National Reporting 1941-1986: From Labor Conflicts to the Challenger Disaster [1 ed.] 9783110972313, 9783598301728

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THE PULITZER PRIZE ARCHIVE A History and Anthology of Award-winning Materials in Journalism, Letters, and Arts

Series Editor: Heinz-Dietrich Fischer Ruhr University, Bochum Federal Republic of Germany

PART A: REPORTAGE JOURNALISM

Volume 2

KGSaur München · London · NewYork Paris 1988

National Reporting 1941-1986 From Labor Conflicts to the Challenger Disaster

Edited with general and special introductions by Heinz-Dietrich Fischer in cooperation with Erika J. Fischer

KGSaur München · London · New York Paris 1988

Gefördert durch Dietrich Oppenberg aus Mitteln der Stiftung Pressehaus N R Z Essen

CIP-Titelaufnahme der Deutschen Bibliothek The Pulitzer Prize archive : a history and anthology of award-winning materials in journalism, letters, and arts / ser. ed.: Heinz-Dietrich Fischer. — München ; London ; New York ; Paris : Saur. I S B N 3-598-30170-7 N E : Fischer, Heinz-Dietrich [Hrsg.] Pt. A . Reportage journalism. Vol. 2. National reporting 1941 - 1 9 8 6 : from labor conflicts to the Challenger disaster / ed. with general and special introd. by Heinz-Dietrich Fischer in cooperation with Erika J. Fischer. — 1988. I S B N 3-598-30172-3

Alle Rechte vorbehalten / All Rights Strictly Reserved K. G. Saur Verlag G m b H & Co KG, München 1988 (A member of the international Butterworths Group, London) Printed in the Federal Republic of Germany by W S Druckerei Werner Schaubruch, Mainz Bound by Buchbinderei Schaumann, Darmstadt Cover Design by Manfred Link, München ISBN 3-598-30172-3 (Vol 2) I S B N 3-598-30170-7 (Complete Set)

Ν

PREFACE

Whereas the first volume

of

this series, which was published in

1987, documented and analyzed the Pulitzer Prizes

in the Inter-

national Reporting category, this book is devoted to the National Reporting category. While several texts have been awarded a general reporting award, a category introduced in 1917 and could be characterized as "national" Prize, none of these hybrids are considered here, because the editors tried to avoid their own definition of the awards. Therefore the true history of the National Reporting

category

doesn't

begin until

1942 when the category

"Telegraphic Reporting (National)" was established. This category must be considered as the direct predecessor of the National Reporting category. As in the case of voted

the previous book, very much time was de-

to careful investigation,

complete. The entries

included

biographical notes can be Columbia University.

here,

prize winning

texts

and

found at the Pulitzer Prize office at

Initially materials

required correspondence in the United States

to ensure that the material is

with

were

incomplete;

and

archives, libraries and newspapers

to establish facts and figures. Entries in

published sources were incomplete for

the purposes of this vol-

ume. Brief biographies of Pulitzer Prize-winners were difficult to locate. Often, even basic information had to be researched in press archives, or by contacting the authors or their relatives. The editors would people who helped

like to

to overcome

express

their gratitude to those

the obstacles

we

encountered:

Charles L. Bartlett (Jefferson Foundation, Washington,

D.C.);

Sam J. Boldrick (Miami Public Library); Robert S. Boyd (KnightBidder Newspapers, Washington, D.C.); Frank J. Carroll (The Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.); Robert C. Christopher Pulitzer

Prize Office, New York);

Terri

(The

E. Diehl (The Houston

VI Post); Wade A. Doares (Library, Graduate School Columbia University, New York); Karen Furey Goebel

Ken Feil

(The American Council

(The American Council

of

Journalism,

(The Washington Post);

on Germany, New York); Mark

on Germany,

Hardnett (The Baltimore Sun); Larry

New York); Carolyn J.

E. Heinzerling

(The Associ-

ated Press , New York); Clark Hoyt (Knight-Rid der Newspapers r Washington, D.C.); James H. Hutson (The Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.); Brigitte Keller-Hüschemenger

(United States Informa-

tion Agency, Bonn); Howard Kleinberg (The Miami News); Bud Kliment (The Pulitzer Prize Office, New York); Robin Kuzen (former member of the Pulitzer

Prize Office, New York); Annette Morrison (The

Nashville Tennessean); Eugene S. Pulliam (The Indianapolis Star); Elizabeth V. Reidy (The New York Times); James V. Risser (Stanford University); Christina Robb (The Boston Globe); Bev Whitlock (The Minneapolis Star), and Richard Witkin (The New York Times). Copyright permission

for reprinting award winning texts were

generously and understandingly granted

by June A. Almquist (The

Seattle Times); Jack Anderson (Syndicated Columnist, Washington, D.C.); Patricia A. Anderson (The Christian Science Monitor, Boston, Mass.);

Linda M. Arnold (The Wall Street Journal); Andrew

Barnes (The St. Petersburg Times);

Elsie Carper

(The Washington

Post)·,Ben Cason (United Press International, New York); James P. Gannon (The Des Moines Register & Tribune);

Alvin Goldberg

(The

Kansas City Times); Leonard R. Harris (The New York Times); Ruth H. Holmberg (The Chattanooga Times);

Larry Jinks

(Knight-Ridder

Newspapers, Miami, Fla.), Don Kopriva (Chicago Sun-Times); David Kraslow (The Miami News); Ralph Langer (The Dallas Morning News); Lawrence A. Leser (Scripps-Howard Newspapers

Alliance, Cincin-

nati, Oh.); Walter R. Mears (The Associated Press, New York); S. J. Micciche (The Boston Globe); John J. Monaghan (The Providence Journal-Bulletin);

Reg Murphy (The Baltimore Sun); John S. Pres-

cott (International Herald-Tribune, New York); Cheryl Preston (Los Angeles Times); Joseph Pulitzer, Jr. John

Seigenthaler

(The Nashville

Minneapolis Tribune),

and

(St. Louis Post-Dispatch);

Tennessean); Hal Seymour (The

Thomas E. Wark (The Philadelphia In-

quirer) . In addition we University

of

enjoyed the assistance

of many people at the

Bochum. Mrs. Ingrid Dickhut endeavored for months

to transcribe barely legible texts into a proper manuscript and

VII prepared the entire index. Mr. Johannes Dedek of the Institute of Education Library helped

to

locate materials. Mr. Peter Gerlach

served as a translator and helped to resolve questions of detail. Mr. Manfred

Link (K. G. Saur Verlag) was responsible for proof-

reading the translation from German into English and also for the production of the book. Last but not least, the editors are happy to express their gratitude once again

to Mr. Dietrich Oppenberg

for the generous support he has offered us for this book, too. Bochum, FRG March, 1988

H.-D. F./E. J. F.

THIS VOLUME IS DEDICATED

LOUIS

STARK

C1888-1954)

PULITZER PRIZE WINNER ON HIS 100TH

TO

1942

BIRTHDAY

IX

C O N T E N T S

PREFACE

Ν

INTRODUCTION By Heinz-Dietrich Fischer, Ruhr-Universität

xv Bockum

HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE PULITZER PRIZE FOR NATIONAL REPORTING

XV

SELECTIONS FROM AWARD-WINNING ENTRIES REMARKS ABOUT THE SELECTIONS CRITERIA

Ι 2

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) By Louis Stark, The New York Times

3

IN 1941

LABOR AND THE AMERICAN DEFENSE INDUSTRY FROM NOWHERE (NATIONWIDE) IN 1942 By Nobody, No Newspaper or News Agency TELEGRAPHIC REPORTING (NATIONAL) JURY REPORT OF MARCH 15, 1943 FROM CHICAGO (ILLINOIS) IN 1943 By Dewey L. Fleming, The Baltimore

4 9

10 U

Sun

REPUBLICANS FOR INTERNATIONAL COLLABORATION

12

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1944 By James B. Reston, The New York Times

IT

EAST AND WEST AGAINST AGGRESSION FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1945 By Edward A. Harris, St. Louis-Post Dispatch THE OIL AND THE DEMOCRATIC CAMPAIGN

18 27 28

χ

FROM ATLANTA (GEORGIA) IN 1946 BY

EDWARD

T.

ORGANIZED

FOL H A R D ,

THE

NAZISM

GEORGIA

IN

33

WASHINGTON

POST 34

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1947 BY

NAT

S.

FINNEY,

THE

MINNEAPOLIS

RULES

UNDER

TRUMAN

SECRECY

39

TRIBUNE ADMINISTRATION

40

FROM PHILADELPHIA (PENNSYLVANIA) IN 1948 BY

CHARLES RACE

P.

ISSUE

T R U S S E L L , THE REMAINS

A

NEW

YORK

45

TIMES

PROBLEM

46

FROM SEATTLE (WASHINGTON) IN 1949 BY

EDWIN IN

0.

GUTHMAN,

CHARGE

OF

THE

53

SEATTLE

COMMUNIST

TIMES

ACTIVITIES

54

FROM NOWHERE (NATIONWIDE) IN 1950 BY

NOBODY,

NO

MEMBERS OF IN S P R I N G ,

NEWSPAPER

OR

THE ADVISORY 1951

NEWS

59 AGENCY

BOARD

ON

THE

PULITZER

60

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1951 BY

ANTHONY TRUMAN

LEVIERO, AND

THE

MACARTHUR

NEW

YORK

TIMES

ON

WAKE

ISLAND

DON

WHITEHEAD,

PRESIDENT

THE

ELECT

ASSOCIATED

EISENHOWER

ΤΙ PRESS

IN

KOREA

72

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1953 BY

RICHARD

WILSON,

RED

RINGS

SPY

THE

IN

DES

THE

MOINES

WHITE

ANTHONY

LEWIS,

THE

ANOTHER

COMMUNIST-IN-CHARGE

HOUSE

84

WASHINGTON

DAILY

CHARLES

L.

SECRETARY

BARTLETT,

REHABILITATED

OF

AIR

AND

CHATTANOOGA SPECIAL

DAILY PARTNER

89

NEWS 90

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1955 BY

83

REGISTER

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1954 BY

61

62

FROM NEW YORK (NEW YORK) IN 1952 BY

PRIZES

95

TIMES 96

XI FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1956 By James B. Reston, The New York Times PRESIDENT EISENHOWER'S BAD HEALTH

102

FROM LITTLE ROCK (ARKANSAS) IN 1957 BY

RELMAN

G.

MORIN,

THE

109

ASSOCIATED

PRESS

A CASE OF RACE AND VIOLENCE

110

FROM IMMOKALEE (FLORIDA) IN 1958 BY

HOWARD

V.

SMITH,

THE

MIAMI

HT

NEWS

MIGRANTS IN A DESPERATE SITUATION

118

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) BY

VANCE

TRIMBLE,

SORIPPS-HOWARD

IN 1959

NEWSPAPERS

FAMILY TIES ON CAPITOL HILL

124

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) BY

EDWARD

R.

CONY,

THE

WALL

STREET

IN 1960

130

FROM KNOXVILLE (TENNESSEE)

IN 1961

BY

S.

CALDWEL1/GENE

CONSPIRACY

139

GRAHAM,

THE

ANTHONY

NASHVILLE

IN THE COAL INDUSTRY

140

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) BY

LEWIS,

THE

NEW

YORK

IN 1962

156

FROM DALLAS (TEXAS) IN 1963 MERRIMAN

SMITH,

UNITED

I6I

PRESS

INTERNATIONAL

PRESIDENT JOHN F. KENNEDY'S ASSASSINATION FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) BY

LOUIS

M.

KOHLMEIER,

THE

WALL

IN 1964

STREET

JOHNSON,

THE

WASHINGTON

I7I 172 179

FROM SELMA (ALABAMA) IN 1965 HAYNES

162

JOURNAL

THE PRIVATE WEALTH OF PRESIDENT JOHNSON

BY

155

TIMES

U.S. SUPREME COURT UNDER FIRE

BY

129

JOURNAL

A QUESTION OF BUSINESS ETHICS

NATHAN G. TENNESSEAN

123

EVENING

AN ALABAMA TOWN FACES RACIAL PROBLEMS

STAR

180

XII FROM FREEPORT (THE BAHAMAS) IN 1966 BY

M O N R O E W. K A R M I N / S T A N L E Y GRAND

BAHAMA

ISLAND

W. P E N N ,

ATTRACTS

I89 THE

U.S.

WALL

STREET

JOURNAL

GAMBLERS

190

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1967 BY

NATHAN

K.

KOTZ,

INVESTIGATING

MINNEAPOLIS

THE

MEAT

203

TRIBUNE INDUSTRY

204

FROM MESA VERDE NATIONAL PARK (COLORADO) IN 1968 BY

ROBERT THE

CAHN,

THE

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1969

219

A

J.

EATON,

PREJUDICED

ARE

CHICAGO

JUDGE

IS

FROM DWIGHT (ILLINOIS) BY

LUCINDA THE

OF

A

WITH

DAILY

TURNED

NEWS

DOWN

220

IN 1970

FRANKS/THOMAS

MAKING

BURSTING

211

MONITOR 212

WILLIAM

PARKS

SCIENCE

PEOPLE

BY

NATIONAL

CHRISTIAN

227

POWERS,

FEMALE

UNITED

PRESS

INTERNATIONAL

TERRORIST

228

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1971 BY

JACK

ANDERSON,

TENSIONS

IN

BELL-MCCLURE

237

SYNDICATE

WASHINGTON'S

FOREIGN

RELATIONS

238

FROM ST, LOUIS (MISSOURI) IN 1972 BY

ROBERT A

S.

BOYD/CLARK

SENATOR'S

HISTORY

HOYT, OF

241

KNIGHT

NEWSPAPERS

PSYCHIATRIC

THERAPY

242

FROM NEW YORK (NEW YORK) IN 1973 BY

JAMES

R.

PAYING

POLK,

FOR

THE

253

WASHINGTON

PRESIDENT

STAR-NEWS

NIXON'S

CAMPAIGN

254

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1974 BY

D O N A L D L. B A R 1E T T / J A M E S

B. S T E E L E ,

UPPER

AND

INCOME

TAXPAYERS

TAX

THE PHILADELPHIA

RETURNS

FROM NEW ORLEANS (LOUISIANA) IN 1975 BY

JAMES

V.

CORRUPT

RISSER, GRAIN

THE

SHIP

OES

MOINES

INSPECTORS

263 INQUIRER 264

269 REGISTER

ACCUSED

270

XIII FROM W A S H I N G T O N ( D I S T R I C T OF C O L U M B I A ) IN 1 9 7 6 By Walter R. M e a r s , The Associated Press

277

CARTER OR FORD FOR U.S. P R E S I D E N T

278

FROM J O H N S T O W N ( P E N N S Y L V A N I A ) IN 1 9 7 7 By G a y l o r d D. S h a w , Los Angeles Times

285

DAM I N S P E C T I O N S D I D N ' T PREVENT A C A T A S T R O P H E FROM D E N V E R (COLORADO) IN 1 9 7 8 By James V. R i s s e r , The Des Moines HEAVY

286 291

Register

I R R I G A T I O N T H R E A T E N S WATER SUPPLY

FROM C L E A R W A T E R (FLORIDA) IN 1979 By Charles S t a f f o r d / B e t t e S. Orsini , St.

292 299

Petersburg

Times

SCIENTOLOGY'S WHEELINGS AND DEALINGS FROM W H Y (ARIZONA) IN 1 9 8 0 By John M. C r e w d s o n , The New POVERTY MAKES THEM FROM N I X O N

(NEVADA)

300 307

York

Times

ILLEGAL A L I E N S

308

IN 1 9 8 1

By Rick A t k i n s o n , The

319

Kansas

City

Times

INDIANS DEMAND THEIR W A T E R RIGHTS FROM B O S T O N

(MASSACHUSETTS)

By C h r i s t i n a Robb, The

320

IN 1 9 8 2

Boston

331

Globe

A G A I N S T THE N U C L E A R A R M S R A C E

332

FROM E D W A R D S A I R F O R C E B A S E

(CALIFORNIA)

By John N. W i l f o r d , The

York

New

IN 1 9 8 3

335

Times

SPACE S H U T T L E C O L U M B I A R E T U R N S S A F E L Y FROM D E S M O I N E S

(IOWA)

By Tom K n u d s o n , The

Des

336

IN 1 9 8 4 Moines

341 Register

THE M O S T D A N G E R O U S JOB O F F A R M I N G FROM D A L L A S (TEXAS) IN 1 9 8 5 By J. Craig F l o u r n o y / G e o r g e P. R o d r i g u e , Dallas

342 351 Morning

RACIAL SEGREGATION AND HOUSING DISCRIMINATION

News 352

XIV FROM HOUSTON (TEXAS) IN 1986 — · ' BY

RICHARD

WITKIN,

CHALLENGER

THE

NEW

EXPLOSION

YORK

REMAINS

369 TIMES

UNSOLVED

370

WINNERS OF THE NATIONAL REPORTING AWARD, 1987 - 2001 -

INDEX

SPACE

FOR

NOTES

-

374

377

XV INTRODUCTION

HISTORY AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE PULITZER PRIZE FOR NATIONAL REPORTING by Heinz-Dietrich Fischer

When Joseph Pulitzer wrote his will in 1903, he created what were to become the famous prizes which bear his name for outstanding journalistic and literary achievement.^ His listing included only a general category for journalistic reports. The category was named "Reporting" and was defined as being "for the best example of a reporter's work during the year, the test being strict accuracy, terseness, the accomplishment of some public good com2 manding public attention and respect." As a result of this very general definition, "the Reporting category originally embraced 3 all fields - local, national and international." For example, the first prize given in this category was on an international topic: 4 Herbert Bayard Swope of the New York World received it in 1917 "for articles which appeared (on) October 10, October 15 and from November 4 daily to November 22, 1916, inclusive, entitled, 'Inside the German Empire'."^ A nominating jury did a preselection and the Advisory Board of the School of Journalism at Columbia-University made the final decision in New York.®

1 Cf. Heinz-Dietrich Fischer/Erika J. Fischer (Eds.) , The Pulitzer Prize Archive. Vol. 1: International Reporting, 1928-1985. From the Activities to the League of Nations to Present-Day Global Problems, München - London - New York - Oxford - Paris 1987, pp. XXIV ff. 2 Quoted from Don C. Seitz, Joseph Pulitzer. His Life and Letters, New York 1924, p. 462. 3 Columbia University (Ed.), The Pulitzer Prizes, 1917-1983, New York 1983, p. 13. 4 Cf. Erika J. Fischer/Heinz-D. Fischer, American Reporter at the International Political Stage. Herbert Bayard Swope and his Pulitzer PrizeWinning Articles from Germany in 1916, Bochum, FRG, 1982, pp. 44 ff. 5 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 13. 6 Cf. John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes. A History of the Awards in Books, Drama, Music, and Journalism, Based on the Private Files over Six Decades, New York - London 1974, pp. 24 ff.

XVI UNIVERSALITY OF THE GENERAL REPORTING CATEGORY "Wartime and war-related journalism" influenced a large number η of the recommended articles during the following years. International topics in the Reporting category were no longer successful for some time, while reports about national, i.e. American, subjects clearly dominated. Yet it might be disputed in each individual case whether these texts can be definitely assigned to one of the Local Reporting or National Reporting categories which were created later. Harold A. Littledale of the New York Evening Post succeeded Swope in 1918 "for a series of articles exposing abuses g in and leading to the reform of the New Jersey State prison." In 1919 no prize was awarded in the Reporting category for texts from the year before, although the jury had made a suggestion. The Advisory Board did not accept this suggestion, although it 9 was in accord with the current statutes. John J. Leary, Jr., of the New York World was awarded the prize in 1920 "for the series of articles written during the national coal strike in the winter of 1919. " 1 0 Louis Seibold, prize-winner of 1921, wrote for the New York World too. He was honoured "for an interview with President Wilson" from the previous year. 1 1

"There was enormous profession-

al interest in Seibold's work," Hohenberg, a former Pulitzer Prize secretary, states, "because the exclusive presidential interview was such a rarity at the time. It was well understood, of course, that the World*s reporter had been favored because the paper had fought hard for the League of Nations; basically, the interview, published on June 18, 1920, conveyed Wilson's warning to the Democrat National Convention not to sidestep a pledge for the League. Nevertheless, the propaganda content of the interview did not detract from Seibold's Prize. For this was a historic first in journalism."

12

Kirke L. Simpson, a reporter of the

Associated

Press won the Reporting award in the following year "for an ar13 ticle on the burial of 'The Unknown Soldier'." This decision 7 Ibid., p. 38. 8 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., 9 Talcott Williams, Report to Nicholas versity, New York, May 1919, p. 2. 10 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., 11 Ibid. 12 John Hohenberg, op. cit., p. 38. 13 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit.,

p. 13. M. Butler, President, Columbia Unip. 13.

p. 13.

XVII was "the one that evoked the greatest national acclaim" during 14 the early years of the Pulitzer Prizes. In 1923 the Reporting prize was modified for the first time the successful topic on that occasion was not a political one. Alva Johnston of the New York Times was honoured "for his reports of the proceedings of the convention of the American Association for the Advancement of Science held in Cambridge, Mass., in December, 1 9 2 2 . " T h e brief reasons for the bestowal of the prize hardly make it clear that "without really knowing it man stood on the threshold of the atomic age in 1922. Johnston's report was

16

the first science story to win a Pulitzer Prize for Reporting." In the next year, too, the prize for Reporting was bestowed for a scientific topic: Magner White of the San Diego Sun was the prizewinner "for his story of the eclipse of the sun". 17 "In writing about a solar eclipse in 1923", William D. Sloan et al. state that "Magner White turned what could have been an ordinary story into a masterpiece... The vividness of the descriptions makes it 1 easy 8 for the reader to draw a mental picture of the rare event." In the following year, 1925, there was another change in the Reporting category with regard to the contents when the prize was bestowed on James W. Mulroy and Alvin H. Goldstein of the Chicago Baity News "for their service toward the solution of the murder of Robert Franks, Jr., in Chicago on May 22, 1924, and 1the bring9 ing to justice of Nathan F. Leopold and Richard Loeb." Hohenberg states that both reporters "triumphed over a tough Chicago newspaper crowd... It was a feat that set the two youngsters apart from the pack for the 20 remainder of their long and useful lives as newspapermen..."

One year later William Burkle Miller

of the Louisville Courier-Journal was awarded the prize "for his work in connection with the 2story of the trapping in Sand Cave, 1 Kentucky, of Floyd Collins." Miller "became a national hero... 14 John Hohenberg, op. cit., p. 38. 15 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 13. 16 John Hohenberg (Ed.), The Pulitzer Prize Story, News Stories, Editorials, Cartoons, and Pictures from the Pulitzer Prize Collection at Columbia University, New York - London 1959, p. 239. 17 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 14. 18 William David Sloan/Valerie McCrary/Johanna Cleary, The Best of Pulitzer Prize News Writing, Columbus, Ohio, 1986, p. 264. 19 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 14. 20 John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 80. 21 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 14.

XVIII by trying for eighteen days to save the life of.. . a mountain youth, who had been trapped on January 29, 1925... Miller's pieces for the Courier Journal, vivid in their descriptive detail and painfully accurate in reporting Collins' declining energy and hope, remain in the Pulitzer Prize files as a memento of a 22 strange... time." John T. Rogers of the St. Louis Post-Dispatah won the 1927 Pulitzer Prize for Reporting "for the inquiry leading to the impeachment of Judge George W. 23 English of the U.S. Court for the Eastern District of Illinois". Rogers had been awarded the prize "for digging up the evidence of improper conduct that led to the impeachment, and later the resignation, of a Federal 24 Judge". Although there were eighteen applications in 1928, the judges could not decide, for the second time in the history of the Reporting award, to bestow the prize on any of them because, as the jury report runs, "the articles as a whole were of a low 25 standard". Paul Y. Anderson of the St. Louis Post-Dipatah was chosen in the following year from among the applications submitted "for his highly effective work in bringing to light a situation which resulted in revealing the disposition of Liberty Bonds purchased distributed the Continental in 26 HohenbergTrading connection and with naval oil by leases". praisedCompany Anderson 27 for his "investigative reporting", a description which led to the official name of a particular Pulitzer Prize category only 28 decades later. The successful material of the prize-winner in the Reporting category had an international context in 1930: Russell D. Owen of the New York Times was honoured "for his reports by 29 radio of the Byrd Antarctic Expedition" of the previous year. In 1931 A. B. MacDonald of the Kansas City Star became the prize-winner. He was honoured "for his work in connection with a murder in 22 23 24 25 26 27 28

29

John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 80. Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 14. John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 78. W. P. Beazell/A. W. Cummins/C. P. Cooper, Report of the Jury on the Reporter's Prize, New York, March 15, 1928, p. 2 (PPO). Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 14. John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 73. Cf. Heinz-Dietrich Fischer/Christopher G. Trump (Eds.), Education in Journalism. The 75th Anniversary of Joseph Pulitzer's Ideas at Columbia University (1904-1979), Bochum, FRG, 1980, pp. 165 ff. Columbia University (Ed.), p. 14.

XIX

PRESIDENT AND FELLOWS OF HARVARD COLLEGE H A R V A R D

U N I V E R S I T Y

C A M B R I D C E . M A S S A C H U S

December 19, 1936

Dear Sir, As a slight token of our appreciation of your services in connection with the reporting of the Tercentenary Conference of Arts and Sciences in September last, I enclose herewith one of the Conference badges, w h i c h I trust will be acceptable as a memento of the Tercentenary. I take this occasion to express the University's high appreciation of the services rendered by you and y o u r colleagues of the newspaper press in reporting the proceedings of the Conference from day to day. There seems to be general agreement that the press set a new standard by the fullness and readable quality of its reports on the formidable range of subjects covered by the Conference. For your own valued part in achieving this result, I b e g t o express my heartiest thanks. Sincerely yours,

the Corporation

J o h n J. O'Neill, Esq. The New York Herald Tribune PART

OF

AN

ENTRY

IN

THE

REPORTING

CATEGORY

ETTS

XX Amarillo, T e x a s " . W h e n the prize was bestowed in 1932, it was given for the first time to a team of five journalists who all worked for the Detroit Free Press ι W. C. Richards, D. D. Martin, J. S. Pooler, F. D. Webb and J. N. W. Sloan. They received the prize "for their account of the parade of the American Legion during the 1931 convention in Detroit".^ The team selected by the newspaper to report on the parade - which was characterized by much patriotism - "produced thirteen columns of type... the main story took up eleven columns describing the parade itself. The fact that the writers could sustain reader interest for that 32 much copy," wrote W. D. Sloan et al. "is a feat (in) itself". Spectacular abduction cases served as sources for the Reporting awards of the next two years. Francis A. Jamieson of the Associated Press received the award "for his prompt, full, skillful and prolonged coverage of news of the kidnapping of the infant son of Charles A. Lindbergh on March 1, 1932, from the first announcement of the kidnapping until after the discovery 33 of the baby's body nearby the Lindbergh home on May 12." The Pulitzer Prize committees awarded the prize to Royce Brier of the San Francisco Chronicle in 1934 "for his account of the lynching of the kidnappers John M. Holmes and Thomas H. Thurmond in San Jose, Calif., on November 26, 1933 after they 34 had been jailed for abducting Brooke Hart, a merchant's son". In 1953 the prize was bestowed for a sporting topic in the National Reporting award for the first time: William H. Taylor of the New York Herald Tribune was honoured "for his series of articles35 on the international yacht races" near Newport, R.I., in 1934. Lauren D. Lyman of the New York Times was the prize-winner in the Reporting category in 1936 for his "exclusive story revealing that the Charles A. Lindbergh family was leaving the United States to live in England" which had been published in the year before.^® A team of journalists was awarded the prize in 1937, as had happened in 1932. The new team were John J. O'Neill of the 30 31 32 33 34 35 36

Ibid. Ibid. William David Sloan et al., op. cit., p. 273. Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 14. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid., p. 15.

XXI New York Herald-Tribune,

William L. Laurence of the New York

Times, Howard W. Blakeslee of the Associated Behari Lai of the Universal Scripps Howard Newspapers,

Press, Gobind

Service, and David Dietz of the and they received the award "for their

coverage of science at the tercentenary of Harvard University" 37 in 1936. Raymond Sprigle of the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette won the Reporting award in 1938 for his "series of articles, supported by photostats of the essential documents, published in the previous year, exposing the one-time membership of Mr. Justice Hugo L. Black in the Ku Klux Klan". 3 8 It is noteworthy that the Reporting awards of the following three years were all bestowed on journalists of the New York World-Telegram.

Thomas L. Stokes was the first of these, in

1939, "for his series of articles on alleged intimidation of workers for the Works Progress Administration in Pennsylvania 39 and Kentucky during an election" of the year before. S. Burton Heath came next in 1940 "for his expose of the frauds perpetrated by Federal Judge Martin40T. Manton, who resigned and later was tried and imprisoned". Westbrook Pegler was the prize-winner in 1941 "for his articles on scandals in the ranks of organized labor, which led to the exposure and conviction of George 41 Scalise, a labor racketeer". So far the Pulitzer Prize for Reporting had covered a wide range of topics and formats. Yet, it continued to exist until the early fifties. 42 PHASE OF THE TELEGRAPH REPORTING CNATIONAL) CATEGORY Several more specialized prizes were added in 1942. One of the new prize categories was created for "Telegraphic Reporting (National)" and was a direct predecessor of the National Reporting award which was established at the end of the 1940s. In 1942 there was a change in the history of the Pulitzer Prizes when the additional Prizes were added to the existing ones. The latter had corresponded to those outlined in Pulitzer's will and had, for the most part, comprised only very few categories so 43 far. A revision of the prize category system was encouraged 37 38 39 40 41 42 43

Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Ibid. Cf. ibid., pp. 15 f. Cf. John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 171.

