244 88 55MB
English Pages [402] Year 1970
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THE
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*
Occasional Papers
of
the SOCIETY
WOLFENDEN
on
TIBETO
LINGUISTICS
- BURMAN
Volume TONE
SYSTEMS
TIBETO - BURMAN LANGUAGES OF NEPAL
OF
Part I , Studies on
research
Phonological
Tone and
Austin Hale
The
III
and Kenneth
reported herein was performed
L
Segments
. Pike
pursuant
contract Education , u . s . to
- 9 -- 097721 - 2778 (014 ) with the Office of Department of Health , Education , and Welfare , through the OEC - 0
Institute of Linguistics . edited
by
Publications of the The
F
.
K
. Lehman
Department
University
Urbana ,
of
of Linguistics
Illinois
1970
Summer
-
TABLE
OF
CONTENTS
Page
iv
Introduction A
Phonological Survey of Seven Bodic Languages of Nepal , Austin Hale
TONE
of Nuclei of Feet in the Analysis of in Tibeto -Burman Languages of Nepal ,
The Role Tone
Kenneth A
L
.
Pike
Note on Glides , Syllabicity and Tone in Gurung , Austin Hale and Warren W . Glover
Gurung Tone and Higher Levels , Warren
W
.
49
Glover
Spectrographic Confirmation of contrastive Pitch and Breathiness in Gurung , Bruce C . Hinton Tamang Tone
Taylor
Thakali
and Higher and Kenneth
Tone and
Pitch , Intensity
Ross Caughley
Levels , L . Pike
Maria
Hari , Doreen
Higher Levels , Maria Hari and
Higher Levels in
125
Chepang
158
Higher Levels , Dora Marlene Schulze Tone and
Bieri
and
Sherpa Tone and Higher Levels , Kent Gordon PHONOLOGICAL A
Note
on
the Segmental
Synopses , Austin Hale
Synopsis , Warren
W
Segmental
Synopsis , Doreen
Taylor
Thakali Segmental Chepang
170
186
SEGMENTS
Gurung Segmental Tamang
, 143
Newari Higher Levels , Austin Hale Sunwar
82
Segmental
. Glover
209
211 237
Synopsis , Maria Hari
258
Synopsis , Ross
279
C
. Caughley
Page
Newari Segmental Synopsis , Austin Hale Sunwar Segmental Synopsis , Dora
Marlene Schulze
Bieri
300 and
Sherpa Segmental Synopsis , Kent Gordon and Burkhard Schoettelndreyer A
Note on Sherpa Vowels , Burkhard Schoetteln dreyer and Austin Hale
-
iii
-
328
345
INTRODUCTION The
material
earliest results
of
in
this report represents
field
research
some
of the
languages Linguistics , Inc .
in the
of
Nepal by the Summer Institute of Some of the results presented here are tentative hypotheses , subject to revision in the light of continuing research . The areas of interest are many and varied . Part I of this report presents phonological data in ter hierarchically -ordered units of phoneme , syllable , stress group , etc . Further research will allow presentation of other kinds of orderings . In particular , as more exten sive morphophonemic and syntactic evidence is gathered , relations of the specifically phonological elements to the lexical and syntactic ones can be made explicit , both in terms of the distributional relations of the units of the phonological hierarchy to units of the syntactic and lexi
cal hierarchies , as envisaged special interest to Pike ) and generative
transformational
in a tagmemic approach ( of in terms of the rules or a grammar which assign phono
logical interpretations to surface structures interest
to
Hale
)
.
( of
special
H Since all of the seven languages dealt with here are family , considered members of the Sino - Tibetan the analysis of tone is of particular interest . The analysis of the tone material has not been without its problems . The tone systems here described are radically different from those to which the members of the Institute have previously been exposed in their work in some 450 languages of North Ameri
America , New Guinea and West Africa . The Ins titute has , to be sure , done considerable work among the tribal groups of Viet Nam , where there are tone problems in some instances related to those we have faced in Nepal . In general , however , the tone systems of Nepal present an
ca , South
array of
difficulties of analysis sufficiently different
those in which the Institute ' s tone studies in the western hemisphere have been developed that the correla tion of these former studies and approaches with the kind of structure facing them on the center of the Asiatic mainland is of deep theoretical interest . The first part , particular Preliminary problem , therefore focuses on this . surveys are given of the pitch system in each of the lan guages studied , as it appears to the investigators at the moment , and there is an overall survey of the structures It is clear that this work in relation to one another . must continue . The difficulties of analysis were sufficient ly great that they were not un solved to our satisfaction in all languages , even though much progress has been made . In one respect , therefore , the tone material of this first from
volume is a progress report . The studies are continuing , hope and we to revise these results in the near future .
II of
this report contains vocabulary lists from each of the seven languages . Tone is marked for all languages , although in the case of Sunwar and Tamang , the Part
word lists went to press before the most recent analysis of tone had been written . Part also includes some pre liminary comparative work aimed at showing relationships between some of the more closely related languages of this report . In addition , a brief glottochronological study based on the Swadesh 100 -word for each of the languages seven is also included .
II
list
Parts
III
and
IV
contain text material in varying
amounts for each language . These materials represent the speech of native speakers , somewhat edited by the speakers themselves so as to eliminate the psychologically relevant
but syntactically irrelevant
phenomena
of hesitation
.
will
As we have indicated , the project continue Specifically , beyond the bounds of these first four parts . investigations already begun we have extensive of the clause structure of these languages , and our next phase of emphasize that . We work in Nepal not , however , stop with the clause , but will go upward to sentence , paragraph , and discourse , as well as downward to phrase and word structures .
will
will
Although the data of these first four parts is res tricted to Nepal , we have begun work in some of the lesser known languages and dialects of India , and in future pub lications we hope to show that the kind of approach which enables us to gather extensive data in a Tibeto - Burman system will similarly allow us to make these data available to those governmental , university , and private agencies which desire that they be publicly available . Eventually , we hope , this should encourage further study across lan guage barriers , and increase our understanding of those
features universally shared by all human beings . When we reach this goal , we will have personally been pleased to have contributed to an understanding of our times and of ourselves , since only by understanding language as a whole , in relation to our various cultures , can we even tually understand ourselves in relation to the world in which
we
all live .
Austin Hale
Kenneth
L
.
Pike
A
PHONOLOGICAL
SURVEY
OF
SEVEN BODIC
Austin The purpose some of the
LANGUAGES
OF
NEPAL !
Hale
of this paper is to present
in
summary
major phonological characteristics of form seven of the Bodic languages currently under study by members of the Summer Institute of Linguistics in Nepal and ,
where
possible , to point
to
similarities
and
dif
1
,
0 ferences among these phonological systems that are not by given synopses phoneme revealed the charts in the . This survey is based primarily on data papers written by members of the Summer Institute of Linguistics during the Summer and Fall of 1969 . Synopses of those papers appear elsewhere in this volume . The seven languages Gurung Tamang , , treated here are Thakali , Chepang , Newari
Sunwar
,
+
and Sherpa .
I . INTRODUCTION These seven languages have been
related to one an other in terms of various kinds of classifications . For preliminary classification of these languages made on a the basis of glotto - chronological calculations , see the article ' cognate counts via the Swadesh List in Some Tibeto Burman Languages of Nepal ' by Warren Glover , else where in this report . Three other classifications of these languages
should be mentioned
.
Sten Konow ( in Grierson ( 1909 ) ) has classified these languages as follows . ( Languages and groups of languages not of immediate interest have been omitted . of the languages currently of interest to the group , Jireli , Kham , and Kaike were apparently unknown to
previous classifiers
.
)
-
1
-
-
,
-
2
-
Tibeto - Burman
Tibetan
Himalayan
Central Dialect (U
Sharpa
, Lhasa ) Non -
Pronominalized
Complex Pronominal
ized
Eastern Subgroup Gurung
Chepang
Murmi
Thaksya
Sunwar
Limbu
Magari
Khambu
Newari
Rai
Lepcha
( Rong )
Kusunda
Konow ' s term , Murmi , refers to the language now more com monly referred to as Tamang and Thaksya has been identi fied as what is now more commonly called Thakali . S . K . Chatterji ( 1950 : 170 ) has related each of Konow ' s three major groups to a wave of migrants , the complex pronomi nal languages being descended from the language ( s ) spoken by the first wave of migrants and revealing ' Austric ' ( Munda ) influence , the non - pronominalized group represent ing a second wave of migrants , the ' pure Tibeto - Burman ' 30 R group , and the Tibetan languages representing a third wave ofHR migrants , said to have arrived in the first millennium according to Buddhist tradition . The 0classification B •. C . of Thaksya ( Thakali ) , made on the basis of limited evidence , has proved wrong . Evidence now in hand shows it to be non pronominalized . Robert Shafer ( 1955 ) has criticized this + H classification in some detail and has offered the following + classification of these languages . It is interesting that X P Glover ' s classification , made on the basis of lexicostatis nearly very computations , ' s Shafer coincides with tical фо languages they classification for the that both cover . Branches and languages not of immediate interest are omit ted from the following diagram .
-
3
-
Sino - Tibetan Bodic Division
Bodish
Burmic
East
West
Section
Himalayish Section
Central
Himalayish
Section
Newarish
Section
Division Kukish
Section Northern Naga
Newari
Tsepang
Magari
Branch Ao
Gurung Branch
Bodish Branch
Central
Gurung Murmi Thaksya
Bodish
Unit
Lhasa
( Tibetan Sarpa
4
feels
Khambu
Unit
Khambu
Limbu
A
of
Rong
( Leptsa )
Dumi
Unit Sunwari Rai
)
t
definite
Tibetan ( 1965 )
Bontawa
Unit
however , that Bodic Division than ,
Western Branch
Eastern
Branch
Unit
more recent
should
in
it is
it is
a his classification
of
Newari . He to the to the Burmic Division of Sino
likely
more
classification
alsoO be mentioned
.
to belong
by Voegelin
Voegelin
and It critically reviews each above , though the classifi
the two classifications given cation proposed in4C lieu of the above is not altogether clear as it relates to the languages of immediate interest for this report . For example , an ' Eastern Nepal Subgroup ' is set Subgroup ' yet at up in contrast to a ' Non - Pronominalized least three of the languages in the 'Eastern Nepal Subgroup ' ( Thakya , Magari , and Sunwar ) are also non - pronominalized . U O t Branches and languages not of immediate interestT are are omitted from the following diagram .
-
4
-
Sino - Tibetan Phylum
Tibetan
Gyarung - Mishmi Family
Family
Central Tibetan
Eastern Nepal
Subgroup
Subgroup
Lhasa Sharpa
Chepang Limbu
Rai
Bodo
- Naga - Kachin
Family
Non Pronominalized
Naga
Gurung
Lepcha
Subgroup
Tamang
Newari
Branch
(
Rồng
)
Khambu
Thakya
Magari Sunwar
briefly
Having
sketched various views as to their proceed to give certain non - linguistic interrelatedness background items of information concerning each of the seven languages of this report . , we
Gurung .
referred to
by Burton - Page ( 1955 ) and the British and by the Gurungs themselves tamUkywihqi spoken as " ' ) is in Nepal by some 157 , 778 people ? most of whom live in the districts of Lamjung , Syangja , Kaski , Gorkha , Tanahun , and Dhading . The dialect reported village , located some six miles on here is that of Ghachok Army
(
as Gurungkura ,
northwest of Pokhara in Kaski District . It is estimated that this dialect is understood by about half of the Gurungs in the western hills . It is to a large extent mutually unintelligible with the dialect of Gorkha - Lamjung . Research on Gurung has been conducted by Warren and Jessie Glover since 1967 . Their principal informant for this study was Deu Bahadur Gurung . He was 24 years old in 1969 and highly Nepali fluent in . All essential data were checked also 3 , Ras Kumari Gurung , aged 31 years . with his wife She is quite illiterate and less fluent in Nepali . Both were born and
raised
in Ghachok .
( also referred to as Murmi , Bhotia , Ishang , and spoken Sain ) is in Nepal by some 518 , 812 people , most of Bagmati surrounding Kathmandu whom live in Zone in the Valley . The dialect reported on here is that of Sahugaon ,
Tamang
hills
located
some
fiveD(P miles north - northwest of Trisuli bazar
in
.
-
Nuwakot
District
.
5
-
considerably It differs Sprigg
Rishingo studied by R . Tamang has been carried
from
that of
Research on : in 1956 . by Doreen Taylor since 1967 . Her principal informants for this study have been Karna Bahadur Tamang and his brother Bhajuman Bahadur Tamang ,
both of Sahugaon
K
. on
.
Thakali ( referred to in Grierson ( 1909 ) as Thaksya , Voegelin and Voegelin ( 1965 ) as Thākya and by the Thakali in themselves as " tapaang " ) is spoken by some 3 , 000 people , many of whom live , during the warmer seasons in the northern part of Dhaulagiri Zone along the upper reaches of the Kali The dialect Gandaki River which is known as the Thak Khola . has on Thakali described here is that of Tukche . Research by 1968 . since Maria Hari and Anita Maibaum been carried on Principal informants for this study include Parbati Tulachen and Mahendra Tulachan , both residents of Pokhara who were raised raised
in in Kathmandu
,
Tukche , Bijay Gauchan , resident of Pokhara who was Jhuma , near Tukche , and Nila Gauchan , resident of who was raised in Tukche .
Shafer ( 1955 ) as ' Tsepang ' D T ( in and by the Chepangs themselves as " cyobang " ) is spoken w part living Nepal by some 9 , 274 people of in the southern to , Dhading district , the western part of Makwanpur district part , of Chitawan district and the southern the northern part of Ghorka district , an area south and west of Kathmandu . village r on here is that of Maiserang The dialect reported Chepang
(
referred to
located in Makwanpur
in
District .
Ross
and Chepang
e Kathlene Caughley since 1969 . The
conducting research on informant for this study was Bhobikan 24 year old resident of Maiserang .
have been
principal
Chepang ,
a
Newari ( referred to in Jørgensen ( 1921 ) as ' Nevari ' spoken as mother tongue by many Newars as ' Newa ' ) and by some 377 , 727 people2 in Nepal , most of whom live in Valley . The dialect described here is that of Kathmandu Research on Newari has been carried on by Kathmandu . Margrit Hale since 1968 . Principal informants and Austin for this study include Jagan Nath Maskey , born in Bhaktapur
is
resident of
Kathmandu for
a
number
of
years
,
Rabindra
Pradhan , Kadam Mayan Rajbhandari , and Narbada Rajbhandari , raised in Kathmandu . The analysis here presented has benefited greatly from comments by Boyd Michailovsky , Kathmandu , and from checking with Punya Ratna U . S . A . I . D. ,
all
Bajracharya , of Kathmandu .
also referred to as Sunuwar , Sunwari , and by some 13 , 362 people2 most of whom spoken Sunuwari ) is live in the Likhu and Khimti River Valleys of Ramechhap , The dialect described Dolakha , and Okhaldhunga Districts . Sunwar
(
6
-
is
Valley
that of the
village of
Sabra in the Likhu River of District . Dora Bieri and Marlene Schulze started research on Sunwar in 1969 . The principal years , informants have been Hari Bahadur Sunwar 20 old , and his sister Devi Bina Sunwar , 22 years old , both residents of Kathmandu who were born and raised in Sabra .
here
Ramechhap
Sherpa ( referred to by Konow as ' Sharpa ' by Shafer ( 1955 ) as ' Sarpa ' ) is spoken by something less than the 84 , 223 people given in the 1961 Census of Nepal as speakers of ' Bhote Sherpa ' D. Since ' Bhote ' is a cover term for var ( , the number of Sherpa speakers may ious Tibetan dialects U considerably ( be less than 80 , 000 . The traditional home Sherpas land of the is the district of Solu - Khumbu . Sherpa speakers are also found in the Helmu and upper Trisuli Valleys . 3 The dialect described here is that of Kerung Village near Phaphlu in Solu - Khumbu District . Research on Sherpa was carried on by Luke and Marie Zylstra during 1967 1968 , by
and
Austin Hale during the second half of
1968 ,
by Kent Gordon during the Summer of 1969 and by Burkhard and Heiderose Schoettelndreyer from the Fall of 1969 on . The segmental system presented here represents a modifi cation of Gordon ' s analysis by Schoettelndreyer . The tone EO system is entirely that of Kent Gordon ' s analysis . The principal informants for this analysis have been Ang Gelbu Sherpa and Ang Dami Sherpa , both residents of Kathmandu who were raised in Kerung Village .
All of
the work reported on here was done under the auspices of the Summer Institute of Linguistics , Nepal Branch in collaboration with Tribhuvan University , Kirtipur ,
and was supported in part by the Department of Health , Education , and Welfare , Office of Education , Washington D
.
c
.
under
contract number
OEC -
0
-
9
- 097721 -
2778 .
Each
,
of
the analyses presented here has benefited from the guidance
inspiration of Dr . Kenneth L . Pike , Chief Investigator . The following is a very brief bibliography of pre viously published works relating to the languages mentioned in this report . and
A
. General
Chatterji
,
Suniti
Kumar
and
(
1950
)
Society el centre of Bengal , Letters
Glover
' Kirata - Jana
.
-
Krti ,
The
their contribution to the history culture of India , ' Journal of the Royal Asiatic
Indo - Mongoloids :
, Warren W . some
List in
( 1970 )
Tibeto
.
,
Vol .
16
, pp .
143 - 235 .
' Cognate Counts via the Swadesh of Nepal ' in the
Burman Languages
7
-
present report . Grierson , George A . ( ed . ) ( 1909 ) . Linguistic Survey of India , Part I , Dehli : Motilal Banarsidass Vol . ( Reprinted 1967 ) , pp . 73 - 77 ( Central Tibetan ) , 113 - 117 ( Sherpa ) ,
III
182 - 188 (Gurung ) , 189 - 197 ( Tamang ) , 198 - 205 ( Sunwar ) , 206 - 213 (Magar ) , 214 - 221 , (Newari ) , 233 - 249 ( Lepcha ) , 283 - 297 ( Limbu ) , 316 - 326 ( Khambu ) , 373 - 381 (Rai ) , 402 ( Chepang ) , 406 ( Thakali ) .
Brian Houghton ( 1847 ) . ' On the Aboriginees of the Himalayas , ' Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal sub -
Hodgson , 16
: 1235 - 1244 .
S . ( 1970 ) . ' Gurung , Tamang , Thakali , Sherpa , Chepang and Prosodies , ' elsewhere in this report .
Pittman
Richard
,
Gurung
-
, and Jessie Thakali , ' elsewhere
Glover ( 1970 ) . ' Proto - Tamang in this report .
Shafer , Robert ( 1950 ) . ' Classification of some Languages of Himalayas , ' Journal of the Bihar Research Society the 34
part
,
4
,
pp .
(
1955
192 - 214 .
)
Languages , ' Word Languages .
( ed
.
)
.
lll ll' Classification
(
1957 ) .
Wiesbaden
( ed . )
Languages , Vol . pp . 141 .
.
: 94 -
( 2
:
of
the Sino - Tibetan
Bibliography of Sino - Tibetan Otto Harrassowitz , pp . 211 .
1963 ) Bibliography of Sino - Tibetan . Wiesbaden : Otto Harrassowitz ,
Voegelin , C . F . and F . M . Voegelin ( 1965 a ) . ' Languages of the World : Sino - Tibetan Fascicle Four , ' Anthropological Linguistics , Vol . 7 , No . un5 (May 1965 ) pp . 1 -55 . ( 1965b )
the World :
Sino - Tibetan Vol . 7 , No .
Linguistics
B
6
.
' Languages of
Fascicle Five , Anthropological ( June 1965 ) p . 8 . ( Lepcha )
. Gurung
Burton - Page , J . ( 1955 ) . ' Two Studies in Gurungkura : I . Tone ; . Rhotacization and retroflexion , ' Bulletin of the
II
School
Glover
,
of Oriental
Jessie
R
.
(
1969
and
)
.
Interrogative Linguistic Special (
Gurung
"
African Studies
Structure
, ' Tribhuvan Number ) pp .
and
17 : 111 - 119 .
Function
University
37 - 57
.
in
the
Journal
,
-
-
8
Glover , Warren W . ( 1969a ) . ' Three Gurung Equivalents of English be , ' Tribhuvan University Journal ( Special
Linguistic
Number ) pp .
1
- 36 .
. ( 1969b ) . Gurung Phonemic Summary ( Tibeto Summer Phonemic Summaries - I ) Kathmandu : Institute of Linguistics and Tribhuvan University , pp . 61 |
Burman
C
. Tamang ( Murmi )
Campbell ,
A
.
'Notes on the Limboos and other Hill , ' Journal of the Asiatic Bengal 9 : 613 - 615 ( Tamang vocabulary ) .
( 1840 )
.
Tribes hitherto Undescribed
of
Society
' Ethnographic von ( 1956 ) . Anthropologist Nepal , Tamangs ' Eastern of Notes on the Kinship Tamang Terms ) . ( 9 : 169 - 170
Führer - Haimendorff , Christoph
Taylor
' Tamang Weaving , ' Tribhuvan Univer Number ) pp . 57 - 87 vocabulary weaving Tamang ) . ( , Doreen
(
1969a
sity Journal
)
.
( Special Linguistic
Tamang Phonemic Summary ( Tibeto Summer ) Kathmandu : Burman Phonemic Summaries Institute of Linguistics and Tribhuvan University pp . (
D
.
Thakali
(
1969b
Thaksya
)
.
VII
35
)
Hari , Maria ( 1969 ) . Thakali Phonemic Summary ( Tibeto - Burman Summer Institute Phonemic Summaries - III ) Kathmandu : of Linguistics and Tribhuvan University pp . 48 . ' Comparative Grammar of the Languages of the Broken Tribes of Nepal , ' Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal 26 : 327 - 332 . Brian Houghton
Hodgson ,
(
1857
)
.
Thakali Extrait de l ' Ethnographic Jest ,, Corneille ( 1964 ) . Les Thakazipextract Ethnographie de is!. 1964ételese de Paris oumededea Jest rRevue ' de la ( société @
E
.
d
Chepang
Dahal , and R . C . Caughley ( 1970 ) ' Chepang Segmental Phonemes , ' Tribhuvan University Journal Vol . V No . 1 ( June ) pp . 65 - 81 .
Bandhu ,
C
.
M
.,
B
.
M
.
.
-
-
9
Caughley , Ross C . ( 1969 ) . Chepang Phonemic Summary ( Tibeto Burman Phonemic Summaries - IV ) Kathmandu : Summer Institute of Linguistics and Tribhuvan University pp . 36 . C . J . F . S . ( 1877 ) . ' Affinities of the Dialects of the Chepang and Kusundah Tribes of Nepál with those of the BD Hill Tribes of Arracan V, ' Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 9 : 421 - 424 ( Chepang vocabulary ) .
Forbes ,
of
the Royal
' On Tibeto - Burman Languages , ' Journal Asiatic Society 10 :219 ( Chepang vocabulary ) .
( 1878 )
.
1881 :
a
(
of Further India (
Chepang
vocabulary
Hodgson , Brian Houghton Tribes of Népal , '
Bengal
F
17 ,
Part
2
Comparative Grammar of the Languages and other Essays . London
.
)
Fragment )
.
(
1848 ) .
' On the Chepang and Kusunda
Journal of the Asiatic Society of
, pp . 650 - 658 .
. Newari
Campbell , George
Calcutta
(
, pp .
1874
)
151
.
ff .
Specimens
of
the Languages
of India .
Conrady , August ( 1891 ) . ' Das Newarî : Grammatik und Sprach proben , ' Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenländischen
Gesellschaft . aus
:
1
- 35 .
' Ein Sanskrit - Newâr î Wörter - buch , Minayeff ' s herausgegeben , ' Zeitschrift Nachlasse (
dem
45
1893 ) .
der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft Hale , Austin ( Tibeto Summer
Pp
.
47 .
.
47 : 539 - 573 .
and Margrit ( 1969 ) . Newari Phonemic Summary - Burman Phonemic Summaries - V ) Kathmandu : Institute of Linguistics and Tribhuvan University ( 1828 ) . ' Notices of the Languages , Religion of the Bauddhas of Nepal and
Hodgson , Brian Houghton
Literature , and Bhot , ' Asiatick Researches . .
1235 - 1244 .
Jørgensen , Hans
Zeitschrift 75
409 - 449 .
' On the Aborigines of the - Himalayas , ' Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal ( 1847 )
sub 16 :
16 :
. ' Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis des Nevari , ' der Deutschen Morgenländischen Gesellschaft .
( 1921 )
: 213 - 236 .
-
( 1928 )
Newari - Sprache , '
.
-
10
' Versuch eines Wörterbuches der Acta Orientalia . 6 : 26 - 92 .
A ( 1931 ) . Vicitrakarnikavadanoddhrta . Collection of Buddhistic Legends . Nevari text edited and translated into English , London .
' Linguistic
( 1936 ) .
Acta Orientalia .
Newari , '
14
,
Remarks on
part
4
, pp .
the
Verbin
280 - 285 .
of the Classical Newari A Dictionary Kgl Selskab . Videnskabernes . Danske København ( Det filologiske 1 . ) . 23 . Meddelelser Historisk (
1936 ) .
Batisaputrikakatha . A Newari Recension of the Simhas an advatrim - Satika , ' København Selskab . Historisk ( Det Kgl . Danske Videnskabernes ( 1939 )
filologiske
.
Meddelelser .
( 1941 ) .
A
24
Grammar
.2 . )
of
the
Classical Newari .
Kgl . Danske Videnskabernes Selskab filologiske Meddelelser . 27 . 3 . ) Historisk ( Det
København
Waidya Pattaprasad Kathmandu .
Jossi ,
Kirkpatrick , William Nepaul .
London .
( 1956 )
.
.
Nepal Bhasa Sabdakos ,
( 1811 ) . An Account Pp . 221 - 249 .
of the
Kingdom
of
. ' The Phonemes of Newari , ' Sayajirao University of Baroda Maharaja Journal of the
Modi , Bharati 16
:
1
:
V
.
( 1967 )
103 - 134 .
Pusparatna , Sri . Kathmandu
Shafer
Robert
,
( 1962 )
( 1952 ) .
.
6
:
Wright , Daniel (1877 ).
G
.
.
Subodha Nepal Bhasa
By
akarna .
.
Linguistica pp
.
300 - 311
.
92
' Newari - 109 .
and
Sino - Tibetan
History of Nepāl .
,
' Studia
Cambridge
.
Sunwar
Bieri
Sunwar Phonemic , Dora and Marlene Schulze ( 1969 ) . Summary ( Tibeto - Burman Phonemic Summaries - VI ) and Summer Institute of Linguistics Kathmandu : University pp . 31 . Tribhuvan
.
.
-
Shafer
,
Robert
( 1953 ) .
School of Oriental
H
.
ll
-
' East Himalayish , ' and
African Studies
,
Bulletin of the 15
:
356 - 374 .
Sherpa
Gordon , Kent
Sherpa Phonemic Summary ( Tibeto ( 1969 ) . Phonemic Summaries ) Kathmandu : Summer
Burman
Institute of Linguists
Hale , Austin
Linguistic and
R
.
.
II , ' K
African
Dialect )
School
II
Tribhuvan University
(
1954
)
' Verbal Phrases
.
in
Lhasa
Tibetan
Bulletin of the School of Oriental
Studies , ( 1955 )
and
16 :
134 - 156
, 320 - 350 .
of
' The Tonal
.
the Nominal
of Oriental
and
pp .
60 .
of Contrast in Sherpa Journal ( Special
. ' Some Dimensions Tribhuvan University pp . 89 - 104 . Number )
( 1969 )
Phonology , '
Sprigg ,
and
System Phrase , '
I
and
Tibetan
( Lhasa
Bulletin of the
African Studies
,
17 :
133 - 153 .
( 1963 ) . ' Prosodic Analysis and Phonological in Tibeto - Burman Linguistic Comparison , Comparison in South in f . L . Shorto ( ed . ) , Linguistic East Asia and the Pacific . London : School of Oriental and African Studies , pp . 79 - 108 ( For Sherpa see especially pp . 105 - 108 . )
Formulae
II .
S N SEGMENTAL
SURVEY
It
should be noted from the outset that five kinds of schemes are utilized for representing the languages reported here three of which are relevant to the present presentation Not referred to here are the devanagri representation which used for practical orthog raphy and the roman representation used for computer appli cations Relevant to this report are the phonemic tran scription enclosed slant lines the phonetic tran scription enclosed square brackets and the roman text orthography enclosed double quotes Text orthog raphies distinct from but in general mutuallv convertible with the phonemic transcription scheme have been adopted in the interests of ease in typing text The text orthog raphies are phonemic given the sense that the relevant definitions of di and tri graphs all the contrasts of the )
)
,
.
(
3
2
(
, )
,
in
,
,
--
,
in
.
)
(
,
,
,
in in
(
.
1
bol
is
.
,
on
transcription
.
-
-
phonemic transcription are retained The following table correspondences shows the between the more or less standard
-
phonemic
symbol : used
12
-
the text orthographic adaptations
and
made in each of the languages . Items enclosed in parentheses interpreted phonemically are as clusters for the language
concerned .
lacks the
segments
Phonemic Symbol
hyphen
A
in
cell indicates that
a
the language
specific
phoneme concerned . Comments relating to in specific languages follow the table .
Text Orthographic Representation Gurung
Tamang р
ph
,
Thakali Chepang Newari
ъ
р
ph
( ph )
ph
(bh )
( bh )
-
t
t
t
th
th )) (( th
( th )
( dh )
( dh )
ph
Sherpa P
P
P
P
( ph )
Sunwar
( ph )
ъ
-
th th
Th
ID Thi T
,
thr
I ch
ch
tsh
c
(
Th
)
I
tsi
)
)
X
0 1
kh
)
X
(
)
gh )
ban
(
kh
(
)
gh )
g
(
kh
(
kh
k
8
(
)
1
(
jh
)
( cy
chy
)
( (
) )
(
chy
-
)
) (
kh
k
dzy
k
(
(
tshy
cy
,
o
)
(
tsy
kh
o
I i I i
c
o
'n
W
th )
t
in
60
(
I
D
tsc , i
X
t
)
I
(
th
t
(
to a
ch )
t
(
-
ch )
-
- 13
Phonemic Symbol
Gurung Tamang Thakali Chepang
(sy )
(sy )
-
-
( sy )
-
-
-
hm
,
mh
(mh )
-
,
nh
-
-
-
hn
,
nh
( nh )
-
ng
ng
, nh
.
*,
ih
ngg
.
09
hng , ngh 1
(K1 )
L
hl ,
R
hr , rh
, rh
rh
W
,
wh
wh
eee -
а
а
lh
)
( 1h )
( rh )
( rh )
(
1h
, wh
-
hy , yh
-
hw
, yh
e
1
-
r
Y
sh
mh
09 ng
Sherpa
Newari Sunwar
,
ng N
sss
Text Orthographic Representation
s
M
-
(ya )
-
-
аа
аа
e
( ay : ) а
:
а
-
14
-
Text Orthographic
Phonemic Symbol
Gurung Tamang Thakali
i
8
Representation
Chepang
Newari Sunwar
I
0 3
aa
Sherpa
::
1
0
0
( wa )
3
3
Nasal Vowel 20
an
e :
'
O
;
High Tone og
0
:
'ko
4
'ko
oq
Mid Tone og
01
o
Low
:
g
Tone
or 0
-
:1
koo ko =
Unstressed
Breathy Vowel oh
oh
oh
00
( oo )
Long Vowel o
:
Contour
( aa )
Pitch
Intonation 'ko
"
to I
oo
"
Level Pitch
Level Pitch
(
.
.
)
ko ko
=
tko ko
-
.
-
15
Text Orthographic Representation
Phonemic Symbol
Gurung Tamang Thakali Chepang
Intonation ' ko
Newari Sunwar
Sherpa
II
ko
-
Phonetic voicing of word - initial stops in Tamang is retained in the text orthography for various reasons , Tamang stops are voiced word even though non - phonemic . initial under mid and low tone . They are voiceless otherwise . Comments :
lal
In Gurung and Tamang the phonemic symbol is used to represent a low central vowel , not a front vowel , hence , Similarly , " aa '' " a " in these languages is also low central . in Chepang is ( short ) low central .
lol
is not nasalized , hence the text ortho . for nasal lè l has been substituted . Similarly , Newari has no lol , thus the text orthographic representation for nasal l / has been given . It should be D ( e noted that for long VO vowels in Newari , the nasal generally is represented in text orthography in a different wav : Tamang ,
In
graphic representation
läəl
=
"
aan , " ' .
In Tamang , the
"
- 2 " marks
a
morpheme
as
having high
tone on all of its syllables , " - : 9 " marks a morpheme as having high tone on all syllables except the last which is unstressed . Colon , then , marks a morpheme - final unstressed syllable within a poly - syllabic morpheme , the initial syllables of which are not unstressed . " k "
syllable
-
,
is inserted where the tone or pitch mark is placed initial in text orthography .
The remainder of this survey will be presented exclu es off nem transcription ms of the phonemic rans terms schemes
sively in
the various languages . A
. Obstruant
Systems
the point of view of cognate counts , Gurung , c appear to form a closely related group . and Thakali On Glover ' s calculations , the language pairs , Gurung - Tamang and Gurung - Thakali each share some 65 percent of the Swadesh 100 -word list as cognates , and the pair Thakali - Tamang shares 57 percent . The next highest percentage of shared cognates for a pair of languages in this report is 28 percent for the pair Chepang - Newari . For this reason we will divide From
Tamang ,
our presentation
of obstruants into two parts closely - related Gurung , Tamang , Thakali group
, ,
one for and
one
the
for
,
-
-
16
the remaining , less closely related group . The comments in this section will be strictly sunchronic in nature . For a comparative study , see Pittman ( 1970 ) and Pittman and Glover ( 1970 ) , elsewhere in this report . 1
The
have been
.
Gurung , Tamang , Thakali
obstruant systems of Gurung in the phonemic
charted
ț
ck
ph th
th
nh
th
b
a
j
g
t
P
d
Gurung
P
t
nh th
ț
,
summaries as
ck
th
ch
kh
(h )
s
Tamang
Thakali
Tamang and
follows :
P
t
ț
nh
th th
c
k
ch
khi
S
h
Thakali
The differences among the obstruant systems of these three languages are certainly not as great as they appear from the charts above . The major difference apparent from the charts above is that Gurung has a series of voiced stops where the other two languages do not . The facts behind these charts show this difference to be something less than a major difference .
Voicing . Voiceless stops in Gurung occur only word ( with the exception that / p / and lt / occur in word - medial geminate clusters in Nepali loans ( Glover 1969b : 16 ) ) and voiced stops in Gurung occur primarily in word medial position . In native stock , voiced consonants occur with listed exceptions ) in word - initial position only before breathy high tone vowels (Glover 1969b : 17 ) . This is indi a cative of a strong tendency toward a complementary distri bution of voiced and voiceless obstruants in Gurung . In
initially
O complementary distribution of voiced and A voiceless stops and affricates , but of a slightly different sort . Voiceless variants occur word - initial before high tone or unstressed tone syllables and voiced variants occur word - initial before low or mid tone syllables , and word bord
Tamang we do have
medially
following breathy vowels ( Taylor 1969b : 4 , 8 - 11 ) . Elsewhere obstruants are phonetically indeterminate for voicing . In Thakali the distribution of phonetically voiced obstruants is more limited than in the other two . Obstruants are voiced following voiced consonants ( Hari - 13 ) .
Aspiration
and Breathiness
share certain major
constraints
These three languages on word structure .
9
.
1969 :
17
-
1
Breathy vowels occur freely
.
syllables
(
1969b : 51 f . Tamang and fixation . ) 2
Hari
1969 :
36
,
only in word
Taylor
-
1969b : 35 ,
initial Glover
Gurung has some exceptions to this . Thakali exceptions result from pre
vowels occur freely following ( phonemi aspirated obstruants . (Hari 1969 : 37 - 38 , ) Tamang has one Taylor 1969b : 28 , Glover 1969b : 16 .
. Only
cally
clear
to this . )
exception 3
-
. Aspirated obstruants occur freely only
initial
position
Thakali
and
.
(
The
major exception
in
word
in Gurung
that they follow the negative prefix (Glover There are more exceptions to this in 1969b : 16 ) .
is
in
Tamang than
in Gurung )
.
In Tamang there is a further constraint to the effect that only clear vowels occur in unstressed syllables ( Taylor Aspiration and breathiness are even further 1969b : 32 ) . associated with one another in Gurung , where voiced ob struants are phonetically aspirated before breathy vowels , It should and unaspirated elsewhere (Glover 1969b : 11 - 16 ) . is perhaps , Newari in that the situation be noted here , contrastively just the reverse of this . Newari has no breathy vowels , but it does have contrastively aspirated voiced obstruants ( which are viewed phonemically as clusters ) . Following aspirated voiced obstruants , vowels in Newari are phonetically breathy ( Hale 1969 : 33 ) . One
final difference
among
the three obstruant systems
glottal fricative / / / may be classified aspirated stops , affricates ,
deserves comment here . Thakali has 3 Gurung does not have . which Thakali 0
as and
an
aspirate since
,
like the it occurs
a
/
h
liquids / 1 / , / r / only word - initial before clear vowels ( exceptions to the word - initial constraint involve the negative prefix ) . Taylor reports [ h ] in Tamang as the non - phonemic onset of a word - initial breathy vowel (
Taylor 1969 : 12 )
.
In
later
work
on
tone , Hari has noted
contrast between breathy onset [ h ] and voiceless conso nant [ h ] . This contrast is important for the tone system and leads to the conclusion that Tamang has / / . Nothing parallel to this is reported for Gurung . a
2
.
Chepang , Newari ,
Sunwar ,
Sherpa
The obstruant systems of Chepang , Newari , Sunwar , and Sherpa may be charted as follows :
-
tok bdjg P
18
-
Ptdj
?
c
b
dj
ph b
t
ț
th
th
c
a
k
?
khi
g
s
g
Newari
Chepang
P
k
5
P
rtt
ț
c
k
b
ad
¢
j
g
0
h
Na
Sherpa
Sunwar
Superficial differences
in the charts above belie basic the systems they represent . The following discussion deals with these differences .
similarities in
Phonetically speaking , all seven languages . stops . The decision concerning whether aspirated stops should be interpreted as clusters or as units was not uniformly motivated across the seven languages . There were two kinds of considerations involved : ( 1 ) the availability of non - suspect precedent patterns , ( 2 ) evidence provided by sequential constraints and the freedom of con catenation of certain segment types with certain others . These two kinds of considerations occasionally led in di vergent directions . Aspiration
have aspirated
In Newari , for example , lh , occurs following all syl lable - initial consonants except / s / ( Hale 1969 : 21 - 22 ) . The aspirate / h / also occurs by itself as a syllable - initial O consonant ( Hale 1969 : 14 ) . However , the only non - suspect initial CC - cluster which could be used as a precedent is a loan pattern , the second member of which is phonetically X [ ř ] , but which , all other loans are excluded is phonemi cally interpreted as 1d / ( Hale 1969 : 12 - 13 ) . Thus , if loan patterns are rejected and native , non - suspect precedent patterns are required as a basis for establishing initial
if
CC -
clusters
,
the Newari system
of stops is the following :
pt ph b
bh
On
the other hand
with
initial
,
stops
,
if
-
19
dj th
c
k
ch
kh g
jhgh
dh
one
-
00
argues
liquids ,
and
that freedom of concatenation nasals establishes / h / as a
separate segment everywhere , one is led to the system given in the phonemic summary . The following chart reflects di vergences in the distribution of / h / and in the availability of precedent patterns from language to language . The chart may help reveal parallels which the inventories themselves fail to show . The numbered columns contain answers to the following questions : ( 1 ) Does / h / occur as C in CV syl lables ? ( 2 ) Does / h / occur with consonants other than stops and affricates ? ( 3 ) Are there non - suspect precedent patterns for the syllable - initial clusters that would result aspirates were interpreted as clusters with / h / ?
if
2
3
No
NO
Tamang
Yes
NO
Thakali
Yes
No
Chepang
Yes
Yes
Newari
Yes
No
Gurung
Sunwar
Yes
No
No
Sherpa
Yes
Yes
No
(As noted above , the word - initial [ h ] in the ' Tamang Phonemic Synopsis ' is viewed as a part of the manifestation of initial breathy vowel . In Hari , ' Tamang Tone and Higher Levels ' / / is shown to be a phoneme . . If one accepts loan patterns the answer to ( 3 ) for Newari is ' Yes ' . ) Where all the answers for a given language are ' No ' , as in Gurung , a unit - phoneme solution is indicated by both lines of argumentation . Where all are ' Yes ' , as in Chepang , both lines of argumentation point to a cluster interpretation of aspirated stops . In other cases the arguments are likely to conflict .
