Nurturing Neighborhood: The Brownsville Boys' Club and Jewish Community in Urban America, 1940-1990 9780814788981

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THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

The American Social Experience Serie s GENERAL EDITOR : JAME S KIRB Y MARTI N EDITORS: PAUL A S . FASS , STEVE N H . M I N T Z , CARL PRINCE , JAME S W . REE D & PETE R N . STEARN S

/. The March to the Sea and Beyond: Sherman's Troops in the Savannah and Carolinas Campaigns JOSEPH T . GLATTHAA R

2. Childbearing in American Society: i6$o-i8$o CATHERINE M . SCHOLTE N

3. The Origins of Behaviorism: American Psychology, 1870-1920 J O H N M . O'DONNEL L

^. New York City Cartmen, 1667-1850 GRAHAM RUSSEL L HODGE S

5. From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights: Alice Paul and the National Woman's Party, 1910-1928 CHRISTINE A . LUNARDIN I

6. Mr. Jefferson's Army: Political and Social Reform of the Military Establishment, 1801-1809 THEODORE J . CRACKE L

7. "A Peculiar People": Slave Religion and Community-Culture Among the Gullahs MARGARET WASHINGTO N CREE L

8. "A Mixed Multitude": The Struggle for Toleration in Colonial Pennsylvania SALLY SCHWART Z

9. Women, Work, and Fertility, 1900-1986 SUSAN HOUSEHOLDE R VA N HOR N

10. Liberty, Virtue, and Progress: Northerners and Their War for the Union EARL J . HES S

n. Lewis M. Terman: Poineer in Psychological Testing HENRY L . MINTO N

12. Schools as Sorters: Lewis M. Terman, Applied Psychology, and the Intelligence Testing Movement, 1890-1930 PAUL DAVI D CHAPMA N

13. Free Love: Marriage and Middle-Class Radicalism in America, 1825-1860 J O H N C . SPURLOC K

14. Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History PETER N . STEARN S

15. The Nurturing Neighborhood: The Brownsville Boys Club and Jewish Community in Urban America, 1940-1990 GERALD SORI N

THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOOD

The Brownsville Boys Glub and Jewish (community in ^Urban America, ig40-iggo

GERALD SORI N

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y PRES S NEW YOR K AN D LONDO N 1990

Copyright © 199 0 b y Ne w Yor k Universit y All right s reserve d Manufactured i n th e Unite d State s o f Americ a Library o f Congres s Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Sorin, Gerald , 1940 The nurturin g neighborhoo d : the Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b an d Jewis h community i n urba n America , 1940-199 0 / Geral d Sorin . p. cm.—(Th e America n socia l experienc e serie s : 15 ) Includes bibliographica l references . ISBN 0-8147-7897- 6 (alk . paper ) : 1. Brownsvill e Boy s Club—History . 2 . Jews—Ne w Yor k (N.Y.) — Social conditions . 3 . Brownsvill e (Ne w York , N.Y.)—Socia l conditions. 4 . Ne w Yor k (N.Y.)—Socia l conditions . I . Title . II. Series . F128.9.J5S67 199 0 369.42'o89'92407471—dc2o 89-1216 7 CIP New Yor k Universit y Pres s book s ar e printe d o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r bindin g Material s ar e chose n fo r strengt h an d durability .

Book design by Ken Venezio

For my brother T>avid ^Harold Sorin 1947-1972

(Contents List o f Illustration s x

i

Acknowledgments xii

i

Prologue i i. Brooklyn' s "Lowe r Eas t Side" : Brownsvill e Befor e th e Boys Clu b 9 2. Founders , Framers , an d th e Formativ e Years : Th e Club I s Bor n 2

9

3. Corne r Kid s an d Cultura l Cornerstones : Th e Brownsvill e Boys i n Contex t 6

1

4. Soldiers , Storefronts , an d Socia l Change : Th e Clu b Carries O n 9

5

5. Politicians , Professionals , an d Philanthropists : Sell-Ou t or Trade-Off ? 12

0

6. Fright , Flight , an d Failure : Brownsvill e Afte r th e Boys Clu b 15

4

7. Livelihoods , Longings , an d Legacies : Brownsvill e Boys No w 18

9

Appendix A 20

5

Appendix B 20

9

CONTENTS

X

N o t e s 21

1

Glossary 23

7

Note o n Source s an d Methodolog y 23

9

Index 24

5

illustrations Brooklyn neighborhood s 8 Brownsville street s 1 Open marke t o n Belmon t Avenu e 1 Pitkin Avenue , th e "Fift h Avenu e o f Brooklyn " 1 Irving Forma n 1 The Sackonian s basebal l tea m 2 Christopher Avenu e c . 194 7 3 Boys playin g punchbal l 3 Keeping coo l o n th e corne r 3 Author i n Mother' s arm s c . 194 2 3 Petition 3 Brooklyn Publi c Library , th e Boy s Club' s firs t "headquarters" 3 Club member s checkin g ou t book s 4 Jack Baroff , Georg e Schmaren , an d Izz y Lesovo y 4 Invitation fro m Professo r Thrashe r 5 Joseph Feldma n a s da y cam p counselo r 5 The Slapp y Ace s 7 Touch footbal l o n a Brownsvill e corne r 7 Brownsville boy s a t Ebbet s Fiel d 8 Basketball a t Nann y Goa t Par k 8 Seymour Smoli n 8 U.S. arme d force s weaponr y demonstratio n 9 War bon d rall y o n Powel l Stree t 9

0 1 2 8 4 0 1 2 3 7 8 and 39 0 4 1 6 8 9 0 5 and 86 7 6 7

Xll

ILLUSTRATIONS

Bernard ("Red" ) Geller , Dudle y Gaffin , an d Gerald ("Sheiky" ) Lenowit z 9 Jacob ("Doc" ) Barof f o n furloug h i n 194 5 10 Rear yar d o f a Christopher Avenu e storefron t 10 Outside clu b "headquarters " a t 41 7 Christophe r Avenu e 10 Marty Kronenber g wit h BB C prize s 10 Norman Gorof f conductin g a BB C meetin g 11 An integrate d softbal l tea m 11 Irving ("Hooker" ) Levin e bein g swor n i n a s clu b presiden t 11 Scoreboard a t Ebbet s Fiel d 12 Cartoon o f Ab e Star k a t Ebbet s Fiel d 1 BBCers i n storefron t rente d fo r th e Ab e Star k campaig n 12 Minnie Weingar t 13 Boys goin g of f fo r a two-week summe r vacatio n 13 Leonard Dryansk y 13 Abe Star k dispensin g goodie s a t a holiday part y 13 Site o f th e BB C buildin g o n Linde n Boulevar d an d Stone Avenu e 14 Breaking groun d fo r th e ne w BB C buildin g 14 Brownsville Boy s Clu b unde r constructio n 14 The Va n Dyk e low-ren t publi c housin g unit s 17 Abandoned apartmen t buildin g o n Powel l Stree t 1 Swearing i n o f Marti n Kronenber g 19 Jacob ("Doc" ) Barof f an d Joseph ("Yussie" ) Feldma n 20

8 3 4 5 7 2 5 6 1 22 4 0 1 7 9 4 5 6 2 73 8 1

Acknowledgments There ar e many peopl e t o thank, non e mor e importan t tha n th e reten tive an d loquaciou s Brownsvill e "boys " themselves . Thei r name s ar e found throughou t an d i n th e appendixes . Whil e severa l hav e ques tioned m y reconstructio n o f a worl d the y knew , an d eve n expresse d reservations abou t som e o f m y interpretations , the y hav e neve r faile d to encourag e me . A grea t man y me n invite d m e t o thei r homes , an d together wit h thei r wives , treate d m e graciously , an d plie d m e wit h food an d drink . Jaco b ("Doc" ) Baroff , Josep h ("Yussie" ) Feldman , Martin ("Weasel" ) Kronenburg , Irvin g ("Hooker" ) Levine , Norma n ("Webster") Goroff , an d Jerom e Reis s wer e especiall y generou s wit h their time , an d supplie d importan t document s an d photographs . I a m ver y appreciativ e o f th e cooperatio n o f th e Charle s Hayde n Foundation whic h allowe d m e t o rea d an d photocop y material s fro m its files o n th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club . Elizabet h White , archivis t a t the Brooklyn Collectio n o f the Brooklyn Publi c Library , Mai n Branch , was amiabl e a s well a s very helpful . Hai g Shekerjia n o f SUNY , Ne w Paltz, generousl y contribute d hi s fine photographic talents . Th e direc tor o f th e Thoma s Jefferso n Hig h Schoo l Alumn i Association , Sey mour Janovsky , share d hi s vas t knowledg e garnere d fro m severa l de cades of close association wit h th e school . Fay e and So l Cohen, m y in laws, supplie d a comfortabl e Brookly n nest , an d Stuar t Pellma n gra ciously provide d spac e in Manhattan . The manuscrip t wa s rea d closel y b y immigratio n historia n Richar d Varbero o f SUN Y Ne w Paltz , an d benefitte d fro m hi s criticism . Xlll

XIV

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Editor James Kirb y Marti n als o made a number o f very usefu l sugges tions. Jacki Brownstein , m y frien d an d directo r o f Famil y an d Yout h Services fo r th e Menta l Healt h Associatio n fo r Ulste r County , helpe d shape m y thinkin g abou t adolescenc e an d le d m e t o th e literatur e o n self-help. My wife , Myr a Sorin , share d m y enthusias m fo r th e project , an d my sens e o f affectio n an d respec t fo r th e me n I me t alon g th e way . She als o rea d th e entir e manuscript , an d applie d he r antijargo n blu e pencil judiciously . Specia l thank s ar e du e Debora h Das h Moore , a specialist i n th e histor y o f second-generatio n Jews , wh o dre w m e t o this stud y i n th e first place , an d the n rea d th e manuscrip t wit h he r usual editoria l car e and insight .

THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

Prologue For th e pas t twent y year s an d more , forme r member s o f th e Browns ville Boy s Clu b (1940-55 ) hav e bee n holdin g reunion s i n th e Catskil l Mountains o f Ne w Yor k ever y fall . Eac h time , severa l hundre d me n and thei r wive s com e togethe r t o socializ e an d t o tal k abou t th e u old neighborhood," a depression-impoverishe d Jewis h sectio n o f eas t Brooklyn, si x mile s fro m lowe r Manhattan . Relativel y successfu l b y many o f the measures w e use in America n society , thes e men continu e to fee l a dee p nee d t o share , an d shar e again , th e memorie s o f thei r childhood an d teenag e years , an d t o tel l an d retel l th e storie s o f 1940 s Brownsville: two-hand touc h wit h rolle d up newspapers, stickbal l wit h Mrs. Rosen' s broomhandle , pick-u p basketbal l game s i n Nann y Goa t Park, scrap-meta l collection s t o hel p th e "boys " i n Worl d Wa r I I Europe, penn y candy , Rabb i Miller' s stic k for discipline , kick-the-can , stoopball, th e phon e call s a t Leibowitz' s dru g store , th e card game s o n milk boxes , and th e endless tal k about politic s an d sport s and girls . Second-generation Jew s wh o gre w u p i n working-clas s immigran t families nea r th e en d o f th e depression , an d "go t out, " thes e me n attribute muc h o f thei r success t o Brownsvill e an d t o eac h other . Fo r together a s youn g boy s the y develope d a sens e o f identit y an d a powerful interdependenc e i n thei r games , i n th e parks , an d o n thei r street corners , an d the y participate d i n building , o n thei r own , a n extraordinary mutual-ai d societ y an d authenti c communit y i n micro cosm calle d th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club . Amaze d stil l a t wha t the y accomplished man y coun t th e experienc e a s "th e singl e mos t memora ble and importan t 'event ' " of their lives. 1

2

PROLOGUE

Four hundre d o f thes e "boys, " no w men , mostl y betwee n th e age s of fifty-five an d sixty-five , stil l belon g t o a n activ e Brownsvill e Boy s Club Alumn i Association . A t reunions , breakfasts , an d frequen t socia l gatherings, i n larg e group s an d small , th e alumn i tal k amon g them selves abou t th e club , lon g an d often. 1 The y ar e approachin g th e fiftieth anniversar y o f the BBC in 1990 , as well as retirement, disperse ment, an d thought s abou t thei r ow n mortality . The y wan t other s t o hear thei r stor y now . The y hav e persuade d me , a younge r forme r Brownsville boy , t o tell it . I t i s an intriguing an d instructiv e tale . Organized i n Marc h o f 1940 , th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b gre w ou t of a n informa l associatio n o f teenag e boy s wh o ha d bee n close d ou t o f an afternoo n recreatio n cente r a t Publi c Schoo l 184 . On e o f th e fe w recreational facilitie s directl y accessibl e t o boy s i n th e hear t o f th e heavily populated , densel y Jewish, Brookly n neighborhoo d o f Brownsville, P.S . 18 4 ha d tw o smal l gymnasium s an d a n eve n smalle r play ground. Street-corne r club s an d team s o f teenager s ofte n use d thes e limited facilitie s i n athleti c competition—whe n the y wer e no t beatin g up o n eac h othe r wit h fists an d stick s an d a n occasiona l curtai n ro d o r baseball ba t i n defens e o f "turf. " Bu t th e Ne w Yor k Cit y Boar d o f Education i n orde r t o increas e pla y spac e fo r younge r childre n ha d denied th e us e o f th e after-schoo l cente r t o boy s ove r fourteen . A group o f th e youngsters , unde r th e remarkabl y spirite d leadershi p o f sixteen-year-old Jaco b ("Doc" ) Baroff , circulate d a petitio n fo r th e reopening o f th e center . I n a matte r o f day s the y ha d collecte d ove r eight hundre d names—mainl y fro m boy s wh o wer e member s o f street corner club s an d teams . The Boar d o f Education virtuall y ignore d th e petition. Baroff , Georg e Schmaren, Izz y Lesovoy , Dav e Gold , an d severa l other s vowe d t o continue t o ac t collectivel y t o secur e recreatio n space . The y forme d a temporary council , an d al l th e boys ' clubs , withi n a n are a o f approxi mately on e hundre d squar e blocks , wer e invite d t o joi n b y sendin g representatives. A s man y a s fifty groups , includin g club s lik e th e Chrislotts, th e Stonedale s an d th e Newpor t Indians , name s derive d from th e boys ' street s an d stree t corners , responded , an d th e informa l association grew , ove r a period o f weeks , fro m abou t on e hundre d t o seven hundre d members . Wit h thes e impressiv e number s behin d them , the leaders , no w a slightly large r group , includin g Joe ("Yussie") Feld -

PROLOGUE

3

man, Norma n ("Webster" ) Goroff , an d Jac k ("YD" ) Deutc h (Y fo r Yankel), negotiate d wit h school s an d othe r agencies fo r space . The y were successfu l i n securin g a regula r meetin g plac e i n a story-hou r room o f th e Brownsvill e Children' s Branc h Library , an d ultimatel y they succeede d i n reopenin g P.S . 18 4 fo r thei r basketbal l "tourna ments." At this point, give n the fulfillment o f its stated objective , th e loosel y organized confederatio n o f club s ough t t o hav e disbanded . Bu t th e process o f successfu l collectiv e actio n engendere d enoug h neighbor hood spiri t t o form th e basi s of a more permanen t organization . Man y of the boys had see n that, i n making the larger group effort, a relatively long perio d o f peac e ha d ensue d betwee n clubs . The y cam e t o see , too, tha t th e yout h o f Brownsvill e wa s underprivilege d i n term s o f recreational opportunities , an d the y committe d themselve s t o main taining th e confederatio n an d usin g it s strengt h fo r thei r ow n benefit . They successfull y negotiate d wit h othe r institution s fo r spac e fo r ath letic events , equipment , an d eventuall y fo r ticket s t o ballgame s an d shows, an d vacation s i n camps. Th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club continue d to grow, attractin g organizations o f boys and "independents, " and eve n taking unde r it s auspice s severa l stree t gang s (i.e. , club s somewha t more aggressiv e i n defendin g o r extendin g turf , an d mor e ofte n in volved i n violenc e an d vandalism) , thereb y furthe r reducin g som e o f the destructive interactio n i n the neighborhood . One o f th e man y remarkabl e thing s abou t thes e Jewish teenagers, 2 who responded vigorousl y an d imaginativel y t o the crisis of inadequat e recreational facilitie s i n Brownsville , i s that fo r si x or seve n years , an d at thei r ow n insistence , th e boy s di d i t al l withou t adul t supervision : without parents , withou t teachers , an d withou t professionals . Self government wa s a n importan t ke y t o th e club' s appeal . Reformer s i n cities al l ove r th e Unite d State s sinc e th e lat e 1880 s ha d attempte d t o provide play spac e for stree t kids . They ofte n ha d difficult y raisin g th e necessary funds . Eve n whe n the y wer e successfu l i n buildin g play grounds an d clubhouses , however , the y ha d th e additiona l proble m o f "controlling" their ward s i n those spaces. Teenagers often rejecte d pre established adul t rules . The y di d s o i n 189 0 an d i n 1945 ; t n ev di d s o in Chicago , Illinois , an d i n Worcester , Massachusetts . The y di d s o also i n Brownsville ; an d i t i s usefu l t o loo k closel y a t th e Brownsvill e

4

PROLOGUE

case t o se e what empowermen t an d responsibilit y mean t t o boy s i n a t least one troubled neighborhood . After th e Secon d Worl d War , th e club, still operating with n o home space othe r tha n th e smal l roo m i n th e children' s library , an d stil l servicing hundred s o f boys , wit h hundred s mor e clamorin g t o partici pate, attracte d th e attention o f various social agencies and civic leaders. The boy s activ e i n the leadershi p o f the club , betwee n 194 6 and 1953 , faced wit h th e nee d fo r large r facilitie s an d mor e services , accepted , with mixe d feeling s an d mixe d consequence s th e hel p o f professiona l social workers and adul t fund-raisers. Ab e Stark, a leading Brownsvill e clothing merchant , philanthropist , communit y activist , an d Demo cratic politicia n gav e th e clu b muc h o f hi s tim e an d effor t an d h e inspired a number o f generou s donors , includin g th e Charle s Ha y den Foundation, t o hel p procur e firs t a storefront , an d the n a permanen t home fo r th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club . B y Octobe r 1953 , $1,250,00 0 had bee n spen t t o buil d an d ope n a n impressiv e clubhous e o n Linde n Boulevard. Less than a year later , t o the disappointmen t o f many, th e buildin g had bee n turne d ove r t o Ne w Yor k City , mos t o f it s activitie s t o b e run b y th e Departmen t o f Parks. This par t of the story an d the genera l history o f th e buildin g will b e tol d i n th e late r chapter s o f th e book . Taken togethe r thos e chapter s ca n serv e a s a case stud y o f wha t ma y happen whe n a n authentic mutual-aid societ y i s affected b y the narro w concerns o f traditiona l electora l politics , o r whe n i t become s par t o f a large, comple x bureaucrati c structure . Bu t th e building , particularl y after i t wa s turne d ove r t o th e City , wa s no t th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club. Th e boys—"Yussie " and "Weasel" , "Yankel " and "Doc" , "Sheiky " and "Hooker" , "Whitey " an d "Red" , "Chink " an d "Izzy"—an d thei r culture of Jewish Brownsville , wer e the Brownsville Boy s Club. The clu b emerge d i n th e contex t o f economi c depression , urba n blight, socia l servic e deficiencie s an d wha t a t leas t looke d lik e a risin g tide o f juvenil e delinquency. 3 M y goa l i n thi s socia l histor y i s t o understand th e communa l an d individua l vitalit y tha t allowe d th e achievement o f th e club , an d t o explai n th e relativ e absenc e o f seriou s criminality an d socia l patholog y amon g the boy s wh o were par t o f th e process of club formation an d development . An analysi s o f class an d economi c experience i s necessary an d criti -

PROLOGUE

5

cal here , bu t ther e i s n o escapin g cultura l factor s i n th e explanation . Ethnic culture, onc e a "neglected dimensio n o f American history, " ha s become ove r th e las t tw o decade s a ver y usefu l categor y o f historica l analysis. Scholarshi p prio r t o the 1950s , particularly th e wor k o f Rob ert Park , Loui s Wirth , an d a number o f other sociologists , confidentl y assumed tha t mobilit y an d assimilatio n wer e inevitabl e fo r ethni c group s in th e Unite d States . Withi n a generatio n o r tw o th e culture s o f th e immigrants an d thei r childre n wer e expecte d t o yiel d t o a "homoge nized huma n brew." 4 Ou r ow n experienc e sinc e th e 1950s , an d th e watershed wor k o f sociologis t Milto n Gordon , an d socia l historian s like Rudolph J. Vecol i an d Debora h Das h Moor e hav e made u s recog nize an d reexamin e th e continuin g vitalit y o f ethnicit y i n moder n American society. 5 By the 1970 s many historian s wer e arguing that w e must "stud y th e distinctive characte r o f eac h ethni c group " an d neithe r overemphasiz e the powe r o f th e ne w environment s no r underestimat e th e "toughnes s of cultura l heritage." 6 Mos t recentl y Joh n Bodna r produce d wha t i s probably th e bes t synthesi s availabl e o n th e America n urba n experi ence o f immigrant s an d thei r descendants . H e ha s persuasivel y dem onstrated tha t th e "content " o f "immigran t mentalities, " wa s a s muc h cultural a s i t wa s class-based . Th e newcomer s acte d a s workers , i.e. , as members of a class, but they an d thei r children i n the new America n context "als o remaine d tie d t o selecte d ethni c symbols , . . . institu tions," and values . Thes e cultura l attachment s tende d t o dilute strictl y class concerns. 7 Jews wer e ver y muc h par t o f thi s proces s o f interactio n betwee n class an d culture , an d betwee n th e whol e sel f an d th e America n envi ronment. Th e religiou s culture of th e Jewis h immigrant s a s muc h a s their "nonpeasant " class experience help s accoun t fo r th e relativel y rapid socia l mobilit y o f their childre n i n this country , an d fo r muc h o f the story o f the BBC . Disproportionat e number s o f Jewish immigrant s did brin g wit h the m a mor e comple x economi c histor y an d mor e commercial an d industria l experienc e than tha t brough t b y man y othe r groups. Bu t the y als o brought wit h the m a deeply embedde d religiou s culture, a long-standin g commitmen t t o community , an d a centuries old tradition o f mutual-aid . The persistenc e o f thi s cultur e i n Americ a woul d b e neithe r tota l

6

PROLOGUE

nor linear . Interaction s wit h changin g condition s an d economi c reali ties i n th e ol d countries , bu t particularl y i n th e ne w one , produce d distinct adjustment s whic h redefined , bu t di d no t dissolv e th e ethni c and religiou s dimension s o f Jewish culture . Th e adjustments , fo r many , included reformulate d ethica l injunctions , remodele d self-hel p institu tions and a progressive politics—in short , a n American Jewish identity . It wa s out o f this ne w context , tie d t o capitalism an d urbanization , bu t simultaneously tie d t o Jewis h tradition , househol d an d community , that th e childre n o f Jewis h immigrant s buil t th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club. Class experienc e mattere d much . Bu t s o did ethni c cultur e coun t i n shaping attitude s an d behavior . I t i s difficul t t o determin e precisel y the relativ e influenc e o f class and ethnicit y o n value s and achievement ; it i s als o difficult , often , t o separate clas s cultur e fro m ethni c culture. 8 In any case, in the 1930 s and 1940s , non-Jewish whit e ethnic neighbor hoods, relatively simila r in socioeconomic status to Brownsville, do not appear t o hav e produce d institution s lik e th e BBC . No r di d blac k Brownsville i n the 1960 s and 1970s . The "boys " of th e BB C liv e no w i n twelv e state s fro m Vermon t t o California, an d fro m Michiga n t o Texas . Bu t th e vas t majorit y resid e in th e greate r Ne w Yor k area , an d man y ar e stil l i n Brookly n (3 0 percent), thoug h non e i n Brownsville—a t leas t not physically . Ninet y of these men , representin g th e general geographica l distributio n o f th e alumni, hav e graciously allowe d m e to interview them , an d I have ha d questionnaires answere d an d returne d b y mor e than 16 0 others. Whil e looking a t thei r live s i n th e contex t o f question s abou t ethni c identity , urban change , an d physica l an d socia l mobility , I wil l a t point s throughout th e boo k allo w th e me n themselve s t o speak . Thei r memo ries ar e shar p an d thei r feeling s ru n deep . Thei r perception s an d insights taugh t m e much , includin g th e fac t tha t Thoma s Wolf e wa s wrong o n a t leas t tw o counts : i t i s no t tru e tha t "onl y th e dea d kno w Brooklyn"; an d i n some important way s yo u can "g o home again. "

Brooklyn neighborhoods. Brownsville, in the left center portion of the map, is approximately six miles from lower Manhattan. (Adapted by author from Harold X. Connolly, A G h e t t o G r o w s i n Brookly n [New York: New York University Press, 1977.])

CHAPTER I

Brooklyn's ii(7Lower East Side" : Brownsville Before the Boys &ub "Where y a from? " "Brooklyn." "Uhhuh. Wha t section? " "What section? " "Yea. 'At' s wha t I said. . . . S o what sectio n o f Brooklyn d'y a com e from? " "Ahh, whaddy a boddrin g m e for? I t ain' t exactl y a section. . . . " "What section? " "Well it' s kinda nea r Eas t Ne w York. " "Ahh, sto p stallin', willya , wha t street? " And a s yo u le t th e answe r trickl e slowl y forth , yo u woul d involuntaril y brace yourself — "Ahah! Dat' s i n Brownsville , ha h hah , Brahnsvil . Noo ? how z Peetke n Avenue?" l WILLIAM POSTER , " 'TWA S A DARK NIGH T I N BROWNSVILLE "

By th e tim e th e Boy s Clu b wa s bor n nea r th e en d o f th e depressio n i n March 1940 , man y Jewis h resident s o f Brownsville , a crowded, impov erished neighborhoo d i n eas t Brooklyn , wer e preparin g t o leav e o r were, a t least , dreamin g o f leavin g fo r "greene r pastures. " Bu t onl y sixty year s earlier , i n th e 1880s , Brown' s Villag e wa s itsel f surrounde d by farms . I n 188 5 a moderatel y successfu l tailo r fro m N e w York , Jacob Cohen , thinkin g th e fres h countr y ai r o f Brown' s Villag e woul d

9

Brownsville streets, with Health Areas marked. (Courtesy of Brownsville Boys Club Alumni Association, adapted by author.)

Shopping was done all along Belmont Avenue in small stores and in the open market. Here, where the avenue met Osborne Street, one could buy fresh produce, kosher meat and chicken, shoes, candy, nuts, cake, a shirt, and perhaps a bottle of rye whiskey or schnapps. (Brooklyn Public Library, Brooklyn Collection.)

be goo d fo r hi s ailin g wife , bough t a hous e there . N o t lon g afterward , other Jew s fro m N e w York' s congeste d L o w e r Eas t Sid e followed . Speculators fro m Manhatta n soo n bough t lan d fro m th e Brookly n farmers, subdivide d i t an d bega n promotin g th e glorie s o f th e n e w suburb. Som e o f th e lan d wa s purchase d b y N e w Y o r k clothin g manufacturers, wholesal e garmen t merchants , an d contractors , w h o , in th e hop e o f producin g good s a t lowe r cost , establishe d "outside " shops i n Brownsville . T h e possibilit y o f job s a s wel l a s th e promis e o f less crowde d conditions , furthe r stimulate d migratio n an d b y th e en d of th e nineteent h century , a sizeabl e t o w n , pronounce d Brahnzvil o r Brunzvil b y it s Y i d d i s h speakin g inhabitants , ha d take n shape. 2

Another kind of shopping was done on Pitkin Avenue, the Fifth Avenue of Brooklyn," where an extraordinary number and variety of shops and fine stores, including Abe Stark's men's clothing emporium, served Brownsville's customers. (Brooklyn Public Library, Brooklyn Collection.) u

T h e constructio n o f entranc e ramp s t o th e Williamsbur g Bridg e (1903) an d th e Manhatta n Bridg e (1909 ) dislocate d thousand s o f Eas t Siders an d helpe d transpor t the m an d other s t o severa l Brookly n neighborhoods includin g Brownsville . By 1904 , Brownsvill e had nearl y twenty-five thousan d peopl e an d severa l smal l urba n settlements . I n the nex t decad e populatio n skyrocketed , fe d b y stead y stream s fro m Europe, th e L o w e r Eas t Sid e an d W i l l i a m s b u r g . T h e expansio n o f the I R T an d B M T s u b w a y s throug h t o Brownsvill e continued t o pus h population upwar d eve n a s W o r l d W a r I an d legislatio n restrictin g immigration (1921 , 1924 ) reduce d th e flo w fro m Europe . B y 193 0 w h e n man y o f the b o y s w ho forme d th e B B C w e re approachin g schoo l age, Brownsvill e had nearl y a quarte r o f a millio n people , mor e tha n many A m e r i c a n cities , an d ha d becom e th e mos t densel y populate d neighborhood i n B r o o k l y n , w i t h considerabl e tenemen t congestion , small-scale manufacturing , an d a variet y o f shoppin g districts. W i l liam Poste r recalle d tha t 3

4

d w e l l i n g s w e r e o f e v e r y variet y an d looke d a s t h o u g h the y ha d bee n droppe chaotically fro m th e s k y , w h i l e th e busines s establishment s gav e a curiou appearance o f systemati c arrangement ; seve n block s o f furnitur e store s o R o c k a w a y A v e n u e . . . ; fiv e teeming , pungen t block s o f pushcarts , grocerie and "appetizing " store s o n B e l m o n t A v e n u e ; men' s an d w o m e n ' s clothin g an similar empori a o n th e te n b u s y block s o f Pitki n A v e n u e . A h u g e six-bloc

d s n s d k

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i3

square o f junkshops , tinsmithies , stables , garage s an d miscellaneou s smal l enterprises surrounde d thes e mai n arteries . Ho w i t al l ran g an d clattere d an d hammered an d buzze d an d smelled ! Ther e wasn' t a quiet squar e yar d i n th e whole district. 5 Many though t o f escaping . Alfre d Kazin , wh o live d a t 265 a Sutte r Avenue i n th e hear t o f Brownsvill e an d spen t hi s 1920 s boyhoo d exploring th e neighborhoo d o n foot , wrot e i n th e lat e 1940s , afte r h e had lef t Brownsville : Whenever I went of f o n my favorit e wal k t o Highland Par k i n the "American " district t o the north , o n th e borde r o f Queens , an d climbe d th e hil l t o the ol d reservoir fro m whic h I could loo k straight acros s to the skyscrapers o f Manhat tan, I sa w Ne w Yor k a s a foreig n city . . . . The y wer e Ne w York , th e Gentiles, America : we were Brownsville— Brunzvil, a s the old folk s said—th e dust of the earth to all Jews with money , an d notoriously a place that measure d all success by ou r skil l in getting away fro m it. 6 T o b e sure , Brownsvill e b y 194 0 was a plac e fro m whic h man y peopl e wanted t o ge t away . I t ha d alread y experience d a 4. 3 percen t dro p i n population sinc e 193 0 eve n a s th e populatio n o f Brookly n rose by 5. 6 percent. I t woul d experienc e anothe r 1 0 percent declin e betwee n 194 0 and 1950. 7 Yet thos e w h o lef t an d late r succeede d i n winnin g a reasonable , i f not disproportionat e shar e o f goo d jobs , durabl e marriages , psycholog ical coherence , self-esteem , an d eve n fam e a s i n Kazin' s case , o r a s i n the cas e o f basketbal l sta r an d forme r Boy s Clu b member , Ma x Zaslof sky, wer e likel y t o fee l tha t growin g u p i n Brownsvill e ha d muc h t o d o with thei r achievement . T h e Brownsvill e boys , mos t no w betwee n fifty-five an d sixty-fiv e year s old , describ e thi s "district, " thei r com bined forme r corner s an d streets , a s havin g bee n a "nurturin g neigh borhood." Ye t neighborhood, classically , ha s bee n assume d t o b e "th e product o f th e villag e an d smal l t o w n , " an d no t o f th e "moder n city " with it s absenc e o f intimat e contact , an d allege d lac k o f grou p con sciousness. 8 Perhap s Brownsvill e i n th e 1930 s an d 1940s , despit e it s sizeable populatio n an d extraordinar y densit y (14 0 pe r residentia l acre) , was still , a s it s foremos t historia n ha s describe d it , "a n isolate d corner , a provincia l worl d remove d fro m th e crosscurrent s o f th e metropolita n city." 9 Certainl y man y remembe r i t tha t way . Kazi n said , "W e wer e of th e city , bu t someho w no t i n it. " Other s sa w th e "provincialism " a s quite positive . A r t h u r Spette r an d N a t h a n Dass a wer e amon g man y

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THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

BBCers wh o claime d tha t thei r Brownsvill e day s wer e the highligh t o f their lives , an d wh o thin k childre n livin g i n th e anonymit y o f th e suburbs, o r withi n th e confine s o f today' s "les s sociable " city , ar e "cheated." 10 Mart y Kronenberg , no w a junio r hig h schoo l assistan t principal an d Norma n Goroff , a professor o f sociology, eac h character ized Brownsvill e a s a "friendly ghetto " wherein, wit h th e gift o f famil y and yiddishkayt, "we nurture d on e another " an d "develope d clos e rela tionships an d connectednes s t o a place." 11 "A ki d growin g u p i n th e suburb s i s lost, " Gerr y ("Sheiky" ) Len owitz complained . Back in Brownsville when you stepped ou t of your house there were forty o r fifty kid s on a corner. Ther e were always some friends. Yo u were surrounded by kids . Yo u coul d roun d u p fifteen at you r bec k an d cal l fo r punchbal l o r stickball. Toda y yo u se e fou r o r five kids walkin g togethe r yo u don' t kno w whether they'r e u p t o goo d o r evil . I kee p thinkin g o f thos e days—wha t wonderful days! 12 With perhap s to o muc h nostalgi c sentimentalit y an d exaggeration , Brownsville ha s almos t passe d int o th e real m o f myth . Bu t Geral d Green, forme r residen t an d autho r o f the Brownsville-based novel , The Last Angry Man, insists , "I t wasn' t a s Utopia n a s som e recall , no r wa s it as grim a s others remember . Hardl y Norma n Rockwel l country, bu t a good plac e t o gro w up . I t offere d ra w energy , excellen t schools , th e challenge of the gutter, hop e and friendship." 13 It als o offere d significan t ethni c homogeneity , warmth , an d secu rity. A s lat e a s 194 9 a writer fo r th e Brooklyn Eagle described Browns ville a s a "close-kni t neighborhood, " part s o f i t resemblin g th e Lowe r East Sid e o f Manhattan . "Here , too , yo u com e upo n bearde d patri archs, koshe r foo d store s and Hebre w house s of prayer." 14 Referre d t o occasionally b y th e observan t a s th e "Jerusale m o f America " Browns ville wa s indee d densel y Jewish . I t wa s th e leadin g are a o f Jewis h concentration i n Ne w Yor k Cit y b y 1923 , an d i n 192 5 th e Burea u o f Jewish Socia l Researc h pu t Brownsville' s Jewish populatio n a t 9 5 per cent.15 B y 193 0 more tha n hal f o f al l Ne w York' s Jews live d i n neigh borhoods a t leas t 7 0 percen t Jewish , bu t non e (includin g th e Lowe r East Sid e o f Manhattan ) wer e mor e Jewish tha n Brownsville . An d i n 1940, whe n th e BB C wa s forme d th e Jews stil l mad e u p clos e t o 8 0 percent o f the populatio n there. 16 The Brownsvill e boy s were not only surrounde d b y othe r Jews, bu t

BROOKLYN'S "LOWE R EAS T SIDE "

15

by Jewish religiou s an d socia l institutions , an d b y Jewish businesses , all of which helped t o define th e Jewish character o f their environment . In les s tha n tw o squar e mile s ther e wer e eighty-thre e synagogues , several i n "impressive " buildings , bu t mos t i n storefront s an d base ments, te n on Ston e Avenue alone. There wer e also dozens of Hebre w and Yiddis h school s stretchin g fro m Saratog a Avenu e eas t to Sackma n Street an d fro m Pitki n Avenu e sout h t o Riverdale. 17 Man y remembe r Rabbi Mille r wh o ha d a storefron t schoo l o n Powel l Stree t t o whic h they dutifull y traipse d fo r thei r ba r mitzva h lesson s a t a cos t o f fifty cents pe r week . (I f yo u gathere d woo d fo r th e stove , i t wa s onl y twenty-five cents! ) Mille r occasionall y use d a stic k fo r discipline , an d with "extraordinaril y goo d aim, " despit e hi s apparen t blindness . Th e stick no t withstanding , junio r hig h schoo l principa l Isidor e ("Red" ) Karbel recalls, the teacher was "much loved " and respected. 18 The vas t majority o f boy s receive d a t leas t a rudimentar y Jewis h education . This wa s close to inescapable, an d sometime s exasperating . A s Usher , a characte r i n Arthu r Granit' s collectio n o f shor t stories , I Am from Brownsville, put it : " I g o to Hebre w Schoo l ther e i n th e basement . It' s on Blak e Avenue . Plent y synagogues ! Plent y rabbis ! Plent y Hebre w Schools! That's al l they hav e in Brownsville." 19 There wer e exception s o f course . A smal l numbe r o f boy s di d no t go to Hebrew school . Lenn y Dryansk y wa s the "onl y ki d o n the bloc k not t o g o t o beder. I di d g o t o olde r boys ' ba r mitzvahs , bu t I wasn' t interested fo r mysel f an d m y fathe r didn' t care . M y mothe r care d insofar a s i t wa s a shande [sham e o r embarrassment]. " Returning hom e from a ba r mitzva h part y on e afternoon , Lenn y tol d hi s mothe r h e loved th e kishke (stuffe d derma ) serve d there . "M y mothe r tol d m e I could hav e al l th e kishke I wante d i f I woul d g o t o Hebre w school . I agreed." On e day , jus t shor t o f a yea r o f heder attendance , Lenny , i n Hebrew class , wor e a felt beani e h e had designe d fro m a n ol d hat . "I t was mor e filigree tha n hat, " Lenn y said . "M y teache r asked , 'What' s that?' A 'hol(e) y hat, ' I sai d fo r whic h I receive d a smack . I tol d m y father I wasn' t goin g back . H e said : 'yo u se e what happen s whe n yo u sell you r sou l fo r a mes s o f kishke?" " 20 Ther e wa s n o mor e Hebre w school for Lenny , an d n o bar mitzvah , an d ver y littl e kishke. Of th e vas t majorit y o f boy s wh o di d becom e ba r mitzvah , fe w continued thei r Jewis h educatio n o r frequente d synagogue s pas t th e

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age of thirteen . I n fac t b y 194 0 only abou t 9 percent o f adul t male s i n Brownsville attende d synagogu e wit h an y regularity. 21 Bu t o n Jewis h holidays th e public schools were practically empty , store s were closed , and th e street s wer e deserted , excep t fo r sidewalk s i n fron t o f syn agogues which were jammed wit h Jews. "O n our streets," said Bernar d Berman, a member o f the BB C club Condors, an d currentl y a director of Jewish Famil y Service s o n State n Island , "on e di d no t hav e t o b e religious t o b e Jewish,"22 Larr y Kushner , wh o playe d BB C basketbal l as a u i3o-pounder" an d i s no w a deput y superintenden t o f th e Ne w York Cit y Boar d o f Education , reflecte d th e experienc e o f larg e num bers o f other s wh o "attende d synagogu e o n holidays , sometimes " an d "felt a stron g commitmen t t o Judaism , bu t rarel y practice d it s rit uals." 23 A surve y o f Ne w Yor k Cit y yout h publishe d i n 194 0 foun d that 7 2 percen t o f Jewis h male s betwee n th e age s o f sixtee n an d twenty-four ha d no t spen t any tim e i n religiou s service s durin g th e year, bu t nonetheles s identifie d strongl y a s Jews.24 Ethnically cohesiv e neighborhood life , visibl e Jewis h institutions , an d th e Yiddis h lan guage o f th e street , home , an d business , allowe d Jew s t o develo p a sense o f Jewish identit y independen t o f forma l organizationa l associa tion. Eve n tha t handfu l o f Italia n boy s wh o mad e u p a ver y smal l percentage o f th e earl y membershi p o f th e BB C coul d no t entirel y escape th e all-encompassin g milie u o f yiddishkayt. Jimmy Genovese , for example , a membe r o f th e Jesters, wh o serve d mor e tha n a doze n Jewish familie s a s the shabos goy (performing service s forbidden t o Jews on the sabbath) , cam e to be known a s Shimmele , an d continue s t o this day t o speak Yiddish. 25 One write r remember s tha t fo r hi m a s a youngste r an d fo r hi s friends "Brownsvill e wa s a kind o f grimy Eret z Yisrael without Arabs . . . . [LJivin g i n a worl d al l Jewish, wher e n o alie n grou p impose d it s standards, h e wa s secur e i n hi s ow n nature." 26 Eve n a t publi c school , of whic h ther e wer e fifteen i n Brownsville , th e boy s coul d fee l secur e in their ow n "nature. " When th e bul k o f the Brownsvill e boy s wer e i n elementary school , 1930-37 , approximatel y 65 percent o f the student s were Jewish, a s wer e increasin g number s o f teachers . A s lat e a s 194 0 when man y o f th e boy s wer e i n junio r hig h school , mor e tha n 5 0 percent o f th e student s wer e Jewish . An d Thoma s Jefferso n Hig h School, wher e th e vast majorit y o f the BBCers continue d thei r studie s

BROOKLYN'S "LOWE R EAS T SIDE "

l

7

in th e 1940s , ha d a studen t bod y whic h wa s mor e tha n 7 0 percen t Jewish. 27 The relativel y secur e ethni c identificatio n o f Brownsvill e boys , however, wa s hardly matche d b y thei r materia l circumstances . I n the early 1920s , when the founding generatio n of the BBC was being born , the office o f the United Jewish Ai d Societies testified tha t "som e of the most unfortunat e dependen t classes " wer e t o b e foun d i n Browns ville.28 And in the same era, relatively upwardl y mobil e Jews fro m th e Lower Eas t Sid e an d Williamsbur g shunne d Brownsville , choosin g Flatbush, Midwood , an d Cone y Islan d instead. 29 B y th e en d o f th e decade the depression hi t Brownsville particularl y hard . N o neighbor hood i n Brooklyn , th e Bronx , o r Queen s ha d highe r percentage s o f families o n relief. 30 Widesprea d unemploymen t i n Brownsville , wa s exacerbated b y th e seasona l natur e o f th e garmen t trade , whic h em ployed a disproportionat e numbe r o f th e father s o f th e Brownsvill e boys. "I t puzzled m e greatly," wrote Alfre d Kazin , when I came to read in books that Jews are a shrewd people particularly given to commerc e an d banking , fo r al l the Jews I kne w ha d manage d t o b e an exception to the rule. I grew up with the belief that the natural condition of a Jew was to be a propertyless worker like my painter father and my dressmaker mother and my dressmaker uncle s and cousins in Brownsville—workers, kin to all the workers of the world, dependent entirely on the work of their hands. All happiness in our house was measured by the length of a job. The greatest imaginable bliss was a "busy season." 31 Forty-four percen t o f the boys in this stud y ha d parents engage d i n some semiskille d aspec t o f the hard-hit garmen t trad e compare d t o 30 percent fo r all New York City Jewish Youth; 32 anothe r 2 0 percent had fathers wh o were unskilled , an d a t leas t 3 8 percent o f al l the familie s were place d o n som e for m o f welfar e relief . Th e libraria n a t th e children's librar y o n Ston e Avenu e whic h playe d s o important a rol e in the history o f the BBC reported tha t " a great many " of the children who registered, liste d their fathers a s unemployed o r named th e Works Progress Administratio n projec t upo n whic h the y wer e working. 33 And althoug h almos t 1 0 percent o f th e boy s ha d father s wh o woul d have bee n categorize d a s "proprietors " b y sociologica l surveys , thi s often mean t a peddler, a s in the case of Abe Zaslofsky's father , o r the

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D

Irving Forman outside candy store on Stone and River dale Avenues. By the time Irving was twelve his father had been in and out of the candy-store business three times. None of the stores were in Brownsville. (Courtesy of Irving Forman.) "now an d then " o w n e r o f a cand y stor e perenniall y o n th e margi n o f folding, a s w i t h Irvin g Forman' s father . T h e b o y s , a s w e wil l see , eventuall y too k par t i n th e relativel y rapi d social ascen t generall y associate d wit h Jew s i n A m e r i c a , thoug h no t without significan t struggle . N a t h a n Glaze r explain s Jewish succes s i n the Unite d State s b y th e fac t tha t Jew s "fa r mor e tha n an y othe r immigrant g r o u p " ha d bee n engage d i n "middle-clas s occupations . . . . " T h e y pursue d calling s "associate d wit h a whol e comple x o f habits" includin g "car e an d foresight " an d "th e presen t postponemen t of pleasure " i n orde r t o obtai n long-ter m satisfactions . Jewis h workers , according t o G l a z e r , then , "wer e not , lik e th e othe r worker s w h o immigrated w i t h the m [i.e., ] son s o f worker s an d peasants , wit h th e traditionally limite d horizon s o f thos e classes. " T h e i r "backgroun d meant tha t th e Jewish worker s coul d . . . immediately tur n thei r mind s to w a y s an d mean s o f improvin g themselve s tha t wer e quit e beyon d the imaginatio n o f their fello w w o r k e r s . " 34

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The adul t Jew s o f Brownsvill e i n th e 1930 s ma y hav e ha d mor e industrial an d commercia l experienc e i n thei r ol d countrie s tha n othe r immigrant groups, bu t the existence among them of a sizeable minorit y of "unskilled, " thei r significan t unemployment , an d thei r genera l im poverishment make s th e descriptio n middle-class inappropriate . More over, th e term , a s Irvin g How e ha s argued , "doe s no t begi n t o d o justice t o th e shading s an d complexitie s o f Jewish desire. " The Jewis h immigrants "brough t wit h the m no t merel y habit s derive d fro m pett y trading bu t als o suc h additiona l element s o f Jewis h experienc e a s messianism," (th e promise d an d expecte d redemption) , tikn olam (the repair o r improvemen t o f th e world ) an d takhles (an orientatio n t o ultimate outcomes) . Thes e element s coul d b e adapte d t o secula r per suasions suc h a s progressive politic s o r militan t trad e unionis m (whic h also require d care , foresight , an d th e postponemen t o f pleasure) , a s well as to hopes for persona l success. 35 However th e sociologis t woul d slic e it , 7 3 percen t o f th e men , i n response t o questionin g abou t thei r boyhoods , classifie d themselve s a s having bee n "poor"—althoug h no t entirel y awar e o f i t a t th e time . Jacob ("YD" ) Deutch , no w a social securit y administrato r an d profes sor o f economics , "di d che w gu m some days, al l day , t o stav e of f hunger," an d Milto n Kirschner , retire d fro m th e field o f crimina l justice, remember s bein g allowe d "onl y on e cooki e pe r day. " Thes e memories wer e not typical. A large majority reiterate d i n one variatio n or another , Rub y Nudelman' s poin t tha t "w e wer e poo r bu t didn' t really kno w it . Wha t w e did hav e in wealth wa s famil y an d friends." 36 Poor housing , a symbo l o f th e materia l poverty , was—an d indee d continues t o be— a persisten t an d pervasiv e proble m i n Brownsville . Despite tenemen t legislatio n earl y i n th e twentiet h century , existin g buildings originall y designe d fo r tw o families , wer e remodeled , unde r the crus h o f surgin g populations , int o si x o r eigh t famil y dwellings . And b y 193 3 hal f th e building s i n Brownsvill e wer e crampe d tene ments. 37 Fro m 192 0 o n throug h th e nex t thre e decades , th e Brooklyn Eagle reported consistentl y tha t Brownsville faced a n "extremely tryin g housing situation, " o r tha t Brownsvill e resident s wer e organizin g t o have slum s cleared , o r tha t deterioratio n wa s s o advance d tha t publi c housing was an unquestionable necessity. 38 Milton Goell , a Brownsvill e poet , lawyer , an d civi c leade r wa s

20

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indefatigable i n hi s crusade fo r publi c housin g i n th e 1930 s and 1940s . He describe d section s an d streets , i n 1940 , just nort h o f the area, fro m which Jewish youngster s woul d creat e th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club , a s blighted unhealth y slums. 39 Within thes e streets lived perhap s as many as five thousan d o f Brownsville' s ninety-si x hundre d blacks (4. 3 per cent o f Brownsville' s tota l populatio n i n 1940) , an d ove r th e nex t decade tha t numbe r woul d increas e b y 7 0 percent. 40 Referrin g t o th e blacks wh o live d alon g Livoni a Avenu e unde r th e elevate d tracks , Jacob ("Doc" ) Baroff , declare d recentl y wit h a n amazemen t undilute d by time , "The y wer e even poorer tha n us! " And perhap s Si d ("Schnitz" ) Siegel was thinking of these sam e blacks, whe n h e said "W e didn't fee l poor. Man y seeme d poore r tha n us." 41 Bu t th e Brownsvill e o f th e Brownsville boys , fro m Ambo y Street , an d sometime s a s fa r wes t a s Saratoga Avenue , t o Juniu s Stree t o n th e east , an d fro m Livoni a Avenue, an d sometime s a s fa r nort h a s Belmon t Avenue , t o Linde n Boulevard i n the south , overlappe d area s with blac k residents, an d wa s itself (Healt h Are a 60 ) identified a s a "congested tenemen t district " b y a Ne w Yor k Cit y Yout h Boar d Study. 42 Milto n Goell , an d Rabb i Alter Landesma n o f th e Hebre w Educationa l Societ y o n Sutte r an d Hopkinson Avenue s (th e H E S) , and others includin g Bessie Portnoy , Louis Pink , an d Sadi e Doroshki n wer e certainl y thinkin g a s muc h about Jews a s about black s whe n the y insiste d tha t "Brownsvill e mus t have public housing." 43 The civi c activists wer e concerne d abou t wha t the y perceive d t o b e the "unwholesome " effect s o f impoverishe d livin g conditions—poo r health, crime , "immora l behavior, " an d juvenil e delinquency. 44 I n 1939 th e Ne w Yor k Cit y Departmen t o f Healt h reporte d tha t infant , neonatal an d materna l mortalit y rate s fo r Brownsvill e wer e somewha t higher tha n fo r Brookly n generally , an d th e morbidit y rate s fo r vener eal diseases , tuberculosis , an d diphtheri a wer e appreciabl y higher . Similar rates were reported throug h 1942. 45 Poor health areas and area s with inadequat e housing, i t was argued, tende d t o coincide. Reformer s drew a n eve n stronge r lin k betwee n ba d housin g an d lac k o f recrea tional facilitie s o n th e on e hand , an d crime , gan g fights, an d juvenil e delinquency o n th e other . Goel l pointe d ou t tha t i n 193 4 the Commis sion o n Crim e an d Delinquency , usin g addresse s o f offender s an d places wher e crime s wer e committed , recommende d Brownsvill e a s

BROOKLYN'S "LOWE R EAS T SIDE "

21

one o f five areas i n Brookly n fo r housin g clearance . Th e commission' s "spot maps " indicatin g arres t areas , crim e scenes , an d residence s o f adult offender s an d juvenil e delinquents , graphicall y an d dramaticall y depicted Brownsville' s problems. 46 William O'Dwyer , th e ne w distric t attorne y fo r Brooklyn , agree d with thes e findings an d announce d earl y i n 194 0 tha t crim e i n th e Brownsville sectio n ha d bee n gettin g wors e fo r "som e time. " Twent y murders ha d bee n committe d i n th e distric t i n 1939. 47 An d O'Dwye r too, made the increasingly classi c connection. "Ba d housing," the D. A. said, "i s certainl y a contributio n t o crim e a s [are ] poo r healt h an d improper recreation . Ther e i s a new crop in your schoo l room, [which ] on graduation da y wil l walk into a life of crime." 48 When th e Brownsvill e teache r an d novelis t Arthu r Grani t wrote , that i n Jewish "Brownsville , decayin g eve n i n thos e days , . . . i t wa s nothing unusua l t o hav e a bod y sho t u p an d throw n i n som e sid e alleyway," 49 h e surel y exaggerated . Bu t b y th e lat e 1920 s seriou s crime, mostl y th e activities of "murder-for-money" gangster s in Brook lyn, an d particularl y Brownsville , ha d pu t th e boroug h an d th e neigh borhood firmly o n th e nationa l map . Ne w York , ove r th e years , ha s witnessed th e ascendanc y o f innumerabl e are a gang s whos e member s were Irish , Jewish , Italian , o r whateve r ethni c grou p wa s fighting t o rise up the ladder of economic and socia l mobility. 50 Jewish an d Italia n mobsters an d gangs , exploite d th e labor-managemen t conflict s o f th e 1920s, an d too k advantag e o f Prohibitio n an d th e larg e scal e o f illega l activity i t engendered , t o expan d an d unit e unde r th e leadershi p o f Charles ("Lucky") Luciano . The y becam e the dominant ethni c elemen t in th e worl d o f organize d crim e b y th e 1930s. 51 Th e loos e syndicat e included suc h Italia n and Jewish gang bosses as Frank Costello (Castiglia), Meye r Lansky , Joe y Adoni s (Doto) , Benjami n ("Bugsy" ) Siegel , Jacob ("Gurrah") Shapiro , an d Loui s ("Lepke" ) Buchalter . Lepke Buchalter , a native o f th e lowe r Eas t Side , an d hi s Browns ville partner , Gurra h Shapir o wer e regarde d a s th e twentie s an d thir ties "mos t aggressive , bruta l an d successfu l tea m o f gangsters." 52 Lepk e (a poor transliteratio n o f Laybke , th e diminutiv e o f Layb, Hebre w fo r Lion) an d Gurra h (fo r hi s constan t an d slurre d "ge d oudd a here" ) specialized i n industrial an d labo r racketeering. Bu t it was their profes sional, contracte d executio n o f "troublemakers " fo r th e syndicat e tha t

22

THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

captured th e nationa l headline s an d imagination—an d whic h earne d them th e title , first use d b y New York World-Telegram reporte r Henr y Feeny, "Murder , Inc. " The gan g o f Lepke' s Brookly n hi t me n ha d it s modest headquarter s a t Midnigh t Rose's , a Brownsville cand y stor e a t the corne r o f Livoni a an d Saratog a avenues . Th e gan g roste r include d Abe ("Kid Twist" ) Reles , Mo d ("Bugsy" ) Goldstein , Harr y ("Happy" ) Maione, Phili p ("Littl e Farfel" ) Cohen , an d Irvin g ("Knadles" ) Nitz berg. 53 The authoritie s considere d Rele s an d Goldstei n "tw o o f th e mos t important leader s i n th e city' s underworld " i n contro l [of ] th e racket s of . . . Brownsville." And th e police in 194 0 credited Brownsvill e wit h "spawning mor e gangster s an d criminal s tha n an y othe r sectio n o f th e city." 54 Distric t Attorne y Willia m O'Dwye r als o mad e thi s attribu tion. Th e politicall y ambitiou s D.A. , perhap s t o riva l Specia l Prose cutor Thoma s E . Dewey' s swee p i n Manhattan , determine d t o purg e Brownsville. A s par t o f this proces s h e had hi s staf f reope n previousl y unsolved homicid e cases , an d thi s le d t o chargin g Ab e ("Ki d Twist" ) Reles an d Mo d ("Bugsy" ) Goldstei n wit h murder . Reles , hi s wif e pregnant a t th e time , turne d state' s evidenc e t o avoi d th e electri c chair.55 Kid Twis t ha d a n extraordinar y memor y fo r detai l an d h e devel oped a confessio n tha t filled thousand s o f page s o f stenographi c note books, implicate d Lepk e i n murde r (fo r whic h h e wa s ultimatel y exe cuted), an d whic h mad e th e Brownsville-crim e connectio n eve n mor e explicit. Rele s describe d activitie s o f hi s colleague s ove r a ten-yea r period. I n th e process , th e public , mainl y thoroug h ver y wid e medi a coverage, learne d tha t Rele s i n hi s lat e teens , unemploye d ha d spen t his "leisure time" in a Brownsville poolroom on Sutte r Avenue , where , according t o anothe r Brownsvill e memoirist , yo u coul d simpl y pas s the tim e of day, o r yo u coul d find "someon e t o help you brea k a head, beat u p a guy, brea k a strike , bu y junk , se t a fire, pla n a robbery, o r muscle a peddler." 56 I t wa s her e tha t Rele s me t Bugs y Goldstei n an d Harry ("Pittsburg h Phil" ) Straus , wh o lik e hi m ha d substantia l arres t records abou t whic h the y ofte n bragged. 57 Th e publi c als o heard onc e again abou t Brownsville' s vas t crimina l enterprise s includin g pinbal l and othe r extortio n rackets , bookmaking , an d prostitution , muc h o f which ha d bee n controlle d b y Irving , Meyer , an d Willi e Shapir o

BROOKLYN'S "LOWE R EAS T SIDE "

23

before th e Rele s gan g intervened . Th e Shapir o brother s i n 1930 , re sentful o f competition fro m Reles , kille d on e of his crew an d seriousl y wounded Rele s an d Goldstein . Meyer , the n Irving , an d finally Willi e Shapiro wer e murdere d i n retaliation . Ultimatel y th e confessio n ac counted fo r eighty previously unsolve d murde r cases. 58 The existenc e o f "Murder , Inc. " an d th e exposur e o f it s activitie s made Brownsville's reputation a s a "spawning ground" for crime appear to b e well-deserved . Mos t second-generatio n Ne w Yor k Jews , how ever, livin g i n neighborhood s o f secon d settlemen t lik e Borough Park , Flatbush, Pelha m Parkway , an d th e Gran d Concourse , feelin g rela tively "a t home " i n America , an d knowin g tha t i n genera l Jewis h criminality wa s actuall y o n th e decline, di d not , apparently , becom e overly discomfited . The y "di d no t se e the gang's existence as an indict ment of or cause for restructurin g th e social fabric of New Yor k Jewish life."59 Brownsville' s les s upwardl y mobil e Jew s wer e no t quit e s o dispassionate. On e Yiddis h pape r pu t i t thi s way : "I t i s a pit y tha t Brownsville . . . whic h i s know n a s the 'Jerusale m o f Ne w York ' . . . should no w b e known a s a nest of dangerous murde r gangs . Thi s give s Brownsville a bad nam e and . . . i n turn th e Jews a bad name." 60 Brownsville's Jews di d no t tak e adul t crim e fo r granted ; the y wer e deeply concerned , an d the y di d worr y abou t thei r "name " an d thei r image.61 The y worrie d more , however , abou t thei r children . Whil e i n 1940 juvenil e delinquenc y appeare d t o b e o n th e declin e withi n Brownsville's Jewis h population , Brownsville' s genera l delinquenc y rate o f 83. 7 pe r 100,00 0 wa s highe r tha n fo r mos t othe r section s i n Brooklyn, an d highe r tha n th e rat e o f 63. 7 fo r Brookly n a s a whole. 62 And juvenil e delinquenc y wa s linked , i n the publi c consciousness , no t only t o ba d housin g an d inadequat e recreationa l facilities , bu t t o th e visibility o f adul t crime . Afte r al l i t wa s no t a s i f ther e wer e n o examples o f " 'th e fence, ' th e racketeer , th e dop e peddler , an d th e 'bookie' " wh o recruite d "youn g prospect s t o serv e . . . illegitimat e purposes." 63 Althoug h "Murder , Inc. " wa s ethnicall y heterogeneous , and althoug h postwa r Jewish criminal s woul d b e fewer, an d muc h les s tied t o a Jewish environment , adul t crim e i n th e earl y 1940 s wa s stil l part o f the Jewish ethni c milieu o f Brownsville. 64 Brownsville children kne w about th e adult criminals an d eve n inter acted wit h the m t o som e exten t i n th e neighborhood . Th e relativel y

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THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO

4

D

The Sackonians baseball team, uniforms supplied by "Murder, Inc. "Jesse Salit, bottom right ; Charles Pinchuk, fron t an d center . Lef t t o right , to p row : Abe ("Boney") Hertzberg, Effie Walitsky, Izzy {"Tim") Becker, Izzy ("Fat") Hertzberg, Lou ("Turk") Arnyin, Ralph Walitsky; botto m row : Izzy ("Whitey") Cohen, Milt Schneider, Allen Novikojf. (Courtesy of BBC Alumni Association.) easy contac t wa s facilitate d b y Brownsville' s numerou s poo l rooms , often frequente d b y gangsters . A c c o r d i n g t o a t leas t t w o studies , poolrooms wer e thre e time s a s numerou s a s playground s i n B r o w n s v i l l e . A l t h o u g h a t Label' s Poo l Hal l o n Sutte r an d R o c k a w a y A v e nues, "th e hoods , afte r a whil e . . . go t s o the y wouldn' t as k a ki d the y knew wa s al l righ t t o d o somethin g w r o n g , " th e "hoods " obviousl y di d ask s o m e . O n e S u n d a y , t w o officer s o f th e B B C , Irvin g Levine , currently nationa l affair s directo r fo r th e America n Jewish Committee , and Jac k Leavitt , no w a n attorne y i n California , wer e o n a "mission " to a poolroo m t o recrui t member s fo r th e B B C . T h ey di d fin d me n i n a "comf y Billiar d academy " doin g nothin g mor e siniste r tha n sittin g o n a pooltabl e watchin g a religiou s movi e o n television . Bu t the y wer e bowled ove r b y thi s fact , w h i c h fle w i n th e fac e o f everyone's previou s experience. 65

66

67

T h e r e wa s contac t o n th e street s a s wel l a s i n th e poo l rooms .

BROOKLYN'S "LOWE R EAS T SIDE " 2

5

Midnight Rose' s candy store , on Saratog a an d Livoni a Avenues, wher e "Murder, Inc. " conducted meeting s ove r eg g creams an d pretzels , wa s one short bloc k from Bets y Hea d Playgroun d an d swimmin g pool , on e of the ver y fe w recreationa l center s fo r Brownsvill e youth . Do c Barof f remembers tha t severa l o f th e member s o f "Murder , Inc., " includin g Kid Twis t Rele s playe d "cop s an d robber s wit h th e younge r kids. " Such interactio n wa s mor e pervasiv e perhap s tha n man y car e t o re member. Whe n Jesse Salit' s Sackonians , a BBC club and basebal l tea m deriving it s nam e fro m th e corner s o f Sackma n an d Livoni a avenue s where the y "hun g out " (twelv e block s fro m Midnigh t Rose's) , wer e invited t o pla y a tea m o f inmate s a t Sing-Sing , "Murder , Inc. " sup plied th e uniforms! 68 Be n Wernikoff , wh o insist s wit h som e validit y that th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club prevente d him , an d hi s friends, "fro m seeing 'Murder , Inc. ' type s a s heroes, " belonged , prio r t o th e forma tion o f the Club , t o a Boy Scou t troo p tha t me t o n Ambo y Stree t an d Livonia Avenue , thre e block s fro m Midnigh t Rose' s where hi s "senio r patrol leade r becam e involved wit h Abi e Rele s in a kidnapping." 69 It wa s no t impossibl e tha t som e Jewis h boy s sa w "'Murder , Inc. ' types a s heroes. " Literar y criti c Norma n Podhoretz , wh o i n hi s Brownsville yout h live d th e "lif e o f stree t corners , poo l rooms , cra p games [and] poker games . . . was fiercely patrioti c abou t Brownsville , the spawnin g groun d o f s o man y famou s athlete s an d gangsters." 70 The gangster s appeare d t o have mone y an d powe r an d eve n status . I n working-class Brownsvill e thi s wa s n o mea n achievement . Crimina l activity, a s Daniel Bell argued i n a classic essay "Crime as an America n Way o f Life, " coul d b e perceive d a s one mor e wa y o f achievin g socia l ascent.71 Moreove r a s Rober t Wa r show an d Joseph Epstei n hav e con tended: "W e ar e hooke d o n crime , becaus e . . . i n ou r innermos t beings mos t o f u s partly wis h t o b e gangster s ourselve s . . . [because ] the gangster , a t leas t a s popularl y conceived , i s a ma n wh o nee d suppress nothing. 72 Th e fundamenta l attractio n o f th e gangster i s tha t "he is what w e want t o be and wha t w e are afraid w e may become." 73 The Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b wa s fundamentall y organize d aroun d sports an d t o som e extent , a s Be n Wernikof f suggested , i t offere d a n alternative model , o r hero , i n th e athlete . A s w e shal l se e i n late r chapters thi s helpe d channe l som e boy s o n th e threshol d o f crime int o "healthier" activity . Ther e were , however , a s w e shal l als o see , eve n

2 6 TH

E NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

more long-standing , mor e powerfu l force s a t work tha n sports . Jewish family, Jewis h values , an d Jewish communit y wer e critica l i n keepin g the Jewish juvenil e delinquenc y an d Jewish crim e rate s disproportion ately low . Th e Jewish constellatio n mad e i t mor e likel y tha t Browns ville boy s envelope d i n i t woul d choos e th e mode l o f athlet e ove r th e model o f gangster. I n th e 1940s , however, eve n wit h Jewish crime s o n the decline, Brownsvill e parent s continue d t o worry. Th e adul t crimi nals wer e no t onl y visibl e an d thei r exploit s known , sometime s thei r work wa s al l to o apparent . " T h e ^ m tim e I eve r sa w a ma n kille d i n the street, " wrot e Samm y Aaronso n o f hi s childhood , wa s "a t th e corner o f Osborn e Stree t an d Sutte r Avenu e i n Brownsville , whic h was mayb e th e toughes t neighborhoo d i n th e whol e Unite d States." 74 Several boys who grew up together o n Christopher Avenue , remembe r that on e Sunda y whil e organizing a punchball game , the y realize d tha t a car was parked o n what woul d hav e been first base . Whe n the y wen t to as k th e drive r t o move , the y discovere d h e wa s dead—sho t i n th e head. Thes e Brownsvill e boys , apparentl y no t too terribly surprised , and certainl y undeterrable , release d th e brake , pushe d th e ca r an d played ball! 75 Writers an d novelists , late r lookin g bac k o n th e Brownsvill e o f th e 1930s and 1940s , connected adul t crim e and juvenil e delinquency, an d tied these to the poverty an d attendan t ill s of the neighborhood. "Honey " Halpern, th e centra l characte r o f Davi d Dortort' s Burial of the Fruit lives a s a fatherles s youngste r o n Brownsville' s meane r streets , an d grows u p t o b e a sadisti c trigge r ma n fo r "Murder , Inc." 76 Arthu r Granit's The Time of the Peaches, wit h mor e sensitivit y an d pathos , shows us, on "one mad Brownsvill e block" child-geniuses an d ordinar y boys. Bu t Grani t als o introduce s Bib i who , failin g t o transcen d th e personal an d socia l punishment s o f th e depressio n era , become s a gangster an d i s killed. 77 An d Irvin g Shulman' s The Amboy Dukes draws a startlingl y graphi c pictur e o f Brownsvill e gang s tha t wer e Jewish. 78 The reefer s an d guns , th e murde r an d rap e b y th e young , depicte d therein, wer e hardl y mean t t o b e representativ e o f pervasiv e behavio r patterns. Bu t th e novel , " a combinatio n o f th e sociologist' s researc h and th e writer' s art," 79 proclaime d tha t Jews , lik e othe r group s i n modern America , hav e th e proble m o f juvenile delinquency . Shulma n showed i n th e worl d o f 194 2 tha t fo r childre n o f Jewish immigrants ,

BROOKLYN'S "LOWE R EAS T SIDE "

2

7

the mora l mandates , th e ol d worl d traditions , th e "secre t treasur e o f family an d Jewish togetherness," 80 di d no t always take root i n the ne w soil. Brownsville parents , civi c leaders , an d polic e understoo d wha t Shulman kne w al l to o well . On e se t o f communit y response s t o th e problem include d (i ) the creation of a Citizen's Committee i n 193 7 that planned t o "cooperat e wit h th e Juvenil e Ai d Burea u o f th e Polic e Department i n combatting delinquency" ; (2 ) the announcemen t b y th e Brooklyn Distric t Attorne y Willia m O'Dwye r i n 194 0 of a drive agains t youth crim e i n Brownsvill e an d a vo w t o cooperat e wit h polic e i n surveying an d supervisin g al l hangouts , schools , danc e halls , an d ga rages; an d (3 ) the developmen t o f ne w polic e file s wit h dat a o n hood lums and potentia l lawbreakers. 81 A differen t respons e cam e fro m th e Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Council create d i n 1938 . A confederatio n o f neighborhoo d organiza tions, th e counci l aime d "t o preven t juvenil e delinquency " b y a focu s on housing , healt h car e an d education. 82 Later , a conference o n slu m clearance meetin g a t th e Labo r Lyceu m o n Sackma n Street , amon g other thing s a popula r foru m fo r socialis t an d anarchis t speakers , insisted tha t "malnutrition , miserabl e housing and imprope r vocationa l guidance ar e th e thre e horseme n o f th e Apocalyps e whic h ope n wid e our jail s t o youn g boy s wh o ca n an d shoul d b e usefu l citizen s o f ou r communities." 83 Labo r leaders , socialists , an d other left-oriented polit ical activists—Brownsville' s liberal , eve n radical , politica l reputatio n is wel l documented—recognize d th e primar y significanc e o f clas s i n the delinquenc y problem , th e connectio n betwee n povert y an d socia l disintegration. No t al l of them challenge d capitalis m directly , bu t the y talked, a t least, abou t th e need t o improve economi c conditions fo r th e poor. 84 Whether i t wa s th e polic e an d prosecutor s wh o emphasize d bette r methods fo r monitorin g yout h activity , swifte r an d stiffe r punishmen t for wrongdoers , an d th e isolatio n o f gangsters, o r i t was th e neighbor hood Socialists , America n Labo r part y members , an d othe r progres sive communit y activists , wh o emphasize d th e battl e agains t poverty , inadequate housing , educatio n an d health , all agreed tha t "th e absenc e of enoug h wholesom e recreationa l outlet s wa s a contributin g facto r . . . o f muc h o f th e delinquenc y i n th e neighborhood." 85 Willia m

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O'Dwyer sai d "imprope r recreation " i s "certainl y a contributio n t o crime;" an d th e directo r o f th e Juvenil e Ai d Burea u o f th e Polic e Department, Byrne s McDonald, sai d of cellar clubs, poolrooms, danc e halls, an d junkyards , "I t woul d b e useles s t o clos e thos e dives , unles s we ca n offe r ou r yout h somethin g better." 86 Similarl y representative s of th e Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Council , th e Brookly n Counci l fo r Social Planning , th e Jewish Bi g Brothers Association , th e Jewish Peo ple's Fraterna l Order , th e America n Labo r party , an d othe r organiza tions consistently recommende d additiona l recreationa l facilities , alon g with othe r mor e basic social and economi c reforms. 87 This apparen t unanimit y notwithstanding , th e Boar d o f Education , late i n 1939 , a s a n "econom y measure, " close d nigh t center s i n publi c schools, an d rule d tha t afternoo n recreatio n center s i n thos e schools , in orde r t o accommodat e younge r children , woul d n o longe r b e ope n to boy s ove r fourteen . Dozen s o f Brownsvill e boy s ove r fourteen , however, includin g Do c Baroff, Izz y Lesovoy , Georg e Schmaren , an d Norman Goroff , wer e competin g wit h on e anothe r dail y o n self-orga nized basketbal l team s i n th e tw o smal l gym s o f Publi c Schoo l 184 . The Boar d o f Educatio n decision , i n effect , erode d th e alread y mini mal recreatio n spac e fo r teenagers . I n a densel y populate d neighbor hood "sufferin g fro m lac k o f planning , inadequat e communit y facili ties, ba d housin g [and ] mor e tha n it s shar e o f poverty, " bu t a neighborhood teemin g wit h communa l an d individua l vitality , th e Board of Education's fiat propelled a group of extraordinary youngster s toward creatin g the Brownsville Boys Club. 88

CHAPTER 2

Founders, Framers, and the Formative Tears: The Glut F "Born Our life ever y da y wa s fough t ou t o n th e pavemen t an d th e gutter , u p against the walls of the houses and the glass fronts o f the drugstore and the grocery, in and out of the fresh steamin g piles of horse manure, the wheels of passing carts an d automobiles , alon g the iro n spike s of the stairwa y t o the cellar.l — ALFRE D KAZIN , WALKER I N TH E CIT Y

The Boar d o f Education decisio n whic h pu t boy s fourtee n year s of age and olde r ou t o n th e street s afte r schoo l wa s terribl y shortsighted , bu t not entirely irrational. Ther e wer e mor e childre n age d fiv e t o fourtee n in Ne w Yor k Cit y i n 194 0 than ther e wer e i n th e ag e group fiftee n t o nineteen.2 Thi s wa s particularl y tru e i n Brownsvill e wher e mor e tha n twenty-six thousan d childre n wer e i n th e younge r categor y an d jus t over ninetee n thousan d i n th e older. 3 Moreover , Eas t Ne w Yor k an d Brownsville, neighborhood s wit h onl y 1 5 percent o f the populatio n o f Brooklyn i n th e 1930s , suffered , accordin g t o Brookly n polic e head quarters, mor e tha n 7 0 percen t o f automobil e accident s involvin g th e younger-aged children. 4 Perhaps som e peopl e coul d accep t th e boar d decisio n withou t to o much distres s b y thinkin g tha t fo r th e olde r children , th e streets—it s 29

A great deal of time was spent on the streets and stoops, by both children and adults. This is Christopher Avenue near Livonia, c. 1947. (Courtesy of Joseph Feldman.) stoops an d it s corners , an d eve n it s thoroughfares—presente d oppor tunities fo r "autonomou s form s o f recreation , pla y an d c o m m u n i t y , " unrestricted b y school. After all , the boy s appeared t o lov e th e streets , and the y full y embrace d th e lif e o f the stree t corners . H e r e , outsid e o f the purvie w o f teacher s an d parents , th e boy s develope d a powerfu l sense o f identit y an d pee r interdependence . A larg e par t o f th e da y was spen t i n th e streets , goin g t o an d fro m school , runnin g errands , doing od d jobs , arguing , sometime s fighting, an d o f cours e playing . M a n y B B C e r s reflecte d th e emergenc e o f a relativel y independen t street cultur e w h e n the y recalle d th e "amazin g camaraderi e amon g those o f u s w h o g r e w u p i n th e street s o f Brownsville. " A b e ("Lulu" ) Rubenfeld, sai d "playin g i n th e street s wa s ou r mai n thing, " an d Si d Siegel "couldn' t wai t t o finish eatin g an d ge t ou t o f th e hous e int o th e street." T h e street s "wer e ou r salvatio n an d sometime s ou r primar y h o m e , " Mil t Kirschne r r e m e m b e r e d . A n d man y team s an d club s too k their ver y name s fro m th e stree t corner s upo n w h i c h they hun g out . Punchball an d stickbal l coul d b e playe d i n th e street s durin g th e 5

6

FOUNDERS, FRAMERS , AN D TH E FORMATIV E YEAR S

3

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Punchball was a favored street game and the boys persisted despite innumerable obstacles. (Courtesy of JosephFeldman.) day an d tag , kick-the-can , an d johnny-on-the-pon y woul d substitut e as th e da y darkened . " W e cam e u p fro m a punchbal l gam e covere d with grim e an d sweat, " wrot e Willia m Poster , "gobble d ou r foo d an d rushed of f t o on e o f a hundre d feveris h nocturna l activities." Sheik y Lenowitz an d dozen s o f other s als o remember , " W e playe d two-han d t o u c h — m o s t ofte n wit h a rolle d newspaper . W e ' d fol d i t i n hal f an d tie it . T h a t wa s ou r football . M y olde r brothe r gav e m e a football — this wa s a drea m fulfilled . A real football." F e w rea l football s o r eve n basketballs, o r basketbal l hoops , wer e visibl e i n th e street s o f B r o w n s ville. Bu t th e kid s wer e inventive . M a x Zaslofsky , a membe r o f th e B B C clu b Bruins , w h o wen t o n t o pla y fo r th e C h i c a g o Stag s an d th e N e w Y o r k Knickerbockers , tol d a n interviewer : " W e jus t go t thos e peach basket s an d hooke d the m o n t o a pol e o r somethin g lik e that . A n d i f w e wer e luck y w e foun d a beat-u p rubbe r bal l unti l m a y b e w e could affor d fifty-cent s t o g o ou t an d b u y o n e . " 7

8

9

Economically squeezed , an d politicall y presse d t o provid e younge r children wit h pla y space , th e Boar d o f Educatio n coul d find mor e tha n one "justification " fo r puttin g th e olde r boy s ou t o f schoo l recreatio n centers. Indeed , man y Brownsvill e boys agree d wit h th e on e w h o said ,

Keeping cool on the corner of Powell and Newport streets. (Courtesy of Joseph Feldman.) " w e mad e ou r own recreatio n i n th e streets—stoopball , kick-the-can , and s o o n — i t wa s w o n d e r f u l ! " O n e understand s th e prid e o f thes e men lookin g bac k o n a difficul t situatio n i n w h i c h a s boy s the y "mad e d o . " A s "wonderful " a s i t al l w a s , however , i f they ha d n o schoolyards , playgrounds, playin g fields, gymnasiums , an d recreatio n centers , ther e could b e n o softbal l o r baseball , an d ther e certainl y coul d b e littl e i n the w a y o f athleti c activit y i n th e evenin g o r i n poo r weather . Charle s Trester, a forme r vice-presiden t o f th e B B C , put i t simply : " W e love d playing stree t game s togethe r w h e n th e weathe r wa s good , an d playin g in th e school s w h e n th e weathe r wa s bad . W h e n w e weren' t alllowe d in th e schools , w e forme d th e B B C ! " Whil e M a x Zaslofsk y whos e "folks wer e very , ver y poo r people, " coul d b e satisfie d wit h a peac h basket, w h e n h e ha d n o genuin e hoop , an d a beat-u p rubbe r ball , w h e n h e coul d no t affor d a decen t one , h e clearl y preferre d a "ne w school" tha t "ha d thos e thing s i n th e s c h o o l y a r d . " S o di d th e man y hundreds o f b o y s w h o literall y flocke d t o sig n th e petitio n t o ge t the m back int o th e g y m s an d outdoo r playground s o f Publi c Schoo l 184 . 10

1 1

12

FOUNDERS, FRAMERS , AN D TH E FORMATIV E YEAR S3

3

Author on Sutter Avenue near Powell Street (c. 1942), in the sheltering arms of Mom, contemplating the future of Brownsville.