XXII

Columbia

iHntonsitp

tntijfCäpofiirtDgürk

NOMINATION FOR A PULITZER PRIZE IN JOURNALISM

In accordance with the provisions of tbt will of the Late Joseph Pulitzer, the Pulitzer Prizes m Journalism and in Letters, and the Pulitzer Traveling Scholarships, open alike to men and women, will be awarded annually in May. Nominations of candidates for any one of the Pulitzer Prizes in Journalism must be made on or before February 1 of each year, addressed to Dean Carl W. Ackerman, Graduate School of Journalism, Columbia University, New York. Each nomination for a prize must be accompanied by an exhibit, in scrap book form, of news stories, editorials, photographs, cartoons and supporting material as published, with name and date of taper. Exhibits receiving prizes become the property of Columbia University. Ml documents must be delivered at the time of nomination to Dean Ackerman, who is Secretary of the Advisory Board of the Graduate School of Journalism, Columbia University, New York. Competition for a prize will be limited to work done during the calendar year ending December 31. The prizes in journalism are awarded annually by the Trustees of Columbia University after nomination by the Advisory Board of the Graduate School of Journalism.

The following ire the Pulitzer Prizes in Journalism and the conditions governing the competition for each: (1) For the most disinterested and meritorious public service rendered by an American newspaper during the year, a gold medal costing Five hundred dollars ($300). (2) For distinguished editorial writing during the year, limited to the editorial page, the test of excellence being clearness of style, moral purpose, sound reasoning and power to influence public opinion in what the writer conceives to .be the right direction, due account being taken of the whole volume of the writer's editorial work during the year, Five hundred dollars ($300). (3) For distinguished correspondence during the year, the test being clearness and terseness of style, preference being given to fair, judicious, well-balanced and well-informed interpretative writing, which shall make clear the significance of' the subject covered in the correspondence or which shall promote international understanding and appreciation, Five hundred dollars ($300). (4) For a distinguished example of a- cartoonist's work published in an American newspaper during the year, the determining qualities being that me cartoon shall embody an idea made dearly apparent, shall show good" drawing and striking pictorial effect, and shall be intended to be helpful to some commendable cause of public importance, due account being taken of the whole volume of the artist's newspaper work during the year, Five hundred dollars (4300). (3) For an outstanding trample of news photography as exemplified by a news photograph published in a daily newspaper, five hundred dollars ($300.) [This prize is open to amateurs as well as to photographers regularly employed by newspapers, press associations or syndicates.] (6) For a distinguished example of telegraphic reporting on national affairs published in daily newspapers in the United States, Five hundred dollars- ($300). (7) For a distinguished example of telegraphic reporting of international affairs published in daily newspapers in the United States, Five hundred dollars ($300). (8) For a distinguished example of a reporter's work during the year, the test being accuracy and terseness, the preference being given to news stories published in a daily newspaper prepared under the pressure of edition time relating to matters of special interest of a local or regional character, Five hundred dollars ($300).

NOMINATION FORM CONTAINING FOR THE FIRST TIME THE NATIONAL TELEGRAPHIC REPORTING CATEGORY

Crttl H I T ,

1

2

3

4

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XXIII due to some personnel changes in the Advisory Board, which still made the final decisions on the prize-winners. "As a selfperpetuating body without limitation on the terms of service of its members", Hohenberg states, "the Board had grown old in its ways. For at the 1942 meeting, the junior member was Arthur Krock, who had been elected in 1939. The senior member was President 44 Butler, who alone survived the original Board of 1912.*' The Advisory Board, which consisted of some new members, awarded Pulitzer Prizes in several new categories for the first time in 1942, including the Telegraphic Reporting (International) prize and the above-mentioned Telegraphic Reporting (National) 45 prize. Louis Stark of the New York Times was the first prizewinner in the latter category "for his distinguished reporting of important labor stories" during 1 9 4 1 . ^ The jury (Herbert Brucker, Columbia University, and Richard L. Tobin, New York Herald-Tribune)

emphasized in its report that, because the new

prize was relatively unknown, there were only four applications and "Mr. Stark's is unquestionable the most worthy of them. In our opinion it would merit47 the prize no matter how large the list of competitors might be." The New York Times' letter for Louis Stark's nomination had already stressed his achievements, saying that "Mr. Stark, choosing labor news as his special field, has steadily developed his gift for intelligent and accurate reporting... Trusted by every group and faction in the arena in which he works, he has done much to promote calm48thinking and better understanding during a critical time..." There were again only a few applications in 1943. Six were submitted to the jury (Roscoe Ellard, Richard L. Tobin, Vance Packard, John Tebbel, Columbia University) who wrote in their report, "We have the honor to submit to the Advisory Board our recommendation of Mr. Ivan H. Peterman, staff reporter for the Philadelphia Inquirer, and of Mr. Walter Lippmann, special writer for the New York Herald-Tribune 44 45 46 47

... The exhibit of Mr.

Ibid., p. 170. John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 134. Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 23. Herbert Brucker/Richard L. Tobin, Report of the Telegraphic Reporting (National) Jury, undated (March, 1942), p. 1. 48 Nomination letter of Charles McD. Puckette, 'The New York Times,' to Dean Carl Ackerman, Columbia University, New York, undated (January/February, 1942).

XXIV Peterman's reporting consists of thirty-one interpretative news stories telegraphed from twenty-two places in thirteen states under the general title, 'This is America, 1942' ... Mr. Walter Lippmann's series on national affairs (was) telegraphed daily 49 from Washington..." Later the jury added a "note" to its report, saying "Mr. Lippmann has requested that his name be not considered".^ Since this meant that there were only Peterman's articles left to choose, the Advisory Board 51 decided "no award" in this category for work done during 1942.

1525 35th Street, K. W. Washington, D· C. March 5, 1943

ΙκΑΓ; * Dear Dean Ackerman: I have a notice from you that I have been nominated for a Pulitzer Prise in journalism, end I hope you will not think me ungrateful or insensible of the honor, -when I ask you tc withdraw my name. Many years ζξο when I «as on the World, I persuaded Ralph Pulitzer to agree that while I was in charge of the editorial pege of a Pulitzer paper, no editorial should be submitted for a Pulitzer prize. Having disqualified Π17 associates and myself then, I hope you will understand why I feel even new that I ought not to be.a candidate. Sincerely yours,%

Dear. Carl W. Ackereaa Columbia University in the City of ffew York Hew York. City LETTER FROM WALTER LIPPMANN TO DEAN CARL W. ACKERMAN 49 Roscoe Ellard/Richard L. Tobin/Vance Packard/John Tebbel, Report on Pulitzer Telegraphic Reporting Prize, New York, March 15, 1943, p. 1. 50 Ibid., summary. 51 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 23.

XXV The two jury members of 1944 (Theodore M. Bernstein and Robert E. Garst of the New York Times, both of them also Columbia journalism faculty members) who had to examine together the applications for both the International and the National Telegraphic Reporting categories deplored the fact that these two prize categories were rather imprecise in comparison with other catgories. "This committee would like to commend to the advisory board's consideration a more precise definition of telegraphic reporting, 52 since the same confusion seems to arise every year." Facing this problem the jury for the Telegraphic Reporting

(National)

category suggested three journalists to the Advisory Board: Bert Andrews, New York Herald-Tribune, Turner Catledge, New York Times 53 and Sigrid Arne. The Advisory Board accepted neither the list nor any journalist on it for the first time in the short history of this Pulitzer Prize category; instead, it bestowed the prize on Dewey L. Fleming of the Baltimore Sun "for his distinguished 54 reporting during the year 1943". When the one-person jury of Eleanor Carroll (Columbia University) examined the applications for the Telegraphic Reporting (National) prize in the Spring of 1945, she quickly selected one favourite: it was from James B. Reston of the New York Times "We submit James B. Reston's dispatches on the Dumbarton Oaks Security Conference filed from Washington", the nominating letter of the newspaper ran, which also stated that "We regard these as an exceptional example of reporting by a correspondent whose knowledge of the subject and reportorial deligence enabled him to present through the columns of the New York Times a clear and understandable account of the event".^ Reston was finally awarded the prize "for his news dispatches and interpretative 57 articles on the Dumbarton Oaks security conference" in 1944. "The New York Times, through the efforts of its correspondent" Hohenberg remarks "was able to produce the secret papers of the 52 Robert E. Garst/Theodore Μ. Bernstein, Report of the National Telegraphic Reporting Jury, New York, March 21, 1944, p. 1. 53 Ibid. 54 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 23. 55 Eleanor Carroll, Report of the Telegraphic Reporting of National Affairs Jury, New York, March 9, 1945, p. 1. 56 Appendix to the nomination letter of the 'New York Times,' Entry of the Articles by James B. Reston, undated (January, 1945), p. 1. 57 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 23.

XXVI

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December 5, 1946

ltp. Edward T.. Folliard c/o The Washington Post Washington, D. C. Dear Hr. Folliard: Hay I express my admiration for your splendid series of articles on the Columbiana which Paul Hichman, Director of our Washington office, has Just forwarded to me. I feel athat you have done one of the best Jobs, to date, and have given comprehensive picture not only of the organization, but also of the leaders. It takes a really fine reporter who can visit a community and, within a short space of time, not only accurately gauge the local situation, but also penetrate the nuances which are usually hidden to the short-time observer. You will be pleased to know that, as you hinted in your articles, the Columbians are apparently on their way out. Torn by inner dissension, their meetings pdorly attended despite sensational front-page publicity, and their finances at a low ebb, they appear to be discouraged and ready to quit. I was Interested to read what you said about whether or not groups like this should be publicized. In pausing for a moment to think about the rise of the Columbians and similar organizations, I think that perhaps, at times, we lose perspective in focusing our attention on the hate groups, themselves, rather than on the immediate- and sharp reaction of the American people in renouncing and condemning, them and the philosophies they preach. This Is especially reflected in the press, the clergy, aid civic leaders. That the public is so quick to discern the nature of orders like the Columbians, may be traced to the fact that they are so much better informed now than they were a decade ago. They are so much better informed, perhaps becaise of the publicity which these organizations have received and, particularly, because of the splendid work of keen reporters like yourself. With all best wishes. Cordially yours,

Alexander F. Miller

PART OF AN ENTRY IN THE TELEGRAPHIC REPORTING (NATIONAL) CATEGORY

XXVII Dumbarton Oaks meeting day by day while it was in progress. The State Department protested to the Times, the Department of Justice set the FBI on Reston, but the flow of exclusive information 58 remained unchecked." In the next year, 1946, the jury (Theodore M. Bernstein) did not mention the final prize-winner on his list. Bernstein recommended Bert Andrews of the New York Herald-Tribune

or Thomas F.

Reynolds of the Chicago Sun to the Advisory Board; to his mind the other eight applications did not meet the standards of quality or their topics 59 did not fit into the National Telegraphic Reporting category. The Advisory Board ignored the whole list, however, and finally named Edward A. Harris of the St. Louis PostDispatch as prize-winner. He had been suggested for several categories "for his articles on the Tidewater Oil situation which contributed to the nation-wide opposition to the appointment and 60 confirmation of Edwin W. Pauley as Undersecretary of the Navy". In the following year, 1947, the jury (Dwight S. Perrin and Lawrence L. Winship) preferred a revealing story written by Edward T. Folliard of the Washington Post. Folliard was awarded the prize "for his series of articles published during 1946 on the Columbians, Inc." 61 Following the definition problems of the Telegraphic Reporting (National) category which had arisen again and again, the time was ripe for another revision of the Pulitzer Prize categories and this finally took place in 1948: "The three categories called Correspondence, Telegraphic Reporting

(National) and Telegraphic

Reporting (International) were merged into two new categories, which were, respectively, National Reporting and International 62 Reporting." These new categories were much more clearly defined and the way the articles were produced no longer made a difference. Thus, quickly-wired reports have since had the same chance of success as carefully investigated articles. Yet, Hohenberg states that, as with the discontinued Telegraphic Reporting

(National)

category, "crime and corruptions were the principle occupation of ,. 63 numerous reporters . 58 John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 186. 59 Theodore M. Bernstein, Report of the Journalism Faculty Committee on National Telegraphic Reporting Nominations, April 1, 1946, p. 1. 60 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 23. 61 Ibid. 62 Ibid., p. 13. 63 John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 188.

XXVIII START

OF

THE

REGULAR

NATIONAL

REPORTING

CATEGORY

However, the first prize to be awarded in the National Reporting category in 1948 turned out to be a problem, as the result makes clear: the jury (Carl D. Groot and Burrows Matthews) could not agree on any one candidate, so that the Advisory Board saw no solution to the dilemma but to divide the prize. One of the two winners was Bert Andrews of the New York Herald-Tribune articles on Ά

"for his

State Department Security Case' published in 1947". THE MINNEAPOLIS EoQning

STAR.

AND

OlOCON SCVMOU* Vice #*C*lOCMT mo cascvTivc coito«

Dr. Carl Pulitzer Graduate Columbia New York

January 28 1 9 V 8

W. Ackerman, Secretary Prise Advisory Board School of Journalism University 27, New Toric

Dear Dean Ackersan: Ulis letter, and. the exhibit of which it is a part, nominate Nat S. Finney of the Minneapolis Tribune Washington bureau for the 19Ü.7 Pulitzer Prize in journalism for a distinguished example of reporting on national affairs, published in a daily newspaper in the United States. 1ir. Finney scored a national beat, as perusal of the exhibit will show, on the plan of the Truman administration to impose secrecy about the ordinary affairs of federal civilian agencies in peacetime. Hie essential documents upon which his story was based are a part of the exhibit. He followed his original revelation with a succession of dispatches reporting day-to-day developments and, finally, amendment of the proposed executive order. The supporting comment from other publications about the story make it evident, I believe, that amendment of the order was the direct result of Ur. Finney's work. We believe that no other service as fundamental to American freedom was performed in 19li7 by a newspaperman reporting on national affairs. Mr. Finney did a practical service to hard-working newspaper reporters who take seriously their obligation to tell the news; and thereby he served the principle that citizens must be informed if democracy is to function. His timely uncovering of the story, and his reporting of it, enabled American Journalism to champion a vital principle, instead of having to crusi

ACCOMPANYING LETTER FOR THE NOMINATION OF NAT S. FINNEY 64 Columbia Univprsity

(Ed.), op. cit., p. 24.

XXIX Andrews shared the prize with Nathan S. Finney of the Minneapolis Tribune "for his stories of the plan of the Truman administration to impose secrecy about the ordinary affairs of federal civilian 65 agencies in peacetime." Also the following award led, in a way, to some kind of another curiosity: The jury (W. H. Grimes and Louis B. Seltzer) and the Advisory Board bestowed the National Reporting prize of 1949 on C. P. Trussell of the New York Times with the most general phrase "for consistent excellence covering 66 the national scene from Washington" during 1948. The Jury members of 1950 (Allen Merriam and Richard W. Clarke) chose five applicants to be short-listed. They were John W. Ball of the Washington Post, Sam Dawson of the Associated Press, Paul Martin of the Gannett News Service, Jack Steele of the New York Eerald-Tribune and Richard Strout of the Christian Science Moni67 tor. "Several entries, we feel," the jury wrote about the other applicants for the prize "would have been more properly classified in class 2 (local reporting) since they deal with matters of 68 interest primarily to a local audience." Edwin 0. Guthman of the Seattle Times, the later prize-winner, was among them. The Advisory Board honoured him for his series "on the clearing of Communist charges of Professor Melvin Rader, who had been accused of attending 6 9 a secret Communist school" which had been published in 1949.

Although the 1951 jury (A. Y. Aronson, T.

M. Hederman) agreed on Arthur Krock of the New York Times for his exclusive interview with President Truman in 1950, there was "no award" that year because Krock was a member of the Advisory Board himself. 70 The Korean War affected the International Reporting category 71 considerably in the early 1950s, and had an influence on the National Reporting category for two years as well. In 1952 the jury (Richard W. Clarke, Nelson P. Poynter) conferred the Pulitzer Prize in the latter category on Anthony Leviero of the New York 65 Ibid. 66 Ibid. 67 Allen Merriam/Richard W. Clarke, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 13, 1950, p. 1. 68 Ibid., p. 2. 69 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 24. 70 Ibid., p. 47. 71 Cf. Heinz-Dietrich Fischer/Erika J. Fischer (Eds.), The Pulitzer Prize Archive. Vol. 1: International Reporting, 1928-1985, op. cit., pp. 127 ff.

XXX Times "for his exclusive article of April 21, 1951, disclosing the record of conversations between President Truman and General of the Army Douglas MacArthur at Wake Island in their conference of October, 1950". 72 After the jury of 1953 (Buren Η. McCormack, Wall Street Journal. H. D. Paulson, The Forum, Fargo, N.C.) had chosen Peter Edson of the New York Post, Guy Richards of the New York Journal American and the two freelance journalists Samuel Lubell and Edward F. Ryan to be short-listed in their report, 73 the Advisory Board decided in favour of Don Whitehead of the Associated Press, who had already won a Pulitzer Prize for Inter74 national Reporting in 1951. This time he was honoured "for his article called 'The Great Deception,' dealing with the intricate arrangements by which the safety of President-elect Eisenhower was guarded en route from Morningside Heights in New York to Korea" at the end of November of 1952. 7 ^ The 1954 jury (H. D. Paulson and George A. Benson) did not mention the final prize-winner in its report either. Instead, it put forward Wilson R. Auld, Henry McLemore, Joseph and Stewart Alsop, Bess Furman and Ken Gormin to the Advisory B o a r d . Y e t , Richard Wilson of the Oes Moines Register & Tribune was honoured "for his exclusive publication of the FBI Report to the White House in the Harry Dexter7 7 case before it was laid before the Senate by J. Edgar Hoover". The jury of 1955 (Walter Lister, Philadelphia Bulletin, Miles H. Wolff, Greensboro Daily News) succeeded in getting its candidate accepted by the Advisory Board: Anthony Lewis of the Washington Daily News received the prize "for his series of news stories dealing with the case of Abraham Chasanow, a Navy Department employee. Mr. Lewis desplayed initiative in discovering that Mr. Chasanow had been dismissed as a security risk by the Navy despite the fact that a hearing board had found the accusations made against him (by unidentified informants) to 78 be without justification." This series had been written in 1954. 72 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 24. 73 Buren Η. McCormack/H. D. Paulson, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March ΙΟ, 1953, p. 1. 74 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 28. 75 Ibid., p. 24. 76 George Benson/H. D. Paulson, National Reporting Index, undated (March, 1954), p. 1. 77 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 24. 78 Walter Lister/Miles H. Wolff, Report of the Jury on National Reporting Nominations, undated (March, 1955), p. 1.

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XXXII Although Clark Möllenhoff of the Des Moines Register was listed on top of the jury report of 1956 Louisville

& Tribune

(Norman E. Isaacs,

Times, Β. 0. McAnney, New York World-Telegram),

the

Advisory Board made its decision in favor of Charles L. Bartlett 79 who was placed second on the list. The Washington correspondent of the Chattanooga

Times was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for Na-

tional Reporting "for his original disclosures that led to the resignation of Harold E. Talbott as Secretary of the Air Force"

80

in 1955.

There were no disagreements between the jury

(Walter

Lister and Lee Hills) and the Advisory Board in 1957. The prize was given unanimously to James Reston of the New York Times

for

James B. Reston, born 1909 79 Norman E. Isaacs/B. O. McAnney, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 13, 1956, p. 1. 80 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit. , p. 24.

XXXIII

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OOMMITTBC ON WMUKMIMT ORIUTIOM

December 6, 1955

M r . Charles L . Bartlett Chattanooga Times National Pre 33 Building Washington, D . C. Dear Mr. Bartlett: I n course of the hearings on Harold Talbott, Secretary of the Air Force, last July, I made no public mention of the fact that it was you who first brought to the Subcommittee information of Mr. Talbott*s connection w i t h the Paul B. Mulligan efficiency firm; that this company did business with companies w h i c h had contracts w i t h the Defense Services and particularly the Air Force. In addition, it was never put in the record that it was from you that the Subcommittee received the. information that the company's business h a d increased during the period that Harold Talbott served as Secretary of the Air Force. During the ensuing hearings it was also from you that this Subcommittee learned of the incident of the top officials of the Douglas Aircraft Company and their conversation in the Pentagon w i t h Mr. Talbott regarding the Paul B. Mulligan & Company. I wish therefore to thank you for your cooperation and assistance i n turning these facts over to the Subcommittee. I am especially grateful to you for not making the information public prematurely thus allowing the staff of the Subcommittee to finish its preliminary investigation and permitting the public hearings to proceed in a fair, orderly and judicious manner. I greatly appreciate your assistance and feel this is a mattet where the cooperation between a newspaperman and the Subcommittee worked for the public good.

PART OF AN ENTRY IN THE NATIONAL REPORTING CATEGORY

XXXIV "a series of dispatches and analytical commentaries on the Presidential election, the American position in world affairs, and 81 major issues of 1956". One outstanding example of his winning articles was "his five-part analysis

of the effect of President

Eisenhower's illness on the 82functioning of the Executive Branch of the Federal Government." In 1958 the jury

(Richard Clarke and Felix R. McKnight) made

a clear vote in favour or Relman Morin of the Associated

Press,

and submitted this proposal to the Advisory Board. The National Reporting jury found that Morin, who had already won a Pulitzer 83 Prize for International Reporting in 1951, was "an outstanding reporter

(and) rates the No. 1 position for his highly factual, 84 dramatic and objective reporting of a difficult story." This praise referred to Morin's "incisive eye-witness report of mob violence on September 23, 1957, during the integration crisis at 85 the Central High School in Little Rock, Arkansas". "Relman Morin" Hohenberg explains further "was outside Central High School in a glass-enclosed telephone booth when a shrieking 8 6 mob forced its first black students to leave their classes." Yet Morin had to share the Pulitzer Prize for National Reporting with Clark Möllenhoff of the Des Moines Register

& Tribune

"for his

persistent inquiry into labour racketeering, which included 87 investigatory reporting of wide significance." Möllenhoff, whose name had already been on a jury list several years before, had been placed by the jury somewhere at the end of its list in 1958. 8 8 "Another National Reporting award in the 89 field of civil liberties", says Hohenberg, was bestowed in 1959. The final decision turned out to be rather difficult, however, as had been the case in former years. The jury (Milburn P. Akers, Chicago Sun-Times·, 81 Walter Lister/Lee Hills, Report of the National Reporting Jury, undated (March, 1957), p. 1. 82 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 25; cf. also John Hohenberg (Ed.), The Pulitzer Prize Story, op. cit., p. 233. 83 Cf. Heinz-Dietrich Fischer/Erika J. Fischer (Eds.), The Pulitzer Prize Archive. Vol. 1: International Reporting, 1928-1985, op. cit., pp. 127 ff. 84 Richard Clarke/Felix R. McKnight, Report of the National Reporting Jury, undated (March, 1958), p. 1. 85 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 25. 86 John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 241. 87 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 25. 88 Cf. Richard Clarke/Felix R. McKnight, op. cit., p. 1. 89 John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 244.

XXXV Harvey Patton, Detroit News; Kingsbury Smith, New York JournalAmerican) nominated Joseph R. Slevin of the New York Herald-Tribune ahead of Edward T. Folliard of the Washington Post and Clark 90 Möllenhoff of the Des Moines Register & Tribune. But the Advisory Board finally decided in favor of Howard Van Smith of the Miami News. He was honoured "for a series of articles that focused public notice on deplorable conditions in a Florida migrant labour camp, resulting in the provision of generous assistance for the 4,000 stranded workers in the camp, and thereby calling attention to the national problem91 presented by 1 ,500,000 migratory laborers" published in 1958. Fifty-two entries were submitted to the jury members (Herbert Brucker, Hartford Courant; Ralph McGill, Atlanta Constitution', William P. Steven, Minneapolis Star-Tribune) in the Spring of 1960. Seventeen of them "were regarded as being of high quality and worthy of the prize, but after 92 further discussion, the list was narrowed to four entries..." They had been submitted by Hanson W. Baldwin and Walter Sullivan of the New York Times, Victor Cohn of the Minneapolis Tribune, Anthony Lev/is of the New York Times and Vance Trimble of the Scripps-Howard Newspaper Alliance. "We believe" the jury report said at the end "that all 93 four of these are in the finest journalistic tradition." The Advisory Board decided in favour of Vance Trimble, who had "the hottest iron in the fire", i.e. a 1959 series "which disclosed that one fifth of the nation's congressmen put members of their own families on the public payroll. His stories resulted in the U.S. Senate making public the names and 94 salaries of its employees for the first time in twelve years." The 1961 jury (Everest P. Derthick, Cleveland Flain Dealer; Raymond Fanning, Republican-American,

Waterbury, Conn.; Felix R.

McKnight, Dallas Times-Herald·, Alden C. Waite, Copley Newspapers) submitted the names 95 of five candidates in alphabetical order to the Advisory Board. Edward R. Cony was "sifted out" as the prize-winner "for his analysis of a timber transaction which drew 90 Milburn P. Akers/Harvey Patton/Kingsbury Smith, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 12, 1959, p. 1. 91 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 25. 92 Herbert Brucker/Ralph McGill/William P. Steven, Report of the National Reporting Jury, undated (March, 1960), p. 1 f. 93 Ibid., p. 1. 94 Ibid., p. 2. 95 Everest P. Derthick/Raymond Fanning/Felix R. McKnight/Alden C. Waite, Report of the National Reporting Jury, undated (March, 1961), p. 1.

XXXVI

THE ONLY FLORIDA NEWSPAPER TO WIN ITS SECOND POLITZER AWARD!

1959 : NATIONAL REPORTING

HOWARD VAN SMITH of THE MIAMI NEWS awarded The Pulitzer Prize in Journalism for "Nalional Reporting, 1958" — for his series of articles on the deplorable conditions in a Florida Migrant Labor Camp.

1939 : PUBLIC SERVICE

THE MIAMI NEWS awarded The Pulitzer Gold Medal in Journalism "for the most disinterested and meritorious public service rendered by an. American newspaper during the year 1938—".

PLUS . . . FIVE 1959 FIRST-PLACE FLORIDA AP AWARDS TWO "NEWS PICTURES OF THE YEAR" AWARDS α

prize-winning

newspaper

sells

goods

for

its a d v e r t i s e r s

. . .

A p o l i c y o f constantly i m p r o v i n g The M i a m i JVetcs "product" has p a i d o f f i n n a t i o n a l recognition o n the excellency of its e d i t o r i a l c o n t e n t . It foliates that the respect tchich i n c r e a s i n g n u m b e r s o f s u b s c r i b e r s have for The N E W S i s reflected i n the volume i n w h i c h they buy MEWS-advertised goods and services. Y o u c a n ' t c o v e r t h e f a b u l o u s M i a m i market

without

The

Miami

Vet/-»

REPRESENTED NATIONALLY BY SAWYER-FERGUSON, WALKER

T H E

M I A M I

N E W S

"THE BEST N E W S P A P E R U N D E R T H E SUN"

[Source: Editor

& Publisher

(New York), Vol. 92/No. 20, May 16, 1959, p. 31.]

XXXVII the attention of the public to the problems of business ethics" 96 in 1960. There were no problems in finding the prize-winner of 1962 either when the jury (Everest P. Derthick, Cleveland Plain Dealer·, Alan Hathaway, Newsday; Alden C. Waite, Copley Newspapers; J. Russell Wiggins, Washington Post) unanimously decided that Nathan G. Caldwell and Gene S. Graham, two Si reporters of the Washville Tennesseean, should top its list. The Advisory Board agreed on this proposal and bestowed the National Reporting award on the two journalists "for their exclusive disclosure and six years of detailed reporting, under great difficulties, of the undercover cooperation between management interests in the coal industry and the United Mine Workers" in 1961. 98 RETURN OF W A S H I N G T O N CORRESPONDENCE AS NATIONAL

REPORTING

The jury members (Herbert Brucker, Hartford Courant; John Colt, Kansas City Star; William P. Hobby, Houston Post; Dolph Simons, Journal-World, Lawrence, Kan.) had a close vote in 1963. They finally sent a list of five journalists to the Advisory Board with Anthony Lewis of the New York Times at the top, followed by Morton Mintz of the Washington Post. Three of the four jurors had decided in favour of these two first places, whereas only two members of the committee had voted in favour of Worth Bingham of the Louisville Courier-Journal, William Wyant of the St. Louis Post-Dis99 patch and Charles Nicodemus of the Chicago Daily News. Anthony Lewis had already won the National Reporting award in 1955, had now worked on juridical 1 oo topics and had carried out research at Harvard University. The Advisory Board finally honoured him "for his distinguished reporting of the proceedings of the United States Supreme Court during the year (1962), with particular emphasis on the coverage of the decision in the reappointment 101 case and its consequences in many of these States of the Union." Both of the excellent works of the next two years dealt with U.S. Presidents. In 1964 each of the five jurors (Norman Ε. Isaacs, Louisville Courier-Journal; John Strohmeyer, Bethlehem Globe-Times 3 96 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 25. 97 Everest P. Derthick/Alan Hathway/Alden C. Waite/J. Russell Wiggins, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 8, 1962, p. 1. 98 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 25. 99 Herbert Brucker/John Colt/William P. Hobby/Dolph Simons, Report of the National Reporting Jury, undated (March, 1963), p. 1. lOO John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 244. ΙΟΙ Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 25.

XXXVIII Arthur C. Deck, Salt Lake City Tribune', Martin S. Hayden, Detroit News·, Henry MacLeod, Seattle Times) felt "that Mr. Smith's dramatic account of the assassination of President John. F. Kennedy was clearly the stand-out entry among the seventy-one exhibits entered in this category. In the jury's opinion, it ranks as a distinguished piece of reporting and writing in the best tradi102 tion of Joseph Pulitzer." Thus the jury and later the Advisory Board appreciated the work of Merriman Smith of the United Press International, who received the National Reporting award "for his outstanding coverage of the assassination of President John F. Kennedy" in November 1963.^°^ He had sat in an escort car driving directly behind the President and had thus become 104 one of the most reliable witnesses of the fatal assassination. In 1965 there were again disagreements between the jury and the Advisory Board. The jury (Joseph G. Harrison, Christian Science Monitor', William P. Hobby, Houston Post; Gene Robb, Albany Times-Union; Robert M. White II, Ledger, Mexico, Mo.) decided, after their discussions, that the journalists Paul Hope and John Barron of the Washington Star should top the list, and put the Associated Press staff and Louis M. Kohlmeier of the Wall Street Journal in the second p l a c e . T h e Advisory Board reversed the order, however, and gave the prize to Louis M. Kohlmeier "for his enterprise in reporting the growth of the fortune of President Lyndon B. Johnson and his family", which was pub106 lished in the Wall Street Journal in 1964. The jury, for its part, had emphasized Kohlmeier's "exhaustive, resourceful reporting, combined with clear and authoritative writing (which) brought the nation the what, the where and the how of President Johnson's wealth. Before the populace had begun to inquire seriously how a man on the public payroll for thirty-three years could build107 a big fortune, Mr. Kohlmeier put the answer in public print." 102 Norman E. Isaacs/John Strohmeyer/Arthur C. Deck/Martin S. Hayden/Henry MacLeod, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 6, 1964, p. 1. 103 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 25. 104 Cf. John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 253, and John Hohenberg (Ed.), The Pulitzer Prize Story II. Award-winning News Stories, Columns, Editorials, Cartoons, and News Pictures, 1959-1980, New York 1980, p. 245. 105 Joseph G. Harrison/William P. Hobby/Gene Robb/Arville Schaleben, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 5, 1965, p. 1. 106 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 25. 107 Joseph G. Harrison/William P. Hobby/Gene Robb/Arville Schaleben, op. cit.,

P- 1-

XXXIX

UPI's Pulitzer Prize-winner United Press International salutes Merriman Smith for winning this year's Pulitzer Prize for national reporting. He won it for his outstanding coverage under great competitive pressure of the assassination of President Kennedy on Nov. 22, 196-3. UPI is proud of this signal tribute to the professional skill and craftsmanship of its White House reporter.