Retroflexion . Phonetic fronting and backing of apical stops has been noted in the summaries for all languages ex cept Sunwar . In Newari and Chepang , the fronting and backing stops may be predicted to a certain level of free of these
-
fluctuation
in
terms
20
-
of environment , notably
in
terms
of
following high vowels ( Hale 1969 : 10 - 11 , Caughley 1969 : 4 ) . In Thakali and Tamang the interpretation is straightforward , since / tl contrasts not only with other stops but also with the cluster / tr / ( Hari 1969 : 5 , 32 - 33 ) . In Gurung the con trast of / t , and / tr / seems always to involve loan words In Sherpa there are no syllable - initial (Glover 1969 : 19 ) . clusters in which / r / follows a stop (Gordon 1969 : 26 ) . The interpretation of the retroflex stops as the clusters / tr / and / dr / is thus not opposed by conflicting evidence from It would , however , run the system of clusters in Sherpa . sequential involving constraints , foul of considerations segment of an initial CC - cluster since / r / as the second Further , non would be virtually bound to it , and Id / . suspect precedent patterns could not be used as support , since , if clusters could be posited only when supported by such patterns , not only would the retroflex series be retained , but a palatal and labial series would also be added to the present
inventory
.
All seven languages have affricates , and . they have been interpreted as units and not as
Affrication
all
in
seven
clusters
.
This interpretation
restrictions
on
the
is supported uniformly by distribution of / s / following initial
stops . With the exception of Sunwar , where there is no aspirated affricate , affricates are represented in each of In languages where voicing is contrastive the stop series . O , the lack of contrastive voiced fricatives for affricates may also be viewed as support for the unit interpretation . Contrastively
grooved fricatives have been Sherpa , of and a grooved series noted for Sunwar and ungrooved series for Sherpa . affricates contrasts with an In neither case has a cluster solution been possible for the
Grooving .
fricatives since I sy / contrasts with / šy / in 1969 : 23 , Gordon 1969 : 27 ) , and ( Bieri - Schulze
with Icy / in
Sherpa
(Gordon
1969 : 14
)
.
both languages I
cyl contrasts
For other
languages
of this report grooving is viewed as conditioned variation . : : : rung 3 .. . ce - ang , affricates and / s / are grooved before ly /
(
Glover
19630 : 14 - 15a ,
Taylor 1969b : 11 ,
. non
12 )
In
Thakali
,
- low front are grooved before / y / and before / In Chepang affricates and vowels ( Hari 1969 : 11 , 15 ) . B grooved before front vowels (Caughley 1969 : 9 - 11 ) . In are 00 NewariP , affricates and / s / appear always susceptible to some grooving , but tend to be more grooved before non - syllabic and / u / than in other environments ( Hale 1969 : 9 ) .
affricates
is
lil
B
.
Systems een
moet
sonants of the languages of this report enter to degree into the constraints on word structure smaller toegfeletten much hemsinan teruttur strehiss reporteran much The
a
Sonant
.
- 21 -
do the
than
in
Thakali
above
obstruants
. Aside from / , none of the
/ 1 / and / r the occurrence
on
liquids
the voiceless
constraints stated
of syllable - initial obstru ants in or clear syllables , or in syllables of
syllables , particular a tone hold for the sonants of these languages . The sonant systems of the languages of this report may be
breathy
represented as follows
mnm
ir
m
w
Gurung
why
mn
Ir
(r )
Ir
rh
?
n
1
Sunwar
mnn
ir
Fwy
wy
M
N
LR
wr
Chepang
mnn 1r W
Newari
n
Thakali
Tamang
mn i
nmn
n
1r
wy
:
y
Sherpa
. Gurung , Tamang , Thakali
primary differences among the sonant systems of these three languages can be located in the aspirate ( or voiceless ) sonants . Those in Thakali work like the other aspirates in Thakali in that they occur only word - initial before clear vowels ( Hari 1969 : 21 ) . In the limited examples we have of Tamang aspirate sonants it is difficult to see a The
pattern .
initial
appear to be restricted to word but since they appear before breathy vowels , they pattern do not like aspirates , and since they occur both high before tone and before low tone vowels , they do not pattern like the voiceless obstruants ( Taylor 1969 : 17 , 19 ,
position
,
They
do
23 ) .
2
.
Chepang
, Newari , Sunwar , Sherpa
the primary pattern for require systems sonant and no discussion other than to say Sherpa that the account of aspirates treats / lh / and / rh , as Though clusters . there appear to be some restrictions on the occurrence of voiced and voiceless stops in phonolog ical feet according to the tone of the foot ( tone - l feet have voiceless stops in foot - initial position , voiced stops do not occur there ) these restrictions do not appear to Sunwar and Sherpa exemplify
-
22
-
apply to sonants . The constraint that aspirated consonants do not occur as the intial consonants of tone - 2 intonation feet would , however , seem to apply ( Gordon 1969 : 42 ) . 2 In Chepang
sonant for
of
is paired with
another In or , alternatively , for aspiration . of a syllable is at least partly condi
each voicing ,
the sonants
general , the pitch tioned by the voicing or voicelessness of a syllable final consonant ( syllables with voiceless final consonants are shorter in length and higher in pitch than syllables with
consonants or than open syllables ( Caughley Sonants in Chepang thus seem to be exceptional 1969 : 21 ) ) . for this set of languages in that they participate quite as fully in the systems of higher level prosodies as do the obstruants . If the Chepang voiceless sonants were inter preted as aspirates , Chepang would also exemplify the primary pattern for sonant systems since aspiration is treated as voiced
final
phonemic
clustering with
/h /
in
Chepang .
Newari appears to have the most attenuated sonant of the languages reported on here . Phonetically all of the languages reported on here have [ n ] . In Newari this phone has been attributed ( 1 ) to regressive assimilation of In / to [ n ] before velar stops Igl and / k / , and ( 2 ) to an optional velar release of long nasal vowels . In Kathmandu Newari [ n ] does not occur in syllable - initial position in contrast to Bhaktapur Newari in which it does , and in which - initial / nyl in Kathmandu Newari In is a phoneme . Syllable appears to correspond to syllable - initial in in Bhaktapur . The gap recorded above thus represents one dialect , and not the most archaic one at that . Had Bhaktapur Newari been the dialect chosen for analysis , all language 's would have had the same three points of articulation for nasal con sonants . system
phonetically .
In native and [ ] and [ th ] words , [ a ] and [ dh ] occur predominate in other positions , though in some native words ( such as /mə - du / ' not - is ' ) both forms occur in non - initial position as free variants . In loan words , however , we get position , both [ d ] in non - initial position and [ ř ] in initial though the occurrence of [ ə ] before ' initial ' [ * ] in loans pattern allows these latter cases to be re - interpreted on the unsophis may for some be the case that of native words . It ones , 1ř , may not ticated speakers , particularly the older certainly speakers is a it For educated be a phoneme . brought into the phoneme , but only by reason of contrasts language with loan words . Newari has both
[
*
]
and [ th ]
word - initially
a
an
for
tax
and
Thy
not
the
glides ly , and I w / are missing in Newari because they For an account do not contrast with the vowels / i / and lui . vowels with , see the do theircontrast ' Newari Phonemic Synopsis ' , below . treatment of The
- 23
C
-
. Vowel Systems
following tables summarize what is contrastive for the vowel systems of the languages of this report . The analyses reported on here range from four to six vowels , from two to three contrastive tongue heights , and from two to three contrastive tongue positions ( front to back ) . The
Gurung , Tamang
i
Thakali ,
Sunwar ,
Sherpa
u
a
Newari
Chepang
i e
@
0
These contrasting vowel qualities combine with the series generating components , nasalization , breathiness , and length as follows :
Gurung
Nasal
1
Breath
1
Length
3
Tamang
د د د
w 1
1
1
3
. .
Contrastive for
. Non -
contrastive
lack of mid vowels
in
3
Sherpa
3
3 3
all
Rare , contrastive
Sunwar
1
3
w
2
The
Thakali Chepang Newari
vowels only for
lel
and
Newari deserves
la /
some
comment
light of what appears to be an area - wide tendency for disyllabic VV patterns to fuse into single phonetic peak in
of
the
The interpretation many languages of the
a
VV patterns is a major area . The problem is suf ficiently severe that the determination of CVC patterns is often the last interpretative decision to be made in the basic phonological analysis , requiring motivation from the analysis of tone as well as from segmental distribution and morphology .
resonance .
problem
for
of
-
24
-
This problem is not restricted to the Sino - Tibetan languages of Nepal . In Nepali , for example , one must decide whether a slight rearticulation within a peak of The issue is more resonance counts as a syllable boundary . morphological evidence is allowed to bear easily settled on the problem . In Nepali there are words such as the
if
following
:
[
tio
]
[
thii
' here '
' ( she ) was
]
!
[
tau
[
pii ]
]
'
a
sheet
of
paper
!
' ( she ) drank '
in which both vowels may be heard as full vowels separated by slight rearticulation within a single peak of resonance .
Consider the alternatives in the light of morphological , If [ thii ] ' ( she ) was ' is viewed as monosyllabic evidence . syllable , length the becomes contrastive within then vowel because of words like the following : [ni ] [
ti
' what about
? !
' those '
]
as we can determine from our data , however , this would make : / the only long vowel in the language , and only instances of this long vowel would be instances in the which the vowel has an internal morpheme boundary . We have concluded , therefore , that VV sequences in Nepali are So
far
li
disyllabic .
In Glover , ' Gurung Phonemic Synopsis ' ( elsewhere in report as contrastive ) vowel length was interpreted this syllable . This , however , led to interpretive within the problems with respect to tone as is indicated in Hale and Glover ' A Note on Glides , Syllabicity and Tone in Gurung ' the former analysis , length On in this report ) . ( elsewhere long member of which was a was contrastive for / a / ( the rearticulated vowel of different quality from its short counterpart ) . No examples of length contrast have been and / u / and only one example each has been found for Our more recent analysis holds found for le , and 101 . 0 in Gurung are phonemically that long ( rearticulated ) vowels 0 disyllabic but that phonetically they manifest a single peak of resonance with medial rearticulation .
lil
contrast between short and long is found in all vowels . Long vowels are not rearticulated . VowelSynopsis '. clusters are interpreted in Taylor , ' Tamang Phonemic as disyllabic and in Hari , et . al . ' Tamang Tone and Higher Levels ' as monosyllabic . The monosyllabic interpretation rests largely on distributional considerations , though the In
Tamang ,
-
parallelism
between
-
25
the rearticulation
in
geminate
vowels
heterorganic clusters is not present in Tamang as it is in Nepali and Gurung , thus providing some phonetic support for the monosyllabic interpretation as well . and
in
Similar problems
have been
noted in Sherpa
,
but perhaps
the most dramatic manifestation of this kind of is found in Newari . Contraction is one of the more salient t characteristics of Newari phonology . Without the use of morphological evidence , it would have been very difficult satisfying1( 0 segmental analysis of the at to arrive at a phonology . tendency
Newari we have found no contrast between [ we found contrast between [ o ] ,
In
[ yə ) , nor have
and [ wa ] .
e
]
,
[
'
e
]
[Wo ] and
is , however , a relationship between short stems with the vocalic nucleus [ e ] / [ ye ] and long stems with the nucleus [ yo : ) . If [ e ] / [ ye ] is interpreted as a cluster yəl / this relation becomes transparent as a lengthening to yəəl , since short lal is fronted and raised after / y / , / long but l ə əl is not . One finds , furthermore , that a There
clarity
norm
disyllabic
[
ae
]
is
normally
contracted
to
a
monosyllabic [ æ ] or simply to [ æ : ] in normal slow speech , and that [ ae ] contracts to [ əɛ ] or [ ɛ : ] in the same way . Morphological considerations thus lead to a four vowel system for Newari , with the vowel qualities [ e ] , [ o ] , [ ɛ : ] and [ æ : ] being derived from the underlying clusters / iəl , / uəl , ləi ' l and lai ' , respectively ( where ' l is a repre (D . ) syllable contracting sentation for a of the form / iəl 0 , to explain a On this analysis , it is possible , for example e 0 X 10 contracting why the addition of the locative affix Viə ( to
li
li '
to nouns ending in / al results in [ ə æ ] / [ ae : ) and the addition of locative to nouns ending in lə , results in [ ɛ ] / [ ɛ : ) . Similar processes are observed in the infinitive forms of verbs . These latter two phonetic forms
why
/)
from a regular rule of contraction operating upon certain disyllabic sequences . It constitutes a clear ,
result though
complex , example
of
an
area -wide
tendency .
phonetic detail that we have on the vowels of the D languages varies greatly from language to language . For statements regarding the conditioned variants of the vowels , the reader is referred to the phonemic synopses . In the case of Sherpa , the reader should see Schoettelndreyer et . al . ' A Note on Sherpa Vowels ' ( elsewhere in this report ) for the current analysis and the considerations that lead seven
to
The
it .
-
-
SURVEY
TONE
OLU
Under the heading of ' tone ' we shall be discussing those phonological contrasts that relate to lexical pitch . Lexical pitch appears to be entirely non - con trastive for Newari , independently contrastive in Sunwar and Sherpa , ' related to breathiness ( laxness ) in Gurung , Tamang and Thakali , and related to the voicing of syl lable - final consonants in Chepang . We will consider system
each
separately
.
Gurung In
Gurung the major characteristics of lexical be described terms of two contrastive components accent and voice quality breathiness
.
(
-
.
(
51 53
.
have one accented
may
syllable or none
.
1969b
)
Glover
-
,
a
A
word
exceptions in the nature of :
.
1
.
restricted within the
breathy clear contrast is marked only on the initial syllable of the word There are The
few listable compounds see
2
is
distribution of these the following ways
.
The
word in
)
in
may
,
pitch
Ignoring quadri syllabic words of which we have so few as to make significant generalization impossible at yield the follow present these constraints combine ing patterns clear unaccented syllable breathy unaccented syllable Sq clear accented syl syllable breathy Shq lable accented .
Sh
Shq
Shs Shqs
.
2 4
Unaccented
6
breathy
clear
8
Monosyllabic patterns
)
=
;
=
.
Accented
.
.
.
.
10
ssa 9
SS
Sas
.
5
7
Accented
.
Unaccented
9
Disyllabic Patterns
Shsa
=
Sh
;
,
=
S
(
:
,
to
-
,
H
,
III .
26
-
27
Trisyllabic Patterns
-
breathy
clear
Unaccented
ll
Accented
13 . Sass
14
. Shqss
ssas
16
.
Shsas
18 .
Shssa
15
.
12 .
SSS
.
17 . SSS
Shss
of
these patterns , ( 18 ) has not been observed and there appears to be no contrast between ( 6 ) and ( 10 ) in stop initial nouns . The pitch patterns predicted for these word types are as follows ( H = high pitch , M = mid , L = low , L - M = low to mid glide , I = fluctuates with ) .
For word 1
initial syllables : high pitch
Sa has
.
. S has mid pitch 3 . Sh has low pitch Shq has a low to mid 4 . 2
For non 1
2
.
-
initial syllables has
S
glide
:
pitch following
low
following60
S
Sh
and Shq .
Sa ,
,
, but mid pitch
has high pitch fluctuating with mid pitch following s , but mid pitch following Sh .
Sa
.
These rules generate the following patterns : Mono syllabic pitch patterns : 1 . M , 2 . L , 3 . H , 4 . L - M . Disyllabic pitch patterns : 5 . M + M , 6 . L + L , 7 . H /
H
H
+
M
,
8
.
L
-
M
+
M
,
9
.
Trisyllabic pitch patterns L
,
13 .
M
+
M
M
+
M
, ,
M
+
M ,
16 .
L
+
M
+
M
18 .
L
+
L
+
M
H
+
14
.
L
/ /
-
M
M
+
H
11 .
: +
M
+
L
+
M
+
H
L
+
L
+
H
/
M M
M ,
. .
+
M
,
10
+
M
+
M
15
.
M
+
17 .
M
+
,
.
L
12 . H
M
+
+ +
M L
H
+
/
M
/
+
. L M M
+ +
+
0 X ts of lexical pitch are or variants VO Certain minor are con C pitch High by a ditioned other factors . ' ' is phonetically
lower on the second and third syllable of
is
on
the
first .
Nasality
in
the vowel
a
word than
it
raises the pitch
lil
syllable . Other things being equal , raises the a syllable , lol lowers it . Voiced stops lower the pitch of a clear unaccented initial syllable . of
the
pitch of
The dialect of Gurung reported on here appears to from that of Ghandrung , reported on by J . Burton Page ( 1955 : - 116 ) in that the breathiness contrast present in the latter , but not the accent phenomena described here . The word patterns listed above may be illustrated with the following words :
differ
lll
is
-
[ myi ]
' fire ,
"
Ituh /
[ taħ ]
' bucket '
"
1sốl
[ só ]
' three '
" mehq"
/ mehi
[myx
" khyodo "
/ khyodo ]
[ khy5d5 ]
' domestic animal '
Icyohco /
0 t Ou [ tššķqə ]
' pantry '
Thiqba "
8
.
" Dyahappa "
9
.
"
. 11 .
.
'
' clod of earth '
/ jahjál
[dzhañazā ]
' calf '
/ tagara )
[ tagātā ]
' gate post '
I
UC
long handled
09
Ichibalu
"
gáhrjawě
/
O gahardzawE
a
ID [ IDəlí ] /[ ali ]
"
"
"
.
14
tshiqbalu
' to strike
match '
'mechanism
nm as / gahnmasye / [għaħnmàse ]
ni a " gahnmasye "
.
ali /
/
tagara "
] / [ thíbá ]
[ año highp : 3 ]
001
"
13
12
aliq "
thibə
[
idyahppal
" dzahdzaq "
10
thiba /
I
tshíbālū
wooden
mallet
!
"
wart
ghž hrdzəwą
man
his wife
s
.
7
"
'
tsyohqo
'
"
'
.
6
' cow '
]
'
509
in
"
]
tuh
]
"
2D
.
[
2
[g
mi "
)
"
)
.
. 4. 5.
tail '
/mi/
1
3
-
28
frame shed
'
'
Sce adolescent
not observed
Tamang The
major
characteristics of lexical pitch may be terms of two contrastive compo
)
.
(
-
)
(
.
-
a
.
)
-
(
,
in
described for nents voice quality tense lax and pitch contour The pitch domain of contrastive is the morpheme or stem morpheme followed by non tonal suffixes The tense clear lax breathy contrast is limited to morpheme initial syllables The contrastive pitch contour may be thought of as stretching over the one to three syllables Tamang
in
roof of
'
'
]
]
[
tshātūre
'
'
[ )
"
Ichaturé
darkness
bamboo
dzūrā ID t CU
tshatureq
aħz
[
/
"
Idahjúra
]
ənéřo
/
"
" "
dahdzuqra
"
anérol
)
.
18
an aneqro
(
.
17
.
16
.15
'
house
-
-
29
that comprise the morpheme . The following examples are given in text orthography except that indications of pitch and crescendo / decrescendo are given by means of lines drawn
"
1"
as
in
above
the
the word rather than with Phonemic Synopsis .
Tamang
" q"
,
" g"
and
Monosyllabic patterns : lax
ense
falling basically level or
rising
|
kaa
''blood blood '' l bvh '' seed ''
nu
' horn '
seed
Disyllabic patterns
' son
:
tense
lax
falling
kola
' child '
dohngra
' tree '
basically level or
yungpa
' stone '
bohkta
' old '
rising
Trisyllabic patterns
:
lax
tense
falling
lapitā
basically level or
Tokoro
I
'
' Nepali
shirt '
dontskale ape a big '
la
dahnsiri
garment '
' shrew '
For pitch patterns manifested by structures of the form stem + non - tonal affix ( es ) , see Hari , et . al . ' Tamang Tone and Higher Levels ' elsewhere in this report . Thakali
characteristics of lexical pitch may be described for Thakali in terms of two contrastive com ponents , voice quality ( tense - lax ) and pitch contour . As with Tamang , the domain of contrastive pitch is the The
major
-
-
30
optionally
.
to
is
(
'
.
'
.
.
,
a
.
.
-
)
-
lax
by
)
OVU
clear
(
tense
breathy
-
non tonal affixes The contrast limited morpheme initial syllables The description of contours 4 in Thakali is somewhat different from that in Tamang comparison of the two see the final section of For Tamang Tone and Higher Levels Hari et al
morpheme followed
:
Monosyllabic patterns tense
'
'
cooking
'
wo
'
'
stirring
“
tsu
'
carrying
'
nãwo
nu
'
level
roasting
'
towo
'
'
lax
tense contour
cook
:
Disyllabic patterns
tsuh
stir
!
carry
to
'
'
ruh
to
to roast to
'
nă
level
to
'
contour
lax
:
Trisyllabic patterns
lax
to '
in
tsuhwoři
'
to carry
order
stir
'
'
to
order
cook
!
order
ruhwori
in
năwoři
order
to roast
'
'
level
in
towɔři
in
contour
'
tense
Chepang
intensity
in
The major characteristics of pitch and Chepang in terms of may be accounted for
voiced vs In general voice
intensity
.
-
in
.
-
voiceless syllable final consonants syllable final position raise the less consonants pitch relative of the syllable and increase its relative Voiced stops lower
relative pitch
and
reduce
,
1 ?
in
a
,
,
in
a
.
.
patterns stop its relative intensity .PThe glottal respect as voiceless consonant this but some instances it disappears optionally leaving an open syllable from the point of view of segmental phonetics but with the pitch and intensity characteristics of
syllable closed
by
a
31
-
voiceless consonant .
Chepang may
incipient tone language . These incipient characteristics of tone are here viewed as a variant manifestation of the glottal stop . For a fuller discussion with examples see Caughley , ' Pitch , Intensity , and Higher Levels in Chepang ' elsewhere in this report . thus be viewed as
an
Newari Newari appears not to have contrastive lexical any form , and there is little evidence avail able to us to indicate that it ever was a language wit ! contrastive lexical pitch in the sense used here for other languages of this report . P . Poucha in ' Die . Vorsilben und Töne im Tibetishen , das Tangutische , das Newarische und das Baltische ' Wissenschaftliche Zeit schrift der Karl - Marx Universität Leipzig , 16 : 215 ( 1967 ) follows R . Shafer ' Newari and Sino Tibetan ' Studia Linguistica 6 : 103 ( Lund , 1952 ) in indicating the
pitch in
following kinds of historical relationship between Newari and certain other Tibetan dialects . Where certain other dialects became tonal with the loss of prefixes , Newari in some instances preserved other reflexes of these prefixes . The Newari nasal aspirates
Inh / , /mh / are thought to descend in some cases from the sequences ' rn ' , ' sn ' , ' rm ' , and ' sm ' . Stop and nasal prefixes survive in Newari only where a stem
initial
' l ' or ' r '
was
lost
,
bringing
the
prefix con
sonant in direct contact with the stem vowel . If this is correct , we may conclude that where other languages described here have contrastive lexical pitch or tense+(DOlax register as contemporary reflexes of prefixes lost at an earlier period , Newari has segmental reflexes of P these and never developed contrastive lexical pitch register Interesting or contrastive tense - lax . in this connection is the synchronic fact that Newari does 3 aspirates DS have phonetic breathiness following voiced . For vowels following /mh / and Inh / , then , this breathi -ness may in some instances be a phonetic consequence of 10 a a reflex of the old Tibetan prefix ' S - ' . In this respect interesting may is to note that where Tibetan ' s - ' correspond to a lax aspirate nasal in Newari " nhay : " ' nose ' , it at the same time corresponds to the tense syllables in Tamang " na " 'nose ' , and Thakali " na " , ' nose ' . If this is correct , then , the Tibetan ' S - ' has consequences in Newari which are phonetically opposite to the reflexes which it has in Tamang and Thakali . O
it
-
-
32
Sunwar N analysis of tone presented in Bieri and Schulze , Higher report ' Sunwar Tone and Levels ' elsewhere in this was highly tentative . In that analysis lexical pitch in Sunwar is accounted for in terms of two components : pitch
The
( high
vs . low
)
and
contour
(
level vs . falling )
.
Work
in
indicates that a falling pitch is conditioned 0 by a closed syllable and that laryngealization and nasal syllable ( pattern DP- final consonants . ization as Bieri and ( Schulze currently have access to a better informant , and they find now that previous informants had often omitted laryngealization from syllables , making it impossible to predict pitch contour . Syllable pitch contour that was difficult not impossible to hear on short syllables clearly is now heard . If this hypothesis hold up under 4 further testing Sunwar may be described in terms of a two -way contrast between high and low . The following оФ examples illustrate the most recent hypothesisи regard progress
now
if
ing Sunwar tone . High
Low
kutsa
'
šo : tsa
' tell '
tuatsa
'beat '
putsa
' to
come
up '
tsutsa
' thresh '
ru : tsa
' have enough '
a
weigh
'
ru. itsa
' burn
oneself
!
'bind '
Sherpa The major characteristics of lexical pitch in Sherpa may be characterized in terms of two contrastive components , pitch (high vs . low ) and ' intonation ' ( initial vs . final stress ) . ( It should be noted here that Gordon ' s use of the term ' intonation ' differs from OH O Sprigg in that for Gordon that of ' intonationn ' is a con
trastive
component
of
a
foot pitch pattern rather
C
than
by position PP variant pitch pattern possibly conditioned may within the sentence . ) Intonation also be thought of intensity comparison by as an contour with pitch contours pitch Gurung , of and Thakali the contours with secondary a
intensity contours ( crescendo vs . decrescendo ) of Tamang and the pitch - intensity contours of Chepang . The domain O d , of stress and pitch in Sherpa is thee phonological foot a syllables ranging length a unit in from one to three . The following are examples of pitch and intonation within the disyllabic foot .
,
-
High
Intonation
1 )
Initial (
Intonation
Tone
ki ' ki
Final (
(
33
кі 2 )
-
1
Low
)
( Tone
' by the
telki
' by the horse '
' diki
dog '
2
)
the mule ' ' by
' by him
(
proximal ) '
FOOTNOTES
I The term ' Bodic ' is taken from Shafer ( 1955 ) . This work was supported in part by the Department of Health , Education and Welfare , Office of Education , Washington , D . C . under contract number OEC - 0 - 9 - 097721 2778 .
2
The 1961 Census
of
Nepal , Table
8
.
Bista , People of Nepal , Department of Ministry of Information and Broadcasting , His Majesty ' s Government of Nepal , 1967 , p . 136 . 3
Dor
Publicity
Bahadur ,
TONE
on
I
.
lexical
on
,
,
and
.
on
the early stages
some
subject
of
the tone
radical revision
by
however
of of
report
now
,
,
but expects
only two
contain
to
will on
a
is ,
these analyses
tone
low
-
-
This
.
,
high and
,
)
began with
building
(
to
Kent Gordon
that his final analysis levels
requires three pitch
plus constrastive stress
third
so
)
In
.
Sherpa
Hale
a
)
and
the other
the analysis
Gurung
,
the case
Luke Zylstra
a
added
of
of .
work
In
levels
Pike
a
,
Doreen Taylor with
elaborate
lexical pitch levels
two phonemic
related fairly closely
very
a
there
But
.
tone
(
is
,
( In by
Tamang
OF
*
IN
Austin Hale
is
(
their pitch structures
discovered
finds
Warren Glover
variabil
wide range of
In phrasal pitch elaborate intonation pattern just begun Gurung that its description hand
some se seven
Some
(
.
-
has thus far been
)
Linguistics
There was
and
studied
Newari
In
in
dynamics
was working with
no
their
1969
)
ity
languages
Michigan
a
Burman
Summer
in
Tibeto
Institute
MA
the
by
of
In
Nepal this past summer
members
pitch
of
)
University
TONE
Pike
of
Kenneth
LANGUAGES OF NEPAL
.
BURMAN
THE ANALYSIS
(
TIBETO
FEET
L
NUCLEI -
IN
OF
OF
THE
ROLE
.
the respective investigators In
the Gurung there were several components to be
inte
-
,
-
37
-
,
.
Montréal Paris Bruxelles
A
.
,
G
R
.
- .
,
, . ,
Didier
1970
.
III
eds
P
,
*
/
Reprinted from PROSODIC FEATURE ANALYSIS ANALYSE DES Rigault FAITS PROSODIQUES Léon Faure and
Studia Phonetica
grated :
There was
contrastive high
a
the high contrastive pitch compounds
, perhaps )
lable of
any one
logical cal :
words 2
Some
of
from
phonological word
a
(or
pitch ; but
low
possibility of
the
to only
' foot ' ) .
one
lexi
are close - knit phrases , or word - plus
/ a / versus / ah / ) . the beginning a
syl
phono
The
, which are largely but not exclusively them
perhaps , from
and
restricted
to be
seems
and non - breathy vowels
to
( apart
Similarly , there was
enclitic .
-
38
(written
These vowels
a
contrast between breathy here as - for example appeared
syllable of the phonological few
restricted
to be
conditioned exceptions
,
e
.
word ? ( apart , g
.,
in
com
pounds ) . There was , however ,
complication
a
in
the Gurung tone
analysis since three phonetic levels could clearly be heard , ' manifesting
the
, then ,
how
like only
to two
secting phonemic
show
emic in
levels .
two
phonemic
ones .
I would
first
Glover dealt with three etic but He
first
showed
the system with breathiness .
types of syllables as
can
emic pitch
inter
This gave four
be seen
in Fig .
1
.
Incidentally , this makes Gurung and related languages 1. very interesting for study by a ' prosodic ' approach , re lated to that of Firth . I cannot imagine any place Fortunately , in the world where it is more apposite . some of the prosodists have been working at it . See J . Burton - Page , in Two Studies in Gurungkura : I . Tone ; . Rhotacization and Retroflexion , BSOAS , Univ . of London , Vol . 17 , Part I , 1955 , pp . - 19 .
II
lll
2 . This was observable not only from our theoretical point of view , but also from the viewpoint of Burton Page who worked on a related dialect .
-
39
-
Clear
Breathy
Phonemic High
1
/ v/
2
/ úh /
Phonemic
3
/ù
4
/vh /
Low
Fig .
1
Structurally Contrastive Gurung Syllable at the Beginning of the Phonological word
Types
(after Glover )
Od the cells were not arranged
But phonetically
in
that
way
.
Radical pitch conditioning by the breathiness modified the phonetic system into : high , mid ,
low
qualities ,
VOW
the clear and breathy
and
vowel
e . Us pitches versus
as in
i
[v]
Phonetic Mid
2
[v ]
Phonetic
Low
Fig . Elements
from
2
.
Breathy
Clear Phonetic High
Fig .
3
[oh ]
4
luh ,
2
Fig . I are
shown
with Phonetic
Pitch , Illustrating Con ditioning by Breathiness rather
than
Illustrations of within the phrasal my perception
Phonemic
these Gurung contrasts
am frame tsú
. ..
yà
can be
' This is . . . '.
(not yet tested by instruments )
seen To
illustrations
- 40 (2 )
and
are
(3)
on
the
-
or approximately
same
same
phonetic
someone
s
'
)
'
This
)
' This is water '
/
(
ků
(2 ) /
ya
is
kyú
yà
(1 ) /tsú tsú
pitch .
bucket
in
[
'
'
[a ]
is
sheep
[ a ]
is
This
'
/
/
tùh
This
'
yà
kyúh
tsú
(4 )
/yà
tsú
(3 )
/
'
chest
t
.
)
of
find that
tones developed
,
-
-
the two phonemic but three phonetic
-
of
surprising
to
.)
not
some branch
to
would
that for Gurung proves
be
one
of
to
in
(
A
as
the history
languages
-
a
of
be contrastive through
early
,
these
may
such pattern
in
have been
Glover has tested our
SnoV but has now rejected this hypothesis
it
some an
If
,
out the word
breathiness
(
early hypothesis that stress
and
addition
phonological phrase into
')
feet
'
phonological words
a
for pitch
help divide ( or
to
stress serves
phonological word
initial stress
the contrastive potentials
the
.
be marked
first syllable an
the
by
seems
to
In
discussion
Gurung
or
k
relevant
to
not
initial
]
is
initial
-
enc which the difference
This
-
in
a
later stage
,
lli
-
of certain of
3
these languages
levels .
phonemic
In Tamang , as suggested
will
More extensive documentation
but preliminary
- - non - minimal - -
be presented
illustrations
in the following set of noun phrases .
less consonants affect the pitch , but three -way
elsewhere , be seen
can
(voiced
and
voice
not eliminate the
do
contrast . ) (1 )
'lẻ
(2 )
'dāp
' one
gi
gi
None of these words
differences
has
cannot be
' one blanket ' a
breathy vowel in it ,
attributed
the other hand , there from
these three .
(4)
sa
' gi
tongue '
' one needle
( 3) 'bàr gi
differ
levels of
above , three
tone - - not just phonetic levels - - are in fact found .
phonemic
On
to three
,
A
is
so
the pitch
to that . a
fourth set of nouns which
sample :
' one
tooth
'
( Total dynamics word
off
is easily seen
to be constrastive . )
Extensive vocabularies are now being collected in these languages . Some preliminary comparative work is being undertaken by Richard Pittman . Vocabularies , Swadesh - type lexico - statistical comparison , extensive text collections , phonemic summaries , and discussion of tone problems in the phonological word , are being prepared under the direction of Austin Hale for the Summer Institute of Linguistics , partly 3
.
under Contract No . OEC - 0 - 9 - 097721 - 2778 (014 ) for the U . S . Office of Education . The data will be published in the Occasional Papers of the Wolfenden Society on Tibeto - Burman Languages .
- 42 -
is
Here the noun
unstressed
(whereas
nouns
stressed ) , but the word ' one ' picks
is
its relation
due to
' lé
paring
' one big
tooth
'
big
difficulty
some
symmetrical
a
The
constant
,
variety
,
one would
high
on
of
frames .
became
so
nothing
implicit
of assimilation
and
a
arbitrary that
like .
After
to the verbs .
stress was absent .
We
then
patterns with stresslessness
fill
matrix
for
scheme
on
the
the morpho
frames they
, the rules
looked
like
to standard some
out the
time we
one
of
left
pitch which
level
the
like
the fourth
and sixth
of stress - times - pitch
.
I
where the
started searching for
fifth
processes
At that time , I picked up
plus the
have already mentioned ,
plicit
Working
two - pitch
(short )
in
the three contrastive stressed levels
pitch to
, plus
for the next step in
enough
rules did not relate or the
nouns and turned
in
low
at ease
to us in normal language : the kinds of fusion
the
in
and
more
, however , we tried to describe
complicated
known
gi
groupings were reasonably
Our
replacements of pitch
phonemic
feel
tentative agreement
a
phonetics which was close When
' gren
sa
intensity .
I tested
and
and we reached
analysis .
with
analysis but with the precisely
in
pattern based
together , Taylor , Hale a
That this
falls on the post pitch of this word gives
other feature such as glide or
nouns in
stress .
where the added stress
four nominal dynamic patterns
with
'
tongue
noun word , not on the numeral .
considerable
a
( 3 ) were
to the noun can be seen by com
'one
gi
grèn
up
to
(1)
,
two
more
but differing
cells of
an
im
For occasional moments
- 43 -
instance or two , but after
period
we had hopes for
an
of time Hale
Taylor found that these tentative contrasts
and
did not stand
sys
repeated testing , and the skewed
pitch with morphophonemic
unstressed (
to
three pitches in contrast on stress , plus one
of
tem
up
a
but with induced stress changes in
low
to high type adjacent syllables ) change
was retaineda ..
Meanwhile , however , we compared
of
( for
the four sets
starting
verbs ) the alternate morphophonemic description
from
versus three levels respectively .
two
reached us of
was quite possible
,
the morphophonemics
It
the verb material , to describe
in
the result was extraordinarily
- -but
Yet when we set up the same phrases
complex .
surprise
had not experienced before .
kind I
a
A
in terms
of
three levels (but four groups ) as above , there simply were no
pitch
the data then from
problems to handle at
morphophonemic in
hand !
all ,
solution which was
The
the viewpoint of number of pitch
levels
within
' simpler '
was more
CMS complicated , irregular , and messy in terms of the language
as
a
whole ,
system
of
than
from
three levels .
Another problem :
letter years Languages ,
of
p
ago
.
9
,
for the
I
I
had
(a
letter
in
1948 )
the Sino - Tibetan
sequently
the viewpoint of the more ' complex '
which
I quoted in
my
me
group had
started without tone .
to be on the
Asiatic
a
Tone
, that ( at least ] the Chinese
as was interested
first
heard , since Sapir wrote
tones
Con
mainland
time , working and studying tones in
a
part
of
- 44
I had never
the world which
thing of the generalized
-
I tried to pick
touched .
up
some--
underlying the structures
dynamics
of that region . vas was quite
It
experience
n
an
with two tones in the there were
two
Chepang
example For exa
.
-
it
appeared
three
of
briefly ,
and
analysis
seemed
ments
of
we started
to be clear that
it
through
us , Caughley , his wife , and I , could
it quickly
through
we
I could take the material which Ross
.
Caughley had on tape in frames and run The
,
then
with no disagreement
test .
a
go
( excepting
very
we w we would reach early agreement ) .
I started checking the seg
until
clear
This
the phonemic system , using material prepared by
Caughley throughout , and confirming contrast after con merely inserting trast , me absent from Caughley ' s a
.
You have
and
put
in
high pitches
by voiceless
a
pitch . '
low
conditioned
consonants or by voiced vowels and consonants
but
decided to eliminate phonemic tone
from
analysis of
Consequently ,
to be totally
appeared
how
all
to us
Chepang , but continued
pitch data further .
of these
newly
pitch differences
We
ran large
we
continued
our
on .
tentative
checking the phonetic
sets of words through
tone technique .
frames in standard some
Yet after
.
' Then there is no phonemic tone glottal stops such that now every
This was disconcerting We
ver that were
initial transcription
non - voiceless word ends in low
glottal stops
days , he commented :
few
here
few
a
In
certain frames
written glottal stops disappeared , but
remained
!
Did
we now
need to re
-
estab
.