34

THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

Limited a s th e schoo l was , wit h littl e mor e tha n a half-acr e o f outdoor playspac e (mos t Ne w Yor k Cit y publi c educationa l institu tions wer e erecte d o n lan d scarcel y large r tha n th e schoo l building) , P.S. 18 4 was one of the very few recreatio n facilitie s directl y accessibl e to Brownsvill e boys. 13 Ther e wa s Nann y Goa t Par k ( a littl e ove r tw o acres), bu t b y 194 0 i t wa s i n grea t disrepair , an d i n an y cas e ha d n o indoor facilities. 14 Bets y Hea d Memoria l Par k ha d ove r seve n acre s o f athletic fields and a sizeable pool. I n winter, poo l lockers were remove d for indoo r recreation , bu t i t wa s nonetheles s sorel y presse d b y crowd s of boys . Th e Eas t Ne w Yor k Youn g Men' s Hebre w Associatio n (YMHA), di d ope n i n 1938 , but wa s locate d i n a small remodele d lof t over a fish stor e o n Sheffiel d an d Ne w Lot s avenue s an d wa s i n an y case no t i n Brownsville . No r wa s ther e a singl e publi c hig h schoo l i n Brownsville. Th e HES , i n the northwest quadran t o f Brownsville, ha d an indoo r gym , enlarge d an d reequippe d i n 1926 . Bu t attendanc e fa r exceeded "wha t woul d b e expecte d fro m th e building. " Onl y "b y us e of a carefull y planne d tim e schedule, " coul d childre n b e accommo dated. 15 Moreover , HE S collecte d due s (a s much a s $2.5 0 a year o n a sliding age-scale) , beyon d th e budget s o f Brownsvill e boys , an d charge d additional fee s fo r us e of the gym . Many othe r mor e affluen t Brookly n communitie s ha d a t leas t som e significant provisio n for indoo r recreation an d saf e outdoor play . Ther e was littl e i n th e wa y o f public space, bu t i n Flatbus h ther e wa s a wellequipped Jewis h Communa l Center , a YMCA , a boys ' clu b (non Jewish), wit h a four-story buildin g containin g a poo l an d a gym, an d at leas t tw o temple s (Ahavat h Shole m an d Bet h Emeth ) wit h gymna siums an d clubrooms . Th e YMH A o f Boroug h Par k an d th e Jewis h Community Hous e o f Bensonhurs t provide d simila r facilities . Easter n Parkway ha d th e fully-equippe d Brookly n Jewish Center , an d o n Ocea n Avenue, resident s o f Eas t Midwoo d coul d us e the Jewish Cente r wit h its extensiv e recreationa l an d socia l facilities , includin g gamerooms , social rooms, a roof-garden, a swimming poo l and a gym. 16 Brownsville, lik e othe r part s o f Brookly n wa s "neglected " b y th e city ove r " a lon g perio d o f year s durin g whic h othe r part s o f Greate r New Yor k . . . secure d improvements " i n park s an d playgrounds. 17 But Brownsville , hardl y affluent , ha d mor e difficult y supplyin g itsel f with recreationa l facilitie s throug h privat e funding . B y Nationa l Rec -

FOUNDERS, FRAMERS , AN D TH E FORMATIV E YEAR S 3

5

reation Associatio n standards , Brownsvill e wa s cheate d i n ever y cate gory. Fo r th e siz e o f it s population , th e neighborhoo d ough t t o hav e had 64 5 pla y lots , 16 2 acre s o f playgroun d an d 8 playin g field s (20 3 acres). Instead , i n 1940 , it had onl y 5 play lots, 2 7 acres of playground , and 1 playing fiel d ( 8 acres). 18 Fo r years , communit y centers , parks , and playground s ha d bee n calle d fo r b y civi c activists , politicians , librarians, socia l workers , an d educators , includin g Dr . Elia s Lieber man, a poe t an d principa l o f Thoma s Jefferso n Hig h Schoo l i n Eas t New York , an d Charle s M . O'Neill , th e distric t superintenden t o f schools fo r Brownsville. 19 An d many , understandin g th e proble m o f funding, advocate d usin g available schoo l spac e at night, puttin g light s in alread y constructe d playground s an d expandin g an d rehabilitatin g existing facilitie s lik e Bets y Hea d Park . Th e pleas , durin g th e depres sion era , however , wer e generall y ignored . Othe r tha n som e mino r repairs mad e t o Nann y Goa t Par k b y a WP A projec t tea m i n 1939 , little was done for Brownsville . In hi s 194 0 report t o the mayo r o f New York , Park s Commissione r Robert Moses , wh o wa s responsibl e fo r doublin g par k acreag e i n Ne w York Cit y betwee n 193 4 and 1939, 20 could state : "In spit e o f what ha s been don e i n th e las t si x years, Brookly n toda y i s worse off tha n othe r boroughs fro m th e point of view of neighborhood recreation . Th e nee d for additiona l playground s i n [severa l sections , including ] Brownsvill e . . . i s attested b y park , police , school , . . . and othe r authorities." 21 Whatever par k an d playgroun d spac e Brownsvill e di d have , wa s often take n u p b y eve n olde r boys , thos e ove r eightee n o r nineteen . "We wer e caught, " conclude d Georg e Levine , a membe r o f th e BB C club, th e Chrisdales, "caugh t betwee n th e 'schools ' and th e 'parks.' We were to o old fo r th e recreatio n program s i n th e school s an d to o youn g to challenge the 'park boys. ' " 22 "Suddenly," sai d Milt Kirschner , wit h apparent awe , " a 'Doc' Baroff appeared—anothe r youth—sixteen , no t much olde r tha n us . H e recognize d th e problem s an d th e potentia l community response . H e helpe d u s get organized." 23 Do c Baroff, wh o insists tha t n o on e perso n wa s indispensibl e i n th e formatio n o f th e BBC, nonetheles s appear s t o have been a central personalit y supplyin g energetic an d ingeniou s leadership . Irvin g Levine , i n professiona l so cial wor k no w fo r almos t fou r decades , calle d Barof f "th e mos t gifted natura l socia l worke r I hav e eve r met. " An d Do c i s describe d

36

THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

by dozen s o f other s a s "nurturer, " "guide, " "mentor, " an d "com l panion. "24 * Jacob ("Doc" ) Barof f playe d a crucia l rol e i n th e foundin g an d development o f th e clu b fro m th e tim e o f th e initia l petitio n driv e t o get back int o P.S. 18 4 through th e 1940s . Severa l days afte r th e Boar d of Education' s decisio n wen t int o effect , closin g th e recreatio n cente r to them , Do c an d som e othe r Bruins , Baroff' s street-corne r tea m tha t had ha d it s basketball competitio n interrupted , wer e out o n the street , tossing around a football, on e of the rare genuine footballs. Apparentl y their nois e and physical presence rankled a local storekeeper who called the police . "Th e cop s chase d us, " Barof f sai d i n a radi o broadcas t i n 1945, "an d tha t lef t u s the poolroo m o n th e corner." Thi s sor t o f thin g had occurre d i n th e past , "bu t n o on e di d anythin g abou t it. " Thi s time "w e got u p a petition." 25 Barof f spoke to the captain s o f approxi mately te n othe r street-corne r team s an d the y dre w u p th e petitio n calling fo r thei r readmittanc e t o th e afternoo n an d evenin g recreatio n center. Th e boy s clearl y aime d a t wha t the y believe d wer e importan t concerns o f th e adult s i n th e community . "Th e boy s hav e n o othe r playground o r communit y house, " th e petitio n read , "an d therefor e our onl y salvatio n i s to resort t o other mean s of recreation . . . without supervision, . . . tendin g no t t o encourag e th e bes t o f citizens." 26 Almost immediatel y ther e wer e eigh t hundre d signatures , an d eventu ally wel l ove r on e thousand. Doc , Izz y Lesovoy , an d Norma n Goroff , another membe r o f the Bruins, contacte d representative s o f the Parent Teacher's Associatio n o f P.S . 18 4 an d convince d the m t o assis t th e boys i n getting an audience a t the Board o f Education . They succeeded . Bu t a t th e meetin g attende d b y Boar d o f Educa tion representativ e Mar k McCloske y an d th e hea d o f th e Recreatio n Division, James Brennan , th e boy s wer e n o mor e tha n "politel y toler ated." The petitio n wa s slipped int o a wastebasket. "W e were insulted , shocked," Barof f remembered . "W e ha d little . W e wer e angr y abou t being shu t out . W e wer e innocent . W e believe d i n democrac y an d rights. I f yo u as k fo r somethin g legitimat e an d sensibl e i t shoul d b e done. Als o w e ha d a sense o f territory an d survival . Th e bureaucrac y did no t understan d us." 27 Democracy , rights , an d surviva l remaine d critical theme s throughou t th e histor y o f th e BB C a s i t gre w fro m a loosely-organized, single-issu e confederatio n t o a well-define d insti tuion wit h socia l vision .

FOUNDERS, FRAMERS , AN D TH E FORMATIV E YEAR S

37

The 1940 petition to he allowed hack into the P.S. 184 recreation center, eventually signed by over one thousand boys. (Courtesy of BBC Alumni Association.) T h e bureaucracy , th e boy s noticed , appeare d t o pa y mor e respect ful attentio n t o th e member s o f th e P T A , " a bunc h o f knittin g women, " than t o them . " T h e secret, " Izz y Lesovo y an d other s concluded , "i s organization." A n organizatio n o f tea m captain s wa s forme d an d othe r

The Brooklyn Public Library, Children's Branch, at Stone and River dale avenues, where the Boys Club had its first "headquarters," often witnessed lines of youngsters like these waiting to return and withdraw books. (Brooklyn Public Library, Brooklyn Collection.)

clubs an d team s w e r e invite d t o sen d representatives . D u e s o f a penn y a mont h wer e collecte d becaus e th e b o y s though t the y w o u l d nee d money fo r letterhead , mailings , carfare , an d th e phon e call s the y would b e makin g i n a n intens e coordinate d effor t t o reope n P . S . 184 . Pushed outsid e th e system , th e boy s discovere d i n thei r effort s t o "ge t back in, " tha t w o r k i n g togethe r mean t empowerment . " W e though t we'd las t jus t a coupl e o f w e e k s , " Barof f tol d a radi o audienc e i n 1945 , "the tim e i t w o u l d tak e t o ge t bac k i n . " B u t "i n ou r effor t t o hav e th e school yar d reopene d t o boy s ove r fourteen , w e foun d w e coul d ge t more privilege s by bein g unite d an d o r g a n i z e d . " 2 8

29

T h e ver y firs t privileg e exacted fro m th e c o m m u n i t y wa s a n indoo r meeting space , fo r approximatel y on e hundre d representative s o f th e

clubs an d teams . A roo m wa s secure d fo r Frida y nigh t meeting s i n th e Children's Branc h Librar y o n Ston e an d D u m o n t avenues . T h i s wa s a familiar plac e t o th e b o y s , m a n y o f w h o m w e r e avi d readers . T w e l v e hundred mostl y Jewis h youngster s cam e dail y t o thi s Brownsvill e l i b r a r y — t h e firs t fre e publi c librar y fo r childre n i n th e w o r l d .

3 0

Man y

remember th e line s o f y o u ng peopl e waitin g t o ge t i n tha t stretche d fo r a ful l block . " Y o u needed t o sho w clea n hands, " on e Brownsvill e b oy recalled w i t h obviou s fondness , "an d y o u coul d borro w t w o book s a w e e k — o n e har d an d on e easy. " Fo r Irvin g Levine , th e library , lik e the larg e synagogu e Bet h Yisrael , wa s a "spiritua l island " i n a neigh borhood marke d b y physica l deterioration . A n d fo r Irvin g L e v e n b e r g "it wa s a s a n c t u a r y . "

31

T h e librar y wa s a refug e fo r man y Brownsvill e

children. T h e write r an d Brownsvill e teacher A r t h u r Grani t describe d the buildin g w h i c h stoo d b e t w e e n th e marke t w h e r e th e pushcart s ende d an d th e abattoi r w h e r e th e sheep w e r e slain . T h e T u d o r - s t y l e d bric k b u i l d i n g w o u l d hav e bee n m o r e a t h o m e i n th e Englis h M i d l a n d s ; instea d i t squatte d here , althoug h w i t h grea t dignity a m o n g a vas t se a o f tenement s an d a n endles s arra y o f clotheslines .

4

THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO

o

D

BBCers including the Levine twins check out books (c. 1948). {Courtesy of Joseph Feldman.) B r o w n s v i l l e di d no t remai n silen t i n it s criticism : morning , noon , an d night , the clothesline s squeake d agains t th e ivy-studde d walls , th e beveled w i n d o w s , the oa k paneling, an d even int o th e enormous fireplace w h e r e ther e w a s enoug h room fo r five childre n t o stan d w i t h th e fire burnin g an d c o me ou t u n h a r m e d . N o m a t t e r — t h e childre n o f B r o w n s v i l le had a magnificent buildin g w h e r e th e vaulted vastnes s o f the readin g roo m serve d a s a refug e fro m th e incessan t di n of th e o u t s i d e — e x c e pt fo r the s q u e a k s . 32

Alfred K a z i n , searchin g fo r th e " b e y o n d " — " t o se e somethin g n e w , to ge t a w a y fro m eac h day' s narro w battlegroun d b e t w e e n th e grocer y and th e bac k wal l o f th e drugstore, " w a s anothe r w h o discovere d th e spiritual qualit y o f th e C h i l d r e n ' s L i b r a r y o n Ston e A v e n u e . . . [where ] the y ha d an a w n i n g ove r th e front door ; i n th e lon g peacefu l readin g roo m ther e w e r e storyboo k tile s ove r the fireplac e an d covered dee p w o o d e n benche s o n each sid e o f it w h e r e I rea d m y w a y year afte r yea r fro m ever y stor y o f K i n g Alfre d th e G r e a t t o Twenty Thousand Leagues Under the Sea. 33

" T h e librar y w a s th e outsid e w o r l d t o u s , " Barof f said , "an d no t jus t the b o o k s . " H e an d dozen s o f other s stil l thin k w i t h admiratio n an d w o n d e r abou t th e librarian s w h o helpe d the m choos e b o o k s — " M i s s

FOUNDERS, FRAMERS , AN D TH E FORMATIV E YEAR S 4

1

Beard and Miss Jackson—and abou t the cooperation the y rendere d the boys whe n the y neede d a plac e t o mee t o n a regula r basis . Th e librarians als o though t highl y o f th e boys . "Thei r initiative, " on e remarked, "i n contacting socia l organization s . . . and in trying t o get an adequate plac e for recreation ha s been amazing." 34 "Amazing" i s the appropriat e word . Th e recreatio n cente r a t P.S. 184 was reopened t o the boys les s tha n a year afte r i t had closed. Bu t the clu b di d not fade awa y wit h thi s achievement . Ove r th e course of that first yea r th e BBCers ha d learned mor e abou t th e power o f organization an d commitment, an d they demonstrate d a n increasin g dedi cation t o the survival o f their ne w group o f united corne r boys . The y provided a plac e an d als o a proces s fo r peacefu l interactio n betwee n teams, clubs , an d individuals. The y create d a newsletter throug h whic h boys coul d develo p an d expres s talent s othe r tha n athletic . The y sig nificantly increase d th e opportunitie s fo r participatio n i n organize d play an d i n athleti c competition . The y develope d relationship s wit h other agencie s includin g th e Police Athleti c League , th e YMHA, th e Herald Tribune Fres h Ai r Fund , th e Educationa l Allianc e an d th e Henry Stree t Settlement , an d wit h school s an d loca l merchants. 35 These relationship s provide d socia l nurture , athleti c equipment , an d a variety of recreations and entertainments includin g free summe r camp , movies an d ballgame s fo r thousand s o f boys . An d som e o f th e boy s claim the club also made a contribution towar d reducin g delinquency . The growt h o f corner-bo y team s an d clubs , an d eve n gang s (i.e. , clubs somewha t mor e aggressiv e i n defendin g o r extendin g turf , an d more ofte n involve d i n violenc e an d vandalism ) int o a successful self help an d communit y welfar e organizatio n wa s indee d amazin g an d probably quit e rare. The fact tha t thes e second-generation Jewish boy s were raise d b y immigrant s wh o were ofte n activ e i n mutual-ai d soci eties, unions , an d progressiv e socia l an d politica l organization s (a s we shall se e in chap. 3 ) helps explai n thei r emphasi s o n "rights" and their proclivity fo r collectiv e peer-grou p initiativ e an d th e organizationa l mode. Corne r boys , i n othe r non-Jewis h neighborhoods , face d wit h some o f the same problem s a s the Brownsville boys , di d no t respon d in quit e th e sam e way . Sociologis t Willia m H . Whyte' s classi c stud y of corne r boy s i n Boston' s Italia n Nort h En d i n th e lat e 1930 s help s make this point .

42

THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

Corner boy s were playin g softbal l i n a small park . Som e of the mor e powerfu l hitters occasionall y drov e th e bal l ove r th e wal l boundin g th e lo t an d agains t the buildin g acros s th e street . Severa l window s ha d bee n broken . [I n respons e to complaints ] th e par k commissione r rule d tha t n o boy s ove r sixtee n shoul d be allowe d t o pla y softbal l i n thi s lo t an d th e . . . polic e brok e u p a hotl y contested gam e one Sunda y afternoon . Sam Franco , th e leade r o f on e o f th e corne r gangs , ha d bee n organizin g a softball league , which wa s to include sixteen teams. The commissioner's rulin g only serve d t o intensif y interes t i n softball , an d Sa m sough t som e mean s o f gaining th e us e o f th e park . H e . . . aske d i f [th e Parks ] departmen t coul d erect a wir e nettin g extensio n t o th e wal l s o tha t th e buildin g woul d b e protected. [Thi s reques t wa s ignored] . Sa m no w consulte d Mr . Kendall , hea d of boys ' wor k a t th e Cornervill e House . . . . Kendal l the n talke d wit h Sa m Venuti a local politician . . . who was no t abl e to accomplish anything . Meanwhile th e corne r boy s ha d bee n holdin g meetings , an d Sa m tol d Mr . Kendall that , unles s somethin g wa s accomplishe d soon , the y woul d los e inter est an d th e organizatio n woul d brea k up . . . . Kendal l too k som e o f th e tea m captains t o se e [a n Alderman] . . . . Withi n a shor t tim e th e mone y wa s appropriated. Many peopl e wer e surprise d a t these results. Thi s wa s sai d t o be the first tim e in year s tha t Cornervill e ha d obtaine d a n appropriatio n fo r ne w constructio n in the park department budget. 36 T h e corne r boy s o f Italia n Bosto n di d achiev e som e gras s root s organi zation eve n if , unlik e th e Brownsvill e boys , the y wer e helpe d b y a n adult socia l worker . An d the y wer e effective . I n th e N o r t h En d boy s did ge t t o pla y softball . T h e y di d not , however , see k additiona l bene fits an d the y faile d t o sustai n thei r organization . T h e Italia n boys , apparently, di d no t gai n a sens e o f empowermen t fro m thei r 'Victory. " T h e y continued , accordin g t o Whyte , t o remai n cynica l abou t politi cians an d wer e generall y "fatalistic,"—pessimisti c abou t thei r abilit y to mak e a difference . Thei r dail y activitie s continue d t o procee d alon g very "narrowl y circumscribe d channels." 3 7 More tha n tw o decade s afte r Whyte' s Street Corner Society, Herber t Gans wrot e hi s widely-cite d Urban Villagers, a participant-observe r study o f Boston' s Wes t End . Gan s confirme d man y o f Whyte' s obser vations abou t circumscriptio n an d fatalis m amon g Italian-Americans . T h e primar y relationshi p fo r Gans ' Italian-America n Wes t Ender s wa s

FOUNDERS, FRAMERS , AN D TH E FORMATIV E YEAR S 4

3

the "peer-grou p society, " mad e u p o f peopl e of th e sam e sex , age , an d life-cycle status . Th e peer-grou p societ y "dominate d th e lif e o f th e West Ende r fro m birt h t o death, " reinforcin g parochialism , circum scription, an d nonparticipation . Althoug h mos t mal e adolescent s mar ried an d develope d stabl e famil y relationships , grea t number s contin ued t o spen d a significan t par t o f thei r nonwor k hour s wit h mal e companions, man y entirel y "unabl e t o get off th e corner." 38 This wa s hardl y th e cas e wit h th e Jewish corne r boys . Th e "foun ders," o f th e BBC , particularl y Barof f an d Georg e Schmaren , Jo e ("Yussie") Feldman , Jac k Deutch , Izz y Lesovoy , Dav e Gold , an d Norman Goroff , ha d begu n b y makin g the corner round s t o collect th e one-cent monthl y dues , t o touc h base , an d t o encourag e attendanc e a t the Club' s weekl y librar y meetings . The y an d other s democraticall y elected to a council by club representatives (seve n to fourteen member s equalled on e vote ; fiftee n o r mor e equalle d tw o votes ) appropriate d monies fro m th e due s collected . The y use d thes e t o pa y expense s incurred i n contactin g variou s socia l agencies . Althoug h th e represen tatives an d th e members , jealou s o f thei r right s an d attune d t o demo cratic procedures , wante d ful l report s an d accountabilit y fro m Baroff , now president , an d Lesovoy , no w treasurer , the y wer e generally please d with th e result s o f th e council' s efforts . Thi s wa s particularl y tru e i n regard t o th e leaders ' success i n "booking " basketbal l game s fo r th e BBC team s wit h team s fro m th e Flatbus h Boy s Club , th e Madiso n Square Boy s Clu b an d othe r organization s tha t actuall y ha d hom e courts. 39 "Thi s wa s grea t stuff, " Jo e Feldma n said . "W e ha d duffl e bags, w e traveled." B y arrangin g fo r thi s kin d o f athleti c activity , sai d another member , "th e clu b gav e u s a feelin g w e wer e somebody , an d bigger tha n ourselves. " An d ne w boy s wer e attracte d an d joined . "I t gave me the opportunity, " sai d So l Altman , "t o play rea l basketball , a game I dearly loved." 40 Arranging game s i n a variety o f sports for th e street-corne r team s i n the BBC confederation an d eventuall y als o for th e "official " o r All-Sta r BBC teams , remaine d a centrall y importan t functio n o f th e organiza tion. An d a s earl y a s 194 1 Georg e Schmare n fille d th e electe d pos t o f athletic director . I n tha t firs t yea r th e clu b als o claime d Nann y Goa t Park a s it s turf , liberatin g i t fro m th e olde r "Par k Boy " monopoly . Club member s persuade d other s i n the community t o help at the park ,

Jack Baroff, George Schmaren, and Izzy Lesovoy (fro m lef t t o right) , key figures in the founding of the Brownsville Boys Club in 1940. (Courtesy of Jacob Baroffi)

FOUNDERS, FRAMERS , AN D TH E FORMATIV E YEAR S 4

5

and togethe r the y cleare d pla y space s o f debris an d mad e som e neces sary repairs . Th e boy s als o lobbie d t o hav e th e par k lighte d a t night , and afte r a time, the y won . Th e par k supervisors , impresse d wit h th e discipline an d maturit y o f th e club' s leaders , allowe d the m t o regulat e the use of the park and it s equipment. A BBC boy, eve n an older "par k boy" coul d tur n i n a membershi p car d an d ge t a basketball . Wit h a ball, a bo y coul d ge t a game , o r moun t th e expecte d challeng e fo r a court. "W e too k ove r Nann y Goa t Park, " Do c Barof f explained . "Th e supervisors gave us control of the basketballs and we gave them order." 41 Sometimes th e boy s go t ol d equipmen t donate d b y othe r organiza tions. Georg e Schmare n an d other s remembe r tha t throug h Jo e Mc Govern, a retire d motorcycl e cop , wh o hel d a jo b wit h th e Polic e Athletic League , the y go t basebal l bats . McGover n als o helpe d th e boys ge t fre e ticket s fo r th e circus , an d "knothole " ticket s entitlin g youngsters t o fre e seat s a t Ebbet s Field , th e hom e o f th e muc h love d Brooklyn Dodger s basebal l team. "W e could ge t twenty-five ticket s fo r the 'knot hole ' entry t o Ebbets Fiel d fro m th e Police Athletic League, " Baroff recalled , bu t there wa s s o much deman d fro m ou r nearl y on e thousand member s tha t w e had to develop lists and take turns. When I told Joe McGovern this, he asked how many tickets we would nee d for an y singl e game to meet demand. I had 'chutzpa' [nerve] , an d aske d fo r tw o hundred . H e sai d OK . Th e kid s didn' t think it possible, but we piled on the subway to see the Dodgers. When I saw McGovern h e ha d onl y twenty-fiv e tickets , an d h e sa w I actuall y ha d tw o hundred kids . I sai d 'Joe , com e throug h fo r m e or I' m dead—tw o hundre d kids jus t pai d ful l carfar e t o ge t here. ' H e go t u s i n b y passin g th e sam e twenty-five tickets back and forth eight times!42 The reputatio n o f th e club , an d th e estee m o f th e leader s ros e dramatically. "Thing s lik e this never happened befor e i n our neighbor hood," Barof f said . "Whe n w e too k boy s t o th e ballgam e i t wa s th e first tim e ever for almos t al l of them. T o thei r parent s a big outing wa s the zoo." 43 I n additio n t o ballgames , ther e wer e fre e outing s t o mu seums an d concert s an d movies . Rober t Solo w tol d a radio interviewe r in 194 5 tha t "goin g t o museum s an d concert s gav e m e ambitio n t o really mak e somethin g o f myself . I bega n t o rea d an d stud y a s muc h as possible." 44 Boy s were inspired, bu t mor e often simpl y entertained . Norm Gorof f too k fiftee n boy s t o th e movie s a t th e Ston e Theate r

46

THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

every weekend , an d ther e wer e ticket s fo r th e rode o an d th e circus , often supplie d b y Jo e McGovern. 45 Th e relationshi p wit h Jo e Mc Govern solidified . A s Georg e Schmare n pu t it , frankly , "McGover n needed 'statistics ' an d w e neede d entertainmen t an d a n occasiona l 'bailout.' " The BBC , youn g and withou t resources , i n needy Brownsville , wa s "doing good, " bu t basi c socia l condition s wer e generall y unchange d and continue d t o produc e "delinquent " behavio r i n th e area . Mc Govern, th e former cop , having learned b y 194 1 to trust Baroff , woul d sometimes succee d i n convincin g th e polic e t o tur n "offending " boy s over t o Doc . Excep t fo r a smal l numbe r o f aut o thefts , th e offense s were mostl y relativel y minor—shoplifting , vandalism , sneakin g ont o the subway , gan g fighting. Do c Barof f tha t "gifted , natura l socia l worker," woul d tak e the bo y i n trouble t o an older relative , preferabl y to a brother , an d onl y rarel y t o parents . " I go t hi m of f once, " Do c would say , "an d I can' t ge t hi m of f again. " Th e ide a wa s t o us e th e family fo r disciplin e an d monitoring , an d t o us e th e knowledg e tha t exposure would b e a shande, o r shame . The club , insistin g o n th e sam e "democracy " fro m it s ow n struc tures tha t i t demande d fro m th e large r community , als o ha d a "pena l code" accompanied b y all the accoutrements of due process. A membe r or representativ e coul d b e discipline d fo r breakin g clu b rules . I f fo r example, a street-corner clu b delegat e faile d t o sho w fo r a BBC meet ing, hi s tea m coul d b e deprive d o f a game. 46 Th e sam e disciplin e wa s rigorously applie d t o clubs engaged i n street fighting. Barof f an d other s believe th e game s wer e s o importan t t o th e boy s tha t ove r tim e a reduction o f gan g conflic t wa s achieved. 47 "Befor e w e ha d th e club, " William Goldber g admitte d i n 1945 , "m y friend s an d I roame d th e streets. W e gambled , stol e an d cheated ; an d man y di d muc h worse . BBC gav e u s baseball , basketbal l an d swimmin g teams—trave l t o games . . . and the y sen t us to camp!" 48 A significan t numbe r o f me n remembe r goin g t o cam p a s boy s through th e BBC . Seymou r Brief , wh o wen t int o socia l welfar e wor k himself, an d severa l other s said , "I t wa s th e onl y tim e I ever went t o camp." And nearl y al l the me n mentione d ho w muc h tim e and energ y the BB C leader s pu t int o th e cam p progra m tha t develope d i n th e second yea r of the club's existence. Th e older boys, led by Do c Baroff ,

FOUNDERS, FRAMERS , AN D TH E FORMATIV E YEAR S 4

7

secured place s for younge r boy s i n camps run b y the more established , more affluen t Boy s Clubs , includin g Flatbus h an d Madiso n Square . The BB C als o mad e placement s fo r th e "Fres h Ai r Fund " ru n b y th e New Yor k Herald Tribune. "W e recruite d fo r camps, " Barof f stil l say s proudly, "befor e w e ra n ou r own . The y like d usin g us . W e provide d manpower, time , an d reliability. An d w e could eve n deliver types. Fo r example th e Fres h Ai r Fun d woul d as k thing s like—'Ge t u s a twelveyear-old whit e boy, ' o r ' a ten-year-ol d blac k girl. ' " 4 9 Sometime s i n order t o ge t a bo y t o a Boys ' Clu b cam p fo r tw o weeks , th e BB C workers ha d t o convince parent s tha t i t would b e all right. "W e woul d give carfare i f necessary an d w e told the m yo u don' t nee d a suitcase— a pape r ba g wil l do . W e picke d th e kids wh o neede d i t th e most—th e poorest, an d thos e wh o ha d los t parents . An d w e ra n th e whol e thin g —the interviews , th e contacts , th e arrangements. " N o one , Norma n Goroff said , "coul d no t take advantage of the opportunities w e created , for lac k of money." 50 One o f th e bes t camps—an d "th e qualit y o f th e cam p wa s judge d by th e amoun t o f weigh t th e kid s gained, " sai d Baroff—wa s Col d Springs Cam p ru n b y th e Educationa l Alliance . Th e alliance— a curi ous mixtur e o f settlemen t house , nigh t school , an d gymnasium—ha d been se t u p b y Germa n Jew s i n th e lat e nineteent h centur y t o hel p their Eas t Europea n brethre n "acculturate. " Th e goa l o f "uplift " wa s often pursue d wit h blatan t condescension , bu t th e immigrant s none theless derive d tangibl e benefits . Despit e som e resentmen t a t bein g "treated lik e inferiors," man y o f them kne w the y wer e bein g helpe d a t the time , an d remembe r th e experienc e no w a s generall y positive . Eddie Cantor, th e child o f immigrants, firs t attende d th e Cold Spring s Camp when h e was eleven. "Col d Spring s was a strange place," Cantor recalled. "Ther e wasn' t a horseca r o r a del i stor e i n it. " Ther e wer e instead "endles s playgrounds." What " a strange magic world wit h frui t on trees instead of [on] pushcarts." Cold one night at the camp,.Cantor , a self-described , "typica l Ne w Yor k stree t boy, " too k tw o blanket s from othe r boys ' beds . H e wa s caugh t b y th e cam p directo r wh o sai d softly: " I kno w yo u fee l chill y a t nigh t an d lik e t o kee p warm , bu t when yo u stea l tw o blanket s fro m th e othe r cots , tha t mean s tha t tw o other littl e boy s li e all night withou t blanket s an d fee l ver y cold . No w is tha t right?" Eddi e Cantor , embarrasse d a t th e time , wrot e o f th e

4«

THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

experience: " I ha d neve r bee n reprimande d quit e s o gently . . . . In stead o f a scowl , I go t a smile ; instea d o f a blow , a pat o n th e cheek . Yes, lif e wa s totally differen t i n this marvelou s boys ' heaven. . . . Th e next nigh t I stol e only on e blanket." 51 Th e "reform " dimensio n o f thi s camp an d other s wa s rea l enough , bu t th e boy s wh o attende d the m were no t onl y resistan t t o th e subtl e manipulation s o f reformers , the y were also appreciative o f the camps. Clearpool Cam p ru n b y th e Madiso n Squar e Boys ' Clu b serve d mainly Iris h an d Italia n boys . Th e BBC , wit h Barof f a s counselor , brought Jews—an d i n 1942 , tw o blacks . Her b Grosswirt h recalled , sadly, It was at Camp Clearpool tha t I ran into anti-Semitism fo r the first time . We were called "Baroff' s Bage l Boys." We took the two black kids into our bunk because n o on e els e wante d them . The y wer e calle d th e "Burn t Bagels. " However, w e showed the gentiles what the Brownsville Bagel Boys could do: we finished firs t or second in every event they had. "I mad e al l the kid s play, " Barof f said , "an d w e wo n games—Jews ! — We amaze d the m all . An d goin g t o cam p throug h u s becam e eve n more popular." 52 Norman Gorof f contende d tha t th e cam p progra m wa s no t onl y "popular wit h al l th e boy s i n th e neighborhood, " i t accomplishe d remarkable result s eve n wit h [the ] 'proble m boys ' recommende d b y local publi c schools." 53 Georg e Levine' s sharpes t memor y i s "helpin g younger boy s kee p out o f trouble, " and Ab e ("Lulu" ) Rubenfel d char acterized th e BB C with it s camps an d othe r activitie s o f socia l concer n as "a n organizatio n t o contribut e t o younge r kid s comin g u p behin d us. Thi s wa s th e whol e point." 54 Althoug h i t wa s no t "th e whol e point" a t th e ver y outset—sport s playe d tha t rol e initially—"helpin g out," fo r thes e Jewish boy s familia r wit h mutual-ai d organization s an d progressive politics , quickl y becam e centra l t o th e meanin g o f th e BBC. "W e go t game s al l right," Rober t Solo w sai d i n 1945 , "but afte r we wer e i n th e clu b a whil e w e foun d othe r things . . . . W e learne d about loyalt y t o ou r friend s an d ou r obligation s t o society." 55 Jo e Feldman, long-tim e an d curren t presiden t o f the BB C Alumn i Associ ation agreed , "Th e nee d fo r helpin g wa s par t o f us , an d becam e par t of the organization." 56 Who wer e th e boy s wh o create d suc h a n organization ? Wh o fo r

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9

example wa s Jacob ("Doc" ) Baroff , th e sixteen-year-old , wh o i n Milto n Kirschner's word s "suddenl y appeared " an d offere d "suc h goo d advic e and hel p t o trouble d childre n an d childre n i n trouble , an d wh o traine d and develope d other s t o wor k wit h hi m an d afte r him? " T h e chil d o f Jewish immigrant s fro m Mins k an d Vilna , Barof f gre w u p surrounde d by relatives , "al l o f w h o m live d i n th e neighborhood. " Hi s mothe r worked a s a seamstres s upo n he r arriva l i n th e Unite d State s i n 1911 , but stoppe d whe n sh e marrie d Baroff' s fathe r wh o wa s employe d o n the excavatio n tha t helpe d expan d th e N e w Yor k Cit y subwa y system , and the n peddle d secondhan d clothes . "W e wer e prett y poor, " Barof f recalled. I remembe r m y mothe r sayin g t o me when I was eleve n year s old , "Yo u wer e so sick, I almost took yo u t o th e doctor. " I slep t o n a foldawa y be d i n th e kitchen, an d a t nigh t I used th e tabl e ther e fo r m y homework , afte r th e other s went t o sleep . Fo r m y ba r mitzva h I wa s tol d I coul d hav e on e presen t only . Of cours e I chose a basketball. Wit h a basketball yo u coul d ge t a game i n th e yard. An d game s wer e wha t w e wanted , thoug h w e ha d littl e equipmen t an d almost n o plac e t o play . Bu t w e mad e do . W e al l love d basketball . W e coul d play al l da y ever y day . W e eve n shovelle d sno w t o mak e spac e whe n neces sary. Touc h footbal l wit h cerea l boxe s was also popular . Poor i n property , "w e wer e ric h i n tradition, " Barof f said . On on e sid e o f m y famil y wa s a lon g lin e o f rabbi s an d yeshiv a buchers. M y own parent s wer e relativel y observant . An d o f cours e w e kep t kosher . I n ou r neighborhood yo u couldn' t find any foo d bu t kosher . M y fathe r wa s in Minske r Young Friend s [ a landsmanshaft o r mutual-ai d societ y o f peopl e mainl y fro m the sam e town i n th e old country ] and wen t t o shut [synagogue]. Bu t h e ha d t o work som e Saturday s an d shu l attendanc e wa s sporadic . Onc e h e wa s offere d an ally ah [hono r o f bein g calle d u p t o th e Tora h t o read ] whic h h e turne d down, feelin g "tainted " from workin g on shahos [the Sabbath] . Although i t wa s no t alway s possibl e fo r the m t o b e strictl y obser vant, Barof f s parent s taugh t hi m "th e shtetl traditio n o f showin g re spect," tol d hi m storie s o f th e ol d countr y an d rea d th e Bibl e wit h him, "pointin g ou t th e mora l an d ethica l lessons. " Do c Barof f (Doc fo r his lov e o f Doc Savage magazin e stories ) sai d hi s understandin g o f Jewish traditio n an d th e respec t fo r hi s parent s i n th e community , gained hi m entre e an d trust . I n th e process , fo r example , o f convincin g poorer parent s t o allo w thei r childre n t o g o t o camp , vi a th e BBC , "w e tried no t t o mak e i t fee l lik e mer e charity , bu t par t o f th e large r

5°

THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

tradition o f tsedaka [justice an d righteousnes s a s wel l a s charity]. " Baroff's parent s taugh t hi m ethica l lesson s no t onl y fro m "th e Book, " but b y thei r behavior . The y wer e alway s read y wit h thei r time , thei r spiritual suppor t an d thei r mone y (littl e a s ther e was ) fo r peopl e i n distress. An d th e visible examples wer e apparentl y onl y th e ti p o f a moral iceberg . I n illustratio n Do c told th e following story : When m y fathe r die d tw o men I did no t kno w came up to me at the funera l and tol d m e that m y po p had loane d the m mone y whe n the y first arrived i n the U.S. from Minsk . H e had done this quietly, h e never told m e or anyone. These immigrants did fairly well and paid my father back eventually, but they had no t see n hi m fo r man y years . The y ha d com e t o th e funera l t o pa y respects, t o than k hi m again , an d t o mak e sur e I kne w thi s stor y abou t m y father. Years late r Barof f himsel f wa s thanked fo r ai d rendered . Whe n Do c was honore d b y th e BB C Alumn i a t thei r annua l reunio n i n 1984 , a man cam e u p t o than k him . Barof f di d no t recogniz e him , bu t hi s memory wa s soo n refreshed . H e wa s on e o f th e ca r thieve s who m Baroff ha d baile d ou t i n 1942 . "Whe n I heard yo u wer e goin g to be i n this area, " th e ma n said , " I ha d t o com e s o tha t m y wif e coul d mee t you, an d s o tha t I coul d than k yo u fo r savin g me . I' m no w a ver y successful businessma n an d I hav e thre e beautifu l cars. " Do c wa s moved bu t coul d stil l quip—"Did yo u bu y them? " Doc Barof f "saved " a number o f youngsters, mostl y b y tappin g int o the ol d worl d traditio n o f famil y an d community . Occasionall y i t wa s necessary t o threate n club s an d individual s wit h los s o f privileges — games, trips , camp—o r worse , wit h los s o f membership . Bu t usin g the family , particularl y th e olde r brothers , significantl y reduce d th e need fo r th e harshe r discipline . Whe n Barof f wa s ten , "kickin g a garbage ca n an d makin g a mess, " h e wa s interrupte d b y a n elderl y neighbor wh o sai d i n Yiddish , "Aren' t yo u Baroff' s boy ? I knew you r grandfather i n Europe . H e woul d b e upset. " I n hi s wor k a short tim e later wit h younge r boys , Do c remembere d tha t invocatio n o f family , community, continuity , an d ethni c solidarity . I t ofte n worked . "Th e police truste d me , becaus e wit h th e boy s the y gav e m e ther e wa s almost n o recurrence. " Baroff' s value s an d behavio r wer e influence d by th e "secre t treasur e o f famil y an d Jewish togetherness, " a s wel l a s by th e Jewis h concep t o f qmiles-khesed (applie d religion) . "M y socia l work," h e said, "wa s 'practica l religion. ' " 57

FOUNDERS, FRAMERS , AN D TH E FORMATIV E YEAR S 5

I

NEW YOR K UNIVERSIT Y SCHOOL O F EDUCATIO N WASHINGTON (QUAKE . NE W YOR K

March 7, 1&42

Mr. Jacob Baroff 427 Osborne Street Brooklyn, Hew York Dear Mr. Baroff: In m y cours e o n Juvenil e Delinquenc y an d Crim e Prevention , which meet s o n Monda y evenin g fro m 6.1 5 t o 8.DO , w e hav e bee n discussing th e variou s method s o f delinquenc y prevention.Durin g the pas t tw o week s th e wor k o f th e Bo y Scout s an a th e Y.M.C.A . has bee n presented . 1 woul d appreciat e i t ver y muc h i f yo u an d th e member s o f your clu b wh o spok e i n m y othe r cours e coul d v i s i t t h i s c l a s s on Monda y evening , Marc h 16th , an d presen t a complet e pictur e of you r clu b an d i t s a c t i v i t i e s . Yo u woul d hav e fro m 7 u n t i l 8 o'cloc k fo r t h i s presentation . Tha t woul d enabl e th e variou s members t o presen t differen t phase s o f you r wor k an d t o hav e some time-fo r c l a s s discussio n an d questions . 1 hop e t h i s pla n appeal s t o yo u because , o f course , i t means wide r p u b l i c i t y fo r th e fin e wor k yo u ar e doing . I a m looking forwar d t o bein g wit h yo u o n Friday , Marc h 20th . Very sincerel y yours .

F1IT:MM

FREDLR1C M . THRASHE R Professor o f Educatio n

P.S. Pleas e t e l l Mr . Gol d tha t I receive d th e instruction s a s t o ho w t o ge t t o you r clu b an d than k hi m ver y much .

Professor Thrasher invites Baroff and others for a return visit to "lecture" at New York University, 1942. (Courtesy of BBC Alumni Association.) Others als o thought Baroff' s approac h t o "delinquency " worked , o r at leas t wa s interestin g enoug h t o expos e t o students . An d Barof f wa s invited b y professor s t o speak i n sociolog y classe s at Brooklyn College , New Yor k University , Fordham , an d Columbia . Frederic k Thrasher ,

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the autho r o f The Gang: A Study of 1,313 Gangs in Chicago, "on e o f th e most quote d book s i n America n sociology, " an d professo r o f educa tional sociolog y a t N Y U wa s concerne d wit h "th e informa l processe s of education , suc h a s th e street , th e poolroo m an d th e 'cand y stor e hangout.' " H e ha d also , betwee n 192 7 an d 1936 , directe d a stud y "t o determine th e effect s o f a larg e N e w Yor k Cit y Boys ' Clu b o n juvenil e delinquency." 5 8 Thrashe r ha d Baroff , Feldman , Schmaren , an d other s tell th e Brownsvill e stor y i n hi s classroom s durin g 194 1 an d 1942 . After th e boy s mad e thei r firs t se t o f presentation s a t N Y U , Thrashe r sent a thank-yo u not e an d enclose d a dolla r bil l t o cove r th e cos t o f their round-tri p subwa y fares , th e boy s a t thei r weekl y meetin g vote d to donat e th e dolla r t o th e Re d Cross. 5 9 In lat e 1942 , Baroff , no w eighteen , wa s calle d upo n t o serv e i n World Wa r II . H e an d man y o f th e earl y leaders , an d hundred s o f older BBCer s wer e separate d fro m th e Boy s Clu b fo r severa l years . Younger boys , a s w e shal l se e i n chapte r 4 , successfull y fille d th e vacuum unti l 1945 . Abou t t o begi n a furloug h i n 1945 , Baroff , befor e his arriva l stateside , wrot e th e followin g i n a lette r t o hi s family : Today w e hear d th e wa r her e i s over . I kno w yo u mus t al l b e happy . I myself a m happ y bu t I have also some sa d feelings . I never wante d t o tell yo u [all of] what I have seen and bee n through . When I lef t N.Y . o n m y shi p I wen t int o actio n s o fast tha t I didn't kno w what wa s happening . I fough t throug h Franc e the n ha d i t prett y fai r [for ] a little whil e i n Luxembourg . The n whe n I wen t t o German y I reall y sa w hell and I was gla d t o be alive from on e minute t o another. I was burie d aliv e for a few minutes . I was hit b y shrapne l bu t (yo u won't believ e it) my bibl e stoppe d it. I hav e praye d oftene r an d harde r tha n I eve r di d i n m y life . Som e o f m y best friend s die d i n fron t o f me , som e i n m y arms . I took car e of wounded . I killed German s myself . Righ t no w i t i s easy an d I [am ] very restless . I hop e I can settl e down again . I read toda y tha t I probably wil l be home for a 21 -day furloug h an d the n t o the Pacific . So whe n I ge t hom e . . . I wan t yo u t o hav e plent y o f sod a an d hoch fleish [chopped meat] . I f I get temperamental an d shou t ever y onc e in a while, forge t it. . . . I me t th e Russian s her e an d the y ar e bi g heavy-se t soldiers . An d lot s o f their equipmen t come s fro m th e Unite d States . Th e German s ar e afrai d o f them an d deserv e to be so—I sa w one of their concentratio n camps . I have see n a lot an d [done ] a lot i n the las t 9 months. An d I hope it will b e over i n th e Pacifi c befor e I ge t there , bu t i f no t I wil l d o m y bes t t o en d i t a s soon as possible.

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I hope someday this will be [just] a memory an d I can laugh about it. Bu t now it's too fresh. Go d wa s with m e and I thank him for everything. S o you see why I feel a little sad but happy today. Forgive me if this letter sounds a little foolish. 60 Doc's identit y a s a Jew wa s intensifie d b y hi s participatio n i n th e war an d b y th e Holocaust , som e o f whos e consequence s h e witnesse d directly. Whe n h e wa s hom e fo r goo d h e rededicate d himsel f t o BB C work. " I worke d eve n harder . I survived th e war . I owed." I n hi s late r professional socia l work , afte r earnin g a n M.S.W . a t the Universit y o f Pennsylvania Schoo l o f Socia l Work , Barof f ha d a n opportunit y t o speak with Vietna m veterans , who like himself had "gone through hell " but survived . Do c tol d th e vets , invokin g th e Jewis h concep t o f tikn olam (th e repair o r improvemen t o f the world) , "Yo u hav e a mission t o do good o n earth." 61 Other boy s amon g th e BB C founder s an d framer s als o fel t a sens e of mission. Lik e his clos e friend , Baroff , Norma n Goroff , wa s th e so n of Jewis h immigrants . H e to o claimed , "W e fel t w e coul d mak e a difference. W e weren' t alienated. " Goroff' s mothe r wa s th e janito r i n their Brownsvill e tenemen t i n exchang e fo r rent . Hi s fathe r los t hi s grocery stor e an d worke d durin g th e depressio n o n variou s WP A projects unti l h e die d i n 1940 . "W e wer e ver y poor, " Gorof f mad e clear. " I was the sole supporter, doin g 'war work' afte r school . I almost dropped ou t of high school when I was sixteen, bu t th e dean convince d me no t to." 62 Th e dea n mus t hav e bee n possesse d o f patienc e an d foresight, becaus e Norman's senio r class yearbook a t Thomas Jefferso n High Schoo l implie d tha t h e wa s somethin g o f a troublemaker . "H e knows a millio n way s t o giv e a teache r gre y hair, " Goroff' s fello w students wrot e abou t hi m i n 1943. 63 But Norma n Gorof f wen t o n t o b e a teache r an d socia l worke r himself. No w professo r o f sociolog y i n th e Schoo l o f Socia l Wor k a t the Universit y o f Connecticu t i n Hartford , Gorof f say s h e wa s ver y much influence d b y yiddishkayt (Jewish way s an d values ) an d th e poli tics of his activ e socia l democrat father , a devout reade r o f the socialis t Jewish Daily Forward. Norman attende d th e socialis t Workmen' s Circl e school fo r severa l year s an d says , " A socialis t orientatio n permeate d the entir e community. " Indeed , a s lat e a s 192 4 Brownsvill e gav e a majority o f it s vote s t o th e Socialis t presidentia l candidate , an d Brownsville Jews, lik e other Ne w Yor k Cit y Jews, showe d mor e tha n

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twice th e readines s o f th e cit y a s a whol e t o suppor t Socialis t candi dates fo r al l office s righ t throug h 1940. 64 The y als o electe d Pete r V . Cacchione, th e first Communis t ever , t o th e cit y counci l i n 194 1 an d sent hi m bac k agai n i n 194 3 and 1945. 65 Goroff remember s that , a t th e heigh t o f th e depression , an d befor e the BBC , h e and others , wh o eventually helpe d creat e the club, woul d come t o th e ai d o f peopl e evicte d fro m thei r apartments . "Som e o f u s would kic k as h can s an d creat e a general ruckus ; this woul d diver t th e marshall an d other s o f u s woul d hel p th e familie s pu t th e furnitur e back up . I t wa s a wa r o f attrition." 66 Alfre d Kazi n als o remembere d "those terribl e first winter s o f th e depression , whe n w e stoo d aroun d each newl y evicte d famil y t o giv e the m comfor t an d th e Youn g Com munists rage d u p an d dow n th e stree t callin g fo r volunteer s t o put th e furniture bac k an d cryin g alou d wit h thei r fists lifte d t o th e sky." 67 Raised o n Jewis h ethica l injunctions , Gorof f reflecte d th e concep t o f tikn olam, whe n h e said : "W e wante d t o mak e a bette r world . M y original commitmen t t o socia l justice, " h e continued , "wa s intensifie d by m y struggle s ove r th e dispossessed. " Surel y Norma n Goroff s sympathies wer e reinforced , too , whe n he , i n 1940 , wa s himsel f dis possessed. H e los t hi s father ; an d a t th e sam e tim e h e wa s bein g thrown ou t o f P.S . 18 4 b y th e Ne w Yor k Cit y Boar d o f Educatio n because he was "to o old. " Looking back at Brownsville, Gorof f reflecte d tha t this was a section capable o f producin g "authenti c community, " communit y tha t coul d soften th e shock s o f dispossession . Th e BBC , h e wrot e recently , wa s such a community, wher e boy s an d youn g me n ha d "th e nee d an d th e capacity t o love . . . t o be creative . . . t o grow an d develop. " Norma n ("Webster") Gorof f (Webster becaus e h e use d bi g words ) believe s th e BBC presente d "opportunitie s t o develo p th e fulles t huma n potential ; to b e creativ e i n a n interdependen t world , t o be responsible t o others , to share , care , understand , t o find meanin g i n one' s existenc e b y making a commitment t o help create a humane world." 68 Lik e nearly a dozen other boy s Gorof f say s he became a social worker becaus e of his long and activ e experience with th e club. It i s wort h notin g her e tha t b y th e 1940 s socia l wor k ha d alread y undergone mor e tha n a decad e o f significan t transformation . A t th e beginning o f th e depressio n ther e wer e ver y fe w socia l worker s i n th e

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United States , an d th e majorit y o f the m wer e youn g upper-clas s an d upper-middle-class me n an d women , wh o worked fo r institution s sup ported b y privat e philanthropy . I n th e earl y 1930 s a n importan t ran k and file movement develope d amon g social workers, which emphasize d the link s betwee n socia l wor k o n th e on e han d an d socia l actio n an d social chang e o n th e other . I n th e late r 1930 s th e movemen t adde d a strong interest i n organizing socia l workers alon g trade-union lines . All of this was occurring at the same time that college-trained Jews lookin g for ne w career s base d o n educationa l credentials , wer e movin g int o social wor k i n increasin g numbers . Th e lon g hour s an d relativel y lo w wages o f socia l wor k mak e i t clea r tha t Jew s di d no t choos e thi s profession simpl y t o "mak e a living. " Culturall y predispose d b y th e "socialist orientation" of their parents ' generation an d b y th e yiddishkayt that surrounde d them , disproportionat e number s o f second-generatio n Jews wer e attracte d t o th e new social wor k fo r it s recentl y establishe d focus o n socia l actio n an d socia l change. 69 With a n M.S.W . earne d i n 195 2 fro m Cas e Wester n University , Norman Gorof f bega n hi s caree r wit h th e Educationa l Alliance , t o whose cam p h e ha d helpe d sen d younge r boy s earlier . H e ha s bee n i n social wor k an d socia l wor k teachin g eve r since . Recentl y Gorof f wa s thanked officiall y b y th e Stat e o f Main e fo r helpin g t o establis h th e only publicl y sponsore d graduat e schoo l fo r socia l wor k educatio n i n the Ne w Englan d region . Th e Stat e Legislatur e cite d hi s "outstandin g work an d year s o f dedicate d servic e i n providin g . . . muc h neede d graduate socia l wor k trainin g an d significantl y improve d deliver y o f social an d healt h service s t o th e region." 70 Connectin g hi s BB C pas t with hi s socia l wor k present , Gorof f wrot e i n a recen t lette r t o Jo e Feldman: "Sometime s w e attempt t o repeat history , particularl y i f it is good history." 71 Joe ("Yussie" ) Feldma n als o though t th e BB C wa s "goo d history, " as wa s growin g u p i n Brownsville , despit e th e hardships . Hi s immi grant fathe r die d whe n Yussi e was four year s old , an d th e famil y live d "on welfare " an d a smal l incom e fro m boarders . Bu t "w e love d i t a s kids—we enjoye d ourselves, " h e said , "eve n thoug h w e ha d n o mate rial things. " Feldman' s famil y wa s "traditional, " bu t no t intensel y religious. "Ou r parent s an d peopl e w e gre w u p with, " Joe explaine d "all hel d view s sympatheti c t o socialism." H e wen t t o Hebre w school ,

Joseph Feldman (uppe r right ) working as day camp counselor at an outing with boys at Alley Pond Park Queens. (Courtesy of Joseph Feldman.) though, a s h e said , h e w o u l d rathe r hav e playe d bal l "al l d a y . " H e di d put enoug h tim e i n t o becom e ba r mitzvah , an d Jo e generall y fel t "surrounded b y yiddishkayt," whereve r h e w e n t an d whateve r h e di d i n Brownsville. Yussie, fatherless , an d anothe r o f thos e prohibite d fro m usin g th e public schoo l afternoo n recreatio n center , wa s draw n t o th e slightl y older Baroff . A l t h o u g h Feldma n reflected , " I neve r considere d mysel f a leader, " h e wa s earl y a n activ e participan t i n th e foundin g o f th e B B C . Jo e helpe d writ e th e origina l constitutio n an d wa s th e firs t district attorne y o f th e club . H e als o nurture d th e younge r b o y s , taking the m o n trip s an d late r actin g a s a counselo r fo r th e B B C at it s day cam p i n A l l e y Pon d Park . Jo e Feldma n wa s on e o f the lecturer s i n Professor Frederic k Thrasher' s sociolog y classes an d th e confidenc e h e gained ther e convince d hi m h e shoul d g o o n t o college . Afte r a three year stin t i n th e arme d services , Jo e finishe d a degre e a t Brookly n College, an d earne d a master' s degre e a t N Y U i n 1952 , while workin g for th e B B C . Joe continue d t o commi t himsel f t o youngster s i n a lon g career a s a publi c schoo l teache r o f socia l studies. 72

Jack ( " Y D " ) D e u t c h , whos e intelligenc e gav e th e earl y organizer s "credibility," accordin g t o Feldman , als o becam e a teacher— a profes sor o f economic s a t T o w n s e n d Stat e Colleg e i n Baltimore . H e starte d out, lik e virtuall y al l th e b o y s , a s th e so n o f poo r Jewis h immigrants , and live d i n th e sam e buildin g o n Powel l Stree t a s severa l futur e B B C e r s includin g Jo e Feldma n an d G e o r g e Schmaren . H i s father ,

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originally fro m Poland , wa s a scra p deale r i n America . I n th e ol d country, Jack said , My fathe r ha d bee n a yeshiv a bucher, bu t her e h e rebelled . M y mother , however, continue d t o b e observant . An d despit e m y father' s rebellion , h e gave me a Jewish upbringing . H e taugh t m e Hebrew an d Jewish histor y an d civilization. Wha t he imparted t o me were values. And h e trained m e for ba r mitzvah—though i n the end he did not come to the synagogue to see it. Jack Deutch' s fathe r wa s als o a member o f th e Internationa l Work ers Orde r (IWO) , th e Communist' s versio n o f th e Workmen' s Circl e (WC). Hi s affiliation , however , Jac k explaine d a was mor e fraterna l than political. " Fraterna l o r political , hi s father' s friend s wer e mainl y "left-wingers," lik e th e parent s o f Dav e Kitze s anothe r BBCer . Jac k early on , then , wa s embrace d i n progressiv e politica l value s a s wel l a s Jewish ethic s an d tradition . In 1938 , at th e ag e of thirteen , Y D rea d abou t housin g code s i n hi s ninth grad e civic s class . H e promptl y wrot e a n essa y abou t th e violations i n hi s building an d wo n a Community Civic s Prize . O n th e basi s of thi s essa y a buildin g inspecto r visite d an d force d th e landlor d t o rectify th e violation s Jac k ha d identified , an d " a numbe r o f others. " Landlords remaine d a targe t fo r Deutch . I n 1941 , hi s famil y stil l residing i n th e sam e building , pai d thei r $3 1 rent , b y th e ne w land lord's apparentl y idiosyncrati c demand , i n cas h a t 9:0 0 A.M . th e first Sunday o f every month . Jack's parents ha d offered t o mail the landlor d a mone y order , savin g hi m th e thre e flights o f stairs , an d the m th e Sunday mornin g disturbance . Th e landlor d refused . Jack , ove r a pe riod o f months , an d unbeknowns t t o hi s parents , save d hi s meagr e allowance an d whateve r h e earne d i n od d job s afte r school . An d on e Sunday mornin g h e greete d th e landlor d b y dumpin g $3 1 dollar s i n small change out o f a bag onto the kitche n table. 73 The Ne w Yor k Cit y Boar d o f Educatio n ma y hav e playe d th e rol e of landlord , fo r Jack, whe n i t "evicted " hi m an d hi s friend s fro m P.S . 184. I n an y case , sociall y consciou s Y D wa s attracte d t o th e earl y circle of BB C founder s b y u the promis e o f politics, " as h e pu t it , "an d the powe r an d respec t inheren t i n organization. " H e finished hig h school i n 1942 . Recognizin g Jack's talent , hi s classmate s quippe d "Ri ley's economi c theorie s will becom e absurd , afte r thi s youn g ma n i s heard." 74 H e wen t o n t o b e hear d a s a n excellent , outspoke n studen t

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through Cit y Colleg e (interrupte d b y servic e i n Worl d Wa r II ) an d through John s Hopkin s Universit y wher e h e earne d thre e master' s degrees. H e continue d t o b e activ e i n th e Boy s Clu b afte r th e war , eventually becoming , alon g with Feldman , Goroff , Baroff , an d others , a hardworkin g representativ e o f th e alumn i o n th e postwa r BB C adul t board o f directors. George Schmare n an d Isidor e Lesovoy , a retire d Ne w Yor k Cit y fireman, als o serve d o n th e boar d o f director s afte r returnin g fro m service in World Wa r II . A s Izz y pu t it , When we returned w e found tha t th e club was being run b y fellow s w e had recruited—guys fou r o r five years younge r tha n us , lik e Irvin g Levin e an d Marty Kronenberg . W e were amaze d tha t th e thin g hadn' t falle n apart , an d we thought : "W e mus t hav e don e a goo d jo b wit h thes e boys. " Thi s wa s incentive for us to continue. Izzy Lesovoy , captai n o f th e Bruins , competin g i n P.S . 18 4 a t th e time o f th e close-out , wa s th e energeti c treasure r o f the clu b fo r man y years. H e was also the Brownsville boy who fished th e original petitio n to th e Boar d o f Educatio n ou t o f th e wastebaske t wher e i t ha d bee n tossed. Izz y wa s anothe r o f th e originator s o f th e clu b wh o los t hi s immigrant fathe r early , an d lik e Goroff, i n that critical yea r 1940 . Th e elder Lesovoy , a glazier i n the old countr y an d th e new , ha d bee n sic k for five year s befor e h e die d an d th e famil y wa s o n welfare . Izzy' s mother wh o ha d com e to the Unite d State s i n 1923 , went t o work i n a garment factor y afte r he r husban d died . An d Izz y worke d Sunda y mornings i n a dry-goods stor e on Belmon t Avenue . Althoug h "w e ha d very little, " Izz y sai d wit h n o bitterness , "w e ha d a normal life. " Hi s mother wa s a n "observan t woman " an d Izz y carrie d som e of thi s ove r into th e BB C wher e h e sai d "w e didn' t pla y o r schedul e event s o n Jewish holidays." 75 The boy s di d no t se e thei r clu b a s a Jewish organization , bu t the y certainly sa w themselve s a s Jews. I t i s clear i n thei r memories , an d i t is clear i n what the y sai d an d wrot e i n the 1940s . Their ethni c identit y was mad e eve n stronge r b y Hitler' s "wa r agains t th e Jews. " A 194 8 survey o f BB C member s conclude d tha t althoug h Jewish boy s contin ued, disproportionately , t o be concerned abou t universa l socia l justice , they als o held pronounce d "nationalist " views. 76 War veterans reflecte d this intensifie d commitmen t t o ethni c identit y eve n mor e powerfull y

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than th e younge r boys . Izz y Lesovo y wa s n o exception . Afte r hi s service i n th e nav y fro m 194 3 t o 1945 , h e considere d himsel f "some thing o f a zionist. " Onc e demobilized , Lesovoy , lik e man y othe r vet erans rededicated himsel f t o BBC work . George ("Shtime" ) Schmaren , too , wa s a n extremel y har d worke r for th e BBC , handlin g th e day-to-da y activitie s an d problems . H e wa s also responsibl e fo r specia l programs . George , a quie t bo y dubbe d Shtime (voice ) somewha t facetiousl y b y hi s buddies , describe d hi s contribution a s "insid e work " compare d t o Baroff' s equall y effectiv e but mor e dramati c "outsid e work " of public relations . Schmaren , no w a restaurateu r i n Nort h Carolina , wa s th e so n o f a "mostl y unem ployed" tailo r wh o cam e t o th e Unite d State s i n 1907 . Hi s mothe r arrived seve n year s late r fro m Russi a an d i s remembered—sh e to o died i n 1940—a s observant . George' s olde r twi n brother s "Berl " an d "Yankl" describe d thei r fathe r a s a "shu l mensch, " wh o spok e onl y Yiddish an d wh o mad e certai n the y ha d a Jewish educatio n an d be came ba r mitvah . B y th e tim e i t wa s Shtime' s turn , hi s mothe r wa s ailing and hi s father wa s suffering a failure o f will, so George "escaped " bar mitzvah . Afte r thei r mothe r die d th e Schmare n boys , alon g wit h their father , move d i n with a n aun t an d uncle . Georg e no w ha d onl y a peripheral relationshi p wit h hi s father , who m h e sa w Sunday s fo r dinner, bu t a strong and abidin g relationship wit h hi s older brothers . Though Georg e an d som e of the other boy s sough t hel p fro m olde r members o f th e communit y i n gettin g bac k int o P.S . 184 , h e "di d no t trust mos t adults. " To o "man y o f them, " h e said , particularl y thos e from outsid e th e community , "di d no t trus t us o r an y boy s fro m Brownsville." Thei r attitud e Georg e said , was : " 'Everyon e i n tha t neighborhood i s a juvenile delinquent.' " 77 One i s reminded o f Samue l Abelman, th e docto r i n Geral d Green' s The Last Angry Man, wh o explodes a t a policema n h e think s i s to o sof t o n delinquents : "Th e trouble i s . . . that everybody i s a criminal. A m I right o r wrong ? Bein g a hoodlum i s now th e rule, not th e exception." 78 The BB C prove d Dr . Abelma n wron g an d change d th e mind s o f many non-fictiona l character s a s well . "W e create d rea l community . And Do c got kids out o f jail and ou t o f trouble. Imagine. " said Georg e Schamren wit h obviou s delight , "kid s bein g parole d t o kids. " Schmare n also changed hi s min d abou t adults , a t leas t abou t some—suc h a s th e

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settlement-house worker s wh o "considere d th e jo b th e BB C boy s di d the mos t effectiv e i n th e city" ; an d Joe McGover n o f PAL , wh o "pai d attention t o us becaus e h e knew w e had nobody" ; an d NY U professo r Frederick Thrasher , wh o "befriende d u s and supporte d us. " Althoug h they accepte d th e hel p o f thes e adult s an d others , "th e boys, " Schmare n insisted, "di d no t accep t their control . W e continued t o run th e show. " We wer e no t "politicians , no r professiona l socia l workers, " Georg e Schmaren pointe d out : "W e wer e jus t stree t people—w e kne w every thing abou t al l th e familie s an d th e neighborhood . W e care d an d w e helped. W e ha d a desir e an d a need t o d o this . I don' t kno w why . I didn't kno w the n an d I don't kno w now." 79 Whether, lik e Schmaren , the y wer e no t particularl y consciou s o f the reason s fo r thei r actions , o r whethe r lik e Barof f an d Goroff , the y were acutely self-aware , thes e boys appea r t o have been actin g out o f a host of complex motive s developed i n the "nurturing neighborhood " of Brownsville. The y wer e surrounde d b y kin , an d supporte d b y ethni c solidarity an d communa l norms . Mos t wer e saturate d i n Jewish ethic s and traditio n includin g tsedaka and tikn olam and thei r politica l environ ment wa s "permeate d wit h a socialis t orientation. " Al l o f thi s wa s experienced b y th e boy s a t a n ag e when , accordin g t o th e foremos t student o f adolescenc e an d politics , "seriou s politic s begins, " whe n intelligence, strugglin g wit h th e "idea l an d th e practical " i s "brough t to bear o n the problem o f the socia l order." 80 No doub t Do c Baroff's energ y an d persuasivenes s brough t a unique dimension t o th e equation , an d n o doub t severa l o f th e founder s wer e attracted t o hi m becaus e o f their conditio n o f fatherlessness . Bu t al l of them, whethe r throug h yiddishkayt or progressive communal conscious ness, o r som e combinatio n o f both , ha d earlie r internalize d th e norm s of socia l interdependence . A s Yussi e Feldma n said , "th e nee d fo r helping other s wa s par t o f us;" and whe n th e "recreatio n crisis " struc k and Barof f "appeared, " th e boy s were ready , no t onl y t o "defend thei r turf," an d no t onl y t o hel p themselves ; the y wer e read y also , b y din t of their personal and sociocultura l histories , to grow into a community, or a s on e o f the m pu t it , int o a "rea l neighborhood , no t jus t stree t corners."

