-­na-­an-­šum2: 40 obv. iii’ 21; 54 obv. 12; 55 obv. 11 • in-­ne-­en-­šum2?-­mu-­uš: 58 rev. 1 • in-­šum2: 59 rev. 2 • la-­ba-­an-­šum2: 39 A ii 7’; 40 obv. iii’ 29, obv. iv’ 12, 33 • nu-­mu-­un-­ne-­šum2: 38 E 3 • šum2-­mu-­dam: 39 A ii 4’, A iii 7’, B i 9’, B iii 6’, C i 9’, C ii 4’; 40 obv. i’ 7, obv. ii’ 7, obv. iii’ 26, obv. iv’ 9, 30, rev. i 41, rev. ii 26; 45 obv. 18 tag, “to touch” • nu-­mu-­un-­tag-­ga: 40 obv. iii’ 8 taḫ, “to add” • ba-­ab-­taḫ-­e: 44 obv. 16; 45 obv. 3, 13, rev. 3, 11 • bi2-­ib-­taḫ-­e: 39 D i 3’; 40 obv. iii’ 31 • taḫ-­ḫe-­dam: 39 B iii 1’, 9’, C i 4’ tak4, “to leave behind, to save, to keep back” cf. kišib ~ tak4 • in-­na-­an-­tak4: 40 obv. iii’ 9 te.ĝ, “to approach” cf. šu ~ te.ĝ teš2, “unity; equal” • teš2-­a: 41 i 14’, 16’; 47 rev. 8; 62 rev. 5 • teš2-­bi: 61 obv. 6 (teš2-­bi), 7 • teš2eš-­bi: 38 C i 14 • teš2-­teš2: 57 obv. 7 • 38 D iii 10; 56 rev. 1; 57 obv. 8; 61 obv. 6 tigix, “a musical instrument” • 55 obv. 6 ĝeš tigidlax, “a musical instrument” • 55 obv. 5 til, “(to be) completed” cf. inim ~ til(3) cf. sam2 • til(3)-­la: 41 i 13’; 49 rev. 7 (til3)

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til3-­la, “alive” • til3-­la-­e-­ne: 56 obv. 8’ • til!-­la-­ne: 57 obv. 4 • ud til3-­la-­še3: 54 obv. 13 tu.d, “to give birth” • kur-­ra tu-­da: 54 rev. 2 • u3-­tud: 38 C iii 14 tug2, “garment” • tug2 an-­ni-­ib2-­mu4-­mu4: 38 A iii 3 • tug2 sa10-­sa10-­de3: 40 rev. ii 21 tug2 ~ ur3, “to abandon (claims), to give up (something)” • tug2-­bi al-­ur3-­ra: 38 C i 12 tuku, “to acquire, get” cf. ĝeš ~ tuku cf. maš2 ~ tuku cf. nam-­dam-­še3 ~ tuku cf. ugu ~ tuku • dam ba-­an-­tuku: 38 C iii 12 • inim-­ĝal2-­la ba-­an-­tuku: 53 obv.11 • kišib nu(-­ub)-­tuku: 48 obv. 11; 49 obv. 11 (-­ub) tukum-­bi, “if ” • 38 A iii 8, 12, C ii 23, C iii 10, 20, 25, D ii 14; 39 A ii 5’, D ii 2’; 40 obv. iii’ 27, obv. iv’ 10, 31, rev. i 26, rev. ii 15, rev. iv 4’; 43 obv. 8; 44 obv. 8; 53 obv. 10; 59 obv. 5’; 61 obv. 12 tum2/3, “to bring” • ba-­an-­tum2-­mu: 40 obv. iii’ 12; 41 i 4’ • ba-­an-­tum3-­mu: 59 rev. 7 • mu-­un-­tum3-­da: 41 i 2’ tur, “to diminish, to subtract” • al-­tur-­re: 40 obv. iii’ 19 • ḫa-­ra-­ab-­tur-­re: 40 obv. v’ 22 • ib2-­ta-­tur-­re: 40 rev. ii 8 • tur-­ra: 56 obv. 10’; 57 obv. 6 tuš, “to sit down, to dwell” • ba-­tuš: 55 obv. 4 u2-­gu ~ de2, “to disappear” • u2-­gu ba-­an-­de2: 38 A iii 10; 39 B ii 1’; 40 obv. iii’ 41, rev. i 29