- 45
lish
Chepang
as
a
tone language
such , but were unable to find
pitch
running text .
to
We
?
it
worked with
coherent rules for assigning
Our informant
left
us , and we
continued pitch
study in Chepang , although we had
stantial
of relevant tape recordings
I
amount
as
on
turned to some of the other languages .
dis
sub
a
hand .
addition
In
to the pitch system , we found interesting stress elements , such as
I have described
I suggested
above for
return to the Chepang tapes .
we
instance there we found that disappeared
and
analyzed stress were an
certain glottal stops up
a
I had received
a
second to
when
the pitch seemed
stress situation appeared
ended
Consequently ,
Tamang .
as by
be
to
In
crucial
a
the glottal stop had to be
contrast , the
in
If ,
different .
now
, the
conditioning the replacement of (an allophone of ) pitch , we
time without phonemic tone in Chepang .
leave Nepal after
letter reporting
a
couple
of
months , but
further development
a
was not the stress that was conditioning
glottal
stop , but the consonant following
ticular
frame we had
available
This
.
the loss
it
is not
in
It
.
of
the
par
too surprising
since , in addition to having the phonological word heavily
restricted heavily
in
its distribution of contrastive pitches ,
restricted in distribution
of contrastive breathi
ness , we have in the general geographical area heavy
striction end
ular
as to
syllables
or
language ) .
the types
stress
of
and
re
consonants which begin and
groups
(depending
on
the
partic
- 46
-
At the moment , therefore , we treat Chepang not as tone language but as
incipient
an
started here in Nepal ? to correction
by
I
and
of
foot ,
SS loss of
by
vowel .
standard part
this point . it , I
of
' whistle
-
asked
the Chepang ,
In
talk ' language
already
he
languages
In many
language ,
this
whistle , since
to .
In
when
to whistle
informant
the
tone technique ) .
didn ' t have to teach him
had
conditioning
such
pitch
whistling is helpful , but here everything went wrong . 12S NC astonishing was
from
how
Caughley
know why
, at the time .
suggested that the informant was whistling
the consonants along with other material . begun
to work
enormou enormously
on
It
obviously the whistle pitch differed
the spoken tone : I did not
Finally
it
have one other kind of information which I thought
I started to work with a
high - level phonological
a
of consonants ,
might be interesting at
( as
evidence - subject
careful cognate studies - suggests that
consonants or breathiness We
does tone get
How
Our synchronic
has something to do with
distribution
one .
a
it briefly ,
complicated
.
I
whistled consonants before .
and had seen
neven
never had
a
We had
that
it
already was
Се to hear chance
Yet since we
now
felt that
tonal , we could believe more easily that consonants could theoretically be whistled there , and could Chepang was not
also see why the whistled pitch need not follow Our our former ly - assumed tone . Caughley had prepared He had
taped
the data very
contrastive isolated pairs
systematically . (pa ) versus [ba ] ,
( pap )
versus
( bap )
47
-
, etc . , by the dozen , or by the hundreds .
He had also had the informant whistle each of these pairs on
tape .
ysis of
Consequently
те
simply started
we
wa
was higher
have had
whistled pitch of
The
' snail '; [phop ]
In
[bop ) - - but opened
the aspiration clearly audible , awkward
, however - - as I
the informant had
whistling
such
would wet his
The
(pop ]
' lungs
initial
voiced
(and both may
initial
with
closed - - as they did
slowly , to
more
make
physical process
pas was
a
found by experiment myself - - and
difficulty starting
out
' cold ' with
isolated monosyllables ; occasionally he
lips
and
start over ; words
in
phrases gave
apparent problem .
no
Other
final
sharply audible effects
SOU
sounds had
vocalic velar syllable - - but Vowel
some
the phonemic
'blister ' ,
lips
started with
word
for ( pop ] and
the
for the lower pitch
tiny upglide ) .
a
aspiration , the
him
phonemic anal
vowels .
and
that for [bop ]
than
stop was responsible
bit
a
the whistle exactly as you would start
analysis of consonants What did we find ?
also
,
[y ] made
[ŋ ] gave
[ k ] or an a
initial
[k ]
a
an
qualities also affected
product
for the syllable as
a
a
post
long fast downglide
initial
rise ;
very strong
:
[-
s
upglide .
]
in the
Syllable
mild upglide .
a
the whistle ,
until
the end
whole became complicated
to
analyze and to symbolize . Caughley assigned
degrees
of
pitch
weights
movement
uc to the - 3 , according
+1
,
+2
,
for relative
+ 3
or steps upwards ,
number of h
:
and
steps downward
-1, -2 ,
, that
a
lls
-
particular duced .
this , ed
The he
consonant
then
syllable .
initial
final
or
He
height
( relative )
then tested
of written texts - -
syllable
a
heavy
or syllables
in
)
Having done
predict
and
contour
and
that
for
this prediction
for running pitch transcription
demand on
his
theory .
Single predicted and observed
result :
a
syllable
these up in each
added
syllables against his impressionistic
words
in
vowels also were assigned weights .
total pitch
the
(
-
corresponded
contours
The
of isolated
fairly well with his
theory ,
but in running text there were numerous departures from his no predictions for which asS yet he has no ce explanation . There were also a few special puzzles : Why should [ - ? ) induce a
all voiceless
lowering of the whistle , but along with a
raising of the
spoken pitch
is obviously
with acousticians He
I
is continuing his
have deep hopes that it
link
in
and
Here later collaboration needed .
work on
this
problem , however , and
ultimately provide
may
the relation between
guage family ,
?
historical
its relation
to
a
vowel breathiness whole prospect ,
exciting .
and in
segments in
the development
crucial
a
change in
a
lan
starting 'package ' of
vowel quality , segmental conditioning of pitch ,
butional constraints of
stops - -
a
distri
phonological word
of
phonemic
tone .
the midst of bewildering detail , is
,
The
NOTE
A
ON
GLIDES , SYLLABICITY AND TONE IN GURUNG
Austin Hale
and Warren
Glover
The following two generalizations Gurung , almost without exception : for . 2. 1
There There
[ éé ]
distinct "
do occur . from [ SÈ ] .
saeq "
" kabaeq "
rearticulated long vowel ) have a pitch pattern quite Consider , for example , the following . [
They
aa ] (
a
Isaé /
[ sáé ]
' price , thing '
/kabaé ,
[ kābáé ]
' kapok '
"
tshaagba "
Ichá : ba )
[
"
tsaqe koq"
/cáe kól.
[ tséē k5 ]
This
[ néē
' my
" ngaqe
tsah " /náe cah /
"
saE "
Isaě
"
tsaehq "
I caeh /
/
[
tshaabā
tsah ]
sõã s
]
ito scrape
!
blood
'
/kaehbal
son
'
mind '
]
C
'
decorative dot on
" kadhba "
maintained
be
is only one tone per syllable is only one high tone syllable per word .
Phonetically , however ,
and
can
[kohè ñbə ]
' to
forehead ' be
If
late
'
These examples appear to pose a dilemma . we interpret monosyllabic , [ aa ] and [ SE ] as clusters then [ é è ] , unless disyllabic in contrast some reason were found to consider exception , to the other two would constitute an to generali
it
zation ( 1 ) ( one tone per syllable ) . If , on the other hand , we interpret [ áá ] and [ SE ] as disyllabic clusters , they would constitute an exception to generalization ( 2 ) ( one high tone syllable per word ) . In Glover ( 1969b : 27 ) we find one solution dilemma . On this view [ áá ] and [ BE ] are taken
syllabic manifestations of hence segmentally distinct
to
this
to be mono
the pattern , glide + vowel , and from the disyllabic clusters , such as [ é è ] and [ ui ] which are taken to be manifestations of the pattern , vowel + vowel . This involved setting up a
glide phoneme / a / parallel to the glides / y / and lwl . The glides / w / and Ty , do not carry distinctive pitches within the syllable , nor are they syllabic . The sequences [ aa ] -
49
-
50
-
and [
were taken
[ ák ]
wi ] .
examples
In "
kwiqba "
parallel
to be
such
Pike
to
/ kwíbal
attractive
( personal
sequences
such as
as
the first syllable manifests to that of the problematic [
interpretation
-
' to a
BE
lift
something
heavy
uniform high pitch similar ] and [ aa ] . This made the
.
communication , November
21 , - 1969 ) inasmuch as it syllabic phonemes . Whether
expressed uneasiness at this solution
intro
duced a kind of intersection of phone [ ə ] was interpreted as a vowel or as a glide de a pended upon its pitch , and upon the pitch of the immediately following vowel , any . Or , circularly , whether [ əɛ ] and interpreted [ aa ] were as one syllable or two depended on high whether more than one tone was manifested in the sequence . A phonetic contrast for syllabicity in [ ə ] is very difficult to establish .
if
consideration of the distribution of tone in
VV
VV clusters different interpretation of [ áá ] and [ 66 ] . In a cluster ( including long vowels as VV clusters for our
VV
clusters observed
led
to
a
present purpose ) in Gurung there is no contrast between high - high and low -high for any given value of VV . The following chart summarizes the distribution of tone over Low
High Low
Low
àà
è è
óò
Low
High
High High *
Occur
åh
à è
ài
áe *
ái
àù
ùi úix
ùi åé
only across morpheme boundaries .
noted above , the syllabicity contrast posited lal and / al in the earlier analysis is obscure , possibly non - existent . Evidence from timing is also in conclusive . The pattern , glide + vowel has a timing im pressionistically similar to that of a single vowel , and quite different from that of a V V cluster in which each The timing of a glide + vowel has a different tone . vowel sequence is not , however , very much different from Any a VV cluster in which both vowels are low tone . analysis that accounted for pitch patterns without depend ing on these elusive differences in syllabicity and timing would be preferred over the earlier analysis , other things being equal . As
between
!
- 51 -
The distribution of tone over VV clusters given above suggests such an alternative . We note that when I al occurs as the first member of a VV cluster , the second member of which has a high tone , / a / never has been observed to have O a low tone . We may thus write the following assimilation :
--->
[
6
preceding
]
Having done this we may view
still
retain both
]
and
disyllabic in slightly
as
[ SE ]
though
one tone per syllable . one independent high tone
prefers to view this
.
this environment has Pike
no
independently
personal communication
(
in
lal
trastive tone
syllable
.
st1
per word
since 1970
aa
form :
l ' . There is only ' . There is only
2
[
generalizations ,
as
March
con 11
,
and
modified
vowel with high tone
a
,
lal
a
rule
replacement holds for the would not be
morphophonemic )
original set of generalizations adopted
.
" a
it
"
"
.
"
"
>
-
e "
To
.
" a
. ,
.
)
Glover 1969b was the text orthography apply the correction where ever ae by only purpose was to mark served occurs since the syllabicity posited by longer the contrast which is no analysis the current (
,
P analysis found the original too late to incorporate into incorporate one need only
of
in
This modification
to hold
e "
for
the
the phonemic representation
.
would allow
,
in
-
,
.
'
1
(
'
'
.
)
low by high On this interpretation independent phonemic data and the word needed to account for the morphophonemic representation Viewing this as sub phonemic alternation would of course introduce partial Overlap the phonemics of tone but
of
GURUNG
LEVELS
AND HIGHER
TONE
Warren
. Glover
W
[ The Gurung tone system may be characterized in terms of two kinds of contrasts , contrasts for pitch - accent , and contrasts for breathiness . The domain for each of these contrasts is the foot , or phonological word , since , with few exceptions , the following generalizations may be made : 1 ) The initial syllable of a foot is contrastively breathy or clear (with ( few listed exceptions this contrast is not present else DP
one pitch - accent accent , the placement of this pitch accent on one syllable or another within the foot is contrastive . A coherent account of Gurung tone must thus include an account of the syllable , the foot , breathi ness , and accent , and is just these sections that we have
where in the foot or none at all .
abstracted
and
)
If it
Glover
from
2
)
foot
A
may have
has one pitch
it (
1969b
-
for inclusion
)
this report
in
. ]
I . Higher Levels .
,
)
in
,
(
)
V
M
(
HCP
breathi
and
the nucleus except in
,
/
M
lyw
in
'
,
. "
yw
' "
2
.
,
"
.
.
'
'
: /
"
'
'
/
/
kywih language and heterogeneous vowel regarded uiqDaa clusters are hence as disyllabici eight lu da liver All of the contrastive types generated by the above formula have been observed "
kywihq
on
nasality
rising glide of accented breathy syl1 fillers of the slots listed below under are single phonemes except the case filling the slot words such as
.
lables The Variation
;
vowel also uniform
N Gurung may be summarized CF where the nucleus
,
uniform
quality )
is of
.
C
the single formula
ness Pitch is the case of the
of
syllables of
The
(
Contrast
/
'
'
!
'
he goes
feather
Talone
!
:h /
-
/
'
'
/
/ -
"
gríhn
52
'
'
/
/ "
grihan
pole ladder
/ :ya hm /
/
li
pya
"
pyaah
/
.
"
"
"
"
"
"
CÖMVCE
ya ahm
"
MV
.
MVCF C
li
"
MV
speak
-
bid
tooth
!
bid
'
'
Isal
uvule
'
sal
161 mē
'
Civ CįVCE
cave
'
hoqlmE "
VCf
'
" u "
lul
,
. .
'
V
, in .
1
Syllable
"
.
. i .
A
- 53
2
.
-
. Variants of the above when the syllable slots
Variation
are obtained type have different segmental
/p,
, t , th , j , s , k , kh , , ni
ci
ph
,
b
,
fillers ,
d
m
syllable types of a particular
,
n
as
, t , th ,
listed : d
,
e
,
ch ,
&
Ir ,
l, y , ,
lilated
w
yw
/
, o , u/ ( either simple or rearticu clear or breathy , oral or nasal , and accented or unaccented ) ,
/1,
Cf Co -
e
,
r
,
,
a
m
,
n
,
n
,
d
,
restrictions
occurrence
b
,
s
,
p
, t/
:
Cf . Closed syllables are relatively rare language except for verbal inflection , which in the manifests all the fillers of Cf except Ir , .
nl
"
yuql
"
pin
"
road "
tuhm "
lyúl
tuhm /
/ pin /
"
/
" yaahb
u
lya : hb
u
;
rod /
ahyaahb dza ?" ahya : hb
jal
[
yul
'must
tùħm ]
come
[ pyin ]
' give ! '
[
' lie
a
]
[ ýħaħaħb
down !
əhgħaħa ħb
ū
'
'
dzə
]
' are you going or not ? ' .
There is therefore no restriction of Co - occurrence evident between these fillers of Cf and the preceding slots except that Id / never follows a nasalized vowel and , in verbs , / n / always follows a nasalized vowel .
Elsewhere " grihan "
There
follows
/n /
/ gríhn /
are very
with
and none
an
oral
vowel .
examples of / n / word final .
few
it
' alone '
[ griħn ]
syllable final ,
"
pinggya "
/ pingyal
[pyingyə ]
en ' ' green
"
kanggaq
/ kangal
[ kong
' rice fragments '
"
Angngiq "
/ anni /
[ēn : í ]
"
]
:
' aunt '
-
-
54
occurs widely word final as a locative suffix there is no restriction apparent . / kyar /
[ aħħx ]
/
syllable - final in
with
(
/
initial
" h "
'
.
vowels
.
with
occurs before front vowels
,
only after
only
less
and
,
,
,
aa
)
and
,
few
in
only
in
/ a / /
(
,
lel
cases
few
before tallin before back cases phonemically vowels
,
/ at .
only
u
lel
one word
other cases before
lil
,
in
ul
all
.
,
never before la
and ,
below
o
.
see
most frequently
has been observed before 93
yw
( /
)
d
,
10
li before
occurs before
frequently not entiv all
)
/
w
c
.
alveolars
in
]
cane frames shed
roof of
el ,
/
1
,
/
/y / /
r
)
a
)
b
)
Cañar dzūřa
restrictions
no
show
.
dahjúral
Mwith
nor with breathy unless the second
accent
an
syllable with
V
/
"
"
dzuqra
dah
marked
,
vowels
,
,
in
Voiced stops do not occur clear accented vowels marked
syllable bears
'
not occur before
do
initial syllable
vowels in the
unaccented
ancient
.
Aspirated voiceless stops
breathy
mechanism
.
,
c
)
a
)
b
sāt
me
'
sattel
"
"
satteq
( QAynaħa
'
idya : hppal
"
]
aahqppa
as
v
Dy
example
[ asná ]
stops "
single
the
the house '
'bottom of container syllable finally only as geminate
/ asnál
/ p / and / t / occur in loan words such
and
' in
'
asnaq "
' here '
]
'
idihr
1s / occurs "
tsut
[
ħip
dIhar "
/
:
"
cur
I
"
,
tsur
' there '
li,
"
[ kyőr ]
]
kyar "
'
and
/
" q "
"
r
:€
/
- 55
C
;
with
M
.
Syllable prenuclear clusters indicated in the following chart
have been observed as and examples . In general
conclusions
Retroflexes
c )
Alveolars
medial except / yw / . /
or
/
w
/
but examples
all
medials except
/ r ,
4
-
/
m
m
/ /
/
ly /
42
Iw /
/
1
62 61
/
43 42 41
3
*
2
1
/
/t /
/b / p / /ph /
r
lyw
Velars may cluster with all me dials , but examples have been observed of only / k / with 117 , and only / k / and in , with lyw / .
)
/
/
cluster with
may
all .
.
23 * 22 21
e
any
cluster with ly
may
are very sparse
d )
leads to the following
not cluster at
do
Bilabials cluster with
)
it
clustering potential :
Interdentals
a )
b
on
-
43
,
Ith
/
id
/
In
la /
57
53
73
95
75
-
Is /
55
54
/ j /
Ichi
1
/
Ic
1
/ .
/ 1/ 11
/y//
(/ w //
16
36
56
76
17
-
57
77
181
18
-
58
-
in
19* *
/kh /
96
,
99
-
'
'
'
'
to
'
'
]
'
'
'
'
]
]
'
' '
!
î]
Tonce
'
to bow
!
'
'
'
"
rice
snow
feather
down
'
] ]
husked
'
un
'
]
]
A
'
'
to
scour
'
mechanism
'
]
:ap
]
'
]
'
[ [
año
n5
hppal
[
: /
dya
lost
to get
wedding
mýáá bə ñg
"
aahqppa
bal
:
"
/
mya
býəə
[
aaqba
phy5bā
laughter
mind
pyò fign
[
/
/
"
bya
:
Dy
/
"
phyobal
/
"
my
"
"
"
byaa
:hpya /. /
/
"
" "
phyoba
'
'
]
] ]
one
ba ]
[
mlò
clusteri sprain
klí
pyaah
a
to
'
] ]
%
[ [ [
[
lashes
tīblē
[
/
/
,
/
[ [
/
/
/
"
"
phzē
[
" "
"
"
[
/
"
"
"
"
khrībā gřih
man
hair
pló
mlah
KIIq
adult
nti
tible
tible
western
hundred
my ēbř5
krä
Iphleba
phleba
"
D
[
Igríh
plah
php
[
Ikhribal
plah
"
a
/
/
/
"
khriba
"
Ikra
"
"
kra
Inril
"
przħ
,
" "
" " "
in
,
?
"
"
.
1
.
.
.
attributes
own
mrú
mrú
ngri
.
23 . 22 . 24
.
.
51
.
4 4
.
43
word
mebról
mruq
mlah
36
.
42
Iphrě
grihq
.
41
Zpráh
prah
his
/
* *
dialect
.
only not
.
observed
in
initially
-
*
not word
mebroq
21
/ yw /
w
59 79 observed only syllable initially within words
phre
. 2
.
3 4
16
.17 19 .
.
18
ly
-
/x /
/
lyw
/Trr /
-
/
-
56
/
-
!
s
'
go
' '
sheath
'
!
,
body
]
'
'
domestic animal
khy5d5 >
'
'
fire
'
'
rupees
to want to follow '
to
'
to to
comb
heat
'
'
'
' '
'
khwibə
touch
'
əbə
]
l
kwaa
to pierce
to return the
'
]
]
[
[
:
swibə
]
same day
!
'
to
' '
'
'
language
'
'
'
to roof
to ask
'
bă
to sacrifice
'
]
]
]
]
ny
jump
to tether
'
]
ə
[
[
kya pin
]
/
Inywíba
swibə
wí
/
,
kywlh
Itshwēbē [
sywibal
tšwibə
[
/
cywiba
nwéb
[
/
wéba
Ichywebal |
"
"
"
kywiną
ngywiqba
I
"
" " " "
sywiba
"
.
99
tshyweba
"
.
96
.
95
.
93
tsywIba
"
.
92
ngweqba
"
.
79
In
'
"
Ikhwibal
[
I
kwa labal
/
"
khwiqba
swibal
tshwibal
[
"
alabe
kwa
Ichwibal
tswiba
[
"
Icwibal
"
swiba
"
.
77
iltshwiba
"
.
76
.
75
.
73
"
.
72
!
'
blow
back
on a
to
'
]
look
to carry
'
]
to
'
'
]
AL
twibə
road
'
/
]
[
[ [
mwin
]
twibal
phwibə ]
/
pwibə
[
tswiba
/
Twiba
mwíh
nyighoa
[
"
Iphwibal
"
mwiha
/
I /
"
pwibal
għynzhzh
[
:h /
" "
gy
A
"
nyohba
"
.
69
phwiba
"
.
64
pwiba
"
.
62
ngyohba
"
.
61
7gya
Ahq
"
.
59
"
"
.58
'
]
'
5
/
life
'
t55
]
]
]
[
/
/
"
let
water
]
8 ū
[
/
" "
" "
džù
kyu
Ikhyodo
khyodo
tsha
OV
kyu
[
"
kyuq
' trap '
[
"
Isyu
/
"
syu
.
ljyu
-
[
Ichyol
dzyu
.57
.
56
.
55
Icyõl
"
tshyoq
"
.
53
54
tsyo
"
"
52 .
57
[
-
-
3
.
Distribution
.
Examples
types initial , medial observed as charted . Type
58
Word
-
and
of the various syllable
final
initial
the word have been
in
Word
medial
-
Word
-
final
VCE Civ CiVCE MV
MVCE C
¡MV
C
¡ MVCE lu .wa : . ba /
[
101 .mě /
[ ólmy
nagi "
Ina . gi /
[
"
siqlmandari "
/
.
"
laqyAA
6
.
"
7
.
"
8
.
" my
1
.
"
uwaaba
2
.
"
oqlmE
3
.
"
4
.
5
"
"
ūwāəbə
nagyi
' to
]
of
lever out
the way !
luvula
]
'
' dog '
]
sil . man . da . ri /
[ sílmāndāri ]
' ear - rings '
/ lá . ya : /
[ láyəə ]
' moon '
yaahrba "
/ ya : hr . ba /
[ whghahřbà ]
' to bark '
mrIsyoq " .
Imri . syól
[ mnišs ]
' woman '
/ mya : hr .ba/
O [mýħa ħaħřbā ]]
' to stroll '
"
aahrbaq " .
11 .
"
uiqDaa "
/ u . í . da :/
[ūíờaa ]
' liver '
13 .
"
aneqro "
/ a . né . ro /
[ ənérs ]
' darkness '
14 .
"
siqlmandari
15 .
"
kwaalaba "
"
/
sil . man . da . ri /
/ kwa ; .
[ sílmāndāri ]
la . ba /
[
kw
]
' ear -rings ' ' to heat '
- 59
-
lah .mrõ . i . nyú / [ ohmišinyà
17 .
"
ahmroIngyU
21 .
"
yuqi "
lyú . i /
[
23 .
"
padiq "
Ipa . di /
[ pādi ]
Ini . mur /
[
lla . yå
[
24
.
"
" nimur "
25 .
"
laqyAA
"
:/
26
.
" ahlad "
27
.
"
riqmyU "
/
28 .
"
ahprihd "
lah . prihal
B
.
úi ]
]
' has not seen ' ' came down '
' navel '
nimūr
]
láy 55
]
' stye in the eye
'
'moon '
lah . lad /
[ əhləd ]
' don '
ri .myū /
[ římyû ]
' shrew '
[apriña ]
' don '
t
t
that !
do
write
!
foot . or word , is defined as a group the first syllable bearing slight prominence a stress or and with normally a decrescendo manifested over the whole group . ( The decrescendo is not manifested in the case of mono syllabic accented breathy words , marked " hq" , for which a crescendo is an inherent property of the tone class and overrides the foot de crescendo . ) 1
.
The
Contrast .
The
foot
,
of syllables with
last syllable of
a
foot is usually lengthened
.
Contrastive foot types are set up by the number of syllables , ranging from one to four in the data at hand , the presence or absence of breathiness , and by the placement of the accented syllable , any . These distinctions lead to four types for mono
if
syllabic
words , six types for disyllabic words , and eight for trisyllabic words . So far , all but one of the disyllabic types and two of the trisyllabic types have been observed . Four - syllable words are rare and insufficient numbers have come to hand to deter
mine whether the accent may come on any one of the four syllables or only , say , on the first , second , or last . The types generated by the three distinc tions (number of syllables , breathiness , placement of accent ) are listed below , with those not yet observed placed in parentheses . Further examples are given in . B . ( It will be noted that this list does not allow for types with breathiness beyond the first syllable . Some examples do occur ( see II . A . ' Breathiness ' ) , but I have not yet worked out the implications for the descriptive system . )
II
'
!
- 60 -
Monosyllables
Isa
[ sə ]
' tooth
'
'
'
'
]
'
like
oppspring
'
:
calf
small
'
mechanism ,
]
dzħaħdzā
]
"
/
[
VO
jahjál
ahdzaq
:3
añòûzhp
'
áhppal
(
"
/
ahqppa
dy
Dy
dz
Shsq
"
Shqs
"
'
'
-
'
barley grain
a
]
[ [
/
'
]
[
[ [
/
/
/
/
kətū
throat
walnut tree
kodu
karu
cow
:
/ /
)
/
"
"
karu
kháři
khách kadu
"
"
SS
kadug
"
ssa
iħ
,
hq "
"
b
Disyllables
soil '
;
person
myiều
mih
khaqri
"
Sas
my
'
' three '
/
[ 55 ]
/
sa me
Isõl
meh
mih
"
sh
Shq
"
" "
S
"
"
sq
:
]
509
a )
'
'
gồ
]
:
'
'
'
'
]
]
'
s
lives
' ir
-
'
his wife
home
'
large basket
'
)
I
həħħãāga
man who
'
]
għordzāwą 170 g
lime
gate posti
]
təgətə
'
'
]
ts
[ [
phumball
[
wart
darkness
[
/
:
/
ănÉP5
dz
/
/
"
jahrá gol
híbəlū
[
lí
:
/
"
gahrjawẽ
"
"
pantry
longhandled
mallet
:
'
-
ear rings
'
]
sílmən də ki
[
silmandari
/
/
siqlmandari
Quadrisyllables
"
)
d
wooden
'.
'
]
għa ħnma
S È
[
gahnmasye
/
/
"
)
not observed
gahnmasye
"
SaSSS
/
" "
"
ShSsq
dzahraAqg0
"
(
Shsas
phuma
tagara
gahqrdzawE
-
Shqss
tagara
"
"
SSS
Shss
lanérol
phumaaliq
S 02
sssq
/
aneqro
[
/
)
c "
SSS
ts3h
Trisyllables
Ichibalu
"
"
tshiqbalu
Sass
00
cyohgol
[
tsyohg0
"
"
Shs
- 67 -
eri ) - not observed
( SSqSS (
SSSS
not observed
-
SSSSq
"
SSSS
"
belaaudiq " kuturuge
)
/ bela : udí /
kuturuge
"
( ShSqsS
-
not observed )
( ShSsas
-
not observed )
( ShSSSq
- not observed )
( Shqsss
-
Shsss
/
[
byèlə əudí ]
' guava '
[ kūtūřūgy
ē
]
' bracken '
[kuhximbò
è
]
'next
not observed )
" kuhrImba .
e"
/kuhrìmbael
year
's'
description of the manifestations of accent and breathiness see 11 . A . below . For examples of variants of the word produced by - substituting syl 2
Variation .
.
For
a
lables of different types , see I . A . 3 . ' Syllable Distribution ' . Across syllable boundaries consonant clusters
fall
observed a
Se into the following classes
Voiced stops preceded by homorganic nasal preceded by / m / ) .
)
"
khUandari "
/ khủndari /
"
kanggaq
/kanga /
"
kuhrImba
"
:
amdzyo
"
.
e "
/ kuhrimba
I amjyð /
"
sri ]
'rice
[ kuhrimbà
[ əmd
z3
è
jl is
' hole '
[ kānga ]
el
(/
]
fragments
' next year ' s '
' father ' s young est brother ' s
]
wife '
(
b
"
)
is no contrast observable between preceding this cluster . )
There
nasal vowels /
r
/
preceding voiced stops
not so far been
maahrba
" mahrdar
"
observed .
/ ma : hrbal
/ mahrda/
,
'
oral
and
except that / rd , has
[ mò ħa ħrbà )
'marvel '
[ màngò ]
' male '
:
- (
khaqrgU
"
"
gahardzawE "
"
satteq "
/r,
d
)
"
oqlmE
e
/ gáhrjawẽ /
[ għħrdzəwže ]
'man
/
1
)
The
of
and
SS of voiceless
"
[
satte /
[
stops
: 1]
sāt
:é
lives '
s
' aunt '
ancient '
'
]
lolmē /
[ ólmy
' uvula '
/ kormē ,
[ kýřmy
/ /. m
bj/
/
and
has been observed
]
/ sn /
]
' sparrow '
( only
one example
) .
"
aabdzy0 "
/ a : bjyõl
[ əəbd25 ]
' father ' s young est brother '
"
asnaq
Lasna /
[ āsné ]
' bottom
"
Distribution . No restrictions have the distribution of word types into
phrase
of
container
been
!
observed
the phonological
.
Tone . A
. Breathiness . The main characteristic of breathy syllables is that the nuclear vowel is articulated with audible friction in the throat as a stronger air stream is forced past the vibrating vocal cords . The throat muscles are more relaxed during the articulation of 0 ( breathy vowels , and more tense for clear vowels . 0 Henderson ' s description of register 09 in Cambodian in . ' The Main Features of Cambodian Pronunciation ' , BSOAS
the
14
.
149 -
feature
74
(
1952
) ,
p
.
151 ,
PPun
is
very relevant
of breathiness in Gurung :
to
in
home
.
'mechanism '
special cases
each
ēņ
who
his wife
[ arynghaħp : 3 ]
/ àyá : hppal
ес preceding
/
koqrmE "
3. on
II .
' yoke of oxen '
lãnní /
" Dy aahqppa " .
"
[ khorgū ]
of / n /
" Angngiq " "
/ khángũ / IKE
) Gemination
c
2
!
- 63 ' The Cambodian " registers " differ from tones in that pitch is not the primary relevant feature . The pitch ranges of the two registers may some times overlap , though what I shall call the Second Register tends to be accompanied by lower
First Register .
pitch than the
' The characteristics of the first register are a " normal " or " head " voice quality , usually accompanied by relatively high pitch .
' The characteristics of the second register are a deep rather breathy or " sepulchral " voice , pronounced with lowering of the larynx , and frequently accompanied by a certain dilation of the nostrils . Pitch is usually lower than that 09 of the first register in similar contexts . ' In Gurung the breathy / / clear contrast has been ob syllable of a word with the served only on the
first
following exceptions : 1 )
2
element . IhanOhri
" "
Compounds
"
sanOhri " )
with
"
noh "
/ nõh ,
'
/ aſhnõhri /
' inside
/ sanõhril
' under
the second
' as
the house
'
the ground
'
The negative forms of a number of verbs . The negative prefix " ah - " is breathy , and the stem of the negative form ( the second syllable of the
inflected a
)
if it
is breathy is lexically breathy form
)
" yaahba "
/ ya : hbal
' to
ahy aah
Yahya : h /
' not
"
inside
b )
"
,
go ! go
( past
tense
or present )
cases where the stem is clear in forms . The writer has not yet been complete the analysis of this data , but able to seems that the cases may be accounted for by setting up a process whereby the prosody of breathiness of the negative prefix extends to the stem the stem - initial consonant is not in
certain
positive
it
if
phonetically
a
stop
.
- 64 -
Isyéba /
' to know '
"
syeqbaai
"
ahsyehq
"
kh AAqba "
/ khá :ba/
[ kha5b8 ]
"
ahkh AA
lahkhá : /
[ əhkhjā ]
lahkhă : h /
[ onxò ħż ħ ]
lahsyéh
"
"
or (
[ $ €bə ]
/
[
à
hs e
' not know ' tense ) ( present
]
' to be able '
'not
be
able '
The pronunciation with the stop is more frequent in K ' s speech than that with the fricative . )
"
piba "
/pibal
[ pyibə ]
' to give '
"
ahpI "
lahpil
[ ə ħpyì ]
' not give ( past or present )
Conghyih ]
' eldest
(a figħy
' eldest brother '
The
words
3
)
"
ahgIhq "
"
ahgEha "
"
ahdzyuh " (
lahgih
-
,
lahgehi
lahjyuh /
contrast
an
alternative
"
pahnãhga /
" pahnÀhli"
/ pahnăhli /
"
pahn Ahga
]
[ ghts5 ]) , ☺ n
sister
er
with the
term
same
(
a
contraction of
Ipohnshfi ] . "
pahnAhga
n A
gloss
' tomorrow '
0
[ pəhnəhlì ]
/ pahnahri /
'
and
'within few
" pahn Ahri "
the next days '
' tomorrow morn ing
Ahgari "
)
.
the exception of compounds of clear words with " noh " , such as " sanOhri " above , none of these forms have breathiness at all unless occurs at least on the first syllable , and it is a useful gen 3
With
it
eralization to treat breathiness as a contrastive feature of the foot , manifested by a breathy vowel in the first syllable ( and occasionally in the second syllable ) and by a lowering of the pitch of the whole
word
(
see next section , ' Accent '
)
.
!
' mother ' s young
[ əhazhùn ]
/ ahcyốl
" ahtsyOq "
n
sister
- 09
B
.
Accent
.
-
.
Contrast . Two emic levels of pitch are manifested Gurung - -high , marked by / / and in the text by " q " . following the syllable nuclear vowel ( and following " h " the vowel is breathy ) ; and low , left unmarked orthographies in the . Pitch is contrastive on the nuclear vowel of a syllable , as the pitch of contiguous nonsyllabic vocoids is determined by the pitch of the . in
1
if
syllable nucleus
.
syllable of
have high pitch , phonemically , and so the term ' accent ' is borrowed to refer to the high pitch from Pike ' s report of Bernard Only one
Bloch ' s description ( 1947 ) p . 14 :
of
a
foot
Japanese
may
in
Tone Languages
for the possibility of sig nificant pitch contrasts which are limited , for example , to stressed syllable , or to long vowels EO ' One must watch
..
Japanese , according to information which I have received from Dr . Bernard Bloch , of the Yale Graduate School , is one of these borderline types
significant pitches
There are two - -high and low . Each word may have one and only one syllable with pitch ; many words have no such a significant high syllable . The significant high - pitched syllable
.
be called " accented " . Other syllables than the accented one may have high or low pitches of 4 a non - significant type ; these non - significant pitches are determined by their position in re lation to the accented syllable , and never direct ly affect the meanings of words . In the following samples [ ] indicates the high accented syllables .
may
i
' fire '
haná
' flower '
' sun '
hana
' nose '
' tree '
hasi
' bridge '
hási
' chopstick '
'
spirits
,
wits '
' For a revised , much more detailed , statement pitch , accent , and intonation , see Japanese of , Bloch " Studies in Colloquial Japanese , : Syntax , " , , Lang . , XXII ( 1946 ) 203 - 4 . ' 200 - 1
II
- 66
Examples " "
liq "
li
/
/
"
li
in
-
Gurung are :
' face '
/
li /
' pole - ladder '
"
mIq"
/mí/
' eye '
"
mI "
/ mi /
' name '
" maqgi "
Imágil
'buffalo '
"
madiq "
/ madſ /
' lip '
"
nagi "
/ nagil
' dog '
"
mahdzaq "
Imahjá /
nana ' ' banana
"
mahrda "
/ mahrdal
' male '
/ préh /
' eight '
/ preh /
Istick
" prehq " . "
preh
"
dIhq "
laín /
'house '
"
tih
Itih
' occasion '
"
paqdi "
Ipádi /
'
"
padiq "
Ipadſ /
inaval '
"
tsyihbaq "
/
"
"
" tsyihba " 2
/
a
'
girl '
s
name '
cyihbá /
' to
remember
/cyihba /
' to
bite '
!
. Variation .
a ) Major variants . It is convenient to describe the variation of the pitch of accented and unaccented syllables in terms of three levels of pitch high [ º ] , mid [ - ] , and low [ ^ ] . Syllables have the following pitch variants :
accented [
]
" q"
low -
11 :
to - mid
occurring
glide on
a
,
with
word
-
marked crescendo ,
a
initial
" meha "
/ méh ,
[ myx
Ihq "
jaín /
[ añin ]
"
H
)
breathy
syllable
' cow ' ' house '
.
,
-
"
gahardzawE
[ - ]
"
dahdzuqra
"
"maahraq "
" SO
*
]
gáhrjawẽ /
the
" dzahraAqgo "
[
-
[
mid level , occurring when
"
/
67
first
ghg
ñ ñ
dzəwã
low
[ dzħaħrzög5 ]
Idahjúra
[
añandzūpā ]
[ maha R65 ]
lives in '
Isol
"
maqgi "
Imági /
"
aliq "
/
"
aneqro
ali /
[ số
[ mágyi ]
[
əli )
syllable .
' large basket ' ' bamboo
roof of
frame in shed ' .
' gold '
" phumaaliq "
/phuma : 11 /
[
" tshiqbaade "
Ichiba : de /
[ tshíbāzņē ]
"
unaccented low a
)
b
)
' buffalo '
' clod
[anero ]
phumii )
of
earth '
' darkness ' ' lime '
' lizard '
( unmarked ) :
level , occurring in initial syllables after stops , in breathy syllables , in
all
word -
initial
voiced
susequent unaccented syllables after an accented syllable
phonetic low unless interposes . / boba /
[ bəbə ]
' to bring '
belaaudiq "
/bela : udi /
[ byèlə addi ]
' guava '
tuh
/ tuh /
[ tù ħ ]
'bucket '
/ mahjal
[ məhidzā ]
Isanõhri /
[ sānähti ]
boba
" "
house '
' three '
3
lanérol
"
s
high level , occurring in words without any breathy syllable .
"
[^ ]
his wife
pitch
/ jahrá : gol
/ma : hrá /
' man who
non - initial
on
syllable is
/
]
"
"
"
mahdzaq
"
sanOhri "
"
' banana '
' under
the
ground '
[ - ]
level , occurring elsewhere . .
mid
Itagara
"
tagara "
"
tshiqbalu
"
tshatureq "
"
' gate post '
[ tā gērā ]
/
Ichibalu /
[
tshibalu ]
' wart '
Ichature
[
tsh
' adolescent '
" baIhqkatar "
In
08
/
/baíhkatar /
E ]
[ bħġ ħī fikātā f ]
' pineapple '
the pitch of an unaccented syllable a clear accented syllable seems to high between and mid . cases
some
following
( clear ) fluctuate
apparent ambiguity arising from the assign ment of a mid level allophone to both the accented and the unaccented tone is in fact completely resolved by distribution . Mid occurs for the accented tone only following a breathy syllable ( low in pitch ) whereas the unaccented syllable is low in this environ ment . All other instances of mid level pitch are the unaccented tone . In addition , the clear accented syllable , in first or second position in the word , appears to carry some degree of perceptual stress , The
if
accompanied by decrescendo , which reinforces the con trast between accented and unaccented syllables in
the same position
,
"
ali "
lali /
"
aliq "
/
as
in
[
alí ,
' öli
['
ə
,
' brother '
]
lí
' clod of earth '
]
and adds a phonetic distinction to the distributional one to distinguish the second and third syllables of "
dahdzuqre
"
/ da hjúra )
as being respectively
[ ' dhah
, dzūkā ] ' cane frames in roof of shed '
accented and unaccented .
But this ' stress ' is only of secondary degree compared ( already weak ) primary stress which marks the
with the
initial syllable
of
a
foot ,
and
reliable phonetic criterion of distributional criteria above .
is therefore
It
is not
the transcription except here and in b
)
Minor variants .
a
less
accent than the pitch
The
II .
marked in . ' stress ' .