CHAPTER 3

(Corner %ids and (Cultural (cornerstones : 'The Brownsville Boys in (Context The amazing thing . . . was not that Brownsville produced some criminals, freaks an d barbarians, bu t that so many did manage . .. t o obey the laws, attend school, and go on to become proper or even distinguished citizens. 1 —WILLIAM POSTER , " 'TWA S A DARK NIGHT I N BROWNSVILLE "

The boy s wh o mad e th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b wer e raise d i n a Jewish immigran t culture , withi n whic h famil y an d communit y wer e central. Th e parent s o f th e boys , i n th e vas t majorit y o f cases , emi grated fro m th e ol d countr y with family , o r cam e to family alread y i n New Yor k City , o r the y di d both . Althoug h ther e wa s uprootin g an d dislocation, familie s wer e fairl y quickl y reconstructe d i n America . Dozens o f th e me n repeate d storie s the y ha d hear d a s boy s abou t relatives brough t her e b y othe r relatives . I t wa s hardl y eve r easy . George Berch , vic e presiden t o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b i n 1946 , and no w a superviso r fo r th e Ne w Yor k Cit y Boar d o f Educatio n Work-Study Program , recalle d tha t hi s father , havin g los t hi s parent s in th e ol d countr y a s a youth , ha d t o b e brough t her e b y a n uncle . Seymour Smolin' s uncl e helpe d brin g t o th e Unite d States , on e a t a time, si x of his brothers includin g Seymour' s father—who wa s alread y married an d wh o lef t temporaril y a pregnant wife . A sevent h brothe r 61

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died i n Russia , jus t before i t was his turn t o leave, an d th e "extra " visa and shifscarte [pai d passage ] wa s give n t o Seymour' s mother . Thi s wa s why Smolin' s olde r brothe r wa s bor n i n a freight trai n "somewher e i n Romania." Leonar d Gerber , th e onl y first-generatio n Brownsvill e bo y in thi s study , arrive d her e fro m Polan d i n 193 6 a t th e ag e o f eleven . His fathe r ha d bee n her e sinc e 192 9 and despit e th e depression , man aged t o brin g over , on e a t a time , hi s wif e an d thre e o f hi s children , including Leonard . On e daughter, th e last child schedule d t o emigrate, was caught i n the Naz i onslaugh t i n 193 9 and killed. 2 Overcoming innumerabl e hardships , Jewis h familie s resettle d an d reconstituted themselves , and in Brownsville they remained "extended " families, a t leas t fo r a time . Mos t o f th e boy s remembe r bein g sur rounded b y relative s i n th e neighborhood , a significan t minorit y b y relatives i n thei r buildings , o r eve n i n thei r apartments . Si d Siegel , Morris Levine , Willia m Brief , Isidor e ("Red" ) Karbel , an d severa l others ha d grandparent s wh o live d wit h them . Siegel' s grandmothe r taught hi m abou t tsedake (charity an d socia l justice), an d Levine' s "wis e and sensitive " grandfather serve d a s a "spiritual model " fo r th e youn g Morris. Brief' s grandfather , wit h who m Willia m ha d a "close relation ship," conducte d shabos service s i n thei r basement ; an d Re d Karbe l insists tha t hi s "close-kni t family, " wit h Orthodo x grandparent s livin g in th e sam e building , account s a t leas t i n par t fo r "th e abilit y t o transcend th e socia l pathologies tha t surrounde d us." 3 Jewish identit y an d value s wer e transmitte d withi n th e contex t o f the family . W e sa w i n chapte r 1 that almos t al l o f th e boy s receive d some typ e o f forma l Jewis h education . Mos t wer e als o trained fo r ba r mitzvah, an d thoug h a good dea l of the text they studie d wa s probabl y incomprehensible t o many o f them, th e months o f intense preparation , and th e "performance " i n fron t o f relatives , friend s an d neighbor s gathered i n a synagogu e wa s a rit e o f passage ; i t wa s ascensio n int o Jewish adulthoo d an d a demonstratio n o f attachmen t t o family , folk , or neighborhoo d tradition—a s wel l a s t o th e large r Judai c tradition . The boy s woul d respon d wit h sympath y t o Alfred Kazin' s descriptio n of his confirmation . Whether I agreed wit h it s beliefs o r not , I belonged; whethe r I assented t o its rights over me or not, I belonged; whateve r I thought of them, n o matter how far I might drift fro m tha t place , I belonged. Thi s was understood i n the very

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nature of things; I was a Jew. I t did no t matter ho w littl e I knew or understoo d of th e faith , o r tha t I wa s alway s readin g alie n books ; I belonged , I ha d bee n expected, I was now to take my plac e in the great tradition. 4 Although th e parent s o f th e boy s coul d b e describe d a s Orthodo x i n only 2 0 percen t o f th e cases , 5 4 percen t o f th e boy s ha d mother s an d fathers wh o live d intensel y Jewis h lives . Thi s include d a t leas t som e shul attendanc e durin g th e year , kashrut, Frida y nigh t rituals , an d modified shabos observance. An d 4 4 percen t ha d a t leas t on e paren t who wa s moderatel y observant , tha t is , a t leas t H i g h Hol y Day s shul attendance, kashrut, an d Passove r seders . Onl y 2 percen t o f th e boy s had parent s whos e attachmen t t o Judais m appeare d t o the m t o b e minimal. Nearl y all , then , wer e raise d b y adult s explicitl y committe d to a n identifiabl e for m o f Jewish religiou s culture . Literary criti c N o r m a n Podhoretz , wh o gre w u p i n th e northwes t corner o f Brownsvill e befor e "makin g it, " give s u s a descriptio n o f hi s moderately observan t fathe r tha t woul d soun d familia r t o mos t o f th e Brownsville boys : He wa s sympatheti c t o Socialism , bu t no t a socialist: he was a Zionist, bu t no t a passionat e one ; Yiddis h remaine d hi s first language , bu t h e wa s no t a Yiddishist. H e was , i n short , a Jewish survivalist , unclassifiabl e an d eclectic , tolerant o f any modalit y o f Jewish existenc e s o long as it remaine d identifiabl y and self-consciousl y Jewish , an d outrage d b y an y species o f Jewish assimila tionism, whethe r over t or concealed. 5 Although father s wer e mos t ofte n to o "bus y tryin g t o mak e a living " to develo p wha t woul d b e describe d toda y a s a "relationship " wit h their sons , the y wer e nonetheles s a visibl e an d fel t presenc e i n thes e households. Fiftee n percen t o f th e boys , befor e the y wer e sixtee n year s old, experience d th e deat h o f a father , bu t i n onl y 3 percen t o f th e families wa s ther e divorc e o r separation . An d th e fathers , i n th e vas t majority o f th e cases , staye d aroun d eve n durin g th e depression , de spite unemployment . Novelis t Arthu r Granit' s observation s abou t Jewis h Brownsville hel p reinforc e thi s point : Situated s o that on e coul d se e the spire s o f Manhatta n o n a clear day , an d close enoug h s o tha t on e coul d ge t ther e b y subway , th e distric t serve d a s a supply cente r fo r th e garmen t industr y o f Ne w York . Wit h th e depression , Brownsville wa s assaile d o n al l sides . Th e me n bega n t o los e thei r job s an d appear wheelin g bab y carriages . Soo n the y bega n t o sho p fo r thei r wive s an d

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argue with th e peddlers . An d a s times gre w worse , th e long , fascinatin g nose s of our Jews go t close r t o the groun d an d bega n t o sniff throug h th e ver y wall s to see what wa s transpiring o n the other side. 6 [W]hen the y wen t t o th e corne r grocer y t o borro w o n th e bill s s o tha t the y could hav e carfar e t o g o lookin g fo r jobs , thi s wa s th e bottom . An d a s i f tha t were no t enough , thi s particula r winte r wa s extr a cold , s o that , withou t money, w e sa t aroun d withou t heat . Thi s wa s belo w th e bottom . An d whe n the pipe s bega n t o freez e an d burst , thi s wa s furthe r down . Really , ther e wa s no end t o how fa r dow n thing s went. Eve n the bottom ha d a bottom. 7 It i s instructiv e t o compar e thes e observation s wit h write r Gilber t Sorrentino's impressio n o f mainl y Italia n Sout h Brooklyn , durin g th e depression: One of the things most remarkable to me was the scarcity of fathers actuall y living wit h thei r families . Mos t o f th e childre n o n m y bloc k live d wit h moth ers, grandparents , o r uncle s an d aunts . . . . I t wa s a simpl e time , bu t i t wa s not tha t gloriou s ag e that phon y nostalgi a ha s mad e i t ou t t o be ; there wa s n o enormous warmt h abou t i t all. 8 Blacks als o experience d a relativ e "scarcit y o f fathers. " I n 1925 , 8 4 percent o f blac k childre n live d wit h thei r mother s an d fathers . Durin g the 1930s , however , black s suffere d unemployment , subemployment , and wag e declin e a t twic e th e rate s o f whites . T h e y wer e als o dispro portionately th e victim s o f a welfar e polic y whic h fracture d house holds. N o t surprisingly , therefore , th e rat e o f blac k famil y breaku p a s measured b y mal e absenc e als o increased. 9 T h e r e wer e har d time s fo r all; bu t father s fo r onl y some . T h e fathers—an d mothers—o f th e Jewis h boy s ha d bee n raise d i n Eastern Europ e o n th e concep t o f takhles —an orientatio n t o ultimat e outcomes, rathe r tha n immediat e benefits . T h e r e coul d b e "neithe r meaning no r satisfactio n i n simpl y livin g one' s life" ; on e ha d t o achieve. 10 Traditionally, thi s mean t succes s i n masterin g a body o f Jewish knowl edge an d livin g one' s lif e accordin g t o tha t knowledge . T h i s woul d bring on e no t onl y coherenc e an d satisfactio n bu t yikhes (status , base d on famil y lineag e o r achieve d b y learning) . Bu t whe n th e shtetl worl d dominated b y religio n bega n t o erode , th e searc h fo r takhles was trans ferred, a t leas t i n part , t o th e secula r world . An d man y o f th e parent s brought wit h the m t o thi s countr y hig h aspirations—i f no t fo r them selves, the n fo r thei r children . " O u r parents ' jo b wa s t o fee d u s , " Jaco b

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Baroff said , "an d ou r responsibilit y wa s no t t o disgrac e them , an d t o accomplish something." 1 1 For Jewis h immigrant s schoo l becam e a n importan t aren a withi n which hope s coul d b e fulfilled , an d wherei n children , wh o ha d inter nalized th e driv e t o achieve , coul d prov e themselves . O n e Eas t Sid e mother wrot e t o th e Bintel Brief sectio n o f th e Yiddish-languag e Daily Forward: I am a widow . . . [with] five children . . . I have a store and barel y ge t along . . . . I . . . emplo y a salesman . I f I wer e t o withdra w m y [15-year-old ] so n from hig h school , I coul d dispens e wit h th e salesman , bu t m y motherl y lov e and dut y . . . d o not permi t me . . . . S o what shal l I do when th e struggl e fo r existence i s so acute? . . . I cannot definitel y decid e to take him ou t o f school , for h e ha s inclination s t o stud y an d goe s t o schoo l dancing . I la y grea t hope s in my child. 12 These hope s wer e n o les s intens e i n Brownsville . Samue l T e n e n baum, a writer an d forme r Brownsvill e student , remembere d that : School t o Brownsvill e represente d a gloriou s futur e tha t woul d rescu e i t from want , deprivatio n an d ugliness . I t di d no t matte r ho w poo r . . . these exEast sider s themselve s ma y hav e been—whe n i t cam e t o educatio n nothin g was to o good , n o sacrific e wa s to o grea t fo r the m t o make . . . . W e wer e al l measured i n educationa l potential . Nex t t o a n allegatio n o f illegitimacy , noth ing more damaging could b e said than : "H e ha s a stuffed head. " n H e r b Grosswirth , occasionall y i n troubl e a s a youngster , no w a n educator himself , wa s tol d b y hi s parents : "Sta y i n school . I t i s th e only wa y yo u wil l eve r leav e Brownsville. " Georg e Berc h sai d th e "great disgrac e wa s t o b e lef t back," 1 4 an d Alfre d Kazi n pu t i t mos t directly: "Anythin g les s tha n absolut e perfectio n i n schoo l alway s suggested t o m y min d tha t I migh t fal l ou t o f th e dail y race , b e kep t back i n th e workin g clas s forever , o r — d a r e d I thin k o f it?—fal l int o the crimina l clas s itself." 15 Ninety-two percen t o f boy s wh o wer e member s o f th e BB C i n th e 1940s complete d hig h school . An d mos t o f the m di d i t i n fou r years . T h i s compare s wit h th e fac t tha t i n 194 0 less tha n hal f o f al l thos e w h o entered hig h schoo l i n N e w Yor k Cit y staye d t o ear n a diploma. Forty two percen t fro m white-colla r home s "complete d . . . hig h schoo l . . . an d onl y 2 0 percen t o f th e son s an d daughter s o f manua l worker s had don e so . Onl y abou t on e i n te n Negr o youth s ha d finished hig h

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school." Drop-ou t rate s fo r Ne w Yor k City , includin g Brooklyn , in creased dramaticall y throug h 194 4 becaus e o f "th e impac t o f th e wa r effort wit h it s greatl y increase d industria l opportunitie s an d concomi tant shortag e o f man-power." 16 Th e Jewis h Brownsvill e boys , how ever, staye d i n school . In schoo l the y no t onl y receive d diplomas , bu t th e boy s wer e als o often reinforce d i n thei r ethni c identities . B y 1934 , 7 ° percen t o f th e student bod y o f al l loca l hig h school s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y wa s Jewish. A somewha t highe r percentag e obtaine d a t relativel y ne w Thoma s Jefferson Hig h Schoo l i n Eas t Ne w Yor k where mos t of the boys wer e educated, an d whic h wa s on e o f tw o hig h school s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y authorized t o teac h Hebre w classes . I n addition , th e percentag e o f Jewish teacher s wa s high and increasing. 17 Comparative figures fo r colleg e attendanc e ar e eve n mor e startlin g than th e hig h schoo l figures. Willia m Poster' s impressio n o f educa tional mobilit y i n th e 1920 s was that : "Ou t o f the hundre d o r s o boy s I kne w bes t i n Brownsville , I don't thin k mor e than te n got t o college, despite fairl y goo d opportunities . An d man y son s o f fairl y affluen t parents neve r go t past grade school, the lure of punchball, movies , an d Svorkin' provin g stronge r tha n parenta l authorit y o r desire." 18 Th e Brownsville boy s o f th e 1930 s an d forties , however , ofte n wen t t o college. Fifty-six percen t of the BBCers entered college, and 48 percent finished—though rarel y i n fou r years . Thi s i s a rat e highe r tha n th e general Brownsvill e rat e an d fou r time s highe r tha n fo r al l Ne w Yor k City youth s o f student age. 19 Not onl y parent s wer e responsibl e fo r thi s achievement . Severa l who wer e no t o n "colleg e track " wer e encourage d t o continu e thei r education b y olde r Brownsvill e boys , includin g Do c Barof f an d Nor man Goroff . Th e G.I . Bil l wa s als o critical . "Give n ou r economi c circumstances," Barof f said , "w e migh t no t hav e dreame d o f going o n in schoo l otherwise. " Eve n fo r thos e wh o di d continue , militar y ser vice, or the need t o earn money, ofte n interrupte d education . Th e lon g ride t o a colleg e degre e wa s hardl y eve r smooth . Th e cas e o f Morri s Levine, no w a Ne w Yor k Cit y schoolteache r i s not atypical . Morris' s father wa s injure d an d coul d no t wor k fro m th e time Morris wa s nine . After workin g part-tim e job s unti l h e wa s sixteen , Morri s qui t schoo l in 194 4 t o tak e th e full-tim e jo b hi s uncl e secure d fo r hi m i n a book -

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binding establishment. Hi s mothe r ha d als o gone to work sewin g coats for th e Army . Earnin g twenty-si x dollar s a week, an d a n activ e unio n member, Morri s Levin e wen t t o Thoma s Jefferson i n th e evenin g an d gained a high schoo l diploma . I n 1948 , he starte d Brookly n Colleg e a s a part-time studen t whil e workin g fo r th e Pos t Office , spen t tw o year s in th e arm y afte r bein g drafted , an d complete d hi s colleg e education , while working, afte r hi s discharge. 20 Levin e and dozen s o f others wer e indefatigable i n th e pursui t o f education , an d wer e par t o f a patter n respected i n the neighborhood, o f combining wor k an d school . This emphasi s o n educatio n i n Jewish cultur e wa s special , bu t no t entirely exceptional . Fortifie d wit h relativ e stabilit y an d "better " job s providing greate r economi c security , Jews , a s wel l a s Scandinavia n farm-holders, an d Gree k an d Japanese entrepreneurs , coul d affor d t o keep their childre n i n school and ou t o f the work forc e longer. 21 Bu t as several work s o n Jewish mobilit y demonstrate , thi s i s "something the y wanted t o d o anyway. " Th e hig h hope s o f th e Jew s wer e partl y fashioned b y class , "b y a nonpeasant experienc e i n Europe " a s well a s "by a cultural ideal that respecte d academi c learning." 22 These attitude s shoul d b e compare d wit h th e attitude s o f thos e groups fo r who m educatio n wa s generall y a matte r o f indifferenc e o r even hostility . Th e mos t studie d people , an d thos e wh o presen t th e sharpest contras t ar e the contadini (roughly peasant s and/o r far m labor ers) fro m th e mezzogiorno i n souther n Italy . Ther e wa s nothin g irra tional abou t th e active disparagement o f education foun d amon g them . The contadini live d i n th e ol d countr y i n a state o f significan t materia l deprivation. The y reside d i n town s wit h castelik e socia l structure s rather tha n i n homogeneou s peasan t villages , an d thei r conditio n wa s made eve n mor e painfu l b y th e clos e proximit y o f mor e fortunat e neighbors. Education i n these circumstance s wa s correctl y perceive d a s havin g no relevance to upward mobility . Moreove r parent s believe d tha t school s would depriv e them of their children's incomes , and woul d likel y teac h values a t varianc e wit h thos e o f th e home . (Thi s dimensio n o f resis tance t o acculturatio n i s no t dissimila r t o Jewis h reactio n t o stat e schools i n Galici a an d Russi a i n th e earl y nineteent h century , an d particularly t o th e "Crow n Schools " unde r Tsa r Nichola s I i n th e 1840s and 1850s ; but Jewish parent s di d no t withhol d thei r children —

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primarily boys—fro m education . The y enrolle d the m i n thei r ow n communal hederim an d i n yeshivot).23 When th e firs t compulsor y schoo l attendanc e la w wa s passe d i n Italy i n 1877 , i t me t wit h grea t resistanc e includin g riotin g an d th e burning o f schoolhouses . Thi s noncomplianc e an d discouragemen t o f children b y th e famil y was , i n th e main , a practica l respons e t o th e social and economi c realities of that time. 24 These attitude s an d behav iors, however , woul d persist , a t leas t t o som e extent , amon g Italian American immigrants , an d fo r mor e tha n on e generatio n o f thei r off spring. A leadin g educato r an d studen t o f Italian-America n teenagers , Leonard Covello , demonstrate d tha t parent s resiste d compulsor y schooling fo r thei r childre n i n th e Unite d State s a s wel l a s i n th e ol d country. On e fathe r said : "Someon e decide s no t t o allo w th e drinkin g of wine, s o he makes a law without askin g the people. Sam e with goin g to school. Ho w ca n you respec t suc h a law?"25 Indifference t o educatio n amon g first-generatio n Italian-American s was a t leas t partl y reinforce d b y thei r hig h repatriatio n rate . Betwee n 1892 and 1896 , forty-three Italian s returned t o Italy fo r ever y hundre d who emigrate d t o th e Unite d States . Fo r th e perio d 1907-1 1 th e number increase d t o seventy-thre e repatriate s fo r ever y on e hundre d Italian immigrants . I n th e sam e er a onl y 7 percen t o f Jews fro m th e Russian Empir e returne d t o thei r countrie s o f origin . Moreover , sev eral studies , particularl y thos e of Miriam Cohe n an d Richar d Varber o suggest tha t th e educational choice s made by th e transplanted contadini were rationa l i n th e ligh t o f th e occupationa l opportunitie s thei r chil dren confronted , an d tha t ther e was a gradua l shif t i n attitud e an d attendance wit h th e inceptio n an d extensio n o f vocationally-oriente d programs i n the schools. 26 The pursui t o f education, however , remaine d a relatively lo w prior ity amon g Italians . Childre n b y th e 1920 s were mor e ofte n allowe d t o finish elementar y school , bu t no t withou t considerabl e grumbling . "The school s mad e o f ou r childre n person s o f leisure—littl e gentle men," complained on e mother. "The y los t the dignity o f good childre n to thin k first o f thei r parents , t o hel p the m whethe r the y nee d i t or not." Thi s parent' s statemen t a t leas t implie s tha t th e choic e wa s a s much betwee n educatio n an d famil y a s betwee n educatio n an d work . Children wh o coul d no t obtai n job s als o staye d awa y fro m school , o r withdrew a t the earliest lega l age. 27

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Even i n th e mid-1950s , a t leas t i n Boston' s Italia n Wes t an d Nort h Ends, educatio n continue d t o be suspect, "wit h studen t disinteres t an d parent approve d truanc y a major problem. " Childre n wh o di d wel l i n school wer e calle d "sissies. " The y coul d no t exce l an d expec t eithe r encouragement fro m thei r parent s o r continue d acceptanc e b y thei r peer group. 28 Jonatha n Riede r wa s abl e t o repor t that , a s lat e a s th e 1970s, Italian s i n Canarsi e wer e saying : "Th e Jew s i n Canarsi e pus h their kid s to excel i n school. The y reall y pressur e thei r children . The y won't se e past 'M y ki d wil l be a doctor.' That' s happenin g a little mor e now wit h th e Italians , bu t w e mainl y sa y w e wan t ou r kid s t o hav e a good jo b and t o provide for th e family." 29 The repressio n o f aspiratio n amon g Italian-Americans , s o unchar acteristic o f th e Jews, ca n als o b e detecte d amon g th e Irish . Andre w Greeley i n The Most Distressful Nation contend s tha t ther e i s a n Irish American terro r o f "standing out." The slightes t risk-taking beyon d th e limit s o f approve d caree r an d persona l behavio r i s unthinkable. Art , music , literature, poetry , theatre , t o some extent even academia, politics of any variety other than the traditional, ar e all too risky to be considered. Th e tw o mos t devastatin g thing s tha t ca n b e sai d t o th e youn g . . . Irishman wh o attempts t o move beyond thes e rigid norm s ar e "Who do you think you are?" and "What will people say?"30 Novelist Mar y Gordon , supportin g Greeley' s conclusion s wrot e re cently that : The second of these two questions, "What will people say?" is used by nearly all bu t th e mos t courageou s parent s fro m ever y ethni c group . Bu t th e firs t question ["Who do you think you are?"] is a rarer one. The implied . . . right answer fo r th e America n Iris h . . . i s "I' m no t much. " . . . [I] t isn' t mer e immigrant inferiority . "I' m no t much " doesn't mean , "I' m no t muc h bu t th e WASPs are a lot." It means that the human condition isn't much, and anyone who think s i t i s i s merel y a fool . An d th e prope r respons e t o th e foo l i s ridicule.31 The fatalis m an d th e disparagemen t o f outstandin g achievemen t amon g Italian an d Iris h American s appear s t o hav e outlaste d th e historica l factors tha t gav e the m birth . Th e extraordinar y persistenc e o f thes e attitudes suggest s tha t w e ar e lookin g a t somethin g tha t transcend s economic and politica l experience an d i s at least partly ethnocultural . In an y case Jewish parent s raise d i n the ol d countrie s an d saturate d in the religiocultura l concept s o f takhles or long-term achievement , an d

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yikhes o r status , no t onl y expecte d succes s fro m thei r boy s a t school , they als o expecte d no t t o b e disgrace d b y thei r behavio r i n th e streets . "As w e lef t th e house, " Milto n Kirschne r said , "parent s constantl y reminded u s o f tw o things , 'Don' t ge t int o trouble , an d don' t tea r you r trousers.' " An d "anybod y else' s mother, " Barof f added , "coul d disci pline you . T h e y ' d eve n mak e yo u eat i f the y though t yo u wer e to o skinny." 3 2 Leo Yedin , a retire d N e w Yor k Cit y policeman , wh o fo r a tim e played th e rol e o f liaiso n betwee n th e Hasidi c Communit y o f Wil liamsburg an d polic e headquarters , recalle d ho w hi s parent s handle d him whe n h e go t int o trouble : There wer e three or fou r o f us; we were shooting seagulls with a BB gun i n Canarsie. Tw o "giant " me n wh o sai d the y wer e detective s picke d u s up , pu t us in the car an d drov e us home . The y brough t m e to my mother , wher e the y introduced themselve s a s polic e officers . Sh e didn' t eve n wai t t o hea r wha t I had done . Sh e immediatel y pulle d ou t th e woode n ladl e an d bea t th e livin g daylight ou t o f me, righ t i n front o f the cops. And the n sh e says to me, "Wait , your fathe r wil l com e an d you'r e goin g t o ge t it. " An d I did , thi s tim e wit h a strap. T h a t nigh t an d fro m tim e t o tim e thereafter , Yedin' s parent s reminde d the fourteen-year-ol d tha t jus t acros s th e stree t live d a butche r whos e son ha d bee n execute d fo r murder! 3 3 W h e n Seymou r Schlosberg , a basketbal l playe r fo r th e Brownsvill e Boys Clu b Squar e Deals , an d no w a n electrica l engineer , proudl y tol d his fathe r tha t h e di d no t hav e t o giv e hi m carfar e anymor e becaus e h e had learne d ho w t o snea k ont o th e subway , Seymou r wa s beate n soundly. I t i s n o wonde r tha t whe n thes e Brownsvill e boy s di d ge t i n trouble—and ther e wer e a smal l percentag e o f windo w breakers , schoo l cut-ups, fighters, gamblers , an d shoplifters—the y trie d desperatel y t o hide i t fro m thei r parents . Rub y N u d e l m a n , wit h thre e othe r boy s took a beating on e da y i n cone y Islan d fro m Italia n kids . An d w e got stitche d up a t Coney Islan d Hospital . W e didn't dare tell our mothers and fathers . An d we wor e "pupke " hat s t o cove r ou r wounds . W e tol d the m i t wa s "fo r th e club." To tak e out th e stitche s w e wen t t o Beth-E l Hospita l whic h wa s close r than Cone y Island . The y refuse d t o tak e the m out ; w e trie d th e loca l docto r who wante d 5 0 cent s each , a n extraordinar y su m fo r us . W e though t o f th e corner druggist , bu t h e was a "yenta," an d ou r mothers would surel y find out . So, w e walke d al l th e wa y bac k t o Cone y Islan d Hospita l fro m Brownsvill e [seven miles] to get the stitches out. 34

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Households ofte n witnesse d beatings , quarrels , screams , theatrica l sobs, an d bitte r accusations , "bu t tha t did no t mea n eve n that someon e disliked you." 35 Parent s "wer e simpl y hones t an d bea t u s i f w e wer e bad," sai d Be n Wernikoff . "The y wer e les s ambivalen t tha n som e o f us ar e no w abou t value s an d goals. " Ther e wa s anger , bu t rarel y hopelessness. "Th e dirt y stuf f wa s ther e i f yo u wanted, " Ab e Ruben feld remembered , "bu t th e majorit y o f u s turne d ou t prett y good. " Reflecting th e powe r o f bot h immigran t hom e an d America n stree t corner i n th e live s of young Brownsvill e Jewish boys , Lul u continued : "We wer e luck y w e cam e fro m qualit y people . The y ha d values . W e also influenced eac h other." 36 Seymour Schlosber g agree d tha t th e boy s ha d positiv e impac t o n one anothe r an d tha t par t o f i t wa s "luck—bein g i n th e righ t plac e a t the righ t time . Y.D . [Jaco b Deutch ] influence d me ; h e live d i n m y building." Joe Feldma n an d th e thre e Schmare n brother s als o live d i n that buildin g o n Powel l Street . Jac k Schmaren' s remark s suppor t th e memories o f dozens o f others wh o recal l th e influentia l combinatio n o f street an d hom e i n their upbringing . "W e brough t ourselves up a s far a s 'Americanizing' wa s concerned. " Jack Schmare n said , "bu t ou r families taught u s the basics—values—ho w t o be good people." 37 Family an d househol d "wer e th e predominan t for m i n whic h all immigrants . . . ordere d thei r lives . Member s o f nearl y al l group s received indoctrinatio n i n th e nee d t o remai n loyal t o th e familia l an d household unit, " an d t o it s values. 38 Despit e thi s fundamenta l similar ity amon g immigrants , however , ther e wer e importan t difference s i n economic position , religion , an d cultura l backgroun d tha t accounte d for variation s i n family strategie s an d behavior . Many scholar s hav e demonstrate d tha t "[t]h e Jewish migratio n wa s much mor e a movement o f families tha n that of other Europea n nation alities an d groups." 39 Ye t Jewis h devotio n t o famil y wen t hand-in hand wit h loyalt y t o the larger societ y an d th e Jews brough t wit h the m to th e Unite d States , a histor y o f commitmen t t o wide-rangin g com munal networks . Fo r th e contadini, la famiglia wa s th e primar y socia l unit, an d paese (country ) o r villagio carried littl e mor e tha n physica l connotation. Apparentl y i n souther n Ital y ther e i s no synony m fo r th e English wor d "community, " o r fo r th e Yiddis h kehillah —"the com munity wher e eac h i s responsibl e fo r al l an d al l ar e responsibl e fo r each." 40 Th e "consequence s o f thes e differences, " Thoma s Kessne r

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persuasively maintains , lef t Italian s relatively unorganized an d uninte grated, bu t "produce d a Jewish communit y i n Ne w York, " an d else where i n urba n America , wit h perceive d ethnic , an d t o a n importan t extent, universalis t obligations. 41 Brownsville Jewis h boy s learne d abou t thes e obligation s an d th e value o f communit y outsid e o f thei r familie s an d buildings , a s wel l a s in them . The y lived , afte r all , i n a neighborhood cultur e pervade d b y association an d institution , forma l an d informal . A s we sa w i n chapte r i, ther e wer e shuln and Jewish school s al l aroun d them . Th e shul very often playe d th e rol e of mutua l ai d society . Whil e organize d primaril y for religiou s purpose s an d alway s constitutin g itsel f a s a congregation , the shu l ofte n subordinate d thes e function s t o ethni c needs . Thes e khevrot (societies) reinforced socia l bonds an d collecte d due s i n order t o underwrite loans , hel p th e stick , offe r cas h relief , an d pa y fo r funera l and buria l expenses. 42 Th e mor e secula r Jewis h immigrant s serve d themselves i n thes e way s i n thei r landsmanshaftn an d fraterna l lodges . Forty-six percen t o f th e Brownsvill e boy s wer e awar e a t th e tim e tha t their parent s belonge d t o landsmanshaftn, an d understoo d th e mutual aid characte r o f thes e associations . Jac k Oventha l eve n remember s going t o meeting s occasionall y an d seein g there , i n additio n t o th e herring an d th e whiskey, lot s of other boys. 43 There were , a s well , othe r charitabl e an d mutual-ai d institution s visible ever y fe w blocks , includin g th e Brookly n Hebre w Hom e an d Hospital fo r th e Age d o n Howar d Avenue , th e Hebre w Ladies ' Da y Nursery, th e Ladies ' Free Loa n Society , an d th e Hebre w Educationa l Society, al l o n Hopkinso n Avenue ; th e Prid e o f Jude a Children' s Home o n Dumon t Avenue , th e Hebre w Fre e Loa n Societ y o n Pitki n Avenue, an d th e Brookly n Distric t offic e o f th e Jewis h Boar d o f Guardians an d th e Ne w Yor k Fre e Loa n Societ y o n Ston e Avenue . And si x othe r organization s wer e doin g Zionis t wor k o f on e for m o r another i n the neighborhood. 44 Another communit y organization , th e Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Council, wa s mainl y forme d b y Jew s i n 1938 , tw o year s befor e th e birth o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club . It s objective s wer e t o stimulat e active an d effectiv e citize n participatio n i n publi c affairs , t o secur e neighborhood improvements , an d t o cooperate with publi c and privat e agencies t o promot e th e welfar e o f th e Brownsvill e community . Th e

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boys wer e wel l awar e of the council, whic h i n its general concer n ove r inadequate recreation , ha d voice d som e protes t ove r th e closin g o f public schoo l recreatio n facilitie s i n 1940. 45 Th e counci l wa s know n and respected too because it occasionally coordinate d "pressur e rallies," some o f whic h wer e ultimatel y effective . Counci l members , fo r ex ample, helpe d secur e publi c housing , chil d car e centers , an d a ne w health cente r fo r Brownsville. 46 Well befor e th e formatio n o f th e Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Coun cil there were, in the immediate vicinity of the boys, Workmen's Circl e and Industria l Worker' s Orde r Clubs , (Socialis t an d Communis t mu tual-aid societie s respectively) , loca l "headquarters " o f unions , an d o n Sackman Stree t th e Labo r Lyceum , whic h wa s ofte n a n aren a fo r political mobilizatio n an d a foru m fo r radica l speakers . Late r (1942 43) th e Congres s o f Industria l Organization s (CIO ) se t u p it s ow n community council s i n Brownsville. 47 Thes e association s wer e no t only visible ; 4 5 percen t o f th e boy s reporte d tha t thei r parent s be longed t o th e Workmen' s Circle , th e Industria l Workers ' Order , o r unions. Man y wer e quit e active , includin g Seymou r Schlosberg' s fa ther, a socialis t wh o wa s 'Ver y outspoken " an d "onc e pulle d dow n a Nazi flag at a rally i n New Yor k City," and Harol d Radish' s mother , a factory worke r an d militan t left-unionist. 48 Of cours e th e majorit y o f Jews wer e no t radicals , an d th e "regular " political partie s ha d loca l offices i n the neighborhood, too . Democrati c politics wa s fo r al l practica l purpose s th e rule . Man y remembe r Sa m Curtis, a Democrati c cit y councilma n electe d fro m Brownsvill e who , when the y ha d bee n boys , hel d "grievanc e nights " o n Monday s i n a storefront o n Powell and Riverdale . Be n Werbel, presiden t of Yeshivah Tor ahATZion, and hi s wif e wer e Democrati c co-leader s o f the Browns ville-East Ne w Yor k Assembl y District , a s well a s the parent s o f thre e sons wh o becam e member s o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b i n th e earl y 1940s.49 I n th e lat e 1940s , progressive s wh o ha d participate d i n th e unions, th e American Labo r party , th e Libera l party , an d Brownsvill e tenants' group s founde d th e Fift h Assembl y Distric t Independen t Democrats. 50 "M y fathe r woul d tak e m e u p o n Pitki n Avenu e o n Sunday morning, " a furrier' s so n recalled . "B y 10:0 0 A.M . th e side walks wer e jamme d wit h peopl e havin g politica l discussions . A libera l Democrat wa s abou t a s [far] right a s you got." 51 Severa l boys ' parents ,

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who di d no t rea d o r spea k Englis h well , ha d t o b e instructe d o n ho w to vote . "Vot e Democratic , vot e th e 'Star / w e tol d them . Th e jok e was, i f yo u vote d Republica n i n th e boot h a bell woul d rin g an d yo u would disappear." 52 Radical o r liberal , politic s i n th e immigran t Jewish communit y wa s seen a s a vehicle fo r remakin g society , fo r th e "repai r o r improvemen t of the world. " An d thi s view o f politics wa s passed o n to the children . Dozens o f the second-generatio n Jewish boy s fro m Brownsvill e partic ipated i n electio n campaign s fo r Democra t Ab e Star k an d America n Labor part y candidat e Samm y Kaplan . Severa l includin g Leonar d Scholnick, Jac k Oventhal , Dudle y Gaffin , an d Morri s Levin e ra n fo r office themselves . Fo r Italia n immigrants , o n th e othe r hand , politic s was generall y suspect . I n th e ol d countr y i t wa s "assume d tha t what ever grou p i s i n power, " o r fo r tha t matte r sough t power , "i s self serving an d corrupt." 53 Mos t o f Herber t Gans' s second-generatio n Italian-American urba n villager s i n Boston' s Wes t En d i n th e 1950 s continued t o b e convince d tha t electe d official s wer e corrup t an d the y continued t o avoi d "politica l participatio n [or ] any . . . other form s o f civic activity." 54 I n th e 1970s , Italian s i n Canarsi e tol d Jonathan Rieder : "The onl y thin g w e thin k abou t i s our hom e an d family . . . . Bu t w e don't vote . It' s incredible . W e complain , bu t w e jus t don' t vote. " Rieder conclude d tha t second - an d eve n third-generatio n Italian s con tinued t o reflect , thoug h somewha t les s intensely , fatalis m an d "th e values o f particularis m represente d b y loyalt y t o family , relianc e o n personal network s an d privat e settlement s o f disputes. " Jew s i n th e same neighborhood , however , thoug h beginnin g t o waver , wer e stil l marked b y th e "mod e o f universalis m an d fait h i n th e democrati c state." 55 We shoul d no t overstat e thes e differences . Italian s i n America , lik e all immigran t groups , di d creat e institution s outsid e o f famil y an d personal networks . Forma l institution s includin g mutual-ai d societie s and eve n union s functione d a s "educational" device s enabling th e Ital ian immigrant s t o feel secur e abou t th e compatibility o f their ancestra l heritage an d th e principle s o f thei r adopte d country. 56 An d informa l institutions suc h as the religious festa also promoted a sense of ethnicit y that coul d satisf y th e nee d fo r a n intermediat e socia l affiliatio n t o a group large r tha n th e family . Th e Italian s creativel y synthesize d part s

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of thei r pas t an d part s o f thei r present . The y reinforce d o r reformu lated institutions , values , an d behavio r pattern s t o giv e coherence , meaning, an d a measur e o f autonom y t o th e immigran t condition . They passe d thi s ne w socia l cohesion o n to their children , wh o contin ued t o us e i t a s a metho d o f counterin g th e fragmentatio n o f contem porary life . Bu t la famiglia remaine d central . Ver y fe w institution s could compet e wit h it—neithe r politica l parties , no r labo r unions , neither self-hel p organization s no r th e church . Althoug h th e grea t majority o f Italian s wer e Roma n Catholic , forma l religio n di d no t provide a cultura l ancho r i n th e ne w world . Th e America n Catholi c church, controlle d i n th e mai n b y th e Irish , faile d t o pla y a major rol e in uniting Italia n immigrants , o r i n integrating the m an d thei r childre n into th e wide r society. 57 On e responden t reflecte d th e view s o f man y when h e quipped : "Fatalis m i s ou r religion . Th e churc h jus t supplie s the pageantr y o f life." 58 Familis m an d fatalism—partl y reshape d t o the America n environment—combine d t o promot e a coheren t an d viable lifestyl e fo r Italian-Americans , bu t on e tha t maintaine d som e distance fro m th e wide r community , an d on e tha t wa s differen t fro m the lifestyle o f the Jews.59 The Jewis h boy s o f 1940 s Brownsvill e wer e raise d i n a n environ ment—at home , i n th e streets , an d eve n a t school—tha t wa s Jewish , and increasingl y America n Jewish. Thei r parent s ha d mad e a relatively successful transplantatio n o f importan t part s o f th e ric h an d long evolving Eas t Europea n Jewis h cultur e i n whic h they had earlie r bee n steeped. Lik e Italia n parents , Jewis h mother s an d father s "adjusted " but di d no t discar d thei r ethnocultura l traditions . Tha t meant , a s w e have seen , tha t th e Brownsvill e boy s woul d b e strongl y influence d b y the value s o f famil y and community, b y th e concep t o f takhles, tsedaka, and tikn olam. It mean t tha t the y woul d b e surrounde d b y institution s of mutual-ai d an d woul d se e example s o f th e viabilit y o f communa l self-help. I t als o meant tha t thei r politica l environment , wit h it s wide spread allegianc e t o th e Democrati c party , woul d b e give n shap e an d tone by a vital minorit y o f left-oriented stree t speaker s an d activists . Jewish culture , manifes t i n th e communit y an d it s institution s an d values, togethe r wit h progressiv e politics , i n th e broa d sens e o f tha t term, create d th e contex t withi n whic h th e Brownsvill e boy s wer e made, and withi n whic h they i n turn made the Brownsville Boys Club.

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In addition , th e combinatio n o f Jewis h culture , forma l an d informa l mutual-aid, an d a progressiv e politica l an d socia l orientatio n help s account fo r th e disproportionatel y lo w rat e o f juvenil e delinquenc y and fo r th e relativel y hig h rate , give n th e materiall y impoverishe d base, o f educational, occupational , an d economi c mobility . Among th e boy s wh o formed , o r wh o late r joine d an d wer e activ e in th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club , ther e wer e man y wh o attribute d thei r "success"—in escapin g th e "dirt y stuff " an d i n "bettering " thei r material situations—t o th e interdependenc e the y develope d i n th e streets an d t o th e value s o f thei r parenta l generation . Sometime s thi s was simpl y implied , bu t i n mos t cases , a s wit h Norma n Goroff , Jac k Schmaren an d Do c Baroff , an d wit h Lul u Rubenfel d an d Be n Werni koff, i t was conscious an d explicit . Man y als o believed tha t i n additio n to Jewish cultur e an d th e value s an d model s provide d b y parent s an d community, an d slightl y olde r boys , anothe r factor—sports—help s accounts fo r thei r abilit y t o transcen d th e negativ e socia l condition s and inadequacies of Brownsville. "Athletic s deflected gan g wars," claimed Max Stavitsky , wh o ha d don e som e numbers-runnin g i n hi s youth . "We were surrounde d b y crime bu t 9 9 percent o f us turned ou t good. " Irving Forman , wh o eventuall y serve d a s a n athleti c directo r fo r th e Brownsville Boy s Club, remembere d tha t "w e did som e foolish things , but neve r o f a seriou s nature . W e wer e bus y playin g ball. " An d Do n Rosen, a membe r o f th e Comets , an d no w retire d fro m th e baker y business, "kne w hundred s o f kids . I onl y kne w tw o kid s wh o ha d problems. W e had thing s t o occupy us , good soli d relationships . Mos t of all, sport s kept us busy." 60 It may com e as a surprise to some who continue to hold stereotype d views, that there was a strong Jewish interes t i n sports and a significan t amount o f participatio n a s well . Moreover , interes t an d participatio n did no t begi n wit h th e 1940 s boy s o f Brownsville . A s earl y a s 190 3 Jewish interes t i n sport s elicite d a long essay b y Ab e Cahan , edito r o f the Yiddish languag e Daily Forward which rea d i n part : A father ha s writte n u s a letter abou t basebal l an d want s ou r advice . H e sees baseball a s a foolish an d wil d game . But , hi s boy i s eager to play. Thi s father expresses the view of the majority o f the immigrant parents: "Here i n beautifu l America , bi g peopl e pla y baseball . The y ru n aroun d after a piece of suede and fight with each other like small boys. I believe a boy should grow to be a man not a wild American runner."

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We say let the boys play basebal l an d become excellent a t the game. Why not? I t shoul d no t interfer e wit h thei r studie s an d the y shoul d no t becom e dragged dow n t o bad company . I n a healthy bod y live s a healthy mind . I n a quick bod y a quick wisdom . Mainly , le t us not raise the children t o grow u p foreigners i n their own birthplace. 61 Jewish boy s o n th e Lowe r Eas t Sid e became addicte d t o the Ameri can gam e o f baseball , a s player s an d fans. I n th e streets , o f course , baseball wa s narrowe d t o stickball , playe d wit h broomstick s an d rub ber balls . Bu t som e woul d g o to park s (ther e wer e ver y fe w diamond s on the Lowe r Eas t Side! ) and pla y wit h genuin e equipment . "I couldn' t tel l m y fathe r I playe d ball, " on e Eas t Side r admitted , "so m y mothe r woul d snea k ou t m y basebal l gea r an d pu t i t i n th e candy stor e downstairs. . . . Later, whe n I played semipr o baseball E d bring home five dollars an d giv e it to my mother." 62 Jews becam e fan s a s well a s players. I n 191 5 Jewish basebal l playe r Benny Kauff , a n extraordinar y hitte r an d base-steale r (aptl y dubbe d the u Ty Cob b o f th e Feds" ) playin g fo r a Brookly n clu b i n th e ne w Federal League , dre w man y Jewis h spectator s t o th e ballpark . Joh n McGraw, th e manage r o f the Ne w Yor k Giants , wa s s o impressed b y Benny Kauf f s drawing powe r h e virtually kidnappe d th e ballplayer. 63 Jewish fan s coul d als o follow th e fin e pitchin g performance s o f Barne y (the "Yiddis h curver" ) Pelt y wh o playe d wit h th e St . Loui s Brown s from 190 3 to 191 2 an d o f Eddi e Reulback , th e onl y ma n eve r t o pitc h shut-outs i n bot h end s o f a doubleheader , wh o playe d wit h th e Chi cago Cubs fro m 190 5 to 1913. 64 In Brooklyn , Manhattan , an d th e Bronx , i n the early decade s o f th e twentieth century , basebal l wa s extraordinaril y popular . Man y Jewis h boys an d youn g me n wer e doin g whateve r the y coul d t o ge t t o th e New Yor k ballparks , includin g hitchin g ride s o n th e bac k o f truck s delivering ic e t o th e Pol o Grounds , wher e th e Ne w Yor k Giant s played baseball . That Jews wer e significantl y intereste d i n sport s wa s als o indicate d by th e fac t tha t i n 190 8 th e Yiddis h pres s wa s carryin g result s o f boxing matches . The y wer e move d t o do this b y th e success of Jewish boxers lik e Joe ("Prid e o f th e Ghetto" ) Bernstein , an d Ab e ("th e littl e Hebrew") Attell. 65 A poo r bo y fro m a larg e Sa n Francisc o family , Attell learne d t o fight a t an early age . "W e were Jews livin g in an Iris h neighborhood," h e recalled . "Yo u ca n gues s th e rest . I use d t o figh t

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The Slappy Aces, a club and team from Powell Street, between Newport Street and Riverdale Avenue. Named for Arthur ("Slappy") Slapion (secon d fro m left, to p row) , a key figure in the group, the club poses outside of Nanny Goat Park. (Courtesy of BBC Alumni Association through Martin Greenberg.) three, four , five, te n time s a d a y . " A b e Attell , th e worl d feather weight champio n fro m 190 1 t o 1 9 1 2 , was considere d t o b e on e o f th e best fighters o f all tim e b y many , includin g N a t Fleisher , a n Eas t Sid e Jewish bo y bor n i n 189 7 an d on e o f th e majo r pioneer s o f moder n b o x i n g . Interes t i n thi s spor t wa s reinforce d wit h th e caree r o f B e n n y Leonard, w h o hel d th e worl d lightweigh t title fro m 191 7 to 1924 . T h e son o f O r t h o d o x Jews , Benjami n Leine r (hi s rea l name ) wa s on e o f th e most famou s Jewish-American personalitie s o f his t i m e . 6 6

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T h e r e wa s als o a n increasin g numbe r o f Jewis h professiona l an d college basketbal l player s w h o i n tur n helpe d increas e th e numbe r o f Jewish amateu r player s an d th e numbe r o f Jewis h basketbal l fans . H a r r y Fishe r wa s a w e l l - k n o w n " A l l - A m e r i c a n " a t C o l u m b i a Colleg e in th e earl y 1900s . A n d five-foot, four-inc h Barne y Sedran , calle d "th e best littl e man " eve r t o pla y basketball , eventuall y (1920 ) ended u p o n the sam e tea m w i t h M a x Friedman , w h o starte d i n 190 8 w i t h th e University Settlemen t H o u s e o n th e L o w e r Eas t Sid e an d turne d pr o in 1910.

69

Touch football with a rare genuine pigskin on a Brownsville corner. (Courtesy of Joseph Feldman.)

B y th e tim e th e Brownsvill e b o y s wer e ol d enoug h t o develo p a n interest i n sport s i n th e mi d t o lat e 1930 s an d righ t throug h th e 1940s , there w e r e enoug h Jew s in games , an d watching game s t o reinforc e th e boys' natura l enthusias m fo r play , t o stimulat e mor e participatio n b y them i n organize d sport s an d eve n t o engende r dream s o f pr o careers . Barney Ros s wa s th e worl d welterweigh t boxin g champio n fro m 193 4 to 193 8 (Ther e w e r e seventee n Jewis h boxin g champion s i n th e 1920 s and 1930s!) . B e t w e e n 193 9 and 1947 , Brooklyn-bor n Sidne y L u c k m a n led th e C h i c a g o Bear s footbal l tea m t o five Wester n Conferenc e title s and fou r Nationa l Footbal l Leagu e championships . I n 194 3 h e thre w seven t o u c h d o w n passe s a t th e Pol o G r o u n d s i n N e w Y o r k an d five i n the Nationa l Footbal l Leagu e titl e game . H e wa s vote d th e league' s "Most Valuabl e Player " tha t y e a r . 70

In th e sam e era , H e n r y ("Hank" ) Greenberg , lik e Barne y Ross , th e son o f O r t h o d o x Jews , nearl y brok e Bab e Ruth' s recor d fo r hittin g home runs . H e playe d superbl y fo r th e Detroi t T i g e r s basebal l clu b 1941 from 193 3 4 d from 194 5 t o 1947 . I n 193 4 G r e e n b e r g refuse d to pla y o n Y o m K i p p u r , despit e th e fac t tha t th e T i g e r s wer e caugh t t o

I 0

r

a n

Brownsville boys (c. 1946) in general admission seats at Ebbets Field about to watch the Brooklyn Dodgers play baseball. (Courtesy ofJoseph Feldman.) up i n a n exceedingl y tigh t rac e fo r th e A m e r i c a n Leagu e Champion ship ( T h e y los t th e gam e bu t w o n th e pennant). 71

It wa s possibl e fo r Brookly n Jewish boy s t o drea m o f playin g pr o ball an d severa l B B C e r s actuall y ha d tryout s w i t h majo r leagu e base ball teams : Fre d Fei t w i t h th e Dodgers , Jess e Sali t w i t h th e Giants , and Juli e Isaacso n an d S a m Gelle r wit h th e Yankees . A n o t h e r Brook lyn b o y , Si d G o r d o n , wa s " a typica l Jewish ki d . . . whos e ambitio n was t o becom e a majo r leagu e basebal l p l a y e r . " I n 194 1 he joine d th e N e w Y o r k Giants , w h o b y thi s tim e ha d fou r Jewis h player s o n th e team, includin g H a r r y Danning , a n outstandin g catche r an d hitte r fo r the Giant s sinc e 1937 . Si d G o r d o n , w h o ha d playe d a t Bets y Hea d Memorial Par k i n Brownsvill e as a youngster , love d playin g i n Brook lyn's Ebbet s Fiel d agains t th e Dodgers , an d alway s di d wel l there . W h e n aske d abou t hi s consistentl y goo d performanc e a t Ebbet s Field , G o r d o n said , "I f thirty thousan d fan s wer e i n th e park , I kne w twenty five thousan d o f them. " H e becam e s o popular , tha t i n 194 8 hi s h o m e t o w n admirer s gav e this "opposing " bal l playe r a "day " a t Ebbet s Field. 72

73

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1

Some o f Gordon' s fan s wer e undoubtedl y "Brownsvill e boys " wh o entered th e park with knothol e passes secured b y the Brownsville Boy s Club. Brownsville , lik e al l of Brooklyn , love d th e Dodgers . Th e tea m was par t o f ever y neighborhood' s cultur e an d gav e the whol e boroug h status. "Mayb e Brookly n wa s a mino r boroug h compare d t o Manhat tan," Joe Flahert y recalled , "bu t Brookly n ha d th e Dodger s . . . wit h the Dodger s yo u coul d swagger. " Th e games , th e players , th e team' s "chances," wer e majo r topic s o f conversatio n o n Brownsvill e stree t corners throughou t th e 1930 s and 1940s . Peopl e waite d u p fo r th e lat e edition o f the Daily News to catch th e bo x score s an d stories. 74 It wa s a love affair, an d a loyal one . Fo r a s Doc Barof f pu t it , "Anybod y coul d be a Yankee fan . T o b e a Dodger fa n yo u ha d t o go through thic k and thin." 75 Afte r all , whe n th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b wa s forme d i n 1940, th e Dodger s hadn' t wo n a championship fo r twent y years . An d as Pete Hamil l remembere d it : All through th e 30 s they wer e the clowns of the league, a n outfielder name d Babe Herman ha d been hit on the head with a fly ball; three Dodger runner s once ended u p on third bas e at the same time; a player name d Casey Stenge l once came to bat, tippe d hi s hat, an d a bird flew out. Bu t in 194 1 they wo n the pennan t an d Brookly n welcome d the m hom e lik e champions . Al l th e schools were closed. There was a motorcade from th e Brooklyn Borough Hall right u p Flatbus h Avenu e t o Ebbet s Field , an d i n th e hug e crowd s peopl e were laughing and cheering and crying, lost in that kind of innocent euphoria that comes when underdogs win out against all odds. . . . They lost the World Series t o th e hate d Yankees . . . . Bu t nobod y gav e u p o n them . "Wai t 'til l Next Year" became the perennial battle cry, and for the next fifteenyears they were one of the finest baseball clubs in the country.76 Jews nourishe d a powerful connectio n t o baseball. Thi s coul d man ifest itsel f i n man y context s a s Brownsville-born-and-raise d Norma n Podhoretz's meetin g wit h Elio t Cohen , th e edito r o f Commentary mag azine makes clear . "I n tha t first hou r I spent wit h [Cohen], " Podhoretz wrote, "h e jumped fro m literar y criticis m t o politics t o Jewish scholar ship, fro m Jewish scholarshi p to the movies, from th e movies to sports, and indee d spen t a goo d dea l o f tim e tryin g t o find ou t ho w muc h I knew about baseball . I did a s it happened ( a Brownsville legacy), kno w rather a lot, i f not a s much a s he." After a complex conversatio n abou t Casey Stenge l an d America n life , Cohe n abruptl y hande d Podhoret z a book, The Natural b y Bernar d Malamud . "Well, " h e said , "yo u see m

82

THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

to know somethin g abou t novels , yo u kno w somethin g abou t symbol ism, yo u kno w somethin g about Jews, an d yo u kno w somethin g abou t baseball. Here' s a symbolic nove l b y a Jewish write r abou t a basebal l player. I guess you're qualified t o review it." 77 If basebal l wa s important , basketbal l wa s supreme . Na t Holman , an outstandin g Jewish basketbal l playe r wit h th e origina l Celtic s (1921 29), becam e eve n mor e famous a s th e extraordinaril y successfu l coac h of Cit y Colleg e o f Ne w Yor k basketbal l team s fro m 192 0 t o 1953 , teams o n whic h man y Brownsville-bor n boy s played . Mo e Goldman , for example , captaine d a team i n 193 4 to a record o f fourteen win s an d one loss. 78 Holman als o coached Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b membe r Sey mour Schlosberg . Seymour , a n engineering career in mind, ha d playe d basketball fo r Brookly n Technica l Hig h Schoo l through 1944 . I n 194 5 he playe d a t Cit y Colleg e wher e Holma n "like d m y playin g enough, " Schlosberg said , "t o get m e a one month's extensio n fro m th e draft, s o I coul d finish th e season. " Durin g hi s Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b day s Seymour wa s friendl y wit h Sidne y Tanenbaum , a n Eas t Ne w Yor k boy, "wh o was close to many BBCers." Tanenbaum starre d at Thoma s Jefferson Hig h Schoo l an d playe d ofte n fo r th e BB C All-Sta r basket ball teams . H e wen t o n t o captai n th e Ne w Yor k Universit y tea m i n 1947 an d wa s accordin g t o th e sport s edito r o f th e New York Sun "th e finest al l aroun d basketbal l playe r t o do n violet livery. " Tanenbau m terminated a short pr o caree r wit h th e Ne w Yor k Knickerbocker s an d the Baltimor e Bullets , becaus e h e wa s a famil y ma n "wh o didn' t lik e the road." 79 "One o f th e ablest " hig h schoo l an d colleg e basketbal l stars , Harr y Boykoff, playe d fo r Thoma s Jefferso n Hig h Schoo l whil e dozen s o f BBCers were students there, including Joe Feldman, Rub y Nudelman , Jesse Salit , Jac k an d Berni e Schmaren , Jac k Deutch , Le o Yedin , an d Irving Forman. 80 A brillian t playe r wit h St . John' s University , Boy koff wa s selecte d fo r th e annua l colleg e All-Sta r gam e i n Chicago , i n 1943 an d 1946.

81

Some o f thos e sam e BBCer s wh o watche d Boykof f play , an d a n additional numbe r includin g Harol d Radish , Walte r Werbel , Norma n Goroff, an d Be n Wernikoff , ha d th e pleasur e o f seein g on e o f thei r own Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b member s pla y a t Jefferson a s well . Ma x Zaslofsky, a n early and activ e Brownsville Boys Club member, playe d

CORNER KID S AN D CULTURA L CORNERSTONE S 8

3

for Jefferso n coac h Ma c Hodesblat t fro m 194 1 t o 1944 . Hi s classmate s thought "Zaslofsk y wa s sensational , averagin g ove r fifteen point s pe r game, an d showin g wonderfu l tea m play," 8 2 Zaslofsk y ha d love d play thing stree t ball , bu t hi s big desir e a s a youngster, forgettin g th e monetar y en d o f it , wa s t o b e on e o f the best basketbal l player s that eve r lived . I wa s alway s attracte d t o the game . Th e firs t tim e I had a basketball i n m y hand I wa s si x year s old , an d whe n I wa s eigh t o r nin e I wante d t o b e a professional player . Thi s i s what I always dreame d o f and wanted . A s a result I spen t countles s hour s i n th e schoolyard s an d th e playgrounds playin g ball — eight, ten , twelve , fourtee n hour s a da y mean t nothing . I woul d rathe r b e playing than eating . My folk s wer e very, ver y poo r people , bu t w e were very happy. Ther e wa s an awfu l lo t of love in th e family . I have tw o bother s an d ther e wa s enough t o eat but n o luxuries. W e never ha d a nickel or dime in our pockets. S o at a very early ag e I sai d tha t sport s wer e ver y wonderfu l things ; you coul d mak e som e good contact s an d the y wer e a goo d steppin g ston e t o somethin g else . An d because o f th e fac t tha t w e ha d n o money , I alway s fel t i f the tim e eve r cam e when we , o r I , eve r di d hav e money , I woul d appreciat e i t an d kno w wha t t o do with it. 83 After tw o year s o f playin g basketbal l a t St . John' s Universit y (1945 46), Ma x marrie d th e Brownsvill e gir l h e ha d bee n datin g sinc e sh e was thirteen , an d h e bega n playin g i n th e Nationa l Basketbal l Associ ation. H e wa s wit h th e Chicag o Stag s fo r fou r years , playe d fo r th e N e w Yor k Knickerbocker s fro m 195 1 t o 1953 , move d aroun d th e league fo r a fe w years , an d retire d i n 1956 . H e le d th e N B A wit h a 2 1 point averag e i n th e 1947-4 8 season , an d ende d hi s caree r wit h a 14. 8 points pe r gam e average , an d a tota l o f 7,99 0 points , th e thir d highes t scorer i n th e N B A histor y t o tha t time. 8 4 T h e excellen t notice s h e go t i n th e medi a mean t littl e t o him , Zaslofsky said , I woul d rathe r hea r prais e fro m m y teammates . Whe n m y ow n peer s coul d say that Ma x Zaslofsk y fo r th e year so-and-s o was the best athlete i n the entir e city o f Ne w York—comin g fro m the m i t meant everythin g i n th e world . . . . [M]y eg o woul d b e buil t up . . . . I don' t se e ho w yo u ca n perfor m withou t having an ego. Two o f m y mos t gloriou s moment s i n basketbal l wer e i n 195 2 whe n the y had a nigh t fo r m e a t Madiso n Squar e Garden . I wa s th e first Ne w Yor k player eve r t o hav e a n evenin g i n hi s honor . An d th e other , t o to p i t off , wa s

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they ha d m y nam e on the marquee. Thi s wa s my dream , tha t m y nam e woul d appear o n th e marque e o f th e ol d Garden . Zaslofsk y night . I wa s o n clou d nine. M y mothe r an d fathe r an d m y wif e cam e ou t t o cente r court . I t wa s a dream fulfille d an d that' s it. 85 Ethnic an d neighborhoo d prid e an d ambition , reinforce d b y Brownsville "success " stories , promote d a n alread y establishe d lov e o f the gam e an d increase d participation . Irwi n Sandle r said , " I playe d basketball al l da y long . . . . M y parent s didn' t min d s o much , excep t when I . . . misse d lunch , an d sometime s dinner. " Irvin g ("Hooker " [for hi s hoo k shot] ) Levin e said , "W e wer e al l preoccupie d wit h th e game." An d Do c Barof f remembere d clearl y tha t "w e al l love d basket ball an d woul d ofte n pla y al l day , ever y day , afte r school." 8 6 N o doub t som e o f th e boys , becaus e the y playe d basketbal l al l day , had les s tim e t o b e vandals , thieves , gan g fighters, an d dru g users . Irwin ("Whitey" ) Gladstein , who , a s a child , brok e hi s elementar y schoolteacher's nose , sai d "sport s too k awa y al l m y ba d energy. " An d N a t h a n Dass a an d hi s friend s "neve r go t involved " i n th e "dop e scene " because "w e ha d n o mone y an d w e wer e always playin g ball. " Severa l others, includin g Ma x Zaslofsky , though t participatio n i n sport s wa s valuable i n reducin g gan g war s i n Brownsville. 8 7 An d earl y o n i n th e history o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b i t appeare d t o som e o f th e leader s that nothin g coul d b e mor e true . Befor e thei r Brownsvill e neighbor hood ha d well-organize d athleti c competition , i t ha d bee n marked , they said , b y fights betwee n stree t gang s sinc e a t leas t a s earl y a s th e 1920s. Brownsvill e memoiris t Willia m Poste r wrot e o f thos e twenties : When tw o Brownsvill e kid s wh o wer e stranger s ha d som e contact , th e first question was , "What' s you r block? " an d th e answe r establishe d identity . A gang might no t inhabi t a full bloc k but onl y a specific secto r of it. . . . Between th e Pitki n Avenu e gan g an d th e Italia n cla n i n the middl e o f [my ] block, relation s wer e slight , consistin g o f brief, jitter y moment s o f sociability , and burst s o f warfare i n which , despit e a considerable inferiorit y o f numbers , the Italian s maintaine d equality . W e wer e physicall y stronger , I think , an d won ou r shar e o f individua l fights, bu t thei r grou p fighting tactic s wer e muc h more advanced tha n ours: they stuc k together like a unit of the Mafia, swoope d down o n u s suddenl y whil e w e wer e disperse d i n two s an d threes , feinte d frighteningly a t ou r testicles , batte d u s ove r th e hea d wit h stocking s ful l o f ashes, an d sometime s eve n succeede d i n takin g ou r pant s down . B y th e tim e we coul d ge t organize d t o counter-attack , the y woul d hav e disappeare d int o their lairs . Onc e w e wen t t o a lumber-yar d an d arme d ourselve s wit h thi n

C O R N E R KID S A N D C U L T U R A L C O R N E R S T O N E S 8

Basketball at man.)

Nanny Goat

Park (c.1945).

(Courtesy

of

Joseph Feld-

5

Basketball at Nanny Goat Park (c. 1945). (Courtesy of BBC Alumni Association.)

twelve-foot lance s w i t h w h i c h w e kep t t h e m of f th e street s fo r d a y s , bu t the y soon procure d lea d pipe s o f equa l lengt h an d wreake d havo c a m o n g us . T h e r e w e r e als o occasiona l flurries o f ash , garbage , tin-can , stone , an d bottl e t h r o w ing. 88

A n d D o c Barof f said o f the middl e 1930s : "Petty difference s expres s themselves i n gan g fights . Like , i t use d t o b e i n Brownsville , i f a bo y walked b y anothe r bloc k outsid e hi s o w n , h e wa s pushe d o r yelle d a t by [that ] block' s gang . T h e n h e w o u l d g o bac k an d ge t hi s gan g an d there'd b e a fight." Baroff's gang , "th e Bruins , wer e organized, " h e sai d i n 1947 , "fo r self-protection, agains t othe r g a n g s . " B y puttin g thes e gang s int o a confederation, throug h w h i c h the y coul d compet e w i t h eac h othe r peacefully o n fields an d courts , an d b y givin g the m a commo n bond , Baroff believe d th e Brownsvill e B o y s C l u b reduce d gan g fights. I n addition ther e wa s th e "pena l c o d e , " wherei n gan g fighters w o u l d los e club p r i v i l e g e s . 89

T h e belie f g r e w tha t sport s helpe d som e boy s avoi d "goin g bad. " B o y s ha d forme d th e Brownsvill e B o y s C l u b i n orde r t o kee p o n playing ball , an d i n th e proces s though t the y sa w i n sport s th e powe r

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7

Seymour Smolin in his BBC tee shirt about to shoot afoul shot. (Courtesy of Seymour Smolin.)

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to contro l gan g fight s an d juvenil e delinquency . I t i s probabl e tha t several boy s wer e helpe d i n thi s wa y b y th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club . T h e Polic e Athleti c League , Do c Barof f said , i n 1945 , used t o sen d boy s t o u s wh o go t int o troubl e i n ou r vicinity . Whe n the y first came to our meeting s the y expecte d t o sho w of f an d le t us see how toug h the y were. However , whe n the y looke d around , the y sa w som e o f th e toughes t fellows i n our neighborhood an d som e of the best ball players, wh o were quie t and intereste d i n wha t wa s goin g on . Instea d o f treatin g the m a s a specia l group, w e gav e the m th e righ t t o vot e an d th e sam e privilege s a s an y other . . . . I f the y like d basketbal l som e o f ou r bes t player s woul d ac t a s coach . I f they wante d t o g o t o camp , w e trie d t o arrang e that . Afte r a while, th e spiri t of the club got int o these fellows an d fo r fiv e years w e haven't ha d an y troubl e with ou r members. 90 Still, boy s coul d no t be forced t o becom e member s o f th e Browns ville Boy s Club ; the y coul d no t b e forced t o play ; the y ha d t o choose between sport s an d othe r form s o f "excitement. " T h e impressionisti c evidence suggest s tha t whil e th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b di d indee d have a numbe r o f dramati c successe s wit h individua l boy s an d ma y even hav e contribute d t o a reductio n o f gan g fighting withi n it s imme diate vicinity , th e Brownsvill e delinquenc y proble m persiste d an d within som e population s eve n gre w wors e betwee n 194 1 an d 1946 . Almost exactl y on e yea r t o th e da y afte r th e foundin g o f th e Browns ville Boy s Club , th e Slu m Clearanc e Counci l fo r Brownsvill e hel d a conference o n th e increasin g proble m o f stree t gang s an d yout h crim e — c r i m e tha t wen t beyon d vandalis m an d disorderl y conduct , crim e that include d "robbery , murde r an d rape." 9 1 Eve n th e Brooklyn Eagle, a pape r tha t perceive d it s rol e a s "stressin g Brooklyn' s positiv e quali ties," found i t necessar y t o ru n a special serie s o n juvenil e delinquency , from Septembe r 29 , 194 3 t o Septembe r 24 , 1944 . T h o u g h th e series , as th e paper' s foremos t historia n pu t it , wa s a "frightfull y inadequat e treatment o f crim e an d gangs, " i t mad e a numbe r o f troublin g refer ences t o Brownsville. 92 In 1944 , th e Brookly n Counci l fo r Socia l Plannin g launche d a pilo t program directe d towar d th e proble m o f "delinquenc y an d othe r anti social manifestations. " I n decidin g upo n a demonstratio n area , i t con sidered th e followin g factor s essential : (1 ) tha t th e are a b e religiousl y and raciall y diversified ; (2 ) tha t i t hav e serious (thoug h no t extreme )

CORNER KID S AN D CULTURA L CORNERSTONE S 8

9

delinquency problems; an d (3 ) that i t alread y b e serve d b y program s fo r youth, ye t clearly in need of furtherhelp. 91. The counci l selecte d a one square-mile sit e tha t include d approximatel y 13 0 square block s o f th e heart o f Brownsville , a t leas t 3 0 squar e block s o f whic h wer e i n Brownsville Boy s Club territory, betwee n Livoni a and Sutte r avenues , and Rockawa y Avenu e an d Juniu s Street . Som e Brownsvill e civi c leaders were critical of the council's choice . Th e Brownsvill e Chambe r of Commerc e charge d tha t "i t woul d brin g advers e publicit y t o th e neighborhood." Bu t th e onl y rea l "defense " mounte d b y critic s o f th e council was that "Brownsvill e i s no worse and n o better than any othe r community." 94 Ab e Stark , a leadin g Pitki n Avenu e Merchan t an d philanthropist, said , "Brownsvill e i s not a setting for 'Gree n Pastures, ' —but neithe r i s i t a plac e ou t o f Dante' s Inferno. Al l i t ask s i s fai r treatment i n the apportionin g o f blame for sundr y evils." 95 The Brownsvill e Boy s Club , a s extraordinar y a s i t was , woul d b e no match fo r thos e "sundr y evils " as they develope d ove r the course of the nex t decade . Th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b had made a difference , and woul d continu e t o d o so , bu t i t coul d no t perfor m miracles . Recreation could, i n the main, "save " boys who were ready t o be saved because they ha d ha d othe r socioeconomi c an d cultura l supports . Boy s victimized b y povert y an d it s attendan t ills , an d wh o fo r whateve r social o r persona l reasons , wer e outsid e tha t cultura l constellatio n o f family, community , long-standin g ethica l traditio n o f mutual-aid , an d hopefulness, wer e les s likely candidates fo r "rehabilitation. " The gang s portraye d i n Irvin g Shulman' s novel , The Amboy Dukes, such a s th e Herz l Stree t Boys , th e Pitki n Giants , th e Sutte r Kings , and th e Duke s o f Amboy Stree t themselves , wer e base d o n th e Jewish gangs i n Brownsvill e tha t wer e outsid e tha t Jewish communa l constel lation, an d wh o were, t o use one of the Amboy Dukes ' favorite words , irredeemably "hard." 96 The Duke s wer e different . Dudle y Gaffin , no w a lawye r an d a n active reform Democrat , remembere d tha t befor e h e became a member of th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club , hi s Bo y Scou t troo p wa s locate d i n a basement o n Ambo y Street . "I t wa s a fe w block s sout h o f wher e th e gang whic h wa s th e mode l fo r th e 'Ambo y Dukes ' hun g out . I kne w some of them . I n 1943 , Big Al Chotine r an d I were a t a party i n thei r cellar. A gu n wa s pulled . W e left." 97 U p fro m poverty , wit h a n

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infusion o f war wor k fo r thei r parents , bu t not fa r enough u p to escape their "dirty , stinkin g block " o f tenements , th e Ambo y Duke s live d i n a worl d o f Ramses , reefer s an d guns , an d the y "fough t fo r th e shee r joy of bloodying an d mauling." 98 The Duke s an d th e boy s i n th e othe r "unredeemable " gang s wer e only nominall y Jewish ; the y ha d almos t n o Jewis h background , n o time or respect fo r thei r families , an d no familiarity wit h books, Jewish or otherwise . Thei r sens e of Jewish identit y wa s peripheral, an d ther e were n o Jewish tradition s o r precept s tha t influence d thei r lives . Wit h minimal Jewis h education , forma l o r informal , an d eve n les s culture , these boy s ha d nothin g t o dra w o n t o counterac t th e mea n effect s o f poverty. Ther e i s onl y on e yout h i n th e novel , Fran k Goldfarb , wit h the capacit y t o com e t o th e threshol d o f understandin g mora l choices ; but wit h n o deepl y internalize d ethica l value s an d n o reinforcemen t from hi s immediat e environment , hi s visio n i s neve r clea r an d h e i s unable to act upon thos e choices. Stan Alberg , th e novel' s socia l worke r a t th e Jewis h Communit y Center, trie d t o channe l th e energie s o f som e o f th e Dukes , includin g Frank, b y offerin g basketball s instea d o f bullets. H e though t h e was doing a worthwhile job. Every juvenil e he was able to interest in the gymnasium was someone who made his day a success. I t was a tough jo b to go out and dra g the boy s off th e street corner s an d mak e them wan t t o meet in th e Center gymnasiu m instea d o f the poolroom, mak e them wan t to meet i n the center clubrooms instead of the corner candy store, and make them want to go out and recruit their friends t o join the athletic teams instead of the gangs." Frank is disturbed b y Alberg . Mayb e h e should get ri d o f hi s gun. Bu t he tell s th e socia l worker : "Yo u guy s mak e m e sick . That' s wh y w e never com e aroun d here . You'r e alway s tryin g t o mak e u s reform . What th e hel l hav e I go t t o refor m for ? I haven' t don e anythin g wrong." 100 Goldfar b wh o di d d o som e thoughtlessl y irresponsible , dangerous, an d harmfu l things , occasionall y come s clos e t o remorse ; but th e feeling i s fleeting, overwhelme d b y th e fear o f getting caught . By th e 1940 s Brownsvill e alread y include d population s o f suc h children—a relativel y small , Jewish minority , tha t histor y an d socia l conditions ha d pushe d outsid e o f a strongl y supportiv e cultura l con stellation. I n th e sam e era , Brownsvill e woul d begi n t o fill wit h a n increasing population o f other childre n whos e families an d cultur e ha d

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1

been victim s o f unprecedente d histori c disruption , eve n brutalization . There wa s a relatively rapi d influ x o f blac k migrant s int o Brownsvill e from th e rura l Sout h eve n before th e en d o f Worl d Wa r II , a s well a s some in-migratio n o f blacks fro m othe r Ne w Yor k neighborhood s including Harlem , For t Greene , an d Bedford-Stuyvesant . Betwee n 1940 and 195 0 the black populatio n o f Brownsville doubled. I01 School registratio n figure s showe d a stead y increas e i n th e propor tion o f black childre n afte r 1940 , and a s one report o n Brownsvill e pu t it: "Negr o childre n suffe r specia l deprivation . The y . . . are . . . even more deprive d tha n th e Whit e populatio n fro m th e standpoint s o f economic welfare , acceptabl e housing , goo d health ; an d wit h man y mothers workin g awa y fro m th e home , n o . . . nurser y schools , an d with s o littl e . . . pla y spac e fo r them , th e need s o f thi s grou p ar e obviously acute." 102 An d b y 194 5 black childre n i n severa l sections , including thirt y squar e block s in the northern en d o f Brownsville Boy s Club territory , constitute d 3 0 to 8 0 percen t o f th e student s i n publi c schools.103 Simultaneously th e absolut e number , a s well a s the relativ e propor tion o f Jew s i n th e communit y wer e steadil y declining . Populatio n mobility contribute d t o instabilit y o f neighborhoo d lif e an d t o in creased frustrations . "W e didn' t hav e th e wealt h t o giv e u s mobility , and w e were stuck, " Jack Newfiel d remembered , and I saw friends , whos e fathers wer e doing well, . . . and on e by on e they began t o mov e out o f th e neighborhood , som e to Sheepshea d Ba y an d Flat bush, mor e t o Queens , som e t o Lon g Island , som e t o Jersey . The y ha d upward mobility . Bu t w e were stuc k there . An d wit h th e black s movin g i n there cam e a great fear . Ther e wa s blockbusting . Ther e wa s pani c selling . There wer e rea l estate speculators , th e piranha s an d vulture s wh o circle any changing or transitional neighborhood. 104 Community instabilit y an d socia l an d persona l frustration , accord ing t o on e carefu l report , le d t o "substantia l racia l tension s amon g children i n schoo l an d i n the playgrounds, " a s well a s to "considerabl e delinquent behavio r includin g suc h seriou s offense s a s burglary , rob bery, stabbin g an d arson." 105 The Brownsvill e Boys Club, as we shall see in the chapters to follo w did wha t i t could i n the face of this situation . Bu t recreation woul d no t be enough . Th e Brookly n Counci l fo r Socia l Plannin g predicte d tha t

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more adequat e pla y spac e woul d onl y deflec t suc h mino r offense s a s "ballplaying [and ] ridin g bicycle s [i n prohibite d areas] , breakin g win dows, trespassin g an d throwin g stones. " An d i t recognize d tha t the famil y problem s an d neighborhoo d condition s whic h hel p produc e delin quency ar e comple x an d ther e ar e n o eas y solutions . Th e Committe e i s awar e that wha t happen s i n th e Cit y . . . Stat e . . . natio n an d th e worl d wil l hav e [an] important effec t o n famil y an d neighborhoo d lif e here . . . . This interde pendence mus t no t b e forgotten . We kno w tha t health y famil y lif e depend s i n larg e par t o n progres s i n raising economi c standard s an d improvin g livin g conditions , especiall y hous ing, fo r wholesome neighborhood environment and basic economic security provide the

underpinning of happy family life. Furthermore, ther e must b e continued effor t t o overcome tension s whic h aris e fro m cultura l an d religiou s difference s an d t o develop th e understandin g an d way s o f cooperatio n whic h mak e fo r soun d community morale. 106 T h e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b als o reflected , i n it s rhetori c an d behav ior, som e understandin g tha t i n additio n t o increase d recreationa l facil ities an d othe r socia l services , change s i n mor e basi c socia l an d materia l conditions wer e necessary . I n Marc h 194 6 a t th e Sixt h Anniversar y Meeting o f th e foundin g o f th e BB C hel d a t th e Ston e Avenu e Library , it wa s announced , "W e mus t tr y t o obtai n certai n improvement s fo r Brownsville. Althoug h a settlemen t hous e i s ou r immediat e goal , w e will campaig n fo r healt h centers , housin g projects , hig h school s an d other facilities." 107 I n 194 7 N o r m a n Gorof f wrot e tha t th e goa l o f th e club i s "no t t o kee p th e boy s of f th e streets , bu t t o mak e th e street s attractive an d safe." 1 0 8 Pointin g als o to th e fac t tha t a small bu t increas ing percentag e o f BBCer s wer e black , Goroff , no w a n alumnu s an d volunteer worke r fo r th e club , sai d tha t al l th e boys , blac k an d white , were strivin g "fo r bette r understandin g throug h workin g an d playin g together: an d abov e al l knowin g eac h other." 1 0 9 T h e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b wa s a stunnin g achievement . A grou p of youn g boy s create d a n organizatio n whic h enable d the m an d other s to d o wha t the y love d t o d o most—pla y ball . T h e clu b mad e possibl e large-scale participatio n o f boy s i n recreation . I t tappe d int o a n alread y deeply-rooted sport s culture , provide d athlete-heroe s a s type s fo r em ulation, an d channele d energie s int o "health y competition. " I t tappe d even mor e int o th e Jewis h communit y cultur e o f tsedaka an d mutual aid, an d progressiv e politics . T h e BB C quickl y develope d int o a n

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3

extraordinary self-hel p institutio n providin g nurtur e fo r man y youn g Brownsville boy s i n need an d acting as a powerfully successfu l negoti ator i n gaining benefit s an d resources fro m othe r establishe d agencies . The clu b als o provide d socia l model s an d guidance . Mos t importan t perhaps i t create d a sens e o f authenti c communit y an d o f belonging . As Ben Wernikoff pu t it: "At the outset our object wa s to get back int o the playground . But , then belongin g t o the BBC was as natural fo r us as that our families wer e members of shuls and 'societies.' " no Almost al l th e boys , whe n the y tal k abou t th e BB C experience , convey a sense of deep satisfactio n an d fulfillment resultin g fro m wha t was virtuall y tota l involvemen t an d interdependence . Severa l studie s have foun d tha t me n an d wome n a s ol d a s sevent y an d a s youn g a s thirteen, fro m a wid e rang e o f cultures , Eas t an d West , describ e th e times whe n the y ar e at their pea k o f fulfillment i n very simila r terms . They tal k abou t a nearl y complet e immersio n i n whateve r the y ar e doing, a deep concentratio n o n the activity a t hand, whic h lead s t o a forgetting of everyday problems; a clarity of goals and feedback; a loss of self-consciousness and . . . a sense o f transendence, a s if the self ha d she d it s puny shel l and become part of a much larger entity, a more dynamic force. An d they al l say that this experience . . . called the "flow" experience because so many respondents likene d i t to a merging wit h a stream o f energy—is mad e possibl e by the balancing of personal skills with environmental challenges. 111 Creating and maintaining the BBC together wa s a "flow" experienc e for th e Brownsvill e boys . Thes e boys , product s o f Jewish hom e lif e and environment , helpe d themselve s an d wer e abl e t o hel p others . " I really believ e tha t th e BB C mad e m e a bette r person, " sai d Natha n Dassa, an d many other s remembere d tha t "th e older BB C boys picke d us up when w e needed them, " or that th e "BBC strengthened ou r self esteem a s Brownsville boys." 112 The Brownsvill e Boy s Club , whic h ha d impresse d othe r socia l agencies wit h it s energ y an d commitment , wa s t o becom e i n th e postwar er a a n "established " agenc y itself . Bu t i t woul d continu e t o provide, perhap s eve n mor e effectively , al l the older valuabl e service s as well a s some new ones. Postwa r clu b leader s include d wa r veteran s —former BBCers , wh o felt enoug h attachmen t t o their Jewish neigh borhood t o retur n t o i t a t leas t fo r a time. The y wer e apparentl y no t

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yet a s read y a s man y othe r Jew s wer e t o "mov e u p an d out. " Th e veterans an d othe r leader s staye d i n Brownsville , an d tried , beginnin g in th e mid-1940s , t o contribute , i n thei r ow n smal l ways , t o th e alleviation o f th e enormou s socia l problem s brough t durin g th e war , and i n its wake.

CHAPTER 4

Soldiers, Storefronts, and Social (Change: 'The 0ub (parries On It is Better to Build Boys Than to Mend Men. —BROWNSVILLE BOYS ' CLU B SLOGA N

The wa r brough t a numbe r o f problem s t o Brownsvill e an d t o th e Brownsville Boys Club. Virtuall y al l of the "older" boys who had bee n most responsibl e fo r th e founding an d framin g o f the BB C were, alon g with nearl y fiv e hundre d othe r clu b members , servin g i n on e branc h or anothe r o f th e arme d forces. 1 Do c Baroff , Yussi e Feldman , Y.D . Deutch an d Georg e Schmare n wer e i n th e army , an d Izz y Lesovo y was i n th e navy . Onl y Norma n Goroff , o f th e "originals, " becaus e o f a heart problem , staye d o n the home front. Bu t the club carried on . Goroff, wit h the help of the fifteen- an d sixteen-year-olds , includin g Irving Levine , Jac k Leavitt , Seymou r Brief , Bernar d Berman , an d Marty Kronenberg , kep t th e clu b aliv e an d active . Ther e wa s a tem porary decreas e i n membershi p (approximatel y 6 0 percent) , bu t th e newsletter cam e out wit h relativ e consistency, game s were booke d an d there wer e stil l trip s t o movies , an d outing s t o museum s an d circuses . One BB C servicema n statione d i n Texas, receive d a copy o f the news letter, an d wa s delighted. H e wrot e to thank th e editors and t o encour 95

On Pitkin Avenue, members of the U.S. armed forces demonstrate weaponry for the "education" of the public, including a number of BBCers. (Courtesy of BBC Alumni Association.) age them : " I a m gla d t o hea r tha t y o u ar e stil l goin g place s an d gettin g in gratis . I go t a bi g kic k ou t o f i t w h e n I wen t t o th e Rode o wit h yo u boys a t Madiso n Squar e G a r d e n . I enjoye d mysel f becaus e I sa w happy kid s al l aroun d m e . " H e w e n t o n t o say , " W e hav e G o d t o than k for thi s countr y wher e w e ca n stil l laug h an d d o a s w e please . . . . I think i t woul d b e a goo d ide a i f yo u boy s w e n t ou t an d hustle d u p things t o hel p ou r c o u n t r y . " 2

Brownsville generall y di d it s par t fo r th e wa r effort . Civilia n defens e volunteer organization s wer e ver y activ e writin g letter s t o soldiers , running canteen s fo r serviceme n hom e o n furlough , cooperatin g wit h the Re d Cros s an d sellin g wa r bonds . Fiftee n millio n dollar s i n wa r bonds wer e sol d i n Brownsville . Landsmanshaftn i n Brownsvill e als o raised larg e sum s fo r Russia n wa r relief. 3

T h e boy s i n th e Brownsvill e B o y s C l u b wer e n o exceptio n t o th e general Brownsvill e trend o f wa r ai d an d enthusiasti c suppor t fo r th e

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A war bond rally on Powell Street sponsored by Ben Werbel, Democratic party leader, and father of three BBCers. Other Brownsville Boys Club members participating included Ruby Nudelman, Sheiky Lenowitz, and Joe Feldman. (Courtesy of BBC Alumni Association.) soldiers, man y o f w h o m wer e thei r o w n clu b mates . B o y s goin g o n BBC-sponsored trips , fo r example , wer e require d t o " b u y a t leas t a ten-cent w a r stamp. " T h e boy s als o participate d extensivel y i n loca l "scrap d r i v e s . " 4

A i d continue d eve n after th e war . H a v i n g heard th e storie s an d see n photographs o f childre n w h o ha d spen t tim e i n concentratio n camps ,

9

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D

Bernard ("Red") Geller, Dudley Gaffin, and Gerald ("Sheiky") Lenowitz in Gaffin's father's bar and grill, on Rockaway and New Lots avenues, sending Ruby Nudelman off to war. (Courtesy of BBC Alumni Association.) the boy s decide d t o adop t a wa r orphan . Savin g pennies, nickels , an d dimes i n a month-lon g no-bubbl e g u m an d no-cand y campaign , th e B B C boy s accumulate d $365 . T h e mone y wa s give n t o Salmo n Rzepko , selected, th e boy s said , becaus e " w e kind a like d hi s picture, " an d wha t they ha d rea d abou t hi m i n th e newsletters. 5

Brownsville B o y s C l u b newsletter s wer e sen t t o serviceme n throughout th e war , an d wer e a n importan t par t o f th e b o y s ' genera l support an d aid . Certainl y the y wer e n o smal l thin g t o th e soldier s w h o receive d them : " I jus t go t [the ] newspape r y o u maile d m e , " wrot e Private Joe Skop e i n a lette r reprinte d i n th e B B C newsletter: It w a s grea t an d I w a n t t o than k y o u b o y s fo r helpin g t o buil d u p m y morale . I gues s th e othe r fellow s tha t y o u maile d th e pape r t o fee l th e sam e w a y a s I do. I t w a s grea t t o rea d abou t th e thing s bac k i n th e ol d neighborhoo d an d k n o w tha t y o u b o y s ar e helpin g u s here . I'm som e w h e r e i n N e w G u i n e a an d w h e n a fello w get s n e w s fro m th e ol d g a n g y o u ca n se e th e sparkl e i n hi s e y e s an d h e k n o w s tha t som e o f th e b o y s

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still think o f him an d i t makes him fight al l the harder s o he can get bac k to his prewar friends . Thanks agai n fo r th e pape r an d I hop e whe n th e nex t on e come s ou t yo u will remember t o mail one to me. I'll b e seeing you afte r final victory. 6 H y Rabinowit z wrote : It wa s certainl y swel l t o hea r fro m th e "mob " again . Onl y a servicema n knows ho w i t feel s whe n hi s frien d write s t o him . I n m y opinio n a letter, o r a paper a s yo u sent , i s th e bes t presen t on e i n th e servic e coul d as k for . . . . Reading i t brough t bac k memories—memorie s o f u s fellow s playin g ball , arguing, an d laughin g together . Yep , thos e wer e th e u good ol d days". . . . I mus t stres s agai n kee p sendin g thos e paper s t o u s continuousl y . . . an d thanks again. 7 Private Firs t Clas s Si d ("Schnitz" ) Siege l als o expresse d hi s grati tude no t onl y fo r th e newslette r bu t fo r th e Brownsvill e Boys ' Clu b generally: Congratulations] . . . o n you r Thir d Anniversary , an d thank[s ] . . . fo r th e B.B.C. pape r whic h yo u sent . . . . Th e fellow s i n m y barrac k reall y enjoye d reading [it ] especiall y th e Hono r Rol l o f th e fellow s i n th e servic e an d thei r nicknames. I guess I a m ver y luck y t o b e one of the first member s o f the clu b and se e i t gro w fro m a smal l disorganize d grou p t o a larg e an d powerfu l organization. Yo u ma y laug h whe n I use the adjectives larg e and powerfu l bu t it reall y i s powerfu l a s i t go t m e thing s whic h I neve r dreame d of . . . . I d o not thin k tha t an y o f u s woul d hav e though t o f playin g i n th e differen t settlement house s al l over New Yor k City. . . . Let us hope that o n the Fourt h Anniversary o f our clu b the war wil l be over an d tha t w e all once again will b e seated i n th e librar y o r perhap s i n a new settlemen t house , an d liste n t o Doc' s pleasant joke s and hi s inspiring speeches. 8 Doc's speeche s an d genera l leadershi p apparentl y ha d bee n ver y inspiring. Boy s h e recruite d an d "trained " i n 194 1 an d 1942 , includin g Levine, Kronenberg , Lenn y Dryansky , Irvin g Sikora , an d Sa m Schneider, al l o f who m hel d executiv e offic e i n th e wa r years , contin ued t o d o th e wor k o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club . A s earl y a s Decem ber 12 , 1941 , five day s afte r Pear l Harbor , Barof f sai d tha t som e o f th e older officer s o f th e clu b wer e likel y t o b e calle d int o th e arme d services. Hi s mai n objective , Do c said , wa s t o "trai n member s no t t o depend o n hi m alone." 9 H e succeeded . T h e younge r leader s wer e

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informally tutore d earlie r b y Doc ; he took severa l of them wit h hi m o n his "public relations rounds" as well as to his social agency negotiation s and hi s polic e statio n dealings , an d the y helpe d kee p th e clu b fro m disintegrating. Several , includin g Berman , Brief , Levine , an d Dryan sky, late r wen t int o socia l wor k buoye d b y thi s "preprofessional " experience. Wit h Do c an d man y o f th e othe r olde r leader s gone , th e younger boy s maintaine d th e value d schedul e o f athletic competitions ; the Sackonia n basebal l tea m wo n th e Kiwani s Leagu e City Champion ship at Ebbets Fiel d i n 1942 , and the Brownsville Boys Club basketbal l team cam e i n secon d five year s runnin g i n th e Boy s Athleti c Leagu e competition, finally winnin g i n 1947. 10 The ne w boy s als o continue d to chaperon e outings , publis h th e newsletter , an d sen d youngster s t o camp. Thes e boys , constituting a second generatio n of leaders, dubbe d the u best an d th e brightest " b y returnin g vetera n Jo e Feldman , als o continued t o recrui t member s fo r th e club . The y wen t "ou t t o poo l rooms, cand y store s an d stree t corner s i n thei r effort s t o recruit " BBCers, an d t o remov e boy s fro m "th e danger s [inherent ] i n thes e menacing environments. " Learning , a s th e first generatio n o f leader s had learned , tha t "waitin g fo r th e boy s t o see k ou t th e clu b [was ] . . . unsatisfactory," the y determine d t o "bring the club to the boys." n Bringing th e clu b t o th e boy s als o brough t a n intensifie d sens e o f purpose an d meanin g t o th e ne w leaders . Severa l o f the m a s w e hav e seen becam e socia l worker s an d eve n mor e entered teachin g a s a result of thei r BB C work . Mart y Kronenber g chos e educatio n a s a vocatio n "because o f th e jo y derive d fro m workin g a s a mento r an d guid e t o boys i n th e club. " No w a n assistan t principa l i n th e Ne w Yor k Cit y Public Schoo l system , Mart y wa s onl y eleve n whe n th e clu b wa s formed, an d h e describe d himsel f a s a "hange r on, " i n 194 0 "bu t a leader amon g the young. " His mother , a "Yiddishe Mama," according to Marty, arrive d i n th e United State s fro m Russia n Polan d i n 19 1 o a t th e ag e o f eleven . Marty's fathe r lef t th e Russia n Empir e i n 190 0 just after h e became ba r mitzvah, an d no t lon g after hi s arrival here he brought hi s two younge r brothers t o th e Unite d States . "Th e shul" Mart y says , "wa s m y father's life. " The elde r Kronenber g was the unofficial canto r and rabb i for a congregatio n o f thirt y t o fifty friends , mos t o f the m fro m th e same general are a i n th e ol d country . The y praye d an d socialize d i n a

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basement shul, an d wer e constitute d a s a landsmanshaft khevra, providin g numerous mutual-ai d services . "I love d m y father, " Mart y sai d warmly , though h e wasn't wha t yo u woul d cal l a powerful presenc e or a real role-mode l for me , a n America n kid . H e di d sen d m e to Talmud Tora h til l I was sixteen , and h e even mad e m e go to shut regularly unti l I was fifteen . O f course , whe n I wen t t o colleg e I move d toward s th e "left, " an d gav e tha t up . Bu t I mis s i t now. My father' s rea l power lie s in the fact tha t h e was not a hypocrite. H e neve r cheated; h e neve r lied . An d a good par t o f that' s i n me . Th e closes t thin g t o a "lie" tha t m y fathe r tol d wa s whe n h e turne d a blin d ey e t o m y Saturda y afternoon movies . H e woul d com e hom e fro m shu l o n shabos, hav e lunc h an d take a nap . An d I woul d say , "Ma-a-ah? " An d sh e kne w I wa s askin g fo r movie money. I' m prett y sur e my fathe r knew , bu t h e never confronte d me . Marty Kronenberg' s "secon d mothe r an d father, " h e said , wa s th e Brownsville Boy s Club . T h e charismati c Do c Barof f fille d ou t tha t part o f "th e role-mode l m y fathe r couldn' t provide . Do c wa s a guid e and nurturer , lik e m y father , bu t als o a companion—and a ballplayer! " T h e neighborhood , th e stree t corners , th e team s an d th e Brownsvill e Boys Clu b generally , Mart y said , "gav e m e somethin g reall y importan t — i t extende d th e boundarie s o f m y h o m e . " I 2 Receiving an d the n givin g bac k o r passin g o n wa s a ric h dynami c that la y a t th e hear t o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club , an d i t i s embodie d in Mart y Kronenberg' s lif e an d career . Kronenber g havin g ha d th e boundaries o f hi s hom e extende d b y th e BB C wen t o n t o exten d th e boundaries o f other s boys ' homes . Larr y Kushner , fo r example , no w a deputy superintenden t fo r th e N e w Yor k Boar d o f Education , wa s coached b y Mart y i n basketball , an d remember s hi m a s "ver y suppor tive, ver y intellectua l an d a n influenc e o n u s all." 1 3 O n e o f th e wartim e presidents o f th e club , wit h th e nicknam e "Weasel " (havin g t o d o wit h the wa y h e move d o n th e basketbal l court) , Marty , i n additio n t o coaching an d playin g basketball , wrot e a colum n fo r th e newslette r ("Krony's Korner") . T h o u g h thoroughl y dedicate d t o hi s studie s a t City Colleg e o f N e w Yor k fro m 194 6 to 1950 , Mart y staye d ver y muc h involved wit h th e club . Wit h a la w degre e a s wel l a s a master' s degre e in educationa l administration , Kronenber g sai d i n 197 5 tha t hi s "year s of wor k wit h th e Boy s Clu b hav e mean t mor e t o [him ] tha n an y othe r

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single experience. " An d h e continue s t o believ e i n th e Brownsvill e Boys Club sloga n that "i t is better t o build boy s than men d men." 14 For som e tim e eve n durin g th e war , severa l o f th e leader s a t hom e and abroa d bega n t o thin k tha t "buildin g boys " coul d b e mor e effec tively accomplishe d i n a real clubhous e instea d o f throug h a combina tion o f thei r smal l "headquarters " i n th e librar y an d th e "extende d facilities" belongin g t o others. Beginnin g a s early a s May 194 0 a num ber of adult speaker s were invited t o the library t o address the possibil ities of a settlement hous e i n Brownsville. 15 B y the mid-1940s the boy s realized tha t i f the y wer e t o obtai n financial assistanc e i n thi s goal , "they woul d nee d th e advic e and ai d o f an older an d mor e experience d group." The leader s contacted Milto n Goel l of the Brownsvill e Neigh borhood Council ; Edwar d J . Lukas , th e Executiv e Directo r o f th e Society fo r th e Preventio n o f Crime ; Judge Danie l Gutman ; an d othe r community notables . Thes e me n becam e a n "advisor y board, " on e o f whose functions wa s to help procure th e strongl y desire d clubhouse. 16 Serviceman Si d Siegel' s 194 3 lette r mentione d th e possibilit y o f a "settlement house, " an d Barof f o n furloug h i n 194 5 tol d a radio audi ence tha t "whe n ou r member s com e hom e fro m th e wa r thei r greates t delight woul d b e t o hav e a building—eithe r i n th e makin g o r waitin g for us." 17 There wa s n o buildin g waitin g o r i n th e making . Bu t th e Brookly n Council fo r Socia l Plannin g ha d receive d i n lat e 1945 , perhap s a s a result o f th e radi o broadcast , a n anonymou s donatio n o f twelve hundre d dollars earmarke d fo r th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club. 18 This gav e some of the boy s th e feelin g tha t enoug h mone y coul d b e raise d fo r a club house. An d a t th e Sixt h Anniversar y Meetin g o f th e Club , hel d a t th e Stone Avenu e Librar y o n Marc h 22 , 1946 , i t wa s announce d tha t a "primary goa l of the club was a settlement" house . Abe Stark , a prosperou s men' s clothie r an d presiden t o f th e Pitki n Avenue Merchants ' Association , thoug h no t o n th e origina l advisor y board, ha d sinc e 194 6 been intereste d i n a clubhouse fo r th e Browns ville boys . H e persuade d severa l other s tha t i t wa s possible , incorpo rated th e club , an d se t u p a new boar d o f director s consistin g o f loca l businessmen, bankers , and lawyers. I n 194 7 they raise d enoug h mone y to ope n a storefron t o n Christophe r an d Riverdal e avenues , an d t o bolster th e club's activitie s financially.