[Source: Editor & Publisher

* UP! MAN "United IS AT THE J>ress J international

SCENC

(New York), Vol. 97/No. 1 9 , May 9 , 1 9 6 4 , p . 3 . ]

XL "In the closing stage of its deliberations", the 1966 Jury report ran (Donald K. Baldwin, St. Petersburg Times', Robert Lasch, St. Louis Post-Dispatch;

C. A. McKnight, Charlotte Observer; Paul

Veblen, Santa Barbara News-Press), "the national reporting jurors found themselves trying to compare apples and pears. Therefore, from eight final contenders, each of the four jurors selected three. The votes were tallied. Two of the eight received no votes; 108

two received one vote."

The votes for the remaining four con-

tenders were as follows, Haynes Johnson of the Washington Evening Star four votes, Mark Arnold of the National Observer two votes, Dom Bonafede of the New York Herald-Tribune 109 two votes, Raymond Coffee of the Chicago Daily News two votes. The Advisory Board decided to bestow the award on the journalist who had collected most of the votes, because the jury had not been able to make up its mind in favour of one candiate. Thus Haynes Johnson received the National Reporting award "for his distinguished coverage of the civil right conflict centered about Selma, Ala-1 1 0 bama, and particularly his reporting of its aftermath" in 1965. Haynes Johnson of the Washington Evening Star was named first on the jury list (Frank Angelo, Detroit Free Press; Charles 0. Kilpatrick, Express Publishing Company, San Antonio, Tx.; John E. Leard, Richmond Times-Dispatchi Paul Sann, New York Post; Thomas Winship, Boston Globe) put forward to the Advisory Board. On the following positions the jury put Peter Lisagor of the Chicago Daily News, Neil Maxwell of the Wall Street Journal, Clark Möllenhoff of the Des Moines Register & Tribune, Drew Pearson/Jack Anderson of the Bell-McClure Syndicate, and James M. Perry of the National ObserverThe

Advisory Board did not accept any of

them, however, but bestowed the National Reporting award on two journalists whose articles dealt with an international topic but had been submitted, strangely enough, for the Local Reporting category. 1 1 2 From there, the entry had been "diverted" to the Inter108 Donald K. Baldwin/Robert Lasch/C. A. McKnight/Paul Veblen, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 3, 1966, p. 1. 109 Cf. ibid. 110 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 26. 111 Frank Angelo/Charles O. Kilpatrick/John E.Leard/Paul Sann/Thomas Winship, Report of the Jurors of the National Reporting category, undated (March, 1967), p. 1. 112 Cf. the nomination form signed by Edward Cony of the 'Wall Street Journal, • received in the Pulitzer Prize Office by January 31, 1967.

XLI

[Source: Editor & Publisher (New York), Vol. lOl/No. 20, May 18, 1968, p. 31.]

XLII national Reporting jury and finally to the National Reporting category. The Advisory Board gave the Pulit2er Prize for National Reporting to Stanley Penn and Monroe Karmin of the Wall Journal

Street

at last "for their investigative reporting of the con-

nection between American crime and gambling in the Bahamas" in 1966.113 NEW DIMENSIONS IN NATIONAL REPORTING AWARD

STORIES

In 1968, too, there was an exceptional decision-making

process

in the National Reporting category. The jury members

(Kenneth S.

Conn, San Jose Mercury-News;

Herald-

John R. Herbert, Boston

Traveler', Cruise Palmer, Kansas Chicago

Tribune)

City Star;

Clayton Kirkpatrick,

agreed to suggest a list of three journalists to

the Advisory Board. They were Nick Kotz of the Des Moines ter, Louis Cassels of the United

Press

Moody/Bernard Gavzer of the Associated

Regis-

International, and Sid 114 Press. There had been

a previous list of six with three more entries and applications from the Cleveland Chicago

Plain Dealer,

Daily News.^^^

the National

Observer

Howard James of the Wall Street

and the Journal,

however, had not been on it. Yet the Advisory Board bestowed one half of the National Reporting award 116 on him "for his series of articles, 'Crisis in the Courts'." The second half of the prize was given to Nathan K. (Nick) Kotz of the Des Moines Minneapolis

Tribune,

Register

and

who had been on the list "for his reporting

of unisanitary conditions in many meat packing plants, which helped insure the passage of the Federal Wholesome Meat Act of 1967."117 1969 was the first year that a topic about ecological policy was successful. The jury Carter, Record,

(Clayte Binion, Houston

Hackensack, N.J.; Bower Hawthorne,

Tribune·, William K. Hosokawa, Denver Herald)

Minneapolis

Post', Larry Jinks,

Miami

suggested a list of three journalists to the Advisory

Board: David Broader of the Washington Christian

Chronicle', Don

Science

Monitor

Post,

Robert Cahn of the

and an Investigative Reporting team of

113 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 26. 114 Kenneth S. Conn/John R. Herbert/Cruise Palmer/Clayton Kirkpatrick, Report of the Jury on National Reporting, March 8, 1968, p. 1. 115 Ibid. 116 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 26. 117 Ibid.

X LI 11 the Associated Press.

118

Robert Cahn was successful "for his

inquiry into the future of (the) national parks and the methods 119 that may help to preserve them." The jury report, too, had stressed that Cahn's series of articles "represents a thoughtful, thorough job of reporting on an unspectacular issue that is of 120 deep and lasting importance to all Americans." As Hohenberg points out, Cahn had made a 20,000-mile journey" for his successful texts of 1968; moreover he had started a questionnaire analysis on the problem 121 in the Christian Science Monitor to which 2,000 readers responded. "When President Nixon nominated Judge Clement F. Haynesworth Jr. to the United States Supreme Court", Hohenberg writes, "William J. Eaton of the Chicago Daily News made such damaging disclosures of his background that he could not be confirmed. Eaton 122 won the 1970 National Reporting award for his work." The members of the jury (Donald K. Baldwin, St. Petersburg Times, Don E. Carter, Record, Hackensack, N.J.; Wilbur Elston, Detroit News; L. S. Fanning, Anchorage Daily News; William K. Hosokawa, Denver Post) had appreciated Eaton' s achievements by listing him together with Homer Bigart of the New York Times but had added, "If the Advisory Board should make a choice between these two, the com1 23 mittee rated the Eaton entry as best." The official text of the Advisory Board said that Eaton was honoured "for disclosures about the background of Judge Clement F. Haynesworth Jr., in connection with his nomination for the United States Supreme Court" in 1969. 1 2 4 There were already certain complications when the five-member jury (Richard R. Campbell, Cleveland Press; Hodding Carter III, Delta Democrat-Times, Greenville, Miss.; Arden X. Pangborn, Oregon Journal; Charles C. Reynolds, Atlantic City Press; William P. Hobby, Houston Post) tried to find a candidate in 1971. All three entries suggested to the Advisory Board were "selected by 118 Clayte Binion/Don Carter/Bower Hawthorne/William K. Hosokawa/Larry Jinks, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 7, 1969, p. 1. 119 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 26. 120 Clayte Binion/Don Carter/Bower Hawthorne/William K. Hosokawa/Larry Jinks, op. cit., p. 1. 121 John Hohenberg (Ed.), The Pulitzer Prize Story II, op. cit., p. 106. 122 John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 304. 123 Donald K. Baldwin/Don E. Carter/Wilbur Elston/L. S. Fanning/William K. Hosokawa, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 6, 1970, p. 1. 124 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 26.

XLIV

William J. Eaton of the Chicago Daily News:

Honored with a Pulitzer for distinguished reporting Washington Bureau correspondent William J. Eaton won the 1970 Pulitzer Prize for his disclosures that led to Judge Clement F. Haynsworth's rejection for a U.S. Supreme Court seat. He also won the Sidney Hillman award and an Honorable Mention for the Raymond Clapper award. Eaton's citation was for "a distinguished example of reporting on national affairs," and noted: "He undertook the investigation of Judge Haynsworth's qualifications after his newspaper had come out editorially in support of Haynsworth's candidacy." His is the 14th Pulitzer Prize awarded to the Daily News. We take great pride in this latest recognition by the National Pulitzer Prize Advisory Board. It testifies to the outstanding quality and editorial excellence that bur readers recognize as hallmarks of the Chicago Daily News.

Chicago Daily News Marshall Field, Publisher [Source: Editor & Publisher (New York), Vol. 109/No. 22, May 30, 1970, cover p.]

XLV four out of the five members of the jury. The fifth member abstained because he felt that, although the overall quality of the entries was high, none was sufficiently outstanding to merit a 125 Pulitzer Prize". Post-Dispatch from Knight

The Dury listed William F. Woo of the St.

Louis

first ahead of the team effort of seven reporters Newspapers,

Inc. and1 26 Lucinda Franks/Thomas Powers of the United Press International. In spite of the general scepticism of one jury member, the Advisory Board bestowed

the

prize for National Reporting on the third party, i.e. on Lucinda Franks and Thomas Powers, "for their documentary on 127 the life and death of a 28-year-old revolutionary..." in 1970. In 1972 the jury in the National Reporting category Bodi, Palo Alto Times·, Ernest W. Chard, Press-Herald, Me.; George N. Gill, Louisville St. Petersburg

Times;

Courier-Journal',

William B. Smart, Desert

(Alexander Portland,

Anne R. Goldman,

News,

Salt Lake

City) unanimously agreed that there was only one candidate w h o deserved the prize: Jack Anderson, the syndicated columnist.

"The

jury unanimously agrees" the report runs "that the Anderson Papers represent an excellent example of investigative reporting into the manner in which foreign policy decisions are made by the govern1 28 ment."

The Advisory Board followed this unanimous vote and

bestowed the Pulitzer Prize on the syndicated columnist Jack Anderson "for his reporting of American129 policy decision-making during the Indo-Pakistan war of 1971". Hohenberg points out that the prize-winner had succeeded in being put on the jury's short list in 1967, but had not been awarded the prize had deserved) by the Advisory Board

then.^

(which he

30

NATIONAL REPORTING PRIZES DURING THE SEVENTIES The year 1973 became one of the most exciting in the history of the Pulitzer Prize. By March, when the jury members met, Hohenberg describes the initial situation: "The Watergate case w a s beginning -to crack but the Pulitzer Prize Journalism Juries failed 125 Richard R. Campbell/Hodding Carter III/Arden X. Pangborn/Charles C. Reynolds/William P. Hobby, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 4, 1971, p. 1. 126 Ibid. 127 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 26. 128 Alexander Bodi/ErnestW. Chard/George N. Gill/Anne R. Goldman/William B. Smart, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 10, 1972, p. 1. 129 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 26. 130 Cf. John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., p. 299.

XLVI to give their top recommendation either to the Washington Post or to its investigative reporters, Bernstein and Woodward. The committee of jury chairmen shifted the exhibit for the reporters out of National Reporting and consolidated it with the newspaper's own exhibit" in the Meritorious Public Service category. 131 The Washington Post received the prize in this category "for its 132 investigation of the Watergate case" in 1972. The National Reporting jury (Howard D. Cleavinger, Spokane Daily Chronicle', Barclay Jameson, Daily Sentinel, Grand Junction, Col.; Watson Sims, Enquirer and News, Battle Creek, Mich.; William D. Snider, Greensboro Daily News', Barbara Somerville, Palm Beach Post) and the Advisory Board agreed to bestow 133 the award on Robert Boyd and Clark Hoyt of the Knight Newspapers "for their disclosures of Senator Thomas Eagleton's history of psychiatric therapy, resulting in his withdrawal as the Democratic Vice Presidential nominee in 1972." 1 3 4 The bestowal of the National Reporting award of 1974 for texts of the previous year centred not only on the presidential candidates but also on the U.S. President in office, Richard M. Nixon. The jury (Eric W. Allen Jr., Mail Tribune, Medford, Oreg.; Judith W. Brown, Herald, New Britain, Conn.; Arthur M. Carter, AfroAmerican Newspapers, Washington; Robert E. Hartley, LindsaySchaub Newspapers, Decatur, 111.; Richard H. Leonard, Milwaukee Journal) put James R. Polk of the Washington Star-News clearly on top of its list, followed by Jack White of the Providence Journal, the freelance journalist Seymour135 M. Hersh and Ronald Koven/David Ottaway of the Washington Post. The Advisory Board partly accepted the proposal of the jury and nominated both Polk and White for the award. 1 3 6 James R. Polk was eventually honoured "for his disclosure of alleged irregularities in the financing of the campaign to reelect President Nixon in 1972", 1 3 7 and Jack 131 Ibid., p. 314. 132 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 12. 133 Howard C. Cleavinger/Barclay Jameson/Watson Sims/William D. Snider/ Barbara Scmerville, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 9, 1973, p. 1. 134 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 26. 135 Eric W. Allen/Judith W. Brown/Arthur M. Carter/Robert E. Hartley/Richard H. Leonard, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 8, 1974, pp. 1 f. 136 Cf. John Hohenberg, The Pulitzer Prizes, op. cit., "p. 317. 137 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 26.

XLVII

KNIGHT NEWSPAPERS, INC L z z HILLS ·

President

391 W e t Lafayette Boulevard, Detroit, Michigan 48336

(J'J) 3i*-«440

January 29, 1973

Dear P r o f e s s o r Hohenberg: One of the major domestic news events of 1 9 7 2 , and c e r t a i n l y the turning point in the presidential race, was the withdrawal of Democratic vice-presidential nominee Thomas Eagleton following public disclosure of his treatment for mental disorder. This was an event unprecedented in American political history. And, unlike other significant news events of the year, it was brought about by the p r e s s itself, pursuing fully its obligation to inform. A complete explanation of the inquiry by Robert S. Boyd and Clark Hoyt, r e p o r t e r s for Knight Newspapers, which led directly to the Eagleton disclosures, is a part of this exhibit. For purposes of this letter of nomination, the facts can be stated succinctly: With enterprise and resourcefulness, 60yd and Hoyt pursued a story essential to the electorate; their story confirmed, they provided the fullest possible opportunity for explanation and reply, acting with restraint and responsibility in a way that did ultimate credit to the profession they serve. Here, we believe, is an extraordinary example of the American p r e s s functioning at its best, vigorously searching out the truth, then acting within self-imposed restrictions to be certain that the public would have full opportunity to judge for itself all sides of the news before it. F r o m our colleagues in the p r e s s and f r o m the r e a d e r s we serve already have come high praise for the Eagleton stories. Significantly, those congratulations have been based not just upon the revelations themselves but also upon the judgment with which Boyd and Hoyt handled their reportage. At a time when the credibility of the p r e s s was suspect in many quarters, when the press itself seemed often under attack, we believe that their handling of the Eagleton story provided a benchmark by which both our critics and our colleagues might m e a s u r e p r e s s performance at its best. With pride, we respectfully submit this nomination f o r the Pulitzer P r i z e for Reporting on National Affairs on behalf of Robert S. Boyd and Clark Hoyt of Knight Newspapers.

PART OF AN ENTRY IN THE NATIONAL REPORTING CATEGORY

XLVIII White "for his initiative in exclusively disclosing President 138 Nixon's Federal income tax payments in 1970 and 1971", published in 1972. In 1975 the National Reporting award was again bestowed on two journalists, who submitted their entry as a team. The jury members (Robert B. Atwood, Anchorage Dai.li/ Times·, C. K. McClatchy, McClatchy News-papers, Sacramento, Calif.; Reg Murphy, Atlanta Constitution', Robert H. Spiegel, Wisconsin State Journal', Carol Sutton, Louisville Courier-Journal) nominated Donald L. Barlett/ James B. Steele of the Philadelphia Inquirer ahead of Martin139 J. Schram of Newsday and James Naughton of the New York Times. Both Barlett and Steele became the prize-winners of this year "for their series 'Auditing the Internal Revenue Service,' which 140 exposed the unequal application of Federal tax laws." To Hohenberg's mind, the two honoured journalists were a "fine investigative team... that has had enormous success in pursuing specialized inquiries through the sifting of thousands of official records and computer analyses... In their own quiet and unassuming way, they have also exposed the ills of the courts, the shortcomings of foreign aid, and the ugly side of politics in their city and state" 141 during 1974. The 1975 jury

(Christy C. Bulkeley, Saratogian, Saratoga

Springs, N.Y.; Robert M. Carney, Sacramento Union·, Albert E. Fitzgerald, Beacon Journal, Akron, Oh.; Cruise Palmer, Kansas City Star·, Robert E. Thompson, Seattle Post-Intelligencer) decided that the successful team of the previous year, Donald L. Barlett and James B. Steele, should top the list ahead of James Risser of1 42 the Des Moines Register and Dick Barnes of the Associated Press. It seemed that the Advisory Board did not intend to bestow the prize on them again, however: it honoured James Risser "for disclosing large-scale corruption in the American grain exporting trade" in 1975. 1 4 3 In its report of 1977 the jury (John C. Ginn, 138 Ibid. 139 Robert B. Atwood/C. K. McClatchy/Reg Murphy/Robert H. Spiegel/Carol Sutton, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 7, 1975, p. 1. 140 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 26. 141 John Hohenberg (Ed.), The Pulitzer Prize Story II, op. cit., p. 76. 142 Christy C. Bulkeley/Robert M. Carney/Albert E. Fitzgerald/Cruise Palmer/ Robert E. Thompson, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 4, 1976,

p. 1. 143 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit.p p. 27.

XLIX Independent Publishing Co., Anderson, S.C.; Donald Goodenow, Los Angeles Herald-Examiner; Bernard Judy, Blade, Toledo, Oh.; Claude Lewis, Philadelphia Inquirer', Dolph C. Simons Jr., Daily

Journal-

World, Lawrence, Kan.) favoured Walter R. Hears of the Associated Press ahead of Marion Clark/Rudolph Maxa of the Washington Post 1 44 and Eleanor Rudolph of the Chicago Tribune. Walter R. Mears received the National Reporting award unchallenged "for his cover145 age of the 1976 Presidential campaign". It had never been the case that two journalists of the same newspaper were at the top of the jury's list in the National Reporting category before 1978. In this year the jury (Raymond H. Boone, Afro-American Newspapers, Richmond, Va.; Vernon Jarrett, Chicago Tribune·, Robert H. Phelps, Boston Globe·, Tom J. Simmons, Dallas Morning News; Ed Tunstall, Times-Picayune, New Orleans) gave its top recommendation to the Los Angeles Times' correspondent Robert Scheer, who was followed by his colleague Gaylord D. Shaw; both of them had submitted their own entries. The jury placed Bruce Ingersoll of the Chicago Sun-Times in third place 1 46 and John Seigenthaler of the Nashville Tennessean in fourth. The Advisory Board decided in favour of the second proposal, so that the award was bestowed on Gay lord D. Shaw "for a series on unsafe structural conditions at the nation's major dams" in 147 1977. The prize-winner began, Hohenberg states, "an 18-month campaign against the nation's unsafe dams on June 7, 1976. It was the morning after the collapse of the great Teton Dam in southeastern Idaho, which148 caused eleven deaths and $4oo million in property damage..." In the next year, 1979, the first on the jury's list of favourites would also not become a later prize-winner. The jury members (Charles E. Barnum, Herald-Whig, Quincy, 111.; Joan Beck, Chicago Tribune; Phil Dessauer, Tulsa World; Robert H. Phelps, Boston Globe) drew up a list of four entries and wrote in its report, "The committee recommends the Chicago Tribune entry [by the team Longworth/Mullen/Neikirk/Wiener]... on the impact of 144 John C. Ginn/Donald Goodenow/Bernard Judy/Claude Lewis/Dolph C. Simons Jr., Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 4, 1977, pp. 1 f. 145 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 27. 146 Raymond H. Boone/Vernon Jarrett/Robert H. Phelps/Tom J. Simmons/Ed Tunstall, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 1, 1978, p. 1. 147 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 27. 148 John Hohenberg (Ed.), The Pulitzer Prize Story II, op. cit., pp. 109 ff.

L

Gaylord Shaw of the Los Angeles Times has won the 1978 Pulitzer Prize for national reporting· But actually there are thousands of winners. Because of Gnylord Shaw's disclosures in the Los Angeles Times of the very sorry state of d a m safety in the United States, the federal government has begun inspecting potentially dangerous dams all over the nation. And, as a result, another Teton Dam, another Toccoa, may be prevented and thousands of lives may be saved. Injournalism, results like these are the greatest reward.

Los Angeles Times [Source: Editor & Publisher

(New York), Vol. Ill/No. 17, April 29, 1978, p. 29.]

LI world trade on the American economy as clearly the best of the 44 entries. This was the unanimous vote conclusion of the three members of the committee who voted. One member of the committee, Joan Beck of the Chicago Tribune, abstained from discussion and voting on the Tribune's entries. The committee found the Tribune's report ... carefully researched and reported, as well as superbly 149 written." The jury suggested as further alternatives, without any order, James Risser of the Des Moines Register, Edward Pound of the Washington Star and the team McCrary/Keidan of the

James V. R i s s e r , born 1938 149 Charles E. Barnum/Joan Beck/Phil Dessauer/Robert H. Phelps, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 7, 1979, p. 1.

LI I

R U H ΧΘΓTradition

SL Petersburg Times reporters Bette Orsini and Charles Stafford

T

he St. Petersburg Times (eels a particular pride in its reporters. Bette Orsini and Charles Stafford, for winning the Pulitzer Prize in national reporting for their investigation of the Church of Scientology. They would not be intimidated by the threats and smears of the cult that set out to terrorize the community of Clearwater into silent submission to its acts.

Stafford combed government files in Washington to supplement four years of investigative reporting by Mrs. Orsini in Florida. Together they told the story of Scientologist plots to intimidate and discredit news media, to frame Clearwater's mayor, even to infiltrate local police departments. When the Scientologists could not pressure Mrs. Orsini, they went after her family. Anony-

mously they imputed criminality to her husband, the innocent director of the local Easter Seal Society. They threatened The St. Petersburg Times with lawsuits. They burglarized the files of the newspaper's attorneys, both in Washington and St. Petersburg. The Times reporters took the heat and stayed on the story, seeking only to discover what the Church of Scientology was doing so the people of Clearwater could know. Legal costs to The Times exceeded S86.000 but the reporters relentlessly pursued the truth until the U.S. Justice Department, itself a victim of Scientologist burglaries, tried and convicted nine ol the top leaders of the worldwide cult for conspiring to break the law. Details that Stafford skillfully extracted from records of the trial filled out and confirmed the picture of lawlessness that Mrs. Orsini had painfully pieced together over years of her investigation. Then he wrote a brilliant final series that gave his community and the nation a coherent account of the incoherent lawlessness the cult had let loose in the land. The community cannot be a target for terrorism again for the very simple reason that gave the free press its purpose: the people now know what is going on. "A newspaper has a particular duty to resist Intimidation and inform citizens fully of what is going on."

EUGENE C. PATTERSON Editor The St. Petersburg Times

StPetersburg Times Florida's Best Newspaper

[Source: Editor

& Publisher

(New York) , Vol. 113/No. 17, April 26, 1980, p. 1.]

LI II Philadelphia

Inquirer.150

The Advisory Board decided in favour

of James Risser, who had already won a National Reporting award in 1977 and who was honoured this time "for a series on farming damage to the environment" published in 1 9 7 8 . ^ 1 Again there was a jury of five members in 1980 (John Dillin, Christian Saienee Monitor', John R. Finnegan Sr., St. Paul Dispatch', Larry Jinks, San Jose Mercury-News;

Reg Murphy, San

Francisco

Examiner·, John L. Stallings, Caller Times, Corpus Christi, Tex.). The unanimous vote selected Joseph Albright of the Cox

Newspapers

as favourite for the prize, ahead of a team from the Los Angeles 1 52 Times and George Anthan of the Des Moznes Register. Yet the Pulitzer Prize in this category was bestowed not from this list, but on two authors whose entries had originally 153 been submitted for the Meritorious Public Service category. Bette Swenson Orsini and Charles Stafford of the St. Petersburg

Times received

the National Reporting award "for their investigation of the 1 54 Church of Scientology" during 1979. berg explains, "the St. Petersburg

From 1975 to 1979, HohenTimes

(had) campaigned

successfully to expose the so-called Church of Scientology in nearby Clearwater, Fla., and helped produce the evidence on which nine of its leaders were jailed." ^ ^ TOPICS OF RECENT NATIONAL REPORTING WINNERS The jury's discussions of 1981 Register

(Michael Gartner, Des Moines

& Tribune', Warren Lerude, Reno Evening

Gazette', Don

Pickles, Houston Chronicle; Charles C. Reynolds, Atlantic

City

Press; Edward Sears, Atlanta Journal) rather ended in a draw. In its report to the Advisory Board the jury wrote "The jurors would be pleased with awarding the prize to any of the four series that we are passing along." 1 5 6 The entries were (a) Joseph Volz/Richard Edmonds/Bob Herbert/Alton Slagle of the New York Daily News, John M. Crewdson of the New York Times, Gup of the Washington Post, and

(b)

(c) Jonathan Neumann/Ted

(d) Donald L. Barlett/James B.

150 Ibid. 151 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 27. 152 John Dillin/John R. Finnegan Sr./Larry Jinks/Reg Murphy/John L. Stallings, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 5, 1980, p. 2. 153 Cf. the nomination form signed by Eugene C. Patterson, 'St. Petersburg Times,' undated (January, 1980). 154 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 257. 155 John Hohenberg (Ed.), The Pulitzer Prize Story II, op. cit., p. 34o. 156 Michael Gartner/Warren Lerude/Don Pickels/Charles C. Reynolds/Edward Sears, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 3, 1981, p. 1.

LIV 1 57 Steele of the Philadelphia Inquirer.

The Advisory Board decided

in favour of the only individual entry among these four, and bestowed the prize on John M. Crewdson 1 "for 58 his coverage of illegal aliens and immigration" in 1980. Sloan et al. acknowledge that the prize-winner "paints for the reader perfect pictures of people, places, and happenings"159 and "he provides an abundance of details of facts and figures". There were no problems in finding the prize-winner in 1982. The jury (William E. Giles, Detroit News; Argentina S. Hills, El Mundo, San Juan, Puerto Rico; James B. King, Seattle Times; Walter Rugaber, Daily News, Greensboro, N.C.; Eileen Shanahan, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette) clearly voted in favour of Rick Atkinson of the Kansas City Times. "It is the opinion of the National Reporting Jury," the report says, "that such across-the-board excellence deserves journalism's highest award." The entries of Liz Jeffries/ Rick Edmonds of the Philadelphia Inquirer and of a team of the United Press International took the next places.^® 0 The Advisory Board honoured Rick Atkinson "for the uniform excellence of his reporting and writing on stories of national import" during 1 9 8 1 T h e

jury also stated apropos this award: "The impact

that a single individual can have on the quality of a newspaper 162 is too often forgotten in today's world of team journalists." After such remarkable unanimity between the jury and the Advisory Board in previous years, 1983 was again a year of considerable differences of opinion. The jury members (Grant Dillman, United Press International·, Mary Anne Dolan, Los Angeles Η er aid-Examiner; Michael Kidder, Sacramento Bee; David Schneiderman, Village Voice, N.Y.; Gilbert L. Watson, Baltimore Su?i) gave its top recommendation in favour of two separate entries from Jim Henderson of the Dallas Times Herald, who had written on the topics 'Racism in the South' and 'America's Move into the Nuclear Age', and of Haynes Johnson of the Washington Post for his series 157 158 159 160

Ibid. Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 27. William David Sloan et al., op. cit., p. 87. William E. Giles/Argentina S. Hills/James B. King/Walter Rugaber/Eileen Shanahan, Report of the National Reporting Jury, March 3, 1982, p. 1. 161 Columbia University (Ed.), op. cit., p. 27. 162 William E. Giles/Argentina S. Hills/James B. King/Walter Rugaber/Eileen Shanahan, op. cit., p. 1.

LV

A h e nuclear arms race is the most important story in history. The Boston Globe's special 56-page section about it last October 17th won a Pulitzer Prize. It was an example of objective, in-depth reporting. Of a dedicated newspaper mobilizing a team of talented men and women to lay out in dramatic, clear terms the story of the US-Soviet arms race, the forces that fuel it, the struggle to stop it. "War and Peace in the Nuclear Age" was a comprehensive document for more than two million Globe readers to read and see. So that maybe we can begin to see [Source: Editor

& Publisher

a better way to ensure the peace and security of the world. It is also the kind of project The Boston Globe undertakes. Because The Globe has an appetite for quality. It's the kind of reporting our readers have come to expect. It's why The Boston Globe has won nine Pulitzer Prizes since 1966—two Gold Medals for public service, two for cartooning, two for local investigative reporting, one for criticism, one for commentary and now the 1983 Pulitzer Prize for national reporting. A wholly owned s u t n i d u r y of Affiliated Publications. Inc.

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199 that either Cellini or Sadlo be present before a box was opened." If indeed George Sadlo journeyed to the Lucayan Beach counting room on many a night to see to Meyer Lansky's interests, he was bringing with him a good deal of previous experience. Testimony before the Kefauver Committee in 1950 showed that Meyer Lansky and his brother Jake, along with George Sadlo, operated illegally the Club Boheme gambling casino in Florida. An accountant for the casino testified that, "At the end of the night... after they close each table, they take the money and put it in the cashier's cage and they count it down." "Who counts it?" asked a committee

investigator.