C
three phonetic
levels of pitch postulated for the description of accent variants may themselves vary within a range of pitch depending on :
-
1
)
)
2
position
09
within the word
sively lower , and closer third syllables .
pitch is succes
- - high
to mid , on
nasal vowels tend to be higher
in
the second and
pitch
"
mI "
/ mi /
[ mYi ]
' name '
"
mi"
/mi /
[ myi ]
'
3
)
fire ; tail '
vowels of different qualities tend to exhibit differing pitch , with high and lol low .
lil
mi "
/ mi /
[ myi )
' fire ;
"
mu
"
/ mu /
[ mu ]
' sky '
"
'mo "
/ mol
[m
"
oral .
than
.
tail '
' cane '
]
However , these variations in pitch are small , and I have not attempted to represent them in transcrip tion of data in this paper . They do not affect the
analysis of accent .
c ) Effect of intonation . Overriding the pitch characteristics of accent described above is the effect of position in the phonological phrase and its O S associated intonation contour . In a sentence such as
" tsaqdi
,
Icádi , tá
taq Tuhq mror . " túh
mrõl . ,
[ tsədi / ' He
må51 ]
gətuħ
six axes . '
saw
there are two phonological phrases , one final , marked by 1 . l , and one non final , marked by 1 , 1 . ( See Glover 0 ( 1969b : 35 ) . The closing contour of a final P phrase in a declarative P - sentenceN is progressively steeply falling over the last several syllables . The two syllables of " mror " are therefore uttered on very
pitch
it is impractical
words con substitution in this position . The inherent low -mid glide of the breathy accented syllable " Tuha " is transformed in this environment by the falling intonation to a mid level . ( Contrast is low
and
trasting for pitch
still
by
compare
to
maintained with clear unaccented words in this as the latter manifest a falling pitch due
position
intonational effect . ) The closing contour of a nonfinal P - phrase is rising , and in several repetitions of sentences such to the
as
the above
it
was
observed
that
"
tsaqdi
"
in fact
-
was
level or
-
70
rising instead of downstepping the lexical pitches .
even
as
would be expected from
Hale pointed out an interesting paragraph intonation in the special case where a particular sentence was repeated two or three times Dr . Austin
at the researcher ' s request , without interruption . the repetitions there was a progressive levelling effect , so that the phonetic range of the phonemic pitch contrasts narrowed almost to vanishing point .
On
Morphophonemics of tone . d ) The only tone morphophonemics which have been observed are associated with the suffixes " maE " ( plural number on nouns ) , " ba " ( gerund on verbs ) , and " e " ( possessive on nouns ) . No tone perturbation has been observed across word boundaries . To state the rules succinctly it is convenient to assign numerical symbols to the four monosyllabic tone groups :
clear accented ( unmarked )
low
=
Rule
Thus
(" h " )
4
=
breathy
;
("
1
q"
)
clear unaccented
;
accented
=
=
2
breathy
;
( " ha " )
3
.
'Whenever a word including the suffixes ''ma E " produce the tone " ba " ( both of group 2 ) would sequences 2 - 2 - 2 or 3 - 2 - 2 the suffix assumes an 0 accent (becoming " ma Eq " baq " in group 1 ) . " or suppressed group and the 3 stem is ( so that the stem becomes group 4 ) . ' . 1
.
* 2
-
2
-
2
= =>
2
-
1
-
2
* 3
-
2
-
2
==>
4
-
1
-
2
or
2
-
2
-
1
(
depending
case has yet been observed where the suffix is the third
( no
syllable of
since no pattern Iméh /
" meha " a " " me hqmaE
" mehma
Eqdi "
"
mili
"
milimaEq "
"
which
on
syllable is the suffix )
[myx
3
-
2
-
2
sequence ,
disyllabic
3
ħ
-
2
has been
observed .
icow '
]
[ myčâməą ] /méhmaẽ / /mehmaédi / [myèñ mõõdi ] >
of the
noun
(
3
)
)
' cows ' 'cows ' COWS
(3 - 2 )
COWS
( agentive ) (
( 4 - 1 - 2 )
/
[
myili )
' tear '
/milimaé /
[myílímóấ )
' tears ' ( 2 - 2 - 1 )
mili /
2
- 2)
71
-
"
Ik haba /
khaba "
" kh ab aqe
mih
-
' to
[khābā ]
come '
.
2
it
' Whenever " ba " is assumes an accent
suppressed "
ahtsyih
"
.
'
attached to and
the stem
a
group
tsyihbaq "
Icyihbál
[
"
ahtsyih "
lahcy ih /
[ ə ħtših ]
' not
"
tsyihba "
Icyihba /
[ tšillbə ]
' to
3
.
kolo
is
2
-
1
-
2
)
stem
' to remember
]
bite
bite
! !
'
'
" e" is attached to a noun which has accented syllable nor breathiness , the stem syllable takes an accent . '
an
Ikolo /
"
" koloqe
)
' Whenever
neither
final
"
tšiħbə
(
' not remember
[aftsth ]
"
'
3
accent
/ahcyíh /
Rule
2
/khaba . e mih / [ khô bóẽ myạº ] ' the coming
"
man
Rule
(2 -
/kolóe
AAma"
"
nga "
"
ngaqe tsah
å
:ma / [ k513ē Jāmā ] ' the child ' s mother '
[ na ]
Ina / "
' child '
[ kp15 ]
Ináe cah /
' me '
tsəh
[ naĒ
]
'my son '
Note that this rule neutralizes contrast in this environment between certain group 1 and group 2 stems , such
as
"
tsa "
/ ca /
[
"
tsaq "
Icá /
[ tsa ]
"
tsaqe koq "
Icke
3
.
Distribution
.
ko /
Any may
tsə
[ tsə
' vein '
]
"
ekā ]
syllable of
a
word
he
and
!
' the vein ' s blood his blood ' may
bear the
be no accented syllable at all . ( see examples above ) . The disyllabic pattern Shqs and the trisyllabic patterns ShSS and ShSsq have not been observed (where s is a syllable ) . The other two breathy disyllabic patterns , Shs and ShSq , do not appear to 0 Pinitial , as all breathy ns with stops contrast in nouns . 0 U 00 disyllabic nouns uns with voiceless stops initial 40 are of pattern , the Shs
accent , or there
;
-
"
kohle
"
"
puhlu
"
initial "
/kohlel
'rice
/ publũ
'inse ct '
gruel '
breathy disyllabic nouns with voiced stops are of the ShSq pattern .
gyOhsyIq "
" buh
nasals
dzyuq "
Igyõhs
'
a
/buhjyal
'
grandmother
the patterns contrast
However ,
C
-
all
while
and
72
,
type of timber '
'
initial
in nouns with
" maahraq "
/ma : hrál
' gold '
" mahrde "
/mahrdal
'male '
ve SS stops S SVwith voiceless in verbs
initial .
"
tsyihbaq "
Icyihbál
' to
"
tsyihba "
Icyihbal
' to bite '
remember
!
. Stress . Word stress is not phonemic in Gurung - - that is , does not establish contrastive units ( except for the presence of secondary stress on the accented syllable in first or second position in the word , as described above ) . However the first syllable of
it
if
foot regularly carries a slight stress ( primary by with the secondary stress on the accented syllable ) , which serves as a characteristic feature distinguishing the foot , as a level , from the next lower , the syllable , and the next higher , the phono a
comparison
logical cause
phrase .
perception of this stress
The
is
difficult be
: 1 ) 2
)
3
)
it it
is not contrastive between words , is only moderate in degree ( I am indebted to Kent Gordon for pertinent comments on stress in Gurung including his observation that it is perceptually much less prominent
than
it is
the
( phonemic )
stress in Sherpa
)
,
independent of the features of pitch and length which accompnay stress in English A
particular
example
is
.
- 73 -
"
ali
"
alig "
"
/
ali /
/
ali /
sliga
[ ' (D
of the high pitch
Because
the accented syllable the
( nonphonemic )
the
on
first
Above the
.
(
length
on
1969b
)
of
earth '
secondary stress CO -
on
occurring with
syl
the foot - final sounds prominent to
fact there is the primary stress syllable and a decrescendo over the foot . In
foot level
,
II .
P
of
m marking the nucleus
Glover
in
and
' clod
" aliq " ,
second syllable
lable , the English ears
' younger brother '
If
E
.
a
stress is significant in -
phrase
of
' Punctuation ' ) .
P
-
sentence
(
seeе
SPECTROGRAPHIC CONFIRMATION
OF
PITCH
CONTRASTIVE
Bruce
University
C.
AND
BREATHINESS
IN
GURUNG
Hinton
of Michigan
spectrographic check of sample tape recordings confirms the phonetic statements of Glovert and Pike2 concerning pitch and breathiness in Gurung . For this study , Glover provided a taped corpus of 104 contrastive utterances illustrating selected phonological features of Gurung . The informant was Pitch Ras Kumaari Gurung , a female native speaker about 31 years of age . contrasts were exemplified by seven pairs of minimally contrasting items identical frames . The contrastive sentences , in each case , were less in than 2 . 4 seconds long and thus lent themselves nicely to spectrographic analysis using the Kay Electric Sona - Graph ( odel 6061 - 8 ) . A
It
should be noted that the sound spectrograph , an acoustic instrument , poses certain problems for the investigation of pitch , a human perceptual depicted in a spectrogram is not a precise phenomenon . The information analog of what we hear . In the frequency range of 100 - 1000 cycles per , , it is safe to assume a positive correlation between second however perceived pitch , expressed in relational judgments of higher or lower , and the acoustic measure of fundamental laryngeal frequency , expressed problem arising in connection with pitch . A further in cycles per second . , spectrograms is as Lehiste and Peterson have pointed out , “ studies based on frequencies of syllabic nuclei are subject to systematic that the fundamental perturbations conditioned by vowel quality and the influence of preceding and following consonants . As we have insufficient data at present to establish acoustic norms for Gurung which would make it possible to allow for non significant perturbations of fundamental frequency , we are not in a position to comment on the finer phonetic details of Glover ' s analysis . Working with minimal pairs , however , we can use the spectrograph to corroborate Glover ' s crucial statement that three etically distinct levels of pitch in Gurung can be resolved into two emic levels .
Figs .
1
and
2
give the clearest illustration from contrast on non -breathy syllables .
the
available
corpus
pitch These are narrow band a minimal spectrograms of the following contrastive utterances ( the substitution items have been underlined for clarity ) : tsaqdi liq kuq mroI The saw nine faces ' sl . kuq mrOI tsaqdi The saw nine ladders ' S2 . ( For the sake of simplicity and consistency , all Gurung material is cited the text orthography , where the symbol " q " represents phonemically high in tone on the preceding vowel ; low tone is unmarked ; and " h " indicatos breathi . ness . For the phonetic values of the other orthographic symbols , see Glover ' s articles , elsewhere in this volume . )
of
li
expanded frequency scale , in Figs . 1 and 2 show a specially magnifier setting by device on the Sona - Graph the scale which is achieved gives dramatic definition to the first for a range of 16 - 1700 cps . This harmonic (which traces the fundamental frequency ) and the next few higher harmonics . Note that the second harmonic provides an exceptionally clear The
displays
-
74
-
- 75 picture of the rise and fall of the informant ' s voice on successive syllables . The substitution item " liq " in Fig . 1 is clearly on the same general pitch level as the following phonetically high - pitched morpheme " kuq " . lower " is considerably In Fig . 2 , the syllable " These spectrograms provide visible proof than the following " kuq " . of contrastive pitch in Gurung .
ii
frequencies of the syllabic nuclei in sl and 52 following approximate may be assigned the ) values ( accurate to t2 - 3 cps .16 frequency of relatively level by measuring the average fundamental pitched vowels and the beginning and end point values in the case of Again , the contrastive syllables are underlined . pronounced glides . 290 - 220 390 385 Si . 350 . 375 290 - 220 325 361 52 . 340 . 360 frequencies are , of course , The absolute values of the fundamental linguistic ; purposes but the changes in those values , irrelevant for significant disregarding non variation between frames , show a clear pitch contrast between " liq " and " " . Thus the claim of at least two contrasting tonemes in Gurung is substantiated . fundamental
The
li
contrast a pitch In Figs . 3 and 4 , the same frame is used to show syllables breathy . on tsaqdi kihq kuq mrOI 53 . ' he saw nine thatches ' tsaqdi kih kuq mrOI S4 . 'he saw nine of you ' for each syllable are : The frequency values of the fundamental 335 250 - 190 290 - 305 53 . 300 . 325 320 250 - 190 240 - 280 SH . 310 . 335 This evidence supports a two -way pitch contrast on breathy syllables . Note , by the way , the 15 cps , drop in the fundamental frequency of the higher values in Sl and s3 . " kuq " in s2 and S4 as compared with kuq might suggest lowered in these cases by that " " has been One conditioned variation due to the effect of the preceding low toneme . is also evident that the breathy syllables in Figs . 3 and 4 are substantially lower in pitch , in relation to their respective frames , than the non - breathy syllables in Figs . 1 and 2 .
It
If
discount the absoluto pitch variation between frames and focus on the linguistically meaningful relative changes in pitch , The drop in fundamental frequency between an interesting fact emerges . syllables of s2 and 53 is identical : the substitu the second and third tion items " " and " kihq " are exactly 35 cps . lower in frequency than This pitch similarity between the the preceding syllable of the frame . low non -breathy syllable and the high breathy syllable holds true also frame item , the high non - breathy " kuq " . in relation to the following pitch to 35 cps . ; the correspond " and " kuq " amounts between " The rise in ing figure for " kihq " is 30 cps . ( computed from the end point of the rising we again
li
li
contour ) .
acoustic data support Glover ' s and Pike ' s auditory analysis of three etic pitch levels in Gurung : high pitch , on high non - breathy syllables ; mid pitch , on low non -breathy and high breathy ; and low pitch , on low breathy syllables . Since breathy phonation appears automatically to entail lowered pitch , it is obviously justifiable to regard Gurung as a two - emic These
tone system ,
Examination of the spectrographic
data for
the remaining
five
-
-
76
CPS
1500
IN
-
)
509
FREULICY
100
,
liq
"
"
kuq expect one would and
CPS
s
.
'
level
that
OI
"
Note
approximately the same frequency following Glover analysis
"
. .
spectrogram
u3 mm as
Narrow band
on 1
Fig are
oil isk of si .
tsag
ug
k
.
52
.
"
.
of "
i
this confirms contrastive
mooi
Here the substitution item Together with the evidence pitch Gurung
kuq
in
,
Fig
agd
Narrow band spectrogram lower than the frame item 1
. is .
"
"
of li
.
Fig
2
its
i
FREUENCY
1000
-
IN
77
-
CPS
1500
-
1503
-
IN VECY
2009
-
1000
.
33
band spectrogram Note that the high broathy the following high clear syllable
pitoh than
FRA
VENCI
IN
dikin
kuq ,
Sh
band spectrogram
syllables
of
Narrow
breathy
.
on
. 4 .
Fig
ag
1
ts
100
mpol
confirming contrastive pitch
kihq
"
ror
"
"
aq
Kuq
CPS
1500
–
in
lower
King of
.
3
Narrow
di
,
is
.
Fig
s
+
500
-
FRE
-
pitch provided additional confirmation
this analysis
.
pairs
minimal
-
78
of
for
-
a
-
to
-
be
a
as
of
or
downstopping
would
."
8
from
"
in
)
"
3
.
in
,
-
"
P
even rising instead level pitches the lexical
becomes
expected
"
tsaqdi
"
"
a
- (
?
"
a
's
:
, ,
,
-4
1
.
in
in
part the accuracy incidentally confirm Figs example phonetic that word for observations of Glover more detailed phonetically syllable high breathy low m id is with tone initial closing contour Fig glide and that the note the third syllable position rising phrase such that with the result is non final of displays
The
.
/ /
'
'
to .
-
'
"
"
"
/ .
'/
/
"
'/ '
"
to
"
"
'
"
'. ' : "
an
as
;
eyes
!
MIq
"
//
'
"
"
,
,
persons
'
"
"
mihq
and
'
"
/
'/
"
;
'
"
door
in
.
'.
"
a
;
close
to -
of
.
to
in
in
"
'
'
"
'
an
vs
of
,
in
on
breathy and non breathy syllables were While the pitch contrasts identify the acoustic attempt laboratory readily confirmed the proved breathy This was difficult more clear vowels correlates pairs satisfactory part any for breathi minimal the absence due pair only m ih man was true minimal The the available data ness only sentence final was attested form however The first t ail mi position while the second occurred Other isolated citation form ngi you phonetically similar pairs used for analysis were kih Tuhbaq place tuba sew noll lean meat kloh we
of
be
be
to
it it
,
of
,
in
.
on
,
on
.
,
on
to
or
of
,
-b
/ /
to
of
in
of
of
a
of
variety Inspection these wide and narrow band spectrograms the acousti conclusive identification contrastive pairs did not result related Several acoustic signals seemed breathiness correlates breathy non reathy differences could not vowels but the Gurung material alone which signal the basis determined clearly signals was responsible for breathiness and which should combination the tape extraneous factors such as background noise be attributed key segments power etc low
of
,
as
, as
to
,
in
/ /
.
on
of
a
,
in
,
In
to
breathy vs obtain more satisfactory contrastive data order American English with native speaker clear vowels Nancy Conklin phonetics was asked special training record her interpretation possible closely imitating breathy clear vowels various contexts
,
(
to
as
so
.
/ /
to
,
a
on
a
in
,
is ,
,
a
.
louder one
)
a
on
the spectrograr fainter trace ceteris paribus results strictly comparable speaking softly not vowel uttered
segment
thus
.
of
on
to
we
is
.
to
,
it
.
s
'
.
Pike
of
Admittedly the these voice qualities demonstrations was hoped but contrasts thus produced were artificial and exaggerated clarify the Gurung material Conklin Mrs that the experiment would help very near that and the Gurung informant characteristic voice pitch adjust the recording level ensure her tapes were able Lower volume clear vowels would be directly comparable that the breathy
Prof
each case
and
i]
(
and
a
same
clear ,
's the
in
The acoustic difference betrieen clear
.
contrast between
Conklin
power
is
lrs
.
shows
5
.
lins
Fig
breathy
striking .
a
as
a
-
]
[
,
by
,
-
.
h
of
,
up
,
at
in
,
,
of
.
.
breathy vowels readily apparent For major difference between breathy and non least the Mrs Conklin acoustically breathy vowels this and other cases shows blurring like the breathy vowel by the higher formants comparison breathy clear exhibit vowels The non noise white formant structure and
70
-
CPS
-
of
experimental contrast American English speaker
.
an
an
boutin
by
5
usia
showing Broad band spectrogram clear vowel quality produced
. / , / ,
.
Fig
breathy
n
ma
FREQUENCY
IN
CPS
4000
IN
3000
.
breathy
clear
//
of
Fig showing the contrast Broad band spectrogram vowels recorded by the Gurung informant
i
in m
m
1000
. 6 .
FREQUENCY
2000
-
A
80
-
similar sort of acoustic contrast , although less clear because of
lower speech pover , can be seen in the Gurung quasi -minimal pairs displayed Spectrograms made of other Gurung vowels seem to support this in Fig . 6 . generalization , Other factors , however ( e . g . , the attenuation of acoustic certain harmonics , possible lowering of formants ) , may also play a significant
role in signalling breathiness . take a firm stand .
evidence
The
is ,
yet , too tenuous
as
to
investigation
of this problem would be highly desirable . question as to whether the breathy ! I clear contrast involves a special set of the glottis , as Catford9 and Ladefoged ? maintain , or whether the crucial distinction is related to the height of the larynx , as appears to be the case in Thakali '' , to tongue - root position , as Pittman suggests12 , or perhaps to a combination of these factors , Acoustic phonetics is uniquely qualified to resolve this issue . If Pittman is right , for example , further spectrographic study of Gurung ( and perhaps also Thakali ) breathy vowels should reveal the characteristic lowering of the first formant associated with front quality which tongue - root articulation . 13 On the other hand , the Catford and Ladefoged label " breathiness " would be best identified not with the spectrograph , but by means of laryngoscopic and air - flow studies . Further
is
There
a
genuine
Acknowledgements
:
obliged to the Department of Linguistics at the University of Michigan for the use of their Phonetics Laboratory facilities . A very special debt of gratitude is owed to Prof . Pike , who introduced me to this material and generously supported my work with his invaluable advice and encouragement .
I
am
for this paper was supported in part by the Department and Welfare , Office of Education , Washington , D . C . , under contract number OEC - 0 - 9097721 - 2778 (014 ) with Kenneth L . Pike as project director . research
The
of Health , Education
: (
"
and
in
(
,
unpublished Higher Levels
of
.
Basic Considerations the Acoustical Society
Some
.
of
Tone
- )
75
pp
.
)
,
in (
.
1962
volume
) )
1961
of (
419 425
"
,
Journal
this
of in 77 .
the Analysis
in
of
Acoustic Phonetics
Peterson
The
Feet
reprinted
(
"
of
of
.
(
"
Nepal
the
of
2
.
in
.
in
in
as
,
.
,
.
-
a
Fig Pike gives clear illustration this relationship the above mentioned article These values were derived by measuring the center frequencies of the first four harmonics and estimating their greatest common divisor which taken the fundamental frequency More precise measurements possible necessary are but were not deemed the present instance pitch clearly since the contrasts are revealed the scale magnified spectrograms
is
0
preliminary
Gurung Tone
of Nuclei
-
.
No
E
Gordon
:
, ,
Vol
Elements
Intonation 33
America
and
.
Analysis
of
Ilse Lehiste
Role
The
Languages
4
Tibeto Burman Peter Ladefoged
,
article
Summary
"
,
,
Pike
"
- .
L
volume Kenneth
in
Phonemic
.
this
Glover Gurung See also his )
version
. .
W
Warren
)
.
1
Footnotes
- 81
7
.
na 0
.
11 . 12 .
13 .
-
Glover , Gurung Phonemic Sumary , p . 55 . Ibid . , p . 58 . J . C . Catford , " Phonation Types " , In Honour of Daniel Jones ( 1964 ) , pp . 26 - 37 . Petor Ladefoged , Linguistic Phonetics (1967 ) , passim . Maria Hari , " Thakali Tone and Higher Levels " ( in this volume ) . Richard S . Pittman , " Gurung , Tamang , Thakali , Sherpa , and Chepang Prosodies " ( in Vol . of this series ) . Kenneth L . Pike , " Tongue Root Position in Practical Phonetics " ( Phonetica 17 : 129 - 140 ( 1967 ) ) , p . 138 .
III
TAMANG
TONE
HIGHER
AND
Maria Hari , Doreen Taylor
,
LEVELS
and Kenneth
L
.
Pike
system may be characterized in terms kinds of contrasts , contrasts for breathiness ( tense or clear vs , lax or breathy ) and contrasts for pitch con tour (basically level vs . falling ) . The domain for each of these contrasts is the morpheme or the morpheme followed by non - tonal suffixes . The phonetic manifestation of tone patterns by is affected the CVC of the word , by juncture falling at phrase boundaries , and by over - riding sentence intonation . The tone of a morpheme also influences the phonetic manifestation of certain segments . It is there fore necessary to deal with aspects of virtually every level of the phonological hierarchy from segment to sen tence in order to give a coherent account of Tamang tone .
of
[
two
The Tamang tone
left
Pike and Taylor
Both
ysis of
Tamang
Kathmandu
before the anal
could be completed
. Hale worked further on the analysis for several frustrating months before Hari was invited to help with the analysis .
Though
tone in Western
the ,
following builds
on
Pike , Taylor
the work of
,
it differs significantly from this previous succeeds in accounting for the data in satis
Levels of the Phonological Hierarchy
above
the segments
Syllable Structure The syllable the minimum unit of the morpheme vowel with con nucleus filled by and consists of sonants occurring optionally in pre and post nuclear -
Contrast
ccvcovc -
82
CVC
-
cv
-
following six contrastive syllable patterns occur vc
The V
.
.
position
-
a
a
is
The
1
.
A
I .
1tn
and Hale work and a fying manner at many points at which previous approaches had failed . The following account of Tamang tone is Hari ' s , analysis and was written entirely by Hari . This analysis (DP supercedes that given in brief at the beginning of the synopsis of Tamang segmentals . The text and the word lists are given in the orthography which corresponds to this earlier analysis . Both texts and word lists had gone to press before this current analysis was complete . ]
- 83 -
lé
' you '
"
ée
"
ale "
lale /
Hípi"
lípi /
' enemy '
/ ur /
' yellow '
"
:/
' younger brother
!
VC :
Hur " "
ampale "
lampale /
' a kind of
"
orpa "
Torpal
' pull outi
'
fruit '
CV : "
sa "
Isal
"
kí "
"
ru "
ground '
tooth
,
Iki/
' water
!
/ ru /
' animal ' s horn '
Ikan /
' foot '
/ ma " r /
' gold '
/ tup /
' thread '
/ kral
' head '
/kyú :h /
' sheep '
/kieh /
' clan name '
" mlang "
Imland
' black '
"
pleng "
/ plen /
' big
"
gréhn
/ krén /
Teldest '
CVC : "
kang "
" mahr " "
Tup "
CCV : "
kra
"
gyúuh
"
gléh "
"
"
ccvc :
"
flat
stone '
- 84 -
.
Variation Consonant clustering within the syllable occurs only in the pre - nuclear position . The number of consonants which can occur in the second C - slot is very limited . The following chart expresses the combinatorial possibilities for these syllable
clusters .
yields
C
prl Iphr
1p /
Iph /
/r/
/
Iki
Ikhl
11 /
/ p1/ / pyl
Ic !
/
/y /
Ichi
/
/ m1
/
Icy
/
/
krl
/ khr /
kh1 khy
Ichy
/
ly
Isy
/
/
1s
:
/
I
In
ny
/
In
/t / / / th th / /
Iti
none
111
h
/ /
/
ly
lri
/ wl / wh /
/
Irh
)
down
'
upside
pres
(
'
/
-
'
phlup
slip
'
pap
:-
pal
/
pla
/
"
-
"
pap phlup
-
"
:
CCV
plaa pa
/mr /
/ / / / /my m1 /
second
c
/phy /ph1 / / /ky k1 / / /
first
1
CC -
/
initial
"
2
"
kli
"
Ikli /
'
feces '
"
khlaa - pa "
Ikhla : -pal
' throw
"
mlang "
Imlan /
'black '
"
kra "
/
"
khru - pa "
/khnd - pa /
"
próo
"
/ pro : /
'wash ' ( pres ) ' light meal '
"
mráa "
/mrá : /
' weed '
/ pyoh /
' bamboo mat '
" byóh "
kral
away
'
( pres )
'head ' W
"
phyaa "
Ip " ya : /
' broom '
"
kyapa
/ kySpa /
'wooden
spoon
"
khya - pa "
' mend '
( pres )
"
cyaa - pa "
/ khya - pa / Icya : - pa /
"
chyúku "
Ichyúku /
loil '
"
sya "
Isyal
' meat '
"
ngyeh "
/ nyeh ,
' milk '
"
' see '
'
( pres )
ccvc :
big
flat
"
pleng "
/ plen /
'
"
phlik
- pa "
Iphlik - pa )
' flash '
"
klang
- pa
/klan - pal
' play '
"
mlang "
Imlan
'black '
"
prang "
/ pran /
' stand over
" phrengka "
Iphrenkal
la necklace '
" kríng - pa "
/ krín - pal
"
/
a
stone '
( pres ) ( pres )
fire - place
"
khráng - pa "
Ikhrán - pa /
' cry out ' ( pres ' burn ' ( pres )
"
mring "
/mrin ,
' wife '
)
'
/ pyan - pa /
' able to run
/ phyan - pa /
' fly '
/ kyun - pal
"
khyang "
/khyan /
' platform
"
jyohr pa
Icyohr - pal
"
chyong
'
up
pre
with
(
'
-
sy
catch
'
'
we
pal
áp
/
)
loverflow
/
" "
-
'
stones
Inyahn
pa
syåp
pres
necklace of preciou
your
/
/
"
"
ngyahng
Distribution Note
:
The
trisyllabic
morphemes
are not included in
this statement of distribution because
they
'
' '
bug
/
.
/
'
'
lun
small
single
morpheme
vc
/
puh
a
V
.
not possible set
'
knot
'
/
'
frog
this block syllabifies
'
.
pohl top
.
'
/
'
'
'
/
'
deep
'
pa1 pal
crow crow
'
crooked
.
Itáh pran
!
narrov narrow
,
ta /
'
'
/
.
.
ku
/
/
ton
1
VC
.
ins ane
,
V
. .
hok
.
CVC
.
CVC
cyuk
kok
/
CV
.
CVC
sya
peh
/
.
cv cv . .
ccv
CVC
heaped
'
.
"
'
does not occur within
.
CV
CVC
bisyllabic
the
Ici tal
buffalo
'
,
.
/
.
ki
Ikhá pop
CV
2
3
ma
cv cvc .
1
CV CV
ccvc
4
possible patterns for
:
following
morpheme
36
.
are quite rare in the language Combining the six emic syllable types we get the
5
.
wring out
myúr
"
"
myúr
lemon , sour '
!
"
-
"
"
"
- pa
!
( pres )
'
" kyung
0
- pa "
Ich
" phyang
fast
'
- pa "
'
" pyang
3
-
86
(
-
like
- 87 -
6
cvc . ccv CVC
7
8
9
ll
/ phit . cyor/
' flag ' .
' outside '
. CV
V
. CVC
lá . nal ' younger sister ' la . lel ' younger brother / i .kok / ' hiccup '
V
.
does
V
. Vc
v
. ccv
la . cyol ' elder brother '
. CCVC
la . syan ,
V
not occur within
no no example
VC . CVC
general
VC .
not possible
V
vc . ccv
due to
set
a
single
found , non
the rarity of
16 . nyel
,
significant syllables
this block
' some time ago
bo VC -
'
, .gap in bo
syllabifies like
7
no example found , non - significant gap
VC . CCVC
13 CCV . cv
ccv . cvc 14 ccv .
V
Ikrá
. su /
Ikhri . ti / ' dirty '
' steep '
lean / cyah . tan , 'near '
not possible within
a
single
morpheme
CCV . Vc
15
ccv . ccv cev . ccvc
16
. ccvc . cv ccvc . cvc
' paper ' non - significant gap / syo . syo /
/krahm . pal
' cheek '
/ cyot . tor /
' comb '
!
morpheme
' father - in - law '
VC . CV
vc . vc 12
/ tar . cyu /
. syol ' tomorrow '
V
V
10
. ccvc
nahm
Iklin . tol 'naked '
- 88
17 CCVC . CCVC
not possible
V
like set
. VC
18 ccvc . ccv
/ nyam
ny
,
13
a
this block syllabifies
' bird '
/
/ prép . prép /
CCVC . ccvc
-
' together '
' storm
/ cyan . syar /
Out of the 36 patterns six are not possible be cause they are repetitions of other patterns . See 5 ,
ll ,
( 10
17 .
,
For five patterns 12 ,
examples could be found . these cases the gaps seem not very
In
15b )
ON
significant .
, no
For the six patterns of
2 , 8 , and 14 the gaps sequences seem No of two V - syllables 3 single morpheme occur within a . Patterns 2a , 8a , possible and 14a are for the word , because there syllable shape " - V " . are suffixes with the Patterns possible , , 2b 8b and 14b are not for the word either because there is no suffix with the shape " - VC " .
significant .
both
If
a
, word
simple statement of and morpheme
CV - patterns
level , we
must
cover
find , that certain
patterns are possible for the word but not for the
morpheme
( 2a ,
8a ,
14
expect the patterns
a
) .
2b
,
On 8b
the other hand we would 14b also to be pos
, and
the word , but they actually do not occur simply because there is no affix with the shape " - VC This gives us a good ground for postulating a phono
sible for logical
reasons Q
morpheme to assume
.
Altogether we have several that this level is important . They
level .
are the following : The morpheme
"
has
unique set of with the word .
- patterns
1
.
2
. The morpheme is the basic unit on which the quality and pitch systems operate .
3
.
is not identical
a
CV
which
voice
is also the basic unit for the distri bution of certain phonemes : Aspirated stops occur only morpheme initial , never morpheme medial . But they do occur word medial in stem compounds and in words with the negative prefixes " a - " and " tha - " . The morpheme
- 89 -
The Morpheme
following sections data without brackets in the text orthography , except for the pitch contours , which are sym bolized with lines , giving a phonetic approxi
Note :
the
In
or quotes are written mation of the A
morpheme
rises
and
consists of
1
falls
to
3
involved
syllables
is the primary domain of tone . That tive pitch contours stretch over the
of morpheme Illustrations a
"
káa "
"
kóla
"
to
3
it
contras syllables
. :
de kaa
' blood '
kola
'
child '
lápita "
lapita
' Nepali shirt '
"
ru "
nu
'horn '
"
yungpa "
کرس yungpa
' stone '
"
Tokoro
Tokoro
la
btwn
' seed '
"
blúh "
"
dóhngpa
"
dóhngkale "
"
jah "
The
' tree '
dokagkale
" a
ape
'
'
old
'
Ishrew
áhngsiri
'
d
"
big
son
bónkta
dahngsiri
garment '
dokungpa
jah
"
"
"
ibohkta
Word
.
A
word consists of at least one morpheme The can be preceded by one prefix and fol There are also compound lowed by several suffixes words which contain two stem morphemes The word is the secondary domain of the contrastive pitch With regard to the distribution of the features D pitch features we may distinguish two types of words Simple words and compound words morpheme
.
:
.
.
.
stem
34
.
1
the
, and
"
"
c
is
,
.
'
.
'
B
-
They consist of a stem . Phonological simple words . and a string of neutral suffixes . In this case the
pitch contour of the
Syóo
"
sy oo -
"
ngoo "
"
ngoo -
"
dóoh "
"
dooh -
"
Daah
"
Daah -
"
ri - pa - la
'beg '
-ri - pa - la
syoo
"
'
ngoo
ri - pa - la
-
ri
-
pa
-
-
' (pres
la
tinctive
,
tinctive tone tone own
(
pres cont
consist of
They
'
)
more
dis
3 or of stem and suffixes with P or of stems and suffixes with dis O compound words each component
pitch contour
.
its
words
'
a
,
compound
than one stem
cont ) '
,
Phonological
keeps
ri - pa - la
Daah -
"
In
ri - pa - la
'
)
'win '
Daah
"
!
return '
'
doderi - pa
"
pres cont )
' ( pres cont
la
dden
ri - pa - la
(
' tease '
ngoo
"
.
.
stretches over the neutral
sy oo
"
2
stem
.
Oor
suffixes
.
1
-
90
buh
"
buh
' '
,
' '
door
point
body
end
'
"
"
"
joh
,
"
" "
joh
'
"
mrap
hair
'
mráp
floor
,
"
cham
hand
'
"
chấm
'
thing
'
"
thing
'
yaa
'
yaa
bark
eye
'
mil
'
"
mối
shell
'
"
phil
'
"
phơi
mouth
'
"
sung
"
"
sung
"
:
Components
91
-
-
"
dáhp "
dako
'needle '
"
buhlung "
buhlung
'bug '
mii - cham
' eyebrow '
Compound
words :
"
mii -
"
mii - phôi
mii - phit
' eyelid '
"
mráp - sung "
mrap - sung
orw ' doorway !
"
cham - buhlung "
chair buhlung
' caterpillar '
"
sung - phii
"
sung - phil
' lips '
" yaa
- thing "
yaa - thing
'hand
" yaa
- joh "
yaa
chăm "
"
buh - chăm "
"
dahp - joh
dake
hair
' body
buh - cham
"
tips !
' finger
- joh
'
palm
!
' point of needle '
- joh
Tonal (or distinctive ) affixes do not fall under influence of the stem to which they are affixed , but they manifest their own pitch contours . Phonolog the
sung - maah
'mouths '
dáhp -maah
"
dabp - maah
' needles '
' :
pour
he
didn
sleep
he
didn
t
'
show
' '
soak
'
'
'
)
)
)
)
(
'( (
don
'
t
didn
'
he
't
"
hide
(
o
-
tha ngom
"
'
"
-
didn
'
he
'
bluhm
-
a
nuruh
a
a
-
yuu
tha
'
chum
and
'
-
-
prefixes
-
o "
"
ngom
-
the negative a
"
" "
-
-
tha
-
-
á
bluhm
-
á
núuh
"
á
"
chúm
yuu
points
malah
" á
joh
"
á
"
:
"
sung - maah
Examples with
"
- maah
' eyes '
" joh -máah "
"
"
miì - maah
-
"
suffix
-
mii - maah "
"
the plural
t
Examples with
compound words .
are
t
these words
'
ically
!
spin
'
'
t
'
don
away
'
t
walk
'
t
don
throw
'
o
-
-
-
"
O "
-
-
duhm
'
tha
duhm
ko
don
'
"
tha
-o
tha bra
Phonological Phrase phonological phrase of characterized juncture features They are manifested by .
:
a
The end
by various
is
The
of
length
last syllable before
the
,
-
varying degrees the juncture
on
.
hur
"
tha brah ko -
tha -
-
tha - hur - o "
"
D
-
92
-
-
an
up
-
glide
go
a
ma naka m aah
:/
/
hen
pl
-
of /
:/
--
na
--
pl
maanki
-
11
shaman
1
ma
/
:
Yesterday
they went to cook the hens '
.
shamans
'
#
-A
pl -
.
ngiset
D10 bohmpo
v
-
-
-
V
-
The
v
-
cook
ri
they
-
,
yesterday yoh pa
maah се
-
/:
thengi
ce !
.
in
upstep and
by
accompanied
pitch
tila
Phonological Sentence :
a
phonological sentence can The pitch dimensions of be symbolized by the following shape onset
peak
coda
general
Pitch
characteristics updrift :
.
,
last syllable before larger junctures carries
the
intonational stress
E
varying degrees of length
'
-
-
of
followed by pauses
the contrastive pitch contours are most clearly
manifested
here
general downdrift
93
-
-
the contrastive pitch con tours are not wiped out , but they shrink in their di mensions as the representation above attempts to show . All statements about high and low pitch are relative to the point of the phonological sentence at which the pitch in question occurs . A high tone has to be higher than a low tone only at the same point of the phonological sentence , but not necessarily higher than a low at an other point in the sentence . the onset
In
dahngse bohmpo -maah ( some
time
ngi si : #
catch
-
V
-
shaman -
ago )
/ /
pl -
A
ama -
ki .
I
canu -maah
friend - pl
we - of
ringi - pats V
go -
#
cung - pa
/ / mother - of / wasp - pl
ngyang -ki roh - maatei
/
tomorrow CU cung - pa -
ces
' Some time ago . the shamans went to wasps . '
go - v nahmsyo :
coda
and
Il
sell -
on
d W Our ' Tomorrow our friends catch the sons of the
son -
will
pl go &
spirit .
and '
v
analysis we have mainly concentrated to the contrasts at the peak of the sen examples given show the contrasts as they
tence . The are manifested in the peak . Also , the illustrations are not to be listened to in isolation but in frames . For simplification the frames are not given , but the pitch contours are given as they occur in utterances . the items are pronounced in isolation , overriding intonation factors may change the pitch contour
If
drastically
II .
Tone
The A
.
.
System
Voice Quality 1
.
-v
grade -ki : / jah -- ma maak
spirit -of
ri
sell mother '
For the tone
listening
v
-
Contrast In D . Taylor ' s ' Tamang Segmental Synopsis ' . elsewhere in this report , a contrast is posited be tween " clear " and " breathy " vowels . These terms have the advantage of being relatively well -known
s
-
-
94
systemic parallels between languages For Tamang , however , these terms may be misleading since the contrast between " clear " and " breathy " is phonetically realized as a contrast between tense and lax articulation . We will there fore refer to this contrast as tense vs . lax in the and
of
showing
of this report .
following discussion
.
