Mountain Environments in Prehistoric Europe: Settlement and mobility strategies from Palaeolithic to the Early Bronze Age (Session C31) 9781407303659, 9781407333939

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BAR S1885 2008

UNION INTERNATIONALE DES SCIENCES PRÉHISTORIQUES ET PROTOHISTORIQUES INTERNATIONAL UNION FOR PREHISTORIC AND PROTOHISTORIC SCIENCES PROCEEDINGS OF THE XV WORLD CONGRESS (LISBON, 4-9 SEPTEMBER 2006) ACTES DU XV CONGRÈS MONDIAL (LISBONNE, 4-9 SEPTEMBRE 2006) Series Editor: Luiz Oosterbeek

VOL. 26 GRIMALDI, PERRIN & GUILAINE (Eds) MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENTS IN PREHISTORIC EUROPE

B A R UISPP 26 1885 cover.indd 1

Session C31

Mountain Environments in Prehistoric Europe Settlement and mobility strategies from the Palaeolithic to the Early Bronze Age Edited by

Stefano Grimaldi Thomas Perrin Jean Guilaine

BAR International Series 1885 2008

12/12/2008 13:06:34

UNION INTERNATIONALE DES SCIENCES PRÉHISTORIQUES ET PROTOHISTORIQUES INTERNATIONAL UNION FOR PREHISTORIC AND PROTOHISTORIC SCIENCES PROCEEDINGS OF THE XV WORLD CONGRESS (LISBON, 4-9 SEPTEMBER 2006) ACTES DU XV CONGRÈS MONDIAL (LISBONNE, 4-9 SEPTEMBRE 2006) Series Editor: Luiz Oosterbeek

VOL. 26

Session C31

Mountain Environments in Prehistoric Europe Settlement and mobility strategies from the Palaeolithic to the Early Bronze Age Edited by

Stefano Grimaldi Thomas Perrin Jean Guilaine

BAR International Series 1885 2008

ISBN 9781407303659 paperback ISBN 9781407333939 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407303659 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

BAR

PUBLISHING

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Exploitation du milieu montagnard dans le moustérien final: la Grotte du Noisetier a fréchet-aure (Pyrénées centrales Françaises).................................................................... 1 Vincent Mourre, Sandrine Costamagno, Laurent Bruxelles, David Colonge, Stéphanie Cravinho, Véronique Laroulandie, Bruno Maureille, Céline Thiébaut, Julien Viguier Late Pleistocene Human Occupation and Large Mammal Distribution in the Eastern Alpine Region ......................................................................................... 11 Martina Pacher The Mousterian of the Vallicelli Cave (Monte San Giacomo, Salerno, Italy), in the pre- and protohistoric settlement framework at the slopes of Mount Cervati ............................................................................................................ 19 Carmine Collina, Rosalia Gallotti, Marcello Piperno, Nicoletta Santangelo, Antonio Santo From Lake Chiemsee to the Totes Gebirge – on the Alpine path of the Neanderthals? ...... 29 Doris Döppes, Wilfried Rosendahl Adaptation à l’environnement montagneux au Paléolithique en Hongrie ........................... 35 Zsolt Mester Des caches et entrepots au Paléolithique: une nécessité dans l’exploitation cynégétique saisonnière des milieux montagnards............................................................................. 43 Thierry Tillet Locating micro-refugia in periglacial environments during the LGM................................. 47 Nathan Walker Processus évolutifs essentiels dans le paléoenvironnement et les industries de la fin du Tardiglaciaire dans les Alpes du Nord françaises et le Jura meridional .................... 55 Gilbert Pion Prehistoric reindeer-hunting in the southern Norwegian highlands..................................... 63 Sveinung Bang-Andersen The first occupation of the Southern Alps in the Late Glacial at Riparo Tagliente (Verona, Italy). Detecting the organisation of living-floors through a G.I.S. integrated analysis of technological, functional, palaeoeconomic and spatial attributes....................................................................................................... 71 Federica Fontana, Antonio Guerreschi, Stefano Bertola, Francesca Bonci, Cristina Cilli, Jeremie Liagre, Laura Longo, Giovanna Pizziolo, Ursula Thun Hohenstein

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Changes of Geographical Environment in Prehistoric Azerbaijan (Upper Pleistocene and Holocene) ................................................................................. 81 Malahat Farajova The Palaeolithic naturalistic art at the Dalmeri Rockshelter and climate variability ........... 89 Giampaolo Dalmeri, Anna Cusinato, Silvia Frisia, Maria Hrozny Kompatscher, Klaus Kompatscher, Michele Bassetti, Romina Belli The use of mountain sectors during Epipalaeolithic and Mesolithic in the Western Switzerland Prealps........................................................................................................ 99 Pierre Crotti, Jérôme Bullinger Structuring a settlement model for the early Mesolithic in north-eastern Italy.................. 107 Stefano Grimaldi The oldest silex and rock crystal mining traces in high alpine regions.............................. 115 Walter Leitner La néolithisation de la vallée du Rhône et de ses marges .................................................. 121 Thomas Perrin Neolithic in the European Mid-Mountains. Case study from the Polish Carpathians........ 131 Paweł Valde-Nowak A view from the Apennines: the role of the inland sites in southern Italy during the Bronze Age ................................................................................................. 137 Alberto Cazzella, Giulia Recchia Settlement strategies in alpine valleys of Lombardy (Northern Italy) from Neolithic to Early Bronze Age: some examples.................................................. 145 Marco Baioni, Raffaella Poggiani Keller Data on settlement views during Neolithic in prealpin lakes of NW Lombardy (northern Italy) ............................................................................................................. 155 Daria Giuseppina Banchieri Mountain environment and landscape in prehistoric Sicily: the Madonie region (Palermo, Italy) ............................................................................................................ 165 Vincenza Forgia

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LIST OF FIGURES

Fig. 1.1. Carte de localisation du site..................................................................................... 3 Fig. 1.2. Biface et éclats correspondant à la réfection d’un tranchant ................................... 5 Fig. 1.3. Représentation taxonomique des restes osseux de grands mammifères .................. 5 Fig. 1.4. Ossements d’Isard digérés ....................................................................................... 6 Fig. 1.5. Pourcentages de restes osseux portant des stries anthropiques................................ 7 Fig. 1.6. Fragments de diaphyses portant des traces de percussion ....................................... 7 Fig. 2.1. Large mammals from selected cave sites of the Styrian karst area. Most of the sites are mixed assemblages with faunal elements from different time periods. Species composition is more diverse probably due to the influence of both humans and hyenas (Griffen, Lurgrotte, Große Tropfsteinhöhle). Ibex is abundant but of unknown chronological position............................................... 14 Fig. 2.2. Selected mammals from seven Late Glacial cave sites from Slovenia. Marmot is abundant, accompanied by reindeer in Gravettian sites (Ciganska jama, Jama v Lozi, Ovcja jama) and by beaver and moose in Epigravettian sites................... 15 Fig. 3.1. Prehistoric sites in the area of the Parco del Cilento e del Vallo di Diano ............ 20 Fig. 3.2. The Vallicelli Cave. Top to the left: the calcareous cliff at the base of which the cave opens; bottom to the left: the entrance of the cave; to the right: general plan and sections of the cave.......................................................................................... 21 Fig. 3.3. Mousterian industry of the Vallicelli Cave. 1, 2: Levallois flakes (jasper); 3: lateral side-scraper (flint); 4: Mousterian point (quartzarenite); 5: denticulate (quartzarenite); 6: double déjeté side-scraper (jasper); 7: limace (quartzarenite); 8: Levallois recurrent centripetal core (jasper)............................................................... 22 Fig. 3.4. a: stalagmite pillars of the Pian di Varlacarla Sink; b: burnt seeds from the Pian di Varlacarla Sink; c: a detail of Sector II of the Pino Cave; d: pottery from the Pino Cave (1. hemispherical bowl of the Laterza facies; 2. Protoapennine cup; 3. Mycenaean potsherd with geometric brown painted motifs) ..................................... 24 Fig. 4.1. Geographical position of the mentioned sites........................................................ 30 Fig. 4.2. Siegsdorf; skeletal reconstruction of cave lion with all identified cut marks and a close-up on the 2 cm long cut marks from the left femur ..................................... 31 Fig. 4.3. Salzofen; 1 – convergent scraper, 2 – convergent scraper, 3 – abrupt scraper, 4 – transverse scraper, 5 – transverse scraper, 6 – Janus flake ......................... 31 Fig. 4.4. Ramesch-Knochenhöhle; 1 – Levallois flake, 2, 3 and 4 – flakes, 5 – concave scraper ........................................................................................................ 32 Fig. 5.1. Zones géographiques et écologiques, vallées et sources principales, sources de matières premières et sites archéologiques de la région de la montagne de Bükk. trait pointillé: zone1; trait interrompu: zone 2; trait interrompu pointillé: zone 3;

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trait plein: vallée; étoile: source; ellipse: sources de matières premières; cercle: occupation fréquente sous grotte; triangle: occupation de courte durée sous grotte; polygone: site de plein air; 1: Subalyuk; 2: Szeleta; 3: grotte d’Istállóskő; 4: Büdöspest; 5: abri de Sólyomkút; 6: grotte de Lökvölgy; 7: grotte de Kecskésgalya; 8: grotte Balla; 9: grotte Peskő ............................................................... 37 Fig. 5.2. Quelques espèces caractéristiques de la végétation et de la faune des zones écologiques..................................................................................................................... 39 Fig. 7.1 – La Gorge d’Enfer in France which has a number of characteristics which make it an almost perfect candidate as a small scale micro-refugia. This sheltered location oriented at 90o to the Vezère valley and its desirability as a habitation site is demonstrated by its almost continuous occupation into the modern era.............. 51 Fig. 7.2 – Valleys such as the Vezère are known to have acted as refugia during the LGM and similar locations in other regions such as Germany and SW Tasmania (in Australia) have similar occupation strategies at work during the LGM which allows for the development of a periglacial occupation model............ 51 Fig. 8.1. Carte géographique situant les principaux sites du Paléolithique supérieur identifiés dans les départements des deux Savoie et du Jura méridional au cours du Tardiglaciaire................................................................................................... 56 Fig. 8.2. Tableau des datations effectuées sur du renne dans les sites magdaléniens. Données du PCR ............................................................................................................ 58 Fig. 8.3. Graphe présentant les datations radiocarbone effectuées en grande majorité par AMS........................................................................................................... 58 Fig. 8.4. Tableau de synthèse des données disponibles concernant les principaux gisements de la fin du Tardiglaciaire régional dans les Alpes du Nord françaises et le Jura méridional ....................................................................................................... 61 Fig. 9.1. Map of South Norway showing land above 1000 m a.s.l. (stippled), main concentrations of Stone Age sites attributed to reindeer hunting (shaded) and mountain areas treated in the article............................................................................... 64 Fig. 9.2. Aerial view of a 9800-9300 (radiocarbon) yr. old multiple occupied open-air hunting site with two tentrings at lake Store Fløyrlivatn in the Lysefjord mountains. The outwashed moraine-ridge derives from the Younger Dryas glacial advance stage...................................................................................................... 65 Fig. 9.3. Oblique close-up photography of an exceptionally well-preserved stone-walled reindeer pitfall at Litledalsfleene in Suldal municipality, Setesdal/Ryfylke mountain region ................................................................................. 66 Fig. 10.1. General plan of the top of Stratigraphic Unit 11.................................................. 74 Fig. 10.2. Selection of cores from Stratigraphic Unit 11 ..................................................... 76 Fig. 10.3. Distribution plan of burned artefacts from Stratigraphic Unit 11 ........................ 77 Fig. 11.1. In the Upper Quatenary period, the borders of transgression of the desalinated Khvalin (today Caspian) Sea reached Mingechevir reservoir. Precipitations of this sea with half-freshwater fauna of mollusks were revealed even under the Ural and Kazan........................................................................ 82 Fig. 11.2. Relief and contours of land and Caspian Sea.Mountains Kichikdash, Beyukdash and Djingirdag ............................................................................................. 83 Fig. 11.3. The walls of “Ana-zaga” cave ............................................................................. 83 Fig. 11.4. Deposit and remains of the fire in “Ana-zaga” cave on Beyukdash Mountain ................................................................................................ 83 Fig. 11.5. Even today pine trees are growing near Gara-atli cemetery on Kichikdash Mountain ................................................................................................ 83 Fig. 11.6. Gobustan Site (Azerbaijan). The stoun with petroglifs from cultural layer......... 84 Fig. 11.7. Gobustan. Image of deer crosses the image of aurochs on Beyukdash mountain .. 84

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Fig. 11.8. Image of goat (Capra Aegagrus Erxl) at the Beyukdash mountain..................... 85 Fig. 11.9. Images of wild horses (Equus hemionus Pall) in the cave of “Ovchular”........... 85 Fig. 11.10. Gobustan. Image of wild aurochs (Bos Primigenius Boj) in “Ana zaga” cave..... 85 Fig. 11.11. Gobustan. Image of wild aurochs (Bos Primigenius Boj) in the cave of “Ovchular” ..................................................................................................................... 85 Fig. 11.12. Gobustan. Images of wild horses (Equus hemionus Pall) in the cave of “Ovchular” ..................................................................................................................... 86 Fig. 11.13. Image of dolphin at the Kichikdash mountain................................................... 86 Fig. 11.14. Dissemination of petroglifs at the territory of Azerbaijan ................................. 87 Fig. 11.15. Landscape of Gobustan Site .............................................................................. 88 Fig. 12.1. The Dalmeri Rockshelter, a panoramic view of the field research area (Trento, Italy) ................................................................................................................. 90 Fig. 12.2. Stratigraphic schematic section A-A, showing radiocarbon dates and layer relations of the Dalmeri Rockshelter.............................................................................. 91 Fig. 12.3. Diagram showing the frequency of the pictorial types on the stones. The total number of ochre painted stones is 217. Colour traces on one or more faces (55.8%), uniform colour on one or more faces (15.7%), zoomorphic figures (10.6%), schematic figures or signs (8.7%), anthropomorphic figures (3.2%), colour associated with wear traces (1.8%), composite representations on two faces (1.4%), hand print/figure (0.9%), colour associated with engravings (0.9%), colour bas-relief (0.5%), colour + engravings + marginal polishing (0.5%).................. 93 Fig. 12.4. Zoomorphic representation typology (n. 25). Stones with one zoomorphic figure (n. 21), stones with two zoomorphic figures on the same face (n. 2). Figures facing left (n. 18), figures facing right (n. 5), unclear (n. 2). Horned figures (n. 17), figures without horns (n. 6), unclear (n. 2). Static figures (n. 19), moving figures (n. 4), unclear (n. 2)........................................................................................................ 93 Fig. 12.5. The red ochre painted stone RD 109, representing an ibex ................................. 94 Fig. 12.6. The red ochre painted stone RD 177, representing an ibex ................................. 94 Fig. 12.7. The anthropomorphic figure RD 211................................................................... 94 Fig. 12.8. XRD 211: XRD spectra of the red layer of painted stone RD211: numbers (1) indicate hematite and (2) calcite ................................................................ 94 Fig. 12.9. The climatic instability during the Late Glacial: the speleothem climate reconstruction from the Savi Cave near Trieste ............................................................. 95 Fig. 13.1. Western Switzerland Prealps Epipalaeolithic and Mesolithic sites ................... 100 Fig. 13.2. Chilchlihöhle (Erlenbach, Bern), 1810 m. Background: view of the cave; foreground: the 1943 excavations ................................................................................ 101 Fig. 13.3. Riedli Balm (Zweisimmen, Bern), 950 m. Lithic artefacts. 1. Backed point. 2-4. Trapezes. 5. Montbani blade. 1. Epipalaeolithic. 2-5. Late Mesolithic................. 101 Fig. 13.4. Château-d’Œx block shelter (Château-d’Œx, Vaud), 1200 m. Stratigraphy. The Late Epipalaeolithic level (around 9500 BCcal), darker, in the middle of the profile, is easily identifiable............................................. 102 Fig. 13.5. Jaunpass (Boltigen, Bern), 1500-1510 m. The sites are located around the marsh of Kilchmoos. In the background, direction west, the Gastlosen range....... 102 Fig. 13.6. The Forcla pass (Rougemont, Vaud). 1660 m ................................................... 102 Fig. 13.7. Gros-Mont (Charmey, Fribourg). 1400 m. The sites are distributed around an ancient lake.................................................................................................. 102 Fig. 13.8. Château-d’Œx block shelter (Château-d’Œx, Vaud), 1180 m. A bottom valley residential site. On the background, north-east direction, the Gastlosen range............ 103 Fig. 14.1. Distribution of Mesolithic sites in northeastern Italy and localisation of Pradestel rockshelter (P), Colbricon site (C), and Romagnano rockshelter (R) ........... 108

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Fig. 14.2. Pradestel rockshelter lithic industry: Blanks and Cores (top left), Typology (top right), Cortical items (bottom left), Waste material (bottom right) ...... 108 Fig. 14.3. Pradestel rockshelter lithic industry................................................................... 109 Fig. 14.4. Dates from Pradestel layers, Colbricon sites, and Romagnano layers ............... 110 Fig. 14.5. Typological comparison of Sauveterrian lithic industries from Romagnano rockshelter, Pradestel rockshelter, and Colbricon sites ............................ 111 Fig. 14.6. Examples of ethnographic territories of Subarctic hunter gatherers (modified from DeLaguna 2000; Vanstone 1974). Please, note the Trentino territory at the bottom left of the figure (black square) ................................................ 112 Fig. 14.7. Hypothetical mobility/settlement territory as suggested by the Vertical model (A) and hypothetical mobility/settlement territory as suggested by the author according to ethnographic comparison (B) ............................................ 112 Fig. 15.1. Silex mining zones in the alpine region (spots). New investigation zone (circle).................................................................................... 116 Fig. 15.2. New traces of silex- and rock crystal exploitation in Tyrol and Vorarlberg (Austria) ....................................................................................................................... 116 Fig. 15.3. Natural silex transport routes in the Kleinwalsertal (dot-line)........................... 117 Fig. 15.4. The Bärenkopf with radiolarite dumps (lines) and excavated site (circle) ........ 117 Fig. 15.5. Course of the excavated radiolarite bed with stepped exploitation marks at the Feuerstein................................................................................................. 117 Fig. 15.6. Distribution of the radiolarite material from the Kleinwalsertal to the surrounding regions............................................................................................ 118 Fig. 15.7. The rock cave Schafgufl with radiolarite inclusions in the Lechtaler Alpen (Tyrol) .......................................................................................................................... 118 Fig. 15.8. The site Gruberlacke in the Rofangebirge (Tyrol)............................................. 118 Fig. 15.9. Big quartz cleft at the Riepenkar in the Tuxer Alpen (Tyrol)............................ 119 Fig. 15.10. Possible course of the former rock crystal trade route over the Alps (dot-line) ................................................................................................ 119 Fig. 16.1. La vallée du Rhône et ses marges, du lac Léman à la Mer Méditerranée. Les principaux reliefs sont indiqués ainsi que leurs points culminants........................ 122 Fig. 16.2. Distribution géographique des sites du Mésolithique récent et final (VIIe et VIe millénaires avant notre ère). Les gisements ayant été datés de manière fiable par le radiocarbone sont symbolisés par les triangles noirs, et la fourchette de datation correspondante est indiquée à côté (les dates sont calibrées à un sigma). On remarque qu’il n’existe pas de sites plus récents que 6200/6000 BCcal au sud de 44,5° de latitude nord. A droite, "boxplot" des altitudes des gisements portés sur la carte.................................................................... 123 Fig. 16.3. Distribution géographique des sites de la première étape du Néolithique ancien (autour de 5800 avant notre ère). Les quatre gisements principaux sont symbolisés par les triangles noirs (de droite à gauche : Pendimoun, Caucade, Peiro Signado et Pont de Roque-Haute), les cercles ne correspondant qu’à des indices de site......................................................................................................... 124 Fig. 16.4. Distribution géographique des sites de la seconde étape du Néolithique ancien (entre 5600 et 5200 avant notre ère environ). A une exception près, tous se situent au sud de 44,5° de latitude nord ....................................................................... 125 Fig. 16.5. Distribution géographique des sites de la troisième étape du Néolithique ancien (entre 5200 et 4900 avant notre ère environ). L’ensemble du bassin rhodanien est occupé, ainsi que toutes ses marges montagneuses ............................... 126 Fig. 16.6. Distribution altitudinale par densité des gisements du Mésolithique récent et final et des trois étapes du Néolithique ancien. Au Mésolithique, l’essentiel des occupations se développe entre 0 et 600 m, mais peut atteindre plus de 1800 m. Au Néolithique ancien, les sites sont principalement situés

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entre 0 et 300/400 m, quelle que soit l’étape chronologique considérée. On constate cependant que les zones de haute altitude ne sont colonisées que lors de la troisième étape ....................................................................................... 127 Fig. 16.7. Distribution géographique de l’ensemble des gisements depuis le Mésolithique récent jusqu’au Néolithique ancien 3. Les triangles noirs correspondent aux sites ayant été occupés au Mésolithique récent/final et au Néolithique ancien, les autres ne l’ayant été qu’à l’une ou l’autre de ces périodes. On constate que, proportionnellement au nombre de sites connus, ce sont les Alpes du Nord qui présentent le plus fort taux de réoccupation................................... 128 Fig. 17.1. The border between sedentery and short-settled zones during Neolithic time in the northern Carpathians Mts. (a) and two exeptional sites mentioned in the text (b). 1 – Świnna Poręba, site 9 ; 2 – Łoniowa, site 18 .................................. 132 Fig. 17.2. Topography of the Baden grave in Świnna Poręba, site 9 ................................. 132 Fig. 17.3. The grave-pit (a) and area of “cultural layer” as effect of erosion (b), postholes (c) and pottery fragments of the Baden culture (d) ...................................... 133 Fig. 17.4. Reconstructed amphorae from the grave in Świnna Poręba, site 9.................... 134 Fig. 17.5. Topography of the Wiśnicz Foothills in the northern Carpathians with the early Neolithic site in Łoniowa ...................................................................... 134 Fig. 17.6. Longhouse number 2 in Łoniowa with two grave-pits situated inside, close to the western wall .............................................................................................. 135 Fig. 18.1. Map with the sites and surveys mentioned in the text ....................................... 138 Fig. 18.2. Celone valley (inland Apulia): the Apennine sites individuated by the University of Foggia survey .............................................................................. 139 Fig. 18.3. The area of the excavations in the Bronze Age site at Oratino – La Rocca (Campobasso, Molise).................................................................................................. 141 Fig. 18.4. The spur of Oratino – La Rocca (Campobasso, Molise) overlooking the Biferno valley......................................................................................................... 141 Fig. 19.1. Trescore Balneario (BG), Canton: Bell Beaker levels: the straight road crossing the entire settlement, with lateral ditches ....................................................... 147 Fig. 19.2. Trescore Balneario (BG), Canton: a lateral ditch, probably dug to place a wooden trunk to restrain a bed of stones, that now fill them..................................... 147 Fig. 19.3. Villanuova sul Clisi (BS), Monte Covolo: the rocky white surface commanding a view over the settlement, lasting from Late Neolithic to Middle Bronze Age ...................................................................................................... 148 Fig. 19.4. Villanuova sul Clisi (BS), Monte Covolo: a image of two superimposed Copper Age houses. They present wide foundation ditches and post holes with limestone stones to keep the wooden stake .................................................................. 148 Fig. 19.5. Villanuova sul Clisi (BS), Monte Covolo: a plan of two superimposed Copper Age houses. The more recent house is smaller and with a little different orientation .................................................................................................................... 149 Fig. 19.6. Ossimo (BS), Pat: the complex of Copper Age cult site includes alignments of steles, sometimes still standing in place, stone platforms and a sort of tumuli with ritual depositions .................................................................. 150 Fig. 19.7. Bione (BS), Corna Nibbia: The Copper Age burial collective rockshelter: the stone fence A, in which many skeletal remains have been found, rarely in anatomic connection, together with many gravegoods like flint harrowheads............. 151 Fig. 20.1. The Prealpin lakes in NW Lombardy (Graphic designer: Lucina Caramella – Centro Studi Preistorici Archeologici – Varese) .......................................................... 156 Fig. 20.2. Chronological scheme of Neolithic in Prealpin area of NW Lombardy (Northern Italy) ............................................................................................................ 158 Fig. 20.3. Isolino Virginia. Dwelling development phases ................................................ 159

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Fig. 20.4. Isolino Virginia. Bertolone-Maviglia excavation 1952 ..................................... 160 Fig. 20.5. Isolino Virginia, 1957. Seven wooden platforms .............................................. 161 Fig. 20.6. Isolino Virginia, 2006. Wooden species............................................................ 162 Fig. 21.1. Madonie GIS: example of visualization of the layer “Archeology” – ArcView 8.3 ................................................................................................................. 166 Fig. 21.2. Flint cores from UT 30 – Nipitalva valley......................................................... 168 Fig. 21.3. The Nipitalva valley – UT 30 area .................................................................... 168 Fig. 21.4. The Abisso del Vento cave, the room of the Copper Age tomb ........................ 169

LIST OF TABLES

Tab. 2.1. Direct dates for large mammal remains (except cave bear) and marmots in the eastern Alpine region. Only samples for clearly determined specimens are considered ........................................................................... 12 Tab. 4.1. Large Mammals from Salzofenhöhle, Ramesch-Knochenhöhle and Siegsdorf ................................................................................................................. 30 Tab. 5.1. Caractéristiques des trois zones de la région de la montagne de Bükk................. 36 Tab. 12.1. The radiocarbon dates, measured on charcoals coming from the layers of Dalmeri Rockshelter, were obtained in the following laboratories: UtC (Faculteit der Natur- en Sterrenkunde, University of Utrecht, Holland); Rome (Dipartimento di Scienza della Terra, University of Rome, Italy); KI, KIA (Leibniz Labor, University of Kiel, Germany). Calibration was carried out by using the OxCal v.3.10 software program............................................................................... 91 Tab. 20.1. ........................................................................................................................... 157

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EXPLOITATION DU MILIEU MONTAGNARD DANS LE MOUSTÉRIEN FINAL: LA GROTTE DU NOISETIER A FRÉCHET-AURE (PYRÉNÉES CENTRALES FRANÇAISES) Vincent MOURRE TRACES, UMR 5608 du CNRS, Université de Toulouse 2 Le Mirail. Les Hauts Artèmes, 84560 Ménerbes. Email: [email protected]

Sandrine COSTAMAGNO TRACES, UMR 5608 du CNRS, Université de Toulouse 2 Le Mirail, Maison de la Recherche, 5 allées A. Machado, 31058 Toulouse cedex 9. Email: [email protected]

Laurent BRUXELLES INRAP et TRACES, UMR 5608 du CNRS, Université de Toulouse 2 Le Mirail. Inrap, ZA les Champs Pinsons, 13 rue du Négoce, 31650 Saint-Orens-de-Gammeville. Email: [email protected]

David COLONGE INRAP et TRACES, UMR 5608 du CNRS, Université de Toulouse 2 Le Mirail. Dardenne, 46300 Le Vigan. Email: [email protected]

Stéphanie CRAVINHO Cépam – UMR 6130 du CNRS, 4 impasse des maturins 51000 Châlons-en-Champagne. Email: [email protected]

Véronique LAROULANDIE PACEA – IPGQ, UMR 5199 du CNRS, Université de Bordeaux 1, Avenue des Facultés B18, 33405 Talence cedex. Email: [email protected]

Bruno MAUREILLE PACEA – LAPP, UMR 5199 du CNRS, Université de Bordeaux I, Avenue des Facultés, 33405 Talence cedex. Email: [email protected]

Céline THIEBAUT UMR 6636 – ESEP – MMSH, Área de Prehistoria. Universitat Rovira i Virgili. Pl. Imperial Tarraco, 1. 43006 Tarragona. Email: [email protected]

Julien VIGUIER 12, rue Saint-Laurent, 31200 Toulouse. Email: [email protected] Abstract: Characterized by marked climatic contrasts and important differences in altitude, the mountain environment is generally regarded as constraining for Paleolithic hunter-gatherers groups. The Mousterian site of Grotte du Noisetier is exceptional within the framework of the Pyrenees by its altitude and its settlement in the middle of the chain. It offers the opportunity to wonder about the reasons having led the Neanderthal groups to attend this a priori difficult context. The traditional interpretation of the site as a hunting-camp related to the exploitation of mountain ungulates is questioned. The taphonomic study particularly shows that the Izard remains were mainly accumulated by bearded vulture and that the most frequently hunted species by the human groups is the Red Deer, which is not dependent of the mountain environment at all. The Neanderthal presence cannot be explained either by the exploitation of specific mineral resources. In the current state of research, only hypothesis can be proposed to explain the Mousterian occupation of Grotte du Noisetier: it could be in particular a temporary residence site or a stopping place during displacements towards the southern side of the Pyrenees. Keywords: Mountain environment, Late Mousterian, Noisetier Cave, Pyrenees Résumé: Caractérisé par des contrastes climatiques marqués et par des dénivelés importants, le milieu montagnard est généralement considéré comme contraignant pour les groupes de chasseurs-collecteurs paléolithiques. Le site moustérien de la Grotte du Noisetier, exceptionnel dans le cadre des Pyrénées par son altitude et son implantation au cœur de la chaîne, offre l’opportunité de s’interroger sur les raisons ayant poussé les groupes néandertaliens à fréquenter ce contexte a priori difficile. L’interprétation traditionnelle du site comme halte de chasse liée à l’exploitation des ongulés de montagne est remise en question. L’étude taphonomique montre notamment que les restes d’Isard ont majoritairement été accumulés par le Gypaète barbu et que la principale espèce chassée par les groupes humains est le Cerf, aucunement inféodé au milieu montagnard. La présence néandertalienne ne peut non plus être expliquée par l’exploitation de ressources minérales spécifiques. En l’état actuel des recherches, seules des hypothèses peuvent être proposées pour expliquer l’occupation moustérienne de la Grotte du Noisetier: il pourrait s’agir notamment d’un site d’habitat temporaire ou d’un site d’étape lors de déplacements vers le versant sud des Pyrénées. Mots-clés: Milieu montagnard, Moustérien final, Grotte du Noisetier, Pyrénées

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ressources animales spécifiques, notamment les animaux à fourrure (Ours) et à réserve de graisse (Marmotte): les sites de plein air, souvent proches de gîtes de silex de bonne qualité, seraient liés à l’approvisionnement en matière première ainsi qu’à la production et à l’entretien de l’outillage tandis que les sites en grotte seraient des bivouacs lors des déplacements liés à la chasse (Tillet 2000, 2001, 2002).

POURQUOI SE RENDRE EN MONTAGNE AU MOUSTÉRIEN? La fréquentation du milieu montagnard au Moustérien est relativement bien documentée dans l’arc alpin et l’essentiel des réflexions concernant les raisons ayant pu pousser les groupes de Néandertaliens à se rendre en montagne a été conduit en relation avec cette aire géographique.

S. Bernard-Guelle reprend ces hypothèses en les nuançant: au Paléolithique moyen, l’Ours ne semble pas avoir fait l’objet de chasses spécialisées et la Marmotte aurait été exploitée de manière opportuniste (BernardGuelle 2002). La rentabilité de son exploitation est également mise en doute (comm. orale C. Griggo, cité par Bernard-Guelle 2002), bien que cette espèce ait fait l’objet de chasses spécialisées au Tardiglaciaire (Müller 1914; Tomé 2005). Enfin, le caractère exclusivement montagnard de la Marmotte est sans doute à relativiser: il s’agit avant tout d’un animal de steppes et de milieux ouverts, adapté à un climat rigoureux. Ces conditions sont réunies en altitude à l’heure actuelle mais, au Paléolithique, la marmotte pouvait être présente en zone de piémont.2 Selon S. Bernard-Guelle, la présence des groupes néandertaliens en Vercors serait plutôt liée aux déplacements saisonniers de certaines espèces d’Ongulés tels que le Cerf, le Chevreuil ou le Mouflon, recherchant les pâturages d’altitude en été. La présence de gîtes de silex dans le massif du Vercors a également pu jouer un rôle dans l’implantation humaine (Bernard-Guelle 2002).

Historiquement, la première explication avancée était d’ordre culturel: au cours du Dernier Interglaciaire aurait existé un “Moustérien alpin”, faciès culturel homogène caractérisé par une industrie lithique relativement fruste, une industrie osseuse primitive et une chasse spécialisée à l’Ours des cavernes, par ailleurs objet d’un culte se manifestant par des dépôts de crânes et d’ossements. Tous les éléments de cette hypothèse, due essentiellement à E. Bächler (1940), furent successivement contredits: – la faible élaboration apparente de l’industrie lithique résultait de l’emploi de matériaux particuliers ou des altérations des vestiges liées à l’occupation des gisements par l’Ours (Jéquier 1975; Bernard-Guelle 2002) et sa monotonie technologique et typologique a été démentie par la fouille de nouveaux ensembles, notamment en plein air (Bernard-Guelle 2002); – l’industrie osseuse présumée est le fruit de phénomènes taphonomiques naturels ou de l’action des Carnivores (Koby 1943); – la chasse spécialisée à l’Ours n’est pas démontrée et les accumulations de crânes de cet animal sont imputées à des phénomènes naturels et/ou à l’activité des plantigrades eux-mêmes (Jéquier 1975; Pacher 2002);1

Pour la chaîne pyrénéenne, les indices de fréquentation du milieu montagnard sont beaucoup plus rares et n’ont donc pas fait l’objet de tentatives d’interprétation globales comme c’est le cas pour l’arc alpin. Côté français, le Moustérien est essentiellement connu dans des sites de piémont tels que Gargas (Aventignan, Hautes-Pyrénées; 560 m), le Portel (OIS 5 à 3; Loubens, Ariège; 495 m), la grotte du Coupe-Gorge (OIS 6/5?; Montmaurin, HauteGaronne; env. 350 m) ou Mauran (OIS 3; Haute-Garonne; 275 m) (Jaubert et al. 1992; Jaubert et Bismuth 1993; Jaubert et Servelle 1996). Si l’on excepte les sites ariégeois tels que Bouichéta (650 m), L’Herm ou le Tuteil pour lesquels aucune donnée récente n’est disponible, la Grotte du Noisetier fait donc figure d’exception par son implantation au cœur de la chaîne pyrénéenne et par son altitude supérieure à 800 m. Elle ne trouve d’équivalent que sur le versant espagnol avec notamment la grotte de Gabasa dans la province de Huesca (OIS 3; 780 m d’altitude), interprétée comme une halte de chasse (Utrilla et Montes 1989; Utrilla et al. 2006). Des indices de fréquentation rattachés au Moustérien ont également été signalés en Cerdagne à plus de 1 000 m d’altitude (Fullola et Cebrià 1996), mais ils sont rarissimes à ce jour en contexte pyrénéen.

– d’un point de vue chronologique, la plupart des sites utilisés par E. Bächler pour sa démonstration ne sont plus rapportés au Dernier Interglaciaire mais à l’“interpléniglaciaire würmien”, soit au stade isotopique 3 (Bernard-Guelle 2002). Par ailleurs, une hypothèse environnementale fut également avancée pour expliquer la fréquentation de l’arc alpin et des Carpates au cours de l’Interpléniglaciaire würmien. Pour J. Kozlowsky, les populations néandertaliennes, adaptées aux conditions périglaciaires, auraient suivi leurs gibiers de prédilection se réfugiant en altitude lors du radoucissement climatique du stade isotopique 3 (Kozlowsky 1994). Pour J.-M. Le Tensorer, l’arc alpin pourrait avoir constitué une zone refuge pour les groupes néandertaliens lors de l’arrivée des Humains anatomiquement modernes, les concurrençant sur les territoires qu’ils exploitaient jusqu’alors (Le Tensorer 1998). Pour Th. Tillet, les sites paléolithiques moyens d’altitude du massif du Vercors correspondraient à l’exploitation de

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Dans le cas des Pyrénées, des marmottes sont signalées notamment dans les sites pléistocènes de piémont de Montoussé, Gerde, le Nestier et Gourdan (Clot et Duranthon1990).

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Pour une présentation générale du “Moustérien alpin”, voir notamment Bernard-Guelle 2002.

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Fig. 1.1. Carte de localisation du site Après avoir présenté le site de la Grotte du Noisetier et les premiers résultats obtenus depuis la reprise de son étude en 2004, nous reviendrons à l’interprétation de cette présence moustérienne en milieu montagnard, à la lumière notamment des hypothèses exposées précédemment.

Le débouché de la vallée se trouve à une quinzaine de kilomètres au nord et correspond à l’apex du vaste cône détritique formant le plateau de Lannemezan. Le site se trouve donc au cœur de la chaîne pyrénéenne, en amont de l’extension maximale des appareils glaciaires au Quaternaire.

LA GROTTE DU NOISETIER

La présence de vestiges archéologiques dans la Grotte du Noisetier fut mentionnée dès 1898 par A. Viré, dans Les Pyrénées souterraines. En 1985, elle fut “redécouverte” par L. et A. Casteret et signalée à la Direction des Antiquités Préhistoriques d’alors. De 1987 à 1993, le site fut sondé et fouillé sous la direction de M. Allard (Allard et al. 1987; Allard 1993a, b). Ces travaux aboutirent à une première série de résultats intéressants mais ne donnèrent lieu à aucune publication monographique. Seules quelques notes thématiques (Jeannet et al. 1996; Jeannet 2001; Le Gall 2000) ou synthèses régionales (Jaubert et al. 1992; Jaubert et Bismuth 1993) ont fait état de ces découvertes, le site étant généralement présenté comme une halte temporaire liée à la chasse au Bouquetin et à l’Isard.

La Grotte du Noisetier (ou Grotte de Peyrère 1) se trouve sur la commune de Fréchet-Aure, à un peu moins de trois kilomètres au nord d’Arreau, dans les Hautes-Pyrénées (Pyrénées centrales françaises) (Fig. 1.1). Elle surplombe la Vallée d’Aure, au fond de laquelle coule la Neste, principal affluent pyrénéen de la Garonne. Elle s’ouvre à 825 m d’altitude, soit à une altitude relative d’environ 145 m par rapport au fond de la vallée. L’éperon calcaire qui l’abrite domine la vallée à 1450 m mais ce n’est que le premier ressaut d’une série de sommets dépassant les 1500 m: Cap Deraut (1551 m), Cap du Cros (1647 m), Cap d’Artigue (1731 m). De l’autre côté de la vallée, le Col d’Aspin est situé à 1489 m et le Pic d’Arbizon, culminant à 2831 m, n’est qu’à une dizaine de kilomètres au sud-ouest. Le Pic du Midi de Bigorre (2872 m) se trouve à une vingtaine de kilomètres à l’ouest.

Depuis 2004, le site fait l’objet d’un nouveau programme de recherche interdisciplinaire, incluant une reprise de la fouille et dont les premiers résultats sont présentés ici. Ils concernent essentiellement le principal niveau archéologique exploré à ce jour, qui correspond à la couche 1 identifiée par M. Allard.

À l’heure actuelle, la faune et la flore au niveau de la grotte correspondent encore à l’étage montagnard. Le couvert arboré est dominé par les feuillus et comporte le chêne, le hêtre, le buis, le frêne et évidemment le noisetier. Les résineux ne deviennent fréquents qu’à une altitude légèrement supérieure à celle du site.

Contexte géologique, description de la cavité et stratigraphie La Grotte du Noisetier s’ouvre dans une formation primaire, connue localement sous le nom de calcaires 3

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datations 14C ont été réalisées par le Professeur Tomasz Goslar du Poznań Radiocarbon Laboratory (Pologne). Deux charbons provenant d’un foyer en place de la couche 1 ont été datés et les résultats obtenus sont les suivants: 33700 ± 500 ans BP (Poz-13720) et 31.500 ± 600 ans BP (Poz-13757). Deux dates ont été obtenues sur des ossements provenant d’autres niveaux archéologiques: la première correspond au sommet de la séquence, préservé au fond de la cavité (“US0”: 29500 ±300 ans BP, Poz-14257), et l’autre à une couche sous-jacente au niveau principal, explorée sur une surface limitée dans un sondage (couche 3: 47.000 ±2000 ans BP, Poz-14255) (Mourre et al. 2008).

d’Ardengost. Sur la base de son contenu paléontologique, cette formation daterait du Namurien inférieur (Serpukhovien). Ce calcaire micritique, très massif, a permis le développement d’un réseau karstique relativement complexe. L’environnement proche est particulièrement complexe d’un point de vue géologique et la Neste et ses affluents traversent des terrains très variés, dont le massif granitique intrusif de Bordères-Louron et son auréole de métamorphisme de contact (Barrère et al. 1984). La grotte elle-même est une petite galerie d’une vingtaine de mètres de profondeur sur trois à quatre mètres de largeur et trois à six mètres de hauteur. Elle constitue un lambeau d'ancien réseau karstique creusé en régime noyé. Cet ancien réseau a connu un important colmatage argileux, progressivement évacué ensuite avec le creusement de la vallée et l’abaissement consécutif du niveau des circulations souterraines. Des concrétions de calcite bien cristallisées se sont alors développées, à la fois sur les lambeaux de remplissage et dans les parties dégagées par le soutirage.

Les dates présentées précédemment sont évidemment à prendre avec beaucoup de prudence et doivent être considérées comme des âges minimums. Il est envisagé de mettre en œuvre d’autres méthodes (Thermoluminescence, RPE) afin de préciser la chronologie des occupations paléolithiques de la Grotte du Noisetier. Industrie lithique

Au cours du Quaternaire, la poursuite de l’incision de la Neste et l’élargissement consécutif de la vallée a raboté progressivement la galerie. Les vieilles concrétions de calcite se sont retrouvées à proximité de l’entrée et le type de concrétionnement s’est modifié.

L’essentiel de l’industrie a été réalisé aux dépens de matériaux locaux disponibles dans les formations alluviales de la Neste (quartzites, lydiennes, schistes, etc.; étude pétroarchéologique en cours Ch. Servelle). Le silex est absent dans l’environnement immédiat; les quelques vestiges produits aux dépens de ce matériau ont été importés depuis une ou plusieurs sources situées à l’extérieur de la chaîne pyrénéenne (étude pétroarchéologique en cours P. Chalard). Il s’agit le plus souvent d’outils ou de produits de plein débitage mais aussi d’éclats de retouche, présents en grand nombre.

Avec la proximité de la surface, le type de sédimentation détritique a changé radicalement. L’influence climatique extérieure s’est traduite par la gélifraction des parois, suffisamment intense pour faire disparaître toutes les formes de creusement qui existaient dans la première partie de la cavité. Les parois ont produit une importante accumulation de cailloutis qui occupe toute la base de la cavité sur une épaisseur encore inconnue. L’occupation paléolithique est contemporaine de la constitution de ce remplissage de cailloutis.

L’industrie se compose essentiellement de produits et de sous-produits de débitage. La principale méthode mise en œuvre est le débitage Discoïde bifacial, dont témoignent une série de nucléus et des produits pseudo-Levallois caractéristiques. Le débitage Levallois est également attesté sur quartzite par quelques produits indiscutables (tranchants périphériques, surfaces parallèles régulières, talons facettés).

L’histoire et l’évolution de ce remplissage peuvent difficilement être abordés plus en détail avant la poursuite des fouilles, faute de coupes profondes au sein des dépôts.

L’outillage est peu abondant et consiste essentiellement en racloirs et denticulés mais la retouche est souvent partielle ou irrégulière. La mise au jour d’un biface et d’un hachereau, inattendus dans ce contexte et dans cette partie des Pyrénées, mérite d’être soulignée. La présence de trois éclats remontant sur l’un des tranchants du biface indique probablement une utilisation et une réfection sur place (Fig. 1.2).

Chronologie Les données biochronologiques fournies tant par l’abondante microfaune (Jeannet et al. 1996; Jeannet 2001) que par la grande faune (présence de Cerf élaphe, similitude de l’association faunique avec celle des couches supérieures de la séquence de Combe-Grenal, absence du Renne) permettent de proposer une attribution des dépôts à l’interstade würmien (“Würm II/III”).

Des comparaisons sont envisageables aussi bien vers l’Est avec les séries de Mauran (débitage Discoïde et denticulés) ou de la grotte Tournal à Bize (débitage Levallois sur quartzite) qu’à l’Ouest avec les industries classiques du Vasconien telles que Olha et Isturitz.

Une première datation 14C, réalisée par le Laboratoire de Gif-sur-Yvette sur un ossement de la couche 1, avait livré un résultat de 42.000 +3100/-2300 ans BP (Gif 7997; Allard 1993b). Depuis la reprise des travaux, quatre autres 4

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et d’Isard n’avaient pas été accumulés par les mêmes agents. Aucun os de Cerf n’est digéré alors que près de 45% présentent des indices d’intervention anthropique. Chez l’Isard, moins de 2% des ossements portent des stries de boucherie et près de 65% sont semi-digérés (Fig. 1.4). Le Bouquetin occupe une place intermédiaire avec 17,8% des restes portant des traces de découpe et 27,8% de vestiges chimiquement attaqués. La rareté des carnivores ainsi que la sporadicité des traces de dents (3% sur les restes d’Isard, 7% sur les ossements de Cerf) témoignent de leur intervention limitée sur l’ensemble du stock faunique. En ce qui concerne plus spécifiquement l’Isard, la fréquence des attaques digestives sur les os compacts et les phalanges et la forme qu’elles prennent sont globalement comparables à ce qui a été décrit dans des assemblages osseux accumulés par le Gypaète barbu, Gypaetus barbatus (Robert et Vigne 2002a, b), faisant de ce rapace l’agent d’accumulation le plus probable de la majeure partie des restes osseux d’Isard de la grotte du Noisetier (voir Costamagno et al. soumis pour une discussion plus détaillée). Cette hypothèse est confortée par la prépondérance des extrémités articulaires sur les portions diaphysaires d’os longs et la sporadicité des marques d’origine anthropique sur les restes d’Isard. En revanche, l’absence de traces de digestion sur les ossements de Cerf ainsi que l’abondance des stries de boucherie plaident en faveur d’une accumulation anthropique de cette espèce. Pour le Bouquetin, les valeurs intermédiaires des fréquences de stries et de traces d’attaques gastriques vont dans le sens d’une origine mixte.

Fig. 1.2. Biface et éclats correspondant à la réfection d’un tranchant (cliché J. Viguier)

Faune La couche 1 a livré plus de 800 restes déterminés de grands mammifères. Le spectre faunique est dominé par les espèces montagnardes, Isard et Bouquetin, qui correspondent à 73 % des vestiges fauniques déterminés (Fig. 1.3). Viennent ensuite le Cerf et les grands Bovidés. Les autres taxons, et en particulier, les carnivores sont très faiblement représentés. L’étude taphonomique menée sur les trois ongulés dominants a permis de montrer que les ossements de Cerf

Fig. 1.3. Représentation taxonomique des restes osseux de grands mammifères (couche 1) 5

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Fig. 1.4. Ossements d’Isard digérés (cliché J. Viguier; échelle = 1 cm)

puisque les disparités observées selon les taxons résultent non pas de pratiques de boucherie différentes mais d’histoires taphonomiques distinctes. Si l’on ne prend en compte que les fragments diaphysaires, les différences apparaissent moins flagrantes. Le Cerf, les grands Bovidés et le Bouquetin se caractérisent par des fréquences d’os striés comparables comprises entre 53 et 65% (Fig. 1.5). Seul l’Isard se distingue par un pourcentage d’os striés nettement plus bas (21,4%). Les traces de découpe relevées sur les os charnus témoignent d’un prélèvement de la viande mais la présence de fragments de métapodes de Cerf striés indique aussi, soit un prélèvement des tendons, soit un nettoyage des ces ossements avant fracturation. Seule l’analyse de l’emplacement des stries devrait permettre de mieux cerner les différentes étapes de la boucherie et les types de produits recherchés par les Néandertaliens. La présence de traces de percussion sur des fragments diaphysaires atteste, d’ores et déjà, de l’exploitation de la moelle quelle que soit l’espèce considérée (Fig. 1.6).

Afin d’évaluer le rôle effectif des chasseurs néandertaliens dans la constitution de l’accumulation osseuse, les seules portions diaphysaires non affectées par des attaques gastriques ont été prises en compte: en ne tenant compte que des quatre ongulés principaux, le Cerf devient le gibier majoritaire (52,7%), suivi du Bouquetin (26,7%) puis de l’Isard et des Bovinés, présents dans des proportions identiques (10,3%). Bien que cette estimation doive être affinée par une étude tenant compte des nombres minimum d’éléments mais également des différents types de portions, il ressort de cette première analyse que les ongulés de montagne ne constituaient pas les proies privilégiées des chasseurs de la grotte du Noisetier. Les résultats des études concernant le traitement et le transport des carcasses sont encore partiels: pour le Cerf et le Bouquetin, le squelette axial post-crânien et les os des ceintures sont nettement sous-représentés tandis que les éléments crâniens sont présents dans des quantités non négligeables. Les os longs des membres sont les parties les plus fréquemment identifiées mais, pour le Bouquetin, ce sont les os charnus qui dominent (humérus, fémur) alors que, pour le Cerf, ce sont les métapodes et les tibias qui sont prépondérants. Dans l’état actuel, il est difficile d’interpréter ces différences qui pourraient tout autant résulter de problèmes méthodologiques inhérents à l’unité de quantification utilisée (Grayson 1984), de saisons d’abattage distinctes (Speth et Spielmann 1983), de territoires de chasse plus ou moins éloignés de la grotte (Costamagno 2005) ou bien encore d’un transport de certaines parties dans un autre campement (Costamagno et al. 2006).

Enfin, l’extrême rareté des extrémités d’os longs, en particulier de Cerf (cf. supra), soulève la question d’un traitement spécifique de ces portions. En effet, l’impact très réduit des carnivores exclut une consommation de ces portions riches en graisse par des prédateurs non humains (Blumenschine et Marean 1993). De la même façon, l’abondance des têtes fémorales et, de manière générale, des extrémités spongieuses d’os longs d’Isard permet de rejeter l’hypothèse d’un problème de conservation différentielle (Lyman 1991). L’utilisation de l’os comme combustible (Costamagno et al. 1998, 2005) ou l’extraction des éléments nutritifs interne au tissu spongieux (Marshall et Pilgram 1991; Binford 1978) restent donc les seules pratiques susceptibles d’expliquer cette sous-représentation des extrémités articulaires d’os

L’origine mixte des ongulés de montagne rend délicate toute approche quantitative des traces anthropiques 6

V. MOURRE ET AL.: EXPLOITATION DU MILIEU MONTAGNARD DANS LE MOUSTERIEN FINAL: LA GROTTE DU NOISETIER A FRECHET-AURE

Fig. 1.5. Pourcentages de restes osseux portant des stries anthropiques

Fig. 1.6. Fragments de diaphyses portant des traces de percussion (cliché J. Viguier; échelle = 1 cm)

longs pour les espèces majoritairement chassées. La rareté des os brûlés nous fait pencher en faveur de la seconde hypothèse ce qui pose le problème des techniques d’extraction utilisées par les Néandertaliens (Costamagno et al. en préparation).

Avifaune, ichtyofaune et microfaune L’assemblage osseux comporte également quelques restes d’oiseaux et de poissons ainsi qu’une abondante microfaune. L’avifaune inclut des Falconiformes, des

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espèces recherchées pour leur peau ou pour leur richesse en graisse comme cela a pu être envisagé dans l’arc alpin.

Galliformes (Lagopus sp., P. perdix), des Passériformes (Pyrrhocorax graculus, Corvus corax). Aucun de ces ossements ne porte d’indice d’intervention anthropique et l’agent responsable de la présence de ces taxons n’a pu être déterminé à ce jour.

L’exploitation de ressources minérales spécifiques ne peut non plus être invoquée dans la mesure où les matériaux alluviaux employés de manière dominante sont évidemment présents en abondance en aval dans la vallée d’Aure tout au long du cours de la Neste puis de la Garonne, dans le piémont pyrénéen. Le spectre minéralogique de l’industrie moustérienne de Mauran est d’ailleurs assez comparable, si ce n’est la plus grande fréquence du silex, disponible dans les Petites Pyrénées dans un rayon de 5 à 10 km du site (Simonnet in Farizy et al. 1994).

L’ichtyofaune (Le Gall 2000; Cravinho en cours) est constituée essentiellement de vertèbres de truites (Salmo trutta) ainsi que quelques restes de Cyprinidés (dont un fragment de basioccipital). La concordance des saisons de capture, déterminées à partir des lignes d’arrêt de croissance des vertèbres, avait conduit O. Le Gall à émettre l’hypothèse d’une pêche occasionnelle des truites par les groupes néandertaliens (Le Gall 2000). Les restes mis au jour depuis 2004 relèvent de saisons variées et la présence d’individus de petites dimensions semble peu compatible avec une accumulation anthropique.

Des autres hypothèses proposées dans le cadre de l’arc alpin, aucune ne semble satisfaisante ici. L’existence d’un courant culturel moustérien lié au milieu montagnard ne semble pas plus recevable dans le cas des Pyrénées que dans celui des Alpes. L’hypothèse environnementale d’une sur-adaptation des groupes néandertaliens à des conditions périglaciaires peut aisément être réfutée dans les Pyrénées comme dans les Alpes du fait de l’existence de sites de piémont datant du stade isotopique 3. L’exemple le plus proche est fourni par Mauran, interprété en outre comme un site spécialisé dans la chasse saisonnière aux bisons (Farizy et al. 1994). D’autres sites tels que Gargas ou le Coupe-Gorge ont probablement été occupés durant des phases interglaciaires, confirmant si besoin était que les groupes néandertaliens n’étaient pas contraints de se cantonner aux zones les plus froides lors des phases tempérées. Enfin, l’idée selon laquelle les groupes néandertaliens auraient fuit l’avancée des Humains anatomiquement modernes ne paraît pas plus justifiée dans les Pyrénées que dans les Alpes, d’autant que la stricte contemporanéité de ces deux populations n’est pas réellement établie faute d’une résolution radiochronologique suffisante.

La microfaune mise au jour lors des travaux conduits par M. Allard a fait l’objet de deux publications détaillées, l’une consacrée à l’ensemble de la microfaune du site et à ses implications paléoenvironnementales (Jeannet 2001) et l’autre à la découverte de Galemys pyrenaicus, le Desman des Pyrénées (Jeannet et al. 1996). L’ensemble, riche et diversifié (20 espèces de Rongeurs, 8 espèces d’Insectivores), traduit des conditions tempérées interstadiaires même si l’altitude a permis le maintien d’espèces reliques, boréales ou continentales telles que Pliomys lenki. Reste humain En 2005 a été isolé un fragment de dent de petites dimensions (Long.= 3,98 mm; larg.= 3,95 mm; ép.= 6,75 mm) qui pourrait entrer dans la variabilité humaine (prémolaire ou molaire?). Malheureusement, le caractère très fragmentaire de ce vestige interdit la prise des mensurations classiques et ne permet pas de distinguer de caractéristique anatomique permettant de la rapporter avec certitude aux Néandertaliens.

À l’heure actuelle, aucune hypothèse ne peut donc être privilégiée pour expliquer la présence humaine moustérienne dans la grotte du Noisetier. Des premiers résultats obtenus depuis la reprise des recherches, il ressort que des groupes de Néandertaliens ont fréquenté le site de façon discontinue, durant des occupations probablement brèves compte tenu de la modeste densité des vestiges, et en alternance avec des gypaètes barbus utilisant la cavité comme aire de nidification. Les artisans néandertaliens ont consommé sur place des espèces animales non spécifiques à l’environnement immédiat, ils ont produit et entretenu des outils lithiques réalisés aux dépens de matériaux locaux, également plus facilement accessibles plus bas dans la vallée ou dans le piémont. L’interprétation fonctionnelle du site sera au cœur des réflexions conduites dans le cadre des nouvelles recherches consacrées au site et la remise en question de l’interprétation classique comme halte de chasse pose plus de questions qu’elle n’en résout: s’agit-il d’un site d’habitat temporaire? s’agit-il d’un site d’étape lors de déplacements? et dans ce cas vers où si ce n’est le versant sud de la chaîne

INTERPRÉTATION DU SITE: POURQUOI SE RENDRE EN MONTAGNE? L’interprétation classique du site de la grotte du Noisetier comme une halte liée à la chasse aux ongulés de montagne doit être révisée: si l’Isard domine le spectre faunique, son accumulation n’est pas anthropique. La principale espèce exploitée, le Cerf, n’est pas inféodée au milieu montagnard et devait également être accessible en contrebas du site, dans la vallée d’Aure voire à l’extérieur de la chaîne pyrénéenne. Le Bouquetin, exploité ponctuellement par les groupes humains, est également attesté dans les niveaux moustériens de la grotte de Gargas, située à l’extérieur de la chaîne et à une altitude inférieure (560 m). La présence de groupes néandertaliens ne peut donc s’expliquer ici par l’exploitation de ressources animales spécifiques au milieu, que ce soit des

8

V. MOURRE ET AL.: EXPLOITATION DU MILIEU MONTAGNARD DANS LE MOUSTERIEN FINAL: LA GROTTE DU NOISETIER A FRECHET-AURE

University at Carbondale, Occasional Paper No. 21: 273-300.

pyrénéenne? Autant d’interrogations qui en amènent une autre: la présence néandertalienne dans les Pyrénées estelle réellement exceptionnelle ou reflète-t-elle simplement un état de la recherche?

CLOT, A., F. DURANTHON 1990. Les mammifères fossiles du Quaternaire dans les Pyrénées, Toulouse. Muséum d’Histoire naturelle de Toulouse, 159 p. COSTAMAGNO, S. 2005a. Mobilité, territoires de chasse et ressources animales au Magdalénien final en contexte pyrénéen: le niveau 7a de la grotte-abri du Moulin (Troubat, Hautes-Pyrénées). In: J. Jaubert, M.Barbaza (éds.), “Territoires, déplacements, mobilité, échanges”, Actes du 126eme congrès national des sociétés historiques et scientifiques (Toulouse, 9-14 avril 2001), Paris, C.T.H.S., pp. 371-383.

Remerciements Les fouilles de la Grotte du Noisetier bénéficient de crédits accordés par le Ministère de la Culture et par le Conseil Général des Hautes-Pyrénées. Nous tenons également à remercier la municipalité de Fréchet-Aure qui nous a permis de fouiller le gisement dont elle est propriétaire, les habitants du village qui nous ont chaleureusement accueillis et les fouilleurs bénévoles qui ont contribué à la réussite des travaux de terrain.

COSTAMAGNO, S., C. GRIGGO, V. MOURRE 1998. Approche expérimentale d’un problème taphonomique: utilisation de combustible osseux au Paléolithique. Préhistoire Européenne 13: 167-194.

Références bibliographiques

COSTAMAGNO, S., I. THÉRY-PARISOT, J.-PH. BRUGAL, R. GUIBERT 2005. Taphonomic consequences of the use of bones as fuel. Experimental data and archaeological applications. In: T. O’Connor (éd.), “Biosphere to Lithopshere. New studies in vertebrate taphonomy”, Oxford, Oxbow Books, Actes du 9° Colloque de l’ICAZ, Durham, août 2002, pp. 5162.

ALLARD, M. 1993a. Grotte de Peyrère 1 (ou le Noisetier), Fréchet-Aure (Hautes-Pyrénées). Rapport de Sondage, 22 p. ALLARD, M. 1993b. Fréchet-Aure, Grotte du Noisetier. In: Bilan scientifique 1992 de la Direction Régionale des Affaires Culturelles de Midi-Pyrénées, Ministère de la Culture, pp. 113-114.

COSTAMAGNO, S., L. MEIGNEN, C. BEAUVAL, B. VANDERMEERSCH, B. MAUREILLE 2006. Les Pradelles (Marillac-le-Franc, France): a mousterian reindeer hunting camp?. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 25: 466-484.

ALLARD, M., F. JUILLARD, M. JEANNET 1987. Grotte de Peyrère 1 (ou le Noisetier), Fréchet-Aure (Hautes-Pyrénées). Rapport de Sauvetage Urgent. ANDREWS, P. 1990. Owls, caves and fossils: predation, preservation and accumulation of small mammals bones in caves, with an analysis of the Pleistocene Cave Faunas from Westbury-Sub-Mendip, Somerset, Londres. The Natural History Museum, 293 p.

COSTAMAGNO, S., I. ROBERT, V. LAROULANDIE, V. MOURRE, C. THIEBAUT, J.-D. VIGNE (soumis). Rôle du Gypaète barbu (Gypaetus barbatus) dans la constitution de l’assemblage osseux de la grotte du Noisetier (Fréchet-Aure, Hautes-Pyrénées, France). Annales de Paléontologie.

BÄCHLER, E. 1940. Das alpine Palaeolithikum der Schweiz im Wildkirchli, Drachenloch und Wildenmannlisloch. Basel, Monographien Zur Ur-Und Fruhgeschichte der Schweiz, Verlag Birkhauser & Cie, 263 p.

CRAVINHO, S. (en cours). Les poissons marins et dulçaquicoles dans l’archéologie du sud de la France. Université d’Aix-Marseille I, Thèse de Doctorat. FARIZY, C., F. DAVID, J. JAUBERT 1994. Hommes et bisons du Paléolithique moyen à Mauran (HauteGaronne). XXXème supplément à Gallia Préhistoire, 267 p.

BARRERE, P., C. BOUQUET, E.-J. DEBROAS, H. PELISSONNIER, B. PEYBERNES, J.-C. SOULE, P. SOUQUET, Y. TERNET 1984. Notice explicative de la feuille Arreau à 1/50.000. Éditions du BRGM, 63 p.

FULLOLA I PERICOT, J.M., A. CEBRIÀ I ESCUER 1996. Materials lítics prehistòrics de la Cerdanya. Pyrenae 27: 271-277.

BERNARD-GUELLE, S. 2002. Le Paléolithique moyen du massif du Vercors (Préalpes du Nord): étude des systèmes techniques en milieu de moyenne montagne. BAR international Séries 1033, 233 p.

GRAYSON, D.K. 1984. Quantitative zooarchaeology topics in the analysis of archaeological faunas. New York, Academic Press.

BINFORD, L.R. 1978. Nunamiut Ethnoarchaeology. New York, Academic Press.

JAUBERT, J., T. BISMUTH 1996. Le Paléolithique moyen des Pyrénées centrales: esquisse d’un schéma chronologique et économique dans la perspective d’une étude comparative avec les documents ibériques. In: H. Delporte, J. Clottes (éds.), 118° Congrès National des Sociétés historiques et scientifiques (Pau 1993), Éditions du CTHS, pp. 9-26.

BLUMENSCHINE, R.J., C.W. MAREAN 1993. A carnivore’s view of archaeological bone assemblages. In: J. Hudson (ed.), “From bones to behavior: ethnoarchaeological and experimental contributions to the interpretation of faunal remains”. Carbondale, Center for Archaeological Investigations, Southern Illinois

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MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENTS IN PREHISTORIC EUROPE: SETTLEMENT AND MOBILITY STRATEGIES...

la Société Préhistorique Française, n° 47, journées scientifiques de la Société préhistorique française, université Bordeaux 1, Talence 24-25 novembre 2006.

JAUBERT, J., Ch. SERVELLE 1996. L’Acheuléen dans le Bassin de la Garonne (région Midi-Pyrénées): état de la question et implications. In: A. Tuffreau (éd.), “L’Acheuléen dans l’Ouest de l’Europe”, Actes du Colloque de Saint Riquier (Lille, 1989), Publications du CERP 4: 77-108.

MÜLLER, H. 1914. Les stations aziliennes du Vercors – Les chasseurs de marmottes. Compte-rendu du congrès de l’association française pour l’avancement des sciences 43: 624-648. Le Havre.

JAUBERT, J., C. FARIZY, M. ALLARD 1992. Le peuplement paléolithique des Pyrénées centrales avant 35.000 BP. In: “I simposi de poblament dels Pireneus” (Andorra la Vella, 22-24 octobre 1992), résumés, pp. 47-48.

PACHER, M. 2002. Polémique autour d’un culte de l’ours des cavernes. In: Th. Tillet, L.W. Binford (éds.), “L’Ours et l’Homme”, ERAUL 100: 227-234. Université de Liège, Liège.

JEANNET, M. 2001. La microfaune et l’environnement de la grotte du Noisetier à Fréchet (Hautes-Pyrénées). Bulletin de la Société Préhistorique Ariège-Pyrénées LVI: 83-90.

ROBERT, I., J.-D. VIGNE 2002a. Bearded Vulture Gypaetus barbatus contributions to the constitution of two different bone assemblages: modern reference data and an archaeological example in Corsica. Acta zoologica cracoviensa 45: 319-329.

JEANNET, M., M.ALLARD, F. JUILLARD 1996. Première découverte de Galemys pyrenaicus (Insectivora, Desmaninae) dans le Quaternaire français. Revue de Paléobiologie 15: 205-213.

ROBERT, I., J.-D. VIGNE 2002b. The Bearded Vulture (Gypaetus barbatus) as an accumulator of archaeological bones. Late Glacial assemblages and presentday reference data in Corsica (Western Mediterranean). Journal of Archaeological Science 29: 763-777.