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u2-­sal, “meadow, lowland” • a-­šag4 u2-­sal: 63 obv. ii 6’, 21’ u3, “and” • 38 B ii 4, B iii 25, 29, C i 4, C ii 7, C iii 13, D ii 33, E 2; 39 C ii 1’; 40 obv. ii’ 2, 14, 23, obv. iii’ 37, obv. iv’ 19, 35, obv. v’ 36, 43, rev. i 4, 28, rev. iii 31, 34, 39, rev. iv 6’; 41 i 11’; 43 obv. 11; 46 obv. 5; 47 obv. 18, rev. 1, 7; 51 obv. 6; 54 obv. 17, rev. 17; 58 obv. 11, 13; 59 obv. 2’, 7’, rev. 3, 7; 60 obv. 3; 63 obv. ii 6’ u4-­ḫi-­in, “fresh date” • 51 obv. 1 u4-­sakar, “crescent moon” • saĝ u4-­sakar-­ra-­ka: 46 obv. 8 u8, “ewe” • u8 udu ḫi-­a: 63 obv. ii 14’ ub, “corner of a building” • 38 C iii 2 ud, “day; when” • eĝir ud-­da-­ka: 41 ii 18’ • ud 4-­kam ba-­zal: 59 obv. 8’ • ud 5-­kam ba-­zal: 59 obv. 13’ • ud 6-­kam ba-­zal: 59 rev. 8 • ud 9-­kam: 49 rev. 7 • ud-­ba: 55 obv. 5 • ud-­bi-­ta: 40 obv. ii’ 9 • ud buru14-­ka: cf. s.v. buru14 • 38 A iii 4; 40 obv. iii’ 10, 17; 54 obv. 13; 56 obv. 8’; 57 obv. 4; 61 obv. 18 ud kur2-­še3, “in future” • 38 A i 17 (ud kur2), A ii 13, B ii 5, 30 (ud kur2), C ii 26, C iii 9, D i 27 (ud kur2), D iii 5; 39 B ii 4’; 40 obv. iv’ 1, rev. ii 33, rev. iii 23; 54 obv. 15; 56 rev. 2 (ud kur2); 57 rev. 1; 61 obv. 14 (ud kur2) udu, “sheep” • u8 udu ḫi-­a: 63 obv. ii 14’ • udu ḫi-­a: 38 B iii 15 ugu ~ tuku, “to be in charge of ” • ugu PN an-­tuku-­am3: 48 obv. 3–­4; 49 obv. 3–­4 • ugu lugal a-šag4-­ga in-­tuku: 38 C ii 10–­11 • ugu-­ni nu-­tuku: 48 obv. 9; 49 obv. 9

ugula, “overseer” • ugula dam-­gar3: 39 B i 12’; 40 rev. ii 28 um-­mi-­a, “expert, master; creditor” • dumu um-­mi-­a: 55 rev. 2 • e2 um-­mi-­a-­še3: 38 D iii 34 • um-­mi-­a-­ne-­ne: 62 rev. 3 • 41 i 18’; 62 obv. 2 ur-­gir15, “dog” • ka ur-­gir15-­ra-­ta kar: 38 C iii 4 ur3, “to go along” cf. tug2 ~ ur3 ur5(-­ra), “a type of loan” • 39 B i 2’; 40 obv. iii’ 14; 51 obv. 13 uru4, “to sow” • uru4ru-­de3: 59 obv. 3’ us2, “to accompany, follow” • nu-­us2-­sa-­ta: 38 D ii 15 • us2-­sa: 38 D ii 13 uš2, “to die” (singular) • ba-­uš2: 38 A iii 9, D ii 28 zabar, “bronze” • zabar-­ra ḫi-­a: 38 B iii 20 zaḫ2/3, “to flee” • ba-­zaḫ2/3: 38 A iii 9; 59 obv. 10’ zal, “to pass time” • ba-­zal: 59 obv. 8’, 13’, rev. 8 zid2-­munu4, “flour and malt” • 40 rev. iii 31, 39 zig3, “to expend” • an-­zig3-­ga: 47 obv. 3 • ib2-­ta-­an-­zig3-­ma: 40. rev ii 10 • zig3-­ga: 38 C ii 8 zi.r, “to break” • al-­zi-­ir(-­ma): 40 obv. v’ 28 (-­ma), rev. i 28 • kišib ul-­pad3 zi-­re-­dam: 39 B ii 6’; 40 obv. iv’ 2 (ul-­pa) zu, “to know; to learn” • nu-­mu-­un-­ta-­zu-­zu: 41 i 19’ • zu-­zu-­de3: 55 obv. 3, 7 zu2-­lum, “dried date” • 51 obv. 2, 10, 11; 52 obv. 1 zuḫ, “to steal” • še in-­zuḫ: 40 obv. v’ 41