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Jacob ("Doc") Baroff on furlough in 1945, outside of Nanny Goat Park, speaking (what else?) with Norman Goroff (left ) Zeke Levy (right) , and others about the war and the future of the BBC. (Courtesy ofJacob Baroff.) T h e b o y s , however , stil l tryin g t o abid e b y thei r earlie r proscrip tion, " N o A d u l t C o n t r o l , " continue d t o "ru n th e s h o w . " T h e y contin ued thei r "extende d facilities " operatio n fro m thei r large r storefron t headquarters an d too k car e o f th e day-to-da y managemen t o f al l th e club's affairs . Moreover , thre e alumn i member s o f th e Brownsvill e B o y s C l u b (afte r becomin g twenty-on e year s old , on e coul d n o longe r be a membe r o f th e Brownsvill e B o y s C l u b proper ) wer e electe d b y the younge r b o y s ' representativ e counci l t o si t o n th e boar d o f direc tors, an d counci l member s themselve s coul d atten d boar d meeting s a s observers. 19

In 1947 , th e "twenty-one-yea r rule " mean t tha t neithe r Barof f no r Schmaren, no r indee d an y o f the founders ' generatio n coul d b e officer s of th e club . H o w e v e r , D o c Baroff , n o w twenty-three , wa s hire d b y the Board , wit h th e vote d approva l o f the b o y s , a s a professional grou p worker a t $11 0 per mont h (al l h e wa s allowe d under th e G . I . Bil l whil e going t o school) . G e o r g e Schmaren , N o r m a n Goroff , an d Isidor e L e sovoy sa t o n th e boar d o f director s an d they , alon g wit h other s includ -

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The rear yard of the Christopher Avenue storefront (c. 1947), with makeshift basketball hoop in the upper right handcorner. (Courtesy ofJoseph Feldman.) ing Joe Feldma n an d Jac k D e u t c h , becam e par t o f a voluntee r staf f fo r the b o y s . T h e overridin g goa l i n th e lat e 1940 s wa s t o rais e fund s fo r a building. Bu t a t thi s point , a t least , th e buildin g wa s stil l a mean s t o the en d o f magnifyin g an d extendin g th e service s th e B o y s C l u b ha d always provided . T h e Christophe r A v e n u e storefront ha d a numbe r o f back rooms—remodele d an d refurbishe d b y th e boy s themselves — and th e boy s wer e abl e t o secur e contribution s o f ping-pon g tables , enough photographi c apparatu s t o se t u p a darkroo m laboratory , ra dios, a librar y o f hundred s o f book s donate d b y th e boy s an d thei r families, an d a significan t amoun t o f athleti c equipment . Basketballs , bats, an d punchball s wer e loane d b y th e Brownsvill e B o y s C l u b t o members o f al l age s fo r us e i n parks , playgrounds , an d streets . T h e inside activities , even a "quie t corner " wher e a bo y coul d ge t hel p wit h his homework , wer e als o p o p u l a r . 2 0

21

" W e close d fro m 5:0 0 P . M . t o 6:0 0 fo r dinner, " sai d Baroff , "an d o n our retur n ther e wer e alway s twent y t o thirt y g u y s waitin g outsid e t o get i n . " Individua l club s wer e allotte d spac e fo r thei r meeting s t o 2 2

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Outside club "headquarters" at 417 Christopher Avenue. Increasing membership, and the boys' sense that they could do more with it, intensified the desire for a building with space, and a "real gym." (Courtesy of BBC Alumni Association.) enable the m t o com e ou t o f th e "col d park " an d of f stree t corners . T h e boys als o successfull y negotiate d wit h P . S . 18 4 fo r meetin g room s i n the school' s n e w ly reopene d evenin g c e n t e r . 23

T h e b o y s , in th e lat e 1940s , were assiste d b y pai d worker s includin g Baroff, Harol d Radish , Irvin g Forman , Jac k O v e n t h a l , an d Isidor e

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("Red") Karbe l a s wel l a s voluntee r staff . Al l wer e forme r BBCers , an d virtually all , lik e Barof f an d Lesovoy , wer e toughene d wa r veterans . Forman ha d bee n i n th e navy' s submarin e service , Karbe l i n th e ai r force, an d Radis h ha d eve n bee n a prisone r o f wa r fo r severa l month s in Europe . Survivors , thes e Brownsville-raise d boys , rededicate d themselves t o Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b work . An d the y transcended , b y their internalize d resources , th e trouble d experienc e o f significan t numbers o f othe r veterans . Write r Gilber t Sorrentin o describe d som e of thes e "othe r veterans, " o n thei r retur n t o Sout h Brooklyn , "hom e from th e slaughte r read y t o tak e thei r places: " But how strang e that s o many o f them ha d becom e drunkards, brawlers , bum s content t o stan d o n th e corne r wit h th e boy s wh o ha d bee n jus t to o youn g t o get int o it . The y fought , the y ogle d hig h schoo l girls , dran k wine , sho t crap , played th e horses. The las t hal f o f th e decad e wa s on e o f drif t an d disillusionment . Th e Depression an d th e wa r ha d mad e th e youn g adult s o f th e neighborhoo d restless, strangel y malcontent . Alcoholis m flourished, an d mos t youn g me n seemed t o live their entir e lives in saloons. 24 Journalist Bradfor d Chamber s wrot e i n 194 6 tha t serviceme n re turning t o al l part s o f N e w Yor k wer e aggravatin g th e proble m o f gan g wars b y supplyin g weapon s brough t bac k fro m th e internationa l con flict: Jobless veteran s themselve s ar e slippin g bac k int o th e gan g environment . New York' s court s ar e filling wit h veteran s hel d o n crimina l charges , an d I have talke d wit h man y veteran s wh o ar e hangin g ou t agai n o n th e sam e ol d street-corner wit h thei r forme r pals . They're no t happy abou t the employmen t situation, an d the y ar e no t a t al l please d a t th e wartim e invasio n o f Negroes , Puerto Rican s and Jews int o their neighborhood[s]. 25 T h e scen e wa s differen t fo r th e Jewish wa r veteran s o f Brownsville , at leas t fo r thos e w h o helpe d a t th e Boy s Club . Althoug h thes e return ing serviceme n wer e wit h thei r "forme r pals " an d eve n o n stree t cor ners, the y d o no t appea r t o hav e bee n "disillusioned. " T h e veteran s not onl y returne d t o school , they , alon g wit h othe r staf f aide d th e boy s with activitie s a t th e storefront , an d helpe d the m sustai n thei r progra m of securin g vacation s fo r boy s i n camps , an d fre e admissio n t o a variet y of entertainments . T h e y rendere d service , too , o f course , i n helpin g with organize d athleti c competition . Thousand s o f boy s participate d

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7

Marty Kronenberg, vice-president of the Brownsville Boys Club in 1949, displays prizes BBC received for winning the Boys Athletic League basketball championship (1947-48), the district championship for softball (1946), and the Division B championship for foul shooting (1946-47). (Courtesy of Martin Kronenberg.) in intramura l an d cit y w i de competitions , i n baseball , softball , basket ball, volleyball , track , an d boxing , wit h equipmen t donate d b y th e American Basebal l Foundation , th e B'na i B'rit h (boxin g gloves! ) an d other organizations. T h e Brownsvill e B o ys C l u b team s entere d city 26

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wide tournaments , an d i n 194 9 Mart y Kronenber g appeare d i n th e New York Herald Tribune proudly displayin g prize s an d trophie s awarde d the team s betwee n 194 6 and 1949. 27 The veterans , th e older staff , an d the younge r boy s lik e Irvin g Levin e wh o becam e athleti c directo r i n 1947, continue d t o maintai n tha t sport s wer e "therapeutic " an d reha bilitative. An d the y woul d continu e t o tr y t o brin g th e "recreationa l solution" to Brownsville's problems . Brownsville's troubles , however , increase d an d intensified . Clu b leaders an d worker s recognizin g th e disadvantage s cause d b y clas s differences an d racia l discrimination , bega n t o move awa y fro m sport s as th e primary rout e t o socia l health . The y bega n ove r tim e t o focu s more steadily o n "all aspects of the boys' lives," including the socioeconomic condition s i n whic h the y lived . Th e postwa r year s produce d i n Brownsville, a s in many America n urba n areas , not only a n increase of youth crim e an d i n th e numbe r o f gan g wars , bu t a n escalatio n o f brutality. 28 Ne w York' s answe r t o juvenil e delinquenc y an d th e gan g problem wa s t o assig n extr a policeme n i n Brownsvill e an d elsewher e "to hal t [the ] hoodlums' reign." 29 Bois e S . Dent , a black ministe r wh o would soo n sit on the Brownsvill e Boy s Club board , requeste d i n 194 7 that th e cop s assigne d t o Brownsvill e b e mostl y blacks . Fo r althoug h "both white s an d Negroe s wer e th e victims, " Den t said , th e pett y thievery an d vandalis m wa s mostl y perpetrate d b y blac k yout h an d the stree t fighting wa s mainl y betwee n black gang s lik e th e Nit s an d the Socialisti c Gents. 30 In additio n t o callin g fo r mor e police , civi c leaders , alon g wit h th e Brownsville Boy s Club , continue d t o push th e "recreationa l solution. " Shocked tha t th e cit y ha d recentl y eliminate d gymnasium s an d indoo r play space s fro m propose d ne w elementar y schoo l buildings , an d ha d closed th e Glenmor e Avenu e publi c library , "on e o f th e fe w yout h resources i n Brownsville," 31 me n lik e Milto n Goel l increase d thei r lobbying fo r loca l facilities . Pointin g t o th e "homelessness " o f th e Brownsville Boy s Club , whic h h e describe d a s a "potential powe r fo r tremendous good, " Goel l said , "Recreationa l facilitie s hav e bee n s o meagre i n [Brownsville] , th e surprisin g thin g i s no t tha t ther e i s juve nile delinquency i n the area, bu t tha t i t is not tenfold." 32 Abe Stark , chairma n o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b Boar d i n 1947 , also recognize d th e organization' s "potentia l power. " Referrin g t o a

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"new ba d youn g gang, " i n Brownsville , Star k said : "Ou r boy s wen t after the m bu t couldn' t interes t the m i n an y game s o r activitie s unti l they aske d th e gang leade r t o join a baseball team . Tha t di d it . Al l th e gang began playin g ball. Now the y ar e getting into other club activitie s and they'r e behavin g themselves. " Staunchl y invokin g th e "recrea tional solution, " Star k wen t on : "I' d lik e t o se e ever y cit y i n th e country tak e thes e boy s fo r a n exampl e whe n they'r e wonderin g ho w to comba t juvenil e delinquency." 33 An d b y Ma y o f 1948 , eve n Ne w York Cit y decide d t o pus h a "Wa r o n Juvenile Delinquency " wit h a n outdoor "pla y progra m i n strategi c areas. " I t marke d Brownsvill e fo r special attention. 34 Brownsville wa s becomin g increasingl y a "borderline " o r transi tional distric t o f divers e racia l an d religiou s groupings . Instability , tension, an d frustratio n pervade d man y section s o f Brownsvill e an d particularly thos e wit h relativel y sizeabl e blac k populations. 35 Her e (e.g., Healt h Area s 5 7 an d 59) , boy s tende d disproportionatel y t o ge t "into trouble, " whethe r the y wer e black o r white , an d whethe r th e perceived "palliative " of recreation wa s or was not available . Fifteen-year-old Stanle y Fox , fo r example , a basketball an d softbal l player, livin g o n Sutte r Avenu e i n th e hear t o f th e mos t trouble d district wa s th e fata l victi m o f a shootin g i n Februar y o f 1949 . Th e Fox bo y (apparentl y whit e an d Jewish , bu t neve r s o identified ) was , along wit h severa l others , readyin g a variet y o f weapon s fo r a gan g fight, whe n a gu n accidentall y fire d an d kille d him . Stanle y wa s a member o f th e Blac k Hats , whic h wa s initiate d a s a socia l clu b an d sports tea m i n Jun e o f 194 8 (no t par t o f th e BBC) . Th e clu b wa s "officially recognized " b y P.S . 15 6 a t whic h th e "rathe r loosel y orga nized" grou p met . A disput e betwee n th e Blac k Hat s an d th e Bristo l Street Boys , anothe r socia l an d athleti c club , arisin g fro m a softbal l game played i n th e schoolyar d o f P.S . 156 , apparently le d t o plans fo r revenge. A thir d group , th e Musketeers , involve d themselve s i n th e confrontation a s allie s o f th e Blac k Hats . Becaus e o f th e accidenta l shooting th e "showdow n fight" neve r too k place , bu t eigh t boy s wer e arrested a t eight different location s i n Brownsville an d a virtual arsena l was rounde d up : te n han d guns , eigh t rifles , a machete , five daggers , fourteen knives , an d thre e hundre d round s of ammunition . The principa l o f P.S . 156 sai d th e Blac k Hat s ha d create d "n o

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disorder o r troubl e a t th e school, " an d th e slai n boy' s fathe r (a n ai r force staf f sergeant ) sai d th e Blac k Hat s wer e no t a gang , bu t a clu b which hel d meeting s an d game s a t school , an d mostl y "watche d tele vision a t home. " Th e Foxe s wer e amon g thirtee n hundre d familie s living in the Brownsvill e Housin g Project , int o which the y ha d move d when i t first opene d i n Apri l 1948 . Sergean t Fo x sai d the y foun d almost immediately tha t i t was a "bad neighborhood." 36 Ironically , th e housing projec t was , i n goo d part , th e produc t o f long-ter m lobbyin g by reformers , lik e Milto n Goell , wh o aime d a t reducin g delinquenc y and wa s labeled b y the m "Brownsville' s greates t improvement." 37 The Fo x cas e showere d "negativ e publicity " o n Brownsville , an d prompted man y t o rise to its defense. Ab e Stark , i n response describe d the neighborhoo d a s " a nic e place , wit h a fine communit y spiri t an d with thousand s o f fine upstandin g boy s an d girls. " A t th e sam e tim e he continue d t o insist , despit e th e failur e o f sport s t o "save " the Blac k Hats an d th e Bristo l Stree t Boys , tha t th e wa y t o fight "bo y gangster ism" wa s fo r th e cit y t o finance ne w recreationa l facilities. 38 Do c Baroff's "talks " in th e immediat e aftermat h o f the accidenta l shooting , though mor e sophisticate d tha n Stark's , followe d a simila r pattern . "Recent account s i n th e newspaper s hav e bee n exaggerated, " th e Brownsville Boy s Clu b directo r said , bu t th e club' s approac h t o th e delinquency tha t doe s exis t i n Brownsville , i s not t o brea k u p a gang; it i s to brin g i t int o th e centra l group , an d redirec t it s energie s "alon g less brutal lines, " like athletic competition. 39 Recreation continue d t o b e th e propose d "solution, " too , o f eigh teen-year-old Jac k Leavitt , presiden t o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b from 194 7 to 1949 . Talking t o television, radio , an d newspape r report ers afte r th e Fo x affai r i n 1949 , Leavit t said , th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club i s a federation o f club s which migh t b e gang s i f the y ha d no t al l bee n supervise d an d le d int o th e excitement an d adventur e of athletic competition an d taught th e rules of selfgovernment. [Recently] ther e wa s a gang o f abou t thirt y boy s aroun d her e wh o wer e really bad. They would stop kids in the street and beat them up and take their money. An d they were giving the storekeepers along here a bad time. I guess they carrie d knive s an d guns . W e tried t o bring them int o the club, becaus e once we got them into the club we knew they would change, but they thought we were a bunch o f sissies . The n w e learned tha t thei r leade r love d t o play

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basketball. We asked him to play on our all-star team. H e came, and he came again, an d th e other s cam e t o watc h him . Prett y soo n the y wer e al l i n th e club. They're fine fellows and we're all proud of them.40 But Barof f an d Leavitt , despit e thei r rhetori c fo r th e media , kne w as did man y o f the othe r boy s tha t "athleti c competition, " eve n super vised athleti c competition , an d "self-government " wer e no t cure-alls . They kne w that thes e things, alone , while valuable, wer e no substitut e for change d socia l conditions . The y kne w tha t th e "recreationa l solu tion" the y celebrate d an d whic h wa s bein g toute d b y th e Brownsvill e Parent Teache r Associations , th e Brownsvill e Schoo l Council , Cit y Youth Boar d Hea d Nathanie l Kaplan , th e police , an d th e distric t attorney's office , wa s no t reall y enough. 41 Th e Brownsvill e boys , par ticularly Jaco b Deutch , Norma n Goroff , an d Lenn y Dryansky—so cialist sons of socialist fathers—knew, fo r example , that "bette r payin g jobs wer e als o essential. " An d al l kne w to o tha t decen t shelte r wa s critical. Havin g bee n expose d t o mor e tha n a decade o f highl y visibl e public lobbyin g fo r stat e an d federa l fund s t o improv e housin g i n Brownsville, Barof f an d Leavit t an d man y o f the othe r boy s wer e wel l aware of the housing issu e and wer e supportive o f reform. 42 Speakers a t th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b meeting s throughou t th e early 1940 s focuse d o n th e nee d fo r a postwa r reconstructio n o f th e neighborhood.43 I n 1945 , when th e Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Coun cil wa s a t th e forefron t o f th e fight fo r publi c housing , Do c Barof f invited Counci l Representativ e Flor a M . Davidso n t o a meeting a t th e Stone Avenu e Library . Ove r on e hundre d boy s cam e t o hea r an d b e heard. 44 Les s tha n a yea r later , i n Marc h 1946 , th e boy s publicl y dedicated themselve s t o campaigning fo r housin g projects , healt h cen ters and hig h school s to improve the social conditions of Brownsville. 45 Throughout th e followin g yea r Norma n Gorof f ra n a colum n i n th e Brownsville Boy s Clu b newslette r calle d "Pamphlet s i n Review " i n which h e deal t wit h a variet y o f socia l justic e issue s includin g inade quate shelte r an d rac e discrimination . An d i n 194 8 Brownsvill e Boy s Club executives , includin g Presiden t Jac k Leavitt , hel d a numbe r o f meetings wit h th e Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Counci l abou t "interra cial understanding," an d abou t publi c housing. 46 During thi s perio d 194 7 an d throug h 1948 , Werne r J. Cahnman , a professor o f sociology a t Brooklyn College , se t out to study th e leisure -

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Norman Goroff conducting a meeting of the BBC at the Brownsville Children's Library (c. 1943). (Courtesy of Norman Goroff.) time activitie s an d attitude s o f "minorit y y o u t h " i n Brownsville . H e focused o n th e "cultura l consciousness " o f Jewis h yout h bu t h e als o interviewed man y blacks . C a h n m a n wa s les s intereste d a t th e initia l stage o f hi s researc h i n intergrou p relations , a s i n grou p "structure. " T h e professo r an d th e student s i n hi s introductor y sociolog y cours e did street-corne r interviewin g an d engage d i n discussion s wit h leader ship groups , especiall y o f th e Brownsvill e B o ys C l u b . O n th e basi s o f these exchange s they designe d a questionnair e t o w h i c h th e youngster s responded. A m o n g the man y interestin g "findings " were th e following: Blacks recognize d discriminatio n a s a majo r problem , bu t a t th e sam e time pointe d t o a numbe r o f "grou p disabilities" : drinking , fighting, physical violence , lac k o f communit y spirit , an d lac k o f politica l orga nization. Jewis h youth , lik e blacks , recognize d th e oppressivenes s o f racial prejudic e an d discrimination ; bu t th e Jews , disproportionately , demonstrated a n orientatio n towar d politica l actio n an d socia l justice. C a h n m a n dubbe d th e Jewis h yout h o f th e Brownsvill e Boys C l u b , "social actionists " w h e n h e complete d hi s stud y i n 1949 . T h e B B C leaders ha d demonstrated , fro m a t leas t a s earl y a s 1945 , some concer n 47

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about negativ e socia l conditions . Man y o f the m ha d als o agree d b y 1947 tha t "sports , howeve r importan t the y ma y be , ar e no t whe n on e comes dow n t o it , th e sol e an d mai n facto r i n ou r lives." 48 Man y Friday evenin g meeting s wer e spen t discussin g an d debatin g othe r things tha n sports . Ofte n ther e wer e presentation s b y educators , com munity leader s an d activists , an d occasionall y ther e were documentar y films.49 Th e boy s di d continu e t o se e athletics a s a very positiv e force , not onl y i n terms o f the joy of play, competitio n an d accomplishment , and no t onl y a s a wa y o f divertin g "negativ e energy, " bu t als o a s a vehicle fo r "gettin g t o kno w on e another, " an d "havin g a commo n bond." Thes e las t tw o acquire d particula r importanc e i n th e fac e o f Brownsville's growin g black population . In Alfred Kazin' s 1920 s Brownsville , Negroes were the sbvartse, th e blacks. We just did not think about them. They were peopl e thre e an d fou r block s awa y yo u passe d comin g hom e fro m th e subway. I never heard a word about them until the depression, when some of the younge r one s bega n t o d o privat e paintin g job s belo w th e unio n wag e scales, and when stil l anothe r bloc k of the earliest woode n shack s on Livonia Avenue near th e subway' s powe r statio n filled up with Negroes . The n som e strange, embarrassed resentment would come out in the talk around the supper table. The y wer e moving nearer an d nearer . The y wer e invading our neigh borhood.50 Undoubtedly som e o f the 1940 s Brownsville boy s wer e als o resent ful o f wha t coul d hav e bee n perceive d a s a n eve n large r "invasion " i n their era . An d on e smal l grou p o f boy s a t least , le d b y "Shimmy, " chased an d bea t black s wheneve r the y sa w the m o n thei r block. 51 Th e main thrust , however , wa s "integration. " A s earl y a s March 194 3 "th e Negro questio n wa s brough t up " a t BB C meetings , an d on e speaker , at least , representin g th e Societ y fo r th e Preventio n o f Crime , aske d the boy s t o continu e "t o promot e interracia l relations. " I n Septembe r 1943 Norma n Gorof f followe d u p b y encouragin g clu b member s t o attend a Negr o Freedo m Rall y a t th e Premier e Palace. 52 I n 194 7 th e Reverend Bois e S . Dent , a black man , joine d th e Brownsville Boar d of Directors, an d a black progra m director , Vincen t Tibbs , wa s hire d t o work ou t o f th e Christophe r Avenu e storefront. 53 I n Apri l 1948 , i n conference wit h th e Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Council , Brownsvill e Boys Clu b representative s agree d tha t "th e speed wit h whic h th e

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Brownsville House s wer e bein g inhabite d . . . pose d th e nee d fo r a welcome b y th e community . . . . [T]hi s woul d tak e th e for m o f a n Easter-Purim festiva l t o underwrit e th e intercultura l an d interfait h implications o f th e housin g projec t whic h wa s nearl y 4 5 percen t Ne gro." Later i n the year th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club contributed refresh ments fo r a Halloween Yout h Danc e a t the housing project. 54 A smal l numbe r o f boys , particularl y Irvin g ("Hooker" ) Levine , took a n intens e interes t i n racia l integration . Th e chil d o f Jewis h immigrants, wh o were u the poorest of our relatives," Levine had joine d the clu b i n 194 1 when h e was eleven year s old . Th e ver y nex t yea r h e was presiden t o f th e club' s Junio r Divisio n (seven-to-thirteen-year olds). Irvin g the n wen t o n t o becom e presiden t o f th e Brownsvill e Boys Club during the war years . I n 1946 , at the Ston e Avenue library , Irving, wh o "identifie d strongl y wit h th e Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Council an d it s policies " o f progressiv e socia l actio n an d vigorou s pursuit o f interracia l cooperation , initiate d a free-wheelin g discussio n about activ e recruitmen t o f blacks fo r team s an d clubs. 55 Onl y whe n the storefron t opene d o n Christophe r Avenu e i n 1947 , however, wer e there any appreciabl e numbe r o f blacks visible at the club. There wer e a t leas t thre e black BB C team s b y 1947 : th e Cobra s (who gathered a t P.S. 184 and praye d before eac h meeting) , th e Saints , and th e Nobles . An d a t leas t tw o othe r clubs , th e Ram s an d th e Spartans, include d blacks. 56 In addition , severa l of the Cobras were on the Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b All-Sta r Softbal l Team . Irvin g Levin e recalls tha t ther e wer e blacks o n th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b trac k an d boxing teams a s well. Th e general patter n then , wit h a few exceptions , was tha t club s an d team s organize d themselve s b y race , bu t tha t intramural competitio n an d Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b "varsity " team s were force s fo r integration , a s wer e th e genera l meeting s t o whic h al l clubs sen t representatives . "Proof, " rea d th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b newsletter tha t "th e boys of Brownsville can work an d pla y togethe r i n perfect harmony." 57 Irving Levin e "identifie d wit h blac k kids, " he said , o n a number o f levels. "W e though t o f the m a s stron g physica l types , an d som e o f u s even believed , i n the immediat e aftermat h o f the Holocaust , tha t i f we were black, w e would hav e killed the Nazis instea d o f them killin g us." Earlier, i n junio r hig h schoo l Irvin g ha d wo n a civic s meda l fo r a n

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An integrated softball team (c. 1949). Izzy Lesovoy and George Schmaren were the coaches. (Courtesy of BBC Alumni Association.)

essay h e wrot e o n black-Jewis h relations . H e ha d bee n stimulate d b y American Jewis h Committe e an d America n Jewish Congres s material s on th e subjec t an d "prou d an d delighted, " w h e n h e discovere d h o w much th e Jew s wer e tie d int o th e movemen t fo r civi l rights . Hooke r got t o kno w black s mor e directl y w h e n i n 194 6 an d 194 7 h e too k fifteen children , som e o f the m black , t o th e Ston e Theatr e ever y M o n d a y afternoon , an d w h e n increasin g number s o f eve n younge r blacks bega n spendin g a goo d par t o f th e da y a t th e storefront . T h e r e , at ag e sixteen , Irvin g wa s runnin g th e gam e room . "I t wa s almos t lik e day-care," h e recalled . Beginning i n 194 7 Irvin g Levin e ra n al l th e B B C leagu e competi tions a s athleti c director . " S o m e o f u s , " Irvin g said , "becam e eve n

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Irving ("Hooker") Levine being sworn in as president of the BBC by Trustee Nat Azarow in 1950. (Courtesy of Irving Levine.)

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more aggressiv e i n recruitin g blacks , a s blac k basketbal l becam e prom inent. Speed , one-hande d shootin g an d th e mor e ope n styl e promote d blacks i n th e game . An d w e wante d ou r team s t o win . Thi s desir e reinforced a tren d alread y establishe d i n a numbe r o f u s b y ou r socia l welfare ideolog y an d ou r progressive , eve n 'left ' politics/ ' It i s importan t t o remembe r tha t i n th e 1940 s activis t integratio n was a radica l position . "Separat e bu t equal " ha d bee n th e lega l orde r of th e day ; separat e an d unequa l wa s th e reality , N o r t h an d South . Even th e Unite d State s governmen t ha d fough t th e Secon d Worl d Wa r with segregate d troops , an d i t wa s no t unti l th e summe r o f 194 8 tha t Harry S . T r u m a n issue d a n executiv e orde r barrin g separatio n o f th e races i n th e arme d forces . O n e understand s i n suc h a contex t wh y th e boys, accordin g t o Irvin g Levin e "wer e no t onl y prou d t o b e th e firs t Jewish-led boy s club , bu t als o th e firs t boy s clu b t o integrate. " Irving ("Hooker" ) Levine , no w hea d o f th e America n Jewis h Com mittee's Institut e fo r America n Pluralis m said , The Brownsvill e Boy s Club fo r m e was all-consuming. A t firs t I was preoccu pied b y sports ; [he still remember s tha t h e le d th e Bomber s wit h thirt y point s in a basketbal l gam e agains t th e Hawks ] the n socia l wor k becam e a n obses sion. . . . For me , wor k a t th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club becam e preprofessiona l social wor k an d practicall y a full-tim e job . I bega n t o d o poorl y i n colleg e [Irving entere d Brookly n Colleg e i n th e sprin g o f 1947] . There wa s nothing in college as exciting a s this. Irving wa s als o doin g poorl y becaus e h e spen t almos t a s muc h tim e on campu s protestin g th e conservativ e policie s o f Brookly n Colleg e President H a r r y Gideons e a s h e di d i n clas s (progressiv e student s wer e particularly irke d b y th e fac t tha t Gideons e crosse d a lin e o f picket s protesting Woo l worth's racia l policies) . Hooke r Levin e di d eventuall y "drop out. " A t tha t point , Do c Barof f i n who m Irvin g "sa w a parenta l personality," intervened . Doc somehow , i n connivanc e wit h m y mother , go t m e t o com e t o lunc h with Esthe r Hilton , th e hea d o f Ne w Yor k University' s undergraduat e Socia l Work Program , withi n whic h Do c was studying. Sh e convinced m e to go back to school . Sh e sai d sh e would us e her influenc e t o make som e arrangement fo r me to do Brownsville Boy s Club work an d t o go to school a t the same time. Enrolled a t N e w Yor k University , Irvin g continue d a s athleti c di rector a t th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club . H e gre w increasingl y disen -

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chanted wit h sports , however , a s he witnessed behavio r tha t "violate d [his] ideals, " an d mad e hi m questio n th e valu e o f sport s a s a primary vehicle for changin g socia l consciousness . Rules were violated b y recreation leaders in the leagues almost with impunity. Th e sport s "code " was broke n ever y day . I was shocke d b y th e "hus tlers." I eve n witnesse d corrup t behavio r b y priest s i n th e Catholi c Yout h Organization Leagues, when I was a boxing coach. The brutalization inheren t in boxing also began to get to me. All of this reinforced m y moving from th e emphasis on sports, to an emphasis on the intellectual and political. While he was completing hi s degree at New Yor k University, Hooke r Levine, i n 1950 , gav e u p directin g athletic s an d becam e a part-tim e paid socia l worke r fo r th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club . Alon g wit h a number o f other professionals , who m Levin e describes a s having bee n "th e best o f th e 1940 s non-Communis t left, " Irvin g brough t th e "grou p work" orientatio n t o th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club . An d fo r al l intent s and purpose s the y mad e the "recreationa l model " of Robert Mose s an d the Par k Departmen t peripheral . "W e wer e goin g t o b e 'scientifi c humanists,' " Levin e said . "W e wer e goin g t o mak e team s int o clubs . Through seriou s supervisio n o f socia l wor k interns , b y senio r profes sional staf f an d progra m directors , w e wer e goin g t o hel p develo p all aspects of the boys' lives and personalities." 58 The ne w grou p o f professionals , hire d wit h fund s raise d b y Ab e Stark, include d severa l like Baroff, Levine , an d Lenn y Dryansky , wh o were forme r member s an d officer s o f the Brownsvill e Boy s Club i n it s preprofessional era . Havin g recognize d tha t "recreation " wa s "neces sary" bu t hardl y "sufficient, " the y woul d tr y t o d o socia l wor k o n al l the "tracks"—grou p work , case work, communit y relations , an d com munity organizing . The y wer e encourage d i n thei r wor k b y majo r figures i n socia l welfare , man y o f who m visite d th e storefron t an d eventually the building. Natha n Cohen , th e dean of Columbia's Schoo l of Socia l Work , an d Jame s McCarthy , hea d o f th e Ne w Yor k Cit y Youth Board , cam e t o prais e an d advise , a s did Da n Dodson , hea d o f the New Yor k Universit y Cente r o f Intergroup Relations. 59 Much advic e an d encouragemen t cam e fro m th e left . Professiona l social workers , especiall y i n Ne w Yor k an d Brooklyn , wer e heavil y represented i n the socia l servic e unions associate d wit h th e "Office an d Professional Worker s o f America. " Thi s organizatio n i s repute d t o

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have containe d a highe r proportio n o f Communist s tha n an y othe r trade union. 60 Othe r militan t unionist s an d socia l activists , lik e Berth a Reynolds, adde d thei r suppor t an d particula r perspectives , a s di d radical communit y organize r Sau l Alinsky. 61 Reinforced , th e Browns ville Boy s Clu b professional s an d th e voluntee r staf f continue d t o d o creative socia l wor k an d communit y organizin g i n th e fac e o f th e increasing difficulties o f neighborhood change . There wer e othe r difficultie s too . Fund s raise d b y Ab e Star k an d the boar d ha d allowe d BB C alumn i an d other s t o wor k a s profession als, an d facilitate d thei r movemen t towar d a deeper , mor e politica l understanding o f gan g problem s an d recreation . Tha t understandin g would soo n com e u p agains t th e mor e traditiona l outloo k an d conven tional politic s of Star k an d th e boar d o f directors.

CHAPTER 5

'Politicians, 'Professionals, and ^Philanthropists: Sell-Out or Trade-Off? Somehow, somewher e . . . I will be in politics because . . . everything in this city—business, health and the home—is based on politics.1 — AB E STARK , APRIL 2 3 , I 9 4 9

In th e mind s o f many , th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b i s associate d wit h the name Abe Stark , Brookly n politicia n an d communit y activist . Th e club, ove r a seven-year period , wit h th e conspicuous ai d of Abe Stark , raised thousand s o f dollar s t o pa y a growing professiona l socia l wor k staff, an d wel l ove r on e millio n dollar s fo r a moder n building . I n October o f 1953 , the Brownsville Boys Club opened a n impressive an d extensive recreationa l facilit y o n Linde n Boulevard . Les s tha n on e month late r Ab e Star k wa s resoundingl y electe d presiden t o f th e cit y council. H e ra n wel l ahea d o f th e Democrati c ticke t whic h ha d swep t the cit y wide elections , an d h e even receive d mor e vote s tha n th e hea d of the ticket, victoriou s mayora l candidat e Rober t F . Wagner. 2 Several o f th e Brownsvill e boy s an d a t leas t on e contemporar y observer hav e suggested tha t Stark' s interes t i n helping the club was as a steppingstone towar d politica l plac e and power. 3 Star k had , afte r all , shown a n activ e interes t i n politic s a s earl y a s 194 5 whe n h e success 120

The scoreboard at Ebbets Field. To the left of the name Abe Stark, the advertisement reads, "Hit Sign, Win Suit." To the delight of the Brownsville Boys in the left-field seats, the Brooklyn Dodgers are beating the Pittsburgh Pirates j to 2 in the bottom of the fifth inning. (Courtesy ofJoseph Feldman.) fully directe d Willia m O'Dwyer' s mayora l candidacy . A t th e sam e time h e first demonstrate d interes t i n th e Brownsvill e Boys Club . I t would b e unfair , however , t o assum e tha t Ab e Stark' s politica l an d personal ambition , whil e rea l enough , wer e no t joine d b y a n hones t and energeti c commitmen t t o philanthrop y an d moderatel y libera l reform. Bor n i n 189 4 to impoverishe d Jewis h immigrants , Star k ha d been deeply immersed i n Jewish philanthropic affairs , an d i n organized civic an d busines s activitie s wel l befor e 1945 . He wa s extraordinaril y successful i n raisin g fund s fo r charity , wa s active in seekin g improved public service s for Brownsvill e and Brookly n generally, an d h e serve d as presiden t o f th e Pitki n Avenu e Merchants ' Associatio n fo r man y years. One o f eigh t children , th e energeti c Ab e was a newsbo y a t six ; at eleven h e worke d a s a soft-drin k vendo r a t Ebbet s Field , an d b y th e time h e wa s twenty-one , h e wa s i n th e retai l clothin g busines s wher e he would prosper fo r ove r forty years . Abe Stark's elite men's clothin g 4

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The cartoonist's less-than-generous version of Abe Stark at Ebbets Field. (Drawing by Geo. Price; © 1938, 1966 The New Yorker Magazine Inc.) store o n Pitki n A v e n u e wa s no t onl y a n emporium , however . I t als o "came t o hav e th e reputatio n o f a politica l an d socia l welfar e offic e t o which hundreds , regardles s o f politica l party , rac e o r color , cam e wit h requests fo r h e l p . " T h e locatio n o f th e stor e wa s well-know n eve n beyond th e immediat e Brownsvill e neighborhood . I n th e day s w h e n the Brookly n Dodger s playe d a t Ebbet s Fiel d (unti l 1957) , th e nam e A b e Star k an d th e addres s o f th e clothin g stor e wer e constantl y o n commercial displa y befor e th e public . A sig n a t th e concret e bas e o f the right-fiel d scoreboar d ther e proclaime d tha t an y batte r w h o hi t th e advertisement—on th e fly—would receiv e a fre e suit . 5

O n e famou s cartoo n (se e above ) depictin g a merchant , glov e i n hand, backin g u p th e outfielde r i n fron t o f th e sign , i m p l i e d — i n a t least a n obliquel y anti-Semiti c manner—tha t Star k wa s a t i g h t - w a d . T h e cartoon , wort h a chuckle , i s nonetheles s mean-spirited . A l t h o u g h no on e remember s i f any batte r eve r hi t th e sign—particularl y difficul t in th e er a o f Dixi e ("th e peepul s cherce" ) Walke r (1939-47 ) an d Car l ("emperor o f righ t field" ) Furill o ( 1 9 4 6 - 5 7 ) — m a n y recal l A b e Stark' s general openhandedness . H e personall y contribute d fund s t o al l o f th e many cause s an d organization s fo r w h i c h h e helpe d rais e money , an d he wa s ver y generou s wit h hi s time . Star k serve d o n th e Brownsvill e C h a m b e r o f C o m m e r ce fo r wel l ove r a decade, an d persiste d i n seekin g 6

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increased an d improve d publi c services—parks , playgrounds , school s and transportatio n facilities. 7 After Ab e Star k launche d hi s formal politica l career h e continued t o evince a philanthropi c an d refor m orientation . I n 194 5 h e supporte d William O'Dwye r fo r mayo r partl y i n th e hop e tha t th e Brookly n district attorney' s rhetori c abou t adequat e housing , school s an d recre ational facilitie s coul d b e implemente d upo n hi s electio n t o highe r office. I n 194 8 Stark accepted fro m th e mayor appointment a s commissioner o f commerce . Th e position , generall y considere d a n honorar y one, carrie d a one-dolla r annua l salary . Bu t Star k i n 194 9 mad e a n effort t o convert th e Departmen t o f Commerce int o mor e tha n a token agency, an d submitte d plan s fo r a $500,000 publi c facilitie s expansio n program. Th e proposal , blocke d accordin g t o Star k b y Brookly n Bor ough Presiden t Joh n Cashmore , wh o "feare d m y gettin g to o bi g i n politics," neve r foun d it s wa y int o th e forma l reques t file d wit h th e budget director . Star k resigne d sayin g " I don' t wan t t o b e jus t . . . a rubber stamp " with " a car, an d a chauffeur an d a n office." 8 Several month s afte r hi s resignatio n Star k charge d tha t Brookly n was controlle d b y " a machin e mor e powerfu l an d corrup t tha n Tam many," an d h e calle d upo n Cashmor e t o resig n a s th e Democrati c leader o f King s Count y (Brooklyn) . A t th e sam e time , Star k an nounced hi s ow n candidac y fo r boroug h president , sayin g "Frankli n Delano Roosevelt , Jr . bea t th e bosse s i n Manhatta n an d w e ca n d o i t in Brooklyn." 9 Althoug h Star k ha d sai d earlier , a t th e tim e o f hi s resignation, tha t hi s political ambition s wer e far fro m serious , an d tha t "politics" ha d bee n littl e mor e tha n " a hobb y o f min e fo r twenty-fiv e years," th e Pitki n Avenu e clothier's' s desir e fo r socia l mobilit y an d personal advancemen t wer e becoming manifest. 10 Stark ha d onl y a n elementar y schoo l education , wa s no t a fluent speaker, an d wa s neithe r a membe r o f th e inne r circl e o f th e city' s Democratic leader s no r i n contro l o f a stron g o r "regular " politica l organization. A s a Republican-Libera l Fusio n candidate , Stark , th e political "outsider, " challenge d Democrati c incumben t Cashmor e i n 1949. Although h e lost, h e made an impressive showin g in the strongl y Democratic boroug h o f Brooklyn . I n 195 0 afte r Mayo r O'Dwyer' s resignation durin g the corruption scandal s of that era , Star k had appar ently offere d t o bac k Vincen t Impellitteri' s mayora l candidac y i n re -

BBCers including Mendy Bacall (Baklachuck) (left) , Joe Feldman (thir d fro m left), and Sheiky Lenowitz (thir d fro m right ) in storefront rented for the Abe Stark campaign in 1949. (Courtesy of JosephFeldman.) turn fo r a n appointmen t a s Deput y M a y o r . Disappointe d here , Stark , in July 1953 , announced tha t h e w o u l d accep t " a majo r nominatio n fo r a positio n o n th e C i t y governmen t fro m an y part y o r partie s wit h whose principle s o f good government, " h e coul d a g r e e . I n Septembe r 1953 A b e Stark , helpe d b y hi s demonstratio n o f popularity i n th e 194 9 contest fo r boroug h president , receive d the Democrati c nominatio n fo r city counci l president. Beginnin g in 194 9 Stark pursue d publi c office . H e continue d t o d o s o relentlessly throug h th e res t o f his life . 11

12

13

A b e Star k n o doub t sa w politic s as a vehicle for persona l promotion , but h e ha d apparentl y com e t o believ e too, tha t i n orde r t o implemen t more effectivel y hi s idea s fo r politica l and humanitaria n reform , forma l power wa s necessary . Som e o f th e B B C e r s ma y hav e resente d Stark' s

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use of the club for wha t the y sa w as "personal politica l purposes." An d some lik e Abe Gerchic k ma y hav e resente d th e disproportionat e influ ence o f "th e Grea t Whit e Father. " Bu t man y mor e recognized , wit h Stark, th e utility o f politics and vigorousl y campaigne d fo r hi m in 194 9 and agai n i n 1953 . ^ n Januar y 195 4 t n e boy s an d youn g me n hel d a victory celebratio n fo r hi m i n thei r ne w building , an d ha d thei r ow n "swearing-in ceremony " fo r th e ne w cit y counci l president. 14 Eve n many o f thos e boy s wh o continue d t o hol d Stark' s motive s suspec t agreed, the n an d now , tha t the y ha d achieve d " a vali d exchange" — some loss of control fo r a significant gai n i n visibility an d funding. 15 In office, Star k surrounde d himsel f wit h peopl e possessed o f refor m and philanthropi c credentials . H e appointe d Leonar d Stavitsky , a Lon g Island Universit y professo r o f histor y an d governmen t a s hi s chie f assistant, an d h e chos e fo r hi s secretary , Doroth y Michaels , th e presi dent an d founde r o f th e Assembl y o f Brookly n Jewis h Women' s Or ganizations. 16 This las t was not only a shrewd politica l move on Stark' s part (th e assembl y represente d 25 0 Jewis h women' s groups) ; i t re flected hi s politica l "ideology " a s well . Th e group s represente d i n th e assembly wer e activel y involve d i n philanthropi c an d humanitaria n endeavors. Ove r th e year s Star k receive d recognitio n fo r hi s effort s i n these spheres . H e wo n th e Frankli n Delan o Roosevel t Awar d fo r Combatting Bigotr y an d Intolerance , th e Man of the Year Award fro m the Counci l o f Jewish Organization s i n Civi l Service , an d th e Alfar o Medal fo r "distinguishe d humanitaria n an d publi c service." 17 Les s than a yea r afte r hi s electio n t o th e presidenc y o f th e cit y council , Stark wh o ha d calle d fo r a complet e revampin g o f th e existin g law s regarding unemployment insuranc e and workmen' s compensation, wa s honored b y th e Citizen' s Committe e fo r Governmen t Plannin g an d was laude d b y Mayo r Wagne r fo r hi s "leadershi p effort s t o improv e the lot of the underprivileged." 18 One group of the underprivileged i n Stark's view since at least 1945 , were the Brownsville boy s who were deprived o f adequate recreationa l facilities. I n 194 6 Abe Star k an d a number o f other s organize d th e 4 6 Club an d a Board o f Director s fo r th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b t o rais e money fo r a modern clubhouse . Th e 4 6 Club an d th e Board consisted , with significan t overlap , o f loca l manufacturers , bankers , lawyer s an d merchants. Thes e include d man y Brookly n Jewis h boy s wh o ha d

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"made it, " an d wh o were , accordin g t o on e socia l activist , "trul y sympathetic toward s th e need s o f th e residents , lendin g a helpin g hand, no t onl y wit h th e club , bu t wit h scholarship s an d busines s loans." 19 Alle n Beck , a furnitur e manufacturer , Jac k Hollan d o f Hol land Steel , an d U.S . Penci l Compan y Presiden t Davi d Teitelbau m served i n thi s way , a s di d florist Thoma s Atkins , jewele r Be n Fabri kant, an d attorne y Hyma n Barshay . Particularl y activ e wer e Samue l Abrams o f Esquir e Sho e Polish , Samue l Rubi n o f Levy' s Bread , an d Paul Bluth , th e owne r o f th e Famou s (dairy ) Restauran t o n Utic a Avenue an d Easter n Parkway. 20 In 194 7 Star k an d th e Boar d initiate d a majo r driv e fo r funds . Mayor O'Dwye r an d Governo r Thoma s E . Dewe y wer e name d hon orary chairme n o f a $200,00 0 campaig n t o buil d a clubhous e fo r th e Brownsville Boy s Club. 21 Pledge s wer e sough t fro m variou s socia l agencies an d privat e organizations , an d th e driv e wa s supporte d b y local publications , particularl y th e Brooklyn Eagle. I n a promotiona l editorial th e Eagle state d tha t "n o communit y i n th e cit y i s mor e desperately i n nee d o f a permanen t clubhous e fo r youths , tha n i s Brownsville."22 Ther e wer e generou s donation s includin g $14,00 0 fro m the Hebre w Butchers ' Unio n whic h wa s $4,000 over their pledge. 23 This initia l fund-raisin g driv e wa s climaxe d b y a $ioo-a-plat e din ner a t the Hote l St . Georg e i n Brooklyn o n November 23 , 1947 . Mor e than fifteen hundre d peopl e attende d t o hono r Ab e Stark , th e hea d o f the Club's Boar d o f Directors . Attorne y Hyma n Barsha y serve d a s the dinner chairman , an d Willia m O'Dwyer , thoug h "forbidde n b y hi s physician fro m makin g nigh t appearances, " gav e th e majo r address . He coul d no t sta y away , O'Dwye r sai d "becaus e o f m y clos e friend ship with Abe Stark, " an "outstanding citizen and great humanitarian, " and becaus e o f th e nee d "t o spu r th e constructio n o f a new clubhous e for th e boys." 24 Man y Democrati c notable s appeare d includin g Stat e Attorney Genera l Natha n Goldstein , Cit y Counci l Presiden t Vincen t Impellitteri, Superintenden t o f School s Willia m Jansen , an d King s County Distric t Attorne y Mile s F . McDonald . Th e diner s were enter tained b y Len a Hom e an d Milto n Berl e amon g others . Jac k Leavitt , the sixteen-year-ol d presiden t o f th e club , presente d Star k wit h a plaque purchase d wit h boys ' pennies , nickel s an d dimes . "W e ca n never repa y him, " sai d Leavitt ; "al l we can do is say thanks." 25 Leavit t

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and si x other officer s o f the club sa t at a table with Jacob Baroff, Irvin g Forman, Norma n Goroff , Georg e Schmaren , Isidor e Lesovoy , Jo e Feldman, Harol d Radish , an d Jacob Deutch , al l of whom wer e forme r members o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b an d mos t o f who m wer e no w volunteer staff . A t th e sam e tabl e wer e Harmo n Putter , th e recentl y hired executiv e directo r o f th e club , an d on e of hi s progra m directors , Vincent Tibbs. 26 At tabl e eighty-two , halfwa y acros s th e enormou s ballroo m sa t Harry Gros s an d "guests"—fiv e high-rankin g polic e officers . Gros s was th e kingpi n i n a $2 0 million-a-yea r bookmakin g an d gamblin g operation i n which a t least $ 1 million a year wa s paid t o police to "look the other way." 27 I n 1950 , three year s afte r thi s firs t Brownsvill e Boy s Club dinne r o f 1947 , Mile s F . McDonal d wh o sa t a t th e dai s woul d arraign Gros s wh o sa t a t tabl e eighty-two . McDonal d charge d Gros s with innumerabl e count s of bookmaking. Shortl y afte r hi s arraignmen t Gross pleade d guilt y an d agree d t o become key witnes s i n the crimina l trial o f dozen s o f polic e brass , who m h e ha d identifie d behin d a grand jury's close d doors . Gross , however , change d hi s min d a t th e las t moment an d sabotage d th e trial . H e wa s convicte d o f contemp t an d later o f bookmaking , bu t Distric t Attorne y McDonal d wa s force d t o dismiss th e indictment s agains t th e accuse d cops . Th e polic e con ducted thei r ow n investigation . Man y higher-up s wer e force d t o re sign, som e retired early , an d a small number too k their ow n lives . After a few months ' experienc e wit h jai l life , Harr y Gros s decide d he ha d bette r mak e a dea l t o shorte n hi s sentenc e an d h e agree d t o testify a t specia l hearings . H e name d thos e polic e bras s wh o wer e th e beneficiaries o f hi s bookmakin g enterprises , fou r o f who m wer e per sonal politica l appointee s o f Willia m O'Dwyer. 28 Earlie r i n thes e sam e hearings, Joh n P . Crane , presiden t o f Loca l 9 4 o f th e Internationa l Association o f Fir e Fighters , sai d h e gav e $10,00 0 (whic h h e "with drew" fro m th e associatio n treasury ) t o O'Dwye r i n 194 9 t o cemen t his commitmen t fo r firemen' s pensio n legislation . H e als o claime d t o have give n $55,00 0 i n thre e payment s fro m 194 6 t o 194 9 t o James J . Moran, th e deputy fir e commissioner, a close friend o f O'Dwyer an d a "great influence " o n him . Subsequentl y O'Dwye r appointe d Moran , an intimat e associat e o f mobste r Fran k Costello , a s commissione r o f water supply , a well-paid lifetim e job .

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Mayor O'Dwye r wh o ha d bee n on th e dais at the Boy s Club dinne r in 194 7 a s a gues t speaker , an d wh o ha d resigne d i n Augus t o f 195 0 for a n appointmen t a s ambassado r t o Mexico , testifie d tha t h e ha d placed underworl d "associates " in cit y jobs . H e denie d foreknowledg e in som e case s an d cite d "politica l expediency " i n others . H e als o admitted tha t ther e coul d b e n o large-scal e bookmakin g operatio n i n New Yor k City withou t polic e protection an d politica l connivance. 29 These fact s ar e include d her e no t onl y t o revea l ho w closel y crimi nals, politicians , an d la w enforcemen t agent s coul d cooperat e i n King s County bu t t o indicate why ther e was suspicion amon g some that Ab e Stark ha d underworl d connections . Severa l figures fro m tha t under world were , afte r all , a t th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b dinne r i n 1947 , as were cop s late r convicte d o f perjur y an d "conduc t unbecomin g a n officer." An d Star k wa s a staunch supporte r o f th e heavil y implicate d O'Dwyer unti l 1949 . I n Ab e Stark' s buildin g abov e th e clothin g stor e was a billiard parlor , withi n whic h a major bookmakin g operation wa s carried o n b y on e Loui s Katz . I n 194 9 when Star k brok e wit h Demo cratic Mayo r O'Dwye r an d chos e t o ru n fo r boroug h presiden t a s a Fusion candidate against the Democratic incumbent, th e poolroom wa s suddenly raide d an d Loui s Kat z arrested! 30 While som e o f th e Brownsvill e boy s though t tha t Star k ma y hav e had a t leas t " a finger i n th e worl d o f gamblin g an d politica l payoff , nothing worse, " th e connection s ar e tenuous . Harr y Gros s summe d up hi s caree r a s Brooklyn' s bookmakin g cza r b y saying , " I pai d every body. Everybody." 31 Ye t Abe Stark' s name surfaced onl y twice durin g the mor e tha n yea r lon g hearings , onc e i n discussion s o f th e Loui s Katz inciden t an d a secon d tim e whe n Gros s sai d h e pai d fo r a smal l number o f suit s purchase d fro m Star k b y plainclothesmen . Gros s als o said h e pai d fo r th e tabl e o f polic e bras s a t th e 194 7 Brownsvill e Boy s Club dinne r a t whic h h e ha d som e drink s an d ha d a "lovel y time." 32 Firefighter representativ e Joh n Cran e als o mentione d th e Brownsvill e Boys Club dinner. H e admitte d takin g $500 from hi s association's fun d and givin g i t t o Deput y Fir e Commissione r Jame s J . Mora n t o pur chase Boys Club dinner tickets . But Stark' s name was never mentione d by eithe r Mora n o r Crane i n their length y testimonies . Given what wa s going on around hi m and the obvious opportunitie s and temptation s facin g him , Star k appear s t o hav e bee n relativel y

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untouched b y corruption . H e wa s certainly deeme d "innocent " b y th e more than on e million voter s wh o electe d hi m t o the presidenc y o f th e city counci l i n 1953 , soon after th e hearings ended, an d b y th e respect able donors h e s o successfully continue d t o solicit. Th e dinne r i n 194 7 brought i n over $100,000 and Ab e Star k could us e this base to promot e confidence i n other potentia l contributors . In 194 9 Stark , campaignin g fo r th e Brookly n boroug h presidenc y and lookin g fo r mor e mone y fo r th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club , spok e t o the Assembly o f Brooklyn Jewish Women' s Organizations . Her e Star k met Minnie Weingart, th e executive secretary o f the assembly. H e wa s so impresse d wit h Weingart' s knowledg e o f Brookly n socia l agencies and th e contact s sh e ha d throug h th e assembl y wit h 18 0 differen t organizations representin g almos t 100,00 0 women , tha t h e offere d he r a positio n wit h th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club . Thi s appointmen t wa s a stroke of genius on Stark' s part . Minni e Weingart , wh o would com e to be known a s the "Angel of Brownsville," was a brilliant fund-raise r fo r the Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b an d a n extraordinaril y resourcefu l repre sentative o f th e philanthropi c an d humanitaria n dimension s o f BB C work.33 Minni e organize d dinner s i n 194 9 and 195 0 which brough t i n more tha n $150,000 , an d sh e formulate d a publi c relation s progra m that elicite d contribution s fro m othe r mor e well-endowe d organiza tions. Throug h he r man y speakin g engagements , Minni e attracte d dozens o f wome n voluntee r worker s fo r th e Women' s Divisio n o f th e Brownsville Boy s Clu b whic h sh e initiated . Thes e wome n solicite d funds, helpe d wit h outing s fo r th e boys , an d ra n bazaar s an d raffle s that nette d betwee n $300 0 and $500 0 every year . At he r des k i n Stark' s clothin g store , ofte n mor e than eigh t hour s a day, Minni e serve d no t onl y a s the executiv e secretar y o f the Browns ville Boy s Club , bu t a s Stark' s politica l assistan t an d a communit y social worker. Wit h he r vas t knowledg e o f the borough' s socia l welfar e organizations, he r backgroun d o f servic e o n a number o f agenc y boards , and a s th e executiv e secretar y o f th e Assembl y o f Brookly n Jewis h Women's Organizations , Minni e wa s abl e to give effective advice , an d to make the appropriate contact s an d referral s fo r peopl e i n need. 34 Minnie (nee Levine ) wa s bor n o n th e Lowe r Eas t Sid e i n 1901 , t o Jewish immigrants . He r persona l an d socia l histor y prepare d he r wel l for he r rol e a s th e Boy s Club' s "Ange l o f Brownsville. " Minni e de -

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Minnie Weingart in 1949 at her desk in Abe Stark's store, no doubt involved in one of her innumerable conversations about social welfare or politics. (Courtesy of JosephFeldman.) scribed he r famil y a s "relativel y observant. " H e r mothe r kep t a koshe r home an d he r father , whil e a "scholarl y man " w h o wrot e occasionall y for th e Jewis h Socialis t Daily Forward, wa s als o a n activ e unio n orga nizer i n th e garmen t trade . In a n er a w h e n onl y ver y smal l percentage s o f Jewish youngsters , particularly girls , wen t beyon d elementar y school , Minni e wa s encour aged t o continu e he r educatio n an d sh e earne d a hig h schoo l diplom a in 1 9 1 6 . T h e famil y move d t o Bridgeport , Connecticu t i n 191 7 where they ha d th e "onl y koshe r restauran t i n t o w n . " Afte r a tim e w i t h th e women's suffrag e movement , Minnie , lik e her father , an d lik e a dispro portionate numbe r o f he r Jewis h contemporaries , joine d th e Socialis t party. Sh e too k a n activ e par t i n antiwa r demonstration s i n 191 7 an d 1918. Minni e Levin e believe d tha t he r commitmen t t o peac e throug h the internationa l solidarit y o f workers , an d he r commitmen t t o w o m en's right s wer e par t o f a coheren t whole . " W e demonstrate d agains t w a r , " sh e wrote , "an d wer e sur e tha t ther e woul d neve r b e anothe r 35

Boys, in August 1949, ready to go off for a two-week summer vacation at a camp in the mountains, courtesy of the Brownsville Boys Club, and Minnie Weingart (secon d fro m th e lef t i n th e rea r row ) with other members of the club's women's division. (Courtesy of Joseph Feldman.) one, i f w o m e n go t th e righ t t o v o t e . " T h o u g h sh e marrie d E d w a r d Weingart, a Democrat , Minni e remaine d a Socialis t unti l 193 6 w h e n she vote d fo r Frankli n Delan o Roosevel t w h o m sh e though t wa s mov ing towar d socialism . Minnie' s fathe r die d i n 193 3 an d he r mothe r moved i n w i t h th e Weingar t famil y w h i c h n o w include d thre e chil dren. Stil l Minni e foun d th e tim e an d energ y t o d o voluntee r socia l w o r k w i t h th e Re d M o g e n D a v i d (Brookly n Chapter o f the Jewis h Re d "Cross"), th e Nationa l C o u n c i l t o C o m b a t Blindness , an d th e Dor a Scher Leagu e fo r Handicappe d C h i l d r e n . 3 6

37

In 193 9 sh e ha d a n operatio n fo r breas t cance r an d thi s remarkabl y energetic w o m a n wa s tol d tha t sh e ha d jus t five year s t o live , a prog nosis tha t turne d ou t t o b e considerabl y of f th e mark . " I decide d t o keep b u s y , " Minni e said , an d sh e rededicate d hersel f t o eve n mor e intense socia l welfar e activity . Minni e Weingar t volunteere d t o w o r k full tim e a t th e Brookly n W o m e n ' s Hospital , eventuall y becomin g it s board's vice-president . Sh e represente d th e hospita l a t th e A s s e m b l y

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of Brookly n Jewis h Women' s Organizations , an d soo n becam e th e assembly's executiv e secretary , he r firs t pai d job . When th e Brownsville Boy s Club offered Minni e her secon d profes sional position , sh e "resigne d fro m th e Assembly , bu t wit h grea t regret. I love d th e concept , an d workin g wit h a worl d o f wonderfu l women. Bu t I fel t tha t th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b projec t wa s wha t I was born for. " Some o f th e Brownsvill e boy s an d particularl y th e alumni' s volun teer staf f ha d mixe d feeling s abou t Minni e Weingar t an d he r role : "The Alumn i youth s didn' t kno w m y pas t performance , o r m y othe r world, o r m y knowledg e o f the entire borough . Al l they coul d se e was that a n ol d lad y wit h grayin g hai r ( I wa s 4 8 a t th e time ) wa s gettin g paid fo r a job they ha d bee n doing." 38 Sinc e 194 7 and befor e Weingar t came aboar d i n 1949 , th e boy s an d th e alumn i ha d bee n active , effec tive fund-raisers . The y ha d helpe d organiz e th e ver y successfu l $100 a-plate dinne r i n 1947 , an alumni danc e which nette d $13,00 0 in 1948 , and a n eve n mor e lucrativ e se t o f raffl e drives , awardin g a Buic k donated b y boar d membe r an d aut o deale r Aaro n Bring , an d a hous e contributed b y builde r Willia m Levitt . Minnie Weingar t recognize d th e valu e o f th e wor k o f th e boy s an d young men : The Alumni boy s did a wonderful thin g in organizing and working with kids . . . an d i n gettin g th e communit y intereste d i n a building. . . . I fel t thei r resentment bu t i t turned ou t tha t w e became a family o f friends an d I loved them; they wer e like my children—and I honestly fel t a s time went o n that most of them loved me.39 Despite thi s lov e ther e continue d t o b e a t leas t som e ambivalenc e toward Minni e Weingart , an d t o the genera l "intrusion " o f profession als and th e influenc e o f "big donors." The clu b fro m 194 0 to 194 5 had been a n authenti c mutual-ai d society , o r wha t migh t b e called toda y a "natural helpin g network. " Whateve r fund s wer e require d t o conduc t the al l voluntee r organizatio n wer e raise d b y member s payin g toke n dues. Afte r 194 6 contribution s wer e generate d b y th e adul t boar d a s well a s by th e boys . An d th e monie s receive d enable d th e Brownsvill e Boys Clu b no t onl y t o create a building fund , bu t t o hir e a number o f professional socia l workers . Althoug h th e boy s an d th e alumn i wer e

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often consulte d an d apparentl y exerte d som e influenc e o n wh o wa s hired—Doc Barof f wa s th e ver y firs t pai d worker—man y believe d that th e donors quickl y go t "large r an d large r voices. " In 194 7 Ab e Star k hired , alon g wit h severa l professiona l progra m directors, twenty-eigh t yea r ol d Harmo n Putte r a s full-tim e executiv e director o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club . H e ha d a Maste r o f Socia l Work (M.S.W. ) degre e fro m Columbia' s Schoo l o f Socia l Wor k an d replaced Do c Barof f wh o becam e Putter' s assistant . Putter , relativel y inexperienced, an d a n "outsider, " seeme d "t o want nothin g t o do wit h the boys, " BB C Presiden t Jac k Leavit t said . "H e jus t wante d t o b e a boss." 40 Putte r wa s resente d an d resiste d b y th e boy s an d b y th e volunteer staf f o f forme r BBCers . Thi s becam e eviden t t o Star k an d Putter wh o wrot e i n thei r annua l report : "Becaus e o f the 'fre e flowing ' structure o f the boys clu b in which i t is often impossibl e to distinguis h membership an d staf f o r staf f an d boar d i t i s difficult t o arriv e a t clea r cut policie s an d responsibilities . W e mus t tr y t o remed y thi s situatio n in th e yea r t o come." 41 I t wa s th e boys , however , wh o too k th e mos t aggressive action . Th e combinatio n o f Baroff' s "demotion " an d Putt er's intrusio n move d th e Boy s Clu b officer s le d b y Leavitt , an d th e volunteer staf f le d b y Norma n Gorof f t o pressur e th e ne w executiv e director t o resign . Th e da y afte r a grueling two-hou r interrogatio n b y the boys, Putte r faile d t o show u p for wor k an d wa s never see n again . Adult contro l wa s resented . Th e boy s ha d buil t th e BB C virtuall y on thei r own , an d ther e wa s a great dea l o f prid e i n thi s achievement . Moreover, i t was precisely becaus e the boys, through self-government , had successfull y mad e thei r ow n policie s an d supervise d thei r ow n recreation an d othe r activities , tha t th e clu b wa s s o effective i n attract ing members . Th e experienc e o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b i n thi s regard closel y parallel s tha t o f the Boy s Brotherhoo d Republic . Begu n in Chicag o i n 191 4 a s a democrati c organizatio n i n whic h teenag e "citizens" mad e an d enforce d thei r ow n laws , th e BB R cam e t o th e Lower Eas t Sid e durin g th e depression . On e o f it s "bo y mayors " explained th e attractio n o f the Boy s Brotherhoo d Republi c ove r settle ment house s wit h adul t socia l workers . Th e settlemen t house s "hav e nothing lastin g t o interes t thei r members . Ther e i s n o responsibil ity. . . . Th e amazin g par t o f [th e BBR ] i s tha t ther e ar e n o adult s whatsoever connecte d wit h th e organization. Th e boy s d o everything .

J

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The boy s hav e responsibility , the y creat e an d carr y ou t thei r ow n activities."42 In man y citie s sinc e th e beginning s o f mas s immigratio n t o th e United States , settlemen t hous e workers , educators , clergy , an d re formers ha d campaigne d fo r supervise d pla y spac e for stree t children. 43 It wa s ofte n difficult , a s w e hav e see n i n th e cas e o f Brownsville , t o raise fund s neede d t o buil d playground s an d clubhouses . Eve n whe n successful i n buildin g an d staffin g recreatio n centers , reformer s wer e often unabl e t o kee p "stree t boys " i n attendanc e an d i n line . Socia l workers spent mos t of their time trying to build a stable membership. 44 Boys continued t o drop i n only sporadicall y despit e the exciting sport s and games and equipment offered . The y apparentl y woul d no t commi t themselves full-tim e t o club s wit h s o much adul t supervision . I n Ro y Rosenzweig's stud y o f worker s an d leisur e i n Worcester , Massachu setts, children' s interview s indicate d disdai n fo r followin g order s an d pre-established adul t rules . " I can' t g o t o th e playgroun d now, " com plained on e eleven-year-old . "The y get o n m y nerves , wit h s o man y men an d wome n aroun d tellin g you wha t t o do." 45 The Brownsvill e boy s wante d pla y space , bu t the y als o di d no t want t o b e tol d wha t t o do . N o executiv e directo r hire d b y th e adul t Board befor e 195 1 laste d ver y long . Putte r wa s i n th e jo b littl e mor e than a year ; Sidne y Winnic k fo r fifteen months , an d Benjami n Lam bert, wh o had bee n executiv e director o f the East Ne w Yor k "Y, " held on fo r th e firs t eleve n month s o f 1950 . Minni e Weingart , a s Stark' s executive secretar y an d directo r o f communit y relations , ha d a grea t deal of authority i n this fluid situation. 46 But Baroff , continuin g a s assistan t director , retaine d significan t influence too . "W e fough t fo r ou r independence, " h e said , "an d didn' t let th e bi g contributor s pus h u s around." 47 Jac k Leavit t agreed . "W e tried t o maintai n self-government, " h e said , an d a t a boar d meeting , Jack wen t s o fa r a s t o remark , "W e wan t you r money , bu t w e don' t want t o b e controlled." 48 Stark , impresse d wit h Leavitt' s nerv e an d eloquence, an d perhap s seein g the need t o coopt him , use d Jack there after a s a speake r a t fund-raisin g event s an d hire d hi m t o hel p i n th e clothing store . Leavitt wa s in this way a t least temporarily diverte d fro m criticizin g the board . Barof f woul d b e deal t wit h somewha t differently . Whe n

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Doc i n 194 9 applie d fo r admissio n t o th e Columbi a Schoo l o f Socia l Work, t o tr y t o ear n a n M.S.W. , h e wa s rejected , fou r vote s t o three , by a facult y revie w committee . Th e socia l wor k professor s sai d i t would b e bette r fo r Baroff' s caree r i f h e furthere d hi s socia l wor k education outsid e Ne w Yor k Cit y an d i f he separated himsel f fro m th e Brownsville Boy s Clu b t o whic h the y though t h e wa s to o closel y attached. Severa l o f th e forme r BBCers , includin g Schmaren , Leso voy, Feldman , an d Goroff , continu e t o believ e tha t Harmo n Putter , a graduate o f th e Columbi a school , an d Ab e Stark , t o who m Do c wa s "not sufficientl y deferential, " influence d th e faculty committee . I n an y case, Barof f soon wen t of f t o the Universit y o f Pennsylvania Schoo l o f Social Wor k i n Philadelphia , an d whil e h e wrot e fro m ther e often , h e returned onl y occasionall y t o Brownsville. 49 In Novembe r o f 1950 , Reube n Bennett , a graduate o f Cit y Colleg e of Ne w Yor k an d holde r o f a n M.S.W . fro m Columbia , wa s hire d a s executive director . He , i n turn , hire d severa l assistant s includin g Pro gram Directo r Joh n Snypes , a blac k man , an d Teen-Ag e Progra m Supervisor Norma n Adelman . Tw o othe r pai d worker s unde r Ben nett's supervision , Junior Progra m Directo r Irvin g Levin e an d Educa tional Directo r Leonar d Dryansky , wer e former BBCers . Despite th e increas e o f professiona l supervisio n i n th e BBC , th e tension betwee n th e pai d socia l worker s o n th e on e side , an d th e boy s and th e volunteer s o n th e other , dissipate d b y 1951-52 . Tim e ha d softened som e o f th e resentmen t a t Baroff' s removal ; th e voluntee r staff continue d t o maintain a n effective presence ; familiar forme r BBCer s were conspicuou s amon g th e professionals ; an d th e professional s gen erally cam e to be respected fo r thei r vision , integrity , an d commitmen t as they directe d meaningfu l programs , di d cas e wor k an d reache d ou t to the wider community . Although th e boy s ha d t o modif y thei r principle , "N o adul t super vision," th e operatio n continue d t o b e marke d b y characteristic s that , more tha n a decad e later , woul d becom e th e buzzword s o f socia l welfare: indigenou s leadership , extende d facilities , an d maximu m fea sible participation . Sociologis t Herber t Gans' s 196 2 prescriptio n fo r settlement hous e activities , base d o n hi s participant-observe r stud y i n Boston, i s remarkabl y simila r t o wha t th e BB C wa s alread y doin g i n the late 1940 s and earl y 1950s :

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[Settlement house s ca n ste p u p thei r recreatio n program s fo r children , espe cially th e younge r ones , i n orde r t o provid e a kin d o f day-car e facilit y fo r mothers wh o hav e t o work , o r wh o hav e man y childre n underfoo t i n a smal l apartment. The y ca n offe r "hangin g out " place s fo r adolescent s an d ca n pro gram movie s and socia l activities to reduce the drain on their pocketbooks . . . . Another importan t functio n i s that of counseling. . . . Many settlemen t house s already progra m suc h activities , bu t the y d o it in such a way tha t only [alread y aspiring] peopl e us e them . . . . On e solutio n i s to staf f [th e house ] wit h som e internal informa l caretaker s fro m th e neighborhood . Whil e thes e person s ma y lack professiona l certification , the y ar e muc h mor e likel y t o b e successfu l i n communicating wit h thei r neighbors , an d i n attractin g the m t o th e settlemen t house in the first place. 50 Recreation, hanging-out , movies , an d counseling—forma l an d infor mal, wer e long-standin g tradition s i n th e BBC . Interna l caretakers , and "natura l helpers " fro m th e neighborhoo d ha d als o lon g bee n asso ciated wit h th e club . I n 194 0 olde r boy s wer e alread y nurturin g an d guiding slightl y younge r boys , literall y "kid s helpin g kids. " An d a s early a s 194 5 forme r BBCers , som e o f the m returnin g veterans , volun teered thei r services , o r too k job s wit h th e club , a s progra m coordina tors, athleti c coaches , cam p counselors , cas e workers , an d teacher s o f crafts. Irving Levin e wh o wen t fro m voluntee r staf f t o professiona l i n 195 0 and forme r BBCe r Lenn y Dryansky , hire d i n 1951 , wer e ke y figure s in th e proces s o f promotin g indigenou s leadershi p an d maximu m par ticipation. Dryansky , lik e Levine , represente d mos t full y th e profes sionals' genera l concer n abou t "doin g mor e tha n keepin g th e kid s of f the streets, " an d h e woul d chang e art s an d craft s fro m "bus y work, " t o a "vehicl e fo r discovery. " Born i n 1927 , Lenn y wa s a membe r o f th e Atom s an d a wartim e president o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b befor e h e himsel f entere d th e merchant marin e i n 1947 . Hi s Russian-bor n fathe r cam e t o th e Unite d States i n th e earl y 1920's , wa s a membe r o f th e carpenter' s unio n an d of th e I . W . O . "W e wer e poor, " Lenn y sai d wit h n o hesitation , "o n welfare, o n relief , a s i t was calle d then , an d m y fathe r wa s unemploye d until th e W P A . H e wa s outspoken , vote d th e America n Labo r part y and sen t m e t o Yiddis h kindershul. " Lenn y ha d a model i n hi s carpente r father wh o recognize d "th e aestheti c o f everyda y life, " bu t th e elde r Dryansky di d no t reall y encourag e hi s so n t o pursu e a n artisti c career .