JEQUIER, J.-P. 1975. Le Moustérien alpin, révision critique. Eburodunum II, Cahiers d’archéologie romane 2: 1-126.

SPETH, J.D., K.A. SPIELMANN 1983. Energy source, protein metabolism, and hunter-gatherer subsistence strategies. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 2: 1-31.

KOBY, F.E. 1943. Les soi-disant instruments osseux du Paléolithique alpin et le charriage à sec des os d'ours des cavernes. Verhandlingen der Naturforschen der Gesellschaft in Basel LIV: 59-95.

TILLET, T. 2000. Le Moustérien d’altitude dans l’Arc alpin: complémentarité entre sites liés à une grotte et sites de plein air. Géologie Alpine, Mém. H. S. 31: 99106.

KOZLOWSKI, J.K. 1994. Le rythme climatique du Pléistocène supérieur et la présence humaine dans les montagnes. Preistoria Alpina 28: 37-47.

TILLET, T. 2001. Le Paléolithique moyen dans les Alpes et le Jura: exploitation de milieux de contraintes d’altitude. In: N.J. Conard (éd.), “Settlement dynamics of the Middle Paleolithic and Middle Stone Age”, Introductory Volume to the series: Tübingen Publications in Prehistory, pp. 421-446. Tübingen, Kerns Verlag.

LE GALL, O. (2000). Les Moustériens étaient-ils pêcheurs?. Bulletin de la Société d’Anthropologie du Sud-Ouest. XXXIV: 3-11. LE TENSORER, J.-M. 1998. Le Paléolithique en Suisse. J. Millon Ed., Collection L’Homme des origines, Série “Préhistoire d’Europe”, 499 p.

TILLET, T. 2002. Les grottes à ours et occupations néandertaliennes dans l’arc alpin et jurassien. In: Th. Tillet, L.W. Binford (éds.), “L’Ours et l’Homme”, ERAUL 100: 167-183. Université de Liège, Liège.

LYMAN, R.L. 1991. Taphonomic problems with archaeological analyses of animal carcass utilization and transport. In: J.R. Purdue, W.E. Klippel, B.W. Styles (éds.), “Beamers, Bobwhites, and Blue-Points: Tributes to the Career of Paul W. Parmalee”, Springfield, Illinois, Illinois State Museum, 23, pp. 135-148.

TOME, C. 2005. Les Marmottes de la grotte Colomb (Vercors – France). Revue de Paléobiologie 10: 11-21. UTRILLA, P., L. MONTES 1989. La grotte moustérienne de Gabasa (Huesca, Espagne). In: L. Freeman, M. Patou (éds.), “L’Homme de Néandertal”, vol. 6, La Subsistance, Liège, ERAUL, pp. 145-153.

MARSHALL, F., T. PILGRAM 1991. Meat versus within-bone nutrients: another look at the meaning of body part representation in archaeological sites. Journal of Archaeological Science 18: 149-163.

UTRILLA, P., L. MONTES, P. GONZALEZ-SAMPERIZ 2006. Est-ce que c’était l’Ebre une frontière à 40-30 ka?. V. Cabrera Valdes, F. Bernaldo de Quirós, J.M. Maíllo Fernández (éds.), “En el centenario de la cueva de el Castillo: el ocaso de los neandertales”, Centro asociado a la Universidad nacional de educación a distancia en Cantabria, pp. 165-191.

MOURRE, V., S. COSTAMAGNO, C. THIEBAUT, M. ALLARD, M. JEANNET, F. JUILLARD, L. BRUXELLES, D. COLONGE, S. CRAVINHO, V. LAROULANDIE, B. MAUREILLE, M. NICLOT (2008). Le site moustérien de la Grotte du Noisetier à FréchetAure (Hautes-Pyrénées): premiers résultats des nouvelles fouilles. in Jaubert, J., Bordes, J.-G. et Ortega, I., (Éds.), “Les sociétés du Paléolithique dans un Grand Sud-Ouest de la France: nouveaux gisements, nouveaux résultats, nouvelles méthodes”, Mémoire de

VIRÉ, A. 1898. Les Pyrénées souterraines (1ère campagne, 1897) (Les Grottes de Bétharram, Escalère, Labastide, etc.). Mémoires de la Société de Spéléologie 14: 59-96.

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LATE PLEISTOCENE HUMAN OCCUPATION AND LARGE MAMMAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE EASTERN ALPINE REGION Martina PACHER Commission for Quaternary Science Austrian Academy, Station Lunz am See. Institute of Palaeontology, University of Vienna, UZA 2, Althanstrasse 14, A-1090 Vienna. Email: [email protected] Abstract: The study compiles evidence of human occupation and large mammal distribution in the Eastern Alpine region mainly based on direct radiocarbon dates. Regional differences and changes through times in species abundance are clearly detected, although the number of available dates is still rather small. Intensity of human evidence differs between geographical areas, while Neanderthal evidence in the high Alps is inconclusive anyway. In addition, the process of transition to the southeast is far from being settled. Direct dates and reconsidering the Vindija layer G1 record suggest a gap of 5000 years between Neanderthal man and modern humans in the area. Keywords: Eastern Alps, Late Pleistocene, Large mammals, Human occupation, Direct 14C-dating Résumé: Cet article présente l’état des connaissances sur la présence humaine et la distribution des grands mammifères dans les Alpes orientales, sur la base principalement des datations radiocarbones. Des différences régionales ainsi que des évolutions chronologiques dans l’abondance relative des espèces sont clairement mises en évidence, malgré un faible nombre de datations disponibles. Si la densité des occupations humaines varie selon les secteurs, la présence de Neandertal dans les hautes Alpes n’est pas démontrée. De plus, dans le sud-est, les processus de transition vers l’homme moderne restent confus. La datation directe et une nouvelle étude des restes de la couche G1 de Vindija suggère l’existence d'un hiatus de 5000 ans entre l’homme de Neandertal et l’homme moderne dans cette région. Mots-clés: Alpes orientales, Pléistocène récent, Grands mammifères, Occupations humaines, Datations radiocarbones

pation at Repolusthöhle is mainly based on the middle Pleistocene faunal assemblage from the pitfall inside the cave but a clear correlation between fauna and artefacts is not given (Fuchs et al. 1998; Gleirscher & Pacher 2005).

INTRODUCTION The Eastern Alpine region and its forelands consist of different landscapes, thus providing diverse living conditions for humans and animals during the Late Pleistocene. For the purpose of this study the following landscapes are distinguished – high Alps, loess area, cave sites at low elevations to the northeast of the Alps, caves of south-eastern basins, and sites in northern Italy.

In contrary to better defined lithic assemblages to the south of the Alps (e.g. Monte Avena, Divje Babe I, Betalov spodmol, Krapina, Vindija, Veternica; see summary in Gleirscher & Pacher 2004), evidence of Neanderthal man in the high Alps is based on small, untypical lithic assemblages, ascribed to a Mousterian tradition such as from Salzofenhöhle (Pittioni 1984; Mottl 1950a), RameschKnochenhöhle (Pittioni 1986) and Herdengelhöhle (Frank & Rabeder 1997). As constrained by the traditional chronology of the Last Glacial cycle, Alps could have only been inhabited during an Interglacial. Thus, the stone tools were placed into the Riss/Würm Interglacial and must therefore have been made by Neanderthal man. However, none of the described artefacts is typical of any middle Pleistocene technology with exception of a remarkable Levallois point from Ramesch-Knochenhöhle (Pittioni 1986), which was the first artefact to be found at the site in the second year of excavation. Following Pittioni (1986), this specimen surprisingly shows close similarities with examples from France and Salzgitter-Lebenstedt, and the raw material is not of Alpine origin. Subsequently, provenance of this specimen is hesitant. Nonetheless, a correlation with suggested Neanderthal evidence at Siegsdorf, Bavaria was discussed (Döppes & Rosendahl 1996). Summarizing the facts, Neanderthal evidence in the high Eastern Alps is uncertain and an unsettled matter yet.

The study bases mainly on evidence of large mammals and direct radiocarbon dates (Table 2.1). Although the database so far is rather small, various trends can be observed. Clear differences are found in the concentration of sites and the occurrence of species throughout times. Some major aspects of human and animal occupation of the Eastern Alpine region are discussed.

HUMAN EVIDENCE In general, traces of Neanderthal man in the Eastern Alpine region are rather scarce (e.g. Gudenushöhle: Obermaier 1908; Styrian karst area: Fladerer 2000) or unclear like in Willendorf I (Felgenhauer 1956-1959) and so far corroborated by several 14C-dates around 40000 yrs BP obtained on charcoal from loess sites such as Willendorf II (Haesarts et al. 1996), Stratzing and KremsHundssteig (both Neugebauer-Maresch 2005) and by direct dates on modified bones from cave sites towards the south-east (Lurgrotte: modified reindeer bone – 52400 yrs BP, Fladerer 2000; Griffener Tropfsteinhöhle: modified bone – 41700 yrs BP, Gleirscher & Pacher 2005). Evidence of proposed very early human occu-

Sites of the Upper Palaeolithic and thus remains ascribed to modern humans are abundant in the loess area (see

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MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENTS IN PREHISTORIC EUROPE: SETTLEMENT AND MOBILITY STRATEGIES...

Tab. 2.1. Direct dates for large mammal remains (except cave bear) and marmots in the eastern Alpine region. Only samples for clearly determined specimens are considered. area

site

Lab.no

date (BP)

reference

Cave lion Alps

Tischoferhöhle

KIA-16510

31,890+/-300

Burger et al. 2004

Bavaria

Siegsdorf

KIA-14406

47,180+1,190/-1,040

Rosendahl et al. 2005

VERA-1835

44,300+1,800/-1,500

Gleirscher & Pacher 2005

Cave hyena SE

Griffen

SE

Griffen

VERA-2539

45,300+2,200/-1,700

Gleirscher & Pacher 2005

North

Teufelslucke

VERA-1425

40,170+920/-830

Hofreiter et al. 2004

North

Teufelslucke

VERA-2536

38,060+/-850

Hofreiter et al. 2004

SE

Winden

VERA-2538

38,680+/-920

Hofreiter et al. 2004

33,200+/-400

Döppes 2003

Wolverine Alps

Salzofenhöhle

VERA-2222 Reindeer

loess

Alberndorf 1

VRI-1272

20,500+/-1,400

Trnka 2005

SE

Griffen

VERA-3345

15,460+/-60

Gleirscher & Pacher 2005

SE

Kleine Peggauerwandhöhle

VERA-1302

43,200+1,400/-1,200

Fladerer 2000

loess

Langmannersdorf

GrA-16567

20,590+/-110

Trnka 2005

SE

Lurgrotte

VERA-69

52,400+3,100/-2,200

Fladerer 2000

53,000+1,500/-1,200

Fladerer 2000

SE

+

Tunnelhöhle

VERA-75a

SE

Tunnelhöhle

VERA-75

+

SE

Tunnelhöhle

VERA-1301i

51,500+1,000/-900

Fladerer 2000

49,600+3,500/-2,400

Fladerer 2000

OxA-10677

47,800+/-1,900

Gleirscher & Pacher 2005

Giant deer SE

Griffen

SE

Tropfsteinhöhle

OxA-10656

32,200+/-2,100

Stuart et al. 2004

Italy

Fumane

OxA-10524

34,650+/-450

Stuart et al. 2004

Wild horse loess

Alberndorf 1

ETH-13041

23,170+/-230

Trnka 2005

loess

Saladorf

VERA-3072

18,350+/-80

Galik 2005, pers.comm.

Mammoth loess

Alberndorf 1

VRI-1374

26,900+/-1,600

Trnka 2005

loess

Alberndorf 1*

VRI-1537

26,100 +/-500

Trnka 2005

loess

Alberndorf 1*

VERA-0006

28,250+/-250

Trnka 2005

loess

Alberndorf 1

VRI-1536

25,350+/-450

Trnka 2005

loess

Alberndorf 2

VRI-1825

27,200+/-900

Trnka 2005

Langmannersdorf

VERA-1791

13,730+/-45

Mayer 2005

loess

#

SE

Griffen

OxA-10495

>56,300

Gleirscher & Pacher 2005

loess

Willendorf

GrA-5005

23,180+/-120

Haesarts et al. 1996

Bavaria

Siegsdorf

KIA-14407

45,180+1,130/-990

Rosendahl et al. 2005

VERA-2764

>48,300

Pacher 2004b

Alpine marmot SE

+

Moosschacht

SE

Tunnelhöhle

ETH-11570

18,080+/-140

Fladerer 2000

Alps-SE

Potočka zijalka

VERA-2763

23,310+/-125

Rabeder & Pohar 2004

SE

Murmeltierschacht

VERA-3919

14,575+/-45

Kusch & Pacher 2007

#

same sample, * same sample, probably contaminated

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M. PACHER: LATE PLEISTOCENE HUMAN OCCUPATION AND LARGE MAMMAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE EASTERN ALPINE REGION

considerably differs in the various landscapes. Species composition is in general richer at lowland sites and in the loess area than in the high Alps.

Neugebauer-Maresch 1993, 2005), and also evident to the south (e.g. Grotte Fumane) but rather rare in the Alps (see Gleirscher & Pacher 2005; Fladerer 2000). Early modern human assemblages in the high Alps are mostly small and their identification is often based on the occurrence of bone points. The only exception in the area is the rich Upper Palaeolithic site Potočka zijalka in Slovenia (Brodar & Brodar 1983; Pacher et al. 2004).

One of the main problems in analysing paleontological faunal remains is the question of time resolution. Especially cave sites often consist of mixed assemblages or palimpsests (e.g. Kühtreiber & Kunst 1995; Pacher 2004a; Stiner et al. 1996). Contemporaneousness of species needs to be reconstructed by direct radiometric data and taphonomic analysis.

Direct dates for projectile points from Tischoferhöhle and Potočka zijalka range between 29500 and 32010 yr BP (Bolus & Conard 2006; Hofreiter & Pacher 2004; Rabeder & Pohar 2004). These dates coincide well with direct dates on modern human bone remains throughout Europe (see Higham et al. 2006; Housley 2003) and correspond also to dates from the human remains from Vindija layer G1 (Higham et al. 2006). The dating results of 32400 ±800 and 32400 ±1800 yrs BP are obtained on fragments that show morphological traits found in both Neanderthals and modern humans (Smith et al. 1999; Karavanić & Smith 1998). Considering also the problematic stratigraphy of layer G1 the evidence of latest Neanderthals in this cave is tentative.

Besides humans, various animal species may have contributed to site formation processes over time. In general, we can distinguish activities of cave bears, hyenas, smaller carnivores, and raptors as well as identify remains from human camp-sites or short term hunting stations. Successive agents might have overprinted traces of the previous ones. Their choice of predation and transport influenced the faunal evidence at a site leading to biased assemblages. Thus, information about faunal evidence at a certain period often needs to be reconstructed from biased and mixed assemblages.

A distinct early Upper Palaeolithic “culture” – the Olschewian – has been proposed in the area based on the first finds at Potočka zijalka (Brodar & Bayer 1928). These ideas soon lost their basis (e.g. Brodar 1971; Hahn 1977) but the term Olschewian is still used to designate the initial industry of the early Upper Palaeolithic in northwest Croatia and Slovenia (Brodar & Osole 1979; MontetWhite 1996; Karavanić 2000). Nonetheless, a clear definition of its characteristics is missing. One emphasis lies on a suggested local character of the Olschewian, the other on the first appearance of bone points in the region.

Sites of the high Alps characterize by large amounts of cave bear bones. Direct dates place the remains mainly into OIS 3. Cave lion, wolf and probably wolverine are proved as contemporaneous species by direct dates and gnaw marks on the bear bones. The wolf is also a typical Late Glacial element in the Alps, and so far no ungulate remains can be clearly attributed to the stage 3 fauna in the high Alps, which is probably caused by a lack of data. The Late Glacial Maximum (OIS 2) was a major break for life in the high Alps due to massive glacier extends. The youngest dates for cave bear in the ice-covered area lie around 25000 yrs BP (Pacher 2003; Fiebig et al. 2005).

However, given the new results from Potočka zijalka (Pacher et al. 2004), which places the site into a Late Aurignacian the chronological position of several cave sites in the area previously attributed to an Olschewian or early Aurignacian tradition needs to be reconsidered.

Human occupation of the mountain area starts again with the Late Glacial period and corresponds to radiometric dates from several faunal elements, such as brown bears (Döppes & Pacher 2005) and ibex (Kühtreiber & Kunst 1995; Rosendahl & Grupe 2001). Various natural traps provide additional information for the Late Glacial and Holocene faunal history of the Eastern Alpine region.

Regarding also the ambiguous classification of Divje Babe I (Turk & Kavur 1997; Brodar 1999) neither evidence for Late Neanderthals nor for representatives of an early Aurignacian tradition in the area is ascertained. The dates yet available for Neanderthal and first modern human occupation would leave a gap of about 5000 years between the two.

Besides in the high Alps, cave bears are also frequently found in caves at low elevations but miss so far at open sites in the eastern Alpine region. Cave lion, on the other hand is documented at loess sites and caves up to 2750m (Rabeder 1991). Often only a few remains at a site are uncovered. Hyena sites on the contrary are less frequent and restricted to elevations below 1000m a.s.l. Direct dates prove both species in the area during isotope stage 3 (Table 2.1). An unpublished date for a cave lion sample from Teufelslucke lies at 42000 yrs B.P (Nagel, pers. comm.). The most typical hyena den in the area is Teufelslucke cave to the north of the Alps with abundant

Whether this gap is a product of lack of investigation or the actual evidence needs to be proved by future studies. Summarizing the current results, the process of transition in south-eastern Europe is far from being settled.

LARGE MAMMAL REMAINS Sites of the Eastern Alpine region provide abundant remains of large mammals but their occupation pattern 13

MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENTS IN PREHISTORIC EUROPE: SETTLEMENT AND MOBILITY STRATEGIES...

Caves – Styrian karst and Griffener Tropfsteinhöhle

80

60

40 Luegloch Lurgrotte Frauenhöhle Steinbockhöhle Gr.Tropfsteinhöhle Gr. Ofenbergerhöhle Knochenhöhle Fünffenstergrotte Holzingerhöhle Dachsloch Drachenhöhle Griffen

20

Mammuthus

Equus

Coelodonta

Rupicapra

Capra ibex

Alces

Megaloceros

Cervus

Rangifer

Castor

Marmota

0

Fig. 2.1. Large mammals from selected cave sites of the Styrian karst area. Most of the sites are mixed assemblages with faunal elements from different time periods. Species composition is more diverse probably due to the influence of both humans and hyenas (Griffen, Lurgrotte, Große Tropfsteinhöhle). Ibex is abundant but of unknown chronological position (data after publications in Döppes & Rabeder 1997; Gleirscher & Pacher 2005)

had already gone and only a few sites of Late Glacial tradition are known in the loess area (see Antl-Weiser 1993).

remains of Crocuta spelaea and its typical prey species, such as woolly rhino, horse, giant deer and steppe bison. Several other sites were probably only occasionally used by hyenas (e.g. Tropfsteinhöhle, Griffen, Gudenushöhle, Fumane, Betalov spodmol). Hyena evidence is less apparent at these sites but can be reconstructed by typical gnaw marks on large bones and accordance of direct dates for hyenas and their prey species.

To the north, several particular caves sites are located such as the already mentioned hyena den at Teufelslucke cave near Eggenburg. The caves of the Krems valley produced rich Late Pleistocene faunal assemblages as well (e.g. Galik 1997). Apart from the proposed evidence of Neanderthal man, Gudeunus cave is also the only typical Magdalenian site in the area. From this cave few remains of saiga antelope are known (Döppes 1997).

The loess area is rich in sites attributed to isotope stage 3. Human evidence is ascribed to Aurignacian and Gravettian tradition. A direct date for a human femur from Willendorf I resulted in 24250 ±180 yrs BP (ETH20690; Teschler-Nicola & Trinkaus 2001). The fauna characterizes by typical mammoth-steppe elements as well as occurrence of ibex in several sites.

To the south-east lies the Styrian karst area, Griffener Tropfsteinhöhle (Fig. 2.1) and numerous sites in Slovenia. Lurgrotte and Tunnelhöhle at the Styrian karst area provide an earlier period of reindeer occurrence that coincides with Neanderthal occupation in the area (Fladerer & Wild 1999). Reindeer seems to be absent from the Slovenian basin prior to the Late Glacial Maximum (Rakovec 1975), and is proved at Griffener Tropfsteinhöhle at around 15500 yrs BP (Gleirscher & Pacher 2005). The same holds true for mammoth. For this

During the Last Glacial Maximum, life did go in the loess area as proved by dates and archaeological assemblages ascribed either to a younger Gravettian tradition or Epiaurignacian context. So far several direct dates for mammoth and reindeer are available for this period (see Table 2.1). After the last cold stage, the mammoth steppe

14

M. PACHER: LATE PLEISTOCENE HUMAN OCCUPATION AND LARGE MAMMAL DISTRIBUTION IN THE EASTERN ALPINE REGION

Late Glacial cave sites, Slovenia

100 80 60 40 20

Mammuthus Coelodonta

Marmota Castor Rangifer Cervus Alces Megaloceros Capra ibex Rupicapra Equus

0 Babja jama Polsiska jama Lukenjska jama Matjazevih kamer Ciganska jama Jama v Lozi Ovcja jama

Fig. 2.2. Selected mammals from seven Late Glacial cave sites from Slovenia. Marmot is abundant, accompanied by reindeer in Gravettian sites (Ciganska jama, Jama v Lozi, Ovcja jama) and by beaver and elk (moose) in Epigravettian sites (data after Pohar 1983, 1985, 1991, 1992, 1994; Rakovec 1963)

species considerably earlier evidence based on a direct date comes from Siegsdorf (Rosendahl et al. 2005) to the north in Bavaria.

tion. Some species seem to occur in only one period while others appear twice or might have been living in the area throughout much of the Last Glacial cycle.

In northern Italy, several sites reveal a rather continuing evidence of human occupation from Neanderthal man up to Epigravettian tradition. The south-eastern foothills and basins are especially rich in sites attributed to the Late Glacial period. Human occupation after the Last Glacial Maximum starts clearly earlier than in the high Alps (see Thillet 2001).

The stratigraphical and chronological value of large mammals is generally regarded as low. Nonetheless, first results of this study suggest a more diverse pattern of migration and retreat in large mammals probably based on ecological differences between the various landscapes. Although the study is restricted by the rather few dates available yet, by stratigraphical uncertainties and problems of time resolution, especially in several cave sites, small-scale changes and local distribution boundaries are suggested.

Marmots are one of the characteristic species as proved by direct dates and faunal composition (Fig. 2.2). In slightly older assemblages reindeer accompanies marmot, while in younger sites beaver and elk (moose) are more abundant. In northern Italy ibex is common next to marmot. The former is also a typical faunal element in the Styrian karst area (Fig. 2.1) but here its chronological position is unclear yet.

In general, the high Alps, the loess area, caves to the south-east, sites in northern Italy, caves at low elevations to the north of the Alps provide rather different patterns of human and large mammal evidence. Concerning human occupation there seems to be a gap of about 5000 years between Neanderthals and modern humans in the area, in particular at the south-eastern basins of the Alps. In addition, Neanderthal evidence in the higher region of the Eastern Alps is inconclusive and needs to be regarded with caution.

CONCLUSION The various landscapes of the Eastern Alpine area show different patterns of human and large mammal occupa-

15

MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENTS IN PREHISTORIC EUROPE: SETTLEMENT AND MOBILITY STRATEGIES...

(eds.), “Potočka zijalka – palaeontological and archaeological results of the excavation campaigns 1997-2000”. Mitteilungen der Kommission für Quartärforschung 13: 67-80. Wien, Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften.

The compilation gives a preliminary overview on the occupation history of the Eastern Alpine region during the Late Pleistocene and early Holocene and reveals several aspects that need to be investigated in detail and discussed in the light of new data and in comparison with additional climate proxies.

DÖPPES, D. 2003. New dating results of the Salzofen Cave, Totes Gebirge, Austria. In: A. Argant, M. Philippe (eds.), “Abstract of lectures and posters”, 9th International Cave Bear Symposium, (Entremont-leVieux, Savoie), p. 85-86.

Acknowledgements I would like to thank Stefano Grimaldi and Thierry Tillet who invited me to join AlpiNet. Doris Nagel and Alfred Galik provided information about radiocarbon dates from Saladorf respectively cave lion from Teufelslucke. The latter also provided helpful comments on an earlier version of the paper. Thomas Perrin kindly provided the French abstract. The study was co-financed by the EU program Culture 2000 – AlpiNet project and the Cultural grant of Lower Austria: LNOE0038.

DÖPPES, D., W. ROSENDAHL 2006. From Lake Chiemsee (Germany) to the “Totes Gebirge” (Austria) – on the Alpine Path of the Neanderthals?. In: “Book of abstracts“, XVth congress UISPP (Lisbon, 4.-9. September 2006), p. 197. DÖPPES, D., M. PACHER 2005. Brown bear finds from Caves in the Alpine region. In: D. Ambros, C. Gropp, B. Hilpert, B. Kaulich (eds.), “Neue Forschungen zum Höhlenbären in Europa”, Abhandlungen der Naturhistorischen Gesellschaft Nürnberg 45: 91-104. Nürnberg, Naturhistorische Gesellschaft.

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THE MOUSTERIAN OF THE VALLICELLI CAVE (MONTE SAN GIACOMO, SALERNO, ITALY), IN THE PRE- AND PROTOHISTORIC SETTLEMENT FRAMEWORK AT THE SLOPES OF MOUNT CERVATI Carmine COLLINA CEPAM, University of Aix-Marseille I and University of Rome “La Sapienza”

Rosalia GALLOTTI, Marcello PIPERNO University of Rome “La Sapienza”

Nicoletta SANTANGELO, Antonio SANTO University of Naples “Federico II” Abstract: The Vallicelli Cave opens at the slopes of Mount Cervati at 1200 m a.s.l.: its interest has been recognized during a systematic survey together with the discovery of others two caves dated to the Bronze Age: the Pino Cave and the Pian di Varlacarla Sink. In spite of its altitude, the Vallicelli Cave shows a long frequentation, from the Mousterian to the Bronze Age, and represents the first evidence of Middle Palaeolithic industry in a stratigraphic context in the eastern side of the Parco del Cilento e del Vallo del Diano. Key-words: Mousterian, Levallois, Holocene, Reduction sequences, Human settlement Résumé: La Grotte des Vallicelli s’ouvre sur les pentes du Mont Cervati à 1200 m d’altitude; son intérêt a été reconnu dans le cadre d’une série de prospections systématiques qui ont aussi conduit à la découverte de deux autres grottes datées de l'âge du Bronze : la Grotte du Pino et le Gouffre de Pian di Varlacarla. Malgré son altitude, la Grotte des Vallicelli montre une longue fréquentation, à partir du Moustérien jusqu’à l’âge du Bronze, et représente le première témoignage, en contexte stratigraphique, d’industries du Paléolithique moyen sur le versant oriental du Parco del Cilento e del Vallo di Diano. Mots-clés: Moustérien, Levallois, Holocène, Chaînes opératoires, Peuplement humain

In 1994 a team of the University of Rome “La Sapienza”, in collaboration with the Department of Scienze della Terra of the University of Naples “Federico II” and the Superintendence of Salerno, Avellino e Benevento, began a series of systematic surveys in the internal area of the Park between the eastern slopes of Mount Cervati and the neighbouring area of Vallo di Diano. Three new sites were discovered and subsequently explored through several systematic excavations: the Pino Cave and the Pian di Varlacarla Sink (Eneolithic-Bronze Age), the latter reported through a short paper at the beginning of the eighties (D’Agostino 1981), and the Vallicelli Cave, whose most significant frequentation dates to the Middle Palaeolithic and which represents, according to the current researches, the only Mousterian evidence between the area of Mounts Alburni and the coastal sites of Marina di Camerota (Fig. 3.1).

INTRODUCTION The massif of Mount Cervati represents the centralinternal part of the area of the Parco del Cilento e del Vallo di Diano, situated in the region of Southern Campania and corresponding to the sector of Southern Apennine among the Mounts Alburni to the West, the great plain of the Vallo di Diano to the East and the Tyrrhenian coast to the South-West. Until 1994 the areas of prehistoric interest inside the Park were three: – the area of Vallo di Diano characterized by the presence of a series of sites covering a chronological span from the Middle Neolithic to the Iron Age (Gastaldi 1974; Ross Holloway 1975; D’Agostino & Gastaldi 1985; Trucco 1991); – the massif of Mounts Alburni, where the Castelcivita Cave and the Ausino Cave are located: the former with an archaeological sequence between Mousterian and Protoaurignacian (Gambassini 1997), and the latter documenting an interrupted anthropic frequentation from Upper Palaeolithic to the Middle Bronze Age (Di Nocera et al. 1972; D’Agostino 1981);

THE GEOLOGICAL BACKGROUND The Vallo di Diano is one of the Pleistocene largest tectonic basins in the Southern Apennine. The main peaks surrounding the basin are 1500 to 1900 m a.s.l., while the mean altitude of the Vallo di Diano plain is 450 m.

– the coastal area between Marina di Camerota and Scario, along which twenty sites both in caves and in shelters are located, including a long sequence from the Early-Middle Acheulian to the protohistoric ages (Martini 1993; Gambassini 1995a, b; Ronchitelli 1995a, b; Gambassini & Ronchitelli 1998; Martini et al. 2000-2001).

A detailed analysis of the basin fill was reconstructed from numerous boreholes drilled for hydrogeological investigations and uplifted sections cropping out around the basin. The geological and geomorphological studies carried out suggest that a paleolake existed in the area

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Fig. 3.1. Prehistoric sites in the area of the Parco del Cilento e del Vallo di Diano

located at the base of the main carbonate massifs. They can present more superimposed levels: the oldest and highest levels are inactive and generally filled by dripstones, while the lowest are active and are characterized by the presence of lakes. The most representative caves in this group are the Pertosa cave system and the Castelcivita-Ausino cave system.

between the end of the Early Pleistocene and the end of Middle Pleistocene (Santangelo 1991; Russo Ermolli et al. 1995; Karner et al. 1999), as testified by the thick sequence (more than 150 m) of fine lacustrine sediments drilled by the VDD core. During Upper Pleistocene and Holocene times, the area was characterized by a marsh environment and only during historical time (Bourbon period) an artificial drainage network let its reclamation.

The second group (ponors) is characterized by vertical cave systems, whose entrances are generally located on the top of the carbonatic massifs, at the bottom of valleys or along fault scarp, in all cases at the contact between permeable carbonate rocks and impermeable rocks (contact ponor). Also in this group there are active and inactive caves. Well preserved examples in the Mount Cervati area are those of Varlacarla and Vallicelli caves.

The landscape morphology of the area was controlled by the main climatic fluctuations that characterized Pleistocene; “glacial” and “interglacial” periods caused the alternance between periods during which the main slopes surrounding the plain were covered by steppic vegetal associations and periods during which a wide deciduous forest extended all over the area.

In the Cilento massifs these two types of cave systems, both the phreatic caves and the ponor-resurgence systems, frequently result associated with evidences of human frequentation in prehistoric and protohistoric times.

The mountain surrounding the basin (Maddalena Mountains to the West and Alburni, Motola and Cervati Mountains to the East) are prevailingly made of Mesozoic platform carbonates (limestones and dolomitic limestones) and for this reason karst processes have produced typical exokarst and endokarst morphologies both on an outcrop and on a large scale (Santangelo & Santo 1997; Cinque & Russo 2005). Among the endokarst morphologies the most representative and widespread are the phreatic caves and the ponor-resurgence systems. The first group is characterized by horizontal caves generally

THE VALLICELLI CAVE The Vallicelli Cave opens at the slopes of Mount Cervati few kilometres from the town of Monte San Giacomo (Salerno). It is an inactive ponor, whose entrance is located at the base of a calcareous cliff at an altitude of 20

C. COLLINA ET AL.: THE MOUSTERIAN OF THE VALLICELLI CAVE (MONTE SAN GIACOMO, SALERNO, ITALY)…

Fig. 3.2. The Vallicelli Cave. Top to the left: the calcareous cliff at the base of which the cave opens; bottom to the left: the entrance of the cave; to the right: general plan and sections of the cave

In the inside area of the cave, immediately behind the wall to the left of the entrance and in correspondence with the external excavation, different Holocene lithic artefacts and potsherds has been founded during a preliminary exploration, while the remaining surface of the cave is to a large extent covered by numerous collapsed blocks.

1200 m a.s.l., with a known horizontal development of 30 m approximately. The discovery was made in July 1999 during a systematic survey (Piperno 2001). The presence of surface finds at the talus in front of the entrance of the cave, consisting of some potsherds dated to the Bronze Age, suggested the digging of a trial trench on a surface of 18 m2 and a smaller later excavation (6 m2), which was carried out in July 2000 (Fig. 3.2).

The Mousterian lithic industry In the Mousterian layers (4-6), 379 artefacts have been recovered, 242 of which are on flint (63,9%), 93 on quartzarenite (24,5%) and 44 on jasper (11,6%).

The upper portion of the stratigraphic sequence identified so far (layers 1-3) is characterized by a reworked dark soil deposit, about 40 cm thick, mixed with limestone rubble and blocks, containing abundant potsherds, faunal remains and lithic industry belonging to the Bronze Age, the Eneolithic, the Neolithic and the Mesolithic.

The Castelcivita Cave presents a similar composition of the utilised raw materials, whose area of availability has been recognized in alluvial deposits of the Calore River, in proximity of the cave, thanks to the frequent presence of preserved portions of cortex of original river pebbles (Gambassini 1997).

Under these levels lies a clay, rubble-free deposit in situ (layers 4-6) with Mousterian lithic industry together with faunal remains (84 teeth and fragments of long bones) represented above all by Capreolus capreolus and Cervus elaphus (I. Fiore & A. Tagliacozzo pers. comm.).

In the case of the Vallicelli Cave, the original morphology of the flint production is identifiable in few cases and it is represented, overall, by small blocks or tabular shapes with sharp edges.

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Fig. 3.3. Mousterian industry of the Vallicelli Cave. 1, 2: Levallois flakes (jasper); 3: lateral side-scraper (flint); 4: Mousterian point (quartzarenite); 5: denticulate (quartzarenite); 6: double déjeté side-scraper (jasper); 7: limace (quartzarenite); 8: Levallois recurrent centripetal core (jasper)

the natural plans of the original block or also by natural fractures, rather frequent in consideration of the quality of this type of flint. In one case, this limited predetermination together with a central longitudinal diaclasys provokes a series of knapping accidents and limits the exploitation of the core; in the second case, the presence of numerous diaclasys has strongly limited the flaking, not allowing the centripetal removals to be sufficiently invasive, so that the central part of the flaking surface preserves a residual portion of the natural plan of the angular block.

Outcrops of flint, jasper and quartzarenite are known in different zones of the area of the Park and at the oriental slopes of the Maddalena Mountains, situated immediately to the West of the Vallo di Diano. Only petrographic detailed analysis will permit to identify the sources of provenance and the modalities of exploitation. A preliminary technological analysis has allowed to identify the production systems adopted at the Vallicelli Cave during the Mousterian. There are three main Levallois reduction sequences, essentially characterized from the centripetal recurrent modality, followed by the unidirectional recurrent modality and, in few cases, from the preferential flake modality.

The Levallois products confirm the presence of the centripetal recurrent modality, but they also document the adoption of the unidirectional recurrent modality and in one case the preferential flake modality. Only 1 flake is not a Levallois product.

The flint production The flint production is attested by the presence of 2 cores, 21 Levallois flakes and 219 small flakes, fragmented flakes and debris.

The preparation of the butt frequently appears, but not systematically (facetted = 62,4%; plain = 19%; dihedral = 4,8%; cortical or absent = 13,8%).

The cores document the adoption of the centripetal recurrent modality. Both are realized on an angular block and present unprepared striking platforms, constituted by

10 Levallois flakes out of 21 are edge-removal flakes. They are characterized by an asymmetrical triangular

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The core, realised on a small angular block, presents a Levallois centripetal recurrent modality. It presents a prepared rather wide striking platform and it results intensely exploited as its size (length = 35 mm; width = 29 mm, thickness = 9 mm) and the numerous knapping accidents testify (Fig. 3.8).

section, by a natural back on one edge and by a regular and thin edge opposite to the back. They documents the regulation of the lateral and/or distal convexities and the control of the good global morphological disposition of the flaking surface of the core. In many cases the natural back is constituted by a natural plan of the angular block, data that confirm furthermore the utilisation of this type of shape and the limited preparation of the striking platform.

The Levallois products attest the presence of the centripetal recurrent modality (2 flakes), the unidirectional recurrent modality (3 flakes), the preferential flake and the bipolar recurrent modalities in two cases (Fig. 3.13.2).

The retouched pieces are constituted by side-scrapers (Fig. 3.3): two of them are lateral side-scrapers (1 simple straight, 1 simple convex) and 1 is a convex transversal side-scraper, all characterized by a stepped retouch.

The retouched pieces are constituted by one double déjeté side-scraper (Fig. 3.6) and by one simple side-scraper.

The dimensional forms are generally reduced. The cores respectively measure 35 mm (length), 30 mm (width), 18 mm (thickness) and 39 mm (length), 29 mm (width), 16 mm (thickness), while the length of the flakes is between 23 and 60 mm, the width between 16 and 44 mm, the thickness between 3 and 13 mm.

The Holocene evidences In the upper portion of the stratigraphic sequence several materials concerning different Holocene times have been found. Mesolithic is documented by the presence of flint microburins, geometric elements and backed bladelets.

The quartzarenite production The quartzarenite production is attested by the presence of 3 cores, 21 Levallois flakes and 69 small flakes, fragmented flakes and debris.

A few typical potsherds of the Serra d’Alto and Diana facies, together with some obsidian bladelets coming from Palmarola island (Troisi, pers. comm.), attest the frequentation of this cave also during the Middle and Final Neolithic, phases which correspond to the beginning of the occupation of the Polla Cave, of the Pertosa Cave and of the Zachito Shelter, located in the northern part of the Vallo di Diano.

The three cores document the adoption of the centripetal recurrent modality: two of them are flake-cores knapped on the upper face. As in the case of the flint core, their size is small: the length is between 30 and 39 mm, the width between 27 and 31 mm, the thickness between 11 and 19 mm.

All of the above mentioned sites, situated only a short distance apart, continue to display close connections during subsequent Eneolithic horizon because of the presence of typical large size pots decorated with applied cordons. Also the aspect of “scaled” pottery of the Final Eneolithic is found in the stratigrafic layers of the four deposits.

The Levallois products attest the presence of the centripetal recurrent modality (14 flakes), the unidirectional recurrent modality (4 flakes) and the preferential flake modality (3 flakes). The average length is 38,9 mm, the average width is 29,4 mm, the average thickness is 16 mm. The retouched pieces are constituted by one Mousterian point with a stepped retouch, 1 lateral denticulate, 1 transversal side-scraper with a simple retouch and 1 limace (Fig. 3.4-3.7). The denticulate with a length of 69 mm represents the greatest Levallois preferential product in the entire collection.

Although the preliminary investigations carried out at Vallicelli have not so far yielded any appreciable data concerning the Early Bronze Age, the pottery evidence referred to the Protoapennine aspect at the beginning of the Middle Bronze Age does ultimately allow the cave to be added both to the already mentioned sites, to the Pian di Varlacarla Sink and to the Pino Cave, whose contexts will subsequently be discussed.

The regulation of the distal convexity and the control of the flaking surface of the core is attested by 3 edgeremoval flakes, characterized by a natural back on one edge and by a regular and thin edge opposite to the back.

THE PIAN DI VARLACARLA SINK AND THE PINO CAVE The Pian di Varlacarla Sink is situated at the slopes of Mount Cevati at an altitude of 980 m a.s.l. in the locality of Tempe di Tornicelle near the town of Monte San Giacomo (Salerno).

The jasper production Among the 44 artefact on jasper, 12 are determinable elements (1 core and 11 Levallois flakes). 23

MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENTS IN PREHISTORIC EUROPE: SETTLEMENT AND MOBILITY STRATEGIES...

Fig. 3.4. a: stalagmite pillars of the Pian di Varlacarla Sink; b: burnt seeds from the Pian di Varlacarla Sink; c: a detail of Sector II of the Pino Cave; d: pottery from the Pino Cave (1. hemispherical bowl of the Laterza facies; 2. Protoapennine cup; 3. Mycenaean potsherd with geometric brown painted motifs)

Several of them were associated with burnt seeds (Fig. 3.4b) relevant to different vegetable species according to palaeobotanical determinations (Coubray, pers. comm.: Hordeum vulgare, Triticum monococcum, Triticum dicoccum, Triticum aestivum, Vicia faba, Rubus fructicosus, Rubus caesius/ideaus, Cynosurus cristatus, Cornus mas, Fraxinus cf. excelsior, Evonymus europaeus, Acer cf. campestre. Abies alba, Ostrya/Carpinus, Quercus sp.).

It is an active ponor with an horizontal development of about 50 m, which drained a closed basin with three accesses: an upper one consisting of a 7 m deep shaft; an intermediate one, currently obstructed by collapsed blocks, which was probably used during protohistoric times as it provided direct access to the main meander; the third one consisting of a well about 3 m deep. The ritual destination of a part of this cave is documented by the presence of two large stalagmite pillars just over 1 m high, intentionally situated at the entrance to the main room (Fig. 3.4a). They present numerous parallel marks engraved over their entire surface.

The Pino Cave is a phreatic cave with an extension of about 20 m located at 450 m a.s.l. at the bottom of the southern slopes of the Cozzo dell’Uovo in the Vallo di Diano. The original entrance consists of a small vertical shaft opened in the limestone rock that had been fractured by the collapse of the roof of an underlying cave.

In proximity of the pillars a test trench, carried out on September 2001, brought to light a surface of about 4 m2 where several potsherds have been collected together with faunal remains, burnt areas and burnt seeds (Piperno 2001).

At the bottom of this shaft a debris cone fills most of the cave, except for the eastern area, which is topographically lower and further from the entrance.

The pottery, dated to the Middle Bronze Age, is made of scarcely depurated clay and presents decoration with finger impression and relief cordon.

This cave was used as a funerary cave during the Early and Middle Bronze Age (Protoapennine B phase), bet-

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ween about 24th and the 15th century B.C. Several hundreds of human remains have been found in the central area of the cave, belonging to skeletons no longer in anatomical connection and associated with numerous potsherds and faunal remains (Fig. 3.4c). On top of them, in one of the hitherto more completely explored part of the cave, it has been possible to identify the skeleton of a roe deer, while in an other part of this context two skeletons of juvenile pigs were found (Pellegrini & Piperno 2003).

lisation both as for the sites of Mounts Alburni and as for the sites of the coastal area, above all with regard to the different ecological and palaeoenvironmental patterns and to the systems of availability and circulation of the utilised raw materials.

Only one burial of one anatomically connected individual, beside whom a kid had been sacrificed, has been found beneath a narrow fissure in the wall at the bottom of the cave.

If the localisation at an high altitude of the Vallicelli Cave allowed its frequentation during one or more periods of Middle Palaeolithic, whose times and modalities are still to be defined, the same could explain the total absence of evidences referable to the Upper Palaeolithic. Such evidences are widely documented in the other coastal and internal caves of the Parco del Cilento e del Vallo di Diano and placed inside long sequences often reaching the most recent protohistoric phases.

However, according to the data so far available, we can try a general framing of the settlement dynamics relatively to the area of the Park among internal massifs, flat and coastal areas.

The earliest phases of the utilization of the cave are characterized by a coarse ware with a typical “rusticated” surface and by more refined hemispherical bowls with rich incised decoration that may be linked to the Laterza facies (Fig. 3.4d.1) common in Puglia and Calabria, for which however massive documentation now exists also along the middle Tyrrhenian Sea coast.

One of the most important, as to the continuity of its sequence, is Cala Cave (Gambassini 1995b; Benini et al. 1997; Boscato et al. 1997), where above the Mousterian layers, a long stratigraphic series referable to the Uluzzian, Aurignacian, Gravettian and Epigravettian follows, superimposed by Holocene layers presenting materials datable to a chronological span ranging from Mesolithic to the Eneolithic.

The most intense occupation dates to the initial period of the Middle Bronze Age: in fact it is actually possible to ascribe to the Protoapennine B (17th-15th century B.C.) the majority of the pottery types discovered so far (Fig. 3.4d.2), including carinated bowls and cups with their characteristic horizontal cylinder, notched, ax, trumpet and vertical handles, as well as numerous fragments of sherds decorated with relief cordons with complex motifs.

An important evidence is also that of Serratura Cave, where, on the Middle Palaeolithic layers, several Aurignacian, Gravettian and Epigravettian layers are found, even in this case surmounted by an Holocene series, characterized by Mesolithic levels of Sauveterrian facies and Neolithic levels of the Diana facies (Martini et al. 2000-2001).

A bronze axe and a bronze pendant were found in two different areas of the excavation. Also belonging to the same phase are fragments of a fine well depurated pottery, in some cases decorated with geometric brown painted motifs, of Aegean Mesohelladic origin (Fig. 3.4d.3), the production of which lasted from the Early Mycenaean period (I-II) dated to the 16th-15th century B.C. (Piperno et al. 2000-2001).

Gravettian lithic assemblages are also present in the Calanca Cave, while more recent phases (Epigravettian) are documented in the deposits of Poggio and Noglio Cave. Apart the coastal sites of the Park, even the internal areas show an intense frequentation during Upper Palaeolithic, documented by the Protoaurignacian layers of the Castelcivita Cave (Gambassini 1997) and the Upper Palaeolithic material of the Ausino Cave surmounted by Mesolithic, Eneolithic and Bronze Age levels (D’Agostino 1981).

CONCLUSIONS As it has already been mentioned, the Vallicelli Cave represents, according to the current reasearches, the only Mousterian evidence between the area of Mounts Alburni and the coastal sites of Marina di Camerota.

The frequentation of these caves in the internal area during periods of intense cold is probably justified by their localisation at low altitude (about 50 m a.s.l.).

Its localisation at an high altitude (1200 m a.s.l.) is an almost unique case in the prehistoric and protohistoric settlement framework in the area of the Parco del Cilento e del Vallo di Diano and, more in general, in the CentralSouthern Italy.

In this array, the frequentation of the Vallicelli Cave starts again during different Holocene periods (MesolithicMiddle Bronze Age) and it is connected with the sites of the area of the Vallo di Diano adjoining the massifs, whose frequentation begins with the Middle Neolithic and continues without a break until the Iron age.

Only the continuation of the researches can allow a more detailed framing of the site as to its intra-site functionality and its inter-site synchronic and diachronic contextual25

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nel Cilento. Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche 49: 357377. Florence.

The frequentation of natural caves represents a leitmotive of the settlement of this area both during the Upper Pleistocene and the Holocene, apart from the Protoapenninic open air village of Tufariello di Buccino and the Iron Age cemetery of Sala Consilina, regardless of the zones where they are located.

GASTALDI, P. 1974. Polla. In: G. Bailo Modesti, B. d’Agostino, P Gastaldi (eds.) “Seconda mostra della Preistoria e Protostoria nel Salernitano”, p. 51-64. Salerno, Laveglia Ed. KARNER, D., E. JUVIGNE, L. BRANCACCIO, A. CINQUE, E. RUSSO ERMOLLI, N. SANTANGELO, S. BERNASCONI, L. LIRER 1999. An Early Middle Pleistocene tephrostratotype for the Mediterranean basin: the Vallo di Diano, Campania, Italy. Global and Planetary Change 21: 1-15.

During Middle Bronze Age several caves have a clearly ritual destination. If the funerary assemblage of the Pino Cave is well placed in the practice of cave burials, widely diffuse in Southern Italy (Pellegrini 1991), the ritual evidence of the Pian di Varlacarla Sink, even though it is still to be characterised precisely, is rather unusual and hardly comparable both as a kind of context and also because of its localisation at a rather high altitude (980 m a.s.l.).

MARTINI, F. 1993. Grotta della Serratura a Marina di Camerota. Culture e ambienti olocenici. 377 p. Florence, Garlatti e Razzai Ed. MARTINI, F., R. DI CARLO, G. MARTINO 2000-2001. Una nuova facies gravettiana sul versante tirrenico a Grotta della Serratura. Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche 51: 139-175. Florence.

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SANTANGELO, N., A. SANTO 1997. Endokarst processes in the Alburni massif (Campania, Southern

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FROM LAKE CHIEMSEE TO THE TOTES GEBIRGE – ON THE ALPINE PATH OF THE NEANDERTHALS? Doris DÖPPES Institute of Palaeontology, University Vienna and Austrian Academy of Sciences, Austria Email [email protected]

Wilfried ROSENDAHL Reiss-Engelhorn-Museen, Zeughaus C5, D-68159 Mannheim, Germany. Email: [email protected] Abstract: Three Middle Paleolithic sites of the Alpine region from Germany and Austria are discussed. All sites have a rich large mammal fauna and are dated within the time range of the OIS 3. Cut marks on some bones of a cave lion from the open air site of Siegsdorf (Germany) proof the presence of Neanderthals at the foot of the Bavarian Alps. Paleolithic stone artifacts from the high Alpine sites Salzofenhöhle and Ramesch-Knochenhöhle (both Austria) indicate also the presence of Neanderthals. The authors assume a connection between the three sites according to raw material sources. Key-words: Mousterian, Germany, Austria, Alps, Neanderthals Résumé: Trois sites du Paléolithique moyen d’Allemagne et d’Autriche sont présentés. Tous les sites contiennent une mégafaune riche et sont datés du stade isotopique 3. Les stries de découpe présentes sur les ossements du lion de Siegsdorf (Allemagne) témoignent de la présence de Néandertaliens dans le piémont des Alpes bavaroises à cette époque. Les artéfacts du Paléolithique moyen découverts dans les sites alpins de Salzofenhöhle et de Ramesch-Knochenhöhle (tous les deux en Autriche) sont le témoignage de courts séjours de Néandertaliens. Les auteurs postulent qu’il existe une connexion entre le site du piémont bavarois et les sites alpins autrichiens en raison de la matière première utilisée. Mots clés: Moustérien, Allemagne, Autriche, Alpes, Néandertaliens

2005). Bone fragments from Canis lupus, Coelodonta antiquitatis, Megaloceros giganteus and Bos or Bison (Table 4.1) were also found. Crocuta crocuta spelaea is represented by means of coprolites and gnawing marks.

INTRODUCTION Since the discovery of the Swiss cave sites Wildkirchli, Drachenloch and Wildenmannlisloch in the first quarter of the 20th century, it is known that the Neanderthals visited the Alpine region. Cave bear remains and Middle Paleolithic stone tools from those three sites initiated a long discussion about the subject of the so-called “Alpine Paleolithic” (e.g. Bächler 1906, 1940). After the World War II, numerous researchers (e.g. Koby 1953; Jequier 1975) challenged seriously the concept of the so-called “Alpine Paleolithic”. The unshaped stone tools result from unsuitable raw material and an independent Alpine culture can therefore not be postulated (Curdy & Praz 2002: 125). In this article we present and discuss three further sites, illustrating the presence of Neanderthals in the Alpine region during the OIS 3.

In 1992 cut marks were identified on some bones of the cave lion (Gross 1992, see Fig. 4.2), which is now dated by 14C-AMS at 47180 +1190/-1040 years BP (Rosendahl & Darga 2002). The position of the cut marks on several lion bones indicates that the carcass was disemboweled (Rosendahl & Darga 2004b). Because of the age of the cave lion, the cut marks proof for the first time the presence of Neanderthals at the foothills of the Bavarian Alps.

.…TO THE TOTES GEBIRGE (AUSTRIA) The nearest localities containing Middle Paleolithic finds are known from the “Totes Gebirge”, Austria, approximately 100 km away from Siegsdorf. These are the Salzofenhöhle and the Ramesch-Knochenhöhle.

FROM LAKE CHIEMSEE (GERMANY).... The open area site Siegsdorf (Chiemgau/Bavaria, Germany) is located 1.5 km SSE from the center of the village Siegsdorf (about 105 km SE of Munich, see Fig. 4.1). In 1975, two pupils discovered bone remains from a mammoth in the clayish subsoil of a creek bed. Because of the steep slope of the creek bed, the discoverer could only dig out a part of the bones. Therefore, an excavation campaign under the leadership of the University of Munich was undertaken in 1985. The most important finds of this excavation are the second part of a nearly complete skeleton of a mammoth and an incomplete skeleton of a cave lion (Ziegler 1994; Rosendahl et al.

The high Alpine Salzofenhöhle is located in the south face of the Salzofen, a peak in the Styrian part of the Totes Gebirge at an altitude of 2005 m above sea level (about 90 km SE of Salzbourg, see Fig. 4.1). The cave has an explored length of 3.6 km. The fossil remains were discovered by two local hunters in 1924 in the upper parts of this widely ramified cave system. Excavations began in the same year and lasted until 1964. For a more detailed description of this site and the history of investigation, see Döppes (2001). The large mammal fauna of the cave

29

MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENTS IN PREHISTORIC EUROPE: SETTLEMENT AND MOBILITY STRATEGIES...

Fig. 4.1. Geographical position of the mentioned sites

Tab. 4.1. Large Mammals from Salzofenhöhle, Ramesch-Knochenhöhle and Siegsdorf Salzofenhöhle

Ramesch-Knochenhöhle

Siegsdorf

Canis lupus

+

+

+

Vulpes vulpes

+

Ursus arctos

+

Ursus spelaeus

+++

Martes martes

+

Martes sp.

+

Gulo gulo

+

Panthera leo spelaea

+

+++

+

Crocuta crocuta spelaea

+

Capreolus capreolus

+

Cervus elaphus

+

Megaloceros giganteus Capra ibex

+

+ +

+

Bison/Bos

+

Coelodonta antiquitatis

+

Mammthus primigenius References summary see in

+ Döppes (2001)

Draxler et al. (1986)

Ziegler (1994)

into two groups – one group centred around 32800 years BP and the other group out of the range of the 14Cmethod, i.e. the results are older than 44500 years BP (Ehrenberg 1969; Pittioni 1980; Döppes 2000). From a methodological point of view, however, only the second group is suitable for a chronostratigraphical discussion. Its time range fits very well with the presence for the Middle Paleolithic artifacts.

mainly consists of Ursus spelaeus (cave bear, see Table 4.1). The presence of Palaeolithic human beings in the Salzofenhöhle is confirmed by six lithic artifacts (Ehrenberg 1959; Pittioni 1985 and see Fig. 4.3). A Mousterian tool (Fig. 4.3.1) was found in the area of an older illegal excavation in the upper part of the so-called “Graf Kesselstatt-Dom” in 1983 (Pittioni 1984). Five numerical dating from four different sites in this cave fall

30

D. DÖPPES & W. ROSENDAHL: FROM LAKE CHIEMSEE TO THE TOTES GEBIRGE – ON THE ALPINE PATH OF THE NEANDERTHALS?

Fig. 4.2. Siegsdorf; skeletal reconstruction of cave lion with all identified cut marks and a close-up on the 2 cm long cut marks from the left femur (Rosendahl & Darga 2004a)

Fig. 4.3. Salzofen; 1 – convergent scraper, 2 – convergent scraper, 3 – abrupt scraper, 4 – transverse scraper, 5 – transverse scraper, 6 – Janus flake (after Ehrenberg 1959; Pittioni 1984)

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MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENTS IN PREHISTORIC EUROPE: SETTLEMENT AND MOBILITY STRATEGIES...

Fig. 4.4. Ramesch-Knochenhöhle; 1 – Levallois flake, 2, 3 and 4 – flakes, 5 – concave scraper (after Pittioni 1986)

the cave amounts to 310 m. First paleontological excavations were conducted between 1979 and 1984 (Draxler et al. 1986). The fauna mainly consists of Ursus spelaeus (see Table 4.1). The five artifacts (Fig. 4.4) found there show some typical features of Mousterian stone tools (Pittioni 1986). The Paleolithic stone artifacts

The second high Alpine site, the Ramesch-Knochenhöhle, is located at the northern face of the Ramesch, a peak in the Upper Austrian part of the Totes Gebirge at an altitude of 1960 m above sea level (about 140 km E of Salzbourg, see Fig. 4.1). Behind a wide entrance, a large, 30 m long hall with an almost even floor opens. The total length of

32

D. DÖPPES & W. ROSENDAHL: FROM LAKE CHIEMSEE TO THE TOTES GEBIRGE – ON THE ALPINE PATH OF THE NEANDERTHALS?

DÖPPES, D. 2000. Excursion guide to the caves of the ‘Totes Gebirge’. Beitr. Paläont. 25: 161-166. Wien.

originate from short stays of Neanderthal man during a warmer climatic phase between 56000 to 44000 years BP (Draxler et al. 1986; Rabeder 1999), in whom penetrating into the high Alpine region was possible.

DÖPPES, D. 2001. Salzofenhöhle: Paläontologische Forschungen seit 1924. Speleo Austria, p. 128-135. Bad Mitterndorf.

The artifacts found in the Ramesch-Knochenhöhle and in the Salzofenhöhle are tools that could be used for cutting and skinning.

DRAXLER, I., P. HILLE, K. MAIS, G. RABEDER, I. STEFFAN, E. WILD 1986. Paläontologische Befunde, absolute Datierungen und paläoklimatologische Konsequenzen der Resultate aus der RameschKnochenhöhle. In: P. Hille, G. Rabeder (eds.), “Die Ramesch-Knochenhöhle im Toten Gebirge”, Mitt. Komm. Quartärf. Österr. Akad. Wiss. 6: 7-66. Wien.

DISCUSSION The dominant raw material at both high Alpine sites is a kind of chert (Hornstone). Outcrops of such a raw material with nodules of suitable size are located southern of Siegsdorf, e.g. western of Lofer (Kammerkehrgruppe; Tollmann 1976; R. Darga pers. com.). This so-called “Ruhpoldinger Radiolarit” is also located in the “Osterhorngruppe”, NW of the Totes Gebirge, but suitable nodules are not documented from this region. In regard to its macroscopic features, the “Ruhpoldinger Radiolarit” could be the raw material used in the RameschKnochenhöhle. In order to bring up clarity about the origin of the raw material of the Alpine sites of the Totes Gebirge, geochemical analysis will be undertaken in the near future.

EHRENBERG, K. 1959. Die urgeschichtlichen Fundstellen und Funde in der Salzofenhöhle. Archaeol. Austriaca 25: 8-24. Wien. EHRENBERG, K. 1969. Ergebnisse und Probleme der Erforschung der Salzofenhöhle. Ein vorläufiger Schlußbericht. Akten d. 4. Int. Kongr. f. Speläologie. 4-5, p. 315-319. Ljubljana. GROSS, C. 1992. Das Skelett des Höhlenlöwen (Panthera leo spelaea GOLDFUSS, 1810) aus Siegsdorf/Ldkr. Traunstein im Vergleich mit anderen Funden aus Deutschland und den Niederlanden. Veröffentl. Diss., Tierärztl. Fakult. Univ. München, 128 pp. JEQUIER, J.-P. 1975. Le Moustérien Alpin. Cahiers d’arch. Romande 2: 1-188. Lausanne.

Acknowledgements

KOBY, F.E. 1953. Les paléolithiques ont-ils chassé l’ours des cavernes?. Actes de la Société jurassienne d’émulation 57: 295-297. Porrentruy.

Dr. R. Darga (Südostbayerisches Naturkunde- und Mammutmuseum Siegsdorf, Germany), Dr. S. Grimaldi (Dipartimento di Filosofia, Storia e Beni Culturali dell’Università di Trento, Italy), Prof. Dr. S. Kempe (Institut für Angewandte Geowissenschaften, Technische Universität Darmstadt, Germany), Dr. M. Pacher (Institut für Paläontologie, Universität Wien, Austria), Prof. Dr. G. Rabeder (Institut für Paläontologie, Universität Wien, Austria), Dr. G. Rosendahl (Reiss-Engelhorn-Museen Mannheim, Germany), Dr. P. Rottenbacher (Institut für Angewandte Geowissenschaften, Technische Universität Darmstadt, Germany), Prof. Dr. G. Trnka (Institut für Ur& Frühgeschichte, Universität Wien, Austria)

PITTIONI, R. 1980. Urgeschichte von etwa 80.000 bis 15 v. Chr. Geb. Geschichte Österreichs I/2. Wien. PITTIONI, R. 1984. Ein Moustérien-Schaber aus der Salzofenhöhle im Toten Gebirge (Steiermark). Z. Die Höhle 35(1): 1-4. Wien. PITTIONI, R. 1985. Zur Frage der altsteinzeitlichen Besiedelung alpiner Höhlen in Niederösterreich. Z. Unsere Heimat 56(2): 107-128. Wien. PITTIONI, R. 1986. Das Palöolithische Fundgut der Ramesch-Knochenhöhle. In: P. Hille, G. Rabeder (eds.), “Die Ramesch-Knochenhöhle im Toten Gebirge”, Mitt. Komm. Quartärf. Österr. Akad. Wiss. 6: 73-76. Wien.

References BÄCHLER, E. 1906. Die prähistorische Kultstätte in der Wildkirchli – Ebenalphöhle. Verh. Schweiz. Naturforsch. Ges. St. Gallen 5: 1-11.

RABEDER, G. 1999. Die Evolution des Höhlenbärengebisses. Mitt. Komm. Quartärf. Österr. Akad. Wiss. 11: 1-102. Wien.

BÄCHLER, E. 1940. Das alpine Paläolithikum der Schweiz im Wildkirchli, Drachenloch und Wildenmannlisloch. Die ältesten menschlichen Niederlassungen der Altsteinzeit des Schweizerlandes. Monographien zur Ur- und Frühgeschichte der Schweiz 2, p. 263. Basel.

ROSENDAHL, W., R. DARGA 2002. Klima, Umwelt und Mensch im Oberpleistozän des Chiemgaus – neue Daten und Befunde. Terra Nostra 6: 305-309. Potsdam. ROSENDAHL, W., R. DARGA 2004a. Homo sapiens neanderthalensis et Panthera leo spelaea – du nouveau à propos du site de Siegsdorf (Chiemgau), Bavière/Allemagne. Rev. Paléobiol. 23(2): 653-658. Genève.

CURDY, P., J.-C. PRAZ 2002 (Hrsg.). Die ersten Menschen im Alpenraum von 50.000 bis 5000 vor Christus. Walliser Kantonsmuseen Sitten, p. 200. Sitten. 33

MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENTS IN PREHISTORIC EUROPE: SETTLEMENT AND MOBILITY STRATEGIES...

TOLLMANN, A. 1976. Analyse des klassischen nordalpinen Mesozoikums. Wien, Franz Deuticke, 580 p.

ROSENDAHL, W., R. DARGA 2004b. Zur Anwesenheit des mittelpaläolithischen Menschen im oberbayerischen Alpenvorland. Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter 69: 135-138. München.

ZIEGLER, R. 1994. Das Mammut (Mammuthus primigenius BLUMENBACH) von Siegsdorf bei Traunstein (Bayern) und seine Begleitfauna. Münchner Geowiss. Abh. (A). 26: 49-80. München.

ROSENDAHL, W., R. DARGA, J. BURGER 2005. Die pleistozäne Großfauna von Siegsdorf (Süddeutschland) – neue Untersuchungen. Mitt. Komm. Quartärf. Österr. Akad. Wiss. 14: 153-160. Wien.

34

ADAPTATION À L’ENVIRONNEMENT MONTAGNEUX AU PALÉOLITHIQUE EN HONGRIE Zsolt MESTER Université de Miskolc, Département de Préhistoire et d’Histoire ancienne, H-3515 Miskolc-Egyetemváros. Email: [email protected] Abstract: Bükk Mountain is the highest mountain range in Hungary. It is mostly composed of Mesozoic rocks and have a huge amount of karstic cavities. Many cave yielded the traces of Prehistoric occupation. Because of this region is well investigated by Hungarian research from 1906 up to date, we can try to analyse settlement strategies during the Palaeolithic. Reconsidering the geomorphology (valley system, distribution of cavities), the hydrogeology (springs and streams), the geological composition (raw material sources), the ecological zones (vegetation and fauna) of the area, and comparing them with the data of the archaeological sites, we can see a complex adaptation to the mountain environment. Keywords: Bükk Mountain, Middle and Upper Palaeolithic, Ecological zones, Raw material sources Résumé: La montagne de Bükk est la région montagneuse la plus élevée en Hongrie. Elle se compose majoritairement de roches mésozoïques et elle est riche en cavités karstiques. Beaucoup de grottes ont fourni les traces d’occupations préhistoriques. Puisque la recherche hongroise a effectué beaucoup d’investigations dans cette région à partir de 1906 jusqu’à nos jours, on peut essayer d’analyser les stratégies d’habitation au Paléolithique. En reconsidérant la géomorphologie (système de vallées, emplacement des grottes), l’hydrogéologie (sources et ruisseaux), la composition géologique (sources de matières premières) et les zones écologiques (végétation et faune) de la région, et en les comparant aux données des sites archéologiques, on peut voir une adaptation complexe à l’environnement montagneux. Mots-clés: Montagne de Bükk, Paléolithique moyen et supérieur, Zones écologiques, Sources de matières premières

et, en même temps, de mieux profiter de ses potentialités dans le tourisme. Dans le cadre de ces initiatives, elle a décidé de construire le Musée et Parc Archéologique de Szeleta (Jerem et al. 2002). Selon les projets, le musée se trouverait à proximité de la grotte Szeleta, un des gisements les plus célèbres du Paléolithique de la Hongrie, site éponyme du Szélétien. Le concept du musée a formulé plusieurs objectifs. Il servirait à présenter le site archéologique de Szeleta, à faire connaître l’histoire de l’environnement naturel et de l’occupation humaine dans le nord-est de la Hongrie au cours des derniers 140.000 ans, à initier le grand public à la vie des hommes préhistoriques et aux sciences qui nous permettent de la connaître. Un très bon exemple de ce dernier est donné par le Pôle International de Préhistoire mis en oeuvre en Dordogne en France (Maury 2001). Dans le domaine touristique, le Musée Szeleta servirait également de centre d’information qui aiderait les visiteurs d’organiser leur tours pour découvrir le patrimoine archéologique et d’autres attractions touristiques de la région.