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Glossary of Akkadian akālum, “to take for oneself, to pocket (silver, goods, profits)” • 8(u) gur še-­a-­am ša a-ka-­li2-­ia: 63 obv. i 6’ apālum, “to pay a debt” • a-­pu-­lu-­u2: 63 obv. ii 5’, 13’ • a-­pu-­ul: 63 rev. i 1 bā’irum, “fisherman” • 63 obv. i 13’ bēl ḫubullim, “creditor” • a-­na be-­el ḫu-­bu-­ul-­li-­šu-­nu: 63 obv. i 7’ ebūrum, “harvest” • i-­na e-bu-­ri-­im: 63 obv. i 5’ erēšum, “to ask, to request” • e-­ri-­šu-­šu-­nu-­ti-­ma: 63 obv. ii 8’ gerûm, “to start a lawsuit” • la te-­ge-­er-­ri-­šu-­nu-­ti: 63 obv. i 14’ ḫibiltum, “damage” • ḫi-­bi-­il-­ti a-pu-­ul: 63 rev. i 1 kašādum, “to get hold of ” • ik-­šu-­du-­nim-­ma: 63 obv. i 4’ leqûm, “to take” • il-­qu2-­u2-­ma: 63 obv. i 7’

meat, “hundred” • 2 me-­a 30 u8 udu ḫi-­a: 63 obv. ii 14’ nadānum, “to give” • ad-­di-­in: 63 obv. i 16’ • ad-­di-­iš-­ši-­i-­ma: 63 obv. i 11’ • ad-­di-­iš-­ši-­ma: 63 obv. i 19’ • ad-­di-­nu-­u2-­ma: 63 obv. ii 4’, 12’ • id-­di-­nam-­ma: 63 obv. i 12’ • id-­di-­nu: 63 obv. i 8’ • id-­di-­nu-­ni-­im: 63 obv ii 9’ • id-­di-­nu-­u2-­ma: 63 obv. ii 7’ ribbatum, “arrears” • a-­na ri-­ib-­ba-­ti-­šu-­nu: 63 obv. i 15’ • aš-­šum ri-­ib-­ba-­ti-­šu-­nu: 63 obv. ii 3’ • ri-­ib-­ba-­su2-­nu: 63 obv. ii 5’ simmānum, “a type of malt; an utensil” • si2-­ma-­ni-­im: 60 obv. 2 še’um, “barley” • še-­a-­am: 63 obv. i 6’ • še-­um: 63 obv. ii 17’ tamkārum, “merchant, creditor” • 63 obv. ii 13’

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3 OT H E R OL D BA BYLO N I AN LEGAL ACADEMI C TEXTS NO. 64: A C OMPENDI UM O F LEGAL FO RMS MS 4287 is a large six-­column tablet that is lacking the lower-­left corner and much of the left edge. It is inscribed in a distinctive and elaborate hand and contains a phrase book of legal terminology and a short colophon. It is included in the present volume

because of its pedagogical relationship to the model contracts and other texts presented in part 2. The following preliminary transliteration and translation have been provided anonymously.

obv. col. i 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 (Long gap)

ki-­uludin2-­še3-­bi (sic) in-­da-­ĝal2 in-­šum2 in-­na-­an-­˹šum2˺ in-­˹na˺-­an-­šum2-­e-­[ne] in-­na-­an-­mu [ . . . ] in-­na-­an-­[la2] ˹in˺-­na-­an-­la2-­e [in-­n]a-­an-­la2-­e-­ne [in-­na-­a]n-­gur [in-­na-­an-­gur(?)]-­e [in-­na]-­ab-­gi [in-­na]-­ab-­gi-­gi [in-­na]-­ab-­gi-­gi-­e-­ne [in-­na]-­ab-­bur2 [in-­na]-­ab-­bur2-­me-­eš [in-­na]-­an-­dug4 [in-­na-­an]-­˹dug4˺-­me-­eš [ . . . ]-­˹a˺ [ . . . ]-­e-­ne [ . . . ]-­aĝ2 [. . . -­aĝ2-­e]-­ne [ . . . ]-­pad3 [. . . -­pad3-­m]e-­eš [ . . . ]-­e [. . . e-­n]e(?) [ . . . ]x

At its appointed time He/it is available He gave it He gave it to him [They] shall give it to him . . . [He weighed] it out to him He shall weigh it out to [him] They shall weigh it out to him He returned [to him] He shall [return to him] He returned it [to him] He shall return it [to him] They shall return it [to him] He gave as compensation [to him] They gave as compensation [to him] He said [to him] They said [to him] . . . They shall . . . He measured out They [shall measure out] He swore They [swore] . . .