"Mr. Lansky," replied the witness. "Personally?" "Yes; or Mr. Sadlo, or whoever is there with him." If some of the Lucayan Beach casino's profits are, in fact, being "skimmed off the top" by the Lansky crowd, U.S. authorities suspect they are being used to finance the activities of American hoodlums. Such suggestions draw staunch denials from the Nassau police. Sitting in his office in the police barracks, S. R. Moir, assistant commissioner, is every inch the stiff, proper, tight-lipped Britisher. "No evidence," he replies to inquiries concerning mob infiltration of the casino and the possibility of skimming profits off the top. MOB INFILTRATION

DENIED

The president of the company that operates the Lucayan Beach casino rejects reports of mob infiltration as "completely untrue." He is Keith Gonsalves, a former employe of Barclays Bank, and his company is Bahamas Amusements, Ltd., which is a part of the Groves group. Bahamas Amusements is required to pay all profits to the Grand Bahama Development Co., a land development firm, which is controlled by the Grand Bahama Port Authority, in turn controlled by Mr. Groves. To confirm the integrity of the casino's operation, Mr. Gonsalves has ready a lengthy position paper. It mentions the presence of two security officers, hired on the recommendation

200 of the police, who "have access at all times to all casino operations, including access to the countinghouse and records." Yet, the fact remains that the security officers are not policemen, are not employed by the government, but are employed by the company that runs the casino. The Gonsalves paper also notes that the casino's books are audited by the accounting firm of Peat, Marwick, Mitchell & Co. Despite Mr. Gonsalves' assurances, suspicion persists, favored by the presence of Ritter, Courtney and Brudner in the Lucayan Beach casino. Just when this presence began is not clear, but it certainly dates back to the spring of 1963. Then the Lucayan Beach hotel was in an early construction stage. When the gambling license was issued in April 1963, meetings were arranged to convert a planned convention hall into the casino. Someone who attended a session in Miami recalls that Ritter and Courtney were brought in to help with the designing. "They were experts on casinos," he remembers. There are those unkind enough to suspect the convention hall was intended to be a casino all along. Ritter and Courtney - along with Lansky crony Dino Cellini were especially important in setting up the casino. To remove any taint of Las Vegas and to give the Lucayan Beach casino "class" it was publicized widely that only European croupiers would be employed. Accordingly, a school was set up in London in early 1963 to train the European croupiers

(they are not especially adept at the American game

of craps). Apparently no effort was spared. The finishing school cost the casino $250,000. "Cellini, Courtney and Ritter were sent over to start the school and to instruct the people," an insider recalls. "They returned to the Bahamas with 100 croupiers." Ritter, Courtney and Brudner were allowed to remain on Grand Bahama, after Cellini and Sadlo departed. Mr. Gonsalves explains why: "It was necessary to have Americans in some key positions because more than 90% of the patrons of the

(Lucayan

Beach) casino are United States citizens; and Messrs. Ritter, Courtney and Brudner and other professionals were employed because of their previous professional experience in gambling in the United States."

201 Ritter bears the title of credit manager; Courtney, chief supervisor; and Brudner, casino floorman. But Ritter is obviously the key man. Credit is vital to casino profits. Most gamblers come to win, not lose, so they don't bring all their money. When the luck runs bad, the trick is to know just how much credit to extend to whom. That's where Frank Ritter shines. His knowledge of the financial status of American gamblers, plus his contacts with the Las Vegas casinos, make him an expert on "instant credit" - and where to draw the line. This talent was observed at the Lucayan Beach casino recently. It was late, and only a handful of hard-core gamblers remained. Among them were two brothers from the States. One was playing with $100 chips in a closed game at the blackjack table. He was losing heavily; his brother already had lost quite a bit. They both came to Frank Ritter for credit. "You're all right," barked Frank to one, "but not him," jabbing his finger at the other. The incident raises an interesting, but unanswered, question. Granting Frank Ritter's expertise at his job, he's still human. Suppose he makes a mistake. Suppose a borrower fails to pay up after he returns to the States. Who duns him for the debt? The mob? That's what U.S. investigators want to find out. The casino is a sore point with many Bahamians. Mr. Pindling of the opposition party whose distress doesn't extend to favoring a shutdown of the casino, pledges: "If we came into power, we would renegotiate the entire casino license. Our concern is to eliminate all possible gangster influence." Also distressed is the upper crust of Nassau society. Dining on the veranda of their spacious home, a banker and his wife view the distant Lucayan Beach casino as an "error of taste and judgment." They refuse to believe that American mobsters have infiltrated, but they fear the "potential" is there. The thought of an "offshore Las Vergas," as they term it, horrifies them. And the man they blame for the mistake is Sir Stafford Sands, a huge man who, according to an acquaintance, "lives like an emperor." His Nassau estate, "Waterloo," comes complete with private lake.

202 Sir Stafford has a penchant for expensive lounging jackets and elaborate paperweights. He's addicted to the grand gesture too. "At a dinner for four, he'll have caviar for a hundred," says one friend. "BRILLIANT,

GENIUS"

Friend and foe alike regard Sir Stafford as the mastermind behind the Bahamas' tourist boom (this year a record 800,000 visitors are anticipated). And all descriptions of him, sooner or later, converge on the words "brilliant" and "genius." Even Mr. Pindling, who seeks to oust the United Bahamians, admits that, if successful, he'd like Sir Stafford to remain as minister of finance and tourism. A tiny glimpse of the man's power, and the way he uses it, is provided by the letter that Sir Etienne Dupuch, the Senator and Tribune editor-publisher, wrote to him acknowledging receipt of his consultant's fee from the Groves-controlled Grand Bahama Development Co. The letter would seem to suggest Sir Stafford shoved Sir Etienne, who had criticized gambling editorially, into accepting money from the casino crowd. Read: "You had talked with me briefly on this proposal but I did not realize that it had been finalized." "I am sure you know that I am not happy about having casinos in the islands but since a casino has been established at Grand Bahama, I am concerned to see that a high standard is maintained. If you think that my services in this way might be helpful, I shall do my best but I want you to feel that it is an arrangement that can be terminated at any time by either side." "I told you at the time that this arrangement must not in any way be considered as influencing my decision in the Senate or the policy of the Tribune. You agreed to this condition." "I would have readily given my services free of charge but since you insist on paying what you say is the normal fee for this kind of service I shall deposit the money to a special account I have in the Royal Bank of Canada for helping children and for other charitable purposes."

203

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1967 BY NATHAN Κ, KOTZ Minneapolis

Tribune

Nathan Kailison Kotz (born on September 16, 1932 in San Antonio, Texas) attended

a high school in Washington, D.C. He was gradu-

ated magna cum laude

in international relations

from

Dartmouth

College, where he was a member of Phi Beta Kappa. Kotz later attended the London School of Economics in England for a year on a Reynolds scholarship. He

served

with the U.S. Marine

Corps

in

Japan and the Philippines from 1956 to 1958. In September, 1958, Nathan K. Kotz

joined

the Des Moines Register in Iowa, and con-

centrated most of his reporting efforts on city, county and state governments.

In June, 1964, he went to the Washington bureau of

the Des Moines Register to cover problems of national importance. In 1966 he won the Raymond Klapper Memorial award for outstanding Washington correspondence and the Sigma Delta Chi award for general reporting,

both for

his exclusive

articles revealing the

Post Office Department had converted the President's Youth Opportunity Program into a massive patronage handout. Corrective

ac-

tion by the department and the White House followed immediately. One year later, "Nick" Kotz revealed a hidden U.S. Department of Agriculture report of unsanitary conditions in the Des Moines shared

the contents

Washington reporters

Register and

the Minneapolis

of the report obtained

in many meat plants Tribune.

Kotz

with Ralph Nader, and other

the reports

from Kotz and Nader.

Supporters of a strong legislation soon forced general distribution of the reports to anyone who asked for them. The outstanding initiative by Kotz was honored with a Pulitzer Prize for National Reporting in 1968, based on his reports from the previous year.

204 INVESTIGATING THE M E A T

INDUSTRY

[Source: Nick Kotz: Ask Tighter Law on Meat Inspections for Products Sold Within States, in: Des Moines Sunday Register (Des Moines, la.), Vol. 119/ No. 22, July 16, 1967, p. 1 L, col. 1; p. 4 L , cols. 1 - 4 ; reprinted by permission of the Des Moines Register, Des Moines, la.]

The vast majority of American meat products are federallyinspected to insure wholesomeness, but a confidential nationwide investigation has revealed shocking abuses in some segments of the non-regulated meat industry. The investigation was made five years ago by the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), to find out conditions in non-federally regulated plants which slaughter 20 million cattle and processes 8.7 billion pounds of meat. This amounts to about 15 per cent of all cattle slaughtered in the United States and about 25 per cent of all the meat processed in the nation. The investigation convinced USDA officials and a few congressmen, including Representative Neal Smith (Dem., Ia.) that the 1906 meat inspection law badly need overhauling. TRIED

BEFORE

The Johnson administration and Smith tried two years ago for enactment of a strong law which would have required states to meet federal inspection standards or else have the federal government expand its inspection to cover intra-state slaughtering and processing. The bill was buried in committee because of opposition from most of the meat industry and the National Association of State Department of Agriculture

(N.A.S.D.A.).

This year the administration and Smith have obtained a house subcommittee hearing for two much weaker bills which they regard as at least a start toward more comprehensive imeat inspection. Details of the USDA investigation, the only data collected on the condition of federally uninspected meat plants in the nation, are coming to light for the first time now that congressional action appears possible.

205 Iowa adopted a mandatory inspection law in 1965 and is among only 25 states providing inspection of both slaughtering and processing. A total of 147,000 animals were slaughtered in 1966 without federal inspection. All of this meat must be sold within Iowa. IOWA

AUCTION

Smith says he became interested in the meat inspection issue after noticing at Iowa cattle auctions "that whenever they would sell a cancer-eye cow or diseased hog" the purchaser inevitably was a packer who is not covered by federal inspection. One packer who Smith has observed buying diseased animals for Iowa use was also described by federal investigators as the operator of an unsanitary plant in Nebraska. UPTON

SINCLAIR

Only meat sold in inter-state commerce is covered by the 1906 federal inspection law - a law virtually unchanged since Upton Sinclair provoked it with his shocking book about the meat industry. Most USDA experts believe conditions have not changed substantially since a federal meat inspector five years ago reported these conditions in a Minnesota meat packing plant: "Both the saw and the inspection truck were sterilized with a hot water hose with the result that pus from abcesses and other disease carrying media was splashed on nearby carcasses." RACKS

NOT

CLEAN

At another uninspected plant in Minnesota, the federal inspector reported: "Hooks and racks in the cooler were not clean. I feel that they had at least a week's accumulation of tissue and meat juice." At yet another Minnesota plant exempt from federal inspection, the investigator reported: "In checking a meat grinder, it was determined that although the piece of equipment had been used this day, there was an accumulation of tissue which had been from some previous days operation."

206 CARCASS

WASHING

At still another Minnesota plant, an inspector reported watching a carcass being washed with a high pressure hose, which "resulted in manure and urine being washed on the opened brisket and neck." At a South Dakota plant exempt from federal inspection, an investigator reported: "The carcass splitting saw was dirty, with accumulated grease, fat and oil. The general sanitation of the plant was such that it was inexcusably dirty." "All walls and doors were splattered with blood, fat, and grease. I noticed sausages on trees that were dragging through puddles of water on the floor, which is gross contamination." ONE RESULT OF THE MEAT S C A N D A L HOLD FOR R E L E A S E UNTIL D E L I V E R Y

D E C E M B E R 15, 1967

Office of the White House P r e · · S e c r e t a r y THE WHITE HOUSE T E X T O F THE REMARKS O F THE P R E S I D E N T AT THE SIGNING OF THE WHOLESOME M E A T ACT In 1906, Upton S i n c l a i r roused the conscience of the country with hie book, "The J u n g l e . " It d e s c r i b e d condition· in our meat packing plants. I want to r e a d you a line or two: " T h e r e would be m e a t that had tumbled out on the f l o o r , where the workers had tramped. . . i n b a r r e l s (were) dirt and rust and old nails and stale water . . . (all) taken up and dumped into the hoppers with the f r e s h meat, and sent out to the public's b r e a k f a s t . " Then l i s t e n to this: "A man was wrapping pork shoulders. He dropped one in the sawdust, picked it up and wiped it off with a dirty, sour r a g . . . Beef was being broken on an open dock, by a d i r t road, in 9 5 - d e g r e e weather. T h e r e were flies in the m e a t . Drums of bones and m e a t s c r a p s were covered with maggots. " What I j u s t read to you was not from " T h e Jungle. " It did not happen 60 years ago. It happened in J u l y , 1967. It was written by a F e d e r a l inspector a f t e r a v i s i t to one of our modern packing plants. We a r e h e r e to make s u r e that that plant will either c l e a n up or c l o s e down. We have waited a long time f o r this b i l l . Upton S i n c l a i r ' s book spurred the public to fight for a clean meat bill. got it — the Meat Inspection Act of 1907.

They

P r e s i d e n t Theodore R o o s e v e l t said it would "insure wholesomeness f r o m the hoof to the can. " But that bill only did p a r t of the job. State l i n e s .

It covered only m e a t that c r o s s e d

207 NEBRASKA

PLANT

At a Nebraska processing plant the owner also operates in Iowa the federal investigator reported: "In the beef boning room, one's attention was first called to the odor of putrid meat product. A good many flies were observed in the sausage manufacture room and, of course, crawl upon and contaminate meat products." "The smoke houses were coated with carbon, tars, etc. and this is being transferred to the product." MOLDY

SAUSAGE

"At another uninspected Nebraska plant, the investigator reported moldy sausage products were observed in the holding cooler." At both Nebraska plants, the inspector reported that products labeled "all-meat" wieners actually contained 6 per cent filler products, a practice which would be forbidden under federal inspection. Similar conditions were found through the nation in the US USDA investigation. The investigation showed many federally inspected plants or non-inspected plants were meeting federal standards, but it also revealed abuses at some plants in almost every state. State and local inspection laws vary widely as does the quality of non-federal inspection. OTHER

STATES

Minnesota and South Dakota are among nine states which do not provide for state inspection of meat. In 1966, a total of 206,000 Minnesota animals and 80,000 South Dakota animals were slaughtered without federal inspection. Nebraska and North Dakota are among 13 other states which only provide for voluntary inspection of slaughtering. Neither state has any inspection of meat processing. In 1966, 162,000 Nebraska animals and 48,000 North Dakota animals were slaughtered without federal inspection. The following list shows the total number of slaughtering and processing plants in Iowa and the upper midwest and the number undergoing federal inspection. The Nebraska figures show only slaughter plants.

208 STATE

TOTAL FEDERALLY PLANTS INSPECTED

Iowa

847

41

Minnesota

887

46

Nebraska

345

51

South Dakota

232

9

North Dakota

98

9

Wisconsin

701

43 The vast majority of meat production in each of these states is conducted by the large national companies in the relatively few federally inspected plants. COMPETITION

National firms, along with smaller companies, also operate plants not federally inspected in order to compete in local and state markets. Consumers can identify processed meat products inspected by the Federal government by a circle on the package with the wording "U.S. Department of Agriculture Approved for Wholesomeness" and raw meat by a purple stamp reading "USDA Approved." The administration's proposed Wholesome Meat Act, sponsored by Smith, would: Provide federal-state agreements under which the federal government would pay 50 per cent of the cost and supply technical assistance to states willing to establish and enforce federal inspection standards. Provide tools of enforcement not presently authorized by the federal government to checkmate the distribution of unwholesome and adulterated meat products. Controls would be placed upon animal food manufactured and their distributors to guarantee that their products do not find their way into channels of human consumption. Broaden the authority of federal coverage to include all meat "capable of" human consumption. At present, federal control is limited to meat "intended for" human consumption which has permitted unscrupulous operators in contaminated meat to escape federal inspection. Provide the federal government with powers of detention, injunctions, and federal court actions to cope with contaminat-

209 ed meat discovered in transit or outside of

federally-inspected

establishments. At present, the USDA cannot detain such meat, except by getting assistance from other federal, state or local agencies. In addition, Smith has introduced another bill which would broaden coverage of federal inspection to include large intrastate plants which are covered by provisions of the Taft-Hartley law, but not the meat inspection act. Noting the inadequacy of state inspection, Rodney Leonard, deputy assistant secretary of agriculture, testified before the house subcommittee: "Inspection under state programs is generally well below federal standards. Yet, these products are intermingled in many retail stores with federally inspected products for sale to the unknowing public." LACK MONEY "Administrators of state meat inspection programs generally admit they have neither the money nor manpower to conduct an intensive, continuous inspection service for both

slaughtering

and processing operations." He added that variations between federal standards and those in many states permit use of "excessive water and extenders, chemicals that mask the true condition of products, and misleading or deceptive labeling." Leonard stressed that modern technology - in addition to providing a wide variety of better products - has made it easier for unscrupulous operators to disguise the true condition of meat. Thus, he said far more sophisticated methods of inspection and analysis are needed to protect the consumer. "We are dealing with problems not conceived by those who drafted the original legislation 60 years ago," said Leonard. "The act is becoming increasingly inadequate to deal with the problems of today's modern aggressive

industry."

Calling for federal or state control over dealers in unwholesome meat products, he said: "It is far too easy for dealers in dead animals, renderers, animal food handlers and others to divert unfit meat into human channels."

210 FEW ALLIES

Leonard and Smith stress that the main hope of the legislation is that states will accept federal assistance to improve or institute their own inspection programs. The bill has a few strong allies including the Amalgamated Meat Cutters and Butcher Workmen (A.F.L.-C.I.0.). Arnold Mayer, legislative representative for the union, called for even stronger legislation and testified: "Live cattle which obviously cannot pass inspection are sent to uninspected plants. This is done not only by the small number of get-rich-quick operators but also by some highly reputable firms." "The very competitive situation in the industry currently leaves them no alternative. Only Congress can break this cycle by extending meat inspection and by providing the same rules for all." Mayer also emphasized that even an expert often has a difficult time determining whether good or diseased meat has gone into ground hamburger or processed salami. The National Farmers Organization and the National Livestock Feeders Association have testified for the bill. Companies who have their products federally inspected are quietly supporting the bill. The bill also has numerous opponents. The National Farm Bureau Federation opposes it as a further intrusion of federal control into state affairs. PROPOSE CHANGES

The National Meat Institute representing the large national firms, and the Independent Meat Packers Association, representing smaller companies, both are professing neutrality, except for proposing changes which supporters feel would weaken the bill. The National Association of State Agriculture Departments (N.A.S.D.A.) also proposes changes, which the ÜSDA feels would eliminate the needed new authority to control operations to renderers and dog-cat food manufacturers. After long years of seeking increased regulation, supporters are wary about what the N.A.S.D.A. and the Meat Association may be doing behind the scenes.

211

FROM MESA VERDE NATIONAL PARK (COLORADO) IN 1968 BY ROBERT CAHN The Christian Science Monitor

Robert Cahn (born on March

9,

1918, in Seattle, Washington) was

graduated from the University of Washington in 1939, where he majored in journalism. During World War II, he served in the army tank corps, graduated from Armored Force Officer Candidate spent

the last eighteen months

of the war

School

and

in public relations

work with the Twelfth U.S. Army Group and the First U.S. Army in France

and Germany. For his duties as Deputy P.R.O. and

later

Acting Public Relations Officer of the First Army, he was awarded the Bronze Star medal. After the war

he was affiliated with the

Seattle Star in the state of Washington and the Californian paper Pasadena Star-News. From 1948 to 1 951 Cahn worked as a correspondent in Life magazine's Los Angeles bureau, and from 1951 to 1956 as an

associate editor

and

later senior

editor with Collier* s

magazine, serving the last two years as head of its Los Angeles office. In four years of freelance writing, 1957-1960, he contributed articles to the Saturday Evening Post and to the Reader's Article subjects included

Digest.

a re-creation of events leading up to

the first atomic bomb test, the astronauts, Disneyland, prospecting for gold,

automation,

joined the staff

of

the President's mail, etc. Robert Cahn

the Saturday Evening Post as the Midwestern

Editor at the Chicago bureau in 1961 entered

government

service

and

as a White

1962. Early in 1963 he House reporter

for

the

United States Information Agency wire service. In February, 1965, Cahn joined the Washington bureau of the Christian Science Monitor, and received

the Pulitzer Prize

for

National Reporting in 1969

in this position for articles published during the previous year.

212 THE NATIONAL PARKS ARE BURSTING WITH PEOPLE [Source: Robert Cahn: U.S. May Have to Restrict Use of Public Parks, in: The Christian Science Monitor (Boston, Mass.), Vol. 6O/N0. 133, May 1, 1968, p. 1, cols. 2 - 5; p. 7, cols. 1 - 3; reprinted by permission of the Christian Science Publishing Society, Boston, Mass.]

The bright-eyed attendant with the forest-green skirt and jaunty cap of the National Park Service sat behind a ticket table at the top of the trail leading to the Cliff Palace Indian ruin. "Ranger-guided tours are now full," she said. Only the last tour of the day, some three hours later, was open. She handed me a blue theater-type admission ticket with "6 p.m." stamped on it. A month later and 1,500 miles to the east, I braked to a stop behind a line of cars winding along a tree-shrouded hillside road in the Great Smoky Mountains National Park. Ahead - the red glow of a traffic signal. Admission tickets? A traffic signal? In America's national parks? Yes. And more such curbs are on the way. The era of almost unrestricted use of the parks is coming to an end. This summer a record number of visitors will be heading for vacation trips in 32 national parks and 213 other operational areas in the United States national park system. Administrators who once were beating the drums for more visitors now are wishing they could halt the onrush at some crowded parks. A possible severe budget cut caused by Vietnam war expenditures also threatens drastic curtailment of park personnel this summer. With hordes of American and foreign visitors answering President Johnson's Discover America campaign, an influential member of Congress suggests it might even become necessary to temporarily close some parks. "If sharp cuts are forced on the national parks budget and we don't have enough rangers to protect the national parks and maintain their quality, I would recommend that we close those parks with lowest priority of use," says Rep. Julia Butler Hansen (D) of Washington, chairman of the House appropriations subcommittee handling the national parks budgets.

213 National Park Service Director George B. Hartzog Jr. admits lie has a contingency plan to close certain facilities, or possibly some parks, if the money is not available to hire the extra rangers needed each year to protect the parks and take care of the summer crowds. Traveling 20,000 miles to visit 20 key park areas during the last nine months, I saw at first hand the effects of heavy use. I talked to park superintendents, rangers and workmen, hundreds of park visitors from all walks of life, concession operators, and concerned citizens from communities near the parks. I heard the parks' problems discussed by leaders of conservation groups and private experts on parks and recreation, officials of several federal agencies with

responsibilities

for outdoor recreation on public lands, and members of Congress charged with providing the ultimate determination of policy for the national parks and the money to carry it out. I saw the crowded campgrounds and carnival atmosphere of Yosemite Valley in midsummer; the "bear jams" at Yellowstone as law-violating tourists stopped their cars to feed roadside bears - tying up traffic, endangering themselves and their children, and turning the wild animals into beggars. At Grand Canyon in midafternoon, I saw people turned away from already full campgrounds, forced to drive on for many more miles in their quest for a night's stopping place. On a narrow, winding highway bordering scenic Lake Crescent in Olympic National Park I saw logging trucks doing 70 miles an hour, their engines blasting the peaceful scene and terrifying park visitors. ON THE OTHER HAND... But these examples of overuse or misuse of parks were counterbalanced by other views: On a trail in the Olympics, not far from where the lumber trucks careened along the lakeside, I saw a couple carrying their very young twins in special back packs as the family started on a three-day hike into the famed rain forest. I watched boys from the Detroit area discover the excitement of hiking and camping in the wilderness of Isle

214 Royale National Park, Michigan, the only national park in the United States that hasn't a single public road. AtYosemite, I heard an alert, enthusiastic park naturalist helping Eastern big-city visitors learn how they could take their park experience home with them. "Everything around you is transmitting beauty and change," he told them. "If your inner 'receiver' can perceive the beauty here, you can go back to the Bronx and see the beauty there." Here at Mesa Verde, I found park officials already taking steps both to protect the unique area and to help visitors have a more deeply satisfying park experience. The first move had been to ban the ever-bigger house trailers that were blocking the narrow, winding mountain roads and making things miserable for everyone on the hour-long drive from the park entrance to the cliff dwellings. New regulations required that trailers be left at a parking site at the entrance or at a campground nearby. NEW R U L E S

ADPOTED

At the most popular cliff dwellings, Balcony House and Cliff Palace, it was found that heavy use was damaging the fragile ruins. At Cliff Palace, for instance, it had been routine for rangers to begin conducted tours every 20 minutes. Groups numbered as high as 170, which meant there were up to 500 people at a time in the dwellings. Group crowded group as ranger guides outshouted each other trying to make themselves heard. Early last July, new rules went into effect. Trips took off every half-hour and were limited to 75 people. Tickets for the day's trips were given out free, first come, first served. As soon as the day's ticket supply had gone - even if it was still only noon - that ended visits for the rest of the day. No exceptions were made to expand the groups, even for visitors who had traveled long distances to experience the special wonders of Mesa Verde. At Balcony House, smaller tours and a ticket system were also adopted. Some visitors at first protested the new policy. But when park rangers explained that this was a way of saving the area

215

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>, ~ :

. .

·

**

CßANO TETON Μ

n» SAV

> rutf pf«Mrrr? camp^ i

l y Nomion Mathtny, troff phoTographer

Camper-type bus leaving crowded Yellowstone

216 for future generations, and making each trip more meaningful, they accepted it. By the end of the 1967 season, not a single written complaint had been recorded. Mesa Verde typifies the trend from free to limited access. The trend undoubtedly has been accelerated by widespread criticism of the National Park Service for allowing the public to crowd and misuse the national parks. This year, the ax of regulation will cut much deeper. PARKS ENFORCING CONTROLS Among national parks imposing restrictions are: • Great Smoky Mountains: For the first time, fees will be charged by the National Park Service for use of campgrounds. Those arriving at the park after campgrounds are full will not be allowed to park alongside the roads, nor overflow campgrounds. Laws against feeding of bears are being strictly enforced to eliminate traffic jams along the main highway through the park. At a key road junction, the first traffic signal ever installed in a national park has reduced traffic tieups considerably. • Crater Lake: Negotiations are under way to have the Mazama campground, largest in the park, operated this year by a concessioner who will charge a daily rate per car. This will be in addition to the park entrance fee of $1 a day (or Golden Eagle $7 passport good for all parks)· Other parks may soon follow with concessioner-operated

campgrounds.

• Everglades: Starting last February, those entering the park were informed whenever the Flamingo campground - 38 miles away and the only overnight camping area - was filled. The former practice of allowing overflow camping was banned completely. Many other parks will this year cut back severely or eliminate use of overflow camping areas. • Canyonlands: A major new road planned for the area has been canceled in favor of a system of jeep trails. Pleins for other new roads throughout the national park system are being reexamined. Some roads may be eliminated, some built to lower standards emphasizing scenic beauty. Lower speed limits may be

217 established at several parks. Twofold purpose: to encourage visitors to slow down enough and really to see what parks have to offer; to discourage drivers who cherish speed rather than nature. • Yosemite: This most crowded of all the parks

(press and

TV have dubbed Yosemite Valley a "slum" on holiday weekends), is undergoing more extensive changes than any other national park. Public campground capacity in the valley is being cut in half by a policy of marking out definite campsites and eliminating the former practice of allowing people to crowd together almost tent-peg to tent-peg. The traditional nightly "firefall," in which a half-ton of campfire embers was pushed over Glacier Point to cascade through the darkness, has been snuffed out. National Park Service officials say this popular traditional event put on by the Yosemite concessioner caused traffic to build up and people to accumulate in one small section, and also created an atmosphere unappropriate for a national park. PRESSURE OF CRITICISM These new policy changes and others under study for problem areas within the national park system result partly from the pressure of public criticism which has caused park officials to make a massive reassessment. They are acting with the full awareness that the attempts in recent years to increase facilities to keep up with burgeoning demands have satisfied neither the users nor the critics of expanded park development. Efforts to take care of increased numbers of visitors have brought criticism from conservationists who feel that permanent damage is being done to the nation's natural

"crown

jewels" by the added roads and campgrounds, buildings and blacktop. The conservationists argue: "Let's keep the unique natural areas of the parks for those who want to get off by themselves in the wilderness and refresh the mind and spirit away from the multitudes, attractions, and problems of the cities. The people who only want outdoor fun or a cheap camping vacation along the road should seek it in other places."

218 The average park sightseer or campground user might reply: "The back packers already have 95 percent of most parks for their type of use. We prefer to get our enjoyment out of seeing the wilderness from the road, or just being among the trees even when in a big public campground. What we really need are more campgrounds and more roads." VOICES OF PROTEST HEARD One Californian, after hearing about restrictions in campground use being planned for Yosemite, wrote an angry letter to Park Service Director Hartzog. "Each year I look forward to spending a week in Yosemite with may trailer," he said. "And, by George, I don't want any government official telling me I can't do this." Park officials point out that each national park has a certain "carrying capacity." Use beyond this yet-to-bedetermined figure would damage either the basic resource or the esthetic satisfaction of the visitor, or both. The National Park Service is sponsoring research to determine the carrying capacity for each unit in the system. So complicated is the problem and so large the lack of basic knowledge, that answers may be years away. "We are going to develop our parks only to what each one can bear or stand," says Stewart L. Udall, whose job as Secretary of the Interior includes responsibility for the National Park Service. "If we are going to continue the present rate of population growth, we are simply going to have rationing of use of the parks. The country might as well face that as a fact. Our master plans for the parks are not going to include unlimited development to meet all the demands of the people."

219

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1969 BY W I L L I A M J.