INTRODUCTION ET REMERCIEMENTS L’idée de cette présentation au Colloque 31 du XVième Congrès de l’UISPP est née progressivement. La révision du gisement moustérien de la grotte Subalyuk (Mester 1985, 1989, 1990), suivie par celle du Moustérien de la montagne de Bükk (Mester 1994) en constituait la première étape. L’étude de la composition du gibier des Moustériens et de la composition de la gamme de matières premières utilisées nous a conduit à reconnaître la position stratégique de la caverne. Celle-ci a permis aux habitants de profiter parallèlement des ressources de la montagne et de celles de la région devant la montagne (Mester 1985: 58, 2001a: 88, 2002: 337). Nous avons rencontré la problématique de l’emplacement des sites dans un contexte plus large et plus complexe, en lisant le livre d’Alain Turq (2000). Du point de vue méthodologique, nous étions attirés par son approche des ressources du milieu (Turq 2000: 75-144). Dans la synthèse, il recoupe les zones favorables aux refuges naturels avec les zones riches en matières premières lithiques d’après les données cartographiées. Nous pensons qu’il a donné beaucoup à y réfléchir et un exemple à suivre, parce que la reconsidération des conditions et des possibilités offertes par le milieu aux hommes préhistoriques permet de mieux comprendre ce qui s’est passé sur les sites et dans les régions, comme nous l’avons souligné dans le compte rendu (Mester 2001b: 196).

Le concept d’une future exhibition du musée a choisi comme axe principal la relation entre l’homme et le milieu naturel, leur influence mutuelle. Erzsébet Jerem, qui était l’animatrice de l’élaboration des concepts scientifique et architectural du musée, nous a proposé de présenter cette influence mutuelle en grands lignes à travers les conditions géographiques et les occupations paléolithiques. Nous en avons préparé quatre cartes pour un poster présenté au Colloque de CAA à Prato en 2004 (Jerem et al. sous presse).

À partir de 1999, la municipalité de la ville de Miskolc a cherché des possibilités de conserver le riche patrimoine culturel de la ville et de la région de la montagne de Bükk

L’invitation à participer au Colloque 31 sur les environnements montagneux en Préhistoire, que nous devons à

35

MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENTS IN PREHISTORIC EUROPE: SETTLEMENT AND MOBILITY STRATEGIES...

Tab. 5.1. Caractéristiques des trois zones de la région de la montagne de Bükk (Hevesi 2002a) altitude

température moyenne (°C)

précipitation

m

annuelle

été

hiver

mm

zone 1

700-950

4,5

16-17

-4,5

850

zone 2

400-700

7,5

18

-3

700

zone 3

200-400

10

19-20

-2

550

Stefano Grimaldi, nous a donné une belle occasion à élaborer plus en détails les corrélations reconnues.

moyenne parce qu’elle dispose 50 pics supérieur à 900 m dont 11 l’est à 950 m (Hevesi 2002a: 15).

Enfin, nous tenons à remercier ici les collègues mentionnés plus haut, Erzsébet Jerem, Alain Turq et Stefano Grimaldi, pour les inspirations que nous avons reçues de leur part. Nous sommes également reconnaissant à József Regős, un des meilleurs connaisseurs de la spéléographie de la montagne de Bükk, pour les échanges d’idées sur les cavités de la région que nous avons fait depuis tant d’années et plus particulièrement pour les informations précieuses qu’il nous a données à propos du sujet de cette contribution. De même, nous avons fait beaucoup de conversations très intéressantes et utiles, dès le début de notre recherche, avec László Kordos à qui ira notre gratitude également pour nous avoir autorisé l’utilisation des plans et des coupes des grottes de la montagne de Bükk, conservés dans la collection du Musée National de Géologie.

Pendant sa formation, le territoire de la montagne a connu des phases d’élévation et d’abaissements. La dernière élévation qui a résulté les conditions actuelles du relief de la montagne a commencé à la fin du Miocène (Sarmatien) et s’est finie au Pléistocène (Hevesi 2002b; Pelikán 2002b). Au cours de ce processus, le mouvement différentiel a subdivisé la région rocheuse déjà à la fin du Pliocène, en élevant plus la partie centrale (Plateau de Bükk) dont la hauteur a atteint environ 700 m. De nos jours, ce plateau (“la table des géants”) est de 200 à 300 m plus élevé que la région qui le contoure. Sa limite vers le Sud est marquée par une série de rochers de 855 à 950 m d’altitude. Autour du plateau se trouve une ceinture dont les reliefs se caractérisent d’altitudes comprises entre 400 et 700 m. Enfin, tout cela est entouré d’une zone à basse altitude, de 200 à 400 m. Suivant les reliefs, ces trois zones se distinguent dans la région de la montagne (Tableau 5.1, Fig. 5.1).

Il nous est agréable de mettre en relief ici la qualité de la monographie sur la montagne de Bükk, éditée par Csaba Baráz à l’occasion du 25e anniversaire de la fondation du Parc National de Bükk (Baráz 2002). Cet ouvrage collectif livre toutes les connaissances sur le passé et le présent de la région que les différentes disciplines (géologie, paléontologie, géographie, biologie, archéologie, histoire, ethnologie) ont accumulées jusque nos jours. Que l’éditeur et les auteurs trouvent ici l’expression de nos remerciements.

LA MONTAGNE DE BÜKK: GÉOGRAPHIE, HYDROGRAPHIE, CAVITÉS KARSTIQUES

Par conséquent de cette élévation progressive, les ruissellements torrentielles ont commencé de creuser des vallées dans les larges surfaces de pentes à la fin du Pliocène. Ce processus a donné naissance au réseau hydrographique de la montagne. Ce réseau est caractérisé, d’une part, par quatre grands ruisseaux qui traversent une partie considérable du bloc montagneux avant de sortir pour rejoindre, vers le Sud, à la rivière Tisza ou, vers le Nord et l’Est, à la rivière Sajó, confluent de Tisza. Ce sont les ruisseaux Szalajka et Bán au nord-ouest, Garadna et Szinva au nord-est, Tárkány au sud-ouest et Hór au sud. Les vallées de ces ruisseaux constituent en même temps les lignes principales du réseau pour la circulation à travers et à l’intérieur de la montagne. Aucune de ces vallées ne conduit directement sur le Plateau de Bükk (Fig. 5.1).

Se situant au nord-est de la Hongrie, la montagne de Bükk appartient à la partie du nord-ouest des Carpates qui, euxmêmes, font partie de la grande chaîne montagneuse de l’Eurasie s’étendant des Pyrénées à l’Himalaya. Les pics des Carpates ont une altitude comprise entre 1500 et 2500 m environ. Le point culminant de la Hongrie (Kékes) est celui de la montagne de Mátra, ayant 1014 m d’altitude. Bien que le point culminant de la montagne de Bükk (Istállós-kő, 959 m) soit le second en hauteur dans le pays, cette montagne est la plus haute en altitude

Autres éléments primordiaux de l’hydrographie de la montagne sont les sources qui se regroupent dans certaines parties de la région (Sásdi 2002). La majorité des sources submerge au pieds du Plateau, comme celles de Garadna, de Szalajka, de Peskő, d’Imókő, de Tarkő et de Szinva, apportant sur la surface l’eau de précipitation tombée sur le plateau. L’activité de ces sources dépend de l’oscillation du niveau de l’eau karstique. Dans cette même région se trouve aussi la majorité des ponors et des pertes. À cause de ces pertes, nous rencontrons plusieurs

Cette étude a été réalisée avec le support de la Bourse de Recherche “János Bolyai” de l’Académie des Sciences de Hongrie.

36

ZS. MESTER: ADAPTATION À L'ENVIRONNEMENT MONTAGNEUX AU PALÉOLITHIQUE EN HONGRIE

Fig. 5.1. Zones géographiques et écologiques, vallées et sources principales, sources de matières premières et sites archéologiques de la région de la montagne de Bükk. trait pointillé: zone1; trait interrompu: zone 2; trait interrompu pointillé: zone 3; trait plein: vallée; étoile: source; ellipse: sources de matières premières; cercle: occupation fréquente sous grotte; triangle: occupation de courte durée sous grotte; polygone: site de plein air; 1: Subalyuk; 2: Szeleta; 3: grotte d'Istállóskő; 4: Büdöspest; 5: abri de Sólyomkút; 6: grotte de Lökvölgy; 7: grotte de Kecskésgalya; 8: grotte Balla; 9: grotte Peskő

Grâce à cette hydrographie et à sa composition géologique dans laquelle les roches calcaires jouent un rôle très important, la montagne de Bükk constitue une des régions karstiques la plus grandes de la Hongrie. La formation des phénomènes karstiques a accompagné les processus mentionnés de l’élévation de la montagne et de la mise en place du réseau hydrographique (Hevesi 2002b). Sur la surface, les phénomènes caractéristiques sont les dolines (appelées “töbör”) et les crêtes rocheuses

vallées sec au sud-est de la montagne où le ruisseau Hór coule périodiquement sous la surface. Une autre série de sources se présente au pied méridional et oriental de la montagne. Contrairement à celles de près du plateau, ces sources submergent sur la base d’érosion et leur eau vient d’une grande profondeur d’où sa température élevée (30 °C). Ces sources themales alimentent les bains d’Eger et de Miskolc-Tapolca, très fréquentées par le tourisme balnéaire.

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paléontologiques mis au jour des couches des grottes de la montagne de Bükk ont joué un rôle primordial dans la reconstitution de l’histoire faunique de la Hongrie au Pléistocène supérieur (Jánossy 1986).

(appelées “silons du Diable”). Sous la surface se trouvent des différents types de cavités karstiques qui tirent leur origine du travail des sources et de la modification du niveau de l’eau karstique. Au cours du Pléistocène, l’effet de l’érosion et celui de la gélifraction alternent dans l’évolution des cavités.

À partir de ces informations, nous avons essayé d’attribuer les espèces reconnues aux trois zones de la région de la montagne de Bükk (Jerem et al. sous presse). Ne tenant pas compte, dans cette optique, du caractère mosaïqué de l’environnement, les trois zones définies plus haut représentent des zones écologiques également (Fig. 5.2). Dans la zone 1, les forêts ont été composées de pins sylvestres (Pinus sylvestris), d’épicéas (Picea), de mélèzes (Larix), de bouleaux (Betula), de hêtres (Fagus), auquels se sont ajoutées des arolles (Pinus cembra) dans les périodes les plus froides. Les animaux caractéristiques de cette zone ont été le bouquetin (Capra ibex), le chamois (Rupicapra), l’ours des cavernes (Ursus spelaeus), le blaireau (Meles meles). Uniquement au cours du second Pléniglaciaire, même le glouton (Gulo) a vécu dans cette zone.

La recherche géomorphologique distingue plusieurs générations de ces cavernes sousterraines (Hevesi 2002b: 95-97). Les plus anciennes s’ouvrent en général à une altitude relative considérable par rapport au fond de la vallée voisinante. Telles sont les grottes Szeleta, Balla et Peskő, connues comme gisements préhistoriques. Entre elles se rencontrent des ruines de grottes aussi, comme l’Abri de Sólyomkút parmi les gisements archéologiques. Les cavités de la génération récente s’ouvrent plutôt sur le versant des vallées, à une altitude relative plus faible. Telles sont les grottes Subalyuk, Büdöspest et d’Istállóskő parmi les gisements connus. La première zone, celle du Plateau est caractérisée surtout par les réseaux souterraines, tandis que la seconde zone l’est par les cavités de dimension plus ou moins grande, ayant une ouverture plus ou moins large. Bien entendu, la troisième zone ne dispose pas de cavernes. Elle est caractérisée de collines à sommet large et versants semiabruptes.

La zone 2 a offert de conditions plus favorables qui ont résulté la présence de forêts de feuillus, avec les espèces d’arbre comme le chêne (Quercus), le frêne (Fraxinus), l’érable (Acer), et des arbrisseaux comme le noisetier (Corylus), le cornouiller (Cornus), le sumac (Cotinus). La faune de la zone est dominée par les espèces forestières comme le cerf (Cervus elaphus), le chevreuil (Capreolus), le sanglier (Sus scrofa), le renard (Vulpes), la martre (Martes).

ZONES CLIMATIQUES ET ÉCOLOGIQUES Les trois zones de la montagne présentent des différences climatiques. Vers le Plateau, la température moyenne s’abaisse, tandis que la précipitation augmente. Ces tendances générales sont modifiées par les conditions microenvironnementale, ce qui rend la région mosaïquée du point de vue climatique et écologique aussi. Il arrive que des espèces d’adaptation écologique complètement différente vivent à 50-100 m l’une de l’autre sur des pentes à exposition différente (Hevesi 2002a: 22).

Dans la zone 3 et surtout sur les plaines, d’herbivores de grand taille ont patu comme l’aurochs (Bos primigenius), le bison (Bison), le cheval (Equus), l’âne (Asinus hydruntinus). Sur les steppes des périodes froids, des troupeaux de rennes (Rangifer), de mammouths (Elephas primigenius), de rhinoceros laineux (Coelodonta antiquitatis) y ont vécu également. Il est bien évident que les oscillations climatiques ont plus ou moins modifié, d’une part, la composition de la végétation et de la faune des zones et, d’autre part, l’aires de répartition des différentes espèces.

Suivant la morphologie de la surface, le relief, les rochesmères et la végétation plusieurs types de sol se sont développés dans la montagne. Pour la plupart, ce sont les sols bruns forestiers, mais il y a des sols de caractère de tchernoziom, des sols hydromorphes et des rendzines aussi (Dobos 2002). Le développement des sols couvrant la surface de la montagne a été largement influencé par l’oscillation climatique et par les phénomènes périglaciaires et par la cryoturbation.

GÉOLOGIE ET SOURCES DE MATIÈRES PREMIÈRES Les roches dont la montagne de Bükk se compose sont d’origine du Mésozoïque et du Tertiaire (Pelikán 2002a, b). Le massif central s’est formé surtout de calcaires triasiques et jurassiques. Il est contouré de formations volcaniques, pour la plupart de tufs de rhyolite d’âge du Miocène. Ces roches encaissent plusieurs formations siliceuses qui sont plus ou moins aptes à la taille. Malheureusement, nous ne disposons pas encore de prospections systématiques concernant les sources primaires de ces matières siliceuses. Cependant, nous avons beaucoup de données recueillies dans la Lithothèque du

La végétation et la faune, vécues dans la montagne au cours du Pléistocène, sont reconstituées d’après les données anthracologiques et paléontologiques provenant des fouilles archéologiques et spéléologiques. La reconstitution de l’histoire de la végétation de la Hongrie au Pléistocène supérieur se base des données palynologiques des carottages de la Grande Plaine (Járai-Komlódi 1991) et des données anthracologiques des grottes de la montagne de Bükk (Stieber 1968). De même, les matériels

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Fig. 5.2. Quelques espèces caractéristiques de la végétation et de la faune des zones écologiques

Carpates de la Pologne et de l’Ukraine (Kozłowski & Mester 2003-2004: 115-117). Sur le territoire de la montagne de Bükk, les formations du Jurassique offrent des roches siliceuses que la litérature archéologique appelle chailles mais dont certaines sont des radiolarites à la lumière des nouvelles recherches (Pelikán 1986). L’une des matières premières préférées de la région est le quartzporphyre dont les sources sont connues depuis les examens de L. Vértes et L. Tóth (1963) dans les formations du Triasique moyen du nord-est de la montagne. Un porphyrite rouge de faible qualité se rencontre aux environs de la vallée Garadna au nord de la montagne. Le territoire d’approvisionnement de ces matières s’étend dans les zones 1 et 2, tandis que la zone 3 connaît des roches siliceuses d’origine postvolcanique:

Musée National de Hongrie (Biró & Dobosi 1991) et il y a des études approfondies dans ces dernières années (Markó et al. 2003). Pour le moment, nous devons nous contenter des observations et des considérations basées sur les matériels archéologiques. D’après les assemblages lithiques provenant des sites archéologiques, les hommes préhistoriques ont utilisé une large gamme de matières premières. Parmi celles-ci se trouvent des matières qui sont d’origine lointaine: les gîtes de l’obsidienne se situent dans la montagne de Zemplén à une centaine de kilomètres à l’est, les sources primaires de certains types de radiolarite se rencontrent en Slovaquie du nord-ouest à environ 200 km, plusieurs variétés de silex proviennent des régions d’outre les 39

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L’emplacement des sites de plein air de la zone 3 correspond également à ces conditions. Il nous faut avouer que nous ne savons pratiquement rien des gibiers des habitants de ces sites, étant donné la mauvaise conservation ou même l’absence des ossements probablement à cause des conditions chimiques des sédiments.

des hydroquartzites, des opalites, la marne silicifiée, le grès silicifié. L’affleurement de celui-ci est connu près d’Egerbakta au sud-ouest de la montagne. Les lieux d’exploitation d’un hydroquartzite bien reconnaissable ont été décrits sur le mont Avas à Miskolc à l’est de la région (Ringer 2003).

Les grottes se trouvant à l’intérieur des zones 1 et 2 n’ont pas été habitées. Elles ne présentent que des traces d’occupations de courte durée (haltes de chasse ou lieux de repos près des sources) au maximum (par ex. grotte de Háromkút, Abri de Sólyomkút, grotte de Lökvölgy, grotte de Kecskésgalya), même si elles sont de dimensions considérables (grotte Balla, grotte Peskő).

SITES ARCHÉOLOGIQUES Puisque c’étaient les premières fouilles de la grotte Szeleta en 1906 qui ont prouvé que l’homme diluvien avait vécu sur le territoire de la Hongrie, question relevée par la découverte de grands outils en pierre tallée à Miskolc en 1891, la recherche hongroise a toujours prêté une attention particulière à la montagne de Bükk (Kadić 1934; Mester 2007). Des travaux intenses ont été menés dans les cavernes entre 1906 et 1943, dirigés par O. Kadić, J. Hillebrand, M. Mottl et A. Saád, financés par l’Institut Royal de Géologie, le Musée National de Hongrie, le Musée de Borsod-Miskolc, ainsi que la Société Spéléologique de Hongrie. Les résultats en ont été publiés dans des articles parus aux revues géologiques ou spéléologiques (Földtani Közlöny, Barlangkutatás) et dans des monographies des séries de l’Institut Royal de Géologie (nous n’en citons que quelques-uns: Kadić 1916, 1934, 1940, 1944; Kadić & Mottl 1938; Hillebrand 1911, 1912; Bartucz et al. 1940). Après la seconde guerre mondiale, l’intensité des recherches archéologiques des grottes s’est diminuée. Il faut cependant mentionner quelques fouilles importantes aux gisements connus, comme les excavations entreprises par L. Vértes dans la grotte d’Istállóskő. Au cours de cette période, les investigations ont commencé sur les collines entourant la montagne qui y ont découvert nombreux sites de plein air.

Ces résultats sont préliminaires dans le sens où un recensement détaillé des refuges naturels et leur sondage seraient souhaitable pour vérifier la valabilité de nos remarques. Cependant, nous comptons plutôt de ce que nos observations énumérées s’avèreront vraies, tenant compte de la quantité impressionnante des données accumulées par la recherche préhistorique de la région jusqu’à nos jours. Bibliographie BARÁZ, Cs. (ed.) 2002. A Bükki Nemzeti Park. Hegyek, erdők, emberek. Eger, Bükki Nemzeti Park Igazgatóság. BARTUCZ, L., J. DANCZA, F. HOLLENDONNER, O. KADIĆ, M. MOTTL, V. PATAKI, E. PÁLOSI, J. SZABÓ, A. VENDL 1940. Die Mussolini-Höhle (Subalyuk) bei Cserépfalu. Geologica Hungarica, Series Palaeontologica 14: 1-320. Budapest, Editio Instituti Regii Hungarici Geologici.

Parmi les grottes fouillées des zones 1 et 2, 46 ont fourni de matériels archéologiques qui représentent de différentes industries du Paléolithique, la culture de Bükk du Néolithique ou la culture de Kyjatice du Bronze récent (Regős 2002; Ringer 2002). Les sites de plein air de la zone 3 comptent plusieurs douzaines (Vértes 1965; Gyenis et al. 2001).

BIRÓ, K.T., V.T. DOBOSI 1991. Lithotheca. Comparative raw material collection of the Hungarian National Museum. Budapest, Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum. DOBOS, E. 2002. Talajtakaró. In: Cs. Baráz (ed.), “A Bükki Nemzeti Park. Hegyek, erdők, emberek”, p. 149153. Eger, Bükki Nemzeti Park Igazgatóság. GYENIS, Gy., A. HEVESI, L. KORDOS, Zs. MESTER, Á. RINGER, V.T. DOBOSI 2001. Emberelődök nyomában. Az őskőkor emlékei Északkelet-Magyarországon. Miskolc, Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén Megyei Levéltár.

CONCLUSION: UNE ADAPTATION COMPLEXE Si nous essayons de synthétiser toutes ces données, nous voyons l’apparence d’une adaptation intéressante des hommes du Paléolithique au milieu montagneux.

HEVESI, A. 2002a. A Bükk hegység földrajzi helyzete, kialakulása, éghajlata. In: Cs. Baráz (ed.), “A Bükki Nemzeti Park. Hegyek, erdők, emberek”, p. 15-22. Eger, Bükki Nemzeti Park Igazgatóság.

Nous rencontrons des occupations fréquentes ou quasipermanentes pendant une longue période dans le cas des grottes de dimensions considérables qui se situent près de la limite des zones, en position stratégique dans les vallées principales de la circulation (Subalyuk, Szeleta, Istállóskő), même si elles s’ouvrent vers le Nord (Büdöspest). La position stratégique de Subalyuk et de Szeleta est encore plus accentuée par la proximité de plusieurs sources de matières premières.

HEVESI, A. 2002b. Fejlődéstörténet II. Felszínfejlődés. In: Cs. Baráz (ed.), “A Bükki Nemzeti Park. Hegyek, erdők, emberek”, p. 83-108. Eger, Bükki Nemzeti Park Igazgatóság. HILLEBRAND, E. 1911. Die diluvialen Knochenreste eines Kindes aus der Ballahöhle bei Répáshuta in Ungarn. Földtani Közlöny 41: 518-531.

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moyen récent et Paléolithique supérieur ancien en Europe”. Actes du Colloque international de Nemours (9-11 Mai 1988), Mémoires du Musée de Préhistoire d’Ile-de-France 3: 111-113. Nemours, A.P.R.A.I.F.

HILLEBRAND, E. 1912. Resultate der im Jahre 1911 in der Ballahöhle vorgenommenen Grabungen. Földtani Közlöny 42: 876-885. JÁNOSSY, D. 1986. Pleistocene vertebrate faunas of Hungary. Developments in Palaeontology and Stratigraphy 8: 1-208. Amsterdam–Oxford–New York– Tokyo, Elsevier Ed.

MESTER, Zs. 1994. A bükki moustérien revíziója. Thèse de doctorat CSc., Budapest, 132 p. (manuscrit). MESTER, Zs. 1995. Le matériel lithique de la grotte Büdöspest: faciès d’atelier ou industrie intermédiaire? In: “Les industries à pointes foliacées d’Europe centrale”, Actes du Colloque de Miskolc (10–15 septembre 1991), Paléo, Supplément 1: 31–35. Les Eyzies, Société des Amis du Musée National de Préhistoire et de la Recherche Archéologique.

JÁRAI-KOMLÓDI, M. 1991. Late Pleistocene vegetation history in Hungary since the Last Interglacial. In: M. Pécsi, F. Schweitzer (eds.), “Quaternary environment in Hungary”, p. 35-46. Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó. JEREM, E., Zs. MESTER, Á. RINGER, Zs. VASÁROS 2002. Szeleta Museum and Archaeological Park. Praehistoria 3: 327-333.

MESTER, Zs. 2001a. A Moustéri-kultúra emlékei. In: Gy. Gyenis, A. Hevesi, L. Kordos, Zs. Mester, Á. Ringer, V.T. Dobosi, “Emberelődök nyomában. Az őskőkor emlékei Északkelet-Magyarországon”, p. 83-91. Miskolc, Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén Megyei Levéltár.

JEREM, E., Zs. MESTER, Zs. VASÁROS (sous presse). Projects for the presentation of the natural and cultural heritage in Hungary. In: F. Niccolucci (ed.), “Beyond the Artifact – Digital Interpretation of the Past”, Proceedings of the Computer Applications in Archaeology Conference (Prato, Italy 2004).

MESTER, Zs. 2001b. Alain Turq: Le Paléolithique inférieur et moyen entre Dordogne et Lot. Préface de Jacques Tixier. Paléo, supplément n° 2, Avril 2000, 456 p., ill. (compte rendu) Praehistoria 2: 195-197.

KADIĆ, O. 1916. Ergebnisse der Erforschung der Szeletahöhle. Mitteilungen aus dem Jahrbuche der königlichen Ungarischen Geologischen Reichsanstalt 23: 161-301.

MESTER, Zs. 2002. Suba-lyuk. A neandervölgyi ember lakhelye. In: Cs. Baráz (ed.), “A Bükki Nemzeti Park. Hegyek, erdők, emberek”, p. 329-339. Eger, Bükki Nemzeti Park Igazgatóság.

KADIĆ, O. 1934. Der Mensch zur Eiszeit in Ungarn. Mitteilungen aus dem Jahrbuch der königlichen Ungarischen Geologischen Anstalt 30: 3-147.

MESTER, Zs. 2007. Influences de la recherche préhistorique en France sur celle de la Hongrie. In: J. Évin (dir.), “XXVIe Congrès Préhistorique de France, Congrès du Centenaire de la Société préhistorique française, Avignon, 21-25 septembre 2004: Un siècle de construction du discours scientifique en Préhistoire. Vol. I: «Des idées d’hier ...» (*)”, p. 259-266. Paris, Société préhistorique française.

KADIĆ, O. 1940. Die Höhlen der Umgebung von Cserépfalu. Barlangkutatás 16: 229-274. KADIĆ, O. 1944. Die Höhlen des nordwestlichen Bükkgebirges. Barlangkutatás 17: 85-111. KADIĆ, O., M. MOTTL 1938. Die Höhlen der Umgebung von Felsőtárkány. Barlangkutatás 16: 70-89. KOZŁOWSKI, J.K., Zs. MESTER 2003-2004. Un nouveau site du Paléolithique supérieur dans la région d’Eger (nord-est de la Hongrie). Praehistoria 4-5: 109-140.

PELIKÁN, P. 1986. The Mesozoic siliceous rocks of the Bükk Mountains. In: K.T. Biró (ed.), “Papers for the 1st International Conference on Prehistoric Flint Mining and Lithic Raw Material Identification in the Carpathian Basin” (Budapest–Sümeg 1986), vol. 1: 177-180. Budapest, Magyar Nemzeti Múzeum.

MARKÓ, A., K.T. BIRÓ, Zs. KASZTOVSZKY 2003. Szeletian felsitic porphyry: non-destructive analysis of a classical Palaeolithic raw material. Acta Archaeologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 54: 297314.

PELIKÁN, P. 2002a. Földtani felépítés, rétegtani áttekintés. In: Cs. Baráz (ed.), “A Bükki Nemzeti Park. Hegyek, erdők, emberek”, p. 23-49. Eger, Bükki Nemzeti Park Igazgatóság.

MAURY, S. 2001. Le Pôle International de Préhistoire pour un développement de la culture scientifique. Praehistoria 2: 161-164.

PELIKÁN, P. 2002b. Fejlődéstörténet I. Szerkezetfejlődés. In: Cs. Baráz (ed.), “A Bükki Nemzeti Park. Hegyek, erdők, emberek”, p. 51-70, Eger, Bükki Nemzeti Park Igazgatóság.

MESTER, Zs. 1985. A Subalyuk-barlang kőipara. Thèse de diplôme, Université Eötvös Loránd, Budapest, 77 p. (manuscrit).

REGŐS, J. 2002. Régészeti szempontból jelentős barlangok. In: Cs. Baráz (ed.), “A Bükki Nemzeti Park. Hegyek, erdők, emberek”, p. 315-327. Eger, Bükki Nemzeti Park Igazgatóság.

MESTER, Zs. 1989. A Subalyuk-barlang középső paleolitikus iparainak újraértékelése. (La réévaluation des industries du Paléolithique moyen de la grotte Subalyuk.) Folia Archaeologica 40: 11-35.

RINGER, Á. 2002. A Bükk hegység kőkora. In: Cs. Baráz (ed.), “A Bükki Nemzeti Park. Hegyek, erdők, emberek”, p. 295-314. Eger, Bükki Nemzeti Park Igazgatóság.

MESTER, Zs. 1990. La transition vers le Paléolithique supérieur des industries moustériennes de la montagne de Bükk (Hongrie). In: C. Farizy (ed.), “Paléolithique

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RINGER, Á. 2003. Őskőkori kovabányászat és kovakőfeldolgozás a miskolci Avason. (Des mines et des ateliers de silex préhistoriques sur le mont Avas à Miskolc.) Herman Ottó Múzeum Évkönyve 42: 5-15.

STIEBER, J. 1968. Étude paléofloristique. In: V. GáboriCsánk (ed.), “La station du Paléolithique moyen d’Érd – Hongrie”, p. 39-55. Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó. TURQ, A. 2000. Le Paléolithique inférieur et moyen entre Dordogne et Lot. Paléo – Supplément 2: 456. Les Eyzies, Société des Amis du Musée National de Préhistoire et de la Recherche Archéologique.

SÁSDI, L. 2002. Vízrajzi, vízföldtani viszonyok. In: Cs. Baráz (ed.), “A Bükki Nemzeti Park. Hegyek, erdők, emberek”, p. 155-165. Eger, Bükki Nemzeti Park Igazgatóság.

VÉRTES, L. 1965. Az őskőkor és az átmeneti kőkor emlékei Magyarországon. A Magyar Régészet Kézikönyve 1: 1-385. Budapest, Akadémiai Kiadó.

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DES CACHES ET ENTREPOTS AU PALEOLITHIQUE: UNE NECESSITE DANS L’EXPLOITATION CYNEGETIQUE SAISONNIERE DES MILIEUX MONTAGNARDS Thierry TILLET UMR 6636 LAMPEA, CNRS, Université de Grenoble, Institut Dolomieu, 15 rue Maurice Gignoux, 38031 Grenoble Cedex. Email: [email protected] Abstract: According to archaeological literature, the storage pits are mainly found in the cold plains of center-eastern Europe. Following the ethnographic examples given by current subarctic foraging groups, the presence of these evidences should be related to sites used as consumption areas. On the contrary, the presence of food stocks in seasonal mountain sites located far from basecamps should be interpreted as an adaptive strategy characterizing exploitation dynamics in a such constraint environment. Thus, these evidences may be expected to be found in different localities and related to short-time exploitation activities carried on in a high mountain environment. The scanty presence of these evidences in the archaeological record may be related to this adaptive framework. Keywords: Storage pits, Subarctic, Seasonal exploitation Résumé: Si les fosses-réserves, décrites dans la littérature archéologique, ne sont attestées que dans les plaines froides de l’Europe centro-orientale, c’est certainement parce qu’elles se situent dans des secteurs de consommation; il s’agirait alors vraiment de réserves comme celles que nous pouvons voir aujourd’hui chez les communautés de chasseurs-pêcheurs des milieux subarctiques. Par contre, les structures de stockage qui devaient être liées à des secteurs d’exploitation saisonnière d’un milieu éloigné des campements de base, comme en montagne, devaient entrer dans les stratégies mises en place pour l’exploitation d’un tel milieu de contraintes, être disséminées dans la nature et fonctionner le plus souvent au cours d’un laps de temps très court, celui du séjour en altitude. La dispersion de ce type de structure, pourrait expliquer leur absence parmi les témoins archéologiques. Mots clés: Fosses-réserves, Subarctique, Exploitation saisonniére

il y a), que pendant une période relativement courte, celle de l’occupation d’un seul camp de chasse et/ou de collecte, sachant que le retour ne se fera que l’année suivante, lors du prochain cycle et, ainsi, le stockage de la nourriture à plus long terme ne semble pouvoir exister chez des nomades, au sens que nous l’entendons ici. Ceci implique l’absence – ou la faiblesse – d’excédents saisonniers de nourriture et le transport de l’ensemble des ressources vivrières. Or, les récits dont nous disposons, concernant les chasseurs-collecteurs des régions subarctiques, indiquent le plus souvent l’utilisation de caches pour l’entreposage d’excédent, devant servir de “ressources de soudure”, pendant les périodes annuelles de pénurie. Il s’agit alors d’un stockage de ressources pour une “rentabilité différée” (Ingold 1987: 199), caches placées stratégiquement dans des zones d’accès suffisamment aisés pour permettre leur visite au cours de l’année. Cela dit, il convient de signaler aussi que l’établissement de caches ne doit pas être associé au seul dépôt de nourriture. En effet, comme c’est le cas aujourd’hui chez les transhumants circulant dans des régions contraignantes, l’entreposage d’effets personnels (piquets de tentes, nattes, habits, matériel de cuisines, etc) fut certainement aussi l’objectif d’établissement de caches. Il ne faut pas oublier aussi l’entreposage de certains éléments lithiques comme, par exemple, des haches au Néolithique et au cours des temps protohistoriques des caches de bronziers. Le premier élément de réflexion est certainement celui de savoir pourquoi des caches: simple entreposage à l’abri des regards et de la cupidité de certains, stockage de produits vivriers à l’abri des prédateurs, ou conservation de ces mêmes produits vivriers.

INTRODUCTION La “mobilité logistique” qui, pour moi, est celle de la transhumance (pastorale ou non pastorale), “implique une occupation continuelle du camp de base pendant que des groupes de travail exploitent les ressources à l’intérieur d’un territoire local et qu’ils retournent au camp avec les prises” (Smith 1993), ou qu’ils entreposent tout ou partie de celles-ci dans des caches sur les territoires même de chasse (Tillet 2005). D’autre part, ces chasseurs-collecteurs “transhumants”, correspondent particulièrement à des “chasseurs spécialisés” dans la traque d’un nombre souvent restreint d’espèces. Ainsi, le stockage est l’indice d’une spécialisation dans l’exploitation du milieu (GuilleEscuret 1989). De même, pour Alain Testart (1982) comme pour Olga Soffer (1989), le stockage est le fait de “chasseurs-cueilleurs complexes”. Bien que les communautés, exploitant les montagnes froides à ressources limitées, soient généralement considérées comme des “chasseurs-collecteurs généralisés”, on peut dire que leurs “caches annuelles” en altitude, situées sur les lieux d’abattage et de collecte spécialisés, donc proches d’un camp secondaire, sont en particulier liées à une mobilité élevée et adaptative de type logistique, avec camp de base et camps satellites. Pour Lewis Binford (1980), contrairement aux “fourrageurs”, la caractéristique des “collecteurs” est justement le stockage d’une nourriture obtenue de façon non opportuniste – par conséquent issue d’une collecte spécialisée –, ce sont ce que cet auteur nomme des “spécialistes séquentiels”. Dans le cas de nomadisme, le circuit annuel, entraînant une forte “mobilité résidentielle”, oblige le groupe à n’utiliser des caches (si caches

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Desbrosse & Kozlowski 1994; Straus 1995; Delluc et al. 1995; Morel et al. 1998), sans jamais vraiment pouvoir être affirmatifs sur le sujet.

LES MODELES ETHNOGRAPHIQUES Un informateur athapaskan-tagish de Catherine MacClellan précise que l’un de ses neveux “se rendait régulièrement aux emplacements des caches situés sur les parcours de chasse d’août-septembre, pour rapporter de la nourriture vers le camp de base” (MacClellan 2001: chapitre 3). Tout ceci est associé, comme le précise Brian Hayden (1981; 1992) “à un règlement semi-sédentaire”, ce qui est le cas pour des communautés à mobilité logistique, et non pour celles qui nomadisent. Les séjours hors du camp principal du groupe de chasseurs étaient d’une durée variable, et le passage direct d’un camp temporaire spécialisé – satellite du camp principal – à un autre, n’était qu’exceptionnel, chaque séjour saisonnier étant suivi d’un retour au camp principal avant l’organisation du déplacement suivant, pour un autre camp spécialisé vers l’exploitation d’autres ressources saisonnières. Le stockage de la nourriture demande évidemment des connaissances précises dans les techniques de conservation alimentaire (par le froid, par séchage, par boucanage, par fumage… ne parlons pas de salage, ce dernier procédé étant extrêmement limité et, évidemment, inconnu dans les milieux de relief).

Il est évident que le procédé adopté pour la conservation de la nourriture est en relation avec le climat ambiant. Bien qu’il paraisse évident que pendant les phases les plus froides des temps paléolithiques, le froid ait été le meilleur conservateur des aliments, il n’en demeure pas moins que les traces n’en sont pas évidentes, sachant que, de toutes façons, la technique la plus courante fut probablement – comme pour les cas ethnographiques – celle de dépôts sur des plates-formes à l’air libre, et donc non fossilisables. La dessiccation comme procédé de conservation de la nourriture est certainement la plus adéquate pour un entreposage dans des caches creusées dans le sol. Cette dessiccation se fait à l’air libre, au soleil, ou sous l’action de la chaleur, et, comme pour le fumage, elle concerne en particulier le poisson et les mammifères marins. Cependant, nous l’avons vu au moins pour les Athapaskan, la dessiccation de la viande et des baies est chose tout à fait courante chez les communautés de chasseurs-collecteurs des régions arctiques et subactiques, et elle est, là, destinée au stockage dans des caches.

C’est une stratégie extrêmement importante en milieu de contrainte, et comme le précise Georges Guille-Escuret (1989): “le stockage apparaît comme un moyen de spécialisation de l’exploitation de la nature”. Cependant, dans toute modélisation, il ne faut pas négliger l’importance du travail nécessaire pour le stockage, de même que la durée de conservation potentielle de la nourriture stockée.

Les évidences de fosses dans les sites du Paléolithique supérieur ne sont pas rares, en particulier dans celui de l’Europe centrale (Dolni Vestonice en Moravie, Barca 2 en Slovaquie orientale, Soungir en Russie), mais leur interprétation demeure très délicate (Desbrosse & Kozlowski 1994). Lawrence Guy Straus s’interroge sur la fonction de structures dans le Magdalénien final de l’abri Duruthy (Pyrénnées, France): “On pourrait même supposer que les saumons furent séchés ou fumés pour être stockés. Les pavages à galets auraient pu servir à cet effet” (Straus 1995: 265). Cet auteur se pose aussi la question concernant l’abondance des ossements de rennes dans l’abri Dufaure, proche de l’abri Duruthy: “Les massacres – surtout ceux d’automne – auraient fourni de la viande en quantité suffisante pour être séchée, fumée ou congelée en vue d’être stockée” (Straus 1995). Philippe Morel et ses collaborateurs se posent la même question au sujet du cheval, du renne, de la marmotte et du lièvre, dans le Magdalénien d’Hauterive-Champréveyres (Suisse): “L’apparente contradiction entre la quantité de viande préparée sur le site et la durée d’occupation, supposée brève, pourrait s’expliquer par la constitution de réserves de viande, emportées sur un site plus important et stockées après préparation” (Morel et al. 1998: 430).

Il y a une typologie des caches, typologie liée à leur situation territoriale. Ainsi, en milieu subarctique, une cache proche de l’habitat ou du camp principal sera préférentiellement en élévation, parfois constituée de plates-formes dans les arbres ou de petits abris fixés sur quatre poteaux. Néanmoins, il arrive que certaines d’entre elles soient creusées dans les flancs secs des collines, ou sous le plancher des habitations. Les caches à nourriture situées dans les arbres demandent cependant que les branches basses des arbres en question soient coupées afin que les ours et les gloutons ne puissent atteindre les caches (informateur Tagish de la région de Carcross in McClellan 2001: chapter 3). Concernant les modèles recherchés, qui correspondent aux caches placées stratégiquement le long des itinéraires saisonniers, les caches sont presque toujours sous des amas de pierres ou de rondins de bois.

Pour les périodes plus anciennes, les choses sont encore moins évidentes et les indices peu nombreux. PierreFrançois Puech (1994), qui a étudié la mandibule néandertalienne de Banyoles (Pyrénées orientales, France), mentionne une usure particulière des dents, qu’il compare à des stigmates similaires sur les dents des préhistoriques australiens vivant de pêche au bord du lac Mungo, il y a environ 30.000 ans, ainsi que des indiens subactuels,

LA TRANSPOSITION DU MODELE AUX CHASSEURS-COLLECTEURS PREHISTORIQUES Les chasseurs-collecteurs paléolithiques ont-ils pratiqué ce mode de conservation alimentaire? Beaucoup ont cru pouvoir répondre plus ou moins à cette question (e.g.

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exploitations des milieux de montagne, sachant que celles-ci furent toujours limitées dans le temps aux périodes estivales et que le stockage des ressources cynégétiques acquises pendant le séjour nécessitait leur protection momentanée. Si les fosses-réserves, décrites dans la littérature archéologique, ne sont attestées que dans les plaines froides de l’Europe centro-orientale, c’est certainement parce qu’elles sont directement associées à des structures d’habitats (type Kostienki), dans des secteurs de consommation (c’est néanmoins peut-être aussi le cas dans le Moustérien de la Quina); il s’agirait alors vraiment de réserves comme celles que nous pouvons voir aujourd’hui chez les communautés de chasseurs-pêcheurs des milieux subarctiques. Par contre, les structures de stockage qui devaient être liées à l’exploitation saisonnière d’un milieu éloigné des campements de base, comme en montagne (secteurs d’exploitation), devaient être disséminées dans la nature et fonctionner le plus souvent au cours d’un laps de temps très court, celui du séjour en altitude. La dispersion de ce type de structure, pourrait expliquer leur absence parmi les témoins archéologiques – du moins dans l’état actuel des recherches.

pêcheurs de saumons du Nord-Ouest des Etats-Unis. Outre la confirmation d’une pratique de la pêche chez les Néandertaliens d’il y a environ 45.000 ans, l’intérêt d’un tel rapprochement résiderait dans la supposition d’une transformation du poisson (séchage ou autres) pour sa conservation, ce qui est possible, mais très difficile à prouver. D’autre part, même si une pratique de transformation pour conservation du poisson peut, à la rigueur, être envisagée ici, pour un exemple pris chez les Néandertaliens récents, il ne s’agit néanmoins pas d’une évidente utilisation de caches pour le stockage. La même chose pour de grandes zones de combustion, découvertes à Saint-Vaast la Hougue dans le Nord de la France, et qui ont été supposées liées à la dessiccation et au fumage de la viande (Michel 1973-1974). Il faut dire que dans ce dernier gisement du Paléolithique moyen, des aires de vidange suggèrent de leur côté l’utilisation prolongée des foyers. Le stockage de la nourriture ne dépend pas simplement du creusement des fosses d’entreposage mais aussi des capacités de traitement de cette nourriture (séchage etc et protection des prédateurs). L’entreposage à long terme exige une expérience et un investissement en temps assez important. Aucun indice ne permet d’avancer l’idée que les populations paléolithiques aient eu recours à ces procédés de stockage (Hayden 1992). Cependant, d’après Nicolas Rolland (information orale), la conservation de nourriture au froid dans le permafrost est pratiquée depuis au moins 18.000 ans dans l’est de l’Alaska. La position de Marianne P. Stopp sur ce sujet est particulièrement ferme: “Nous considérons que l’acquisition et la transformation de la nourriture sont des aspects connexes et nécessaires du processus d’adaptation et de survie, de même que des composantes équilibrées de l’entreprise humaine dans le Nord-Est (de l’Amérique du Nord). Durant la préhistoire, la transformation et l’entreposage de la nourriture faisaient sans doute partie de la stratégie d’adaptation au même titre que d’autres activités archéologiquement invisibles mais vraisemblables comme la chasse sur la glace ou la transformation des peaux en vêtements et en tentes. Le traitement et l’entreposage auraient complété d’autres stratégies visant à réduire les risques comme la diversification des ressources, le partage et la mobilité qui assuraient la continuité culturelle à long terme” (Stopp 2000: 60-61).

Remerciements Je remercie mes collègues et amis Stefano Grimaldi, Brian Hayden et Dominique Legros pour leur aide précieuse.

References BINFORD, L.R. 1980. Willow smoke and dog’s tails: hunter-gatherer settlement system and archaeological site formation. American Antiquity 45(1): 4-20. DELLUC, G., B. DELLUC & M. ROQUES 1995. La nutrition préhistorique. Périgueux, Editions Pilote. DESBROSSE, R. & J. KOZLOWSKI 1994. Les habitats préhistoriques: des Australopithèques aux premiers agriculteurs. Cracovie-Paris, Editions du Comité des Travaux historiques et scientifiques, Université Javellon de Cracovie. GUILLE-ESCURET, G. 1989. Les sociétés et leurs natures. Paris, Armand Colin. HAYDEN, B. 1981. Subsistence and ecological adaptations of modern hunter/gatherers. In: G. Teleki & R. Harding (eds), “Omnivorous Primates: gathering and hunting in human evolution”, p. 344-422. Colombia University Press.

DISCUSSIONS Les témoins préhistoriques semblent démontrer que l’usage des caches structuralement fossilisables ne se rencontre que dans les régions pléniglaciaires des plaines d’Europe centrale et surtout orientale, dans les sites du Paléolithique supérieur. Dans ce cas, si on admet que ces caches ont pu servir au stockage de produits animaux (viande, graisse), il semble alors qu’une fosse, creusée dans le permafrost, soit le moyen le mieux adapté pour une bonne conservation, dans un environnement steppique. Il me semble probable que ce fut aussi le cas pour les

HAYDEN, B. 1992. Ecology and Culture. In: Brian Hayden (ed.), “A complex culture of the British Columbia plateau: traditional Stl’atl’imx resource use”, p. 3-46. University of British Columbia Press, Vancouver. INGOLD, T. 1987. The appropriation of nature: essays on human ecology and social relations. University of Iowa Press, Iowa City.

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SMITH, Ph.E. 1993. Européens transhumants non pastoraux de la période récente sur la côte atlantique du Canada. Recherches Amérindiennes au Québec XXIII(4): 5-21. Montréal.

MCCLELLAN, C. (1975) 2001. My old people say: an ethnographic survey of Southern Yukon Territory. National Museum of Man (Canada), 2 vol. MICHEL, D. 1973-1974. Contribution à l’étude du Paléolithique inférieur et moyen de Saint-Vaast-laHougue (Manche). Mémoire de la Société Sciences naturelles et mathématique de Cherbourg 56.

SOFFER, O. 1989. Storage, sedentism and Eurasian Palaeolithic record. Antiquity 63: 719-732. STOPP, M. P. 2000. Après la capture des phoques et des caribous: une reformulation des modèles d’adaptation dans le Subarctique oriental. Recherches Amérindiennes au Québec XXX(2): 51-62.

MOREL, Ph., D. LEESCH & M.-I. CATTIN 1998. Le problème des réserves de nourriture carnée: quelques observations à propos du site magdalénien d’Hauterive-Champréveyres (canton de Neuchâtel, Suisse). XVIIIe Rencontres Internationales d’Archéologie et d’Histoire d’Antibes, “Economie préhistorique: les comportements de subsistance au Paléolithique”, p. 425-431. Sophia Antipolis, Editions APDCA.

STRAUS, L.G. (ed.) 1995. Les derniers chasseurs de rennes du monde pyrénéen. L’abri Dufaure: un gisement tardiglaciaire en Gascogne. Mémoire de la Société Préhistorique Française XXII. TESTART, A. 1982. Les chasseurs-cueilleurs ou l’origine des inégalités. Paris, Société d’ethnographie.

PUECH, P.-F. 1994. Usure des dents et sédentarisation: l’homme de Néandertal pêchait il y a 45.000 ans. Pour la Science 195: 24.

TILLET, Th. 2005. La montagne des chasseurs-collecteurs: saisonnalité, dangerosité, nutrition, vénération, mobilité. Revue de Paléobiologie 10: 37-47.

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LOCATING MICRO-REFUGIA IN PERIGLACIAL ENVIRONMENTS DURING THE LGM Nathan WALKER School of Anthropology, Archaeology and Sociology, Cairns Campus, James Cook University, Australia, 4870. Abstract: The overall aim of the project is to create a more detailed picture of the human occupation of these periglacial zones and the adaptations these harsh sub-antarctic and sub-arctic conditions necessitated. I plan to test the similarities between occupations in periglacial zones around the world. It would seem from the work done in these regions previously, that it is highly likely that the harsh climatic and environmental conditions experienced in these periglacial environments would have prompted a number of similar reactions among the human populations of these regions. This will be concentrated mainly on changes in site location and site use. In this way I will be able to demonstrate the changes in site location during the LGM as an adaptation to the colder climates. From the generalised location data previously published there are links between sites in these areas and their location in the landscape. The theoretical model I have produced is based on generalised or macro level environmental data and acts to provide general guidelines for site location, then refined using micro climatic and topographic data. The projects aim is to provide a set of guidelines to the most likely location of sites within LGM periglacial regions. Keywords: LGM, Periglacial, Palaeolithic, Microrefugia, Tasmania Résumé: Le but général du projet est de créer une image plus détaillée des occupations humaines dans les zones périglaciaires et les adaptations que ces sévères conditions subantarctiques et subarctiques ont rendu nécessaires. Je souhaite examiner les similitudes entre les occupations des zones périglaciaires autour du monde. D’après le travail précédemment effectué dans ces régions, il est fortement probable que les difficiles conditions climatiques et environnementales subies dans ces environnements périglaciaires aient suscitées des réactions similaires parmi les populations humaines de ces régions. Ceci sera particulièrement illustré par les changements dans les choix d’implantation des sites comme dans leur fonctionnalité. De cette façon, je pourrai démontrer que les changements dans les choix d’implantation des sites pendant le LGM sont une adaptation aux climats plus froids. En se basant sur l’ensemble des données publiées quant à la localisation des gisements, il apparaît qu’existent des liens entre les sites dans ces secteurs et leur localisation dans le paysage. Le modèle théorique que j’ai produit est basé sur des données environnementales de portée générale et vise à fournir des repères généraux sur la localisation des sites, puis à les affiner en utilisant des données climatiques et topographiques plus précises. Le but du projet est de fournir un ensemble de repères permettant d’identifier les endroits les plus susceptibles de contenir des implantations humaines dans ces régions périglaciaires, au long du dernier maximum glaciaire. Mots clés: LGM, périglaciaire, Paléolithique, micro-refuges, Tasmanie

occupation of human groups and the economic species upon which they relied within periglacial areas during the LGM. This paper deals with the conditions necessary for the existence of these refugia and the impact that the existence of these ‘oasis’ may have had for human groups occupying these areas during the LGM. I will concentrate primarily on providing details of the criteria used in the location of the areas with the highest probability of acting as micro-refugia during the LGM.

INTRODUCTION The term “refugia” was coined by biologists to describe the types of regions where flora and fauna, mostly of a temperate or thermophilous nature, were able to survive the various cold stages and then recolonize the landscape once conditions had ameliorated (Willis & Whittaker 2000). The precise locations of these refugia (referred to as “cryptic” refugia in the palaeobotany literature, Stewart & Lister 2001; Fedorov & Stenseth 2002; Pruett & Winker 2005) are in most cases, especially in periglacial areas such as northern Europe, still not known and their impact on species diversity is still debated. There appears to be a significant incentive in these areas for human populations to maintain a presence, even a purely seasonal one, to access these resources during the LGM (Last Glacial Maximum). The continued use of these regions through-out the LGM would also make the relatively rapid recolonization of the newly deglaciated areas post-LGM more feasible. This continued use of periglacial environments throughout the LGM would have resulted in a population at least partially pre-adapted culturally to the environments presented by the retreating glaciers. In the context of my research I refer to the existence of, what are currently, theoretical ‘microrefugia’ as areas which may have allowed the continued

Micro refugia are areas that allowed for the possibility that groups could have survived within the periglacial zones thanks to the shelter from the wind that they provided. The alignment of these valleys was such that they provide a sheltered area that was, therefore, warmer relative to the surrounding areas, which would have potentially resulted in higher levels of biotic diversity. The presence of refugia for flora is well known around the world (Pruett & Winker 2005; Stewart & Lister 2001; Stewart 2002; Fedorov & Stenseth 2002; Cosgrove et al. 1990). These were generally sheltered areas which allowed the continued existence of certain types of plant life in areas which otherwise were too harsh for their survival. These sheltered locations and their potentially higher levels of biotic diversity, would have made them prime locations for human groups to occupy in the cold

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believe that it is possible that these refugia may have acted in the same manner upon small human populations, as has been seen in Tasmania and areas of northern Eurasia. The presence of this varied biota of plants as well as small to medium animal species would have provided a viable economic resource for small bands of humans during the LGM in the same way that similar areas supported groups in Tasmania. It is possible that a reliance on small to medium size mammals and a small range of plant resources such as those mentioned above may have provided sufficient resources for small bands to occupy these regions throughout the LGM. This specialised economy based on a small number of ecologically tethered species could also then have been boosted by seasonal hunts of larger migratory game such as Reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) and Horse (Equus sp.) in the nearby less sheltered valleys or more open areas during the warmer months and the opportunistic kills of larger game such as Mammoths (Mammuthus primigenius) or Musk ox (Ovibos muschatos) when such game presented itself. Scavenging from the frozen carcasses of natural fatalities of such larger game, as suggested by Gamble (1986) and Walker (1998) is also a possibility.

arid conditions present during the LGM. The evidence presented by studies of the biota of the Northern European Plain provides evidence that a number of herd animals were still utilising the area of the North European Plain during the height of the LGM (Street & Terberger 1999; Larsson 2000) as well as the presence of smaller species which may also have provided a more reliable food source (Leroi-Gourhan 1980; Garcia-Marin et al. 1999; Stewart & Lister 2001; Kullman 1998, 2002; Hanfling et al. 2002). These would have provided a valuable resource for a gatherer-hunter group living in periglacial areas such as the North European Plain or SW Tasmania. There is evidence of riverine valleys being used during the terminal glacial as corridors from the area of Central and the West European Plain. The groups in these areas are seen to have been, “exceptionally mobile, covering distances of several hundred kilometres on their seasonal moves. These migrations, mainly going from the west to the east and back, were facilitated or to some extent even forced by large, marginal valleys such as the Torun-Eberswalde, Warsaw-Berline or Barycz-Glogow. These valleys, rich in vegetation, attracted animals and, in consequence, people. They fulfilled the role of corridors, connecting the vistual basin with the territory of the North Sea” (Kobusiewicz 2002:120).

EVIDENCE FROM THE PERIPHERY In Tasmania the situation was somewhat different as the main source of animal protein was an ecologically tethered species Macropus rufrogrisus (Bennett’s Wallaby) which occupies a well-defined environmental niche. This does not, in my opinion, preclude the linking of these two areas for the purpose of this research.

Roebroeks (2000: 306) has written of the “preference for the upland areas on the borders of the plains (southern Belgium, the middle Rhine area, etc.) suggest that environmental and resource arguments played a significant role in the formation of the observed site distribution, both in chronological and geographical terms…..The striking consistency in site location indicates that activities were directed towards preferred pockets of resources: the dissected Meuse valley landscape and the topographical advantages that this landscape offered for hunting activities, combined with the presence of rich, high quality raw materials both to the east and west of the main distribution.”

EVIDENCE FOR THE EXISTENCE OF REFUGIA There has recently been an acceptance of the existence of refugia in regions outside the traditional refuges in Europe. The work of Hantke and Seitter (Hantke 1984; Hantke & Seitter 1985) suggested a number of possible regions for the existence of refugia in ice free areas in the Santis mountains, the Randen mountain (Jura) and the Swabian Alb (southern Germany) (Burga 1988: 583). They list ninety alpine and sub-alpine plant species which they believe may have survived in these ice free refugia (Burga 1988). More recently an article by Stewart & Lister (2001) refers to “cryptic refugia” existing in areas of Northern Europe during the LGM.

This points to the activity of elements of my theory at work, the use of the topography and favouring certain areas of topography in relation to settlement, in particular he points to the abandonment of the open plain areas in favour of the valley systems and the improved capacity they “offered for hunting activities” (Roebroeks 2000: 306). Roebroeks also provides a simple statement which partially explains the possible reasons for the lack of periglacial evidence in northern Europe: “the missing base camps may simply have been situated in specific topographic settings that were either vulnerable to erosion or to coverage by thick layers of slope deposits and/or loess” (Roebroeks 2000: 307). The loss of the archaeological record of a large section of the former LGM landscape (especially in Europe) to the invasion of the post LGM sea level rise also plays a large part in the lack of evidence for periglacial occupation in Europe. There is some limited evidence for the occupation of the now flooded North sea Plain in the recovery of a stone artefact

In the past finds of temperate mammal species in caves and other locations from the LGM have been dismissed as evidence of disturbance and admixing of interglacial layers or a lack of understanding of mammalian ecology, rather than evidence of the presence of northern woodland refugia (Stewart & Lister 2001). Stewart & Lister (2001:609) state that these sites are often located within “sheltered areas of deeply incised valleys in limestone massifs. These valleys could have provided microclimates that encouraged the survival of thermophilous biotas in regions where they would have otherwise perished”. I

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abundance of art during the different segments of the Upper Palaeolithic. Gamble (1982), on the other hand, uses the spatial distribution of abundant portable art to argue for chronological shifts in corporate awareness among late Pleistocene populations.

from a core taken from the north sea (Long et al. 1986) although the precise dating of this artefact is uncertain the well known presence of faunal remains from the floor of the English channel and the north sea provide evidence for the presence of a significant faunal resource which could have supported human occupation. Bosinski (1988) suggests that the settlements located within the loess steppe were occupied by different groups, in different seasons, at the same time. I believe that this may not be the only interpretation of this evidence. Bosinski argues that the seasonal evidence provided by the house structures at Gönnersdorf were occupied repeatedly and year round “by different groups who met only in the spring and fall” (Bosinski 1988: 379). He then argues on the basis of raw material sources that those occupations are the result of two different groups rather than of the seasonal occupation of the site by a single mobile group as is suggested by my model. I feel that this is at least as likely; the groups could have been following horse or reindeer herds at different times of the year and returning to a semi permanent base camp at Gönnersdorf. There is ethnographic evidence for a similar form of site use and migration pattern from Inuit groups (Balikci 1970; Binford 1978, 1980, 1983, 1987, 1991).

This therefore utilises both in situ developments and migration as the cause of this pattern. The site of Mal’ta is a good case study for this trend as there are carvings of prey species such as woolly mammoth, geese, swans and wolverines, as well as other non-utilitarian objects such as flat bone beads and tooth pendants which have also been excavated from a number of other sites (Goebel 1999: 216). This site is known for its striking “art” the most striking form of which are the so called “Venus” figurines a number of which are known from this site (Goebel 1999: 216). The Siberian form differs from the classic “Venus” figurines of Western Europe stylistically, being more elongated with engraved physical features and representations of facial features and hair or some form of head dress (Goebel 1999: 217). The “Venus” figurines could be taken both as a sign of continuous contact within a large area of Europe/Eurasia through-out the LGM, as well as being interpretable as regional styles of a similar theme based on periods of isolation.

EVIDENCE FROM OTHER SOURCES

UPPER PALAEOLITHIC SITE LOCATIONS

There are some elements of the archaeological record in Europe which seem to point to the existence of refugia during the LGM in less tangible ways. The existence of portable art in Europe in the periods preceding, during and immediately prior to the onset of the Holocene provide possible evidence for the existence of refugia in Europe due to the flowering of this form of art during cold stages (Leroi-Gourhan 1968; Gamble 1982, 1986; Mussi et al. 2000). Soffer (1985) refers to this flowering of portable art at various stages and the possibility that it reflects an intensification of some aspects of social behaviour. This could also in my opinion possibly be a sign of the intensification and isolation of populations within refugia during the LGM. Therefore these increases in the production and the flowering of style and techniques in art in these periods could also be linked to the ebb and flow of the environmental conditions of the LGM and the movement of groups into the proposed refugia where population was therefore compressed and increased contact between groups resulting in greater transmission and development of artistic techniques. It could also be related to the effects of the climate itself forcing groups to become sedentary for longer periods which could have produced the same result through increases in periods where, for example, weather wouldn’t permit other activities such as hunting. The patterns in the production of portable art have been interpreted in a range of ways by various researchers, Soffer (1985: 487). Jochim (1983) and Grigor’ev (1968, 1970) argue that demographic shifts and population movements are partially responsible for the uneven

A large proportion of Upper Palaeolithic sites in France, especially in the region of the Perigord, conform to a set of common locational attributes. These attributes, although not exclusive, are a good starting point for site location studies. A major environmental factor Perigord is the large rivers for example the Vizere. This topographic dominance is also translated into site location in this area as the majority of sites in the Perigord are located within 1 kilometre of one of these major rivers (White 1983: 116). This is a useful guideline to use in Europe, in areas such as Germany which also has several large rivers within riverine valley systems. There is also the further attribute of the sites often being located within half a kilometre of shallows or other areas which were likely to have been used as fords in these major rivers (White 1983: 116). This would of course have been a prime location for the interception of animals crossing the rivers. This technique of driving animals into rivers and picking them off while they are swimming was used historically by Inuit hunters (Balikci 1970: 43-45).

MICRO-REFUGIA AND THE LGM A THEORETICAL SYSTEM The proposed occupation of these refugia would seem to have taken the form of a semi-sedentary occupation of the river valleys with only limited movement by groups during the colder winter months with the reliance of

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secondary activity to the hunting of reindeer and horses (Bosinski 1988: 382).

groups on stored food supplies. During the shorter spring/summer period of the year groups may have expanded out into more open terrain to take advantage of the richer environment offered during the summer months and also to follow herds of horses, reindeer and other larger herbivores as they migrated through the river valleys to spring calving and summer feeding grounds. This would have necessitated the use of storage systems similar to those used by the Inuit or the use of deeper caves as natural deep freezes (Balikci 1970; Binford 1978, 1980, 1983, 1987, 1991; Henrickson 2003; Plew 2003). These camps would most likely be more ephemeral than the winter camps as they would have, by necessity, been much more highly mobile with base camps which may then have also acted as wintering areas where main processing of food and storage was undertaken. These camps may have taken the form of those found at Gönnersdorf which, as mentioned above appear to show distinct seasonal occupation with differing tool complexes and raw material sources (Bosinski 1988).

TOPOGRAPHY OF MICRO REFUGIA There are a number of elements that appear to be necessary for the existence of micro refugia. The alignment of the feature in relation to wind direction is one of the most critical. The valley needs to be aligned in such a way as to shelter a large area of the valley from the wind and the wind-chill that it generates, as mentioned above. In the case of the sites in Tasmania this requires the alignment to be in a general north-south orientation due to the prevailing west or south-westerly winds. This also has benefits for fieldwork as, according to current thinking, based on fossil dune evidence from a number of areas around the world, the general pattern of wind direction is essentially similar to that experienced today (Frenzel 1973; Mulvaney & Kamminga 1999; Derbyshire 2001; Barrows, pers comm. 2003). This similarity therefore opens the possibility of either utilising local knowledge or, more rapidly and over larger expanses of territory, meteorological data to identify sheltered locations in the study areas.

The main problem faced by these groups would have been ensuring reproductive viability while occupying these isolated valleys. This could have been overcome through a variety of mechanisms, from Inuit style winter “visiting” between groups to Australian Aboriginal type gatherings where special religious activities were undertaken and arranging of marriage between groups could occur. There is also the possibility that contact would have occurred during the summer months while the groups were more active and therefore could have come into contact during migrations, either intentionally or accidentally (although the latter is much less likely to have been relied upon due to the obvious risk factors involved).