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obv. col. ii 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41

ib2-­tum3 ib2-­tum3-­a-­bi ib2-­tum3-­e!?-­˹ne˺ ib2-­ta-­˹gub˺ [i]b2-­ta-­gub-­e-­˹ne˺ [i]b2-­ta-­bala ib2-­ta-­bala-­e-­ne ib2-­ta-­e3 ib2-­ta-­e3-­e-­ne ˹ib2˺-­su-­su [ib2]-­su-­su-­e-­ne ib2-­zig3 ib2-­sa2-­e ib2-­˹dirig˺-­ga ib2-­ta-­an-­tur-­re ib2-­gur-­[re] ib2-­gur-­re-­e-­[ne] ˹šam2˺ [šam2]-­bi ˹šam2˺-­še3 šam2 niĝ2-­tuku šam2 nu-­niĝ2-­tuku šam2 niĝ2-­tur-­tur šam2 niĝ2-­an-­ki šam2 še šam2 [ . . . ] niĝin2 šam2 [ . . . ] šam2 [ . . . ] šam2 [ . . . ] šam2 [ . . . ] šam2 [ . . . ] šam2 [ . . . ] šam2 igi-­3-­ĝal2 [t]ukum-­bi [tu]kum-­bi ba-­uš2 [tu]kum-­bi ˹ba˺-­zaḫ2 [tuk]um-­bi u2-­gu ba-­˹an-­de2˺ [tuk]um-­bi ĝa2-­la ba-­an-­dag [tuk]um-­bi gud-­apin ta-­ad!?-­a [ . . . ] ib2-­ta-­an-­ku5 [ . . . ] šam2-­bi ku3 i3-­la2-­e

He shall bring it Which he shall bring(?) They shall bring it He(/it) stood (as pledge) They shall stand (as pledge) He let cross (the pestle) They shall let cross (the pestle) He leased They shall lease He shall replace it They shall replace it He disbursed it He shall make it equal Which he added He shall subtract it from (it) He [shall] return it They shall return it Price Its [price] As the price Exorbitant price Nonexorbitant price Low price Universal price Barley price [ . . . ] total price [ . . . ] price [ . . . ] price [ . . . ] price [ . . . ] price [ . . . ] price [ . . . ] price One-­third (of the) price If If he dies If he runs away If he goes missing If he stops working 39–­41 If (the renter) severs [the . . . of] a plow ox . . . he shall weigh out [ . . . ] its price (in) silver



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42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49

[tukum-­]bi gud-­apin ta-­ad-­a [u2-­g]u?! ba-­an-­de2 [ . . . ] šam2-­bi ku3 i3-­la2-­e [tukum]-­bi gud-­us2-­us2?-­ga [. . . ib2-­ta-­a]n-­ḫul [. . . šam2]-­bi ku3 i3-­la2-­e [tukum-­bi(?) gud] ur3-­ra [ . . . ]-­ru

If a plow ox . . . goes missing, he (the renter) shall weigh out . . . its price (in) silver 45–­47 If (the renter) destroys [the . . . of] an ox which follows he shall weigh out [ . . . ] its [price] (in) silver [If(?)] a rear [ox] . . .

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32

˹a˺ ga ˹ba?˺ ni ba x gi arad u3 ku3-­babbar igi-­du8-­a-­˹ne?˺ ud ku3-­babbar mu-­˹un˺-­tum3-­da ˹arad!˺-­da-­ni ba-­an-­tum3-­mu tukum-­bi ud še mu-­du! ud še ud-­ud-­ga še la-­ba-­an-­aĝ2!-­e maš2 1(aš) gur 0.1.4-­ta-­am3 ba-­ab-­daḫ!-­e šu-­la2 šu-­la2 maš2 nu-­tuku šu-­la2 maš2 ib2-­tuku šu-­ti-­a šu-­ti-­a-­e-­ne šu-­ti-­a-­ne šu-­ti-­a dub-­saĝ-­ĝa2-­ni-­ta šu-­ti-­a šu ba-­ab-­te-­ĝe26! šu ba-­an-­ti šu ba-­an-­ti-­me-­eš šu ba-­te-­ĝe26 ˹amar˺-­gi ˹amar˺-­gi in-­ĝar dug-­a-­ni in-­gaz ĝeš-­gan-­na ib2-­t[a-­b]ala saĝ-­ki in-­˹dadag˺ ĝeš ĝiri3-­ni i?-­in-­duḫ umbin an-­ku5-­re6 ni2-­a-­ni ni a ˹x˺ ku3-­ni l[a]?-­ba-­ni-­ib!-­g i-­g i? maš2 [maš2]-­˹bi˺ [maš2]-­˹bi-­še3˺