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Leonard Dryansky, former BBCer and, in 1951, arts and crafts director, making a point at a Friday night meeting at the Brownsville Children's Library. (Courtesy of Leonard Dryansky.) L e n n y ' s aestheti c interests , however , wer e greatl y stimulate d an d rein forced b y th e kindershul an d b y hi s increase d access , throug h hi s m e m bership i n th e Brownsvill e B o y s C l u b , t o th e Ston e A v e n u e Librar y and it s librarians . D r y a n s k y ' s Brownsvill e yout h apparentl y helpe d implant i n hi m w h a t Irvin g Levin e dubbe d th e "non-communis t lef t aesthetic vision. " L e n n y a s a professiona l brough t thi s visio n bac k t o the Brownsvill e B o ys C l u b i n 195 1 where i t wa s furthe r reinforce d an d where h e trie d t o pas s i t on . W i t h a degre e fro m Michiga n Stat e University , L e n n y D r y a n s k y began a s th e art s counselo r fo r th e da y camp . H e travelled , alway s carrying a larg e pac k o f ar t supplies , wit h th e youngster s o n on e o f th e five buse s use d dail y t o transpor t childre n t o beaches , parks , an d hiking fields, a s wel l a s t o ballgame s an d museums . O n e o f hi s mai n goals, D r y a n s k y said , wa s t o "mak e kid s mor e awar e o f thei r environ ments." O n th e beac h i t coul d b e san d sculpture ; o n th e street , sketche s of house s tha t Brownsvill e childre n actuall y live d in , an d no t th e conventional an d artificia l isolate d boxe s s o ofte n draw n o r painted . I n the fields D r y a n s k y woul d encourag e th e us e o f natura l materials :

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leaves, pine cones, branches , an d flowers. Hi s program s wer e popular , and Bennet t recognize d Dryansky' s talen t an d effectiveness . A t th e end o f th e summe r o f 1951 , h e hire d Lenn y a s full-tim e educatio n director o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club. 51 A shor t tim e late r Lenn y said, " I inten d t o sta y i n socia l work. There' s a lot o f roo m fo r artisti c expression i n thi s field. Yo u ca n reac h childre n i n a specia l wa y through th e arts . Cal l i t a projective technique , i f you will . It' s on e of the best educationa l medi a available." 52 Dryansky continue d t o try t o "give back" som e of what h e receive d from th e club by nurturin g aestheti c sensitivity . Befor e th e new build ing wa s read y h e ha d a piec e o f th e Christophe r Avenu e storefron t converted int o studi o space , hire d a music director , an d wen t t o wor k helping children discove r a "sense of place and a sense of self" throug h the arts. H e als o tried t o develop a program fo r adults , particularl y fo r the parent s o f childre n h e sa w almos t daily . H e occasionall y go t th e two generations involve d i n working together . Lenny Dryansk y viewe d himsel f a s a teacher o f art s tha t wer e no t isolated phenomena , bu t were part of human growth an d development . The arts , Dryansk y believed , coul d pla y a vital role in the community , building self-esteem , fosterin g laten t talents , stimulatin g creativity . He ha s carrie d thi s perspectiv e an d commitmen t wit h hi m int o hi s work a t Syracus e Universit y wher e h e ha s bee n professo r o f theatr e arts sinc e 1967 . Men like Levine, Adelman , Snypes , Bennett , an d Dryansk y helpe d develop ver y positiv e relationship s betwee n th e socia l worker s o n th e one sid e an d th e volunteer s an d childre n o f th e communit y o n th e other. Whateve r residu e o f tensio n migh t hav e remaine d wa s burie d under th e jo y o f extensiv e athletic , artistic , an d communit y activit y and unde r th e euphoria o f the increasin g possibility o f a building. Athletic activity , n o longer viewe d a s the primar y vehicl e of "salva tion," nonetheles s continue d t o b e important . Althoug h Brownsvill e Boys Clu b team s wer e force d t o us e the facilitie s o f Thoma s Jefferso n High School , th e Eas t Ne w Yor k Y , an d Bets y Hea d Park , an d con tinued t o feel th e sting of having no home courts or fields of their own , they compete d enthusiasticall y an d successfull y i n citywid e tourna ments betwee n 194 8 and 1953 . I n thes e years , too , th e clu b initiated , under Minni e Weingart' s encouragement , wha t woul d becom e th e

Abe Stark dispenses the goodies at the Annual Christmas-Hanukkah party sponsored by the Brownsville Boys Club. This one in 1951 drew ten thousand children to the 106th Regiment Armory. (Brooklyn Public Library, Brooklyn Collection.) tradition o f Christmas-Hanukka h partie s fo r larg e number s o f y o u n g sters. I n 1951 , i n fact , te n thousan d childre n betwee n th e age s of seve n and fourtee n crowde d int o th e 106t h Regimen t A r m o r y (o n Bedfor d and Atlanti c avenues ) w h e r e th e Brownsvill e B o y s C l u b entertaine d them. T h e r e wa s foo d donate d b y restauran t owners , prepare d grati s as sandwiche s b y th e C o o k s ' an d Countermen' s U n i o n an d serve d without charg e b y th e Waiters ' U n i o n . T h e Fir e Departmen t Ban d played an d th e Polic e Departmen t G l e e C l u b san g o n a stag e adorne d w i t h a Hanukka h menorah . Fiv e hundre d Brookly n merchant s con tributed shoppin g bag s "cramme d w i t h t o y s , clothes , candy , shoe shine kit s an d comi c b o o k s . " 5 3

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Each yea r betwee n 194 8 and 1953 , t ne Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b sen t five hundre d youn g peopl e t o summe r camp ; an d i n 1951 , when th e Brownsville Boy s Clu b ha d a n operatin g budge t o f clos e t o $35,000 , even younge r children , seve n t o nin e year s old , coul d g o th e Club' s very own day cam p at Alley Pon d Par k i n Queens. There Joe Feldma n worked a s a counselor . Othe r kids coul d joi n wha t Lenn y Dryansk y called a the rollin g Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b Da y Camp, " wit h it s five buses an d extensiv e arra y o f outings. 54 Th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club , still operatin g ou t o f it s thre e room s o n Christophe r Avenue , Minni e Weingart's des k i n Ab e Stark' s clothin g store , an d a smal l offic e o n Sackman Stree t continue d t o d o wha t i t alway s ha d done . I n additio n the clu b worke d a t improvin g communit y relation s an d i t di d cas e work an d cas e wor k referral . Man y though t i f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club coul d d o al l o f thi s wit h suc h limite d facilities , ho w muc h mor e it could d o with a modern clubhouse . "Wit h [a ] new building, " Georg e Schmaren said , "th e possibilities ar e unlimited." 55 By July o f 1948 , the club had raise d $130,00 0 for th e building fund , had becom e a provisional membe r o f th e Boy s Club s o f America , an d had purchase d fro m th e cit y a t nomina l cos t a piec e o f tax-liene d property tha t filled th e entir e bloc k o n Linde n Boulevar d fro m Ston e to Christopher avenu e an d bac k t o Hegema n Avenue . Thi s wa s thre e blocks sout h o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club' s Christophe r Avenu e storefront. Wit h thes e resources i n hand an d wit h th e promise of mor e to come, Abe Star k an d Sidne y Winnick , th e executive director, wrot e to the Charles Hayde n Foundation , note d fo r it s interest i n boys club s and aske d fo r hel p i n building a $500,000 clubhouse. 56 Stark' s applica tion fo r fundin g wa s strongl y supporte d b y Edwar d J . Lukas , execu tive director o f the Societ y fo r Preventio n o f Crime. Les s than a month later, however , wit h n o writte n explanation , th e Hayde n Foundatio n Trustees denie d th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club request. 57 The club then turned t o the New Yor k Federation o f Jewish Philan thropies a t th e en d o f 1948 , an d agai n a t th e beginnin g o f 1949 . But , according t o Lesovo y an d Schmaren , federatio n representative s sai d that Brownsville' s declinin g Jewis h populatio n mad e tha t neighbor hood a lo w priorit y fo r them. 58 Ther e wer e a t th e sam e tim e som e negotiations wit h official s o f the YMHA . Th e Eas t Ne w Yor k Branc h of the Y had sinc e 194 6 been supporting a number o f Brownsville Boy s Club activities. 59 Bu t i t becam e clea r t o th e boy s an d t o th e voluntee r

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staff, wh o pride d themselve s o n havin g buil t a n interethni c an d inter racial organization , tha t wha t th e YMH A wante d wa s a Jewish Community House , a plac e tha t create d "goo d citizen s an d goo d Jews. " Even i f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b ha d agree d t o thi s new , narrowe r identity, i t woul d hav e bee n unlikel y fo r th e Y t o agre e t o buil d i n Brownsville. Fo r on e o f th e ke y ground s considere d b y Y sponsor s i n choosing a locatio n fo r a ne w buildin g was , "Doe s th e are a hav e a substantial, and mor e o r les s permanent Jewish population?" 60 Browns ville no longer fulfille d th e latte r criterion . Undeterred b y thre e consecutiv e strike-outs , th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club Board , Ab e Stark , th e alumni , an d th e boy s themselve s contin ued, relativel y successfull y t o see k incrementa l resource s elsewhere , and i n Octobe r o f 1949 , a yea r afte r the y wer e turne d dow n b y th e Hayden Foundation , th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b brok e groun d fo r a new clubhous e a t Linde n Boulevar d an d Christophe r Avenue . Ab e Stark, havin g initiate d hi s campaign fo r boroug h presiden t o n the anti O'Dwyer Fusio n Ticke t an d eage r t o publicize hi s abilit y t o get t o thi s stage i n th e plan s fo r th e ne w building , tol d reporter s tha t Mayo r O'Dwyer di d no t atten d th e ceremonie s because , "He' s afrai d t o fac e the facts." 61 Presumabl y Star k wa s referrin g t o hi s superio r abilit y t o get thing s done . O f course , Star k o n th e ev e of the election , ma y hav e "manufactured" th e facts . Despit e th e "ground-breaking " actua l con struction di d no t begi n fo r mor e than tw o years . Early i n 195 0 Ab e Star k wrot e agai n t o th e Hayde n Foundatio n explaining tha t th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b wit h a functionin g Board , land, a property survey , increase d fund s an d a new Executiv e Directo r (Benjamin Lambert) , wa s no w trul y read y fo r outsid e help. 62 A meet ing wa s arrange d fo r Februar y 1 6 betwee n J . Willar d Hayden , Ab e Stark, an d Benjami n Lambert . Als o attendin g a t Stark' s reques t wa s Edward A . Richards , presiden t o f th e Eas t Ne w Yor k Saving s Bank . Richards ha d bee n a municipa l cour t justic e fo r te n year s i n th e Brownsville—East Ne w Yor k district , an d h e ha d bee n on e o f th e managers o f the Highlan d Par k YMCA . H e kne w Brownsvill e an d th e Hayden Foundatio n well , an d soo n afte r th e conferenc e i n Hayden' s office h e sen t a strong lette r i n suppor t o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club , concluding tha t th e buildin g wil l hel p "underprivilege d boys , withou t regard t o creed o r color, t o become loya l American citizens." 63 Hayden Foundatio n Trustee s characterize d th e Brownsvill e Boy s

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Club a s " a rea l aggressiv e outfi t whic h own s a fin e piec e o f propert y outright. . . . Th e sponsor s ar e a young , energeti c grou p wh o kno w what the y wan t an d wil l wor k lik e the devi l t o get it." 64 Th e Hayde n Foundation Project s Committe e recommende d a conditional $300,00 0 grant t o th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b an d suggeste d anothe r meetin g o f Stark, Lambert , an d Richard s wit h Edga r A . Doubleda y t o discus s the matter further. 65 On e of the items to be discussed wa s the Browns ville Boys Club' s nee d t o affiliat e full y wit h Boy s Clubs o f America i n order t o qualif y fo r Hayde n Foundatio n funding . T o joi n th e Boy s Clubs o f America , a n organizatio n ha d t o hav e a n adul t governin g board responsibl e fo r property , administration , managemen t policies , personnel, programming , an d financing . Members , limite d t o boy s eight t o fiftee n year s old , coul d participat e i n progra m plannin g onl y in an advisory capacity. 66 The Boar d o f th e Boy s Club s o f Americ a i n th e earl y 1950 s wa s dominated b y bankers , lawyers , publishers , colleg e presidents , stock brokers, governmen t official s an d corporat e executives. 67 Th e cred o of the organization , t o whic h th e boy s apparentl y pledged , include d a belief i n th e America n way , th e Constitutio n an d th e Bil l o f Rights , fair play , honesty , sportsmanship , an d a belief "i n m y Boy s Clu b . . . which support s al l of these." 68 Abe Stark , lookin g at a grant o f $300,00 0 practically i n hand , wa s no t abou t t o b e pu t of f b y th e generall y conservative orientatio n o f th e Boy s Club s o f America . H e agree d t o bring hi s boar d member s t o a meetin g wit h Davi d Armstrong , th e BCA's executive director . Armstrong cam e awa y fro m th e meetin g satisfied . H e wa s please d by th e fac t tha t th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b wa s "raisin g $20,00 0 annually fo r presen t operations. " The BC A offere d service s in promo tion an d plannin g o f buildings , an d i n the trainin g an d placin g of clu b workers, bu t gav e no direct ai d fo r cost s of buildings o r for day-to-da y management an d programming . An d th e Hayde n Foundatio n grant s were give n o n th e conditio n tha t upo n completio n o f a building ther e be n o furthe r request s fo r fundin g for any purpose. Armstrong wa s impressed b y th e "largel y Jewish . . . thoroughl y interested , . . . sin cere, capable, " Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b Board . H e wa s particularl y taken wit h Star k wh o h e characterized a s a "great leade r an d a considerable influence, " an d h e recommende d tha t th e foundatio n formaliz e

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the $300,00 0 gran t o n th e usua l conditio n tha t th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club rais e a nearl y equa l amoun t o n it s own. 6 9 T h e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b ha d take n on e gian t lea p close r t o a clubhouse, bu t a considerabl e ste p awa y fro m th e concep t o f mutual aid an d self-government . T h e possibilitie s inheren t i n th e buildin g an d its projecte d facilitie s wer e s o attractive , however , tha t man y believe d accepting th e "constraints " o f th e BC A wa s anothe r 'Vali d exchange. " In an y case , b y J u n e o f 1950 , afte r fou r year s o f solicitin g donations , the Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b ha d raise d $275,000 , an d wa s awarde d th e $300,000 H a y d e n Foundatio n grant. 7 0 Constructio n bega n a year later , but fundin g continue d t o b e a problem . T h e boar d wa s persuade d b y Minnie Weingart , cerebra l pals y administrator s an d b y parents , t o ad d a specia l pla y roo m fo r cerebra l pals y childre n an d additiona l facilitie s for th e handicapped. 7 1 A s th e plan s fo r th e buildin g gre w mor e elabo rate an d mor e expensive , genera l cost s als o rose , an d origina l estimate s had t o b e significantl y modified . Another $ 1 oo-a-plate dinne r wa s organize d fo r Septembe r 23 , 1951 , at whic h Willia m Levitt , "th e builde r o f home s fo r men , an d o f me n for homes, " wa s honored . Star k continue d t o p u m p hi s clos e associate s for mor e donations , an d h e wrot e agai n i n Apri l 195 2 t o th e H a y d e n Foundation fo r a n additiona l $270,00 0 subsidy . H e talke d abou t in creasing cost s o f day-to-da y operation s an d h e explaine d tha t a ris e i n construction cost s an d th e expansio n o f th e buildin g t o serv e boy s living i n th e Breukle n an d Va n Dyk e House s (low-incom e publi c housing projects ) tha t wer e bein g buil t i n th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b catchment area , ha d pushe d th e pric e o f th e clubhous e t o $950,000. 7 2 This ne w reques t shoo k severa l executive s a t th e Foundation . Edga r Doubleday no w believe d tha t th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b "peopl e ar e getting i n wa y ove r thei r heads , no t onl y o n initia l buildin g cost s bu t on maintenanc e cost s a s well . . . . O u r commitmen t o f $300,00 0 . . . was base d o n a buildin g t o cos t abou t $500,00 0 [with ] maintenanc e costs o f $75,00 0 a year. " An d a t leas t on e truste e recommende d tha t the foundatio n "pul l out " o f th e Brownsvill e projec t entirely. 7 3 Stark , hoping t o reassur e Doubleda y wrote : " T h e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b assumes ful l responsibilit y fo r th e operatin g cost s whic h ar e estimate d will amoun t t o $75,000 pe r year . Shoul d th e annua l operatin g cost s exceed thi s amount , w e ar e full y confiden t tha t w e ca n rais e i t fro m

Site of the BBC building on Linden Boulevard and Stone Avenue, three blocks south of the Christopher Avenue storefront. (Courtesy ofJoseph Feldman.)

our Board , A l u m n i , W o m e n ' s Divisions , an d friend s o f th e C l u b . " T h e Foundatio n Trustees , ultimatel y recognize d th e realit y o f ris ing constructio n cost s an d wer e impresse d b y th e fac t tha t th e B r o w n s ville B o y s C l u b had , a s o f A p r i l 1952 , raised clos e t o $360,00 0 o n it s o w n . T h e y vote d a n additiona l $100,00 0 grant . Stark , a yea r later , w h e n th e buildin g wa s nearl y complete , manage d t o ge t on e mor e $75,000 gran t fro m th e foundation . I t wa s approve d afte r ye t anothe r fund-raising dinne r honorin g th e Charle s H a y d e n Foundatio n an d major supporte r an d contributo r Willia m Levitt . T h e gran t wa s t o b e paid afte r th e completio n o f the buildin g an d onl y o n conditio n tha t "i t is t o b e distinctl y understoo d tha t thi s i s ou r final gran t an d the y ar e not t o com e t o u s fo r furthe r assistance." 7 4

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O n c e agai n A b e Star k ha d demonstrate d hi s considerabl e talen t fo r charitable fund-raising . " I don' t believ e an y othe r man, " J . Willar d H a y d e n wrot e t o Stark , "coul d accomplis h wha t y o u hav e d o n e . " T h e buildin g wa s complete d an d al l constructio n bill s wer e pai d b y September 2 1 , 1953 . D a v id A r m s t r o n g an d Edga r A . D o u b l e d a y sai d

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Breaking ground for the new BBC building in ipj - Board look on. (Courtesy of Joseph Feldman.) 1

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members and boys

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Brownsville Boys Club, under construction in February 1953. The building opened officially in October 1933 with a final cost of $1,230,000. (Courtesy of Joseph Feldman.)

the buildin g w i t h it s poo l an d g y m s an d clinic s an d librar y an d roo f garden wa s "th e finest boy s c l u b " they ha d eve r s e e n . 77

Residents i n th e vicinit y o f th e buildin g wer e delighted : " T h i s ne w building i s w h a t w e ' v e bee n waitin g for, " sai d on e mothe r o f three . "I've bee n livin g i n th e sam e hous e clos e b y , fo r 2 9 years , s o I reall y know wha t thi s neighborhoo d needs . U p til l n o w , we'v e alway s gotte n the botto m o f th e heap . T h e Brownsvill e B o y s C l u b i s th e mos t wonderful thin g tha t ha s eve r happene d t o B r o w n s v i l l e . " 78

T h e boy s an d voluntee r staf f w h o ha d helpe d rais e mone y fo r th e building wer e prou d an d optimistic . D u d l e y Gaffin , alread y practicin g law i n 1953 , told a reporte r "Bein g proud o f you r environmen t make s y o u a lo t mor e secure . T h a t ' s abou t th e w a y I'v e dope d i t out . I pas s the ne w buildin g ever y morning , an d it' s har d t o believ e m y e y e s . " Isidore ("Red" ) Karbel , w h o chos e teachin g a s a caree r becaus e o f hi s experience w i t h th e Brownsvill e B o ys C l u b , explaine d tha t "comple -

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tion o f [the] new buildin g wit h [its ] magnificent facilitie s . . . enable[s] the club to reach out further i n the community i n its task of developin g better children." 79 To thi s task , th e professional s an d voluntee r staff , supervisin g fifty undergraduate students , dedicate d themselves . Reube n Bennett , Nor man Adelman , Joh n Snypes , Minni e Weingart , Irvin g Levine , Lenn y Dryansky, an d a number o f others i n the ne w environmen t intensifie d their effort s t o do social wor k o n "al l th e tracks." Levine and Adelma n concentrated o n interracia l cooperatio n an d understanding . Dryansky , who ha d helpe d desig n th e interio r o f th e building , it s decor , it s furnishings an d it s spaces , include d a galler y fo r th e displa y o f chil dren's art , hire d five ne w art s teachers , an d develope d ne w program s in musi c an d danc e fo r adult s a s well a s children. Weingar t continue d her work wit h women' s group s and helpe d organiz e community Paren t Teacher Association s i n a n effor t t o ge t mor e summe r program s i n schools. And Executiv e Directo r Bennet t develope d close r ties to other neighborhood organizations . H e serve d a s president o f the Brownsvill e Neighborhood Council , an d the n a s one o f fou r vice-president s o f th e Brownsville Neighborhoo d Healt h an d Welfar e Counci l ( a merge r o f the Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Counci l wit h th e Brownsvill e Healt h Council). H e worke d ver y closel y to o with John Newton , a black ma n who was president o f the Brownsville Housin g Projec t Tenant' s Coun cil.80 For a time it looked a s if a viable set of relationships ha d bee n pu t in place , linkin g self-hel p initiatives , huma n servic e professionals , an d quasi-governmental agencies . In Marc h o f 1954 , however , five month s afte r Ab e Star k witnesse d the openin g o f th e ne w building , an d les s tha n thre e month s afte r h e was swor n i n t o his first electe d offic e a s president o f the cit y council , he withou t notic e fired Snypes , Dryansky , Levine , Adelman , an d seven othe r worker s fro m th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club . Bennet t wa s released severa l month s later. 81 "Reason s o f economy " wer e cited , bu t Stark wa s apparentl y move d b y fear s havin g littl e o r nothin g t o d o with funding . Th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b wa s becomin g somethin g that fa r exceede d Stark' s "recreational " outlook an d hi s noblesse oblig e approach. Th e ne w professional s wit h their ques t t o educate the whol e boy, indee d th e whol e family , an d wit h thei r aggressiv e integrationis t direction an d involvemen t i n communit y organizing , wer e goin g wel l

148 TH

E NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

beyond "keepin g kid s ou t o f trouble " an d dispensin g turkey s a t Thanksgiving, o r crammed shoppin g bag s at the Christmas-Hanukka h parties. Star k apparentl y faile d t o understan d muc h o f wha t th e staf f was doin g an d fel t i t wa s too much fo r hi m to handle an d control . I t was ver y likely , too , i n 1954 , stil l th e tai l en d o f th e er a o f Jo e McCarthy an d th e "Re d Scare, " tha t Star k wa s frightene d b y th e professionals' progressiv e activis m an d thei r left-leanin g ideologica l orientations. The majorit y o f th e director s an d supervisor s wer e left-liberals . Bennett, who , several of the boys recall , ha d frequent partie s at which "left-wing" song s wer e sung , an d Snypes , wer e activ e democrati c socialists, a s wa s th e vigorou s an d outspoke n Norma n Adelman. 82 Levine an d Dryansk y describe d themselve s a s having bee n o n the lef t but no t member s o f an y lef t party. 83 BB C professional s naturall y brought thei r "ideology " to their wor k bu t none were , eve n indirectly , political proselytizers. "Ther e was" however , a s Dryansky said , "some thing revolutionar y abou t ou r work . Art s an d craft s wa s n o longe r something tha t cam e i n a kit; group wor k wa s more tha n outing s an d dances, an d we were getting mor e deepl y int o integration , communit y outreach an d community organizing." 84 Abe Stark , thoug h h e was relatively unsophisticated , ha d comple x motives in releasing many o f the social workers. I t was clear tha t Star k was very ambitious . A master coalition builder , Star k ha d connections to the business community , t o Democratic organizations , bot h regula r and reform , t o gamblers , an d t o th e vas t network s o f Jewish philan thropy. Fearin g tha t a connection t o the left migh t dr y u p the contributions necessar y t o run the Brownsville Boy s Club (with an operating budget i n 195 4 of $150,00 0 pe r year) , an d fearin g tha t a charg e o f sympathizing with , an d employin g "leftists " migh t damage , i f no t destroy, hi s politica l career , Star k fire d th e bul k o f th e Brownsvill e Boys Club senio r professiona l staff . The staff , however , di d not quite fad e away . The y mad e it clear in a letter t o the board tha t the y wer e angr y a t being abruptly released — fired "withou t notic e o r prio r discussion , withou t consideratio n o f seniority o r competence, " an d withou t coverag e b y unemploymen t insurance. No t onl y wa s th e mas s firin g a blo w t o th e worker s "a s human being s wit h familie s t o support, " th e dismissals, the y argued ,

POLITICIANS, PROFESSIONALS , AN D PHILANTHROPIST S 1 4

9

would drasticall y reduc e servic e to the children an d t o the community . The staf f aske d fo r a hearing b y th e ful l Brownsvill e Boy s Club Boar d and i n th e meantim e the y mounte d a demonstratio n outsid e th e fivemonth-old building. 85 I n a n attemp t t o brea k thi s "strike, " Star k con tacted Do c Barof f an d aske d hi m t o return fro m Detroi t wher e h e wa s doing socia l wor k t o becom e agai n a director fo r th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club. Wha t a crue l choic e fo r Doc . Th e BB C wa s hi s secon d hom e but, "M y whol e lif e wa s agains t strik e breaking, " Barof f said , "i t wa s against m y entir e ethic . I wa s ver y homesick , bu t I .wasn't goin g bac k for this!" 86 The fired staff , havin g gon e publi c an d ont o th e streets , receive d strong suppor t fro m th e community , member s o f whic h joine d th e picket line , wit h sign s lik e "Brin g Bac k 'Hooker ' Levine. " Al l wer e rehired, bu t ultimatel y eac h wa s terminate d a s soo n a s individua l contracts ra n out . Dryansky , fo r reason s tha t wer e unclea r t o hi m a t the tim e an d whic h ar e jus t a s unclea r now , wa s aske d t o sta y o n a s executive directo r whe n Bennet t wa s released . Bu t Dryansk y coul d not wor k unde r wha t h e presume d woul d b e muc h mor e restrictiv e conditions. H e lef t fo r a job with Karamoo r Ar t Institut e i n Cleveland , Ohio. With th e buildin g completed , an d Star k i n office , th e ne w cit y council presiden t ma y hav e determined, consciousl y o r otherwise, tha t the Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b ha d serve d it s purpos e i n term s o f hi s political career . Certainl y Ab e Star k n o longe r looke d a t th e Browns ville Boy s Club—a t leas t th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b th e wa y i t ha d recently operated—a s a powerful politica l asset . Th e "leftist " demon strations an d th e publicit y surroundin g the m ha d mad e hi m an d othe r board member s nervous . S o did th e continuing integrationis t activitie s of club workers . I n 195 4 approximately 1 5 percent o f th e activ e mem bership of the teenage division o f the BB C were black. A n additiona l 5 percent wer e Hispanic , Italian , an d othe r non-Jewis h whites . Irvin g Levine continue d hi s commitmen t t o makin g th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club raciall y an d culturall y heterogeneous . S o did Norma n Adelman , who in 195 4 was completing a master's thesi s at Columbia University' s New Yor k Schoo l o f Socia l Wor k entitle d "Factor s t o b e Considere d in th e Developmen t o f Intercultura l Tee n Ag e Programs." 87 Aggres sive integratio n wa s stil l widel y see n a s radica l i n th e earl y 1950s .

ISO

THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

Although pursue d b y a variet y o f progressiv e groups , desegregatio n was als o clearl y a n America n Communis t part y cause . An d larg e numbers o f peopl e continue d t o perceiv e th e attemp t t o "mi x th e races " as a Communis t conspiracy . T h e integratio n " p r o b l e m / ' fo r Star k an d the boar d wa s undoubtedl y furthe r complicate d b y th e fac t tha t wit h the completio n o f th e BB C buildin g ther e wer e large r number s o f girl s in attendanc e fo r socia l an d athleti c activities , includin g swimmin g an d dancing. Fea r ove r th e reactio n t o "mixin g th e races " wa s intensifie d by fea r ove r th e consequence s o f "mixin g th e sexes. " T h e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b ha d becom e les s an d les s usefu l t o Stark's politica l ambitions . Brownsville , too , woul d no t muc h longe r serve a s a "natural" soli d politica l base . B y 195 4 t n e Brownsvill e Jewis h population—the masse s o f Jew s a s wel l a s th e olde r Jewis h busines s and professiona l establishment—whic h ha d bee n Stark' s traditiona l constituency, wa s thinnin g ou t rapidly , replace d b y blacks . Housin g projects wit h apartment s goin g onl y t o low-incom e familie s hastene d the out-migratio n o f Jews. I t wa s tim e fo r Star k t o j u m p ship . Claimin g virtual "bankruptcy " i n term s o f th e abilit y t o maintai n a viabl e bud get, Star k an d th e board , te n month s afte r th e buildin g ha d opene d and fiv e month s afte r th e "strike, " turne d th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b over t o th e Cit y o f N e w York . Star k wrot e t o th e H a y d e n Foundation , whose fund s wer e grante d onl y fo r project s o f privat e initiative , t o justify th e transfer : I kno w tha t yo u mus t shar e wit h m e som e feeling o f sadnes s ove r th e transfe r of th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b t o th e Cit y o f Ne w York . Bu t I kno w to o tha t your thoughts , lik e mine, will always be guided b y th e principle of doing wha t is best fo r th e childre n involved , irrespectiv e o f our persona l preferences . Th e acceptance o f th e gif t b y th e Cit y guarantee s th e futur e o f th e Brownsvill e Club an d assure s it s continued operatio n fo r year s to come, lon g after yo u an d I ma y no t b e aroun d t o giv e i t th e lovin g car e whic h i t deserves . W e realiz e that no-on e i s indispensible , bu t fro m experienc e w e als o kno w tha t wor k o f this sor t i s done b y a handful o f peopl e wh o donat e thei r money , thei r healt h and thei r live s to a cause such as this. One thir d o f the mone y whic h buil t th e Club wa s the generous gif t o f you r Foundation; th e remainin g tw o thirds , i n additio n t o th e maintenanc e cost s over th e years , wer e raise d throug h voluntar y contribution s fro m peopl e whos e hearts wer e ofte n bigge r tha n thei r pocketooks . Tw o o f th e principa l backer s of th e Clu b hav e seriou s financia l problem s toda y an d economi c condition s i n general ar e bad , s o tha t mone y i s becomin g harde r an d harde r t o rais e fo r

POLITICIANS, PROFESSIONALS , AN D PHILANTHROPIST S 15

1

charitable purposes . A s yo u know , ther e i s n o foundatio n t o subsidiz e ou r annual operatin g budge t whic h exceed s $150,000 . Al l o f th e mone y come s from privat e contributions . I t woul d b e tragi c indee d if , a t som e futur e date , there would no t b e enough fund s t o keep the doors open. . . . I wan t t o assur e yo u tha t th e Boar d o f Director s o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club, eve n thoug h i t i s unde r Cit y sponsorship , wil l continu e t o serv e i n a n active capacity. W e will b e on han d t o advise in polic y making . I n additio n w e will continu e t o rais e mone y t o hel p th e Clu b undertak e ne w program s an d facilities whic h otherwis e migh t no t hav e bee n possible . I n th e lon g run , everyone i n th e communit y wil l benefi t an d th e Clu b wil l becom e a n eve n greater tribut e t o your confidenc e i n its work. 88 Clearly Star k an d th e director s wer e no t completel y desertin g th e Brownsville Boy s Club . Indee d th e boar d staye d quit e activ e an d raised mor e tha n tw o millio n dollar s i n les s tha n tw o years . Wit h thi s money the y eventuall y erecte d tw o entirel y ne w buildings , adjacen t t o the Brownsvill e Boy s Club , on e housin g a Golde n Ag e Cente r fo r "senior citizens, " an d th e othe r a n enlarge d Cerebra l Pals y Pavillion. 89 Obviously raisin g mone y wa s no t th e rea l problem . Star k an d other s could stil l solici t fund s fo r traditiona l philanthropi c purposes : th e car e of th e elderl y an d th e handicapped , fo r example . H e coul d n o longer , however, rais e money , h e thought—correctl y o r not—fo r activitie s for whic h h e an d potentia l donor s ha d littl e understandin g o r sympa thy an d throug h whic h the y though t the y coul d deriv e littl e i n th e wa y of socia l an d politica l advantage . In additio n t o claimin g "bankruptcy, " Star k als o justifie d th e "gift " to th e cit y b y suggestin g tha t i t woul d serv e a s a mode l an d stimulat e the administratio n t o ope n yout h center s acros s N e w Yor k i n it s man y deprived areas . It i s my belief , an d yours , I a m sure , tha t a Boys Clu b o f thi s typ e shoul d b e built i n ever y proble m communit y a s par t o f a long-range , preventativ e ap proach t o th e problem s o f juvenil e unrest . B y offerin g th e Boy s Clu b t o th e City o f New Yor k for us e a s a pilot study , I have been abl e to interest th e cit y administration i n thi s mos t importan t work . Thi s actio n wil l pav e the wa y fo r similar club s an d yout h center s t o b e opene d throughou t th e cit y i n place s where the y ar e needed most . Whe n thi s i s completed, the n w e will have mad e an even more meaningful contributio n t o young peopl e on a basis broader tha n anything whic h a single club can accomplish alone. 90

i52

THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

Unfortunately, althoug h Mayo r Rober t F . Wagne r "gratefull y ac cepted] th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club " fo r u the peopl e o f Ne w Yor k City," an d expresse d a "hop e tha t beginnin g i n 195 5 w e shal l under take a progra m fo r playground s an d recreatio n center s whic h wil l constitute a basic attac k o n ou r yout h problems, " littl e wa s done. 91 I n fact th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b replaced the recreatio n cente r planne d by th e Departmen t o f Park s fo r Bets y Hea d Park , "resultin g i n a substantial savin g to the City," and a loss to Brownsville youth. 92 J. Willar d Hayde n an d Edga r Doubleda y receive d th e new s o f th e transfer fro m Star k wit h littl e comment , an d th e ton e o f thei r respec tive responses coul d b e characterized a s cool.93 Even Minnie Weingart , Stark's "Ga l Friday, " sai d man y year s later , "Th e on e thing I felt wa s wrong wa s turnin g th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b ove r t o th e City . Th e [Board] sai d thi s woul d serv e a s a pilo t project , an d tha t othe r suc h facilities woul d b e buil t b y th e Cit y i n deprive d areas . Bu t I neve r knew whethe r o r no t an y wer e i n fac t built." 94 A t leas t throug h i96 0 none were. Even i f several facilitie s ha d bee n erecte d b y th e city eventuall y a s a result o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b model , the y likel y woul d hav e been ru n primaril y a s recreatio n centers . Thi s wa s implie d i n Mayo r Wagner's thank-yo u letter , quote d abov e (wit h it s referenc e t o play grounds a s the solutio n t o "yout h problems," ) an d i n th e general long standing recreationa l philosoph y o f Park s Commissione r Rober t Moses . In Januar y o f 1955 , th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b buildin g itsel f wa s reopened, unde r th e supervisio n o f th e Departmen t o f Parks , a s th e Brownsville Recreatio n Center ; an d th e city' s primar y contributio n came tw o year s late r i n th e for m o f a larg e adjacen t playgroun d fo r outdoor games . Th e genera l emphasi s woul d continu e t o b e recrea tion.95 The rang e of Abe Stark' s political vision and imaginatio n was unfor tunately n o mor e tha n ordinary . Hi s decisio n t o turn th e BB C over t o New Yor k City' s recreatio n progra m wa s par t o f a failur e o f under standing an d nerve . Th e sell-ou t ha d begu n wit h th e firin g o f th e progressive professional s wh o conceive d o f socia l wor k i n broade r terms tha n traditiona l charit y an d recreation . This i s not t o say tha t recreation , i n an d aroun d th e city-ru n build ing, di d no t continu e t o help som e boys, particularl y whe n the y wer e

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53

exposed t o forme r BBCers . "M y whol e lif e change d whe n I attende d the Boy s Clu b i n th e 1950s, " sai d Lenn y Zeplin , no w a hig h schoo l principal: I cam e i n contac t wit h teacher s wh o wer e workin g secon d jobs . The y wer e excellent rol e models . One , "Whitey " [Dave ] Diamond , a forme r BB C mem ber, wa s lik e a fathe r t o me . Thes e peopl e influence d m y decisio n t o devot e my lif e t o educatio n an d t o children . I als o wo n trophie s fo r sport s an d developed a sens e o f self-worth . I wen t o n t o wor k i n th e BB C summe r da y camp whe n I wa s olde r an d I als o worke d i n th e winte r program . I lov e m y life and I can actually say , " I owe it to the Boy s Club." 96 Zeplin, workin g a t th e cam p an d a t th e center , ver y muc h followe d in th e BB C traditio n o f givin g bac k an d passin g on . Georg e Benite z wrote fro m Californi a tha t Le n Zepli n wa s a n importan t influenc e o n him whe n h e attende d th e Recreatio n Cente r i n th e lat e 1950 s an d early 1960s . Zepli n an d other s "kep t u s of f th e streets, " Georg e said . "Many wer e kep t straigh t b y th e BB C [a s th e cente r continue d t o b e known despit e th e nam e change] . I mysel f neve r go t int o troubl e because I wa s a gym ra t a t th e B B C . " 9 7 As w e se e her e an d hav e see n i n earlie r examples , recreatio n re mained a n importan t forc e i n boys ' lives . I t coul d eve n operate , i n combination wit h sensitiv e nurturing , especiall y b y "peers " a s a "solu tion" t o th e "yout h problem " i n individua l instances . Bu t recreatio n was no t b y itsel f goin g t o b e a genera l "solution " t o Brownsville' s increasing socia l difficulties , particularl y racia l tension , yout h crim e and juvenil e delinquency . Wha t th e BB C professionals , voluntee r staff , and boy s themselve s ha d bee n tryin g t o d o i n th e lat e 1940 s an d earl y 1950s migh t no t hav e bee n a "solution " t o Brownsville' s problem s either; bu t creativ e socia l wor k don e "o n al l tracks, " includin g com munity organizing , an d th e potentia l recruitmen t o f ne w "indigenou s leadership" fro m withi n th e blac k population , migh t hav e ha d a t leas t a chance .

CHAPTER 6

Fright, Flight, and Failure: Brownsville After the Boys 0ub No other are a . . . speaks more to a visitor of the sense of loss and waste. . . . Brownsville is a disgrace to this city and to this country. — P E T E HAMILL , JUNE I97 O

When th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b wa s transferre d t o Ne w Yor k City , a hope was expressed tha t i t could serv e as a model for way s to comba t juvenile delinquency. Star k claimed tha t "contrary t o the general [larg e city] trend , th e are a serve d b y th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b ha s experi enced a 1 7 percen t decreas e i n youthfu l offense s ove r th e pas t tw o years." 1 Seizin g thi s statement , Mayo r Wagne r repeate d it—wit h n o accompanying statistics—i n a publi c lette r t o Ab e Star k an d t o tw o thousand peopl e attendin g th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b dinne r i n Sep tember 1954 . Th e chang e i n Brownsville' s "rating, " fro m a proble m area i n th e 1940s , t o on e no w "bette r tha n average " i n juvenil e delin quency, sai d Wagner , wa s " a miracle." 2 However , a s wit h mos t al leged "miracles, " there wa s littl e i f any corroboratin g evidence . Ther e may hav e bee n a decrease i n youthful offense s fo r th e ag e group si x t o twenty i n Brownsvill e betwee n 195 2 an d 1953 , but betwee n 195 3 an d the en d o f 1954 , Brownsvill e experience d a 25. 4 percen t increas e i n juvenile delinquency , whil e a t th e sam e tim e Ne w Yor k Cit y wa s showing a slightl y smalle r 2 3 percen t ris e an d Brookly n onl y 16. 7 *54

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F R I G H T , F L I G H T , A N D FAILUR E

percent. Moreover , startin g fro m a t leas t a s far bac k a s 195 1 (a perio d for whic h relativel y reliabl e statistic s ar e available), Brownsvill e exhib ited a marke d increase , absolut e an d relative , i n yout h crim e an d delinquency (se e tabl e below) . Ther e wer e 13. 3 case s o f juvenil e of fenses pe r on e thousan d youngster s age d si x to twent y i n Brownsvill e in 1951 , 16. 8 in 195 2 and 19. 7 by 1954— a 4 8 percent increas e in thre e years. Brownsvill e lat e i n 195 4 w a s o n c e a g a m chose n a s th e "target " for an "intensified concentratio n o f police strength to stamp out crime." 3 The figures ros e eve n mor e dramaticall y afte r 195 5 s o t n a t b y r 95^ the rate for Brownsvill e wa s fifty-eight pe r thousand . Thi s represente d an increas e o f almos t 20 0 percen t sinc e 195 4 an d wel l mor e tha n 30 0 percent sinc e 1952 . Th e Healt h Area s serve d mos t directl y b y th e Brownsville Boy s Club experienced equall y startlin g increases. I n fact , Health Are a 60 , withi n whic h th e BB C buildin g sat , ha d a t least a 325 percent increas e i n juvenile delinquency betwee n 195 3 a n d I 0 57- 4 Abe Stark' s experienc e wit h th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b u p t o 195 4 left a ver y positiv e impressio n o n him . Moreove r th e clu b wa s s o central t o Stark' s politica l person a an d publi c identit y tha t h e neede d to believe th e BB C wa s a "success" by hi s definition. H e coul d no t ge t very muc h beyon d th e ide a tha t recreatio n provide d b y th e clu b ha d kept, an d continue d t o "kee p boy s ou t o f trouble. " Star k kne w tha t i t Delinquency Rates Per 1,000 Youths Six to Twenty Years Old

1951 1952 1953 1954 1956 1957 1958 a

New York City 17.5 19.3 23.6 28.8 33.5 35.8

—

Brooklyn 14.9 17.2 20.9 24.4 30.6 33.4 41

Brownsville 15.3 16.8 15.7 19.7 35a 43 a 58

HA. 60 18.2

HA. 59 22.1

HA. 57 28.7

15.9

31.1

34.5

—

— —

70 b

—

—

— — 70

—

—

— — 70

—

Estimates base d o n th e know n figure 19. 7 for 1954 , and 5 8 for 1958 . The rat e i n eac h o f th e Healt h Area s i s a t leas t 67. 7 an d ma y b e a s hig h a s 85.5 . Th e delinquency rate s were, accordin g t o Burea u o f Community Statistica l Service s "relatively low " only in Health'Are a 58.1 0 an d 58.20 , significantl y highe r i n Healt h Are a 56 (42.29) an d Healt h Are a 5 1 (44.2) and betwee n 67. 7 an d 85. 5 i n all the others. 5 b

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was mor e tha n jus t inadequat e recreatio n tha t go t boy s "int o trouble. " He pointe d t o th e "resentmen t an d frustration " cause d b y discrimina tion an d exploitation . H e understoo d th e nee d t o "spu r equa l opportu nities i n employmen t fo r al l persons." 6 Bu t Star k agree d wit h th e president of the Boys Clubs of America tha t "a s long as there are man y boys roamin g th e street s seekin g recreation an d companionship , what ever the reasons, yo u ar e going to have a large amount o f delinquency . I d o no t sa y a Boys Clu b i s a cure-all fo r delinquency , bu t I d o sa y i t will lesse n delinquency." 7 An d h e continue d t o plac e inordinat e em phasis on the recreational solutio n fo r juvenil e delinquency . In Augus t 1954 , jus t a s h e wa s abou t t o transfe r th e Brownsvill e Boys Clu b t o th e Departmen t o f Parks , Star k responde d t o Polic e Commissioner Adams' s cal l fo r increase d polic e forces . Ne w York , according t o th e commissione r wa s o n th e verg e o f becomin g littl e more tha n a "communit y o f violenc e an d crime. " Star k eschewe d th e need fo r mor e cop s an d demande d mor e fundin g fo r "recreatio n cen ters an d boy s clubs" . H e cite d figures fro m a n FB I repor t t o tr y t o show tha t Ne w Yor k wa s relativel y bette r of f i n man y categorie s o f serious crim e tha n Chicago , Detroit , Philadelphia , an d Lo s Angeles . And h e warne d tha t "undue " emphasi s o n crim e i n Ne w Yor k woul d frighten awa y business ! Th e proble m wa s serious , Star k said , bu t i t could b e deal t wit h ove r th e lon g ru n throug h increasin g athleti c facilities. Bu t Mayo r Wagne r sai d ther e shoul d b e "n o suga r coatin g the unpleasant realities. " The New York Times, while praisin g Star k fo r his emphasi s o n "corollar y long-rang e action, " agree d wit h th e polic e commissioner tha t the "numbe r on e issue for immediat e action was th e considerable enlargemen t o f th e polic e force." 8 Thi s migh t hav e bee n necessary i n the short run, bu t i t merely dealt with symptoms . Increas ing th e numbe r o f policeme n promise d n o mor e tru e an d endurin g resolution t o youth crim e and juvenil e delinquency tha n increasin g th e number o f recreation facilities . City Counci l Presiden t Star k ma y hav e bee n overl y optimistic , o r too enmeshe d i n hi s earlie r politica l rhetoric . I n eithe r cas e h e wa s unable t o get of f th e "recreationa l train " h e thought h e coul d rid e int o even highe r municipa l office . Bu t a t leas t h e understoo d tha t "eac h dollar w e spen d t o preven t childre n fro m becomin g criminal s will b e returned t o us a thousand fold , no t onl y i n a healthier societ y bu t als o in th e actua l saving of countless million s o f dollars whic h ar e now los t

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throught vandalism , theft s an d th e cost of prison an d reformatories." 9 Others too k a different approac h an d wer e at least indirectl y critica l of Star k includin g Judg e Hyma n Barshay , th e BB C boar d membe r who hoste d Stark' s testimonia l dinne r i n 1947/Mor e recentl y Barsha y had preside d a t th e tria l o f four Brookly n tee n killer s durin g whic h h e criticized "th e growing emphasi s o n long-rang e program s t o cure juve nile delinquency. " H e sai d "immediat e step s shoul d b e take n t o ope n temporary jail s for youthfu l offenders." 10 Despite opposition, eve n from ol d friends, Star k persisted i n toutin g the long-ter m solution . Hi s concentratio n o n preventio n wa s health y and useful , bu t Star k wa s naive about th e redemptive power s o f recre ation an d wa s won t t o us e hi s connectio n wit h th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club recreationa l facilit y fo r persona l politica l promotion . Ab e Star k wanted ver y muc h t o b e mayo r o f Ne w Yor k City . H e ha d wante d this fro m a s early a s 195 3 w n en n e outra n th e entir e Democrati c ticke t in winnin g th e presidenc y o f th e cit y council , an d perhap s fro m a s early a s 194 9 when a s the Republican-Libera l Fusio n candidat e fo r th e borough presidency , h e mad e a ver y impressiv e showin g i n Demo cratic Brooklyn . In 195 6 when Mayo r Wagne r wa s considerin g acceptin g a nomina tion t o ru n fo r th e Unite d State s Senate , Ab e Star k said , " I se e n o reason wh y I shouldn' t b e a candidate i f th e Mayo r doesn' t run . I se e no reaso n i n th e worl d wh y I shouldn' t b e considere d a candidat e a t that time. " n Wer e Wagner actuall y t o win a Senate seat , Cit y Counci l President Star k woul d automaticall y becom e Acting Mayor fo r a year, and i t would b e difficult t o deny hi m th e mayoral candidac y i n 1957 . Some influentia l Democrat s questione d Stark' s qualification s t o b e mayor. Whe n i t becam e clear , i n th e summe r o f 1956 , tha t Wagne r would ge t th e senatoria l nomination , Star k wante d t o begi n t o stil l doubts. H e wante d t o demonstrate—eve n before h e migh t ascen d t o the positio n o f actin g mayor—tha t h e ha d th e stature , experienc e an d ability t o hea d th e city. 12 A n "opportunity " soo n presente d itself . I n early Augus t Polic e Commissione r Stephe n P . Kenned y reporte d a 41.3 percen t ris e i n juvenil e delinquenc y fo r th e firs t si x month s o f 1956 compare d wit h th e sam e perio d fo r 1955 . Star k ver y quickl y called a major parle y o f public an d privat e agencies to outline a plan t o combat juvenil e delinquency. 13 In a n addres s strongl y resemblin g a campaig n speech , Star k pro -

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posed a plan tha t "woul d b e base d i n larg e measure . . . o n th e recor d of accomplishment o f the Brownsville Boy s Club." Stark, stil l strongl y identified i n the publi c min d wit h th e club, reinforce d th e connection . He als o indirectly inflate d hi s own rol e i n the club' s histor y b y imply ing tha t th e clu b wa s founde d i n 1945 , th e yea r h e first evince d a n interest i n it, rathe r tha n i n 1940 . Brownsville i n 1945 , Stark said , wa s a tough impoverishe d are a wit h seventy-fiv e gangs . "Today, " h e wen t on, repeatin g somethin g beginnin g t o resembl e th e "bi g lie, " Browns ville "ha s on e o f th e lowes t delinquenc y rate s i n th e city. " This , h e said, i s a reflection o f the fac t tha t Brownsvill e als o has a youth center , a yout h cente r buil t privatel y wit h on e an d a hal f millio n dollars — raised mainl y b y Stark' s efforts—an d a youth cente r tha t h e "hande d over to the city free." 14 In Novembe r 195 6 Rober t F . Wagne r los t t o Jacob Javits . Stark' s mayoral ambition s an d abilitie s becam e moo t question s unti l th e nex t election i n 1961 . I n th e meantime , Ab e Star k continue d t o stic k wit h boys clubs an d recreatio n center s a s the vehicles fo r hi s political caree r and th e salvatio n o f youth . I n 195 7 h e aske d fo r th e cit y an d th e stat e to share i n granting a $3 million subsid y t o 15 0 youth agencies t o hel p them strengthe n thei r activities . B y 195 9 he turned t o Congress to hel p stem th e "risin g tide of teen-age crime." He aske d tha t $10 0 million b e spent pe r yea r a s "emergenc y subsidies " t o boy s club s an d settlemen t houses.15 A s limite d a s thi s propose d "solution " was , i t appeare d en lightened i n th e fac e o f Mayor Wagner' s narro w insistenc e o n meetin g the proble m "wit h th e ful l powe r o f police , a s many a s we ca n pu t o n the street, " o r compare d wit h Polic e Commissioner Kennedy' s simpli fied call for "ster n justic e in the Courts. " Stark als o showed som e courage whe n h e responded t o Judge Sam uel S. Leibowitz' s proposal fo r cuttin g crime. Citing the disproportion ate number s o f Hispanic s an d blacks involve d i n crime , th e judg e ha d urged th e Federa l Governmen t t o restric t immigratio n fro m Puert o Rico an d t o significantl y limi t th e migratio n o f blacks fro m th e Sout h to norther n cities . Alon g wit h Senato r Jaco b Javits an d Congressma n Emanuel Celler , Star k flatly rejecte d thi s "solution. " Th e cit y counci l president schedule d a meeting a t Cit y Hal l t o canvass opinio n o n ho w to "smooth th e social adjustment an d cultural assimilation" of relatively recent Hispani c an d black arrivals t o New York. 16 Many white s appeare d t o want t o "smooth th e social adjustment" o f

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recently arrive d nonwhite s b y movin g awa y fro m them . I n 1950 , 9 0 percent o f Brooklynite s wer e white , 7. 6 percen t black , an d les s than 2 percent wer e Puert o Rican . Betwee n 195 0 an d i960 , a s blacks an d Puerto Rican s arrive d i n large r numbers , almos t one-hal f millio n white s left th e borough . Thi s resulte d i n a net population los s of over 160,00 0 and increase d Brooklyn' s black populatio n t o 14. 1 percen t an d it s Puerto Rica n resident s t o 6.9 percent. 17 It wa s not simpl y th e migratio n t o Brooklyn o f Souther n blacks an d blacks fro m Harle m tha t spurre d whit e flight . Th e boroug h ha d al ready suffere d a significan t declin e i n it s populatio n growt h rat e be tween 193 0 an d 1940 , an d a n eve n mor e precipitou s dro p betwee n 1940 an d 1950 . Immediatel y precedin g an d throug h Worl d Wa r II , Brooklyn appeare d t o b e i n relativel y health y conditio n economically . A Princeto n Universit y stud y serialize d i n th e Brooklyn Eagle in 194 2 depicted th e boroug h a s a leading cente r o f foreig n trad e an d demon strated tha t it s taxabl e rea l estat e valu e wa s th e secon d highes t amon g the fiv e borough s o f Ne w Yor k City. 18 Nevertheless , sinc e th e lat e 1920s th e upwardl y mobil e o r th e upwardl y aspirin g n o longe r per ceived Brookly n a s the end o f the "grea t America n trek. " Moreove r b y the postwa r period , Brookly n experience d som e o f th e sam e problem s of othe r urba n area s i n Americ a includin g a n increas e i n th e numbe r of yout h gang s an d th e escalatio n o f gan g brutality . Ther e wer e othe r difficulties, too . A s Pet e Hamil l pointe d out , mor e youngster s die d from overdosin g o n drug s tha n die d i n gang wars i n the lat e 1940 s and early 1950s . The whol e terribl e perio d o f th e gangs , followe d b y th e introductio n o f heroin, change d a lot o f citizens ' attitude s abou t Brooklyn . Thos e wh o ha d escaped the lower East Side now started talking about escaping Brooklyn. You could d o the bes t yo u wer e capable of doing, wor k hard , hol d tw o jobs, get bigger and better television sets for the living room, watch steam heat replace kerosene stove s . . . an d stil l peopl e i n thei r teen s wer e foun d dea d i n th e streets o f Prospect Park , thei r arm s a s seared a s school desks . "W e gotta get outa Brooklyn. " You heard i t over and over in those days. I t wasn't a matter of moving from on e neighborhood t o the next; the transportation syste m was too good fo r that ; i t wa s out t o th e "island " or t o Californi a t o to Rocklan d County. The idea was to get out.19 The mos t seriou s instabilit y i n th e boroug h bega n wit h th e devel opment of the new freeways leadin g out of Brooklyn, an d the relativel y easy availabilit y o f automobile s i n th e earl y 1950s . Betwee n 195 0 an d

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1957 Brooklyn ha d a net los s in populatio n o f 135,00 0 inhabitants: th e white populatio n decline d b y 235,00 0 an d th e blac k populatio n ros e by slightl y mor e tha n 100,000 . Betwee n 195 7 and i96 0 anothe r 240,00 0 whites left ; an d a n additional 208,00 0 blacks arrived. 20 I n the ten year s from 195 0 t o i96 0 th e whit e populatio n o f Brookly n decline d b y almost 2 0 percent an d th e black population increase d b y 15 0 percent. The in-migratio n o f blacks to Brooklyn, represente d th e attemp t b y relatively mobile minority familie s an d individuals to flee the Sout h an d to escap e worsenin g condition s i n Bedford-Stuyvesan t o r Harlem . "Black flight" ha d a significan t impac t o n th e racia l an d economi c structure o f th e borough . Brookly n becam e a n are a whos e inhabitant s were fearful . Al l groups , lower-middl e an d middle-clas s whit e resi dents an d th e newe r mor e impoverishe d blac k an d Puert o Rica n Brooklynites wer e frightene d b y th e pac e of change an d b y th e feelin g of apparent decline . One of the symptoms o f that decline, an d i n turn on e of the indirec t contributors t o furthe r defin e wa s th e foldin g o f th e Brooklyn Eagle in 1955. Althoug h hardl y a great paper , th e Eagle had serve d a n impor tant purpose . I t ha d helpe d t o giv e som e sens e o f communit y t o a set of extremely heterogeneou s neighborhoods. 21 Anothe r facto r hastenin g decline was the incremental closin g of the Brooklyn Navy Yard, finally abandoned a s a shipbuildin g yar d i n 1966 . Th e yar d ha d employe d over sevent y thousan d people . Durin g an d immediatel y afte r th e wa r this mean t paycheck s tha t coul d b e use d t o pu t dow n payment s o n row house s i n Queens , an d o n automobile s t o ge t there . Bu t th e nav y yard als o mean t job s fo r ten s o f thousand s o f Brooklynites . B y th e 1950s, however , th e neighborhoo d aroun d th e dyin g Brookly n Nav y Yard wa s becomin g on e o f th e mos t depresse d area s i n th e Unite d States.22 The departur e o f th e Dodger s fo r Lo s Angele s i n 195 7 wa s ye t another blow . Th e los s o f th e Dodger s o n to p o f th e los s o f th e Eagle made Brookly n th e only America n "city " with tw o millio n inhabitant s not t o have a newspaper o r a ball team . A great sourc e o f prid e fo r al l Brooklynites, th e Dodger s ha d hel d th e boroug h togethe r i n a ver y special way . Th e team , it s antics , an d it s perceive d "invincibility " provided a common ground an d "somethin g to talk about" for a variety of ethni c group s an d classes . Ther e i s endless argumen t ove r wh y th e

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team lef t Brooklyn . Accordin g t o Pet e Hamill , th e Dodge r organiza tion wa s stil l makin g mone y a t Ebbet s Field. 23 Dodge r fan s wer e nothing i f no t loyal , an d betwee n thos e crucia l year s 195 0 an d 1957 , attendance wa s relativel y constan t eac h season , movin g slightl y u p o r slightly dow n betwee n 1,020,00 0 an d 1,280,000 . "N o tea m i n al l o f baseball wa s mor e profitable, " argue s th e Dodgers ' recen t historia n Peter Golenbock. 24 Perhap s th e Dodger s wer e jus t no t makin g enough money fo r Clu b Presiden t Walte r O'Malley , o r perhaps , a s Irvin g Rudd, th e Dodgers ' publicity directo r i n the earl y 1950s , explained it , O'Malley wa s one of Brooklyn's fearfu l whit e middle-class residents . O'Malley complaine d abou t th e deterioratin g atmospher e a t Ebbet s Fiel d throughout his tenure as the Dodgers' president. H e always worried about the unruliness i n th e stands , whic h h e viewe d a s a manifestation o f Brooklyn' s changing socia l scene . H e wa s als o very concerne d tha t Brookly n migh t become a very poor community and that some day the money would not be there to support th e ball club. Yo u know, a lot of people call O'Malley a racist fo r leaving Brooklyn in the fifties, but, I say, he was just concerned about turning a profit. H e did not care that the blacks were black, just that the blacks were poor.25 Rudd's commen t i s a n indicatio n o f ho w difficul t i t is , often , t o separate race and clas s in the analysis of white flight. O n th e one hand , substantial number s o f middle-clas s whites , a s w e hav e seen , lef t Brooklyn before black s an d Hispanic s move d i n i n appreciabl e num bers. Thi s suggest s tha t clas s an d economi c statu s playe d a primar y role. Bu t whit e fligh t significantl y intensifie d a s th e number s o f in migrating nonwhite s increase d sharpl y fro m 195 0 t o 1957 , an d mor e dramatically betwee n 195 7 and i960 . A simila r dynami c animate d Brownsville . Th e neighborhoo d wa s changing eve n mor e rapidly tha n Brookly n a s a whole. A s late as 195 0 the Puert o Rica n populatio n o f Brownsvill e wa s negligible , les s tha n half o f on e percent . B y 1956 , however , ove r twent y thousan d Puert o Ricans mad e u p 1 2 percent o f Brownsville' s genera l population . Eve n more visibl e wa s th e growt h i n th e numbe r an d percentag e o f blacks . In th e 1940s , black s ha d starte d t o com e North , me n wit h cotton baling hook s stil l i n thei r pocket s an d wome n tire d fro m holdin g thei r small childre n a s they mad e their wa y i n buses an d railroa d coac h car s from Sout h Carolin a an d Georgi a an d Florida. 26 This in-migratio n ha d

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already double d Brownsville' s blac k populatio n betwee n 194 0 an d 1950, an d b y 1957 , thirty-eigh t thousan d blacks mad e u p 2 2 percen t of Brownsville's overall population. A t the same time, more than forty six thousan d whit e peopl e lef t Brownsville , resultin g i n a net popula tion decline and i n higher percentage s o f nonwhites. The no n white population , particularl y blacks , i n th e 1950 s wer e disproportionately represente d amon g th e yout h wh o go t "int o trou ble," some of it very seriou s trouble . Th e Healt h Area s i n Brownsvill e with th e highes t rate s o f juvenil e delinquenc y als o ha d th e highes t percentages o f blac k populatio n an d thos e areas wit h th e lowes t yout h offender rate s ha d th e lowes t percentage s o f blacks . Healt h Are a 59 , for example , wit h a black populatio n o f 3 3 percen t ha d a juvenil e delinquency rat e o f 3 1 per 1,000 , an d Healt h Are a 58.2 0 with a blac k population o f 3 tenths o f 1 percent ha d a juvenile delinquenc y rat e o f 6 per i,ooo. 27 One explanatio n fo r thi s discrepanc y wa s tha t b y 1957 , black s i n Brownsville wer e a good dea l younge r tha n whites . Betwee n 194 0 and 1950 th e genera l six-to-twenty-year-ol d cohor t i n Brownsvill e experi enced a 3 4 percent declin e in population, whil e the decline fo r al l ages was onl y n percent . Thi s downwar d tren d continue d int o th e 1950 s for th e fourteen-to-twenty-year-ol d group . Apparentl y younge r whit e families ha d bee n a disproportionate par t o f the genera l whit e exodus . By 195 7 th e media n ag e of white s i n Brownsvill e wa s twenty-nine , o f blacks, fifteen. I n th e sam e year, whe n blacks wer e onl y 2 2 percent o f the population, 3 2 percent o f Brownsville's childre n wer e black. 28 Equally importan t a s th e yout h factor , wa s th e clas s aspect . Th e Health Area s containin g th e larges t percentage s o f black s ha d th e lowest media n incomes . Almos t 9 0 percen t o f Brownsville' s black s i n the 1950 s lived i n Healt h Area s 57 , 59 , and 60 . The media n incom e i n these section s wa s $2,600 . I n contrast , th e almos t al l whit e Healt h Area 58.1 0 ha d a median incom e o f $3,96o. 29 I n th e middl e 1950 s th e median annua l incom e fo r familie s i n th e Unite d State s wa s approxi mately $4,500 ; in Ne w Yor k Stat e i t was close r t o $5,000 . A n incom e of $3,900 , then , migh t presen t significan t financial problems , bu t i t likely mean t a famil y wa s a t leas t viabl y working-class . Teacher s an d clerks i n Ne w Yor k City , fo r example , earne d media n income s o f between $4,00 0 an d $5,00 0 durin g th e 1950s . O n th e othe r hand , th e

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$2,600 media n incom e o f blac k Brownsvill e represente d significant , debilitating impoverishment , especiall y fo r large r families. 30 Younger, poorer , mor e recentl y uprooted , an d victim s o f histori c oppression an d deprivation , black s i n Brownsvill e wer e disproportion ately th e perpetrator s an d victim s o f vandalis m an d violence . I n smalle r proportions white s wer e perpetrator s an d victims , too . Th e genera l perception amon g the whites, however, wa s of their own victimization , or a t leas t potentia l victimization , an d thi s "rac e fear " helpe d som e whites decid e t o move . "Ther e wa s a n influ x o f a ne w bree d o f people", on e former Brownsvill e bo y an d BBCe r said , "muggers , bur glars, murderer s an d dru g addicts . Th e decen t citize n ha d t o mov e away. Th e synagogue s wer e closing . Olde r Jewis h peopl e retire d t o Florida. Childre n fled." 31 On e Jewis h woman , a vetera n o f refor m politics an d stil l infused wit h th e social concern sh e had absorbe d fro m the Jewish Daily Forward and fro m he r activ e socialis t brothers , staye d on a s he r Brownsvill e housin g projec t turne d blacker , poorer , an d tougher. Sh e trie d t o understand , remindin g hersel f o f he r brothers ' shibboleth, "Black s ar e th e las t hire d an d firs t fired." Bu t on e da y i n the laundr y roo m o f th e projec t building , sh e wa s beate n b y a blac k girl. Sh e gave in a joined th e exodus. 32 Race fea r o n th e par t o f white s wa s no t necessaril y th e primar y motive fo r leavin g Brownsville ; bu t whe n adde d t o a variet y o f othe r critical factors , rac e fea r mad e leavin g easier . Brownsvill e sinc e th e 1920s, befor e an y appreciabl e nonwhit e populatio n ha d arrive d there , was stigmatize d a s a "slum " an d a s a plac e t o ge t awa y from . Th e upwardly-mobile coul d theoreticall y choos e t o remai n i n Brownsvill e and see k t o revitaliz e th e neighborhood . Bu t to o muc h histor y an d culture operate d agains t thi s possibility . A s mor e tha n on e analyst ha s suggested, Generational turnover—th e movemen t o f potentia l second - an d subsequent generation resident s awa y fro m thei r childhoo d neighborhood—constitute s one of the greatest problem s fo r neighborhoo d preservation . I n America i t is "normal" for parents, relatives, and friends to convince the younger generation that their success in life will be demonstrated to others by their ability to move out (and presumably) upward via residential mobility. 33 Jews wer e n o exceptio n t o thi s "American " rule . Working-clas s Brownsville wa s a first ste p i n th e interna l migratio n o f Jewish immi -

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grants. Secon d generatio n upwardl y mobil e Jews move d t o more "suburban" area s includin g Flatbush an d Boroug h Par k eve n befor e signifi cant blac k migratio n int o Brownsville . Rac e fea r intensifie d a stead y flight o f th e upwardl y mobil e tha t wa s alread y i n process . White s ha d more tha n on e motiv e fo r leavin g Brownsville , an d sometimes , a s w e saw in Irving Rudd's commen t abou t O'Malle y i t is difficult t o separat e race from class . A numbe r o f recen t studie s demonstrate d tha t whe n nonwhite s move i n t o a neighborhood , i t i s perceive d a s "bad " b y th e whit e inhabitants irrespectiv e o f the "character " o f th e arrivin g nonwhites. 34 This suggest s tha t white s ar e afte r al l mor e consciou s o f rac e tha n class. Bu t rac e fea r an d fea r o f declinin g clas s statu s ar e a s intricatel y entangled i n the sociologica l analyse s a s they appea r t o be in the heart s and mind s o f whites . On e study , fo r example , o f Eas t Flatbus h ( a neighborhood borderin g th e western edg e of Brownsville) i n the 1950 s and 1960 s contend s tha t eve n whe n th e blacks wh o move d i n turne d out t o b e "bette r neighbors " tha n th e white s the y displaced , white s still fel t compelle d t o leav e th e neighborhoo d i n orde r t o prov e t o themselves an d other s tha t the y ha d mad e i t i n America n society. 35 Another stud y o f th e sam e neighborhoo d (wit h substantia l pocket s o f middle clas s blacks , mostl y fro m th e Wes t Indie s an d a n appreciabl e number o f Puerto Ricans ) claims that whil e everyone talks about "ho w nice th e newcomer s are , an d point s t o nonwhit e neighbor s the y ar e fond of , a pervasive anxiet y grip s long-tim e resident s abou t th e neigh borhood becomin g anothe r ghett o like Brownsville," poor and black.36 This sam e mixtur e o f clas s an d rac e fear , alon g wit h th e mor e positive hop e o f "betterment, " motivate d white , mainl y Jewis h resi dents o f Brownsvill e i n 1940 s an d 1950s . Th e vas t majorit y o f forme r BBCers lef t Brownsvill e betwee n 195 0 an d 1956 . Seventee n percen t left befor e 1950 , an d anothe r 1 5 percent lef t afte r 1957 . There was , i n response t o th e questio n "Why? " an almos t perfectl y eve n breakdow n between thos e wh o sai d som e versio n o f "W e wante d a bette r life, " those who said "Th e neighborhoo d changed, " an d thos e who said bot h of thos e things . I t wa s fairl y clea r i n th e interviewin g proces s tha t some though t the y wer e "running " an d tha t other s though t the y wer e "aspiring." Severa l wer e quit e explicit . On e forme r Brownsvill e resi dent livin g i n Canarsi e sinc e 195 6 sai d "Th e black s wer e movin g in ;

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we ha d n o choice. " Another , thinkin g o f th e increasin g possibilit y o f black "encroachment " i n the area , said , wit h som e bitterness, "W e ra n once; I gues s th e nex t ste p i s a houseboat." Severa l use d phrase s like , there wer e "dangerou s signs, " or "deterioratin g conditions. " An d on e younger forme r Brownsvill e bo y said , "M y parent s fel t th e neighbor hood wa s changing dramatically , an d i t was time to try a new environ ment fo r thei r children. " However, th e grea t majorit y o f th e respondents , though t tha t b y leaving the y wer e simpl y improvin g th e "quality " o f their live s or tha t they were , a s Harol d Radis h pu t it , "movin g t o a 'so-called ' bette r neighborhood." "Wh y di d I leave? " sai d Be n Wernikof f i n a ton e implying tha t th e answe r wa s s o obvious, th e questio n nee d no t hav e been asked , "T o mov e up , o f course. Just imagine : when w e moved t o East Flatbus h w e had a bathroom wit h a sink!" 37 "W e were s o poor i n those days, " sai d anothe r forme r Brownsvill e residen t wh o ha d joine d the exodus in the 1950s , We didn't have very much. We think back to those days a lot. Our children have no idea of what it was like. We didn't need much to make do. There was stoopball and checkers and hopscotch. Th e ice would mel t on the ice wagon, and we'd watch it melt down and change shapes. The kids today would laugh at us. . . . Most of us who live in Canarsie came from [Jewish ] ghettoes. But once we made it to Canarsie, we finally had a little piece of the country.38 It i s important t o remember tha t fo r man y o f these "urba n emigres " and fo r th e BBCers particularly, w e are looking at a group of men wh o were i n their twentie s whe n the y lef t Brownsville . Dozens , i n answer ing the questio n "Why? " simply sai d " I got marrie d an d w e needed a n apartment," o r "M y first so n wa s bor n an d w e neede d mor e room. " Young, married , upwardly-aspirin g father s o f smal l children , thes e men wer e no t onl y o r eve n primaril y "fleeing. " No r wer e the y simpl y preoccupied wit h "makin g it. " B y movin g ou t of impoverished , crampe d Brownsville an d resettlin g i n anothe r "bette r neighborhood, " thes e former BBCer s di d no t thin k the y ha d "hi t th e jackpot " bu t tha t the y had gaine d a chanc e t o liv e a lif e muc h les s pinche d b y privation . " I moved i n 195 2 whe n m y daughte r wa s born, " sai d Irvin g Forman . " I didn't fee l lik e I wa s running , bu t movin g up . I' d com e bac k t o Brownsville t o pla y bal l o n weekends. " Ab e ("Lulu" ) Rubenfel d dem -

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onstrated i n practicall y a singl e breat h ho w "aspiring " an d "running " could b e combined. " I ha d a n opportunity t o buy a home i n Canarsie ! And th e Brownsvill e I kne w an d love d wa s n o more . I t wa s tim e t o go."' 9 Some white s lef t Brownsvill e becaus e the y wer e "pushed " b y th e "slum clearance " o f th e middl e 1940 s an d earl y 1950 s tha t precede d the building of public housing. Other s wer e "channeled" out by publi c housing policy . N o middl e incom e development s wer e buil t i n Brownsville thoug h on e wa s planne d an d soo n scratched. 40 An d som e whites wh o manage d t o obtai n apartment s i n Brownsvill e project s were late r virtuall y evicte d b y rule s requirin g tha t an y famil y earnin g more tha n a stipulate d incom e mus t mov e out . I n th e secon d hal f o f the 1950s , however, whe n black resident s becam e increasingl y visible , "running" wa s mor e likel y t o hav e bee n par t o f th e cluste r o f whit e motives fo r leavin g Brownsville . Rac e fear , "objectively " arrive d a t o r irrational, wa s real . Man y people , includin g 4 0 percen t o f th e whit e BBCers, i n th e late r 1950s , ra n o r wer e pushe d b y block-buster s an d real-estate speculators . Thos e whit e Brownsvill e resident s wh o wer e not afrai d o f the ide a of blacks a s neighbors wer e forced t o think abou t the response s o f thei r panick y whit e neighbors , a s well a s the "charac ter" o f th e ne w blac k arrivals . Wha t i f th e stampede , touche d of f b y white fear , emptie d th e neighborhoo d o f whites , an d a "bad element " of black s move d in ? "Tipping " (reachin g tha t percentag e o f black residents tha t begin s t o tur n a n entir e neighborhoo d o r buildin g com plex black ) wa s partl y manipulate d b y hustlers , partl y th e resul t o f clumsy government policies , an d partl y a self-fulfilling prophecy . After 196 3 n o whit e BBCer s o f th e generatio n o f th e founder s an d framers live d i n Brownsville . The y sprea d acros s som e doze n states , but a significan t majorit y remaine d i n th e greate r Ne w Yor k area , more tha n 3 0 percent i n Brooklyn . Mos t continue d t o fee l connecte d spiritually t o Brownsville , an d maintaine d activ e membershi p i n th e Brownsville Boys Club Alumni Associatio n tha t the y ha d organize d i n 1948.41 Tw o importan t goal s outline d i n th e association' s constitutio n kept the Brownsville connection explici t well into the late 1950s : As the founders o f the Brownsville Boys Club, we support thei r activitie s and programs and will contribute to that program in any way that we can. As civic-minded adult s of the community, w e wish to foster a program of

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charitable, socia l and cultura l activitie s befittin g ou r organization i n an effor t to further bin d the ties among us.42 It i s clea r tha t th e youn g me n o f th e alumn i associatio n though t they woul d remai n resident s o f Brownsvill e an d continu e t o b e "revi talizers" of the neighborhoo d a t leas t fo r a time. W e hav e already see n how activ e th e alumn i wer e i n fun d raisin g an d a s voluntee r staf f i n the later 1940 s and earl y 1950s . In the mid-1950s, a s the Feldmans an d Kronenbergs, Deutch s an d Lesovoy s move d ou t o f Brownsville , the y continued t o tr y t o pla y th e rol e o f revitalizers . "Ther e wa s n o rea l attention pai d t o tryin g t o sav e th e neighborhoo d b y staying on" Si d Siegel remembered . "W e wer e raisin g ou r families , tryin g t o ear n a living, movin g out." 43 Bu t ther e wa s rea l attentio n pai d t o helping , even when th e forme r BBCer s live d a t a distance from Brownsville . I n 1952 th e associatio n wit h ove r 16 5 full y pai d member s sen t fiv e boy s to summe r cam p fo r eigh t weeks . Fro m thei r headquarter s i n th e ne w BBC buildin g betwee n 195 4 an d 1959 , th e alumni , despit e th e cit y takeover, ra n fund-raisin g drive s t o suppor t th e cente r facilit y an d it s activities. I n 195 8 the y sponsore d a Bo y Scou t troo p an d a Littl e League baseball team . An d eac h year the y organize d an d sponsore d a n invitational basketbal l tournament. 44 By th e lat e 1950s , however, whe n 8 5 percent o f these former BBCer s no longer lived i n Brownsville, th e number o f flyers an d letter s sen t b y the Alumn i Associatio n dwindled , an d th e stationer y becam e increas ingly chintzy . I n 1959 , wit h a bank balanc e o f $142.34 , th e organiza tion wa s fo r al l intent s an d purpose s defunct . Th e group , mainl y through th e effort s o f Joe Feldman , revivifie d i n the mi d t o late 1960s . Headquartered i n a Queens YMHA , the y wer e committed t o "helpin g the clu b tha t mean t s o much t o us i n our youth. " They als o continue d to d o genera l "charitable " work . And , lik e th e forme r Bruin s an d Comets an d Stonedales , an d othe r corne r club s tha t ha d bee n meetin g continuously, the y cam e together , too , i n recognitio n o f "th e commo n interest inheren t i n ou r bein g forme r member s o f th e communit y o f Brownsville an d [the ] wis h t o perpetuat e th e memorie s o f ou r earlie r years i n Brownsville." 45 The Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b Boar d o f Director s als o "staye d i n business," eve n afte r 195 4 whe n th e buildin g wa s place d unde r th e control an d supervisio n o f the Departmen t o f Parks a s the Brownsvill e

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Recreation Center . N o longe r sponsorin g innovativ e socia l welfar e work an d communit y organizing , th e boar d di d continu e t o rais e money fo r charitabl e purposes. The y ra n a day camp and a n orthodon tal clinic . Unde r th e directorshi p o f Minni e Weingart , the y provide d senior citizen s wit h entertainmen t i n a ne w Golde n Ag e Cente r pai d for b y th e Board . Ther e wer e theatr e an d birthda y parties , holida y celebrations an d Passove r seders . B y the late 1950 s and earl y 1960s , as the alumn i associatio n withered , th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club , a s represented b y th e boar d o f directors , foun d tha t it s traditiona l philan thropic activities were increasingly les s relevant to Brownsville's mush rooming socia l problems, an d les s appreciated b y Brownsville' s largel y nonwhite population . The Jewish populatio n ha d decline d fro m ove r 175,00 0 in the 1930 s and 1940 s t o les s tha n 5,000 , mostl y elderl y residents , i n th e lat e 1960s. Th e las t synagogu e i n Brownsville , o n Ston e Avenu e betwee n Pitkin an d Belmon t avenues , close d i n 1972 . Earlie r th e Brownsvill e Synagogue o n Riverdal e Avenu e nea r Herz l Street , buil t i n 1905 , had become th e People' s Baptis t Church , an d th e famou s "Ambo y Stree t Schul"—Chevra Tora h Anshe i Rideskowitz—wa s converte d t o th e St. Timoth y Hol y Church . I n 196 8 th e Hebre w Educationa l Societ y moved t o Canarsie . Th e buildin g tha t house d th e Societ y a t Hopkin son an d Sutte r avenue s wa s purchase d b y th e Catholi c Dioces e o f Brooklyn an d th e neighboring Hebre w Ladie s Da y Nurser y wa s take n over b y th e Bethan y Gospe l Chapel . I n 1969 , afte r fou r year s o f sporadic disorders an d riots in Brownsville by blacks over deterioratin g conditions, lac k o f publi c services , an d socia l welfar e budge t cuts , th e Brownsville Boy s Club Boar d o f Trustees change d it s name to the Ab e Stark Philanthropies . Soo n afterward s it , too , followe d muc h o f it s constituency t o Canarsie. 46 The disorde r an d th e riot s continue d t o erup t i n Brownsvill e i n th e 1970s an d int o th e earl y 1980s , symptom s o f a fracture d communit y sinking i n "fea r an d decay. " Steadil y declinin g i n populatio n fro m nearly 225,00 0 i n 194 0 to 125,00 0 i n 1968 , Brownsville, a s one write r put it , wen t fro m bein g " a largel y Jewish working-clas s community, " to one "largel y Negr o an d Puert o Rica n an d largel y forgotten." 47 Th e neighborhood was , an d woul d continu e t o be , impoverishe d an d un stable. Th e media n incom e i n 196 3 alread y san k belo w th e accepte d

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poverty lin e an d i t droppe d furthe r b y 1970 . Th e grea t majorit y o f Brownsville's resident s i n th e 1960 s an d 1970 s attempte d t o ek e ou t a subsistence b y combinin g temporar y job s and welfar e payments . Dur ing th e mid-1960s , welfar e ai d wa s give n t o thre e hundre d peopl e ou t of every thousand—twic e th e city's average . An d b y 1970 , four ou t of every five Brownsville families receive d welfar e aid. 48 The bul k o f th e welfar e recipient s wer e familie s withou t a perma nent husband/father . Severel y hig h unemployment , particularl y amon g the young , bu t i n an y cas e doubl e th e averag e fo r Ne w Yor k City , ravaged th e neighborhood . Th e me n wh o wer e employe d worke d fo r low wages and wer e subject t o frequent layoffs . Wome n wer e the mai n wage earner s i n man y families , bu t the y too , dependen t o n domesti c work o r antipovert y jobs , wer e rarel y pai d decently , o r employe d steadily. Ther e wa s littl e growt h o f a blac k socioeconomi c infrastruc ture in Brownsville. Th e blac k business sector that did exist was small, mostly servic e oriented an d marginall y profitable. 49 I n the main, there fore black s hel d job s outsid e o f th e neighborhood . Thos e black s tha t did succee d economically , insid e or outside o f the neighborhood , wer e often force d t o leave Brownsville becaus e they earne d to o much t o stay in publi c housing . Unemployment , low-payin g job s ofte n fa r fro m home, an d shortsighted , insensitiv e publi c housin g an d welfar e polic y combined t o produc e a n extraordinaril y hig h instabilit y o f residence . More tha n hal f th e 197 0 population ha d live d i n Brownsvill e les s tha n ten years. 50 It is difficult, perhap s impossible to sustain a neighborhood under suc h conditions . Deeply impoverishe d Brownsvill e wa s scarre d to o b y othe r horren dous ills . Throughout thi s era and fo r a t least another decade , Browns ville had th e highes t infan t mortalit y rat e i n Ne w Yor k (fou r time s th e city average) , th e highest rat e o f narcotic s addiction , th e mos t juvenil e delinquency, th e lowes t readin g score s o f an y schoo l district , an d a skyrocketing rat e o f malnutritio n an d disease . I n 1969 , 4 5 percen t o f the childre n i n th e are a ha d suffere d fro m lea d poisonin g afte r eatin g paint an d plaste r fro m th e cement walls. 51 Brownsville, b y 197 0 ma y als o hav e bee n th e scen e o f th e "wors t housing condition s to be found anywhere,'" condition s promotin g th e attendant danger s o f fire, rats , an d vandalism . Tenemen t landlords , including Jews an d som e West India n blacks , provide d fe w service s t o

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the poo r an d politicall y unorganize d tenants . Rent s fo r deterioratin g apartments ra n fro m $6 0 to $80 per month , bu t som e landlords appar ently charge d doubl e thes e amount s whe n the y discovere d th e cit y would pa y th e highe r rent s fo r tenant s o n welfare . I n 196 5 the neigh borhood, fuele d b y antipovert y grant s bega n t o organize itself with th e help o f th e ne w Brownsvill e Communit y Center . Ren t strike s wer e initiated, cit y agencie s wer e presse d t o inspec t th e wors t buildings , and repair s wer e demanded fro m landlords . "W e thought w e could ge t action," said the president o f the Brownsville Community Center , "bu t the landlord s jus t ran . I t al l happened s o fast." On e blac k woman wh o moved t o Brownsvill e fro m Alabam a i n 196 4 said , "W e pulle d a ren t strike [i n 1967] , bu t a s soo n a s th e landlor d sa w h e couldn' t ge t an y more mone y ou t o f u s h e disappeared . W e al l ha d t o mov e ou t an d now th e buildin g i s abandoned. " By 197 0 mor e tha n seve n hundre d building s ha d bee n completel y deserted. Som e landlord s stayed , mad e few , i f any repairs , pai d enoug h taxes t o forestal l foreclosure , an d hope d th e cit y woul d eventuall y condemn thei r propertie s fo r publi c use . Thi s ofte n happene d bu t i t did no t d o muc h tha t wa s positiv e fo r Brownsvill e residents . Th e vacant apartment s becam e th e dumpin g groun d fo r man y o f the city' s poor includin g welfar e client s dislocate d b y redevelopmen t i n othe r areas. Th e proces s fe d o n itself . Pani c sprea d an d le d t o a furthe r exodus o f th e middl e class , thi s tim e includin g blacks . Tenement s emptied. Mor e landlord s walke d away . Th e cit y governmen t trie d t o make som e emergenc y repairs . An d wit h fund s fro m Washington , New Yor k made some efforts t o relocate tenants, clea r the worst block s and buil d ne w housing. 52 As earl y a s 196 1 part s o f Brownsvill e wer e designate d fo r urba n renewal, an d b y 196 7 Brownsvill e wa s par t o f Brooklyn' s $29-million a-year Mode l Citie s Program . "Th e designatio n o f a n are a a s an urba n renewal site, " a major Ne w Yor k Stat e Commission reported , should hav e see n th e neighborhoo d mov e progressivel y upwar d towar d im provement i n it s physica l condition . I n Brownsville , th e revers e occurred . Massive delay s develope d i n th e progra m an d th e Cit y faile d t o mee t it s schedule fo r th e renewa l efforts . Th e Cit y als o seeme d inten t upo n a n out moded pla n for the area and as a result, physica l deterioration i n areas scheduled for rehabilitation occurred rapidly and irreversibly. 53

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T h e city' s pla n calle d fo r "conservation, " i.e. , th e preservatio n o f good an d soun d buildings , a s wel l a s fo r clearanc e an d extensiv e redevelopment. Unfortunately , accordin g t o th e stat e commissio n re port, th e progra m o f conservatio n an d rehabilitatio n ha d littl e cit y support an d n o cit y supervision . I t wa s simpl y stricte r enforcemen t o f already existin g codes , an d onl y toke n rehabilitatio n too k place. 54 Block s originally designate d fo r conservatio n wer e switche d t o clearanc e an d redevelopment afte r inordinat e delay s whic h subjecte d tenant s t o lon g periods o f landlor d neglect , an d th e cit y engage d i n widesprea d acqui sition an d extensiv e demolition . Bu t b y 1973 , not a singl e projec t ha[d ] bee n full y complete d sinc e urba n renewa l bega n [i n Brownsville] in 1961 . Thousands o f units o f housing hav e been demolishe d b y the Cit y governmen t an d bloc k afte r bloc k ha s bee n lef t vacan t fo r years , forming a wasteland o f gutted carcasse s of buildings an d rat-fille d rubble— this is unique. Nowher e els e in the City ha s a 20 block renewal are a existed, vacan t and undeveloped , whil e excavation bega n o f another 5 5 block contiguous area . In fact , th e Plannin g Commissio n report s tha t "th e City' s demolitio n progra m has focuse d o n Brownsville. " The resul t i s that nowher e els e in the City i s th e gap betwee n promis e an d delivery , between the willingness to acquire and demolish properties, on the one hand, and the ability to relocate decently and rebuild, on the other, so grimly real. Brownsville i s a stark memoria l o f th e dela y an d misman agement o f two City administrations . The losers , beyon d question , ar e the poo r wh o live in the project area . Th e beneficiaries ar e propert y owners , demolitio n companies , bureaucrats , build ers, a coupl e o f favore d industrie s withi n th e projec t area , an d a handfu l o f community peopl e whos e selectio n fo r projec t sponsorshi p recruit s the m a s local defenders o f the renewal process. 55 T h e cit y appear s t o hav e preside d ove r a dea l i n whic h whites , including som e Jewis h landlord s an d a smal l numbe r o f blac k leader s benefitted, whil e th e masse s o f black s wer e victimized . T h e cit y ha d also apparentl y misstate d relocatio n resources , an d proceede d t o de molish usabl e accommodation s befor e replacemen t housin g coul d b e found fo r man y tenants . Member s o f large r familie s eve n ha d t o b e relocated separately . T h e federa l governmen t finall y intervene d an d acted t o hal t demolitio n o f urba n renewa l propertie s o n a citywid e basis. Bu t fo r larg e number s o f Brownsvill e tenants , th e proces s ha d already delivere d th e wors t o f tw o worlds : tenant s ha d suffere d th e psychological, social , an d physica l pai n inheren t i n rapi d dislocation , and the y faile d t o en d u p wit h adequat e housing. 5 6

TheVanZ>yfe low-rent public housing

units rise above the Junius Street BMT elevated railway station in 1954. The promise of decent housing fairly quickly turned into the grim reality of shoddy, grim, barracks-like shelters. (Photograph by Ted Castle, Magnum Photos. Brooklyn Public Library, Brooklyn Collection.)