ANATOMY OF MICRO REFUGIA There are a number of elements which are required for the presence of micro-refugia, the nature of these elements will be discussed in detail below with examples of some of these sites which demonstrate these elements. As mentioned above topography and alignment form a vital elements of the locations of micro-refugia, these two factors need to be combined so as to provide a sheltered environment within areas of the valleys (this seems generally to have been the case with very few sites located outside of river valleys being substantial settlement sites). These can take the form of narrow ravine type areas within larger valley chains, such as the site of Abri du Poisson in Gorge D’enfer in the Vezere valley in France or as suggested by Stewart & Lister (2001) limestone massifs. The presence of caves or rockshelters appears to play a strong part in the choice of locations for settlement, although this may be an artefact of the better survival and higher level of visibility of such sites. The south western Tasmanian sites are a prime example of this, only one open site from the LGM (Tasi 1830) has been located with evidence of longer term reuse. This particular site is located on a high bank overlooking the river (Jones 1995: 431) and may have been located for more practical hunting purposes. The alignment of the cave sites in Tasmania also seems to have been important in the site selection process as the majority of the occupied caves in the region are aligned in such a way as to shelter their interior from any wind movement (Gilligan, pers comm. 2004). In contrast to Tasmania many of the sites located in Russia and other areas of the former Soviet Republics are open sites,

HUMAN COMFORT AND SITE LOCATION Site location in Europe during the Palaeolithic and final Palaeolithic were “chosen for comfort” according to Bosinski (1988: 377). He refers to site location in these periods “as a general rule they were above the larger rivers on a slightly inclined step near a small watercourse, with a more or less extended plain on the opposite river bank. These areas receive ample sunshine, and to the north are sheltered by higher ground. This is called a seat position. Examples of such a choice of settlement place are Mainz-Linsenberg, Metternich, Andernach, and Gönnersdorf” (Bosinki 1988: 3). This location type is also basically true of the LGM site of Weisbaden-Igstadt in Central Germany, and can also be observed in South Western Tasmania. Bosinski (1988: 381) talks about the network of, as he refers to them, “Territorial and Auxiliary Camps” around larger camps. These are small, often single occupation sites which were for a specific purpose, for example raw material collection sites such as Sprendlingen (Bosinski et al. 1985) where collection of Tertiary snail shells was a

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Fig. 7.1 – La Gorge d’Enfer in France which has a number of characteristics which make it an almost perfect candidate as a small scale micro-refugia. This sheltered location oriented at 90o to the Vezère valley and its desirability as a habitation site is demonstrated by its almost continuous occupation into the modern era. (Photo credit N. Walker 2002)

Fig. 7.2 – Valleys such as the Vezère are known to have acted as refugia during the LGM and similar locations in other regions such as Germany and SW Tasmania (in Australia) have similar occupation strategies at work during the LGM which allows for the development of a periglacial occupation model. (Photo credit G. Wimblett 2002)

migratory game. This location is also seen in the German site of Weisbaden-Igstadt. The slope of the hillside in these European and the Tasmanian open sites is also relatively similar with the majority being located on a gentle slope (slope angle varies between 1.6o and 30o with an average slope of approximately 5o).

usually on high banks overlooking rivers, there may also be an element of necessity driving this choice of location. These sites are often in areas which have few if any caves, secondly and more importantly these locations would have give the occupants a good view of the river valley which may have been vital for the successful hunting of

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sites themselves, such as chemical tracing of the sources of stone used in stone tools and this would lead to a narrowing of the search criteria for subsequent sites to the geological area of origin of the stone tools for example and potentially the extent of the range or trade networks of the occupants of these sites.

MAPPING PROPOSED HABITATION SITES This project involves the collection of a range of types of data to produce the proposed site location criteria. The types of data used are topographic features, proposed wind direction, water supply (primarily permanent rivers and lakes), animal habitats and ranges and some analogues site data based on my sample sites from Tasmania and northern Eurasia. This range of data can then overlaid on to topographic base maps to provide a picture of the locations within a given region which have a high probability of containing potential refugia.

There is overwhelming evidence for the occupation of these periglacial areas from a number of regions around the globe, from Tasmania and the southern Highlands in Australia to areas of Russia in northern Eurasia. The occupation of Northern Europe during the LGM has until recently been considered unlikely at best, impossible at worst. This view has had to be re-examined thanks to the finds by Street & Terberger (1999) in Germany. The Rhineland site of Weisbaden-Igstadt is the first accepted site within the area of the North European Plain which has been satisfactorily dated to the Last Glacial Maximum. It was from this basis that I began the study of patterns of occupation in periglacial areas during the LGM, attempting to understand the site selection processes at work in these regions where occupation was well known to produce a model which could be applied in former periglacial areas around the world. The aim of the model was not the location of 100% of sites within the region, but more realistically to narrow the search area within which concentrations of sites would have been most likely to occur.

With the help of members of the school of Tropical Environment Studies And Geography (TESAG) at James Cook University, I am constructing computer based GIS models which will provide the maps for this project. The computer aided modelling utilised in this project is critically important as they provide an easy to use tool for the location of potential habitation sites within periglacial areas during the LGM. The models will provide a number of locations with a grading of their habitat suitability based on the range of factors listed above. These models therefore will provide a number of ranked locations within an environment which could have acted as micro-refugia allowing those undertaking future research to better identify potential survey areas in former periglacial or cold affected areas. It is also possible that this model could also be used in the search for sites from any period in similar periglacial conditions, such as Iceland. I am currently testing this with the limited data available for early colonisation of Iceland. As is obvious this model cannot be infallible, there may have been other reasons for the abandonment of a region other than the environmental conditions. There is always the prospect of cultural factors such as taboo playing a part in the abandonment of an area which can be demonstrated in certain areas of Australia, the proscription of activity in certain areas to ensure continued hunting success for example (Rose 1996: 49). These are more likely to affect small areas rather than an entire environment, such as the North European Plain.

References BALIKCI, A. 1970. The Nesilik Eskimo. Garden City, The Natural History Press. BINFORD, L.R. 1978. Nunamiut Ethnoarchaeology. New York, Academic Press. BINFORD, L.R. 1980. Willow Smoke and Dogs’ Tails: Hunter-Gatherer Settlements Systems and Archaeological Formation. American Antiquity 45: 1-17. BINFORD, L.R. 1983. In Pursuit of the Past: Decoding the Archaeological Record. London, Thames and Hudson. BINFORD, L.R. 1987. Search for Camps and Missing the Evidence?: Another Look at the Lower Palaeolithic. In: O. Soffer (ed.), “The Pleistocene Old World: Regional Perspectives”, p.17–33. New York, Plenum Press.

CONCLUSION This model of site location concentrates heavily on river valley occupation sites; this is not to say that occupation only occurred in these areas during the Palaeolithic. The likelihood is that the wider environment was occupied at least opportunistically during this period. The concentration on river valleys has two main bases, firstly it is an extremely useful and simple way to narrow the search area from the whole region down to a selection of valleys and secondly it is based on the evidence recovered from sites in a number of areas of the world, from Tasmania to Eurasia and Europe. The location of a site within a region will then potentially allow the tracing of trade or movement patterns via the material recovered from the

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KULLMAN, L. 2002. Boreal tree Taxa in the central Scandes during the Late-Glacial: implications for Late-Quaternary forest history. Journal of Biogeography 29(9): 1117-1124.

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LARSSON, L. 2000. Plenty of mammoths but no humans? Scandinavia during the Middle Weichselian. In: R. Roebroeks, M. Mussi, J. Svoboda, K. Fennema (eds.), “Hunters of the Golden Age: the Mid-Upper Palaeolithic of Eurasia 30000-20000bp”, p.155-163. Leiden, University Press.

GAMBLE, C. 1986. The Palaeolithic settlement of Europe. London, Cambridge University Press. GARCIA-MARIN, J.L., F.M. UTTER, C. PIA 1999. Postglacial colonisation of brown trout in Europe based on distribution of allozyme variants. Heredity 82(1): 46-56.

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LEROI-GOURHAN, A. 1980. Interstades würmiens: Laugerie et Lascaux. Bulletin de l’Association Francaise pour l’Etude du Quaternaire 3: 95–100.

GRIGOR’EV, G.P. 1968. Nachalo vernego Paleolita I proishozhdeniye Homo sapiens. Leningrad. Nauka.

LISTER, A.M. 1984. Evolutionary and ecological origins of British deer. Proceedings of the royal Society of Edinburgh 82: 205-229.

GRIGOR’EV, G.P. 1970. Verhnii Paeolit. In: A.A. Formozov (ed.), “Kamennii vek na territorii SSSR”, Materyali I Issledovaniya po Arheologii SSSR 166: 43-63.

LONG, D., C.R. WICKHAM-JONES, N.A. RUCKLEY 1986. A flint artefact from the northern North Sea. In: D.A. Roe (ed.), “Studies in the Upper Palaeolithic of Britain and Northwest Europe”, BAR International Series 296: 55-62.

HANFLING, B., B. HELLEMANS, F.A.M. VOLCKAERT 2002. Late Glacial history of the cold-adapted freshwater fish Cottus gobio, revealed by Microsatellites. Molecular Ecology 11(9): 1717-1729.

MULVANEY, J., J. KAMMINGA 1999. Prehistory of Australia. Sydney, Allen and Unwin .

HANTKE, R. 1984. Vermochten an nie vereisten Lagen des Randen (Kanton Schaffhausen und badische Grenzgebiete) jüngattertiäre Florenrelikte die Eiszeiten Zu überdauern?. Ecologae geologicae Helvetiae 77(3): 707-719.

MUSSI, M., J. CINQ-MARS, P. BOLDUC 2000. Echoes from the mammoth steppe: the case of Balzi Rossi. In: W. Roebroeks, Mussi M., J. Svoboda, K. Fennema (eds.), “Hunters of the Golden Age: the Mid Upper Palaeolithic of Eurasia (30000–20000 bp)”, p. 105– 124. Leiden, Leiden University Press.

HANTKE, R., H. SEITTER 1985. Vermochten an nie vereisten Lage nim Alpstein jüngsttertiäre Floren-

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PLEW, M.G. 2003. Archaeological evidence of storage on the Snake River Plain. North American Archaeologist 24(4): 271–280.

STEWART, J.R., A.M. LISTER 2001. Cryptic northern refugia and the origins of the modern biota. Trends in Ecology & Evolution 16(11): 608-613.

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STREET, M., T. TERBERGER 1999. The Last Pleniglacial and the human settlement of Central Europe: new information from the Rhineland. Antiquity 73: 259-273. SOFFER, O. 1985. The Upper Palaeolithic of the Central Russian Plain. Academic Press, Orlando.

ROEBROEKS, S.W. 2000. A marginal matter: the human occupation of northwestern Europe (30000 to 20000 years bp). In: R. Roebroeks, M. Mussi, J. Svoboda, K. Fennema (eds.), “Hunters of the Golden Age: The Mid Upper Palaeolithic of Eurasia 30000-20000bp”, p. 299-312. Leiden, University Press.

WALKER, N. 1998. The Last Glacial Maximum of Northern Europe: occupation or abandonment?. Unpublished BA Honours Thesis, James Cook University, Townsville. WILLIS, K.J., R.J. WHITTAKER 2000. Paleoecology: the refugial debate. Science 287(5457): 1406-1407.

ROSE, D.B. 1996. Nourishing terrains: australian aboriginal views of landscape and wilderness. Canberra, Australian Heritage Commission.

WHITE, R. 1983. Changing land-use patterns across the Middle/Upper Palaeolithic Transition: The complex case of the Perigord. In: E. Trinkaus (ed.), “The Mousterian Legacy: Human Biocultural Change in the Upper Pleistocene”. BAR International Series: 113140. Oxford.

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PROCESSUS EVOLUTIFS ESSENTIELS DANS LE PALEOENVIRONNEMENT ET LES INDUSTRIES DE LA FIN DU TARDIGLACIAIRE DANS LES ALPES DU NORD FRANÇAISES ET LE JURA MERIDIONAL Gilbert PION UMR 6565 du CNRS, Laboratoire de Chrono-écologie, Université de Franche Comté, Besançon, France. Adresse personnelle: 895 route de la Bathie, 73230 Saint-Alban-Leysse, France. Email: [email protected]

Abstract: Some remarks on evolutionary dynamics in lithic and bone technology are suggested after the analysis of both anthropic and natural deposits dated to the final Late Ice Age in northern French Alps and southern Jura. A chronological relationship is observed in archaeological artefacts as well as palaeoenvironment features: both of them show changes from final Bølling to the Allerød. Particularly, the disappearing of Raindeer – rapidly decreasing in the hunted species spectrum – allowed new hunting strategies to be developed, as evolutionary trends in lithic industries seem to show, such as in microliths. On this basis, Author will show the reasons which from the end of the Magdalenian leaded to the beginning of the Epipaleolithic; two main hypothesis will be discussed to explain this cultural transition: a local trend or a more or less progressive acculturation phenomena due to the presence of external, coeval, and more technologically advanced human groups. The data shown in this research come from both a PCR Project directed by the Author and his Ph.D.Thesis. Keywords: Northern French Alps, Southern Jura, regional Late Glacial biozones, palaeoenvironment, palaeofaunal reconstruction, extinction of Rangifer tarandus, absolute dates, lithic industries, technological evolution, Late Final Magdalenian, Epipaleolithique, local evolutionary dynamics or acculturation Résumé: L’analyse des données récentes issues des recherches sur les sites naturels non anthropisés et les sites majeurs à occupations humaines de la fin du Tardiglaciaire dans notre région des Alpes du Nord françaises et du Jura méridional permet d’émettre quelques hypothèses pour expliquer les évolutions technologiques constatées au sein des assemblages lithiques et osseux utilisés par l’homme. C’est en effet dans la période biozonique d’environ un millénaire qui englobe la deuxième partie du Bølling, le Dryas moyen et le début de l’Allerød, que ces évolutions apparaissaient de façon significative et qu’elles étaient synchrones de celles de l’environnement végétal et animal. La recomposition du monde animal – en particulier la disparition du renne dans notre région – constatée dans les spectres de la faune chassée est probablement à l’origine des nouvelles stratégies de chasse perçues à travers les évolutions technologiques, plus particulièrement dans les armatures. La réflexion portera donc sur les raisons qui nous apparaissent essentielles pour expliquer la fin du Magdalénien et l’émergence de l’Épipaléolithique dans cette période de transition. On retiendra et développera les deux hypothèses probables pour expliquer cette évolution culturelle, soit par un processus interne au groupe ou par acculturation progressive ou forcée issue des contacts exogènes avec d’autres groupes plus ou moins contemporains mais plus innovateurs. Cette communication s’appuiera sur certains résultats obtenus dans le cadre d’un PCR dirigé par l’auteur et sur l’essentiel de la thèse du même auteur. Mots clés: Alpes du Nord françaises, Jura méridional, biozones du Tardiglaciaire régional, paléoenvironnement végétal et animal, recomposition de la faune, disparition du renne, chronologie absolue, industries, évolutions technologiques, fin du Magdalénien supérieur, Épipaléolithique, processus évolutif interne ou acculturation

LA DYNAMIQUE VEGETALE DU TARDIGLACIAIRE REGIONAL

INTRODUCTION C’est dans le cadre d’un Programme collectif de recherche (Pion et al. à paraître) et à partir des données disponibles des recherches sur les principaux sites du Paléolithique supérieur du Tardiglaciaire régional que des premiers résultats souvent inédits pour plusieurs d’entre eux sont présentés dans cet article. L’espace géographique concerné (Fig. 8.1) comprend des sites du Paléolithique supérieur et de l’Epipaléolithique principalement répartis dans les deux Savoie et le Jura méridional.

En proposant un nouvel état des connaissances sur l’évolution de la végétation tardiglaciaire, et les implications climatiques qui en découlent dans le Jura méridional et les Alpes du Nord françaises; cette synthèse retrace les différentes étapes de la dynamique des écosystèmes végétaux à la suite du retrait glaciaire würmien et elle se base uniquement sur les analyses palynologiques menées en milieu naturel, c’est-à-dire dans les lacs et tourbières de l’aire géographique concernée.

Pour mieux comprendre et émettre des hypothèses au sujet des processus évolutifs essentiels, on s’appuiera en priorité sur les données récentes concernant le paléoenvironnement végétal et animal.

Pour éviter les confusions, la terminologie “biozone” sera choisie préférentiellement à celle de “chronozone”, car 55

MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENTS IN PREHISTORIC EUROPE: SETTLEMENT AND MOBILITY STRATEGIES...

Fig. 8.1. Carte géographique situant les principaux sites du Paléolithique supérieur identifiés dans les départements des deux Savoie et du Jura méridional au cours du Tardiglaciaire (Pion 2004)

souvent très aérés. Ceci a été démontré (Pion, 2004). dans un secteur de l’abri de la Fru (Saint-Christophe-laGrotte, Savoie).

elle est désormais régulièrement utilisée dans les disciplines paléoenvironnementales. Sur la base des recherches conduites dans les sites anthropisés de plusieurs gisements des deux Savoie et du Jura méridional, la connaissance du paléoenvironnement végétal déduite des analyses polliniques reste limitée pour certains gisements et ne permet pas toujours de discriminer les différentes biozones du Tardiglaciaire, ceci provient:

– de la conséquence de l’anthropisation due à la succession des occupations humaines, effets qui faussent les proportions respectives des taxons dans les diagrammes polliniques. – et pour les fouilles anciennes, l’utilisation dans la méthode de prélèvement des sédiments, d’un pas d’échantillonnage très large ne permettant pas toujours d’effectuer des analyses palynologiques à haute résolution.

– de la complexité stratigraphique des remplissages en grotte et en abris sous roche, situation qui engendre des effets de percolation des pollens à travers les sédiments 56

G. PION: PROCESSUS ÉVOLUTIFS ESSENTIELS DANS LE PALÉOENVIRONNEMENT ET LES INDUSTRIES DE LA FIN DU TARDIGLACIAIRE…

La Thuile 12650 +/- 90

La Thuile 12190 +/- 65

La Thuile 10 990 +/- 55

Années BP 14000 14500

12000

13000 13500

Le Chevelu 11955 +/- 90

11000 11500

12500

Dryas ancien

Bølling

Allerød

10000 10500

Dryas récent

9000 9500

Préboréal

Dryas moyen Holocène

Tardiglaciaire Calage 14C des biozones régionales (Pion et al., PCR, DFS, 2002)

Ces problèmes, très spécifiques aux sites anthropisés, conduisent parfois lorsque l’on croise les données, à observer des incohérences, entre les biozones déduites des analyses polliniques, les attributions culturelles proposées par la typologie et la chronologie absolue.

sur macro-restes marque le début de cette biozone: 12650 +/-90 BP Dryas moyen: cette biozone peu souvent identifiée dans les séquences anthopisées est bien mis en évidence dans les deux sondages car elle se caractérise par le recul de Pinus en faveur de Betula, Juniperus et Artemisia. Deux datations 14C obtenue sur macro-restes situent l’existence de cette biozone: 12190 +/- 65 BP pour le début et 11955 +/-90 BP pour sa fin.

Ce sont les recherches du PCR, effectuées dans des sites non anthropisés comme ceux des lacs de La Thuile et du Chevelu (Savoie) qui ont permis d’affiner la séquence du paléoenvironnement végétal du Tardiglaciaire régional et de donner des informations en totale adéquation avec celles des importantes recherches de Fernand David (David, 1993a et b, 2001). C’est ainsi que le Dryas moyen dans notre région – parfois identifié ou suggéré dans les diagrammes polliniques de quelques sites archéologiques – est ici confirmé, à la fois par la palynologie des sondages dans les deux lacs, par deux datations qui marquent son début ou son milieu et par les analyses 18 O/16O qui mettent en évidence un refroidissement climatique pour notre région (Marrocchi, 2001).

Allerød : on assiste à l’installation de la forêt de pins et la mise en évidence de deux petites recrudescences de Betula à La Thuile dont une semble marquer la détérioration climatique de Gerzensee Oscillation (Intra Allerød Cold Phase) et de trois inflexions au Chevelu dans la courbe de Pinus par la présence de Betula et Juniperus. Dryas récent: cette biozone qui marque la fin du Tardiglaciaire correspond à une péjoration climatique froide bien observée dans les deux lacs par le retour de Juniperus et Artemisia et la chute de Pinus. Une datation 14 C obtenue sur macro-restes situe le début de cette phase biozonique à 10990 +/-55 BP.

Globalement on peut dire que la colonisation des pelouses du Dryas ancien s’est effectué par des groupements arbustifs pionniers au Bølling puis par des forêts de pins à l’Allerød. Il est ainsi possible de proposer une vue plus complète des cinq biozones du Tardiglaciaire régional (Bégeot & Argant in PCR, Pion, (dir.), DFS 2002); (Argant, 2002; Bégeot, 2000, 2001, 2002; Thiébault, 2002).

Ainsi, les principales évolutions de l’environnement végétal issues des travaux du PCR sont non seulement synchrones de celles des recherches de Fernand David en milieu de montagne mais elles sont aussi perçues par les données des analyses isotopiques de l’oxygène 18 (Marrocchi, 2001) et par celles de la susceptibilité magnétique du Laboratoire de Chrono-écologie de Besançon (Vannière & Bossuet in Pion, PCR, DFS, 2002).

Dryas ancien : la végétation steppique clairsemée est dominée par des herbacées héliophiles comme Artémisia et Helianthemum et sur les sols plus secs par Betula nana et Juniperus. Bølling: on constate une augmentation sensible de Hippophae, Betula et Juniperus, modification due au réchauffement climatique avec la mise en évidence d’une micro-fluctuation climatique froide (Intra Bølling Cold Phase). À la fin de la biozone, Juniperus et Salix régressent et Pinus augmente. Une datation 14C obtenue

L’ENVIRONNEMENT ANIMAL, LA DISPARITION DU RENNE ET LA PHASE DE RECOMPOSITION DE LA FAUNE A LA FIN DU BØLLING L’ultime présence du renne dans les spectres fauniques des niveaux magdaléniens de cinq gisements régionaux

57

MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENTS IN PREHISTORIC EUROPE: SETTLEMENT AND MOBILITY STRATEGIES... Datations 14C sur échantillon de renne

Fig. 8.2. Tableau des datations effectuées sur du renne dans les sites magdaléniens. Données du PCR (Pion et al., à paraître)

Fig. 8.3. Graphe présentant les datations radiocarbone effectuées en grande majorité par AMS (Pion et al., à paraître)

Bange (Allèves, Haute Savoie) ou ne subsiste qu’un seul reste de renne (Caillat, 1997; Chaix, 2001) mais associé à des outils confectionnés sur le bois de cet animal dont un harpon à une rangée de barbelures.

différents est constatée par la chronologie absolue à la fin de la biozone du Bølling, empiétant même sur le Dryas moyen (Fig. 8.2 et 8.3) soit dans un intervalle chronologique 12400 – 12000 BP ou 12800 – 11700 calibré BC (2004) c’est-à-dire presque totalement en dehors de la zone temporelle du plateau radiocarbone du Bølling (Pion & Oberlin 2002). Dans ces gisements, le renne est bien identifié quoique très faiblement représenté dans les spectres (moins de 10 %) et en particulier à

Ce qui est observé dans notre région n’est pas synchrone avec d’autres gisements magdaléniens comme par exemple en Suisse, à Champréveyres et Monruz (Leesch, 2000) ou encore dans le Bassin parisien, au Closeau (Rueil58

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seulement imputables aux variations importantes constatées dans la taille des échantillons mais aussi au niveau de la morphologie ou de la typométrie de certains outils domestiques et des armatures. Ces observations ou particularités d’ordre typologique, ajoutées à la diversité dans les proportions entre certains groupes d’outils conduisent à des styles différents interprétables comme résultant d’activités spécialisées, propres à un site ou spécifiques à la fonction de l’habitat, selon qu’il s’agit d’occupations de longue durée ou de type halte de chasse (Pion 2004).

Malmaison) où le renne n’est plus identifié dans cet intervalle chronologique (Bodu, 1995a, b et c; Bemilli, 2000). Les analyses isotopiques δ13 C et δ15 N sur le collagène d’os de renne (Bocherens & Drucker, in Pion (dir.), PCR, DFS 2002) montrent que l’environnement de la fin du Bølling est toujours suffisamment ouvert pour que cet animal trouve encore son biotope alimentaire, en particulier les lichens. En coexistence avec le renne (Chaix, 2002) sont également identifiés d’autres cervidés comme le cerf et l’élan, ces deux espèces reconnues avec le renne à l’abri des Douattes (Musièges, Haute Savoie, fouille G. Pion). Dans le cas précis de ce site, les mêmes analyses isotopiques δ13 C et δ15 N montrent également que ces espèces cohabitent avec le renne dans un même environnement composé de plantes poussant en milieu ouvert et non de plantes de milieu forestier dense. Ainsi, on peut énoncer que l’environnement de la fin du Bølling et du Dryas moyen est encore suffisamment ouvert pour que la coexistence renne, élan, cerf, cheval et même du sanglier soit possible. On est donc bien comme le soulignent Anne Bridault et Louis Chaix (in Pion, PCR, DFS, 2002; Bridault 2002; Bridault et al. 2000) dans une phase de recomposition du monde animal et où, un peu plus tard, c’est-à-dire dés le début de l’ Allerød, le cerf deviendra l’espèce la plus représentée dans les spectres de chasse comme par exemple à l’Azilien ancien de la Fru (Saint-Christophe-la-Grotte Savoie), très bien daté (6 dates) du tout début de cette phase biozonique où il constitue plus de 80% de la faune identifiée (Caillat, 1997; Pion, 1990; Pion & Caillat, 1984).

Par exemple, ce sont les résultats des analyses typologiques qui conduisent, à notre avis, à proposer d’attribuer la couche F2b de l’abri Gay (Poncin, Ain) (Desbrosse 1974, 1976, 1977) au Magdalénien supérieur final plutôt qu’à l’Azilien (Pion, 2004). On pourrait aussi faire la même proposition pour les sites du Taï et du Campalou (Saint-Nazaire-en-Royans, Drôme) dont les occupations des niveaux supérieurs (C’1 et C’’1) qui contiennent encore du renne, ont été attribuées, par les auteurs des fouilles, à une culture dite “aziloïde” (Brochier & Brochier, 1995). L’examen des industries osseuses, en particulier pour les sagaies et harpons de quelques sites met aussi en relief des différences – pas seulement quantitatives malgré la faiblesse des effectifs – mais surtout perçues au niveau de la typologie. Les sagaies à simple ou double biseau et les harpons à une ou deux rangées de barbelures sont reconnus dans des occupations datées, avec une bonne fiabilité, depuis le Dryas ancien jusqu’à la fin du Bølling, voire au Dryas moyen. La diversité typologique de ces deux types d’armatures incite à la prudence quant à la tentation de se baser uniquement sur cette typologie pour en établir une chronologie.

Ainsi, l’exploitation du cerf dés la fin du Bølling traduit alors une réorientation des économies de chasse donc des stratégies qui engendrent des modifications fondamentales dans les armements avec la généralisation des pointes à dos (armature déjà utilisée par les magdaléniens du Bølling) qui remplacent les armatures élaborées sur bois de renne et qui marquent probablement le début du processus d’azilianisation.

Pour conclure, nous pensons que les industries lithiques et osseuses des sites régionaux du Magdalénien supérieur ne sont pas monotones, mais présentent dans de nombreux cas, des différences ou particularités typologiques et morphologiques qui sont probablement spécifiques des activités des habitats.

LES EVOLUTIONS MAJEURES DANS LES INDUSTRIES

La question des pointes à dos courbe dans le Magdalénien supérieur

Les industries lithiques et osseuses du Magdalénien supérieur: monotonie ou diversité

Les pointes à bord abattu, en particulier celles qui sont à dos courbe, sont déjà identifiées dans des niveaux magdaléniens datés dans une période qui englobe la fin du Dryas ancien et le début du Bølling sur la foi d’un ensemble de dates compris entre 13000 – 12700 BP. Ces armatures existent d’une façon significative dans la couche F2d de l’abri Gay et la couche 2c de la Chénelaz. À l’abri des Douattes (Musièges, Haute Savoie) elles sont reconnues dans la couche 7 des fouilles de Ad. Jayet mais aussi dans les récentes fouilles de G. Pion c’est-à-dire dans la c5 supérieure du secteur Est (US. 5-1 à 5-5), et dans les unités stratigraphiques 1005 et 1007 du secteur Ouest (Pion 2002, 2004). Toujours dans cette période,

Les industries lithiques et osseuses identifiées dans tous les sites de l’étude ont pour composantes majeures les indicateurs classiques de la culture magdalénienne, à la fois par le débitage qui produit des supports laminaires et lamellaires transformés en outils et par la présence des trois outils de fonds commun que sont les burins dièdres, les lamelles à bord abattu et les perçoirs. Cependant, les analyses typologiques comparatives entre les spectres d’outillage mettent en évidence des différences sensibles dans les ensembles d’outils, différences qui ne sont pas

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MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENTS IN PREHISTORIC EUROPE: SETTLEMENT AND MOBILITY STRATEGIES...

progressive par simple jeu de contacts entre faciès culturels différents ou sensiblement similaires mais en situation technologique plus affirmée comme à la Fru, couche 3 avec ses 484 pointes à dos (Pion 1997, 2000a, b; Monin 1997; Thévenin 2002, 2003).

leur présence est beaucoup plus discrète, seulement à quelques exemplaires dans les niveaux magdaléniens des couches 9B et 9A de Jean-Pierre 1 (Saint-Thibaud-deCouz, Savoie) et aux Romains (Virignin, Ain). Par contre, à la Fru, elles sont totalement absentes non seulement dans le niveau 4B bien daté dans le Dryas ancien (trois dates resserrées) mais aussi dans le niveau 4A également bien daté par quatre dates très fiables, fin Dryas ancien – début du Bølling.

Pour vérifier ces hypothèses, existe-t-il dans notre région un seul site qui présenterait une succession de niveaux d’occupations suffisamment rapprochées permettant de mesurer, par la typologie et la techno-typologie, la ou les formes d’évolutions techno-culturels internes aux groupes, greffées sur des substrats locaux ?

Au cours du Bølling et jusqu’à la fin de cette biozone, les pointes à bord abattu sont associées à des lamelles à bord abattu et la faune chassée identifiée dans les restes culinaires contient du renne. C’est la cas aux Douattes dans la couche 5 supérieure du secteur Est, à la Raillarde (Sault-Brénaz, Ain) et surtout dans le niveau F2b de l’abri Gay, au sein d’une industrie qui apparaît encore reposer sur un fonds magdalénien (Pion 2004).

La réponse est négative car dans l’état actuel des recherches, aucun gisement de la région ne répond à ce critère, les écarts temporels entre les différentes occupations dans les remplissages sont tous supérieurs à plusieurs siècles voire parfois de l’ordre du millénaire ce qui exclut toute discrimination raisonnable.

Dans des sites proches de l’espace géographique de cette étude, ces armatures sont reconnues dans des niveaux référencés magdaléniens, comportant du renne dans la faune chassée. Ceci se vérifie dans les niveaux C’1 et C’’1 de la grotte du Taï (Saint-Nazaire-en-Royans, Drôme) et la couche 3 de l’abri Bobache (La-Chapelle-enVercors, Drôme). Plus au nord de cet espace géographique, c’est aussi le cas pour la couche D1 de Rochedane (Villars-sous-Dampjoux, Doubs).

CONCLUSION Si les modifications de l’environnement constatées et démontrées dans les gisements de notre région sont effectivement des facteurs essentiels et déterminants sur les évolutions chrono-technologiques dans cette période de la fin du Bølling, par contre, elles ne sont pas spécifiques à notre région. L’espace géographique de cette étude a été le siège de déplacements ou d’intenses circulations des groupes humains comme les résultats des études en cours sur la circulation des matières premières commencent à l’attester. On retiendra donc comme hypothèses réalistes sur l’origine de ces évolutions:

En dehors de l’Hexagone et plus particulièrement en Suisse, les points de référence à retenir concernent les sites attribués au Magdalénien supérieur du Technoassemblage E en particulier dans les gisements de Winznau-Köpfli et Käsloch, Kohlerhöhle, Kastelhöhle et Brügglihöhle où les pointes à bord abattu sont associées à des outils du fonds magdalénien avec la présence du renne dans la faune chassée (Leesch 1993, 1997, 2000; Le Tensorer 1998; Pion 2004).

– soit les contacts exogènes avec des groupes venant probablement du Sud de la France par le couloir rhodanien c’est-à-dire des groupes qui ont déjà réalisé cette révolution technologique et dans ce cas on évoquera le processus de diffusion culturelle,

Vers la fin de la période Bølling-Dryas moyen, la culture magdalénienne disparaît dans notre région et laisse la place aux ensembles épipaléolithiques.

– ou tout simplement les vagues de passages par notre région de groupes s’ignorant les uns des autres ou sans contacts avec d’éventuels groupes supposés déjà existants dans les massifs pré-alpins.

Processus d’acculturation ou simples échanges technoculturels?

Pour clore cette communication, nous proposons une synthèse des données disponibles concernant les principaux gisements de la fin du Tardiglaciaire régional dans les Alpes du Nord françaises et le Jura méridional (Fig. 8.4).

Dans la période de la deuxième partie du Bølling – Dryas moyen – début de l’Allerød (12400 – 11800 BP), les phénomènes qui ont eu le plus d’influence sur les changements culturels et en particulier ceux qui ont marqué la fin du Magdalénien supérieur régional peuvent s’expliquer: – soit par la nécessité d’innover très vite (survie du groupe) pour faire face à la pression des modifications de l’environnement. Dans ce cas, les innovations peuvent être internes au groupe (créativité), question classique d’une émergence autonome.

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PION, G., B. CAILLAT 1984. Abri de la Fru: note paléontologique. Bulletin du Groupe d’Études Paléontologiques et Paléopathologiques des Vertébrés 3: 1520.

LEESCH, D. 2000. Le Tardiglaciaire en Suisse: corrélation des données paléoenvironnementales et archéologiques. In: “L’Europe centrale et septentrionale au Tardiglaciaire”, Actes de la Table ronde de Nemours 1997, Mémoires du Musée de Préhistoire d’Île-deFrance 7:217-221.

PION, G. (ed.), M. BILLARD, P. BINTZ, B. CAILLAT, J. CATALIOTTI-VALDINA, J.-M. DURAND, M. GIRARD, G. MONJUVENT 1990. L’Abri de La Fru à Saint-Christophe (Savoie). Gallia Préhistoire 32: 65-143. Paris, Editions du CNRS.

LE TENSORER, J.-M. 1998. Le Paléolithique en Suisse. Grenoble, Editions Jérôme Million.

PION, G. (ed.), J. ARGANT, A. BRIDAULT, B. CAILLAT, L. CHAIX, M. JEANNET, C. OBERLIN, S. THIÉBAULT 1999. PCR “La fin du Paléolithique supérieur dans les Alpes du Nord françaises et le Jura méridional”, DFS (1997-1999), 138 p.

MARROCCHI, Y. 2001. Analyse isotopique haute résolution des sédiments des lacs de La Thuile et du Chevelu (Savoie). In: G. Pion (dir.) et alii, rapport PCR, annexe 5. MONIN, G. 1997. Etude typométrique et typologique des grattoirs et des pointes à dos de la séquence Azilien ancien (couche 3) de l’abri de la Fru. T.E.R de Maîtrise d’Histoire de l’Art et d’Archéologie, Université Pierre Mendes-France, Grenoble II, UFR des Sciences Humaines, 290 p.

PION, G., C. OBERLIN 2002. Le corpus des datations radiocarbone, datation du renne, interprétation des résultats. In: G. Pion (dir.) et alii, rapport PCR, DFS, p. 72-82. THÉVENIN, A. 2002. Stabilité et changement dans les équipements des derniers chasseurs-cueilleurs: relation avec leur environnement. In: “Equilibres et ruptures dans les écosystèmes depuis 20000 ans en Europe de l’Ouest”, Actes du Colloque international de Besançon 2000, Annales Littéraires 730, Série “Environnement, sociétés et archéologie” 3: 153-164. Presses Universitaires Franc-Comtoises, Besançon.

PION, G. 1997. L’abri de La Fru, Saint-Christophe-laGrotte (Savoie), l’Azilien ancien du début de l’Allerød. Bulletin de la Société Préhistorique Française 94(3): 319-326. PION, G. 2000a. Les pointes à bord abattu des industries de la fin du Dryas ancien et du Bølling dans quelques sites des deux Savoie et du Jura méridional: données préliminaires. In: “Les Paléoalpins: Hommage à Pierre Bintz”, Géologie alpine, Mémoire hors série 31: 117133.

THÉVENIN, A. 2003. Les pointes à cran dans les industries lithiques du Paléolithique supérieur récent. De l’oscillation de Lascaux à l’oscillation de Bølling. In: E. Ladier (ed.), Actes de la Table ronde de Montauban (Tarn-et-Garonne, 26-27 avril 2002), Préhistoire du Sud-Ouest supplément 6: 113-128.

PION, G. 2000b. Les pointes à dos courbe dans les industries de la fin du Dryas ancien et du Bølling dans quelques sites des deux Savoie et du Jura méridional: analyse préliminaire. In: “Les derniers chasseurscueilleurs d’Europe occidentale”, Actes du Colloque

THIÉBAULT, S. 2002. Le Tardiglaciaire: contexte environnemental. In: G. Pion (dir.) et alii, rapport PCR, DFS, p. 11-28.

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PREHISTORIC REINDEER-HUNTING IN THE SOUTHERN NORWEGIAN HIGHLANDS Sveinung BANG-ANDERSEN Museum of Archaeology, Stavanger. Email: [email protected] Abstract: In contrast to the European alpine areas and lowland plains, where Rangifer tarandus L. became extinct during the final Late Glacial, the species has survived in a wild state in relatively unchanged natural environments in parts of the southern Norwegian highlands. As a consequence, reindeer behaviour and reindeer hunting strategies both in the Mesolithic and during later periods can be tentatively transferred from observations of animals still living here and archaeological remains. The pioneer use of the interior of Norway were short-term reindeer hunting expeditions to recently deglaciated highland areas 9800 uncal. y. BP, soon after the colonization of the outer coast. During the following three thousand years, most major mountain areas came successively into use as hunting grounds. This paper summarizes current research on coast-to-mountain mobility patterns and reindeer hunting methods in Southwest Norway, from stealth hunting with stone-tipped arrows to the application of permanent stone-walled reindeer pitfall traps. Recognition of both existing wild reindeer biotopes and physical remains from prehistoric reindeer hunting as unique parts of the World Heritage is emphasized. Keywords: Pioneer settlement, mobility patterns, mountain exploitation, reindeer hunting, pitfall traps Résumé: Au contraire des zones alpines et des basses plaines de l’Europe où le Rangifer tarandus L. S’éteint à la fin de la dernière ère glaciaire, cette espèce a survécu à l’état sauvage dans un environnement relativement préservé dans une zone montagneuse du sud de la Norvège. En conséquence, il est possible d’essayer de restituer le comportement du renne et les stratégies de chasse, tant au Mésolithique que lors des périodes postérieures, à partir à la fois d’observations d’animaux toujours vivants et des restes archéologiques. L’utilisation pionnière de l’intérieur de la Norvège correspondaient à de brèves expéditions de chasse dans des zones montagneuses récemment déglacées. Elles peuvent être datées aux environs de 9800 BP non calibré, immédiatement après la colonisation des côtes. Durant les trois millénaires suivants, la majorité des principales aires montagneuses sont successivement exploitées pour la chasse. Cet article présente l’état de la recherche sur les modèles de mobilité de la côte vers la montagne au sudouest de la Norvège, ainsi que sur les techniques de la chasse au renne. Ces dernières vont de la chasse discrète avec des flèches à pointe en pierre à la création de pièges creusés et aux parois aménagés de murs de pierres. L’existence de biotopes où existent des rennes sauvages et les restes physiques de la chasse préhistorique au renne constituent des éléments uniques de l’héritage du monde. Mots-clés: Première interaction humaine, modèle d’occupation, exploitation de la montagne, chasse aux rennes, trappes

oriented fjords as Sognefjord penetrating up to 200 kilometers into a strongly undulating gneiss-granittic landmass belonging to the Caledonian mountain range. The only large basin is Boknafjord with a myriard of islands and sounds behind the City of Stavanger. The southwestern mountain areas, characterized by icescraped rock surface with little or no quaternary deposits, a large number of small lakes and some few glaciers are mainly situated between 800 and 1200 m above sea-level. In northwestern and central parts of the southern Norwegian mountain chain the highest peaks are of far more Alpine character, protuding up to 2500 m. A population of about 30000 reindeer of tundra type still exists dispersed over 40000 sq.km (Skogland 1994: 37), making these mountain areas environmentally unparallelled elsewhere in Europe.

INTRODUCTION Highland occupation by hunter-gatherers represents a widespread phenomenon in Europe’s prehistory with large geograhical and chronological variation due to differences in natural environments and cultural background. The aim of this paper is to present some main results from recent archaeological research on prehistoric reindeerhunting strategies in the Norwegian highlands, an area of work which to a large extent seems to be inadequately known outside the Scandinavian academic circles. By throwing light on prehistoric inland and mountain use within environmental settings essentially different from most other parts of the world, it may hopefully give perspectives and ideas to ongoing studies on hunting methods, site types and mobility patterns in more centrally located European montane areas. Due to the restricted space I shall concentrate geographically to the Southwest Norwegian highlands and thematic on the pioneer phase of use, coast/inland mobility patterns and the capture of wild reindeer through time by different hunting methods. The physical character of the actual areas, the landscape history and peopling of Norway will first be addressed.

Deglaciation of the outer coast between 15000 and 14000 y. BP1 represents a terminus post quem for the colonization both of coastal Southwest Norway and of Norway in its entity. The Late Glacial terrestrial macrofauna is not known, except reindeer which can be traced back to 12500 BP at Blomvåg outside Bergen (Lie 1986: 41-46) and survived on the coast at least until 10200 BP at Egersund further south (Lie 1990: 7-21).

Western Norway, directly facing the open North Sea, is a landscape of great variation made up mainly by unprotected outer coastlines and long, narrow East-West

1

All C-14 datings are in uncalibrated radiocarbon ages, when not otherwise stated.

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Fig. 9.1. Map of South Norway showing land above 1000 m a.s.l. (stippled), main concentrations of Stone Age sites attributed to reindeer hunting (shaded) and mountain areas treated in the article

Around 10000 – 9800 BP the frontline of the inland ice was positioned at the mouths of main fjords as the Lysefjord and the Sognefjord, and between 1000 and 1500 years later all mountain areas except the Hardangerjøkulen massif were deglaciated (Andersen 1980: 214; Anundsen 1985: 220-223; Nesje et al. 1994: 380). A progressive retreat of the ice-cap opened wide inland areas with a sprouting herbaceuous cover to be utilized: on a year-round basis by reindeer – and these more occasionally by two-legged predators.

(Bjerck 1994: 25-58; Bjerck 1995: 131-144; Høgestøl & Prøsch-Danielsen 1995: 123-130; Bang-Andersen 1996: 219-243; Bang-Andersen 2003a: 5-14). Within just five to ten generations, which archaeologically may be characterized as an “event”, the whole of the 3000 km long Norwegian coast from eastern Oslofjord to North Cape became habitated due to extremely rich maritime resources and well-developed sea-faring and sea-hunting technologies (Bjerck 1990: 1-32).

In spite of favourable conditions probably existing already during the Allerød chronozone, the earliest coastal settlement in Southwest Norway was first established around the Glacial / Holocene transition 10000 BP

MESOLITHIC COAST/INLAND INTERACTION Reindeer, migrated from the North European plains via the former dry North Sea bottom and sea-ice covering the

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Fig. 9.2. Aerial view of a 9800-9300 (radiocarbon) yr. old multiple occupied open-air hunting site with two tentrings at lake Store Fløyrlivatn in the Lysefjord mountains. The outwashed moraine-ridge derives from the Younger Dryas glacial advance stage. Photo: Museum of Archaeology, Stavanger©

willow and birch, are contextual, processed with low levels of confidence (usually 50 to 100 years) and in accordance with the site inventories of tanged points, simple lancaeolates and Zonhoven points of flint, or more occasionally rock crystal or quartz (Bang-Andersen 1990: 215-226; Bang-Andersen 2003: 5-25). Compared to the main climate development of continental Europe (f.i. Mörner 1993: 249) the Norwegian inland and mountain enterprise appears to have started virtually in the cool shadow of the Piottino Oscilliation between ca. 9900 and 9700 uncal. y. BP.

100 – 150 km wide Norwegian rift during the winter months, were problably not as some scholars (e.g. Rolfsen 1972; Fuglestvedt 2001) have suggested, the main economic or supernatural incentment for the colonization of coastal Norway. By then most reindeer herds were no longer directly available, having moved to ice-free areas in the mountains. For a long time the archaeological record of the earliest inland enterprise was virtually unknown due to strong emphasis on coast/lowland fieldwork and research. Until a few decades ago the earliest sites attributed to reindeer hunting in southern and southwestern parts of the Norwegian highlands were dated to about 7000 uncal. y. BP, at the central plateau of Hardanger-vidda to about 8300 and in the northern parts of the main mountain chain to about 8800 BP (Bang-Andersen 1989: 338-34). This is now turned upside-down by groups of open air reindeer hunting sites at lakes Store Myrvatnet and Store Fløyrlivatnet (610 and 760 m a.s.l.), situated 20 km apart in the Lysefjord mountains in Southwest Norway, with earliest C-14 ages of 9600 and 9750 y. BP respectively.

It is important to note that the earliest Myrvatn/Fløyrlivatn sites were in the neighbourhood of the retreating inland ice, suggesting a harsh and windy periglacial tundra-like environment with reindeer as the main and probably only accessible big game. The exact distance to the ice from human habitations has so far not been possible to determine, as two marginal moraine systems (Trollgaren, Blåfjell), indicating moister climate and glacial advance stages in the area during the Pre-Boreal chronozone, are only indirectly radiocarbon dated to about 9600 and 9300 plus/minus 200 y. BP (Andersen et al. 1987: 10). A number of twentysix C-14 datings from the settlement sites attest discontinous series of stays of a sporadic character at Myrvatn/Fløyrlivatn, not separated by extremely long periods. The size and character of the sites point to visits of restricted hunting parties of three to five persons.

All sites are open-air, highly restricted both in extension (ca. 10 – 50 sq.m) and find amount (ca. 500 – 4000 lithic artefacts), and some contain extraordinarily well-preseved tentrings and hearths (Bang-Andersen 2003b). There can be little doubt about the validity of the datings as the charcoal samples derive mainly from short-lived trees as

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In this author’s opinion the sites may only be interpreted as the products of late summer or early autumn expeditions performed by logistical mobile task groups with home territory on the coasts of Southwest Norway. Following the linear main drainage systems of rivers and valley lakes, the distance from most likely points of departure in the lowland is only 30 to 60 kilometres, or between two and four days travel upstream (BangAndersen 1990: 225; Bang-Andersen 1996: 436-439; Bang-Andersen 2003a: 12). Compared to seasonal movements of 500 kilometers or even more, documented among certain sub-recent circumpolar hunter-gatherer societies (e.g. Rogers 1972), and necessary also for most prehistoric coast/mountain interaction patterns in central and southern Europe, the short transportation lines would seem to ensure high economic yields at low time efforts. A limiting factor which has to be given priority by future research, is the general lack of Mesolithic transit sites, which according to the theory as a matter of neccessity should exist in the intermerdiate zone of steep and narrow valleys connecting coast to inland. However, the locating of such sites used only for short overnight stays or some hours’ rest, may be like finding the needle in the haystack. One probably needs to look very close both to classical settings like dry terrace banks and marked river-lake confluences and more untraditional, unsuspected sites in order to succeed.

REINDEER AS PREY ANIMAL AND A HUMAN RESOURCE Fig. 9.3. Oblique close-up photography of an exceptionally well-preserved stone-walled reindeer pitfall at Litledalsfleene in Suldal municipality, Setesdal/Ryfylke mountain region. Photo: Museum of Archaeology, Stavanger©

Due to a total absence of osteological material in the Early Mesolithic southwest Norwegian mountain sites, the suggestion of reindeer as the “one and only” prey is hypothetic, but logical judged indirectly as to the site location in relation to recent reindeer ethology, and the specialized, task-specific artefact inventory exclusively made up by razorsharp arrowheads and scrapers. In spite of relative moderate weights (adults normally 60 -100 kilos), wild reindeer of the Eurasian tundra/mountain subspecies (Rangifer tarandus tarandus L) may rightly be characterized as drugstores and tool boxes, as even the viscera and stomach content is eatable and of high nutritional value. At the same time reindeer represent mobile drugstores and tool-boxes due to the unique insulation effects of the skin and the applicability and physical strenght of reindeer antler, bone and sinew material. This author recognizes the latter properties to have been the major motivation behind the coast/inland/ mountain enterprise during the Mesolithic, together with the special excitement, spirit and challenge attributed to reindeer hunting.

25 to 30 m. Contrary to what has earlier been claimed (Clark 1967: 64-65; Gordon 2003: 15-23), the herds are not at all easy to follow and round up on main migrations when they proceed long distances per day in open landscapes. The animals have to be intercepted by the “head-’em-off-at-the-pass” or, probably less frequently, the “search-and-destroy” method (Burch 1972: 346-347; White 1989: 609-632) at topographical bottlenecks during seasonal or daily moves. An alternative to stalking individual reindeer is collective drives on land or into water, postulated to have been performed as early as in the Late Glacial during reindeer fall migrations passing the classical Ahrensburgian tunnel valley in SchleswigHolstein (Bokelmann 1991: 72-81; Schild 1996: 146), and described in far closer detail from sub-arctic eskimo and sami societies (e.g. Leem 1767). As all variants of mass killing of gregarious big game presuppose deliberate planning and a larger number of human participants, such massacres are not found relevant to explain the background of the small, task-specific Early Mesolithic sites in the southwest Norwegian mountains.

Despite many Mesolithic sites being investigated, the cultural historical implications of this specialized reindeer exploitation are at best poorly understood. However, reindeer generally appear unpredictable in smaller or larger aggregations in predeterminate landscape enclaves, and are easily killed by bow and arrow within a range of 66

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by preserved wood from the camouflage cover and others by buried humus horizons blanketed within the surrounding earth bank from the digging of the pitfall chamber, respectively producing possible minimum- and maximum ages. None of them are convincingly determined to the Stone or Bronze Ages. The main period of use is the Iron Age and Early Medieaval, between approx. 1800 and 800 uncalibrated y. BP, when reindeer were still being hunted by bow and arrows as it appears from stray finds of iron arrowheads and wooden arrwoshafts. The main performers now, however, were not all-time hunter/gatherers from outer coast- and fjordgap areas but part-time hunters settled as cattle and outfield farmers in adjacent valley and fjordhead landscapes (Bang-Andersen 2004: 44-67).

As other highland regions in Norway were later taken into use from geographically widely different coast or valley areas, it seems justified to speak of not just one, but a succession of “first discoveries” of the mountains. During the later Mesolithic, the Neolithic and the Bronze Age seasonal exploitation of reindeer by bow and arrow continued in the mountain areas in southern Norway, to a large extent carried out from the same lakeside positions by reoccupation of earlier open-air hunting stations (Bang-Andersen 1989; Indrelid 1994), but increasingly also from rockshelter sites and stone huts.

LATER PERIOD REINDEER CAPTURE BY PITFALLS AND OTHER FIXED FACILITIES

Adequate alternatives to the catching of individual animals by pitfalls or archery is mass-trapping of reindeer by actively driving large animal herds through elaborate, 300 to 4000 m long converging fence systems into narrow stone-built corrals or slaughter pens, or into large water basins. Neither the first method, documented in particular in the central massif of Rondane (Barth 1983: 112-113) and in North Norway, nor the latter, used for instance in parts of the Hardangervidda (Blehr 1973: 102-112), appear to have been applied during these later prehistoric periods in more abrupt, dissected and sparcely populated areas as the interior parts of Southwest Norway.

Far more easily recognized remains related to prehistoric reindeer hunting than open-air field camps, killbutchering sites and caches are stone-walled pitfalls. On a world basis this trap type has only been described from the southern Norwegian Caledonian range between Trollheimen in the North and the Lysefjord mountains to the South, a highly restricted area in Jämtland, inner Sweden, and one unverified occurrence at Andøya in northern Norway (Bang-Andersen 2004). These permanently installed expressive facilities intended to capture individual animals, in Norway characteristically termed “reindeer graves”, consist of a 1,5 to 2 m long, 0,5 to 0,9 m wide and 1,5 to 2 m deep rectangular dry-walled catch chamber without any fixed ideal ratio, conceled by a horizontal camouflage cover of twigs and local vegetation. Low funnel-shaped approach fences of stone normally lead to one or both end-walls. Another variant of reindeer pitfall traps: oval earth pits dug without interior wall support and visible fences, exists far wider distributed in northern Fennoscandia, and alledgedly in Sibiria. In central Norwegian mountain areas these partly overlap with rectangular stone-walled and stone-fenced pitfalls.

REINDEER HUNTING STRATEGIES WITHIN A EUROPEAN PERSPECTIVE After having been a major prey animal widely dispersed both in coastal, upland and mountain areas on the European continent for tens of thousand years, most wild reindeer populations apparently became extinct during the close of Pleistocene; in the Alpes and in South France around 12000 y. BP (Bridault et al. 2000: 47-57; Bintz 2003: 145; Delpech 2003: 271-289). According to radiocarbon datings reindeer seem to have disappeared by the Late Glacial / Early Holocene transition in the eastern Baltic region (Ukkonen et al. 2006: 222-230), and later been wiped out from England, South Sweden and Denmark between 9700 and 9200 y. BP seemingly as a partly synchronous event due to environmental changes in the Pre-Boreal period (Barton & Roberts 2004: 339-341; Liljegren & Ekström 1996: 137; Aaris-Sørensen et al. in press). Few if any physical remains from this extensive, long-lasting hunting enterprise, profoundly influencing the minds and activity patterns of Late Glacial and Early Holocene human groups, have been perserved beyond settlement sites, on- and off-site depositions of reindeer bone and shed antler, and some cave depictions in southern Europe.

Depending on the changing topography in different parts of the highlands the pitfalls are contructed singly, two or three together or as large systems of individual pitfalls connected by a low stone fence. The singular pitfalls, without comparison most common in the rugged and water-dominated mountain landscape in Southwest and West Norway, typically exploit narrow passes such as lake- or river edges, the foot of steep mountain slopes and the floor of gorges which still form parts of the reindeer migration routes of today (Barth 1983; Bang-Andersen 2004). Essential to note is that the pitfalls, stone-walled or not, were intended for passive catchure of animals moving unsuspecting at slow pace, and to keep the prey trapped alive until it could be taken care of – virtually: put to death. The bottom of the catch chambers is therefore not fitted with vertical, pointed stakes.

As described in the introduction, a similar ecological process occurred along the Norwegian coast, where the reindeer herds were not totally eliminated but displaced to inland areas, constituting the mountains of

In spite of counted by thousands, less than 50 stonewalled reindeer pitfalls have been examined by excavation. Some localities have been radiocarbon dated

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Secondly, a 12000 calendar-year long more or less unbroken tradition of coast/highland interaction with a varying degree of social complexness based on reindeer hunting, which is still being practiced. Different from most lower- and median-altitude Continental European mountain areas, the Norwegian highlands have until recently undergone relatively few environmental changes since the late Pre-Boreal. As a consequence wild reindeer has survived and kept its traditional way of life and migratory patterns more or less unchanged throughout the ages. By this, detailed observations of present animal behaviour appear to provide valuable clues to human activity in the past, far more explicit than elsewhere in Europe.

South Norway as a final refuge for the Eurasian Rangifer tarandus tarandus. A parallel to this is the arctic tundra of Beringia and islands in the East-Sibirian Sea (f.i. Pitul’ko & Kasparov 1996), which now contain the genetic remains of North-American / Sibirian arctic and tundra reindeer Rangifer tarandus peariy and Rangifer tarandus granti. What appears in conclusion as the main legacy of Norwegian reindeer hunting and multiple landscape use in prehistoric times to European archaeology, and World Heritage management? Firstly, the remarkably early approach by man towards mountain environments in Southwest Norway taking place only about one hundred years after the outer coast was permanently, and almost immediately after the actual area had been deglaciated, should be clearly borne in mind. Only the extremely compressed landscape relief of Southwest and West Norway with short geographical distances and low travelling efforts from seaboard to high montains, combined with an actual presence of reindeer, may have made this pioneer enterprise into desolete periglacial landscape scenes possible. It seems as a highly relevant task to get the time-lag between first human coast and mountain utilization compared in other parts of Europe, for instance on the Malaga and Valencia coasts of Mediterranean Spain and along the Ligurian coast of France and Italy, where the distance to wide high mountain areas is only between 25 and 50 km or about similar to coastal Norway.

REINDEER AND REINDEER HUNTING TRADITIONS AS WORLD HERITAGE In conclusion it is imperative to underline that the wild reindeer of today as permanent inhabitants of the Norwegian mountains since the deglatiation, represent the last genetic relicts of the populations of tundra type reindeer formerly inhabiting wide areas in Europe, and profoundly influencing both prehistoric people’s mentality and daily behaviour. Due to the cummulative effects of large-scale watercourse development, road constructions and an increasing leisure industry establishments in the mountains of South Norway during the last decades, these traditionbearers are now severely endangered. As a consequence, both Eurasian wild reindeer as a species and the manyfold of physical remains connected to prehistoric reindeer

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hunting – habitation sites, pitfall traps, corrals, meat caches, shooting hides, stray finds – should now be redlisted. In particular, still unspoiled hunting grounds and reindeer biotopes in the central Snøhetta-Rondane area deserve to be implemented as unique and irreplacable mountain landscapes according to the terms and criterias laid down by UNESCO.2

Kindgren, K. Knutsson, D. Loeffler & A. Åkerlund eds.) “Mesolithic on the Move”: p. 193-204. Oxbow Books, Oxford. BANG-ANDERSEN, S. 2004. Reinsdyrgraver i Setesdal Vesthei. AmS-Varia 40, 90 pp. Stavanger. BARTH, E.K. 1983. Trapping reindeer in South Norway. Antiquity LVII No.220: p.109-115. London. BINTZ, P. 2003. Du Paléolithique final au Mésolithique dans les Alpes du Nord françaises: peuplement et environments naturels. Preistora alpina 39: p. 143153. Trento.

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BANG-ANDERSEN, S. 1999. The first reindeer hunters in the southern Norwegian highlands. In: A.Thevénin (ed.), “L’Europe des derniers chasseurs”. Actes du 5e Colloque International UISPP, Commission XII: p. 341-346. Paris.

FUGLESTVEDT, I. 2001. Pionerbosetningens fenomenologi: Sørvest-Norge og Nordvest-Europa 10200/10000 – 9800/9500 BP. Unpublished dr.art. thesis. University of Bergen.

BANG-ANDERSEN, S. 2003a. Southwest Norway at the Pleistocene/Holocene Transition: landscape development, colonization, site types, settlement pattern. Norwegian Archaeological Review 36(1): p. 5-25. Oslo.

GORDON, B. 2003. Rangifer and man: an ancient relationship. “Proceedings of the 9th North American Caribou Workshop”, Rangifer Special issue 14: p. 1528. Tromsø.

BANG-ANDERSEN, S. 2003b. Encircling the living space of Early Postglacial reindeer hunters in the interior of Southern Norway. In: L. Larsson, H. 2

INDRELID, S. 1994. Fangstfolk og bønder i fjellet. Universitetets Oldsaksamlings Skrifter, Ny rekke 17: 344 pp. Oslo.

Cf. f.i. Operational Guidelines, Annex 3, § 9-11.

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Southwest Norway. In: A. Fischer (ed.), “Man & Sea in the Mesolithic”. Oxbow Monograph 53: p. 123-130. Oxford.

JOHANSEN, A.B. & I. UNDÅS 1992. Er Blomvågmaterialet et boplassfunn?. Viking LX: p. 9-26. Oslo. LEEM, K. 1767/1975. Beskriffelse over Finmarkens lapper. (Reprint of original paper). Copenhagen.

ROGERS, E.S. 1972. The Mistassi Cree. In: M.G. Bicchieri (ed.), “Hunter and Gatherers of today”, p. 90-137. Holt Rinehart & Winston Inc., New York.

LIE, R.W. 1986. Animal bones from the Late Weichselian in Norway. Fauna Norvegica A7: p. 41-46. Oslo.

ROLFSEN, P. 1972. Kvartærgeologiske og botaniske betingelser for mennesker i Sør-Norge i seinglasial og tidlig postglasial tid. Viking XXXVI: p. 131-153. Oslo.

LIE, R.W. 1990. Blomvågfunnet, de eldste spor etter mennesker i Norge? Viking LIII: p. 7-21. Oslo. LILJEGREN, R. & J. EKSTRÖM 1996. The Terrestrial Late Glacial fauna in South Sweden. In: L. Larsson (ed.), “The Earliest Settlement of Scandinavia”. Acta Archaeologica Lundensia 24: p. 135-139. Stockholm.

SCHILD, R. 1996. The North European Plain and Eastern Sub-Balticum between 12700 and 8000 BP. In: L.G. Strauss, B. Valentin Eriksen, J.M. Erlandsen & D.R. Yesner (eds.), “Hunters at the end of the Ice Age”, p.129-157. Plenum Press, New York.

MÖRNER, N.A. 1993. Global Change: The HighAmplitude Changes 13-10 ka Ago – Novel Aspect. Global and Planetary Change 7 (½): p. 243-250.

SKOGLAND, T. 1994. Villreinen. Fra urinnvåner til miljøbarometer. Teknologisk forlag, Oslo.

NESJE, A., S.O. DAHL, R. LØVLIE & J.R. SULEBAK 1994. Holocene glacier activity at the southwestern part of Hardangerjøkulen, central-southern Norway: evidence from lacustrine sediments. The Holocene 4: 377-382. London.

UKKONEN, P., L. LÕUGAS, I. ZAGORSKA, L. LUKŠEVICA, E. LUKŠEVICS, L. DAUGNORA & H. JUNGNER 2006. History of the reindeer (Rangifer tarandus) in the eastern Baltic region and its implications for the origin and immigration routes of the recent northern European wild reindeer populations. Boreas 35 No.2: p. 222-230. Oslo.

Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the World Heritage Convention (WHC2005/WS/1) PITUL’KO, V.V. & A.K. KASPAROV 1996. Ancient arctic hunters: material culture and survival strategy. Arctic Anthropology 33(1): p. 1-36. Madison.

WHITE, R. 1989. Husbandry and herd control in the upper Paleolithic; A critical review of the evidence. Current Anthropology 30: p. 609-632. Chicago.

PRØSCH-DANIELSEN, L. & M. HØGESTØL 1995. A coastal Ahrensburgian site found at Galta, Rennesøy,

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THE FIRST OCCUPATION OF THE SOUTHERN ALPS IN THE LATE GLACIAL AT RIPARO TAGLIENTE (VERONA, ITALY); DETECTING THE ORGANISATION OF LIVING-FLOORS THROUGH A G.I.S. INTEGRATED ANALYSIS OF TECHNOLOGICAL, FUNCTIONAL, PALAEOECONOMIC AND SPATIAL ATTRIBUTES Federica FONTANA, Antonio GUERRESCHI, Stefano BERTOLA Dipartimento di Biologia ed Evoluzione, Università degli Studi di Ferrara, Corso Ercole I d’Este 32, I-44100 Ferrara

Francesca BONCI Via M. Luther King 20, I-60035 Jesi (Ancona)

Cristina CILLI Dipartimento di Anatomia, Farmacologia e Medicina Legale, Università degli Studi di Torino, Corso M. d’Azeglio 52, I-10126 Torino

Jeremie LIAGRE Maison de l’Archéologie, Service Municipal d’Archéologie de Chartre, 1 rue de l’Etroit de Degré, FR-28000 Chartres

Laura LONGO Università degli Studi di Siena, Dipartimento di Scienze Ambientali “G. Sarfatti”, Sezione di Ecologia Preistorica, Via delle Cerchia n. 5, I-53100 Siena

Giovanna PIZZIOLO Dipartimento di Archeologia e Storia delle Arti, Università degli Studi di Siena, Via Roma 56, I-53100 Siena

Ursula THUN HOHENSTEIN Dipartimento di Biologia ed Evoluzione, Università degli Studi di Ferrara, Corso Ercole I d’Este 32, I-44100 Ferrara Abstract: Human re-occupation at the site of Riparo Tagliente (Lessini Mountains, Verona) after the last glacial maximum, started in the Ancient Dryas. This site represents therefore the most ancient known deposit in the Southern slope of the Alps to be inhabited during the Late Glacial. Excavations carried out in the last decades have allowed a repetitive pattern of spatial distribution of archaeological findings and structures within the site to be recognized. Particularly, the area located outside the shelter is characterised the presence of large accumulations of lithic waste products and, at a lesser extent, of other categories of finds. The present paper focuses on one of these accumulations, aiming at detecting its functional meaning within the general spatial organisation of the site, through an integrated analysis with G.I.S. systems. Key-words: Southern Alps, Late Glacial, Flint accumulation, Integrated analyses Résumé: Après le dernier maximum glaciaire, Riparo Tagliente (Monts Lessini, Verone) est réoccupé par des groupes de chasseurscueilleurs épigravettiens au cours du Dryas ancien. Ce site représente, donc, le plus ancien gisement daté du Tardiglaciaire et connu dans les Alpes méridionales. Les fouilles réalisées au cours des dernières années ont permis de reconnaître un modèle répétitif de répartition spatiale des vestiges archéologiques et des structures évidentes. En particulier, l’aire située en face de l’abri se caractérise par la présence de fortes accumulations de rejets lithiques et, en pourcentage moindre, d’autres catégories de vestiges. Ce travail s’est concentré sur une de ces accumulations dans le but d’en permettre une caractérisation fonctionnelle à l’intérieur de l’organisation spatiale générale des activités dans le site, par l’application d’une analyse intégrée dans un S.I.G. Mots-clés: Alpes du Sud, Dernière glaciation, Accumulation lithique, Analyses intégrées

and vegetal resources, which varied in their distribution along time. Moreover, the essentially limestone nature of the massif brings about the presence of several karstic cavities and a richness in lithic and mineral resources, particularly flint outcrops and some deposits of iron oxides.