. . . The slave and silver are equivalent; On the day he brings the silver along, He shall take away his slave; If, when the barley is delivered, when the barley is husked(?), he does not weigh out the barley, he shall add interest of 100 liters per 1 gur (300 liters)

42–­44

obv. col. iii

šula (loan) The šula (loan) does not have interest The šula (loan) has interest on it Received (item[s]) Their received (item[s]) His received (item[s]) From his first received (item[s]) He shall receive the received (item[s]) He received They received He shall receive Freedom He has set free He has smashed his pot He has let cross the pestle He has cleared (his) forehead He has loosed his fetters He shall shave (his head) Himself . . . . . . his silver, shall not be returned Interest Its [interest] As [its interest]

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33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54

[maš2] niĝ2!-­tuku maš2 nu-­niĝ2-­tuku maš2 1 ma-­na 12 gin2-­ta maš2 10 gin2 2 gin2-­ta maš2 1 gin2 igi-­6-­ĝal2 6! še maš2 ku3!-­bi maš2-­˹bi˺ al-­ĝa2-­ĝa2 mas2 di x x-bi-­še3 mu maš2 ˹ku3˺-­bi-­še3 2? še3 a? [x (x)] x x ˹kam?˺ x 2? x x kam? 2? tum x x nam-­tab-­ba nam-­tab-­ba-­še3 nam-­tab-­[ba]-­˹ne˺-­ne ša3? nam-­[tab]-­ba 1(diš)   ab? a? ˹si˺ ga ˹udu?˺   x ĝišimmar bil-­la ša? ˹x˺ [x] ri? [ . . . ]

Exorbitant [interest] Nonexorbitant interest Interest per 1 mina, 12 shekels Interest per 10 shekels, 2 shekels Interest per 1 shekel, 16 grains Interest (on) its silver Its interest shall be placed As its . . . interest Because of its silver interest . . . . . . . . . Partnership As a partnership Their partnership From the part[ner]ship (assets): . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19

si-­il-­la2 kišib kišib mu kišib mu-­ni kišib mu-­˹ni˺ ib2-­˹ra˺ kišib-­ba-­ni kišib-­ba-­ni al-­gaz kišib-­ba-­ni al-­dim mu kišib nu-­tuku kišib lu2-­inim-­ma-­bi-­me-­eš ib2-­ra-­aš ud-­kur2-­še3 ud nu-­me-­a-­ak kišib! ul-­pad3 x-re kišib ul-­pad3 zi-­re lu2 lu2-­ra nu-­mu-­gi4-­gi4-­de3 mu lugal-­la-­bi in-­pad3! mu lu2-­inim-­ma-­bi-­me-­eš inim-­bi bi2-­in-­pad3

Assignment(?) Seal Seal (bearing the) name Seal (bearing) his name He applied the seal (bearing) his name His seal His seal is broken His seal is fashioned Because he has no seal 10–­11 They applied the seals of the witnesses 12–­14 Never in future, should the seal be found, is it to be . . . ; should the seal be found, it is to be destroyed 15–­17 (That) one would not return against another he swore by the king

rev. col. i

Names of the witnesses He made him swear (in) this matter



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20 21 22 23 24

saĝ ku3 i3-­la2-­e ki-­bi ĝar-­ra ki-­bi ĝar-­ra in-­ĝar ur5-­ra ur5-­ra nu-­me-­a eš!-­˹de2˺-­[a-­še3]

25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36

mu mu-­ni ˹mu˺-­[ni]-­še3 mu-­˹x x˺ mu-­˹x x x˺ ˹x x x˺ ˹x x x˺ ˹x˺ [k]a?-­ni? an ba? ˹x x˺ ugu ugu-­ni ugu-­ne-­ne ugu niĝ2 tuku

37 38 39 40

ugu niĝ2 nu-­tuku lu2-­na-­me-­en niĝ2-­na-­me-­en ugu-­ni nu-­tuku

41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50

šeš šeš-­ra teš2-­a si3-­ga-­˹bi!˺ i3-­ba-­e-­ne inim ĝal2-­la inim ĝal2-­[l]a-­na inim ĝal2-­la-­ni ˹x-­x˺-­ba inim [ĝar]-­ra inim ĝar-­ra la-­ba-­ab-­˹x˺ kar(te.a) kar(te.a)-­bi ˹x x˺ ˹x x x˺

He shall weigh out the sum (in) silver Exchange He made an exchange An urra (loan) It is not an urra (loan); it is (given) [as] an ešdea (loan) Name His name As [his] name . . . name . . . name . . . . . . . . . Against Against him Against them He is owed something (lit. He has something against [another]) He is not owed something Anyone Anything He is not owed anything by him (lit. He does not have [something] against him) 41–­42 Brother to brother, they shall divide equally, in mutual consent Claim In his claim . . . his claim Complaint The complaint was not . . . . . . . . . . . .