EATON

Chicago Daily News

William James Eaton (born on December 9, 1930, in Chicago, Illinois) was graduated from Lane Technical High School a student

at Northwestern University,

he began

his

in

1947. As

journalism

career as a part-time reporter for the Review in Evanston, 111. He graduated from Northwestern in 1951 with a B.S. degree in journalism and the following year received a master's degree in journalism from the same university. After four months with the City News Bureau in Chicago, Eaton entered the U.S. Army in January, 1953. He served in Heidelberg, Germany, in the public information office. Eaton joined the Washington bureau staff of United Press International in January, 1955. In the nation's capital he covered national political conventions

and presidential campaigns since

1960. In 1962 Eaton was named a Nieman Fellow and studied at Harvard University for one year. He became a member of the National Press Club, the White House Correspondents' Association and the Congressional Press Gallery. Eaton joined

the Washington bureau

staff of the Chicago Daily News in 1966 as an experienced reporter specializing

in national economics

1970 he received the Pulitzer Prize his disclosures of the previous year.

and

labor issues, and in

for National Reporting for

220 A PREJUDICED JUDGE IS TURNED DOWN [Source: William Eaton: Why Haynsworth Lost. ÄFL-CIO Opposition Lit Fuse, in: Chicago Daily News (Chicago, 111.), 94th Year/No. 276, November 22/23, 1969, p. 1, col. 8; p. 6, cols. 1 - 8; reprinted by permission of the Chicago Sun Times, Chicago, 111.]

No one thing, it appears, made President Nixon a loser in the battle over Clement F. Haynsworth Jr., the federal judge whose nomination to the Supreme Court was rejected by the Senate. Rather, a combination of factors added up to defeat. "Overkill," explained one government official. "Too much heat was applied and it boomeranged on us." "Very bad intelligence, particularly at the start," said another official. Some insiders tended to blame Atty. Gen. John N. Mitchell for a once-over-lightly review of Haynsworth's background before Mitchell cleared the judge for appointment. Repeatedly the administration and Haynsworth's Senate supporters were surprised by new disclosures of the judge's financial dealings. And those financial dealings played a major role in Haynsworth's defeat. For whatever reasons, 55 senators - including 17 Republicans - voted Friday to deny confirmation to Haynsworth. Only 45 voted for him. The President has blamend "vicious character assassins" for jeopardizing the appointment. Some Capitol Hill observers believe a more probable reason was Haynsworth1s capacity for self-destruction. Surely, it was argued, few Supreme Court nominees had been challenged on the propriety of their conduct. In most cases, it had been taken for granted they would be the exemplar of good conduct in their community. Haynsworth himself was an adviser on ethics for the American Bar Assn. In addition, the judge with the $1,000,000 stock portfolio was an easy target for cartoonists, who portrayed him with dollar bills and stock certificates bulging from his pockets. A few days before the vote, the White House was very optimistic. As the showdown neared, both sides got jittery and talked about a one-vote victory. In the end, Haynsworth was

221 defeated by a 10-vote margin, concluding a battle that began with a telephone call from AFL-CIO headquarters to the Justice Department three months ago. That call, on a sultry August day, was placed to Asst. Atty. Gen. Jerris Leonard by AFL-CIO associate counsel Thomas E. Harris. Little did either man realize that the call was the opening bell in a historic controversy. The controversy raged for three months and eventually involved President Nixon's prestige, election-year pressures, judicial ethics, racial equality, George Meany of the AFL-CIO and Negro partriarch Roy Wilkins. It split Senate Republicans and Democrats and may foreshadow a more strict standard of behavior for federal judges and senators. But when Harris telephoned Leonard at the Justice Department, no one foresaw that a President's choice for the Supreme Court would be defeated for the first time in 39 years. Harris, an Arkansas-born labor lawyer, advised Leonard that the AFL-CIO had information about Haynsworth's interest in Carolina Vend-a-matic Co. at the time he ruled on a case involving a major customer of the Greenville (S.C.) vending firm. LABOR-CASE RULINGS CALLED

'OUT O F STEP'

The AFL-CIO attorney expressed the view that Haynsworth's rulings in cases involving organized labor were out of step with Supreme Court decisions. Harris asked that the President select someone else for the Supreme Court vacancy created by the scandal-tinged resignation of Justice Abe Fortas. Leonard asked for a memo and Harris supplied it. In an effort to alert the Western White House to the AFL-CIO's concern, Harris also telephoned Daniel P. (Pat) Moynihan, chairman of the Urban Affairs Council, who was in San d e m e n t e , Calif., where the President was enjoying a summer vacation. Moynihan promised to relay the labor federation's viewpoint to John D. Ehrlichman, special assistant to Mr. Nixon. Earlier, Roy Wilkins of the National Assn. for the Advancement of Colored People had wired Mr. Nixon, objecting to

222

Atty. Gen. John Ν. Mitchell listens to a question during interview in which he said the Hayasworth controversy was "absolutely unavoidable." ( A P )

Leonard

Bayh

[Source: Chicago

Daily

Moynihan

News,

Wilkins

N o v e m b e r 22/23,

Hart

Brooke

1969, p. 6 . ]

Haynsworth's decisions in racial segregation cases during his 12 years on the 4th Circuit Court of Appeals. Harris placed his calls on Aug. 13, a day before the late Senate Republican leader Everett M. Dirksen of Illinois forecast the elevation of Haynsworth to the high bench. The White House, however, delayed action on the nomination until Aug. 18 while the Justice Department checked on the Carolina Vend-a-matic matter. Leonard discovered an entire file dealing with a 196 3 investigation of Haynsworth's ties to the vending firm at the time of his tie-breaking vote for a ruling that an employer could shut down his business to avoid dealing with a union.

223 In the case before the 4th Circuit, the employer was a large textile chain that did about $100,000 a year business with Carolina Vend-a-matic. Leonard also found a letter from the late Robert F. Kennedy, who was attorney general at the time, clearing Haynsworth of any impropriety after an anonymous charge that the textile concern had swung its vending business to the judge's firm after his favorable ruling. LABOR AND NAACP DECIDE THEY'LL

FIGHT

Despite the protest from Wilkins and a follow-up telegram of opposition from Meany, Mr. Nixon announced on Aug. 18 that he would send Haynsworth's name to the Senate for confirmation as associate justice. The AFL-CIO and the NAACP, shocked, decided to take the rare step of opposing the President's Supreme Court choice. Together with a biography of Haynsworth, who came from a notable family of lawyers, the White House released excerpts from Kennedy's letter praising the judge and dismissing the anonymous charge against him in the 1963 controversy. It also made public a letter from a lawyer from the Textile Workers Union of America (AFL-CIO) who apologized for making the allegation in the first place. The Chicago Daily News, checking files of the Securities and Exchange Commission, discovered that Haynsworth sold his interest in Carolina Vend-a-matic for more than $4 55,000 in 1964, shortly after the ruling in the labor case. The size of his investment - plus other material in the SEC files that indicated his role in the firm's board of directors and pension plan - was a revelation to the AFL-CIO. It provided an opening for anti-Haynsworth senators on the Judiciary Committee to seek additional information on the judge's investments and business dealings while on the bench. With the AFL-CIO and the veteran NAACP lobbyist Clarence Mitchell carrying the ball, a request was mady by Senators Philip A. Hart

(D-Mich.) and Joseph Tydings (D-Md.) for a

complete list of Haynsworth's stockholdings and more information on the Carolina Vend-a-matic interest.

224 The anti-Haynsworth lobbyists also decided to ask Sen. Birch Bayh

(D-Ind.), a member of the Judiciary Committee,

to conduct the critical questioning of the judge when the hearings began. Bayh was on an overseas trip when the request was made to his administrative assistant, Robert Keefe, so the 41-year-old Indiana senator made no immediate answer. DIRKSEN'S DEATH DELAYED

HEARINGS

It was at that point that Dirksen, hospitalized for a lungcancer operation, died unexpectedly, delaying the hearings on the Haynsworth nomination while Dirksen's body lay in state in the Capitol and the GOP leader was buried in Pekin, 111., at a service attended by many senators. On the plane flying back to Washington, Senators Hart, Edward M. (Ted) Kennedy and Bayh discussed the Haynsworth appointment, agreeing that Bayh would carry the brunt of the questioning in the Judiciary Committee. Hart felt he should not take the role of chief accuser because of his active defense of Justice Abe Fortas' abortive appointment to chief justice late in 1968. Kennedy's moral armor was in bad repair because of the death of a girl when his car plunged into a salt pond on Martha's Vineyeard. When the hearings began Sept. 16, Haynsworth's chief sponsor, Sen. Ernest F. Hollings (D-S.C.), told the committee that it seemed as if the 57-year-old judge had been indicted instead of nominated to the highest court in the land. The judge disclosed more than any other nominee for federal office, including a list of the stocks he held in August 1969. A battery of labor lawyers began comparing the companies in which he held stock with a list of decisions in which Haynsworth participated, hoping to find a lucky match. Two did - Michael Gottestman and Elliott Bredhoff of the Steelworkers Union. The judge owned 1,000 shares of stock in Brunswick Corp., they found, and had ruled in a case involving the bowling equipment manufacturer a few years ago. The question then was: Did he own the stock when he heard and decided the case? If he did, it would be a clear violation of legal ethics and possibly a violation of the law governing disqualification of federal judges.

225 As it turned out, the judge had heard arguments in the Brunswick case and, during a post-argument conference, he and two colleagues reached a tentative decision on it before he bought the $16,000 worth of Brunswick

stock.

PRESIDENT DECIDES TO RIDE OUT STORM It was a sharp setback for the Nixon administration. Mitchell, possibly in consultation with Mr. Nixon, decided to ride it out rather than withdraw the nomination. They also decided to go down to the wire for Haynsworth - win or lose even if more disclosures of lesser significance were made at the hearings. The Judiciary Committee recalled Haynsworth, his broker and another 4th Circuit judge to the stand to defend the nominee's action in buying the stock before the final ruling and concealing his ownership from his fellow judges and the lawyers in the case. Haynsworth, who testified with difficulty because of a stammer, declared it was a mistake and added: "I'll never get myself into that predicament again." That occured on Sept. 23. Bayh and his aides, who were elated by the Brunswick discovery, felt that the supporters of the judge had managed to make it look insignificant. Then Bayh walked over to the Senate steam room and discovered other senators who were indignant over the latest revelations. It raised his spirits for the coming fight. Meantime, labor lobbyists under the direction of the AFLCIO's Andrew J. Biemiller were prowling Senate

corridors,

explaining organized labor's opposition. So was Clarence Mitchell on behalf of the NAACP. Their cause received an essential boost on Oct. 1 when Sen. Edward W . Brooke

(R-Mass.) suggested withdrawal of the

nomination. The opposition of Sen. Robert P. Griffin

(R-Mich.)

came as another pleasant, indispensable assist for the antiHaynsworth

forces. WHITE HOUSE AIDES SLOW IN RESPONDING

In the White House, the President's men were slow to respond to the stepped-up attack on the nominee. Most thought that it would not amount to much, certainly not a threat to Haynsworth's chances of confirmation.

226 It wasn't until the second week of October that Clark R. Möllenhoff, a presidential troubleshooter, began to mount a campaign to salvage the nomination. By then it was almost too late. One of M ö l l e n h o f f s first moves was to seek a resolution of support from the Republican state chairmen, who said that was not in their power, but some promised to help back home with Republican senators who might defect on the nomination. The belated counterattack proved to be heavy-handed, in the judgment of several senators, and reports began to appear of big Republican contributors demanding that their senators support Mr. Nixon on his Supreme Court choice. Lobbying was intense on the other side, but AFL-CIO representatives had little to promise Republicans from such states as Idaho, Delaware and Kansas who held the balance of power in the closely divided Senate. The White House tried, without success in a remarkable number of cases, to keep GOP senators from bolting. Presidential chats, cabinet-level coaxing and back-home pressures from GOP bigwigs all figured in the campaign. "They laughed when I said we could beat the nomination," recalled Biemiller, the heavyweight emissary of the AFL-CIO on Capitol Hill. But he persuaded organized labor's traditional friends - as well as some others - to see it his way by the time the roll was called. In the end, it was Republican senators who decided the fate of Haynsworth. Men like Sen. John J. Williams Sen. Len Jordan (R-Ida.), Sen. Jack Miller

(R-Del.),

(R-Iowa) and Sen.

John Sherman Cooper (R-Ky.) made the difference. In all, the President lost 17 of the 43 GOP lawmakers in the chamber on the vote for the man he had described as the best-qualified judge to sit on the high court.

227

FROM D W I G H T (ILLINOIS) IN 1 9 7 0 BY LUCINDA FRANKS / THOMAS

POWERS

United Press International

Lucinda Franks (born on July 16, 1946, in Chicago, Illinois) grew up

in Wellesley, Massachusetts. She joined the United Press In-

ternational

in London in August, 1968, following her graduation

from Vassar College where

she majored in English literature and

where she also studied music. As a member of the London UPI staff she specialized in the coverage of young people and reported scores of rallies, speeches and various aspects

demonstrations

in Europe dealing with

of the youth movement. She returned to the U.S.

in the summer of 1 970 on special temporary assignment to team with Thomas Powers (born on December 12, 1940, in New York City) was graduated

from

Tabor Academy,

Massachusetts, in 1958, and degree

a naval honor

school in Marion,

from Yale University in 1964 with a

in English. During a year off from college he worked for

the Journal-Courier

in New Haven, Connecticut, as a general as-

signment reporter. After his

graduation from Yale he considered

joining the Air Force as a pilot trainee but finally joined a National Guard November,

unit instead. Prior

to

1967, he had spent almost

for the Rome Daily American and where he did

later

joining UPI in New York in two years in Italy working several months in London,

freelance work for the Observer. Powers was deeply

involved in the coverage of young people and the youth revolution since he joined UPI. He was the coauthor, with Lucinda Franks, of a series

of

articles on a rich girl who became a revolutionary

and then was killed. Franks and Powers received the Pulitzer Prize for National Reporting of the following year for their series from 1970.

228 THE MAKING OF A FEMALE TERRORIST [Source: Lucinda Franks/Thomas Powers: Family, Friends Didn't Really Know Who Diana Was, in: The Dallas Morning News (Dallas, Tex.), Vol. 121/No. 350, September 15, 197ο, p. 4 A, cols. 1 - 8; reprinted by permission of the United Press International, New York, N.Y.]

When Diana Oughton, dead at 28, was buried in Dwight, 111., on Tuesday, March 24, 1970, the family and friends gathered at her grave did not really know who she was. The minister who led the mourners Sin prayer explained Diana's death as part of the violent history of the times, but the full truth was not so simple. The newspapers had provided a skeleton of facts. Diana Oughton and two young men were killed March 6 in a bomb explosion which destroyed a townhouse in New York's Greenwich Village. Two young women, their clothes blown off, had run unharmed from the crumbling house and disappeared after showering at the home of a neighbor. It had taken police four days to find Diana's body at the bottom of the rubble and another week to identify

it.

Diana and the others were members of the violent revolutionary group known as "the Weathermen." They had turned the townhouse into what police described as a "bomb factory." Months later, they were all to be cited in a grand jury indictment as part of a conspiracy to bomb police, military, and other civic buildings in their campaign to destroy American society. MEMORIES DIFFER The facts were clear but the townspeople of Dwight

(pop.

3,086) could not relate them to the Diana they remembered. Her family, too, had their own memories. Diana's father, James Oughton, had watched her tear away from a closely-knit family and a life where beautiful and fine things were important. Her nanny, Ruth Morehart, remembered how uneasy Diana felt about the money which set the Oughtons apart and how, when only six, she had asked: "Ruthie, why do we have to be rich?" Carol, her sister, recalled the last phone call, days before Diana's death, and the voice that asked: "Will the family stand by me, no matter what?"

229 Diana's mother, Jane Oughton, wondered whether her daughter had been making the bomb that killed her. There seemed to be many Dianas. There had been the smalltown girl who had grown up with an abundance of good things a luxurious home, superior schooling, and people who loved and encouraged her to be anything in the world she wanted to be. There had been the frothy, slightly scatterbrained student at Bryn Mawr college, the self-denying teacher in an impoverished Guatemalan market town, and finally the Diana that no one in Dwight really knew or understood - the serious, closely-shorn woman whose mug shots appeared on police files in at least two cities. LOVE DIDN'T STOP Diana had never stopped loving her family, but the bomb which accidentally killed her had been designed ultimately to kill them and their kind. The revolution she died for would have stripped her father of his vast farmlands, blown his bank to pieces, and destroyed in a moment the name and position it had taken a century to build. Her love of family was not the only traditional value that Diana was unable to shed. She never lost her gentleness, either, or her sense of morality; but consumed by revolutionary commitment, she became a terrorist, fully prepared to live as outlaw and killer. Diana wanted to destroy many things. Not only the government she detested but her class, her family, her past. Perhaps, in the end, even herself. Now that Diana is dead, now beginning to recall things from the past, it becomes easier to understand why she became what she did and died as she did. This account of her life is based on long and frank conversations with members of her family, with her friends, associates, teachers and acquaintances over a period of several weeks. Some of the sources were young people involved in the radical movement. Some, to judge from the mysterious way in which they contracted the writers of this article and their steadfast refusal to give their names, were clearly fugitives from the law.

230 RICH BACKGROUND The world that Diana Oughton grew up in was a world of spacious, elegaht homes, sweeping lawns, the best schools and an ancestry of distinguished and monied men. One of Diana's great grandfathers had founded the Boy Scouts of America. Another built the Keeley Institute, the first home for alcoholics to treat the condition as a disease. Her father, James Oughton, a graduate of Dartmouth College, served in the Illinois legislature from 1964 to 1966. His holdings, which make him one of the wealthiest men in the state, include 6,000 acres of corn and soybeans, 100 head of cattle, several farmhouses, a restaurant, and part ownership of the family bank in Dwight. Diana was born January 26, 1942, in a town where her family had been prominent for decades. The Oughtons paved the village streets of Dwight, built the waterworks, furnished land for the schools and athletic fields. Townsfolk still talk of the During 1961-62, Diana attended the University of Munick, Germany, and traveled

widely in Europe. Shortly before (center) and two returning to the US. for her le- friends, Peter Schmidt, nior year at Bryti Maicr, Diana girl named Geta visited Yugoslavia.

[Source: The Miami Herald, September 15, 1970, p. D 1.]

German and a Skopje,

231 1860 visit to Dwight by King Edward VII, then Prince of Wales, who shot wild turkey and planted a tree on the Ougthon estate. They remember the Rolls Royces which filled the driveways of the Keeley Institute before it closed a few years ago; the wealthy and famous people who came for the "Kelly Cure," a rest, and feasts of pheasant and venison in the tapestrylined banquet hall. SHE DROVE TRACTOR Diana grew up as a farm girl, huntress and horsewoman. She hunted pheasant and was the best shot in the family, drove the tractor through the cornfields at harvest time, was ein active member of the local 4-H club and once, as a child, cried for hours when she found a dead bird and was told it could not be brought back to life. She was close to her three younger sisters - Carol, now 26 and a television writer; Pamela, a 24-year-old housewife; and Deborah, 17, a senior at the Madeira school. Her father, a handsome, well-read gentleman who is nearly blind from a hereditary ailment, and her mother, Jane, tall and gracious, liked to keep the dinner conversations lively and encouraged their children to discuss at home what they learned in school. The Oughton estate is a landmark in Dwight. On one side sits the huge, brick, tudorstyle home with swimming pool, deer park and a small vegetable garden where the family gets the first corn of the season. On the other side there is a lodge full of antiques, a full suit of armor and tapestry, and a restaurant which serves superb prime beef and homemade strawberry shortcake. Behind the lodge and the family home there is a wood studded with trees imported from the Orient and an old windmill which can be seen miles away. EASYGOING,

HELPFUL

As a child, Diana was easygoing and helpful. "She never fussed or demanded this and that like most kids," said Ruth Morehart, the family cook and nanny for 21 years. "She didn't ask why, she just did what she was told." Diana's childhood was sheltered and her upbringing strict. "The Oughtons never let the kids run around," Ruth said.

232 "Diana was not allowed to do a lot of things other children were. If she went someplace it was usually with her mother and father." Her family's multi-million dollar fortune made Diana feel a bit different from her schoolmates. They used to call her "Miss Moneybags" - a hurt which she remembered, and sometimes mentioned to friends, until her death. Several of Diana's teachers in high school rented their houses from her father. She sometimes wondered whether the good grades she got were entirely based on her work. Once, when only six, she came to her nanny and said, "Ruthie, why do we have to be rich?" A few years later, a school friend who lived in a poor section of Dwight was sent away by her family to live with a grandmother. Diana came to her father in tears. "Why can't we be ordinary like them?" she asked. DIANA GREW OLDER

As Diana grew older she took a dislike for frilly clothes, for dressing up and going to parties. She was not a child who often asked for new things and she never made out birthday lists. Sometimes, she gave her allowance to her sisters; although they all got the same amount, Diana always seemed to have some left at the end of the week. Diana's parents were both Episcopalian but since Dwight had no Episcopal church Ruth Moreheart took Diana to the Congregational church. She was eventually confirmed but later grew away from religion altogether. In Guatemala after graduating from college, Diana was teased by her father for being "an atheist Congregationalist working for a Quaker organization under the direction of Catholic priests." At 14, Diana left Dwight for the first time, to finish her high school years at the Madeira School in Greenway, Va. There she mixed with the daughters of rich and prominent families, and often spent weekends at the homes of the Rockefellers and the Days of Connecticut. Madeira was what Diana had always known: green rolling grounds, manicured gardens, picnics by the lake, people of her own background. It was the kind of place where it was important to wear Lanz dresses and McMullin blouses, where having an ambassador for a father was a ticket

233 to popularity, where scholarship students wanted to keep that fact a secret. Diana went to football games, and happily did all the things a Madeira girl did. In her senior year, she was accepted by all of the Seven Sister colleges and decided on Bryn Mawr. BRYN MAWR, 1959 When Diana walked onto the suburban, spreading campus of Bryn Mawr just outside Philadelphia in the fall of 1959 she was a tall, bony girl with short blonde hair and long aristocratic hands. A midwestern Republican, she was against social security, federal banking regulations and everything else which smacked of "liberalism" or "big" government. In 1960, she supported Richard M. Nixon against John F. Kennedy. She ardently defended her father's ownership of tenant farms in Lickskillet, Ala., since sold, arguing that he treated his tenants well and fairly. During her first year, Diana was known as a light-hearted girl, always clowning around, and the kind of person you came to if you wanted to be cheered up. She was never scholarly and studied reluctantly, but still managed to get A's and B's. At examination time, she would entertain with caviar and sour cream and then memorize her notes on the way to the test. To force herself to get up in the morning, she sometimes wrapped three alarm clocks in newspaper and placed them across the room beneath a sign that read, "Get up, you bitch!" If there was a Princeton or Yale weekend, Diana was always on the bus, sometimes having arranged dates with two different boys. 1

... A FUNNY NOSE*

"It wasn't that she was particularly beautiful," said one man who knew her. "She had a round face

and a funny nose but

she was so sharp and kind of glowing that everyone fell half in love with her." Back home in Dwight, she was the pride of the family . James Oughton pointed to Diana as an example for her sisters and took keen pleasure in her quick mind and her ability to grasp and understand ideas long after others were still absorbing them.

234 In 1961, when she was 19, Diana went off to Germany to spend her junior year at the University of Munich. Living with a German family, she immersed herself in the culture and picked up the language quickly. She spent time learning different dialects so she could talk to any German she might meet, whether a Bavarian beer garden owner or a Swiss-German businessman. Diana made close friendships with German students and would sometimes remain late into the night at student cafes, discussing over cigarettes and coffee the social problems in the United States which she later was to feel could be solved only by violence. KIND

STRANGERS

Her letters to her parents were filled with accounts of people she met and their conversations. She talked of the crush she had on a Romanian refugee, "my new unreachable wonderfully conscientious, melancholy and romantic." She described how happy she felt when strangers were warm and kind, how she had taken candy to a German woman who had picked up some books which dropped from her bicycle. She spoke of conversations with a German boy, Peter: "He said something which made sense. He said the trouble with America was it had lost its pioneer spirit... put women in the wrong place and they were becoming neuter. Hurrah for socialism!" While in Germany, the 19-year-old Diana began to develop a new consciousness of her country, its people and its problems. When she met some relatives in Rome toward the end of her stay, she suddenly saw them in a different light although she had known them since childhood. "I just sat wide-eyed and listened," she said in a letter to her parents in the spring of 1962, a few months after her twentieth birthday. "I didn't know people like that existed. She (the relative) doesn't like anyone who hasn't a proper pedigree... talking about poor me surrounded by all these German peasants, that Nuremburg was the center of world Communism. I was amazed."

235 Over the last three yean of her life, Diana visited her family infrequently, but in 1967 ike

[Source: The Miami

Herald,

turprited them by agreeing to attend a coutin't debutante party. Dresied in formal cloth·

ing for perhapt the last time, Diana, left, and her father toast the coutin.

September 15, 1970, p. D 1.]

POLITICS

INCIDENTAL

Politics were still incidental to Diana's life, however. She had not yet started the slow process of radicalization which was to make her a revolutionary. She was still a funloving college girl, gay and confident. She began her letters to her family with "mes chers parents" and closed them "muchest love, me." She refused to wear glasses out of admitted vanity and had trouble spotting people more than a few yards away. She was casual and scatterbrained and once made a special trip to Württemberg only to blurt out when she got there, "My God, I've seen this castle before." Diana's senior year at Bryn Mawr in 1962-6 3 was a year of change for young people throughout the country. John F. Kennedy's promise in 1960 to "get the country moving again" had ended once and for all the silence of the fifties. Young people began to think about America and found it fell short of what they had always been taught to believe it was. They went on freedom rides in the South, joined voter registration projects and picketed stores which discriminated against Negroes. Students of fashionable schools like Bryn Mawr talked about social justice and racial prejudice and turned away from deb parties and champagne in the back of a fast car. During the same period, a kind of genteel Bohemianism was

236 becoming fashionable in the colleges. Diana was among the small advanced class of students, inspired by the beatniks of the 1950s, who grew their hair long and traded their shirtwaists and circle pins for sandals and suede jackets. A book which made a deep impression on thousands of white students was John Howard Griffin's "BLACK LIKE ME," an account of a trip the author made through the deep south disguised as a Negro. Diana was strongly affected by it and joined a project in Philadelphia to tutor black ghetto children. Although tutors were supposed to be limited to one child each, Diana soon had three. She took a train from Bryn Mawr into the city two days a week and spent more and more time with the children she was helping. There are few Negroes in Dwight; there was only one in her class at Bryn Mawr. Inevitably, the Philadelphia ghettoes began to show Diana that the prosperous tranquility of Dwight was not the rule in America. On one occasion, she told her sister Carol how amazed she was that seventh grade children could not read. •SAD-SOULED MEN' Like thousands of other students touched by the new mood in the country, Diana often spent long evenings discussing what was wrong and how to make it right. She began going out with that one friend called "sad-souled men" and showed less interest in the Princeton football players who still came to see her. She shunned college mixers and proms and listened to Joan Baez albums by the hour. At graduation, she was listless about commencement activities and more embarrassed than pleased by the elaborate party given by her parents in a Philadelphia hotel. The message beneath Diana's picture in her college yearbook read: "The milkmaid from Dwight who's always on a diet... traveled far and wide but never knows where she's b e e n — loves Bryn Mawr but has never spent a weekend here." Those who knew her best saw qualities emerge in Diana during those four years which were not described in the yearbook. Beneath the frothy exterior, there was an increasingly serious, somewhat troubled young woman who was gradually growing away from the protected and privileged world of her childhood.

237

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1971 BY JACK

ANDERSON

Bell-McClure Syndicate

Jackson Northman Anderson

(born on October 19, 1922, in Long Beach,

California) grew up in Cottonwood, a small town outside Salt Lake City, Utah. From

his early childhood he was interested in news-

paper work, and at the age of twelve he edited the Boy Scout page of the Oeseret News, a paper owned by the Mormon church. He soon advanced to a $-seven-a-week job with the Eagle in Hurray, Utah. Anderson was president of the student body in high school, working in his spare time as a reporter. By the time he was eighteen he joined the staff of the Tribune in Salt Lake City. Ke attended the University of Utah for a brief period, from 1940-41. In 1943 Anderson finished his ministry and enrolled at the Merchant Marine Officers'

training

seven months

of

school

as a cadet midshipman.

After

about

service he managed to persuade the Deseret News

to accredit him as a foreign correspondent in China. After World War II, he served with the Quartermaster Corps until 1947, working on service newspapers and Armed Forces Radio. After his discharge from the army, he traveled to Washington where he started working for the columnist Drew Pearson. For about a decade Anderson was seldom credited in Pearson's column, 'Washington Merry-GoRound,' for more than routine reportorial contributions. Anderson continued the column after Drew Pearson's death in 1969. Early in 1972 several of his articles on the U.S.

policy during the Indian-

Pakistani war made headlines around the world, and in the following year he was awarded the Pulitzer Prize for National Reporting for his disclosures.

238 TENSIONS IN WASHINGTON'S FOREIGN

RELATIONS

[Source: Jack Anderson: U.S., Soviet Vessels in Bay of Bengal, in: The Washington Post (Washington D.C.), 95th Year/No. 9, December 14, 1971, p. Β 15, cols. 5 - 8; reprinted by permission of Mr. Jack Anderson, Washington, D.C.]