Even w h e n publi c housin g wa s completed , th e project s wer e gener ally unsatisfactory . B e t w e e n 194 1 an d 195 5 a t leas t fou r majo r publi c housing development s wer e buil t i n Brownsville . T he New York Times called the m "impersonall y cheerles s barracks " tha t "hav e produce d a terrifying ne w bree d o f slum. " W i t h littl e attentio n t o aesthetics , light , general design , imaginativ e us e o f space , an d possibilitie s fo r recrea tion, th e desolat e project s carrie d "th e stigm a o f persona l an d environ mental povert y an d th e seed s o f despair. " W h e n i n th e middl e 1960 s the Federa l Publi c Housin g Administratio n sponsore d a projec t desig n that di d pa y attentio n t o attractiveness , th e Genera l A c c o u n t i n g Offic e condemned th e plans , eve n thoug h th e cost s cam e wel l withi n budget ary limitations . T h e G A O , to cu t cost s further , eliminate d th e "unnec essary" amenities . T h e r e appeare d t o b e a "punitiv e intent " buil t int o housing legislation—par t o f a large r guarante e tha t nothin g to o goo d shall b e give n t o th e p o o r . 57

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Abandoned apartment building on Powell Street, once the home of Joe ("Yussie") Feldman, the three Schmaren brothers, and several other BBCers. (Courtesy of BBC Alumni Association.)

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Brownsville residents were very unlikely to get anything "too good." With th e blac k middl e clas s wel l o n it s wa y ou t an d privat e enterpris e virtually withdrawn , Brownsvill e wa s "dependen t o n governmen t fo r nearly ever y basi c need, fro m shelte r t o food an d medica l care." 58 Thi s meant to o that ever y fluctuation i n state or city budget s an d eve n ofte n in th e federa l budget , woul d b e fel t b y th e peopl e stil l livin g i n th e decaying rui n o f Brownsville . Increase d deprivation , especiall y afte r the hop e generate d b y th e marc h o n Washingto n i n 196 3 an d th e promise inheren t i n th e Civi l Right s Act s o f 196 4 an d 1965 , coul d sometimes lea d t o riot . Tw o night s o f arso n wer e triggered , fo r ex ample, i n Jun e 197 0 b y a reductio n o f garbag e collectio n i n th e Brownsville area . I n 196 8 Brownsvill e communit y group s ha d de manded a clean-u p driv e b y th e cit y Sanitatio n Department , an d i n 1969 eightee n hundre d youth s wer e employe d wit h federa l funds , through th e Neighborhoo d Yout h Corps , t o help the department kee p the communit y clean . Bu t ther e wa s a sizeabl e federa l cutbac k i n "poverty funding " i n 197 0 and Brownsvill e resident s wer e agai n face d with five or six-day accumulation s o f garbage sittin g out o n the streets . Bad enoug h b y itself , th e rotting refus e aggravate d anothe r problem — rats. On e Legio n Stree t residen t said , "Yo u . . . see rats pecking in th e garbage lik e chicken s i n a chicke n yard. " House s ha d t o hav e "ra t guards"—family member s wh o staye d awak e all night t o kee p rats of f sleeping children. 59 Th e frequenc y o f ra t bite s di d brin g som e mone y into Brownsvill e i n 196 8 for a n antirat campaign , bu t tha t to o dried u p and i n an y case , a s on e antipovert y worke r commented : "Ho w ca n they reall y d o a job on rats without doin g a job on garbage?" 60 In suc h a contex t o f desperation , rio t i s hardl y inexplicable . Eve n proposed cut s i n fund s coul d spar k disorders . Sporadi c arso n an d vandalism an d bout s o f robber y brok e ou t i n Apri l o f 197 1 whe n th e state budge t calle d fo r decrease d expenditure s i n publi c assistance , Medicaid an d foo d stamps , an d reduce d educationa l an d anitnarcotic s programs. 61 Abandone d building s wer e torche d i n protes t o f th e cut s and becaus e th e building s ha d becom e "festerin g den s o f rats, narcoti c addicts an d criminals." 62 There was business property destructio n an d looting, th e retributiv e an d restitutiv e mode s o f "political " respons e available t o th e poo r an d virtuall y disfranchised . I n th e shor t ru n a t least, th e disorder s brough t littl e change . "Whe n peopl e rio t an d se t

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fires, i t draw s a lo t o f attention, " on e blac k clergyma n said , "bu t the n things g o bac k t o th e wa y the y wer e before . T h e live s o f th e peopl e here hav e no t change d fo r th e bette r despit e al l th e attentio n Browns ville get s fro m tim e t o time." 6 3 In fac t i n tha t sam e shor t run , thing s ma y hav e grow n appreciabl y worse. T h e violenc e furthe r hastene d th e declin e i n th e numbe r o f small businesse s an d intensifie d th e flight o f workin g clas s an d middl e class black s an d Hispanics . T h e populatio n tha t remaine d i n Browns ville represente d th e mos t severel y disadvantage d segmen t o f th e urba n black community . T h e fe w remainin g white s wh o wer e no t to o ol d o r disabled wer e als o mad e mor e read y t o flee. Leonar d Wagner , whit e owner o f a famil y liquo r busines s tha t ha d bee n o n Pitki n Avenu e fo r seventy years , witnesse d th e wreckag e o f th e fron t o f hi s stor e an d said: "W e ar e prett y well-know n i n thi s neighborhood . . . . This i s th e first tim e thi s ha s happened." 6 4 As futil e a s th e shor t live d riot s i n th e 1960 s an d 70 s appea r t o hav e been, ren t strikes , sit-downs , buildin g occupations , an d civi l disorder s were amon g th e fe w politica l tool s impoverishe d black s ha d availabl e to them . T h e protests , eve n th e violen t protests , ca n b e see n a s par t o f the effor t t o counte r ghett o powerlessness. 6 5 Poo r population s ar e always a t a substantial disadvantag e i n th e battl e fo r "piece s o f th e pie. " Brownsville's blac k resident s wer e n o exceptio n t o thi s rule . Unlik e the poo r working-clas s an d small-busines s Jewis h populatio n whic h preceded it , Brownsville' s poorer , les s skille d blac k populatio n wit h "almost n o hom e ownershi p an d ver y fe w commercia l source s o f sup port" foun d i t difficul t t o ge t politica l attention . Asid e fro m money , communications, an d lega l assistance—th e resource s necessar y fo r organizational effectiveness—blac k Brownsvill e lacke d a stabl e socia l base an d i t wa s difficul t t o sustai n pressur e grou p action . Housing condition s i n Brownsvill e an d th e demolitio n o f ol d building s ar e partly t o blam e fo r it s hig h transience , bu t cit y official s hav e don e littl e t o encourage populatio n stability . Publi c housin g official s fo r instance , requir e that an y famil y earnin g abov e a stipulate d incom e mus t mov e out . I n effec t this prevent s upwardl y mobil e resident s an d thos e mos t likel y t o provid e leadership fro m remainin g i n thei r community . A revolvin g doo r prevail s i n the socia l structur e o f the ghetto i n which thos e person s mos t abl e to work fo r community bettermen t ar e soo n shuttle d int o a middle-clas s world , leavin g their compatriot s t o fend fo r themselves. 66

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Moreover, Brownsvill e a s a resul t o f th e gerrymanderin g o f Eas t Brooklyn i n th e 1960 s possesse d n o representativ e electe d fro m th e community. Politica l scientis t Harol d V . Savitc h demonstrate d that , "Canarsie with a population roughl y comparabl e t o Brownsville i s able to elect , wholl y o r i n considerabl e part , a councilman, a state senator , and a n assemblyman. Eas t Flatbush , thoug h i n a less enviable postion , does hav e a n assembl y sea t withi n th e distric t an d share s stat e senato rial an d counci l seat s wit h communitie s o f simila r clas s an d ethni c composition." I n contras t Brownsvill e i s "politicall y parcele d ou t t o the more affluent whit e communities whic h surroun d it." 67 The bia s agains t th e poo r i s ideologica l an d systemic , an d i s rein forced b y th e politica l system' s mod e o f operation , especiall y whe n poor group s com e int o direc t conflic t wit h mor e affluen t an d mor e organized groups . Brownsvill e i n th e lat e 1950 s and throug h 196 6 had lost battle s ove r busing , th e locatio n o f ne w school s an d th e buildin g of a n educationa l park , i n direc t confrontatio n wit h othe r Eas t Brook lyn communities , particularl y Canarsie. 68 Th e educationa l park— a cluster o f school s buil t i n a campuslike settin g i n on e larg e area—wa s recommended i n 196 4 b y a New Yor k Stat e Commissio n a s a way o f facilitating integratio n i n Ne w Yor k Cit y schools . I t wa s though t tha t racial balanc e coul d b e mor e easil y accomplishe d i f whit e an d blac k children commute d t o a common location , rathe r tha n eithe r havin g t o be viewed a s invaders i n an alien neighborhood . In Brooklyn , th e Flatland s area , a n enormou s empt y city-owne d lot, lyin g directl y betwee n increasingl y blac k an d Hispani c Browns ville an d largel y whit e Canarsi e looke d lik e a n idea l plac e t o buil d a n educational park . Brownsvill e resident s forme d a group named Parent s for a n Educationa l Par k (PEP) . The y di d researc h an d field wor k an d lobbied, an d wer e delighte d whe n a Ne w Yor k Cit y Boar d o f Educa tion stud y reveale d tha t o f al l site s examined , Flatland s ha d th e bes t potential fo r a n educational park . PEP' s hope s were short-lived . Whit e opposition, mostl y Italia n an d Jewish , an d particularl y fro m loca l school boar d member s an d hom e owners associations , surface d i n Eas t Brooklyn i n a matte r o f weeks . Sa m Curtis , formerl y a Brownsvill e politician, an d i n 196 4 a Cit y Councilma n fro m Canarsie , "accompa nied delegation s of real estate and homeowner s group s t o private meet ings a t th e Board s o f Educatio n an d Estimate . Curti s himsel f spoke a t

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public hearing s an d too k a publi c positio n agains t th e park." 69 Curti s also visite d Mayo r Wagne r an d wen t t o se e Brookly n Boroug h Presi dent an d Presiden t o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b Boar d o f Directors , Abe Stark . Assemblyma n Alfre d Lama , anothe r membe r o f th e BB C board, als o intercede d an d spok e wit h Star k agains t buildin g a n edu cational park . Backing for th e educational par k crumbled. Whe n the commissione r of commerc e sai d h e wante d a n industria l comple x i n Flatland s rathe r than a n educationa l park , an d wen t s o far a s to hin t t o som e member s of th e boar d o f education , tha t it s budge t migh t b e cu t i f the y pushe d for th e park, politicall y empowere d suppor t disappeared . Even whe n no t i n direct politica l conflic t wit h mor e powerfu l groups , Brownsville generall y lost . Neighborhoo d leader s i n 1971 , fo r ex ample, i n th e day s afte r th e riot s ha d subsided , tried , unsuccessfully , to get state budget cut s restored. Accordin g to the head of the Browns ville community council , resident s "knew " thi s woul d happen . "The y didn't feel, " h e said , "tha t thi s i s goin g t o b e an y differen t tha n an y other tim e when they'v e bee n disappointed." 70 When th e Brownsvill e black community , despit e it s inherent disad vantages i n organization , was able t o buil d som e semblanc e o f grou p activism throug h th e community council , th e ren t strikes , th e antipov erty work, , and PEP , i t foun d tha t i t continue d t o mee t wit h failure , and man y concluded , temporaril y a t least , tha t conventiona l politica l activity wa s useless . Period s o f activism , includin g civi l disorders , were ofte n followe d b y eve n longe r period s o f quiescence , a cycl e which resulte d i n littl e endurin g o r effectiv e politica l organization . Black resident s o f Brownsvill e ca n not , however , b e see n a s simpl y apathetic. Wha t the y demonstrate d wa s "politica l antipathy, " a n aver sion to a "conventional politic s that doe s not wor k fo r peopl e who hav e lost before the y hav e begun." 71 In th e lat e 1960s , a less conventiona l politic s bega n t o emerg e fro m Brownsville. Recognizin g th e bia s i n th e syste m whic h prevent s vic tory i n head-o n contest s wit h group s i n position s o f greate r power , black leader s "narrowed " goal s t o th e revitalizatio n an d rehabilitatio n of th e neighborhoo d an d it s institution s throug h blac k powe r an d community control . If integratio n wa s doome d b y a nearl y monolithi c whit e resistanc e

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and b y th e maldistributio n o f powe r inheren t i n th e system , perhap s decentralization an d loca l contro l wer e viabl e options . Ther e wa s als o a growing convictio n tha t th e rhetori c an d ideolog y o f th e integratio n movement—e.g., black childre n ca n achiev e academicall y onl y whe n they g o t o schoo l wit h whites—actuall y heightene d th e stigm a at tached t o blacks . Thi s convictio n reinforce d th e ques t fo r decentrali zation an d informe d th e struggl e over communit y contro l o f schools i n the Ocea n Hill-Brownsvill e Distric t i n 1968. 72 The loca l contro l ide a also moved a number o f Brownsville resident s t o involve themselves i n planning an d shapin g neighborhood agencies . A $1. 6 million multiser vice communit y cente r propose d b y th e city' s Huma n Resource s Ad ministration, wit h two-third s o f th e fundin g comin g fro m th e federa l government, wa s expecte d t o b e approve d fo r Brownsvill e befor e th e end o f 1968 . A t th e urgin g o f Brownsvill e residents , th e plan s fo r th e center wer e change d t o includ e outpatien t clinic s fo r alcoholic s an d drug addicts , a twenty-four hou r emergenc y welfar e offic e an d a small library. On e of the goals was to overcome the "hurdle problem" of city services, service s fo r whic h need y resident s ha d t o tak e lon g bu s an d subway ride s fro m thei r neighborhood s t o widely separate d cit y agen cies. Th e cente r wa s planne d fo r a sit e o n Hopkinso n an d Atkin s avenues, eigh t block s fro m J.H.S . 271 , the hu b o f th e schoo l contro versy. Accordin g t o a neighborhoo d coordinato r fo r th e Brownsvill e Community Center , "man y o f th e sam e resident s involve d i n th e school struggle , too k par t [beginnin g i n lat e Augus t o f 1968 ] i n th e weekly plannin g meeting s fo r th e new center." 73 The communit y contro l movemen t ha d som e success. Bu t i n regar d to school s i t wa s a political failure . I t wa s perceive d b y th e "establish ment" a s a threat—a vehicl e fo r "blac k nationalis m an d racia l separa tism." Th e leader s o f th e communit y contro l movemen t als o resorte d to antiwhite an d anti-Semiti c rhetori c (educators , teachers ' union lead ers an d administrator s wer e disproportionatel y Jewish) . B y doin g thi s they attacke d th e ver y interest s whos e cooperatio n blac k leader s needed . After th e fier y rhetori c ha d cooled , however , th e communit y contro l movement di d leav e a positiv e legacy . Increasin g number s o f peopl e and politica l actors , blac k and white , wer e convinced tha t "black s mus t not b e see n a s a n inferio r caste , t o b e pitie d an d dispersed , bu t a s a n ethnic group assertin g its demands an d interest s lik e others i n a plural-

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istic society." 74 Blac k power, furthermore , remaine d a rallying cry an d a stimulan t fo r communit y activis m an d enterpris e whic h coul d u help rouse th e ghett o ou t o f it s quiescence," 75 collectiv e an d individual . I n the 1970 s some Brownsville blacks took the cue. In th e urba n renewa l an d Brookly n Mode l Citie s are a wher e th e city government ha d contribute d t o regression i n the housing situation , a third-generation Brownsvill e resident , Joseph ("Brothe r Joseph") Jeffries-El, succeede d i n 197 3 in providing decent shelte r fo r 18 5 low an d moderate incom e families . Bor n tw o block s fro m th e federall y aide d development h e sponsore d an d managed , th e ministe r an d socia l worke r Brother Josep h attribute d muc h o f th e succes s o f th e projec t t o hi s close ties with th e neighborhood an d hi s rapport wit h residents . "Ten ants hav e a natura l distrus t o f landlords, " h e said . "That' s somethin g weVe got to change, an d it' s very importan t t o have black managemen t to do that." The fiv e buildings tha t mak e up the Nobel Dre w Al i Plaz a are, accordin g t o th e New York Times, "a n islan d o f cleanlines s an d order i n th e se a o f deca y an d desolatio n tha t spread s ou t i n al l direc tions in Brownsville." 76 Joseph Richardson , a Brownsville communit y activist , i n 197 4 P er ~ suaded th e cit y t o install high-intensit y light s on hi s block . H e als o set up a walkie-talki e patro l syste m wit h th e ai d o f Banker' s Trust . Evi dence o f hunge r i n th e communit y prompte d Richardso n t o contac t the Departmen t o f Agriculture fro m who m h e obtained ba g lunches — 650 of which he distributed ever y day fro m sidewal k tables to children. Looking fo r som e indoo r spac e t o expand an d rationaliz e hi s program , Richardson wa s directe d b y th e mayor' s offic e t o th e Crow n Height s Office o f Neighborhoo d Government , som e distanc e fro m hi s ow n Brownsville section . H e wa s unsuccessfu l there , an d turne d t o th e New Yor k Urba n Coalition . Accordin g t o Richardso n the y neve r responded t o his letters. Undaunted , h e continued t o dispense lunche s from hi s "makeshif t cafeteria " ever y day , an d h e an d fello w bloc k workers wen t o n to arrange outings fo r neighborhoo d youths. 77 Richardson als o persiste d i n remaining , afte r al l th e othe r tenant s had moved , i n a landlord-neglected buildin g o n Par k Plac e in a n effor t to ge t th e owne r t o mak e repairs . Th e landlor d claime d h e ha d n o money an d wa s willin g t o sel l th e buildin g t o Richardso n fo r $1,000 . "I wouldn't hav e any troubl e raising the $1,000, " Richarson explained ,

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"but th e buildin g ha s a $7,50 0 mortgag e plu s i t woul d tak e anothe r $100,000 t o mak e thi s plac e liveabl e again. " Despit e Richardson' s efforts an d appeal s t o th e cit y throughou t 1974 , an d despit e profes sional advic e tha t i n th e lon g ru n "i t woul d b e cheape r t o rehabilitat e that propert y tha n t o tur n i t ove r t o th e dog s an d demolitio n teams, " little wa s done . Th e building s alon g Par k Plac e continue d t o deca y a s tenants lef t them , landlord s abandone d them , an d vandal s destroye d them. 78 Individuals, communit y associations , an d tenants ' group s accom plished som e positiv e things , no t th e leas t o f whic h wa s a reinforce d group consciousness . Bu t the y coul d no t gai n a n inc h o n thos e mos t basic issues—job s an d housing . B y th e en d o f 1975 , i n th e fac e o f continued deterioration , Brooklyn' s Mode l Citie s program , mandate d to develo p viabl e urba n communities , ha d it s annua l operatin g budge t cut drasticall y fro m $2 9 milliio n t o $1 2 million . Earl y i n 1976 , Cit y Housing Administrato r Roge r Star r sai d tha t i t wa s a positiv e thin g that tenant s wer e leavin g building s an d neighborhood s lik e Browns ville an d th e Sout h Bronx . Thi s woul d decreas e alread y shrinkin g populations, h e said , an d allo w th e cit y t o concentrat e it s services . Starr defende d thi s polic y a s "planne d migration, " no t force d resettle ment.79 Insensitivity , inertia , euphemisti c rationalizations , politica l an d bureaucratic complexitie s continue d t o kee p th e crucia l problem s o f employment an d housin g virtuall y intractable . I n 1981 , twenty-fou r projects involvin g jo b training , ne w housin g constructio n an d ol d housing rehabilitation , whic h ha d bee n i n th e plannin g stage s fo r years, wer e all still "held up." 8 0 A coalitio n o f thirty-fiv e churche s i n Eas t Brooklyn , mos t o f the m in Brownsville , determine d lat e i n 198 1 to d o wha t man y expert s ha d told the m wa s impossible : buil d affordabl e housin g fo r lo w an d mod erate incom e families . Th e Nehemia h project , aptl y name d afte r th e biblical prophe t wh o rebuil t th e wall s o f ancien t Jerusalem , brok e ground i n Octobe r 198 2 fo r th e firs t home— a three-bedroo m bric k town hous e tha t sol d fo r $39,000 . T o qualify , familie s ha d t o hav e incomes o f $2 0 t o $40,00 0 a year , an d a $5,00 0 dow n payment . Th e church coalitio n amasse d a n $ 8 million revolvin g fun d t o finance con struction throug h loan s from th e Roma n Catholi c Dioces e of Brookly n and th e Episcopa l Church . Brownsvill e congregation s taxe d them -

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selves a t a rat e o f $1 2 pe r yea r fo r eac h family . Th e stat e guarantee d low-interest loan s an d th e city donated th e land. "I t was an idea whos e time ha d come, " sai d a n organize r fo r th e Eas t Brookly n churches . "People wh o wer e previousl y locke d ou t o f ownin g equit y i n thi s economy no w hav e a piece o f the pie. " By th e en d o f 198 7 there wer e 1,050 Nehemia h house s i n Brownsville . Given th e fac t tha t Nehemia h constructio n ca n onl y produc e 14. 6 new dwelling s pe r acr e i n a cit y wit h a sever e housin g shortage , an d given th e fac t tha t familie s earnin g unde r $20,00 0 ar e excluded , ther e was an d stil l i s som e concer n ove r ho w appropriat e thes e suburban type development s ar e fo r al l o f Brownsville . Bu t th e Nehemia h house s are apparentl y helpin g mak e Brownsvill e onc e agai n a working-clas s and lowe r middle-clas s neighborhoo d rathe r tha n exclusivel y poor . "The nea t bric k Nehemia h homes, " th e New York Times reported re cently, "hav e mad e Brownsvill e a neighborhoo d o f hop e reincar nated." 81 Hope wa s reincarnated , too , i n Publi c Schoo l 33 2 i n Brownsvill e between 198 1 an d 1987 . Inheritin g a n unstable , nearl y chaoti c schoo l situation i n 1981 , Hispanic principal Anthon y Amat o helped tur n P.S . 332 int o "th e prid e o f Brownsville. " Th e schoo l a t 5 1 Christophe r Avenue i s i n "on e o f th e poores t neighborhood s i n th e city. " Th e students al l qualifie d fo r fre e breakfast s an d lunche s a t schoo l an d fewer tha n a doze n i n 198 7 ha d tw o parent s a t home . "Whe n I go t there, I ha d onl y on e ac e i n th e hole , Amat o said , " a sixt h grad e wit h large students . S o I starte d wit h physica l achievements . W e mad e a basketball team , th e 33 2 All-Stars . An d the y wer e th e champion s i n the first year." Amato was opting for the classic "recreational solution, " but h e di d no t se e it a s a panacea. H e recruite d a science teache r wh o set u p a zoology center , an d h e brightene d th e plac e wit h bulleti n boards filled wit h studen t work . Th e ne w principa l als o establishe d a daily ritua l o f mornin g line-u p an d silen t processio n t o class . H e pu t "unabashed emphasi s o n test-takin g skills. " Th e stress , Amat o said , "which i s frowne d o n b y som e educators , wa s essentia l fo r th e credi bility o f th e student s an d th e school. " B y 1986 , educatio n official s labeled Brownsville' s P.S . 33 2 "a model school." 82 One othe r "succes s story " need s tellin g her e no t onl y becaus e i t suggests anothe r hopefu l possibilit y fo r Brownsvill e bu t als o because i t

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bears som e extraordinar y resemblance s t o the stor y o f Do c Barof f an d the Brownsville Boy s Club . When Christophe r Armstrong , a residen t o f Ambo y Stree t i n Brownsville, wa s fifteen year s ol d i n 1977 , h e organize d a softbal l team. " I wa s fe d u p wit h bein g bored, " Armstron g sai d i n a 198 5 interview. "Everybod y wa s bore d an d gettin g int o trouble. Th e crim e rate her e [wa s an d still ] i s sk y high . Th e polic e statistic s sho w th e crimes [were ] committe d b y youn g men—boys , really. " Ther e wa s nothing els e fo r poo r Brownsvill e boy s t o do : n o Bo y Scouts , n o YMCA, n o park activities. I n 197 9 at the age of seventeen, Christophe r Armstrong decide d i t woul d tak e mor e tha n a softbal l tea m t o hel p neighborhood boys . Afte r lon g hour s o f stud y i n th e library , h e dre w up the papers to form th e Brownsville Youth Organization , a nonprofi t group. H e recruite d teammate s an d othe r boy s t o fix u p th e play ground behin d Publi c Schoo l 18 3 an d t o mak e i t usabl e fo r softball . Six years late r i t stil l had it s problems: innumerabl e sin k holes, an d a n old handbal l wal l standin g conspicuousl y an d inappropriatel y i n left center field. Afte r formin g th e Brownsvill e Yout h Organization , Arm strong sough t contribution s o f mone y an d materia l fro m loca l busi nesses. Th e softbal l tea m becam e a league, the n tw o leagues. Armstrong develope d a publi c relation s grou p o f severa l o f th e ballplayers. The y attende d dinner s an d ceremonie s a t whic h the y accepted donation s an d gav e speeches . "Yo u mee t a lo t o f importan t people," sai d Kema h Jones , a fifteen-year-old player . Th e foo d i s great, too . Bu t yo u hav e t o pla y i t of f a little , yo u kno w an d no t pi g out." Th e organizatio n receive s contribution s fro m tw o hundre d busi nesses rangin g fro m Chas e Manhatta n Ban k t o Rudy' s Coffe e Sho p and a boar d o f director s ha s bee n assemble d includin g officer s o f corporations, bank s an d utilit y companies . Three hundre d youngster s wer e playing in the softball leagu e in the summer o f 1985 , an d th e organizatio n sai d i t ha d ha d tw o thousan d participants i n al l of it s programs , playin g ball , puttin g ou t a newslet ter, videotapin g games , an d runnin g a youth theatre . Armstrong , wh o accepts n o mone y fo r hi s work , ha s als o secure d spac e i n tw o base ments acros s the street from th e schoolyard, an d h e furnished the m fo r a schoo l tutorin g program . H e check s everyone' s repor t card . On e night i n th e summe r o f 1985 , after softbal l practice , a n adul t fro m th e

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neighborhood stoppe d b y an d said , " I than k Go d fo r this . I t give s th e kids somethin g t o d o an d keep s the m fro m gettin g int o troubl e an d getting hurt. Thes e boy s didn't as k to be born here." 83 The self-help , peer-grou p dimension s o f th e Brownsvill e Yout h Organization, th e fundraising , th e selfles s commitmen t o f th e leader ship, an d th e sports, ar e direct reminders o f the boys of 1940 s Brownsville. Communit y activist s lik e Christophe r Armstrong , Josep h Rich ardson, th e staff o f P.S. 332 , the East Brooklyn Coalition of Churches, and the Brownsville Community Cente r ar e among the individuals an d groups wh o represen t th e resilience , imagination , an d mutual-ai d ori entation o f some of Brownsville's largel y blac k and Hispani c residents . These ar e importan t similaritie s betwee n th e activist s i n today' s Brownsville, an d th e Jewish organizer s wh o preceded them . There are , however , man y differences whic h continu e t o mak e th e task of the nonwhite, non-Jewis h leaders and doers much harder. The y face, o f course , a radicall y differen t cultura l an d clas s constituency . Blacks, particularly , hav e ha d a history , especiall y i n th e twentiet h century, whic h move d agains t famil y stability . Anthon y Amato' s stu dents an d Christophe r Armstrong' s ballplayers , unlik e th e Jewis h youngsters o f 1940 s Brownsville , wer e mor e ofte n tha n no t member s of households withou t fathers . Th e curren t consensu s i n socia l scienc e scholarship i s tha t strong , stabl e familie s hav e bee n characteristi c o f "successful" minorities . Th e Jewis h experienc e an d mor e recen t ex amples o f severa l Asia n immigran t groups , wit h tightl y kni t famil y structures providin g bot h secur e environment s fo r children , an d dis tinct economi c advantages , ten d t o reinforc e th e findings o f th e schol arly studies. 84 Family histor y mad e a difference . S o di d religiou s culture . Blac k Christianity, a viabl e an d coheren t synthesi s o f Africa n tradition , white Christianity , an d th e experience s o f everyda y blac k life , helpe d adherents cope ; an d i t di d nourish , throug h th e blac k church , civi l rights activism ; bu t blac k Christianit y di d no t hav e a t it s cente r th e dynamic secula r messianis m o f moder n Judais m whic h move d man y twentieth centur y Jew s t o ac t upo n th e belie f tha t change , eve n revo lutionary change , wa s possible. 85 Jews, i n th e ol d countries , i n th e 1880 s an d 1890s , ofte n impelle d by secula r messianis m an d th e injunctio n o f tikn olam (the repai r o r

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improvement o f th e world ) wer e disproportionatel y represente d i n trade unionism , radica l politics , an d revolutionar y movements . Al though th e vas t majorit y o f Jews , includin g thos e wh o com e t o th e United States , wer e no t radicals , the y wer e ver y muc h influence d b y radicals. An d i n Americ a the y wer e particularl y politicall y active. 86 Blacks ha d ha d som e experienc e o f politica l participation , too , begin ning dramatically a s free person s recently liberate d fro m slaver y i n th e era o f post-Civi l Wa r Reconstruction ; bu t th e socioeconomi c realitie s of life i n the Sout h force d black s into long periods o f quiescence. 87 Jews als o had mor e experience with organizing self-help . Transient s everywhere i n th e diaspor a befor e th e mas s migratio n t o America , Jews i n Eastern Europ e wer e forced t o live apart fro m "host " societies , and force d t o develop mode s o f self-government . Thei r shletlekh (smal l towns) were ru n b y kehillot (community councils ) an d wer e permeate d with committee s devote d t o specifi c collectiv e responsibilities . I n America, almos t immediately , Jew s reestablishe d thei r organization s and created ne w ones—landsmanshaftn, mutual-ai d an d burial societies , free loa n associations , an d institution s fo r helpin g thos e mor e recentl y arrived.88 A significan t percentag e o f Jews ha d com e t o Americ a afte r havin g taken a serie s o f step s towar d modernizatio n an d urbanizatio n i n th e old countries . Almos t al l Jews i n those countries ha d als o been prohib ited fro m ownin g lan d an d wer e channele d int o towns , som e int o cities. Whethe r Jew s cam e fro m citie s o r fro m shtetlekh, they brough t with the m experience s an d attitude s acquire d i n craft s an d pett y com merce and eve n light industry. Thes e would serv e them relativel y wel l in th e urba n Northeas t wher e i n th e lat e nineteent h an d earl y twen tieth centuries , th e skill s the y possesse d wer e i n grea t demand . Ex ploited an d buffete d b y th e vicissitude s o f seasona l garmen t work , Jews nonetheles s wer e relativel y consistentl y employed . Man y wit h commercial backgrounds , wer e als o self-employed . The y buil t smal l businesses throug h self-exploitation , th e hel p o f family, an d fre e loan s from communa l organizations . The y sustaine d themselve s i n wha t constituted a n ethnic economy. 89 Moreover, despit e a strained relation ship, th e Eas t Europea n Jew s ultimatel y receive d significan t suppor t and ai d i n the process of acculturation fro m th e German Jews who had established themselve s her e earlier , an d ha d becom e a moderatel y prosperous communit y b y th e mid-nineteenth century. 90

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Some Eas t Europea n Jew s fro m th e Lowe r Eas t Sid e cam e t o Brownsville a t the turn o f the century a s a small move up the socioeco nomic ladder . Other s afte r "failing " elsewhere , cam e lookin g fo r ne w opportunities, an d stil l other s cam e directl y fro m Europe . Althoug h by th e 1930s , Jews wh o staye d i n Brownsvill e wer e mainl y workin g class an d relativel y impoverished , the y continue d t o maintai n th e eth nic economy, livin g and workin g i n the same neighborhood, employe d in Jewis h enterpris e an d industry . Th e wors t of f wer e rescue d eco nomically t o som e exten t b y communa l tsedaka, Ne w Dea l programs , and wa r work . Unlike th e Jews, blacks (a s well a s Hispanics ) migrate d i n th e mai n from agraria n economie s an d brough t wit h the m fe w commercia l o r industrial skills . Moreover , b y th e tim e th e grea t masse s o f blacks — four millio n between 194 0 and 1970—reache d th e North an d Browns ville, th e wa r wor k boo m wa s over . No t onl y les s experience d i n commerce an d industr y tha n th e Jews , thes e unskille d rura l black s were als o mor e disadvantage d tha n th e immigran t peasant s wh o pre ceded the m betwee n fort y an d ninet y year s earlier . Th e newcomer s faced a much mor e urbanize d an d industrialize d setting , wit h a muc h more intensified deman d fo r skille d an d semiskille d labor . In additio n t o facing a less favorable economi c environment , black s experienced sever e prejudic e an d discrimination . Thoug h anti-Semi tism wa s a powerfu l sentimen t (particularl y i n th e 1920 s an d 1930s ) which imposed significan t socia l and economic barriers for Jews, black s faced a racism mor e endemic , mor e virulent , mor e deepl y institution alized an d mor e disabling . Late arrival , lac k o f skills , an d pervasiv e rac e discriminatio n wer e all factor s tha t contribute d t o th e continuin g incarceratio n o f dispro portionate numbers of blacks in the lower class, with all of its attendan t problems. Herber t Gan s an d othe r sociologist s hav e argue d persua sively tha t ther e i s a n "absolut e qualitativ e differenc e betwee n th e lower-class subcultur e an d al l th e others. " Peopl e i n th e lowe r clas s try, lik e peopl e i n othe r classes , t o cop e wit h existin g structura l reali ties an d t o mak e lif e a s bearabl e a s possible . Tha t the y fai l t o succee d is "largely th e resul t o f th e intens e deprivations, " particularl y occupa tional, wit h whic h the y ar e saddled. Unskille d jobs , sporadicall y avail able work , an d long-ter m unemploymen t ad d u p t o economi c insecu rity and instability, an d produce a "subculture overlaid with pathology. "

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The consequence s o f intens e deprivation—alcoholism , desertion , drug abuse , crim e an d th e stigm a o f crimina l records—i n tur n hav e consequences whic h mak e i t even mor e difficul t fo r lower-clas s peopl e to tak e advantag e o f opportunitie s fo r improvement , eve n i f the y be come available. 91 Th e eas y accessibilit y t o drugs , fo r example , partl y produced b y organize d crime' s systemi c rol e i n heroi n distribution , and th e availabilit y o f crac k an d othe r crime-causin g substance s i s a new pathology , a ne w elemen t o f urba n unhappines s wit h whic h earlier immigran t group s di d no t hav e t o cope. 92 Thi s i s no t a n argu ment tha t ther e i s a n incorrigibl e "cultur e o f poverty. " Man y i n th e lower class , particularly th e vast majority o f its women, hav e working class aspirations . The y d o no t appea r t o b e content , i n th e least , wit h the lower-clas s subcultur e o r th e female-base d famil y an d the y tr y t o see that thei r childre n escap e it. 93 A s we have seen, the y ar e up agains t very heav y odd s i n Brownsville, a s elsewhere i n urban America . There ar e som e black s wh o hav e demonstrate d significan t degree s of economic and socia l mobility i n areas of the United States , includin g Brownsville an d neighborin g Eas t Flatbush . Thes e black s are , i n th e main, Wes t Indians , mos t o f who m ar e descende d fro m person s wh o moved fro m th e island s t o th e America n northeas t betwee n 190 0 an d 1924. Unlik e native-bor n blacks , 8 0 percent o f the Wes t India n black s came fro m cities . Thei r experienc e i n slaver y wa s als o differen t fro m that o f slave s i n th e America n South . Wes t India n slave s ha d bee n assigned lan d an d som e unsupervise d tim e t o rais e thei r ow n food . They sol d surpluse s i n th e market s an d bough t amenitie s fo r them selves. I t appear s to o tha t the y wer e able , i n thi s "fre e space, " t o continue t o emplo y th e traditiona l Wes t Africa n "rotatin g credi t asso ciation." Late r the y use d thi s device , a s di d othe r immigran t group s from souther n China , Japan, Korea , an d Vietnam , a s a principal mean s for capitalizin g smal l business. 94 American-bor n blacks apparentl y di d not maintai n a comparable institution . The disproportionat e succes s o f th e Wes t India n black s suggest s that rac e discriminatio n i s no t necessaril y a n absolutely fata l handica p in the American economy . Bu t it needs to be pointed ou t that the good fortune o f th e Wes t India n businessmen , landlords , doctors , lawyers , grocers, an d tailor s i n th e Unite d State s i s dependent o n a large black clientele an d market . Wes t Indian s wh o migrate d t o Englan d wit h it s

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much smalle r blac k populatio n ar e no t nearl y s o successful. 95 Rac e discrimination ca n stil l play a role in retarding economi c mobility . Blacks i n Brownsvill e continu e t o b e burdene d wit h th e conse quences o f rac e discrimination, pas t an d present , includin g lac k of jo b training an d genera l politica l neglect . Brownsville , a s w e hav e seen , shows som e sign s of resurgence. Bu t i t has a long way t o go to recove r from it s slid e int o a lower-class neighborhood , an d t o regain it s work ing-class character . "Th e declin e o f Brownsvill e started, " on e black minister declare d i n 1968 , "whe n th e Jew s bega n movin g out. " Th e "Jewish populatio n moved, " adde d a blac k teache r wit h seventee n years o f servic e i n th e loca l schools , "an d too k al l thei r institution s with them." 96 Wit h mor e commercia l experienc e an d economi c stabil ity, mor e experienc e i n politic s an d i n th e organizin g o f communa l mutual-aid, mor e emplo y ability an d socia l acceptability , a long-stand ing, mor e comple x religiou s cultur e permeate d wit h ethica l injunc tions, an d a more stabl e famil y structure , th e Jews wer e indee d a rare breed. Give n thi s background , i t i s understandabl e tha t Jewis h Brownsville produce d mor e upwar d mobilit y an d man y fewe r seriou s social problem s tha n blac k Brownsville , o r fo r tha t matter , tha n man y white ethnic neighborhoods . Class was, an d is , important i n impeding o r enhancing occupationa l and socia l mobility. Ethni c culture , too , wa s and i s important. "Ther e are differen t heritage s wit h certai n commo n experience s an d aspira tions" and , a s mor e tha n on e interprete r o f America n ethni c histor y has tol d us , "som e ar e bette r adapte d t o certai n circumstance s tha n others." 97 Mobilit y an d acculturatio n wer e neve r a s rapi d o r a s sur e for th e vas t majorit y o f ethni c Americans , black o r white , a s has bee n traditionally believed. 98 That disproportionat e number s of the childre n of Jewish immigrant s wer e abl e to succee d i n a class syste m which , i n effect, i s "moderatel y restrictiv e an d fundamentall y segregationist, " i s explained i n par t b y a n extraordinarily fortuitou s constellatio n o f Jewish experiences an d values. 99 These experience s an d values also help us understand wh y Jew s i n Brownsville , whe n the y fel t th e need , wer e able t o produc e th e nurturing , activis t Brownsvill e Boy s Club , a n extensive, long-lasting , authenti c self-hel p communit y i n microcosm . In 198 8 Ne w Yor k Cit y undertoo k wha t i t sa w a s a n attemp t t o increase th e possibilit y o f blac k mobilit y i n Brownsville . Notin g inor -

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dinate rate s o f crime , dru g addiction , an d unemploymen t i n th e are a around th e Brownsvill e Recreatio n Center , th e Park s Commissio n initiated a $7.5 millio n restoratio n o f th e facility. 100 Refurbishin g wa s in order. A visi t i n 1987 , and a talk with Willia m Hurley , th e directo r of the cente r sinc e 1956 , revealed a physically deteriorated , underuse d and inadequatel y staffe d buildin g an d program. 101 I n January o f 198 9 Mayor Edwar d Koc h an d Park s Commissione r Henr y Stern , wieldin g a larg e hamme r an d symboli c golde n nails , marke d th e star t o f th e renovations whic h wil l includ e th e pool , gymnasium , locke r rooms , and roofto p recreatio n area . Althoug h th e Cente r wil l als o hous e pre school an d da y car e programs, th e emphasis, apparently , wil l continu e to b e recreation. 102 I n th e 1950 s thi s emphasi s prove d inadequate , i f not tragic. Perhap s by this second time around, mor e has been learned , and farc e wil l be avoided . An upgrading o f recreational facilities , withou t accompanyin g "ren ovations" i n jo b training , incom e levels , healt h care , housin g an d education, wil l no t solv e th e problem s o f Brownsville' s black popula tion. Moreover , wher e povert y ha s le d t o wha t sociologis t Willia m J . Wilson calls a "clustering an d concentratio n o f social casualties," societal interventio n i s required t o dea l wit h th e consequences of th e povert y as well a s th e causes. 103 Her e evidenc e fro m man y part s o f th e worl d suggests tha t agencie s an d governmen t program s d o bes t i n term s o f improving th e materia l an d mora l qualit y o f people' s live s whe n the y tap int o th e existin g informa l helpin g network s o f a community. 104 Even i n impoverished , transien t Brownsvill e ther e i s stil l evidenc e o f self-help initiative . Agencie s tha t tak e advantag e o f this , tha t recrui t internal caretaker s an d informa l "natural " pee r helpers , lik e Christo pher Armstron g o r Do c Baroff , ar e likely t o b e mor e effective . Socia l care deliver y system s tha t develo p nonpaternalisti c approaches , tha t lighten th e heav y han d o f bureaucracy , an d us e a t leas t par t o f thei r resources t o suppor t self-hel p groups , appea r t o hav e th e bes t chanc e of succeeding. 105 The residents of black Brownsville need a refurbishe d recreation center . The y als o nee d mor e basi c benefit s (jobs , housing , health care) , as well a s resources t o support self-hel p networks . Suc h a combination ha s a t leas t a chanc e o f avoidin g "rotte n outcomes, " a chance o f promotin g increase d self-estee m an d th e kin d o f economi c and occupationa l mobilit y tha t allow s th e recover y o f dignit y an d social health .

CHAPTER 7

Livelihoods, Longings, and Legacies: Brownsville Boys 3S[ow Immigrants arrived , wit h wedding s soo n afte r And Brownsvill e grew loude r wit h ou r children' s laughter . Beachclubs, vacations , wer e out of our spher e Concrete, ope n hydrants , s o very near . This wa s our beach , I wish t o make clear. Our interest s wer e simple , hang-up s s o few Baseball, food , a n occasional brew . Coke was a drink, gras s was just gree n No way , n o wish, t o wind u p unclean . We all were liberals, wit h a n unflinching passio n Democrats wer e flawless, tha t wa s the fashion . One day we awoke, little boys no mor e Families of our own, ambition s galore . We moved t o the suburbs, bu t jus t never the sam e So, no w to our kids , we do hereby proclaim , Take you r beaches , camps , vacation s an d al l Oh t o be on Powell Stree t hearin g the cr y "Play Ball" 1 AL AFTER , UNPUBLISHED POE M

T h e Brownsvill e Boy s o f th e 1940 s move d " u p " an d ou t t o th e sub urbs, bu t thei r live s ar e stil l deepl y informe d b y th e value s an d simpl e pleasures o f th e ol d neighborhood . An d thei r attitudes , activitie s an d 189

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rhetoric continu e t o reflec t th e indelibl e experience s o f thei r adoles cence—saturation i n yiddishkayt, intense peer-grou p togetherness , an d participation i n the Brownsvill e Boy s Club. The boy s rarely ros e from rag s to riches but the y di d move , a t least , from rage s t o respectability. Nearl y 2 2 percent ar e socia l wor k profes sionals, lawyers , engineers , colleg e professors , dentists , an d accoun tants. Mor e tha n 3 0 percen t ow n thei r ow n smal l businesses , an d 2 3 percent ar e teachers , principals , educationa l supervisors , an d civi l ser vants. Anothe r 2 0 percen t ar e corporat e executives , manager s an d salesmen. Moderately prosperou s an d ofte n i n wor k the y enjo y (o r enjoyed — approximately 2 0 percent ar e retired ) thes e me n hav e als o managed t o build fulfilling , endurin g marriages . Man y hav e done this with wome n who ha d grow n u p i n Brownsvill e o r neighborin g Eas t Ne w York . "After all, " as Berni e Stuffe r pu t it , "wh o ha d carfare? " Nin e percen t have been divorced. Tha t i s three times higher tha n thei r parent' s rate , but i t i s disproportionatel y lo w compare d t o th e rat e fo r thei r non Jewish peers . Severa l BBCer s echoe d Car l Londo n wh o said , "a s o f this dat e non e of us [former teammates ] ha s divorced, an d th e reward s are great." 2 The y tak e satisfactio n to o i n th e fac t tha t thei r childre n have als o don e well . Eighty-thre e percen t o f th e son s an d daughter s have complete d colleg e an d 4 4 percen t hav e a t leas t on e graduat e degree. Mor e than 3 0 percent ar e doctors, lawyers, dentists, engineers , college professors , an d accountants , an d anothe r 2 2 percen t ar e i n educational o r social work . The forme r BBCer s hav e goo d jobs , meaningfu l marriages , an d successful children . Bu t ou t ther e i n Jericho an d Douglaston , i n Bell more an d Eas t Meadow , an d eve n i n Canarsi e an d Howar d Beach , there i s a longing . Dealin g wit h taxe s an d crabgrass , an d neighbors , few o f who m eve r share d a commo n socia l o r childhoo d experienc e with them , thes e forme r Brownsvill e resident s fee l th e nee d t o com e together wit h on e anothe r ofte n t o socializ e an d especiall y t o talk , mostly abou t th e ol d neighborhood . Fro m "th e corne r o f Powel l an d Riverdale," one BBCe r wrote , "wher e seve n o f us , Goo d Friend s [an d members o f th e Mustangs] , use d t o han g out , cam e a life-lon g bond . We hav e bee n gettin g togethe r sociall y fo r thirt y years. " Brownsvill e was hardl y Utopi a o r "Gree n Pastures. " Bu t a childhoo d marke d b y

LIVELIHOODS, LONGINGS , AN D LEGACIE S 19

1

intense friendships , o n street s filled wit h pla y an d laughte r an d chal lenge, an d outsid e th e cand y store s o n corner s wher e th e game s an d kibbitzing wen t o n fo r hours , i s a n experienc e no t easil y discarded . Nor i s the experience of having together create d th e BBC . At annua l reunion s o f th e BB C Alumn i Associatio n i n th e Catskil l Mountains, a t occasional breakfasts i n New Yor k City, an d throughou t the yea r a t innumerabl e socia l gatherings o f former set s of teammates , they mee t to talk. Th e conversatio n last s late into the evening and eve n into th e earl y mornin g hour s an d range s fro m ho w Arthu r Caplin' s jaws woul d bulg e chewin g o n a penny' s wort h o f "sho e leather, " t o how Harol d Reisma n an d Sa m Gube r go t caugh t stealin g Hein z pick les at the 193 9 World's Fair . Someho w yea r afte r yea r ther e are alway s enough storie s t o avoi d repetition , an d som e tha t deserv e retelling . Who wouldn' t wan t t o hea r agai n abou t th e viciou s slo w bal l o f "On e Pitch" Charlie , two-han d touc h wit h cerea l boxes , Hymi e Shapiro' s laugh, th e fight betwee n Dutc h an d Dubby , o r thos e grea t picku p basketball game s in Nanny Goa t Park ? The memorie s ar e lon g an d deep . Fe w ca n forge t th e stickbal l fanaticism o f Sta n ("We e Wee" ) Shapiro , o r ho w "Frenchy " Resnic k did play-by-pla y reenactment s o f th e Brookly n Dodge r games , wit h his lively description s an d tha t uniqu e "knock " he could mak e with hi s tongue t o simulat e a bas e hit . Som e stil l tel l th e stor y o f ho w Sta n Shapiro becam e We e Wee . Ever y da y a t noo n Sta n lef t P.S . 18 4 an d ran hom e t o "walk " hi s mut t Popsie . Needin g t o ge t bac k t o schoo l quickly, Sta n coaxe d loudly , "Wee-wee , wee-wee. " Inevitabl y th e older boy s tagge d hi m wit h tha t name , an d fo r years , togethe r wit h Stan, the y continue d t o laugh abou t it . And ho w abou t th e time in the P.S . 18 4 school yar d tha t "Left y th e Lob" Ribakowitz belte d a "spaldeen" s o far tha t i t hit abov e the statut e on th e Walkin s Stree t side ? O r th e man y time s tha t cabbage s destine d to become sauerkrau t a t Leibowitz' s Pickl e Works o n Newpor t Street , rolled of f th e deliver y ramp s an d ende d u p instea d i n sou p pot s o n Stone Avenu e o r Sackma n Street ? Georg e Berc h stil l remember s th e circus elephant s i n th e freigh t yar d o n Juniu s Street , an d Murra y ("Injun") Rosen , th e telephon e numbe r o f Gorgeous Gus' s cand y stor e on Powel l an d Lott , wher e th e boy s discussed everythin g fro m girl s t o the D-da y invasion . The y ar e still talking at every chanc e they get .

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The Siegels , th e Schmarens , th e Feldmans , th e Pinchuks , an d th e Rosens hav e neve r quit e lef t Brownsville . A par t o f the m want s t o b e there still , fourtee n year s ol d an d playin g basketbal l o r stickball . Bu t when they ar e confronted wit h the realities of present day Brownsville , they winc e or shrug or sigh . A small number reac t as if they hav e been cheated b y wha t happene d t o their neighborhood—as i f Brownsvill e had bee n "stolen " fro m them . BBCe r Morto n Werbe l continue d t o maintain a lucrativ e la w practic e o n Rockawa y Avenu e lon g afte r h e had move d t o Nassa u Count y i n 1955 . ^ n I 0 79 ^ w a s "necessary " fo r him t o shoo t tw o o f five arme d holdu p me n wh o invade d hi s office. 3 Gerry ("Sheiky" ) Lenowit z move d t o Fa r Rockawa y partl y becaus e o f the "dangerou s conditions " i n Brownsville . S o di d colleg e basketbal l star Sidne y Tanenbaum . Twic e winne r o f the Haggert y Awar d a s th e outstanding playe r i n th e metropolita n Ne w Yor k area , Tanenbau m opened a small busines s i n Fa r Rockaway , i n a section tha t fairl y soo n began t o u run down. " Describe d b y hi s so n a s a n "unofficia l socia l worker" an d b y th e polic e a s "somethin g o f a benefactor i n th e neigh borhood," Tanenbau m mad e frequen t handout s an d "loans " t o stree t people. H e turne d dow n a woma n on e da y i n 198 7 who m h e ha d helped to o many time s in the past. Whe n Tanenbau m turne d hi s back , she plunge d a knif e int o him . Th e recipien t o f th e 194 7 Ba r Kochb a Award a s America' s Outstandin g Jewis h Athlet e wa s dead . Sheik y Lenowitz move d t o Florida. 4 Although ther e i s some rancor, mos t often whe n th e men tal k abou t Brownsville, the y tal k abou t th e ol d Brownsville , an d i t i s withou t bitterness o r resentment . Rathe r i t i s wit h warmt h an d fondness . Beneath th e occasional sentimentalit y tha t surface s whe n th e men talk , lies a basi c sincerity , th e willingnes s t o share—eve n t o reexamine . And ther e is , too, th e expression o f wonderment a t how s o many boy s from suc h pinche d circumstance s wer e able to "be good" and t o "mak e good." Some neighborhoo d boys , eve n BB C boys , were , o f course , no t s o "good." Beyon d th e handful s wh o brok e windows , gambled , "acte d out" at school , o r shoplifted a t Woolworth's, ther e was an even smalle r number wh o committe d mor e seriou s offense s an d continue d a s adult s to live at the edges of the underworld. A t leas t four forme r BBCer s ar e directly involve d i n organize d crime . One , "Herbie, " a s a youngste r was almos t kille d whe n h e tried , rashl y enough , t o stic k u p som e

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neighborhood bookmakers . H e wa s badl y beate n up , bu t apparently , the mo b admire d hi s moxi e an d recruite d hi m a s a collector . I n 194 8 Herbie wa s charge d wit h assaul t an d robbery , bu t wa s no t convicted . More recentl y h e ha s bee n involve d i n th e undersid e o f professiona l boxing, an d i n mo b contro l o f produc t distributio n fo r concession s a t race tracks an d sport s complexes. 5 Anothe r forme r BBCer , wit h man y friends i n professiona l sports , fo r a tim e manage d boxers . Th e FB I photographed hi m havin g dinner wit h Gaspa r d i Gregorio, hea d o f th e Bonnano "family " an d Tomm y Eboli , on e o f th e actin g bosse s o f th e Genovese clan. 6 Exceptionally distressin g t o a community permeate d wit h progres sive politica l ideologie s an d militan t unionis m wa s th e cas e o f tw o former BBCer s wh o wer e indicte d i n 195 4 o n charge s o f conspiracy , bribery, an d forger y committe d agains t unio n workers . Employe d b y the Internationa l Ladie s Garmen t Worker s Unio n a s accountants , thes e men allegedl y kep t tw o set s o f books ; one se t consistentl y understate d wages pai d b y a t leas t fiv e dres s manufacturers , thereb y allowin g th e manufacturers t o pa y les s int o th e welfar e an d retiremen t fun d main tained b y th e union's Dres s Joint Board. 7 An equall y painfu l exampl e o f a Brownsville bo y "gon e bad " i s th e case o f Lon g Islan d Universit y basketbal l sta r Jac k Goldsmith . I f unions an d progressiv e politic s wer e importan t i n Brownsville , basket ball, a s Arthu r Spette r an d other s pu t it , "wa s nex t t o Go d i n ou r neighborhood." Ye t th e Brownsville-born-and-raise d Goldsmit h wa s at th e cente r o f th e metropolita n are a colleg e basketbal l briber y scan dals i n th e lat e 1940 s an d earl y 1950s . Th e thir d o f a serie s o f thes e scandals ove r a five-year perio d erupte d i n 195 1 whe n studen t player s at Manhatta n Colleg e wer e charge d wit h acceptin g bribe s t o shav e points or throw games. 8 District Attorne y Fran k Hogan' s investigatio n soon disclose d tha t Ne w Yor k University , Cit y Colleg e o f Ne w York , and Lon g Islan d Universit y player s wer e als o implicate d i n wha t appeared t o b e widesprea d corruption . Whe n Sherma n Whit e o f LI U reputed t o b e th e numbe r on e colleg e playe r i n th e nation , admitted , in February o f 1951 , receiving severa l thousan d dollar s fo r hi s involve ment i n seve n fixe s ove r a two-yea r stretch , h e rocke d th e worl d o f college sports . Hi s confessio n force d a n intensificatio n o f th e investi gation.9 Soon th e newspaper s wer e filled wit h th e names o f Jewish boy s lik e

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Alvin Rot h o f CCNY , Harve y Schaf f o f NYU , an d Loui s Lipma n o f LIU, charge d o r indicte d o r convicte d fo r briber y o r conspiracy . Jew s in th e 1940 s an d 1950 s wer e stil l ver y muc h "overrepresented " i n college basketbal l i n th e Northeast , an d i t wa s highl y improbabl e tha t a scanda l ther e woul d leav e the m untouched . Som e colleg e official s and coaches , however , apparentl y anxiou s t o find scapegoat s pointe d to the "proble m o f unsupervised basketbal l durin g the summer month s in th e 'borsch t circuit, ' [as ] one of the primar y cause s o f the scandals. " Phog Allen , th e Universit y o f Kansa s (Lawrence ) coac h said , smugl y and prematurely , "ou t her e i n th e Midwest , thi s conditio n o f cours e doesn't prevail , bu t i n th e East , th e boys , particularl y thos e wh o participate i n th e resor t hote l league s durin g th e summe r month s ar e thrown int o an environment whic h cannot help but breed [this ] evil." 10 Several month s late r Allen' s self-assuranc e woul d withe r a s charge s were brough t agains t player s a t th e Universit y o f Kentucky , Orego n State, an d Bradle y University—i n th e center of Peoria, Illinois . On Apri l 21 , 1951 , Jack Goldsmith—Jackie , t o th e Brownsvill e boys h e played wit h i n Nanny Goa t Par k an d P.S . 184—wa s arreste d as h e steppe d fro m hi s apartmen t a t 68 3 Ston e Avenue . H e wa s charged wit h bribin g fou r LI U player s i n th e 1948-4 9 season . Jacki e had graduate d fro m Thoma s Jefferso n Hig h Schoo l an d gon e o n t o LIU afte r thre e year s i n th e Coas t Guard . Standin g onl y five feet , seven inches , Goldsmit h ha d a n excellen t se t sho t an d coul d brin g th e audibly gaspin g LI U fan s t o their fee t b y scorin g from a s far "outside " as forty-fiv e feet . A s a sophomore i n th e 1945-4 6 seaso n h e pu t i n a n astounding 39 5 points , becomin g th e school' s leadin g scorer. 11 A t th e very heigh t o f tha t seaso n Goldsmit h spoke a t th e Ston e Avenu e Library t o a BBC meeting of "seventy five of his admirers." You "boy s out here, " Goldsmit h tol d them , "shoul d lear n ho w t o tak e th e one handed se t shot s u p th e middl e instea d o f hoo k shots . Th e Wester n teams hav e had quit e a success with it." 12 Jack Goldsmit h tha t sam e night agree d t o help the club b y coachin g the 150-poun d BB C basketbal l team . Th e boy s wer e ecstatic . Unfor tunately, Goldsmith , wh o i s remembered b y Sta n ("We e Wee" ) Shap iro a s "able , easily , t o shoo t 25 0 t o 30 0 basket s i n a row , especiall y when h e was bettin g mone y o n it, " spen t preciou s littl e tim e coachin g the boys . H e playe d erraticall y a s a n LI U Junio r an d di d no t pla y

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basketball a t al l i n hi s Senio r year . H e ha d becom e i n th e distric t attorney's words , " a well-know n associat e o f gambler s an d bookmaker s in th e Brownsvill e sectio n o f Brooklyn. " Afte r Goldsmith' s arres t i t became clea r tha t th e "Brownsvill e Bomber, " a s h e wa s affectionatel y known, ha d bee n involve d i n fixes sinc e hi s outstandin g sophomor e year. Goldsmit h wa s indicte d o n Apri l 23 , 1951 , an d thoug h h e showe d only defianc e an d apparentl y n o remorse , h e finally admitte d hi s guil t after a year. 1 3 These instance s o f boy s "gon e bad " are , a s w e hav e seen , no t reflective o f th e behavio r o f thos e wh o wer e par t o f th e BB C o r eve n o f Jewish yout h generall y i n Brownsville . Ma x Stavitsk y undoubtedl y exaggerated, whe n h e bragge d tha t "ninety-nin e percen t o f u s turne d out good, " bu t hi s poin t i s nonetheles s valid . T h e Jewis h street-corne r boys o f Brownsvill e no t onl y "turne d ou t good, " they , a s indicate d earlier, "mad e good. " I t i s instructiv e t o compar e tha t experienc e wit h the experienc e o f corne r boy s i n othe r depression-er a communities . When Gilber t Sorrentin o wa s growin g u p i n Italia n Sout h Brooklyn , for example , People live d live s a s inevitabl e a s thos e i n a tribal society ; fro m stree t corner s to th e corne r cand y store , t o th e poolroo m an d neighborhoo d saloons , th e haphazard an d frustratin g "dating"—an d thenc e t o marriage . I n thos e day s of the thirtie s an d forties , youn g couple s settle d i n t o th e tra p o f th e neighbor hood. . . . I t was a kind o f deadly lif e whic h spawne d . . . "characters." The y were merel y norma l denizen s o f th e place , thei r eccentricitie s ragge d flutterings of the ego in the fac e of the vast ennui i n which the y wer e caught. 14 And i n sociologis t Willia m F . Whyte' s "Cornerville, " th e Italia n N o r t h En d o f Boston , The gang s gre w u p o n th e corne r an d remaine d ther e wit h remarkabl e persis tence fro m earl y boyhoo d unti l th e member s reache d thei r lat e twentie s o r early thirties . I n th e cours e o f year s som e group s wer e broke n u p b y th e movement o f familie s awa y fro m Cornerville , an d th e remainin g member s merged wit h gang s o n near-b y corners ; bu t frequentl y movemen t ou t o f th e district doe s no t take the corner bo y awa y fro m hi s corner. . . . Home play s a very smal l rol e i n the group activitie s o f the corner boy . . . . And hi s friends alway s go to his corner firs t whe n the y wan t t o find him . . . . The marrie d ma n regularl y set s asid e one evening a week t o take out hi s wife . . . . Som e corne r boy s devot e mor e attentio n t o thei r wive s tha n others , but ,

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married o r single , th e corne r bo y ca n b e foun d o n hi s corne r almos t ever y night of the week. One leade r o f corne r boy s tol d Whyte : "Fellow s aroun d her e don' t know wha t t o do except withi n a radius o f about thre e hundre d yards . That's th e truth , Bill . The y com e hom e fro m work , han g o n th e corner, u p a show [g o uptown t o se e a movie], an d the y com e bac k t o hang o n th e corner." 15 Th e corne r boy s o f Jewish Brownsville , mos t often, di d no t feel trappe d i n ennui. Throug h creatin g and runnin g th e Brownsville Boys Club, Jack Leavitt remembered, "w e got a sense that we had contro l ove r our destinies. Everythin g we did seeme d t o count . And wha t w e did affecte d othe r people' s lives." 16 In Arthu r Granit' s nove l The Time of the Peaches, o n on e extraordi nary Brownsvill e bloc k durin g th e Depression , a peac h tre e gre w u p miraculously ou t o f th e dir t betwee n th e crack s o f th e cement . Th e tree wa s poisone d b y a madwoman. Bu t i t eventuall y bloome d again . The youn g protagonist , Usher , discover s that on e of the peaches had a thumbtack fo r a pit , an d cam e t o believ e tha t th e tre e wa s nourishe d by a bo x o f tack s throw n int o th e stree t earlier . Ushe r wa s delighte d with th e beaut y an d myster y an d hopefulnes s o f this miracl e an d trie d to gladde n th e heart s an d mind s o f hi s downtrodde n neighbors . Bu t his friend s los t fait h i n hi s stor y an d nothin g o n th e bloc k changed . Usher himsel f gre w disenchante d wit h flowering thumbtack s an d con cluded tha t miser y i s irreparabl e an d unendin g an d tha t act s o f good ness ar e irrelevant. 17 Man y o f th e youn g founder s an d framer s an d 1940s member s o f th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b cam e t o a differen t conclusion. The y wer e aware that "damage" could and would continu e to b e done , an d tha t goodnes s coul d b e poisoned ; bu t thes e boy s influenced b y Jewis h spiritua l injunction s believe d i t wa s possibl e t o make repairs an d eve n improvements . When energeti c an d creativ e Do c Baroff, th e single-mos t importan t catalyst i n th e foundin g o f th e club , insiste d tha t i t wa s a duty "t o d o good o n earth, " h e wa s reflectin g th e propheti c dimension s o f th e Hebrew Scriptures . Similarly , whe n Norma n Goroff , whos e dedica tion t o th e clu b an d it s rol e i n socia l justice , talke d abou t "buildin g a better world, " h e wa s invokin g th e Jewish concep t o f tikn olam. An d Abe Rubenfel d dre w o n th e Talmudi c teachin g tha t "t o sav e even on e

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life i s t o sav e th e world, " whe n h e sai d simply : "W e wante d t o hel p the younge r kid s comin g u p behin d us. " Thes e son s o f Jewish immi grants an d politica l progressive s ha d wante d t o play ball , bu t the y als o had talke d abou t "mission, " an d abou t "makin g a difference, " fo r themselves an d fo r others . The y di d no t merel y talk . The y buil t a club that wa s a successfu l mutual-ai d societ y an d a n authenti c nurturin g community i n microcosm . I n doin g thi s o n thei r own , th e boy s cam e to fee l empowere d an d responsible . Th e clu b brough t the m benefit s and desire d "privileges, " an d enable d the m t o develo p an d reinforc e particular sensitivitie s an d talents . The y use d thes e in entertaining an d nurturing othe r younge r boys , an d i n communit y work , an d late r i n pursuing careers . Th e proces s intensifie d a sense of commitment t o the welfare o f others a t the sam e time that i t reinforced th e self-esteem an d ambition o f individuals . The boy s continue d t o carry wha t the y ha d learned—th e combina tion o f individua l aspiratio n an d communit y orientation , a s par t o f their cultura l baggage . A s businessmen , professionals , an d civi l ser vants, these former BBCers , havin g won a fair portio n o f the America n prize, credi t Brownsvill e an d th e BB C fo r thei r directio n an d achieve ment. Mos t stil l fee l a n obligatio n t o "giv e somethin g back. " A grea t many tr y t o sustain communit y i n their post-Brownsvill e location s an d in thei r live s generally . A s earl y a s 194 8 the y ha d founde d a n alumn i association tha t performe d a variety o f communit y services , includin g fund-raising fo r th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b fo r te n year s unti l mos t of the founder s an d framer s ha d remove d fro m Brownsville. 18 I n 196 6 when the y revive d th e alumn i association , th e BBCer s wer e anxious t o do tw o things : t o se e and tal k wit h on e anothe r agai n o n som e regula r basis, an d "t o hel p th e clu b tha t mean t s o much t o us i n our youth." 19 Over 35 0 people, som e fro m a s fa r awa y a s Atlant a an d Lo s Angeles , arrived a t th e Congres s Hote l nea r Kenned y Airpor t fo r a reunion / reorganization meetin g i n March . "I t wa s super, " sai d Georg e Levine , "Just lik e being bac k o n th e corne r o r i n Nann y Goa t Park." 20 Almos t immediately th e alumni , le d b y Jo e Feldman , bega n agai n t o rais e funds fo r th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b an d fo r "worth y communit y projects" elsewhere . I n 196 7 the y contribute d t o th e Annua l BB C Interfaith Holida y Part y an d se t u p a scholarship fun d t o sen d young sters with developmental problem s t o camp. A t the suggestion of Vice-

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Martin Kronenberg being sworn in as president of the BBC Alumni Association in 1956, along with executive officers, Isidore ("Red") Karbel, Joseph ("Yussie") Feldman, and Jacob ("Yankel") Deutch. Judge Nathaniel Kaplan (left) presided over ceremony in the gymnasium of the two-year-old Brownsville Recreation Center. A buffet dinner for over two hundred guests followed. (Courtesy of Martin Kronenberg.) President Si d Siegel , th e alumn i i n 1970 , "adopted " a s it s specia l charity, th e Brookly n Schoo l fo r Specia l Children . Heade d b y Rabb i Morris A . Block , th e schoo l was designe d fo r developmentall y disable d youngsters. B y 1976 , the wive s o f th e forme r B B C e r s ha d forme d th e W o m e n ' s Philanthropi c chapte r o f th e A l u m n i Association , t o d o thei r own fund-raisin g fo r charities , mos t o f them relate d t o disabled children T h e proces s o f receiving and passin g o n ha d alway s been par t o f th e Brownsville B o y s C l u b ethic . Sometime s th e gettin g an d givin g wa s quite direct : Baroff , fo r example , nurture d Kronenberg , Kronenber g helped Kushner ; Diamon d influence d Z e p l i n , an d Z e p l i n aide d Beni tez. Ofte n th e "givin g back" too k th e for m o f workin g fo r th e B B C a s volunteers o r professionals . D o z e n s includin g Sheik y L e n o w i t z , Jo e Feldman, an d L e n n y D r y a n s k y di d i t thi s w a y . Jac k Oventha l serve d for a tim e a s th e playgroun d directo r a t N a n n y G o a t Par k an d w e n t o n 21

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to wor k fo r th e Polic e Athleti c Leagu e unde r th e supervisio n o f ye t another forme r BBCer , Irvin g Forman . It i s no acciden t tha t ultimatel y a significant numbe r o f th e boys — approximately 2 5 percent—chos e th e helpin g professions . Th e BB C youngsters lik e so many colleg e educated, secon d generation Jews wer e culturally predispose d i n thi s direction. 22 The y ha d bee n raise d i n a politically progressiv e Jewish community , i n a context o f Jewish ethi cal teachin g an d behavior , an d the y wer e surrounde d b y institution s for mutual-aid . Thes e boy s wer e virtuall y prime d t o b e attracte d t o social wor k an d teaching . I n th e lat e 1940 s bot h o f thes e career s emphasized a connectio n t o socia l actio n an d socia l change . Thei r intense involvemen t i n th e BB C reflecte d an d reinforce d thi s attrac tion. "Lookin g bac k o n m y experience, " sai d Isidor e ("Red") Karbe l i n 1953, " I no w realiz e ho w greatl y th e Club' s activitie s influence d m y choice o f a career. . . . Working an d playin g togethe r wit h childre n o f varied background s wa s a rich democrati c experience . Th e enjoymen t and interest s I develope d le d m e t o choos e workin g wit h childre n a s my life' s work." 23 Instructing "toug h kids i n art s an d craft s [also ] inspire d [Harol d Radish] to becom e a school teacher" ; an d educato r Si d Gerchick , wh o was swor n i n a s a principa l b y Ab e Star k i n 1966 , name d si x othe r boys on his Brownsville bloc k who ha d becom e principals, superinten dents, o r deputy superintendent s o f schools. Gerchic k i n assessing thi s remarkable outcom e correctl y pointe d t o th e influenc e o f parenta l emphasis o n education , th e Jewish cultura l environmen t an d th e club . Irwin Millma n wh o "gav e back " b y workin g a s a day cam p superviso r at th e BB C i n 195 3 als o wen t o n int o education . H e carrie d th e BB C tradition wit h him . Millma n i s now the Brooklyn Boroug h Superinten dent fo r Afterschoo l Sport s Activity. 24 Those wh o becam e policeme n lik e Mil t Kirschner , Fre d Feit , Le o Yedin, an d Irvin g Forman , als o sa w that choic e a s "givin g back. " Forman, Kirschne r an d Fei t worke d directl y wit h yout h throug h th e Police Department' s Yout h Divisio n an d Juvenil e Ai d Bureau . Th e Brief brother s als o chos e t o ministe r ai d directly , Seymou r a s a socia l worker, an d Nei l a s a Rabbi . Bernar d Berman , th e directo r o f Jewish Family Service s o n State n Islan d i s certai n hi s vocationa l orientatio n came fro m Brownsvill e an d th e BBC , "th e caree r trainin g ground, " a s

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he calle d it , "fo r a n awfu l lo t o f people." 25 Norma n Goroff , professo r of socia l work , an d Irvin g Levine , directo r o f th e America n Jewis h Committee's Institut e fo r America n Pluralism , bot h o f who m live d i n the sam e buildin g o n Christope r Avenu e wit h th e Brie f boys , ar e emphatic abou t th e BBC-socia l wor k connectio n i n their lives . Levin e said directl y tha t hi s experienc e wit h th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b fro m the tim e h e wa s fifteen wa s "preprofessiona l socia l work. " An d h e i s described b y Do c Barof f a s "using i n hi s America n Jewish Committe e work, Boy s Club technique s wit h fanc y names." 26 Technique, o f course , i s only a very smal l par t o f wha t thes e boy s who wen t o n t o b e educator s an d socia l worker s learne d i n Jewis h Brownsville an d i n th e BBC . The y "learned, " a s Lul u Rubenfel d pu t it, "wha t lif e i s al l about—wha t yo u ca n d o fo r othe r people." 27 BBCers who chose the helping professions wer e not th e only one s wh o demonstrated tha t the y ha d learne d thi s lesson . Significan t number s stayed activ e i n philanthropi c endeavors , lodges , loca l civi c associa tions, an d synagogu e work . Severa l lik e Jack Erga s continu e t o volun teer thei r tim e t o coac h recreatio n cente r basketbal l teams . Lenn y ("Bee Bop," for hi s love of jazz) Cohen, wh o is president o f an electron ics corporation whic h serve s the television industry , ha s been officiall y cited, twice , fo r hi s commitmen t t o hirin g handicappe d workers . A l Bart, th e owne r o f a growin g printin g enterprise , als o hire s handi capped an d minorit y workers , "a t ever y opportunity . I t come s fro m my upbringin g i n impoverished Brownsville . Actuall y w e were 'wealthy ' because w e ha d eac h other . I wa s there , I needed , I received . No w I try t o give back." 28 When th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b Alumn i Associatio n i n Octobe r of 1984 , honore d Jaco b ("Doc" ) Baroff , wh o ha d don e s o much o f th e giving i n th e 1940s , h e sai d tha t althoug h h e "neve r sho t on e basket i n the 'promise d land ' o f the ne w building , the journey was worth it. " H e thanked th e assemble d hundred s fo r "takin g the trip" with him . I t wa s a specia l trip . Th e boy s ha d helpe d on e another i n innumerabl e ways . They ha d sustaine d eac h other an d derive d dignit y fro m thei r workin g and playin g together . The y wer e reinforce d i n thei r understandin g o f human interdependence . The y ha d experience d th e jo y o f mutual-ai d and commitmen t t o community . Baroff , eve r th e director , conclude d his tal k b y sayin g tha t th e forme r BBCer s ough t t o wor k har d t o

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Jacob ("Doc") Baroff about to receive a plaque from Joseph ("Yussie") Feldman, naming Baroff the BBC Alumni Association Man of the Year, at Brown's Hotel in the Catskill Mountains of New York, October 1984. (Courtesy of Jacob Baroff.)