INTRODUCTION The site of Riparo Tagliente (Stallavena di Grezzana, Verona, Italy) is located under a rock shelter, on the left slope of Valpantena, one of the main valley-bottoms of the pre-alpine massif of Monti Lessini, at an altitude of 250 m a.s.l. It lies in a strategic position, about half way both from the plain and the top of the limestone plateau, and at the cross-way between different topographic situations: the plain, the valley-bottom, the rocky slopes and the flat top of the massif. Such a variety of situations matches with a mosaic of landscapes with different faunal

Certainly, both the location under a rock shelter and the topographic position of the site favoured its intense occupation during the Palaeolithic period and particularly in the Late Glacial, as documented by the upper part of the stratigraphic sequence. One of the most peculiar

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Concerning the upper part of the series, Riparo Tagliente represents the most ancient site so far known in the Southern slope of the Alps to be re-occupied after the melting of Alpine glaciers. Taking into account the results of paleoenviromental studies and available radiocarbon dates, which range from 13430±180 (levels 15-16) to 12040±170 BP (layers 10-8) (Alessio et al. 1970), the site was inhabited starting from the final phases of Ancient Dryas, thus suggesting that the area was already ice free. Sediments, pollen, malacofauna, micro and macrofaunal remains indicate a steppe environment with cold and arid climate conditions. The following Bölling and Alleröd interstadials (the latter is probably represented only by the layers which are located at the very top of the series and which are mostly disturbed by post-depositional events) show a shift to a temperate climate, characterised by a wooded grassland with conifers and deciduous tree.

aspects of this occupation phase is represented by the presence of huge accumulations of flint artefacts (associated to some bone remains and ochre nodules) in the area immediately outside the shelter. To understand the functional meaning of such concentrations represents a challenge which can contribute to the reconstruction of the general settlement patterns within the site. Previous studies involved a detailed analysis of the structural composition of three superposed units (S.U. 10a,b,c) located in this area (Guerreschi & Squintani 1995; Liagre 2000, 2005) while the present work concerns another concentration (S.U. 11), stratigraphically underlying them. The study was carried out using G.I.S. systems and was based on an integrated analysis of technological, functional, economic and spatial attributes. The methodology applied was aimed at defining the composition of this accumulation and the processes involved in its formation through a structural and spatial analysis and the identification of traces left by human and natural agents on the items represented in the assemblage (essentially lithic artefacts and bone remains).

Extensive investigations carried out in the last two decades in this part of the series, over a surface of about 80 sqm, have shown the presence of a repetitive pattern of organisation of living floors (Guerreschi 1983; Bartolomei et al. 1984; Fontana et al. 2002; Guerreschi & Fontana 2004; Guerreschi et al. 2004). The deposits belonging to this phase show an irregular thickness, being thinner in the internal area and thicker in the external one, due both to the presence of the river erosive escarpment leaning towards the outer part of the shelter and to human activities that caused accumulation of different materials in the outer zone. We can therefore recognize an inner area, protected by the overhang of the rock-shelter and an outer one, characterised by the presence of huge blocks resulting from an important event of collapse from the rock wall that probably took place – in different phases – during the first part of the Late Glacial.

The work was therefore aimed at answering different issues: first to recognize the impact of natural processes and anthropic agents in the formation of this concentration; secondly to understand its origin, i.e. if it is the result of activities carried out on place or if it formed after the accumulation of discarded by-products processed elsewhere; third to evaluate the function of this area within the general spatial organisation of the site. Research included several steps i.e. the analysis of lithic raw materials for the recognition of the physical features and morphology of the original blocks and the definition of the provisioning territory, the global reconstruction of reduction sequences of knapped rocks for the identification of the “structural” characteristics of the lithic assemblage; functional analyses at high and low magnification aimed at identifying eventual macro and micro use-wear traces on the artefacts; zooarchaeological and taphonomic studies, including the identification of cut-marks due to human action and traces caused by natural events to help define the formation context of the assemblage and the construction of a cartographic database, in order to integrate information deriving from the above-mentioned analyses with spatial data.

Notably, the area protected by the overhang of the shelter – where only the lower layers are preserved due to excavation works that took place in Medieval times – some dwelling structures were identified. One of these was dug into the underlying deposits and consisted of a slope with a “scalloped” shape (S.U. 13a), inside which a series of depressions were present. At least one of these depressions was interpreted as a post-hole while another one – sub-circular in shape with pebbles at the bottom and showing evident traces of heating – was apparently used as a fireplace. No feasible hypotheses could be advanced regarding the function of a subcircular-shaped structure consisting of an arrangement of pebbles, which was identified within the same area. A further structure, also interpreted as a fireplace, was dug partially into the Mousterian deposit, and presented a filling composed basically of ashes and silts; its irregular shape suggests that it was repeatedly used over a period of time.

THE LATE EPIGRAVETTIAN OCCUPATION The stratigraphic series brought to light in the site since 1960s is about 4.60 metres thick and it can be divided into two main units: the lower unit, which can be attributed to the early and middle Würm, contains Mousterian and Aurignacian industries, while the upper one, dating back to the Late Glacial, can be referred to the Late Epigravettian. The two units are separated by an erosion surface (Bartolomei et al. 1982, 1984).

Moving to the outer area of the shelter, huge concentrations of various categories of findings, especially ashes, pebbles, lithic artefacts and faunal remains are found according to different zones. The most external one seems to constitute an area for the unloading of the most

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cumbersome categories of materials, such as bone remains and the largest size lithic waste products, i.e. cores and tested nodules. This area is characterised by an almost continuous accumulation of anthropic remains and natural sediments but, in same cases, it was possible to recognise some isolated concentrations of finds that apparently belong to single events. Among these a unit composed of lithic by-products, cores and percussors deriving form a short term knapping event (Cremona & Fontana 2003) and a waste accumulation composed of bone remains resulting from the butchering of some portions of animal carcasses (Cilli & Guerreschi 2000; Rocci Ris et al. 2005).

The lithic industry

Last but not least in the area immediately outside the rock-shelter, around the large limestone blocks several accumulations mainly composed of lithic artefacts, and at a lesser extent by some bone fragments and little ochre nodules, were unearthed. Three of these (S.U. 10a, 10b e 10c), which were superposed one to the other and composed of about 20000 lithic artefacts each, have been recently the object of an analytical study (Liagre 2000, 2005). Next to these concentrations further accumulations were found, among which Stratigraphic Unit 11 (Fontana et al. 2004) which represents the specific object of this paper.

Archaeometric studies were performed by direct observations, using a binocular microscope, and consisted in a comparison of petrographic, geochemical and micropalaeontological features of geological samples and archaeological artefacts. Among the latter, all unworked and tested blocks (12), pre-cores (2), cores (119) plein débitage blanks (229) and retouched tools (19) were taken into account.

As far as the lithic industry is concerned, all artefacts larger than one centimetre were examined, amounting to 2521 objects, over a total of about 4500 items coming from this part of the unit. The sample analysed was therefore composed of 7 unworked blocks of raw material, 14 tested nodules or pre-cores, 89 cores, 24 fragmented cores, and 2382 knapping products and byproducts, among which 19 retouched artefacts. Raw materials characteristics and provisioning strategies

The results obtained show that the flints that form this accumulation come from four different geological formations of Jurassic and Cretaceous age, all outcropping in the Lessini Mountains (Arzarello et al. 2006). Jurassic flints of the Tenno Formation (San Vigilio Group, Calcari Grigi) are characterised by a coarse grain and can be found in large, homogeneous blocks while Cretaceous flints belong to three different geological formations that can be distinguished from one another by their micropalaeontological content and colour (Biancone, Scaglia Variegata and Scaglia Rossa). They are micro- or cryptocrystalline and vitreous but are more frequently characterised by the presence of natural fractures which cause considerable reduction of available blocks for knapping.

STRATIGRAPHIC UNIT 11 Description of S.U. 11 Stratigraphic Unit 11 was first brought to light and excavated in 1967 in squares 7-8 within the explorative trench which runs transversally to the rock wall, and subsequently excavated, from 1991 to 1997, over a surface of approximately 13 square metres (squares 711, 21-25 and 36-38). This unit consisted of a layer about 20 cm deep, essentially composed of flint artefacts with a lower number of faunal remains, river pebbles and little agglomerates of ochre (Fig. 10.1). It was included within a scarce fine silty-clayey brown coloured matrix containing limestone plaquettes of crioclastic origin.

Considering the analysed group of items (including some artefacts for which determination was not possible due to surface alterations) flints from the Biancone formation dominate (72%), reflecting their higher presence in the surrounding territory. They are followed by Scaglia Variegata (13,6%) while the other two groups occur in very low rates (Scaglia Rossa and Tenno, respectively 1,5 % and 2,3 %).

Considering the whole surface covered by the accumulation, its depth and density it can be estimated that the unit amounts to a total between 10000 and 20000 items. Spatial coordinates are only available for the northeastern part of the unit being the remaining area included in the explorative trench excavated in the sixties.

The identification of primary and secondary provisioning areas was carried out by the analysis of unworked and tested blocks, pre-cores and cores, which are the artefacts that better fit this study thanks to the higher presence of cortex on their surface. Though underrepresented due to surface alterations which formed before and after transport to the site, only four elements (3%) appear to have been collected directly within the primary outcrops. Most flint nodules come therefore from secondary deposits such as torrents, soils and slopes. The blocks collected in the river deposits (15,8%) – i.e local torrents like the Progno di Valpan-

Integrated analyses were carried out on a sample area of about four square metres, examining the upper part of the unit (“cast” and “II taglio”). This area was excavated after recording the spatial position of all finds and performing a cast, which is currently on exhibition at the “Piero Leonardi” Palaeontological Museum of Ferrara University.

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Fig. 10.1. General plan of the top of Stratigraphic Unit 11 (the layer’s limits on the right are unknown since this area is included in the exploring trench excavated in the sixties)

where meteoric water dissolution concentrates high quantities of nodules and slabs (39,8%). A significant number of blocks (36,8%) was also collected from the slope deposits situated at the base of flint outcrops; today,

tena, running along the valley – show evidence of an opportunistic behaviour. In fact their low quality for knapping probably forced the Palaeolithic groups to search for other deposits, such as soils and karst wells,

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as in the past, these are the commonest and the most easily accessible in the area.

Functional analyses Functional analysis has been applied to a sample of 33 selected items. The sample was composed of either formal tools (11 items among which burins, truncations, retouched blades and side-scrapers) and simple blanks (22 blades). The study has been achieved by means of high power magnification analysis (Leica DML magnification up to 200X) and has been carried out at the Natural History Museum of Verona. Selected items for this study have only been treated with a careful washing in water (most of them still kept evidences of the carbonated incrustation generated during the embedding).

In other words, all lithic resources exploited in the site are available in large quantities within a range of 15 kilometres (about ½ day walk) from the site, extending from Valpantena to the neighbouring Valle di Mizzolle and from Boscochiesanuova to the north to Grezzana to the south; although the presence of large quantities of flint nodules along the Progno river-bed, running a few metres from the site itself, Epigravettian groups collected most raw materials from other secondary deposits. Reduction sequences

All artefacts were in a very good preservation conditions and no mechanical or chemical alteration had affected them. All but one were obtained from cryptocrystalline flint. Among tools, 4 specimen were characterised by evident traces. Particularly one burin presented microscarring on the biseau which it has been possible to interpret as the traces due to an use on a hard material (e.g. fresh bone).

The technological study of all diagnostic elements shows that the assemblage analysed is mainly composed of artefacts deriving from core maintenance (44%), followed by shaping (26.5%), plein débitage blanks (23.5%) and cores (6%). Shaping was limited to opening the core platform – constituted by either a corticated surface or a natural fracture – and the laminar surface starting from natural edges (69%), and more rarely, as it concerns the latter, from a prepared crest (31%). Core exploitation began from either the tightest surface of the core (31%) or the widest one (30%), sometimes extending to the adjoining surface, as testified by the most exploited cores. Generally only one platform was exploited (49%), though the presence of a secondary platform used for distal convexity maintenance (23%) is also documented. Double and orthogonal platforms are rarer.

Among blades only 8 specimens out of 22 were characterised by the presence of traces. A large fragment of a blade obtained from micro-crystalline flint was characterised by macro-scarring distributed along the almost entireness of the left edge with an increased concentration in the mid-part where a light notch was present. Its wear pattern has suggested a whittling motion on a hard vegetal material, possibly dry wood. Another 2 blades and 4 bladelets have shown some scarring possibly related to the processing of wood or even an harder material.

The dominant pattern was aimed at producing a variety of blades (53%) and bladelets (26%) with a triangular (45%) or a trapezoidal (40%) section, and somewhat irregular edges (60%). Most of the products represented in the assemblage are fragmented (70%).

Faunal remains: archaeozoological and taphonomic studies Archaeozoological observations indicate that bone remains are mainly represented by fragments of long bone shafts, vertebrae, sesamoids, mandibles and teeth. Unfortunately they are often unidentifiable at species or genus level because of their high degree of fragmentation, which appear essentially due to intensive human activities. Only 58 remains (mostly fragments of long bone shafts) come from the analysed area. Due to their low presence in the assemblage, observations have been carried out over the total collection of items coming from S.U. 11 amounting to 997 remains, among which 143 identified specimens.

Core maintenance, which appears to have played an important role in this assemblage, was achieved using different strategies. The maintenance of transversal and longitudinal convexities frequently took place by removal either of flakes or blades from the core sides or by the preparation of a néo-crête. Other elements can be interpreted as rejuvenation flakes or tablettes. In several cases cores appear quickly abandoned mostly due to the occurring of knapping accidents such as “steps” and plunged flakes or as a consequence of the general morphology of the nodules; in other cases they show the negatives of the removal of several sequences of bladelets (Fig. 10.2).

The most represented species is red deer (24%), followed by ibex (19%), roe deer and wild board (11%), elk (10%), aurochs and/or bison (8%) among ungulates and bear (5%) among carnivores. Other identified remains belong to the marmot, the lynx and the badger. The faunal assemblage is mostly formed by adults and sub-adults on the basis of the eruption state and degree of tooth wear and ossification of long bones. Some foetal bones belonging to cervids and some decidual teeth of bear and wild boar have also been recognized. The minimum

Retouched blanks are rare (19 artefacts), mostly represented by blades with simple marginal retouch, truncated bladelets (several of which display a marginal retouch), some burins and a backed knife. On the whole, these are not representative of the large varieties of types documented in the site. 75

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Fig. 10.2. Selection of cores from Stratigraphic Unit 11 (size 2:1) (drawing: Paolo Giunti)

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Fig. 10.3. Distribution plan of burned artefacts from Stratigraphic Unit 11 element singly for the top of the unit and according to their density for “taglio II” thus using the excavation grid as a spatial reference) with an Archview GIS, a series of distribution maps have been obtained. The maps not only show the position of all the pieces, but also take their specific features into account in the aim to verify the eventual presence within the analysed sample either of concentration areas or of significant spatial relationships between different categories of finds and therefore come to a better definition of the structural characteristics of the area. Particularly, concerning the lithic industry, several parameters were considered in order to realise the thematic maps such as the integrity of artefacts, the presence of thermal alterations on the surface, their dimensions, the type of raw material, and phase of the chaîne opératoire.

number of individuals (MNI) has been calculated mostly on the teeth and, in some cases, on the degree of ossification (presence of foetal bones); the most represented species are red deer, ibex and aurochs with 2 individuals; bears and wild board are present with one adult and one juvenile; roe deer and elk with only one individual. Bone surfaces are mostly well preserved and only in some cases edaphic factors has affected them in a more or less invasive way. Even post-depositional factors, such as temperature and humidity changes, have caused some weathering cracks. Both root etching and the traces left by the activity of rodents are not relevant, an aspect which matches with the intensive occupation of the site by humans.

Observing the general distribution trend of all the elements, the presence of higher densities in the mid and western area of the S.U. can be noted (Fig. 10.1). Both distribution maps according to raw material types and the chaîne opératoire reflect the same distribution as the one containing all the elements and do not allow any consistent patterns to be observed, apart from a more extensive presence of the flints from the Biancone formation, as a consequence of their higher occurrence in the assemblage. Faunal remains are scattered on the whole surface and do not show any significant pattern either with one another or in relation to lithic artefacts.

Several diaphysis fragments with marginal notches and flake scars testify an activity of marrow extraction while the presence of marks referable to the sliding of the sharp edge of a stone tool are the result of other butchering practises, such as the removal of the muscle mass from the bone. Spatial distribution By correlating the databases containing the attributes of the findings that are part of the concentration to the vectorial maps of the stratigraphic unit (visualising each 77

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unearthed in the same area (Liagre 2005). We can add that this study, which also included some stone artefacts refittings, has shown the existence of some relations between one of these concentrations and S.U. 11, thus confirming the complexity of formation dynamics in the site, an aspect which seems partly connected to the intensity of human occupation. On the contrary the spatial distribution of burned items shows that residues from hearths – that were lighted in the inner area of the shelter – were unloaded along the drip line zone, as confirmed by the composition of sediments, containing high quantities of ashes. Last but not least the presence of faunal remains from butchering practises appears only occasional since this category of waste was mainly unloaded over the most external area of the site, beyond the large limestone boulders (Cilli et al. 2004; Rocci Ris et al. 2005). The same can be affirmed for lithic tools used for subsistence activities that were preferably abandoned in other zones (inner area of the shelter?) directly where such activities were supposed to take place.

Only lithic artefacts with thermoclastic traces show a peculiar pattern being mainly concentrated in the mid and eastern side of the plotted surface along the transition zone between the inner and the outer area of the shelter (Fig. 10.3) thus showing a different pattern than the other plans.

CONCLUSIONS The integrated analyses carried out have shown that the assemblage from S.U. 11 is a chaotic heap composed of heterogeneous materials but dominated by lithic artefacts mainly belonging to the category of “by-products” (abandoned cores and by-products with a low presence of plein débitage blanks, most of which are fragmented). Bone fragments with clear marks of butchering activities, lithic tools with use-wear traces and other categories of artefacts (pebbles, nodules of ochre) play a secondary role. Taphonomic investigations have confirmed that the formation of the heap is anthropic with a low rate of postdepositional disturbance.

In other words during its last phase of occupation, the site of Riparo Tagliente was intensively inhabited by the last hunter-gatherers of the Late Epigravettian according to a recurrent model of spatial organisation, being the inner area mainly exploited for daily subsistence practices and the outer one essentially used as a large spatially differentiated waste zone.

A low attention to raw material economy has been observed from the technological study of the collection of lithic artefacts as it results both from the absence of a process of accurate selection of the blocks (abandonment of several unworked and tested nodules due to their low attitude to knapping) and the scarce activity invested in the shaping of the cores. Furthermore prevailing opportunistic reduction sequences and different levels of technical ability have been observed, contrasting with the presence of several well exploited cores from the inner area of the shelter. All these aspects together fit in with the great abundance of flints of variable quality available in the surrounding territory, attributing to this site – with all the typical characters of a base-camp (presence of dwelling structures in the inner area) – a role of high specialisation in knapping activities aimed at the preparation of cores for the production of blanks.

Acknowledgements This research, co-ordinated by the first author, has been realised under the financial contribution of C.N.R., Progetto Giovani Ricercatori, Agenzia 2000 “Organisation of living-floors at the site of Riparo Tagliente (Stallavena di Grezzana, Verona) during the end of the Upper Palaeolithic (Late Epigravettian). Integrated analysis of technological, functional and palaeoeconomic attributes and spatial data”.

Furthermore the spatial plotting of the findings highlights that no meaningful relationship exists between either the different categories of lithic artefacts or the latter and faunal remains that could suggest the presence, within this accumulation, of areas connected to specific functions. The only meaningful spatial distribution plan concerns burned elements which are mainly located in the mid and eastern side of the S.U. in the proximity of the present drip line.

References ARZARELLO, M., S. BERTOLA, F. FONTANA, A. GUERRESCHI, J. LIAGRE, C. PERETTO 2006. Modalità di approvvigionamento delle materie prime nel sito di Riparo Tagliente (Stallavena di Grezzana, Verona). Quali differenze nei comportamenti tecnoeconomici tra Musteriano ed Epigravettiano?. Atti del XXXIX Congresso dell’ Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria I: 357-361. Firenze.

To conclude data emerging from the integrated analyses carried out seem to provide evidence for interpretation of S.U. 11 as a waste zone for the evacuation of by-products mainly deriving from knapping activities. Nevertheless the occurring of occasional episodes of on-site flintknapping is not excluded, as it should be demonstrated by an accurate refitting program. Such a function can be enlarged to the whole zone located directly in front of the shelter, as shown by the structural and micro-stratigraphical study of three other concentrations which were

BARTOLOMEI, G., A. BROGLIO, L. CATTANI, M. CREMASCHI, A. GUERRESCHI, E. MANTOVANI, C. PERETTO, B. SALA 1982. I depositi würmiani del Riparo Tagliente. Annali dell’Università di Ferrara XV, 3(4): 51-105. BARTOLOMEI, G., A. BROGLIO, L. CATTANI, M. CREMASCHI, A. GUERRESCHI, P. LEONARDI,

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GUERRESCHI, A., F. FONTANA 2004. Organization at Riparo Tagliente. In: C. Peretto, Biagi P., Boschian G., Broglio A., De Stefani M., Fasani L., Fontana F., Grifoni R., Guerreschi A., Iacopini A., Minelli A:, Pala R., Peresani M., Radi G., Ronchitelli A., Sarti L., Thun Hohenstein U., Tozzi C., “Living-floors and structures from the lower Palaeolithic to the Bronze age in Italy”, Collegium Anthropologicum 28(1): 7576.

PERETTO C. 1984. Paleolitico e Mesolitico. In: A. Aspes (ed.), “Il Veneto nell’antichità. Preistoria e Protostoria”, vol. 2: 167-319. Banca Popolare di Verona. CILLI, C., A. GUERRESCHI 2000. Studio archeozoologico e tafonomico di un’area di concentrazione di reperti di faunistici di età epigravettiana (Riparo Tagliente, VR). Atti del 2° Convegno Nazionale di Archeozoologia (Asti, 1997), p. 141-149. Forli, ABACO Edizioni.

GUERRESCHI, A., F. FONTANA, J. LIAGRE 2004. Epigravettian and Mesolithic sites of the Veneto area. Riparo Tagliente. Mondeval de Sora. In: A. Bietti A., Boschian G., Mirocle Crisci G., Danese E., De Francesco A. M., Dini M., Fontana F., Giampietri A., Grifoni R., Guerreschi A., Liagre J., Negrino F., Radi G., Tozzi C., Tykot R., “Inorganic raw materials economy and provenance of chipped industry in some stone age sites of Northern and Central Italy”, Collegium Anthropologicum 28(1): 49-51.

CILLI, C., G. MALERBA, A. ROCCI RIS, G. GIACOBINI, G. GUERRESCHI 2004. Archaeozoological and taphonomic data from level 10 of Riparo Tagliente (Verona, Italy): preliminary results. Bar International Series 1240: 293-298. CREMONA, M.G., F. FONTANA 2003. Analisi tecnoeconomica di una concentrazione di resti litici (US 411) dai livelli epigravettiani di Riparo Tagliente (Stallavena di Grezzana, Verona). In: U. Thun Hohenstein, M. Arzarello, A. Di Nucci (eds.), Primo Convegno Nazionale degli Studenti di Antropologia, Preistoria e Protostoria (Ferrara, 8-10 maggio 2004), Riassunti, p. 58-59.

GUERRESCHI, A., M.B. SQUINTANI 1995. La prima officina litica epigravettiana (T. 10A) di Riparo tagliente (Grezzana, Verona). Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana 86: 19-58. Roma, Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato.

FONTANA, F., S. BERTOLA, F. BONCI, C. CILLI, J. LIAGRE, L. LONGO, G. PIZZIOLO, U. THUN HOHENSTEIN 2004. L’unità stratigrafica 11 nei depositi epigravettiani di Riparo Tagliente (Stallavena di Grezzana, VR). Analisi integrata di attributi tecnologici, funzionali, paleoeconomici e spaziali. In: U. Thun Hohenstein, M. Arzarello, A. Di Nucci (eds.), Primo Convegno Nazionale degli Studenti di Antropologia, Preistoria e Protostoria (Ferrara, 8-10 maggio 2004), Riassunti, p. 77-78.

LIAGRE, J. 2000. Etude du Second atelier de taille (O.L.II) de l’Epigravettien final à l’abri Tagliente (Verona – Italie). Mémoire de Maîtrise, Université Lumière Lyon II, Faculté de Géographie, Histoire, Histoire de l’Art et Tourisme, Spécialité Archéologie. p.131 LIAGRE, J. 2005. Gestion de l’activité de taille et de l’espace domestique au Tardiglaciaire en Italie nord orientale. Analyse des “Officine Litiche” de l’abri Tagliente (Vénetié). Université Aix-Marseille I, Université de Provence, Ecole doctorale N° 355 “Espace, Culture et Sociétés, Formation doctorale: Préhistoire”. p. 380

FONTANA, F., A. GUERRESCHI, J. LIAGRE 2002. Riparo Tagliente. La serie epigravettiana. In: A. Aspes (ed.), “Preistoria Veronese. Contributi e aggiornamenti”, Memorie del Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di Verona, 2^ serie, sez. Scienze dell’Uomo 5: 42-47.

ROCCI RIS, A., C. CILLI, G. MALERBA, G. GIACOBINI, A. GUERRESCHI 2005. Archeozoologia e tafonomia dei reperti provenienti da un complesso epigravettiano (taglio 10) di Riparo Tagliente (Grezzana, VR). In: G. Malerba, P. Visentini (eds.), “Atti del 4° Convegno Nazionale di Archeozoologia” (Pordenone, 13-15 novembre 2003). Quaderni del Museo Archeologico del Friuli Occidentale 6: 111-123.

GUERRESCHI, A. 1983. Strucutures d’habitat épigravettiennes à l’abri Tagliente (Verona) et dans la grotte du Prete (Ancone-Italie). In: H. Berke, L. Hahn, C.J. Kind (eds.), “Upper Palaeolithic settlement patterns in Europe”, Proceedings of the International Congress, Reisenburg/Gunzburg: Archeologica Venatoria, p. 5967.

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CHANGES OF GEOGRAPHICAL ENVIRONMENT IN PREHISTORIC AZERBAIJAN (UPPER PLEISTOCENE AND HOLOCENE) Malahat FARAJOVA Gobustan State Historical Artist Preserve, 3 Lermontov str., Baku, Azerbaijan. Email: [email protected] Abstract: At the Quaternary period radical change of the earth’s relief, which was the consequence of active tectonic and volcanic activity took place at the territory of Azerbaijan. At that period, present mountains Beyukdash, Kichikdash, and Shongar, were washed up by the desalinated Khvalin Sea with mollusks Didacna. Traces of the most ancient settlement of a man in Gobustan are sites, which were revealed in the area once having been under the sea. Fluctuations of the level of the Caspian Sea help us to establish chronology of ancient monuments, whish are in a certain correlation with the layers of transgressions. On the basis of findings of remains of tree vegetation in Upper Pleistocene period in the mountainous part, at any case, the landscape of savanna was developed, but it was formed in other way in comparison with modern savannas of Africa. These north savannas represented lightwoods, which were formed by trees with winter fall of leaves. Now let us consider materials, concerning paleofauna. First of all, we should note, that the analysis of rock depictions of animals give us certain information about the climate of the past. Wild fauna is clearly divided into two groups. To the first group refer the inhabitants of gallery and shrubbery woods (noble deer, a boar). Bones of the boar are well represented in all more or less considerable collections of Gobustan. The inhabitants of open steppe or desert landscapes and mountainous areas an ox, a camel, steppe sheep, and gazelle.represent the second group. Fossilized remains of now being extinct representatives of fauna are known to us from bituminous layers of the Upper Pleistocene period in Apsheron peninsula and in Shikhov(aurochs Bos Primigenius Boj, gazelles Gazella Subgutturosa, kulans Equus hemionus Pall, goats Capra aegagrus Erxl, noble deer Cervus elaphus maral, boars S. apsheronicus Burtsch. Et Dzhaf). Further more detailed study of flora and fauna of Upper Pleistocene epoch in Azerbaijan will let us make corrections in the dating of rock depictions. Keywords: Upper Pleistocene, Holocene, Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan Résumé: Lors de la période quaternaire, de profondes modifications du relief terrestre eurent lieu sur le territoire de l’Azerbaïdjan, à la suite d’intenses activités tectoniques et volcaniques. A cette période, les actuelles montagnes de Beyukdash, Kichikdash, et Shongar ont été lavées par la mer dessalée de Khvalin avec des mollusques Didacna. Les plus anciennes traces d’occupation humaine dans le Gobustan sont des sites situés dans une zone autrefois sous la mer. Les fluctuations du niveau de la mer caspienne nous aident à établir la chronologie des monuments anciens, qui montrent une certaine corrélation avec les couches de transgressions. Sur la base des découvertes de restes de la végétation arbustive du Pléistocène supérieur dans la zone montagneuse, on constate la présence dans tous les cas d’un paysage de savane, mais dont la formation fut différente de celles des savanes modernes de l’Afrique. Ces savanes du nord se composaient de petits arbres à feuillage caduque. Considérons à présent les matériaux, notamment ce qui est de la paléofaune. Tout d’abord, remarquons que l’analyse des gravures rupestres d’animaux nous fournit certaines informations sur le climat du passé. La faune sauvage est clairement divisée en deux groupes. Le premier comprend les habitants des bois de galerie et de bosquet (cerfs communs, sanglier). Les os de sanglier sont attestés dans quasiment toutes les collections plus ou moins conséquentes du Gobustan. Les habitants des paysages ouverts de steppe ou de désert et des secteurs montagneux (boeufs, chameaux, moutons des steppes et gazelles) représentent le second groupe. Des restes fossilisés d’espèces aujourd’hui disparues sont connus dans les couches bitumeuses de la période du Pléistocène supérieur en péninsule d’Apsheron et dans le Shikhov (Bos Primigenius Boj, Gazella Subgutturosa, Equus hemionus, aegagrus Erxl, Cervus elaphus, apsheronicus Burtsch). De futures analyses plus détaillées de la flore et de la faune du Pléistocène supérieur en Azerbaïdjan nous permettront d’effectuer des corrections dans les datations des gravures rupestres. Mots-clés: Pleistocene superieur, Holocene, Mer Caspienne, Azerbaïdjan

it, the Khvalin Sea was formed, which reached far in the north the Ural and Kazan. The interesting thing is that its precipitations in the area of the Black sea corresponded with ancient layers of the Black sea (Vereshagin 1959) (Fig. 11.1). Waters of the Mediterranian Sea through the Black Sea, i.e through Manich gulf reached the Caspian Sea. Manich gulf was opened in Vurme in the Khvalin layer (Popov 1955; Vereshagin 1959; Gul 1956). Specialists usually connect the Khvalin Sea with the last stage of great glaciating of the Caucasus mountain range (Gul 1956).

ENVIRONMENTAL BACKGROUND At the Quaternary period radical change of the earth’s relief, which was the consequence of active tectonic (Aliyev & Budagov 1973) and volcanic activity (Zaroostrovtsev 1966; Gul 1956) took place at the territory of Azerbaijan (Fig. 11.15). The process of orogenesis was taking place in Upper Pleistocene period. In connection with various geological phenomena, fluctuations of the level of the world ocean were taking place, which, in their turn, changed the contours of land and seas. At that period, present mountains Beyukdash, Kichikdash, and Shongar, were washed up by the desalinated Khvalin Sea (Aliyev & Budagov 1973) with mollusks Didacna (Rustamov 1984).

Traces of the most ancient settlement of a man in Gobustan are sites, which were revealed in the area once having been under the sea. Fluctuations of the level of the Caspian Sea help us to establish chronology of ancient monuments, whish are in a certain correlation with the layers of transgressions. Examples of similar chronology

The last great transgression in the area of the Caspian basin took place in Upper Pleistocene, and as a result of 81

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Fig. 11.1. In the Upper Quatenary period, the borders of transgression of the desalinated Khvalin (today Caspian) Sea reached Mingechevir reservoir. Precipitations of this sea with half-freshwater fauna of mollusks were revealed even under the Ural and Kazan

transgression of the Caspian Sea is dated approximately by I millennium B.C. (Kovalevskiy 1933).

we constantly find in Gobustan on Beyukdash and Kichikdash Mountains. Ancient rock pictures, which were buried under the thick layer of ground, were revealed on one of the walls of “Ana-zaga” cave (Fig. 11.3). They refer to the period, when the level of the sea was comparatively lower. These rock pictures were situated at 10-12 km from the shore, on the height of 127m above the level of the sea (World Ocean). Terraces and traces of the shoreline, which were formed at that time, can still be seen sometimes in several kilometers from the modern shore into the depth of the territory. We must also note, that the mixed layer of pebbles and seashells was revealed on “Gaya-arasi” site on Kichikdash mountain (Rustamov 1984).

On the place of present stretching semi desert, scorched with sun, the draught-resistant sparse trees such as pistachio, hawthorn, wild pear, juniper and pomegranates were growing at the period of first settlement of Gobustan (Vereshagin 1981). Natural conditions in the Upper Pleistocene period were close in the damper climate to the woods of gallery type. Analysis of samples of fossilized pollen, which was taken from the remains of the fire in “Ana-zaga” on Beyukdash Mountain, showed, that oak and pine trees were growing on this territory (Rustamov 1994) (Fig. 11.4). All these lets us suppose about the existence of places with pineoak woods in the nearest vicinities of Gobustan and the

Further small sea transgressions were taking place in Holocene, not beyond the modern boundaries. The last

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Fig. 11.4. Deposit and remains of the fire in ”Ana-zaga” cave on Beyukdash Mountain

Fig. 11.2. Relief and contours of land and Caspian Sea.Mountains Kichikdash,Beyukdash and Djingirdag

Fig. 11.5. Even today pine trees are growing near Garaatli cemetery on Kichikdash Mountain Fig. 11.3. The walls of ”Ana-zaga” cave

The fact of the increase of dampness at that period can be confirmed by the existence in the mountains of springs of a rather big freshwater stream, flowing into the sea. This supposition corresponds with the fact that in the Upper Quaternary period, the borders of transgresssion of the desalinated Khvalin (today Caspian) sea reached Mingechevir reservoir. Precipitations of this sea with half-freshwater fauna of mollusks were revealed even under the Ural and Kazan (Vereshagin 1959) (Fig. 11.1).

coastal area of the Caspian Sea. Even today pine trees are growing near Gara-atli cemetery on Kichikdash Mountain (Fig. 11.5). Remains of treelike juniper (Juniperus polycarpos) were found from binagadi bituminous layers of the Upper Pleistocene age, which indicates to the wide extension of juniper woods at that period. Wild pear (Pirus salisifolia), shrub cherry (Prunus microcarpa), pomegranate shrubs (Punica granatum), honeysuckle (Lonicera), elm, grapes vine, which were found out in Binagadi layers have been until recently growing in Gobustan. Some of these types of flora can still be met in Gobustan. In Upper Pleistocene period, on the basis of findings of tree plants in Apsheron, the landscape of savanna was developed. A thick piece of wild grapes vine (Vitis сonf. silvestris), which was found in Binagadi, presupposes the existence of gallery woods (Petrov 1939).

On the slopes of Gobustan foothills grass vegetation of cereals type, which at present can be found in some places with higher dampness in Gobustan, predominated at that time (Gromov 1952). Meanwhile, numerous rock pictures of deer indicate to the existence of well-developed gallery woods, probably later destroyed by people (Vereshagin 1959) (Fig. 11.7).

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Fig. 11.6. Gobustan Site (Azerbaijan). The stoun with petroglifs from cultural layer

Fig. 11.7. Gobustan. Image of deer crosses the image of aurochs on Beyukdash mountain

On the basis of findings of remains of tree vegetation in Upper Pleistocene period in the mountainous part, at any case, the landscape of savanna was developed, but it was formed in other way in comparison with modern savannas of Africa. These north savannas represented lightwoods, which were formed by trees with winter fall of leaves (Petrov 1939).

During archeological excavations, even the jaws of cheetah were found out in these places (Vereshagin 1981). Fossilized remains of now being extinct representatives of fauna are known to us from bituminous layers of the Upper Pleistocene period in Apsheron peninsula and in Shikhov. Today being considered already extinct oxen-aurochs Bos Primigenius Boj, gazelles Gazella Subgutturosa, kulans Equus hemionus Pall, goats Capra aegagrus Erxl, noble deer Cervus elaphus maral, boars S. apsheronicus Burtsch. Et Dzhaf, leopards and lions inhabited the area of the Big Caucasus (Fig. 11.7, 11.8, 11.9).

Such was a general picture of Upper Pleistocene landscape-geographical flora of Gobustan, which, in our opinion, better corresponds to those few facts, which have been known since Binagadi Pleistocene. General desert forming processes of open landscapes in connection with digressing of glacier influenced the process of landscape degradation of northern savanna, formation on its place half -steppe and half-desert plants and the increasing of salting processes.

Considering wild flora of Upper Pleistocene of Azerbaijan, today the desert areas of Apheron peninsula and Gobustan, we should pay attention to the wild aurochs (Bos Primigenius Boj) (Fig. 11.10, 11.11). The most interesting fact is the wide extension of the wild ox-aurochs in the Caspian regions. However, wide extension of aurochs in the late Paleolithic period, was the reason for the conclusion of the majority of researchers, that aurochs is the inhabitant of plain and forest-steppe territories.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL EVIDENCES Now let us consider materials, concerning paleofauna. First of all, we should note, that the analysis of rock depictions of animals give us certain information about the climate of the past. Wild fauna is clearly divided into two groups. To the first group refer the inhabitants of gallery and shrubbery woods (noble deer, a boar). Bones of the boar are well represented in all more or less considerable collections of Gobustan. This animal has been preserved in Azerbaijan till today.

According to the osteological analysis (Dj. Rustamov, 2000) on Gaya-arasi site on Kichikdash 98% of bones belong to gazelle, but in “Ana-zaga” on Beyukdash, 40% belong to kulan, 40% to gazelle out of 10000 revealed bones. Bones of goats and oxen are single. What concerns Kulans Equus hemionus Pall, they have lived in the south of Caucasus since lower Paleolithic period until present times (Fig. 11.12). Numerous depictions of kulans-wild horses on the rocks of Gobustan and revealed bone remains, witness about the wide extension of these types of animals. During archeological excavations In Gobustan in 1986 in “Ana-zaga” cave on Beyukdash mountain bones of kulan were revealed from the cultural layer. Researchers consider kulan the direct descendant of Pleistocene donkey and confirm the extension of Holocene half-donkey-kulan by reliable

The inhabitants of open steppe or desert landscapes and mountainous areas represent the second group. These are an ox, a camel, steppe sheep, and gazelle. Fauna remains of these types are characteristic of not only sites of inner regions, but also monuments of ancient Caspian terraces. The revealed bones of animals from Gobustan settlements and burial mounds belong to the aurochs, sheep, goat, and bird (Rustamov & Muradova 1969). The most part of them is considered to be extinct animals today – an ox, kulan, besoar goat, steppe sheep, and camel. 84

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Fig. 11.8. Image of goat (Capra Aegagrus Erxl) at the Beyukdash mountain

Fig. 11.10. Gobustan. Image of wild aurochs (Bos Primigenius Boj) in “Ana zaga” cave

Fig. 11.9. Images of wild horses (Equus hemionus Pall) in the cave of “Ovchular”

Fig. 11.11. Gobustan. Image of wild aurochs (Bos Primigenius Boj) in the cave of “Ovchular”

facts. Historical information of the ancient authors, and also Nizami Gandjevi’s glorifications of hunting on wild donkeys-onagres in the Kura-Arax lowland (XII c) (Gandjevi) “Iskender-name” transl. K. Lipskerov 1989). Rashid-Ad-Din’s story (XIV c) about grand driving-in hunting on wild onagres, arranged by Gazan khan in Talish (Rashid-Ad-Din. Collection of annals. Transl. A. Arends 1946), witness about habitation of the territory by these animals until recent times. One of the favourite plots of ancient artists was depiction of deer. The deer plot can be traced in the rock pictures of Gobustan, Apsheron, Gemigaya, Kelbadjar, on the crockery and decorations of the Bronze epoch, on Khodjali bronze belt buckles, on ceramics of the Late Bronze epoch of Kiligdag and Khanlar burials (Guseynova 1989). Noble deer Cervus elaphus binagadensis subsb.nova has been known to us from the remains of Upper Quaternary Binagadi bituminous findings from Apheron peninsular (not far from Lokbatan and Binagadi). In Apsheron peninsula, on Artem island (now Pir-Allakhi) from Quaternary deposits, bones and sculls of the deer Cervus elaphus maral,

Ogilby Cervus elaphus maral Ogilby, which is closer to the modern Caucasus type of deer were found out (Alekperova 1952). Remains of these groups of deer on the Caucasus can be traced since low Pleistocene until modern times (Vereshagin 1959).

№

Due to the rock depiction of a spotted deer on stone 24 on upper terrace of Beyukdash Mountain in Gobustan we can judge about existence of the type of spotted deer Cervus (Sica) Nippon Temminick, the remains of which were revealed in the Upper Pleistocene deposits of Apsheron peninsula (Rustamov & Muradova 1984). Great number of bones of the deer was found out during archeological excavations from the cultural layers of the early and middle Bronze epochs on the territory of Nakhichevan (Aliyev 1991). Further more detailed study of flora and fauna of Upper Pleistocene epoch in Azerbaijan will let us make corrections in the dating of rock depictions. Fast

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Fig. 11.12. Gobustan. Images of wild horses (Equus hemionus Pall) in the cave of “Ovchular”

Fig. 11.13. Image of dolphin at the Kichikdash mountain

extermination of these animals was taking place during military campaigns of Skiffs, Huns, Kipchaks and Mongols, and later during the medieval driving-in hunting on the deer in the forests of Gilan, Karabakh by persian shakhs, khans and beks, the bright witness to which are depictions of hunting scenes on the rocks of Gobustan, Kelbadjar, Gemigaya. Revealed remains of bones of a deer in the most ancient caves of Gobustan and also numerous depictions of these animals are the veritable prove to the fact that these types of animals were one of the main objects of hunting of a Paleolithic hunter.

The depiction of big fish, probably dolphin, engraved on the rock, was found on Kichikdash (stone 5) (Fig. 11.13). At present dolphins in the Caspian sea do not live. We have information, that dolphins Delphinus delphis L. lived in the Caspian Sea at the period of Upper Pleistocene.

№

Binagadi deposits are of main importance not only for the decision of great historical problems, but also very important exact-historical questions, such as geological age of late Paleolithic (Upper Pleistocene) and also separate epochs, paleographic conditions of the time of habitation of upper Paleolithic people. At the same time geological-geomorphologic materials served as a basis for the creation of scheme of relative age of sites of this region, particularly of Gobustan. However, even today, there are a lot of not clear and problematic questions. The main reason is not enough research (especially by laboratory methods).

Alongside with bones of gazelles on “Djeyranlar”, “Gayaarasi” sites on Kichikdash mountain Upper Paleolithic inventory was also found out (Rustamov 1986). One of the most numerous rock depictions are besoar goats (Capra aegagrus Erxl.). Analogous depictions are met on the late Bronze ceramics of Eastern Caucasus- on the clay vessels of burial mounds of the valley of Gandja river, Khanlar, Kiligdag and so on (Guseynova 1989), also on the metal ware of Western Azerbaijan.

Apsheron peninsula at the epoch of Late Bronze and Iron represented modern landscape: halfdesert with highlands, seldom reaching 300-400m. More dismembered relief has today the southwestern part, which is connected with various lithological composition of rocks-clay, sands, limestones of Tertiary period. Apsheron peninsula is washed by the Caspian Sea from three parts, and from the west it is protected by massive mountain rocks of the Caucasus ridge. The climate of Apsheron is subtropical. The peculiar climate of Apsheron is formed under the influence of the whole range of facts. Hot breath of Caspian and Kura steppes, the entry from the northwest and northeast of cold masses make Apsheron the arena of the vast transfer of the air masses.

Remains of besoar goats (Capra aegagrus Erxl.) on the territory of Azerbaijan are known to us from Neolithic and Bronze settlements of Gobustan, Apsheron, Gemigaya (Nakhichevan) and Kelbadjar. In Nakhichevan this type has been kept until recent times along Zangezur mountain range and its southern slopes, especially numerous, they were in Negram mountains between Djulfa and Ordubad and on Ilanli-dag. Existence of Capra aegagrus Erxl. in the Bronze epoch is also confirmed by rock depictions of goats, which belong to this period (Fig. 11.8). Remains of boars in Azerbaijan have been known to us since Quaternary period. Rock pictures of boars and revealed in the burials fangs of boars in Gobustan confirm the existence of these animals on this territory approximately since IV thousand years b.c.

Apsheron is a mountainous area. Fold mountainous structure of the surface is very well seen from the western part of the peninsula; in the eastern part mountains are cut off by sea erosion and closed by its deposits. Here the plain relief was formed. All this area is covered with ancient Caspian and modern deposits. To the extreme

Depictions of leopards and lions on the rocks of Gobustan are dated by later periods.

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Fig. 11.14. Dissemination of petroglifs at the territory of Azerbaijan

eastern part of this lowland, which is directly adjoining to the shore of the Caspian Sea, the presence of sand dunes, which are stretching almost uninterruptedly along the coast of the sea till Apsheron peninsula includingly is characteristic. In the central part of the peninsula, in the wide direction Binagadi highland is stretching, which is surrounded by Beyuk-shor, Masazir and Mirdalabi lakes (Shikhlinskiy 1948).

G. Ismail-zade considers that the presence of these rocks became the main reason of settlements of these places from the ancient times (Ismailov 1987). In this region more than 4000 pictures are dated by the Bronze epoch.

Gemigaya is situated on the highest pick of the Small Caucasus on the territory of Azerbaijan -Kapidjik on the height of 3096m above the sea level and is formed by metamorphic deposits. The pick of the mountain collapsed. Big boulders scattered on the south and southwestern slope, and in the course of last milleniums, their surface was polished under the influence of slides and glaciers. Thousands of petroglyphs of the epoch of Neolith, Bronze and early Iron ages were revealed on these rocks (Aliyev 1992).

We brought only the most important of the facts, characterizing changes of geographical environment in Upper Pleistocene and Holocene. The real situation is much more complicated. Landscape zones existed (Fig. 11.14; 11.2). Relief and contours of land and sea had quite different view. Results of such observations give us an opportunity to look at chronological dating of the ancient works of art in a new way.

CONCLUSIONS

References The main part of Kelbadjar consists of volcanic highland. This region is formed by Quaternary lavas. Rock pictures were mainly fixed on the coasts of alpine lakes, the part of which is occupied with craters of extinct volcanoes. Coastal regions of these lakes are rich with deposits of obsidian, flint, schist, and granite.

ALEKPEROVA, N.A. 1952. Gazelles of Binagadi deposits. Binagadi location of Quaternary fauna and flora. Report of the Natural-historical museum by Zardabi. part II, edition V, p. 151. The Academy of Sciences of Az.SSR.

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PETROV, V.A. 1939. The Remains of Vegetation of Binagadi strarum. AZFAN 6: 100-107. POPOV, G.I. 1955. History of Manich Gulf in Connection with the Stratigraphy of the Quaternary Deposits of the Black and Caspian Seas. The Bulletin of Moscow Society of the Historical Nature XXX(2): 3149. RASHID-AD-DIN 1946. Collection of chronicles. A.K.Anders’s translation from Persian. III. publication of the Academy of Sciences of USSR, Moscow, Leningrad, p 340. REPORTS OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL EXCAVATIONS IN 1973-1992. The archive of Gobustan historicalartist reserve.Act 1, 2, and 3.

№

RUSTAMOV, D.N. 1966. Results of archaeological excavations of 1965 in Kobistan. Theses of reports of the II scientific conference of postgraduates of the Institute of History of the Academy of Sciences of the Azerbaijan SSR, Baku, p. 3-5 (in Azeri).

Fig. 11.15. Landscape of Gobustan Site

ALIYEV, V.G. 1991. Culture of the Middle Bronze epoch in Azerbaijan. The Academy of Sciences of SSR, The Institute of History, Baku, p. 253.

RUSTAMOV, D.N. 1984. Mesholithic site in Gobustan (Okuzler-2). Collection “Stone Age and Eneolith in Azerbaijan”, p. 40-49. Azerbaijan State University, Baku.

ALIYEV, V. 1992. Archaeological explorations on Gemigaya. In: Materials of a scientific conference dedicated to the results of works of archaeological and ethnographical sciences. The Academy of Sciences of SSR, The Institute of History, archaeology and ethnography department, Baku, p. 33-36.

RUSTAMOV, D.N. 1986. Gayaarasi-the site of hunters on gazelles. Archaeological and ethnographic explorations in Azerbaijan-1985, p 7-8. Baku.

ALIYEV, V. 1992. Gemigaya monuments. Baku.

RUSTAMOV, D.N. 1994. The World of Gobustan. Baku.

ALIYEV, Sh.Y, B.Y. BUDAGOV 1973. The Legendary Mountains. Baku.

RUSTAMOV, D.N, F.M. MURADOVA Reports of archaeological excavations 1969. The archive of Gobustan historical-artist reserve. Act 1.

№

GANJAVI, N. 1989. Selected works. Iskander-name, K.Lipskerov’s translation from Persian, p. 667.

RUSTAMOV, D.N., F.M. MURADOVA 1971. Excavations in Gobustan. Archaeological discoveries of 1970. Moscow.

GROMOV, I.M. 1952. Fauna of Rodents of Binagadi Pleystocene and its Nature. Binagadi location of quaternary fauna and flora. The Academy of Sciences of Azerbaijan SSR. Natural-historical museum by G.Zardabi. Baku, p. 203-349.

RUSTAMOV, D.N., F.M. MURADOVA 1984. Gobustan expedition in 1979. Archaeological and ethnofraphic explorations in Azerbaijan in 1979. The Academy of Sciences of SSR, The Institute of History, archaeology and ethnography department, p-s 7-9. Baku.

GUL, K.K. 1956. The Caspian Sea. Azerbaijani state publication of oil and scientific-technical literature, B., p. 98.

SHIKHLINSKI, E.M. 1948. About dry winds in Azerbaijani SSR. The Academy of Sciences of the Azerbaijani SSR 4: 33-58.

GUSEYNOVA, M.A. 1989. Ceramics of Eastern Caucasus of the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age of XIV-IX centuries b.c. The Academy of Sciences of SSR, The Institute of History, archaeology and ethnography department, Baku, p.126.

VERESHAGIN, N.K. 1959. Mammals of the Caucasus. Leningrad. VERESHAGIN, N.K. 1981. The Notes of Paleonthologist. The Academy of Sciences of USSR, Leningrad.

ISMAILOV, G. 1987. Research of petroglyphs on Kelbajar highland. Archaeological discoveries of 1985, Moscow, p. 550-551.

ZOROOSTROVTSEV, A.T. 1966. The Archipelago of Volcanoes. Works of Geographical Society 3: 150152. Baku.

KOVALEVSKIY, S.A. 1933. The Face of the Caspi. Works of the Geological Prospecting office of Az.oil 2: 1-129.

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THE PALAEOLITHIC NATURALISTIC ART AT THE DALMERI ROCKSHELTER AND CLIMATE VARIABILITY Giampaolo DALMERI, Anna CUSINATO, Silvia FRISIA, Maria HROZNY KOMPATSCHER, Klaus KOMPATSCHER Museo Tridentino di Scienze Naturali, Via Calepina 14, I-38100 Trento, Italia

Michele BASSETTI CORA Ricerche Archeologiche s.n.c., Spini di Gardolo 75, Gardolo, I-38014, Trento, Italia

Romina BELLI Università di Trento, Dipartimento di Fisica, Via Sommarive 14, Povo, I-38050, Trento, Italia Abstract: Aim of the present work is to present the artistic production of the Epigravettian hunter-gatherers preserved at the Dalmeri Rockshelter in relation to the climatic and environmental changes which occurred at the end of the Late Glacial. The Dalmeri Rockshelter, located at 1240 m above sea level (Trento, NE Italy), yielded over 200 red-ochre painted stones. The archaeological layers, radiocarbon dated at 13.000 cal BP approx., are characterized by two settlement phases. The presence of the painted stones has been linked to the earliest phase. The painted stones, showing different representations, naturalistic paintings as well as signs, pertain to the Upper Palaeolithic naturalistic tradition. Radiocarbon dating frames both phases of settlement within the BøllingAllerød (GI-1 Greenland Interstadial 1) which, according to speleothem climate reconstruction from northern Italy, was relatively warm and humid. This climate scenario offered favorable environmental conditions to the human groups who settled the site. The GI1 was followed by a rapid climate deterioration, known as the Younger Dryas (YD; Greenland stadial 1), which lasted about 1000 years. Its cold and dry conditions were such as to cause the abandonment or the erratic use of the north-facing Dalmeri Rockshelter. This climate instability and the environment changes during the Late Glacial most probably influenced the Epigravettian culture and the spirit world of these hunting communities. Keywords: Dalmeri Rockshelter, Late Glacial, Naturalistic art, Red ochre paintings, Climate variability Résumé: La présente étude porte sur la production artistique des chasseurs-cueilleurs épigravettiens de l’abri Dalmeri, mise en relation avec les changements climatiques et environnementaux à la fin du Tardiglaciaire. L’abri Dalmeri (Trente, Italie nordorientale) situé à 1240 m d’altitude, a conservé plus de 200 pierres peintes à l’ocre rouge. Les unités anthropiques, datées par radiocarbone à environ 13.000 cal BP, sont caractérisées par deux phases d’occupation. La présence des pierres peintes est liée à la phase la plus ancienne. La production artistique, qui comporte des peintures naturalistes et des représentations schématiques, appartient à la “tradition naturaliste” du Paléolithique supérieur. Les datations radiocarbone font remonter les deux phases d’occupation à l’interstade du Bølling-Allerød (GI-1 Greenland Interstadial 1), qui, selon la reconstitution climatique basée sur les spéléothèmes de l’Italie du nord, semble avoir été relativement chaud et humide. Ce cadre climatique a pu offrir des conditions environnementales favorables aux groupes humains qui ont occupé le gisement. La phase GI-1 a été suivie par une rapide détérioration climatique, connue comme étant le Dryas III (YD; Greenland stadial 1), et qui a perduré environ 1000 ans. Le climat froid et aride du Dryas III a pu provoquer l’abandon ou l’utilisation sporadique de l’abri Dalmeri, qui est orienté vers le nord. L’instabilité climatique et les modifications environnementales observées pendant le Tardiglaciaire ont probablement joué un rôle dans le développement de la culture et de la spiritualité de ces communautés des chasseurs. Mots clés: Abri Dalmeri, Tardiglaciaire, Art naturaliste, Peintures en ocre rouge, Instabilité climatique

small valley, where the Ombra stream occasionally flows after flooding episodes. Nothing can be said about the past stream hydrology, but we would like to stress the atypical position of the rockshelter, which is set in a humid valley, in a mixed conifer and broadleaf wood, facing North-Est. This location is uncommon in the Epigravettian settlement patterns. Furthermore, presentday climate conditions at the site can be defined as continental humid, with mean annual temperatures of about 6.5°C and mean annual rainfall of about 1500 mm. From December to early March, surface air temperature is near or below zero and results in snow precipitations. Maximum rainfall commonly occurs in late Autumn (400 mm approx. in one or two months).

THE GEOGRAPHICAL AND CHRONOLOGICAL SETTING The Dalmeri Rockshelter is located at 1240 m above sea level on the north-eastern slope of a wide karst plateau, dissected by valleys, in the eastern Italian Prealps (Trento Province, NE Italy, 45º 59' 37'' N, 11º 36' 8'' E). It is set on the border of the Marcesina plateau, at about one hundred metres from the 1000m-high approx. cliff that drops down to the bottom of Valsugana valley (Fig. 12.1). The Marcesina plateau is a typical karst geoecosystem, characterized by scarce surface hydrology, as most of the water flows underground. At the end of the Late Glacial the situation was different, as the plateau was characterized by several lakes and ponds, which are now the sites of peat bogs (Trevisan 1939; Filippi et al. 2006). At the present, the Dalmeri Rockshelter is located in a

The 1990 discovery of the rockshelter was the result of surveys carried out by the Museo Tridentino di Scienze Naturali (Bagolini & Dalmeri 1994; Bassetti & Dalmeri

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Fig. 12.1. The Dalmeri Rockshelter, a panoramic view of the field research area (Trento, Italy)

units formed during cold climate conditions. The lowermost units (LU – US 54), associated with karstic and/or colluvial carbonatic silt, lie on the bedrock. Nearer the top, the finer-sediment fraction shows a variable content of aeolian silt (UES – units with eolic sediments – UUSS 51, 52, 53,). This group of units, dated 1359013250 14C cal BP 2σ, is overlain by open-work frost slabs (PSU – pre-settlements units, UUSS 15b, 50) (Table 12.1).

1993). Its study, coordinated by Giampaolo Dalmeri, has been going on now for 15 years. The archaeological levels have been excavated over an area of 84 sqm, which is 30 m approx. long on its NNE-SSW axis and 7 m deep. The shelter ceiling was 7 to 10 m high. Excavations brought to light a sequence of anthropic levels with Recent Epigravettian remains, pertaining to at least two settlement phases (Bassetti et al. 2001). Radiocarbon dating allows to ascribe both phases to the Late Glacial Interstadial, in the framework of the climatostratigraphic criteria proposed by Ravazzi (2003). In reference to the Northern Hemisphere stratigraphy proposed by the INTIMATE group (Björck 1998), which allows comparison with global events, observed in the Greenland ice cores, the two settlement phases fit into Greenland Interstadials 1 b and 1c. In reference to the well-known pollen zones identified in Northern Europe, the two settlement phases pertain to the Allerød Interstadial (Litt et al. 2001). As the climatic changes, which characterised the Late Glacial in the Southern Alps do not fit the boundaries of the chronozones proposed by Mangerud (Mangerud et al. 1974), the climatostratigraphy, being diachronous, may not be the most proper criterion for a chronostratigraphic framework. Thus, caution must be used in the chronostratigraphy of the Dalmeri Rockshelter, as there is not a specific one for the South-Alps of Italy. Possibly, the best criterion is simply to use the calibrated radiocarbon ages.

The earliest human occupation phase, subdivided into the units UUSS 74, 15a, 65, 26d-e, is strictly associated with the presence and the arrangement of the painted stones (PSS – painted stones structure). The main units, 65 and 26d-e, which are rich in organic matter and anthropogenic components, such as lithic artefacts, faunal remains and charcoals, are associated with numerous red ochre painted stones. These units gradually decrease towards the inner shelter zone. The overlying Epigravettian dwelling floors (EDF – UUSS 26c, 26b-14) define a sequence of horizons connected to the anthropic activity. They are characterised by micaceous silty loam sediment with high organic matter content, associated to anthropogenic components (Angelucci & Peresani 1996). The two main archaeological levels 26c and 26b-14 have been excavated over an area of 84 sqm. A large amount of lithic artefacts, faunal remains, bone artefacts were recovered from these levels, as well as five human decidual teeth and one adult tooth, ornamental objects and engraved cortical flakes. The dwelling structures in the 26c and 26b-14 units allow us to identify two distinct zones, one central and one western, in the rockshelter. Two hearths have been excavated in the central zone, whereas a dwelling structure including a combustion area

THE STRATIGRAPHIC SUCCESSION The 4 m-thick stratigraphic succession investigated spans from the Late-Glacial to the Holocene (Fig. 12.2). It includes a pre-settlement phase consisting of cryogenic 90

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Fig. 12.2. Stratigraphic schematic section A-A, showing radiocarbon dates and layer relations of the Dalmeri Rockshelter (LU=lower units, UES=units with eolic sediments, PSU= pre-settlement units, PSS=painted stone structure, EDF=Epigravettian dwelling floors, UU=upper units, TS=top soil)

Tab. 12.1. The radiocarbon dates, measured on charcoals coming from the layers of Dalmeri Rockshelter, were obtained in the following laboratories: UtC (Faculteit der Natur- en Sterrenkunde, University of Utrecht, Holland); Rome (Dipartimento di Scienza della Terra, University of Rome, Italy); KI, KIA (Leibniz Labor, University of Kiel, Germany). Calibration was carried out by using the OxCal v.3.10 software program (Bronk Ramsey 1995) Layer (phase)

Laboratory number

26b (edf)

UtC-6777

14 (edf) 26e (pss) 26d (pss) 65 (pss) 51 (bes)

Age BP 1 sigma range

Cal Age BP 2 sigma range

Material dated

14

11.100±60

13.130-12.900

charcoal

KI-3634

14

11.260±100

13.310-12.940

charcoal

Rome-657

14

11.250±100

13.300-12.940

charcoal

KIA-20345

14

11.340±45

13.300-13.120

charcoal

KIA-20341

14

11.450±50

13.410-13.210

charcoal

UtC-5040

14

11.550±70

13.590-13.250

charcoal

Method C C C C C C

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images. Secondly the depiction in a simplified form conveys the typical behaviour of each animal or gives an impression of its active movement. The majority of the figures are portrayed in a typical position of the species (for instance grazing) (Fig. 12.4 and 12.5), while few of them show movements such as jumping (Fig. 12.4 and 12.6). The majority of the figures face left (18 cases), whereas right facing figures are quite rare (5 cases) (Fig. 12.4).

and a cumulus of faunal remains were recognised in the western part. The chronological phase of the dwelling floors, dated to 13310-12940 and 13130-12900 14C cal BP 2σ, is consistent with the lithic artefact typology (Cusinato 1999) and technology (Montoya 2004; Bassetti et al. 2000). The upper sequence is formed by stratified deposits showing complete or partial clastic support (UU – upper units, UUSS 2-21), which can be divided into two series. The earliest was only sporadically frequented, whereas the latest one is sterile.

The anthropomorphic stones include both naturalistic and schematic types. The first category is represented by two examples, RD 211 and RD 82. The RD 211 greatly differs from the other paintings in the type of figure depicted, its size (34x23x14 cm) and its position on top of an artificial pile, so that it was higher than the other painted stones (Fig. 12.7). This human subject (28x15 cm) is shown with wide apart legs, spread arms and has a head-covering, represented by two symmetrical circles linked by a narrow band. Its right side coincides with the lateral edge of the limestone support, and consequently the right arm and a part of the head-covering overlap onto the side of the stone.

THE ART AT DALMERI ROCKSHELTER Before the year 2000, the research Dalmeri Rockshelter project focused on the palaeoeconomy and the spatial organisation of the site. Following the discovery of 217 red ochre painted stones, which took place from 2001 to 2006, the interpretation of the Dalmeri Rockshelter began to touch the artistic-religious sphere. The Dalmeri Rockshelter is characterised by a pictorial language that is different from those previously known. Above all, this site is different because of the technical work methods used, of the quantity of paintings found and of the iconographic variety, which contains naturalistic subjects as well as schematic types (Broglio & Dalmeri 2005; Dalmeri et al. 2004, 2006a, b).

Five stones have been included in the category of the schematic anthropomorphic types. One of these RD 82 shows stylistic similarities to the painted stone n.2 found in the Villabruna Rockshelter, which is located in the same geographical area and has also been dated to the Late-Glacial Interstadial (Aimar et al. 1994; Broglio 1998). These similarities suggest that the occupants of these two shelters shared at least some common iconographical elements and probably a common spirit world.

The red ochre silhouettes were painted on oolitic grainstone taken from the Jurassic host rock. The majority of the painted stones (74.8%) had their decorated sides face-down and in contact with the ground. The paintings were almost completely coated with a thin calcium carbonate crust. It has been decided to conserve a small part of the original calcite crust on the majority of the restored stones, so that further tests can be carried out.