A dangerous confrontation is developing between Soviet and American naval forces in the Bay of Bengal. President Nixon has ordered a naval task force into those troubled waters as a restraint upon India. Now heading for the Bay of Bengal are the aircraft carrier Enterprise, amphibious assault ship Tripoli, guided missile frigate King, and guided missile destroyers Parsons, Decatur and Tartar Sam. At the same time, Soviet naval ships have been spotted steaming into the Bay of Bengal ostensibly to bolster India. Even more ominous, intelligence reports claim that Soviet technicians are aboard Indian naval craft that have attacked Pakistani harbor and shore installations. U.S., British and other froeign merchant ships have been hit in these attacks. Rockets fired from under the ocean have also been tracked. The Pakistani Navy has urgently requested U.S. help in determining whether the rockets could have been launched from a Soviet submarine. Inside the White House, meanwhile, the President has made no attempt to hide his favoritism for Pakistan. He has developed a close personal relationship with Pakistan's dynamic President Yahya Khan. Mr. Nixon, accordingly, has ordered his crisis team, known formally as the Washington Special Action Group, to find ways short of direct intervention to help Pakistan. The hush-hush group, headed by presidential policymaker Henry Kissinger, has been meeting almost daily in the White House's fabled secret Situation Room since the Indian-Pakistani outbreak . NIXON'S SECRET IRE At the Dec. 3 meeting Kissinger snorted: "I'm getting hell every half-hour from the President that we're not being tough enough on India. He has just called me again. He doesn't believe we're carrying out his wishes. He wants to tilt in

239 favor of Pakistan- He feels everything we do comes out otherwise . " Adm. Thomas Moorer, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, reviewed the military situation. CIA chief Richard Helms also reported what his agents had found out about the fighting. Then Kissinger brought up the United Nations. "If the UN can't operate in this kind of situation effectively," he growled, "its utility has come to an end, and it is useless to think of U.N. guarantees in the Middle East." "We'll have a recommendation for you this afternoon," promised Assistant State Secretary Joseph Sisco. "We have to take action," pressed Kissinger. "The President is blaming me, but you people are in the clear." "That's ideal J" retorted Sisco cheerily. There was discussion about a statement that had been prepared for Ambassador George Bush to deliver at the U.N. Kissinger thought it was "too evenhanded" and ought to be tougher on India. To maintain a diplomatic balance, Sisco suggested that economic steps could be taken against India but that similar moves against Pakistan should be announced as "under review." "It's hard to tilt toward Pakistan," grumped Kissinger, "if we have to match every Indian step with a Pakistan step." U.S. TOO GENTLE? At the next secret meeting on Dec. 4, Kissinger reported that the President was still fuming over the gentle treatment U.S. spokesmen were giving India. "The President is under the 'illusion' that he is giving instructions," said Kissinger, "not that he is merely being kept apprised of affairs as they progress." Mr. Nixon, meanwhile, has disregarded several secret, urgent appeals from Kenneth Keating, the American Ambassador in New Delhi, that the U.S. should be careful not to alienate India. He reported that he had received personal assurances from Indian Foreign Minister Swaran Singh not only that the populace welcomed the liberation of East Pakistan but that India had no intention of annexing the conquered territory. India had no wish, said Singh, to provide "even a semblance

240 of Indian administration" but would permit the Bengalis to rule themselves. In another secret message, Keating sharply disputed a story put out by the White House about the Indian-Pakistani developments. "I have made the foregoing comments," he concluded, "in the full knowledge that I may not have been privy to all the important facts of this tragedy. On the basis of what I do know, I do not believe those elements of the

(White House)

story either add to our position or, perhaps more importantly, to our credibility." It would be ironic if Richard Nixon, who mounted the political soapbox in times past to accuse the Democrats of "losing" China to the Communists, should be responsible for pushing India into eager Soviet arms.

SECRET INDIA-PAKISTAN PAPERS, which Jack Anderson, the columnist, distributed in Washington yesterday. They are classified Secret-Sensitive.

[Source: The New York Times, January 6, 1972, p. 16.]

241

FROM ST. LOUIS (MISSOURI) IN 1972 BY ROBERT S. BOYD/CLARK HOYT Knight Newspapers Robert S. Boyd (born on

January 11, 1928, in Chicago, 111.) was

educated at Andover Academy and

at Harvard University

where

he

received a B.A. degree in history in 1949. After three years with the U.S. State Department, he started

his

journalism career and

joined the Daily Advertiser in Lafayette, La., as a reporter in 1953. He was state editor of the News-Palladium in Bentor Harbor, Mich., from 1954 until 1957. Boyd joined the Detroit Free Press, and then worked

as a reporter for the Knight Newspaper group in

1957. He was assigned to the Washington bureau

of that group in

1960 and became bureau chief in 1967. In 1964 he had published a novel, co-authored with David Kraslow, about the adventures of an American newspaperman entangled in a CIA operation in the Caribbean. In 1970 Boyd spent two weeks in North Vietnam, and in 1972 he accompanied President Nixon on his mission to China. C l a r k Hoyt (born on November 20, 1942, in Providence, Rhodes Island) was graduated from Hill School in Pottstown, Pa., and took a B.A. in English literature from Columbia University in New York in 1962. For two and

a half years he was a congressional assis-

tant and a press secretary. Then he worked as a reporter for the Ledger in Lakeland, Fla. , before

joining the Detroit Free Press

as a politics writer in 1968. Hoyt moved to the Knight Newspapers' Washington bureau in

1970

for the Miami Herald, specializing in

the coverage of government affairs and evironmental problems. In 1973 he became

the national correspondent of the Knight-Ridder

newspapers in Washington, D.C. The awarded

the

Pulitzer Prize

same year Hoyt and Boyd were

for National Reporting for articles

written in the previous year.

242 A SENATOR'S

HISTORY

OF

PSYCHIATRIC

THERAPY

[Source: Clark Hoyt: Eagleton - A Driven Man, in: The Miami Herald (Miami, Fla.) , 62nd Year/No. 241, July 27, 1972, p. A 1, cols. 1 - 5; p. A 16, cols. 1 - 6 ; reprinted by permission of the Miami Herald Publishing Co., Miami, Fla.]

Thomas Eagleton has always been a young man in a big hurry. He smoked too much, drove his car too fast and himself too hard. In 1962, when he was attorney general of Missouri, he paid a small price for speeding 85 miles an hour on U.S. 40 - a $35 fine plus $11 court costs. Now he is paying a far bigger price for pushing himself in the past beyond the limits of his emotional endurance and then hiding the consequences for 12 long years. In what he described as "not the most enjoyable moment in my 42 years of life," a trembling Eagleton acknowledged Tuesday that he had twice undergone electroshock therapy in the 1960s for "nervous exhaustion" and mental depression. Public reaction to the revelation could hound Eagleton from his place as George McGovern's Democratic vice presidential running mate. If so, he would be the first living national candidate in history to be replaced after being nominated. McGovern stood firmly behind his ticket-mate Tuesday, even though Eagleton had not told even him of his medical past. But a perspiring Eagleton conceded in an interview with Knight Newspapers that his political fate is still hanging in the balance. "We'll just have to see what the public response will be," he said. "I'm not a very good crystal-ball gazer on that." If the intense, curly-haired Missouri senator is forced to resign from the Democratic ticket, it would be a painful footnote to the prophecy written in 1946 in his senior class yearbook at St. Louis Country Day School: "Eagelton - has taken up where Harry Truman left off," the yearbook said. When Eagleton arrived at Country Day as a scrawny, boisterous fifthgrader, he had already been pointed toward politics by his father, Mark, a prosperous St. Louis attorney and political bliff.

243 When other boys were out climbing trees and throwing footballs, Tom was downtown watching his father, the president of the St. Louis School Board, preside over stormy public meetings. Sometimes he would flip over to the dingy municipal court building to sit on the bench beside Judge David W. Fitzgibbon, for whom his Aunt Hazel worked as chief parole officer. In 1936, when he was only 7, young Tom put his ear to the radio to listen to the returns from the presidential election between Franklin Roosevelt and Alfred M. Landon. "I didn't know who Landon was, and I didn't know who Roosevelt was," he recalled. "But there was an aura of excitement there..." "Most kids want to be a fireman or a policeman or, now, maybe an astronaut. I wanted to be a politician." And later, Tom Eagleton would enjoy a full measure of policitcal success - youngest prosecutor, at age 27, ever elected in St. Louis; youngest attorney general, at 31, ever elected in Missouri; youngest Missouri lieutenant governor, at 35; and, in 1968, U.S. senator, the pinnacle, at the time, of his ambitions. "He's been hand tailored for this by his father," said Dr. Hugh Johnson, who taught Tom history and natural science at Country Day. "Like Winston Churchill's mother, Tom's father left no stone unturned along the way-" The father, then a Wendell Willkie Republican, took his younger son to the 1940 GOP national convention. He took Tom to Fulton, Mo., to hear Churchill's famous "Iron Curtain" speech. And as the boy grew older, Mark Eagleton hired tutors to coach him in public speaking and public affairs. "My father was the idol of my life," Tom Eagleton said in his interview with Knight Newspapers. Mark Eagleton, self-made man, son of an Irish immigrant laborer from County Cork, set demanding standards for the two sons of his first marriage to Zitta Swanson, who died during World War II. When Tom was only 4, his father put him in the first grade and in summer school with his older brother, Mark Jr., every year thereafter.

244 "When are these boys ever going to get a vacation," their mother once lamented. "Mr. Eagleton was a bear on education," recalled his sisterin-law, Tom's Aunt Hazel. But Tom shared his father's views on education. "He thought there was an awful lot of waste in education," Tom said. "To let the mind vegetate for four months every summer, it's stupid." Tom, an honor student, took readily to the stiff regime. HIS OTHER LOVE WAS BASEBALL After graduating from Country Day, the only Democrat in a senior class of 26, he attended Amherst College. Then after three months at Oxford University in England, he went to Harvard Law School, where he was an editor of the Law Review. He then returned to St. Louis to practice law with his father, a booming-voice courtroom orator, who carved a colorful and legendary career specializing in lawsuits on behalf of workmen injured on the job. The senior Mark Eagleton was a close friend of St. Louis beer baron Gussie Busch, and for a time Tom worked in the legal office of Anheuser-Busch. It was Mark Eagleton's association with Busch that also helped shape Tom* s one abiding interest outside of politics and his family - his love for baseball. When Anheuser-Busch took over the St. Louis Cardinals, Mark Eagleton was named to the board of directors of the National League team. Every spring he would take his sons south to Florida to watch the Redbirds train for the coming season. "Tom would always come back wearing a Cardinal baseball cap, carrying an autographed baseball his father got for him, and swinging a bat bigger than he was," his former teacher, Dr. Johnson, recalled. At Country Day, Tom played first base on the school team. His senior yearbook summed up his ability under a picture of him stretching for a throw from across the infield: "Excellent early season hitter, fine fielder, but slow runner."

245 Even today, Eagleton is said to prize his free pass to Cardinal home games more highly than all the honors and awards he has received in his public career. PROMISED WIFE 'NO POLITICS' His speeches and conversations are filled with baseball metaphors. The Mayo Clinic, where he received shock treatments in 1966, is "the Stan Musial of Medicine," Eagleton remarked the other day. In 1956, after only three years of practicing law - and only weeks after promising his brand new blonde wife, Barbara, that he would not run for any public office - Eagleton made his first political race. On the advice of George Murphy, an old St. Louis Democratic machine leader who lived across the street from Mark Eagleton's comfortable Tudor home on Tower Grove Street, Tom ran for circuit attorney

(prosecutor).

"It'll be a hell of a political stepping stone," Murphy told Tom. His father, who had lost a close race for St. Louis mayor three years earlier didn't agree. "If there's one way you want to have an ex-political career, run for that," Mark Eagleton told his son. Young Eagleton also had his doubts. He told Murphy he had very little experience in criminal law. He had defended only two criminal defendants and lost both cases, he said. But, despite the doubts, the father went to work to help his son line up crucial support from the leaders of the city's 28 wards. "Tom started right," a close friend said. "His father knew the right people, and Tom was more or less eased in and introduced around by the men who counted." No matter where Tom's career took him, he never forgot those early ward bosses whose endorsements started him on his way. Whenever he returns to St. Louis, he drops by the court building for a lunch of cold cuts and Cokes in a drab jury room with his father's old friends, Jimmy McAteer, Judge Fitzgibbon and whoever else happens to be around from the dwindling bank of oldtimers.

246 "I'm proud to have Tom Eagleton as my wonderful friend," says McAteer, a sentimental Irishman who was first elected leader of the 11th Ward in 1934 when Eagleton was only five years old. The Democratic primary race for circuit attorney against four opponents was a tough one. Eagleton's foes lambasted him as a callow youth who would quickly be overwhelmed by shrewd criminal lawyers. One charged that Tom was merely the pawn of a "doting father." After he won the election, Eagleton flew to New York to appear on the TV show "What's My Line?" His boyish good looks stumped the panel. He seemed too young to be a big-city prosecutor. "He looked like a school boy," Arlene Francis said backstage after the show. As circuit attorney, Eagleton established a style he has maintained throughout his political career - old political methods combined with new political ideas. A product of the St. Louis Democratic ward system, he emerged as a fighting young liberal without driving away his old backers. In the days long before it was a fashionable issue, Eagleton spoke out forcefully against wiretapping and bugging. "It was a dirty business," he declared, announcing he would never use wiretap evidence in a case, even if the courts would permit him to. He attacked Missouri State Penitentiary as a school for criminals and urged prison reforms. He spoke out against the practice of giving widely different sentences to felons convicted for the same kinds of crime. A huge backlog of cases left by his predecessor was cut by more than two-thirds during Eagleton's four-year term. In one case that made headlines in early 1960 and earned him a rash of angry editorials, he refused to present to a grand jury evidence that Dr. James McCaffery, a former school board president, had used school employes working on public time to remodel his friend's home.

247 Finally, under strong newspaper pressure, Eagleton took the case to the grand jury, which quickly issued the indicments and a scathing report. McCaffery pleaded guilty to a lesser charge. THE

FIRST

PERIOD

OF

EXHAUSTION

Later that year, Eagleton began his first statewide campaign for attorney general. It was to end in victory and the first of three periods when he had to hospitalize himself for nervous exhaustion. While keeping on top of the day-to-day operation of the circuit attorney's office, he drove his own car back and forth across Missouri, making speeches from before dawn until long after dark. "My weight got down from 180 to about 153," he said. "I was pooped." In early December, he was admitted for four weeks to the Renard Psychiatric Division of the Barnes Hospital complex in St. Louis. His older brother, Mark, a radiologist, is a member of the staff. Almost immediately after Eagleton was released from treatment which included his first shock therapy, he found himself faced with a critical and difficult political decision. The Missouri Legislature had just voted itself a pay raise from $1,500 to $4,800 per year and, claiming "an emergency" had decreed that the raise would go into effect immediately rather than after the customary 90-day waiting period. As the new attorney general, Eagleton decided that there was not a legitimate emergency and thus forced the angry lawmakers, who would soon be ruling on his department's budget, to wait three months for their own higher pay. Another early decision by Eagleton involved his beloved English teacher from Country Day School, Eugene Hecker. Hecker, whom Eagleton calls one of the four men who most influenced his life, had just died and left $10,000 to his cat, Kitty. Putting aside his affections for the man who taught him rigid grammar and punctuation, the attorney general ruled that "Kitty" owed the state of Missouri $500 inheritance taxes. As attorney general, Eagleton continued building on his early liberal record in a state considered mostly conservative.

248 HE

SPOKE

AGAINST

CAPITAL

PUNISHMENT

He spoke out against capital punishment. "It does not accomplish the purpose for which it was designed, which is to deter crime," he declared. In 1963, long before the U.S. Supreme Court reached the same conclusion, Eagleton ruled that indigent defendants in serious misdemeanor cases had to be provided with courtappointed attorneys. He initiated the first prosecutions of steel companies for rigging bids on state projects, despite warning that the cases would drive new industry away from Missouri. In 1964, Eagleton was ready to move up again and filed for election as lieutenant governor. Once more it was to be a winning campaign that would drive him to the hospital, exhausted and depressed. This time he went to the Mayo Clinic in Rochester, Minn., during the Christmas holidays of 1964 for four days of treatment. He later described it as mostly a full physical examination. No shock therapy was involved, he said. In 1967, Eagleton got into what was up to that point the most serious controversy of his public career. Newspapers in June of that year revealed that although he was lieutenant governor, he was also representing the Railway Express Agency as a private attorney before the Missouri Public Service Commission. At Commission hearings, Eagleton was attempting to help the agency nail down trucking routes that had become available when railroad service was cut back. The REA application was opposed by 29 other firms. Eagleton, then 37, stoutly denied that he was doing anything wrong. He said he had appeared before the commission for two other trucking firms while lieutenant governor. His state post, which paid $12,000 a year, was meant to be only part time, he mantained. But eight days after the first news story broke, Eagleton withdrew as REA's attorney and said he would represent to more clients before state agencies. "I find absolutely nothing improper or unethical in representing a private client in a matter of this type...," he insisted, however.

249 LAST

SEVERE

BOUT OCCUREED

IN

1966

It was also as lieutnant governor, in 1966, that Eagleton had his last bout with nervous problems serious enough to send him to the hospital. He went back to Mayo's from Sept. 20 to Oct. 21 for a new round of shock treatment. He was worn out, he told Knight Newspapers, from setting up a statewide education conference for Missouri Gov. Warren Hearnes while at the same time campaigning for Democratic congressional candidates. He conceded that "some of my people, in an attempt to throw people off the scent," floated a false report that he was being treated at Johns Hopkins University Hospital in Baltimore, Md., for a "gastric disturbance." Eagleton does suffer from a "nervous stomach," he said, but he was never at Johns Hopkins. The rumors put out by his staff, however, only served to heighten other more serious rumors that have dogged Eagleton throughout his political career. The whispering began almost as soon as he arrived at the state capital in Jefferson City in 1961: "Tom Eagleton has a drinking problem," the rumor mill said. But there has never been any evidence to back up the whispered reports. And Eagleton, a social drinker who likes a cocktail or two before dinner, hotly denies that he has ever had trouble controlling liquor. Some of his friends say they are inclined to believe the drinking rumors started partly because of Eagleton's thenmysterious period of hospitalization. In addition, he tends to be "a loud, exuberant guy who does everything in a big way," one acquaintance said. "People can think he's been drinking when he hasn't had a drop." •AWFULLY

NERVOUS'

-

BUT THEN HE

MATURED

Ά St. Louis Republican who knows Eagleton as a political foe and a social friend said, "He has always had all the symptoms of being an awfully nervous guy." A chain smoker who frequently takes fto more than one or two puffs before stubbing out his cigaret, Eagleton perspires heavily under pressure and his hands and head sometimes tremble.

250 "He's a thoroughbred type," said a St. Louis acquaintance. "He's a very high-strung guy, wound up tight as you wind a spring. I used to be struck by his staccato speech and flitting head and hand movements... but something's happened. He's more relaxed now. He's just plain grown up." Indeed, that is exactly what Eagleton himself now maintains - that at 42, he has matured and learned how to pace himself to avoid exhaustion. He cites as his Exhibit A his 1968 Senate campaign, which he came through without a hint of emotional trouble. That campaign also was, in many ways, the toughest he ever had. In 1967, Eagleton already had filed for reelection as lieutenant governor when Life Magazine published a story accusing incumbent Democratic Sen. Edward V. Long of an improper feesplitting arrangement with St. Louis labor lawyer Morris Shenker. Eagleton, sensing an opening toward his longtime ambition to become a U.S. Senator, announced for the Democratic primary against Long. For the first time in his career, Eagleton found himself without the backing of the political establishment from which he had sprung. Organized labor sadly abandoned its friend Eagleton to go with Long. Even Mark Eagleton's old pal, August (Gussie) Busch, lined up with Long. ADOPTED

'NEW

POLITICS'

BECAUSE

HE

HAD

TO

So, more out of desperation than inclination, Eagleton turned to the type of new politics that would spawn George McGovern four years later. In February 1968, he brought in Matt Reese, a 300-pound freelance political tactician and an old John F. Kennedy aide from West Virginia, to build a volunteer organization and bypass the Democratic establishment. Eagleton's managers figured he had to carry his home base of St. Louis to have a chance against Long and another primary opponent, True Davis. Reese, canvassing by telephone, recruited housewives as block captains in critical wards. The block captains were sent literature to give their neighbors and, on election day, they returned to friendly homes to get out the vote.

251 Eagleton carried the city of St. Louis by a bare 1,000 votes. He won the county by about 33,000. His statewide margin over Long was only about 25,000. Throughout the primary and the fall campaign against Republican Tom Curtis, a veteran of 18 years in Congress, Mark Eagleton played an active role in his son's campaigning. Back in 1950, Mark himself had thought about trying for the Senate but gave up the idea as hopeless. In 1968, the father, then 74, his eyesight failing, would turn up at Tom's headquarters every morning to argue that his son should be spending more time in St. Louis and less outstate . "Can't you guys do anything right?" he would sometimes roar to the nearest staffer. "There were only two opinions - the wrong one and Mark Eagleton's - and, if he couldn't convince you, he'd shout you down," recalled a lawyer friend of Tom's fondly. DAD PROUDLY WATCHED SON ENTER SENATE Two years later, after having sat proudly in the Senate gallery to watch his son sworn in, Mark Eagleton was dead. He died peacefully of a heart attack while eating a piece of pie at his summer cottage in Douglas. Mich. At his funeral in St. Louis, Tom delivered a moving eulogy, praising his father as champion of the common man. In the Senate campaign, Tom Eagleton struck the theme that he has stressed throughout his 3 1/2-year Senate career. He called for an unconditional halt to Lyndon Johnson's bombing of North Vietnam to see if an indefinite lull might lead to fruitful peace negotiations. The United States, Eagleton argued, should drop "ideological rigidities" such as a "policy of containment or the domino theory." He said the nation had to "take into account the limits of American power." This dovishness led him in the Senate to become a severe critic of the military establishment. "For over 20 years, military programs have annually marched through Congress, cloaked in secrecy or wrapped in the flag

252 while Congress saluted and appropriated virtually without question or debate," Eagleton complained in a speech shortly after arriving in Washington. He opposed the anti-ballistic missile and said he felt he finally came of age as a senator on Aug. 8, 1969, during debate on another major weapons system, the Army's main battle tank. Eagleton's motion to strike funds for the tank from the Pentagon budget failed, but he was greeted with grudging respect in the Senate cloakroom afterwards by his chief foe, chairman John Stennis of the Senate Armed Service Committee. "Hi, tank," Stennis said. CLEARLY

A

LIBERAL,

HE SHUNS

THE

LABEL

Although Eagleton shuns the label because of Missouri's conservative nature, his Senate voting record ranks him as a clear liberal. The conservative Americans for Constitutional Action, in fact, scored Eagleton as more liberal than McGovern. McGovern voted "right," according to the ACA, 5 per cent of the time. Eagleton was only 4 per cent "right." "People always ask me whether I am a liberal or *a conservative," Eagleton once said. "I like to think I am a constructive." Until his announcement Tuesday about his medical history, Eagleton appeared headed for a long and powerful Senate career, if not the vice presidency. He was young enough, he figured, to outlast most of his seniors and probably wind up with the chairmanship of a major committee. If Eagleton had refused McGovern's invitation to be his running mate, there is little reason to believe he would ever have been forced to reveal his past psychiatric problems. Now, not only his place on the national ticket but also his career in Missouri politics could be in jeopardy. But Eagleton could not resist the lure of moving steadily onward and upward, as he always has. "There are 100 senators in Washington who want to be president, and Tom is no different," said a close friend.

253

FROM NEW YORK (NEW YORK) IN 1973 BY JAMES R, POLK The Washington Star-News

James Ray Polk (born on September 12, 1937, in Oaktown, Indiana) is

a graduate of Indiana University and was a political writer

with the Herald-Telephone the American moved

Political

in Bloomington, Ind. There he received

Science Association

award.

In 1962 Polk

to the Associated Press, starting as yiP's bureau chief in

Madison, Wis., and in 1967 he was transferred to Washington, D.C. Polk

then received

Washington

reporting

the Raymond for AP in

Clapper Memorial

Award for his

1971. He joined the Washington

Star-News as an investigative reporter in 1972 after his Associated Press career as a prize-winning member of its investigative team in the nation's capital. In 1974 Polk received the Pulitzer Prize for National Reporting. He shared the award with Jack White of the Providence Journal and Evening Bulletin. Both of them were awarded the prize not only for stories published during the previous year but also for disclosure articles reaching back to the early 1970's.

254 PAYING FOR PRESIDENT NIXON'S CAMPAIGN

[Source: James R. Polk: Probe Figure Gave $200,000 to GOP, in: The Evening Star and Daily News (Washington, D.C.), 121st Year/No. 58, February 27, 1973, p. A 1, cols. 7 - 8; p. A 10, cols. 1 - 8 ; reprinted by permission of the Washington Post, Washington, D.C.]

President Nixon's campaign got a secret cash contribution of $200,000 from the Bahamas while former Atty. Gen. John N. Mitchell was setting up a government meeting for the donor, facing a fraud investigation, court testimony showed today. The money, almost all in $100 bills, became part of the clandestine funds kept in a campaign safe which was later linked to the Watergate incident. The President's brother, Edward C. Nixon, played a role in arranging for the cash transaction, the testimony showed. The Nixon campaign failed to report the $200,000 from the Bahamas even though it came in after a new disclosure law took effect last year. The Justice Department said it would investigate. The contribution was returned last month after the existence of the Bahamas money was disclosed in a Star-News story trying to trace the missing cash. Today's testimony brought the first confirmation of the donation and its return, as well as the Mitchell and Edward Nixon roles. The offshore money came from financier Robert L. Vesco, who now faces a Securities and Exchange Commission suit accusing him of a $224 million fraud by draining off assets of his IOS overseas mutual fund empire. It is the largest fraud case in SEC history. The testimony was taken in a pretrial deposition in the SEC suit last week and made public today. Testimony by a Vesco attorney, Harry L. Sears of Boonton, N.J., who was a Nixon state chairman, disclosed: • Sears was given $15,000 by Vesco for arranging to have Mitchell make an overseas telephone call to the U.S. Embassy in Switzerland to express interest when Vesco was jailed in Geneva in late 1971. Mitchell was still attorney general then. Later he became Nixon's campaign director. Swiss authorities

255 freed Vesco on bail within a day. Mitchell, asked about the incident, denied any impropriety. • When the $200,000 contribution was made in April, 1972, Sears already had been talking with Mitchell about setting up a meeting with William J. Casey, then the SEC chairman, so the New Jersey lawyer could complain about what he called SEC harrassment in the fraud probe. The meeting was granted in May, but the SEC investigation was expanded, leading to filing of the suit last fall. • At the time the $200,000 was handed to Nixon's finance chairman, Maurice H. Stans, Laurence B. Richardson, a Vesco official, was quoted by Sears as saying, "Sure hope that we might get some proper help somewhere along the line, if possible." But Sears testified that both he and Stans considered the money to be a campaign contribution, nothing more. • Sears quoted Vesco as saying that Stans had asked for the contribution in cash. Sears said Edward Nixon, who had a brief link with the Vesco organization, was flown by helicopter to the Vesco headquarters in New Jersey one dayn, and made a telephone call to Washington to confirm that it was to be handled in cash. • The money, according to Sears, came from Vesco's personal funds, borrowed from one of IOS's foreign banks. Separate SEC testimony shows the $200,000 actually originated with the Bahamas Commonwealth Bank in Nassau. A foreign donation would be illegal under U.S. laws. It was understood that both Vesco and Richardson claimed the 5th Amendment protection against self incrimination before the SEC, when asked about the source of the money. • The $200,000, in a briefcase, was flown from New Jersey to Washington on April 10 last year and was given to Stans in the campaign offices. Although the new disclosure law had taken effect three days earlier, the Nixon campaign failed to report the donation to the General Accounting Office. The GAO now says it will investigate. • The Nixon campaign sent back a total of $250,000 - the cash contribution, plus a later $50,000 donation mady by Vesco on record last fall - as a refund to Vesco last month. It was returned just five days after The Star-News reported the

256 existence of the Nassau money which figures in the SEC case, and its possible connection to the Nixon campaign. SEARS TESTIFIED Vesco, 37, also from Boonton, N.J., took over the troubled, Swiss-based investment empire known as IOS, Ltd., from the flamboyant Bernard Cornfeld two years ago. The Bahamas money became entangled in the Watergate affair when it was placed among the cash used to supply the $100 bills found in the possession of the five men arrested during the bugging and break-in at the Democratic National Committee last June. It was learned from a Nixon campaign source that the Vesco money, like other cash contributions, would have gone into a safe kept in the office of Stans' secretary. An earlier GAO audit of Nixon bank records showed no deposit of cash from any funds delivered after April 7 until late May. Hugh W. Sloan Jr., former Nixon campaign treasurer, testified in the Watergate trial that two $12,000 packages of $100 bills from the safe were given to campaign aide G. Gordon Liddy for his surveillance assignment. (Liddy was convicted in the Watergate case.) SOURCE OF FUNDS Sloan then testified that the leftover $350,000 in the safe was deposited in a bank last May 25. The cash from the Bahamas, along with the remainder of $114,000 in Mexico City bank drafts and another donation which passed through Miami, would explain for the first time where the bulk of that money came from. Liddy, a former White House consultant, and the five seized at the Watergate are now awaiting sentencing along with E. Howard Hunt Jr., a former White House consultant, after being convicted or pleading guilty to bugging, burglary and conspiracy in the Watergate affair. The money from Vesco's bank in the Bahamas was the second foreign transaction to surface in the Watergate affair. The bugging investigation showed earlier that $89,000 had been converted to bank drafts in Mexico City after a slightly larger sum was sent from a Houston corporation. The Justice Department still has that under investigation, but has not taken any action.

257 Mitchell, contacted in New York at his law firm, said he saw nothing improper about either his setting up the Casey meeting or his telephone call to Switzerland. The former attorney general, who was Nixon's campaign chief until his resignation after the Watergate arrests, said there was no link between the Bahamas donation and the SEC session he arranged. "Sears did talk to me about the fact the staff was showing great hostility," Mitchell said. "... This is a normal process where people were complaining about the government and

[ S o u r c e : The Evening

Star

and Daily

News, F e b r u a r y 2 7 , 1973, p . Α Ι Ο . ]

putting them in touch with the head of the department. I don't see anything unusual about that." Mitchell added, "It was just a question of making sure the staff was performing its job." SEARS MET O F F I C I A L S Sears testfied he met May 11 with Casey and G. Bradford Cook, then the SEC's top lawyer but named this month by President Nixon as Casey's successor as SEC

chairman.