1 2 3 4 5 6 7

[ . . . ] x [(x)] ˹x˺ [ . . . ] x [ . . . ]˹x˺ x e? ˹i3˺-­la2 ˹i3˺-­la2-­e ˹i3˺-­la2-­e-­ne i3-­ba

. . . . . . . . . He weighed out He shall weigh out They shall weigh out He divided

rev. col. ii

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8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46

i3-­ba-­e-­ne i3-­dug4 i3-­dug4-­e-­ne i3-­ĝal2 i3-­dab5 i3-­šub i3-­tum2 i3-­tum2-­e-­ne nu-­i3-­la2 nu-­i3-­la2-­e-­ne nu-­in-­˹dug4˺ nu-­in-­dug4-­e-­˹ne˺ nu-­ši-­sa10 nu-­ši-­sa10-­e-­ne nu-­in-­˹huĝ˺ nu-­in-­huĝ-­e-­ne šum2-­mu-­˹dam˺ gur-­ru-­˹dam˺ daḫ-­e-­˹dam˺ tum2-­dam in-­na-­˹an˺-­˹šum2?˺ niĝ2-­pa niĝ2 ni x niĝ2-­mi2-­us2-­e šu ˹tum3˺ niĝ2-­ĝu10 niĝ2-­zu niĝ2-­a-­ni niĝ2-­a ab? ˹kam?˺ niĝ2-­ku5 niĝ2-­ku5 šu-­r i-­a-­bi niĝ2-­ku5 igi 3-­ĝal2 niĝ2-­ku5 igi 4-­ĝal2 niĝ2-­ku5 10(u) gin2 niĝ2-­ku5 5(ia2) gin2 ba-­zig3 zig3-­zig3? zig3-­ga zig3-­ga didli x 1(diš) x 3? x

They shall divide He said They shall say It was available He seized He repudiated He brought They shall bring He did not weigh out They shall not weigh out He did not speak They shall not speak He did not buy They shall not buy He did not hire They shall not hire For giving For returning For adding He gave it to him to be brought . . . Bring the bridal gift My property Your property His property . . . Yield This half of the yield One-­third of the yield One-­quarter of the yield Yield/dues (of ) ten shekels Yield/dues (of ) five shekels It was disbursed . . . Expenditure Various expenditure . . . . . . . . .



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rev. col. iii 1–­9 10 11 12 13 14 15 (Space) 16 17 18

Missing . . .] x . . .] x . . .]-­še3? . . .]-­še3 . . .] x ud . . .]-­bi [t]i!?-­la [d]nisaba [ù] dḫa-­ia3

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16–­18

By the [life] of Nisaba [and] Ḫaya

153

NO. 65 : A TA BL ET O F LEGAL P RESCRI PTI O N S MS 4507 has been published before (George 2009, no. 18) but is given here again to record improvements in understanding made subsequently by Klaas Veenhof (George 2010). For an introduction, textual notes, copy, and photograph, the reader is referred to the editio princeps. A detailed study of the text has been announced as forthcoming by Stephen A. Moore (2018). obv. 1 [iti.kin.dinanna ud 8.kam] 2 [šanat ki.21 gištukul.maḫ] 3 [an den.líl den.ki.ga.ta] 4 [ì.si.inki uru nam.lugal.l]a 5 [ù á.dam.didli a.na me.a].bi 6 [sipa zi dri]-­˹im-­dsuen˺ in.dab.b[a] 7 [ugu ùg dagal].bi šu nam.ti.la i.ni.g[ar.ra] 8 [mu nam.lugal.b]i du.rí.˹šè˺ bí.in.˹è.a˺ 9 b[ītum(é) giškiri’um(kiri6)] ˹eqel(a.šà)˺ ušallim(ú.sal) ù ˹pa˺-­ar-­ṣum 10 š[a a-ḫu-­u]m it-­ti a-ḫi-­im i-ša-­mu-­ú 11 ga-­[am]-­ra-­am ú-ta-­ar 12 bīt[um(é)] ˹giš˺kiri’um(kiri6) eqlum(a.˹šà˺) ù eqel(a.šà) ušallim(ú.sal) 13 [š]a a-ḫu-­um ˹it˺-­ti a-ḫi-­im ú-pe-­ḫu-­ú 14 ˹ú˺-­ta-­ar 15 šum-­ma a-wi-­lum kišuppâm(˹ki.šub˺.ba) 16 i-­ša-­am-­ma 17 a-­na bītim(é) i-te-­pu-­uš 18 kišuppâm(ki.šub.˹ba˺) ˹ki˺-­ma kišuppêm(˹ki˺. šub.ba) i-ša-­ak-­ka-­an 19 vacat 20 iti ˹9? ud˺ 5 ud 26.kam 21 eqel(a.˹šà˺-­el) du-­ú-­ri