A preliminary microstructural, mineralogical and crystallographic characterisation was carried out on two painted stones and six ochre fragments coming from the anthropic layers 26b and 26c. The choice was made on the basis of their different aesthetic features and their shades of colour (RD 211 and RD 114). The coloured film presents variable thicknesses, colour intensity and spatial distribution under the calcite crust.

The average size of the stones is 15x11x6 cm. Mechanical removal of the coating revealed different types of figures: 23 zoomorphic figures, 19 schematic figures or signs, 7 anthropomorphic figures, 4 stones preserving colour associated with wear traces, 3 composite representations, 2 representations of hand (one positive handprint and one figurative), 2 stones preserving colour associated with engravings,1 colour bas-relief, 1 stone preserving colour, engravings and marginal polishing, 155 stones with colour traces or uniform colour (Fig. 12.3).

Different techniques like Metallographic Optic Microscopy (OM), X-Ray Diffraction (XRD), Scanning Electron Microscopy (SEM), Energy Dispersion Spectroscopy (EDS) and Fourier Transformation Infra Red Spectroscopy (FTIR) were held necessary for this study (BELLI 2006). The FTIR analyses revealed the presence of hematite (Fe2O3) as the pigment used and the XRD also confirmed this result (Fig. 12.8). Moreover, EDXS analysis revealed the presence of calcium, silicon, magnesium and, in a few samples, of sulphur and titanium. The presence of these elements is compatible with the practice of mixing pigments with clay-minerals and related materials. Although few analyses indicate hematite as the only pigment used, the presence of so many shades of colour and of a few different chemical elements suggest the use

In most cases, there is an univocal relationship between a stone and a representation, but in a few cases one single stone preserved two or more figures (Fig. 12.4). For instance, two stones preserve two zoomorphic figures each on the same surface. Altogether, the 25 zoomorphic figures identified are characterised by two similar modes of representation. Firstly the exploitation of the natural morphology of the stones was often used to increase the plastic effect of the 92

G. DALMERI ET AL.: THE PALAEOLITHIC NATURALISTIC ART AT THE DALMERI ROCKSHELTER AND CLIMATE VARIABILITY

Fig. 12.3. Diagram showing the frequency of the pictorial types on the stones. The total number of ochre painted stones is 217. Colour traces on one or more faces (55.8%), uniform colour on one or more faces (15.7%), zoomorphic figures (10.6%), schematic figures or signs (8.7%), anthropomorphic figures (3.2%), colour associated with wear traces (1.8%), composite representations on two faces (1.4%), hand print/figure (0.9%), colour associated with engravings (0.9%), colour bas-relief (0.5%), colour + engravings + marginal polishing (0.5%)

Fig. 12.4. Zoomorphic representation typology (n. 25). Stones with one zoomorphic figure (n. 21), stones with two zoomorphic figures on the same face (n. 2). Figures facing left (n. 18), figures facing right (n. 5), unclear (n. 2). Horned figures (n. 17), figures without horns (n. 6), unclear (n. 2). Static figures (n. 19), moving figures (n. 4), unclear (n. 2)

of another type of ochre (i.e. goethite; FeOOH). More specific studies are still in progress in order to understand

the pigment knowledge and colour palette of the Dalmeri Rockshelter artists.

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Fig. 12.5. The red ochre painted stone RD 109, representing an ibex Fig. 12.7. The anthropomorphic figure RD 211

Fig. 12.6. The red ochre painted stone RD 177, representing an ibex

Fig. 12.8. XRD 211: XRD spectra of the red layer of painted stone RD211: numbers (1) indicate hematite and (2) calcite

THE PALAEOENVIRONMENT AT DALMERI ROCKSHELTER AND CLIMATE CHANGES AT THE END OF PLEISTOCENE The palaeoenvironment, during the period of the Late Glacial when the Dalmeri Rockshelter was settled, has been reconstructed as an open alpine prairie on the top of the plateau (about 1400 m. a.s.l.) surrounded by conifer forests (pine and larch woods) at a lower level (Castelletti & Maspero 1992). The pollen readings (Kofler 1994; Avigliano et al. 2000) seem to indicate that the rockshelter was situated below the timberline.

al. 1999). Furthermore the diet was integrated with fish captured in the valley floor rivers. This practise is demonstrated by the discovery of fish remains from species existing in low altitude ecosystems (Albertini & Tagliacozzo 2004). The archeozoological data indicates that ibex hunting took place in summer and the beginning of autumn and allowed us to presume that the rockshelter was occupied principally during this period (Tagliacozzo & Fiore 2000). This data suggests hunter-gatherers seasonal movements between the valley floor and the mid-mountain altitudes and also frequent altitudinal shifts within the same season.

Recent data indicate a feeding strategy that exploited resources from different natural environments. Hunting the ibex, whose ecologic niche is the Alpine prairie, was supplemented by exploitation of other ungulates, such as roe deer, which inhabited the conifer forests (Cassoli et

As in the Trentino research area there is, as yet, no data available on the palaeoclimate evolution of the Late Glacial, we have to rely on the reconstruction from a stalagmite removed from the Savi Cave, located at 450 m a.s.l. in the Karst of Triest (Frisia et al. 2005, 2006).

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G. DALMERI ET AL.: THE PALAEOLITHIC NATURALISTIC ART AT THE DALMERI ROCKSHELTER AND CLIMATE VARIABILITY

Fig. 12.9. The climatic instability during the Late Glacial: the speleothem climate reconstruction from the Savi Cave near Trieste

was also characterized by severe winters and cooler summers than in the previous period. Winter temperatures were most probably below 0°C for several months. Below freezing winter conditions and cool summers were such as to cause the abandonment or erratic use of the northfacing Dalmeri Rockshelter. The Younger Dryas was punctuated by a warmer phase (recognized in a shift to lower delta 13C values in the Savi record, indicative of active soil microbial degradation) which may have permitted re-occupation of the mid-mountain, southfacing shelters (Cogola Rockshelter) and open air sites (Bus de la Lum). This scenario is confirmed by independent archaeobotanical data from Cansiglio (Avigliano et al. 2000) and ongoing pollen research at Lago di Lavarone (Frisia et al. 2006).

However, this is representative of the wide South-Alpine region. The stalagmite started growing 17000 years ago. This indicates that climate conditions were wet and warm enough to form calcite in caves. The forest had already reached elevations of about 500 m a s l at least in N-E Italy (Fig. 12.9). In the period from 12900 to 14000 BP, the stalagmite climate proxy data indicates thriving forest soil activity. This phase appears to have been the wettest and the warmest of the whole Late Glacial. Furthermore, we know from the orbital parameters that seasonal contrast was much higher at about 13000 years ago than today. Thus, we expect that there were favourable climate conditions for seasonal dwelling on the Marcesina karst plateau, with abundant water resources from meltwaters. We also hypothesize that conditions at the Dalmeri Rockshelter were more favourable with respect to the present, being characterized by warmer summers, and, possibly, by lower summer humidity.

CONCLUSIONS There is a current in modern archaeology which links climate and societal changes. Mithen (2003), for example, identified a change in our ancestors’ mind which took place at the end of the Pleistocene. It is possible that a more naturalistic style, typical of the Late Glacial cave painting tradition, was no longer a means of transmitting information. Thus, it was replaced by more “abstract” forms. According to Mithen (2003) this change coincided with the Younger Dryas.

The GI-1 was followed by a well known climate deterioration, the Younger Dryas (YD, Greenland Stadial 1), which lasted about 1000 years. The YD in the Savi record is marked by low growth rate (prolonged cold season) and co-variant stable C and O isotope values (evaporation in summer) (Fig. 12.9). Nevertheless, stalagmite growth at about 500 m a.s.l. demonstrates that there was still forest soil activity in the warm season. This data indicates a combination of cold winters and relatively dry warm summers. By accounting for the orbital parameters and the altitude, we infer that the Dalmeri Rockshelter site

The pre-YD Dalmeri Rockshelter painted stones are still influenced by the Upper Palaeolithic naturalistic tradition. The representations discovered, with their variety of

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examples of Riparo Dalmeri (Trento). In: J. P. Brugal, J. Desse (eds), “Petits animaux et sociétés humaines. Du complément alimentaire aux ressources utilitaires”, Actes des XXIV rencontres internationales d’archéologie et d’histoire d’Antibes, 23-25 octobre 2003, p. 131-136.

animal figures, in fact show a simple but clear pictorial style, that displays, in great detail, the form of the animals. As well as the naturalistic paintings, the site has also preserved some schematic representations, that show well-defined and delimited coloured areas. The contemporaneity of these two art forms indicates the persistence of the naturalistic style during the Late Glacial (Leonardi 1989) and at the same time it can suggest the development of a process that led to abstractive art (Beltran Martinez 1993).

AIMAR, A., A. ALCIATI, BROGLIO, A. L. CASTELLETTI, L. CATTANI, C. D’AMICO, G. GIACOBINI, A. MASPERO, M. PERESANI 1994. Les Abris Villabruna dans la Vallée du Cismòn. Preistoria Alpina 28: 227-254.

This site, therefore, has the potential to provide a better insight into the “cave mind”. To explore this and to ascertain the chronology of the painted stones, we intend to continue our work along the following lines of research. The identification of pictorial languages and a comparison of eventual similarities between individual stones and other sites will be continued. Moreover an investigation of the chronological and functional relation between the first and the second settlement phase will include a detailed comparative study of the technotypological features of the lithic industries of the two phases, a new series of radiocarbon dating and an extension of the excavation to the outer area of the shelter.

BAGOLINI, B., G. DALMERI 1994. Marcésina. Preistoria Alpina 28(2): 320-321. BASSETTI, M., G. DALMERI 1993. Riparo Dalmeri e Grotta d’Ernesto: antichi insediamenti umani della Marcesina sull’Altopiano dei Sette Comuni (Trento). Acta Geologica 70: 125-134. BASSETTI, M., A. CUSINATO, G. DALMERI, K. KOMPATSCHER, M. HROZNY KOMPATSCHER 2000. Riparo Dalmeri (Trento). L’industria litica negli spazi d’abitato epigravettiani. Preistoria Alpina 31(1995): 23-36. BASSETTI, M., G. DALMERI, K. KOMPATSCHER, M. HROZNY KOMPATSCHER, M. LANZINGER 2001. Research on the Epigravettian site of Riparo Dalmeri on the Sette Comuni plateau (Trento). Preistoria Alpina 34: 139-154.

Acknowledgements S.F. and R.B. acknowledge the project PARD, funded by Museo Tridentino di Scienze Naturali. The Dalmeri Rockshelter research project is sponsored by the Museo Tridentino di Scienze Naturali, Trento. We thank the Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici of Trento for the excavation permits. We thank Jeremie Liagre, Elena Munerati, Charlotte Orani, Nicoletta Martinelli and Francesca Nicolodi for technical assistance.

BELTRAN MARTINEZ, A. 1993. Arte Preistorico en Aragon. Ibercaja, Zaragoza.

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BROGLIO, A., G. DALMERI 2005. Pitture paleolitiche nelle Prealpi. Venete Grotta di Fumane e Riparo Dalmeri. Verona, Cierre Edizioni.

BJÖRCK, S., J.C. WALKER, C. CWYNAR LES, S. JOHNSEN, C.L. KNUDSEN, J.J. LOWE, B. WOHLFARTH 1998. An event stratigraphy for the Last Termination in the North Atlantic region based on the Greenland ice-core record: a proposal by the INTIMATE group. Journal of Quaternary Science 13: 283 – 292.

AIMAR, A., A. ALCIATI, A. BROGLIO, L. CASTELLETTI, L. CATTANI, C. D’AMICO, G. GIACOBINI, A. MASPERO, M. PERESANI 1994. Les Abris Villabruna dans la Vallée du Cismòn. Preistoria Alpina 28 (1992): 227-254.

BROGLIO, A. 1998. Considerazioni sulla produzione artistica dell’Epigravettiano recente del Veneto e del Trentino: due nuove pietre del Riparo Villabruna A. Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche 49: 103-121.

AVIGLIANO, R., G. DI ANASTASIO, M. PERESANI, C. RAVAZZI 2000. A new Late Glacial-Early Holocene palaeobotanical and archaeological record in the Eastern Pre-Alps: the Palughetto basin (Cansiglio Plateau, Italy). Journary of Quaternary Science 15: 789-803.

CASSOLI, P.F., G. DALMERI, I. FIORE, A. TAGLIACOZZO 1999. La chasse dans un gisement épigravettien de montagne: Riparo Dalmeri (Trento, Italie). In: A. Thévenin, P. BINTZ (eds.), “L’Europe des derniers chasseurs”, p. 459-464. Paris: Éditions du CHTS.

ANGELUCCI, D., M. PERESANI 1996. The micromorfology of some Palaeo-Mesolithic living-floors in the southern Alps: preliminary data. In: XIII Int. Congress of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences, Forlì-Italia. Paleoecology Colloquia, p. 161-174. Forlì: Abaco Ed.

CASTELLETTI, L., A. MASPERO 1992. Dati antracologici relativi all’ultima fase della glaciazione nelle Alpi orientali italiane. Preistoria Alpina 28(1): 105114. CUSINATO, A. 1999. L’industria litica epigravettiana di Riparo Dalmeri. Rivista di Archeologia XXIII: 5-27. Giorgio Bretschneider Editore.

ALBERTINI, D., A. TAGLIACOZZO 2004. Fresh water fishing in Italy during the Late Glacial period: the

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LITT, T., A. BRAUER, T. GOSLAR, J. MERKT, K. BALAGA, H. MÜLLER, M. RALSKA-JASIEWICZOWA, M. STEBICH, F.W.J. NEGENDANK 2001. Correlation and synchronisation of Lateglacial continental sequences in northern central Europe based on annually laminated lacustrine sediments. Quaternary Science Reviews 20: 1233-1249.

DALMERI, G., M. BASSETTI, A. CUSINATO, K. KOMPATSCHER, M. HROZNY KOMPATSCHER 2004. The Epigravettian mobilary art of the Dalmeri Rockshelter (Trento, northern Italy). International Newsletter on Rock Art 40: 15-24. DALMERI, G., M. BASSETTI, A. CUSINATO, K. KOMPATSCHER, M. HROZNY KOMPATSCHER 2006a. Le site Épigravettien de l’Abri Dalmeri: aspects artistiques à la fin du Paléolithique supérieur en Italie du Nord. Anthropologie 110(4): 510-529.

MANGERUD, J., S.T. ANDERSEN, B.E. BERGLUND, J.J. DONNER 1974. Quaternary stratigraphy of Norden, a proposal for terminology and classification. Boreas 3: 109-28.

DALMERI, G., M. BASSETTI, A. CUSINATO, K. KOMPATSCHER, M. HROZNY KOMPATSCHER 2006b. The discovery of a painted anthropomorphic figure at Riparo Dalmeri and new insights into alpine Epigravettian art. Preistoria Alpina 40(2005): 163169.

MITHEN, S. 2003. After the Ice. London, Phoenix. MONOTOYA, C. 2004. Le tradition techniques lithiques à l’Epigravettien: analyses de séries du Tardiglaciaire entre Alpes et Méditterranée. Thèse du Doctorat, Université Aix-Marseille I.

FILIPPI, M.L., G. DALMERI, A. CUSINATO, M. BASSETTI 2006. Studi sulla sequenza lacustrepalustre di Palù Echen (Altopiano di Folgaria – Trento). Preistoria Alpina 41(2005): 153-157.

RAMSEY, C.B. 1995. Radiocarbon and analysis of stratigraphy: the OxCal Program. Radiocarbon 37(2): 425-430. RAVAZZI, C. 2003. An overview of the Quaternary continental stratigraphic units based on biological and climatic events in Italy. Il Quaternario – Italian Journal of Quaternary Sciences 16(1bis): 11-18.

FRISIA, S., A. BORSATO, C. SPÖTL, M.I. VILLA, F. CUCCHI 2005. Climate variability in the SE Alps of Italy over the past 17.000 years reconstructed from a stalagmite record. Boreas 34(4): 445 – 455.

ROSANÒ, P., S. PELLIZZARO 2004. Analisi chimicostratigrafico di tre pietre dipinte con ocra. In: A. Broglio, G. Dalmeri (Eds.), “Pitture paleolitiche nelle Prealpi. Venete Grotta di Fumane e Riparo Dalmeri”, p.139-143. Cierre Edizioni, Verona.

FRISIA, S., A. BORSATO, C. SPÖTL, M.I. VILLA, F. CUCCHI, D. GENTY 2006. Pleistocene and Holocene Alpine and Peri-Alpine speleothem 18O and 13C chronologies. INQUA-Subcommission on European Quaternary Stratigraphy Conference: Quaternary Stratigraphy and Evolution of the Alpine Region in the European and Global Framework, Milano-Bicocca 14-15 September 2006, Book of Abstracts p. 44-46..

TAGLIACOZZO, A., I. FIORE 2000. Chasse specialisée dans une site de montagne: l’exemple de l’Abri Dalmeri (Trento, Italie). La gestion dèmografhique des animaux à travers le temps. Anthropozoologica 31: 69-76.

KOFLER, W. 1994. Die Vegetationsentwicklung im Spätpaläolithikum und Mesolithikum im Raume Trient. Preistoria Alpina 28(1): 83-103.

TREVISAN, L. 1939. Il glacialismo quaternario sull’ Altopiano dei Sette Comuni (Vicenza). Bollettino del Comitato Glaciologico Italiano 19: 99-115.

LEONARDI, P. 1989. Sacralità, arte e grafia paleolitiche – splendori e problemi. Manfrini Editori, Trieste.

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THE USE OF MOUNTAIN SECTORS DURING EPIPALAEOLITHIC AND MESOLITHIC IN THE WESTERN SWITZERLAND PREALPS Pierre CROTTI, Jérôme BULLINGER Musée d’archéologie et d’histoire, Lausanne (CH) Abstract: The oldest settlement of the Western Switzerland Prealps dates certainly to the Late Epipalaeolithic, approximately 9500 BCcal, and probably even to the Azilian, during the Alleröd. In the mountain zone, rock shelters, between 900 and 1200 m, like Château-d’Œx, were probably used as seasonal residential sites. The surface surveys initiated in the year 2000 revealed open air sites in the lower sub alpine zone, between 1400 and 1700 m. Most of the occupations are located on small heights, close to marshes or small lakes, generally near passes. Preliminary results on the siliceous raw materials supply indicate a strong territorial mobility of these hunter-gatherer groups. Keywords: Alps, Epipalaeolithic, Mesolithic, Territorial mobility, Mountain settlement Résumé: L’occupation des Préalpes de Suisse occidentale remonte avec certitude à l’Epipaléolithique récent, dès 9500 BCcal, et probablement même à l’Azilien, au cours de l’Alleröd. Les sites en abri sous roche de l’étage montagnard, comme celui de Châteaud’Œx, établis entre 900 et 1200 m, jouaient certainement le rôle de sites résidentiels saisonniers. Les prospections de surface initiées en 2000 ont révélé de nombreux gisements de plein air dans l’étage subalpin inférieur, échelonnés entre 1400 et 1700 m d’altitude, de préférence sur de petites hauteurs, en bordure de marais ou d’anciens lacs, généralement à proximité de cols. Les premiers indices sur l’approvisionnement en matières premières siliceuses laissent entrevoir une forte mobilité territoriale de ces groupes de chasseurs-cueilleurs. Mots-clés: Alpes, Epipaléolithique, Mésolithique, Mobilité territoriale, Occupation de montagne

quartzite flakes from Schnurenloch, to the Lateglacial or Early Holocene (Andrist et al. 1964; Bandi 1984). In the light of these findings, we think that these caves were not considered by the Epipalaeolithic or Mesolithic groups as usual settlements, integrated in their economic territories and their subsistence strategies, but on the contrary as exceptional shelters.

INTRODUCTION In recent years, several researchers working on the Epipalaeolithic and Mesolithic have tried to determine the mobility of hunter-gatherers groups, based particularly on the circulation of the siliceous raw materials and on the functional or seasonal complementarity of the sites. These approaches were more pronounced in the geographical areas where the differences between the landscapes are clearly contrasted. Thus, in the mountain regions, where the seasonality of the occupations is evident, the results are significant. In the Alps, since the first works of Bernardino Bagolini in Trentino (Bagolini 1972), the research was multiplied, not only in northern Italy but also, for example, in France, particularly in Chartreuse and Vercors (Bintz 1999), and in the Austrian Tyrol (Schäfer 1998). In the central Alps, the current territory of Switzerland, data concerning the use of mountain sectors are limited for the moment (Crotti & Pignat 1994; Crotti 2002b; Curdy et al. 1999; Jagher et al. 2000). Our aim is to present the available results for a restricted area, the Western Switzerland Prealps (Fig. 13.1).

More research was undertaken in 1951 in Riedli Balm (950 m), a large rock-shelter close to Zweisimmen (Fig. 13.1.1). Unfortunately, the lithic artefacts were collected in secondary position. In the absence of stratigraphic context, only a typological or technological approach of the assemblage, 1500 pieces, was possible. We could distinguish at least two phases of occupation: Late Mesolithic, attested by trapezes (Fig. 13.3.2-4) and a typical Montbani blade (Fig. 13.3.5), and Epipalaeolithic, identified by a backed point fragment (Fig. 13.3.1) (Crotti & Bullinger, in press).

A REFERENCE SITE: THE CHÂTEAU-D’ŒX BLOCK SHELTER

THE FIRST RESEARCH IN SIMMENTAL (BERN)

Discovered in 1989, the Château-d’Œx block shelter yielded a stratigraphic sequence in which the remains, including bones, are well preserved (Fig. 13.1.6; Fig. 13.4) (Chaix & Bridault 1999; Crotti & Pignat 1993; Crotti 2002a).

Since 1925, and during about thirty years, three impassioned amateurs have concentrated their efforts primarily on the exploration and excavation of “bear caves”: Schnurenloch (Oberwil, 1230 m; Fig. 13.1.2), Ranggiloch (Boltigen, 1845 m; Fig. 13.1.3) and Chilchlihöhle (Erlenbach, 1810 m; Fig 13.1.4; Fig. 13.2). They found many bone remains, mainly of Ursus spelaeus, and a few lithic artefacts, not related to the faunal assemblage and dating, except three Mousterian

Chronology The Late Mesolithic layer is particularly rich in faunal remains. The lithic assemblage is characterized by trapezes and Montbani blades. The two available radio99

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Fig. 13.1. Western Switzerland Prealps Epipalaeolithic and Mesolithic sites: 1. Riedli Balm (Zweisimmen, Bern), 950 m.; 2. Ranggiloch (Boltigen, Bern), 1845 m.; 3. Schnurenloch (Oberwil, Bern), 1230 m.; 4. Chilchlihöhle (Erlenbach, Bern), 1810 m.; 5. Oeyenriedschopf (Diemtigen, Bern), 1180 m.; 6. Château-d’Œx block shelter (Château-d’Œx, Vaud), 1180 m.; 7. Jaunpass (Boltigen, Bern), 1500-1510 m.; 8. Mittelberg (Saanen, Bern), 1600 m.; 9. Petit Mont (Charmey, Fribourg), 1550-1700 m.; 10. Gros-Mont (Charmey, Fribourg), 1400 m.; 11. Les Roseys (Rougemont, Vaud). 1420 m.; 12. Forcla Pass (Rougemont, Vaud). 1660 m.; Mesolithic reference sites (outside the Prealps).; 13. Châble-Croix/Vionnaz (Collombey-Muraz, Valais), 390 m.; 14. Baume d’Ogens (Ogens, Vaud), 670 m.

metric datings on bones are very similar, around 6000 BCcal.

older epipaleolithic level, certainly anterior to the Late Dryas, between 12000 and 11000 BCcal.

For the Early Mesolithic, in absence of radiocarbon dating, the precise chronological attribution of this horizon is not specified. The microliths consist of triangles and micropoints.

Function of the site and seasonality The first tendencies that arise from the preliminary analysis of the faunal remains indicate a broad range of hunted species: red deer, ibex, chamois, wild boar, badger, fox, alpine hare, etc. The available results for the Late Mesolithic layer indicate, in spite of the presence of “alpine” elements, a diversified exploitation of the animal resources that differ not significantly from the pattern observed in the Swiss Plateau sites. No evidence of specialised hunting is detectable. The few data of seasonality indicate occupations of the shelter between July and November, perhaps even between April and December (Chaix & Bridault 1999).

The Late Epipalaeolithic unit is characterized by narrow backed points and thick backed bladelets, arrow armatures whose reduced size is one of the features of the recent facies of the Epipalaeolithic. One radiocarbon dating, carried out on a bone located on the top of this level, places this unit around 9500 BCcal. Finally, a typical azilian point, found at the limit of the excavated zone, indicate probably the existence of an 100

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Fig. 13.2. Chilchlihöhle (Erlenbach, Bern), 1810 m. Background: view of the cave; foreground: the 1943 excavations (Bernisches Historisches Museum, Bern; after Volmar 1944)

Fig. 13.3. Riedli Balm (Zweisimmen, Bern), 950 m. Lithic artefacts. 1. Backed point. 2-4. Trapezes. 5. Montbani blade. 1. Epipalaeolithic. 2-5. Late Mesolithic. Drawings by Belén Nión, scale 1:1.

important but far from being exclusive: the work of hide, antler and plant are also represented.

For all layers we observe an intense flint knapping activity, including a large proportion of local raw materials available in abundance at a short distance of the shelter. The local resources represent more than 75% of the retouched artefacts.

In addition, we observed that the function of the site seems very stable: indeed, the relative proportions of the worked matters, as an image of the practised activities, vary very little in the course of time.

The composition of the tool assemblage, as observed in Swiss Plateau sites, suggests diversified activities, not exclusively related to hunting. The micro-wear analysis confirms this impression (Khedhaier 2003). Excluding the microlithic armatures, obviously dedicated to hunting, it could be note that the activities related to hunting, in particular with the treatment of the carcasses, are

In addition, if we compare the traceological results of Château-d’Œx with those of Ogens rock shelter (Fig. 13.1.14) (Egloff 1965), an Early Mesolithic site located on the Swiss Plateau and dated around 7500 BCcal, the conclusions are very similar (Khedhaier 2003).

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Fig. 13.7. Gros-Mont (Charmey, Fribourg). 1400 m. The sites are distributed around an ancient lake Fig. 13.4. Château-d’Œx block shelter (Château-d’Œx, Vaud), 1200 m. Stratigraphy. The Late Epipalaeolithic level (around 9500 BCcal), darker, in the middle of the profile, is easily identifiable

settlements known in Western Switzerland, for example Ogens or Châble-Croix/Vionnaz rock shelters (Fig. 13.1.13) (Pignat & Plisson 2000; Pignat 2002). Open air sites recently discovered The research initiated in the year 2000 was strictly restricted to surface surveys, without any excavation or boring. Although the number of flint artefacts collected remains for the moment are limited, and their chronological attribution very broad, the cartography of the finds allows to have a first idea of the topo-geographical type of configuration particularly appreciated by the prehistoric hunter-gatherer groups to establish their camps. Four sites discovered in spring 2000 are located on the Jaun pass around the marsh of Kilchmoos (Boltigen, Bern), at the altitude of about 1500 m (Fig. 13.1.6; Fig. 13.5) (Crotti & Bullinger 2001; Welten 1952). Except for site n°2, the flint artefacts are concentrated on small heights. The topographic configuration of the Jaunpass appears to be particularly favourable to mesolithic settlements and corresponds to the model observed in other alpine areas, with the presence of a lake surrounded by small hills close to a pass. Moreover, siliceous raw materials are available not only in the regional context but also in the immediate vicinity of the pass that constituted certainly an additional advantage.

Fig. 13.5. Jaunpass (Boltigen, Bern), 1500-1510 m. The sites are located around the marsh of Kilchmoos. In the background, direction west, the Gastlosen range

Different other places have yielded flint artefacts: Mittelberg (Saanen, 1600 m; Fig. 13.1.8), Les Roseys (Rougemont, 1420 m; Fig. 13.1.11) and Col de la Forcla (Rougemont, 1660 m: Fig. 13.1.12; Fig. 13.6) (Crotti & Bullinger in press); Le Gros-Mont (Charmey, 1400 m; Fig. 13.1.10; Fig. 13.8) and Le Petit-Mont (Charmey, 1550-1700 m; Fig. 13.1.9) (Braillard et al. 2003). These are limited series but they attest Mesolithic occupations on several passes in the prospected area and a relatively high density of sites, suggesting frequent occupations of the mountain zone areas during the Mesolithic.

Fig. 13.6. The Forcla pass (Rougemont, Vaud). 1660 m

Consequently, through the composition of faunal remains or lithic tools, nothing clearly set apart, in a functional or economic point of view, this mountain site from plain

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Fig. 13.8. Château-d’Œx block shelter (Château-d’Œx, Vaud), 1180 m. A bottom valley residential site. On the background, north-east direction, the Gastlosen range

the lower sub alpine zone (1400-1900 m) we find open air sites (established between 1400 and 1700 m), in the vicinity of passes or passages, near small lakes or marshes. It appears that caves, whose access is often difficult, have been used only rarely or even exceptionally, as indicated by the examples of Simmental. The higher sub alpine zone (1900-2400 m) has so far not yielded any evidence for human presence during the Epipalaeolithic and Mesolithic.

CONSIDERATIONS The initial analysis of the available results concerning the Epipalaeolithic and Mesolithic of the Western Switzerland Prealps, briefly summarized, permits to propose a preliminary assessment, in spite of restricted data. Chronology It has been shown that the first occupations of the mountain sectors of the Western Switzerland Prealps are older than previously thought. The human presence dates with certainty to the Late Epipalaeolithic, contemporary to the beginning of Preboreal, as shown by the sequence of Château-d’Œx, and probably even to the Azilian, during the Alleröd, from 12000 to 11000 BCcal. The Early Mesolithic and the Late Mesolithic are clearly represented. These human occupations at various successive time periods do not mean an absolute continuity in the use of this mountain region; rather it seems plausible that the area was abandoned during the Younger Dryas cooling event. In the same way it is questionable whether the mountain zone above 1200 m was inhabited during the Late Palaeolithic.

Function of the sites The mountain zone settlements were used as residential sites, as demonstrated by the documented example of Château-d’Œx (Fig. 13.8). It was probably also the case for Riedli Balm. They represented unspecialized sites with a broad exploitation of animal resources and diversified technical activities. From an economical point of view, they do not differ from low-land settlements like Châble-Croix/Vionnaz or Ogens, except, of course, their shorter seasonal utilization (Bridault 2000; Chiquet 2005). The function of the open air sites in the lower sub alpine zone is not yet defined. Were they used more as hunting or as residential camps? How did these open air sites differ from the mountain zone rock shelters?

Settlements Relations between mountain and plain sites The distribution of the sites reveals several aspects: the settlements in the mountain zone (900-1400 m), like Château-d’Œx and Riedli Balm, are rock shelters with repeated occupations, located at the bottom of valleys. In

The use of the Western Switzerland Prealps by Epipalaeolithic and Mesolithic populations is clearly attested. It is now appropriate to raise the question of the integration

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of these mountain sectors in the economic territories of the groups that used them seasonally. We assume that, for these periods, the siliceous raw materials supply was probably integrated within the other subsistence activities of the group and its territorial mobility. This strategy, corresponding to the “embedded procurement” according to the definition of L.R. Binford (1979), was often highlighted in Mesolithic contexts. Thus, the siliceous raw materials supply territory can be considered as an acceptable approximation of the economic territory of a hunter-gatherer group.

References ANDRIST, D., W. FLÜKIGER, A. ANDRIST 1964. Das Simmental zur Steinzeit. Bern, Stampfli (Acta Bernensia ; 3), 211 p. BAGOLINI, B. 1972. Primi risultati delle ricerche sugli insediamenti epipaleolitici del Colbricon (Dolomiti). Preistoria alpina 8: 107-149. BANDI, H.-G. 1984. Mesolithic settlements in the Bernese prealpine area. Preistoria alpina 19: 57-62. BINFORD, L.R. 1979. Organization and formation processes: looking at curated technologie. Journal of anthropological research 35: 255-273.

The best documented example in our area, illustrating mobility between plain and mountain sites, is the case of Ogens, a Mesolithic site recently re-examined. The petrographical study, concerning the cores and the retouched tools, indicates a strong proportion of prealpine materials that occupies the first rank among the supply sources. Moreover, the analysis of the lithic structure indicates, for the prealpine materials, coming precisely from the presented area, a very strong rate of microlithic armatures, largely higher than the average, associated with a low rate of cores. These results suggest a strong mobility in direction of the Prealps, and frequent displacements between plain and mountain sectors.

BINTZ, P. 1999. Peuplements et milieux du Paléolithique final au Mésolithique dans les Alpes du Nord françaises: dynamique et occupations territoriales. In: P. Della Casa (ed.), “Prehistoric alpine environment, society and economy”, International colloquium PAESE ’97 in Zurich. Bonn, Rudolf Habelt (Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie ; 55): 101-110. BRAILLARD, L., S. MENOUD, M. MAUVILLY, J.-L., BOISAUBERT, J.-M. BAERISWYL 2003. Préalpes et chasseurs-cueilleurs en terres fribourgeoises, une vieille et longue histoire…. Cahiers d’archéologie fribourgeoise 5: 42-71.

Moreover, the available preliminary data about the presence of exogenic materials in the mountain sites indicate that a small proportion of the analyzed artefacts are coming from the centre of the Swiss Plateau, from the areas of Lucerne and Olten, a hundred kilometres distant. These results confirm the economic interest of this region for the Epipalaeolithic and Mesolithic hunter-gatherer groups. Long distance movements, including mountain sectors, are confirmed by the first tendencies of the petrographical analysis of the lithic assemblages of Château-d’Œx, and illustrate the strong territorial mobility of these groups.

BRIDAULT, A. 2000. L’exploitation des ressources animales à la Baume d’Ogens (Vaud, Suisse). In: P. Crotti (ed.), “Méso ‘97”, Actes de la table ronde “Épipaléolithique et Mésolithique” (Lausanne, 21-23 novembre 1997), Lausanne, Cahiers d’archéologie romande (Cahier d’archéologie romande ; 81): 101108. CHAIX, L., A. BRIDAULT 1999. Contribution de l’archéozoologie à la caractérisation des modalités d’occupation des sites alpins et jurassiens, de l’Épipaléolithique au Néolithique. In: A. Thévenin (ed.), “L’Europe des derniers chasseurs: Épipaléolithique et Mésolithique”, Actes du 5e Colloque international de l’Union internationale des sciences préhistoriques et protohistoriques, Commission XII (Grenoble, 18-23 septembre 1995), Paris, Éditions du Comité des Travaux Historiques et Scientifiques : 547-558

In the absence of archaeological data concerning other mountain regions bordering the Swiss Plateau, it is not possible to know if this territorial mobility includes the whole northern slopes of the Central Alps, or is targeted on precise and limited zones, offering for example an easier access to flint sources.

CHIQUET, P. 2005. Des Mésolithiques amateurs de grenouilles? Une étonnante découverte sur le site de la Baume d’Ogens (Vaud, Suisse). Revue de paléobiologie (volume spécial) 10: 59-67.

CONCLUSION While awaiting new data (intensified field surveys and planned excavations), two points can be drawn already at present. First, the Prealps of western Switzerland were frequently occupied by Epipalaeolithic and even more by Mesolithic hunter-gatherer groups; secondly, the territorial mobility of these groups was considerable, with movements reaching a hundred kilometres and more. Further research is needed to gain a better understanding of the economic territories and better define the chronological position as well as the function of the different types of sites.

CROTTI, P. 1993. L’Épipaléolithique et le Mésolithique en Suisse. Les derniers chasseurs. In: J.-M. Le Tensorer (ed.), “La Suisse du Paléolithique à l’aube du Moyen-Age 1: Paléolithique et Mésolithique”. Bâle, Société suisse de préhistoire et d’archéologie : 203-244. CROTTI, P. 2002a. L’abri sous bloc de Château-d’Oex: un habitat de montagne dans les Préalpes. In: “Premiers hommes dans les Alpes de 50000 à 5000 avant 104

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Jésus-Christ”. Catalogue d’exposition. Lausanne, Payot: 159-163

JAGHER, R., M. FISCHER, P. MOREL 2000. Altwasser-Höhle (Rüte AI): une station de chasse épipaléolithique à 1410 m d’altitude dans l’Alpstein (massif du Säntis): fouilles 1994 et 1995. In: P. Crotti (ed.), “Méso ‘97”, Actes de la table ronde “Épipaléolithique et Mésolithique” (Lausanne, 21-23 novembre 1997), Lausanne, Cahiers d’archéologie romande (Cahier d’archéologie romande ; 81): 217-224.

CROTTI, P. 2002b. Mesolithic settlement of the Central Alps and the use of the mountain sectors. Preistoria alpina 34: 101-110. CROTTI, P., J. BULLINGER 2001. Campements mésolithiques d’altitude sur le Jaunpass (Simmental, canton de Berne, Suisse). Annuaire de la Société suisse de préhistoire et d’archéologie 84: 119-124.

KHEDHAIER, R. 2003. Contribution à l’étude fonctionnelle des industries lithiques sauveterriennes. Comparaisons de deux sites du Sud-Est de la France (Le Sansonnet et Le Pey de Durance) et de la Suisse occidentale (La Baume d’Ogens et Le Châteaud’Oex). Thèse de doctorat. Université de Provence – centre d’Aix, 2 vol.

CROTTI, P., J. BULLINGER (in press). Occupations épipaléolithiques et mésolithiques dans les Préalpes de Suisse occidentale: nouvelles données. In: “Au Tours du Méso”. Table ronde Épipaléolithique-Mésolithique (Tours, 13-14 octobre 2001) Paris, Société préhistorique française (Mémoire de la Société préhistorique française).

PIGNAT, G. 2002. L’abri sous roche de Châble-Croix: un camp de chasse et de pêche en plaine du Rhône. In: “Premiers hommes dans les Alpes de 50000 à 5000 avant Jésus-Christ”. Catalogue d’exposition. Lausanne, Payot: 165-169.

CROTTI, P., G. PIGNAT 1993. L’abri sous roche de Château-d’Oex (VD, Suisse). Présence mésolithique en milieu alpin. Annuaire de la Société suisse de préhistoire et d’archéologie 76: 141-143.

PIGNAT, G., H. PLISSON 2000. Le quartz, pour quel usage? L’outillage mésolithique de Vionnaz (CH) et l’apport de la tracéologie. In: P. Crotti (ed.), “Méso ‘97”, Actes de la table ronde “Épipaléolithique et Mésolithique” (Lausanne, 21-23 novembre 1997), Lausanne, Cahiers d’archéologie romande (Cahier d’archéologie romande ; 81): 65-78.

CROTTI, P., G. PIGNAT 1994. L’utilisation des étages montagnards durant le Mésolithique dans les Alpes suisses Human adaptation to the mountain environment in the upper Palaeolithic and Mesolithic. Preistoria alpina 28(1): 275-284. CURDY, P., M. DAVID-ELBIALI, M. HONEGGER 1999. Le peuplement du Mésolithique à la fin de l’Âge du Fer dans les Alpes de Suisse occidentale. In: P. Della Casa (ed.), “Prehistoric alpine environment, society and economy”, International colloquium PAESE ’97 in Zurich. Bonn, Rudolf Habelt (Universitätsforschungen zur prähistorischen Archäologie ; 55): 47-59

SCHÄFER, D. 1998. Zum Untersuchungstand auf dem altmesolithischen Fundplatz vom Ullafelsen im Fotschertal (Stubaier Alpen, Tirol). Germania 76(2): 439-496. VOLMAR, A.F. 1944. Auf den Spuren simmentalischer Höhlenbärenjäger. Berner Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Heimatkunde 1: 7-48.

EGLOFF, M. 1965. La baume d’Ogens, gisement épipaléolithique du Plateau vaudois: note préliminaire. Annuaire de la Société suisse de préhistoire et d’archéologie 52: 59-66.

WELTEN, M. 1952. Über die spät- und postglaziale Vegetationsgeschichte des Simmentals. Veröffentlichungen des Geobotanischen Institutes Rübel in Zürich 26: 3-135.

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STRUCTURING A SETTLEMENT MODEL FOR THE EARLY MESOLITHIC IN NORTH-EASTERN ITALY Stefano GRIMALDI Dipartimento di Filosofia, Storia e Beni Culturali, Università di Trento (Trento, Italy) Email: [email protected]

Abstract: Author discusses an hypothetical settlement and mobility system adopted by early Mesolithic human groups in northeastern Italian Alps. Archaeological and ethnographical data are shown to suggest the existence of a territory covering the entire northeastern Italy, from the southern Alps to the Adriatic Sea, and where hunter gatherers may have exploited both terrestrial and marine resources in order to face the rapid and dramatic climatic variations occurred during the Preboreal and Boreal transition. Keywords: Settlement patterns, Early Mesolithic, Alps, Italy, Pradestel rockshelter, Colbricon site Résumé: L’auteur présent une hypothèse de système d’exploitation territoriale et de mobilité adopté par les premiers groupes mésolithique dans le nord-est des Alpes italiennes. Des données archéologiques et ethnographiques sont présentées qui suggèrent l’existence d’un territoire couvrant l’ensemble du nord-est de l’Italie, depuis les Alpes méridionales jusqu’aux côtes adriatiques. Les chasseurs-cueilleurs y auraient exploités des ressources tant terrestres que marines, afin de faire face aux rapides et brutales variations climatiques de la transition Préboréal – Boréal. Mots clés: Modèles d'implantation, Mésolithique ancien, Alpes, Italie, Abri sous roche de Pradestel, Gisement de Colbricon

INTRODUCTION

Pradestel rockshelter

In Trentino region (northeastern Italy), the altimetric distribution of early Mesolithic (or “Sauveterrian”) archaeological evidence – taking into account both excavated sites and surface finds of lithic artefacts – is characterised by the presence of sites on the valley floor, all located on the plain of the river Adige, and by many high altitude sites situated at around 2000 metres (see among others Bagolini 1971; Bagolini et al. 1984; Broglio 1971, 1972, 1995; Dalmeri & Pedrotti 1995; Dalmeri et al. 2001) (Fig. 14.1). While the former are mainly rock shelters, all characterized by thick deposits, frequently showing complete Mesolithic stratigraphic sequences, the latter are characterized by small concentrations of lithic artefacts, with rare – if any – clear evidence of settlement structures. Furthermore, no faunal remains have been preserved at high altitude sites. On the basis of several considerations (distribution of raw materials, typological structures of lithic industries, and topographic characteristics of the sites), earlier authors have proposed a “vertical” adaptation model, according to which Sauveterrian hunter gatherers moved seasonally and locally from sites located on the Adige valley floor, interpreted as winter residential camps, to high altitude sites, interpreted as summer residential or hunting camps (for instance, Broglio 1982; Broglio & Lanzinger 1990, 1996).

This site is situated about six kilometers north of Trento on the left side of the Adige Valley, at an altitude of 225 metres and about 15 metres above the present valley floor. The excavations carried out in the mid 1970s by the Museo di Scienze Naturali di Trento and the Università di Ferrara, involved only a small part of the original deposit which had been mostly destroyed by quarrying work (Bagolini & Broglio 1975; Bagolini et al. 1973). The Sauveterian levels dated are L7-8, L1, and H and cover a period ranging from 10366 to 8996 cal. BP (according to Calib 5.0.2 calibration program, see URL: www.calib. org). Samples are represented by charcoals collected during the excavation and “often pertaining to units identifiable as hearths; being always related with certainty to archaeological findings these samples were extremely reliable as for the cultural identity” (Alessio et al. 1984: 246). Analyses of both pollen (Cattani 1977, 1995) and bone remains (Boscato & Sala 1982; Sala 1977) evidenced a climatic change, that probably took place between the Pre-boreal and Boreal, in correspondence with the undated level L4. While in the middle-lower part of layer L there is an association of relatively arid arboreal grasslands, in the upper part we see an environment that is more forested and little more humid. An attempt to chronologically date the climatic change observed at Pradestel rockshelter could be made by considering that the time interval between which it is possible to insert level L4 is 9270 BP (i.e. the latest dating of level L7-8) and 8440 BP (i.e. the earliest dating of level L1). It is therefore possible to hypothesise that level L4 could correspond chronologically to the middle of this interval, i.e. 8855 BP. Using a sufficiently wide standard

TWO TEST CASES: PRADESTEL ROCKSHELTER AND COLBRICON OPEN AIR SITES We chose two well known sites that have been the subject of careful excavations: the rock shelter at Pradestel in the river Adige valley, and the open air site at Colbricon, situated at an altitude of about 2000 metres (Fig. 14.1).

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Fig. 14.1. Distribution of Mesolithic sites in northeastern Italy and localisation of Pradestel rockshelter (P), Colbricon site (C), and Romagnano rockshelter (R)

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In Fig. 14.2, some general features about Pradestel lithic industry are shown in relation to the stratigraphy. The oldest and undated Sauveterrian Level M has been excluded from the graph as it only supplied three scrapers and 58 debris. Levels L and H do not show any important differences in relation to blanks (divided into blades and

deviation, for example ±200 years, we obtain a chronological range for the climatic change observed at Pradestel which is from 10415 to 9491 cal. BP (according to Calib 5.0.2 calibration program, see URL: www.calib.org). As we will see, this chronological range will be useful when Colbricon sites are compared.

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flakes) and cores (divided into cores for the production of blades and cores for the production of flakes). The typological structure is characterised by a marked percentage increase of backed tools and geometrics in the later levels. The levels preceding the climatic change are characterised mainly by points. The percentage of waste material, such as debris, fragments, microburins, show a marked increase in the quantity of blanks and microburins in the levels following the climatic change, while the levels preceding it show an interesting presence of waste. Cortical blanks are rare.

Colbricon sites The Mesolithic site at Colbricon is made up of nine concentrations of lithic artifacts, distributed in a more or less restricted area around two small lakes situated at altitudes of 1922 and 1902 metres, respectively (Bagolini 1972; Bagolini & Dalmeri 1988; Bagolini et al. 1975). Several authors (see for instance Bagolini & Dalmeri 1995), on the basis of the topographical characteristics and the typological characteristics of the artefacts, have suggested a functional interpretation for these lithic concentrations. Generalising, lake sites seem to denote features that are mainly connected to subsistence activities. On the contrary, the sites situated on crests could have been occupied for hunting purposes. No faunal remains have been found at the Colbricon sites due to the chemical alteration of the sediments. On the contrary, a pollen analysis has been carried out at Colbricon site 3. This site seems to have been inhabited when montane grassland with Picea, Pinus sylvestris and Pinus cembra characterized the local environment (Cattani 1995). These results are similar to those obtained from pollen analyses carried out in bog areas near Bressanone (AltoAdige, northeastern Italy) where corresponding stratigraphical layers have been dated to the “Boreal comprised from 8920 ±130 BP and 7870 ±140 BP” (Cattani 1984: 256, Author’ s translation).

The dimensional relationship of the artefacts (Fig. 14.3) evidence an interesting dimensional standardisation of the blanks whether or not they are retouched. The cores also present dimensions that are comparable with the flake and blade blanks. In our opinion, even if the vertical adaptation model cannot be completely discarded, information described above – as well as differences in thickness and anthropic features of the layers preceding and following the climatic change in layer L4 (Dalmeri 1977) – do not seem to confirm the possibility that Pradestel was systematically used as a seasonal residence. More, raw material entered the site as pre-forms; accordingly, given their low presence, it is possible to suggest that the cores were later taken away. The absence of cores as well as of cortical items, and the presence in different quantities of various types of artefacts, seems to suggest a more temporary occupation of small human group/s with various activities processed over time. Thus, the standardisation of the size of the cores seems to be linked to a functionally specialised occupation in the framework of a mobility model that Sauveterrian people had well defined over time and space.

To date, only radiometric dating regarding Colbricon site 1 has been published. Samples of charcoal provided the following date: 9370 ±130 BP (Alessio et al. 1977; 1984; Broglio & Improta 1994-1995). Recently, new dates have been provided from charcoal samples (selected by the Author) coming from Colbricon 109

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rate and humid climate, Colbricon seems to have become the destination of more complex groups, for example one or more nuclear families, who moved to high altitudes, leading to the presence of extremely mobile settlements, which in difference to the preceding ones, were more structured and situated closer to the lakes.

3, 7, 8A, and 9 (Grimaldi 2006a). The sites that were dated can be divided into the two settlement categories defined earlier. The first category includes the sites with a limited area of extension, situated on rocky crests and characterised by a small concentration of lithic artefacts, without a differentiated distribution of the artefacts and evidence of habitation structures (Sites 8A and 9). The second category includes sites, generally situated near the lakes, characterised by larger habitation areas than the preceding ones and by large quantities of lithic artefacts that are often spatially distributed in a differentiated manner allowing the occupation areas to be identified, each of which seems to be connected to functional activities (Sites 1, 3 and 7). On the basis of the dating carried out, the sites on the crests are older, while those situated near to the lakes are more recent (Fig. 14.4). More interesting, lake sites clearly seem to be linked to the chronological interval of the Preboreal-Boreal transition, observed in layer L4 at Pradestel rockshelter. Then, it is possible to suggest that this climatic variation caused new balances in the existing faunistic and vegetal association in the mountain areas. In particular, we could suppose that the climatic improvement influenced the qualitative and quantitative distribution of the herds of herbivorous animals such as deer and ibex which were the animals most frequently hunted (based on the faunistic remains found in the rock shelters of the Adige Valley). Therefore the settlement strategies employed by human groups in mountain areas would seem to have gradually transformed. The change caused the abandonment of the sites on the crests, which were probably used by only a few individuals as temporary camp sites (following the interpretation of previous authors, see references in Dalmeri et al., 2001) to carry out one or more specific activities (for example hunting specific species of animals) during the coldest and most arid phase of the Pre-boreal. With the change to a relatively more tempe-

If we accept this hypothesis, we may find some evidence of adaptive change in valley floor sites. A support to this hypothesis comes from typological analysis of Colbricon lithic industries and their comparison to other assemblages from early Mesolithic low altitude sites in Trentino region, such as Pradestel and Romagnano (Broglio & Kozlowski 1984). In Fig. 14.5, only the typological categories with a presence higher than 10% are shown. All the typological categories are characterised by a percentage change in their frequency which reaches a maximum or minimum variability in Romagnano level AC5, Pradestel level L1, and Colbricon sites 1 and 3. It is therefore interesting to note a similar behaviour in the industries found in different sites but in levels directly linked to the beginning/early phase of the Boreal environment (see Fig. 14.4). It is obvious that this work hypothesis must be considered as a course-grain tool that would be subject to greater study in the future. Unfortunately, the lack of any evidence confirming the “contemporaneity” of low and high altitude sites (such as refitting) still remains the main obstacle to provide a fine-grained resolution for this scenario.

AN ETHNOGRAPHICAL PERSPECTIVE What we are here suggesting is that: a) following the Pradestel lithic industry, the site was exploited as temporary 110

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Fig. 14.6. Examples of ethnographic territories of Subarctic hunter gatherers (modified from DeLaguna 2000; Vanstone 1974). Please, note the Trentino territory at the bottom left of the figure (black square)

Fig. 14.7. Hypothetical mobility/settlement territory as suggested by the Vertical model (A) and hypothetical mobility/settlement territory as suggested by the author according to ethnographic comparison (B) 112

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L. MANDRA, B. TURI 1977. University of Rome Carbon-14 Dates XVI. Radiocarbon 19: 79-104.

BROGLIO, A. 1972. I più antichi abitatori della Valle dell’Adige. Preistoria Alpina 8: 157-176.

ALESSIO, M., I. ALLEGRI, F. BELLA, A. BROGLIO, G. CALDERON, C. CORTESI, S. IMPROTA, M. PREITE MARTINEZ, V. PETRONE, B. TURI 1984. 14 C datings of three mesolithic series of Trento Basin in the Adige Valley (Vatte di Zambana, Pradestel, Romagnano) and comparisons with mesolithic series of other regions. Preistoria Alpina 19: 245-254.

BROGLIO, A. 1982. Culture e ambienti della fine del Paleolitico e del Mesolitico nell’Italia nord-orientale. Preistoria Alpina 16: 7-29. BROGLIO, A. 1995. Mountain sites in the context of the nort-east Italian Upper Paleolithic and Mesolithic. Preistoria Alpina 28: 293-310. BROGLIO, A., & S.K. KOZLOWSKI 1984. Tipologia ed evoluzione delle industrie mesolitiche di Romagnano III. Preistoria Alpina 19: 93-148.

BAGOLINI, B. 1971. Ricerche sulla tipometria litica dei complessi epipaleolitici della Valle dell’Adige. Preistoria Alpina 7: 243-276.

BROGLIO, A., & S. IMPROTA 1994-1995. Nuovi dati di cronologia assoluta del Paleolitico superiore e del Mesolitico del Veneto, del Trentino e del Friuli. Atti dell’Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti 153: 145.

BAGOLINI, B. 1972. Primi risultati delle ricerche sugli insediamenti epipaleolitici del Colbricon (Dolomiti). Preistoria Alpina 8: 107-149. BAGOLINI, B., A. BROGLIO 1975. Pradestel (Trento). Preistoria Alpina 11: 331.

BROGLIO, A., & M. LANZINGER 1990. Considerazioni sulla distribuzione dei siti tra la fine del Paleolitico superiore e l’inizio del Neolitico nell’Italia nordorientale. Natura Bresciana 13: 53-69.

BAGOLINI, B., G. DALMERI 1988. I siti mesolitici di Colbricon (Trentino): analisi spaziale e fruizione del territorio. Preistoria Alpina 23: 7-188.

BROGLIO, A., & M. LANZINGER 1996. The human population of the southern slopes of the eastern Alps in the Wurm Late Glacial and early Postglacial. Il Quaternario 9: 499-508.

BAGOLINI, B., G. DALMERI 1995. Colbricon: a venti anni dalla scoperta. Preistoria Alpina 28: 285-292. BAGOLINI, B., F. BARBACOVI, G. BERGAMO, L. BERTOLDI, G. MEZZANA, L. POSTAL 1973. Pradestel (Trento). Preistoria Alpina 9: 243-244.

CATTANI, L. 1977. Dati palinologici inerenti ai depositi di Pradestel e di Vatte di Zambana nella Valle dell’Adige (Tn). Preistoria Alpina 13: 21-29.

BAGOLINI, B., F. BARBACOVI, L. CASTELLETTI, LANZINGER M. 1975. Colbricon (scavi 1973-1974). Preistoria Alpina 11: 1-35.

CATTANI, L. 1984. Il paesaggio postglaciale del Colbricon in base alle analisi polliniche dell’insediamento mesolitico. Preistoria Alpina 19: 255-257.

BAGOLINI, B., A. BROGLIO, M. LUNZ 1984. Le Mésolithique des Dolomites. Preistoria Alpina 19: 536.

CATTANI, L. 1995. Prehistoric environments and sites in the Eastern Alps during the Late Glacial and Postglacial. Preistoria Alpina 28: 61-70.

BEST, A. 2003. Regional variation in the material culture of hunter gatherers. BAR International Series 1149.

DALMERI, G. 1977. Il giacimento quaternario di Pradestel (Trento). Sedimenti e industrie. Tesi di laurea, Facoltà di Scienze Geologiche, Università degli Studi di Ferrara, Ferrara (Italia).

BINFORD, L. 1968. Post-Pleistocene adaptations. In L. Binford, S. Binford (eds.), “New perspectives in archaeology”, p. 313-341. New York, Academic Press.

DALMERI, G. & A. PEDROTTI 1995. Distribuzione topografica dei siti del Paleolitico superiore finale e Mesolitico in Trentino. Preistoria Alpina 28: 247267.

BINFORD, L. 1978. Nunamiut ethnoarchaeology. New York, Academic Press. BINFORD, L. 1983. In pursuit of the past. London. Thames and Hudson. BINFORD, L. 1990. Mobility, housing, and environment: a comparative study. Journal of Anthropological Research 46: 119-152.

DALMERI, G., S. GRIMALDI, M. LANZINGER 2001. Il Paleolitico e il Mesolitico. In M. Lanzinger, F. Marzatico, A. Pedrotti (eds.), “La preistoria e protostoria – Storia del Trentino”, volume I, p.15118. Trento, Istituto Trentino di Cultura.

BINFORD, L. 2001. Constructing frames of reference. Berkeley, University of California Press.

DELAGUNA, F. 2000. Travels among the Dena. Washington, University Press.

BOSCATO, P., & B. SALA 1982. Dati paleontologici, paleoecologici e cronologici di tre depositi epipaleolitici in valle dell’Adige. Preistoria Alpina 16: 4561.

GAMBLE, C.S., W.A. BOISMIER 1991. Etnoarcheological Approaches to Mobile Campsites. International Monographs in Prehistory, Michigan. GRIMALDI, S. 2006a. Radiocarbon dating of the early Mesolithic Colbricon Site (North-Eastern Italian Alps). Journal of Anthropological Sciences 84: 137145.

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GRIMALDI, S. 2006b. Un tentativo di definire un modello di Territorio e Mobilità per i cacciatori raccoglitori Sauveterriani dell’Italia nord-orientale. Preistoria Alpina 41: 73-89.

LEE, R.B., I. DEVORE 1968. Man the hunter. Chicago, Aldine SALA, B. 1977. Il popolamento floristico e faunistico dei dintorni di Trento nell’Olocene antico. Preistoria Alpina 13: 7-10.

HELM, J. 1961. The Lynx Point People: the dynamics of a northern Athapaskan Band. National Museum of Canada Bulletin 176.

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HELM, J. 1968. The nature of Dogrib socioterritorial groups. In: R.B. Lee, I. DeVore (eds.), “Man the hunter”, p. 118-125. Chicago, Aldine.

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KELLY, R.L. 1995. The foraging spectrum. Washington, Smithsonian Institute Press.

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THE OLDEST SILEX AND ROCK CRYSTAL MINING TRACES IN HIGH ALPINE REGIONS Walter LEITNER Institute of Archaeologies, Dept. of Prehistory, University of Innsbruck, Austria

Abstract: During the last years archaeological research on the Stone Age in high alpine regions has been intensified. The different lithic raw materials, of which hunters, gatherers and shepherds manufactured their tools, form the emphasis of this project. Without a doubt silex has the most important significance. However, we often note that local resources of raw materials were not sufficient and not of a good quality either, and had therefore to be transported over a long distance. As a result of new prospections in the West of Austria we have first indications that primary layers in high alpine regions did exist and were probably already quarried in the Mesolithic. Especially radiolarite and rock crystal play a decisive role. Keywords: Mining, Mesolithic, Tyrolean Alps, Radiolarite, Rock crystal Résumé: Au cours des dernières années, d’intensifs travaux de recherche archéologique portant sur l’âge de pierre ont été réalisés dans diverses régions alpines situées en haute altitude. La priorité de ces recherches est avant tout accordée aux matières premières lithiques utilisées par les chasseurs, les collecteurs et les bergers pour fabriquer leurs outils. C’est sans aucun doute le silex qui est la matière première la plus importante. Nous sommes cependant souvent amenés à constater que les gisements locaux ne se prêtaient pas toujours à une exploitation de matières premières en quantité ou qualité suffisantes et qu’il fallait s’en procurer ailleurs et les acheminer sur de grandes distances. Des prospections récentes effectuées dans des régions occidentales des Alpes autrichiennes ont fourni les premiers indices de gisements primaires existant dans des zones de haute altitude dans les Alpes et probablement exploités dès le Mésolithique. La radiolarite et le cristal de roche y occupent une place de première importance. Mots-clés: Mines, Mésolithique, Alpes Tyroliennes, Radiolarite, Cristal de roche

INTRODUCTION

KLEINWALSERTAL (VORARLBERG)

Silex belongs to the most important raw materials for the Stone Age tool production, and we know many exploitation zones in the whole of Europe (Binsteiner 1996, 1997). But looking at the alpine arc we notice a big gap. The few verified exploitation zones can be found on the outermost outskirts of the Alps, like for example in the area of Vaucluse in the Provence or in the area of Olten and Lägern in Switzerland. The small exploitation site Mauer near Vienna lies basically outside already, and in the south we have the most obvious traces in the mountains of Lessini (Fig. 15.1).These features mainly indicate to be Neolithic in date.

During the last years two sites, one rockshelter at 1500 m above sea level (Schneiderküren), and an open air site in the valley (Egg), were excavated (Leitner 2003, 2004). At these sites in nearly all cases red and green radiolarite was used for the production of the stone tools. The material is good and can be found as secondary deposits in all the gravels in the streams of the valley. It reached the streams via scree slopes and as a result of natural forces it was transported over long distances downstream. Looking for the primary deposits the hunters only needed to walk upstream. This route leads to the Widdersteinmassiv (Fig. 15.3). The so-called Bärenkopf in the Gemsteltal forms the centre of the radiolarite occurrences. The beds of radiolarite are literally running through the entire slope. Especially after thunderstorms long heaps are formed and reach to the bottom of the valley. Most deposits are very steep and nearly inaccessible.

We know now, that hunters and gatherers have already heavily populated the inner alpine region during the postglacial period, and used the higher alpine regions as their hunting areas at regular intervals. From this result the following questions: Where did they get their silex material from? What about the spatial distribution? Were they dependent on imports? Has silex and rock crystal already been systematically exploited in the Mesolithic?

Our research area is located on a wooded hilltop, which is of better accessibility (Leitner 2004, 2006). Typically enough, it is called “Feuerstein” and the layers of radiolarite come to the surface at several spots (Fig. 15.4). Exactly at these spots one can recognize small terraces, that do in contrast to the surrounding steep inclines, not seem to be natural. After digging away the soil in these areas, the stepped structure of the radiolarite came to light and gave proof of an intentional knock out.

The research area lies in the west of Austria, in the provinces Tyrol and Vorarlberg. The archaeological investigations on that topic are still at the very beginning, and there are no extensive excavations. The situation will be explained with four examples, but only in one case (Kleinwalsertal) clear statements can be made. However, for the other sites (2, 3, and 4) the preconditions for the exploitation of silex and rock crystal are given, but need to be further investigated (Fig. 15.2).

The longest excavated exploitation stripe stretches over approximately 6 m. A roughly 30 to 40 cm thick loamy gravel layer lay above it (ground formation). Below, there

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Fig. 15.1. Silex mining zones in the alpine region (spots). New investigation zone (circle) (Picture: W. Leitner)

Fig. 15.2. New traces of silex- and rock crystal exploitation in Tyrol and Vorarlberg (Austria) (Picture: W. Leitner)

are the adjoining radiolarite beds with flake-marks (Fig. 15.5).

report revealed a particularly qualitative radiolarite variety. It is a recoverable material.

According to experiments this material can be mined best by continuously hammering the lateral surfaces. The main colours of the exploited radiolarite are red and green, in very few cases with fine black bands. At the other side of the valley dark grey to black material can also be found. Knapping experiments indicate, that the green raw material is of best quality. The geological/petrographical

Based on these investigations it is necessary to ask the following question: was there a mining activity on radiolarite in the Stone Age? In order to investigate the date of the exploitation site it is necessary to take notice of the following criteria. With regard to industrial exploitation and use of the material

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recognize that the flakes were definitely not worked with a conventional steam hammer. There is a lot to be said for a prehistoric exploitation, as this raw material was of great importance for the production of the stone tools. The geological requirements as well as the factors quantity and quality are given. However, the related archaeological finds can only be proven in an indirect way. First of all, there are numerous stone tools made of the same radiolarite material, which was excavated at the sites Schneiderküren and Egg, just a few km away from the exploitation area. They are all Mesolithic in date. At the deposit of the Feuerstein at the Bärenkopf we unfortunately did not find any Stone Age mining tools (like for example a grooved axe or an antler pick) or fragments of them. It can be mainly put down to the steep terrain. On the other hand one could find several flakes and angular debris that were produced while testing the material on the spot in order to take in the end only the best pieces away. The production of stone tools at the exploitation site was only carried out occasionally. Relating to several surveys in the surroundings of the Kleinwalsertal it turned out, that there are as far as quantity and quality are concerned, no comparable radiolarite deposits. Stone tools made of comparable radiolarite are known well enough from the immediate vicinity, but also from the alpine Rhine valley and the southern region of the Lake Constance. It is well possible, that the radiolarite was due to its quality a material with a certain circulation (Fig. 15.6). In summary one can say that the exploitation site in the Kleinwalsertal was not a big mine with tunnelling and shafts like we know from the Neolithic. But it certainly represented a small supply centre in the west of Austria, and is for the present at an altitude of 1650 m above seal level the highest and oldest silex exploitation site in the Alps.