P quality contrast results mainly from . position a of the Adam ' s apple . In pronunciation the ofHP lax vowels , the Adam ' s apple remains lowered . This results in a larger resonance
The voice change in the
chamber at
of
the mouth and the vowel sounds In the pronunciation of , tense vowels the Adam ' s apple is raised slightly . This results in a smaller resonance chamber at the back of the mouth and the vowel sounds tense and .
relaxed
and
the back
vibrating .
less vibrating In
addition
ing effect
ulation
The
on
on
on
the lax
,
articulation
the pitch of the vowel
has a Tense
.
lower
artic
the other hand , conditions high pitch .
tense / lax voice quality contrast together lowering or raising effect on pitch is
with its only relevant pheme
.
the
on
first syllable of a stem mor syllable of a tonal affix .
the
first
Minimal contrasts Laxness is symbolized with "
waa "
"
waah
"
wa "
" wah "
"
roon
"
rooh
"
too
"
dooh
1
)
"
" "
Syllable
regularly
after
the vowel .
' to feed '
waà "
" h "
'
wagh
to
hit
,
thresh '
wa
' to dig '
wah
' to measure '
roo
' to bear
roben
' to
too
' to need '
dooh
initial voiced
1
)
' to
fry
fruit '
'
reach there
stops before lax vowels are .
!
"
kuu "
"
guuh
948
-
kuu
' to wear
"
quuh
' to stop '
" pang "
pang
' to
fall
bahng
' to
fight
hat '
a
over !
"
bahng "
"
ta "
' to knock
"
dah "
' to discover
"
ná "
' to
"
náh
"
naa "
naa
' to carry '
"
naah "
naah
' to persecute '
"
pling "
pling
' to
"
blihng "
blihng
' to fall !
"
buh
"
kí"
pu "
" gíh " " mi " "
'miih "
down !
ill !
be
ito res rest '
"
" pu "
with words '
ban
fill '
' cooking pot ' "
field
'
' water ' 60
' thatch '
mii
leye '
miin
'man '
fruit '
-
"
cang
"
jahng "
"
la "
"
lah
"
"
iii
"
.
-
daughter - in
cang
'
jang
' to put down words '
-
law '
' god ' "
lah
"
"
]
ii
'
liih
"
" me "
2
95
hill ' face '
llih
'body '
me
'
fire !
"
méh
"
mah
Icow '
"
Tuu
"
Tuu
' sweat '
"
Duuh
Duuh
' six '
"
ngii "
ngii
'we '
"
ngíih
"
ngjih
' two '
"
prang "
prang
' stand over fire place
"
brahng "
brahng
' hut '
"
nga "
"
ngất
"
"
"
ga nglah
' five '
tíngi "
tingi
' today
tihngi "
tihngi
' sunshine '
"
of
Variation a
' I'
)
segmentals conditioned by voice quality
Voicing of syllable
If
initial
full
only
P
0 a
stops .
syllable starts with an unaspirated In careful speech it is voicing , in less careful speech it may be slight voicing , or voiceless lenis pro a
lax
stop , the stop is voiced . a
!
nunciation
.
!
-
daah
"
ash "
"
jihta "
Icihtal
/ cyahtan /
,
aah
]
"
to cross
intestines
]
ķDahe
]
gTahp
win
]
pa
țan
)
:da / / / ta ": şo kruhn
ou
lox
'
[
gruhn
[
/p
/
nearby
in loans
of
the speech
In
hba
aabbal pakpa
/
"
"
Exception
' small '
çihta
jyaktan
kruhn
kia
' courtyard '
]
"
-
pa
gláhp
g
"
( [ ( [
gruhng
"
"
Dáh
' pole '
jihţa
/ ta :hpal / tahpal
"
"
Daah pa -
"
jyáhtang
"
Itoh ,
[ da : h / ța:h ] yakni [
/ /
"
'
/ ta : h /
"
' small baske
'
/ pehnkel
' knot '
'
"
[ bo “itop / pohitop ] [ betingel potage ]
to
" béhngke
/
'
Ipohitop
'
"
'
bohltop
"
-
96
the informant
some
violate this rule insofar that after initial voiced stops
Nepali loan words
we
find tense vowels '
]
gundini
flut
drum
'
[
:
]
la '
/
bamboo
]
I
"
Igúntiri
dambun
[
dámpuru
ba suni
[
/
:
suli
/
gúntiri
bá
/
"
dámpuru
"
"
baasuli
"
"
:
phonemic
rice straw
Onset
of word initial glottal stop
vowels
.
)
b
!
mat
.
to
.
is
A
the normal onset of tense Slight voiced vowels occurring word initially aspiration precedes lax vowels occurring word initially Phonemic status needs not be .
'
'
'
mother
14th year
!
]
enemy
'
]
]
:h
you
'
]
:
? e
ama
Re
/ /
/
h
le :
" "
"
[
eeh
ipl
?
lama
[
"
ama
features
these
["
lípi
to
[
"
ípi
: /
lé
"
"
ée
"
attributed
- 97 -
3
. Distribution )
a
tense / lax contrast is only relevant on the stem morphemes and on the first
The
first syllable of
syllable of tonal affixes . On second or third syllables of stems and on neutral affixes this contrast is not operating . b
)
Lax vowels do not occur after the aspirated stops · and the voiceless / rh / , /wh / and / h / . After these only tense vowels can occur . It is after un
c
)
d
)
aspirated stops
,
after / s / , and after voiced syllable initial vowels where
consonants and in the tense / lax contrast
is operating
All
and
vowels
occur tense
lax
.
Lax vowels have been observed in emic syllable types .
Itih ,
.
five of the six ' skin '
CV
"
Dih
CVC
"
bahm
CCV
" braah "
Zprá : h /
' flour '
CCVC
"
gyóht "
/ kyoht /
' language '
"
eeh
le
14th year
Ipakm
"
"
/
' shoulder '
:h /
have
very
few
examples
of
word
initial
syllables . Our failure to observe lax this syllable type probably represents our corpus rather than the occurrence of lax vowels . )
dental on
B
. Pitch 1
.
!
no example
VC ( We
"
gap
in
a
VC
vowels an
in
acci
constraint
contours
Contrast In the preceding section on voice quality we have seen that lax pronunciation of the vowel has a lower ing effect on the relative height of the pitch . In addition we have within both groups , lax and tense , a further contrast between distinctive pitch contours .
-
high contour
-
98
falling
contrasts with . These contrastive contours characteristic of the morpheme and stretch tense
In
mid - rising
a
are a over the
high
-
a
to
1
-
syllables of
3
falling
lungta
'prayer
flag '
lapita
' Nepali
shirt '
The than
foot
kang
'
yungpa
' stone '
Tokoro
'
:
a
'
garment '
fall
in the first contour is much more drastic the rise in the second . The second contour can
basically level .
be viewed as
low
the morpheme .
mid - rising
' rain '
nam
contour
In
lax
a
mid -
falling
slightly falling
contour contrasts with contour :
f a mid - falling
low -
garlic
noon
' relatives '
me ekme
gongkare 'kind of food '
slightly - falling
suuh
' thigh '
sy @ ehpa
' cooked
guh
a
cili
rice '
' armpit '
Here again the fall in the first contour is much more drastic , and the second contour can be viewed
basically
level
as
.
The two intersecting systems of voice quality pitch produce four contrasting patterns . The following chart shows approximately how the pitch
and
contours compare with each other and what symbols are used to mark them phonemically and in text orthography .
sharply falling
II
tense
(
relative high
)
"
Í"
101
III
lax
( relative
basically level
low )
"
Gh
"
y
"
/v/
IV "
"
vh "
/ vh /
-
-
99
Minimal contrasts for pitch in pairs
:
Tense
a
)
"
lé "
"
le "
"
chỉ "
СП
'
"
chi "
chi
' grass '
"
tá - pa "
ta - pa
' to knock
"
ta - pa "
ta - pa
' to be
"
cúng - pa "
cung - pa
' to
"
cung - pa "
cung
' to catch '
' tongue '
va
(
down
'
alright )
'
peel
sprout
'
'
to
sell '
to
'
'
'
'
'
head
in
'
law
-
' '
-
'
-
"
Daah
"
Dáah
son
maah
"
maah
gold
plural affix
maah
"
"
-
má ah
'
mahr
boiled butter
'
mahr
"
"
Lax mahr
"
pa
fat
'
pa
-phil
phii
máhr
belt for
carrying
to
!
!
' '
to remember '
bite
to
lock
to
sew
to
plough
pull
'
,
'
'
'
up
'
'
to belch
'
- -
Dung
to win
'
pa pa
pa
pa
-
-
Duho
D
Duhp
gahr
gane
-
"
-
"
Dúhp
-
"
gahr
"
"
gáhr
- -
jiih
"
pa
-
"
jiih
pa pa pa "pa " " "
"
"
jiki
-
pa
pa pa
Daah
Daah
'
'
"
pa
-
-
"
-
pa
"
)
b
"
" phii - pa "
phii
' stalk '
-
- 100
"
D6h - pa "
Dolpa
' to
"
Doh - pa "
Doh - pa
' to be warm '
c
)
"
tá - pa "
ta - pa
' to
"
ta - pa "
ta - pa
' to be
Minimal
- pa "
" dah
contrasts
triplets
in
dah
sow '
- ma
knock
'
down
alright ) '
(
' to discover , for '
search
pang - pa "
pang -pa
' to
tell '
"
pang - pa "
pang - pa
' to
fall
bahng - pa
' to fight with word :
syée pa
syeespa
to need
!
'
'
to return
to arrive at distant place
lah
lah
' '
' '
god
mountain
)
'
'
)
(
'
' s
month
hon
(
go
to
'
' ' '
'
'
drum
'
la
lama
'
ro "
1а
five
'
"
"
"
sro
'
"
ngah
'I '
ngah
ill
to raise
'
"
ngah
rice
rest
to
'
ngáh
hon
to be
'
nga
-
"
nga
"
nah pa
-
nah pa
"
pa
know
cooked
'
nah
to
'
pa
-
na pa -
"
"
syeehpa
"
-
pa
"
na
-
"
náh
pa
syee
-
pa
"
-
sye ehpa
"
"
"
syee
"
-
'
"
-
dooħ
'
!
a
pa
pa
"
dooh pa -
"
-
dooniga
"
"
dóoh
-
too -pa "
"
over
'
toó
" bahng09- pa"
pa
"
- 101 -
Theoretically we have the possibility of a four contrast in the combined contrast systems of voice quality ( tense / lax ) and pitch ( falls /basic level ) . However , to date no minimal contrast sets of four have been discovered . The following are only near minimal contrast sets : way
"
pang - pa "
pang - pa
' to
tell '
"
pang - pa "
pang - pa
' to
fall
"
jáhng - pa "
' to
put
" bahng
"
la "
"
la "
jahng - pa
- pa "
bahng - pa
24
over ' down
words '
' to fight with words ' ' month '
' god '
"
laah
"
lah
"
"
laah
' name of
lah
' mountain '
a
flower !
As the contrast system is presented here , we have two systems of contrast intersecting with each other : the lax / tense voice quality system inter
secting with the sharp fall / basic level pitch con tour system . Checking with different Tamang speakers I have observed that any speaker will readily re cognize and affirm the lax / tense contrast , while the existence of the pitch contrasts is far less clear to them .
2
.
Variation a
)
and
Distribution
stems
On
have already stated that the contrastive contours are a characteristic of the mor pheme and that they are " elastic " . That is , they stretch out over the one to three syllables of a
pitch
We
morpheme .
high
Tense
imráa
-
falling
:
weed '
"
mraa
"
" mráp "
mrap
' door
séra
serà
'hailstone '
"
"
!
,
- 102 -
-
"
thánto
"
mátengi "
"
khanto
' steep upwards '
matengi
' an instrument
to make butter '
used
Tense mid - rising : "
sya"
sya
'meat
"
chyong "
chyong
'necklace '
"
khriti "
khriti
' dirty '
mingku
' smoke '
" mingku " "
Tokoro
"
putali "
Lax mid "
"
wah
"
-
(N)
!
Tokoro
la
putali
' butterfly '
garment '
falling : wand
"
' wheat '
' ox '
glahp "
" mühna "
munna
'night '
"
yahrnga "
yahenga
' branch '
"
g6hleele "
gorleele
' slowly '
"
gohngkare
go magkare
la kind of food '
"
Lax low - slightly -
falling : goh
' back '
bahm
ishoulder
gohca
' big knife '
guhrli "
guhrli
' bow '
"
guhcili "
guhcili
' armpit '
"
dahngsiri
dahngsiri
' shrew '
"
goh
"
bahm
"
gohca
"
" "
"
"
'
- 103
b
)
-
of syllable patterns on pitch contours No significant variations of the pitch con
Impact
been observed in monosyllabic morphemes . and trisyllabic morphemes certain syllable patterns can effect quite drastic changes . In general a morpheme - CVC syllable has a raising effect on pitch . The following variations have been observed :
tours have
bi -
In
final
The
tense high
syllabic when
-
falling
contour of
morphemes takes the morpheme ends with
the
bi -
and
a
syllable
closed
"
tháareng "
thaareng
' far '
"
khắpop "
khapop
' heaped '
kyucyuk "
kyucy
uk
' narrow '
tikalak
tikalak
' lizard '
" "
"
tri
following shape
:
final syl
same raising effect a closed lable we can observe in the tense mid - rising con morphemes , though here the tour of bisyllabic . variation Pis less strikingly audible than in the ( preceding examples :
of
The
thenten
"
thenten
' empty '
"
hoktong "
hoktong
'
"
phitcyor
phitcyor
' outside '
"
A
"
morpheme - final
the lax
"
béhngkuluk
"
bánykalak " . dáhngkuluk
'
closed syllable also affects contour of trisyllabic
mid - falling
morphemes :
"
deep
"
"
bengkuluk
la bird '
bañxkalak
' swallow '
dañîngkuluk
s
name '
' grasshopper '
mid - rising contour of trisyllabic with an initial closed syllable open syllables takes the following by followed
The tense morphemes
shape
:
-
huntali
'
a
'
'
"
"
"
'
rising
-
The tense mid morphemes with
contour of tribyllabic long vowel in the second syl
first syllable
,
confined to the
The
:
a
lable shows the following variations
is
fruit
small
a
ampale
"
"
"
ampale
swing
'
huntali
small ant
'
sampani
'
sampani
pheasant
khentere Satere
'
104
"
khentere
"
-
rise
the second
on
muraall suntaala
the
Regarding
'
'
'
herdsman
affixes
the
'
'
deer
in
"
Position
'
' '
orange
jaraayo of
)
"
jaraayo
flute
goraalo
"
"
goraalo
c
suntaala
"
"
muraali
"
"
:
.
a
and third syllable we have fall with quick crescendo and decrescendo This pattern has only been observed on Nepali loan words
tone system
the tone system we have
two
types
)
(
.
.
.
,
,
is
.
)
(
=
:
=
of affixes Neutral atonal affixes and dis tinct tonal affixes The majority of the suffixes is neutral that their pitch is determined by the stem to which they are suffixed The stem contour spreads over the neutral affixes Tenseness or laxness of the vowel is not rele vant in neutral affixes
)
(
!
-
rs
'
'
present
)
stem
(
' pa
'
"
ngi
-
"
pa
'
past continuous
S
-
la rọ
-
-
-
"
-
ngi
pa
'
ri
!
kha
past continuous
go
la ro
-
pa
.
ngi
-
"
"
ng
to
' '
-
ri pola
-
kha
-
"
"
la
ri ri
-
-
pa
-
-
"
-
-
past perfect
'
khá
present
kha pala
la
stem
come
'
"
kha
kha pa
to
"
kha pa
khà
'
"
kha pa
"
"
khá
"
:
Neutral affixes with verb stems
-
105
-
Neutral affixes with verb stems
:
"
kha "
kha
' to
"
kha - pa "
kha - pa
"
kha - pa - la "
kha - pa - la
' presenti ' past perfect !
"
kha - ri - pa - la "
kha -
"
kha -
" ng "
ri - pa - la - ro "
."
ngi - pa "
kha -
ri - pa - la ri pa la -
-
come
'
( stem )
' past continuous ' -
ro
' past continuous
ngi
' to
ngi - pa
' present '
go !
( stem )
-
rs '
- 106
ngi - pa - la " " ngi - pa - la "
"
ri
ngi - ri - pa - la - ro "
"
-
ngi - pa - la
' past perfect '
ngi
' past continuous
!
' past continuous
-
-
ngi -
ri - pa - la ri pa la -
-
-
ro
"
jſih "
"
jiih - pa "
"
jſih
"
jíih - ri - pa - la "
jileri
"
jſih - ri - pa - la- ro "
jiik - ri -pa -la - ro ' past
"
jiih "
jiih
' to remember '
ji
jiih - pa" " jiih - pa - la "
" "
ri - pa - la jiih ri pa la jiih
-
-
-
-
-
' past perfect '
-la
D . Ne pa
- pa -
la
-
ro
"
jiih
ri
-
pa
-
continuous - rs '
bite '
( stem )
' present '
jiih - ri - pa - la
"
' past continuous '
' to
jiih - pa jiin -pa - la
"
( stem )
' present '
jino -pa
- pa - la "
rs !
-
' past perfect ' ' past continuous '
la - ro ' past continuous
- rs
Neutral affixes with nouns : "
phím "
" phúm "
-
phúm -
" phúm
-
"
námsa
"
námsa
"
náms
a
náms
a
legg '
phum
ri
phum -
"
ri - ee
phum
"
ri - ee -no
-
phum -
"
ri
'
rise
ri etno -
ri ri ee - ri - ee - no -
"
-
-
"
mátengi "
"
mátengi
-
a
-
ri
nams ā
-
rise
namsa
-
-
>
nams
"
"
"
' in the
egg
' too
'
' in the egg too ,
emph .
ri
etc - ee
matengi
ri
egg
'
' village '
namsa
"
the
in
matengi
# 0
'
-
ri
.
instrument
butter ! etc .
to make
'
- 107 -
mátengi - ri - ee "
matengi
-
matengi
matengi
-
"
-
"
-
ee
no
the husband
the husband
too
!
'
to
,
too
.
'
.
by the dream
'
'
then
flower
'
'
.
,
the dream
'
by
'
'
dream
emph
'
'
-
'
bird
no
flower
then
'
'
'
mi
by the
'
by the flower
ce
-
-
méhnto
-
"
mi
ce
mehnto
"
ce
'
'
by the
'
bird
'
mi
-
"
ce
mehnto
"
-
mahng
-
"
mi
-
"
-
'pr
mehnto
mehnto
ce
ce
ce
-
-
"
mehnto
mahng
ce
"
-
"
mahng mahng
mahng
"
"
mahng
,
'
by
'
the
ce ee
emph
kind of bird
'
ce
-
bengkuluk
-
no
"
-
"
-
-
-
DA behagkuluk
the cat
,
'
'
no
ee -
ce
"
-
-
"
,
behngkuluk
ce ee
'
'
-ee
"
-
"
ce
"
-
-
guhai
the cat
by
ce "
-
-
'
béhngkuluk
'
"
béhngkuluk ce
'' cat ''
"
béhngkuluk
by
guhrince ee no
emph
cat
gunei ce
by the path
a
"
gúhri
gyantece
ce ee no
-
"
gúhri
áhm
by the path
ce no
"
gúhri
gyanth
path
-
"
gy
"
"
gyáhm
gydom
-
"
gyáhm
"
.
'
to the mother
emph
,
'
the mother
'
ta ee no
'
-
-
ama
-
ta ee no
ta -
"
ama
-
-
Hama
ta
-
ama
mother
ama
"
"
ama
"
.
emph
,
ta
to
'
pha
-
pha ta ee no
-
ta
-
pha
'
'
husband
pha ta -
" "
-
-
pha "
"
ri ee no '
ee - no "
'
-
'
ri
- ee
to
-
ri
pħa
"
-
"
- 108 -
"
dahngsiri
"
dahngsiri
' shrew '
"
dahngsiri
- ce "
dahngsiri - ce
' by the shrew '
"
dahngsiri - ce -mi "
dahngsiri
' by the shrew
- ce - mi
'
then
small number of affixes is distinctive , that is , are not under the influence of the stem to which they are affixed , but have a distinctive pitch contour A
their distribution "
"
ká a -maah
"
tungra -maah "
tungra -maaa
'blood - pl ' ' ginger - pl '
"
rhin
rhín - maat
'bamboo
"
tamra - maah
"
nooh -maah
kaa - maah
-jak
the
jiih
sihm
'
-
' '
-
ko
-
'
let
him
sell
let
him
catch
let
him
remem remember
let
him
bite
.
sihm
'.
jiih
pl
-
sihm
-
jiinko
."
the
."
-
'
-0 -
."
."
-o ko - ko -
sihm
-
the
jſih
o
-
" "
the
sihm
'
the cung
cheek
'
sihm
sihm
-
cung
'
-
"
cūng
"
the
o
"
sihm
-o -
-
sihm
the cúng
"
"
natale
So
-
-
-
graħmpa
Attitude suffix
the
son pl
maat
So
maah
pl '
pl
bag
'
"
grahmpa
gahita -maat
"
"
jah máah
-
' garlic - pl '
noán made
gáhlta
máah
' bean
m
-
.
"
"
a
tamra
"
- pl'
So
"
"
-maah
So
"
'
-ma ah
it .
"
.
Plural affix
.
'
throughout
.
they
Prefixes The
negative prefixes
two
are the only
prefixes of
t
'
He didn yesterday
'
cung
'
-
tila
a
the ce -
"
cúng
.
tila
-
ce
á
the
-
"
.
,
.
.
Normally they only They are distinctive the language occur before stems and each component retains its own pitch contour
sell
tila
a
the - ce
tila
jiih . "
the - ce
tila
."
tingi
tha cung
."
- 109 -
tin
tha
ko
tingit
tila
á
-
tha cung
tíngi
tha
jíih
tha
jiih
-
iiih
' He didn ' t bite yesterday . '
' Don ' t
cung
Don
today
jille
ko
sell
Don
today
."
catch
today
remember
t
today
"
pa
la
'
'
'
' '
'
'
'
'
celebrated
'
'
not celebrated
pa la -
-
'
'
la
-
la -
la
precedes the stem tha stems )
.
"
fall
distinctive suffix
distinc '
.
' '
.' .
.
-
-
A A
emph
-
emph
-
-
-
tree
'
-
A
-
-p1 A -
-
'
emph
emph
pl friend pl
'
-
-
'
-
se no
roh maahce no
child pl
tail
-
-
-
-
-
no
cocho
dohngre maah -
"
-
"
e
-
"
-
-
ce no
no
-
ce
maah
-
.
a
and
-
"
'
-
-
pa
not repeated
-
paa
-
-
a
-
a -
repeated
la
ti
loan
mee maah
-
-
-
-
not elected
the pitch contour of the
kola
nos
maah
ah
-
roh má -
"
dohngpo
"
"
mee maah
ce no
ce
-
maah
-
"
tive suffix kola
of
the influence
under
pa
ti
Neutral suffixes following
elected
panda
-
-
ti
negative non
-
-
-
-
a
-
-
like before
mahn
-
la
the imperative
behaves
-
"
-
-
pa
-
mahn
"
-
-
ti
doon
ti ti
-
"
"
la
-
pa la
-
-
doohr
pa la
-
a
-
-
-
-
ti
cun
la
-
-
-
-
pa
a
-
pa
"
-
-
-
-
á
-
-
"
"
ti ti
not stopped
'
a -
pa
stopped
-
.
ti
"
cun
á
rok
ti
mahn
In
pa la
ti pa
mahn
(
ti
la "
doohr
-
"
doohr
rok
-
"
cun
ti pala ti pa
-
"
cun
-
"
"
rok
"
ti
'
.
-
" á
The negation of Nepali loan verbs is somewhat odd in that follows the stem and its pitch contour dominates the following neutral suffixes
rók
'
bite
'
Don
.
ko
'
jiih
tha
-
"
.
tingi
-
ko
-
"
tingi
-
.
.
-
"
-o
-
-
a
-
tíngi
-o
tha cúng
gi
"
' He didn ' t remember yesterday . '
'
the - ce
'
'
"
a
. t
"
,
t
jiih
'
-
'
á
' He didn ' t catch yesterday . '
'
tila
- suarg
'
the - ce
V
-ò
"
ce -
-6
the -
-
"
-
- cung .
gì
á
tín
tila
"
the - ce
"
"
- 110
words and neutral suffixes
Compound
neutral suffixes
fall naturally
of the pitch contour of the second
ri
kaa - jyahng -
"
- láhm - ee -no "
"
yaa chín -
"
byohn - chame - ta "
yaa - chin - ce
'with
by ohn
-
if
he
jilb
if
he remembers
if
sa
jiih he
'
. . .
mi
. . .
'
catches
benefactive ) ' .
mi
(
bites
mi
Sa
n
'
'
bite
. ..
cung
the
"
-
pin sa mi -
jiih
the
-
remember
sells
'
' "
-
-
-
"
pin sa mi
if he
-pin sa -
'
- At
pin -
sell - give - cond
mi
sa -
he
the cung - pin - sa -
mi "
-pin sa -
cung -
jiih
' to the ladies and gentlemen "
ta
. . .
pin - sa -
the
the
-
fingernail '
the
verbs :
catch
"
chame
the cung - pin - sa - mi "
"
'
' the flame too '
-
"
the vein
me - lahm Lee - no
-
Compound
"
' in
-
ce
ri
the
" me
-
the influence
under
the
káa - jyahng
"
:
item .
M
The
-
.
twice
'
'
feather
!
"
"
"
buhrbuhr
!
buhrbuhr
paper
'
syosyo
'
syosyo
spider
'
wahogwaneg
'
wahngwahng
"
"
learly
"
youd
yóyó
"
la little
"
cekcex
cékcék
"
repeated
in
:
Bisyllabic echo words do not fit into Echo words patterns of the morpheme but they bisyllabic pitch the compounds behave like which the same morpheme is
lll
-
d
)
Pitch variation
-
intonation
under
The bearing of intonational stress and in tonational pitch contours on the lexical pitch has not yet been studied in detail , but some
statements can be made at this
fragmentary
point of the analysis We
have already
.
stated that one of the
characteristics of the end of a phonological phrase is an intonational stress with upstep
by pitch rise . Neutral suf position fixes in this are no longer under the influence of the overriding intonation .
pitch
in
followed
Illustrations
:
N symbolizes N symbolizes I N symbolizes / N symbolizes #
^
1
very short juncture longer juncture long juncture
a a a
of utterance gloss 4for verbal affixes At gloss for attitude affixes end
v
cù
jah - teng
this
roh - sel sehng - pa - la
/
friend - A
son - and
#
do - V - V
jah - teng roh - ce sehng - pa - la . "
" ců
' The son cu yah
and
- teng /
a
friend did this . '
roh
- eel
sehng - pa -la
#
thief "
cú yoh - teng roh - ce
'
The
cư
thief
and
kola - teng
1
a
sehng - pa - la . "
friend did
poh
this . '
- ce sehng - pa - law
child "
cú
kola - teng roh
' The child
and
a
- ce
sehng - pa - la .
"
friend did this . '
112
-
cu acyo
-
teng
-
sehng - pa - la roh - ce -
/
#
brother "
acyo
cu
-
teng roh
brother
The
other
ce sehng - pa
-
and
"
Compare the following utterances with each , paying special attention to the behaviour
nga - ce ^ tapu -
tol naah - ci
horse - to
A
la .
friend did this . '
a
of neutral suffixes before I -
-
chase
-
V
nga - ce tápu - ta naah - ci . "
"
I chased the horse . "
,
.
#
"
nga - ce ^ tapu - ta - no
the junctures
naah
-ci
# #
emph "
nga - ce tápu
'I
-
chased the horse .
the
cung -
he
sell - v -At
"
ta -no naah
the
-
ma m
cing - ma
7
- mi ,
cu
kola - ta -mi din
this child - of - At "
kola - la -mi
cu
' This now
of
"
is
ci .
"
'
nga
ngici
I
go
nga ngi
selling
' While he was
-
I
yihm
#
-v -
ci .
"
went . '
-pa
house be
-
# v
dihm yihm - pa . "
the house
of the child .
'
the following observe the different behaviour In junctures . pa " before different
- 113 -
Before
longer
a
the - cung - pa
/
khathepa
sell - v
can
the - cung - pa
/
'He
-v
khamre
' He
jiin -pa /
khamara
jiih - pa / Ichapa bite a
very
short
cung - pa ^ syee - pe
it . '
- pa kham - pa . "
bite . '
the cúng -
"
#
pa
syểe - pa .
"
the cung - pa syểe - pa . " knows catching . '
jiih
the
'
bite
able to remember
knows
pa
syée pa
biting
.
'
"
"
#
pa
“
syeexa
.
syée - pa "
.
is
'He
remember
-
jíih -pa
" the
#
-
syee - ra
-
jiin -pa
'
' He
.
"
#
catch
“
can
- pa kham - pa . "
' He knows selling . '
the ^ cung - pa ^ syee - pa
the
it . '
remember
jiih
"
juncture :
sell
jiih
can
'He
Before
jíih
the
"
#
kham - pa .
can catch
' He
"
sell it . '
can
the
"
#
remember
the
can
the cung - pa
"
#
catch the
the cúng - pa kham - pa .
"
#
He
he
juncture :
also the following possibility of pitch bisyllabic morpheme before juncture variation in
pa
"
Daah
.
guhring
-
bohmpo
.
a
-
v
shaman
will
win next year
. '.
pa -
-
win His
la
#
next year
'
shaman
the
guhring Daah )
of
-
he
bohmpo
Il
-
the
(
la
"
-
-
the la bohmpo guhring Daah pa
#
a
Note
-
114
-
Monosyllabic stems before
juncture .
Note how the contrasts are maintained in spite the juncture rise .
of
the - la pha , guhring Daah - pa "
the - la pha guhring Daah - pa . "
will
' Her husband the - la "
the - la
míi
-
I
la
maah , I
' His son
"
-
-
( In
guhring Daah - pa
#
win next year .
guhring Daah - pa
la graal
will
#
win next year . '
guhring guhring
spirit will open
"
guhring Daah - pa . "
in - law
the - la gráah
'His
win next year . '
will
the - la maah
the
#
- la két guhring Daah - pa . "
' His voice the
Daah - pa
guhring Daah - pa . "
will
the - Ia ket " the
win next year . '
guhring
mir
' His eye
"
#
Daah - pa
#
Daah - pa . "
win next year . '
syllables the vowel before the juncture has , in closed syllables the closing consonant
extra length
voiceless consonant cuts off the intonation rise but its extra length is striking enough to take over the function of the rise . ) A
intonation patterns of the it is generally the last syllable of the sentence which carries the heaviest manifestation of the contrast . The following examples illustrate the
In the contrastive phonological sentence
behaviour
of syllables
in
this position
.
.
"
.
'
. "
.
it
'
.
.
.
"
.
it
"
?
.
'
"
.
it
tomorrow
rim ka
-
pa
hiding
'
"
.
tomorrow
'
So he
chúm
-
the
-
-
understand
intonation
'
.
up
.
' question
'
. " . .
0
-
it
-
t
'
't
-
-
-
tha baah ko
"
' "
tomorrow
nahmsyo tha goh ko
"
#
ka
-
rim
it
pile
Don
under
tomorrow
?
hide
pa
chum
-
ce
-
the
affix
it
tha pang
say
t
' #
#
)
St
understand
Neutral
Don
Don
'
tha
ko
-goh
(
up
pile
nahmsyo
nahms yo
nahms yo
#
-
-
ko
bak
tha
today
tha náa ko
carry
'
"
-
07
say
nahmsy
it
' -
"
a
"
-
-
pang
-
tha
nahmsyo
nahm syo
Don
V
tomorrow not carry
definite stop
'
-
-
kő
naa
non
# #
nak
tħa -
A
ko
goh
Understand
Neutral affix before nahmsyo
tíngi
today
"
"
'
understand
today . '
báah ko
't
-
#
ko
"
(
goh
tíngi Pile
)up
pile
#
baayeko
tingi
it
'Say
-o."
pang
00
-
say
tingi
tíngi
"
today . '
-
'#
o
say
-
it
is
pang
stop . ''
náa -ko . "
' Carry
today carry - v
tingi
full
tíngi
"
#
"
ce
naa - ro
definite
-
tingi
a
up
Neutral affix before
-
-
- 115
-
the - ce gluh pa - rim - ka
116
-
#
"
buy
' So he
Distinctive affix before the khru So - sim he
wash
-
V
-
"
"
At
buying
"
#
Distinctive affix before the byuhng - o - sihm
a
"
the khru - ko - sihm
cough
the byuhng
-
o
-
cough
definite
full
the byuhng
' So
let
?
'
him
-
o
.
"
then . '
' Let him
"
#
it
stop . "
' Let him wash
cough
.
is
non - definite
#
byuhng -o - sih
c
the - ce gluh - pa - rim - ka ? "
sihm .
"
then . '
stop . " - sihm . . !
cough .
'
Stress Some
stress 1
.
In on
2
.
observations about word stress
Western
the
.
Tamang
first
the basic word stress a word .
syllable of
intonational
falls
always
the last syllable of a word before a phrase juncture or sentence final can be quite intense and change the pattern . This varia tion , however , is conditioned by higher level
Intonational stress intonation
3
and
:
factors
on
.
the tense mid - rising contour deceptive , especially tends to be on bi - and syllabic morphemes or words because the first syllable is lower than the following . A tuned ear , however , hears the word stress on the first syllable in spite of the rise on the second . For the same reason of biased hearing , both contours As
to word stress
with the sharp than
falls
tri
sound more heavily
stressed
their lower counterparts without sharp falls
.
stress in Western Tamang , however , is not manifested by high pitch and falls , but by a certain intensity in the consonant and vowel onset of the stressed syllable and a slight degree of length on the closing element of the syllable . Word
-
117
-
Intonational stress uses
the same manifestations larger degree and adds the element of high pitch combined with rises , falls , crescendos to
much
a
and decrescendos .
III .
Brief
comparison and Thakali A
.
of
the
Tone systems
of
Western
Tamang
Introduction Geographically the Thakali area and Western area fall side by side and the two languages quite closely related . are ( They share 57 percent cognates according to calculations W . Glover made with the 100 - word Swadesh list . See ' cognate counts Tamang
Swadesh List in some Tibeto Burman Languages Nepal of ' elsewhere in this report . ) We can there expect fore some similarities in the tone systems of the two languages . The following comparison of the two systems shows indeed that they operate on the same principles . Both languages have the morpheme as the basic unit of the tone system , and we have two types of affixes , tonal and atonal .
via the
Thakali
level
contour
II clear (
extra high - falling
high
tense )
III breathy (
lax
)
low
IV
rising - falling
low
-
Western
-
118
Tamang
sharply falling
high
-
falling
mid
III lax
B
.
mid
Correspondence
in
level
II
I tense
basically
-
rising
IV -
falling
low - slightly
falling
voice quality
examination of cognates shows clearly that " clear " in Thakali corresponds to " tense " in Western Tamang , and " breathy " in Thakali to " lax " in Western Tamang . In 100 cognates examined only two pairs show corresponding non voice quality , in 98 pairs the voice quality corresponds regularly . The
C
. Correspondence the
III , III the low basically As
to
falling (
)
(
and
)
of pitch contours pitch contours , the Thakali
pairs show this correspondence . the pitch is reversed .
is
rising
low Tamang to the mid Thakali low level ( IV ) to the Tamang level ( IV ) . Out of 58 lax pairs 54
corresponds
falling
In only four pairs
For the tense pitch contours the correspondence much less clear . On phonetic grounds we would
expect
the two high
II
falls
(
I
)
and the
basically
level
ones ( ) to correspond . Out of the 40 tense pairs , however , only 15 pairs show this correspondence . In the remaining 25 pairs the pitch contours are re versed . We find the levels corresponding to the falls With this small rate of correspondence seems ar bitrary to make a statement of correspondence . This can throw some light on the experience of the inves tigator while analysing the tone of the two languages . After some tuning in the pitch contrast in the lax groups was quite easily perceived while in the tense groups it was a good deal more difficult to identify
it
the pitch . 30
.
-
D
. Cognates
used
119
-
for the counts
The following list of cognates is transcribed in text orthography . In Thakali the contours ( I and ) are marked with accent before the first stem syllable , the levels ( and IV ) are unmarked .
III
II
English
Tamang
Thakali
cung - pa
cung - pa
' to sell '
rúng - pa
Rung - pa
' to watch '
thủng - pa
thung - pa
' to drink '
chum - pa
chum - pa
' to hide '
ngôm - pa
ngom - pa
' to
náa - pa
naa - wa
ná - pa
na - wa
' to ' to
be
cyúp - pa
cyup - pa
' to
lock
Đúng - pa
pum - pa
' to shoot '
táa - pa
taa - wa
' to hold out '
láa - pa
laa -wa
' to hide '
kóla
kolaa
' child '
wóla
ola
' red '
óngye
ongye
' some time ago
mlép - pa
mle - wa
' to forget '
mu
-
pa
' mu
-
wa
ca - pa .
' ca - wa
la - pa
'
show
'
carry
ill ' in
' to be '
' to eat '
la - wa
' to
do
mra - pa
' mra - wa
' to
light '
khya - pa
' khe - wa
' to
patch
plaa
' ple - wa
' to
'
- pa
'
slip
'
'
!
-
120
-
Tamang
Thakali
English
ama
raama
' mother '
acyo
Таа су
ngyamngya
' nemyaa
'bird '
ta - pa
' ta - wa
'
о
' elder brother '
to be !
sister
ána
Taana
' elder
mráp
'mraakhaa
' door
khá - pa
' kha - wa
' to come !
yuu - pa
yu - wa
' to
pour out
syee - pa
sye - wa
' to
go
lop - pa
Lap - pa
' to learn '
pii - pa
pi - wa
' mashy , muddy '
too - pa
to -wa
' to need '
khla - pa
khyaa - wa
' to
kham - pa
kham - pa
' to be able '
khar - pa
khar - wa
' to
dry
syal - pa
syal - pa
' to
SC scrub
mrang - pa
mraang - pa
' to
see !
naka
naakaa
' hen '
yungpa
yumpa
' stone '
rii pa
' rih - wa
' to
cu - wa
' to bark '
nauh - pa
' nuh - wa
' to sleep '
bráh - pa
' prah - wa
' to walk '
Dóh - pa
'
-
' juuh - pa
Toh - wa
!
!
!
( hon . ) '
throw
away !
' .
scratch
to be hot '
'
- . 121
-
Tamang
Thakali
English
jáhng - pa
' caahng - pa
' to put , send '
jíih -pa
'
bréhm - pa
' prahm - pa
' to
Dúhp - pa
' Tuhp - pa
' to sew '
ngóhp - pa
' ngohy - wa
' to
glúh - pa
' kyuh - wa
' to
báh - pa
' paah - wa
' to bring '
duuh - pa
tuh - wa
' to be
bahng - pa
paahng - pa
' to
goh - pa
koh - wa
' to understand '
bluhm - pa
pluhm - pa
' to drown '
nah - pa
nah
' to raise '
jiih
cih - wa
- wa
' to remember
wait '
call ' buy ' tired ' fight with
cih - wa
' to bite '
rahp - pa
rahp - pa
' to play
dahr - pa
tahr - wa
' to
Doh - pa
toh - wa
'
yihm - pa
ihm - pa
' to be '
my
- pa
ahng
- pa
my
aahng - pa
to
' to taste '
' cow '
blúh
' pluh
' seed '
ngíih
' ngih
'two '
gyúuh
' kyuh
' sheep '
nooh
'noh
' garlic '
bráah
' praah Taah
!
sow '
' meh
"
words '
tremble '
méh
Dáah
!