258 As a result, according to insiders, Cook was told to monitor the SEC's staff investigation of Vesco. But what Sears had sought actually backfired. Cook plunged into the case, took an aggressive role in developing the evidence, and played a major part in the filing of the suit against Vesco in November. Sears testified that he went to Mitchell, who was campaign director when the SEC session was set up, because he did not know Casey personally. Sears said he was acquainted with Mitchell from the 1968 campaign. The lawyer said he had first contacted Mitchell on a Vesco matter about Dec. 1, 1971, when Vesco was jailed in Geneva, on a former customer's complaint about illegal voting of IOS stock. Sears said an IOS vice president, Ralph Dodd, telephoned him from Europe, saying Vesco was being held without bail and was desperate, and asked for Sears' help. Sears testified, "I called John Mitchell... I asked him if there was anything that he could do to assist the- situation under these circumstances... Mr. Mitchell called me back probably within a matter of a couple of hours, I guess, and indicated that he had been in touch with people at the embassy, that they were looking into it and that he would let me know when there was anything definitive." Sears continued, "... He did get back to me finally, indicating that he believed that Mr. Vesco would be released on bail by the Swiss officials." VESCO RELEASED Mitchell confirmed to The Star-News that he had called the U.S. embassy in Switzerland on the Vesco matter and was told "that they would be pleased to look into it." He said, "I'm sure what happened was nature took its course" and Vesco was released routinely by Swiss authorities before the embassy had called him back. Although Vesco gave an earlier $25,000 to the Nixon campaign in 1968, Mitchell said he was unaware of this and added, "I'd never known Mr. Vesco." He said he made the call to Switzerland because Sears was a good friend.

259 Sears testified he received a gift of $15,000 from Vesco the next month because of the telephone call.

"Mr. Vesco was

extremely grateful for the assistance that he felt I had been able to give...," Sears said. The lawyer said Vesco began considering a substantial campaign donation, perhaps as much as $500,000, for the Nixon drive after an IOS official was approached in February by a Stans aide, Daniel W . Hofgren. CASH DEAL DISCUSSED Sears said he had one meeting with Stans, then Vesco told him of another meeting attended by Stans, Vesco, and Richardson, who is the president of Vesco's technology International Controls Corp.

conglomerate,

(ICC) in Fairfield,

N.J.

After that meeting, Sears said, "Mr. Vesco also indicated to me that it had been expressed by Mr. Stans that he desired to have the contribution made in the form of currency.... Currency, as far as I was concerned, meant cash." Stans, former secretary of commerce, was on vacation today and could not be reached for comment on Sears' testimony that he had asked for the contribution in cash. However, a spokesman for the Finance Committee to

Re-elect

the President quoted Stans as denying flatly he had asked for it that way. The spokesman said Stans "states categorically and absolutely that he did not ask for the contribution to be in cash." He quoted Stans as saying Vesco inquired whether he could make a donation that way and was simply told by Stans that it could be accepted in cash if Vesco preferred that method. Sears testified he already had reservations about making a large donation because the SEC probe was pending at that time, and he was worried further about the cash nature of the request. VERIFICATION

CLAIMED

He said he was in a meeting at the ICC firm with Vesco, Richardson and another attorney, Howard F. Cerny, "and it was decided that Mr. Cerny would call Ed Nixon, the President's brother, and ask if he would be the person who would verify this."

260 Sears explained that Edward Nixon was, at one time, a member of the board of an ICC subsidiary. He said the officials learned the President's brother was en route by plane from Washington to New York. So, a helicopter was sent to La Guardia Airport to meet him. The lawyer said the younger brother was flown to Fairfield. Sears said, however, he was leaving when Edward Nixon arrived, so he had no personal knowledge of how the request for cash was confirmed. But he testified, "I was later informed, and I have no idea with whom Mr. Nixon talked, that he had verified that was the form in which the contribution was desired." Nixon, 42, who was on the campaign payroll last year making speeches for his brother, could not be reached for comment. He has an unlisted telephone number in Edmonds, Wash. Sears said Vesco had decided to make a $250,000 Nixon donation. Of this, $200,000 was to be given in cash in the secret fund-raising period before April 7, and another £50,000 was to be contributed on the record last fall. The SEC investigation showed the $250,000 was sent up by a routine paper transfer from the Bahamas Commonwealth Bank, which is part of the IOS network, to a foreign bank in the Wall Street area of New York on Thursday, April 6. The cash was placed in a briefcase by Ralph Dodd, who had left ICC to become a broker in the same building as the New York bank. Accompanied by a private detective, Dodd drove the money to Fairfield. Meanwhile, Sears testified that he telephoned Stans that day to say the funds were available. But Sears said under oath that he never had them in his possession and the actual delivery of the contribution did not take place until April 10 (after the date on which campaign contributions had to be made public). The funds were apparently kept over the weekend in a safe in Vesco's home in Boonton. It is understood that Dodd has told the SEC that he went to Vesco*s home Sunday night, April 9, got $200,000 of the money, and took it to Richardson at the ICC firm's headquarters.

261 Sears testified that he and Richardson flew on a Vesco plane to Washington the next day, Monday, April 10, and gave the cash to Stans personally. Q. Do you know how much money went to Washington on April 10th? A. I was informed it was $200,000. I never saw it and never counted it but that was the amount that I was informed was in the briefcase in which the money was carried. Q. Mr. Richardson was carrying the briefcase? A. Yes, sir. Richardson is one of 20 other persons named with Vesco as defendants in the SEC fraud suit. He has declined to answer newsman's questions.

MAURICE STANS

[Source: The Evening Star and Daily News, February 27, 1973, p. A 10.]

Sears, who has not been charged with any violation, held no Nixon campaign position at the time of the donation, but he did become New Jersey chairman last July. He testified that when he and Richardson took the money to Stans, Richardson made "some kind of a light remark" about asking for help. But Sears said he told the ICC president there would be no strings attached and Stans agreed with that.

262 The Nixon campaign unit in a statement today, disputed that the money came under the new disclosure law. A campaign spokesman said the Vesco contribution had been promised before the starting date and was to have been delivered to Stans at a dinner in New York the night of April 6. However, Stans' schedule was changed, so the money was brought down to Washington the following Monday. The spokesman said the campaign considered the money, for legal purposes, to have been "in the hands of the campaign committee, even though it was not actually delivered until a few days later." RETURN

DISCUSSED

Sears said he met Stans again at a White House dinner last December after the SEC suit was filed against Vesco. He said the finance chairman raised the question then of sending the money back to the New Jersey businessman. The Star-News reported on Jan. 26 the $250,000 had come up from the Bahamas, was placed in a briefcase, and taken to New Jersey, where it had vanished on the last day of the Nixon secret fund drive. Five days after that story appeard, a campaign lawyer sent Vesco back to checks, one for the $200,000 contribution and the other refunding the additional $50,000 given last fall. The letter cited the SEC case and said, "under these circumstances, we believe it is in your best interest, as well as ours, that the contributions be returned." The SEC civil suit, now awaiting trial in U.S. District Court in New York, charges Vesco, 20 other persons, and 21 firms with fraud in selling off the American blue-chip securities from the Fund of Funds (FOF) and moving the money to the Bahamas and Costa Rica. SEC lawyers have said if they win the civil verdict, they will seek criminal prosecution.

263

FROM WASHINGTON (DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA) IN 1974 BY DONALD L, BARLETT / JAMES B. STEELE The Philadelphia Inquirer

Donald L. Barlett (born on July 17, 1936, in DuBois, Pennsylvania) grew up in Johnstown, Pa. He attended Pennsylvania State University and served as a special agent with the U.S. Army Counter Intelligence Corps for three years. Afterwards Barlett worked as an investigative reporter for the Chicagο Daily News and-the Cleveland "Plain Dealer, and as a general assignment reporter for the Akron Beacon Journal and the Times in Reading, Pa. In September, 1970, Barlett joined the staff of the Philadelphia Inquirer as an investigative reporter. James Bruce Steele (born on January 3, 1943, in Hutchinson, Kansas) grew up in Kansas City, Mo. He was graduated from the University of Missouri at Kansas City. Steele started his newspaper work with the Kansas City Star, reporting on labor, urban affairs and politics. Like Barlett, he joined the Philadelphia Inquirer as an urban affairs specialist and staff writer in September, 1970. In many cases both worked together as a team, and already after five years of cooperation they received the Pulitzer Prize for National Reporting for work done in 1974.

264 UPPER

INCOME TAXPAYERS AND TAX

RETURNS

[Source: Donald L. Barlett/James B. Steele: Nixon Reflects Typical Errors of High Bracket, in: The Philadelphia Inquirer (Philadelphia, Pa.), Vol. 290/ No. 104, April 14, 1974, p. A 7, cols. 5 - 6 ; reprinted by permission of the Philadelphia Inquirer, Philadelphia, Pa.]

President Nixon's tax returns for the years 1969 through 19 72 were typical for upper income Americans in at least one respect: they contained errors. A secret Internal Revenue Service study, based on audits of 1971 tax returns, indicates that about four-fifths of all returns filed by persons earning more than $50,000 a year had mistakes. But Mr. Nixon, in another respect, is unlike other upper income taxpayers. His mistakes were•detected - although not originally by the IRS - and he has been ordered to pay the back taxes he owes. That secret IRS study indicates that the great majority of erroneous tax returns filed by upper income individuals go undiscovered, the money uncollected. Mr. Nixon is unusual in yet one other way. He has agreed to pay the full amount assessed by the IRS. Traditionally, upper income taxpayers who appeal the initial IRS recommendation for additional tax pay only a percentage of the tax said to be owed. To Thomas F. Field, a former trial attorney in the tax division of the Justice Department and attorney-adviser in the Treasury Department's Office of Tax Legislative Counsel, Mr. Nixon's case best illustrates one of the key underlying weaknesses within IRS audit systems. NO W-2 FOR PROPERTY "The audit of property income - income from capital gains, rent, interest and dividends - is much less thorough than the audit of wage income," says Field, who now is executive director of Tax Analysts and Advocates, a Washington, D.C., public interest law firm. "If you go out and earn a dollar in wages, at the end of the year a W-2 form gets submitted, outlining all your wages and the taxes withheld," Field explained.

265 "You have to attach that W-2 to your income tax return and that takes care of all the people in the lower income bracket. IRS has both the information reported on the W-2 and the withholding tax, so the little guy has no way to escape." When it comes to the middle income taxpayer, Field continued, there is some interest and dividend income, but the reporting of that information to IRS is ineffective. Forms reporting interest and dividend payments to taxpayers are forwarded by banks and corporations to IRS, Field said, but "in general these forms pile up in warehouses. The information is not keypunched and as a consequence most of the data goes nowhere." The lone exceptions to this condition are those few banks and corporations which report dividend and interest payments on a computer tape that is turned over to IRS. In those cases, the payments may be compared with the individual data IRS has fed into its computers. LACKS

CONTROLS

Finally, concludes Field, when you get to the upper income taxpayer who may have a sizeable income from capital gains, "IRS has no tools at all." "If you buy 1,000 shares of stock this week for $10,000 and sell it next week for $20,000, IRS has no record whatsoever of that transaction." That is one of the reasons, Field believes, that taxpayer compliance tends to fall off as income increases; IRS does not have the same kind of reporting controls on the wealthy that it has on the low income wage earner. Consider the President's own tax returns. The first audit made by IRS agents resulted in a glowing letter from an IRS district director, complimenting the President on his returns. A number of the errors eventually discovered in those same returns - resulting in a tax bill of nearly a halfmillion dollars - involved property income and deductions related to property. There were, for example, unreported capital gains of $117,835 on the sale of some acreage at San Clemente, $11,617

266 on the sale of some Florida lots and $8,936 on the sale of his New York apartment. The first public hint that the nation's tax-collecting system was in trouble came last spring during a hearing held by a subcommittee of the House Committee on Appropriations. ENFORCEMENT

SLIPS

Testifying on IRS budget needs for the coming fiscal year, outgoing IRS Commissioner Johnnie M. Walters told the subcommittee : "Today we face serious problems in taxpayer compliance and a real danger of general deterioration. There is growing opinion that our tax system is not equitable. One reason for this is the fact that we are not enforcing the tax laws adequately." "The situation has not occurred overnight. Tax law enforcement has been slipping for 10 years, for a variety of reasons." "In the first place, we have seen a substantial growth in the taxpayer population. But more significant has been the rapid growth in higher income returns raising more tax issues; they are more complex and more likely to need audit." Walters had much the same thing to say about the IRS' general failure in auditing large corporations: "I think we should admit that we have not had the manpower to audit these corporations as intensely or as in depth as we should have." "I think it is obvious that a corporation that plans its affairs, and has a whole corps of people working on it all year long, can handle its affairs in a way that we are not apt to pick up, in audit, easily." Over the years, for one reason or another, some kinds of businesses and industries have largely escaped any comprehensive tax audits. PERSIAN

GULF

AUDIT

As The Inquirer disclosed last December, there has been only one significant audit of the American oil industry in the last several decades. That audit was carried out in the late 1960s and focused on several American oil companies operating in the Middle East. It became known within the agency as the Persian Gulf audit.

267

Percentage of Incorrect Inclividual Tax Returns Filed in IRS Regio nal Offices 1. North- Atlantic Region (N.Y.. Maine. Mass. Vermont. Conn., New Hamp., R.I.) 2. Mid· Atlantic Region (Md.. D.C., N.J., Pa., Va.. Del.) 3. Southeast Region (Ga., Ala., S.C., N.C.. Miss., Fla., Tenn.) 4. Central Region (Ohio. Mich., lnd..Ky.,W. Va.) 5. Midwest Region (S. Dak., lll.,lowa..N. Dak., Wise.. Neb.. Mo.. Minn.) 6. Southwest Region (N.M.. Texas. Wyo., Colo.. Ark., La.. Okla.. Kan.) 7. Western Region (Alaska. Ida.. Mont.Hawaii. Calif., Ariz., Ore.. Nev.. Utah, Wash.)

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[Source: The New York Times, April 23, 1986, p. A 14.]

373 The rest is saved on computer tapes, and it is this archival material that is one of the main focuses of the NASA review board. NO ESCAPE POSSIBLE In any case, the Challenger was at a point in its flight where, apparently, absolutely nothing could have been done to avert disaster, the source said. It was emphasized that it would take more analysis to determine the exact sequence of events leading to the explosion of the Challenger. But evidence recorded on the ground pointed to the solid rocket as the place where the disaster got its start. "The space agency assumed that solid rockets were 100 percent reliable," the source said. The liquid oxygen that combines with liquid hydrogen to power the shuttle's three main engines is contained in the top third of the external fuel tank. The shuttle is joined to the fuel tank at two points, front and aft. The two solid-fuel boosters are attached to either side of the tank. The television pictures of the Challenger explosion seen by the public show the right booster on the far side of the camera, behind the shuttle, which had rolled on its back. NASA is examining photographs taken from other angles, and it was reported that one view suggested a jet of flame shooting from the side of the right booster rocket. Both the liquid oxygen and the liquid hydrogen are fed to the three main shuttle engines through pipes from the bottom of the tank through the aft attachment point. The liquid oxygen reaches that attachment area through a long pipe running from top to bottom under the skin of the main fuel tank. The space agency's investigation team was reviewing more data before stating publicly the precise sequence of events that might have precipitated the explosion. "They want to be ironclad sure" the informant said. He said this was probably because of the extreme sensitivity of the agency, its contractors and the public on the issue of where the blame might lie for what was the worst catastrophe in the brief and spectacular history of manned space flight.

374 WINNERS OF THE NATIONAL REPORTING AWARD/

1987 - 2001*

- Space for Notes -

1987 Winner(s) - awarded in 1988: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1988 Winner(s) - awarded in 1989: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1989 Winner(s) - awarded in 1990: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1990 Winner(s) - awarded in 1991: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

* The listings of the annual Pulitzer Prize-winners as well as further background information about the awards will be available in the journal Editor & Publisher, New York, N.Y.

375 1991 Winner(s) - awarded in 1992: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1992 Winner(s) - awarded in 1993: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1993 Winner(s) - awarded in 1994: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1994 Winner(s) - awarded in 1995: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1995 Winner(s) - awarded in 1996: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

376 1996 Winner(s) - awarded in 1997: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1997 Winner(s) - awarded in 1998: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1998 Winner(s) - awarded in 1999: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

1999 Winner(s) - awarded in 2000: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

2000 Winner(s) - awarded in 2001: Name(s) Story Newspaper/News Agency

377 INDEX Abernathy, Ralph, 184 Abrahamson, James Α., 336 Ackerman, Carl W., XXIV, XXXI, 60 Adams, Sherman, 104 Addonizio, Hugh J., 128 Addonizio, Ida, 128 Agnew, Spiro, 307 Akers, Milburn P., XXXIV Albright, Joseph, LIII Allen, Eric W. Jr., XLVI Allen, Kaymond B., 58 Almquist, June Α., VI Alsop, Joseph, XXX Alsop, Stewart, XXX Anderson, Jack(son Ν.), VI, XL, XLV, 237, 238 Anderson, Patricia Α., VI Anderson, Paul Υ., XVIII Anderson, Reverend L. L., 187 Andrews, Bert, XXV, XXVII, XXVIII, XXIX, 39 Andrus, Cecil, 298 Anello, Carol, 332, 333 Anello, Christina, 333 Anello, Laurie, 333 Anello, Michael, 332 Angelo, Frank, XL Anheuser-Busch, Company, 244 Anthan, George, LIII Archy, John L., 152 Armour, Company, 97 Arne, Sigrid, XXV Arnold, Linda M„, VI Arnold, Mark, XL Arnold, Thurman, 8 Aronson, Albert Υ., XXIX Arvidson, Cheryl, LIX Ashcroft, Harry, 289 Ashe, Reid, LVII Atkinson, Herbert S., 97 Atkinson, Rick, LIV, 319, 320 Atwood, Robert B., XLVIII Auchincloss, James, 124 Auld, Wilson R., XXX Aynesworth, Hugh, LVII

Baring, Majorie, 128 Baring, Walter S., 128 Barlett, Donald L., XLVIII, LIII, 263, 264 Barnes, Andrew, VI Barnes, Dick, XLVIII Barnum, Charles Ε., XLIX Barrios, Barry, 274 Barron, John, XXXVIII Barry, Don, 14 Bartlett, Charles L., V, XXXII, 95, 96 Bass, Ross, 124 Bates, L. C., 116 Batista y Zaldivar, Fulgencio, 129 Bayh, Birch, 224 Beall, J. Glenn, 280 Beaton, Carrie, 187 Beck, Joan, XLIX, LI Beltz, John, 289 Benjamin, William, 322 Benson, George Α., XXX Bentley, Elizabeth, 87 Bernstein, Carl, XLVI Bernstein, Theodore Μ., XXV, XXVII Berthelot, Lawrence J., 274 Biddle, Francis, 3θ, 31, 32 Biemiller, Andrew J., 49, 52, 225, 226 Bigart, Homer, XLIII Bingham, Worth, XXXVII Binion, Clayte, XLII Black, Hugo L., XXI, 159, 160 Blaha, John, 337, 339 Blair, Aaron, 346 Blakeslee, Howard W., XXI Blossom, Virgil, 110 Bodi, Alexander, XLV Boggs, Corrine, 124 Boggs, Hale, 124, 127 Boldrick, Sam J., V Bonafede, Dean, XL Bond, Christopher S., 280 Boone, Raymond Η., XLIX Bowen, Otis L., 280 Boyd, Robert S., V, XLVI, 241 Bradley, Omar Ν., 62, 66, 69, 73, 76, 78, 82

Baez, Joan, 236 Baker, Clarence P. Jr., 273, 274 Baker, Russell, LVIII Baker, Wilson, 182, 184 Baldwin, Donald Κ., XL, XLIII Baldwin, Hanson W., XXXV Baldwin-Lima-Hamilton, Company, lOO Ball, John W., XXIX Banoun, Raymond, 3o3

Brandis, John, 13θ, 135, 136, 137 Bredhoff, Elliott, 224 Brennan, William, 321 Breuer, Frank, 135 Brier, Royce, XX Broader, David, XLII Brooke, Edward W., 225 Brooks, Overton, 124 Brown, James W., 307

378 Brown, Judith W . , XLVI Brown, Sevellon, XXXI, 6 θ Browne, Sam, 114 Brownell, Herbert, 73, 82, 84, 87, 88 Brucker, Herbert, XXIII, XXXV, XXXVII Brudner, Charles, 197, 200, 201 Buchanan, Colonel W. W., 75 Buckley, James, 280 Budlong, Morris, 302 Bulkeley, Christy C., XLVIII Burch, Dean, 175 Burdick, Usher, 125 Burke, Emory, 37, 38 Burton, Senator, 12, 13 Busch, August (Gussie), 244, 250 Bush, George, 239 Butler, Nicholas Μ., XXIII, 10 Butz, Earl, 283 Byrd, Richard E., XLIII Cadogan, Alexander, 18, 26 Cahn, Robert, XLII, XLIII, 211, 212 Caldicott, Helen, 332 Caldwell, Nathan G., XXXVII, 139, 140 Campbell, Richard R., XLIII Cano, Tomas, 313, 314, 315 Canwell, Albert F., 55, 56, 57, 58 Carlson, Peter, 330 Carney, Robert Μ . , XLVIII Caro, Lester, 273 Carper, Elsie, V I Carroll, Charles 0., 54 Carroll, Eleanor, XXV Carroll, Frank J., V Carroll, John Α., 124 Carroll, Paul Τ., 74 Carter, Arthur Μ., XLVI Carter, D o n Ε., XLIli XLIII Carter, Hodding (III) , X X X I , XLIII, 6θ Carter, James Ε., 277, 278, 279, 280 281, 282, 283, 284, 298, 321, 329 Case, Francis, 124 Casey, William J., 255, 257 Cason, Ben, V I Cassels, Louis, XLII Castro, Fidel, 129 Catledge, Turner, XXV Caudle, T. Lamar, 85, 87 Cellini, Dino, 197, 199, 200 Cerny, Howard F., 259 Cerocke, Steve, 328 Chambers, Whitaker, 87 Chard, Ernest W., XLV Chasanow, Abraham, XXX, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94 Chasanow, Helen, 92 Chasanow, Phyllis, 92

C h a s e , William, 82 Cheatham, Owen, 13θ, 133, 135, 136, 137, 138 Chiang Kai-shek, 82 Childers, Ralph, 38 Choate, Robert, XXXI, 60 Christopher, R o b e r t C., V , LVIII Churchill, W i n s t o n S., 11, 25, 243 Clabes, Judith, G., LVI Clapper, Raymond, 39, 253, 269, 291 Clark, Marion, XLIX Clark, Mark, 78, 79, 82 Clark, Tom C., 32, 85 Clarke, Richard W., XXIX, XXXIV Cleavinger, Howard D., XLVI Clinton, Chester V . , 169 Coen, Gary, 340 Coffee, Raymond, X L Cohn, Victor, XXXV Collins, Floyd, XVII, XVIII Colt, John, XXXVII Colton, Barney, 15θ Condit, John, 81 Conn, Kenneth, S., XLII Connally, J o h n Β., 162, 163 Connally, Nellie, 163, 170 Connor, Eugene, 47 Cony, Edward R., XXXV, 129, 13θ Cook, G. Bradford, 257, 258 Cooper, John S., 226 Cooper, Kent, XXXI, 60 Cooper, Mike, 302 Cornfeld, Bernard, 256 Courtney, Max (= Morris Schmertzler), 197, 200, 201 Cowles, Gardner, XXXI, 60, 83 Cox, James Μ . , LIII Cox, Simpson, 323 Craig, John G. Jr., LVI Cress, Mary, lOO Crewdson, J o h n Μ., LIII, LIV, 307, 308 Curtis, Tom, 251 Cutler, Rupert, 298 Daugherty, Clifford, 345, 346 Davenport, Billy R., 275 David, Indian, 310, 311 Davies, John, 73 Davis, Gladys, 122 Davis, Sid, 166, 168 Davis, True, 250 Dawson, Sam, XXIX D a y , Benjamin Η., 232 Deck, Arthur C., XXXVIII Dedek, Johannes, V I I Derthick, E v e r e s t P., XXXV, XXXVII Dessauer, Phil, XLIX Dexter, Harry, XXX

379 Diaz, Manuel, 317 Diaz, Victor G., 274 Dickhut, Ingrid, VI Diehl, Terri Ε., V Dietz, David, XXI Dillin, John, LIII Dillman, Grant, LIV Dirksen, Everett Μ., 16, 222, 224 Doares, Wade Α., VI Dodd, Ralph, 258, 260 Dodge, Joseph, 108 Dolan, Mary Α., LIV Dole, Robert J., 282, 283 Donaldson, William, 350 Donham, Kelley, 344, 345, 348, 349, 350 Dowdy, John, 124 Dragovich, Family, 288 Duke, Dein, 37 Dunn, Roy, 14 Dupuch, Etienne, 192, 193, 202 Dye, Thomas Ε., 75 Eagleton, Barbara, 245 Eagleton, Mark, 242, 243, 244, 245, 250, 251 Eagleton, Mark Jr., 243, 247 Eagleton, Thomas, XLVI, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246, 247, 248, 249,250,251, 252 Eastland, James ο., 124 Eaton, Cyrus S., 140, 144, 145, 146, 147, 149, 150, 152, 153 Eaton, William J., XLIII, 219, 220 Edmonds, Richard, LIII, LIV Edson, Peter, XXX Edward VII, King of England, 231 Ehrlichman, John D., 221 Eisenhower, DwightD., xxx, xxxiv, 60, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 79, 80, 81, 82, 102, 107, 116, 161 Eisenhower, John, 79 Ellam, Joseph, 286, 289, 290 Ellard, Roscoe, ΧΧΙΙΙ, ΙΟ Ellis, Handy, 47 Elston, Wilbur, XLIII Efrmack, Delmar, 347 Engle, Clair, 127 Engle, Lucretia, 127 English, George W., XVIII Erby, Ylantha, 358 Ervin, Sam J. Jr., 124, 158 Ethridge, Gustava B., 118 Evans, Chales Ε., 99 Fanelli, Joseph Α., 93, 94 Fanning, Lawrence S., XXXV, XLIII Fanning, Raymond, XXXV

Faubus, Orval, 116 Fauver, Jiggs, 166 Fedrick, William Ε., 274 Feil, Ken, VI Felix, Family, 288 Felix, Sammy, 289 Field, Thomas F., 264, 265, 268 Finnegan, John R. Sr., LIII Finney, Nathaniel S., XXVIII, XXIX, 39, 40 Fisher, Richard, 75 Fitzgerald, Albert Ε., XLVIII Fitzgibbon, David W., 243, 245 Fleet, James V., 78, 80, 82 Fleetwood, William Ε. (Ill), 273, 274, 276 Fleming, Dewey L., XXV, 11, 12, Flohr, Richard, 74, 78 Flournoy, J. Craig, LVII, 351, 352 Flowerree, Robert E. Jr., 137 Foley, Samuel J., 55, 56 Folliard, Edward Τ., XXVI, XXXV, 33, 34 Ford, Gerald R., 277, 278, 279, 280, 281, 282, 283, 284 Forrestal, James, 105 Fortas, Abe, 176, 177, 224 Fox, Robert Τ., 75 Francis, Arlene, 246 Franks, Lucinda, XLV, 227, 228 Franks, Robert Jr., XVII Fredericks, Tom, 321, 329 Freehill, Joseph, 94 Fry, Jack, 120 Furey, Karen, VI Furman, Bess, XXX Gallinghouse, Gerald J., 271, 276 Gallup, George, 282 Gannett, Guy, XXIX Gannon, James P., VI Garay, Bernabe, 308, 309, 310, 311, 312, 314, 315, 316, 317, 318 Garay, Bernabe Jr., 316 Garay, Kiko, 316, 317, 318 Garay, Pilar, 312, 315, 316, 318 Garay, Rafael, 315 Garay, Reginaldo, 316 Garcia, Onorio, 315 Garriott, Owen Κ., 337 Garst, Robert Ε., XXV Gartner, Michael, LIII, LVIII Gavzer, Bernard, XLII Gerlach, Peter, VII German, William, LVII Getschow, George, LVI Gilbert, George, 147, 148 Giles, William Ε., LIV

380 Gill, George Ν., XLV Ginn, John C., XLVIII Glenn, Alfred, 128 Glenn, Milton R., 128 Goebel, Mark, VI Goldberg, Alvin, VI Goldman, Anne R., XLV Goldstein, Alvin Η., XVII Goldwater, Barry, 176 Gonsalves, Keith, 199, 200 Goodenow, Donald, XLIX Goodpaster, Andrew J., 105 Gordon, Nathan, 116 Gore, Albert, 148 Gormin, Ken, XXX Gottestman, Michael, 224 Graham, Gene S., XXXVII, 139, 140 Grant, Thomas J., 57, 58 Gray, Hanna H., LVIII Green, Edward, 72 Greenfield, Meg, LVIII Greer, William H., 182, 183 Griffin, John Η., 236 Griffin, Robert P., 225 Grimes, William Η., XXIX Gromyko, Andrei Α.. 18, 26 Groot, Carl D., XXVII Groves, Wallace, 191, 192, 193, 194, 199, 202 Gruenther, Al, 104 Gup, Ted, LIII Guthman, Edwin 0., XXIX, 53, 54 Hagerty, James C., 74, 86, 87 Hahn, Lorena, 16 Hale, Rick, 347 Hall, Lawrence, 14 Hansen, Julia Β., 212 Hemsen and Tidemann, Company, 273 Hardee, Mike, 273, 274 Hardnett, Carolyn J., VI Harriman, W. Avereil, 69 Harris, Edward Α., XXVII, 27, 28 Harris, Leonard R., VI Harris, Louis, 282, 283 Harris, Thomas Ε., 221, 222 Harrison, Joseph G., XXXVIII Hart, Brooke, XX Hart, George L. Jr., 302 Hart, Philip Α., 223, 224 Hartke, Vance, 280 Hartley, Robert Ε., XLVI Hartzog, George B. Jr., 213 Haskins and Seils, Company, 172, 175, 176, 177, 178 Hathaway, Alan, XXXVII, LIX Hauptmann, Bruno, 33 Hawks, Wayne, 165