22 ša a-ḫu-­um it-­ti a-ḫi-­im 23 ú-­pi-­iḫ-­ḫ[u] 24 ú-­ta-­˹a˺-­a[r] 25 ù šum-­ma [ . . . ] rev. 26 ˹x x x˺ [. . .  27 ú-­ta-­˹a˺-­[ar] 28 ˹iti˺.[kin.dina]nna ud 8.[kam] 29 š[a-­na-­at ki] 21 (sup. ras.) gištukul.ma[ḫ] 30 x[ (x x)] remainder uninscribed §1. [Month Elūlu, eighth day, year twenty-­ one after, with the supreme weapon of An, Enlil and Enki, the steadfast shepherd] Rīm-­ Sîn captured [Isin, the city of kingship and its settlements, as many as there] were, spared its [teeming population] and demonstrated for all time [the fame of his kingship.] §2. A [house, date plantation], riverside field, or prebendary office that [one man] bought from another: he must return (it) entire. §3. A house, date plantation, field, or riverside field that one man exchanged with another: he must return (it). §4. If a man buys a vacant plot and turns it into a house, he shall provide vacant plot for vacant plot. §5. Nine months, five days, the twenty-­sixth day. A field within the city wall that one man exchanged with another: he must return (it), and if [. . .  ,] he must return (it). §6. Month Elūlu, the 8th day, [year] twenty-­ one after, [with] the supreme weapon . . . (exercise abandoned)

154

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Cuneiform Texts Photographic images by agents of the Schøyen Collection and the Norwegian Institute for Paleography and Historical Philology. Drawings by A. R. George.

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CUSAS 4 CUSAS 5 CUSAS 6 CUSAS 8 CUSAS 9 CUSAS 10 CUSAS 11 CUSAS 12 CUSAS 13 CUSAS 14 CUSAS 15

CUSAS 16 CUSAS 17 CUSAS 18

The Cornell University Archaic Tablets Salvatore Monaco. 2007. Pp. xiv + 370. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­0 0-­1 Sumerian Proverbs in the Schøyen Collection Bendt Alster. 2007. Pp. xvi + 156. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­01-­8 The Garšana Archives David I. Owen and Rudolf H. Mayr with the assistance of Alex Kleinerman. 2007. Pp. xii + 528. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­02-­5 Analytical Concordance to the Garšana Archives Alexandra Kleinerman and David I. Owen. 2009. Pp. x + 795. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­03-­2 Workers and Construction Work at Garšana Wolfgang Heimpel. 2009. Pp. xx + 394. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­04-­9 Garšana Studies David I. Owen, ed. 2011. Pp. xii + 457. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­05-­6 A Late Old Babylonian Temple Archive from Dūr-­Abiešuḫ Karel van Lerberghe and Gabriella Voet. 2009. Pp. xviii + 276. Pl. 22. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­07-­9 Babylonian Tablets from the First Sealand Dynasty in the Schøyen Collection Stephanie Dalley. 2009. Pp. xviii + 320. Pl. 182. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­08-­7 Babylonian Literary Texts in the Schøyen Collection A. R. George. 2009. Pp. xx + 160. Pl. 62. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­09-­4 Early Dynastic and Early Sargonic Tablets from Adab in the Cornell University Collections Giuseppe Visicato and Aage Westenholz. 2010. Pp. xxvi + 124. Pl. 94. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­10-­0 The Lexical Texts in the Schøyen Collection Miguel Civil. 2010. Pp. xxii + 308. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­11-­7 Classical Sargonic Tablets Chiefly from Adab in the Cornell University Collections Massimo Maiocchi. 2009. Pp. xxii + 334. Pl. 38. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­12-­4 Early Dynastic Cereal Texts in the Cornell University Collections Salvatore Monaco. 2011. Pp. xii + 289. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­39-­1 Cuneiform Texts in the Carl A. Kroch Library, Cornell University Alhena Gadotti and Marcel Sigrist with the assistance of Nicole M. Brisch and David I. Owen. 2011. Pp. xx + 214. Pl. 29. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­25-­4 Ur III Tablets from the Columbia University Libraries S. Garfinkle, H. Sauren, and M. Van De Mieroop. 2010. Pp. xxviii + 341. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­28-­5 Cuneiform Royal Inscriptions and Related Texts in the Schøyen Collection A. R. George, ed. 2011. Pp. xxxii + 312. Pl. 101. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­33-­9 Babylonian Divinatory Texts Chiefly in the Schøyen Collection A. R. George, 2013. Pp. xxviii + 441. Pl. 100. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­47-­6