..'
flour
!
' carrying belt '
-
122
-
Tamang
Thakali
English
ngyéht
ingyeh
' liver
gy ahm
'kyahm
' path '
gíih
' Tih
' one '
dohngpo
' Tuhng
'
' yaahlkaa
' branch
dahprang
' tahpraang
icrow '
blíh
' plih
'
four '
ngáh
' ngah
'
five '
Duuh
I Tuh
Isix
bréht
' preh
' eight '
jah
cah
' son '
ngyeh
ngyeh
' milk '
goh
koh
'back
joh
coh
' point '
roh
roh
' friend '
miih
mih
'man '
liih
lih
' body '
maah
maah
' son - in
daah
taah
' pole '
braahng
praahng
' hut
gohca
kohca
' knife '
buhlung
puhlung
'bug '
mehnto
mehnto
'
y
áhrnga
tree
!
'
'
!
- law
!
flower
'
grahmpa
Tahmpa
' cheek '
dihngi
tihngi
' sunshine '
baah
paah
'
leaf '
'
123
-
Tamang mahng léhm - pa
-
Thakali
English
'maahng
' dream '
lehm - pa
' to
licki
máh - pa
mah - wa
' to
loose '
bih - pa
pih - wa
'
say '
to
Segmentals
Note on
of
study
The
the tone
presented here has at
some
of
system
Western Tamang as in different
points resulted
views on segmentals from D . Taylor ' s Tamang Segmental Synopsis . The divergencies are the following : 1
.
/ / occurs as a phoneme . Where in the Tamang Segmental Synopsis [ h ] has been interpreted as an automatic onset of word initial breathy vowels , we have to distinguish Breathy vowels have the non - contrastive [ h ] from [ ñ ]. occurring [ h ] onset when word initial , but the [ h ] is
vowels . It contrasts with before clear vowels . [ ? ] is taken to be the normal onset of clear vowels word initially and there is no need to accord phonemic status to it . / h / , parallel to other aspirated consonants , does not occur before breathy vowels .
contrastive before clear
initial
word
2
.
[ñ ]
has been
interpret
reasons
:
it
[
?
]
interpreted as Iny / . as
- - phonetically
an
allophone of
In /
I would like to for the following
very fronted [ n ] . always transcribes Devanagari symbol the for inl . - -
the
It [n ]
has
literate the
I hear
a
in formant
following distribution
it with
:
occurs only before i - vowel quality and ly /
lý / does not cluster with / n / , ( symmetrically to lt / ) , but it clusters with Inl . In yl does not occur ( or is non - contrastive ) before This is also relevant for any i - vowel quality . consonant clustering with lyl . 3
.
Interpretation of
[ i / y ] and [ u / w ) . , au ) have been in sequences [ ai , ui , The vocoid terpreted as sequences of two syllables : la . i , u . i , o . i , a . ul . The study of the possible syllable pat morpheme , however , has shown that in for the terns no other case a sequence of an open syllable followed by a V - syllable is possible within the morpheme .
oi
- 124
(
cf .
I.
3
.
p
.
If
-
and [ u ] are interpreted , we get this sequence : open
i
8
)
.
V
-
syllable
[
]
separate syllables lable plus V - syllable within the
vowel
of
the
can
as
syl
morpheme , or
only be
lil
but the /u/ .
Examples :
/na . i . pal / mo .
i . pal
' to
S put to sleep
' /hu . i . pa /
' to plough '
/ kha .
u
/
' to
push
'
' come ! '
also would expect to find the sequence : open VC - syllable , but this does not occur . [ i ] and [ u ] in this position are never followed by syllable closing consonant . It seems therefore a simpler ( and phonetically this can also be justified to interpret [ i ] and [ u ] in this position as semi
We
syllable plus
vowels : / y / and Iwl. The morphemes involved then fit into the possible syllable patterns for the morpheme without leaving asymmetrical gaps . The examples above will read :
Inaypal
' to put to sleep '
/ huy . pal
/moy . pal
' to plough '
Ikháw
/
' to push ' ' come
!
'
)
THAKALI TONE AND HIGHER LEVELS
Maria Hari tone system may be characterized in terms of contrasts , contrasts for breathiness and contrasts for pitch contour . The domain of these contrasts is the morpheme , which may in general be monosyllabic , di syllabic or trisyllabic . The following generalizations may be stated : 1 ) Contrast between breathy and clear is rele [ The Thakali two kinds of
vant only to the first syllable of a morpheme . 2) The contour of a morpheme extends over the whole morpheme , whether it has one , two , or three syllables . ( There appears to be just one exception to this . In clear falling syllabic morphemes , the last syllable is level , see B. below . ) A coherent account of Thakali tone must thus in clude an account of the syllable , breathiness (voice quality ) , and pitch . These sections have been reproduced from Hari ( 1969 ) for inclusion in this report . ]
pitch
tri II
I . Higher A
levels
.
. Syllable . 1
.
Contrast
have the following
We
syllable
cv
"
"
U
.
six patterns for the emic
:
ccv
cvc
ve
ccvc
aana "
l ' ano /
' elder
"
/
' cave '
u
/
sister !
CV " "
Ipul
Searthen pot '
"
l 'toh
' ground floor
"
/
pu " ' toh
CCV "
plaa
"
' preh
"
pla /
' vegetable '
l' preh / -
125
-
' eight '
!
-
126
-
VC "
ur "
"
lohm
/ ur /
' yellow '
l ' ohm /
' to
/ min /
'name '
l 'pehn /
' young
/ mrin /
' woman '
/ pyahn /
"
"
entice
'
CVC "
"
min
"
' pehn
!
man
'
CCVC "
"
mrin
"
pyaahng "
A seventh syllable type occurs : only two examples are available
Iphryawɔl / ply The
awo
latter
preferred
.
/
has an
tune ' For this type
CCCV . :
[ phryæwɔ ]
' thin '
[ plyæwɔ ]
"
flat
"
alternative pronunciation
is
which
:
/ plewo /
[
plewo
'
)
flat '
This and the fact that these two examples are the only ones out of more than 2000 words suggest that they should be treated as exceptions which do not fit the overall pattern of the language . 2
. Variation .
consonant clusters within the syllable : consonant clustering occurs only syllable initial , and there is a very small number of combinatorial
possibilities
following chart expresses the combinatorial for the syllable initial CC - clusters . exceptional CCC not take into account the texceptional theoryddobne
It
does
sequence noted above .
the
(
otse
possibilities
)
terms
The
.
:
-
first
second
C
127
-
C
yields :
- - - - - - - - -
/p /
/
/
/ pr /
Imr /
Iphr
/ ph /
11 /
lpl /
/ ml /
/ phil
/m /
ly /
/pyl
/ my /
iphyl
r
- - - - - - -
Ich
Ichyl
/
Icyl
Ic / Ikh /
ly
Ikhyl
/
/k /
/ ky /
Isl
Isy /
in
Iny /
E - - - - - - - -
/t/
I
/ Ifr /
/
tr
/
- - - - - -
/3 w /
/k / - - - - - - - -
Ikw /
1
/ th /
/ th /
/ t/
/h /
/n /
/3 /
11 /
/r/
/r/
ly /
/w /
none
Illustrations : pro "
/ pro /
' snack '
I ' plih /
' four '
/ pyan /
'pathi '
" mram "
/mröm /
' wooden chest '
trimlohwa "
I 'mlohwol
' to pierce '
" " "
' plih
"
pyaang
"
/
-
128
-
"
myaang "
/myan /
'must '
"
phran
Iphron /
' to unfasten '
"
phle ' la '
"
phyong "
"
chyo "
Ichyol
' direction '
"
cyah
Icyoh /
' tea '
"
khya awa"
Ikhyawal
' throw
"
ky alwa "
/ kyolwo /
' to swim '
"
sya "
Isyol
' meat '
"
ngyewa
"
Inyewol
' to laugh '
"
truhma
"
Itruhmɔ /
' next year ,
"
kwa ahri "
/ kwahri /
' up
.
the
' 101
Iphle
'
phyon /
"
Within 3
"
single syllable
a
Distribution
vowel
no
to
open
' to
jump
up
'
'
away
there
'
'
clusters occur
.
.
Syllables with breathy vowels occur only
first syllable - slot of
a
morpheme .
in
contrastive pitch features are a char acteristic of the morpheme , and in disyllabic morphemes they are spread over both syllables of the The
morpheme .
II .
( Compare
II .
B
.
2
. below ) .
Tone A
. Voice quality . 1
. Contrast .
contrast between clear and breathy vowels and used very widely in Thakali . The tongue and lip position of the breathy vowel is the same as for the clear vowels , but the breathy vowels have a different voice quality . For the clear ones The
is striking
- 129
-
remains raised while for the breathy apple is lowered and the throat ex panded . This results in a larger resonance chamber in the back of the mouth and the vowel takes on a different voice quality . At the same time the pitch of the breathy vowel is lower than the pitch of the the Adam '
ones the
s
apple
Adam '
s
clear one in the same stress position . The differ ence in pitch is considerable . The term breathy is kept for traditional reasons and for the lack of a better term , but in Thakali it could be misleading , for it is only in overdistinct speech that a breath is audible . In normal speech , it is the low pitch and the lax voice quality which are prominent . When
is pronouncing a breathy vowel , we can ob the tightening of the muscles of the part front of the neck and if a person has a pro truding Adam ' s apple , the lowering of it is also a
person
serve externally
visible .
pairs
which
Monosyllables mi "
a
contrast
are given below
"
is
There
of clear
large number
in meaning .
few
A
/breathy
of these
.
:
Imi /
[mi ]
' eye '
"
mih "
/ mih /
[min ]
' person '
"
le "
/ le !
[
le ]
' tongue '
"
leh
lleh ,
[ leh ]
"
saa "
/ sa /
[
l ' sah /
(sah )
'
kyu "
/ kyu /
[ kyu ]
'water '
' kyuh
/ kyuh /
[ kyuh ]
' sheep '
Inol
[
no ]
'hair parting '
[ nwoh ]
' forehead '
Icə /
[ tsɔ ]
' that '
Icoh /
[ tsoh ]
' son '
/ pen /
[ pen ]
' small frog '
l ' pehn /
[
/myan /
[myan ]
"
" "
"
saah
''ngo
!
"
"
ngoh
"
ca
"
cah
"
peni
"
' pehn
Inoh
"
"
"
"
" myaang "
/
sa
' act ' ' breath '
]
pehn
]
losti
' young ' must
!
man
'
- 130
-
mya ahng "
/ myahn /
[myahn ]
"
tum "
/ tum /
[
"
tuhm
Ituhm /
[ fuhm ]
' to spin '
"
tong "
Iton
[ fon ]
' new moon '
"
Itohng "
l ' tohn /
[ ton]
' spindle '
"
tar "
/ tor /
[
"
tahr "
"
"
/
Ito hr /
Disyllables
tum
top
[ to
'to
' to wrap '
]
'white '
]
hp
taste '
'
]
silk cloth
a
'
:
"
' tingi "
l 'tini /
"
tihngi "
Itihnil
"
rimpa
" "
> >
' today '
[ tihni ]
S
' sun '
/ rimpo /
[ Himbɔ ]
' short '
rihmpa "
/ rihmpol
[ řihmbɔ ]
' long '
ngimpa "
Inimpol
[nimbɔ ]
'old '
/nihmpul
[nihmbɔ ]
' fear '
"
" ngihmpa " "
Taangpa "
/ țanpol
[ țanbɔ ]
' to
"
Taahngpa "
/ tahnpol
[ tahnbɔ ]
' to offer '
"
paangpa "
Ipanpol
[ panbo ]
' to
"
paahngpa
Ipahnpol
[ pahnbo
"
' caca "
l' coco /
i [ tsotso )
' salt '
"
cahca
I cohco /
[ tsɔhtsɔ ]
'baby '
"
"
break '
abstain ' .
' to quarrell
]
urs ar pitch contours In this section are phonemically . P i and orthographically marked with i ' l and " ! " respec
tively
,
marked .
2
before the syllable
,
level pitches are not
For more details see section
II .
B
.
and
C
.
. Variation .
Breathy vowels occurring word initially are preceded by aspiration . Word finally they are followed
131 -
-
by some aspiration heard . ihmu
"
" eh
lihmu /
"
' lawa "
leh '
lɔ wo
/
[heh
' to
' wife '
/ nə
[ nõhh )
' ear '
[ kyuhh ]
' sheep '
[ nõhnõři ]
' mornings '
"
peh
"
"
nah
"
h
/
' ' kyuh
/
"
nohngori "
Inohnori
"
puhrri "
Ipuhrri /
[ puhf
"
tahna
/
[
3
.
Distribution a
)
to hno
/
/
.i ]
a
is relevant only
morpheme .
In
two
the
on
+
"
kohca
"
/ kohco /
[ kohtso ]
"
pahle
"
/ pohle /
[
pohle
"
sihtaang "
Isihtan /
[
sihtan
"
' tuhli "
l ' tuhli /
"
Icahme "
l' cəhmel
( tuhai ]
minahma "
"
' tapaang
"
thorong " b
)
"
first syl
syllable
get only the sequences clear and breathy + clear syllable .
' aama "
!
many ' 'ma
tohno ]
we
"
' below
.
Breathiness
lable of
ess up dress
[ pehh ]
Tuhp
"
lowɔ ]
Ipeh /
"
"
' is ' 'musty '
uhp
' kyuh
/
[ hihmu ]
be
can
[ Whuhp ]
"
"
Word medial no aspiration
.
' big knife ' '
] ]
morphemes
clear syllable
foot '
' anger ' "
tailor
'
[ tsohmě ]
' daughter
l' nohmɔ /
[ nohms ]
' swamp '
l'
amo
[
' mother '
l'
topan
/ /
/ thoron /
?
amo ]
Thakali
[ topan ]
'
[ thoron ]
' first '
!
'
Breathy vowels do not occur after aspirated stops , the aspirated affricate , and the voice less phonemes / 1 , r / and / h / . Here only clear vowels occur .
'
- 132
/ phamor /
"
phaamar
"
thaasaang "
"
chong "
"
Thicam "
"
"
Ithasan
/
-
]
' north wind '
[ thasan )
' Thak Khola '
[p"
am3k
' business '
[
tshon
I thicom /
[
thitsɔm
khoro "
/ khoro /
[ khoro ]
"
Lap "
/ top /
[
"
Rup
Trup /
[ rup ]
' thread '
/han ,
[ han ]
' court yard '
"
schon
"
haang
"
/
]
3
łop
]
]
' only '
' upwards ' 'hot '
It is after the unaspirated stops , affricate , after / / , after the voiced consonants and in syllable initial vowels where we get the clear / s
breathy contrasts
.
"
pulu "
/ pulu /
[ pulu ]
' hat '
"
puhlung "
/ puhlun ,
[ puhlun ]
' bug '
"
tim
/ tim /
[ tim ]
' at once
l ' tihm /
[ tikan ]
' house '
"
"
' tihm
"
' cikaa "
"
cihkaang
"
Taar
"
Taahngse
"
/ "
" "
' cikal
L
[ tšiķa ]
' barley '
I cihkan /
[tsihkan )
/ țar /
[
Iṭahnse /
[ țahnse ]
' apiece '
/ kum /
[ kum ]
'
ţař
]
!
' storeroom ' ' rack '
fist '
"
kum
"
kuhng "
/kuhn /
[ kuhn ]
' middle '
"
sung "
Isun /
[ sun ]
' mouth '
"
suhr
/ suhr /
[ suhy
'
/mom /
[ mõm ]
' grandmothert
"
"
" mom "
corner !
"
mohmci "
/ mohmci /
[mohmdzi ]
' chin '
"
naangi "
/ nani /
[ nant ]
' the
day
after
tomorrow '
-
-
' inside '
Inahnri /
[ nähnti ]
" ngongo "
Inonol
[ n Wond ]
' before '
" ngohnaa "
Inohnal
[n Wohna ]
' night '
lle /
[
'
to
hit
'
to
' ' '
]
'
!
'
away
'
]
]
'
'
tired
'
to meet
'
]
]
all of
many
the six emic
shoulders
'
lihnlase
' /
!
to dress
'
/
/
/ " "
'
ihnlaase
write
may be
'
leh lowɔ
'
'
lawa
flour to
/
eh
pruhp
'
/
/
l'
"
prah
"
'
bread
pruhp
'
'
'
yah
tohnɔ
kenni
"
praah
drive
:
"
" "
tohwo
koh
'
"
tuhwɔ
"
CCVC
tahwɔ
"
CCV
kehn
tehwo
"
сус
koh
to stammer
'
/
"
Itohnol
Breathy vowels occur
су
like that
'
tohwol
ţihwɔ
]
/
"
tuhwol
types
whohso
]
/
Itahwɔl
syllable
]
/
/
" "
tehwol
tahna
male yak
breathy
be
tihwol
"
tohwa
[
:
tuhwa
vowel can
hand
'
ya
/
"
taahwa
"
l'
"
"
tehwa
)
[ ya ]
yah
"
"
tihwa
)
c
Any
d
' to grind '
Tohsol
"
"
"
yaah
ohso
[ rehwɔ ]
/
yaa "
Trehwol
'
"
' to get up '
[
rehwa "
[rewɔ ]
[
"
/ rewo /
[
rewa "
' word '
[
"
[ lehm ]
"
(
lehm
' tongue '
]
(
"
le
[
le "
in
"
"
"
"
up
'
na ahngri
133
134
-
B
.
Pitch
-
.
the present stage
At
of
the research
we
have not
yet been able to classify clear monosyllabic nouns and particles . The clear monosyllabic items in the examples
below are verb 1
.
stems .
Contrast .
section on voice quality we have seen that low is conditioned by breathiness pitch high by and the absence of breathiness on vowels . But within both groups we have a further contrast between level and contour pitches . the preceding
In
In
ing one
,
pitch
clearo
morphemes ,
starts
which
pitch with which
a
little
it contrasts
over one or two syllables [
to
With level
.
.
On
higher The
fall
( level
it is
level
fall stretches
the third
:
' roasting '
towoři
]
it
as
is
' in
order to roast
!
following :
[ na ]
' to carry '
[năwo]
' carrying '
[
a
the
than
' to roast '
]
[ towa ] [
is
the contour pitch
' in order to carry '
nawoři ]
breathy morphemes the contour is a rising falling one which starts on the same height as the level low pitch , rises a good deal and ends in a slight 0 O D ( contour stretches over One one to The down - glide . three syllables ..: In
stir
[ ruh ]
' to
[ ruhws ]
' stirring '
[
ruhxoni
]
'
' in order
to
stir
!
-
In
level
it is
as following :
' to
[ tsuh ]
Note
-
135
cook
'
' cooking '
[
tsuhwo
[
tsuhwoři
]
' in order to cook '
]
:
The illustrations in this section are not to listened to in isolation , but in frames . For simplification the frames are not given here , but
be
contours of the examples are given as they would occur in utterances . the items are pro
the pitch
If
nounced in isolation , the overriding change the pitch contours .
Minimal contrasts [
sowo
' hot '
]
[ tshowɔ ] [
syuwo
]
[phyewo ] [
alè
[
tisa
]
(
food
)
' grazing "
[
sowo
]
' turning round '
[ tshowɔ ]
' feverish ,
' to pick vega table leaves ' .
[ syuwo ]
' lining
' sorting out '
[ phyewɔ ]
' appearing '
' younger
Cale ]
' money '
' food for one meal !
[ tisa ]
'a
[ tsuhwɔ ]
' cooking '
[ kyohwɔ ]
' beautiful '
[ kyohan ]
' dividing ' ' ploughing !
[ tomo ]
'hot '
[ tsubwo ]
may
:
brother '
]
intonation
(weather ) [ țohwo ]
up
hot
'
'
little '
' to read
a
away
religious
book '
' boiling '
[ tehwo ]
' driving
[ taho ]
' intimate '
[ țahn ]
' to serve , offer
[ nyeh ]
' liver '
[nyeh ]
'milk '
[ tih ]
Tone '
[ țih ]
' skin '
[ tuh ]
'
six
[ tuh ]
' grain '
[ tehran]
'
' !
-
this section
In
before the marked
2
.
-
136
, phonemic
first syllable
,
contours are marked with
/
level pitch is not
and the
. Variation .
For the first syllable make the following statement : /
level /
I
contour
of
a
morpheme
we can
pitch is high with clear
The
with breathy vowels .
and
low
pitch is extra high - falling with clear and low - rising - falling with
,
The
breathy
vowels .
pitch of the second syllable of a mor pheme is conditioned by the nature of the first syllable , that is , contours and level pitches spread The
over both
morpheme a
syllables . Therefore is level - breathy , the
clear vowel with
" me "
low
pitch
,
if
a
second
disyllabic syllable
has
.
/ me /
[ mě ]
' to ask '
/ pin /
[ pin ]
' to give '
" pulu "
/ pulu /
[ pulu ]
' cap '
" miku "
/ miku /
[miķu ]
' smoke '
' ' khori /
[khofi ]
' idea '
I ' cowɔlɔ /
[ tsowɔlɔ ]
' food '
' kaplo "
l ' koplo /
[ kopio ]
'brain '
"
pih "
/pin /
[ pih ]
' to
say
"
lehm
/ lehm /
[ le " m ]
'to
lick
"
pahle
[ pohle ]
' foot '
"
kohca "
/kohco /
[kohtso ]
'big
"
inuh
linuh /
[ nah ]
' to sleep '
"
' caahng "
l ' cahn /
[ tsahn ]
' to
"
"
"
"
pin
"
' khari "
cawala "
" "
"
/
pohle /
Am
)
'
'
knife ' se
send
'
.
/
- 137
-
"
' nahma
"
l ' nohmo /
[ nõhmo ]
"
Ituhli "
l ' tuhli /
(
Affixes
tuhli
' swamp '
]
"
tailor
!
:
There are also two classes of affixes for pitch : Tonic affixes and atonic affixes . Tonic affixes are those that have their own tone , that is , have either 4
contrastive ' level ' or a ' contour ' pitch pattern . 4 Atonic affixes are those that don ' t have a contrastive pitch classification . The breathy affixes and the clear contour ( extra high - falling ) affix are tonic , that is , they manifest their own contrastive pitch a
throughout their distribution
contours
.
clear level affixes are atonic , that is , their pitch PPis conditioned by the stem to which they are affixeda as follows : pitch of clear level affixes is low after level breathy stem , ( 1 - 3 affixes ) and high
The a
after The
to
a
level clear
stem .
high - falling contour of a clear stem spreads the first affix , the second and third are
level
.
rising - falling
The
spreads over
contour
of
affixes
the clear
breathy stem
a
(
1
-
affixes
3
)
.
After a clear level stem the affixes are level as well . More than three level clear affixes in
a
row
Atonic affixes
have not yet been on
found .
verb stems :
Icuh /
[
tsub
Icuhwol
[
tsuhwɔ
Icuhwöri /
[
tsuhwoři
Icuhworie /
Or [ tsuhwoři
D
Ijahlé / 24 .
[ dž ]
d [dzħaħ17 ]]
[ ažħ ] voiced
[
/ số $
[
k
[
voiceless
]
y
]
[ kn ]
[
x
DI
'net ' '
]
'
unaspirated
three '
voiceless
[ khó6bã ]
voiceless
velar fricative
:/
' upper
back
'
' place '
aspirated velar stop
/ kha : ba / lahkhá
stream '
lateral fricative with palatal release czyõh ]
Voiceless
bell ,
velar stop
[ kõħ ]
/xloh /
31 .
"
[ ažħġħġħli ]
5
/ kloh / 30 .
' life , body ' .
]
voiceless alveo - palatal grooved fricative
]
lkoh , 29 .
džù
[ số 3
Isyõl 28 .
;
voiceless alveolar fricative
S
[
' then
aspirated alveo - palatal affricate
ljya :hií /
27 .
affricate
voiced unaspirated alveo - palatal affricate
ljyu / 25 .
-
[əhxò ħa ħ ]
' to
' ( I)
be able '
am
not able
voiced unaspirated velar stop
Igal
g à ] [[ gö
' copular verb '
33
. [ gn ]
voiced aspirated velar stop ,1 O 0 gyöhsyi għiġħġħši / / [ ] ' alder tree '
34
. [g ]
voiced velar fricative
lagi / C
g
[ afigyti g
Teldest brother
'
'
- 218 -
B
Sonants
.
1
in
Gurung
. Contrast : as having the following
Gurung may be described
sonants
:
nasals
:
liquids
m m
For
listing of
-. -
are found see section
of in
ini
=
Evidence
examples P
like
-
"
y
the clusters in which the sonants ( A . l ) Obstruants , Contrast above .
characters used
the phonemic
that
-
. . . -- -
:
The
-- - -
:
glides a
--- - --
in
the diagram
transcription
ng " .
.
above are those Text orthography differs
OY among sonants for contrast
the
followingg :
may
" ma "
/ ma /
' below
''na '
Ina /
' nose !
inal
'I'
be
U found in
!
"
nga "
"
raah
"
/ ra : h /
' pond '
"
laah '
/ la : h /
' wax
yaahba "
/ ya : hbal
' to go '
seal
'
"
waahq '
/wá : h,
' question
"
tsyiba ''
Icyiba /
' prestigious '
"
tswiba "
Icwibal
' to pierce , stab
2
. Variants
particle '
!
Sonants fall into three distinct classes ' in Gurung O from the point of view of environments that condition variation : The set of environments that conditions non
norm
variation a
in
nasals is
. Fronting : before
li ,
as
el
follows and
:
/y /
- 219
Syllabicity
.
b
addition to this
In
vowels between
illustrated
[
]
8
under
.
In /
3
. [ nun
in
5
. [
variation
in
lm
]
liquids is
Ñ
:
,
as
e
.
Devoicing : following
"
Ir !
Fortis norm
The
variation .
6
. [n
]
m
[
1
:
:
/
m
:
and
/
a
a
nasalized vowel :
before
breathy
a
vowel .
voiceless aspirated stop
.
/k /
initial
before
. [ń ]
9
a
vowel with high tone
.
"
.[8]
11 .
]
following
Coalescence :
7
n
[
initial
Voiceless release
.
.
between
.
g
4
follows
d
f.
.[ ]
2 ]
thus be
b
а
]
n
Nasalization
.
1
h
m
will
This variation
.
(D set of environments that conditions non - norm
The
c
[
"
/
varies freely before back
"
1
m
r
/n /
norm
/
/
,
/
and [ n ] .
the
norm
"
/ 1/
before
:
-
8
. [ řř ]
]
10
.[ř]
12
.[ 1 ]
13
.[
set of environments that conditions in glides is as follows :
Aspiration "
preceding
:
norm
"
/y /
15
.[y ]
/w /
17
.[
Numbers in examples :
the
w
]
L
cells
a
+Y
]
14
. [? ]
non - norm
breathy vowel .
h
16
. [ yĥ ]
18
. [ wh ]
above
refer
to the
following
- 220
bilabial nasal
voiced
: [mºi ]
/mi / 2
. [m ]
[m86 : ]
interdental / alveolar
. [nun ] voiced
Inol 4
.
[
]
n
.
[
]
n
nasal
' lean
meat '
interdental nasal
voiced
Inél 5
tail '
fire
'
syllabic voiced bilabial nasal
/mrá : / 3
-
[né ]
'
full '
"
I
nas
voiced velar nasal Inal
[ na ]
!
milk
'
[
,
na
'
neh
voiced palatal nasal
]
'
f
'
'
'
'
'
]
]
[
'
up
to
'
lateral phleba
to get lost
!
/
lap
owner
'
,
kleh
'
Voiceless lateral fricative with palatal release /
]
1
[
young man
'
voiceless
là hoà
]
/
/ ]
1
[
.
12
to beg
lenis voiced lateral
Iphleba .
phrãe
]
]
[
1
Iphrel
(
/
rihba řřihbə voiceless alveolar flap
lehba
13
flap with voiceless release
[
[ ř ]
[
voiced alveolar
/
]
[
.
9
.
10
.
ll
rise
rice field
mňối
/
mról
řř
to
voiced alveolar flapped nasal
[
]
ñ
[
.
8
/
[
říb5
'
ribal
!
voiced alveolar oral flap
- 221
14
fortis
. [1]
15 .
[
[
Iyo / 16
.
[
vn
voiced high
]
with tongue
front oral unrounded breathy vocoid
[ġħ
/wa: bal 18
oral oral
. [ wh ] voiced high back
.
lè ]
down
us
go
'
clear vocoid
rounded
' to
cut
( hair ) '
rounded breathy
vocoid
' rupees '
w ] [[mwřih
Distribution of consonants
If one distinguishes consonants from all consonants and medials occur initial position . Word - finally only / , /
17 )
occur
in
and
the bottom
behind
' let
[waəbā ]
/ mwih / C
għaħ
voiced high back
]
w
'hand '
tip held well
/ ya : hle ) [
' face '
[ y3 ]
teeth
17 .
li ]
Voiced high front oral unrounded clear vocoid , with tongue tip held well down behind the bottom teeth
]
y
lateral
voiced
llí ,
-
native stock
All
s
/
is
( ly
,
wr
alone in syllable
list
O Voiceless
intervocalically in loan words W . Voiceless aspirated stops C D 0 prefis . intervocalically only following the negative
с си occur
Voiceless aspirated stops do not occur before breator vowels and voiced stops rarely occur before clear vowels except in loans . / s / has been observed to occur before a
breathy
vowel
in
only one example ,
All consonants occur before both high and low tone but very few indigenous words have voiced stops preceding low tone . These observations regarding
sonants
may
be
!
b d , m / and / n / added to the of segments loan words are considered .
consonants and all medials occur intervo stops occur in geminate clusters
voiced .
/
final position if
occurring in
calically
.
medials
charted as follows :
the
distribution
of con
- 222
a
. Word - initial
b
.
Syllable - initial
c
.
Following
d
.
Intervocalic
e
.
Syllable - final ,
Before breathy vowels
h
.
Before high vowels
Word -
m
y
,
,
i
, th , th , ch , kh d
.
n
W
,
r
,
1
Only Numbers 1
.
Ip ,
in the
/ piba / /
CV
final
pet , t , c ,k
g
vowel :
ti /
vowels
low
a
j,
a
word medial
.
j.
,
consonant and preceding
a
&
i . Before
b
word medial
Before clear vowels
f.
ph
-
2
c
b 10 %
11
d
20 %
j
g
h
i
1
26
33
1
0
f
e
0
0
0
0
0
2
0
34
2
0
3
12
0
12
21
3
27
35
3
21
4
13
0
13
0
4
28
36
4
0
5
14
0
14
0
5
29
37
5
0
6
15
0
15
22
6
30
38
6
22
7
16
0
16
23
7
31
397
8
17
0
17
24
8
32
40
9
18
19
18
25
18
9
41
tl
occur
* *
cells refer
* *
23
9
Only / 1 , r / occur here . to the following sets of examples .
' to be
shy
'
' corner '
/ tiba /
' to
sit , dwell '
I cuba /
' to
break '
-
2
3
.
.
223
/ kubaé /
' kapok '
/ phibal
' to
ithi /
savings ' ' Sa
/ tha : gu /
' eldest
Ichõl
' trade '
/ khaba /
' to
come come
/biba /
'to
say
Ida : lal
' lentils '
4
. Iạibji /
5
.
born '
be
son '
'
' handleless sauce
juwal
' mother '
Iguji /
' pocket '
/
-
s
.
/ sà : /
' love '
7
.
/ ma /
' below
Ina /
' nose '
Inal
'I'
. / ya :hbal
' to
go !
/wa : hbá /
' to
flatter
Ira:h /
' pond '
.
9
11a: 1 / 10
.
dappa /
Isattél
!
'wax seal ' 'billy can ' ' ancient '
'
brother ' s wife '
6
8
pan
'
-
lahphi /
' not born '
lahchul
' did not
lahkhá : /
' one year ,
luída : /
'
Ijahjá )
' calf of animal '
'
!
'
'
s
maternal uncle
law
'
-
'
in
sister
/
:
ri
-
'
/
younger brother
wife
!
juwal
buwa
!
'
'
'
:/
moon
'
/
'
' '
/
:
láyà
/
sister
younger
Vănắ7
/
.
17
.
18
juice
lelder sister
lali
for these examples see the chart of consonant clusters that follows
20
'
please stay
test
wash
it
'
to !
. K .
'
is
!
/
s
:
it
"
jà
/
tid
tam
/
/ /
.
22
khrúb
/
.
21
O
.
,
all
mother
ma
nal
19
liver '
'
/
/
rása
lã lã :
.
16
.
15
!
/xb'
bo
4
not able '
)
Itidi /
águ
.
am
' kapok '
kabaé /
12 .
13
' (I
bark '
'
11 .
-
224
-
23
. / ya :hm /
24 .
.
25
.
26
' give '
Ichenle /
' well '
Until better
.
28
.
29 .
,
it '
of syllable final in are contrastive status may be doubted
examples s
/ kangá /
' rice fragments '
ljilgél
' rice cakes '
Ija :hr . ba /
' to bark '
/ pa :hbál
' to bury '
Itih /
'occasion '
Itúhl
Isix '
Icih ,
' small bush '
kob 27
,
"
/ b3h ,
' strength '
Idehról
'now '
Ņūhạí /
ljongá
/
lear - ring
' long handled
/ sahbal
' to
heal '
31
.
/méh /
'
'
Ineh
,
in
center
of
' baby sleeping basket '
.
.
worn
Igahnmasye )
nehbál
:
upper back '
30
32
-
' he goes '
/ pin /
obtained
225
cow
' to
fight
' milk '
(
,
wooden
mallet '
intransitive
tread
on
'
)
ear
!
-
33 .
34 .
35
/pul
' roast corn '
Itihi
' load , bundle
Ițúh /
' six '
I céna /
' sieve '
Ikól
' blood
/ phúbal
' to apply medicine '
Ithúbal
' to drink
/ thiba /
' to strike
Icháiral
' new '
Ikhol
' come ! '
39 .
mí
' eldest '
,
brother
!
leye ' ' blue '
.
Inil
' seven '
41 .
/ yúl
tuhm
/
' must
come '
/ wa :h /
' question particle '
Iróba /
' to
/
' face '
lí /
!
center of ear
three '
Ini101 40
in
' banana '
00
Isốl
glancing blow
' ear - ring worn
/mahjál
38.
a
' house '
. / duhai /
37.
!
' strength '
. /váhy jain
36
-
226
be
audible '
!
- 227 -
Following is
clusters
a
which occur .
chart of the syllable
First
-
initial
CC
Second Member
Member
:
G
yw
0P
1
2
3
0ph
5
6
7
0 12
I I
m
+ •
• O
.. O
U
III
0
/
/
get
to bow
man
lost down
!
. !
/
/ /
"
grown
'
:h /
/ /
"
full
back
on
'
phyoba
'
phyoba
to carry
to
Iphleba
phrel
'
'
phlebar
pwiba
feather
'
phra
pya
'
pwiba
'
"
yaah
'
"
,
mind
"
!
follow
'
'
/
/
!
lplah
*
that
hundred
'
-
38
"
prah
"
/
/ /
.
pla
40
to the examples
"
/
pw
/
phyl
/
.
/
.
. 6
phil
7
4
.
phr
praha
"
. /
3
lpy
cells refer
the
/
/ pr /
pl
.
1 2
in
Numbers
5
39
'
33 36
0
W
37
th 8 n
k
28
29
-
8
.
Iphwl
9
.
/ br /
10 .
lbl /
"
11 .
/ by /
''byaa '
.
/ mr /
"
13 .
/ ml /
.
15 .
12
14
16
"
phwiba " .
Iphwibal
ito
mebroq
/mebról
lashes '
"
tible '
/
mruqi
/ mrú /
' clusteri
"
mlah
/mlah /
' unhusked
/ my /
"
myaaqba "
/ mya :ba /
' to
/ mw /
" mwihq
/ mwih /
' rupees
Twibais
/ twiba /
'
Dy aahqppa ''
/ dya : hppa /
Icyol
"
"
/ dy /
18 .
Icy /
"
tsyo
19 .
I cw /
"
tswiba
20 .
Icyw /
"
tsywIba
21. Ichy
/
! " "
" tshyoq"
22
. Ichwl
"
23
. Ichywi
" tshyweba "
tshwiba "
24 .
ljy !
"
25
.
/ sy /
isyu ''
26
.
/ sw /
"
swiba
/ sywl
"
sywiba ''
. /kr /
29 .
/kl/
dzyu "
"
klIq" .
scour
rice ' !
!
to want to follow '. mechanism
' trap '
/
cwibal
' to pierce '
/
cywiba /
' to tether ' let '
!
go
!
' to
touch
!
Ichywebal
' to
sacrifice !
/ jyu /
' life , body '
Isyu /
' sheath '
I swibal
' to combi
| sywibal
' to roof '
Ichyól Ichwiba
kra " "
fire '
a
Tonce '
/
'wedding '
17 .
28
tible
blow
/ bya : /
. / tw /
27 .
-
228
/
/
s
kra /
'hair '
kli /
' snow '
30
. / ky /
" kyuq "
/ kyú /
'water '
31
. /kw /
" kwaa kwaalaba "
/kwa : laba /
' to heat '
32 .
/kyw /
"
kywiha "
/kywlh ,
' language '
33 .
khri
"
khriba " .
/ khribal
' to sprain '
- 229
'
34
. / kby !
35
. Ikhwl ikhwiqba
36
.
37 . 38
/
/kyodo /
" khyodo
Igrl
"
gyl .
. Inr /
"
gyAAhq " .
Igyã : h ,
' road '
ngri
Inri /
' laughter '
Inyohba /
' to look '
Inwéba /
' to
Inyíbal
' to ask '
"
':
Inwl
"ngweqbal
41 .
/ nyw /
"
ngywiqba ':
the same day
' one '
g
40 .
jump
'
in Gurung
Vowels .
' to reform
Igrih ,
" ngyohba
1
domestic animal '
grinq "
Iny !
.
'
/
Ikhwíba
39 .
D
-
Contrast
Gurung
contrasting
as having the following set of
be described vowels .
may
u
-
. .20 a
of these
Each
vowels may be
i
-
.
nasal .
c
-
-
Oi
*
Contrast for nasality
guous (
In
Each
to
a
text orthography of
in
lal
nasal consonant .
these
,
nasal vowels are upper case )
vowels may ih
has been observed only
be breathy .
--. . .. - a icah
-
uh
conti
!
230
-
(
In
text orthography
breathy
" h
be either high or low
may
Each
,
transcription
phonemic
-
'
is written is
( low
on
unmarked
the line
. )
the
in
.
)
.-á (
In
text orthography
postvocalic
by
" ?
'.
)
in non - high vowels . con length has not yet been observed in / i / and / u / . only one example each of the long mid vowels le : /
trastive There is 10
high is marked
is contrastive
There
and
,
length
: / ..
: ' a :
is
length ( In text orthography clusters . )
indicated by geminate vowel
e features intersect , yielding the following pos en above ve :: in addition to those given items parentheses in have not been observed H
These
sible combinations (€: )
á
(ó : )
:
é
ó
á
ú
ín
én
( e : h)
a
: h (oh)
lh
eh
ah
ah
uh
( é : hj
á
: h (ó : h )
ín
éh
án
én
úh
(é:h )
á h
On
:
the current analysis .