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continue t o "sta y togethe r an d t o continu e t o giv e t o charit y an d t o promote socia l welfare . Thi s i s ou r heritage." 29 Th e BB C Alumn i Association betwee n 198 4 an d 198 8 contribute d a n averag e o f $3,00 0 per yea r t o th e Brookly n Schoo l fo r Specia l Children . An d b y 1989 , the forme r BBCer s wer e i n th e proces s o f creatin g a foundatio n tha t would enabl e th e organizatio n t o increas e substantiall y it s charitabl e giving, an d t o fund scholarship s fo r deservin g an d need y youngsters . If on e ha d no t gotte n t o kno w thes e me n an d th e live s the y ha d lived i n Brownsville, on e might b e tempted t o characterize thei r tal k as mere unreflective nostalgia—a n od d mi x o f presen t discontents , yearn ings, an d a sens e o f smal l paradise s lost . Som e writers , i n fact , hav e pointed a n accusin g finger a t urba n America' s nostalgi a fo r th e "ol d ethnic neighborhood. " Sociologis t Geral d Suttles , fo r example , com plains tha t thi s kin d o f longin g fo r " a pas t i n whic h interpersona l relations an d territoria l solidaritie s wer e mor e fixed," blind s peopl e t o present realitie s an d squelche s th e possibilitie s fo r a "creative , demo cratic reconstitution o f the American city." 30 Such complaint s mis s th e positive , creativ e elemen t i n nostalgia . I t need no t b e mer e yearnin g o r reminiscing . Nostalgi a ca n als o b e a n insistence tha t ther e ar e som e thing s abou t th e pas t wort h recoverin g and preserving . W e mus t surel y agre e tha t nostalgi a is a looking back , that i t signal s som e uneasines s abou t th e presen t an d th e future , an d that i t represents a quest fo r continuit y an d relativ e certainty. An d thi s kind o f nostalgi a di d pla y a rol e i n th e renewa l o f interes t i n th e Brownsville Boy s Clu b Alumn i Association . Th e me n were , afte r all , explicit about th e "wish t o perpetuate th e memories of our earlier year s in Brownsville." 31 An d i t wa s significan t tha t th e association , afte r having dissolve d i n th e 1950s , revive d i n th e lat e 1960s . Th e Browns ville "boys " ha d become , b y then , me n i n thei r forties , a significan t transitional phas e i n th e lif e cycle. 32 The y ha d als o experience d som e rude transition s rendere d b y history . Th e widespread , long-term , ra cial upheaval s i n America' s cities , th e confusions , complexities , an d moral challenge s o f th e Vietna m War , an d th e genera l socia l disarra y of th e 1960s , promote d a powerful sens e o f cultura l discontinuit y an d a longing for stability . The Boy s Clu b Alumn i Association , rebor n i n a contex t o f per ceived disorder , wa s i n part , a n exercis e i n nostalgia— a lin k wit h th e

LIVELIHOODS, LONGINGS , AN D LEGACIE S 2 0

3

more stabl e "goo d ol d days. " Dozen s o f men , Jewis h an d i n thei r forties, wh o ha d neve r eve n bee n BBCers , som e neve r eve n resident s of Brownsville , poure d int o th e Alumn i Associatio n lookin g fo r tha t link. Bu t thi s nostalgi a i s no t necessaril y "fals e consciousness. " Kar l Marx, wh o presumabl y first use d tha t term , complained , afte r all , tha t the speed an d powe r wit h whic h th e futur e overtake s u s make s "al l that i s soli d mel t int o air , al l tha t i s hol y . . . profane." 33 Reflectiv e nostalgia, th e attemp t t o assuag e apprehension s abou t wha t i s to com e by retrieving the valu e of what ha s been , ca n ac t a s a temporary "brak e on th e headlon g plung e int o th e future"— a brak e tha t "influence s some individuals an d people s t o look before the y knowingl y leap." 34 When th e BB C me n an d thei r wives—wh o earl y o n becam e a n integral par t of the camaraderie an d interdependence—tal k abou t fam ily, friendship , self-help , a sens e o f mutua l obligation , neighborhood , citizenship, coherence , commitment , loyalty , an d spiritua l rathe r tha n material riches , the y ar e engagin g i n a dialog betwee n thei r perceive d past an d th e perceive d future . The y d o no t i n thi s wa y rejec t th e future; the y tr y t o bring to it some of what the y se e as worth salvagin g from thei r past . Their pas t i n Brownsville had been powerfully influence d b y Jewish religious culture , an d b y "th e secre t treasur e o f famil y an d Jewis h togetherness." N o mor e tha n on e o f thes e boy s chos e th e Orthodox y of their grandparents , an d fe w followe d wit h an y stric t consistency th e already modifie d ritua l observance s o f thei r mother s an d fathers . Bu t virtually al l identified strongl y a s Jews an d continu e t o do so. Rabbi Alte r Landesman , th e foremos t historia n o f Brownsville , concluded tha t onl y a smal l proportio n o f Brownsvill e parent s "wer e able to transmit t o their America n offsprin g a full appreciatio n o f thei r rich Jewish cultura l heritage." 35 N o doubt . Bu t parent s ha d envelope d children i n a Jewish community , a communit y o f yiddishkayt, Jewish self-help institution s an d ethica l obligation—particularl y takhles, tsedaka, and tikn olam. The boy s i n thei r pee r groups , i n th e streets , o n their teams , an d sometime s a t school , di d develo p a camaraderi e an d interdependence separat e fro m th e home . Bu t the y carrie d value s ab sorbed i n th e contex t o f famil y an d Jewish communit y t o thei r game s and club s an d corners . Her e th e Brownsvill e boy s forge d a new American Jewish identity . The y produce d a viable and coheren t synthesi s of

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THE NURTURIN G NEIGHBORHOO D

the Jewish cultur e the y learne d i n th e househol d an d th e cultur e an d mores the y learne d i n America n street s an d institutions . Thi s ne w American Jewish identit y wa s reflected i n the behavio r an d live s of th e boys wh o buil t th e Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b an d fostere d it s socia l welfare activities . I t continues t o be reflected i n the work an d value s of the me n the y became .

APPENDIX A

Interviews Norman Adelma n Al Apte r Mendy Bacal l Sol Bakalchuc k Jacob Barof f Al Bar t David Beha r George Berc h Seymour Berkowit z Bernard Berma n Seymour Berma n Henry Brie f Neil Brie f Seymour Brie f William Brie f Martin Broschowit z Al Cohe n Franklin Cohe n Leonard Cohe n Robert Cohe n Nathan Dass a Jacob Deutc h Leonard Dryansk y Alfred Ecker t

June 18 , 198 9 April 4 , 198 8 March 23,198 8 April 4 , 198 8 July 6 , 198 7 an d Februar y 8 , 198 8 May 14 , 198 8 May 4 , 198 8 February 25 , 198 8 June 14 , 198 8 April 3 , 198 8 May 10 , 198 8 April 4 , 198 8 October 13 , 198 8 March 10 , 198 7 April 18 , 198 8 April 4 , 198 7 October 11 , 198 7 April 1 , 198 8 April 12 , 198 7 April 28 , 198 8 January 6 , 198 7 October 19 , 198 6 and Octobe r 11 , 198 7 August 11 , 198 8 November 20 , 198 7 205

206

Hyman Edelma n Joseph Feldma n Irving Forma n Dudley Gaffi n James Vincen t Genoves e Leonard Gerbe r Sidney Gerchic k Irwin Gladstei n Leon Glovsk y Norman Gorof f Herbert Grosswirt h Isidore Hertzber g Ted Hor n William Hurle y Seymour Janovsk y Bernard Kapla n Isidore Karbe l Reeba Karne y Milton Kirschne r Stanley Kirschne r Martin Kronenber g Lawrence Kushne r Jack Leavit t Gerald Lenowit z Isidore Lesovo y Irving Levenber g George Levin e (b . 1921 ) George Levin e (b . 1929 ) Irving Levin e Morris Levin e Alvin Matsi l Eli Matsi l Irwin Millma n Stanley Moe l Ruby Nudelma n Jack Oventha l Charles Pinchu k

APPENDIX A

May 21 , 198 9 September 22 , 198 6 and Octobe r 11 , 198 7 June 27 , 198 7 June 20 , 198 7 May 21 , 198 9 May 10 , 198 8 February 10 , 198 7 October 18 , 198 6 an d Apri l 10 , 198 7 November 9 , 198 7 July 23 , 198 7 February 10 , 198 7 January 7 , 198 7 October 18 , 198 6 January 27 , 198 8 August 9 , 198 8 February 8 , 198 7 April 28 , 198 8 April 23 , 198 8 March 9 , 198 7 April 3 , 198 8 January 13 , 198 7 an d Octobe r 11 , 198 7 February 7 , 198 7 February 25 , 198 8 April 21 , 198 7 November 4 , 198 6 and Octobe r 11 , 198 7 May 21 , 198 9 October 25 , 198 6 January 24 , 198 8 October 8 , 198 6 and Apri l n , 198 8 June 5 , 198 8 February 11 , 198 7 February 10 , 198 7 February 5 , 198 8 May 21 , 198 9 March 17 , 198 7 April 19 , 198 8 July 7 , 198 7

APPENDIX A

Harold Radis h Jerome Reis s Seymour Ribakowit z Donald Rose n Mel Ros s Abe Rubenfel d Louis Rudowsk y Jesse Sali t Irwin Sandle r Bernard Schare n Seymour Schlosber g George Schmare n Jack Schmare n Stanley Shapir o Sidney Siege l Irving Sikor a Sam Simo n Seymour Smoli n John Snype s A r t h u r Spette r Max Stavitsk y Irwin Steltze r Bernard Stuffe r H e r m a n Thale n Charles Treste r Edward Werbe l Morton Werbe l Benjamin Wernikof f Al Yarinsk y Leo Yedi n Abe Zaslofsk y Leonard Zepli n

207

March 12 , 198 7 August 24 , 198 8 January 5 , 198 7 April 23 , 198 8 May 3 , 198 7 January 12 , 198 7 January 6 , 198 7 July 7 , 198 7 April 8 , 198 7 October 12 , 198 7 April 3 , 198 8 October 18 , 198 6 an d Octobe r 11 , 198 7 October 12 , 198 7 February 18 , 198 9 September 22 , 198 6 February 14 , 198 8 May 18 , 198 8 March 16 , 198 7 April 7 , 198 8 January 5 , 198 7 October n , 198 7 May 21 , 198 9 May 11 , 198 8 January 10 , 198 8 May 4 , 198 8 May 23 , 198 8 March 13 , 198 8 May 7 , 198 7 April 11 , 198 7 May 7 , 198 7 April 4 , 198 7 October 8 , 198 7

APPENDIX B

Sluestionnaires More than tw o hundred me n returne d questionnaire s whic h containe d useful biographica l informatio n an d relevan t fact s abou t th e social , economic, an d physica l condition s o f 1930 s an d 1940 s Brownsville . Those listed belo w were somewhat mor e expansive and their response s contained unusuall y interestin g o r pertinent material . Sol Altma n David Beha r George Benite z Neil Brie f Martin Broshowit z Murray Cutle r Nathan Dass a Ralph Delitsk y Sam Gelle r Herbert Grosswirt h Harold Hershenso n Ted Hor n Milton Kap p Milton Kirschne r

209

Fred Levenber g Carl Londo n Alvin Matsi l Eli Matsi l Harold Radis h Abe Rubenfel d Edward Sander s Stanley Shapir o Irving Sikor a Sol Silverber g Charles Treste r Morton Werbe l Ben Wernikof f Leonard Zepli n

%otes Prologue 1. Man y member s o f th e alumn i associatio n i n additio n t o meetin g a t th e reunions an d breakfast s se e each othe r sociall y a s individual s an d a s member s of thei r forme r street-corne r club s o n a regula r basis . Th e alumn i wil l b e discussed primaril y i n the later section s of the book . 2. Th e clu b was interethni c an d interracial ; the foundin g generation , how ever, wa s entirel y Jewish . An d th e membershi p continue d t o b e 9 0 t o 9 5 percent Jewish unti l th e postwar era . Se e chaps. 4 and 5 for mor e on this . 3. Juvenile delinquenc y i s a complex social , personal , an d ideologica l prob lem, har d t o define , har d t o measure , har d t o analyze . I hav e don e som e defining an d analyzing , bu t no t a great deal ; that i s not the primary purpos e of the study . Whereve r I hav e tangle d wit h juvenil e delinquenc y i n th e work , particularly i n regar d t o publi c perceptions , I have made us e o f som e o f th e available statistics , bu t onl y i n combinatio n wit h othe r persuasive , eve n i f impressionistic evidence, an d i n combination with , I hope, common sense . 4. Rober t E . Par k an d Herber t Miller , Old World Traits Transplanted (1921; reprint, Ne w York : Arno , 1969) ; Robert E . Park , "Huma n Migratio n an d th e Marginal Man, " American Journal of Sociology 23 , no . 3 (May 1928) : 881-93 ; Louis Wirth, The Ghetto (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1928) ; William I. Thoma s an d Floria n Znaniecki , The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, 4 vols. (Boston : Richar d G . Badger , Gorha m Press , 1918-20) ; Lloy d Warne r and Le o Srole , The Social Systems of American Ethnic Groups (New Haven : Yal e University Press , 1945) . For ver y recen t work s that grapple with definition s o f ethnicity an d prognostication s abou t it s socia l "usefulness " an d resilience , se e Alan Kraut, "M y Daughte r Tell s Me You're Ethnic," Journal of American Ethnic History 7, no . 1 (Fal l 1987) : 74-82. 5. Milto n Gordon , Assimilation in American Life: The Role of Race, Religion, and National Origins (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1964) ; Rudolp h J . Vecoli, u Contadini in Chicago: A Critiqu e o f The Uprooted," Journal of American History 51, no. 3 (December 1964) : 404-17. Vecol i initiated a critical onslaugh t 211

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i. BROOKLYN' S "LOWE R E A S T S I D E "

of Oscar' s Handlin' s beautifull y writte n bu t seriousl y flawed stud y o f immi grant life , The Uprooted: The Epic Story of the Great Migration That Made the American People (Boston : Little , Brown , 1952) . Handlin , mos t historian s no w agree, place d fa r to o much emphasi s o n disorganizatio n an d discontinuit y i n immigrant life . B y 198 5 John Bodna r ha d develope d a ver y differen t se t of conclusions fro m Handlin's , henc e hi s title The Transplanted. Se e n. 7 below. Deborah Das h Moore , At Home in America: Second Generation Jews in New York (New York : Columbi a Universit y Press , 1981 ) persuasivel y challenge d th e earlier notio n o f dissolutio n o f ethnicit y fro m generatio n t o generation , an d made a strong case for the idea of the reformulation o f ethnic identity . 6. Rudolp h J . Vecoli , "Ethnicity : A Neglecte d Dimensio n o f America n History," i n The State of American History, ed . Herber t J . Bas s (Chicago : Quadrangle, 1970) , 70-88 ; "The Reemergence o f American Immigratio n His tory," American Studies International 17 , no . 2 (Winte r 1979) : 46-66 ; "Th e Search fo r a n Italia n America n Identity : Continuit y an d Change, " i n ItalianAmericans: New Perspectives in Italian Immigration and Ethnicity, ed. Lydio Tomas i (New York : Cente r fo r Migratio n Studies , 1985) , 88-112 ; Josef Barton , Peasants and Strangers: Italians, Rumanians and Slovaks in an American City, 18901950 (Cambridge: Harvar d Universit y Press , 1975) ; Michae l Kami , For the Common Good: Finnish Immigrants and the Radical Response to Industrial America (Superior, Wis. : Tyomie s Society , 1977) ; John Bodnar , Lives of Their Own: Blacks, Italians and Poles in Pittsburgh, 1900-1960 (Urbana : Universit y o f Illinoi s Press, 1982) ; Geral d Sorin , The Prophetic Minority: American Jewish Immigrant Radicals, 1880-1920 (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1985) . Muc h o f the wor k o f John Higha m challenge s th e importanc e assigne d t o th e rol e o f culture in immigrant life . Fo r an introduction t o his work see "Current Trend s in the Study o f Ethnicity i n the United States, " Journal of American History 69, no. 2 (Fall 1982) : 5-15 .

7. John Bodnar , The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington: Indian a Universit y Press , 1985) , 21 0 and xx , 54-55 , 120-38 , 184-209; see also Richar d Hamilton , Class and Politics in the United States (New York: John Wile y an d Sons , 1972) , whic h argue s tha t "Ther e ar e distinctiv e patterns of training that ar e independent o f class and that are shared acros s the class lines, but within the major socio-religiou s communities" (406). 8. Kar l Mar x himsel f lef t th e definition o f social classe s ope n i n his unfin ished chapte r i n Das Kapital. For recent work s whic h trea t clas s not as a mer e collection o f attribute s bu t a s a historica l force , i.e. , a socia l proces s tha t evolves over time, se e E. P. Thompson, "Eighteenth-Centur y Englis h Society : Class Struggl e Withou t Class, " Social History 3 (May 1978) : 146-50 ; Edwar d Pessen, "Socia l Structur e an d Politic s i n America n History " [wit h rejoinde r by Michae l B . Kat z an d Rober t H . Wiebe] , American Historical Review 8 7 (December 1982) : 1290-341. 1. Brooklyn's "Lower East Side" 1. Willia m Poster , " 'Twas a Dark Nigh t i n Brownsville : Pitki n Avenue' s Self-Made Generation, " Commentary 9 (May 1950): 458-67. 2. Alte r Landesman , " A Neighborhood Surve y o f Brownsville" typescript ,

i . B R O O K L Y N ' S " L O W E R E A S T S I D E " 21

3

1927, Jewis h Division , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library ; Brownsville: The Birth, Development and Passing of a Jewish Community in New York (New York : Bloc h Publishing, 1971) , 50-56 . 3. Debora h Das h Moore , At Home in America (Ne w York : Columbi a University Press , 1981) , 20-23 . 4. Ralp h Foster Weld, Brooklyn Is America (New York : Columbia Universit y Press, 1950) , 110-11 ; Morris Horowit z an d L . J. Kaplan , The Jewish Population of the New York Area, 1900-1975 (New York : Federatio n o f Philanthropies , 1959), 22 , 49, 78 ; Florence Adamson ; A Study of the Recreational Facilities of the Brownsville Section of Brooklyn (Brooklyn : Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Council , 1940,45. Poster, " 'Twa s a Dark Nigh t i n Brownsville," 460. 6. Alfre d Kazin , A Walker in the City (Ne w York : Harcourt , Brace , 1951) , 11—12.

7. Herbert J. Ballon , "Brookly n Neighborhoods: A Basis for Neighborhoo d Studies an d a District Pla n fo r a Neighborhood Counci l Progra m i n Brooklyn, " manuscript, Jun e 1941 , Brooklyn Collection , Brookly n Publi c Library , Mai n Branch. 8. Loui s Wirth , " A Bibliograph y o f th e Urba n Community, " The City, ed . Robert E . Par k an d Ernes t W . Burges s (1925 ; reprint, Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press, 1967) , 190 . 9. Landesman , Brownsville, 375 10. Arthur Spetter , intervie w wit h author , January 5 , 1987 ; Nathan Dassa , interview wit h author , January 6 , 1987 . 11. Marti n Kronenberg , interview s wit h author , Januar y 13 , 198 7 an d October 12 , 1987 ; Norman Goroff , intervie w wit h author , July 23 , 1987 . 12. Gerald Lenowitz , intervie w wit h author , Apri l 21 , 1987. 13. Geral d Green , "Brownsville, " New York 20, no . 5 0 (December 21-28 , 1987): 102-3 .

14. Brooklyn Eagle, March 30 , 1949 . 15. Adamson, A Study of the Recreational Facilities of the Brownsville Section, 9 ; Horowitz an d Kaplan , The Jewish Population, 49 . 16. Moore , At Home in America, 31-33 ; Netti e P . McGil l an d Elle n N . Matthews, The Youth of New York (Ne w York : Macmillan , 1940) , appendix , table 3. 17. Landesman, " A Neighborhoo d Survey, " 5-9 . 18. Isidor e Karbel , intervie w wit h author , Apri l 28 , 1988 . 19. Arthu r Granit , I Am from Brownsville (New York : Philosophica l Library , 1985), 205 .

20. Leonar d Dryansky , intervie w wit h autho r Augus t 11 , 1988. 21. Adamson , A Study of Recreational Facilities, 31; Landesman, " A Neigh borhood Survey, " 9. 22. Bernar d Berman , intervie w wit h author , Apri l 3 , 1988 . 23. Larr y Kushner , intervie w wit h author , Februar y 7 , 1987 . 24. McGil l an d Matthews , The Youth of New York, 343. 25. James Vincen t Genovese , intervie w wit h author , Ma y 21 , 1989. 26. Poster , " 'Twa s a Dark Nigh t i n Brownsville," 461. 27. Adamson , Recreational Facilities, 10, 25-28 ; Moore, At Home in America,

95-103.

214 *

• BROOKLYN' S "LOWE R EAS T SIDE "

28. Landesman , " A Neighborhoo d Survey, " 4. 29. Moore , At Home in America, 22. 30. McGill an d Matthews . The Youth of New York, appendix, tabl e 6. 31. Kazin , A Walker in the City, 38-39 . 32. Netti e McGill , "Som e Characteristic s o f Jewish Yout h i n Ne w Yor k City," Jewish Social Service Quarterly ^(December 1937) : 255. 33. Margare t B . Freeman , The Brownsville Public Library: Its Origin and Development (New York : Brooklyn Publi c Library, 1940) . 34. Natha n Glazer , "Th e America n Je w an d th e Attainmen t o f Middle Class Rank, " i n The Jews: Social Patterns of an American Group, ed. Marshal l Sklare (Glencoe, 111. : Free Press, 1958) , 142-44 . 35. Irving Howe, World of Our Fathers(New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976), 310 .

36. Jacob Deutch, interview with author, October 19 , 1986; Milton Kirschner , interview wit h autho r Marc h 9 , 1987 ; Rub y Nudelman , intervie w wit h au thor, Marc h 17 , 1987 . 37. Adamson, A Study of Recreational Facilities, 4 . 38. Brooklyn Eagle. Innumerabl e issue s o f thi s dail y paper , beginnin g a s early a s Augus t 1 , 1920 , carrie d storie s an d report s o n Brownsville , an d o n housing problem s i n tha t section , righ t u p unti l th e foldin g o f th e Eagle in 1955. 39. Milton Goell, Brownsville Must Have Public Housing (Brooklyn: Brownsvill e Neighborhood Council , 1940) , 5-14 . 40. Communit y Counci l o f Greate r Ne w York : Burea u o f Communit y Statistical Services, Brooklyn Communities: Population Characteristics and Neighborhood Social Resources, vol . 1 (New York : Community Council , 1959) , 164 ; New Yor k City Yout h Board , "Brownsvill e Yout h Boar d Are a Report " typescript , 1954 , Brooklyn Collection , Brookly n Publi c Library, 1 . 41. Jacob Baroff, Intervie w wit h author , July 6 , 1987 . 42. "Brownsvill e Youth Boar d Are a Report, " 1 . 43. Brooklyn Eagle, February 9 , 1945 . 44. Goell , Brownsville Must Have Public Housing, 0-23 . 45. Ne w Yor k Cit y Boar d o f Health , "Statistic s o n Infan t an d Materna l Mortality, 1939, " cite d i n Adamson , 15 ; Brooklyn Eagle, Februar y 3 , 1942 ; Milton Goell , Better Health for Brownsville (Brooklyn: Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Council, 1942) . 46. Goell , Brownsville Must Have Public Housing, 21, 24-25. 47. New York Times, February 4 , 1940 . 48. Brooklyn Eagle, May 14 , 1940 . 49. Granit , / Am from Brownsville, 9. 50. Ronal d Ba y or, Neighbors in Conflict: The Irish, Germans, Jews and Italians of New York City, 1929-1941 (Baltimore: John s Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1978), 41-45; For underworl d figures' desir e t o attai n socia l advancemen t an d prestige se e Danie l Bell , "Crim e a s an America n Wa y o f Life, " Antioch Review (June 1953) : 131-54 . 51. Jenna Joselit, Our Gang: Jewish Crime and the New York Jewish Community, 1900-1940 (Bloomington: Indian a Universit y Press , 1983) , 106-39 ; David Singer , "The Jewis h Gangster : Crim e a s 'Unze r Shtik, ' "Judaism 23 , no . 1 (Winter 1974): 70-77.

i . B R O O K L Y N ' S " L O W E R E A S T S I D E " 21

5

52. Ellio t Willensky , When Brooklyn Was the World, 1920-1957 (Ne w York : Harmony Books , 1986) , 166 . 53. Ibid . 54. New York Times, February 3 , 1940 . 55. Willensky , When Brooklyn Was the World, 167. 56. Samm y Aaronson , As High as My Heart (New York : 1959) , 42-43. 57. Joselit, Our Gang, 150-52. 58. Ibid , 166-67 . 59. Ibid . 60. Cite d i n Joselit, Our Gang, 166. 61. Fro m 194 0 on, leader s an d organization s wer e caugh t u p i n th e convo lutions o f tryin g t o ge t thei r fai r shar e o f service s an d protectio n a t th e sam e time tha t the y wer e tryin g t o defen d th e nam e o f thei r communit y an d it s residents. Se e Brooklyn Eagle, February 11 , 1940, May 25 , 1942 ; David Suher , Brownsville Neighborhood Council (New York : New Yor k Schoo l of Social Work , 1948); New York Times, December 28 , 1944 , an d furthe r discussio n o f thi s i n chaps. 3 , 5, and 6 . 62. Sophi a Robison , "Delinquenc y Amon g Jewish Childre n i n Ne w Yor k City," i n The Jews: Social Patterns of an American Group, ed. Marshal l Sklar e (Glencoe, 111. : Free Press, 1957) , 535-41; Landesman, Brownsville, 324-28. Fo r statistical informatio n se e Irvin g W . Halpern , e t al. , A Statistical Study of the Distribution of Adult and Juvenile Delinquents in the Boroughs of Manhattan and Brooklyn, New York City (Ne w York : Ne w Yor k Housin g Authority , 1939) ; "Children's Divisio n o f th e Court : Statistic s fo r 1940 , Ne w York, " cite d i n Adamson, A Study of Recreational Facilities, 23 . 63. Herber t Bloc h and Arthu r Niederhoffer , The Gang: A Study in Adolescent Behavior (New York : Philosophical Library , 1958) , 107 . 64. Joselit, Our Gang, 162-70. 65. Halpern , A Statistical Study, 159 ; an d Landesman , " A Neighborhoo d Survey," 1 3 66. Aaronson , As High as My Heart, 43. 67. Brownsville Boys Club News, 7 , no . 6 (Jul y 28 , 1947 ) (hereafte r BBC News). 68. Jaco b Baroff , intervie w wit h author , Jul y 6 , 1987 ; Jess e Sali t an d Charles Pinchuk , intervie w wit h author , July 7 , 1987 . 69. Be n Wernikoff, intervie w wit h author , Ma y 7 , 1987 . 70. Norma n Podhoretz , Making It, (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1967), 7,51. 71. Danie l Bell , "Crime As an American Wa y o f Life." op. cit . 72. Joseph Epstein , "Browsin g i n Gangland, " Commentary (Januar y 1972) ; 46-55. 73. Rober t Warshow , "Th e Gangste r a s Tragi c Hero, " i n The Immediate Experience, ed. Rober t Warsho w (Garde n City : Atheneu m Press , 1962) , 127-33.

74. Aaronson, As High as My Heart, 12 . 75. Jacob Baroff, intervie w wit h author , July 6 , 1987 . 76. Davi d Dortort , Burial of the Fruit (Ne w York : Crown Publishers , 1947) . 77. Arthu r Granit , The Time of the Peaches (Ne w York : Abelard-Schuman , 1959)-

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. FOUNDERS , FRAMERS , AN D TH E FORMATIV E YEAR S

78. Irvin g Shulman . The Amboy Dukes (New York : Doubleday , 1947) . 79. New York Times Book Review, April 13 , 1947 , 5. 80. Alfre d Kazin , "M y Ne w Yorks, " New York Times Book Review, Augus t 26, 1986 , 29-30. 81. Brooklyn Eagle, Apri l 29 , 1937 ; Novembe r 17 , 1940 ; Novembe r 18 , 1940; March 14 , 1941. 82. Davi d Suher , Brownsville Neighborhood Council, 30 ; Brooklyn Eagle, January 7, I94 1 83. Brooklyn Eagle, March 19 , 1941. 84. O n Brownsville' s liberalis m se e Landesman, Brownsville, 103-45 ; Moore, At Home in America, 203-8; and Irvin g Howe , World of Our Fathers (New York : Harcourt, Brace , Jovanovitch , 1976) , 318 . Als o Bayor' s Neighbors in Conflict, throughout, demonstrate s disproportionat e libera l t o radica l votin g trends , 1930-40, amon g Jews i n Ne w Yor k Cit y generally . Fo r progressiv e perspec tives o n delinquency , se e report s i n th e Brooklyn Eagle, December 10 , 1940 ; January 7 , 1941 ; February 9 , 1945 ; and Apri l 21 , 1946. 85. Adamson , A Study of Recreational Facilities, 48 . 86. Brooklyn Eagle, April 29 , 1937 ; May 14 , 1940 . 87. Brooklyn Eagle, February n , 1940 ; December 10 , 1940 ; January 7 , 1941; March n , 1941 . Brooklyn Eagle "Series o n Juvenil e Delinquency, " fifty-two installments fro m Septembe r 194 3 to Septembe r 1944 ; Brooklyn Eagle, January 4, 1949 ; Februar y 9 , 1945 ; " A Post-Wa r Pla n fo r Brownsville, " progra m leaflet, Februar y 8 , 1945 ; Brookly n Counci l fo r Socia l Planning , "Repor t o f Youth Activitie s Project, " Apri l 1946 . 88. Adamson , A Study of Recreational Facilities, 2; Landesman, Brownsville, 205-6; Brooklyn Eagle, newsclipping, n.d . 2. Founders, Framers, and the Formative Years 1. Alfred Kazin , Walker in the City (New York: Harcourt Brace , 1951) , 84 2. Ne w Yor k Cit y Yout h Board , "Brownsvill e Yout h Boar d Are a Report, " typescript, 1954 , Brooklyn Collectio n Brookly n Publi c Library, Mai n Branch . 3. Ibid ; an d Florenc e Adamson , A Study of the Recreational Facilities of the Brownsville Section of Brooklyn (Brooklyn: Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Council , 1941), 31 .

4. Brooklyn Eagle, April 30 , 1935 . 5. Car y Goodman , Choosing Sides (Ne w York : Schocke n Books , 1979) , 3 . This boo k contain s som e interestin g material , bu t th e single-minde d ideologi cal attemp t b y th e autho r t o prov e tha t pla y an d spor t wer e "colonized, " i.e. , that th e "recreation " movemen t transforme d a n "autonomou s cultura l activit y of worker s [into ] a mechanis m fo r th e efficien t transmissio n o f capitalis t val ues," is so heavy handed tha t the volume crumbles unde r it s weight. Goodma n overstates th e class-consciousnes s o f working-clas s boy s an d fail s t o se e thei r resilience, an d thei r resistanc e to manipulation b y "reformers. " 6. Ab e Rubenfeld , intervie w wit h author , Januar y 12 , 1987 ; Si d Siegel , interview wit h author , Septembe r 22 , 1986 ; Mil t Kirschner , intervie w wit h author, Marc h 9, 1987 .

2 . FOUNDERS , FRAMERS , AN D TH E FORMATIV E YEAR S 2 1

7

7. Willia m Poster , " 'Twa s a Dar k Nigh t i n Brownsville : Pitki n Avenue' s Self-Made Generation, " Commentary 9 (May 1950) : 459. 8. Gerald Lenowitz , Apri l 21 , 1987. 9. Ma x Zaslofsk y i n Echoes from the School, Yard Comp. Ann e Byrn e Hoffma n (New York : Hawthor n Books , 1977) , 9. 10. Mendy Bacall , intervie w wit h author , Marc h 23 , 1988. 11. Charle s Trester , lette r t o author, 1987 . 12. Hoffman, Echoes, 9 . 13. Selm a Berrol , "Immigrant s a t School : Ne w Yor k City , 1898-1914, " (Ph.D. diss. , Cit y Universit y o f Ne w York , 1967) , 124 ; Adamson, A Study of Recreational Facilities, 28 . 14. Alte r Landesman , " A Neighborhoo d Surve y o f Brownsville, " type script, 1927 , Jewish Division , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library , 13 . 15. Adamson, A Study of Recreational Facilities, 41-42 . 16. Jewish Welfar e Board , A Study of the Jewish Community of Brooklyn for the YMHA of Brooklyn (New York : Jewish Welfar e Board , 1935) . 17. Brooklyn Eagle, March 2 , 1935 . 18. Adamson, A Study of Recreational Facilities, 50 . 19. Brooklyn Eagle, March 8 , 1935 . 20. Adamson , A Study of Recreational Facilities, 51 . 21. Ibid . 22. Georg e Levine , intervie w wit h author , Ma y 23 , 1987. 23. Milto n Kirschner , lette r t o author, 1987 . 24. Irvin g Levine , intervie w wit h author , Octobe r 8 , 1986 . 25. WINS , radi o broadcast transcript , Augus t 11 , 1945. 26. "Petition, " n.d., BB C Files 27. Jacob Baroff , intervie w wit h author , July 6 , 1987 . 28. Isidor e Lesovoy , intervie w wit h author , Novembe r 4 , 1986 ; WINS , radio broadcast transcript , Augus t 11 , 1945. 29. Jacob Baroff, intervie w wit h autho r July 6 , 1987 . 30. Margaret Freeman, The Brownsville Public Library: Its Origin and Development (New York : Brookly n Publi c Library , 1940) ; Adamson, A Study of Recreational Facilities, 30 . 31. Jaco b Baroff , intervie w wit h author , Jul y 6 , 1987 ; Irvin g Levine , interview wit h author , Octobe r 8 , 1986 ; Irving Levenberg, Ma y 21 , 1989. 32. Arthu r Granit , I Am from Brownsville (New York : Philosophica l Library , 1985), 222 .

33. Alfre d Kazin , Walker in the City, 87 , 91. 34. Freeman, The Brownsville Public Library, 104 . 35. Minute s o f Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b weekl y meetings , Ma y 24 , 194 0 t o December 19 , 194 1 (hereafter BB C meetings); Norman Goroff , "Th e Browns ville Boy s Club, " typescript , 1947 , 6 ; Adamson, A Study of Recreational Facilities,^. 36. Willia m H . Whyte , Street Corner Society, (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1981) , 247-249 . 37. Ibid. , 256 . 38. Herber t J . Gans , The Urban Villagers: Group and Class Life of Italian Americans (New York : Free Press, 1962) , 198 , 37, 30.

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. FOUNDERS , FRAMERS , AN D TH E FORMATIV E YEAR S

39. Minutes of BBC weekly meetings, May 24 , 194 0 to December 19 , 1941; dues records, March 1940 . 40. Joseph Feldman, interview with author, Septembe r 22 , 1986 ; Sol Altman, letter t o author, 1986 . 41. Jacob Baroff, intervie w wit h author , July 6 , 1987 . 42. Ibid. , July 6 , 198 7 and Februar y 8 , 1988 . 43. Ibid . 44. WINS , radi o broadcast transcript , Augus t 11 , 1945. 45. Minute s of BBC weekly meetings , Octobe r 194 0 to November 1941 . 46. Ibid. , January 9 , 194 2 to March 13 , 1942. 47. New York World Telegram and Sun, Septembe r 22 , 1951. 48. WINS , radi o broadcast transcript, Augus t 11 , 1945. 49. Seymou r Brief > intervie w wit h author , Marc h 10 , 1987 ; Jacob Baroff , interview wit h author , July 6 , 1987 . 50. Norma n Goroff , intervie w wit h author , July 23 , 1987. 51. Eddi e Cantor , My Life is in Your Hands (New York : Curti s Publishing , 1928), 30-34 . 52. Her b Grosswirth , lette r t o author , 1987 ; Jacob Baroff , intervie w wit h author, July 6 , 1987 . 53. Goroff , "Th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club," 5. 54. Georg e Levine , lette r t o author , 1987 ; Abe Rubenfeld , intervie w wit h author, January 12 , 1987 . 55. WINS, radi o broadcast transcript, Augus t 11 , 1945. 56. Joseph Feldman , intervie w wit h author , Septembe r 22 , 1986 . 57. Jacob Baroff, intervie w with author, July 6 , 198 7 and February 8 , 1988 . 58. Da n Dodson , "Frederic k Thrasher , 1892-1962, " American Journal of Sociology 2 7 no. 4 (August 1962) : 580-81. 59. Frederic k Thrasher , lette r t o Brownsvill e Boy s Club , Novembe r 13 , 1941; minutes of BBC weekly meeting , Novembe r 20 , 1941. 60. Jacob Baroff, lette r t o "Ma, P a and Miriam, " May 8 , 1945 . 61. Jacob Baroff, intervie w wit h author , July 6 , 1987 . 62. Norma n Goroff , intervie w wit h author , July 23 , 1987. 63. Aurora (Brooklyn: Thomas Jefferson Hig h School , January 1943) . 64. Debora h Das h Moore , At Home in America (Ne w York : Columbi a University Press , 1981 ) 20-23 ; Alte r Landesman , Brownsville: The Birth, Development and Passing of a Jewish Community (New York : Bloc h Publishing , 1971)103-45. 65. New York Times, November 13 , 1941; November 11 , 1943 ; Novembe r 7» J 94766. Norma n Goroff , intervie w wit h author , July 23 , 1987. 67. Alfre d Kazin , Walker in the City, 78 . 68. Norma n Goroff , "Th e Authenti c Community, " typescript , n.d. , 5 . 69. Natha n Glazer , The Social Bases of American Communism, 130-68 ; Ro y Lubove, The Professional Altruist: The Emergence of Social Work as a Career, 1880ipjo (Cambridge : Cambridge Universit y Press , 1965) . 70. Stat e of Maine, Senate , H.R.: SP768 , January 27 , 1986 . 71. Norma n Goroff , lette r to Joseph Feldman , Novembe r 15 , 1987. 72. Joseph Feldman , intervie w wit h author , Septembe r 22 , 1986 .

3- CORNE R KID S AN D CULTURA L CORNERSTONE S 2 1

9

73. Jacob Deutch , intervie w wit h author , Octobe r 19 , 1986 . 74. Aurora, June 1942 . 75. Isidor e Lesovoy , interview s wit h autho r Novembe r 4 , 198 6 and Octobe r 11,1987.

76. Werne r J. Cahnman , "Attitude s o f Minorit y Youth : A Methodologica l Introduction [investigatio n int o th e cultura l interest s o f Jewis h an d Negr o youth i n th e Brownsvill e Distric t o f Brooklyn], " American Sociological Review, 14 (August 1949) : 543-48. 77. Georg e Schmaren , interview s wit h autho r Octobe r 18 , 198 6 and Octobe r 11,1987.

78. Gerald Green , The Last Angry Man (New York : Charles Scribner' s Sons , !956)>4579. George Schmaren, interview s with author, Octobe r 18 , 198 6 and Octobe r 11,1987.

80. Josep h Adelson , "Th e Developmen t o f Ideolog y i n Adolescence, " i n Adolescence in the Life Cycle, ed. S . E . Dragasto n an d G . H . Elde r (Ne w York : John Wiley , 1975) , 71 ; and "Th e Politica l Imaginatio n o f th e Youn g Adoles cent," Daedelus 100(1971) : 1013-50 .

3. Corner Kids and Cultural Cornerstones 1. Willia m Poster , " 'Twa s a Dar k Nigh t i n Brownsville, " Commentary 9, no. 5 (May 1950) : 461. 2. Georg e Berch , intervie w wit h author , Februar y 25 , 1987 ; Seymou r Smolin, intervie w wit h author , Marc h 16 , 1987 ; Leonar d Gerber , intervie w with author , Ma y 10 , 1988 . 3. Willia m Brief , intervie w wit h author , Ma y 15 , 1988 ; Isidor e Karbel , interview wit h author , Apri l 28 , 1988 . 4. Alfre d Kazin , Walker in the City (New York : Harcour t Brace , 1951) , 45. 5. Norma n Podhoretz , Making It (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1967), 20-30 .

6. Arthu r Granit , The Time of the Peaches (Ne w York : Abelard-Schuman ,

1959), 10 .

7. Arthur Granit , I Am from Brownsville (New York : Philosophical Library , 1985), 83-84 . 8. Gilber t Sorrentino , "N o Radica l Chi c i n Brooklyn, " New York Times, January 16 , 1971. 9. Herber t Gutman , The Black Family in Slavery and Freedom, (Ne w York : Pantheon Books , 1976) , 461-519. 10. Moses Kligsberg , "Jewis h Immigrant s i n Business: A Sociologica l Study, " in The Jewish Experience in America, ed . Abraha m Karp , vol . 5 (Ne w York : KTAV, 1969) , 240-84 . 11. Jacob Baroff, intervie w wit h author , July 6 , 1987 . 12. Quote d i n Thoma s Kessner , The Golden Door: Italian and Jewish Immigrant Mobility in New York City, 1880-1915 (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1977) , 97.

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13. Samue l Tenenbaum , "Brownsville' s Ag e of Learning : Whe n th e Librar y Stayed Ope n Al l Week," Commentary 6, no . 8 (August 1947) : 174. 14. Herbert Grosswirth , intervie w wit h author, Februar y 10 , 1987 ; George Berch, intervie w wit h author , Februar y 25 , 1987. 15. Kazin , Walker in the City, 2 1. 16. Netti e McGil l an d Elle n N . Matthews , The Youth of New York (Ne w York: Macmillan , 1940) , 344 ; Forty-Fifth Annual Report of The Superintendent of Schools (Brooklyn : Boar d o f Education , 1942-43) , 47-56 ; Forty-Seventh Annual Report of the Superintendent of Schools (Brooklyn: Boar d o f Education, 1944-45) . 17. Debora h Das h Moore , At Home in America: Second-Generation New York Jews (New York : Columbia Universit y Press , 1981) , 95-96, 103 . 18. Poster, " 'Twa s a Dark Night, " 463. 19. Netti e McGill , "Som e Characteristic s o f Jewish Yout h i n Ne w Yor k City," Jewish Social Service Quarterly 14 (December 1937) : 252-72. 20. Morri s Levine , intervie w wit h author , June 5 , 1988 . 21. Debora h Das h Moore , At Home in America, 102-3 ; Theodore Saloutos , "Exodus USA, " i n Trek of the Immigrant, ed . O . F . Ande r (Roc k Island , 111.: Augustan Colleg e Library , 1964) , 190-201 ; Masakaz u Iwata , "Th e Japanes e Immigrants i n Californi a Agriculture, " Agricultural History 36, no . 1 (January 1962): 25-37; Colin Greer , The Great School Legend: A Revisionist Interpretation of American Public Education (New York : Basic Books, 1972) , chap. 5 . 22. Thoma s Kessner , The Golden Door, 98; Fre d L . Strodtbeck , "Famil y Interaction, Value s an d Achievement, " i n Talent and Society ed . Davi d McClelland, Alfre d Baldwin , Uri e Bronfenbrenner , an d Fre d Strodtbec k (Princeton: D . Va n Nostrand , 1958) , 135-94 ; Natha n Hurvitz , "Source s o f Motivation an d Achievemen t o f America n Jews," Jewish Social Studies 23, no. 4 (Fall 1961) : 217-34 .

23. Luc y Dawidowicz , The Golden Tradition: Jewish Life and Thought in Eastern Europe (Boston: Beaco n Press , 1967) , 28-30 . 24. Leonard Covello , "The Socia l Background o f the Italo-American Schoo l Child," (Ph.D . Diss. , Ne w Yor k University , 1944) , 467-537 ; R . F . Foerster , The Italian Immigration of Our Times (Cambridge: Harvar d Universit y Press , 1919); Joseph Lopreato , Peasants No More (Scranton, Pa. : Chandler Publishing , 1967); Richar d Gambino , Blood of My Blood: The Dilemma of Italian Americans (Garden City , N.Y. : Doubleday , 1974) , 233-35 , 247. 25. Leonar d Covello , "Socia l Background, " 603. 26. Thoma s Kessner , The Golden Door, 28-30; C. Bezale l Sherman , "Immi gration an d Emigration : Th e Jewish Case, " in The Jew in American Society, ed. Marshall Sklar e (Ne w York : Behrma n House , 1974) ; Miriam Cohen , "Chang ing Educational Strategie s Amon g Immigran t Generations : Ne w Yor k Italian s in Comparativ e Perspective, " Journal of Social History 11 , no. 2 (Spring 1982) : 443-66; Richar d A . Varbero , "Philadelphia' s Sout h Italian s i n th e 1920's, " in The Peoples of Philadelphia: A History of Ethnic and Lower Class Life, 1790-1940, ed. Alle n F . Davi s an d Mar k H . Halle r (Philadelphia : Templ e Universit y Press, 1973) , 255-75. 27. Leonar d Covello , "Socia l Background, " 467, 500-537 . 28. Herber t J. Gans , The Urban Villagers: Group and Class in the Life of Italian Americans (New York : Fre e Press , 1962) , 132-33 , 139 . Although Gan s foun d a

3- CORNE R KID S AN D CULTURA L CORNERSTONE S 2

21

value syste m an d a "clearly identifiabl e socia l structur e tha t ha s change d ver y little i n th e passag e o f time an d plac e from Ital y t o America, " h e believe d thi s persistence t o b e a resul t o f "working-clas s structure, " rathe r tha n "ethni c culture." Gans i s not entirel y persuasive , partl y becaus e of his insistence on a n either/or conclusion . 29. Jonatha n Rieder , Canarsie: The Jews and Italians of Brooklyn Against Liberalism (Cambridge: Harvar d Universit y Press , 1985) , 36. 30. Andrew Greeley , That Most Distressful Nation: The Taming of the American Irish (Chicago: Quadrangle Books , 1972) , 190 . 31. Mar y Gordon , " ' I Can' t Stan d You r Books' : A Write r Goe s Home, " New York Times Book Review, December 11 , 1988, 36. 32. Milto n Kirschner , intervie w wit h autho r Marc h 9 , 1987 ; Jacob Baroff , interview wit h author , July 6 , 1987 . 33. Le o Yedin, intervie w wit h author , Ma y 7 , 1987 . 34. Rub y Nudelman , intervie w wit h author , Marc h 17 , 1987 . 35. Kazin , Walker in the City, 119 . 36. Be n Wernikoff , intervie w wit h autho r Ma y 7 , 1987 ; Ab e Rubenfeld , interview wit h author , January 12 , 1987 . 37. Seymou r Schlosberg , intervie w wit h author , Apri l 3 , 1988 ; Jac k Schmaren, intervie w wit h author , Octobe r 12 , 1987 . 38. John Bodnar , The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington: Indian a Universit y Press , 1985) , 84. 39. Irving Howe, World of Our Fathers (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976), 58 ; Samue l Joseph , Jewish Immigration to the United States from 1881 to ipio (Ne w York : Columbia Universit y Press , 1914) . 40. Edwar d Banfield , The Moral Basis of a Backward Society (New York : Fre e Press of Glencoe, 1958) , 85-110 ; Leonard Covello , "Socia l Background, " 150 92; Rudolp h J . Vecoli , Contadini in Chicago : A Critiqu e o f The Uprooted,'" Journal of American History 51, no. 2 (December 1964) : 404-17; R . F . Foerster , Italian Immigration, 51-75 : quot e fro m Mar k Zborowski , Life is with People (New York : Internationa l Universit y Press , 1952) , 420. 41. Thoma s Kessner , The Golden Door, 94 . 42. Alte r Landesman , Brownsville, 208-17 ; idem , " A Neighborhoo d Sur vey," typescript, 1927) , 7-8 . 43. Jack Oventhal , intervie w wit h author , Ma y 19 , 1988 . 44. Landesman, Brownsville, 323-324 ; "A Neighborhood Survey, " 12 ; Reuben Fink an d Bernar d Richards , eds. , Jewish Community Directory of Greater New York: A Guide to Central Organizations and Institutions (New York : Th e Jewis h Information Bureau , 1947) . 45. Davi d Suher , The Brownsville Neighborhood Council (New York : Ne w York Schoo l o f Socia l Work, 1948) , 6-8. 46. Ibid. , 49 . 47. Landesman , Brownsville, 116-19 ; Florenc e Adamson , A Study of the Recreational Facilities of the Brownsville Section of Brooklyn (Ne w York : Brownsvill e Neighborhood Council , 1941) , 48 ; Ra e Glauber , All Neighborhoods Change: A Survey of Brownsville, Brooklyn, U.S.A. (Ne w York : n.p., 1963) , 29-30. 48. Seymou r Schlosberg , intervie w wit h autho r Apri l 3 , 1988 ; Harol d Radish, intervie w wit h author , Marc h 12 , 1987 .

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49. Morto n Werbel , intervie w wit h author , Marc h 13 , 1988. 50. Jonathan Rieder , Canarsie, 5 2 51. Ibid. , 25 . 52. Jacob Baroff, intervie w wit h author , July 6 , 1987 . 53. Edwar d Banfield , Moral Basis, 102. 54. Herber t Gans , The Urban Villagers, 160-73 . 55. Jonathan Rieder , Canarsie, 38 , 27. 56. Victo r Greene , American Immigrant Leaders, 1800-1910: Marginality and Identity (Baltimore : John s Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1987) , 122-37 ; Donn a Gabaccia, From Sicily to Elizabeth Street: Housing and Social Change Among Italian Immigrants, 1880-1930 (Albany : SUN Y Press , 1984) ; John Briggs , An Italian Passage: Immigrants to Three American Cities, 1890-1930 (New Haven : Yal e University Press , 1978) ; Joseph Lopreato , Italian Americans (New York : Rando m House, 1970) ; Edwi n Fenton , "Immigrant s an d Unions , A Cas e Study : Italians an d America n Labor , 1870-1920 " (Ph.D . diss . Harvar d University , 1957)57. Rudolp h J. Vecoli , "Prelate s an d Peasants : Italia n Immigrant s an d th e Catholic Church, " Journal of Social History 2 , no . 3 (Sprin g 1969) : 217-68 ; Richard A . Varbero , "Philadelphia' s Sout h Italian s an d th e Iris h Church : A History o f Cultura l Conflict, " i n The Religious Experience of Italian Americans, ed. Silvan o Tomas i (State n Island , N.Y. : America n Italia n Historica l Association, 1975) , 33-54 . 58. Quote d i n Gans, The Urban Villagers, 201 . 59. O n familis m an d fatalis m se e Edwar d Banfield , Moral Basis, 85-110; Joseph Lopreato , Italian Americans, 10; Fred Strodtbeck , "Famil y Interaction, " 135-94. A s a counter t o thes e view s se e Micael a d i Leonardo , The Varieties of Ethnic Experience: Kinship, Class and Gender Among California Italian Americans (Ithaca: Cornel l Universit y Press , 1984) . Sh e challenge s man y accepte d idea s about Italia n America n familie s an d makes clas s an d environmen t primar y i n her analysis . 60. Ma x Stavitsky , intervie w wit h author , Octobe r n , 1987 ; Irving For man, interview wit h author , Jun e 27 , 1987 ; Do n Rosen , intervie w wit h author , April 23 , 1988. 61. Abraha m Cahan, Jewish Daily Forward, Augus t 6 , 1903 . 62. Loui s Green, intervie w wit h Irvin g Howe, cite d i n Irving Howe, World of Our Fathers (New York : Harcourt Brac e Jovanovich), 1976 , 259. 63. Rober t Slater , Great Jews in Sports (Middle Village , New York : Jonathan David Publishers , 1983) , 121 ; Bernard Postal , Jess e Silve r an d Ro y Silver , Encyclopedia of Jews in Sports (New York : Bloch and Sons , 1965) , 42. 64. Slater , Jews in Sports, 166, 171-72 , 65. Postal , e t al., Encyclopedia, 138 . 66. Slater , Jews in Sports, 10-12. 67. Ibid. , 10 , 50-62. 68. Ibid. , 132-34 . 69. Ibid. , 56 , 67-68, 202-3 . 70. Ibid.,xiii , 181-84 . 71. Ibid. , 83-86 . 72. Ibid. , 147-50 .

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3

73. Slater , Jews in Sports, 77-79; Landesman, Brownsville, 359. 74. Pete r Golenbock , Bums: An Oral History of the Brooklyn Dodgers (Ne w York: G. P . Putnam' s Sons , 1984) , 25 , 448. 75. Jacob Baroff, intervie w wit h author , Februar y 8 , 1988 . 76. Pet e Hamill , "Brooklyn : Th e San e Alternative, " New York, Jul y 14 , 1969, 28. 7 7. Podhorets , Making It, 100- 1 o 1. 78. Landesman , Brownsville, 362; Slater, Jews in Sports, 104-6. 79. Seymou r Schlosberg , intervie w wit h author , Apri l 3 , 1988 ; Landesman, Brownsville, 363. 80. Aurora (Brooklyn: Thomas Jefferson Hig h School , 1941-44) . 81. Landesman , Brownsville, 361-62. 82. Aurora, January 1945 . 83. Ann e B . Hoffman , Echoes from the Schoolyard (Ne w York : Hawthor n Books, 1977) , 9. 84. New York World Telegram and Sun, Septembe r 22 , 1951; New York Daily News, December 3 , 1982 ; New York Times, October 17 , 1985. 85. Hoffman , Echoes from the Schoolyard, 14-15 . 86. Irvin g Levine , intervie w wit h autho r Apri l 11 , 1988 ; Jacob Baroff , interview wit h author , Februar y 8 , 1988 . Irwi n Sandler , lette r t o author , October 1987 . 87. Irwi n Gladstein , intervie w wit h autho r Octobe r 18 , 1986 ; Natha n Dassa, intervie w wit h autho r Januar y 6 , 1987 . New York World Telegram and Sun, Septembe r 22 , 1951. 88. Willia m Poster, " Twa s a Dark Night, " 461-62. 89. Jacob Baroff, New York Sunday News, November 23 , 1947. 90. WINS , radi o broadcast transcript , Augus t 11 , 1945. 91. Brooklyn Eagle, March 19 , 1941. 92. Raymon d Schroth , The Eagl e and Brooklyn: A Community Newspaper, 1841-ipsS (Westport, Conn. : Greenwood Press , 1974) ; Brooklyn Eagle, September 29, 194 3 to Septembe r 24 , 1944 . 93. Brookly n Counci l fo r Socia l Planning , "Repor t o f Yout h Activitie s Project," pamphlet , Apri l 21 , 1946. 94. Brooklyn Eagle, December 28 , 1944 . 95. New York Times, December 28 , 1944 . 96. Irvin g Shulman , The Amboy Dukes (New York : Doubleday, 1947) . 97. Dudle y Gaffln , lette r t o author, June 14 , 1988 . 98. Shulman , Amboy Dukes, 63 . 99. Ibid . 100. Ibid., 64 . 101. Brooklyn Communities, vol. 1 , 168-71 ; Brownsville Youth Board Area Report, 2-4. 102. Adamson, Recreational Facilities, 10, 11 , 55. 103. "Repor t o n Youth Activitie s Project, " 2 . 104. Golenbock, Bums, 429. 105. "Report o n Youth Activitie s Project, " 3 . 106. Ibid., 6- 7 (emphasi s mine) . 107. Flyer, "Sixt h Anniversar y Meeting, " March 22 , 1946 .

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108. Norma n Goroff , "Th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club, " typescript , 1947, 5-8 . 109. Ibid . 110. Be n Wernikoff, intervie w wit h author , Ma y 7 , 1987 . 111. Mihal y Csikszentmihalyi , "Th e Pressure d Worl d o f Adolescence, " Planned Parenthood Review, 16 , no . 2 (Spring 1986) : 1-4 ; Csikszentmihaly i an d Reed Larsen , Being Adolescent: Conflict and Growth in the Teenage Years (New York: Basi c Books, 1984) , 230-260 . 112. Natha n Dassa , intervie w wit h author , January 6 , 1987 ; Dudley Gaffin , interview wit h author , Jun e 20 , 1987 ; Irwin Gladstein , intervie w wit h autho r October 18 , 1986 , and dozen s of others. ^. Soldiers, Storefronts, and Social Change 1. New York World Telegram and Sun, Septembe r 22 , 1951. 2. Jo e D'Antone , lette r t o Brownsville Boys Clubs News, 2 , no . 4 (Octobe r 1943) (hereafter BBC News). 3. Alte r Landesman , Brownsville: The Growth, Development and Passing of a Jewish Community (New York : Bloch Publishers , 1971) , 321-22 . 4. BBC News 7, no. 2 (March 1947) : 3. 5. New York Daily Mirror, Octobe r 29 , 1947 ; Frankli n Cohen , intervie w with author , Apri l 13 , 1988. 6. Joe Skope , lette r t o BBC News 2, no. 4 (October 1943) . 7. H y Rabinovitz , lette r t o BBC News 2, no. 4 (October 1943) . 8. Si d Siegel , lette r to BBC News 2, no. 3 (October 1943) . 9. Minutes of Brownsville Boy s Club weekly meetings, Decembe r 12 , 1941; March 13 , 194 2 (hereafter BB C meetings). 10. New York Herald Tribune, March 4, 1949 ; BBC News, March 1947 . 11. Norma n Goroff , "Th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club," typescript, 1947 , 5. 12. Martin Kronenberg , interview s with author , January 13 , 1987 , Octobe r 11, 1987 . 13. Lawrenc e Kushner , intervie w wit h author , Februar y 7 , 1987 . 14. Brownsville Boys Club Alumni Newsletter, Octobe r 1975 . 15. Minutes o f BBC weekly meeting , Ma y 31 , 1940. 16. "Report o f Activities, 1940-1944, " typescript, 1944 . 17. Si d Siegel , lette r to BBC News. 2 , no . 3 (October 1943) ; WINS, radi o broadcast transcript , Augus t 11 , 1945. 18. New York World Telegram and Sun, Septembe r 22 , 1951. 19. BBC News 7, no. 1 (Februar y 1947) . 20. BBC News 7, nos. 1 1 and 1 2 (November 1947) . 21. Brooklyn Eagle, Novembe r 2 , 1947 ; BBC News 7, nos. 1 1 and 1 2 (November 1947)22. Jacob Baroff, intervie w wit h author , July 6 , 1987 . 23. BBC News 7, nos . 1 1 and 1 2 (November 1947) . 24. Gilber t Sorrentino , "N o Radica l Chi c i n Brooklyn, " New York Times, June 16 , 1971. 25. Bradfor d Chambers , "Juvenil e Gang s o f Ne w York, " American Mercury 62 (April 1946) : 485-86.

4 . SOLDIERS , STOREFRONTS , AN D SOCIA L CHANG E 22

5

26. "Repor t o n th e Brownsvill e Boy s Club Program, " flyer, 1947 . 27. New York Herald Tribune, March 4 , 1949 . 28. "Juvenil e Delinquency : War' s Insecurit y Lift s Youthfu l Crim e 10 0 percent," Life, April 8 , 1946 , 83—93 ; Chambers, "Juvenil e Gangs, " 480; Brooklyn Eagle, February 1 , 1946 ; Pete Hamill , "Brooklyn , th e San e Alternative, " New York, July 14 , 1969 , 25-33 . 29. New York Times, July 20 , 1947 ; Brooklyn Eagle, July 20 , 1947 . 30. Ibid . 31. Brooklyn Eagle, January 23 , 1946 ; November 18 , 1946 . 32. Brooklyn Eagle, January 23 , 1946 . 33. New York World Telegram and Sun, Novembe r 15 , 1947 . 34. Brooklyn Eagle, May 19 , 1948 . 35. Ne w Yor k City Yout h Board , "Brownsvill e Yout h Boar d Are a Report, " typescript, 1954 , Brooklyn Publi c Library , Mai n Branch , 3 . 36. Brooklyn Eagle, March 3 , 1949 ; March 4 , 1949 ; March 10 , 1949 ; March 15, 1949 ; April 5 , 1949 . 37. Brooklyn Eagle, January 23 , 1946 . 38. Brooklyn Eagle, March 20 , 1949 . 39. Brooklyn Eagle, March 4 , 1949 ; Brookly n Colleg e Vanguard, March 18 , 1949. 40. Brooklyn Eagle, March 4 , 1949 . 41. Brooklyn Eagle, March 3 , 1949 ; March 10 , 1949 ; March 15 , 1949 , Marc h 20, 1949 ; April 15 , 1949 ; May 11 , 1949. 42. Milto n Goell , Brownsville Must Have Public Housing (Brooklyn: Brownsvill e Neighborhood Council , 1940) ; Goell, A Post-War Plan for Brownsville (Brooklyn: Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Council , 1944) ; Brooklyn Eagle, December 11 , 1941; December 22 , 1941 ; May 6 , 1941 ; June 29 , 1941. 43. Minute s of BBC weekly meetings , Ma y 194 0 to Decembe r 1945 . 44. WINS , radi o broadcast transcript , Augus t 11 , 1945. 45. BB C "Sixth Anniversary, " flyer, Marc h 22 , 1946 . 46. Davi d Suher , The Brownsville Neighborhood Council (New Yor k Schoo l of Social Work , 1948) , 28-29 , 46, 51 , 64-65. 47. Werne r J. Cahnman , "Attitude s o f Minorit y Youth : A Methodologica l Introduction (Investigatio n int o th e Cultura l Interest s o f Jewis h an d Negr o Youth i n th e Brownsvill e Distric t o f Brooklyn), " American Sociological Review 14 (August 1949) : 543-48. 48. BBC News 7, no. 1 (Februar y 1947) . 49. Minute s of BBC weekly meetings , Ma y 194 0 to Decembe r 1946 . 50. Alfre d Kazin , Walker in the City (Ne w York : Harcour t Brace , 1951), 141 .

51. Marti n Kronenberg , intervie w wit h author , Januar y 13 , 1987 ; Irvin g Levine, interview s wit h author , Octobe r 8 , 1986 ; April 11 , 1988. 52. Minutes o f BBC weekly meetings , Marc h 194 3 to Decembe r 1945 . 53. BBC News 7, no. 6 (July 1947) . 54. Davi d Suher , Brownsville Neighborhood Council, 46-65 . 55. Irvin g Levine, interview s wit h author , Octobe r 8 , 1986 ; April 11 , 1988. 56. BBC News 7, no . 6 (July 1947) ; BBC News 7, no. 9 (September 1947) . 57. BBC News 7, no . 9 (September 1947) . 58. Irvin g Levine, interview s with author , Octobe r 8 , 1986 ; April 11 , 1988.

2 26 5 - POLITICIANS , PROFESSIONALS , AN D PHILANTHROPIST S

59. Isidor e Lesovoy , Jacob Deutch , Joe Feldman , Georg e Schmaren , Marti n Kronenberg, collectiv e intervie w wit h author , Octobe r n , 1987 ; Norma n Goroff, intervie w wit h author , Jul y 23 , 1987 ; Jacob Baroff , interview s wit h author, July 6 , 1987 , February 6 , 1988 ; Irving Levine , intervie w wit h author , October 8 , 1986 . 60. Natha n Glazer , The Social Bases of American Communism (New York : Harcourt Brace , 1961) , 143-68 . 61. Se e nn. 5 8 and 5 9 above. 5. Politicians, Professionals, and Philanthropists 1. New York Times, April 23 , 1949. 2. New York Times, November 4 , 1953 . 3. Ra e Glauber , All Neighborhoods Change (Ne w York : Ra e Glauber , 1963) ,

24-25.

4. New York Times, September 20 , i960 ; July 4 , 1972 . 5. Alte r Landesman , Brownsville: The Birth, Development and Passing of a Jewish Community (New York : Bloch Publishers, 1971) , 341. 6. New Yorker: Twenty-Fifth Anniversary Album 1925-1950 (New York: Harper , 1951).

7. Brooklyn Eagle, Februar y 14 , 1935 ; Decembe r 28 , 1944 ; Landesman , Brownsville, 320, 341-42 . 8. New York Times, April 3 , 1949 ; 9. New York Times, August 4 , 1949 ; September 8 , 1949 . 10. New York Times, April 23 , 1949. 11. New York Times, August 25 , 1953. 12. New York Times, July 1 , 1953. 13. New York Times, August 25 , 1953. 14. New York Times, January 25 , 1954 . 15. Jacob Deutch , Josep h Feldman , Marti n Kronenberg , Isidor e Lesovoy , George Schmaren , collectiv e interviews with author , Octobe r 11 , 1987; Norman Goroff, intervie w wit h author , July 23 , 1987. 16. New York Times, January 5 , 1954 . 17. New York Times, January 2 , 1948 ; July 19 , 1955 ; October 6 , 1958 . 18. New York Times, October 18 , 1954 . 19. Minnie Weingart, lette r t o author, Apri l 6 , 1988 . 20. Ibid. ; Seymou r Berkowitz , intervie w wit h author , Jun e 14 , 1988 ; Landesman, Brownsville, 204-6. 21. New York Times, June 5 , 1947 ; September 24 , 1947 . 22. Brooklyn Eagle, March 25 , 1947 . 23. BBC News 7, no. 6 (July 1947) . 24. New York Times, Novembe r 24 , 1947 ; Brooklyn Eagle, Novembe r 24 , 1947. 25. Brooklyn Eagle, November 24 , 1947 . 26. Dinne r program , Novembe r 23 , 1947. 27. Ellio t Willensky , When Brooklyn Was the World 1920-1957 (Ne w York : Harmony Books , 1986) , 170 ; New York Times, May 9 , 1952 .

5. POLITICIANS , PROFESSIONALS , AN D PHILANTHROPIST S 22 7 28. New York Times, May 9 , 1952 . 29. New York Times, March 21 , 1951 ; May 9 , 195 2 30. Ibid ; an d Willia m O'Dwyer , Beyond the Golden Door, ed. Pau l O'Dwye r (New York : St . John's University , 1987) , 271-78 , 350-73 . 31. Willensky , When Brooklyn Was the World, 171 . 32. New York Times, April 9, 1952 . 33. Minni e Weingart , lette r t o author , Apri l 6 , 1988 ; Flatbush Life, Marc h 9, 1957 ; Glauber, All Neighborhoods Change, 24 . 34. Reube n Bennett , memorandu m t o Ab e Stark , Apri l 17 , 1951; Minnie Weingart, resume , 1950 ; Glauber , All Neighborhoods Change, 24; Flatbush Life, March 9 , 1957 . 35. Minni e Weingart , lette r t o author, Apri l 6 , 1988 . 36. Minnie Weingart, letter s to author, Apri l 6 , 1988 ; September 25 , 1988 . 37. Ibid , an d Weingart , resume . 38. Minni e Weingart , letter s t o author , Septembe r 25 , 1988 ; Octobe r 5 , 1988. 39. Ibid . 40. Jack Leavitt , intervie w wit h author , Februar y 25 , 1988 . 41. Ab e Star k an d Harmo n Putter , "Repor t o f Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b Activities 1947-1948, " typescript, n.d . 42. Willia m Welling , East Side Story: The Boys' Brotherhood Republic's First Fifty Years on New York's Lower East Side (New York : Boys' Brotherhood Republi c 1982), 95-99. 43. Davi d Nasaw , Children of the City: At Work and Play (New York : Oxfor d University Press , 1985 ) 17-61 . 44. Ibid. , 35-37 , 117 . 45. Ro y Rosenzweig , Eight Hours for What We Will: Workers and Leisure in an Industrial City, i8yo-ip20 (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1983) , 150-51.

46. Time s determine d b y interview s an d changin g rosters on the Brownsvill e Boys Club stationery . 47. Jacob Baroff , intervie w wit h author , Februar y 6 , 1988 . 48. Jack Leavitt , intervie w wit h author , Februar y 25 , 1988 . 49. Jacob Deutch , Josep h Feldman , Marti n Kronenberg , Isidor e Lesovoy , George Schmaren , collectiv e intervie w wit h author , Octobe r 11 , 1987 ; Jacob Baroff, interview s wit h author , July 6 , 1987 ; February 6 , 1988 . 50. Herber t J. Gans , The Urban Villagers: Group and Class in the Life of Italian Americans (New York : Fre e Press, 1962) , 271-72 . 51. Leonar d Dryansky , intervie w wit h author , Augus t 11 , 1988. 52. "U p fro m Nann y Goa t Park, " pamphlet, n.a. , 1953 . 53. New York Times, December 28 , 1951. 54. New York World Telegram and Sun, Septembe r 22 , 1951. 55. "Up fro m Nann y Goa t Park. " 56. Ab e Stark , letter s t o J. Willar d Hayden , Jul y 1 , 1948 ; July 21 , 1948 ; Sidney Winnick , lette r t o Charle s C . Hayde n Foundation , Septembe r 21 , 1948. 51. Edwar d J . Lukas , lette r t o Hayde n Foundation , Septembe r 23 , 1948 ; Edgar Doubleday , lette r t o Abe Stark , Octobe r 21 , 1948.

2 28 5 - POLITICIANS , PROFESSIONALS , AN D PHILANTHROPIST S

58. Deutch , Feldman , Kronenberg , Lesovoy , Schmaren , collectiv e inter view with author , Octobe r 1i , 1987 . 59. Brooklyn Eagle, newsclipping, 1946 . 60. Jewish Welfar e Board , A Study of the Jewish Community of Brooklyn for the YMHA of Brooklyn (New York : Jewish Welfar e Board , 1935) , 5°~7^61. New York Times, October 24 , 1949 . 62. Ab e Stark , lette r to Edgar A . Doubleday , January 24 , 1950 . 63. Edwar d A . Richards , lette r to J. Willar d Hayden , Marc h 13 , 1950. 64. Memorandu m t o Doubleday, Februar y 16 , 1950 . 65. J. Willar d Hayden , lette r to Abe Stark , Marc h 21 , 1950. 66. Davi d Armstrong , lette r t o Edgar Doubleday , Apri l 7 , 1950 . 67. Willia m Hale , 100 Years and Millions of Boys, (New York : Farrar, Straus , and Cadehy , 1961 ) 114-36 . 68. Ibid. , vii . 69. Davi d Armstrong , lette r t o Edgar Doubleday , Apri l 7 , 1950 . 70. Abe Stark, lette r to Edgar Doubleday, Ma y 31 , 1950; Doubleday, lette r to Stark , June 1 , 1950 . 71. New York Times, July 15 , 1951; Seymou r Berkowitz , intervie w wit h author, June 14 , 1988. 72. Ab e Stark , letter s to Edgar Doubleday , Apri l 4, 1952 ; April 18 , 1952. 73. Edga r Doubleday , memorandu m t o J. Willar d Hayden , Apri l 7 , 1952 ; E. Daveler , memorandu m t o Doubleday, Apri l 14 , 1952 . 74. Ab e Stark , lette r t o Edgar A . Doubleday , Apri l 18,1952 . 75. Memorandum , June 8 , 1953 . 76. J. Willar d Hayden , lette r to Abe Stark , June 19 , 1953. 77. Edga r Doubleday , lette r t o Ab e Stark , Septembe r 22 , 1953 ; Stark , letter t o Doubleday, June 19 , 1953. 78. "U p from Nann y Goa t Park. " 79. Ibid . 80. Brooklyn Eagle, June 19 , 1953 ; Reuben Bennett , memorandu m t o Ab e Stark, Apri l 7 , 1951 ; Leonard Dryansky , intervie w wit h author , Augus t 11 , 1988. 81. Staff , lette r to board o f directors, Marc h 1954 . 82. Joh n Snypes , intervie w wit h author , Apri l 7 , 1988 ; Irvin g Levine , interview wit h author , Octobe r 6 , 1986 ; Deutch , Feldman , Kronenberg , Lesovoy, Schmaren , collectiv e interview wit h author , Octobe r n , 1987 . 83. Leonar d Dryansky , intervie w with author , Augus t n , 1988 . 84. Leonar d Dryansky , intervie w wit h author , Augus t 11 , 1988 ; Irvin g Levine, intervie w wit h author , Octobe r 6 , 1986 . 85. Staff , lette r to board o f directors, Marc h 1954 . 86. Jacob Baroff, intervie w wit h author , July 6 , 1987 . 87. Leonar d Dryansky , intervie w wit h author , Augus t 11 , 1988 ; Irvin g Levine, interview with author, Apri l 11 , 1988; Deutch, Feldman , Kronenberg , Lesovoy, G . Schmaren , collectiv e intervie w wit h author , Octobe r 11 , 1987 ; Norman Adelman , intervie w wit h author , Jun e 18 , 1989 ; Norman Adelman , "Factors t o b e Considere d i n th e Developmen t o f a n Intercultura l Tee n Ag e Program" (master' s thesis , Columbi a University , Ne w Yor k Schoo l o f Socia l Work, June 1954) .