Fig. 15.3. Natural silex transport routes in the Kleinwalsertal (dot-line) (Picture: W. Leitner)

the lack of any record in the official chronicles of the valley leads to the assumption that the traces are modern or historic in date. According to the few modern occasional cutters raw material has never been taken from the site under discussion. Furthermore one can clearly

Fig. 15.5. Course of the excavated radiolarite bed with stepped exploitation marks at the Feuerstein (Picture: W. Leitner)

Fig. 15.4. The Bärenkopf with radiolarite dumps (lines) and excavated site (circle) (Picture: W. Leitner)

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Fig. 15.7. The rock cave Schafgufl with radiolarite inclusions in the Lechtaler Alpen (Tyrol) (Picture: W. Leitner)

Fig. 15.6. Distribution of the radiolarite material from the Kleinwalsertal to the surrounding regions (Picture: W. Leitner) LECHTAL (TIROL) Traces of radiolarite mining can also be found in the Lechtaler Alpen in Tyrol. Along a side valley of the Lechtal one reaches at 2000 m above sea level a cave called Schafgufl. It gives permanent shelter to a modern shepherd, and offers ideal preconditions for a Stone Age hunter-shepherd camp with a nice forecourt, for which we can list many comparable examples in the alpine region (Fig. 15.7). The chalk formation of the overhang is run through by beds of radiolarite and bigger unnatural hollows remind on artificial exploitation. An ideal situation: in a manner of speaking the raw material was in front of the hut. Due to the modern residential building excavations can unfortunately not take place.

Fig. 15.8. The site Gruberlacke in the Rofangebirge (Tyrol) (Picture: W. Leitner)

on in the Mesolithic (Kompatscher 2005). At this site extensive archaeological investigations are at the planning stage.

ZILLERTAL (TIROL) The last stage leads us to the Tuxer Alpen to the very back Zillertal in Tyrol. We are now in the crystalline zone of the Alps. The area encircles the so-called Tauernfenster, a region with an extremely rich rock crystal occurrence.

ROFANGEBIRGE (TIROL) Further big silex resources are located in the Rofangebirge in the northern limestone Alps in Tyrol. Numerous Mesolithic silex tools were found in this area, mostly at altitudes between 1800 and 2000 m above sea level. The most definite traces of prehistoric silex mining can be found at the so-called Gruberlacke. Debris, flakes, chips and also small exhausted cores spread over the entire area (Fig. 15.8). The discovery is due to the couple Nandi and Klaus Kompatscher who assumes raw material exploitati-

The research area lies at an altitude of 2800 m above sea level at the so-called Riepenkar on the southern foot of the Olperer (Fig. 15.9). There is an important connecting path that leads over the Pfitscher Joch to Italy, and it must have already represented an important transit route in the Stone Age. At the Riepenkar there is one of the biggest 118

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The site is not the only one. North and south of it there are several camps of Mesolithic hunters with a tool kit consisting of rock crystal. It is obvious, that the material was taken from the Riepenkar. Rock crystal mining at 2800 m above sea level in prehistoric times? Archaeological investigations at this high-lying spot are planned, but are, with regard to the almost permanent covering of snow, very difficult to undertake. Based on the site at the Riepenkar one can take a prehistoric transalpine rock crystal route into consideration – the so-called rock crystal route (following the other known trade routes that arose in prehistory, antiquity and medieval times, like for example the amber route, silk route, salt route etc.). Fig. 15.10 shows the site at the Riepenkar (red star) and the archaeological sites with rock crystal inventories further to the north and south (blue dots). It is of course clear, that west and east of this route rock crystal finds do also exist, but the main connecting line through the big valleys of the Zillertal, the Eisacktal and the Etschtal must be taken into account first. It forms an alpine transit route leading to the northern and southern areas, where the valuable and beautiful rock crystal material does not occur and needed to be imported.

Fig. 15.9. Big quartz cleft at the Riepenkar in the Tuxer Alpen (Tyrol) (Picture: W. Leitner)

References BINSTEINER, A. 1996. Alpine Silexlagerstätten. Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter 61: 1-22. BINSTEINER, A. 1997. Vorgeschichtlicher Silexbergbau in Europa. Bayerische Vorgeschichtsblätter 62: 221229. KOMPATSCHER, K., N. KOMPATSCHER 2005. Steinzeitliche Feuersteingewinnung. Der Schlern 79: 2435. LEITNER, W. 2002. Steinzeitlicher Bergkristallabbau in den Tuxer Alpen, Tirol. Archäologie Österreichs 13(1): 44-45. LEITNER, W. 2003. Der Felsüberhang auf der Schneiderkürenalpe – Ein Jäger und Hirtenlager der Vorzeit. Die ältesten menschlichen Spuren im Kleinwalsertal. Bergschau 1. Hirschegg. LEITNER, W. 2004. Eine mittelsteinzeitliche Fundstelle bei Riezlern im Kleinwalsertal (Vorbericht). Jahrbuch Vorarlberger Landesmuseumsverein 148: 15-20.

Fig. 15.10. Possible course of the former rock crystal trade route over the Alps (dot-line) (Picture: W. Leitner)

LEITNER, W. 2004. Steinzeitliche Silexabbaustelle im Kleinwalsertal (Vorarlberg). Archäologie Österreichs 15(2): 25.

known quartz clefts of the Tauernfenster. Here, rock crystals can be brought out in bucketfuls (Leitner 2002).

LEITNER, W. (2006). Der Weg der Feuersteine. Spuren zum ältesten Bergwerk Europas. Walserheimat, Sonderheft (in press).

Based on mineralogical investigations the biggest amount of the material is of an incredible and incomparable transparency and purity. Amongst these pieces there are bladeshaped flakes indicating a prehistoric percussion technique.

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LA NEOLITHISATION DE LA VALLEE DU RHONE ET DE SES MARGES Thomas PERRIN CNRS UMR5608 TRACES, 39 allées Jules Guesde, F-31000 Toulouse. Email: [email protected] Abstract: The neolithisation of southern France develops during the VIth and Vth millennia before our era. In the Rhone basin, the geographical and chronological distribution of the sites shows that one can model the propagation of the Neolithic economy in three chronological stages. It is only during the third step that the Early Neolithic penetrates inside the lands and conquers mountainous environments. As, besides, it appears that Final Mesolithic is not clearly attested in the whole southern part of the Rhone basin, the possible Mesolithic/Neolithic contacts could take place only in the high basin and in the Northern Alps. Keywords: Recent/final Mesolithic, Early Neolithic, Rhone valley Résumé: La néolithisation du sud de la France se développe durant les VIe et Ve millénaires avant notre ère. Dans le bassin du Rhône, la distribution géographique et chronologique des gisements montre que l’on peut modéliser la propagation de l’économie néolithique en trois étapes chronologiques. Ce n’est que lors de la troisième que le Néolithique ancien pénètre à l’intérieur des terres et conquiert les milieux de montagne. Comme, de plus, il apparaît que le Mésolithique final n’est pas clairement attesté dans toute la moitié sud du Bassin rhodanien, les éventuels contacts mésolithiques/néolithiques n’ont pu avoir lieu que dans le haut bassin et les Alpes du Nord. Mots clés: Mésolithique récent/final, Néolithique ancien, Bassin rhodanien

rhodanien” qui a pu jouer un rôle de canalisateur de l’expansion néolithique, nous facilitant ainsi la reconnaissance de la dynamique de cette propagation. Mais, la diversité des écosystèmes de ce bassin et de ses marges permet également de réfléchir sur la variabilité fonctionnelle des gisements et sur leur éventuelle complémentarité. Si la néolithisation de la vallée en elle-même ne paraît guère confrontée à des obstacles physiques majeurs, sinon les crues du fleuve, la question de la “colonisation” des milieux montagnards environnants se pose avec plus d’acuité.

INTRODUCTION La propagation de l’économie néolithique en Europe méditerranéenne depuis le foyer originel proche oriental fait appel à toute une diversité de processus tels que la colonisation, la diffusion ou l’acculturation des populations de chasseurs mésolithiques autochtones (Guilaine 2001, 2003; Mazurié de Keroualin 2003). En France méridionale, le Néolithique apparaît au cours du sixième millénaire avant notre ère et relève, au moins durant son étape initiale, d’un phénomène de déplacements physiques de populations d’agriculteurs-éleveurs, peutêtre par voie maritime, depuis l’Italie (Guilaine 1996; Manen 2002). Ces tous premiers établissements sont alors principalement localisés sur la frange côtière et ce n’est que lors d’une seconde, voire d’une troisième étape (cf. infra), que l’intérieur des terres sera à son tour concerné par ces bouleversements. Pour comprendre et illustrer ces phénomènes d’expansion graduelle et des prolongements continentaux de la néolithisation méditerranéenne, la vallée du Rhône constitue un domaine d’étude particulièrement favorable. Elle se présente comme un axe sudnord profondément marqué dans le paysage. Le bassin fluvial est en effet bordé par des reliefs imposants sur la quasi totalité de son parcours avec, en rive droite par exemple, le Massif central, dont les altitudes peuvent culminer à près de 1600 m au Mont Gerbier-de-Jonc (Fig. 16.1). En face, en rive gauche, s’impose bien évidemment la chaîne des Alpes avec, parmi d’autres, les massifs du Vercors et de la Chartreuse, particulièrement bien documentés pour la Préhistoire récente. Plus au nord, la rive droite du fleuve est de nouveau contenue par l’extrémité méridionale du massif jurassien, avec les monts du Bugey. Ceux-ci sont sensiblement équivalents aux reliefs auvergnats puisqu’ils peuvent atteindre également plus de 1500 m d’altitude (col du Grand Colombier). Ces caractères géographiques, une large plaine alluviale bordée par des reliefs marqués, définissent le bien nommé “sillon

Le propos de ce travail est donc le suivant: comment a lieu cette remontée néolithique le long de la vallée du Rhône? comment et quand ses marges montagneuses ontelles été abordées? l’ont-elles été selon des pratiques différentes de celles de la vallée? et enfin, ces milieux contrastés ont-ils joués un rôle spécifique, de frein ou de moteur, dans les processus de néolithisation et plus particulièrement dans la question des éventuelles interactions entre les derniers chasseurs mésolithiques autochtones et les premiers agro-pasteurs? Dans de précédents travaux, j’ai montré l’existence de telles interactions dans le Bugey, c’est-à-dire au nord de la zone considérée (Perrin 2003a, b). Ces confrontations ont-elles eu lieu également ailleurs? Ou, au contraire, ces zones de montagnes bordant une vallée rapidement peuplée par les agro-pasteurs ont-elles servi de refuge, de “maquis”, aux derniers chasseurs autochtones?

LE MESOLITHIQUE RECENT ET FINAL (VIIE-VIE MILLENAIRES BC CAL) En France méridionale, le Néolithique ancien vient se développer dans des aires géographiques préalablement occupées par des groupes humains de chasseurs-collecteurs mésolithiques. Dans le bassin du Rhône comme 121

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Fig. 16.1. La vallée du Rhône et ses marges, du lac Léman à la Mer Méditerranée. Les principaux reliefs sont indiqués ainsi que leurs points culminants

on s’aperçoit tout d’abord qu’ils sont relativement peu nombreux et qu’ils se concentrent dans trois zones géographiques (Fig. 16.2): l’extrémité méridionale de la vallée du Rhône, le massif alpin du Vercors, ainsi que le Jura méridional. Parmi cette trentaine de gisements, seul un tiers environ correspond à des sites de plein air, les autres étant des abris ou des grottes. Les écosystèmes exploités sont par contre très divers, allant de la côte méditerranéenne (Grand Abri de la Font-des-Pigeons à Châteauneuf-lès-Martigues, le Mourre-Poussiou à Fossur-Mer ou la Plaine de Sui à Ensuès-la-Redonne) aux hauts plateaux alpins (abris de l’Aulp-du-Seuil à SaintBernard-du-Touvet). La distribution altitudinale de ces gisements se répartit ainsi entre 0 et 1700 m au-dessus du niveau de la mer (Fig. 16.2).

dans l’ensemble de l’Europe sud occidentale, à partir du VIIe millénaire avant notre ère, on voit apparaître le phénomène des industries à lames et trapèzes (Clark 1958). Celui-ci illustre un profond bouleversement dans les modes de productions lithiques où le débitage de petites lamelles par percussion directe, façonnées ensuite par l’abattement des bords et la troncature éventuelle de la base, caractéristiques du Mésolithique ancien et moyen, et remplacé par un débitage de lames larges, par percussion indirecte et pression, façonnées ensuite en trapèzes par l’emploi de la technique du microburin, propres au Mésolithique récent et final. Ce changement des modes opératoires entre un “premier” et un “second” Mésolithique (Costa & Marchand 2006) est si profond qu’il est délicat d’y voir une évolution, d’y définir des termes de continuité. Il s’agit plutôt là d’une réelle rupture, mais dont les implications anthropologiques, sociales, nous échappent encore. En France méridionale, elle se traduit par le passage du Sauveterrien au Castelnovien.

Parmi tous ces gisements, seuls neuf présentent des datations radiocarbone fiables, c’est-à-dire dont le contexte stratigraphique est maîtrisé et publié, dont le lien avec le mobilier archéologique daté est bon et dont le résultat est cohérent (Sabatier & Voruz 1998). Toutes ces dates, calibrées à un sigma (comme dans tout ce travail), se répartissent bien sur l’ensemble des VIIe et VIe

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Fig. 16.2. Distribution géographique des sites du Mésolithique récent et final (VIIe et VIe millénaires avant notre ère). Les gisements ayant été datés de manière fiable par le radiocarbone sont symbolisés par les triangles noirs, et la fourchette de datation correspondante est indiquée à côté (les dates sont calibrées à un sigma). On remarque qu'il n'existe pas de sites plus récents que 6200/6000 BCcal au sud de 44,5° de latitude nord. A droite, “boxplot” des altitudes des gisements portés sur la carte chacun des gisements, impliquant leur rejet (ibid.). En conséquence, et jusqu’à preuve du contraire, le Mésolithique final, c’est-à-dire post 6200 avant notre ère environ, n’est pas représenté en basse vallée du Rhône.

millénaires avant notre ère. Cependant, un examen plus attentif montre que, si des sites datés entre 7000 et 62006000 avant notre ère sont présents sur l’ensemble du Bassin rhodanien, seule la moitié septentrionale de cette aire en comporte des plus récents, jusque vers 5500 et 5200 avant notre ère. Il est donc possible de montrer l’existence d’un éventuel retrait des groupes mésolithiques au-delà d’une latitude de 44,5° nord (soit grosso modo celle de Montélimar) à partir de 6200 avant notre ère.

Quel scénario explicatif élaborer face à ces données? S’agit-il là d’un état de la recherche où le Mésolithique final méridional ne serait pas connu suite à une lacune de découverte? Hypothèse possible mais peu convaincante eu égard à la multiplicité des recherches et des travaux de terrain dans ces régions… Doit-on évoquer ici le hiatus, au moins sédimentaire sinon d’occupation, de la fin du VIIe millénaire déjà constaté tant pour les Alpes du Nord (Bintz et al. 1995) que pour les Pyrénées Orientales et la Catalogne (Guilaine 1996)? C’est une explication possible. Remarquons cependant que ces troncatures sédimentaires ne sont pas si systématique puisque, même dans les Alpes du Nord, des gisements du Mésolithique final seraient malgré tout connus, comme le niveau B2b

On objectera à ce fait l’existence de dates récentes sur les deux gisements méridionaux de la Baume de Montclus, dans le Gard (Binder 1987), et du Grand Abri de la Fontdes-Pigeons, dans les Bouches-du-Rhône (Courtin et al. 1985). Cependant, en l’état actuel des connaissances, on ne peut considérer les dates en question comme fiables (Manen & Sabatier 2003). Ces deux séries sont certes récentes mais, les diverses datations réalisées se répartissent de manière aléatoire par rapport à la stratigraphie de

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Fig. 16.3. Distribution géographique des sites de la première étape du Néolithique ancien (autour de 5800 avant notre ère). Les quatre gisements principaux sont symbolisés par les triangles noirs (de droite à gauche: Pendimoun, Caucade, Peiro Signado et Pont de Roque-Haute), les cercles ne correspondant qu'à des indices de site. A droite, “boxplot” des altitudes des gisements portés sur la carte

scénarios explicatifs, le fait est que le Mésolithique final, c’est-à-dire grosso modo après 6200 BC cal, n’est pas clairement attesté dans toute la partie sud du Bassin et ne se rencontre plus que dans le nord du Bassin rhodanien ainsi que dans les zones montagneuses des Alpes du Nord.

de l’abri de la Grande-Rivoire (Sassenage, Isère), daté entre 5700 et 5500 avant notre ère (Nicod & Picavet 2003), bien que cette donnée mérite confirmation. Une troncature sédimentaire si systématique qu’elle ait fait disparaître l’ensemble des gisements du Mésolithique final à l’échelle de toute la frange méditerranéenne de la France me paraît difficile à admettre comme seule et unique explication.

LE NEOLITHIQUE ANCIEN (5800-4800 BC CAL ENVIRON)

On ne peut, je pense, manquer de mettre en parallèle cette partition chrono-géographique avec l’événement climatique de 8200 BP (Alley & Ágústsdóttir 2005), soit précisément les environs de 6200-6000 avant notre ère, en BC cal. Cette modification brutale et marquée du climat semble avoir atteint l’ensemble de l’hémisphère Nord et entraîné, de façon globale, un refroidissement et un assèchement du climat (ibid.). On peut alors penser que les modifications locales dans la basse vallée du Rhône furent telles qu’elles aient entraînées l’abandon de son exploitation par les chasseurs collecteurs mésolithiques. Ou que les conditions de vie de ces chasseurs mésolithiques étaient suffisamment fortement liées à un type de milieu spécifique que cette modification climatique les a poussé à aller le rechercher plus au nord.

Dans le sud de la France au sens large, le Néolithique ancien se développe essentiellement durant le VIe millénaire et le début du Ve millénaire avant notre ère, soit environ entre 5800 et 4800 BC cal. Nous allons voir que la propagation de la néolithisation peut y être modélisée en trois étapes successives. Les premiers impacts (vers 5800 BC cal) Les tous premiers indices connus du Néolithique ancien peuvent être datés vers 5800 avant notre ère. Ils correspondent à des impacts très localisés et quasi exclusivement situés sur la frange côtière du territoire (Fig. 16.3). Ce ne sont pas pour autant des sites à vocation uniquement “marine”, puisque certains, comme l’abri de Pendimoun (Castellar, Alpes-Maritimes) que fouille D. Binder (Binder et al. 1993), bien qu’à seulement 4 km de la mer, se place quand même à une altitude de près de 700 m. Les autres gisements que l’on peut rattacher à cette étape initiale sont ceux de Caucade à Nice (Alpes-

La conjonction de toutes ces hypothèses, notamment le double impact (corrélé ?) d’une modification climatique brutale et d’une troncature sédimentaire assez générale, accentue probablement encore l’opposition entre le sud et le nord au Mésolithique final. Mais quoi qu’il en soit des

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Fig. 16.4. Distribution géographique des sites de la seconde étape du Néolithique ancien (entre 5600 et 5200 avant notre ère environ). A une exception près, tous se situent au sud de 44,5° de latitude nord. A droite, “boxplot” des altitudes des gisements portés sur la carte

l’Italie. Mais, ils sont restés pour l’heure peu nombreux et ne semblent pas avoir eu de filiations locales directes. Les termes de continuité entre cette première et la seconde étape du Néolithique ancien méridional sont ainsi difficiles à identifier, la seconde étape pouvant alors correspondre à une seconde vague de colonisation.

Maritimes – Binder 1987), et plus à l’Ouest, ceux de Peiro Signado et Pont de Roque-Hautes, à Portiragnes (Hérault – Guilaine & Manen 2002; Manen 2002). Il existe quelques autres indices mais toujours très isolés, ou ubiquistes. Si l’on considère l’aspect très côtier comme un point commun des ces premières installations, on peut alors penser que leur impact réel est très probablement sous-estimé puisque nombre de ces gisements sont peutêtre actuellement sous les eaux de la Méditerranée, notamment en Languedoc où la plaine côtière est très étendue. L’existence d’un fort biais taphonomique est donc probable pour cette première étape. La distribution altitudinale de ces gisements varie ainsi de 0 (plus probablement -20 / -10 m) à 700 m, la plupart étant situés à moins de 300 m d’altitude (leur altitude moyenne est de 76 m si l’on ne considère que les quatre sites principaux, ou de 183 m en leur adjoignant tous les autres indices).

La seconde étape du Néolithique ancien (5600-5200 BC cal) L’essentiel de la néolithisation se met donc en place peu après ces tous premiers impacts, entre 5600 et 5200 avant notre ère environ (Manen & Sabatier 2003). On peut y rattacher une petite trentaine de gisements (Fig. 16.4), qui se rapportent au Cardial et à l’Epicardial ancien (Manen 2002). Environ un tiers correspondent à des occupations de plein air, les autres étant des grottes ou des abris sous roches. A l’instar de la première étape, la frange côtière est de nouveau occupée, mais ces groupes s’étendent désormais beaucoup plus largement à l’intérieur des

Tous se rattachent globalement à l’Impressa et correspondent à des déplacements physiques de colons depuis

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Fig. 16.5. Distribution géographique des sites de la troisième étape du Néolithique ancien (entre 5200 et 4900 avant notre ère environ). L’ensemble du bassin rhodanien est occupé, ainsi que toutes ses marges montagneuses. A droite, “boxplot” des altitudes des gisements portés sur la carte développement de l’Epicardial en rive droite du Rhône ou du Cardial récent en rive gauche provençale, pour voir le Néolithique ancien commencer à remonter la vallée du Rhône et gagner également les hautes altitudes, tant en Auvergne que dans les Alpes puisqu’on trouve alors des traces d’occupations jusqu’à plus de 1700 m d’altitude (Fig. 16.5). Cette expansion géographique est corrélée à la multiplication des sites puisqu’on peut y rattacher près de 80 gisements, dont seulement un quart de gisements de plein air. Cette apparente diminution du nombre d’occupations de plein air n’est peut-être due qu’à un artefact taphonomique. On remarque ainsi que toute la partie de la vallée du Rhône comprise entre Valence et Lyon, soit à peu près tout le Bas Dauphiné semble exempt de toute occupation du Néolithique ancien. Cela traduit plus probablement l’importance du recouvrement sédimentaire holocène qu’un fait archéologique réel. Plus au sud, dans la région nîmoise, la multiplication des opérations de fouilles de sauvetage a montré l’existence de ces gisements de plein air du Néolithique ancien, mais également leur grande fugacité (Perrin 2005), entraînant

terres. Ils restent néanmoins cantonnés au sud d’une latitude de 44,5° nord, à l’exception toutefois de la station de la Brégoule à Soyons (Ardèche – Beeching et al. 1985) nettement plus au nord. Tous, y compris ce dernier, sont situés à basses altitudes, ne dépassant que très exceptionnellement 300 m. De ce point de vue, même s’ils sont spatialement plus étendus, ils montrent une distribution altitudinale proche de celle de l’étape initiale. Ainsi, lors de la première étape, l’altitude moyenne des sites était de 180 m NGF environ pour 220 m lors de la seconde. Ces valeurs illustrent le fait que, si les premiers paysans quittent alors progressivement le milieu marin pour commencer à gagner l’intérieur des terres, les véritables milieux de montagnes ne semblent pas être intégrés à leur système territorial. La troisième étape du Néolithique ancien (après 5200 BC cal) Il faut attendre 5200 avant notre ère environ et la troisième étape du Néolithique ancien, avec le 126

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Fig 16.6. Distribution altitudinale par densité des gisements du Mésolithique récent et final et des trois étapes du Néolithique ancien. Au Mésolithique, l’essentiel des occupations se développe entre 0 et 600 m, mais peut atteindre plus de 1800 m. Au Néolithique ancien, les sites sont principalement situés entre 0 et 300/400 m, quelle que soit l’étape chronologique considérée. On constate cependant que les zones de haute altitude ne sont colonisées que lors de la troisième étape

altitudinaux équivalente à celle du Mésolithique près d’un millénaire auparavant.

probablement leur sous-estimation. Quoi qu’il en soit, l’espace concerné par cette troisième étape est beaucoup plus étendu que précédemment. L’altitude moyenne des gisements bondit ainsi à 430 m NGF, et leur distribution altitudinale est également beaucoup plus étendue, de 0 à plus de 1500 m (abris de l’Aulp-du-Seuil à Saint-Bernarddu-Touvet, Isère – Bintz & Pelletier 2000 –, ou col de la Croix à Treminis, Isère – Bintz & Picavet 1995).

Se pose alors évidemment la question du statut des gisements entre les différentes étapes de cette expansion. Il est ainsi possible que la dynamique interne croissante du Néolithique ancien s’accompagne d’une spécialisation grandissante des gisements, et donc, corrélativement, d’une complémentarité fonctionnelle de ces mêmes gisements. A des “places centrales” de basse ou moyenne altitude s’adjoindraient peu à peu des sites secondaires plus spécialisés dans des activités comme la chasse, le pastoralisme ou l’acquisition de matières minérales spécifiques (roches vertes, cristal de roche) par exemple. Les données sont malheureusement trop rares pour discuter d’un tel modèle. On doit notamment regretter la rareté des inventaires publiés, tant lithiques que (plus encore) archéozoologiques, rendant impossible par exemple la comparaison du rôle de la chasse en fonction des contextes d’occupation.

La néolithisation du bassin rhodanien et de ses marges montagneuses Ces trois cartes (Fig. 16.3, 16.4 et 16.5) montrent ainsi clairement que la néolithisation du bassin du Rhône s’est rapidement développée depuis le sud, ce qui n’est évidemment pas nouveau. Elles montrent surtout que ce n’est qu’à partir du dernier quart du VIe millénaire que commence, dans un mouvement d’expansion à la dynamique croissante, la reconquête du milieu montagnard. Cela est notamment explicite si l’on fait la répartition de densité de sites par altitudes (Fig. 16.6). On s’aperçoit là que la troisième étape du Néolithique ancien, c’est-à-dire en quelque sorte le Néolithique ancien “récent”, présente une densité d’occupation des étages

Un autre point, quelque peu surprenant lui, peut être illustré par le taux de réoccupation des sites, c’est-à-dire le pourcentage de sites présentant à la fois des occupa-

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Fig. 16.7. Distribution géographique de l'ensemble des gisements depuis le Mésolithique récent jusqu’au Néolithique ancien 3. Les triangles noirs correspondent aux sites ayant été occupés au Mésolithique récent/final et au Néolithique ancien, les autres ne l’ayant été qu'à l’une ou l’autre de ces périodes. On constate que, proportionnellement au nombre de sites connus, ce sont les Alpes du Nord qui présentent le plus fort taux de réoccupation

Rivoire (Sassenage, Isère, cf. supra) actuellement en cours de fouilles (par P.-Y. Nicod et R. Picavet), soit il existe un déterminisme extrêmement fort dans les choix d’implantations des occupations, et notamment pour celles de plein air, et ce quels que soient les groupes humains considérés. La localisation préférentielle de ces gisements à proximité de points d’eau dans un environnement où elle est, contrairement aux idées reçues, assez rare ou difficile d’accès (C. Bressy comm. perso.) peut signer un tropisme important et constituer l’une des explications.

tions mésolithiques et néolithiques (Fig. 16.7). Ainsi, en Languedoc, en Provence, en basse et moyenne vallée du Rhône, et en Auvergne, ces réoccupations restent anecdotiques et ne concernent principalement que de grands abris, bien marqués dans le paysage, comme par exemple le Grand Abri de la Font-des-Pigeons (Châteauneuf-lèsMartigues). La zone montrant le plus fort taux de réoccupations est celle des Alpes du Nord (huit gisements sur treize, soit 62 %). Là, par contre, ces réoccupations concernent tant des sites de plein air que des grottes ou des abris. Même si la fiabilité stratigraphique de certains de ces gisements doit être discutée (Bintz & Picavet 1995; Picavet comm. perso.), il n’en reste pas moins que des fossiles directeurs (lithiques) mésolithiques et néolithiques y coexistent. Deux hypothèses peuvent alors être émises : soit le Mésolithique final (c’est-à-dire post 6200 BC cal) y existe bien mais n’est pour l’heure pas encore correctement documenté, sinon peut-être à la Grande-

BILAN: RETOUR VERS LES SCENARIOS DE NEOLITHISATION La distribution chronologique, géographique et altitudinale des gisements permet ainsi de bien illustrer le scénario de la néolithisation, dans la vallée du Rhône et sur ses

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BEECHING, A., J. VITAL, G. DAL-PRA 1985. La terrasse de la Brégoule à Soyons (Ardèche). Une séquence majeure pour la Préhistoire Rhodanienne. Ardèche Archéologie 2: 4-12.

marges montagneuses. En résumé, on assisterait donc à une occupation générale de ce territoire au Mésolithique récent. Puis, pour une raison encore mal définie mais probablement en liaison avec l’événement climatique de 8200 BP cal., les chasseurs collecteurs mésolithiques semblent déserter la basse et moyenne vallée du Rhône, tout comme les Alpes ou l’Auvergne, pour ne plus occuper que la partie nord du bassin. A moins bien sûr de considérer que toutes les occupations postérieures à cette péjoration climatique aient été systématiquement effacées. A partir de 5800 avant notre ère et, plus encore, de 5600 avant notre ère, les premiers paysans se déploient dans le sud de la France, mais n’occupent dans un premier temps que la basse et moyenne vallée du Rhône (étapes 1 et 2 du Néolithique ancien). Il faut attendre le dernier quart du VIe millénaire pour que ce Néolithique ancien acquiert une dynamique interne très forte et assister alors à une occupation générale de l’ensemble du territoire, y compris les milieux de montagnes. Cette dynamique de la troisième étape du Néolithique ancien s’accompagne probablement d’une spécialisation croissante des gisements.

BINDER, D. 1987. Le Néolithique ancien provençal. Typologie et technologie des outillages lithiques. XXIVe supplément à Gallia Préhistoire, p. 207. CNRS, Paris. BINDER, D., J.-E. BROCHIER, H. DUDAY, D. HELMER, P. MARINVAL, S. THIÉBAULT, J. WATTEZ 1993. L’abri Pendimoun (Castellar, AlpesMaritimes): nouvelles données sur le complexe de la céramique imprimée méditerranéenne dans son contexte stratigraphique. Gallia Préhistoire 35: 177-251. BINTZ, P., R. PICAVET 1995. Sites de plein air du Vercors-sud et du Devoluy. In: Bintz P., PICAVET R. (eds.), “Préhistoire et Quaternaire en Vercors”. Livret-guide de l’excursion “Epipaléolithique et Mésolithique en Europe”, Congrès de la XIIème commission de l’U.I.S.P.P., Vème congrès international (Grenoble, 18-23 sept. 1995), Universités Joseph Fourrier et Pierre Mendés France, Grenoble, p. 158163.

Une des premières conséquences de ce scénario est qu’il n’a donc pu exister de contacts directs entre les derniers chasseurs et les premiers paysans ailleurs que dans la haute vallée du Rhône, et peut-être les Alpes du Nord, et de toute façon qu’après 5200 BC cal. Ainsi, en l’état actuel des connaissances, mobiliser les traditions mésolithiques locales pour expliquer la formation du Néolithique ancien méridional, qu’il soit Cardial ou Epicardial, semble être, dans toute la partie sud du Bassin rhodanien, en contradiction avec les données fiables disponibles.

BINTZ, P., R. PICAVET, J. EVIN 1995. L’évolution culturelle du Mésolithique au Néolithique moyen en Vercors et dans les Alpes du Nord. In: Voruz J.-L. (ed), “Chronologies néolithiques. De 6000 à 2000 avant notre ère dans le Bassin rhodanien”, Actes du Colloque (Ambérieu-en-Bugey, 19-20 septembre 1992), Document du Département d’Anthropologie et d’Ecologie de l’Université de Genève 20: 41-53. Ambérieu-en-Bugey, Société Préhistorique Rhodanienne.

On voit également que dans l’ensemble de l’aire géographique considérée dans ce travail, il est difficile de définir si la montagne a joué un rôle spécifique dans le processus de néolithisation. Il semblerait en fait que ce ne soit pas le cas puisqu’elle paraît parfaitement intégrée au territoire des premiers paysans dès que ceux-ci connaissent leur phase de pleine expansion (troisième étape du Néolithique ancien). Par contre, savoir si les sites néolithiques de montagne ont eu une vocation fonctionnelle spécifique, différenciée de leurs contemporains de plaine, il est pour l’heure malheureusement trop tôt pour y répondre. L’examen du bassin dans son entier, avec ses marges, montre en tout cas que l’on ne peut pas aborder ces milieux montagnards en les déconnectant de leurs compléments de plaine, même s’il faut reconnaître que, pour l’heure, dans le Bassin rhodanien, on ne peut traiter l’ensemble de ces questions fonctionnelles que de façon extrêmement grossière.

BINTZ, P., D. PELLETIER 2000. Le site d’altitude du Mésolithique et du Néolithique de l’Aulp-du-Seuil (Saint-Bernard-de-Touvet, Isère, France). Premiers résultats. In: Crotti P. (ed.), “Méso ‘97: Epipaléolithique et Mésolithique”, Actes de la Table Ronde (Lausanne, 21-23 novembre 1997), Cahiers d’Archéologie Romande 81: 189-195. CLARK, J.G.D. 1958. Blade and trapeze industries of the European Stone Age. Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society XXIV(2): 24-42. COSTA, L.-J., G. MARCHAND 2006. Transformations des productions lithiques du premier au second Mésolithique en Bretagne et en Irlande. Bulletin de la Société Préhistorique Française 103(2): 275-290. COURTIN, J., J. EVIN, Y. THOMMERET 1985. Révision de la stratigraphie et de la chronologie absolue du site de Châteauneuf-les-Martigues (Bouches-duRhône). L’Anthropologie 89(4): 543-556.

Bibliographie

GUILAINE, J. 1996. La néolithisation de la Méditerranée occidentale. In: Grifoni Cremonesi R., Guilaine J., L’helgouach J. (eds.), “The Neolithic in the near east and Europe”, XIII International congress of prehistoric and protohistoric sciences, (Forlì, septembre 1996), Colloquia 9, p. 53-68. Forlì: ABACO.

ALLEY, R., A.M. ÁGÚSTSDÓTTIR 2005. The 8k event: cause and consequences of a major Holocene abrupt climate change. Quaternary Science Reviews 24: 1123-1149.

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GUILAINE, J. 2001. La diffusion de l’agriculture en Europe: une hypothèse arythmique. Zephyrus 53-54: 267-272.

chasseurs – pasteurs. Ed. Errance, coll. des Hespérides, Paris, 184 p. NICOD, P.-Y., R. PICAVET 2003. La stratigraphie de la Grande Rivoire (Isère, France) et la question de la néolithisation alpine. Cahiers d’archéologie romande 95: 147-168.

GUILAINE, J. 2003. La néolithisation de la Méditerranée. De l’oeuvre de Luigi Bernabò Brea aux débats actuels. Atti della XXXV riunione scientifica Istituto italiano di preistoria e protostoria: 649-663.

PERRIN, T. 2003 a. Evolution du silex taillé dans le Néolithique haut-rhodanien autour de la stratigraphie du Gardon (Ambérieu-en-Bugey, Ain). Presses Universitaires du Septentrion, Lille, 3 vol., 1016 p.

GUILAINE, J., C. MANEN 2002. La ceramica impressa della Francia meridionale. In: Fugazzola Delpino M.A., Pessina A., Tine V. (eds.), “Le ceramiche impresse nel Neolitico Antico. Italia e Mediterraneo”, p. 37-49. Istituto Poligrafico e Zecca dello Stato, Roma.

PERRIN, T. 2003 b. Mesolithic and Neolithic cultures coexisting in the upper Rhône valley. Antiquity 77(298): 732-740.

MANEN, C. 2002. Structures et identités des styles céramiques du Néolithique ancien entre Rhône et Ebre. Gallia Préhistoire 44: 121-165.

PERRIN, T. 2005. Gard: le sol intact d’un village de 7000 ans. Archeologia 421: 4-5. SABATIER, P., J.-L. VORUZ 1998. Radiocarbone et stratigraphie. Mérites et limites de la séquence néolithique de la grotte du Gardon (Ain). In: Gutherz X., Joussaume R. (eds.), “Le Néolithique du CentreOuest de la France”, Actes du XXIe Colloque InterRégional sur le Néolithique (Poitiers, 14-16 octobre 1994) AAPC, Mémoire XIV, p. 427-455.

MANEN, C., P. SABATIER 2003. Chronique radiocarbone de la néolithisation en Méditerranée nordoccidentale. Bulletin de la Société Préhistorique Française 100(3): 479-504. MAZURIÉ DE KEROUALIN, K. 2003. Genèse et diffusion de l’agriculture en Europe. Agriculteurs –

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NEOLITHIC IN THE EUROPEAN MID-MOUNTAINS CASE STUDY FROM THE POLISH CARPATHIANS Paweł VALDE-NOWAK Institute of Archaeology, Jagiellonian University, Cracow, Poland

Abstract: In the Polish Carpathians two discoveries were made in the last years, which change our view of a settlement tendencies during the Neolithic time. The first one is a burial of probably shepherd-rover of Eneolithic Baden Culture, located deep in the mountainous territory and far from the settled areas. The second one is early Neolithic longhouse situated on the top of the hill. This discovery refutes the myth of low locations, typical of Linearbandkeramik in whole Europe. The two mentioned examples may indicate to existence of significant departures from the system: stable settlements on the mountain border and mobile settlements deeper in the mountains. Keywords: Neolithic, Carpathians, Baden, Linearbandkeramik Résumé: Dans les Carpates polonaises, deux découvertes récentes viennent bouleverser notre compréhension des choix d’implantation des sites durant le Néolithique. La première est la sépulture d’un probable berger de la culture de Baden, située très à l’intérieur des zones montagneuses et loin des aires habitées. La seconde est une maison longue du Néolithique ancien, située au sommet d’une colline. Cette découverte contredit l’idée reçue des habitats de basse altitude, typiques de la Céramique Linéaire dans l’ensemble de l’Europe. Ces deux exemples peuvent témoigner de l’existence d’entorses significatives au système: des établissements stables sur les marges montagneuses ainsi que des habitats mobiles plus à l’intérieur des reliefs. Mots-clés: Néolithique, Carpates, Culture de Baden, Céramique Linéaire

in mid-mountain ranges and generally high situated watershed zone present the typical situation.

Neolithisation of the mountains is often seen as an issue in the first line related to the alpine zone. However, the mid-mountainous areas are also known as territories intensively used by early agricultural communities. From such areas like Black Forest and Bavarian Forest in Germany or the Polish Carpathians, very specific traces of human occupation have been registered in the last years. Basing on collecting archive data and results of surveys, a model of seasonal pastoral (transhumance) exploitation of mountainous territories was elaborated (Valde-Nowak 2002: 98-105).

Summing up what was said, one can claim that the numerous years of intensive field and theoretical studies permitted to outline the following situation in the case of the Neolithic on the European mid-mountainous territory. On the mountain border, in places optimal for settling, stable long lasting settlements were located. Deeper in the territory of the Foothill and mountain massifs there were, surely, short-run explored campsites, which left traces in form of axes and hammer-axes (Fig. 17.1). Establishment of the fact that they are often accompanied by stray flint artifacts is a great success of this stage of investigations. Stray finds finally got their material context. Progress of archaeological investigations in the Polish Carpathians made this above outlined system – on the one hand the stabile (mountain edge) and short lasting (mountains) settled areas from the other – a bit complicated. This may be witnessed by the two following examples.

After the Carpathian experience, studies encompassed selected regions of the mid-mountains, and are conducted to the present day. A simple archaeological analysis was first carried out in the Bavarian Forest, Black Forest and Swebian Alb under criteria such as type of find (axe, hammer-axe, others), circumstances (on surface, in soil, in river, etc.), chronology of the material, and so on. Importantly, the spectrum of finds confirms some tendencies, for example, in all analyzed mountain groups the number of axes exceeds the number of hammer axes, and the young Neolithic forms exceed the number of early and middle Neolithic finds.

The first one derives from the mountainous zone of the Polish West Carpathians (the Beskid Mts.). In Świnna Poręba on the River Skawa an object with Eneolithic material of the Baden culture was found during rescue excavations (Fig. 17.2). Both its shape (Fig. 17.3), dimensions, and what was found inside indicate univocally to having across a skeleton grave in which, due to the acidic reaction of the ground, bones were not preserved (Valde-Nowak & Tarasiński, in press). The only one receptacle found in this object is closely related to amphorae of the Baden culture (Fig. 17.4). Two graves of this culture known from the village Zesławice outside of the Carpathians were equipped with just such single amphorae and nothing else (Zemełka 1959).

Results suggest that 1) the complex of finds from each mountain group represents similar tendencies (chronology, etc.); 2) forests and meadows, dominant in all central European mid-mountains, make remains of a high number of Neolithic penetration traces inaccessible. On the basis of settlement-geographical analysis a topographic model of “stray finds” was recognized. Frequent location in places between river springs and the edge of the upland in the vicinity of local saddles, passes

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Fig. 17.1. The border between sedentery and short-settled zones during Neolithic time in the northern Carpathians Mts. (a) and two exeptional sites mentioned in the text (b). 1 – Świnna Poręba, site 9 ; 2 – Łoniowa, site 18

Fig. 17.2. Topography of the Baden grave in Świnna Poręba, site 9 132

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Fig. 17.3. The grave-pit (a) and area of “cultural layer” as effect of erosion (b), postholes (c) and pottery fragments of the Baden culture (d)

forms, terraces of small rivers and streams, whereas, in the Polish Carpathians (Wiśnicz Foothill) rather deep into the Foothill zone, a group of early agricultural settlements with long houses was discovered and what is interesting, all these settlements are located on tops of elevations (Fig. 17.5).

For correct interpretation of this unusual discovery, it must be taken into consideration that the nearest sites of this culture are at a distance of about 50 km in air line in the territory of Poland (Godłowska 1979; Zastawny 2000) and over 80 km to the direction of the Slovak Republic (Soják 2001; Struhár 2002). What can, thus, mean an explicitly isolated Baden burial deep in the Polish Carpathians? There may be some explanations of this phenomenon.

In one of these houses, distinguished by its enormous dimensions (41,5 m long) a grave equipped with a flint set and clay bowl was recognized. Most probably another grave discovered by the western wall of the house in this same situation, but not equipped so rich (only few pottery fragments) can be considered (Fig. 17.6). It may be assumed that this house fulfilled a special function in that community – it may have been a meeting place, and the person buried there may have been an eminent, especially distinguished person in that group (senior or priest).

One of them is the assumption that it was a burial of a shepherd-rover connected with the above discussed series of stray finds of axes and hammer-axes. There may be, however, another possibility which assumes that a member of a group of Baden wanderers moving along of the River Skawa valley died and was buried far from the sedentary occupied places anyway, however, this discovery indicates to the fact that Neolithic communities, precisely cultures regarded commonly as out spoken sedentary settlement, penetrated the mountain zone.

Considering the mentioned facts from a larger point of view this mysterious discovery refutes the myth of low locations, typical of, as it is said, Linearbandkeramik in whole Europe from the basin of the Danube to the Netherlands (comp. Kruk 1980: 109; Lüning & Stehli 1989: 114, fig. 4; Hauzeur 2006: 24). It is beyond doubt

The other example derives also from the Polish Carpathians but from the early Neolithic. As it is commonly known the Linearbandkeramik is to occupy low landscape

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Fig. 17.4. Reconstructed amphorae from the grave in Świnna Poręba, site 9

Fig. 17.5. Topography of the Wiśnicz Foothills in the northern Carpathians with the early Neolithic site in Łoniowa 134

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Investigations carried out up-till-now on neolithisation of European mid-mountains show us this zone – for years regarded as unsettled – as an area of existing settlement husbandry as well as social patterns; these were unknown from classic regions of Neolithic culture development in Middle Europe. One may venture a statement that there exist “two archaeologies” as Middle European investigations on neolithisation are concerned: one connected with the landscape of high values (territories of fertile soils e.g. loess) and the other one dominated by hundreds of sites of poor settlement traces, usually ceramic-less, determining mobile settlement very difficult for archaeological insight. The two mentioned examples may indicate to existence of significant departures from the outlined system, i.e. on the one hand stable settlements on the mountain border and mobile settlements deeper in the mountains. At the moment it is difficult to find elucidation of such anomalies. Their existence strengthened the specificity of the mountainous Neolithic problems. In Central Europe, intensively settled (and recently excavated) areas are well known, but our understanding of the widespread territorial context of various Neolithic activities is still very fragmentary. Terms like “old centers of early Neolithic”, often in the sense of loess areas, do not reflect all aspects of early agricultural lifestyle. Recently our understanding of the range of Neolithic cultures has improved, and we can be quite sure that Neolithic man filled ecological niches such as midmountainous landscapes.

References GODŁOWSKA, M. 1979. Plemiona kultury ceramiki promienistej. In: W. Hensel, T. Wiślański (eds.), “Prahistoria ziem polskich II, Neolit.”, p. 301-317. Wrocław. HAUZEUR, A. 2006. Le Rubané au Luxemburg. Contribution à l’étude du Rubané du Nord-Ouest européen. Liège. KRUK, J. 1980. Economy in south-eastern Poland in the 5th-3th centuries B.C. Wrocław. LÜNING, J., P. STEHLI 1989. Die Bandkeramik in Mitteleuropa: von der Natur- zur Kulturlandschaft. In: J. Lüning (ed.), “Siedlungen der Steinzeit. Haus, Festung und Kult. Spektrum der Wissenschaft: Verständliche Forschung”, p. 110-120. Heidelberg.

Fig. 17.6. Longhouse number 2 in Łoniowa with two grave-pits situated inside, close to the western wall

SOJÁK, M. 2001. Sidliská ľudu badenskej kultury na Spiši. Otázky neolitu a eneolitu našich zemí. In: I. Cheben (ed.), “Otázky neolitu a eneolitu našich zemí”, p. 161-190. Plzeň.

that the sites mentioned in this example give evidence of existence of a dislocation artery in the middle of the Polish Carpathians (the Dunajec river basin). This route, however, is not marked by lost objects while wandering but by regular big villages. So and so, it means that the early Neolithic population accepted the Carpathian conditions for settling; this proves great adaptation energy and elasticity of those communities.

STRUHÁR, V. 2002. Sídlisko badenskej kultury v Bešeňovej. In: I. Cheben (ed.), “Otázky neolitu a eneolitu našich zemí”, p. 343-362. Plzeň. VALDE-NOWAK, P. 2002. Siedlungsarchäologische Untersuchungen zur neolithischen Nutzung der mitteleuropäischen Gebirgslandschaften. Rahden/Westf.

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VALDE-NOWAK, P., A. TARASIŃSKI (in press). Grób kultury badeńskiej z Beskidu Średniego. Acta Archaeologica Carpathica 41.

ZEMEŁKA, S. 1959. Les tombes de la culture de la céramique cordée à Zesławice, arr. de Kraków (Nowa Huta). Materiały Archeologiczne I: 81-90.

ZASTAWNY, A. 2000. The Baden culture in the Wieliczka-Bochnia region – state of research and key issues. Sprawozdania archeologiczne 52: 9-47.

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A VIEW FROM THE APENNINES: THE ROLE OF THE INLAND SITES IN SOUTHERN ITALY DURING THE BRONZE AGE Alberto CAZZELLA Università di Roma “La Sapienza”, Italia. Email: [email protected]

Giulia RECCHIA Università di Foggia, Italia. Email: [email protected] Abstract: Forty years ago S.M. Puglisi highlighted the importance of the Apennine mountain range (the backbone of peninsular Italy) on the economy, but also as regards the social and ideological aspects, of the Bronze Age communities in central and southern Italy. That proposal achieved success, but also exposed him to criticism within the contemporary scientific community; from then a few field researches were carried out in inland sites, so the role of the mountain areas in central and southern Italy is still indeterminate. Even if the data processing is in progress, the results both of the excavations in two Bronze Age inland sites (Monteroduni, in the Volturno Valley, and Oratino, in the Biferno Valley: Molise region) and of the surveys in the area between Campania and Apulia lead us to take again into consideration the problem of the Apennine areas, of their specific features, economic potential, interaction with the coastal settlements. The Bronze Age is a period rich in technological innovations (as regards both the subsistence and the treatment of raw materials) and social transformations: the authors deal with the problem how the mountain areas in southern Italy, today considered very marginal, took part in that great transformation process. Keywords: Apennines, Southern Italy, Bronze Age Résumé: Il y a quarante ans, Puglisi souligna l’importance de la chaîne des Apennins (épine dorsale de la péninsule italienne) par rapport à l’économie des communautés de l’âge du Bronze de l’Italie centrale et méridionale, aussi bien qu’aux aspects sociaux et idéologiques. Sa thèse eut du succès mais, en même temps, elle l’a exposé aux critiques de la communauté scientifique de l’époque : à partir de ce moment, peu de recherches sur le terrain ont été conduites sur les sites intérieurs, de sorte que le rôle des zones de montagne de l’Italie centrale et méridionale reste encore peu défini. Même si l’élaboration des données est encore en cours, les résultats des fouilles de deux sites intérieurs de l’âge du Bronze (Monteroduni, Vallée du Volturno et Oratino, Vallée du Biferno – région du Molise) et les explorations de la zone à la limite entre Campanie et Pouilles nous poussent à reconsidérer le problème des zones des Apennins, de leurs caractéristiques spécifiques, de leur capacité économique, de leur interaction avec les sites côtiers. L’âge du Bronze est une période riche en innovations technologiques (en ce qui concerne la subsistance aussi bien que la transformation des matières premières) et en transformations sociales. Les auteurs abordent ici les modalités de participation à ce grand processus de transformation des zones de montagne de l’Italie du Sud, aujourd’hui considérés comme très marginales. Mots clés: Apennins, Italie du Sud, âge du Bronze

Moreover we remind that inland areas are generally considered marginal as regards their interaction with the Aegean complex societies, obviously more involving the coastal settlements. We think inland communities, even if not directly integrated in the Mycenaean long distance system of trade, had a good economic capacity, founded both on the exploitation of animal resources favoured by their geographical position not far from the mountain pastures and on the use of terrestrial exchange ways.

INTRODUCTION Forty years ago S.M. Puglisi (1959) called attention to the Apennines during the Bronze Age, suggesting the wellknown hypothesis on the importance of seasonal transhumance, setting off the climatic and botanic potential of difference in height in comparison with the coastal lowlands. The major criticism to this hypothesis regards the likely shorter distances covered with the animals than those known in the historical times (a synthesis in Barker 1991-92). The data on the inland sites remained scanty for many years, caves excepted. Social and economic organization of inland groups exploiting the pastures at high altitude during the Bronze Age is still difficult to understand in detail, even if we accept this modified version of the original hypothesis. The research on inland areas, not far from the pastures at high altitude, increased in the last years: we can start to discuss again the problem, more data being now available. Given the geomorphology of Italian peninsula, we think that principally the inland communities living at middle altitude all year round more directly exploited the pastures at high altitude by short distance seasonal transhumance.

CASE STUDIES We are taking into consideration two case studies (Fig. 18.1): A) The borderland between Campania and Apulia, where principally the Superintendence for the Provinces of Avellino, Benevento and Salerno and the University of Foggia made systematic surveys. In this area La Starza, near Ariano Irpino, is the most intensively excavated settlement (field researches by D.H. Trump 1963 and C. Albore Livadie 1991-92); Toppo Daguzzo, 137

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Fig. 18.1. Map with the sites and surveys mentioned in the text

3) The Subapennine culture, indicatively in the XIII-XII centuries.

near Melfi (excavated by M. Cipolloni Sampò 1986a), is another very important site, not far south of that area, in Basilicata.

The Campania/Apulia case study is better known as regards the first phase and the second one. As Talamo & Ruggini (2005) lastly wrote about Bronze Age inland Campania, we must keep in mind that the idea, suggested for other peninsular areas, of well recognizable settlements, naturally or artificially delimited, each insulated from the other inside its territory, could not be suitable for the situation taken into consideration. The data is founded just on survey results, but in various cases the settlement pattern seems to be characterized either by clusters of contemporary small sites or by short distance movements of sites as years go.

B) The inland Molise: G. Barker’s survey in the Biferno valley (Barker 1995a: 132-158) involved just the Adriatic side of this region, but one of the two settlements under excavation by the University of Rome “La Sapienza” is in the high Volturno valley, on the Tyrrhenian side (Cazzella et al. 2005; Recchia et al. 2006). As regards the chronological aspect, we can distinguish three principal phases: 1) The first half of the second millennium BC (the last centuries of the third millennium at the moment are not well known in the two inland areas), including Palma Campania and Protoapennine cultures; an internal subdivision between the first two quarters of the millennium is better detectable in Campania, where the effects of a catastrophic volcanic event (“Pomici di Avellino” eruption: 1750 BC circa) are more evident.

Inland northern Apulia (Phase 1) – We now know some sites dating back to the Protoapennine culture (including Palma Campania elements), located at the foot of the Subapennine hills. The “cluster” pattern of sites perhaps started in this period (Romano & Recchia 2006). They prefer the lowlands, avoiding raised locations with a better visibility of the surrounding area. These sites could be more ancient than the coastal specialized settlements,

2) The Apennine culture, indicatively in the XV and XIV centuries.

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Fig. 18.2. Celone valley (inland Apulia): the Apennine sites individuated by the University of Foggia survey (after Romano & Recchia 2006)

uplands): two likely seasonal sites at high altitude are attested. The “Avellino” eruption of the Vesuvius caused an abrupt interruption in large part of the area, with physical and psychological effects on the human groups: just a few sites were inhabited again.

as Coppa Nevigata: in fact pumice is not used as tempering material to make pottery, as it happens in northern Apulia as far as the coast after the “Avellino” eruption of the Vesuvius (Levi et al. 1994-95: 152159). Just a few sites continue till the Apennine phase, even if we cannot rule out cyclical return to deserted sites in time.

(Phase 2) – A widespread diffusion of settlements started again in the XIV century, with a similar pattern, even if the sites are fewer than during the Early Bronze Age.

(Phase 2) – The “cluster” pattern in the lowlands is now well recognizable (Fig. 18.2).

(Phase 3) – At the moment the data on the Subapennine sites is lacking.

(Phase 3) – The “cluster” pattern does not break off at all, but just some sites related to the previous Apennine culture continue, in absence of entirely new sites: so a trend towards a nucleation phenomenon is likely.

As aforementioned, the best-known site in this area is La Starza, near Ariano Irpino (inland Campania); it is located on a chalky hill, not far from an important Apennine pass (Albore Livadie 1991-92). It was occupied from the Early Neolithic, but we have no clear data as regards the preAvellino eruption sub-phase. The volcanic event likely had no dramatic effect in the zone on the border between Campania and Apulia: at La Starza a settlement was founded directly on the pumices layer dating back to the XVIII century and it was rebuilt many times in the following centuries. Proximity to the pass likely favoured its long life. It could have a special role in the terrestrial

Inland Campania (Phase 1) – There are many sites of the Palma Campania culture, dating back to the first quarter of the second millennium BC. We can see a widespread diffusion of them, without evidence of defensive need. Some sites show a “clustered” pattern, as in the inland northern Apulia. The mountains are at a short distance eastwards (the Apennine watershed) and westwards (Matese, Camposauro, Monte Taburno and Avella

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high altitude of summer pastures, the top of the Sorrento peninsula (it is high more than 1100 m above sea level), is not lacking.

exchange system in the area. During the Bronze Age the settlement was fortified, perhaps to defend its location. Traces of metallurgy on the spot are recorded, even if the region is lacking in metal ores.

As regards the exchange system, besides the circulation of metal ingot to be used in local metallurgy, we can remind the case of the tomb 3 at Toppo Daguzzo (Cipolloni Sampò 1986b), not far from La Starza, in northeastern Basilicata. It dates back to XV century: a large part of the 11 individuals buried in the tomb had prestige grave goods. Together with metal weapons (daggers, swords), locally manufactured or imported as artefacts, there are amber, glassy faience and quartz ornaments, raw materials not available in the neighbourhood. Similar elements were found in other contemporary or a little more ancient tombs southwards in inland Basilicata (Cipolloni Sampò 1987: 66, 72-73). During the Subapennine phase Aegean-like pottery is attested at Toppo Daguzzo. (G.R.)

The anthracological remains (Coubray 1999) from the first inhabited layer on the Avellino eruption pumices indicate an open maquis and include some trees likely favoured for utilitarian aims: the latter aspect cannot be linked to the eruption effects, but to a human action. U. Albarella (1999) studied in detail the Protoapennine faunal remains from the Albore Livadie excavations; the data from the Trump excavations is very scanty. The author highlights that many bones of smaller species were gnawed by dogs, introducing a bias factor in the relative frequencies of both body parts and different species. In any case the comparison with other contemporary sites is possible just using the bone frequencies and not the minimal number of individuals counts. Particularly, two long life fortified settlements of southern Italy, one inland (Tufariello di Buccino: Barker 1975) and one coastal (Coppa Nevigata: Bökönyi & Siracusano 1987), both likely playing a role of specialised centres, are compared with La Starza during the Protoapennine. In fact archaeozoological data from non-specialised Protoapennine centres is lacking. Taking into consideration just the domesticated animals, the percentage of pig, circa 20%, is similar in the three settlements: this animal could be a common food basis. At Tufariello and Coppa Nevigata caprines are around 50% and cattle 30%; at La Starza we have an inverse proportion. It is difficult to explain this difference, if it is not due to a fortuitous bias: we cannot rule out they are alternative choices in the exploitation of different ruminant species, even if the breeding techniques of cattle and caprines could be partly similar in that period, eventually both involving brief distance seasonal movements. Nevertheless, Albarella analysed the wear profiles of the fourth premolar and the first molar of the caprines remains from La Starza in comparison with a theoretical model. He thinks that there is no evidence of selective killing of animals belonging to any particular age stage: it means that the caprines were slaughtered in the site throughout the year. The specific situation of La Starza, likely a centre specialised in the exchange, keeps us from widening this hypothesis, in any case to be checked with more data, to the set of sites recorded by the surveys. A recent study of the trace element on some human skeletons from a coastal Protoapennine cemetery in Campania (Sant’Abbondio, near Pompeii: Mastroroberto 1998; Tafuri et al. 2001-03) has shown that some male adults have a major concentration of lead in the bones, suggesting a differential water intake. This phenolmenon is linked by the authors of the study to a selected mobility, plausibly in relation to economic activity that involved solely men, transhumant pastoralism being the more likely cause. Also in this situation more data is needed, but the hypothesis seems to be interesting: in the specific case of the coastal cemetery near Pompeii a nearby area at

MOLISE Data on inland Molise for the phase 1 is very scanty: a few potsherds from Monteroduni – Paradiso, Fonte Maggio, near Petrella Tifernina, and not many other sites in the middle Biferno valley. The record is more consistent as regards the other two phases on the basis of Barker’s field researches (Barker 1995a,b) and excavations in progress at Monteroduni – Paradiso (Cazzella et al. 2005; Recchia et al. 2006) and Oratino – La Rocca (Cazzella et al. 2007). During the Apennine phase the sites have a widespread diffusion in the middle Biferno valley, at least in some cases clustered. The high valley seems to be avoided, but Oratino – La Rocca is located at its border. The settlement is at the foot of a spur, well positioned to control with a good field of vision the passage along the river (Figs. 18.3 and 18.4). It could have had a specific role in the exchange activities and seasonal movements of animals, but data is still lacking. Archaeozoological analysis is available just for Fonte Maggio, in the middle valley, a site excavated by Barker (1995b: 144-145, 152). Even if there is also a little Protoapennine pottery, the settlement is not considered long life by the author of the excavations. The frequency of pig remains is around 30%, caprines 50% and cattle 20%: the emphasis seems to be on more adaptable animals, as pig and caprines. In the Subapennine phase the interest towards the high Biferno valley increases. The settlement at Oratino – La Rocca does not stop. A permanent settlement is now well attested at Monteroduni – Paradiso: it is located not far from the river in the high Volturno valley, in a not defensible position. Aegean-like pottery and large jars to store goods (oil, cereals?) were found in the site. It is well positioned for exchange activities and seasonal movements of animals too.

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Fig. 18.3. The area of the excavations in the Bronze Age site at Oratino – La Rocca (Campobasso, Molise) (after Cazzella et al. 2007)

Fig. 18.4. The spur of Oratino – La Rocca (Campobasso, Molise) overlooking the Biferno valley 141

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case the agriculture giving the most part of food. It is well known that animal breeding in traditional societies implies larger territories, and therefore a lower density of population, but it gives more income than agriculture. Terrestrial exchange activities could contribute to increase this income. A system founded on small communities with a good economic capacity could seem to be fit for the available archaeological data. In particular in the areas taken into consideration, except some long life sites as La Starza, in spite of some regional and chronological differences difficult to understand in detail, the dominating settlement pattern is characterised by a widespread diffusion of small settlements, located in non-defensible position, often clustered. As aforementioned, it is not easy to ascertain if they are contemporary or attest a sequence of the same settlement short distance moving as years go. The long life settlements, sometimes fortified, could have some specialised role as regards exchange and craft activities, without a political hegemony on the other sites.

The hypothesis suggested by Barker (1995a: 157-158) some years ago of a settlement pattern characterised by brief life small permanent settlements and temporary sites linked to subsistence activities (otherwise we cannot rule out clustered very small permanent sites) could be in large part still valid. Excavations in progress adjoin some new elements. Oratino – La Rocca could have a longer life, because of its location linked to a natural point of attraction, as the spur dominating the valley. Monteroduni – Paradiso during the Subapennine phase shows some unexpected elements of complexity. Even if it can be considered neither a long life permanent settlement (preSubapennine traces of human presence seem to be scanty) nor a fortified one, it is characterised by Aegean-like prestige pottery, probably imported, and storage ceramic facilities, probably manufactured on the spot. In any case also the model of manufacturing the large jars indirectly could be inspired by the Aegean world. If the product stored in the large jars was oil of olive, we could have another unexpected element: in any case the cultivation of olive in an inland area during the Late Bronze Age is not in disagreement with that we know for the classical period.

3) The inland communities (both brief and long life), likely exploiting the mountain resources, show a good economic potential. Nevertheless they do not seem characterised by a high level of internal stratification, as it happened in coastal settlements too, first of all because of their low demographic mass. Also the evidence of storage at Monteroduni – Paradiso does not imply a control by an élite, but it could be linked to a collective need. The eventual existence of intersite politically integrated systems is difficult to verify: clusters of contemporary settlements, if they are, involve in any case small quantity of people, because of their reciprocal short distance and therefore low carrying capacity of their territory. The tomb 3 at Toppo Daguzzo could be the more evident case of a prestigious line of descent, but we cannot rule out that there was just a moderate difference of rank in comparison with other members of the same lineage, other elements generally linked to a chiefdom society, as a redistributive system, lacking. A common exploitation of the resources, eventually co-ordinated by some exponents of the lineage, having a privileged access to some kind of prestige goods, could synthesize the features of the suggested model of society. (A.C.)

CONCLUDING REMARKS A brief analysis of two case studies from the inland areas of southern Italy during the Bronze Age could suggest some noteworthy points. 1) The inland settlements at middle altitude generally had a more direct access to the resources of the mountains, where just temporary sites existed, because of climatic conditions. The summer pastures at high altitude were probably the most important resource; the use of other resources, as charcoal, is likely, but very difficult to recognize. Brief distance seasonal movements of animals are still object of discussion, but the problematic data from La Starza seems to us not sufficient to refuse the general hypothesis. As it happens in other areas and periods, mountains could bring in contact more than divide the communities living on the two sides of the Apennines, as similarities in pottery production indicate during the different phases. Both common grazing at high altitude and exchange through the passes likely favoured the cultural contacts.

References

2) Projecting a contemporary view, inland communities are often considered marginal within the Bronze Age cultural and economic system. The availability of goods as metal, amber, glassy faience, quartz and Aegean-like pottery in inland sites leads us to think that these communities of southern Italy during the Bronze Age had an economic potential sufficient to attract goods considered of great value in that period by a local exchange system, linked to the coast and northern Italy too. The basis of the economic surplus could be the exploitation of animal resources, in any

ALBARELLA, U. 1999. The animal economy after the eruption of Avellino pumice: the case of La Starza (Avellino, southern Italy). In: C. Albore Livadie (ed.), “L’eruzione vesuviana delle pomici di Avellino e la facies di Palma Campania”, p. 317-330. Bari, Edipuglia. ALBORE LIVADIE, C. 1991-92. Nuovi scavi alla Starza di Ariano Irpino. Rassegna di Archeologia 10: 481491. 142

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BARKER, G. 1975. Stock economy. In: R.R. Holloway (ed.), “Buccino: the Early Bronze village of Tufariello”, Journal of Field Archaeology 2: 59-72. Boston.

méridionale), au début du Bronze moyen. In: C. Albore Livadie (ed.), “L’eruzione vesuviana delle pomici di Avellino e la facies di Palma Campania”, p. 311-316. Bari, Edipuglia.

BARKER, G. 1991-92. Modelli di sussistenza nell’età del Bronzo dell’Italia centro-meridionale. Rassegna di Archeologia 10: 189-195.

LEVI, S.T., A. CAZZELLA, M. MOSCOLONI, F. FRATINI, E. PECCHIONI, M.L. AMADORI, S. CONTICELLI, R. CIONI 1994-95. Analisi archeometrica della ceramica dell’età del Bronzo di Coppa Nevigata (FG): alcune implicazioni archeologiche. Scienze dell’Antichità 8-9: 101-160.