,
no vowel
clusters
O tr Tem Evidence for contrast in the system following : (DO likee the 44 examples in exa
"
mi "
"
min
ma
"
án
óh
úh
(o : h )
within the syllable 01 found
í
are posited
of Vowel vowels
tail '
/ mi /
' fire
"
/ mi ,
' person '
"
/mí)
' eye '
m may
be
- 231 -
" moh "
/mohl
' brother
" moq "
/ mol
' cane '
-
in - law '
"
mehq "
/ méh ,
' cow '
"
ma
/ ma /
' below '
"
muba
/ muba /
' to be
"
mIhba "
/ mihba /
' lemon '
" tIqba "
itibal
' to
suckle
"
tIba"
Itiba /
' to
dip '
"
tiqba "
Itibal /
' to barteri
/ tiba /
' to spread out '
"
"
itiba " "
ti
ti / / ti / /
"
"
tI
"
tih "
"
/th/
!
' corner
!
!
' heart ' ' occasion '
little ' ' cliff edge '
la
"
tEq "
Itél Itél
"
tebal
Itebal
' to pour into
"
teqba
Itébal
' to take out'
"
tEba "
/ tebal
' to show '
Ito
'wild pig '
' teq "
"
litoo
"
"
:/
"
toq "
Itól
' what ? '
"
toq"
Itől
' dish '
Itõ
!! to " "
' tOhba
"
/
/ töhbal
' grain
' to
vessel '
a
in wood '
emerge
from
'
- 232
-
"
taq
"
ta "
Itál Ital
"
taahq "
/ tách ,
'needle '
"
taahþaq
/ta: hbál
' to hoe
"
tAAągan
' up '
' word '
ituh "
Ituh ,
' bucket '
puq "
/ pu /
'
"
pu "
Ipul
' part of
pih
/
piba
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
'
in -
'
!
'
'
to
/
/
/
'
'
gall bladder bitter
/
'
'
/
ka ba :
"
/
"
ka
kól
law
chin
blood
'
/
father
'
koq
ka
itch
'
"
KAAba
Ikel
rainshield
work
: /
"
KA
"
" "
KAA
"
/
!
ke
kE
'
'
/ / /
"
ke
"
urine
kebal
/
keba
chest
human
kūh
/
kUh
"
:
/
kū
still !
a
to be shy
'
''
"
"
"
''
KU
'
nine
kúl
Ikul
roast corn
carrying basket
Ipibal
ku
"
"
pin
/ tả : /
"
' TAA "
kuq
!
' fish '
"
tárgal
dig
"
"
axe '
!
-
233
-
"
kIbai
/ kibal
' to get '
"
naii
Ina
/
' nose '
"
nAq "
Iná /
' take '
"
nah
Inah ,
lear
"
naaq "
Iná : /
' nasal mucus
" nAAq "
Iná : /
' rain '
Inã : /
' head of grain '
Ino /
' lean meat '
InAA
"
"
"
no " !
"
noh
"
noqba "
Inoh
"
" noba "
"
n0hq "
Ilnoh
2
.
Two
"
,
' !
' pus '
/nóbal
' to press down '
Inõba /
' to
/ nõh /
'
flat plot of
/ nôh ,
"
inside
arrange
of labori
for exchange paddy
'
Variation environments have been identified as responsible
for variation in vowels : a
.
Following
bilabial
or velar consonants / i / has and 101 has an extra degree of
palatal onglide .
lip - rounding . b
"
ab
norm
i/
1
.
[
lel
3
.
[
la )
7
.
lel
nasalization
. Under
These may be represented
/
field '
[
i €
ə
-
"
] ]
]
is lowered .
as follows
Yi ]
2
.[
4
.
[ 9€ )
6
.
[
y d
5
]
.
[
a
]
:
- 234
" norm "
101
8
Tul
10
.
[
0
]
. [u
]
The numbers
examples . .
1
i
[
a
in
.
.
3
[
Yi ]
[
ɛ
[
.
the cells
[
tsiĥ
[
on - glide
Y€ ]
tél
on - glide
.
[
refer to the following
æē
' tuft of grass '
]
' to get '
)
unrounded
te ]
vocoid with palatal
tip held la
behind lower
down
little '
unrounded vocoid with palatal tip held down behind lower tongue and
front ( my
/ kebal
[k
close
' person '
and tongue
/méh ,
low
]
front
[
mid open
kyība
ch
Yē
]
bā ]
front
' cow ' ' to
itch '
unrounded vocoid
( nasalized )
' resting place '
Iněh / 6
above
]
Ikibal mid open
]
[
]
[myih ]
teeth
5
2
Imihi
/
.
[
high front unrounded vocoid with palatal on - glide and tongue tip held down behind lower teeth
teeth
4
b
high front unrounded vocoid
]
Icih / 2
.
9
-
low close front unrounded vocoid with palatal on - glide and tongue tip held down behind lower
teeth
7
.
[
ə
]
/ pě /
[ pyže ]
' tad pole
/ ke /
[ky
' father - in - law '
]
!
close slightly backed central unrounded vocoid low
/ ka /
[ kõ ]
' gall bladder
!
- 235
8
. [ɔ]
mid open back rounded vocoid
/ s6 9
.
[
[
high
]
u
vocoid with extra
rounding
/mohl 10 .
' three '
ts5]
mid open back rounded
]
5
-
' brother
[mph ]
close
rounded
back
/ syu /
-
lip
in - law '
vocoid ' sheath '
[ šū ]
It
should be noted in passing that length contrasts are not common for vowels other than lal . The primary manifestation of length is rearticulation of the vowel .
Ithe :ba /
[ thčē bə ]
' to hear '
Ithebal
[ theba ]
' to
Ikã : /
D [ kõā ]
' chin '
/ ka /
[kõ ]
' gall bladder '
(
For the primary
informant
quality variation for long la [
a
]
low
a
open
/ kã : /
3.
,
there is
a
concomitant
:/
central unrounded vocoid ' chin '
[ kāā ]
Distribution
All five
restrictions
qualities0 occur without evident nasal , oral , 0clear and breathy , high
vowel
in
low
syllables except that nasalized short
and
nasal
observed only "
big '
be
do
nAq "
contiguous
contrast
in
lal
to nasal consonants , though
that environment .
Inấl
' take
( imperative )
"
ina "
Inal
' nose '
"
' AAma "
lã :ma /
' mother '
"
' AAna "
lã : nal
' elder
"
AngAq
lãnã
' younger
"
and
has been
sister ! sister
!
oral '
- 230 Phonemic length ( rearticulation ) is very significant for the vowel / s / , but there is no evidence of rearticula tion contrast for breathy vowels of the other qualities , , e , o , ul , and only one example of contrast for clear single vowel , whether , , ul . le ol and none for clear A long or short , forms the nucleus of the syllable .
li
li
SEGMENTAL
TAMANG
SYNOPSIS
Doreen Taylor A
.
Obstruants l . Contrast Tamang may be
system
described
as having
of contrasting obstruants
and
fricatives ) .
/k /
=
( Segments transcription .
(stops
the following ,
affricates
in the diagram below are Text orthography differs
in phonemic from the phonemic transcription in that phonetic voic ing distinctions , though redundant with tone word 3 initial and with breathiness of the preceding vowel word - medial , are retained ; ( thus / p / = " b " word - initial in mid and low syllables , but " p " elsewhere . Similar ly , lt / = " d " , " t ' , / t / 11= " D " , " T " , Ic / = " j " , " c " and " g "
,
/
,
" k " OY
) .
Upper case
("
T "
,
" D "
)
ph
"
represents 30
0 0 retroflection , ' y ' following affricates and fricatives 0 414 glide ; R es represents grooving with palatal off and aspi
ration
h
is written
the
on
line :
"
,
ilth
"
.
)
t
oh -
in -_ th
th -_
Choosing this system
h
cn
_
in
of obstruants entails choos - initial clusters
ing the following system of syllable in which obstruants occur .
pr
pl ру
sha-
cy
—
ky
pny
(H )
,
In Western Tamang there are four tones : high stressed mid stressed ( M ) , low stressed ( L ) and unstressed ( U ) .
- 237 -
- 238 -
consist of one or more syllables of like tone or of an initial syllable with stressed tone ſol syl lowed by syllables with unstressed tone . ( Second trisyllabic appear morphemes lables in not to contrast for tone independently of their environment . Whether they are stressed or unstressed following a stressed A
morpheme
may
initial syllable is still
is represented
on examples
unresolved problem . ) Tone as follows : For monosyllabic
an
for polysyllabic morphemes all syllables of which have the same stressed tone , tone is marked morpheme - finally in text orthography by the symbols : morphemes
and
'high 'mid
tone CS ' tone@ ' L ' ! ' low tone ! Unstressed tone is unmarked . '
-
9
-
g "
letter
The
" g"
appears morpheme
finally not
only as
a marker of mid tone but also as part of the digraph " ng " represents which the phoneme ini . To distinguish the si
of
" ng "
from the ' g " that marks mid tone , we underline digraph the in the text . A non - underlined ' g " word finally is thus always a tone mark . Polysyllabic morph emes which have stressed tone initially and unstressed tone finally are marked as such by a colon before the syllable - final tone mark . In phonemic transcription vowels are marked for tone : for high stressed tone D / / for mid stressed tone / ^ / for low stressed tone and D unmarked for unstressed . These conventions are summar disyllabics ized for in the following chart .
Il
- q !'
HH
11
HU
"
- :
q"
MM
"
-g
"
MU
"
- :
g"
I ' l
/- - /
" L ! !
LU
"
- :
/
*
/
'!
UU
Note
that
in
vowel length
resents
Evidence found
in
an
the phonemic transcription 1 : 1 represents whereas in the text orthography " : rep
unstressed
for contrast
examples
morpheme among
-
final syllable
obstruant
such as the
.
phonemes
following :
is
to be
- 239
-
"
paig - pa ''
Ipāi - pal
' bring
"
pai"
/ pai /
' wool
"
phaiq "
/ phái
' iron '
"
khaiq - pa "
Ikhái - pal
' wind thread '
"
pii -pa "
Ipi : - pal
'be wet with
"
phii - pa "
Iphi : - pa /
' sprout '
"
tong "
Iton /
' up '
litaaq " "
thaakang
' vessel
Ithoni
" thongq
"
Itá : /
' what '
Itha : kan /
' loom
ţi
pal
' sit '
Tiq - pa
/
Thil !
Ithill
'
liTanga
/ tana /
'half
"
"
Thaarai!
-
Ithá : r
/
'
a
a
(
loom
a
' throat '
"
kolaq "
Ikólá
' child '
"
khore : q "
/ khóre /
"
cang "
Ican /
" chang "
Ichan
' ta - pa "
Ita - pal
"
Taa ' - pa ''
Ità
'
a
: - pal
Fres
)
rod '
rupee '
small dish '
' elder brother '
/
(
leaf plate '
Ikhá : rá / /
'
( Fres )
Pres
khaaraq "
"
"
mud
part '
'blood '
kaaq
( Tres !
for milk '
/ ká : /
"
'
down
la basket ' ' be ' 'win '
( Fres ) ( Pres )
s
wife
!
)
-
' ca - pa "
sa "
"
The
240
-
Ica - pal
' eat '
Isal
'ea earth '
(
Pres )
following are examples of clusters in which stops
occur
.
pr
"
Iprand
'
/ prēt /
' eight '
Iplen
' edible frong '
i'blig "
/ pii /
'
four
" byo ! !
/ pyòl / pyántala )
'
a
prang"
libretg "
"
pleng "
'
pyantala : q "
stand over '
bamboo mat
Iphrénkál
'
phi
" phlik
Iphlik - pal
' flash '
phy
" phyaaq "
cy
" cyaa - pa "
/ cya : - pa /
' see '
( Pres )
chy
" chyong -pa"
Ichyon -pa /
' run '
(
kr
"
gren . "
Ikrèn /
' eldest '
kra "
/
a
necklace ' ( Pres )
' broom '
kral
Pres )
' head '
/klē /
' clan
Iklan - pa /
' play '
( Fres )
gyuug "
/ kyū : /
' sour '
( Pres )
khr
khrangq - pa
/khrán -pa )
' burn '
( Pres )
khi
khlaa - pal
Ikhla
pal
' throw
away
khya - pa "
/khya - pal
' glue '
( Pres )
"
gleg
"
' klang - pa ' "
kny
"
'
' butterfly '
" phrengkaq
phá:/
fire
!
par
- pa "
(
place )
:-
name ' .
!
(
Pres
)
- 241
sy
"
sya -pa "
2
.
-
Isya - pal
' dance '
( Pres )
Variation
Seven sets of environments have been identified as responsible for variation in obstruants . They are as follows : ( Tone in phonetic examples is omitted in sec 3 segmentals . tions dealing with The phonetic pitch of monosyllables in isolation is of little significance MOI Пс for our purposes in this section . ) 1
.
word -
In
.
.
or unstressed syllable
a
high
b
. In
a
low
c
. Before
a
d
.
the glide ( _y )
.
Tor or
Before
mid
syllable
front vowel
(
e
v )
(
v )
,
or
) , (_ v )
( )
(
, ( i)
word - medial position .
In
. Following
a
breathy
f .
Following
a
clear vowel
(
.
Following
a
clear vowel
and
e
g
3
position
In
a
2
initial
. In word h
.
All
vowel ( vħ _ ) v
)
lr ,
l ,
m
,
n
ini
final position instances
.
Variants for aspirated stops are parallel to those for unaspirated stops , thus are not listed separately . In the following chart the columns are labeled according to the environments listed above , the rows are labeled according to segment - type . The cells contain variants of the segment . types identified in the various environments . Numbers in (P D the cells refer to the examples that follow . ments
( d ) intersects with environ therefore is charted below on the
Note that environment ( a )
and
vertical axis
( b )
.
and
- 242
-
а
P"
/p /
1
.[ p ]
2
. [b
" t"
/t/
7
. [ t ].
8
. [a ]
" I"
/ț/
12
.[ ț]
13
.[a ]
" C"
1c /
14
.
"
/k/
21 . [ k
i s"
/s /
27
"
"
K
[
ts
]
15
.
22 .
]
.[s ]
28
[
]
dz
]
16
. [ ts ] , [ dz
] 17 . [ tš] , [ dž ]
[g]
.[s ]
29 . [ š ]
f
/
3
.
[
b
]
4
. [
9
.[t ]
p
]
ال
"
/ t/
" C"
1c ,
18 . [ dz ]
19 . [ ts / dz
"X"
/k /
23. [ g ]
24
" s "
/
.[k ]
/
voiceless
[p ]
bilabial
Ipind voiced
]
bilabial
/ pū /
]
stop "
field
'
separate '
'
[
)
àlpa
balpa balba
bilabial
voiceless unreleased /
Itup
țup
Pres )
enemy
'
ipi
[
(
stop
fluctuation with frog
stop thread
'
bilabial
lax voiceless bilabial stop lax voiced bilabial stop
/p
]
( pehba ]
09
lipid lípí
]
'
p
[
s
'
lax voiceless
b
p
/
[
.
5
[
' blue '
'
. [p ]
.
]
voiced bilabial stop
[b ]
/
6
31 .
s
[ bu ]
/ peh - pal 4
.
in
.
30
'
3
. [ ki ]
26
'
b
. [ te ]
.[ķ/ş ]
]
[
11
25
[
pl ]
]
]
[
.
[
2
/ dz
[
stop
pin
[
ts
iși
.
.[a ]
20 . [
]
.
6
]]
1
s
10
/
p
]
it
/
'
" p "
- 243 -
7
voiceless apico - dental stop
. [ț]
Ita : / 8
.
[
d
voiced apico - dental stop
]
Ità / 9
.
lax voiceless
[ț ]
' an upright post ' [ da : ] apico - dental stop
Io Tā - ta - pa /
10 . [
d
voiced
]
11 . [ tº ]
a
[
[ țup
ts ]
[ dz ]
. [ ts ]
[
[ dz ]
tš ]
voiceless
dž
]
' run away '
(
Pres )
tsan
' elder brother ' s
]
wife !
' son '
dental affricate [
tsi ]
' ten '
voiced dental affricate voiceless
alveolar [
grooved
tšY am
[
a
žYa - pa
affricate 'urine '
]
affricate
grooved
voiced alveolar
Icyà - pal
' hookah plug '
[ dziř ]
/ cyám / [
stop
[dza ]
/ jir / [
thread '
affricate
voiced alveolar
Icil
17 .
'
voiceless alveolar affricate
Ical 16
')
[ ạo : pa ]
Ican , 15 .
' bone '
[ pote ]
voiced apico - alveolar
]
)
voiceless apico - dental stop with fricative release
/ dò : - pa/ 14 .
Pres
voiceless apico - alveolar stop
[ ț ]
[
(
' circle '
[rildo ]
/ țup / 13 .
allowed '
fricative
apico - dental
/pot / .
' not
[ ațapa )
Trilto !
12
' what '
[ ta : ]
)
' good '
( Pres )
-
18 .
[
dz
inē ' (
This example
The 19 .
n
-
li / .
[
ts / dz
]
ci /
[ nehn -
the
)
This example [
ts
/ dz
]
[
[
k
[
g
[
g
affricate
)
fluctuation with
in
tuntsa / tundza
[ket
.
' short
)
!
' voice
]
!
voiced velar stop
]
voiced
]
[
gi
:
' one '
]
velar stop
/ sahku / 24
the
,
voiceless velar stop
]
/ ki : / 23 .
( Past )
voicing
in
voiceless alveolar affricate [
'
following front vowel .
by the
voiced alveolar
/ két , 22 .
na - ţselna - dze ] ' cover
illustrates fluctuation
/ tuncal 21 .
breathy vowels . by the fol
voiced alveolar affricate in fluctuation with voiceless alveolar affricate
fronting is conditioned 20 .
' cover '
f c affricate is conditioned
Ina - cel (
dzi ]
illustrates voicing after
fronting of
lowing
affricate
voiced alveolar
]
-
244
' dirty '
[ sahgu ]
(
of water
lenis voiceless velar stop
. [k ]
' dog ' [naki ] lenis voiceless velar stop in fluctuation with lenis voiced velar stop .
Inaki/ 25 .
[k /
g
)
/ sal -kel 26
. [ kl ]
unreleased Icek
27 .
[
s
]
/
[
s
]
open
'
voiceless velar stop [
tsek '
'
]
a
little
'
voiceless alveolar fricative / sa /
28 .
'may I
[ sal -ke / sal - ge ]
voiceless
Isinsor /
' tooth ,
[ sa ] alveolar fricative [
sinsot
]
' bee '
ground '
)
- 245 -
29 .
[
8
alveolar grooved fricative
voiceless
]
Isyal 30
.
[
s
.
Sonants
system
in
' red clay '
alveolar fricative
voiceless
[ s ]
1
'ineat '
]
[ gansa ]
/
/ nyis /
B
šYa
voiceless alveolar fricative
]
Ikānsā 31 .
[
[
ñ
Yis ]
' seven '
Tamang
contrast
.
Tamang may be
of sonants
described
as having the
following
.
m
- - - -- - -
n
1
entailing the following initial position
-
. --
system
of clusters
in
syllable
ml mr
diagrams above are given in phonemic transcrip x differs only in that in tion . The orthography for texts ng , on the line " wh " , " rhi is written is written " " and / h / The
found
Evidence in
for contrast among the nasal consonants is such as the following :
examples
"
ama "
"
anaq
/ ama / "
/
ánál
' mother ' ' elder
sister '
.
-
"
'nyeh
!"
" meng " " nyah "
' - pa "
naq - pa "
" ngah ! " "
maah
! !!
Inail
found
examples such
"
' cow '
Inyah - pa /
' cry out '
Ina - pa )
' pain '
( Pres )
i nahi
'a
'
/ mà chỉ
' sister ' s husband '
/ nal
' nose '
liquids
among
the following :
drum
and
( Pres )
glides is
' god '
ra "
/ ral
' goat '
/ wa /
' fish trap '
lya : - pa )
' fade '
lya : 1
'hand '
/ wha - pal
' dig '
"
yaa ' - pa "
- pa "
(
Pres )
( Pres )
"
wha
"
reeq - pa "
Tré : - pal
' roost '
( Pres )
"
rheeq - pa "
Irhé : - pal
' raise '
(
The
following
nasals occur
mr
/mēh /
!
/ la /
" yaa "
my
' milk
la "
liwa "
as
-
/ nyè hi
for contrast
Evidence in
246
are examples
Pres )
of clusters in which
:
"
myar - pa "
/ myar - pal
' flood '
"
mlanga "
/ mlán /
' black '
"
mla - ken
/mla - ken /
' cooked rice '
" mraangq "
Imran /
' garden '
" mring "
/ mrin /
' wife '
2
"
(
Pres
. Variation
Relatively
little
variation has
been observed in
)
- 247
Tamang nasals , liquids and norm has been observed only
-
glides
. Deviation from the for / r / , / n / / w / . There are six environments that condition variation . We give below only those non - norm variants that have been ob = served . Numbers in the cells refer to the following
examples . .
Word
-
b
.
Word
-
c
. Word - Medial
d
.
e
. Word -
f.
Word
/r /
l.
" n "
/n /
3
" y"
/y /
.
[ f ]
2
.
.
ñ
]
Initial
[ f ] [
/
s
/
[
ñ
]
intervocalic
and
Final
n
]
voiced
[ r ]
[
.
It / ,
before
2
.[
lel
before /y /
ř ] 4
. [
n
]
1
.
3
. [n ]
5 6
c
3
-
Medial
Before the glide
" r "
1
Initial
a
alveolar
.
[
y
/ w / wy
. [n
]
]
trilled liquid ' goat '
/ ral
[
/mār /
[mał ]
voiced alveolar
flapped
/ prā : /
[ břa : ]
'
lārē /
[ aře ]
' no '
ra ]
' gold
liquid flour !
voiced dental nasal
Inal
[ na ]
' nose '
| sun /
[ sun ]
' uncooked
lántár /
[
an
tar ]
'middle '
rice '
-
4
.
[
n
/ gàntu /
[ ganțu ]
' dried
Ipin
[ pino ]
' give ! '
-o /
[
gansa
'red clay '
]
w
' milk
[ hefj
voiced alveo - palatal glide
. [y ]
voiced
]
voiced
[ wy ]
lyén
bilabial glide and bilabial glide with
!
fluctuation with
in
alveo - palatal release
/
[ yen /wen / wyen ]
'cloth '
/ yet /
[ yet /wet /wyet ]
' eagle '
Norms are described for phonemes
observed variant in the following
.
!
ñ
[
c
raddish
. [ñ ] voiced palatal glide / nyèh /
6
-
voiced alveolar nasal
]
kānsāl 5
248
with
only one
:
bilabial nasal
/m/
[m ]
voiced
in
[
n
]
voiced dorso velar nasal
/ 17
[
1
]
voiced alveolar lateral
Irhi
[
rh ]
Voiced aspirated alveolar vibrant
I wh /
[ wh ]
Iw /
[w ]
bilabial glide voiced unaspirated bilabial glide voiced aspirated
Distribution of consonants
in
Tamang
son ne in syllable initial posi consonants occur alone O Labial and velar stops and / m / occur as the first member of syllable - initial CC - clusters , the second member of which may be / 1 / , / r / or / y / . So far no CCC - clusters have been found within the syllable .
tion
.
All
In
syllable - final position
we have , / l/ and / r / .
found
/p / ,
/
t
/ ,
Syllable - final /k / s n O position aspirates , thus excludes affricates , retroflex stops and glides . It also excludes clusters . /,
/ , /m/ , /
/ ,
/n/ ,
-
249
-
following chart summarizes the syllable - initial CC - clusters found to occur in Tamang . Numbers in the cells refer to the examples that follow . The
first
second member
member
/
r
/
Ip / 1ph / /
k
.
/
/ kh / /
m
11
/
plaa - pa ''
/ pla : - pal
' slip '
"
prooq
/ pró : /
'
.
"
byoriy
/ pyòl
'a
4
.
"
phlik
Iphlik - pa /
' flash '
5
.
"
phrengkaq
Tphrénká /
' a necklace '
6
.
" phyang - pa
/ phyan - pal
' fly '
7
.
"
klang - pa "
Iklan - pal
'play '
8
. " kring - pa "
/krin - pa /
' cry
9
. ' kyung --pa "
/ kyun - pal
"
/khla :- pal
' throw
away '
Ikhrán - pal
'burn '
( Pres )
/ khyan /
' platform
/ mlán /
' black '
/ mrin /
' wife '
/ myúhr /
"
1
.
2
.
3
10
.
11 . 12
- pa " "
ikhlaa - pa ' "
.
13 .
"
"
khrang
q
khyang
"
mlang ? "
14
. imring "
15
.
myuhrq "
- pa
"
(
light
Pres )
meat '
bamboo
mati
( Pres )
( Pres ) ( Pres )
out
'
( Pres )
lemon '
overflow '
( Fres )
-
-
250
following are examples of the consonants found far in syllable - final position . The
so
Tupis
Itup
/
' thread '
"
netqi
Inét
/
'
"
tak
Itak
/
' seventh
"
/bàstòl
' animal '
syim
Išim /
' cool '
''sun '
Isun /
' unhusked rice '
kang
/kan /
' foot '
yahl ' '
/ yahl /
'
/ bārkū /
' woman '
/ tor /
' up '
"
"
"
' barkug
"
tor " .
year '
basto ' '!
"
D
full '
Vowels 1
in
s
garment '
Tamang
. Contrast
Tamang may be
system
sunlight '
described
having the following
as
of contrasting vowels
:
3 0
-
a
a
For each quality there long vowel : i
:
e :
(
-
-
'
is
a
short vowel
(
above
)
and
u :
0 :
For each quality and length there are clear vowels above ) and breathy vowels :
- 251 -
Lan
uh
ahok i :h . . . .
- u :h
:
coin
'aa :hh found
In
very
a
cases nasal vowels have also been
few
: ē
All
clusters
disyllabic
. There is thus no syllable . Diagrams above are given in phonemic transcription . Text or thography differs from the phonemic transcription in that long vowels are written as a geminate cluster
vowel
are
clustering of vowels within
10
:
the
1
=
"
line
oo
"
leh
and / =
the in
' eh " .
,
the
for breathiness is written Nasal lè l = i' e ; " .
on
Evidence for contrast in the system of vowels may in examples like the following :
be found a
. Vowel quality me !!
/me /
' fire '
'mee "
/ me : /
' tail '
/ mich /
' man '
"
"
"
miih
"
'miiq "
/mí: /
' eye '
"
maah
/ mà : h /
' sister ' s husband '
"
phoq ''
Iphol
' stomach '
"
phaq
phá !
' husband '
"
phiiq "
! !
! !!
"
phí
:/
' bark '
-
richo "
chiq "
2012
-
Ichol
' rope '
Ichí,
' grass , fat '
"
kiqit
/ ki /
' water '
"
kuq "
/ ku /
' vegetable
" laq"
/ lál
'month '
leq "
Ilél
' tongue '
la
/
la /
' god '
"
le "
/
le /
lear of wheat '
"
liiqi
/
"
lah
llah /
"
! !
rii pa -
"
/
lí : / ri :
-
!
' face ' ' mountain '
pal
' scratch '
(
Pres )
"
raa - pa "
/ ra : - pa /
' weave '
"
syee - pa "
Iše : - pal
' know '
( Pres )
syoo - pa ''
Išo
' beg '
( Pres )
"
rup - pa ''
/ rup - pal
' vomit '
"
rep - pa "
/ rep - pal
' grind spices '
ru "
/ ru /
' horn '
ra "
/
ra /
' goat '
: - pal
(
Pres
( Pres )
naah
! "
Inà : h /
'pus '
! 'nuuh
' il
Inù : h /
' large wasp '
"
pủ /
' soul '
/ pả : /
' leaf '
''na ''
Ina /
'nose '
"
no "
Inol
' also '
"
khoq "
/ khól
' pig
"
khuq "
/
'puu ' ! "
paa "
7
khu /
)
pen ,
trip
( Fres )
!
' cooked vegetable '
-
"
doo
" duu
b
:3
-
' - pa "
/ tò : - pa /
' - pai'
/
tủ : - pa /
' arriver
( l'res )
tired '
' be
(
Pres )
. Length "
gig "
ikil
'
"
giig "
/
ki : /
Tone '
.
thatch '
" me !!
/me/
'
fire '
' mee "
/ me : /
"
tail '
isa !
/ sa /
' tooth ,
soil '
"
saaq"
Isá : /
' breath '
"
taa - pa"
/ ta : - pa /
' hold hand out '
"
ta - pa ''
Ita - pal
' be '
"
goo
/ kö- pa /
' remove
"
gol - pa "
/ ko -pal
' understand '
"
bug "
/ pū /
'
field
/ pū : /
'
labored breathing '
' - pa '
" buug
c
2
''
(
Fres
pot '
lah '
/ lah /
"
'' laahg "
/ la :h /
crust from ( Pres ) (
Pres )
'
mountain '
' a flower '
"
laq "
/
"
la
lla /
' god '
"
lál
month '
"
miiq "
/mi : /
' eye '
"
miih
/ mi : h /
' man '
! !!
'
/
'
forehead '
:/
"
tease
" ngoh "
Inoh
"
ngoog
inā
"
eeg
"
"
lē : /
' you '
Fres
)
Breathiness "
(
,
provide '
)
-
"
eeh ' '
lè : hi
' eighth
"
me "
/me /
'
fire '
/ mēh /
'
cow
" meha
d
-
254
''
yeur
'
"
kuuq - pa "
/ kú : - pal
' be cloudy
"
kuuha - pa "
/ kú : h - pal
' bend '
!
Nasalization
.
Nasalized vowels are very rare . Only three in stances of nasalization not attributable to adjacent nasal consonants have been recorded . " "
Theewa ; : q "
I thé:wă /
' green '
blee ; sying ' "
/ plề :šin /
'
/ pě : pé /
la fruit !
'' pee ; peq " 2
flower '
a
. Variation
little variation has been observed in vowels . Three environments are identified as relevant to vowel variation . Relatively
Tamang
closed syllables
a
.
b
. closed syllables of the where
ab initial
C
i"
" a"
/
.
[
1
]
1
.
[
1
variants
3
are
r
/
is optional elsewhere
]
/ a/
These 1
i/
: / Cy _ 1 / I Cy
-
"
form
.[
æ
]
2
.[i ]
4
.[a ]
illustrated
voiced high open
front
Itim /
[ dim
/ min /
[ min ]
]
in
the
unrounded "
following : voçoid
house '
' name '
!
-
.
[
i
voiced high close front unrounded vocoid
]
Ici,
.
[ æ
[
Inyal - pal
[
/ myar - pa /
[ my
lšar / / yahi/ 4
.
[
voiced
]
a
ki ]
'water '
front
voiced low close
]
' ten '
[
k / il
3
' cool '
[ Syim ]
Išim / 2
-
255
[
ñ
l - pa ]
Yæ æ
ñ
šYær ]
central
unrounded
cud '
' chew
- pa )
[ yæ ħ1 ] low
vocoid
unrounded
' flood '
' sunlight ' vocoid
ill '
[ ya " m ]
' very
/ yap - pal
[ yap ' -pa ]
'winnow '
Išan /
[
syan
Iñàh" - pal
[
ây
aħ - ba ]
( Pres )
least '
/yàhm /
)
( Pres )
'
a
small
( Pres )
bell '
' cry out '
( Pres )
Norms are described below for vowels with only one observed variant in the following :
li
: /
[
i:
]
long high front unrounded
/ phi : / /
in
/
[
in
]
h
[
e
]
h
/
[
e
: ]
liħ - ba ]
[
mi
:h ]
short mid - front unrounded
/mel le : /
[
] long high front unrounded
/ mi
lel
' bark , rind '
short high front unrounded breathy pal - par
li :" / [ i :
[ phi : ]
clear vocoid
long mid Ime : /
unrounded
[ me
:
]
!
breathy vocoid ' man '
clear vocoid '
[ me ]
front
' heavy
vocoid
fire '
clear vocoid ' tail '
-
'
]
'
'
:ħ
e
year
8th
ground
'
tooth
,
'
]
[
sa
central clear vocoid
low
/
'
'
]
'
'
vocoid
pour from one vessel Pres to another
clear vocoid
light
meal
forehead
'
noĥ
'
Inòh
]
short mid back rounded breathy vocoid
)
'
'' 'up'
up
'
proo
]
[
próol
clear vocoid
'
]
)
tor
[(
//
tor
'
]
rounded
long mid back rounded (
)
:
o
[
: /
10
/
tor itor
mid back
[
]
o
[
/
10
short
)
(
'
Pres
'
]
ba
-
h
lu :
'
cloth
(
ba ]
damp
rounded breathy
[
/pa
-
h
lù :
long high back
l'
-
[
/pa
-
muhk
vocoid
'
/ pū :/ / ]
h
:
u
[
: /
'
laboured breathing
[ bu : ]
)
mūhk
n
s
field
'
'
[
'
'
:
'
:h , /
/
]
]
clear vocoid
short high back rounded breathy lu
husband
long high back rounded clear vocoid
:
u
[
/ u : /
sister
rounded
back bu
pū
ma
central breathy vocoid
mà
low
short high
u
[
[
/
long
mountain
lan
'
lah
'
]
:h
a
[
/a :h /
Iul
central breathy vocoid
low
13
short
/
/
Tah
[
[ ah ]
'
,
,
: /
year what
eleventh
'
ta
[
Itá
]
)
a
breathy vocoid
long low central clear vocoid
:
[
/
cow
'
/ :h /
l' è [ a ]
la /
short
sal
la :
]
meh
long mid front unrounded
:
:
]
e
[
:
/
h
le
h
|
me
short mid front unrounded breathy vocoid
[ en ]
[
,
['
leh
-
256
-
lo : h
/
[o :h ]
long mid back
l ' ro :h / 3
.
257
-
rounded breathy
[ ' ro0 : fi ]
'
vocoid
friend '
Distribution
Since all VV clusters contain two syllabic peaks and are thus disyllabic , very little need be said at this point regarding the distribution of vowels within the
syllable
.
SEGMENTAL , SYNOPSIS 0
THAKALI
Maria Hari A
.
Obstruants
Thakali
in
I . Contrast
Thakali may be described as having the following of contrasting obstruants . ( The segments in the diagram are those of the phonemic transcription . The text orthography differs slightly in that It ! = " I " , Ith = " Th " and aspiration is written on the line " h " . ) . system
-
kh
S
h
.
chº
th
choosing
initial clusters
which
.
obstruants occur
of syllable
CP
system
-
of obstruants entails
Choosing this system
the following
in
tit
th
–
ph
k
khy
-
—
-
ochy
tr
pr
ky
kw sy
of obstruants
Ipil
"
:
in
"
pi
thiwa
Ithiwo
tiwa
Itiwol
Thuwa
Ithuwɔl
'
'
'
'
/
up
'
stay
'
'
to
'
/
wash
to
'
'
to spread
' -
'
limit
/ 258
throw
'
/
"
leaves to
Ichoy
-
choy
bark
tuwo
/'
"
"
"
"
Thuwall "
"
!" !
"
"
Iphi
"
phi
"
may
Evidence for contrast in the system be found the following examples
- 259 -
" "
coy "
Icoy
khiwa "
Ikhiwal
' to bind '
Ikiwal
' easy '
" kiwa "
' remains '
/
"
saang "
/ san /
' incense '
"
haang "
/han /
'
"
Isuwa "
l ' suwol
idense '
"
syuwa "
Isyuwol
' to line
"
su "
Isu /
' who '
"
sa "
Isol
' tooth , earth '
"
phewa "
Iphewol
' to
"
pewa "
/ pewol
' shy '
"
thewa "
"
tewa "
"
Thewa
"
Tewa
"
courtyard '
up '
out '
come
' to hear '
thewol
- fall
' to
Itewol
'
thewo /
' to tear up '
ţewol
' to climb
Thuwa ''
/ thuwɔ /
' to wash '
"
Tuwa
"
l ' fuwol
' pe to stay '
"
chuwa
"
VO Ichuwol
"
cuwa "
The
"
/
"
this analysis " pyung "
pl
" plaa "
pr
"
' preh "
"
truhma
examples
' bark
of
the
!
clusters posited
: / pyun /
plal "
!
' entertaining '
Ic uwol
following are
py
a
'man '
' vegetable '
l ' preh ,
' eight '
/ truhmo /
'next year '
by
-
ky
"
kyu
kw
"
•phy
-
260
/ kyu /
' water
kwa ahri "
/ kwahri /
' up there '
"
phyongpa "
/ phyonpol
' to
phl
"
phle ' la "
/ phie ' lol
' to
khy
"
khyaawa "
/khyawo /
' to throw
"
cyaangpa
/ cyanpol
' small '
chy
"
chy aarwa "
Ichyarwol
' sharp '
sy
"
sya "
Isyo /
' meat '
2
. Variation
"
"
of
Nine sets
environments have been
!
jump
'
open up
'
away
'
identified
as These environ ments form two intersecting subsets in that one set of conditions specifies the position of the obstruant in relation to general classes such as vowels , voiced conso nants and voiceless consonants , whereas the other set specifies position of the obstruant in terms of particu lar vowel qualities which follow . The variation produced by these two sets of environments is effected independently .
responsible
1
)
for variation
Environments
and
2 )
/_ a, u , o,
ah
,
uh
/_
i, e, y ,
ih
,
eh
'_
o
.
B
. Fronting
C
.
Backing
D
.
Labial Release
" Norm "
word -
/ kh / .
/
k
, #
initial
oh
/
/
0
,
,
oh
,
,
o
before
, oh ) .
Environment D Environment C is relevant for / k / Environments A and B are relevant for / kh / ,
applies only to
Ic / ,
.
influencing point of articulation
A
( Read :
obstruants
in
/ and
/k /.
o
/s / .
Environments affecting tenseness E
. Tense
variant :
(norm ) :
F
.
Tense
variant :
( norm )
,
laxness
word - initial
: word -
final
,
voicing
- 261 -
G
. Tense variant : (norm ) : contiguous consonant
H
. Voiced
variant : following voiced variant : following
I . Lenis
to
voiceless
consonant
vowel before voiced
consonant
Lenis variant : intervocalic
J .
first
The
set is represented
rows lettered
by
A
,
[
p
B
,
as appropriate , the second set by columns HD lettered E - F . In the cells are the broad phonetic values of the variants . Numbers in the cells refer to the examples that follow . A hyphen in a cell indicates that either 1 ) the segment does not occur in this environment ( see the statement on distribution of consonants below ) or that no deviation C
the norm
from
is conditioned "
Norm
by
/kh /A. B
.
C
.
1
. [ ph ]
-
3
. [ th ]
-
.
5
. [ tsh ]
6
.[kh ]
8
. [kh]
_ vdc
v
v
.
]
9
13
It /
.[p ]
. [p ]
17 . [ t ]
18
.
15/
22
Ic / A .
26 . [
.[ ț ]
30
. [ ts ]
/k / A .
34
. [k ]
14
. [b ]
15
.[p]
16
19
.[
20
.[8]
21 .
24
. [? ]
-
25.[ ț ]
. [ ts ]
28
. [ dz
]
-
29 . [ tsudz ]
31. [ ts ]
32
. [ az ]
-
33 .
37
. [ g ] 38 . [ k ]
-
[t ]
.
ts ]
.
23.[ ț ] 27
35
. [ khọ
.[ķhrx ] 11.[ kArx ]
-
12
B
v
7
. [ķh ]
/
vdc _
J
2
10
1p
I
th ]
4
[
.
Lenis
н
Initial Final Iph /
environment
Voiced
"
F
E
this
. [k ]
36
. [k ]
^
]
. [ prb ] [ t ]
[ ţšndz ]
kg]
39 . [
-
E
Is
F
B
. 40 . [ k ]
c
. 43 .
D
.
[
k
-
262
+1
.
[
I
нH
G
k
J
44 . [ ķ ]
]
kg ]
42 . [
]
45
. [ Ķng ] 2
46 . [kW ]
/ A . 47 . [ s ] B
. 48 .