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CUSAS 19 CUSAS 20 CUSAS 21 CUSAS 22 CUSAS 23 CUSAS 24 CUSAS 25 CUSAS 26 CUSAS 27 CUSAS 28 CUSAS 29 CUSAS 30 CUSAS 31 CUSAS 32 CUSAS 33

CUSAS 34

CUSAS 35 CUSAS 36 CUSAS 38 CUSAS 43

Cor nell University Studies in Assyr iology and Sumerology

Classical Sargonic Tablets Chiefly from Adab in the Cornell University Collections, II Massimo Maiocchi and Giuseppe Visicato. 2012. Pp. xx + 208. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­40-­7 Middle Sargonic Tablets Chiefly from Adab in the Cornell University Collections Francesco Pomponio and Giuseppe Visicato. 2015. Pp. xxxii + 250. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­60-­5 Archaic Bullae and Tablets in the Cornell University Collections Salvatore Monaco. 2014. Pp. xii + 228. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­55-­1 Entrepreneurs and Enterprise in Early Mesopotamia: A Study of Three Archives from the Third Dynasty of Ur Steven J. Garfinkle. 2012. Pp. xii + 282. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­41-­4 Miscellaneous Early Dynastic and Sargonic Texts in the Cornell University Collections Vitali Bartash. 2013. Pp. xiv + 242. Pl. 23. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­49-­0 The Domestication of Equidae in Third-­Millennium BCE Mesopotamia Juris Zarins. 2014. Pp. xi + 432. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­51-­3 Hemerologies of Assyrian and Babylonian Scholars Alasdair Livingstone. 2013. Pp. viii + 278. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­52-­0 A Third-­Millennium Miscellany of Cuneiform Texts Aage Westenholz. 2014. Pp. xviii + 238. Pl. 6. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­56-­8 The “Šu-­ilisu Archive” and Other Sargonic Texts in Akkadian Lucio Milano and Aage Westenholz. 2015. Pp. xii + 322. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­61-­2 Documents of Judean Exiles and West Semites in Babylonia in the Collection of David Sofer Laurie Pearce and Cornelia Wunsch. 2014. Pp. xlii + 334. Pl. 105. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­57-­5 A Late Old Babylonian Temple Archive from Dūr-­Abiešu:The Sequel Kathleen Abraham and Karel van Lerberghe. 2017. Pp. xviii + 189. Pl. 218. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­74-­2 Middle Babylonian Texts in the Cornell University Collections I The Later Kings. Wilfred van Soldt. 2015. Pp. xii + 585. Pl. 21. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­62-­9 Archaic Cuneiform Tablets from Private Collections Salvatore F. Monaco. 2016. Pp. x + 310. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­65-­0 Mesopotamian Incantations and Related Texts in the Schøyen Collection A. R. George. 2016. Pp. xiv + 196. Pl. 151. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­66-­7 Early Dynastic and Early Sargonic Administrative Texts Mainly from the Umma Region in the Cornell Cuneiform Collections Palmiro Notizia and Giuseppe Visicato. 2016. Pp. xii + 312. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­70-­4 Assyrian Archival Texts in the Schøyen Collection and Other Documents from North Mesopotamia and Syria A. R. George, Thomas Hertel, Jaume Llop-­Raduà, Karen Radner, and Wilfred H. van Soldt. 2017. Pp. xxii + 136. Pl. 92. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­71-­1 Sumerian Administrative and Legal Documents ca. 2900–­2200 BC in the Schøyen Collection Vitali Bartash. 2017. Pp. xviii + 536. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­73-­5 Old Babylonian Texts in the Schøyen Collection. Part I: Selected Letters A. R. George. 2018. Pp. xiv + 192. Pl. 263. ISBN 978-­1-­934309-­75-­9 Sumerian Literary Texts in the Schøyen Collection. Part I: Literary Sources on Old Babylonian Religion Christopher Metcalf. 2019. Pp. xii + 152. Pl. 54. ISBN 978-1-57506-730-8 Old Babylonian Texts in the Schøyen Collection. Part 2: School Letters, Model Contracts, and Related Texts A. R. George and Gabriella Spada. 2019. Pp. xvi + 232. Pl. 65. ISBN 978-1-57506-725-4