Hawthorne, Bower, XLII Haxthausen, Christa, 334 Haxthausen, Eric, 334 Haxthausen, Mark, 334 Haxthausen, Mary Α., 333, 334 Hayden, Martin S., XXXVIII Haynsworth, Clement F. Jr., XLIII, 220, 221, 222, 223, 224, 225, 226 Hearnes, Warren, 249 Hearst, William R., 341 Heath, S. Burton, XXI Hecker, Eugene, 247 Hederman, Thomas Μ., XXIX Heinzerling, Larry Ε., VI Heidt, Henning, 302 Helms, Richard, 239 Henderson, Gary, 288 Henderson, Jim, LIV, LVII Henderson, Leon, 48 Herbert, Bob, LIII Herbert, John R., XLII Hermann, Mitchell, 302 Hersh, Seymour Μ., XLVI Heusei, Cornelius R., 271 Hewitt, George, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58 Hickel, Walter J., 328 Hill, Clint, 163 Hill, Lister, 48 Hill and Knowlton, Agency, 196 Hillman, Sidney, 4 Hills, Argentina S., LIV Hills, Lee, XXXII Himmler, Heinrich, 35 Hinton, Forest, 120 Hitler, Adolf, 33, 34 Hobbie, Eugene G., 76 Hobby, William P., XXXVII, XXXVIII, XLIII Hoffa, James, 154 Hofgren, Daniel W., 259 Höge, James F., LVIII Hohenberg, John, XVI, XVII, XVIII, XXIII, XXV, XXVII, XXXIV, XLIII, XLV, XLVIII, XLIX, LIII Holland, Elmer J., 128 Holland, Emily, 128 Hollings, Ernest F., 224 Holmberg, Ruth S., VI Holmes, John Μ., XX Hoover, J. Edgar, XXX Hope, Paul, XXXVIII Hopkins, Johns, 85, 249 Hornbeck, Royena, 14 Hosokawa, William Κ., XLII, XLIII Houck, James I., LIX House, Mrs. William Β., 14 Howe, Arthur, LVII Howlett, Michael J., 2ί3θ

381 Hoyt, Clark, VI, XLVI, 241, 242 Hubbard, L. Ron, 301, 305 Hubbard, Mary S., 302, 303, 306 Hughes, Justice, 159 Hughes, Sarah Τ., 167, 168 Humphrey, Hubert H. Jr., 48, 49, 51, 52 Hunt, Howard Jr., 256 Hurst, Leona, 358 Hutcherson, Jack R., 82 Hutson, James Η., VI Ickes, Harold L., 28, 3θ, 31, 32 Ingersoll, Bruce, XLIX Isaacs, Norman Ε., XXXII, XXXVII Ives, Irving, 125 Jacoby, Aaron L., 49 James, Franklin, 368 James, Howard, XLII James, Roy T., 276 Jameson, Barclay, XLVI Jamieson, Francis Α., XX Janesch, Paul, LVII Jarrett, Vernon, XLIX Jefferson, Thomas, 124, 341 Jeffries, Liz, LIV Jenner, William, 85, 87, 88 Jensen, Carl, 56 Jinks, Larry, VI, XLII, LIII Johnson, Bird, 167, 169, 170 Johnson, Carl, 341 Johnson, Haynes Β., XL, LIV, 179, 180 Johnson, Hugh, 243, 244 Johnson, L. Bird, 174, 175, 177, 178 Johnson, Lucy Β., 175 Johnson, Lynda B., 175 Johnson, Lyndon Β., XXXVIII, 127, 162, 163, 166, 167, 168, 169, 170, 172, 174, 175, 176, 177, 178, 204, 212, 251 Johnson, Malcolm, 179 Johnson, Mary, 128 Johnson, Sam Η., 127, 128 Johnston, Alva, XVII Jones, Sylvia, 111 Jordan, Len, 226 Jose, Driver, 309, 311, 318 Judy, Bernard, XLIX Kaiser-Frazer, Company, 144 Karmin, Monroe W., XLII, 189, 190 Keating, Kenneth, 239, 240 Keefe, Robert, 224 Kefauver, Estes, 99, 199 Keidan, Bruce, LI Kellam, Jesse, 176, Keller-Hüschemenger, Brigitte, VI Kelly, Betty, 193

Kelly, C. Trevor, 192, 193, 197 Kember, Jane, 302 Kennedy, Edward Μ., 224 Kennedy, Jacqueline, 162, 163, 167, 168, 169, 170 Kennedy, John F., XXXVIII, 152, 153, 161, 162, 163,164,165, 167, 168, 169, 170, 179, 233, 235, 250 Kennedy, Robert F., 170, 223 Kennedy, Rose, 169 Kent, Frank R., XXXI, 60 Khan, Yahya, 238 Khrushchev, Nikita S., 140, 161 Kidder, Michael, LIV Kildduff, Malcolm, 162, 164, 165, 166, 167 Kililea, Joseph, 81 Kilpatrick, Charles Ο., XL King, James Β., LIV King, M. Luther, 180, 182 Kirby, Ida, 57, 58 Kirk, Grayson L., XXXI Kirkpatrick, Clayton, XLII Kissinger, Henry Α., 238, 239, 284 Klapper, Raymond, 203 Kleinberg, Howard, VI Kliment, Bud, VI Knapp, John, 354, 356 Knight, John S., XXXI, LVII, 60, 269, 291 Knudson, Thomas J., LVII, 341, 342 Kohlmeier, Louis Μ., XXXVIII, 171, 172 Kopriva, Don, VI Kotz, Nathan Κ., XLII, 2θ3, 204 Koven, Ronald, XLVI Kramer, Charles, 288 Kraslow, David, VI, LVII, 241 Krock, Arthur, XXIII, χχιχ, xxxi, 59, 60 Kuzen, Robin, VI Lai, Gobind Behari, XXI Landon, Alfred Μ., 243 Lane, Burdette, 344 Langer, Ralph, VI Lansky, Jake, 199 Lansky, Meyer, 197, 199, 200 Lasch, Robert, XL Latornell, Alvin D., 293 Lattin, Richard, 326, 327, 328 Laurence, William L., XXI Laventhol, David Α., LVIII Laxalt, Paul, 328 Leard, John Ε., XL Leary, John J. Jr., XVI Lee, Robert Ε., 37 Lentz, Timothy, 289 Leonard, Jerris, 221, 222, 223

382 Leonard, Richard Η., XLVI Leonard, Rodney, 209, 21Ο Leopold, Nathan F., XVII Lerude, Warren, LIII Leser, Lawrence Α., VI Lester, Jeeter, 38 Leviero, Anthony Η., XXIX, 61, 62 Levy, Aaron J., 54, 55, 56 Lewis, Claude XLIX Lewis, J. Anthony, XXX, XXXV, XXXVII, 89, 90, 155, 156 Lewis, John L., 140, 142, 143, 144, 145,146,147, 149, 151, 153, 154 Libby-Owens, Company, 97 Lichtenberg, Byron Κ., 337 Liddy, G. Gordon, 256 Lilienthal, David, 153 Lincoln, Evely, 169 Lindbergh, Charles Α., XX, 33 Link, Manfred, VII Lippmann, Walter, XXIII, XXIV, 10 Lisa, Joe, 300 Lisagor, Peter, XL Lister, Walter, XXX, XXXII Littledale, Harold Α., XVI Loeb, Richard, XVII Long, Edward V., 250, 251 Long, Huey, 142 Long, Keith, 349, 350 Long, Stuart, 290 Longworth, Richard C., XLIX Loomis, Homer L. Jr., 35, 37, 38 Lubell, Samuel, XXX Lugar, Richard G., 280 Lyman, Lauren D., XX, 369 Macalister, Archy, 151, 154 MacArthur, Douglas, XXX, 62, 63, 64, 66, 67, 68, 69, 70 MacDonald, Alexander Β., XVIII MacLeod, Henry, XXXVIII Maddox, Lester, 280 Mann, Woodrow W., 110, 111 Mansfield, Mike, 279 Manton, Martin Τ., XXI Marconi, Vincent, 274 Marcy, Bill G., 275 Marro, Anthony, LIX Marshall, George C., 42 Martin, Douglas D., XX Martin, Paul, XXIX Mathews, William R., XXXI, 60 Matthews, Burrows, XXVIII Maxa, Rudolph, XLIX Maxwell, Neil, XL Mayer, Arnold, 210 Mayer, Jones v., 359 Mayer, Oscar, 97, 98

Maynard, Robert C., LVIII McAnney, Burnett Ο., XXXIII McAteer, Jimmy, 245 McCaffery, James, 246, 247 McCarthy, Eugene J., 280 McCarthy, Joseph R., 89, 155 McCinley, William, 14 McClatchy, Charles Κ., XLVIII, LVIII McCord, Jack, 358 McCormack, Buren Η., XXX McCormack, John W., 47 McCrary, John R., LI McCulloch, Frank, LVII McDermott, Michael J., 26 McDonough, Edward B. Jr., 274, 275 McFerrin, Bill, 346, 347 McFerrin, Edward, 347 McGill, Ralph, XXXV" McGovern, George, 242, 250, 252 McHugh, Godfrey, 169 McKnight, Colbert A., XL McKnight, Felix R., XXXIV, XXXV McLemore, Henry, XXX McNamara, Mary, 128 McNamara, Pat, 128 McNaughton, Richard, 347 Meany, George, 221 Mears, Walter R., VI, XLIX, LVI, LVII, 277, 278 Medden, J. warren, 6 Melvin, Wayne, 76 Merbold, Ulf, 337 Merchant, James, 344, 348, 349 Merriam, Allen, XXIX Micciche, S. J., V I Middlebrook, Harold, 185, 187 Miller, Francis, 111 Miller, Jack, 226 Miller, Robert S., 137 Miller, William Β., XVII, XVIII Millis, Harry, 6 Mintz, Morton, XXXVII Mitchell, Clarence, 223, 225 Mitchell, John Ν., 220, 225, 254, 255, 257, 258 Mitchell, John R., 125 Mizell, Jim, 371 Moddy, Dan, 49, 52 Moir, S. R., 199 Möllenhoff, Clark, XXXII, XXXIV, XXXV, XL, 226 Monaghan, John J., VI Mondale, Walter F., 282, 283 Monroig, Antonio, 368 Moody, Sid, XLII Moorer, Thomas, 239 Morehart, Ruth, 228, 231, 232 Morgenthau, Robert, 197

383 Morin, Relrnan G. , XXXIV, 109, H O Morrison, Annette, VI Morrissey, Paul, 81 Mott, Charles S., 299 Moursund, Judge A. W., 175, 176 Moynihan, Daniel P., 221 Moynihan, Patrick, 280 Muccio, John, 68 Mueller, Mrs. Quincy, 57, 58 Mullen, William C., XLIX Mulligan, Paul B., 96, 97, 98, 99 Mulroy, James W., XVII Murphy, George, 245 Murphy, Reg, VI, XLIII, LIII Murray, Esther, 49, 52 Murray, James A., 82 Murray, James Ε., 125 Murray, Philip, 8 Nader, Ralph, 203, 268 Naughton, James, XLVIII Nehru, Jawaharlal, 70 Neikirk, William, XLIX Neumann, Jonathan, LIII Newberg, William C., 130 Nicodemus, Charles, XXXVII Nixon, Edward C., 254, 255, 259, 260 Nixon, Richard Μ. , XLIII, XLVI, XLVIII, 220, 221,223,225, 226, 233, 238, 239, 240,241,254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259,260,261, 262, 264, 282, 322 O'Brien, Lawrence, 169 O'Donnell, Kenneth P., 169 O'Neill, John J., XX Oppenberg, Dietrich, VII Orfield, Gary, 353, 357 Orsini, Bette S., LIII, 299 Osborn, Burl, LVIII Osmers, Frank C. Jr., 128 Osmers, Margaret, 128 Ottaway, David, XLVI Oughton, Carol, 228, 231, 236 Oughton, Deborah, 231 Oughton, Diana, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235 Oughton, James, 228, 230, 233 Oughton, Jane, 229 Oughton, Pamela, 231 Owen, Russell D., XVIII Owens, John, 143 Packard, Vance, XXIII, 10 Palmer, Cruise, XLIV, XLVIII Pangborn, Arden X., XLIII Parker, Jerry R., 275 Parker, Robert A. R., 337

Parry, Robert, LVII Pasetti, Alexander, 122 Patton, Harvey, XXXV Pauley, Edwin W., XXVII, 28, 29, 3θ, 31, 32 Paulson, H. D., XXX Payette, Virginia, 166 Peabody, Company, 152, 153 Pearl, Laurence D., 357, 367 Pearson, Drew, XL, 237 Peat, Marwick, Mitchell, Company, 200 Pegler, Westbrook, XXI Pelly, Thomas Μ., 124 Penn, Stanley W., XLII, 189, 190 Pennington, James Μ., 140, 149, 151, 152 Perez, Primitivo, 315 Perkins and Will, Company, 364 Perrin, Dwight S., XXVII Perry, James Μ., XL Perry, Stuart Η., XXXI, 6θ Persons, Wilton B., 73 Peskorich, Family, 288 Peterman, Ivan Η., XXIII, XXIV, ΙΟ Peterson, Dean L., 274 Phelps, Robert Η., XLIX Phillips, Burse, 140, 151 Phillips, Raymond, 140, 149, 151, 152 Phillips, Warren H., LVIII Pickles, Don, LIII Pierce, Samuel R. Jr., 354, 356, 361, 368 Pindling, Lynden, 196, 197, 201, 202 Polk, James R., XLVI, 253, 254 Pollard, Harold S., 60 Pooler, James S., XX Porter, Ira Μ., 79 Potter, Jet, 145, 146, 147, 149 Potter, Justin, 145 Pound, Edward, LI Powers, David, 169 Powers, Irma, 358 Powers, Thomas, XLV, 227, 228 Poynter, Nelson P., XXIX Prescott, John S., VI Preston, Cheryl, VI Pulitzer, Joseph, V, VI, VII, XV, XVI, XVII, XVIII, XX, XXI, XXIII, XXV, XXVII, XXIX, XXX, XXXII, XXXIV, XXXVIII, XLII, XLV, LIII, LVI, LIX, LX, 3, 11, 17, 27, 33, 39, 45, 53, 59, 60, 61, 71, 83, 89, 95, ΙΟΙ, 109, 117, 123, 129, 139, 155,161,171, 179, 189, 203, 211, 219, 227, 237, 241, 253, 263, 269, 277,285, 291, 299, 307, 319, 331, 335, 341, 351, 369 Pulitzer, Joseph Jr., VI, XXXI, 60

384 Pulliam, Eugene S., VI Rader, Melvin, XXIX, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58 Radford, Arthur W., 69 Rathje, Roger, 347 Rayburn, Sam, 47 Rayha, William, 288 Raymond, Cindy, 302 Reagan, Ronald, 328, 352, 353, 356 Reeb, James J., 182 Reese, Frederick D., 183, 184, 185 Reese, Matt, 250 Reidy, Elizabeth V., VI Reisinger, Sue, LVII Reston, James Β., XXV, XXVII, XXXII, 17, 18, 89, 101, 102 155 Reynolds, Charles C., XLIII Reynolds, Thomas F., XXVII Rhee, Syngman, 78, 80, 82 Ricardo, Smuggler, 312, 316 Richards, Guy, XXX Richards, William C., XX Richardson, Laurence B., 255, 259, 260, 261 Richey, Charles R., 303, 306 Richmond, Attorney, 188 Riddle, Hardy, 47, 48 Riddle, W. Curtis, LVII Risser, James V., VI, XLVIII, LI, LIII, LVII, 269, 270, 291, 292 Ritter, Frank {= Red Reed), 190, 197, 200, 201 Rivers, L. Mendel, 156 Robb, Christina, VI, 331, 332 Robb, Gene, XXXVIII Roberts, Charles, 166, 168, 169, 170 Roberts, Eugene L., LVIII Robinson, Gerald S., 137 Robinson, Hamilton, 40, 41, 42, 43,44 Robinson, Wayne, 345, 350 Roche, Josephine, 140 Rockefeller, John D., 144, 232 Rodrigue, George P. (Ill), LVII, 351, 352 Rogers, John Τ., XVIII Roosevelt, Franklin D., 5, 28, 29, 30, 31, 32, 39, 46, 161, 243 Roosevelt, Irene, 127 Roosevelt, James, 126 Roosevelt, Theodore, 11, 12, 14 Rosenfelt, Daniel M., 324 Rosenwald, Julius, 139 Rousmaniere, James A. Jr. , LIX Rowley, James, 73, 78 Rowntree, John, 149 Rudolph, Eleanor, XLIX Rugaber, Walter, LIV

Rusk, Dean, 67 Russell, Richard Russell, Richard Ryan, Edward F., Ryan, Harlan L.,

B., 128 Β. (Ill) , 128 XXX 276

Sableman, Mark, 300, 301 Sadlo, George, 197, 199, 200 Saikowski, Charlotte, LVIII Saltonstall, Leverett, 99 Sandersfeld, Russell, 346 Sands, Stafford, 191, 192, 193, 194, 195, 196, 201, 202 Sann, Paul, XL Sarbanes, Paul, 280 Sargent, Wayne, LVI Sawyer, Raymond, 192 Scalise, George, XXI Scallan, Lloyd L. Jr., 273 Scheer, Robert, XLIX Schmidt, Henry G., 140 Schneiderman, David, LIV Schram, Martin J. XLVIII Schultz, Raymond S., 274 Scott, Hugh, 279 Scrivner, Errett Ρ., 127 Scrivner, J. Lorraine, 127 Sears, Edward, LIII Sears, Harry L., 254, 255, 256, 257, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262 Seibold, Louis, XVI Seigenthaler, John, VI, XLIX Seltzer, Louis Β., XXIX Seymour, Hal, VI Shanahan, Eileen, LIV Shanks, Carrol, 130, 131, 133, 134 Shaw, Brewster H. Jr., 337, 339 Shaw, Gaylord D., XLIX, 285, 286 Shearer, Harold, 120 Shelley, John F., 124 Shenker, Morris, 250 Shorett, Lloyd, 54 Simmons, Ton J., XLIX Simms, Richard, 321, 330 Simons, Dolph C. Jr., XXXVII, XLIX Simpson, Kirke L., XVI Sims, Cecil, 51, 52 Sims, Watson, XLVI Sinclair, Upton, 205 Singh, Swaran, 239 Sisco, Joseph, 239 Sitton, Claude F., LVIII Skudlarck, Casper, 82 Slagle, Alton, LIII Slevin, Joseph R., XXXV Sloan, Hugh W. Jr., 256 Sloan, John N. W., XX Sloan, William D., XVII, XX, LIV

385 Smart, William Β., XLV Smart, William Μ., 14 Smith, Gene, H O Smith, Howard V., XXXV, 117, 118 Smith, James H. Jr., 90, 91, 92, 93, 94 Smith, J. Kingsbury, XXXV Smith, Merriman, XXXVIII, 161, 162, 285 Smith, Neal, 204, 205, 208, 209, 210 Smith, Walter Β., 104 Snider, Duke, 302 Snider, William D., XLVI Somerville, Barbara, XLVI Sorensen, Theodore, C., 170 Sovern, Michael I., LVIII Sparkman, Ivo, 124 Sparkman, John, 124 Sparks, Chauncey, 48 Spiegel, Robert H., XLVIII Sprigle, Raymond, XXI Stafford, Charles, LIII, 299, 300 Stalin, Joseph V., 105 Stallings, John L., LIII Stanley, Richard, 120 Stans, Maurice Η., 255, 256, 259, 260, 261, 262 Stark, Louis, XXIII, 3, 4 Steele, Jack, XXIX Steele, James Β., XLVIII, LIII, LIV, 263, 264 Stennies, John, 252 Stettinius, Edward R. Jr., 18, 26 Steven, William P., XXXV Stewart, Potter, 359 Stille, Caleb, 348 Stokes, Thomas L., XXI, 269, 291 Stoughton, Cecil, 167 Strohmeyer, John, XXXVII Strout, Richard, XXIX Sullivan, Walter, XXXV Sunday, Billy, 182 Sutton, Carol, XLVIII Swanson, Zitta, 243 Sweeney, Ed, 73 Swindal, James, 168 Swope, Herbert Β., XV Symonette, Bobby, 192, 193, 195 Symonette, Roland, 192, 193 Taber, Charles, 125, 126 Taber, John, 125 Taft, William Η., 14 Talbott, Harold Ε., XXXII, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100 Talle, Henry Ο., 124 Target, Major, 300 Tarkington, Booth, 15

Taute, Arthur J., 275 Taylor, Myron C., 143 Taylor, William Η., XX Tebbel, John, XXIII, ΙΟ Thomas, Family, 288 Thomas, Sharon, 302 Thompson, James R., 280 Thompson, Robert Ε., XLVIII Thompson, William Η., 76 Thurmond, Thomas Η., XX Tigges, Vern, 344, 345 Timonet, James, 274 Tobin, Richard L., XXIII, 10 Trimble, Vance, XXXV, 123, 124 Truman, Harry S., XXIX, XXX, 31, 32, 40, 42, 43, 44, 46, 49, 51, 59, 62, 63, 64, 66, 68, 69, 70, 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 161, 242 Trussell, Charles P., XXIX, 45, 46 Tunstall, Ed, XLIX Tydings, Joseph, 223 Udall, Stewart L., 218 Vaughan, Harry S., 84, 85, 87, 88 Vehlen, Paul, XL Veeder, William, 323 Vesco, Robert L., 254, 255, 256, 258, 259, 260, 261, 262, Villette, Gray, 111 Vincent, Jack, lo Vinson, Fred Μ., 85 Volz, Joseph, LIII Vorhoff, Gilbert, 276 Wagner, Robert F., 88 Waite, Alden C., XXXV, XXXVII Wallace, George C., 187, 188 Waller, Michael Ε., LVI Walters, Johnnie Μ., 266 Wark, Thomas Ε., VI Watson, Denee Α., 12, 13, 15 Watson, Gilbert L., LIV Weaver, Robert, 358, 359, 363, 366 Webb, Frank D., XX Weber, Herbert, 79 Weiser, Benjamin L., LVI Welch, Paul, 111 Weldon, Major, 76 Wenzell, Adolphe Η., 98 Westbrook, Billy J., 275 White, Harry D., 84, 85, 86, 87, 88 White, Jack, XLVI, XLVIII, 253 White, Magner, XVII White, Robert Μ. (II) , XXXVIII Whitehead, Don, XXX, 71, 72 Whitlock, Bev, VI Whitman, Walt, 344

386 Wieghart, James, LVII Wiener, Leonard, XLIX Wigand, Richard, 3θ2 Wiggins, J. Russell, XXXVII Wilde, Robert E., 273 Wilford, John N., LVI, 335, 336 Wilkins, Roger W., LVIII Wilkins, Roy, 221, 223 Willardson, Gregory, 302 William, John J., 226 Willkie, Wendell L., 13, 243 Wilson, Charles E., 72, 73, 77, 78, 82 Wilson, Richard L., XXX, 83, 84 Wilson, Woodrow, XVI Winship, Lawrence L., XXVII

Winship, Thomas, XL, LIX Winstead, Arthur, 124 Witkin, Richard, VI, 369, 37θ Wolfe, Gerald Β., 302 Wolff, M i l e s Η., XXX Woo, William F., XLV Woodward, Bob, XLVI, LIX Wright, Dayton, 99 Wyant, William, XXXVII Wynn, William, 366 Young, John W., 337, 338, 339 Young, Robert, 150 Yu, Frederick T.-C., LVIII Zuravin, Charles, 300

THE PULITZER PRIZE ARCHIVE

Vol. 1 INTERNATIONAL REPORTING 1928 - 1985, LXXXVI, 352 pages, contains Introduction: History and Developments of the Pulitzer Prize for International Reporting Selections from Award-winning entries: From Geneva (Switzerland) in 1928, by Paul S. Mowrer From Puis (France) in 1929, by Leland Stove From Novgorod (Soviet Union) in 1930, by Hilbert R. Knickerbocker From Moscow (Soviet Union) in 1931, by Walter Duranty From Berlin (Germany) in 1932, by Edgar A. Mowrer From Berlin (Germany) in 1933, by Frederick T. Birchall From Washington, O.C. (United States) in 1934, by Arthur Xrock From Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) in 1935, by Wilfred c. Barber From Liege (Belgium) in 1936, by Anne O'Hare McCormick From Washington, D.C. (United States) in 1937, by Arthur Krock From Berlin (Germany) in 1938, by Louis P. Lochner From Berlin (Germany) in 1939, by Otto D. Tolischus From Various Puts of the World in 1940, by Numerous Journalists From Rangoon (Burma) in 1941, by Carlos P. Romulo From the Solomons (Pacific) in 1942, by Hemsen W. Baldwin From Tunis (Tunesia) in 1943, by Ernest T. Pyle From London (England) in 1944, by Harold V. Boyle From Buenos Aires (Argentina; in 1945, by Arnaldo Cortesi From Moscow (Soviet Union) in 1946, by Eddy L. K. Gilmore From Moscow (Soviet Union) in 1947, by Paul W. Ward From Delhi (India) in 1948, by Price Day From Moscow (Soviet Union) in 1949, by Edmund W. Stevens From Seoul (Korea) in 19S0, by Re Titian G. Morin From Seoul (Korea) In 1951, by John M. Hightower From Ottawa (Canada) in 1952, by Austin C. Wehrwein From Heartbreak Ridge (Korea) in 1953, by Jim G. Lucas From Yakutsk (Soviet Union) in 1954, by Harrison E. Salisbury From Moscow (Soviet Union) in 1955, by William R. Hearst, Jr. From Budapest (Hungary) in 1956, by Russell Jones From Moscow (Soviet Union) in 1957, by James B. Reston From Havanna (Cuba) in 1958, by Joseph G. Martin/Philip J. Santora From Warsaw (Poland) in 1959, by Abraham M. Rosenthal From Leopoldville (Congo) in 1960, by Lynn L. Heinzerling From Moscow (Soviet Union) in 1961, by Walter Lippmann From Miami, Fla. (United States) in 1962, by Harold V. Hendrix From Saigon (Vietnam) in 1963, by Malcolm W. Browne From Paris (France) in 1964, by Joseph A. Livingston From Saigon (Vietnam) in 1965, by Peter G. Arnett From Jakarta (Indonesia) in 1966, by R. John Hughes From Jerusalem (Israel) in 1967, by Alfred Friendly From Hue (Vietnam) in 1968, by William K. Tuohy From Washington, D.C. (United States) in 1969, by Seymour M. Hersh From Pretoria (South Africa) in 1970, by Jimmie L. Hoagland From Dacca (Bangla Desh) in 1971, by Peter R. Kann From Peking (China) in 1972, by Max Frankel From Moscow (Soviet Union) in 1973, by Hedrick L. Smith From Ludhiana (India) in 1974, by William C. Mullen From Phnom Penh (Cambodia) in 1975, by Sydney H. Schanberg From Nowhere (Worldwide) in 1976, by Nobody From Kuala Lumpur (Malaysia) in 1977, by Henry Kassn From Cairo (Egypt) in 1978, by Richard B. Cramer From Aranyaprathet (Thailand) in 1979, by Joel Brlnkley From Guatemala City (Guatemala) in 1980, by Shirley Christian From Warsaw (Poland) in 1981, by John Darnton From Beirut (Lebanon) in 1982, by Loren Jenkins From Amman (Jordan) in 1983, by Karen E. House From Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) in 1984, by Josh Friedman From Manila (The Philippines) in 1985, by Pete Carey/Katherine Ellison/Lewie M. Simons

388

Columbia iBniöeröttp tnüjfCttpofUrttigork T H E PULITZER PRIZES IN JOURNALISM

Excerpt from the Plan of Award The following provisions govern the award of the Pulitzer Prizes and Fellowships established in Columbia University by the will of the first Joseph Pulitzer: 1. The prizes and fellowships are awarded by Columbia University on the recommendation of The Pulitzer Prize Board. The prizes are announced during the Spring. 2. Entries must be submitted in writing and addressed to the Secretary of The Pulitzer Board. (See reverse side for address.) Entries for journalism awards must be made on or before February 1 to cover work done in the preceding calendar year. . . Competition for journalism prizes is limited to work done during the calendar year ending December 31. 3. Entries for journalism awards may be made by any individual from material appearing in a United States newspaper published daily, Sunday or at least once a week during the calendar year. Each entry must be accompanied by an exhibit, in scrapbook form, of news stories, editorials, photographs or cartoons as published, with name and date of paper. Exhibits in the public service and photography categories are limited to twenty articles or pictures, and in the remaining categories to ten articles, editorials or cartoons except for feature writing which is limited to three articles of more than 1500 words or five articles of 1500 words or less. Exhibits must be presented in scrapbooks measuring no more than 12 χ 17 inches, except in cases where a full newspaper page is required to make clear the full scope and impact of the material entered. In such instances the notebook or scrapbook may not exceed the dimensions of the actual page plus a one-inch margin. The Pulitzer Prize Board requires that any entry which exceeds the limits on article number or size be revised to conform to the entry requirements before it can be given jury consideration. All exhibits should include biographies and pictures of entrants and each entry must be accompanied by a handling fee of $20 made payable to Columbia University/Pulitzer Prizes.

Rules for Exhibits All exhibits including prize-winning exhibits become the property of Columbia University. If a special request is made in writing within 30 days of the announcement of the Pulitzer Prizes, tne University will endeavor to return exhibits other than prize-winning exhibits to the sender by express collect. However, the University cannot assume responsibility for the delivery of exhibits of large and unreasonable size.

The Pulitzer Prize Board President Michael 1. Severn Columbia University

C. Κ McClatchy. Editor and President

Russell Baker, Columnist

Sacramento. California Burl Osborne. Editor and President

The New York Times Michael Ganner, Editor

The Couner-Journal and The Louisville Times Hanna H. Cray, President

The Univertity of Chicago Meg Greenfield. Editoral Page Editor

Tie Washington Post James F. Höge Jr.. Publisher

New York Daily News David A. Lavemhol. President

Times Mirror Company Roben C. Maynard. Editor and Publisher

The Tribune. Oakland, Calif. October, 1986

McClatchy Newspapers

The Dallas Morning News Warren H. Phillips. Chairman of the Board Dow Jones It Company Joseph Pulitier Jr., Editor and Publisher

St. Louis Post-Dispatch Eugene L. Roberts Jr., Executive Editor

The Philadelphia Inquirer Charlotte Saikowski. Chief of Washington Bureau

The Christian Science Monitor Claude F. Sitton, Editorial Director and Vice President

The News and Observer, and The (Raleigh) N.C. Times Roger W. Willtins. Senior Fellow Institute for Policy Studies Roben C. Christopher. Secretary Graduate School of Journalism