[
5
]
/h /
49 . [ h ]
[p"]
voiceless aspirated , bilabial stop
[ ph ]
' stomach ' [ pho ] Voiceless aspirated bilabial stop in fluctuation with 1
.
Iphol
voiceless 2
.
l' aphi/
3
.
Ithoron !
voiceless 4
tsh
]
' aunt '
[ thoron ]
' first ' I' S
aspirated alveopalatal stop
. / thicom /
[ thițsɔm ]
.
[ tshon ]
' only '
voiceless aspirated alveolar affricate 5
[ kn ]
[ ? aphi/ ? api ]
voiceless aspirated alveo dental stop
[ th ]
[
bilabial fricative
Ichon /
' business
!
Voiceless aspirated velar stop 6
.
/kha /
' neck '
[kha ]
[ k " ]
voiceless aspirated velar stop in fluctuation with
[
voiceless lax velar fricative
x
]
7
[
h
]
.
/ tikhum /
[ ţikhum
/ țixum
]
'one
voiceless aspirated front velar stop 8
.
/khiwɔ /
[ khiwo ]
' bind '
pice
'
- 263 -
[{" ]
SS aspirated voiceless front velarr stop
[x ]
voiceless lax front velar fricative [ ? aķhi / ? axi ] ' ( I ) voiceless aspirated back velar stop 9
.
10 [ kn ]
/ akhi /
. /'khwol
'to
[ ķhowo ]
fluctuation with
in
't
don
come
bind '
'
Voiceless aspirated back velar stop in fluctuation with voiceless 11 .
l' akha/
voiceless 12 .
/ pel
13 .
/
voiced 14
.
bilabial [ [
bilabial
Is ompol lax
. / ' poplo !
fricative
[ ? aķho / ? axo]
op /
voiceless 15
lax back velar
' ( I)
don
't
Com
come
!
stop pe
' story '
]
' hot '
op ]
stop [ sɔmbɔ ]
' new '
bilabial fricative [ poplo ]
' shoe '
voiceless lax bilabial fricative in fluctuation with voiced bilabial fricative 16
. / ' lopu /
voiceless
[ lopu / lɔbu ]
' radish '
alveodental stop
17
.
/ tom /
18
. Icot cot /
' bear '
[ tom ]
[ ts
og
tsoţ ]
' frying
noise '
voiced alveodental stop 19
. /mehntol
[ mehndo ]
'
flower
'
voiceless lax alveodental stop lkutru /
20
.
21
. l' ohtel
[ kutřu ]
' hunch
[whohțe ]
iso
bucket '
much '
.
- 264
alveopalatal
voiceless 22
. l' țuan
[ ţuhn ]
' tree '
. / phoptel
[ phopțe( ]
'gray '
23
D
voiced alveopalatal
. /kontal
24
voiceless 25 . [
lax
stop
[ dz ]
alveopalatal
/noțil / com /
[ tsɔm ]
' bridge '
27 .
Ican /
[
tsan
' daughter
. /momcah /
voiced alveolar 29 . / pucul
]
[ dž ]
]
' thorn '
/ ' cyuku /
/mɔnce )
loil ' ' arrived '
[ tšyüku ] [ tofiktši ]
affricate ' by
[mɔndže ]
the medicine
'
Voiceless lax alveodental grooved affricate in fluctu ation with voiced alveodental grooved affricate 33
k
fluctuation with
in
affricate
voiced alveodental grooved 32 .
ts ]
affricate
[ putsu / pudzu ]
31. Itohkci / ]
'
D SS alveodental affricate voiceless
30 .
dz
- in - law
' grandmothers '
[ momdzañ ]
[ dz ]
tš
)
voiced alveolar affricate
voiceless lax alveolar
[
' bone '
[noţi ]
[ ts ]
[
stop
.
28
[
' loom '
[ kWonda )
ts ] voiceless alveolar affricate 26
[
stop
. / sici /
voiceless 34 . 35
/ka
. Itohk /
[ ciţši / sidži ] IN
' died '
velar stop [ka ]
' blood '
[ tohk ]
' arrives '
'
'
]
to arrive
lax velar
'
'
fricative
fluctuation with
voiceless
OK
voiced
lax
'
'
!
,
'
'
'
]
'
'
'
in
'
]
'
o
[
fluctuation with
'
cat
'
]
song
incense
'
]
kWohny
'
bilabial release
'
/
nõķof nogot
[
/
thing
fricative
[
/
/'
kohy
/'
]
?
]
/
45 .
silly
'
fricative louse
'
]
ye
$
[
sye
/
/
48
grooved
'
san
]
[
/
.
san
voiceless alveopalatal .
[ 8 ]
/
voiceless alveodental fricative 47
with
uneasy
kwöhkte
lax back velar stop
nokor
.
agiwɔ
iscull
voiceless velar stop with 46
fluctuation
stop
[
!
/'
kwolktel
g
]
stop
koplo
voiced back velar
]
]
/ ]
[
akiwɔ
/
.
44 . . 43
koplo
voiceless
[ [
wisdom
front velar
.. kW
easy
front velar fricative
lakiwɔl
42
rihkpɔ
voiceless back velar
Y
well
in
Ya
/
rihkpol
kiwɔ
[
/
/
kiwo
?
. 41 . . 40
[
front velar stop
voiceless
.
hen
nāķa năga
Inakal
[
39
voiced velar fricative
'
arrive
?
(
)
you
did
'
toņķio
in
voiceless
stop
[
/
. ]
)
[
velar
]
)
lax
Itohklo
heaven
sangye
/
.
37
sankye
voiceless 38
k
k
tohkpo
voiced velar stop
60
[
kpol
[
.
"
36
Ito
- 265 -
-
courtyard
'
'
[
han
Thakali
in
Sonants
Contrast
Thakali .
sonants
may
The
be described as having the following system following chart is given in terms of the in
.
" R "
=
/
r
/
" L "
=
/
1
/
"
"
.
phonemic transcription The orthography used for text differs from the phonemic transcription that ini ng and
of the
symbols
:
.
1
B
.
.
hand
]
49
of
266
Voiceless glottal fricative
]
[
h
-
:
Nasals
Glides
W
:
Vibrants
:
:
Liquids
system
:
-
in
This system of segments entails the following syllable initial clusters which sonants occur mr
-
my
—
ml пу
:
'
'
'
son
law
'
-
-
in
'
'
'
'
forehead
'
'
pus
five
,
god
idol
'
month
'
'
'
,
/
garlic
'
,
/ / ,
13
13
/
/
"
inah
cloud
'
/
/
/
Inah
/
"
La
l'
" "
mah
ingaah
"
" "
Inoh
"
naah
non
"
maah
la
moh
"
" "
ngoh
"
inoh
"
moh
"
"
in
in
Evidence for contrast the system of continuant consonants may be found the following examples
of
- 267 -
' to get
"
rewall
/rewo /
"
Rewa
"
/
"
waah
"
/ wah /
' so '
"
yaah
"
lyahl
' yak
2
.
rewol
' to
up
'
grate '
bull '
Variation
Variation
sonants . occurs before
two
from the phonetic norm has been noted for only The velar nasal , i no has a fronted variant which , e , y , ih / and eh , and a variant with labial before 101 and loh / . The occurs word -
li
initial release which alveodental vibrant has a trilled variant that occurs in gem A inate / r / - clusters and utterance initially . Utterance final ly it is in free variation with the flapped variant . /m/
[
m
voiced
]
bilabial nasal [miku / migu ]
/miku /
In /
[
n
voiced alveodental nasal
]
l ' nokyu / in
[
[
n
n
]
n W
linah /
[ näh ]
voiced
front - velar nasal
]
[
1
]
/
1
/
[
]
r
/
[
]
five '
'milk '
[nwõħ ]
' forehead '
[ lahţu ]
' leftovers '
voiceless alveodental lateral
/ topcyol /
[nyeħ ]
'
voiced alveodental lateral
llahțul /
' dog '
voiced velar nasal with labial release Inch
11 /
[ nõkyu ]
voiced velar nasal
]
Inyehi [
' smoke '
( topţšyo )
'
let '
learn '
s
Voiced flapped alveodental vibrant
l' köru /
[kořu ]
' buckwheat '
l' prah /
[ přah ]
' flour
!
-
trilled
alveodental vibrant
Ipohrri /
[ pohř
/ resant
[ resan ]
the garden '
'nearby '
star
'
]
/
!
thick
'
]
runbo
to weep
'
'
[
/
ţawo
]
/
[
] ]
voiced palatal glide '
[
/
'
male yak
yah
]
w
[
/
tawo
l'
Distribution of consonants
syllable initial position consonants occur alone Subsets of the consonants are selected by other positions The relevant environments may be described as follows
of
a
syllable
-
initial CC cluster syllable initial CC cluster -
Second member
of
vowel
-
member
before
-
First
initial
a
-
Syllable
a
.
c
.
b
.
a
:
.
-
in
All
/ th / , /
Iph
Ich
,
ith
,
/
kh
-
.
.
in
.
d
Syllable final The following chart summarizes consonantal distribu tion terms of these environments
.
.
in
bilabial glide
voiced
[ y ]
/ y /
runpol
yah
C
'
]
Voiceless semitrilled alveodental fricative vibrant
r
[
/
r
/
Iwl
sɔñ
[
sor
Isori /
i
'
voiced
[ř ]
-
268
/
p
269
-
/
Ip /
It / /$1 /
c
/
17
/
k
/
19
Is / /h /
/m/ /
n
/
in / /
34
13 /
37
/r /
38
/r /
41
/
1
/w /
ly /
47.
.
in the cells above refer to the following for an account of the syllable - initial CC - clusters that occur , see section ( A ) above ' Obstruants in Thakali ' . One odd kind of example has been omitted from that account . The numbers
examples ;
"
phrya awa "
Iphryawo /
'
this
"
plyaawa "
Iplyawol
'
flat '
For the "
latter
plewa "
a
'
preferred alternate is Iplewol
' flat '
-
270
-
are the only syllable
preceding to date . The
-
initial
CCC - clusters
1
.
"
phaalo "
Iphalol
'
2
.
"
phran
Iphron /
' to unfasten '
3
.
"
thaa "
Ithal
' always '
4
.
'' Tha "
/ thol
' buzzard '
5
.
"
cho "
schol
"
chyaarwa "
"
'khoro "
festival '
' lake '
Icharwol
' sharp '
Ikhorol
' upwards ' to
7
.
8
.
"
khyaawa ''
Ikhyawo /
9
.
"
pi"
/
10
.
"
pro "
/ pro /
"
Lap "
/
12 .
"
tom
/ tom /
' bear '
13 .
"
truhma
Itruhmo /
' next year '
14
.
"
cat cat "
Icot cot /
' frying noise '
15
.
"
Tihm
/ țihm /
' wall
16
.
"
catti
17
.
"
18 .
"
19 .
" kum "
20 .
"
21 .
ll .
" "
:
"
pil * op
!
' leaves ' snack
!
' hot '
/
!
la
cyah
Icyph /
' tea '
/ kum /
'
kwa ahri "
/ kwahril
' up there
"
tohkci "
Itohkci
' arrived '
.
"
sici "
Isici /
' died '
23 .
"
sya "
Isyol
' meat
24 .
"
is "
/
25 .
" hak "
22
!
!
cipi " "
away
throw
Icoțți / Icipi /
"
four
'
/
eleven '
little '
urine
' !
!
is /
' exclamation
/ hok /
' condition '
of
anger
'
-
min
.
"
27 .
"
28 .
"
29 .
" naah "
26
"
Imlohwa mram
"
"
-
/min /
' name '
l 'mlohwo /
' to pierce '
/ mrom /
' wooden
Inah /
' pus '
/ pen /
' small frog '
chest '
.
"
pen
31 .
"
nga "
Inol
'I '
.
"
ngyewa "
Inyewol
' to
laugh '
33 .
"
phyong
/ phyon /
' to
jump
.
"
' lawa"
l'
' to
do
35 .
"
' plih
I ' plih ,
' four '
/ kyolwol
' to
30
32
34
"
"
"
36 . " kyalwa "
lowo
'
'
swim
'
37 .
"
La "
/ 10 /
' god , idol'
.
"
ru "
/ ru /
' horn '
39 .
"
phran
40 .
"
tar "
/ tör /
' white '
41 .
"
Rup "
/ rup /
' thread '
42 .
"
wih
'
43 .
"
l 'wih / / kwahril
' up there '
44 .
il ! khaw
likhow /
' come ! '
45 .
" yewa "
/ yewol
' to
Ichyol
38
kwaahri
"
chyo "
47 .
"
say
. Vowels 1
.
Iphron
"
"
.
46
D
271
"
"
/ soy /
"
in
/
' to unfasten '
leather bag '
return
'
' direction '
'price '
Thakali
Contrast
Thakali may be described as having the following of contrasting vowels :
system
: -
272
-
,
The segments used in the diagram above are those of the phonemic transcription . The text orthography differs from the phonemic transcription inOS that 101 = " a " , la ) = " aa " and breathiness is written on the line leh / = " eh " . line the syllable There are no vowel clusters within . within the
,
lehia
es
found
Evidence in
for contrast
examples
like
in
of vowels
the system
the following :
tiwo /
' to spread '
Itihwol
' to stammer
tewa "
Itewol
"
"
tehwa "
/ tehwol
' to drive
"
tuhwa "
/ tuhwol
'
"
towa "
/
"
tiwa "
"
tihwa
"
/ "
to
sorrow '
' to need '
' tohwa "
Itohwol
' to meet '
kawa "
/ kowol
' thick '
" kahwa "
/ kɔhwol
' to
" naa "
Inal
' take ! '
/nah /
' pus '
"ina "
Inol
'nose '
" nah "
/ noh /
lear
/ rol
' goat '
"
"
naah
"
ra "
"
l ' rah
"
"
/
' roh /
!
fall '
towɔ /
"
may
enjoy !
!
' knows '
away
'
be
-
-
273
"
ru "
"
ruh
"
rewa "
Trewo
"
rehwa "
Irehwol
' to
"
ro "
Irol
' reported speech '
"
roh "
"
sawa "
/ SOWO sowo /
' to complete '
"
sahwa "
I so hwo /
' good '
"
siwa "
Isiwo /
' to die '
"
sihwa "
Isihwo
"
' suwa "
l ' suwo /
' dense '
"
' sowa "
l ' sowo /
' hot '
"
sohwa
Isohwo
2
.
"
/ ru /
' horn '
Truh /
' stirs '
Iroh
"
' to get
/
,
'
/
'
grate '
friend '
' to
/
up
spend '
' to build
Variation
Four major sets of environments have been identified as conditioning variation in vowels . For the present dis cussion we ignore the effect of intonation on length . a
. Nasalization : Nasalized variants
nasal consonants Fronting
: non - word -
syllables not inl .
.
occur following
Fronted variants occur following / y / in and in closed final where the syllable - final consonant is
final syllables
c
. Raising : Raised by lwl .
d
.
Word / stress
variants occur
group
Rounded vowels :
in
syllables closed
initially Prelabialized variants
1
.
2
. Breathy vowels : Preaspirated variant
3
. Unrounded
clear vowels
:
.
Preglottalized variant
- 274 -
in the cells below refer to the examples
The numbers .
a
1
.[ i]
2
.[ i]
" in "
lih ,
4
. [ iħ ]
5
. [ in ]
'i ]
[
; ”
3
]
e
?
h
]
.[
6
.
]
]
Wo
h
.[
] ]
^
^
5ħ
]
an
44 .[ 40 .[ 0
]
]
a
[
]
.
[
]
]
20
24 28
.[
32 36
]
6
.[
.[
]
.
]
]
]
]
æ
] öh
[
who
35
]
3
]
un
æ
.[ .[
[ 1 ]
whyh
27 23 . . 19
Wu
.[
] õħ
of
haw
31
]
15
]
]
] Ħ
] ūņ
ũ
6
.[
34
.[
[
.
9
. 12 . .[ 16 [ 'a [
?
.[
.[
26
.[
30
hen
ēħ
ă
]
.[ 11 8
.[ .[ .[
22
] ]
18
]
]
a
14
en e
.[
.[ 13 .[ 17
a
.[
/
"
loh
42 38
/ /
" a " ah "
107
37 33 29 25 21 41 .[ .[ .[ [. .[ .[ o u ° o 5ħ ĥ ] uñ ] ] ] ]
/u /
"
" oh "
lol
]
.[ 7
10
/
"
ah
/ /a / /
éh " aa
aah
"
"
"
uh
lub
" o "
"
" u "
"
leh
.
/ i/
lel
" 1"
" e"
c
b
[
" norm "
43 39
that follow
.
The environments listed above obviously intersect resultant matrix multiplication should be obvious to
high
not be given here
.
will
close front unrounded vocoid '
'
'
'
sun
'
]]
tiħni
two
'
nih
]
linih
'
breathy nasal
of
anger
!
'
breathy
/
]
[
exclamation
]
?
[
/
]
in
[
.
4
'
[
[ ſi ]
/
]
i
[
.
?
3
preglottalized
Itihnil 5
we
>
lis
.
to bind
nasalized
Ini
ih
hiwɔ
is
[ i]
.
2
khiwol
]
and
[
]
[
.
i
1
the reader
[
The
-
275
-
preaspirated breathy lihmu .
7
[
[ hifimu ]
Ik hewol
. [e ]
8
.
[
? e
]
.
[ķewo ]
' to patch !
[mē ]
'
fire
['e ]
'
exclamation
[ en ]
'
preglottalized /
le
10
is '
nasalized /me /
9
'
mid close front unrounded vocoid
]
e
/
: look here ! '
breathy
'
'(I)
[ ’ aķehwol ’ agefiwɔ ]
Ta kehwol
don
't
11 . [ ěñ ] breathy nasal
/mehntol 12
. [ hef ]
'
[
a
]
low
/
open
Cheħlowo
.
[
å
]
.
[
ra
]
18
.
' to
dress
up
[ kha ]
' neck '
[ mã ]
' down '
[ an ]
. [ an ]
[ phyæši ]
' shining '
preglottalized
lale / 17
]
[ æ ] fronted
phyasi / 16 .
'
nasalized /ma /
15
flower
front unrounded vocoid
Ikhal 14
'
preaspirated breathy Teh lowo
13 .
[měîndo ]
[
?
ale
]
' money '
breathy
rinh l' prah ,
[přah ]
' flour '
nasalized breathy / mah ,
[main ]
' son
-
in
-
law '
'
cut '
-
19
.
[
u
[
u
[
ü
25 . [ un ]
vocoid
[ khuyu ]
lold
[mū ]
' sky '
[ myüř ]
' plenty '
woman '
[ Wuř , Wuř ]
' yellow '
(tuhn ]
' tree ' O
nasalized breathy
[ ūñ ]
l 'nuhwol
' to sleep '
[ nūhwɔ ]
27 . [üħ ]
fronted breathy
28 . [ whuh
[ yüħ1 ] . 'village prelabialized preaspirated breathy
/ yu ” 1 /
]
lup 29 .
[
o
than
[
ö
than ]
rounded
'musty
'
smell
'
vocoid
( khořo ]
' upwards '
[ mõm ]
' grandmother
!
' boy adored
as god '
nasalized
[o ]
/ mom / 31 .
/ ] [why wp
mid close back
]
/khorol 30 .
'
breathy
l' tuhn / .
)
prelabialized
[ Wu ]
/ ur /
26
children ' s
speech
fronted
]
/ myur / 24 .
( in
nasalized
]
/ mu /
23 .
'meat
[hamy ]
high close back rounded
]
l' khuyul 22 .
' to stumble '
[pyæwo ]
pre aspirated breathy
-
h
[ " a" ]
l' anyl 21 .
.
[ æh ] fronted breathy
l' pyahwɔl 20 .
276
fronted
]
·
l' syopin /
[ šyöpin )
-
32 .
33 . [ on ]
' red '
[ toliktši ]
'
arrived
'
nasalized breathy
34
/ moh /
.
fronted breathy
[ öh ]
. [ whon
]
[
5
low
lax
[whohțe ] open
o ^
howɔ
Oa vocoid
' to come '
]
' nose '
fronted
[a ]
[
[
[ nõ ]
Isyoppol 40 .
back rounded
' so much '
nasalized
]
/ no / 39 .
' teapot '
labialized preaspirated breathy
l' khowol .
[ tšyöſpin ]
/
l' ohtel [o]
' cloud '
[ mõ ħ ]
Icyohpin
38
[ Wolɔ ]
breathy
tohkci /
36
-
prelabialized
[ Wo ]
lolol
35
277
]
[ ſya p
.o ]
' to catch up '
raised
l 'khowl
[
khoaw
]
' come
!
'
'wait
!
'
41. [oñ ] breathy
l' pro ' nol 42
.
[öß ]
nasalized breathy [ mõħři ] .
/ mohri/ 43. [ af ]
.
Cofin
' beneath '
fronted breathy J ' ky onmuk /
44
[prohnõ ]
] raised
l'kowi
[ kyanmuk
]
' brown '
breathy [ kohaw ]
'
tweezers '
- 278
3
.
No
-
Distribution vowel
clusters
are
found within
the
syllable
.
Breathy vowels are restricted in their distribution in that they do not occur following aspirated stops Iph , th , ch , th , kh , or after the voiceless sonants ir , i , h ) . The low back vowels lo , gh / do not occur in
syllables that
end
in
Inl .
SEGMENTAL SYNOPSIS
CHEPANG
Ross A
.
Obstruants 1
.
in
C
. Caughley
Chepang
Contrast
Voicing and aspiration are two of the more basic oppositions that run throughout the consonantal system of Chepang . Aspiration is interpreted as a clustering structure for stops . Two
classes of obstruants
identified
may be
(
1)
those that cluster with aspiration and participate in the voiced voiceless opposition and ( ) those that do neither : Two of the latter type ( / h , and 13 / ) may very
II
well not be obstruants
.
( 1)
g un
(
II
)
( For the segments above , the text orthography and the phonemic transcription are identical except that / ? / !! ? " . ) consonants cluster to a considerable degree both
initially
and
finally within
initial clusters Syllable initial
in
CC -
the syllable . Syllable which stops occur are given below
clusters
:
g
bhadh
p '
there '
' good '
sun ]
[ îæ
vowel
and
' for giving birth '
: pla ]
ĩa .mu ]
/
without fronting
In
?
/ " kyápla /
But in some
at
' no '
]
?
disappeared
[ gyek
is not traced ' hit
']
( him )
to
'
it
appears to front / y / patterns as a consonant , quality , vowels but the resultant vowel is strongly syllable by by fluenced tone : (or closure ? )
When
/ " yák /
[ y£
/ " yaku /
[ yaku )
>k
'
]
/y /
low
in
' yak ' ' brother
-
in
-
law '
-
-
370
In most cases / w / both labializes and backs a following low vowel . [ wy
I ' lwa /
[
/ " kwáp /
[ kWo
l ' khwani /
[ kWoni ]
' having brought '
I ' lhwa /
[ 12 .
' hunger '
l' swal
a
consonant
l 'idwàp /
' to
12: ]
In a few cases / w / backs the preceding consonant .
As
. pl ]
the preceding
pl ]
.
'
liver '
' digging '
:) low
a
'
go
vowel but does not labialize
[ sv ]
' eat '
I ' lwa /
[ 10 ]
' take
I ' lhwa /
[
10 ]
' weave '
a consonant , / w / backs a low preceding consonant as well .
it ! '
vowel , sometimes
/ " wàtu /
[ wotu ]
' is ? '
l ' lawa /
[ ņowa ]
iservant '
rounding
vowels is in general easy to determine from transcription , the variants of lal being long lal being short . The following , however , is exception to this :
Length of low the phonemic and those of an
{ "
On
wya /
this analysis , sets
readable .
[ wa
?
lis '
]
such as
the following are not easily
l ' nyál
[ña : ]
' yoke '
Ilnyá /
[ ne : ]
' borrow
/ " nyà ,
[ ña : ]
' joke '
/ ' gyàmu /
[
l ' kyàni /
[ķYæ•ại ]
' having done '
/ " gyàp /
[ gyε ' p ' ]
'back side '
l ' gyà /
[ gY€ ? ]
' eight '
gya . mu ]
it ! '
' strong '
-
371
-
Considerations such as these led Schoettelndreyer to re vise Gordon ' s analysis , tentatively eliminating Co - vowels This move led to and adding two low vowels , 1 æ , and 101 . the system presented in the ' Sherpa given below . The primary advantage
Phonemic
Synopsis '
O was of this revision con of labialization
rendered palatalization and easily readable from the phonemic transcription . sonants In anticipation of such a move , Gordon had written objections to it in his Phonemic Summary ( 1959 : 38 , 39 ) . his
that
it
second alternative would be to set
" A
eight - vowel
six
with
system
proposed here
*
/
æ
,
and
*
/ 01
in
up
an
addition away with
This would do Co - vowel clusters as in [ wa ? ] / " wyà , ' is ' and These would be phonem [ êopla ] / " nywàplal ' to buy ' . respectively in an , opla ny , and * / " icized as * / " wèè eight - vowel system .
to
the
"
.
This solution would be
for the following reasons a
.
b
.
c
.
difficult
-
to sustain
:
imbalance would be created in that la would An never occur following / y / , though * / æ / frequently / æ / and That ly / should co - occur with would . Tal but not with lal would be unaccountable . A
further imbalance would be created
of the
in
that
/w /
vowels but inexplicably fail to occur with the remaining two low vowels in an eight - vowel system .
would
with
co - occur
two
low
oi ] in [ ño : pla ] is left unexplained particularly since [ so ] , interpreted as sòl in an eight - vowel system , is too short by contrast . The
length of
[
,
reverse should obtain : [ so ] should be longer than [ ño . p ' ] even allowing for the imperative in tonation of [ so ] . The
d
.
In terms of economy , the eight - vowel system adds two phonemes but does not subtract / y / or / w / . The six - vowel system subtracts two phonemes from the inventory and adequately accounts for contrasts occurring at the syllable nucleus . "
all
and amplification of these objections Schoettelndreyer to seek a third al ternative . On checking through the material with informants , certain differences in hearing between Gordon and Schoetteln dreyer emerged , and certain facts about vowel harmony be came clear which led to the six - vowel system without co in
The
a
re - iteration
letter
prompted
vowels described below
.
- 372 -
to
The move
a
from an system
six - vowel
eight - vowel system without Co - vowels without co - vowels may in general be
characterized as re - assignment of the variants of læl and 101 to le , and 10 , respectively with the exception of [ 0 ] which is re - assigned to lal . The resultant system has the
following 1
advantages
over the earlier
. The elimination a
.
of partial
overlap .
Partial overlap of / yal { "
wyn /
[ wæ
/ " mengiwi /
?
systems .
and
le ,
in
[
æ
]
:
' is '
]
[mængywi ]
' ( he ) won ' t
come
'
Schoettelndreyer hears the second of these two differently from Gordon . The new analysis has /
"
we /
[ wæ
/
"
mengiwi /
[ meng
?
' is '
]
'wi
' (he ) won ' t
]
come
the previous analysis , the [ æ ] in [ wa ? ] should have been long . On this analysis , there is no anomaly in the shortness of [ æ ] here , since it is no longer assigned to the inherently long vowel Ial . On
b
.
Partial
overlap
of lal
l ' sayi /
[
l ' nyal
[ ña ]
and
sai ]
lal '(I
in
[
am
)
a
]
:
eating '
' fish !
analyses agree that in certain cases conditions shortness in a preceding vowel , but Schoettelndreyer hears the second of these two differently : Both | -
7 c
yil
' nya /
' fish
[na ]
. Partial overlap of l ' nyál
[
16 :
In
and
Inyl in rrow ' borrow
]
•p '
,
ny wáp /
[
/"
nel
[ñe ]
"
let '
ni ]
"
two '
[
]
[ ]:
( it ) '
' mad '
{"
/ " ní /
!
s
count '
'
:
-
-
373
rule operative here is that in is front vowels and [ n ] before back vowels The
is
[
]
ñ
to be
before back vowels . exception :
[
ñ
before Iny /
following seems
]
[ nækyok
'
' pot ,
]
recent analysis assigns
more
The
]
ñ
an
/ " nékyok /
of
The
[
.
to iny /
could very
allophone
views Iny , as
all
vessel '
instances
phoneme and well be written / ñ / . / n / has only the [ n ] , and its closely related variants . . and
a
Consequently , in has a defective distribution in that it fails to occur before front vowels .
2
.
elimination
The a
.
lyal
has two contrasting phonetic realizations in high tone open syllables on the old analysis :
l ' nyál
[ ña . ]
' yoke '
l ' nya ,
[ ne : ]
' borrow
latest analysis differs as follows
The
l'nyel
b
.
lyal
tone l'
has
gyamu /
The new
I ' kyèni / .
two
it ! '
:
it ! '
' borrow
[ ne : ]
open
Ikyani /
c
of unreadable pairs :
contrasting realizations in on the old analysis :
low
syllables
gya .mu ]
' strong '
[ ķYæ•ņi )
'having
[
analysis differs
from
[ kyæ•ņi ]
done
'
the old by having ' having done
!
Iyal
has two realizations in low tone syllables that are apparently not explained by the differ ence between closed and open syllables . / " gyàp /
[ gyε
/ " gyà ,
[ gye
p
?
]
]
' back side ' ' eight '
analysis differs in phonetic description 2 interpretation at this point : well as phonemic
The new
as as /
"
W
gyàp /
/ " ge /
[ gYap ' ]
'back
[ gÝ€ ? ] / [ 8€ ? ]
' eight '
side '
-
3
.
A
In
374
-
VOW re smo arer picture clearer of vowel harmony : statements the vowel of the negative prefix is
copied from the first vowel of the stem analysis has the following : [mikiwi ]
' (he )
/ " mé - se - wi /
[ mesewi ]
' (he )
I ' mé - rhe /
[merc. ]
'
(
/ "mó - no /
[mono
'
let ' not
I ' mu -
[ mutsu ]
cu
/ Co -
:
]
" (
vowels in the
this relationship E
mere.
I ' mé - rhya /
[
I 'mé - ny al
[meñe . ]
following is
Sherpa vowels .
a
]
synopsis
I
)
don
'
t
s
I
)
don
'
t
The new
not
do
not
kill '
burn '
count ' sow
earlier analysis in
'
'
certain cases
tends :
'(I)
don
' t burn '
'(I)
don
't
borrow
'
of the latest analysis of
in Sherpa
Vowels 1
will will
I 'mi - ki -wi/
The use of to obscure
The
.
.
Contrast
Sherpa may be described system of contrasting vowels
vowels
have For
All
as having the following :
nasal counterparts 2
Di
10
lui
10
:
-
-
375
characters used above are those of the phonemic
The
transcription
differ
those used in text aa " , lal = " a " . Nasality of a vowel in text orthography is indicated Choosing this system by " N " following the vowel . orthography
of
vowels .
syllable
.
as
They
follows :
entails
no
/
a
from
/
=
"
clustering of
Evidence for contrast within
may be seen " "
in examples
/
' to
separate
"
l'
li
"
I '
lè /
"
laa "
"
la "
l ' la / /
"
là
/
'
hili '
"
/ ' 101
' year '
"
' luq "
/ " lú /
' SSsong '
"
mi "
/ " mi/
'man '
"
ime "
/ " me /
'
/ma - /
' not '
-
"
grain '
' month '
10
maa
'
' year !
"
"
:
attract
li
the
the system of vowels
like the following ' to
I'
le
within
li /
lig "
"
vowels
fire '
that the negative prefix assimilates to the tone and intonational class of the stem to which it is affixed . ) ( Note
" maq "
I ' ma /
' wound '
" moq "
I ' m6 /
' to plough '
"
' siq "
,"
sí /
'who '
"
'seq "
/"
sél
'
saa
l ' sa /
' copper
/ " sál
'
' tame '
"
"
"
saq
"
soq "
l ' sól
"
isuq "
/
"
"
su /
kill ' tooth '
'who '
!
-
-
376
"
ki
"
keq "
l ' ké /
' let ' s dig '
"
kaaq "
I ' ka /
' stick '
"
'kaq "
/
kál
' break
"
koq
"
I ' kol
' dig ! '
"
kuq "
l ' kú /
' thief '
I'
"
"
ki /
'
let '
s
do '
it ! '
"
' sima "
/
"
sema "
l ' sém /
' heart '
/ " sám /
' bamboo
I '
la kind of
"
samo"
"
saamq "
"
' hemp '
sím /
s ám
/
-
fence '
" soma "
I ' som /
' partneri
"
Sumq "
l ' súm /
' three '
2
. Variation
for
bark '
There are two kinds of environments responsible the deviation of vowels from the phonetic norm :
environments productive of parallel variation a cross phonemes and 2 . environments in which only a few or perhaps only one phoneme manifests deviation Except for ( A ) and ( c ) the following from the norm . environments produce parallel variants in most vowels 1
.
I.
Length A B O C
II . III
:
final : two extra morae of length . final : one extra mora . Before lyi , and following low , disyllabic stem final : shortened .
. Phrase .
.
Monosyllabic word
Tense - Lax D
.
Variants
.
In
Variants
Tone
(
Tense
is
norm
)
( low tone ) words : lax variants
2
Nasalization E
. Before phonemic nasal vowels ,
nasalized
.
a
vowel
is
.
- 377
the following environments produce deviation the norm in only a few vowels .
of
Each from IV .
Centralization F
.
Following retroflex
Ichi tone
environment
V
-
consonants and in the 2
.
. Pre -Glide G
. Following velar
H
.
sonants
Following velars and bilabials
Lowering I. J . K
In
( intersecting
with
/ ny , ny , /wal in
rh / .
disyllabic
Before Be by / - pl .
.
word medially
,
length
imperative verbs tone l
after
bilabial con
consonants and
monosyllabic words
in open
)
intonation
,
.
and
2
verb stems suffixed
. Before Iwal in disyllabic nouns not suffixed by 1 - pl .
and verb
stems
VII . Miscellaneous L
VIII .
.
M
.
N
.
Following lyl , but not inyl . Before nasal consonants . In open stressed syllables of disyllabic words tone l , intonation 2 . bo
Glottal 0
.
Stop
( optional )
Monosyllabic non - nouns of the form consonant 3 lel with final stress or with high tone have
optional final glottal stop and to [ æ ] following
vowel quality elsewhere .
( So we have a part of speech explain the following pair :
a
lw
lowering , and to
distinction
+
of [
e
an ]
to
fire '
/ " me /
[ me
:
]
'
/ " me /
[ me
?
]
' there
is not '
)
For one of three informants ( AD ) only in im perative monosyllabic verbs with high tone and / or final stress , we have consonant + or
Tel .
lil
.
-
"
li /
378
-
it out ! ' it ! '
/ " pé /
[ pe
^ ?
]
' throw
l ' pé / / "pí / l' cil
[ pe
^>
]
' open
^?
]
' undress
) ]
' put ! '
norm
[
pi
[
tsi
^
!
'
B
"
1
.[ i]
2
. [ i: ]
3
. [ i: ]
4
lel
. [i ]
6
.[
]
7
.
]
8
.
9
.[e]
10
la )
11
.[ a ]
12
. [a : ]
13
15
lal
.[a ]
.[à ]
16
.
[
1
]
20
.
10 /
21 .
[
0
]
Iul
26
lil
31 . [ 2
lel
32
e
22 .
. [u ]
.
[
27
[
[
:
e
:
o
]
.[ u : ]
33 .
]
€
35
[
y
.[e :
101
:
]
.[ a : ]
14
23 .
]
24
. [9 ]
25
. [0 ]
28 . [ u : ]
29
.[
30
. [X ]
[
o
:
[
ə
]
1
]
. [ Wo : lo :
]
34 . [ y£ / €
]
. [ Wolo
]
36
L
K
38 .
]
42 .
[
3
.
]
43 .
[
0
[
M
[
ə
]
æ
.
]
39 .
N
[
£
/€
]
44 .
in the charts
40 .
[
e ?
41 .
[
Ę
]
lal The numbers examples :
un
]
18
.
. [è ]
17 . [ . .
ele : ]
I 37
e
. [1 ]
>]
101
Tel
[
5
above refer
1
. / " kí ' ten /
[ķi " tren ]
2
. I ' láp - ki - wi /
[
ln ^pkiwi :
[
o
]
to the following
' dogs ' ]
//
' look '
(
/ /
phrase boundary
=
)
- 379 -
[ ti: ) [ dzi : ]
4
. / ' ji /
5
. /' ţiki /
6
. l ' pet /
[pe^tº ]
7
. l 'nyínnel
[
8
.
9
. / ' pèjal
[ pędza ]
10
. /" céyi /
[
11
. /'
'
'
' tomorrow
'
'
after
day
'
looking
'
' '
'
,
coming
!
' '
'
'
clothes
'
ladle
spoon
'
'
provide
just
'
'
incense
'
'
!
able
!
now
'
day
'
grain
'
cucumber
'
cook
?
you
)
did
(
'
'
leave
'
]
/ : ] //
mouth
'
]
]
]/
'] ]
]
]
lion
'
'] :] ] ^
.
^
]
:dy
[
[ [
'
having gone
'
]
i. ^
ķ
^
[
[ [
tseermu
pyri
'
) playing
am
'
)
aã ^
:
tại
.i
:po tº ] :
[ [ to ^
/
[ [[
/ /
/
'(I
'
: ] //
^
:
[
[ [ [
/yi -
/
tsqu
/
/
da
l' l' '
puri
ngui
tõñ1
) !
butter
moloķ
tshermu
/
ta
[
K
[ [
/
-
/
/' '
!
25
.
'
. /
molok
26
.
]
[
/
/
/
/ -
"
/
/'
/'
861
.
27
[
/ /
l' "
'
I
/"
.
I
'
.
19
.
20
.
.
23 . 22
tho
.
28
woo
wi
gu
cowu
.
galsıma
maza
wowa
it
' Ngyingne '
U
màja
(
marrow
m+ar
tonyi
29
tsẽ ^yi ]
]
kán
/
'
l'
.
.
18
tayi
. /"
16
. /
khá
' open
' year ' ' offspring '
]
L
17
24
le : ^
na
tak
tón
'writing '
nne : ] / /
^
kaan
lháyi
21
îi
[
ná
I
.
/
mar
14
15
e
-
.
13
-
gal sima
l'
12
l ' l
' four !
ţiki ]
[
that '
'
'
. /" t - il
3
. / " phúri /
30
31 .
/"
ril sun / -
. /" chel 33 . l' pe / 32
-
[ pUũri
. ] :
' fly '
[61? lsun ]
' ( she ) rolled
[ t $ £€ ? ]
' great
,
[ pye : ^
pe :
geki
l ' gek
35
.
' ' ko /
36
.
l ' gòtal
37
. l ' rhe /
[ r€€• ^ ]
'burn '
38
. / " ty - el
[ tyæ )
' there '
[
gyek
*
]
[ kWo : ^ /ko . ^ ] g ] [ gwoța / goța
+
l ' sém /
[ se ºm ]
' heart '
40 .
/ " me /
[ me
'
41 . / " we /
[wæ
42 . / " dowa - p /
[
43 . / " wowa - wu /
[wp
. l ' ldwal
The
[
variants of
ponding variants
3
is
no
,
A
W
GENERAL BOOKBINDINGCO.
013
lal
of
]
?
?
wzo
there is not
]
' there is '
. pl ]
' go
.u]
10 ^wa
( on
' did '
]
!
foot ) '
( you )
come
?
'
servant '
than the corres vowel phonemes .
tend to be shorter
the remaining
. Distribution
There
31427 QUALITY CONTROLMARK
'
'dig ! ' ' laughter '
39 .
*
dougi
the
'hit '
.
/
man
(
' open it ! '
]
34
44
,
- 380
8010
clustering of
vowels within
the
syllable
.
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