BARKER, G. 1995a. A Mediterranean Valley. London and New York, Leicester University Press. BARKER, G. 1995b. The Biferno Valley Survey. London and New York, Leicester University Press.

MASTROROBERTO, M. 1998. La necropoli di Sant’ Abbondio: una comunità dell’età del Bronzo a Pompei. In: G. Guzzo, R. Peroni (eds.), “Archeologia e vulcanologia in Campania”, p. 135-149. Pompei, Arte Tipografica.

BÖKÖNYI, S., G. SIRACUSANO 1987. Reperti faunistici dell’età del Bronzo del sito di Coppa Nevigata: un commento preliminare. In: S.M. Cassano, A. Cazzella, A. Manfredini, M. Moscoloni (eds.), “Coppa Nevigata e il suo territorio”, p. 205210. Roma, Quasar.

PUGLISI, S.M. 1959. La civiltà appenninica. Firenze, Sansoni.

CAZZELLA, A., V. COPAT, M. DANESI, G. RECCHIA 2007. Nuovi dati sull’età del Bronzo nella valle del Biferno: il sito della Rocca di Oratino (CB). Campobasso, aggiungere dopo Conoscenze: 21-34.

RECCHIA, G., A. DE DOMINICIS, C. RUGGINI (2006). Monteroduni – loc. Paradiso (IS): nuovi dati sulle fasi di occupazione del sito. Atti del XXVI Convegno sulla Preistoria Protostoria e Storia della Daunia, San Severo: 171-188.

CAZZELLA, A., A. DE DOMINICIS, G. RECCHIA, RUGGINI C. 2005. Il sito dell’età del Bronzo recente di Monteroduni – Paradiso (Isernia). Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche LV: 385-438.

ROMANO, A.V., G. RECCHIA (2006). L’età del Bronzo nel Tavoliere interno: nuovi dati dalle ricognizioni nella valle del Celone. Atti del XXVI Convegno sulla Preistoria Protostoria e Storia della Daunia, San Severo: 205-252.

CIPOLLONI SAMPÒ, M. 1986a. Dinamiche di sviluppo culturale e analisi archeologica: problemi interpretativi nello scavo di un sito. Dialoghi di Archeologia III s., 4(2): 225-235.

TAFURI, M.A., J. ROBB, M. MASTROROBERTO, L. SALVADEI, G. MANZI 2001-03. Diet, mobility and residence patterns in Bronze Age Southern Italy. Accordia Research Papers 9: 45-56.

CIPOLLONI SAMPÒ, M. 1986b. La tomba tre dell’acropoli di Toppo Daguzzo (Potenza). Elementi per uno studio preliminare. Annali dell’Istituto Universitario Orientale di Napoli, Archeologia e Storia Antica VIII: 1-40.

TALAMO, P., C. RUGGINI 2005. Il territorio campano al confine con la Puglia nell’età del Bronzo. Atti del XXV Convegno sulla Preistoria Protostoria e Storia della Daunia, p. 171-188. San Severo.

CIPOLLONI SAMPÒ, M. 1987. Manifestazioni funerarie e struttura sociale. Scienze dell’Antichità 1: 55-119.

TRUMP, D.H. 1963. Excavation at La Starza, Ariano Irpino. Papers of the British School at Rome XXXI: 132.

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SETTLEMENT STRATEGIES IN ALPINE VALLEYS OF LOMBARDY (NORTHERN ITALY) FROM NEOLITHIC TO EARLY BRONZE AGE: SOME EXAMPLES Marco BAIONI Civico Museo Archeologico della Valle Sabbia

Raffaella POGGIANI KELLER Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia Abstract: The paper is a partial summary of a larger work about settlement dynamics and exploitation strategies in the alpine and pre-alpine territory of middle eastern Lombardy during pre-historic and proto-historic age. From the geographic point of view, the examined territory is characterised by a very diversified morphology, including wide lakes and long valleys, very important factors for transalpine communications, supported by the presence of raw materials, like flint or copper ore. In the analysis, the localisation and the structural characteristics of settlements, cult sites and burial places are considered, with special attention to their correlations. Key-words: Middle-eastern Lombardy, Settlement dynamics, Communication way, Neolithic – Bronze Age Résumé: Cet article constitue la synthèse d’une recherche plus vaste consacrées aux dynamiques de choix et d’implantation des sites et aux stratégies d’exploitation du milieu alpin et préalpin de la Lombardie centrale et orientale, durant la Préhistoire et la Protohistoire. Au point de vue géographique, le territoire examiné est caractérisé par une morphologie très diversifiée, qui comprend grands lacs et longues vallées, éléments très importants dans les communications transalpines, illustrées par les matières premières, principalement silex et cuivre. Dans l’analyse, on a considéré soit l’emplacement soit les caractères d’implantation des villages, des sites de culte et des nécropoles, en portant une attention particulière aux corrélations entre eux. Mots-clés: Lombardie centro-orientale, Dynamiques des sites, Routes, Néolithique – âge du Bronze

both on monophasic settlements, like Casale d’Albino (Poggiani Keller 2002), Nave-via Molino (Poggiani Keller 1999) or San Polo di Brescia (Poggiani et al. 2006), both on sites which have provided wide stratigraphies like Rocca di Manerba (Barfield et al. 2002) Monte Covolo of Villanuova sul Clisi (Barfield et al. 1975-76, 1977-79, 1995; Lo Vetro 2002; Poggiani Keller et al. 2002, 2004; Poggiani Keller & Baioni 2004; Poggiani Keller et al. 2006), Lovere – Colle Lazzaretto (Poggiani Keller 2000b; Poggiani Keller et al. 2006) and Ubiale Clanezzo – Castello (Poggiani Keller 2002; Lo Vetro & Poggiani Keller 2006).

INTRODUCTION This paper is to be intended as a partial synthesis, including only data concerning the period between Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age, of a larger work on the individuation of settlement dynamics and of the exploittation strategies of the alpine and pre-alpine territory in middle-eastern Lombardy considering their variations during pre-historic and proto-historic age. The researches concerned the provinces of Sondrio, Bergamo and Brescia. Whereas the works on the territory of Sondrio have been already published (Poggiani Keller 1989, 2004b), the ones about the valleys near Brescia (Valle Camonica, Valtrompia and Valle Sabbia), started in 1998, are finished as far as the survey phase is concerned, but still partially unpublished except for papers about specific chronological periods or restricted areas, already presented in congresses or published in reviews (Baioni et al. 2000; Poggiani Keller 2002, 2004b; Poggiani Keller et al. 2005; Baioni & Poggiani Keller 2006; Poggiani Keller & Baioni in press).

From the geographic point of view, the examined territory is characterised by a very articulated and diversified morphology, including very different habitats such as the high mountain or the valley floor. This variety of environmental situations makes the coexistence of different settlement strategies possible and sometimes difficult cultural links. Otherwise the presence of wide lakes (Garda lake, and the lakes of Idro, Iseo and Como) and important valleys (Valtellina, valli orobiche, Valcamonica e Valle Sabbia) are really important factors for transalpine communications, above all because they are often rich in mineral resources. The cross roads on NS, along the main valleys, above all in the eastern part of the territory, were easier to go through than the roads EW, which were mainly along the hills on the edge of the plain. In this sense, the situation of Bergamo valleys is different in many ways from the Brescia valleys. The latter in fact, characterised by easily practicable passes, were always communication ways towards the North, the

The work has included a initial systematic survey and a mapping of all the finds, not only through the examination of archaeological bibliography, often on local reviews, or through research in the archives of museums and “Soprintendenza”, but also within the study of unpublished new contexts and the direct observation of artefacts found out of context. Near the well-known sites, many excavations recently made by Soprintendenza per i Beni Archeologici della Lombardia have been considered,

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In the settlements we know the distinctive pottery labelled by L.H. Barfield “White Ware” (Barfield et al. 1975-76) and more recently “Civate Group Coarse Ware” (Barfield 2002). This kind of pottery presents elements that appear already in the Late Neolithic and continue in the common ware of Bell Beaker phases. Collective burials in caves or rockshelters provided the features of Civate Group (Poggiani Keller 1988), in opposition to Remedello Culture in the Po Plains, where we have burial grounds with flat individual graves. The division in two phases recently proposed for the Remedello (De Marinis & Pedrotti 1997) burial ground can hardly apply to contexts of Civate group (Barfield 2002).

former instead, valleys without outlets towards the North, were never important for trading contacts. When, through the spatial analysis of archaeological evidence, we can locate parts of ancient paths, we notice that they keep substantially away from the main fluvial axis, choosing ways on the slopes or through lateral valleys and low altitude passes. This situation is particularly known for valley of Chiese river (Valle Sabbia), very sinuous with many gorges, where, until the Middle Ages alternative routes were used to ones on valley floor (Poggiani Keller & Baioni in press). The importance of the passes, mainly low altitude and open all year round, is otherwise proved by the spreading of cultural phenomena like, for example, rock art and cult sites diffusion in Valtellina only in the areas linked by passes (Aprica and Mortirolo) with Valcamonica (Poggiani Keller 2004b).

After the Bell Beaker phase, in the second half of III millennium b.C., the considered territory becomes part of the area of Polada, a distinctive culture of central northern Italy.

CHRONOLOGICAL AND CULTURAL OUTLINE SETTLEMENT STRATEGIES In this paper we consider only data concerning the period between Late Neolithic and Early Bronze Age. In the Italian Chronology it corresponds to the period from IV to the beginnings of II millennium b.C. In the Late Neolithic the alpine and pre-alpine area of Lombardy is characterised by the presence and interaction of articulated cultural streams. First of all we have to mention, like a “eastern stream”, the persistent VBQ (Vasi a Bocca Quadrata, Square-Mouthed Vases) tradition that dates from the Middle Neolithic in the eastern part of territory and in the close regions like Veneto and Trentino. We can now recognise an early phase, characterised by a pure VBQ tradition (VBQ III phase, “a incisioni ed impressioni”), whose earlier C14 dating is available (Ferrari et al. 2002; Visentini et al. 2004), and a late phase that shows a strong relationship with ChasseyLagozza tradition. A second cultural stream is just a “western stream”, usually labelled “Chassey-Lagozza”, that probably needs a partial redefinition (Ferrari et al. 2002). Third cultural stream is distinctive of the alpine area, even if its definition has yet unclear aspects. It is characterised by a particular decoration pattern labelled “Breno style” (Fedele & Odone 1999; Ferrari et al. 2002; Fedele 2003), but it is usually found together with VBQ and Lagozza cultural elements. From the mix of these streams, in the second half of IV millennium b.C., arose the distinctive cultural elements of the transition from Late Neolithic to Early Copper Age, as the Monte Covolo stratigraphic evidence shows. In Northern Italy the Copper Age is characterised by a sensible decrease of information and by the difficulty to connect data coming from different type contexts: settlements, cemeteries and cult sites.

About settlement strategies we can see two different moments in which remarkable changes occurred: between the Middle and the Late Neolithic and at the beginnings of Early Bronze Age. In the former case we notice a settlement expansion in the alpine territory with the foundation of many new settlements. In the mountain area we can explain this phenomenon as a new occupation of the highlands after Mesolithic times. Also in the area near the Po Plains we can notice a certain discontinuity between the Middle Neolithic settlement patterns and those of Late Neolithic. It is in fact uncommon to find continuity from Middle to Late Neolithic in the settlements of this area. Usually open-air settlements are known on hilltops or on slopes, but there is not a rigorous pattern. In Valle Camonica we can mention sites such as Castello of Breno and Luine placed on a hill, but other sites such as Cividate Camuno are set on the valley floor. Early Bronze Age, characterised usually by a widespread occupation of wetlands, especially the small morainic lakes and shores of Garda lake, the southern bogs of Iseo lake and the meanders of large rivers in the Po Plains, shows a sensible increase of mountain occupation. We know many settlements connected with sheep farming or hunting, like the recently found site of Sabbio Chiese, placed on little rock hill in a woody lateral valley of Valle Sabbia. Experience makes us prudent in the interpretation of the geographic meaning of sites, and suggests to avoid an excessive geographic determinism. We can cite for example the case of Corna Nibbia rockshelter near Bione (Baioni 2004, in press) in Valle Sabbia, site placed along a path that from valley floor leads into summer pasture

Only recently the picture has improved with the increase of multiphase sites (Monte Covolo, Lovere) and of data coming from cemeteries (Corna Nibbia) and by new possibilities to connect the cult sites to the other kinds of context (Ossimo-Pat, Ossimo Anvoia, Cemmo).

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fields. At first this site was considered to be connected with sheep farming. But the excavation documented features that do not fit very well with the geographical context. The presence of a large rectangular house and the discovery of valuable objects, like amber beads and bronze daggers, and of particular objects like items called “enigmatic tablets”, shows a link with the main settlements of the Po Plains (Piccoli & Zanini 1999). Near the house a little structure was found with items connected to metallurgy, like fragments of melting pot and two moulds, one made of stone for an axe, one made of clay, for a pin. It is very interesting that the Corna Nibbia site is placed along one of the paths used in the Middle Ages to transport iron mineral from the mines of Valtrompia toward the furnaces and forges of Valle Sabbia. Documents about historical exploitation state that Valtrompia mines were rich in copper (chalcopirite) too. In alpine area, in some key places in the valleys, the settlements last from Late Neolithic until the following Bronze age, because they are connected, or in control of, transit and trade ways, or to resources exploitation (flint or metal), or to development of farming and sheep farming activities. We can cite some sites characterised by a certain evidence of local flint working found in Bergamo valleys, or by frequent discoveries of mineral slags in settlements, like Lovere for example (Giardino 2006), in the outlet of Valcamonica, and in cult sites of Brescia province, like the case of Ossimo – Pat (Poggiani Keller 2004b).

Fig. 19.1. Trescore Balneario (BG), Canton: Bell Beaker levels: the straight road crossing the entire settlement, with lateral ditches

New researches of Soprintendenza in alpine highlands, determined by the construction of gas pipelines or power lines, documented many settlements dated to the Late neolithic, to the Copper Age or to the Early Bronze Age, often found in connection with passes between two valleys, as Cedegolo-Dosso Poglia, or Farno and Sparavera montains (Poggiani Keller & Magri 2002). The importance of practicable passes is proved by the spreading of cultural elements in the Alps, like for example the position of Teglio and Grosio in regard to the passes (Aprica and Mortirolo) that lead into Valcamonica. This datum fits very well with the frequent discoveries of objects found out of context, like the stone hammer-axe found on the Spluga Pass.

Fig. 19.2. Trescore Balneario (BG), Canton: a lateral ditch, probably dug to place a wooden trunk to restrain a bed of stones, that now fill them

The use of routes, paths and passes is usually not easy to date, overall in absence of datable structures. Often the spreading of metal hoards can show the presence of ancient communication ways, like the case of Early Bronze Age hoard of Piattamala in Valtellina, containing two bronze daggers (De Marinis 1989).

to place wooden trunks to restrain a bed of stones, that now fill them. On the surface between the ditches, traces of cart wheel ruts could be clearly seen. In an alpine context, a mountain cobbled path was found near the settlement of Malegno, probably in connection with the Copper Age phase (Poggiani Keller 2006a).

Regarding the features of ancient roads we have new data from some excavations: an important structure has been found at Trescore Balneario, in Bell Beaker levels: a straight road that crossed the entire settlement (Poggiani Keller 2006b). The road has lateral ditches, probably dug

Among the structures found in the mountains, difficult to date, we have to mention the numerous stone fences for livestock. These fences, locally labelled “barech”, in some cases are connected with engraved stones like the example of Alpe Cavizzola in Valle Brembana.

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RESOURCE EXPLOITATION This continuity of settlement patterns actually hides some economic modifications, like for example the change in resource exploitation (Barfield 1999). In fact the study of typo-technological evolutionary dynamics of the lithic assemblage of Monte Covolo shows a shift in the raw materials exploitation strategy. In the early Late Neolithic phase (Phase 1), flint is mostly of a high quality, probably originating from Lessini Mountains (Biancone type), while in the late phases of Late Neolithic sequence (Phases 2 and 3) a massive use of low quality local flint (Medolo type) was noted, followed by a technological decline. Retouch quality falls off and the production is less standardised, reflected by a regression of the laminarity with irregular shape supports (Barfield et al. 1977-79; Lo Vetro 2002).

Fig. 19.3. Villanuova sul Clisi (BS), Monte Covolo: the rocky white surface commanding a view over the settlement, lasting from Late Neolithic to Middle Bronze Age

This decline in lithic tecnology, connected with a change of flint sources, is less evident in the cemeteries, where a glossy imported flint is used during all the Copper age, to make arrowheads and daggers (Barfield 1999; Baioni 2004). In the rockshelters used as collective burials, like Corna Nibbia, among grave goods we can mention many elements that suggest long distance trades in contrast with data from settlements, and new forms of experimentation of working technologies. We have beads made in marble, perhaps from Tuscany, in coral or sea shells. Although the study is still in progress, we can say in advance that in the Copper age phase a new kind of technology appears to produce stone beads, working steatite at high temperature (Baioni 2004, in press). Fig. 19.4. Villanuova sul Clisi (BS), Monte Covolo: a image of two superimposed Copper Age houses. They present wide foundation ditches and post holes with limestone stones to keep the wooden stake

SETTLEMENT FEATURES The sites of Rocca di Manerba, Monte Covolo and Castello of Breno have furnished some information concerning the general appearance of settlements on the tops and slopes of hills. A distinguishing feature is hillside terracing, both by making use of small areas of naturally flat ground and by constructing artificial terraces with more or less regular containing walls.

or three-phase hearths were found, made of layers of small stones or limestone fragments laid on burnt clay surfaces.

At Monte Covolo and Trescore a regular spatial organization of the village seems to be lacking. In no case was it possible to define with precision the total settlement area. It was difficult to recognise the horizontal stratigraphy pertaining to the various phases of settlements occupied for long periods and also, therefore, to get a clear picture of expansions and contractions, especially where a combination of natural phenomena and human activity had negatively influenced the survival of traces of structures.

The stratigraphy of Monte Covolo shows in a better way the occupation continuity of a key position settlement. The site of Monte Covolo, a settlement lasting from Late Neolithic to Middle Bronze Age, is already known in archaeological bibliography due to excavations at the beginning of the seventies, supervised by L.H. Barfield (Barfield et al. 1975-76, 1977-79, 1995). Because of its geographical position on the lower slopes of the hill near the bottleneck at Tormini, the settlement was well placed to control the Chiese valley. This strategic function, together with a constant supply of water from a spring in the middle of the village and the presence of a nearby outcrop of flint (Medolo) in Cavallino locality, must presumably have compensated for the site’s disadvantages: poor exposure to the sun and construction difficulties caused by the steep and unstable slope.

At Trescore, with certainty, and also perhaps at Monte Covolo, the houses were rectangular with perimeters marked by postholes. Hearths survived on occasions, placed almost centrally on the floor surfaces, often with several phases of use. At Monte Covolo and Trescore two

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Fig. 19.5. Villanuova sul Clisi (BS), Monte Covolo: a plan of two superimposed Copper Age houses. The more recent house is smaller and with a little different orientation

New excavations, made by Soprintendenza in 1998-99 (Poggiani Keller et al. 2002, 2004; Poggiani Keller & Baioni 2004) permitted to better know the general structure of the village, based on both natural and artificial terraces. The terraces that could support, in accordance with the different phases, one or more houses, also provided with small yards, remained stable for a long time so that sometimes a continuity of structure from Neolithic to Early Bronze Age can be noticed. Settlement boundary structures have not been found, although the down-slope settlement margin at Monte Covolo corresponds to a group of large glacially deposited boulders. As far as internal divisions are concerned, the palaeobotanical data suggest the possible use of certain plants as hedges.

stake. Of the more recent house, smaller (about 2 x 3m) and with a little different orientation, there have been found both foundation ditches and several post holes, as well as tracks for wooden supports, which probably held up a wooden floor slightly lifted from the ground. A dry stone wall ran at least on two sides, preserved for a height of 25 cm, built for the double function of supporting wooden and clay walls, driven into the ditch, and to restrain uphill accumulated slope debris. On the eastern shorter side of the rectangular house the foundation ditch is double for 60 centimetres: this perhaps refers either to the presence of a door or to a partial renovation.

From Neolithic to Early Bronze Age the shape of houses was always rectangular. Specially interesting is the case of the Copper Age houses. They are represented by two superimposed structures. The most ancient structure is 3,5m long and at least 3m wide, dug until basal clay and that partly uses two large rocks as a kind of border. It presents two wide foundation ditches and at least two big post holes with limestone stones to keep the wooden

In the second half of the IV Millennium b.C., consequential to settlement expansion in mountain areas, monumental sanctuaries with megalithic structures appear both in Valtellina and in Valcamonica, in areas connected by well known passes. In five of these megalithic sanctuaries (Caven near Teglio, in Valtellina; Passagròp, Pat and Anvòia near Ossimo, and Cemmo, near Capo di Ponte, in Valle Camonica) excavations have been

CULT SITES

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a b

c

Fig. 19.6. Ossimo (BS), Pat: the complex of Copper Age cult site includes alignments of steles, sometimes still standing in place, stone platforms and a sort of tumuli with ritual depositions 150

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a b

c

Fig. 19.7. Bione (BS), Corna Nibbia: The Copper Age burial collective rockshelter: the stone fence A, in which many skeletal remains have been found, rarely in anatomic connection, together with many gravegoods like flint harrowheads

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conducted and are still in progress. Discoveries include alignments of steles and engraved rocks (a total of 23 monuments in the Pat site), platforms (Caven, Teglio; Anvòia and Pat, Ossimo), tumuli (Pat) and impressive perimeter walls (Cemmo), with the progressive replacement of initial structures in earth and wood by stone constructions (Poggiani Keller 2000a, b; Fedele 2006).

presence of important communication ways (valleys, lakes, passes), stimulated by natural resources, allows the spreading of similar patterns and cultural links. This is particularly evident in the use of similar features in different contexts, such as terraces, walls, platforms, documented both in settlements, cult and burial sites.

The presence of metal slag in several sites (Ossimo, Passagròp and Pat localities) and the creation of extensive areas of meadow within the woodlands by setting fire to them at the time of foundation, for which there is clear excavation evidence, suggest reasons (mineral extraction and animal breeding) which may have motivated the notable interest shown in these zones and the subsequent definition of certain areas as sacred, territorial markers along paths into the mountains.

References BAIONI, M. 2004. Relazione preliminare sulle ricerche archeologiche alla Corna Nibbia di Bione (BS). Annali del Museo 19 (2001-2002): 59-78. Gavardo (BS), Civico Museo Archeologico della Valle Sabbia. BAIONI, M. (in press). Relazione preliminare sulle campagne di scavo 2000–2003 alla Corna Nibbia di Bione (BS): la necropoli dell’età del Rame. Atti del Convegno di Storo, “Archeologia della Valle del Chiese”, Storo 2003.

BURIALS

BAIONI, M., G. BOCCHIO, P. SPINELLI 2000. Il progetto “Valle Sabbia” e le altre attività del Museo. Annali del Museo di Gavardo 18: 111-127.

A new aspect of Fourth and Third Millennium b.C. is the presence of cemeteries often characterised by a increased research into monumentality like the case of the earth barrow of Trescore Balneario (Poggiani Keller 2004a).

BAIONI, M., R. POGGIANI KELLER 2006. Il Campaniforme del Quotidiano in Lombardia. Annali del Museo 20 (2003-2006): 21-36. Gavardo (BS), Civico Museo Archeologico della Valle Sabbia.

In Valle Sabbia and on the western side of Garda Lake, rockshelters appear used as collective burial sites in the Copper Age. These shelters have the same characteristics: a little plain at the foot of a high rock surface, often white, protected from the rain and visible from a distance. Also these elements seem to mark the landscape. The investigations at Corna Nibbia (Baioni 2004, in press), a rockshelter with a multi-stratified deposit, with various phases of frequentation, recognised two burial collective structures formed by stone fences, in which there are many skeletal remains, rarely in anatomic connection. The documented rite seems to be the secondary burial with practises of shattering and semi-combustion, similar to the one known at rockshelters Cavallino (Villanuova sul Clisi) and Valtenesi (Manerba del Garda) (Barfield 1983, 2002; Barfield et al. 1995). The abundant grave goods, for the most part beads, can be compared with similar items of Civate Group (Poggiani Keller 1988; Barfield et al. 1995). The evidence of a low stone platform placed in front of the fences, where is documented ritual spreading of human skulls fragments, connects these burial contexts with some ritual sites of Valcamonica (ossimo – Anvoia), where recently human bones have been found on a sort of cairn (Fedele 2006). Unfortunately the only rockshelter known in Valcamonica (Riparo 2 di Foppe di Nadro), used as collective burial, was found not in a good state (Zanettin 1983).

BARFIELD, L.H. 1983. The Chalcolithic cemetery at Manerba del Garda. Antiquity 57: 116-123. BARFIELD, L.H. 1999. Neolithic and Copper Age flint exploitation in Northern Italy. In: Ph. Della Casa (ed.), “Prehistoric alpine environment, society, and economy”, Proceedings of the International Colloquium PAESE ’97, p. 245-252. Zurich (CH). BARFIELD, L.H. 2002. Ceramica dell’Età del Rame dal Riparo Valtenesi di Manerba del Garda. Atti della XXXIII Riunione Scientifica Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria (Trento 1997), p. 53-67. Firenze. BARFIELD, L.H., G.W.W. BARKER, J.T. CHESTERMAN, J.P. PALS, A. VOORRIPS 1977-79. Excavations at Monte Covolo sul Clisi, Brescia (1972-73). Annali del Museo 13(2): 5-88. Gavardo (BS), Civico Museo Archeologico della Valle Sabbia. BARFIELD, L.H., P. BIAGI, M.A. BORRELLO 197576. Scavi nella stazione di Monte Covolo (1972-73). Annali del Museo 12(1): 7-149. Gavardo (BS), Civico Museo Archeologico della Valle Sabbia. BARFIELD, L.H., S. BUTEUX, G. BOCCHIO 1995. Monte Covolo: una montagna e il suo passato. Ricerche archeologiche 1972-1994. Birmingham (UK). BARFIELD, L.H., BORRELLO M.A., BUTEUX S., CIARALDI M. 2002. Scavi preistorici sulla Rocca di Manerba. In: A. Ferrari, P. Visentini (eds.), “Il declino del mondo Neolitico. Ricerche in Italia centrosettentrionale fra aspetti peninsulari, occidentali e nord-alpini”, Quaderni del Museo Archeologico del Friuli occidentale 4, p. 291-309. Pordenone.

CONCLUSIONS The habitat variety, typical of the mountain environment, leads to a coexistence of different settlement strategies, often linked to the control of territory. Otherwise the

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POGGIANI KELLER, R. 1988. Gli aspetti sepolcrali dell’area alpina centrale. Rassegna di Archeologia 7: 401-411. POGGIANI KELLER, R. (ed.) 1989. Valtellina e Mondo Alpino nella Preistoria. Modena, Edizioni Panini.

DE MARINIS, R. 1989. Preistoria e protostoria della Valcamonica, Valtrompia e Valsabbia. Aspetti della cultura materiale, dal neolitico all’età del Ferro. In: R. Poggiani Keller (ed.), “Valtellina e Mondo Alpino nella Preistoria”, p. 101-119. Modena, Edizioni Panini.

POGGIANI KELLER, R. 1999. Il sito del Molino: l’insediamento e la sepoltura di età neolitica. In: C. Botturi, R. Pareccini (eds.), “Archeologia della Valle del Garza tra preistoria e medioevo”, p. 41-50. Trucazzano (MI).

DE MARINIS, R., A.L. PEDROTTI 1997. L’età del Rame nel versante italiano delle alpi centro-occidentali. Atti della XXXI Riunione Scientifica Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria, (Courmayeur, giugno 1994), p. 247-300. FEDELE, F. 2003. Ricerche archeologiche al Castello di Breno, Valcamonica. I: Notizie generali, Ceramica neolitica e calcolitica. Notizie Archeologiche Bergomensi 8 (2000). FEDELE, F. 2006. Asinino – Anvoia, il parco archeologico. Cerveno.

POGGIANI KELLER, R. 2000a. Il sito cultuale di Cemmo (Valcamonica): scoperta di nuove stele. Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche L (1999-2000): 229259. Firenze. POGGIANI KELLER, R. 2000b. Lovere (Bergamo): una sequenza stratigrafica esemplare dal Neolitico Antico al Bronzo Finale in area prealpina. Rivista di Scienze Preistoriche L (1999-2000): 297-374. Firenze. POGGIANI KELLER, R. 2002. Contesti di recente indagine nella Lombardia prealpina, tra tardo Neolitico e prima età del Rame. In: A. Ferrari, P. Visentini (eds.), “Il declino del mondo Neolitico. Ricerche in Italia centro-settentrionale fra aspetti peninsulari, occidentali e nord-alpini”, Quaderni del Museo Archeologico del Friuli occidentale 4, p. 271-289. Pordenone.

FEDELE, F. S. ODONE 1999. The Breno Neolithic Ceramic Complex (Val Camonica, Lombardy). In: Ph. Della Casa (ed.), “Prehistoric alpine environment, society, and economy”, Proceedings of the International Colloquium PAESE ’97, p. 61-70. Zurich (CH). FERRARI, A., VISENTINI P. (eds.) 2002. Il declino del mondo Neolitico. Ricerche in Italia centro-settentrionale fra aspetti peninsulari, occidentali e nordalpini. Quaderni del Museo Archeologico del Friuli occidentale 4. Pordenone.

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(Lombardia): un inedito quadro di riferimento. In: Proceedings of the 6th Conference of Italian Archeaeology “Communities and Settlements from the Neolithic to Early Medieval Period” (University of Groningen, April 15-17, 2003), BAR 1452(II): 656665.

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POGGIANI KELLER, R., M. BAIONI, F. MARTINI, D. LO VETRO 2002. Monte Covolo tra Tardo neolitico ed età del Rame. Strutture e materiali degli scavi 1998-1999. In: A. Ferrari, P. Visentini (eds.), “Il declino del mondo Neolitico. Ricerche in Italia centrosettentrionale fra aspetti peninsulari, occidentali e nord-alpini”, Quaderni del Museo Archeologico del Friuli occidentale 4, p. 311-324. Pordenone.

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VISENTINI, P., M. BERNABÒ BREA, B. KROMER, L. FASANI, L. SALZANI, P. SALZANI, S. TALAMO 2004. Preliminari considerazioni sulle ultime fasi del Neolitico dell’Italia Settentrionale alla luce dei recenti ritrovamenti e delle nuove datazioni assolute. Bollettino del Museo Civico di Storia Naturale di Verona 28: 133-146.

POGGIANI KELLER, R., M. BAIONI, M.G. RUGGIERO, S. LINCETTO, A. MASSARI, B. RAPOSSO, I. SANTOMANCO 2005. Aspetti insediativi e culturali della tarda età del Bronzo nell’area prealpina centrale

ZANETTIN, A. 1983. Scavi al Riparo 2 di Foppe di Nadro. Bollettino del Centro Camuno di Studi Preistorici 20: 112-117.

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DATA ON SETTLEMENT VIEWS DURING NEOLITHIC IN PREALPIN LAKES OF NW LOMBARDY (NORTHERN ITALY) Daria Giuseppina BANCHIERI Civico Museo Archeologico di Villa Mirabello, Varese; Centro di Studi Preistorici e Archeologici- Varese, Italy Abstract: The Author will show new archaeological data as well as radiometric dates concerning several Neolithic lake-sites located around the city of Varese (northern Italy). In particular, the connection among Lake, Man, and Environment will be investigated through the analysis of the significative wooden structures found at the Isolino Virginia site. Keywords: Pizzo di Bodio, Isolino Virginia, Neolithic, Wooden structures, Shores, Enviroment Résumé: Les nouvelles recherches menées à l’Isolino Virginia (Biandronno-Varese, Italie), l’analyse des documents des fouilles 1952-1959 ainsi que les résultats fournis par l’habitat néo-énéolitique de Pizzo di Bodio (Bodio Lomnago- Varese, Italie) permettent de disposer actuellement d’un grand nombre de dates radiométriques qui documentent les séquences stratigraphiques et culturelles de l’enclave des lacs autour de Varèse par rapport au Néolithique de l’Italie du Nord et de la région au-delà des Alpes. L’Isolino demeure le seul habitat néolithique d’Italie du Nord possédant de monumentales et très bien conservées structures en bois. Il offre l’extraordinaire opportunité de connaître les rapports lac, homme et milieu, qui ont contribués dans le temps au choix des endroits à habiter et à un type précis de technologie de construction. Mots-clés: Pizzo di Bodio, Isolino Virginia, Néolithique, Structures en bois, Environnement

stratigraphic-cultural sequence to be compared with the Isolino strata (Bertolone excavations and succesive ones: Guerreschi 1976-77; Guerreschi et al.1992) so that it may get a deeper knowledge of W Lombardy Neolithic and relate with the wider zone of Northern Italy, and also Canton Ticino and Vallese (CH). On the base of a comparative study with Early and Middle Neolithic material from Pizzo di Bodio it results that Mesolcina (CH) groups supplied themselves with some flint kinds in the prealpin lakes (Della Casa 1997).

INTRODUCTION This paper is the preliminary report on new data that we are planning to realize in order to increase the knowledge of settlement, strategies and the use of natural resources in connection with environment of the prealpin areas during the Neolithic. The Prealpin lakes in NW Lombardy (Lago Maggiore, Lago di Monate, Lago di Comabbio, Lago di Biandronno e Lago di Varese) (Fig. 20.1), inhabited during Prehistory period, from Early Neolithic to the end of the Bronze Age (Banchieri 1986), in the last years have been studied especially for the Neolithic period (Bagolini 1992; Borrello 1984; Cornaggia Castiglioni 1955; Fusco 197677; Guerreschi 1976-77; Odone 1998).

The geographic position of Varese lakes during the time was a very important factor in the interaction of cultural elements from different places such as Liguria, Po Plain, central alpin and Adriatic areas, becoming a connection from and to central Alps through Gottardo and San Bernardino passes, which were easily connected with Vallese and Canton Ticino (CH). This area of lakes shares the same cultural trend with a portion of Piemonte (Venturino Gambari 1995), among the Central West Alpin chain with the Vallese (Saint-Leonard Sur-le Grand-Pré, Sion Sous-le Scex, Sion-Tourbillon (Muller 1995) and the Canton Ticino (through Castelgrande di Bellinzona: Carazzetti-Donati 1990), until the complete Middle Neolithic period, at least. This local re-elaboration (Isolino Group, “facies Isolino”, Lagozza Culture) gave rise to an enclave, as stated by Bagolini, which maintained the previous traditions for a long period. Even though always open to connections and new cultural influences (Bagolino 1992). So the various cultural influences slowly get into a context that will remain traditionally Early Neolithic up to all Middle Neolithic (Table 20.1).

Even if many were the dwellings discovered in the second part of XIX A.D., only Isolino Virginia at first and Pizzo di Bodio from 1985, were object of systematic researches.1

CHRONO-STRATIGRAPHIC AND CULTURAL CORRELATIONS The archaeological site of Pizzo di Bodio (Bodio Lomnago, Varese) is located along the Varese lake S shore and it is about 4 km from Isolino Virginia; discovered in 1982, was inhabited from early Neolithic to Eneolithic (Banchieri 2000); in the second part of the XIX century, Bodio area supplied also Bronze Age documentation (Banchieri 1986: 11-65). At present Pizzo di Bodio is the only site which can offer a chrono-

The typical elements of the local Isolino Group are geometric incised decoration often with nicks on the vessels rim, sometimes in fine ware, more often in common ware; “scalariforme” decoration, sometimes with a

1

The Ancient and Middle Bronze Age site, named “Del Sabbione” lago di Monate, was investigated in the 90s of the last century (Binaghi 2003).

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Fig. 20.1. The Prealpin lakes in NW Lombardy (Graphic designer: Lucina Caramella – Centro Studi Preistorici Archeologici – Varese)

1994); it is just in this environment that the man found in archaeological stratum (US 326 that date back 5040-4900 BC cal., Table 20.1) (Banchieri 2002a) lived: there were found the left humerus and the right astragalus.

series of little triangles, in fine ware. There are vases called “a fruttiera”. There are also materials that for shapes and decoration clearly denote contacts with Liguria Impressed Ware, with the Early Neolithic Groups of the Po Plain, Fiorano, and also the Gaban Group (Banchieri 2000) (Fig. 20.2).

The Varese environment appears to be greatly varied as to the arboreous species, according to the same varied geomorphology of this zone; in few meters of extension between the in-land and the shores, there is the presence of three different kinds of vegetation made of typical terra-firma woods including white fir, oak and elm, followed by a zone including maples, ashes, cornels, and hazels that soon turns to hydrophilous plants of the bank (willows, poplars, alders) (Castiglioni & Cottini 2000). Among the early Neolithic fauna, was found the beaver, the typical animal of damp and lacustrine habitat, rich in wood, as Varese lakes area is. The animal species located here, allow us to state that the Neolithic man besides fishing gets over two activities at the same time: agriculture connected with breeding, and deer hunting. The oxen and pigs breeding is the mainly one; goats/ sheep are less used. As to the wild fauna, it is necessary to remember hare and tortoise, in addition to roe-deer.

Actually, “Isolino Group” has got a chronology that can prove and date back Prealpin lakes Neolithization to the last centuries of VI millennium BC cal. (Table 20.1) and Pizzo di Bodio is mentioned among the dwellings in Northern Italy where we can find the most ancient traces of agriculture activities (Rottoli 2000). At present during the early Neolithic, according to the most ancient Pizzo di Bodio levels, we can also find Tilia sp., Carpinus betulus and large quantities of Taxus baccata in the primitive quercus mixtus with Abies Alba, Acer sp., Hedera helix L.; species proving the presence of glades are the Pomoideae and the Corylus avellana. We have to include plants from more or less damp soil such as lacustrine shores, with Populus/Salix and Alnus sp. (Iannone & Marziani Longo 1992; Castelletti & Madella

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Tab. 20.1.

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Fig. 20.2. Chronological scheme of Neolithic in Prealpin area of NW Lombardy (Northern Italy)

The S.M.P.C. II, called “Isolino facies”, still includes elements of phase I (traditional Fiorano carinate forms with high neck) but are more common and quite exclusive square mouthed cups with decorative elements, typical of this facies (engraved bands of intersecting triangles) (Fig. 20.2) (Guerreschi 1976-77; Banchieri & Balista 1994). The “Isolino facies”, clearly identified at Pizzo di Bodio (Banchieri 2000), shows the same situation found at Isolino Virginia, in corrispondence with the more recent wooden platform (Bertolone excavations), dated 43403970 BC (Table 20.1), and connected with rectangular dwelling structure and a portion of wall. In this phase “the meander spiral style” is however present, even though it is less significant: the two pintaderas come from both dwellings (Fig. 20.2). During preistory, Isolino, just like Pizzo di Bodio, was subjet over and over to floods and recedings of the lacustrine waters; this situation caused washing way and erosion phenomenons along with the time; so man must carry out improvements and/or even leaving portions of the isle, in some periods of the settlement life.

At Pizzo di Bodio, above the early Neolithic level 2, was identified the first phase of Square Mouthed Pottery Culture (SMPC) in a layer with a dwelling rectangular shaped floor, surrounded by cobbled paving (Banchieri 1997); this phase, identified by stratigraphic analysis for the first time in the West Lombardy, is certified in old excavations at Desor Maresco and Bodio Centrale (Banchieri 1986, fig. 5: 11 and fig. 2: 1-2). There is decoration executed when the pottery was leather hard before firing closely related to the Liguria graffiti (triangles facing each other, network) but it is still connected to the “geometric-linear style”. The carinate form with high neck (Fig. 20.2) is clearly in the Fiorano tradition; offset and tulip shapes are common in the first phase of Square Mouthed Pottery at Arene Candide. It is documented the presence of figuline ware, already found in the last early Neolithic level; its analysis documents a Po Plain area production, but this material could be also of local production (Sfrecola 1994). It is also proved by identified particolar and no common pottery typology for which it is hard to find an exact connection (Banchieri 2000: 23).

Actually Isolino Virginia is the only Neolithic dwelling in

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Fig. 20.3. Isolino Virginia. Dwelling development phases

From the Early Neolithic (5060-4800 BC cal, Table 20.1) the man lives in the centre of the isle building monumental wooden platforms; he builds his own houses over them, and the dwelling expands along the north and the east shores (4840-4710 BC cal.; 4720-4600 BC cal, Table 20.1). During Middle and Late Neolithic, dwelling expands over the east shore too (Fig. 20.3). The south area will remain covered by waters until the forth millennium, approximately (Maviglia 1954). From that

Northern Italy presenting monumental pile dwellings still in a such good state and so ancient. The re-examination of published and unpublished documents concerning the excavations from the ‘50 years of the past century, and the opportunity of analyzing wide unexplored areas of shore usually submerged by waters (real paleo-surfaces), show these first partial but also very important results.

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Fig. 20.4. Isolino Virginia. Bertolone-Maviglia excavation 1952

moment the dwelling wiIl be increased towards south and, as we know from Bertolone-Maviglia excavations in 1952, that area will be taken with buildings formed by elevated houses on dry bases. So we can deduce that during early and middle Neolithic periods morphology’s isle was much more different if compared with the periods after (Fig. 20.3 and Fig. 20.4).

Excavations work of two centuries ago also brought to light dwelling piles.

The researches on the site during the second part of ‘800 are located especially in the isle South area. After the studies dated back on the beginig of last century, the excavations were carried out by Mario Bertolone from 1949. Due to the type of the site, since the begining, Bertolone, realized how complicated was the deposits formation, created by natural events, intercalated and connected with anthropic interferences. In 1949 and then in 1952, Bertolone investigate in south area.

The first level, named by Maviglia and Bertolone, Varese I (Fig. 20.4) was rich of soft ground, with vegetable remains and wooden splinters, probably piles and beams working tailings.

In this area Bertolone identified archaeological levels up to lacustrine mud at m 2,50 deep with piles: the intrusion of lacustrine clay at the base of the first level, documents installation of piles on dry base in shore area.

This level dated back to late Neolithic for the presence of typical Lagozza Culture pottery and a rich bone industry with points and traces of mastic. Burnt piles and beams showed that in this area a fire destroyed the structures (Maviglia 1954: 2).

The 1952 excavation took place in a limited area (4x3,20 m) that, up today, is the only with stratigraphic documentation of dwelling structures on elevated platforms over a dry base, attributable to the Late Neolithic-Lagozza Culture (Maviglia 1954). Bertolone puts these structures in relation with isle shore and present lake level for defining the ancient shores lines.

Then there is a barren level followed by a flood of lacustrine waters with peaty formations restarting. Varese II is a level of 30-40 cm thick and is formed with clair sand that are a reclamation against lake periodical floods. In Varese II there are abundant materials referable especially to microlithic industry (lamelle, trapezi, bulini and

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Fig. 20.5. Isolino Virginia, 1957. Seven wooden platforms

microbulini called by Maviglia “microbulini di Varese”). There is also Lagozza Culture pottery. The upper level named Varese III documents aspects referable to Eneolithic and to the ancient Bronze Age (Fig. 20.4).

Later, before being newly inhabited, this area will be swallowed by the lake waters, due to the changes in general climatic conditions of Varese zone “indice di un’oscillazione mesotermica alquanto più oceanica…” (Pasa Durante & Pasa 1968: 29).

In the centre of the isle (excavations 1953-1959) were clearly documented many cycles of accumulation of stones-sandy detritus, that only partially are natural and caused mostly by man (Fig. 20.5).

To be re-used by inhabitants, this zone will need continuous and subsequent improvements by digging canals and little wells and it will be necessary to save with lot of stones the isle perimeter object of water erosion. Anyway, no more wooden structures will be built here.

The Bertolone stratigraphic analysis allowed to identify a settlement phase that starts on the sandy-gravelly base H brought to light at less than m 3,5 of depth. Above follow the extraordinary series of seven wooden floor, iserted with peaty clays/sands and charcoal remains which document dwelling life from the early Neolithic to all the middle Neolithic (Fig. 20.5).

Late Neolithic – Lagozza Culture settlement extended, as previously said, toward South area with houses on elevated platform over a dry base, as we know from Bertolone-Maviglia excavations. During early and middle Neolithic this area was under lake waters or overgrown with reed thicket (Maviglia 1954) (Fig. 20.4).

The stamping ground of the most recent wooden floor (at the depth of one meter and half) is connected with rectangular dwelling structure, wall remains; here was discovered a little decorated pot full of hazels. The wooden floor, dated 4340-3970 BC cal. (Pi-38: 5326 ±180 BP, Allegri et al. 1987), was covered with large pieces of mats obtained with birch crossed bark.2

On the remaining area we have conditions with a surface formed by poor vegetation that provoked superficial alterations in cobbles paving (Pasa Durante & Pasa 1968). Durante and Pasa remarked again that overhanging sandyearthy complex could be subsequent reclamations constituted by imposing spreads of also anthropic ground, periferical to the zone of the very layer itself, and effected in order to get a homogeneous level on the surface of the isle.

2

About what is under this plan of stamping, there are dates obtained from Bertolone excavations concerning wooden structures immediately below. The excavation of 1995, effected on this same area, supplied dates relating older wooden platforms that can be dated back to the Early Neolithic (GX 20946, GX20947, Table 20.1).

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Fig. 20.6. Isolino Virginia, 2006. Wooden species

4840-4710 BC cal., Table 20.1) made of parallel westeast oriented trunks, provided with twisted branches; we have compared and connected this area to another area including wooden remains of structure elevation collapsed on the ground (Fig. 20.6, saggio 3) dated, to the same period of the wooden floor, by Acer sample n.101: 48004680 BC cal. (Table 20.1). From this structure it has been obtained a cast that will be shown along the isle eastern shore (Fig. 20.6).

Thanks to the drought of 2005 e 2006, it’s been possible to research along eastern and northern shores of Isolino, to map out the ancient shore line that was more extended inside the lake (Fig. 20.3) The surface is made with stones of great, middle and small size; this one was created by neolithic man for the protection of shores against lacustrine erosion, and covers monumental wooden remains of dwelling structures and works of shore settlements. The whole zone is normally covered by a half meter deep water that has preserved it for thousand years. During the drought, a paleo-surface emerged along the shore and the wooden structures are lying under a few centimeters of stones and ground (Fig. 20.6).

CONCLUSION First of all, it is planning to preserve this archaeological area, especially during the drought of the lake. The program also includes the verification of stratigraphical results of Bertolone and Maviglia excavations.

In the northern area was made an extended investigation on a wooden floor dated to early Neolithic (saggio 2:

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BANCHIERI, D.G. 2002. Le Prealpi varesine: nuovi dati per il Neolitico e l’età del Rame nel quadro dell’Italia settentrionale. Atti della XXXIII Riunione Scientifica dell’Istituto Italiano di Preistoria e Protostoria (Trento 21-24 ottobre 1997), p. 403-414. Firenze.

It will be possible to make an extended investigation on the shore of Isolino, only upon drought periods pending on weather conditions. It will be a extraordinary opportunity to investigate on dwelling extension, on its structures, on its bearings and dimensions, on works shores settlement. On the contrary this type of investigation in the centre and in the South of the isle is impossible due to the space and the logistic problems not to destroy vegetation.

BANCHIERI, D.G. 2002a. I più antichi resti umani dell’Italia nord occidentale. Rivista di Storia della Medicina XI NS (XXXII), fasc.1, gennaio-giugno 2001: 61-68.

Thanks to the very good condition of the wood it will be possible to study and know more about building technologies of Neolithic period in northern Italy almost unknown. Through dendochronological investigation, recently begun (Dendrodata-Verona) (Martinelli & Pignatelli 2006), it will be possible to create a dendochronological curve concerning the Neolithic period, that today doesn’t exist in northern Italy. By means of subsequent and crossed excavations in various areas of the isle, it will be possible to formulate a chrono-stratigraphic and cultural sequence of the various phases of the Neolithic period, focusing on situations at the moment not very clear as in the case of Late Neolithic-Lagozza Culture.

BANCHIERI, D.G. 2003. Antiche testimonianze del territorio varesino. Azzate-Varese. BANCHIERI, D.G. (ed.) 2006. Il parco archeologico dell’Isolino Virginia. Centro di Studi Preistorici e Archeologici, Varese. BANCHIERI, D.G., C. BALISTA 1994. Note sugli scavi di Pizzo di Bodio (Varese) 1985-88. Preistoria Alpina (1991) 27: 197-242. BERTOLONE, M. 1948. Le stazioni preistoriche della Palude Brabbia. Rassegna Storica del Seprio VIII: 31-39. BINAGHI, M.A. (ed.) 2003. Le palafitte del lago di Monate. Ricerche archeologiche e ambientali nell’insediamento preistorico del Sabbione. Gavirate.

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MOUNTAIN ENVIRONMENT AND LANDSCAPE IN PREHISTORIC SICILY: THE MADONIE REGION (PALERMO, ITALY) Vincenza FORGIA Dipartimento di Beni Culturali, University of Palermo, Italy Abstract: The present paper would like to show a research project still in progress, presenting the first preliminary archaeological data. The aim of the Madonie project is to analyse mobility strategies and the use of a mountain territory by prehistoric and historic age population, relating geomorphological features, raw material sources and landscape to settlements. In this occurrence we are going to discuss about the prehistoric periods. Keywords: Madonie, GIS, Settlement, Raw materials, Geomorphology Résumé: Cet article présente les premières données archéologiques préliminaires d’un programme de recherche actuellement en cours. Le but du projet Madonie est l’analyse des stratégies de mobilité et de l’exploitation d’un territoire de montagne par les populations préhistoriques et historiques. Pour ce faire, on met en relation les caractères géomorphologiques, les gîtes de matières premières et les paysage avec les gisements. Dans ce article, nous présenterons les données concernant les périodes préhistoriques. Mots clés: Madonie, SIG, Gisement, Matières premières, Géomorphologie

discover paleontological finds or un-violated archaeological deposits.

INTRODUCTION The Madonie mountains lie on the northern coastline of Sicily, close to the Greek colony of Himera and its territory. In 1989 the area was declared Parco Naturale and since 2000 is one of the European Geoparks. The Madonie system is the second of Sicily in terms of altitude and extent. The highest peaks are over 1900 m above sea level (Pizzo Carbonara 1979, Monte Ferro 1907). Nowadays climate is influenced by altitude and slope orientation. The Madonie are bordered by three rivers and by the sea: Northern Imera on the west, Pollina on the east; southern Imera starts from the south and the northern border is marked by the Mediterranean (Tirreno) Sea.

Simultaneously a paleoenvironmental research project, carried out in cooperation with the University of Florence and the Vrije Universitaet of Amsterdam, is investigating lacustrine palynological sequences of the area. Preliminary topographic analysis of the region suggests to divide territory into altitude and geomorphologic zones, 500-600 meters different in height and to choose samples for survey. At present we have selected 6 sample areas: one is located between 100 and 500 m of altitude, in the lowest zone; two are included between 500 and 1000 m a.s.l.; one is located in the middle zone, between 600 and 1500 m a.s.l. and two lie in the highest zone, between 1500 and 2000 m of altitude.

At the beginning of 2006 the University of Palermo (Ancient Topography and Landscape Archaeology Area), in cooperation with Tarragona U.R.V. (Area de Prehistoria), started out a research project in order to study the Madonie mountain environment and landscape during prehistoric periods. The project is developed inside a PhD research program supported by the University of Naples 2 and the University of Palermo.

Survey is conducted in a systematic way, with an intensive methodology, in some case we also use random sample transects. Cartographic support is based on 1:25000 I.G.M. sheets, and 1:10.000 C.T.R. (Regional Technical Map) sections.

METHODOLOGY AND WORK PROGRAMME Surveyors, grouped in teams formed by 2-4 persons, walk normally at a distance of 8-10 meters, or 4-5 meters, if ground visibility is too low or in presence of finds.

The first step of the program is the geologic and geomorphologic analysis of the area, with particular attention to presence of a) karstic phenomena in correspondence with limestone areas, in order to find and eventually explore new caves or sinkholes and to survey dolines, polje and dry valleys; b) old fluvial terraces and paleo-channels; c) raw material sources (as flint or clay, for example); d) water sources.

Visibility, archaeological sites and points of interest (caves, water sources etc…) are recorded directly on a GIS platform (ArcPad 7.0) by the help of a GPS integrate portable computer. Then, in laboratory, we process survey data from the ArcPad files by ArcMap-ArcCatalog (ArcView 9.0) softwares: we use three main layers to record geologic – geomorphologic features, ground visibility and archaeologycal data.

In order to explore known and unknown kartsic sinkholes and caves we have looked for the help of the C.A.I. (Club Alpino Italiano) speleological group. Now we are able to explore deep sinkholes and caves where we hope to

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Fig. 21.1. Madonie GIS: example of visualization of the layer “Archeology” – ArcView 8.3

Himera survey testifies intense prehistoric exploitation of an adjacent plain, especially between Neolithic and Bronze Age (Cucco 2002: 243-244; Forgia 2002: 429-435; Burgio 2002). Our research will add new data about prehistoric occupation of an almost unexplored mountain territory.

We are recording visibility condition, in order to compare it to the number of the archaeological sites we find by survey. In our research, visibility is important, because land is often covered by vegetation, especially in wooded areas of the middle/high altitude zone (between 12001600 m of altitude), or in the highest pasture zones (above 1700 m). At a lower altitude (between 500 and 1000 m a.s.l.), instead, we often find olive and vine cultivations with good visibility.

Madonie GIS could be, apart from a valid knowledge tool, a cultural heritage defence tool and also an educational tool.

The alphanumeric database and computer maps will be the starting point for queries that could give new information about environment exploitation during prehistoric periods. Spatial analysis will examine the relation between sites and paleoenvironmental variables (geomorphologic features, hydrography, raw material sources, hunting seasonal routes and so on), building up synchronous and diachronic exploitation territory theoreticcal models.

ARCHAEOLOGICAL SITES ALREADY KNOWN FROM LITERATURE Archaeological interest of the Madonie area is due to the discovery of some karstic caves inhabited or used as burial places during different phases of prehistory. Sicilian archaeological literature about the issue is very rich and has confused the right knowledge of local prehistoric periods, emphasising the importance of cave sites instead of open-air sites, more difficult to discover and recognise, but of course existing.

Data will be part of Himera GIS (Belvedere 2002; Belvedere et al. 2005), elaborated by Palermo University Topographic Lab.

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Abisso del Vento is the deepest sinkhole in western Sicily (220 m). Inside the first room, which is possible to reach without help of ropes, some years ago some human remains were found associated to pottery vessels and lithic blades of early Copper Age (Mannino 1989).

limestone with flint nodules. It should be the main flint source in the zone, and maybe a reason of interest for frequenting the area, during different periods of prehistory (we shall talk afterwards about some lithic finds collected in the area).

Close to the Abisso del Vento, inside Grotta della Chiusilla, different remains associated with Copper Age pottery were found. The excavation was carried out at the end of 19th century and some finds were studied by I.B. Marconi (Bovio Marconi 1938), but we will reconsider the material to find a correlation with new Copper Age sites materials.

The first area we partially surveyed is of interest because of the presence of known Copper Age burial places in caves. First we made an inspection inside some of the caves, discovering that one of them (Grotta del Fico), is now totally empty, while Abisso del Vento still preserves some deposit; inside we found some ancient pottery and human bones fragments. Finds come probably from the upper level of the cave through the first hole.

Another cave in the area, called Grotta del Fico, is of interest because of the location of a Copper Age necropolis.

Then we started to survey land, finding three new Topographic Units, with Copper Age pottery and lithic industry. At the moment we have not found any site directly related with burial places, that is what we hope to do. But our open air sites finally certify that during the Copper Age the area was stably inhabited and not frequented in a sporadic way. All sites are located between 660 and 700 m a.s.l. and are oriented toward the South. Geologic structure is Numidian Flysch and modern land use is olive and vine cultivation.

On the other side of the Madonie system, in Petralia territory, is located the Grotta del Vecchiuzzo (Bovio Marconi 1979), inhabited and used as burial place by Serraferlicchio people (middle Copper Age Sicilian facies), and surely known during the late Neolithic period, because of the presence of Diana pottery (a late Neolithic Sicilian facies).

Pottery sherds are broken from common use pots. We also found some un-retouched lithic bladelets and flakes. Raw materials for lithic implements are represented both by local and imported rocks: quartz-arenite is a local rock that can be found in Numidian Flysch geologic formation, the main one in this zone; obsidian is imported, of course from one of the islands with obsidian sources that lie close to Sicily, almost certainly from Lipari. At this moment we cannot specify the flint provenience, because of the presence of different flint sources all around the region, even if one possible source is just inside the Madonie territory.

Some others informations about sporadic pottery or lithic finds all around the Madonie territory, especially inside caves, were given by A. De Gregorio (De Gregorio 1917) and Minà Palumbo (Minà Palumbo 1875). PRELIMINARY ARCHAEOLOGICAL DATA The knowledge of prehistoric sites in caves (living or burial use) is at the moment unrelated to open-air sites or activity areas, that only a systematic archaeological survey can reveal. Off-site archaeology helps us to record and interpret sporadic finds, which are often the unique evidence of human activity during the past.

In the highest zone, lands are uncultivated and often used for pastoral activities. Our interest has been focused on two areas: the first one is the flint source area, while the second one is characterised by karstic geomorphology, with many dolines and dry valleys. Both areas are located between 1500 and 1800 m of altitude.

Considering that the survey is just starting out, we want to show the first data of four of the sample areas we chose: one in the middle zone (600–1500 m. a.s.l.), two in the highest one (1500–2000 m. a.s.l.) and the last one in the lowest zone (100–500 m. a.s.l.).

Topographic Units of the uplands are all lithic scatters. Raw materials are principally flint and quartz-arenite with the exception of one obsidian tool.

In order to have a complete list of the sinkholes and caves, we are recording all the evidences which are not included in ancient or recent cartography, or in C.A.I. cave-list. At the moment we have found six new caves and one new sinkhole, not included in cartography.

The karstic area reveals the presence of different Upper Palaeolithic stations. One place, a possible débitage area, where laminar blanks were produced, is located in the middle of one of the main polje of the Madonie complex at the altitude of 1600 m. a.s.l., close to the Battaglietta sink-hole. Finds are represented by long un-retouched blades (from 8 to 12 cm) made up of quartz-arenite. No chert implements were found. We notice that only one fragment of core was found among the blades. We suppose that the place is a lithic workshop mainly because

Many of the caves we found are located along modern shepherd routes; nowadays the caves are used for seasonal herd shelter. Four of our caves present recent deposit which could cover ancient deposit. One of the selected sample areas, in the highest altitude zone, is of particular interest because of the presence of

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Fig. 21.2. Flint cores from UT 30 – Nipitalva valley

Fig. 21.3. The Nipitalva valley – UT 30 area (photo A. Ollè)

the presence in-situ of the raw material constituted by quartz-arenite rocks included in an isolated bed of Numidian Flisch (while the area is characterised by carbonates of Panormide Unit). Even if there are not certain data about the unit’s chronology we can suppose that the place was exploited during the final period of Upper Paleolithic, when more favourable climate conditions should have allowed hunters-gatherers groups to reach these altitudes (with reference to this issue, we are waiting for the results from palynological studies in order to have more details about climate changes in Madonie territory). Quartz-arenite long blades are moreover typical implements of final Upper Paleolithic sequences in many caves of Sicily (San Teodoro, Grotta Natali, Riparo del Castello…)

working natural bases near the sources, taking away the blanks (blades and flakes) and putting down the exhausted cores. The last area we want to talk about is crucial to ascertain the Lower Paleolithic human presence in Sicily. The area is characterised by the presence of an important river: Imera river. The importance of this river is due to the fluvial terraces formed by the stream, sometimes well preserved, which we are analysing in order to date them and know if some Pleistocene finds come from them. At this moment we found some prehistoric lithic scatters in the vicinity of prehistoric pottery, but we don’t have evidence of Lower Paleolithic artefacts. We hope also to document old fauna, as in the circumstance of an inedited (at the moment) faunal impressive remain (pertinent to Elephas mnaidriensis), we found in a cut section of an old fluvial terrace, in Termini Imerese territory, close to the Madonie mountains.

The presence in an higher place (1740 m. a.s.l.) of one obsidian tool with some other chert implements indicates the use of the uplands during more recent periods, like Neolithic or Copper Age. At the moment the absence of pottery fragments from the uplands suggests a specialised use of the highest zones maybe for shepherd activity. The suggestion is stronger when we consider that the finds were located in the same place where the remains of modern sheep fens and pagliai, the particular huts in use until the 20th century (and sometimes also nowadays) by shepherds during the summer season, are still visible.

We can observe that uplands were not stably inhabited by Neolithic or Copper/Bronze Age groups, but maybe sometimes exploited for shepherd activities, while lowlands are interested also by the presence of pottery scatters, probably what still remains of small rural community places. On the contrary, during Final Pleistocene period, Upper Palaeolithic groups surely exploited uplands, especially the areas with abundance of raw materials, in particular plateaus rich of water sources or valleys which are also comfortable ways to lowlands. About lowlands, at the moment, there are few data about Palaeolithic period, but the abundance of karstic caves and old fluvial sediments could preserve some important discover.

The second area of the highest zone we are investigating is characterized for the presence of flint sources (Crisanti and Scillato Formation). This area was known and exploited since Upper Paleolithic, even if we are waiting for more data to define a certain chronology. Prehistoric stations (UT 30, 31, 32) are constituted by small lithic scatters placed along a narrow valley, rich of flint lists and nodules coming from Scillato and Crisanti Formation. It’s significant that finds are mainly cores. At the moment we suppose that groups frequented the area mostly to exploit the raw material directly on the place,

Finally, our aim is to analyse the ancient exploitation of a mountain territory at different altitudes and in different geomorphologic conditions, in order to understand if the lowlands were inhabited or frequented in a different way from the uplands or in different periods, that is what we

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Boschian, A. Burgio, A. Contino, R.M. Cucco, D. Lauro (eds), Himera III(2): 49-62. BOVIO MARCONI, J. 1938. La cultura di Isnello e il cuprolitico occidentale. Bollettino di Paletnologia Italiana 2: 44-56. BOVIO MARCONI, J. 1979. La grotta del Vecchiuzzo. Roma BROCHIER, J., P. VILLA, M. GIACOMARRA 1992. Shepherds and Sediments: geo-ethnoarchaeology of pastoral sites. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 11: 47-102. BURGIO, A. 2002. Resuttano. Forma Italiae 42. Firenze. CAZZELLA, A. 1972. Considerazioni su alcuni aspetti dell’eneolitico dell’Italia meridionale e della Sicilia. Origini VI: 171-300. CHANG, C. 1993. Ethnoarchaeological survey of pastoral transhumance sites in the Gravena region, Greece. Journal of Field Archaeoogy 20(3): 249-264. CHANG, C. 1994. Sheep for the ancestors: etnoarchaeology and the study of the ancient pastoralism. In: P.N. Kardulias (ed.), “Beyond the site”, p. 353-371. Lanham-New York-London. CONTINO, A. 2002. Geologia e geomorfologia della bassa valle dell’Imera settentrionale. In: O. Belvedere, A. Bertini, G. Boschian, A. Burgio, A. Contino, R.M. Cucco, D. Lauro (eds), Himera III(2): 25-48.

Fig. 21.4. The Abisso del Vento cave, the room of the Copper Age tomb (photo A. Ollè)

CUCCO, R.M. 2002. Il territorio tra il fiume Imera e il torrente Roccella. In: O. Belvedere, A. Bertini, G. Boschian, A. Burgio, A. Contino, R.M. Cucco, D. Lauro (eds), Himera III(2): 231-376.

sincerely expect to find, and what we have just showed, even if the research is really at the beginning.

References

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BELVEDERE, O. 2002. Metodologia e finalità della ricerca. In: O. Belvedere, A. Bertini, G. Boschian, A. Burgio, A. Contino, R.M. Cucco, D. Lauro (eds), Himera III(2): 1-24.

FORGIA, V. 2002. Nuovi rinvenimenti di età preistorica a Cozzo Rocca del Drago. In: O. Belvedere, A. Bertini, G. Boschian, A. Burgio, A. Contino, R.M. Cucco, D. Lauro (eds), Himera III(2): 427-436.

BELVEDERE, O., A. BURGIO, R.M. CUCCO, D. LAURO 2005. Relazioni tra geomorfologia, processi postdeposizionali e visibilità del suolo nella lettura dei dati di prospezione archeologica. Archeologia e Calcolatori 16: 129-152.

FRENCH, C. 2003. Geoarchaeology in action. London. MANNINO, G. 1989. La sepoltura dell’Abisso del Vento. Sicilia Archeologica 69-70: 49-52.

BOSCHIAN, G. 2002. Note geoarcheologiche sul territorio di Himera. In: O. Belvedere, A. Bertini, G.

TUSA, S. 1983. La Sicilia nella Preistoria. Palermo.

MINÀ PALUMBO, F. 1875. Le armi e gli utensili in ossidiana. Bollettino di Paletnologia Italiana.

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