6. FRIGHT , FLIGHT , AN D FAILUR E

229

88. Ab e Stark , lette r t o Edgar A . Doubleday , Septembe r 7 , 1954 . 89. Ibid. , January 3 , 1956 . 90. Ibid. , Septembe r 7 , 1954 . 91. New York Times, Octobe r 5 , 1954 ; Novembe r 16 , 1954 ; Decembe r 9 , •95492. Rober t F . Wagner , lette r t o Abe Stark , Septembe r 1954 ; Brooklyn Eagle, February 8 , 1946 ; April 18 , 1948. 93. Edga r A . Doubleday , lette r t o Abe Stark , Septembe r 9 , 1954 . 94. Minni e Weingart, lette r t o author, Apri l 6 , 1988 . 95. New York Times, January 31 , 1955. 96. Lenn y Zeplin , lette r t o author, Octobe r 1987 . 97. Georg e Benitez , lette r to author, Ma y 1987 .

6. Fright, Flight, and Failure 1. Abe Stark , lette r t o Edgar A . Doubleday , Apri l 7 , 1954 . 2. Rober t F . Wagner , lette r t o Ab e Stark , September , 1954 ; Brooklyn Eagle, September 20 , 1954 . 3. Brooklyn Eagle, November 20 , 1954 . 4. Ne w Yor k Cit y Yout h Board , Brownsville Youth Board Area Report, typescript, 1954 , 1-3 ; Communit y Counci l o f Greate r Ne w York , Burea u o f Community Statistica l Services , Brooklyn Communities: Population Characteristics and Neighborhood Social Resources, vol . 1 (Ne w York : Community Council , 1959) , xxxviii, 168-70 . 5. Ibid . 6. New York Times, January 20 , 1954 ; June 26 , 1956 ; August 25 , 1959 . 7. Davi d Armstrong , quote d i n Boys Club Bulletin 26 , no . 1 (Novembe r I 953): 38. New York Times, August 14 , 1954 . 9. New York Times, March 4 , 1955 . 10. New York Times, May 8 , 1955 . 11. New York Times, February 27 , 1956 . 12. New York Times, September 10 , 1956 ; September 19 , 1956 . 13. New York Times, August 7 , 1956 . 14. Ibid . 15. New York Times, August 8 , 1959 ; August 23 , 1959 ; August 25 , 1959 . 16. New York Times, August 25 , 1959 . 17. Brooklyn Communities, xii-xvi, 164-65 ; Ro n Miller , e t al. , "Th e Fourt h Largest Cit y i n America— A Sociologica l Surve y o f Brooklyn, " i n Brooklyn, USA, ed . Rit a S . Mille r (Brooklyn : Brookly n Colleg e Press , 1978) , 25-27 . 18. Ro n Miller , e t al. , "Th e Fourt h Larges t City, " 3-44 ; Brooklyn Eagle, several issue s i n May 1942 . 19. Pet e Hamil l "Brooklyn : Th e San e Alternative, " New York July 14 , 1969,27. 20. Miller , e t al. , "Th e Fourt h Larges t City, " 25-27 ; New York Times, February 18 , 1962 .

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. FRIGHT , FLIGHT , AN D FAILUR E

21. Ra y Schroth , The Eagl e and Brooklyn (Westport, Conn. : Greenwoo d Publishers, 1974) . 22. The Brooklyn Navy Yard (New York: Institute for Urba n Studies , Fordha m University, Ma y 1968) . 23. Hamill , "Brooklyn, " 2 8 24. Pete r Golenbock , Bums: An Oral History of the Brooklyn Dodgers (Ne w York: G. P . Putnam' s Sons , 1984) , 432. 25. Irvin g Rud d quote d i n Brooklyn, USA, 167-68 . 26. Brooklyn Communities, xxxviii , 162-70 ; Jimmy Breslin , New York Times, August 20 , 1975 .

27. Brooklyn Communities, xxxviii, 165-71 ; Ro n Mille r e t al , "Th e Fourt h Largest Cit y i n America," 25-27 . 28. Brooklyn Communities, xv-xxxix , 162-70 . 29. Ibid ; an d Brownsville Youth Board Area Report, 2-3 ; Alte r Landesman , Brownsville: The Birth, Development and Passing of a Jewish Community (Ne w York: Bloch Publishers , 1971) , 323-28 . 30. U.S . Burea u o f th e Census , Seventeenth Census, ip$o, vol. 2 (Washington: Government Printin g Office , 1952) ; Eighteenth Census, ip6o, pt. 5 c (Washington : GPO, 1961) ; Michae l Harrington , The Other America: Poverty in the United States (New York : Macmillan, 1962) , 171-86 ; New York Times, January 3 , 1955; March 23 , 1955 ; October 25 , 1955 ; October 30 , 1955 . 31. Morto n Werbel , intervie w wit h author , Marc h 13 , 1988. 32. Jonatha n Rieder , Canarsie: The Jews and Italians of Brooklyn Against Liberalism (Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press , 1985) , 23. 33. Jerome Krase , "Stigmatized Places , Stigmatize d People : Crown Height s and Prospec t Leffert s Gardens, " i n Brooklyn U.S.A., 253-54 ; W. A . V . Clar k and M . Cadwallader , "Residentia l Preferences : A n Alternativ e Vie w o f Inter Urban Space, " Environment and Planning 5 (1973): 693-705 ; Lyn H . Lafland , A World of Strangers: Order and Action in Urban Public Spaces (New York : Basi c Books, 1973) . 34. Stanle y Aronson , "Sojourner s o r Settlers ? Th e Neighborhood s o f Brooklyn," in Brooklyn USA, 270-82 . 35. Ibid . 36. Harol d V . Savitch , "Powerlessnes s i n a n Urba n Ghetto, " Polity (Fal l 1972): 34. 37. Harold Radish , intervie w with author, Marc h 12 , 1987 ; Ben Wernikoff , interview wit h author , Ma y 7 , 1987 . 38. Intervie w quote d i n Rieder, Canarsie, 17 . 39. Irvin g Forman , intervie w wit h author , Jun e 27 , 1988 ; Abe Rubenfeld , interview wit h author , January 12 , 1987 . 40. Ra e Glauber, All Neighborhoods Change: A Survey of Brownsville, Brooklyn (New York : Rae Glauber, 1963) . 41. Minute s o f firs t genera l meeting , Brownsvill e Boy s Clu b Alumn i Association, Marc h 31 , 1948. 42. Constitution , Brownsvill e Boys Club Alumni Association, 1952 . 43. Si d Siegel , intervie w wit h author , Septembe r 22 , 1986 . 44. Brownsville Boys Club Alumni Association Newsletter, Apri l 1952 ; Ma y 1952; assorte d papers , Alumn i Associatio n Collectio n (i n th e possessio n o f Martin Kronenber g an d Joseph Feldman) .

6. FRIGHT , FLIGHT , AN D FAILUR E 2

3I

45. Constitution , Brownsvill e Boy s Club Alumni Association , 1966 . 46. Seymou r Berkowitz , intervie w wit h author , Jun e 14 , 1988 ; Minni e Weingart, lette r t o author , Apri l 6 , 1988 ; New York Daily News, January 26 , 1969; August 17 , 1969 ; November 9 , 1975 . 47. New York Times, March 7 , 1968 . 48. Savitch , "Powerlessnes s i n a n Urba n Ghetto, " 30 ; New York Times, March 7 , 1968 ; April 10 , 1972 . 49. New York Times, June 14 , 1970 ; May 8 , 1971 ; David Shipler , "Brownsville : The Epitom e of Poverty," New York Times, May 6 , 1971 . 50. Savitch , "Powerlessnes s i n a n Urba n Ghetto, " 30-36 ; Harol d X . Connolly, A Ghetto Grows in Brooklyn (New York : New Yor k Universit y Press , 1977), 189-90 . 51. Savitch , "Powerlessnes s i n a n Urba n Ghetto, " 30-36 ; Connolly , A Ghetto Grows in Brooklyn, 192-204; World Journal Tribune, April 20 , 1967 . 52. New York Times, May 6 , 197 1 53. Stat e Study Commission for New York City, Urban Renewal in Brownsville, 1960-1973 (New York : Temporary Stat e Commission, 1973) , 4. 54. Ibid. , 15 . 55. Ibid. , 3-4 . 56. Ibid., 57 . 57. New York Times, editorial, Marc h 7 , 1968 . 58. Shipler , "Brownsville, " New York Times, May 6 , 1971 . 59. New York Times, May 8 , 1971. 60. Ibid. , June 14 , 1970 . 61. Ibid. , Ma y 8 , 1971. 62. New York Sunday News, May 16 , 1971. 63. New York Times, June 14 , 1970 . 64. New York Sunday News, May 16 , 1971. 65. Savitch , "Powerlessnes s i n a n Urba n Ghetto, " 55-56 ; fo r a genera l discussion of tenant powe r i n this era see Joel Schwartz , "Tenan t Powe r i n th e Liberal City , 1943-1971, " i n The Tenant Movement in New York City, 19041984, ed . Ronal d Lawso n (Ne w Brunswick : Rutger s Universit y Press , 1986) , 134-208. 66. Savitch , "Powerlessnes s i n an Urba n Ghetto, " 37-39 . 61. Ibid. , 47 . 68. Th e discussio n tha t follow s depend s heavil y o n Howar d Savitch' s persuasive essay , "Powerlessnes s i n a n Urba n Ghetto. " Als o se e Connolly, A Ghetto Grows in Brooklyn, 212-22. 69. Savitch , "Powerlessnes s i n an Urba n Ghetto, " 46. 70. New York Daily News, May 6 , 1971 . 71. Savitch , "Powerlessnes s i n a n Urba n Ghetto, " 54 ; Connolly, A Ghetto Grows in Brooklyn, 176-80. 72. Dian e Ravitch , The Troubled Crusade: American Education, 1945-1980 (New York : Basi c Books , 1983) , 172-74 ; Josep h M . Cronin , The Control of Urban Schools (Ne w York : Fre e Press , 1973) , 194-97 . A strik e o f Ne w Yor k City schoolteacher s wa s precipitate d b y event s i n th e Ocea n Hill-Brownsvill e experimental schoo l district.The issue s involved were complex and no t directl y relevant t o th e point s bein g mad e here . Se e Mauric e Berub e an d Marily n Gittell, eds . Confrontation at Ocean Hill-Brownsville: The New York School Strikes

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of 1968 (Ne w York : Praeger , 1969 ) an d Melvi n Urofsky , Why Teachers Strike: Teachers' Rights and Community Control (Garden City , N.Y. : Doubleday , 1970) . 73. New York Times, November 10 , 1968 . 74. Ravitch , The Troubled Crusade•, 174 . 75. Savitch , "Powerlessnes s i n an Urba n Ghetto, " 56. 76. New York Times, April 8 , 1973 . 77. New York Daily News, July 11 , 1974; January 7 , 1975 . 78. Ibid . 79. New York Daily News, April 3 , 1976 . 80. Ibid. , Augus t 16 , 1981. 81. Ibid. , Marc h 16 , 1985 ; New York Times, August 27 , 1985 ; April 1 , 1987 ; September 27 , 1987 ; October 25 , 198 7 (letter t o the editor). 82. New York Times, March 27 , 1987 . 83. New York Times, July 20 , 1985 . 84. John Bodnar , The Transplanted: A History of Immigrants in Urban America (Bloomington, Indian a Universit y Press , 1985) ; Ivan Light , Ethnic Enterprise in America (Berkeley: Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1973) ; M . Mar k Stolaric k and Murra y Friedman , eds. , Making It in America: The Role of Ethnicity in Business Enterprise, Education and Work Choices (Lewisburg, Pa.: Bucknell Universit y Press, 1986) ; David A . Bell , "Th e Triump h o f Asian Americans, " New Republic, July 15,1985 , 24-31 . 85. Lawrenc e Levine , Black Culture and Black Consciousness: Afro-American Folk Thought from Slavery to Freedom (London : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1977) ; Clifford Geertz , "Religio n a s a Cultural System, " i n Anthropological Approaches to the Study of Religion, ed. Michae l Banto n (London : Tavistoc k Publishers , 1966), 1-46 ; Vincen t Harding , There is a River: The Black Struggle for Freedom in America (New York : Harcourt Brac e Jovanovich, 1981) ; Will Herberg, "Social ism, Zionis m an d Messiani c Passion, " Midstream 2 (Summe r 1965) : 65-74 ; Yehezkel Kaufman , "Israe l i n Canaan, " i n Great Ages and Ideas of the Jewish People, ed . L . W . Schwar z (New York : Modern Library , 1956) , 30-56 . 86. Geral d Sorin , The Prophetic Minority: American Jewish Immigrant Radicals, 1880-1920 (Bloomington : Indian a Universit y Press , 1985) ; Arthu r Liebman , Jews and the Left (New York : John Wile y an d Sons , 1979) . 87. Eri c Foner , Reconstruction: America's Unfinished Revolution (New York : Harper an d Row , 1988) . 88. Irving Howe, World of Our Fathers (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1976); Arthur Goren , New York Jews and the Quest for Community: The Kehillah Experiment, 1908-1922 (Ne w York : Columbi a Universit y Press , 1970) ; Hanna h Kliger, "Tradition s o f Grass-Roots Organization s an d Leadership : The Conti nuity o f Landsmanshaftn in Ne w York, " American Jewish History 76 , no . 1 (September 1986) : 25-39; Susan Milamed , "Proskurover Landsmanshaftn," American Jewish History, 76 , no . 1 (September 1986) : 40-55 ; Shell y Tenenbaum , "Immigrants an d Capital : Jewish Loa n Societie s i n th e Unite d States, " American Jewish History, 76 , no. 1 (Septembe r 1986) : 67-77. 89. Ibid . 90. Zos a Szajkowski , "Th e Yahud i an d th e Immigrant : A Reappraisal, " American Jewish Historical Quarterly 63, no. 1 (Septembe r 1973) : 13-44 . 91. Herber t J. Gans , The Urban Villagers: Group and Class in the Life of Italian Americans (New York : Free Press, 1962) , 268-73.

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2

33

92. Jack Newfield , "Th e Bruise d Apple, " New Republic, Jul y 3 , 1985 , 36 -

40.

93. Herber t J . Gans , The Urban Villagers, 268-73; Michae l Harrington , "Crunched Numbers, " New Republic, Januar y 28 , 1985 , 7-9; Lisbet h B . Schorr , Within Our Reach: Breaking the Cycle of Disadvantage (Ne w York : Doubleday , 1988). 94. Iva n Light , Ethnic Enterprise in America, 10-36 ; Charle s H . Wesley , "The Negr o i n the West Indies , Slaver y an d Freedom, " Journal of Negro History 32, no . 1 (January 1932) : 51-66; Clifford Geertz , "Th e Rotatin g Credi t Asso ciation: A 'Middl e Rung ' i n Development, " Economic Development and Cultural Change 10 , no. 3 (April 1962) : 241-63. 95. Charle s Wesley, "Th e Negr o in the West Indies, " 51-66; Nancy Foner , "West Indian s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y an d London : A Comparativ e Analysis, " International Migration Review 13 , no. 2 (Summer 1979) : 284-97. 96. New York Times, March 7 , 1968 . 97. Andre w Greeley , "Ethnics ' Progress: Is Dat a Fact? " Psychology Today 1 5 (September 1981) : 90-93; Thoma s Kessner , The Golden Door: Italian and Jewish Immigrant Mobility in New York City, 1880-1915 (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1977) ; Stephan Thernstrom , The Other Bostonians: Poverty and Progress in the American Metropolis, 1880-1970 (Cambridge: Harvar d Universit y Press , 1973)98. A s lat e a s 197 0 som e 8 0 percen t o f Irish , Italian , an d Slavi c worker s were in unskilled or semiskilled job s and approximatel y 4 0 million white ethni c working-class American s wer e earnin g les s tha n th e "modes t bu t adequate " standard define d b y th e government . New York Times, September 28 , 1970 . I n New Yor k Cit y i n 1972 , 250,00 0 Jew s wer e livin g belo w th e povert y leve l ($3,500) an d anothe r 150,00 0 ha d income s unde r $4,500 . Pau l Cowan , "Jew s Without Mone y Revisited, " Village Voice, Septembe r 21 , 1972. 99. Coli n Greer , "Rememberin g Class : A n Interpretation, " i n The Divided Society: The Ethnic Experience in America, ed . Coli n Greer , (Ne w York : Basi c Books, 1974) , 3-35 . 100. New York Daily News, newsclipping, n.d . 101. Willia m Hurley , intervie w wit h author , Novembe r 14 , 1987 . 102. New York Daily News, newsclipping, n.d . 103. William J. Wilson , The Truly Disadvantaged: The Inner City, the Underclass, and Public Policy (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1987) ; also se e James Q. Wilson , "Th e Rediscover y o f Character: Privat e Virtu e an d Publi c Policy, " The Public Interest % 1 (Fal l 1985) : 3-16 . 104. Dian e Pancoast , e t al , eds. , Rediscovering Self Help: Its Role in Social Care, Socia l Servic e Deliver y Systems : An Internationa l Annual , vol . 6 (Beverly Hills: Sag e Publications , 1983) ; Ala n Gartne r an d Fran k Reissman , The SelfHelp Revolution (New York : Huma n Science s Press , 1984). 105. E . C . Durman , "Th e Rol e of Self-Hel p i n Servic e Provision, " Journal of Applied Behavioral Science 1 2 (1979) : 433-48; Lisbet h B . Schorr , Within Our Reach.

234 7

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7. Livelihoods, Longings, and Legacies 1. Al Apter, "Brownsvill e Blues, " unpublished poem . 2. Steve n M . Cohen , "Vitalit y an d Persistenc e i n th e America n Jewis h Family," i n The Jewish Family: Myths and Realities, ed. Steve n M . Cohe n an d Paula Hyma n (Ne w York : Holme s an d Meiers , 1986) , 221-29 . "Th e onl y national comparativ e dat a w e hav e demonstrat e tha t th e Jewis h divorc e rat e has remained a t around hal f the white Protestan t rate , an d i t shows n o signs of significantly surpassin g tha t ratio . Th e littl e dat a w e hav e als o sugges t tha t Jews wh o divorce remarr y faste r tha n others. " 223. 3. Morton Werbel , intervie w wit h author , Marc h 13 , 1988. 4. New York Times, September 5 , 6, 1986 . Gerald Lenowitz , intervie w wit h author Apri l 21 , 1987. 5. Confidentia l intervie w wit h author . 6. Gen e Ward , "War d t o the Wise," New York Daily News, n.d . 7. New York Times, July 27 , 1954 ; July 28 , 1954 ; Hyma n Edelman , inter view with author , Ma y 21 , 1989. 8. New York Times, February 18 , 1951. 9. New York Times, February 21 , 1951. 10. New York Times, February 21 , 1951. 11. New York Times, April 22 , 1951; April 23 , 1951 ; April 25 , 1951. 12. BBC News 6, no . 1 (Februar y 1946) . 13. New York Times, April 22 , 1951 ; April 23 , 1951 ; April 25 , 1951; January 31, 1952 ; May 8 , 1952 ; May 9 , 1952 . 14. Gilber t Sorrentino , "N o Radica l Chi c i n Brooklyn. " New York Times, June 16 , 1971. 15. Willia m F . Whyte , Street Corner Society: The Social Structure of an Italian Slum, 3 d ed. (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1981) , 255-56 . 16. Jack Leavitt , intervie w wit h author , Februar y 25 , 1988 . 17. Arthu r Granit , The Time of the Peaches (Ne w York : Abelard-Schuman , 1959. 18. Brownsville Boys Club Alumni Newsletter, April 1952 , May 1952 ; Minutes of BBC Alumni Associatio n first genera l meeting , Marc h 30 , 1948 . 19. New York Sunday News, March 6 , 1966 . 20. Georg e Levine , intervie w wit h author , Ma y 23 , 1987 ; Joseph Feldman , "A Brie f an d Somewha t Biase d Histor y o f the Brownsvill e Boy s Club Alumn i Association," typescript, Februar y 1989 . 21. Brownsville Boys Club Alumni Newsletters (August 1967) ; (October 1967) ; (December 1967) ; (February 1968) ; (April 1968) ; (January 1972) ; (April 1972) ; (March 1973) ; (Octobe r 1975) ; (Januar y 1976) ; (May 1976) ; (Octobe r 1976) ; (Spring 1977) ; (Spring 1978) ; (Spring 1979) ; (September 1982) ; (Winter 1986) ; (July 1987) ; (Sprin g 1988) ; Joseph Feldman , " A Brie f an d Somewha t Biase d History." 22. Natha n Glazer , The Social Bases of American Communism (New York : Harcourt Brace , 1961) , 143-68 . 23. N.a. , "U p Fro m Nann y Goa t Park, " 1953 . 24. Harold Radish, interview with author, March 12 , 1987; Sidney Gerchick ,

J. LIVELIHOODS , LONGINGS , AN D LEGACIE S 23

5

interview wit h author , Februar y 10 , 1987 ; Irwi n Millman , intervie w wit h author, Ma y 5 , 1988 . 25. Seymou r Brief , intervie w wit h author , Marc h 10 , 1987 ; Bernard Berman , interview wit h author , Apri l 3 , 1988 . Nei l Brief , lette r t o author , Novembe r 26, 1986 . 26. Norma n Goroff , intervie w wit h author , Jul y 23 , 1987 ; Irving Levine , interview wit h author , Octobe r 8 , 1986 ; Jack Baroff , intervie w wit h author , July 6 , 1987 . 27. Ab e Rubenfeld , intervie w wit h autho r January 12 , 1987 . 28. Leonar d Cohen , intervie w wit h author , Apri l 12 , 1987 , A l Bart , inter view with author , Apri l 14 , 1988 . 29. Jacob Baroff , speech , Octobe r 10 , 1984 . 30. Geral d Suttles , The Social Construction of Communities (Chicago: Universit y of Chicago Press , 1972) , 187-88 ; Fred Davis , Yearning for Yesterday: A Sociology of Nostalgia (New York : Free Press, 1979) , 99. 31. Constitution , BB C Alumni Association , 1966 . 32. Danie l Levinson , e t al. , "Th e Psychosocia l Developmen t o f Me n i n Early Adulthoo d an d th e Mid-Lif e Transition, " i n Life History Research in Psychopathology, ed . D . Ricks , et al, (Minneapolis : Minnesot a Universit y Press , 1974), 243-58 ; Gail Sheehy , Passages (New York , E . P . Dutton , 1976) ; George Vaillant, Adaptation to Life (Boston: Little , Brown , 1977) . 33. Kar l Marx , The Communist Manifesto i n Karl Marx: Selected Writings ed. David McClella n (Ne w York : Oxford Universit y Press , 1977) , 224. 34. Fre d Davis , Yearning for Yesterday , 115-16 , 140-43 . 35. Alte r Landesman , Brownsville: The Birth, Development and Passing of a Jewish Community (New York : Bloc h Publishers , 1971 , 376 (emphasis mine) .

Qlossary Gmiles khesed. Applie d religio n Heder. Elementary Hebre w school , primaril y fo r boy s Khevra (pi. khevrot). Committee o r societ y Kashrut. Dietary law s and rule s fo r hygien e Kehilla (pi. kehillot). Community o r community counci l Kishke. Stuffed derm a Landsmanshaft. Society , ofte n mutual-ai d oriented , fo r immigrant s fro m same area or town i n Eastern Europ e Mitzva (pi . mitzvot). Goo d deeds , ethica l an d ritua l obligation s Shabos. Th e sabbat h Shtetl (pi . shtetlekh). Town i n Easter n Europ e wit h significan t Jewis h population Shul. Synagogu e Takhles. Orientatio n t o ultimate outcomes, accomplishmen t Tikn olam. Repair o r improvement o f the worl d Tsedaka. Justic e an d righteousnes s throug h performin g charitabl e act s and othe r mitzvot Yehsiva (pi. yeshivot). Schools fo r advance d Jewish learnin g Yiddishkayt. Jewishness, th e stuf f o f Jewish cultur e Yikhes. Status base d o n family lineag e or achieved b y learnin g

237

^Njtte on Sources and ^Methodology A primary sourc e for thi s stud y ha s been th e collective memory o f the boy s of Brownsville. Memory , o f course, i s selective, incomplete , an d sometime s sim ply inaccurate . Thi s i s a potential pitfal l o f al l oral histor y projects . However , the siz e o f m y sample—ove r 25 0 respondents—helpe d avoid , i n larg e part , the mor e seriou s problems . Storie s wer e confirme d an d reconfirme d innumer able times . An d o n severa l occasion s I di d grou p interviews—onc e wit h five former BBCers . Another grea t hel p wa s th e fac t tha t a significan t numbe r o f thes e men , talking wit h m e i n 1986 , 1987 , an d 1988 , ha d talke d fou r decade s earlier , t o radio audience s an d newspape r reporters . Ther e ar e substantiv e recorde d commentaries fo r 1945 , 1946 , 1947 , 1949 , 195 1 and 1953 , including a fourteen page transcrip t o f a n intervie w wit h fou r BBCer s broadcas t ove r radi o statio n WINS i n August o f 1945 . In additio n ther e ar e BB C newsletter s an d othe r material s relate d t o th e club fo r 194 3 throug h 1948 , a seven-pag e typescrip t "history " o f th e clu b written b y Norma n Gorof f i n 1947 , an( ^ independen t commentarie s b y librar ians, sociologist s an d socia l workers . Particularl y usefu l report s b y direc t observers o f the Brownsville Boy s Club were : Florence Adamson , A Study of the Recreational Facilities of the Brownsville Section of Brooklyn (New York : Brownsville Neighborhood Council , 1941) . Brooklyn Counci l fo r Socia l Planning , "Repor t o f Yout h Activitie s Project, " Brooklyn, Apri l 21 , 1946. Werner J. Cahnman , "Attitude s o f Minorit y Youth : A Methodologica l Intro duction [investigatio n int o the cultura l interest s o f Jewish an d Negr o Yout h i n 2

39

24O NOT

E O N SOURCE S AN D METHODOLOG Y

the Brownsvill e Distric t o f Brooklyn ] American Sociological Review 1 4 (Augus t !949): 543-48. Margaret B . Freeman , "Th e Brownsvill e Publi c Library : It s Origin s an d Development," report , Brooklyn , 1940 . New Yor k Cit y Yout h Board , "Brownsvill e Yout h Boar d Are a Report, " type script, 1954 . David Suher , The Brownsville Neighborhood Council (New York : Ne w Yor k School o f Socia l Work, 1948) . None of the documents use d i n the study, includin g the personal interview s of the lat e 1980s , wer e accepte d a t fac e value . Al l wer e examine d closel y an d subjected t o critica l analyses . Indeed , durin g th e cours e o f th e interviews , which wer e mainl y free-flowing , I ofte n aske d pointed , bu t not , I hope , leading questions ; an d th e me n wer e a s ofte n reflectiv e an d discursive . Th e oral source s turne d ou t t o b e a ric h min e fro m whic h t o dra w insight s an d perspectives tha t supplemente d an d eve n redresse d th e bia s o f conventiona l written sources . As I reached th e end o f the interviewing process , I felt reasonabl y sur e tha t I had don e al l I could t o verify an d validate . I thought I had mad e a successfu l end-run aroun d th e most seriou s shortcomings of the participant-observer role , that I ha d buil t generalization s o n a larg e enoug h sample , an d tha t I ha d unearthed enoug h ora l materia l an d commentar y fro m th e 1940 s t o matc h against th e testimon y o f th e 1980s . An d the n on e of those wonderfully fortui tous thing s happened—somethin g whic h supplie d a certai n "icin g fo r th e cake." A former Brownsvill e boy , currentl y a very successfu l Madiso n Avenu e attorney, returne d a questionnaire, o n whic h h e ha d hastil y pencilled , appar ently a s a n afterthought , "B y th e wa y I hav e th e origina l book s o f th e BBC. " These "books " turne d ou t t o b e th e handwritte n "Minut e Books " fo r th e weekly BB C meeting s fro m Ma y o f 194 0 throug h th e en d o f 1946 ; accoun t books; letter s t o an d fro m othe r agencie s an d persons ; a "Report o f Activitie s for 1947-1948, " writte n b y Harmo n Putte r an d Ab e Stark ; an d th e origina l 1940 petition t o the boar d o f educatio n signe d b y th e boys . Thes e document s supplied som e ne w material , bu t mainl y the y supplie d corroboration ; th e historian's drea m com e true . Th e "traditionalist " i n m e wa s satisfied . I trus t readers will be too. In additio n t o the source s cited above , th e following wer e very valuabl e fo r Brownsville generally, an d especiall y fo r contex t an d statistics : Herbert Ballon , "Brookly n Neighborhoods : A Basis for Neighborhoo d Studie s and a District Pla n for a Neighborhood Counci l Progra m i n Brooklyn," manu script, 1941 , Brooklyn Collection , Brookly n Publi c Library . Brooklyn Eagle. The Mai n Branc h o f th e Brookly n Publi c Librar y ha s th e ful l run o n microfilm. I could fin d n o index, bu t fortunatel y th e Brooklyn Collectio n

NOTE O N SOURCE S AN D METHODOLOG Y 2 4

1

at th e librar y hold s th e Eagle morgue wit h clipping s categorize d wel l enoug h to help identify particula r issue s of the daily pape r relevant to specific research ers. Brooklyn Communities: Population Characteristics and Neighborhood Social Resources (New York : Communit y Council o f Greate r Ne w York , Burea u o f Communit y Statistical Services , 1959) . Reuben Fin k an d Bernar d Richards , eds. , Jewish Community Directory of Greater New York: A Guide to Central Organizations and Institutions (Ne w York : Th e Jewish Informatio n Bureau , 1947) . Milton Goell , Brownsville Must Have Public Housing (Brooklyn : Brookly n Community fo r Bette r Housin g an d th e Brownsvill e Neighborhoo d Council , 1940). Goel l wa s a lawyer , poet , an d socia l reforme r i n Brownsvill e an d neighboring Eas t Ne w Yor k fro m th e early 1930 s to the early 1950s . H e wa s a key figure in the Brownsville Neighborhood Council , and ha d occasional direc t contact wit h th e Brownsville Boy s Club . Milton Goell , A Postwar Plan for Brownsville (Brooklyn : Th e Brownsvill e Neighborhood Council , 1944) . Irving Halpern , e t al. , A Statistical Study of the Distribution of Adult and Juvenile Delinquents in the Boroughs of Manhattan and Brooklyn, New York City (New York : New Yor k Housin g Authority , 1939 ) Morris Horrowit z an d Lawrenc e Jay Kaplan , The Jewish Population of the New York Area, 1900-1975 (New York : Federatio n o f Philanthropies, 1959) . Alter Landesman , Brownsville: The Birth, Development, and Passing of a Jewish Community in New York (New York : Bloc h Publishing , 1971) . Landesma n wa s a rabb i i n th e communit y an d directed , fo r almos t fou r decades , th e Hebre w Educational Society— a settlemen t hous e on Hopkinso n an d Sutte r avenues . Alter Landesman , " A Neighborhoo d Surve y o f Brownsville, " typescript , 1927 , Jewish Division , Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . Study of the Jewish Community of Brooklyn for the YMHA of Brooklyn. (New York : Jewish Welfar e Board , 1935) . Memoirs an d novel s supplie d additiona l perspective s o n lif e i n Brownsvill e i n the 1920s , 1930 s and 1940s , as well a s graphic detail on the physica l aspect s of the neighborhood. Especiall y noteworth y memoir s are : Alfred Kazin , A Walker in the City (Ne w York : Harcour t Brace , 1951) . Th e noted write r an d literar y criti c gre w u p i n Brownsvill e an d returned , chroni cally, t o visi t hi s parents . A wal k throug h th e neighborhoo d i n th e lat e 1940 s apparently stimulate d thi s marvelously evocative , sensitive memoir of boyhoo d in Brownsville .

242

NOTE O N SOURCE S AN D METHODOLOG Y

William Poste r " 'Twa s a Dar k Nigh t i n Brownsville : Pitki n Avenue' s Self Made Generation, " Commentary 9 (May 1950) : 458-67; and Samue l Tenenbaum , "Brownsville's Ag e o f Learning : Whe n th e Librar y Staye d Ope n Al l Week, " Commentary 8 (August 1949) : 173-78 , are also well worth reading . Noteworthy fictio n depictin g life in Brownsville in the 1920s , 1930s , and 1940 s includes: Arthur Granit' s shor t storie s I Am from Brownsville (New York : Philosophica l Library, 1985 ) an d hi s nove l The Time of the Peaches (Ne w York : Abelard Schuman, 1959 ) are imaginative, resonan t renditions of Brownsville life, value s and "characters. " Granit , wa s bor n i n Brownsvill e t o Jewish immigrants , an d eventually taugh t Englis h i n neighborhoo d schools . I n 195 9 h e said : " I thin k all adolescents ar e mad, bu t I like the kids and the y lik e me." Gerald Green , The Last Angry Man (New York : Charles Scribner' s Sons , 1956 ) is largel y autobiographical . Gree n depict s i n grea t detai l th e lif e o f hi s father , a Brownsville docto r i n the 1930 s and 1940s . H e als o recreates scene s of dirty , noisy streets , th e interaction s o f shiftin g population s o f blacks an d Pole s an d Jews, a s well a s the general povert y an d th e gang fights . Irving Shulma n doe s som e o f th e sam e i n The Amboy Dukes (Ne w York : Doubleday, 1947) , a nove l whic h makes i t clea r tha t Jew s di d no t entirel y escape the proble m o f juvenile delinquency . For Brownsvill e i n the lat e 1940 s through th e present, whe n th e neighborhoo d began t o becom e increasingl y les s Jewish an d mor e populate d b y blacks , see : Brooklyn Communities, "Brownsville Yout h Boar d Are a Report, " "Repor t o f Youth Activitie s Project, " an d "Attitude s o f Minority Youth, " al l cited above . More recent powerful an d informative work s dealing with Brownsvill e include : Harold X . Connolly , A Ghetto Grows in Brooklyn (Ne w York : Ne w Yor k University Press , 1977) . Harold V . Savitch , "Powerlessnes s i n a n Urba n Ghetto : The Cas e of Politica l Biases and Differentia l Acces s i n New Yor k City," Polity (Fall 1972) : 10-56 . Urban Renewal in Brownsville, 1960-1973 (Ne w York : Stat e Stud y Commissio n for Ne w Yor k City, 1973 ) The New York Times, th e New York Daily News an d th e New York Post ofte n carried storie s an d feature s o n Brownsville , especiall y i n th e lat e 1960 s an d early 1970s . Valuable historica l an d sociologica l studie s of ethnic neighborhoods othe r tha n Brownsville are: Herbert J . Gans , The Urban Villagers: Group and Class in the Life of Italian Americans (New York : Fre e Press , 1962 ) a sensitive stud y o f th e peopl e o f th e West En d o f Boston, wher e Gan s live d i n the late 1950s .

NOTE O N SOURCE S AN D METHODOLOG Y 2 4

3

Jonathan Rieder , Canarsie: The Jews and Italians of Brooklyn Against Liberalism (Cambridge: Harvar d Universit y Press , 1985 ) anothe r insightfu l participant observer study , wa s particularl y usefu l i n tha t man y o f th e Jews o f Canarsi e had migrate d fro m Brownsville . William H . Whyte , Street Corner Society: The Social Structure of an Italian Slum 3d. ed . (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1981) . This classi c on Boston' s North End , wa s originall y publishe d i n 194 3 an d becam e a mode l fo r man y subsequent fiel d studies . More tha n 25 0 other work s wer e consulte d o n a variety o f subject s includin g adolescence, self-help , urba n demography , housing , juvenil e delinquency , nostalgia, sports , socia l reform , politic s an d crime . Th e item s mos t relevan t t o this stud y ar e foun d i n th e note s throughout . Fo r immigratio n an d ethnicity , including socia l mobilit y an d acculturation , se e notes fo r th e prologu e an d fo r chapters 3 and 6 .

Index

Aaronson, Sammy , 2 6 Abe Star k Philanthropies . See Brownsville Boy s Clu b Boar d o f Director s Abrams, Samuel , 12 6 Adelman, Norman , 138 , 147 , 148 ; fired by Ab e Stark , 147 ; and racia l integra tion, 14 9 Adonis, Joey, 2 1 Alinsky, Saul , 11 9 Allen, Phog , o n colleg e basketbal l brib ery scandals , 10 9 Alley Pon d Park , 14 0 Altman, Sol , 4 3 Amboy Dukes, The (Shulman), 26 , 8 9 Amboy Street , 20 , 25 , 89 , 18 2 American Basebal l Foundation , 10 7 American Jewish Committee , 115 , 117 , 200

American Jewish Congress , 11 5 American Labo r party , 27 , 28 , 73 , 13 6 Anti-Semitism, 48 , 112 , 178 , 18 5 Armstrong, Christopher , 182-83 , J 88 Armstrong, David , an d Boy s Clu b o f America, 142 , 14 4 Assembly o f Brookly n Jewish Women' s Organizations, 125 , 129 , 130 , 131-3 2 Atkins, Thomas , 12 6 Atkins Avenue , 17 8 Atoms (BB C team) , 13 6

Attell, Abe , 77-7 8 Azarow, Nat , 11 6 Bacall, Mendy , 12 4 Baltimore Bullets , 8 2 Baroff, Jacob , 2 , 20 , 25 , 28 , 35-36 , 45 , 60, 66, 70 , 76 , 81 , 84, 86 , 95 , 127 , 182, 188 , 196 , 198 ; as alumnus , 58 ; on BBC cam p vacations , 46-47 , 48 ; biography of , 49-53 ; o n children' s library , 40; an d desir e fo r clubhouse , 102 ; as founder, 2 , 43 ; honored b y BB C Alumni Association , 200-202 ; a s lecturer, 52 ; on Irvin g Levine , 200 ; as mentor, 99-100 , 101 , 117 ; on origin s of BBC , 26 , 38 ; as "parol e officer, " 46 , 50, 59-60 ; photograph s of , 44 , 103 , 201; a s professiona l socia l worker , 53 , 103, 105-6 , 118 , 133 , 134-35 , 149 ; promotes continue d philanthropy , 202 ; promotes publi c housing , 111 ; on rec reation an d juvenil e delinquency , n o ; separated fro m BBC , 134-3 5 Barshay, Hyman , 126 , 15 7 Bart, Al , 20 0 Baseball, 25 , 32 , 76-77 , 107 ; Jews and , 81-82; Jews in , 79-80 . See also names of individual teams Basketball, 1 , 16 , 28 , 31 , 43, 45, 49 , 107 ;

245

246

INDEX

blacks in , 117 ; and colleg e briber y scandals, 193-95 ; Jews in , 78 , 82-85 , 193-94. See also names of individual college and professional teams Beck, Allen , 12 6 Bedford-Stuyvesant, 91 , 16 0 Bell, Daniel , 2 5 Belmont Avenue , 12 , 20 , 58 ; photograp h of, 1 1

Benitez, George , 153 , 19 8 Bennett, Reuben , 138 , 147 , 148 ; and community organizing , 147 ; as directo r of BBC , 135 , 138 ; fired b y Ab e Stark , !

47> ! 49 Bensonhurst, 3 4 Berch, George , 61 , 65, 19 1 Berle, Milton , 12 6 Berman, Bernard , 16 , 95 , 100 , 19 9 Bernstein, Joe , 7 7 Betsy Hea d Memoria l Park , 25 , 34 , 35 , 80, 138 , 15 2 Black Hat s (socia l an d athleti c club) , 109 , 110

Blacks: an d communit y control , 177-79 ; economic conditio n of , 162-63 , 168— 70, 172-74 , 175 , 185-86 ; educatio n of , 65-66, 176-78 ; ethnic identit y of , 112 ; and family , 64 , 181 , 183 ; juvenile de linquency among , 108-9 , 162-63 , I( ^95 mobility of , 90-91 , 158-59 , 160 , 169 , 175, 185-87 ; an d politics , 174 , 175 , 176-79, 183-84 ; religiou s cultur e of , 183; and self-help , 182 , 183 , 188 . See also Brownsvill e Boy s Club , an d racia l integration Blake Avenue , 1 5 Block, Rabb i Morri s A. , 19 8 Bluth, Paul , 12 6 B'nai B'rith , 10 7 Bodnar, John , 5 , 212m 5 Bombers (BB C team) , 11 7 Bonnano family , 19 3 Borough Park , 23 , 16 4 Boxing, 77-7 8 Boykoff, Harry , 8 2 Boys Athleti c League , 10 0 Boys Brotherhoo d Republic , 133-3 4

Boys Club s o f America , 140 , 142-43 ; on juvenile delinquency , 15 6 Bradley Universit y an d basketbal l brib ery scandals , 19 4 Breuklen Houses , 14 3 Brief, Rabb i Neil , 19 9 Brief, Seymour , 46 , 95 , 100 , 19 9 Brief, William , 6 2 Bring, Aaron , 13 2 Bristol Stree t Boy s (socia l an d athleti c club), 109 , 11 0

Brooklyn, 81 , 121 ; changing populatio n of, 13 , 29 , 159-65 ; crime in , 127-29 ; map of , 8 ; mode l citie s progra m in , 170-72, 179 , 180 ; politics in , 123-24 ; recreational facilitie s in , 34-35 ; Roma n Catholic Dioces e of , 168 , 180 ; social work in , 118-1 9 Brooklyn College , 51 , ^6, 67 , i n , 11 7 Brooklyn Counci l fo r Socia l Planning , 28; an d BB C buildin g fun d drive , 102 ; and juvenil e delinquency , 88-89 , 9 1 92 Brooklyn Dodgers , 45 , 80 , 81 , 161 , 191; move t o Lo s Angeles , 160-6 1 Brooklyn Eagle, 19 , 159 ; ceases publica tion, 160 ; on juvenil e delinquency , 88 ; promotes BB C buildin g fund , 12 6 Brooklyn Hebre w Hom e an d Hospita l for th e Aged , 7 2 Brooklyn Nav y Yard , 16 0 Brooklyn Publi c Librar y Children' s Branch (Brownsville) , 3 , 4, 17 , 39-41 , 92, 102 , i n , 114 , 137 , 194 ; photographs of , 38 , 39 , 40, 112 , 13 7 Brooklyn Schoo l fo r Specia l Children , 198 Brooklyn Women' s Hospital , 13 1 Brownsville: an d blac k in-migration , 20 , 91, 109 , 113-14 , 150 , 161-62 , 166 ; as black neighborhood , 154-88 ; crime in , 21, 27 , 88 ; early histor y an d develop ment of , 9-13 ; economi c conditio n o f blacks in , 20 , 162-63 , 168-69 ; economic conditio n o f Jews in , 17-19 , 53 , ^, 58 ; health condition s in , 20 ; healt h of blacks in , 169 ; housing in , 12 , 19 21, 143 , 169-73 , 175 , 179-81 ; hunge r

INDEX in, 179 ; as Jewish neighborhood , 14 15, 23 ; and Jewish out-migration , 91 , 141, 150 , 163-64 , 168 , 187 ; map of , 10; political fragmentatio n of , 176 ; politics in , 27 , 53-54 , 73-74 , '74-79 , 184, 2i6n.84 ; populatio n change s in , 13, 161-65 , 168 ; public housin g in , n o , i n , 114 , 147 , 166 , 17 2 (photo graph); recreationa l facilitie s in , 3 , 24 , 34-35, 49 , 73 , 187-88 ; rent strike s in , 170; riots in , 168 , 174-75 ; synagogue s in, 15 , 39 , 168 ; urban renewa l in , 170-72; yout h in , 2 9 Brownsville Boy s Club : accomplishment s of, 41 , 92-94, 197 ; and athleti c com petition, 25-26 , 41 , 43, 48, 76 , 99 , 106-8, 110-11 , 113 , 114 , 138 ; and Brooklyn Dodgers , 80-81 ; an d cam p vacations, 46-48 , 49-50 , 13 1 (photo graph), 140 ; ethnic identit y of , 3 , 4, 6 , 58, 75-76 , 141 , 2 i i n . 2; an d juvenil e delinquency, 86-88 , 89 , 91-92 , 192 93; origin s an d earl y growt h of , 2-3 , 28, 32 , 35-39 , 43-48 ; an d professiona l social work , 4 , 46-47 , 54 , 60 , 100 , 117-18, 132-36 , 147-50 , 153 , 199 200; promote s socia l change , 92 , i n ; and racia l integration , 48 , 92 , 111-17 , 115 (photograph), 13 1 (photograph) , 137 (photograph), 147 , 149-50 , 153 ; and self-government , 3-4 , 43 , 46, 60 , 103-4, IIO > I 3 2 _ 3 5 , H 3 ' a n ^ sel f help, 1 , 41, 48, 132 , 136 , 197 , 200 ; transferred t o Ne w Yor k City , 150 52, 154 , 156 ; Women's Divisio n of , 129; and Worl d Wa r II , 93-94 , 9 5 100

Brownsville Boy s Clu b alumni : a s BB C staff, 198-99 ; an d buildin g fun d drive , 140-45; civi c activitie s of , 197-98 , 200; an d crime , 192-93 ; divorce among, 190 , 234^2 ; i n th e helpin g professions, 199-200 ; an d migratio n from Brownsville , 1 , 6 , 164-67 , 189 , 192; mobility of , 1,6 , 13 , 189 , 192 , 195; mobility o f childre n of , 190 ; and nostalgia, 202-3 ; reunion s of , 1 , 2 , 50 , 191, 197 , 200 , 202 ; and self-help , 203 ;

2

47

as wa r veterans , 106 ; and Minni e Weingart, 13 2 Brownsville Boy s Clu b Alumn i Associa tion, 2 , 166 , 2 1 in. 1; BBC activitie s of , 140-45, 167 , 197 ; civic activitie s of , 197, 202 ; constitution of , 166-67 ; de cline of , 167 ; in ne w building , 167 ; reunions of , 1 , 2 , 50 , 191 , 197 , 200-202 ; revival of , 197—98 , 202-3 ; Women' s Philanthropic Chapte r of , 19 8 Brownsville Boy s Clu b Boar d o f Direc tors, 58 , 102 , 103 , 125-26 , 142 , 149 , 151, 167-68 , 177 ; becomes Ab e Star k Philanthropies, 16 8 Brownsville Boy s Clu b building , 4 ; Cere bral Pals y Pavilio n of , 151 ; construction of , 141-46 ; desir e for , 99 , 102 , 138, 140 ; fund-raising dinner s for , (1947), 126-29 , 132 , (1949 , 1950) , 129 , (1951), 143 , (1953), 144 ; fund-raisin g drives for , 126-27 , 130 , 132 , 140-45 ; Golden Ag e Cente r of , 151 , 168 ; reactions to , 145-4 7 Brownsville Chambe r o f Commerce , 22 , 89

Brownsville Communit y Center , 170 , 178, 183 ; council of , 17 7 Brownsville Healt h Council , 14 7 Brownsville Housin g Project , n o , 114 , H7 Brownsville Neighborhoo d Council , 27 , 28, 72 , 102 , 147 ; promotes publi c housing, 73 , i n ; an d racia l integra tion, 113-1 4 Brownsville Neighborhoo d Healt h an d Welfare Council , 14 7 Brownsville Recreatio n Cente r (formerl y BBC), 152 , 167-68 , 188 , 19 8 Brownsville Schoo l Council , 11 1 Brownsville Yout h Organization , 18 2 Bruins (BB C team) , 31 , 36 , 58 , 86 , 16 7 Buchalter, Loui s ("Lepke") , 21 , 22 Burial of the Fruit (Dortort) , 2 6 Cacchione, Pete r V. , 5 4 Cahan, Abraham , 76-7 7 Cahnman, Werne r J., m - 1 2

248

INDEX

Canarsie (Brooklyn) , 69 , 70 , 74 , 164-65 , 168, 176 , 190 , 24 3 Cantor, Eddie , 47-4 8 Caplin, Arthur , 19 1 Case Wester n Reserv e University , 5 5 Cashmore, John, 12 3 Catholic Yout h Organization , 11 8 Celler, Emanuel , 15 8 Chambers, Bradford , 10 6 Charles Hayde n Foundation , 4 , 140 , 141-45, 15 0 Chicago, 3 Chicago Bears , 7 9 Chicago Cubs , 7 7 Chicago Stags , 31 , 83 Chotiner, Al , 8 9 Chrisdales (BB C team) , 3 5 Chrislotts (BB C team) , 2 Christmas-Hanukkah parties , 139 , 14 8 Christopher Avenue , 140 , 18 1 Christopher Avenu e storefront , 4 , 113 , 140; activities at , 104-5 ; photograph s of, 104 , 105 , 130 ; remodeling of , 104 5, 138 ; rental of , 10 2 City Colleg e o f Ne w York , 58 , 82 , 101 ; and basketbal l briber y scandals , 193 94 Clearpool Camp , 4 8 Cobras (BB C team) , 11 4 Cohen, Eliot , 8 1 Cohen, Jacob , 9 Cohen, Leonard , 20 0 Cohen, Miriam , 6 8 Cohen, Nathan , 11 8 Cohen, Phili p ("Littl e Farfel") , 2 2 Cold Spring s Camp , 47-4 8 Columbia College , 7 8 Columbia Universit y Schoo l o f Socia l Work, 51 , 118 , 133 , 135 , 14 9 Comets (BB C team) , 76 , 16 7 Commentary, 81 Commission o n Crim e an d Delinquency , 20

Communism an d communists , 54 , 57 , 73, 119 , 15 0 Condors (BB C team) , 1 6 Coney Islan d (Brooklyn) , 17 , 7 0 Congress o f Industria l Organization s (CIO), 7 3

Costello, Frank , 21 , 12 7 Covello, Leonard , 6 8 Crane, John P. , 127 , 12 8 Crime: i n Brooklyn , 127-29 ; i n Browns ville, 21-27 , 88 , 127-29 ; i n Ne w Yor k City, 21 , 15 6 "Crime a s a n America n Wa y o f Life " (Bell), 2 5 Curtis, Sam , 73 , 17 6 Daily News, 81 Danning, Harry , 8 0 Dassa, Nathan , 14 , 8 4 Davidson, Flor a M. , 11 1 Democratic party , 73 , 75 , 97 , 120 , 123 24, 128 , 131 , 148 , 157-58 ; represente d at BB C dinne r (1947) , 12 6 Dent, Rev . Bois e S. , 108 , 11 3 Detroit Tigers , 7 9 Deutch, Jacob , 19 , 71 , 82, 95 , i n , 167 ; biography of , 56-58 ; as founde r o f BBC, 3 , 43; photograph of , 198 ; as volunteer staff , 10 4 Dewey, Thoma s E. , 22 ; and BB C build ing fun d drive , 12 6 Diamond, Dave , 153 , 19 8 Dodson, Dan , 11 8 Dora She r Leagu e fo r Handicappe d Children, 13 1 Doroshkin, Sadie , 2 0 Dortort, David , 2 6 Douleday, Edga r A. , 142 , 143 , 144 , 15 2 Drug abuse , 159 , 169 , 178 , 186 , 18 8 Dryansky, Leonard , 15 , 99, 100 , i n , 118, 147 , 148 , 198 ; on BB C da y camp , 140; biography of , 136-38 ; and com munity organizing , 148 ; designs BB C building interior , 147 ; fired b y Ab e Stark, 147 ; leaves BB C staff , 149 ; photograph of , 137 ; as professiona l socia l worker, 136 ; as progra m director , 13 5 Dumont Avenue , 39 , 72 East Brookly n Coalitio n o f Churches , 180-81, 18 3 Eastern Europe , 49 , 57 , 61-62 , 64 , 68 , 75, 100 , 184-88 ; Jewish educatio n in , 67-68 East Flatbus h (Brooklyn) , 164 , 176 , 18 6

INDEX East Ne w Yor k (Brooklyn) , 2 9 Ebbets Field , 4 5 , 80 , 8 1 , 100 , 122 , 161 ;

photographs of , 80 , 121 , 12 2 Eboli, Tommy , 19 3 Educational Alliance , 41 , 47 Educational Par k (Flatlands) , 176-7 7 Epstein, Joseph , 2 5 Ergas, Jack, 20 0

Fabrikant, Ben , 12 6 Famous Restaurant , 12 6 Federal League , 7 7 Federal Publi c Housin g Administration , 172 Feeny, Henry , 2 2 Feit, Fred , 80 , 19 9 Feldman, Joseph , 48 , 55 , 58 , 60 , 71 , 82, 95, 100 , 127 , 135 , 140 , 167 , 192 ; biography of , 55-56 ; a s cam p counselor , $6; as founde r o f BBC , 2-3 , 43 ; as lec turer, 52 , 56 ; photographs of , §6, 124 , 198, 201 ; as presiden t o f BB C Alumn i Association, 167 , 197 ; on voluntee r staff, 10 4 Fifth Assembl y Distric t Independen t Democrats, 7 3 Fisher, Harry , 7 8 Flaherty, Joe , 8 1 Flatbush (Brooklyn) , 17 , 23 , 34 , 16 4 Flatbush Boy s Club , 43 , 47 Fleisher, Nat , 7 8 Forman, Irving , 18 , 82 , 127 , 199 ; on bal l playing, 76 ; on leavin g Brownsville , 165; photograph of , 18 ; as professiona l social worker , 105- 6 Fort Green e (Brooklyn) , 9 1 46 Club, 12 5 Fox, Stanley , 109-1 0 Friedman, Max , 7 8 Furillo, Carl , 12 2 Gaffin, Dudley , 74 , 89 , 146 ; photograp h of, 9 8 Gang: A Study 0/1,313 Gangs in Chicago, The (Thrasher), 5 2 Gans, Herbert , 42-43 , 74 , 135-36 , 220 2in.8; o n lowe r class , 185-8 6

249

Garment industry , 11 , 17 , 63, 130 , 19 3 Geller, Bernard , photograp h of , 9 8 Geller, Sam , 8 0 Genovese, James Vincent , 1 6 Genovese clan , 19 3 Gerchick, Abe , 12 5 Gerchick, Sid , 19 9 German Jews , 4 7 G.I. Bill , 66, 10 3 Gideonse, Harry , 11 7 Gladstein, Whitey , 8 4 Glazer, Nathan , 1 8 Goell, Milton , 241 ; and BB C buildin g fund drive , 102 ; and publi c housing , 20, 110 ; and recreation , 10 8 Gold, David , 2 , 4 3 Goldberg, William , 4 6 Goldman, Moe , 8 2 Goldsmith, Jack : an d BBC , 194 ; and col lege basketbal l briber y scandals , 193— 95; indicted , 19 5 Goldstein, Mo d ("Bugsy") , 2 2 Goldstein, Nathan , 12 6 Golenbock, Peter , 16 1 Gordon, Mary , 6 9 Gordon, Milton , 5 Gordon, Sid , 8 0 Gorgeous Gus' s cand y store , 19 1 Goroff, Norman , 14 , 28 , 36 , 43 , 45, 58 , 60, 66, 76 , 82 , 95 , 103 , i n , 127 , 133 , 135, 196 ; on BB C cam p vacations , 4 7 48; biograph y of , 53-55 ; as founde r o f BBC, 3 ; photographs of , 103 , 112 ; as professional socia l worker , 53 , 54 , 55 , 200; promote s socia l change , 92 , 11 1 Grand Concours e (Bronx) , 2 3 Granit, Arthur , 242 ; quoted, 15 , 21 , 26, 39, 63 , 19 6 Great Depression : i n Brownsville , 17 , 54, 63-64 , 196 ; in Sout h Brooklyn , *95 Greeley, Fathe r Andrew , 6 9 Green, Gerald , 242 ; quoted, 14 , 5 9 Greenberg, Henr y ("Hank") , 79-8 0 Gregorio, Gaspa r di , 19 3 Gross, Harry , 127 , 12 8 Grosswirth, Herb , 48 , 6^ Guber, Sam , 19 1 Gutman, Daniel , 10 2

2

5°

INDEX

Hamill, Pete : o n Brookly n Dodgers , 81 , 161; on dru g abuse , 15 9 Harlem (Manhattan) , 91 , 16 0 Hawks (BB C team) , 11 7 Hayden, J . Willard , 141 , 144 , 15 2 Hebrew Butchers ' Union , 12 6 Hebrew Educationa l Societ y (HES) , 20 , 34, 72 ; moves t o Canarsie , 16 8 Hebrew Fre e Loa n Society , 7 2 Hebrew Ladies ' Da y Nursery , 7 2 Hegeman Avenue , 14 0 Henry Stree t Settlement , 4 1 Highland Park , 1 3 Hilton, Esther , 11 7 Hodesblatt, Mac , 8 3 Hogan, Frank , 19 3 Holland, Jack , 12 6 Holman, Nat , 8 2 Holocaust, 53 , 62, 97-98 , 11 4 Hopkinson Avenue , 20 , 72 , 17 8 Home, Lena , 12 6 Hotel St . Georg e (Brooklyn) , 12 6 Howard Avenue , 7 2 Howe, Irving , 1 9 Hurley, William , 18 8 / Am from Brownsville (Granit), 1 5 Immigrants an d immigration , 49 , 50 , 53 , 56-57, 61-62 , 100 ; acculturation, 5-6 , 187, 211-12n.5 ; an d education , 67 ; and family , 71 , 183 ; mobility, 21 , 186-87, 233^98 ; repatriatio n rates , 68; restriction , 12 , 15 8 Impellitteri, Vincent , 123-24 , 12 6 International Ladie s Garmen t Worker s Union (ILGWU) , 19 3 International Workers ' Orde r (IWO) , 57 , 73, *3 ° Irish-Americans, 48 ; mobility of , 6 9 Isaacson, Julie , 8 0 Italian-Americans, 48 , 84-86 ; i n BBC , 16; in Boston , 41-43 , 69 , 74 , 195-96 ; in Canarsie , 69 , 74 ; and community , 71-72; an d crime , 21 ; culture of , 4 2 43, 75 ; and education , 67-69 ; ethni c identity of , 74-75 , 220-2in.28 ; an d family, 64 , 71 , 74-75; fatalism among , 42, 69 , 75 ; mobility of , 69 ; and poli -

tics, 74 ; and self-help , 74-75 ; i n Sout h Brooklyn, 6 4 Italy, educatio n in , 67-6 8 Jansen, William , 12 6 Javits, Jacob, 15 8 Jeffries-El, Joseph , 17 9 Jesters (BB C team) , 1 6 Jewish Bi g Brother s Association , 2 8 Jewish Boar d o f Guardians , 7 2 Jewish Daily Forward, 53, 65, 76 , 13 0 Jewish People' s Fraterna l Order , 2 8 Jews: acculturatio n of , 47-48 , 76-77 , 101, 184 , 203-4 ; * n Canarsie, 69 ; and community, 71-72 ; an d crime , 21-27 ; economic clas s of , 5-6 , 17-19 ; ethni c identity of , 5-6 , 16-17 , 50 , 66, 112 , 203-4; a R d family , 61-65 , 70-72 ; a s landlords, 169 ; mobility of , 17-19 , 23 , 91, 93-94 , 163-66 , 184-85 , 187 ; and politics, 19 , 41, 57 , 60 , 73-74 , 75 , 112, 115—17 , 183-84 ; religiou s cultur e of, 5-6 , 16 , 19 , 26-27 , 29-50 , 57 , 58 , 60, 62-63 , 64 , 69-70 , 75-76 , 183 , 187, 196-97 , 203-4 ; religiou s educa tion of , 15 , 59 , 62-63 ; secular educa tion of , 16 , ^, 65-68 , 130 ; and self help, 5-6 , 72-73 , 75-76 , 101 , 18 4 Johns Hopkin s University , 5 8 Junior Hig h Schoo l 271 , 17 8 Junius Street , 20 , 89 , 19 1 Juvenile Ai d Bureau , 27 , 28 , 19 9 Juvenile delinquency , 4 , 20-21 , 27 , 59 , 108-11, 154-57 , 2 1 in.3; and BB C members, 41 , 192 ; in blac k Browns ville, 91-92 , 154-55 , 162-63 , l &9, 182, 188 ; in Jewish Brownsville , 2 3 27, 50-51 , 76 , 88-90 ; Ne w Yor k Cit y declares wa r on , 10 9 Kaplan, Samuel , 7 4 Karbel, Isidore , 15 , 62, 106 , 199 ; on ne w building, 199 ; photograph of , 19 8 Katz, Louis , 12 8 Kauff, Benny , 7 7 Kazin, Alfred , 241 ; on ba r mitzvah , 62 63; o n black s i n Brownsville , 113 ; on children's library , 40 ; on education ,

251

INDEX 65; o n escapin g Brownsville , 13 ; on Great Depression , 54 ; on Jewish work ing class , 17 ; on street-life , 2 9 Kennedy, Stephe n P. , 15 8 Kessner, Thomas , 7 1 Kirschner, Milton , 19 , 30 , 35 , 49, 70 , 199 Kitzes, David , 5 7 Kiwanis League , 10 0 Koch, Edward , 18 8 Kronenberg, Martin , 14 , 58 , 95 , 99 , 108 , 167, 198 ; biography of , 100-102 ; pho tographs of , 107 , 19 8 Kushner, Lawrence , 16 , 101 , 19 8 Labor Lyceum , 27 , 7 3 Ladies' Fre e Loa n Society , 7 2 Lama, Alfred , 17 7 Lambert, Benjamin , 134 , 14 1 Landesman, Rabb i Alter , 20 , 203 , 24 1 Landsmanshaftn, 49 , 72 , 96 , 101 , 18 4 Lansky, Meyer , 2 1 Last Angry Man, The (Green), 14 , 5 9 Leavitt, Jack, 24 , 95 , 133 , 196 ; at BB C dinner (1947) , 126 ; promotes socia l change, 111 ; on recreatio n an d juvenil e delinquency, 110-11 ; o n self-govern ment, 13 4 Legion Street , 17 4 Leibowitz, Samue l S. , 15 8 Leibowitz's Pickl e Works , 19 1 Lenowitz, Gerr y ("Sheiky") , 14 , 32 , 198 ; leaves Brownsville , 192 ; photograph s of, 98 , 12 4 Leonard, Benny , 7 8 Lesovoy, Isidore , 28 , 36 , 37 , 95 , 127 , 135, 140 , 167 ; on BB C board , 58 , 103 ; biography of , 58-59 ; a s founde r o f BBC, 2 , 43 ; photograph of , 4 4 Levenberg, Irving , 3 9 Levine, George , 35 , 48, 19 7 Levine, Irving , 24 , 35 , 39 , $8, 84 , 95, 99, 137 , 147 , 148 , 149 ; as athleti c di rector, 108 , 118 ; biography of , 114-18 ; fired b y Ab e Stark , 147 ; photograp h of, 116 ; as professiona l socia l worker , 118, 135 , 136 , 138 , 200 ; promotes ra cial integration , 114-17 , 14 9

Levine, Morris , 62 ; biograph y of , 66-67 ; as politica l candidate , 7 4 Levitt, William , 132 , 14 3 Levy, Zeke , 10 3 Liberal party , 7 3 Lieberman, Elias , 3 5 Linden Boulevard , 4 , 20 , 14 0 Lipman, Louis , 19 4 Livonia Avenue , 20 , 22 , 89 , 11 3 London, Carl , 19 0 Long Islan d University , 125 , 193 ; and basketball briber y scandals , 193-9 5 Lott Street , 19 1 Lower Eas t Sid e (Manhattan) , 11-12 , 14 , 17, 21 , 65, 77 , 129 , 133 , 18 5 Luciano, Charle s ("Lucky") , 2 1 Luckman, Sidney , 7 9 Lukas, Edwar d J. , 102 , 14 0 McCarthy, James , 11 8 McCarthy, Joseph , 14 8 McDonald, Byrnes , 2 8 McDonald, Miles : a t BB C dinner , 126 ; investigates polic e corruption , 12 7 McGovern, Joseph , 45 , 46, 6 0 McGraw, John , 7 7 Madison Squar e Boy s Club , 43 , 47 , 4 8 Madison Squar e Garden , 8 3 Maione, Harry , 2 2 Malamud, Bernard , 81-8 2 Manhattan, 11 , 63, 81 ; politics in , 123 24. See also Ne w Yor k Cit y Manhattan Bridge , 1 2 Manhattan College , 19 3 Marx, Karl , 203 , 212m 8 Michaels, Dorothy , 12 5 Michigan Stat e University , 13 7 Midnight Rose' s cand y store , 22 , 2 5 Midwood (Brooklyn) , 1 7 Millman, Irwin , 19 9 Moore, Debora h Dash , 5 , 212m 5 Moran, James J., 127 , 12 8 Moses, Robert , 35 , 15 2 Most Distressful Nation, The (Greeley), 6 9 "Murder, Inc., " 22-2 6 Musketeers (socia l an d athleti c club) , 109

Mustangs (BB C team) , 19 0

252

INDEX

Nanny Goa t Park , i , 34 , 35 , 191 , 197 ; BBC gain s contro l of , 43 , 45; photographs of , 85 , 86 , 8 7 National Basketbal l Association , 8 3 National Counci l t o Comba t Blindness , 131

National Footbal l League , 7 9 National Recreatio n Association , 33-3 5 Natural, The (Malamud), 81-8 2 Nehemiah houses , 180-8 1 Newfield, Jack , 9 1 Newport Indian s (BB C team) , 2 Newport Street , 19 1 Newton, John , 14 7 New Yor k City , 11 , 13 ; social wor k in , 118-19; yout h in , 29 . See also Manhat tan New Yor k Cit y Boar d o f Education , 36 , 54, 57 , 58 , 176 ; and racia l integration , 176-78; restrict s us e o f recreatio n cen ters, 2 , 28 , 29 , 3 1 New Yor k Cit y Departmen t o f Com merce, 12 3 New Yor k Cit y Departmen t o f Health , 20

New Yor k Cit y Departmen t o f Parks , 4 , 35, 152 , 156 , 167-68 , 18 8 New Yor k Cit y Housin g Administration , on abandone d properties , 18 0 New Yor k Cit y Yout h Board , 20 , 111 , 118

New Yor k Federatio n o f Jewish Philan thropies, 14 0 New Yor k Fre e Loa n Society , 7 2 New Yor k Giants , 77 , 8 0 New York Herald Tribune Fresh Ai r Fund , 4«i 4 7

New Yor k Knickerbockers , 31 , 82, 8 3 New York Sun, 8 2 New York Times: on housin g i n Browns ville, 179 ; on juvenil e delinquency , 156; on publi c housing , 17 2 New Yor k University , 51 , 56, 82 , 117 , 118; and basketbal l briber y scandals , J93-94 New Yor k Universit y Cente r o f Inter group Relations , 11 8 New Yor k Urba n Coalition , 17 9

New Yor k Yankees , 80 , 8 1 Nitzberg, Irvin g ("Knadles") , 2 2 Nobel Dre w Al i Plaza , 17 9 Nobles (BB C team) , 11 4 Nudelman, Rudy , 19 , 70 , 82 , 98 ; photo graph of , 9 7 Ocean Hill-Brownsville , 17 8 O'Dwyer, William , 21 , 27-28 , 121 , 123, 141; an d BB C buildin g fun d drive , 126; at BB C dinne r (1947) , 126-28 ; criminal connection s of , 128 ; as distric t attorney, 22 , 2 7 Office an d Professiona l Worker s o f America, 118-1 9 O'Malley, Walter , 161 , 16 4 O'Neill, Charles , 3 5 Oregon Stat e University , 19 4 Osborne Street , 2 6 Oventhal, Jack, 72 , 74 ; as playgroun d di rector, 198 ; as professiona l socia l worker, 10 5 Parents fo r a n Educationa l Par k (PEP) , 176, 17 7 Parent-Teacher's Association : o f Browns ville, i n ; o f Publi c Schoo l 184 , 36 , 3 7 Park, Robert , 5 Park Place , 17 9 Pelham Parkway , 2 3 Pelty, Barney , 7 7 Pinchuk, Charles , 192 ; photograph of , 2 4 Pink, Louis , 2 0 Pitkin Avenue , 12 , 15 , 72 , 73 , 175 ; Merchants' Associatio n of , 121 ; photograph of, 12 , 96 Podhoretz, Norman , 25 , 63 , 8 1 Police Athleti c League , 41 , 45, 8 8 Polo Grounds , 77 , 7 9 Poolrooms, 22 , 24 , 25 , 28 , 36 , 52 , 100 , 128, 19 5 Portnoy, Bessie , 2 0 Poster, William : o n Brownsville , 9 , 12 , 61; o n education , 66 ; on stree t life , 31 , 84-86 Powell Street , 15 , 56 , 73 , 189 , 190 , 191 ; photographs of , 32 , 97 , 17 3 Premiere Palace , 1 1 3

2

INDEX

Pride o f Judea Children' s Home , 7 2 Prohibition, 2 1 Public Schoo l 156 , 10 9 Public Schoo l 183 , 18 2 Public Schoo l 184 , 2 , 3 , 28 , 32 , 34 , 41, 54, 58 , 59 , 105 , 19 1 Public Schoo l 332 , 181 , 18 3 Puerto Ricans : i n Brooklyn , 159 , 160 , 161; i n Brownsville , 161 , 168 ; in Eas t Flatbush, 16 4 Putter, Harmon : a t BB C dinne r (1947) , 127; as directo r o f BBC , 133 , 134 , 13 5 Rabinowitz, Hyman , 9 9 Racism an d rac e fear , 91 , 112 , 113 , 117 , 150, 158-59 , 161-62 , 163-66 , 176 , 185, 186-8 7 Radish, Harold , 73 , 82 , 127 ; on leavin g Brownsville, 165 ; as professiona l socia l worker, 105- 6 Rams (BB C team) , 11 4 Recreation an d juvenil e delinquency , 20 21, 25-26 , 27 , 76 , 84 , 86-88 , 89 , 90 , 91-92, 108-11 , 113 , 118 , 138 , 151-53 , 155-57, 181-83 , 188 , 2i6n. 5 Red Moge n David , 13 1 Reformers, 3 , 20-21 , n o , 125 , 133-3 4 Reisman, Harold , 19 1 Reles, Abe , 22 , 2 5 Republican party , 74 , 123 , 15 7 Resnick, Frenchy , 19 1 Reulback, Eddie , 7 7 Reynolds, Bertha , 11 9 Ribakowitz, Seymour , 19 1 Richards, Edwar d A. , 14 1 Richardson, Joseph , 179 , 18 3 Rieder, Jonathan , 7 4 Riverdale Avenue , 15 , 73 , 19 0 Rockaway Avenue , 12 , 24 , 89 , 19 2 Rosen, Don , 7 6 Rosen, Murray , 19 1 Rosenzweig, Roy , 13 4 Ross, Barney , 7 9 Roth, Alvin , 19 4 Rubenfeld, Abe , 30 , 48 , 71 , 76, 196-97 , 200; on leavin g Brownsville , 165-6 6 Rubin, Samuel , 12 6

53

Rudd, Irving , 161 , 16 4 Ruth, Babe , 7 9 Sackman Street , 15 , 25 , 73 , 140 , 19 1 Sackonians (BB C team) , 25 , 100 ; photograph of , 2 4 St. John's University , 82 , 8 3 St. Loui s Browns , 7 7 Saints (BB C team) , 11 4 Salit, Jesse, 25 , 80 , 82 ; photograph of , 2 4 Sandler, Irwin , 8 4 Saratoga Avenue , 15 , 20 , 2 2 Savitch, Harol d V. , 17 6 Schaff, Harvey , 19 4 Schlosberg, Seymour , 70 , 71 , 73, 82 Schmaren, Bernard , 8 2 Schmaren, George , 28 , 45, 46 , 56 , 95, 127, 135 , 140 , 192 ; as athleti c director , 43; o n BB C board , 58 , 103 ; biograph y of, 59-60 ; a s founder , 2 , 43 ; as lec turer, 52 ; photograph of , 4 4 Schmaren, Jack , 71 , 76, 8 2 Schneider, Sam , 9 9 Scholnick, Leonard , 7 4 Sedran, Barney , 7 8 Settlement houses , 41 , 42, 133-3 6 Shapiro, Hyman , 19 1 Shapiro, Irving , 22-2 3 Shapiro, Jacob ("Gurrah") , 2 1 Shapiro, Meyer , 22-2 3 Shapiro, Stanley , 191 , 19 4 Shapiro, Willie , 22-2 3 Shulman, Irving , 26 , 27 , 89 , 24 2 Siegel, Benjami n ("Bugsy") , 2 1 Siegel, Sidney , 20 , 30 , 62 , 99 , 102 , 192 ; and Brookly n Schoo l fo r Specia l Chil dren, 198 ; on leavin g Brownsville , 16 7 Sikora, Irving , 9 9 Skope, Joe, 9 8 Slapion, Arthu r ("Slappy") , 7 8 Slappy Ace s (BB C team) , 7 8 Smolin, Seymour , 61-62 ; photograp h of , 87

Snypes, John , 135 , 138 , 147 , 148 ; fired by Ab e Stark , 14 7 Socialism an d socialists , 27 , 53 , 54-55 , 63, 73 , i n , 130 , 14 8

254

INDEX

Society fo r th e Preventio n o f Crime , 102 , 113, 14 0

Solow, Robert , 45 , 4 8 Sorrentino, Gilbert , 64 , 106 , 19 5 South Brooklyn , 64 , 106 , 19 5 Spartans (BB C team) , 11 4 Spetter, Arthur , 14 , 19 3 Sports, Jewish interes t an d participatio n in, 76-8 5 Square Deal s (BB C team) , 7 0 Stark, Abe , 118 ; biography of , 120-23 ; as BB C benefactor , 4 , 158 ; and BB C building fun d drive , 102 , 120 , 129 , 140-45; an d BB C self-government , 133, 134-35 ; as City Counci l Presi dent, 124-25 , 149 ; clothing stor e of , 121-22; a s Commissione r o f Com merce, 123 ; and connection s t o gam bling, 128-29 , 149 ; defends Browns ville, 89 , n o ; photograp h of , 139 ; political ambition s an d activitie s of , 4 , 74, 119-25 , 141 , 148 , 157-58 ; an d professional socia l workers , 119 , 120 , 133, 147 , 148 , 152 ; on recreatio n an d juvenile delinquency , 108-9 , 1 5Ii 155—57; as reformer , 125 ; sees BB C a s political liability , 149-5 2 Starr, Roger , 18 0 Stavitsky, Leonard , 76 , 125 , 19 5 Stengel, Casey , 8 1 Stern, Henry , 18 8 Stone Avenue , 15 , 17 , 39 , 72 , 140 , 19 1 Stonedales (BB C team) , 2 , 16 7 Stone Theater , 45 , 11 5 Straus, Harry , 2 2 Street Corner Society (Whyte) , 4 2 Street life , 2 , 30 , 32 , 52 ; and aut o acci dents, 29 ; and games , 1 , 14 , 26 , 29 32, 79 ; and gangs , 3 , 26 , 46 , 84-88 , 89-90, 108-11 , 15 9 Stuffer, Bernie , 19 0 Sutter Avenue , 13 , 20 , 22 , 24 , 26 , 33 , 89, 10 9 Suttles, Gerald , 20 2 Takhles, 19, 64 , 69 , 20 3 Tanenbaum, Sidney , 82 , 19 2

Teitelbaum, David , 12 6 Tenenbaum, Samuel , 65 Thomas Jefferson Hig h School , 16 , 35 , 53, 57 , 66, 6j, 82 , 138 , 19 4 Thrasher, Frederick , 51-52 , 56 , 6 0 Tibbs, Vincent , 113 , 12 7 Tikn olam, 19 , 53 , 54 , 19 6 Time of the Peaches (Granit), 26 , 19 6 Trester, Charles , 3 2 Truman, Harr y S. , 11 7 Tsedaka, 50 , 62 , 185 , 20 3

United Jewis h Ai d Societies , 1 7 University o f Connecticu t Schoo l o f So cial Work , 5 3 University o f Kansa s (Lawrence) , 19 4 University o f Kentucky , 19 4 University o f Pennsylvani a Schoo l o f So cial Work , 53 , 13 5 University Settlemen t House , 7 8 Urban Villagers, The (Gans), 4 2 Van Dyk e Houses , 143 ; photograph of , 172 Varbero, Richard , 6 8 Vecoli, Rudolp h J. , 5 , 211-120. 5 Vietnam war , 53 , 20 2 Wagner, Rober t P. , 120 , 152 , 156 , 157 , 158, i7 7 Walker, Dixie , 12 2 Warshow, Robert , 2 5 Watkins Street , 19 1 Weingart, Minnie , 134 , 138 , 140 , 143 , 147, 168 ; biography of , 129-32 ; photo graphs of , 130 , 13 1 Werbel, Ben , 73 , 97 Werbel, Morton , 19 2 Werbel, Walter , 8 2 Wernikoff, Ben , 25 , 71 , 76, 82 , 93 ; on leaving Brownsville , 16 5 West India n blacks : i n Eas t Flatbush , 164; in England , 186-87 ; a s landlords , 169; mobility of , 186-8 7 White, Sherman , 19 3

2

INDEX Whyte, Willia m H. , 41-42 , 195-96 , 24 3 Williamsburg, 12 , 1 7 Williamsburg Bridge , 1 2 Wilson, Willia m J. , 18 8 Winnick, Sidney , 134 , 14 0 Wirth, Louis , 5 Wolfe, Thomas , 6 Worcester, Mass. , 3 , 13 4 Workmen's Circle , 57 , 7 3 Works Progres s Administratio n (WPA) , *7» 35 , 53 * *3 6 World Wa r II , 1 , 4, 52-53 , 58-59 ; an d racism, 117 ; and returnin g veterans , 106-8

55

Yedin, Leo , 70 , 82 , 19 9 Yiddishkayt, 14, 16 , 53 , 55 , 56 , 60 , 63, 190

Yikhes, 64, 7 0 Young Men' s Hebre w Associatio n (YMHA), 41 ; BBC negotiate s with , 140-41; o f Boroug h Park , 34 ; of Eas t New York , 34 , 134 , 138 , 140-4 1 Zaslofsky, Abe , 1 7 Zaslofsky, Max , 13 , 31 , 32 , 84 ; biogra phy of , 82-8 4 Zeplin, Leonard , 153 , 19 8 Zionism, 59 , 63 , 72